CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF B. S. Monroe J Cornell University Library PR 4825.J2Z65 A famous reviewer [Francis Jeffrey.] 3 1924 013 488 428 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013488428 A FAMOUS REVIEWER PREFATORY NOTE. It has not been my purpose to present an original review of the life and work of Francis Jeffrey, but only to give an outline of his career and to cite some contemporaneous estimates of his personality, his character and his merits. He is now little known ex- cept to readers of the books of the middle nineteenth century. His "Life," by Cockburn, is a melancholy monument of dull mediocrity on the part of the biog- rapher. Sir Leslie Stephen's admirable sketch in the Dictionary of National Biography is far more satis- factory, and I have used it freely. If I have quoted liberally from books of gossip and reminiscence, it has been because the writers gave a more vivid presentation of their subject than I could give by mere paraphrase. In recent years Professor Gates has written a crit- ical study of Jeffrey as a reviewer in Three Studies in Literature (1899), and Professor Winchester has added a brief supplement in his Group of English Essay- ists ( 1910) . I have not attempted to invade their prov- ince. Adrian H. Joi,ine;. New York, March, 1910. drian Hoffman Joline, who died last: k at his home in New York, aged slxty- , was a graduate of Princeton, a prac- ng lawyer until the time of his death, . ^iways an enthusiastic bibliophile. H& 1 the author of "Meditations of an Auto- ph Collector," "Diversions of a Book 'er," "At the Library Table," and "Edge- Essays." Mr. Joline was an occasional tributor to the Nation; he was also a mber nf several hist.orical sonieties. A FAMOUS REVIEWER. I. A successful lawyer whose name is associated with no great causes ; a leader in literature whose only book was a mere collection of essays reprinted from a maga- zine ; a renowned talker who left to posterity no legacy of memorable sayings ; Francis Jeffrey owes his fame, or so much of it as survives him sixty years after his death, chiefly to his work as a writer of reviews. The popularity and influence of the periodical Re- view has suffered so seriously in these days of modern culture that they may be said to have disappeared. But there was a time when the Review was all-powerful. Whether its decline is due to the vast increase in the number of readers, or to the lowering of the level of education, or to the fact — if it be a fact — announced re- cently by a publisher, that "to-day the popular author addresses himself to women, since men no longer read books," or to the growing independence of readers who resent attempts to guide or to control their judgments, only one extremely sure of himself would attempt to decide. The authority of the Review was never as great in America as it was in England ; the old North American, sufficiently heavy in its prime, ponderously imitative of British models, was the sole publication of that character in this country which deserved the name, and while it is still a magazine and preserves the title, it has become only a repository for articles too serious for use in the much be-pictured and adver- tisement-crowded "monthlies" which serve to amuse the idler and find their principal marts in the news- stands of the street, the hotel and the railway station. Yet in the earlier half of the last century the British Reviews were the chief means by which the leaders of thought essayed to reach the minds of men and to give them instruction in politics as well as in literature. Before the founding of the Bdinburgh Review in 1802, the magazines which pretended to do the work of reviewing were but poor things, as dull as the dull- est of periodicals in the eighteenth century, and those were very dull indeed. There was the Monthly Review, established in 1749, conducted by Ralph Griffiths, "who starved and bullied Goldsmith," and later by his son, which lasted until 1845 ^^^ was in its earliest years perhaps the best of the lot. Jeffrey wrote for it occasionally. In June, July, and November, 1802, he had published in the Monthly articles on White's Btymoligon and Southey's Thalaba. There were also the Critical Review, begun in 1756, the Gentleman's Magazine (1731), the London Magazine (1732), and Scots' Magazine (1739). But the Monthly remarked that the Vicar of Wakefield had "defects enough to put the reader out of patience with an author capable of so strangely underwriting himself," and as late as 1798 pronounced The Rime of the Ancient Mariner to be "the strangest story of cock and bull that we ever saw on paper," while the Gentleman's Magazine sagely commented upon Gray's immortal poem in manner fol- lowing: "Elegy wrote in a country church-yard, 4to. Dodsley, 6d. : seven pages. The excellency of this lit- tle piece more than compensates for its lack of quan- tity." The Bentley edition, two years later, called forth a luminous comment about the "head and tail pieces with which each poem is adorned, which are of uncommon excellence, the Melancholy in particular being exquisite." In all of them there was scarcely any literary criticism. The articles were furnished chiefly by dreary drudges, hack-writers dominated by the booksellers, receiving absurdly scanty pay. It is true, however, that the books they reviewed were scarcely less dreary than the reviews themselves. In their History of English Literature Garnett and Gosse say, with some justice: "Readers of the early numbers of the Edinburgh and the Quarterly will to- day be surprised at the emotion they caused and the power they wielded. They are often smart, sometimes witty, rarely sound, and the style is, as a rule, pompous and diffuse. The modern reader is irritated by the haughty assumption of these boyish reviewers, who treat genius as a prisoner at the bar, and as in all prob- ability a guilty prisoner. * * * This unjust judging of literature, and particularly of poetry — what is called the 'slashing' style of criticism — when it is now revived, is usually still prosecuted on the lines laid down by Jeffrey and Gifford. It gives satisfaction to the reviewer, pain to the author, and a faint amusement to the public. It has no effect whatever on the ultimate position of the book reviewed, but, exercised on occa- sion, it is doubtless a useful counter-irritant to thought- less or venal eulogy." As far as the pompous style is concerned, it was not peculiar to the Reviews of the time: it pervaded all prose literature; and when we consider the enormous output of books we are now familiar with, we may regret that their power of cor- rection has substantially disappeared. The refinement of style for which certain of these magazines were distinguished is indicated by some of the remarks made by one about the other. The Monthly said that the staff of the Critical was composed of "phy- sicians without practice, authors without learning, men without decency, and critics without judgment.'' Smollett in the Critical declared that his Review at least was not conducted by "a parcel of obscene hire- lings under the restraint of a bookseller and his wife, who presume to revise, alter and amend the articles." Mrs. Grififiths, who had literary tastes, was reviled as "an antiquated Sappho, or rather a Pope Joan in taste and literature, pregnant with abuse, begot by rancour, under the canopy of ignorance." The story of the inception of the Bdinburgh in that little room in the house on Buccleuch Place has been told so often and by so many that it has become a familiar tale. There had been an Hdinhurgh Review in 1756, but it had expired after a twelvemonth life, destined to be revived under brilliant auspices — brilliant at least in the matter of brains, for the youthful galaxy com- posed of Jeffrey, Sydney Smith, Horner and Brougham well deserved to be called "brilliant." Smith's account of the matter was disputed by Brougham long years afterwards, but its correctness in the main has been estabUshed. The old-age reminiscences of the Chan- cellor were not conspicuous for accuracy and his over- weening sense of self-importance led him to exaggera- tions where his own actions were involved. Sydney Smith was the editor of the first number, if it may be said to have had a single editor, but thereafter Jeffrey assumed full charge. Brougham's own copy of that first number, with his autograph on the fly leaf, dated "1802," lies before me. It has the initials of the authors marked in the index against the titles of their contributions. The two hundred and fifty-two pages of close print make up a large book, and I am sorry to say, rather a dull one. It is not easy to understand now why it could have aroused such interest. But on reflec- tion, one may comprehend that it was such an advance on its predecessors that it commanded instant apprecia- tion. According to Brougham's notes, Jeffrey had five articles, filling sixty-seven pages ; Brougham, four, of forty-six pages ; Hamilton four, of thirty-seven pages ; and Horner, Smith, Macfarlan, Dr. John Thomson, Dr. Thomas Brown, and Murray follow with a lesser amount. The volume has an especial interest, for, as Mr. J. Rogers Rees remarks in a pencil note, "this at- tribution in the founder's autograph sets the question of the several contributors finally at rest." The inaccuracy of the story of the establishment of the Review which Brougham gives in his Memoirs, is indicated by the fact that while he asserts that he himself wrote in the first number the reviews of "Oliver's Travels," "Bald- win's Egypt" (jointly with Jeffrey) and "Play fair's Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory," yet in his personal copy of that number he has, in his own hand- writing, asserted that the first two were by Hamilton and the third by John Macfarlan. But he does justice to Jeffrey, of whom he says: "Jeffrey's labors as an editor were unceasing, and I will venture to say, if we had searched all Europe, a better man in every respect could not have been found. As a critic he was unequalled; and, take them as a whole, I consider his articles were the best we had. As an instance of the care he took in revising and preparing contributions, I remember an article on the Memoirs of Prince Eugene was sent to Jeffrey by Mill. Jeffrey gave it to Dr. Ferrier, of Manchester, to revise; and when he got it back from Dr. Ferrier, he himself corrected it, and added the moral reflections and the concluding observations on the new Paris edition of the work." Perhaps, in preference to the various accounts by Sydney Smith, Brougham, and others, one may trust most in Jeffrey's own story as related by him in a letter written in 1846 to Robert Chambers. Jeffrey says: "I cannot say exactly where the project of the Edin- burgh Review was first talked of among the projectors. But the first serious conversations about it — and which led to our application to a publisher — ^were held in a small house, where I then lived, in Buccleuch Place (I forget the number). They were attended by S. Smith, F. Horner, Dr. Thomas Brown, Lord Murray (John Archibald Murray, a Scottish advocate, and now one of the Scottish judges), and some of them also by Lord Webb Seymour, Dr. John Thomson, and Thomas Thomson. The first three numbers were given to the publisher— he taking the risk and defraying the charges. There was then no individual editor, but as many of us as could be got to attend used to meet in a dingy room of Willison's printing-office, in Craig's Close, where the proofs of our own articles were read over and remarked upon and attempts made also to sit in judgment on the few manuscripts which were then offered by strangers. * * * Smith was by far the most timid of the confederacy and believed that, if our incognito was not strictly maintained, we could not go on a day, and this was his object for making us hold our dark divans at Willison's office, to which he insisted on our repairing singly, and by back-approaches or dif- ferent lanes. He had also so strong an impression of Brougham's indiscretion and rashness, that he would not let him be a member of our association, though wished for by all the rest. He was admitted, however, after the third number, and did more work for us than anybody. Brown took offence at some alterations I had made in a trifling article of his in the second num- ber, and left us thus early: publishing at the same time in a magazine the fact of his secession — a step which we all deeply regretted, and thought scarcely justified by the provocation. Nothing of the kind occured ever after." It is amusing to compare this sober and un- doubtedly accurate story with Sydney Smith's, and with 10 Brougham's bumptious narrative, — accusing Jeffrey of timidity — from which one would suppose that Broug- ham was the mainstay of the enterprise and the others were satelHtes, content to follow his lead. Jeffrey continued to occupy the chair until 1829, and under his management the circulation of the Re- view increased from seven hundred and eighty-nine to nearly thirteen thousand copies. Griffiths paid two guineas a sheet of sixteen pages, and his writers earned their money by giving about eight pages of quotation to one page of criticism ; so that the Edinburgh was not especially generous, at first. Sir Walter Scott ascribed its success mainly to two circumstances, — that it was entirely uninfluenced by the booksellers and that the editor and contributors were regularly paid. The edi- tor received at first £300 a year, afterwards £800 a year; and every contributor, rich or poor, was com- pelled to accept a minimum sum of £10 a sheet, after- wards increased to f 16. Sir Walter's reasons may have been good, but perhaps the style and the merit of the contents and the growing demand of readers for the best work had a good deal to do with the pros- perity of the periodical. The young man of twenty-nine who thus entered upon his career as a famous critic and a great editor, was the eldest son of George Jeffrey, a Depute Clerk of the Court of Session, and Henrietta Louden, his wife. His mother was a daughter of John Louden, a farmer living near Lanark. There were four other 11 children of this marriage: Margaret, who died young; Mary, who married George Napier, a writer to the signet, on April 21, 1797; John, who went to Boston, Massachusetts, engaged in business as a merchant with his father's brother, and married a sister of John Wilkes; and Marion, who married in June, 1806, Dr. Thomas Brown, a physician in Glasgow, and who died in 1846. Francis was born in St. Charles Street, St. George's Square, Edinburgh, on October 23, 1773. His father is described as "a high Tory," "sensible and respectable, but of a gloomy temper." The mother, greatly beloved "the more so from the contrast between her and her husband," died when Francis was only thirteen years old. The boy learned dancing before he was nine, loved study better than play, and was never good at any bodily exercise except walk- ing. He entered the High School at Edinburgh in October, 1781, remaining there until 1787. Mr. Eraser, of the School, who was the instructor of both Scott and Brougham, and who was Jeffrey's preceptor for four years, — until the youth passed under the sway of Alexander Adam, the rector, — remembered him as a "little, clever, anxious boy, always near the top of his class, and who never lost a place without shed- ding tears." He was at Glasgow College during the next two years, his brightness becoming manifest, but his father would not permit him to attend the lectures of Professor Millar, a Whig. He occupied himself much in the work of composition, and even proposed to Adam to conduct a philosophical correspondence. Re- turning to Edinburgh in 1789, he attended the law 12 lectures of Hume and Dick, and was fortunate enough to be able to avail of the privileges of the excellent library of his uncle, William Morehead, who lived at Herbertshire, Stirling. In September, 1 791, he entered Queen's College, Oxford, where he remained, greatly discontented, until July, 1792. In the dreary and dis- appointing biography which Lord Cockburn published in 1852, there are a number of quotations from his letters to members of his family betraying his dissat- isfaction with the conditions then prevailing in Oxford. An unpublished letter to his sister Mary, written in April, 1792, is in my possession. It is pleasantly chatty and playful, foreshadowing the diffuseness and discursiveness of his later style, and the handwriting is abominable. "Oh, ma soeur," he begins, refer- ring to a portrait which she had given him, "how much I am obliged to you — and the readiness of your compliance has doubled its value, and the ele- gance of the execution has multiplied it seven fold. It has restored the image to my soul and given a founda- tion of accuracy and reality to the lawless embellish- ments of fancy." He criticises the portrait in a manner which reminds us of his later reviews, and then wanders to the subject of woman. He expresses doubts about the truth of a report concerning one of his sister's friends. "I have many admirable reasons," he says, "for my disbelief — among the rest, first, be- cause so many of the same family have imposed upon the world of late that it would be absurd to depend upon the veracity of this, and secondly, because I 13 am very unwilling to suppose that it should be so, the' how and why I am unwilling it may not be so easy to explain. I don't know that I ever was exactly what can be called in love with this fair coquette, and am certain there never was anything serious in my attachment to her, for her idea was so closely associated with images of laughter and vivacity that I could never conjure up her beauties but they appeared gilded with smiles and banished all the lan- guishments of meditating and melting affection which I take to be the only basis and indication of love — but this is letting you into the very mysteries of the science, — but perpend — at the same time her idea is entire in my fancy — her image is enshrined in my heart, and I shall be horribly tempted to wish that this (illegible) may dance off in an apoplexy the night preceding his espousals if I hear anything more about him ; however, I did not dedicate one tear to the probability." After this sage dissertation on love from a lad of nine- teen, he proceeds to more serious subjects. "I begin to find that the company with which I am most prob- ably destined to labor along the journey of life is not accommodated to my taste and disposition. It seems to be composed of men of moderate futures and mod- erate wishes and abilities and passions, and virtues and vices. Men who do not think it hard to toil and bustle like Mr. Paterson in his printing garret all day so they can have a comfortable supper and a tiff of punch after it at night; men who talk very sagely of the comforts of such a supper, who are easily induced to forgive any fraud to which a brother has been 14 tempted, in the hope of it; men in whom business has extinguished sensation and whose wishes are bounded with the certainty of Hving respectably and comfort- ably among their neighbors. Now this sort of life and this sort of character is exactly what I detest and avoid. If it were not given to me to ascend the towering steep of glory I should wish to descend into the low and the verdant vale of obscurity and peace — there to seek enjoyment from the practice of benevolence, from the sublimities of meditation, the gratification of taste, and the sweet simplicity of intercourse which softens the ruggedness of retirement. But in this heedless society of indifference and impertinence where a man never sees the heart of his companion, where his time is occupied in laboring out some superfluous luxury to be sparkled in the eyes of those from whose gratifica- tion he can have no pleasure, where no reward or recompence is offered to his hopes for the continued torture of a silly and turbulent crowd. In this med- dling, busy region of existence I question if it be possi- ble for happiness to find footing, and if we hear few complaints of the misery of its inhabitants, it is only because their sensations have been so totally destroyed that they have no notion or idea of the good they never knew. I am determined to make an exertion to get out of this crowd. * * * Cara, I have sent you quite a declamation, but such are the subjects which occupy me at present, and there is not a single soul here to whom they would be intelligible. The insipid and vulgarly social character is more universal than I had 15 believed. I have found it conjoined with learning and mathematics, and pride, and even with taste and sane feeling." All of this is quite characteristic of a lively boy with a vocabulary too overflowing to be completely under control, and it is amusing to find him at the close, straying back from the "regions, of existence" to the young woman about whose prospective nuptials he was so much disturbed. "I lay my commands upon you to write me a long letter about this fair girl. If she is within hearing, tell her as much of my sentiments of her as you think consistent with my politeness." It all shows that college lads remain about the same from generation to generation. We may not find so much fertility of phrase in the letters of the boys of Harvard, Princeton, and Yale, to their loving sisters; but it is generally the life one is to lead, the unsympathetic surroundings, and the eternal feminine. Although disappointed with Oxford, he studied diligently and wrote persistently, one of his papers being an essay on "Beauty," which was "the germ of his treatise on that subject in the Bncyclopcedia Britan- nica." One thing he strove for, which seems to us scarcely worth while : he tried to lose his Scotch dialect and accent, but did not entirely succeed. Lord Cockburn says that he was "by no means so successful in acquir- ing an English voice. * * * What he picked up was a high-keyed accent and a sharp pronunciation;" and the solemn biographer adds that "the acquisition of a pure English accent by a full grown Scotchman is fortunately impossible." He resumed his attendance 16 on law lectures in Edinburgh, and was admitted to practice on December i6, 1794. He had so busied himself in writing and speaking, and in the debates of the famous Speculative Society, which he joined in 1792 and where he encountered Scott, Petty, Broug- ham, Horner, and Henry Cockburn, that he had little or no time to build up a business, and in 1801 he told his brother that his profession had never yet brought him £100 a year. While at Oxford he had fancied that he might become famous as a poet; he wrote to his sister that he should "never be a great man, unless it be as a poet." So besides his essays, he wrote much verse; contemplated, in 1796, a translation in the style of Cowper's Homer, from the Argonautics of Apol- lonius; and composed two plays, never given to the world. Cockburn tells us that he once left a manu- script poem with a publisher, but after reflection, suc- ceeded in rescuing it before it was considered. II. The young lawyer in search of a practice should be an object of commiseration. It is all so much a mat- ter of chance that he is apt to be sadly discouraged at the outset in his quest of clients. Brains count, it is true, but brains must come into contact with opportu- nity to achieve success, and the time when the conjunc- tion is to occur, if it is to occur at all, seems often remote and the waiting is tedious and exasperating. It may never come, and the failure leaves the victim in depression and penury. In any event, the aspirant 17 experiences a long discouragement, and is again and again on the point of abandoning his profession. Jeff- rey was no exception to the rule. He was a Whig, and in 1793 had written an essay on "Politicks" giving ex- pression to views which sorely displeased his Tory father, but he was encouraged by his uncle More- head who was inclined to liberalism. In that day Scotland was ruled by the Tories under Henry Dundas and later under Melville, and there was little chance for Jeffrey, although he had a small business by reason of some family connections. He betook himself to Lon- don in 1798, taking letters to editors, including Perry of the "Morning Chronicle," with the notion that he could do far better in literature than in law, but it came to nothing and back he went to study science, especially chemistry. He joined a society, the "Academy of Physicks," in company with Brown, Brougham and Horner, and had serious thoughts of trying his for- tune in India. His friends suggested that he should aspire to fill the chair of history in the University of Edinburgh, which A. F. Tytler had just resigned, but his political principles stood in his way. In 1801 he was a candidate for a reportership in the Court of Ses- sions, but was defeated. So, having no prospects to speak of and barely twenty guineas to his name, he pru- dently married his second cousin, Catherine Wilson, on November i, 1801, and went to live in that "flat" on Buccleuch Place, which was to attain immortality as the birthplace of the Edinburgh. Sydney Smith speaks of it as being in the "eighth or ninth story," but it was 18 really in the third; and there he dwelt until May, 1802, when he removed to the upper story of No. 62 Queen Street. It is recorded that it cost him £7-18 to furnish his study, £13-8 for his dining room, and £22-19 for his drawing room. Almost ready to look for employment in other fields, he found his opportu- nity in the Review. In the first four numbers of the Edinburgh, Jeffrey had sixteen articles and Sydney Smith eighteen; in the first twenty numbers he had seventy-five, Brougham eighty, and Smith twenty-three. In the first number- that of October, 1802, he reviewed Southey's Thalaba, and to a reader of to-day his conclusions appear to be well-founded. His judgment was severe but not sav- agely fierce. He says with justice that "all the pro- ductions of this author, it appears to us, bear very distinctly the impression of an amiable mind, a culti- vated fancy, and a perverted taste." But the review is important chiefly from the evidence it affords of the writer's hostility to the rising school of poetry, that of Wordsworth and his friends — a hostility which sur- vived even the ultimate victory of the new school over the old and classical formality of its predecessors. The spirit in which he approached the subject is indi- cated by the opening sentence : "Poetry has this much, at least, in common with religion, that its standards were fixed long ago by certain inspired writers whose authority it is no longer lawful to call in question." This positive assertion of his proposition is an example 19 of what has been assailed as the dictatorial, ex cathedra method which prevailed in the Edinburgh for years and which reached perhaps its ultimate development in the brilliant, often unfair, but always fascinating essays of Macaulay. A vast amount of nonsense has been uttered con- cerning Jeffrey's arbitrary manner and his errors with regard to the works of the new poets. One of the most common texts for the sermons of those discerning critics who are so extremely wise after the fact, is the famous, "This will never do," with which he opened his review of The Excursion. "But has it ever done ?" asks Professor Minto; "I have never heard of or seen anybody prepared to say that The Excursion can be read with unflagging delight. * * * The truth is that most of his [Jeffrey's] criticism has been amply confirmed and justified." A pretentious and "cock-sure" writer in a modern "History of English Literature" so- called, affords an illustration of the very quality of autocratic judgment which he ascribes to Jeffrey, when he says : — "The ministerial pronouncements of its arch- critic, Jeffrey, are such as now can only amaze. Amid the great constellation of poets who had come within his knowledge as a critic— Byron, Moore, Wordsworth, Coleridge, Crabbe, Shelley, Keats, Tennyson— he dis- covered permanent qualities in two only, Rogers and Campbell. He describes Wilhelni Meister without cir- cumlocution as 'so much trash'. In fact he represents orthodox opinion of the day in stylish circles, elevated only to the extent of being expressed with exceptional 20 point." This writer sees fit to leave wholly out of view Burns and Scott and the laudatory reviews of the Reliques of Robert Burns in January, 1809, and of The Lady of the Lake in August, 18 10. Tennyson's "Poems, Chiefly Lyrical" did not appear until a year after Jeffrey resigned the editorial chair. As to Keats, he overlooks the appreciative review of Bndymion, which appeared in the Edinburgh in 1820, long after the publication of the cruel and excoriating criticism which disfigured the pages of the Quarterly in Ajjril, 1818. In a note to the review of Bndymion, which I cite from the volumes of collected papers (ii, 373; Edition of 1846), Jeffrey says : "I still think that a poet of great power and promise was lost to us by the premature death of Keats * * * and regret that I did not go more largely into the exposition of his merits, in the slight notice of them which I now venture to reprint. But though I cannot, with propriety, or without departing from the principle which must govern this republica- tion, now supply the omission, I hope to be forgiven for having added a page or two to the citations — by which my opinion of those merits was then illustrated and is again left to the judgment of the reader." As far as Wilhelm Meister is concerned, I am not sure that he was wrong. It seems to be an unwar- ranted assertion that Jeffrey merely represented "the orthodox opinion of the day in stylish circles" — a causeless sneer at a supposed deference to the views of "stylish circles," which somewhat vulgar phrase is evi- dently used to designate the aristocracy of culture and 21 of social position. It is needless to devise such a puerile theory. Jefifrey was a trained and accomplished law- yer ; and like most lawyers of his type, he was disposed to find everywhere a law, a rule, whether of civil con- duct prescribed by the supreme power of a state, or of good taste prescribed by those whose decisions, re- spected and followed in the past, had come to possess in their own realm the binding force of law. Men of his profession are almost always conservative, often to excess, over-reluctant to countenance changes which may be advantageous and which moreover are inevita- ble; for all laws must change with the spirit and the temper of the times. In fact, however, this sapient scribbler borrowed his judgment from Sir Leslie Stephen's charming essay, "The First Edinburgh Reviewers,"* which is full of that delightful and easy book-discussion so fascinating to a reader who enjoys literary criticism. Stephen was, in that essay, a little, if ever so little, severe with Jeffrey, and his article on Jeffrey in the National Dic- tionary of Biography is much more favorable in its tone. Stephen says of him in the essay : "Every critic has a sacred and inalienable right to blunder at times; but Jeffrey's blundering is amazingly systematic and com- prehensive." He illustrates this by a quotation from the last of Jeffrey's poetical critiques (October, i829)where the reviewer, he says, sums up his critical experience. "He doubts whether Mrs. Hemans, whom he is review- ing at the time, will be immortal. 'The tuneful quartos of Southey,' he says, 'are already little better than lum- *Hours in a Library, ii, 241 (1894)- 22 ber,' and the rich melodies of Keats and Shelley, and the fantastical emphasis of Wordsworth, and the ple- beian pathos of Crabbe, are melting fast from the field of vision. The novels of Scott have put out his poetry. Even the splendid strains of Moore are fading into distance and dimness, except when they have been married to immortal music; and the blazing star of Byron himself is receding from its place of pride." This does not impress one as a monument of error. Surely every word of it is as true to-day as it was in 1829, except that there has been a recrudescence of "the rich melodies of Keats and Shelley," and of Byron, whose star was most assuredly obscured for many years, although of late it seems to be again shining with a good deal of its former lustre. The gravamen of the charge of blundering which is preferred against Jeffrey is, to use the words of Sir Leslie Stephen, his assertion that "the two who show least marks of decay are — of all people in the world — Rogers and Campbell !" Let us rea- son together a little about this censure. Every lawyer knows that in dealing with what a man says, it is necessary to know exactly what he said. What was it that Jeffrey said about Rogers and Camp- bell which has brought down upon him the avalanche of blame showered on him by Stephen and Scribbler? Dr. Winchester says that it has been "quoted by everybody who has written anything on Jeffrey since Christopher North quoted it first in Blackwood." The trouble is that everybody does not quote it; almost everybody attempts to paraphrase it and blunders in the attempt. This is exactly what Jeffrey wrot^ : — 23 "The two who have the longest withstood this rapid withering of the laurel, and with the least mark of decay on their branches, are Rogers and Campbell; jp. ^ , neither of them, it may be remarked, volummous writ- ers, and both distinguished rather for their fine taste and consummate elegance of their writings, than for that fiery passion, and disdainful vehemence which seemed for a time to be so much more in favor with the public." It may be permitted to say that in 1829 this was all quite true ; no one has denied it. It is very far from an assertion that Rogers and Campbell will be "the sole enduring relics from the age of Wordsworth, Shel- ley, Keats, Coleridge, and Byron." Jeffrey says not a word about what may happen in the future. Sir Les- lie appears to have had a slight degree of compunction about his conclusion, because he attempts to sustain his severity by the remark that "this summary was repub- lished in 1843, by which time the true proportions of the great reputations of the period were becoming more obvious to an ordinary observer." But Jeffrey was not writing in 1843 ; he was simply repeating what he wrote in 1829. Would Sir Leslie have had him change it? This principle in the reproduction is referred to in the note about Keats, heretofore quoted. In the well-known wprds of Jeffrey, "This will never do." It must be remembered, too, that Rogers was a dearly beloved friend, and critics are human; and I dare to say that there are even now verses of Campbell which are famil- iar to thousands who do not know a line of Keats or 24 of Shelley. Moreover, if the modest statement of his views was a blunder, we must remember what Sir Les- lie well says : "Criticism is a still more perishable com- modity than poetry," and if you censure one critic for an occasional error, you will have to condemn them all. Stephen does admit in a letter to Mrs. Jackson, in 1877, that "Jeffrey, too, said a true thing or two about Wordsworth." But was Sir Leslie, after all, a very competent judge? His biographer, Mr. Maitland, in Life and Letters of Leslie Stephen (1906) says: "Stephen, we are told, after his death, did not really care for poetry any more than Jeffrey, and conse- quently was not fully qualified to criticise it. Of course not; he was a philosopher." Hence we may distrust the capacity of Stephen to decide about Jeffrey's views of poetry. The devoted admirers of Wordsworth never quite forgave Jeffrey for what he said about their idol. Crabbe Robinson records in his Diary a talk with Emp- son, in which the latter relates that Jeffrey had lately told him that so many people had thought highly of Wordsworth, that he was resolved to reperuse his poems and see if he had anything to retract. He found nothing to retract except, perhaps, a contjcmptuous and flippant phrase or two. Empson believed that Jeffrey's distaste for Wordsworth was honest, — mere uncon- geniality of mind. Jeffrey did acknowledge that he was wrong in his treatment of Lamb. Robinson notes, in April, 1835, his meeting Jeffrey at dinner. "Jeffrey," he says, "is a sharp and clever-looking man, and in spite of my dislike to his name, he did not on the whole 25 displease me. His treatment of Wordsworth would not allow me to like him, had he been greater by far than he was. And, therefore, when he said, 'I was always an admirer of Wordsworth,' I could not repress the unseemly remark, 'You had a singular way of showing your admiration."* In the Thalaba review, Jeffrey vigorously attacks the "affectation of great simplicity and familiarity of language," which was characteristic of the new school of poets; "the perverted taste for simplicity" he calls it. He seems to have been fond of the expression "per- verted taste." He is moved to bitter words when he refers to their "splenetic and idle discontent with the existing institutions of society." His own feelings were so far "aristocratic" that he was unable to believe that while the princely and the wealthy are to be strongly condemned for acts of vice and profligacy, the members of "the lower orders of society" are to be excused and pitied for like acts, because they are "but the helpless victims or instruments" of the disorders attending the vicious constitution of society. He is guilty of such offensive and unpopular suggestions as that "the same apology ought certainly to be admitted for the wealthy, as for the needy offender. They are subject alike to the overruling influence of necessity, and equally affected by the miserable condition of society. If it be natural for a poor man to murder and rob in order to make himself comfortable, it is no less natural for a rich man to gormandise and domineer, in *Diary, iii, 65. 26 order to have the full use of his riches. Wealth is just as valid an excuse for the one class of vices, as indigence is for the other." Such sentiments, if uttered in these times of ours, w^ould surely subject the offender to the scornful rebukes of our modern philosophers of the press, who regard it as criminal to be rich — unless the fortune was acquired by printing newspapers, as in Mr. Pulitzer's case, or was inherited by an editor, as in Mr. Hearst's case — and whose denunciations of large fortunes are accompanied by abject deference to the possessors of them when in their personal presence. For with all his cheap abuse of the millionaires, there is no more deferential being than a newspaper reporter when he encounters one in the flesh. The review of The Reliques of Robert Burns (Janu- ary, 1809) is a fine example of the discriminating power of the critic. Scotchman as he was. Burns was for him no fetish to, be adored blindly, whose every verse was to be raved about because the poet was a genius. He did not belong to that class of men who cannot believe that Shakespeare or Milton were ever dull; or that there are lines in the Holy Scriptures which might well be blotted out; or that George Washington ever did a foolish thing or Benedict Arnold a good one. He recognized the truth that even the great have their failings, as they must have, being human ; all the more lovable, more honorable perhaps for having them. After the usual introductory essay of the day, treating of the relative advantages of great culture and of hum- 27 ble beginnings in the making of a true poet, and arriv- ing at the conclusion that such a poet may well be unencumbered by "the pretended helps of extended study and literary society," he calls attention to the harshness and acrimony of Burns's invective, his want of polish or at least of respectfulness in the general tone of his gallantry, his contempt or affectation of contempt for prudence, decency, and regularity; his frequent mistake of mere exaggeration and violence for force and sublimity ; and then he says : "With the allowances and exceptions we have now stated, we think Burns entitled to the rank of a great and original genius. He has in all his compositions great force of conception; and great spirit and animation in its ex- pression. He has taken a large range through the region of Fancy and naturalized himself in almost all her climates. He has great humour — great powers of description — great pathos — and great discrimination of character. Almost everything that he says has spirit and originality ; and everything that he says well, is characterized by a charming facility, which gives a grace even to occasional rudeness, and communicates to the reader a delightful sympathy with the spon- taneous soaring and conscious inspiration of the poet." What he wrote of The Lady of the Lake in the num- ber for August, 1810, shows his capacity in estimating the real value of popular works, uninfluenced by per- sonal friendship or by the voice of the multitude. He gives a careful study of the elements of popularity in poetry, and finds the great secret of Scott's popularity 28 and the leading characteristic of his poetry to consist "in this, that he has made more use of common topics, images, and expressions than any original poet of later times ; and, at the same time, displayed more genius and originality than any recent author who has worked in the same materials. By the latter peculiarity, he has entitled himself to the admiration of every description of readers; — by the former he is recommended in an especial manner to the inexperienced — at the hazard of some little offence to the more cultivated and fastid- ious." He says further: "There is nothing, in Mr. Scott, of the severe and majestic style of Milton — or of the terse and fine composition of Pope, — or of the elab- orate elegance and melody of Campbell, — or even of the flowing and redundant diction of Southey. But there is a medley of bright images and glowing words, set carelessly and loosely together — a diction, tinged suc- cessively with the careless richness of Shakespeare, the harshness and antique simplicity of the old romances, the homeliness of vulgar ballads and anecdotes, and the sentimental glitter of the most modern poetry — pass- ing from the borders of the ludicrous to those of the sublime — alternately minute and energetic — sometimes artificial, and frequently negligent — but always full of spirit and vivacity — abounding in images that are strik- ing, at first sight, to minds of every contexture — and never expressing a sentiment which it can cost the most ordinary reader any exertion to comprehend." Jeffrey praises Scott's vivifying spirit of strength and animation; his ease of production; his singular 29 talent for description and "especially for the descrip- tion of scenes abounding in motion or action of any kind"; the manner in which "with a few bold and abrupt strokes he finishes a most spirited outline, and then instantly kindles it by the sudden light and color of some moral affection;" the "air of freedom and nature which he has contrived to impart to most of his distinguished characters, and with which no poet more modern than Shakespeare has ventured to represent persons of such dignity." At the same time, he re- marks that Scott has "dazzled the reader with the splen- dor, and even warmed him with the transient heat of various affections; but he has nowhere fairly kindled him with enthusiasm, or melted him into tenderness;" and he thinks it quite obvious that "Mr. Scott has not aimed at writing either in a pure or a very consistent style." He had not written of Marmion so approvingly, although it was brought out by Constable, who was publishing the Bdinhurgh. It is said that Jeffrey rather characteristically sent the article to Scott with a note saying that he was coming to dinner on the fol- lowing Tuesday. Scott felt the sting of the review, but tried to hide his feelings. Mrs. Scott, however, was but frigidly polite, and as Jeffrey was taking leave for- got even her cold politeness, saying in her broken Eng- lish: "Well, guid night, Mr. Jeffrey; dey tell me you have abused Scott in the Review; and I hope Mr. Con- stable has paid you well for writing it." These quotations have been given partly to afford a 30 glimpse of Jeffrey when he was at his best and partly to refute the assumption that he was always finding fault and wounding the feelings of authors. He had, it is true, some very decided views about poetry, which in those earlier days of the nineteenth century was a serious matter. People read the galloping verses of Scott then as eagerly as in later times they devoured novels. But "suddenly and without any warning," as Besant says, "the people of Great Britain left off read- ing poetry." It must be observed that both of the poets so favorably regarded by Jeffrey were Scotchmen like himself; when he came to deal with Englishmen he was possibly open to the charge of undue severity. Yet Southey was not much vexed by the review of Thalaba. He called it "dishonest" in some of its asser- tions, and justly remarks that the first part, evidently an answer to Wordsworth's Preface to the second edi- tion of the Lyrical Ballads, is utterly irrelevant to Thalaba. "The review altogether is a good one," he writes to a friend, and adds, with regard to some of the adverse criticism, "when any Scotchman's book shall come to be reviewed, then see what the Edinburgh critics will say." A review of Madoc was published in the number for October, 1805, — it was both severe and complimentary. It was sent to Southey before it appeared, and Jeffrey wrote to Horner: "Southey is to be here to-day with P. Elmsley. I mean to let him read my review of Madoc before I put myself in the way of meeting with him. He is too much a man of the world, I believe, in spite of his poesy, to decline 31 seeing me, whatever he may think of the critic." They did meet, and Southey wrote to Will Taylor, on October 22, 1805 : "I have seen Jeffrey, etc. I met him in good humor, being by God's blessing, of a happy temper. Having seen him, it would be impossible to be angry at anything so diminutive. We talked upon the ques- tion of taste, on which we are at issue; he is a mere child upon that subject. I never met with a man who was so easy to checkmate." Southey evidently felt the censure more keenly than he would have been willing to confess. As Cockburn says : "Jeffrey's being a child in taste, and easily checkmated in discussion will prob- ably strike those who knew him as novelties in his char- acter." The fact is that if Jeffrey made any mistake in the review of Madoc, it was in lauding the poem too highly. It was one of poor Southey's stupendous failures. Dr. Winchester thinks that Jeffrey's criticism "has always a certain hard common-sense. It is clear, and sane, level to the comprehension of everybody. There is nothing subtle in it. He never goes much below the surface." The learned essayist then calls Jeffrey dog- matic and superficial, and says that he was unable to apply any historical method in criticism ; inconsistent, with taste narrowed in its range, on the one side by that hard common sense of his, and on the other by "a rather prim sentimentality." Dr. Winchester seems disposed to find fault with Jeffrey because in the first quarter of the nineteenth century he did not write in the manner of the first decade of the twentieth. But 32 it is not easy to understand why he should accuse Jeffrey of ignoring Keats because "the Edinburgh had no word of recognition for him, and only broke silence in 1820, when his brief career was closed." The article appeared in August, 1820, and Keats died in his twenty- sixth year, in February, 1821 ; so that the delay was not extraordinary. Bndymion first appeared in 1818 and attracted little attention at the time. The "Lamia, Isabella, the Eve of St. Agnes, and other Poems," which was the immediate occasion of the review, was published early in July, 1820. So that to the ordinary mind it appears that one must be extremely anxious to find fault who would censure Jeffrey for neglecting Keats. In my younger days, Chambers' Cyclopcedia of Eng- lish Literature was regarded as a trustworthy guide, and I am disposed to believe that it deserved its title. Its verdict upon Jeffrey bears the impress of fairness and candor. "There is some ground," says the im- partial writer who has manifestly no desire to be "smart" or censorious, "for charging upon the Edin- burgh Review, in its earlier career, an absence of proper respect and enthusiasm for the works of living genius. Where no prepossession of the kind intervened, Jeffrey was an admirable critic. If he was not profound, he was interesting and graceful. His dissertations on the works of Cowper, Crabbe, Byron, Scott, and Campbell, and on the earlier and greater lights of our poetry, as well as those on moral science, national manners, and views of actual life, are expressed with great eloquence 33 and originality, and in a fine spirit of humanity. His powers of perception and analysis were quick, subtle and penetrating, and withal comprehensive; while his brilliant imagination invested subjects, that in ordinary hands would have been dry and uninviting, with strong interest and attraction. He seldom gave full scope to his feelings and sympathies, but they occasion- ally broke forth with inimitable effect and kindled up the pages of his criticism.' The same writer, later on, observes with much force, that "as a literary critic, we may advert to the singular taste and judgment which Lord Jeffrey ex- ercised in making selections from the works he re- viewed, and interweaving them, as it were, with the text of his criticism. Whatever was picturesque, solemn, pathetic, or sublime, caught his eye, and was thus intro- duced to a new and vastly extended circle of readers, besides furnishing matter for various collections of extracts and innumerable school exercises. The chief defect of his writing is the occasional diffuseness and carelessness of his style. He wrote as he spoke, with great rapidity and with a flood of illustration." I am not sure that an author who "writes as he speaks" is not, after all, as satisfactory as one who observes the law of reticence with severity and strictness. Surely his work is readable, and as the eye runs rapidly over the printed page, no time is wasted. The colloquial style is, however, not favored by every reader. Many prefer that their mental pabulum should be supplied in 34 condensed tablets, and prefer the concise, the epigram- matic method. Some remarks of Jeffrey, in his review of Camp- bell's Specimens of the British Poets (1819), impress me as significant of his methods of judgment. He says : "As the materials of enjoyment and instruction ac- cumulate around us, more and more, we fear, must thus be daily rejected and left to waste. For while our tasks lengthen, our lives remain as short as ever; and the calls on our time multiply, while our time itself is flying swiftly away. This superfluity and abundance of our treasures, therefore, necessarily render much of them worthless ; and the veriest accidents may, in such a case, determine what part shall be preserved, and what thrown away and neglected. When an army is decimated, the very bravest may fall ; and many poets, worthy of eternal remembrance, have probably been forgotten, merely because there was not room in our memories for all." And looking forward to 1919, he says: "Our living poets will then be nearly as old as Pope and Swift are at present, — but there will stand between them and that generation nearly ten times as much fresh and fashionable poetry as is now interposed between us and those writers ; — and if Scott and Byron and Campbell have already cast Pope and Swift a good deal into the shade, in what form and dimensions are they themselves likely to be presented in the eyes of our great grandchildren ? The thought, we own, is a little appalling; — and we confess we see nothing better to imagine than that they may find a comfortable 35 place in some new collection of specimens — the cen- tenary of the present publication. There — if the future editor have anything like the indulgence and veneration for antiquity of his predecessor — there shall posterity still hang with rapture on the half of Camp- bell, — and the fourth part of Byron, — and the sixth of Scott, — and the scattered tythes of Crabbe, — and the three per cent, of Southey, — while some good-natured critic shall sit in our mouldering chair, and more than half prefer them to those by whom they have been superseded! — It is an hyperbole of good-nature, how- ever, we fear, to ascribe to them even those dimensions at the end of a century. After a lapse of two hun- dred and fifty years, we are afraid to think of the space they may have shrunk into. We have no Shakespeare, alas ! to shed a never-setting light on his contemporaries! — and if we continue to write and rhyme at the present rate for two hundred years longer, there must be some new art of short-hand reading invented, — or all reading will be given up in despair." The error he made was in supposing that in the twentieth century, poetry would be a matter of interest to the general reader. We know that nobody cares much now for poetry; it has ceased to be a sub- ject of concern to any but the few; if it is read at all, it is only by the student of literature, for the multitude of men find their food for thought in science, sociology and fiction. The man at the club would stare in hopeless surprise at any reference to Pope, or Crabbe, or even Campbell, modern as he is, and say 36 to himself that his interlocutor was a queer old ante- diluvian, and a mere burrower in the rubbish of long ago. Naturally Jeffrey, as the responsible editor, was compelled sometimes to suffer vicariously for the offenses of others. Everyone knows the biting review of "Hours of Idleness," which Brougham wrote for the number of January, 1808, and how Byron fumed furiously in the somewhat labored satire of "English Bards and Scottish Reviewers," pouring forth his vitriolic wrath upon Jeffrey in particular. But Byron repented of his assault when in later years he came to know the worth of the man he libelled. He had said : "Believe a woman or an epitaph, Or any other thing that's false, before You trust in critics, who themselves are sore ; Or yield one single thought to be misled By Jeffrey's heart or Lambe's Boeotian head." In 181 6 he wrote: "This was not just. Neither the heart nor the head of these gentlemen are at all what they are here represented. At the time this was writ- ten, I was personally not acquainted with either." Later in the satire he exclaimed : "Health to immortal Jeffrey ! once in name England could boast a judge almost the same !" To compare Jeffrey with Jeffreys seems to have been a favorite occupation of wounded authors in those days: each one appeared to think that his con- ceit was original. Byron goes on to give vent to a 37 tirade somewhat tedious, in the course of which he makes much of the Moore duel, described later on. But in his Diary (1814) he recorded his recantation. "I have often," he says, "since my return to England, heard Jeffrey most highly commended by those who knew him, for things independent of his talents. I admired him for this — not because he has praised me, but because he is, perhaps, the only man who, under the relations in which he and I stand or stood with regard to each other, would have had the liberality to act thus : none but a great soul dared hazard it — a little scribbler would have gone on cavilling to the end of. the chapter." Jeffrey, in 1812, reviewing the first and second cantos of Childe Harold, had referred to the scurrilous stings of the satire by saying that "per- sonalities so outrageous were only injurious to their author." Byron tried to make amends in the tenth canto of Don Juan by saying: "And all our little feuds, at least all mine, Dear Jeffrey, once my most redoubted foe (As far as rhyme and criticism combine To make such puppets of us things below). Are over; Here's a health to 'Auld Lang Syne!' I do not know you, and may never know Your face — but you have acted on the whole Most nobly, and I own it from my soul. And when I use the phrase of 'Auld Lang Syne !' 'Tis not &ddressed to you— the more's the pity For me, for I would rather take my wine With you, than aught (save Scott) in your proud city." 38 Miss Anna Seward, that plump Swan of Lichfield whose story has been told so charmingly of late by E. V. Lucas, was plainly enraged when she wrote to Sir Walter Scott on June 20, 1806: "Not even you can teach me to esteem him whom you call your little friend Jeffrey," the Edinburgh Reviewer. Jefferies ought to have been his name, since so similar his nature. On his self-placed bench of decision on poetic works, he is all that Jefferies was when tyranny had thrown the judicial robe on his shoulder." It was in this year, 1806, when Jeffrey made such an attack upon the Odes and Epistles of Thomas Moore that a rather comical duel followed, which be- gan by Moore's telling Jeffrey a funny story and ended by the timely arrival of the police who haled the Scotchman and the Irishman, with their seconds, Horner and Hume, to Bow Street, where all began to talk on literary subjects. "But whatever was the topic," writes Moore in his voluminous Memoirs, "Jeffrey, I recollect, expatiated upon it with all his peculiar fluency and eloquence; and I can now most vividly recall him to my memory, as he lay upon his back on a form which stood beside the wall, pour- ing volubly forth his fluent but most oddly pronounced diction, and dressing his subject out in every variety of array that an ever rich and ready wardrobe of phraseology could supply." They took a liking each to the other and became warm friends; and Moore records with pride how Jeffrey said to him, twenty-one 39 years later, referring to the Life of Sheridan, "Here is a convincing proof that you can think and reason solidly and manfully, and treat the gravest and most important subjects in a manner worthy of them." The poet had some provocation, for in a review of his poems (Edinburgh Review, No. xvi., July, 1806), Jeffrey had written of him as "the most licentious of modern versifiers, and the most poetical of the propa- gators of impiety," adding what Moore understood to be a charge of mercenary motives. The duelists met at Chalk Farm, but the police interfered and it was found that one of the pistols had no ball in it. So Byron, in English Bards and Scotch Reviewers could not refrain from saying: "Can none remember that eventful day, That ever glorious, almost fatal fray. When Little's leadless pistol met his eye And Bow Street myrmidons stood laughing by?" Moore insisted that his pistol was loaded, and tried to send a challenge to Byron, but the friend to whom it was entrusted contrived to forget all about it. Theo- dore Hook, in the Man of Sorrow perpetrated this epi- gram: "When Anacreon would fight, as the poets have said, A reverse he display'd in his vapor, For while all his poems were loaded with lead, His pistols were loaded with paper! For excuses^ Anacreon old custom may thank, Such a salvo he would not abuse, For the cartridge, by rule, is always made blank, Which is fired away at Reviews." 40 The whole story is told fully in Moore's Memoirs as well as by Cockburn, and it is the subject of com- ment in many other contemporary works. In Clay- den's account of "Rogers and his Contemporaries," other details are furnished. The banker-poet is brought into the field. "Jeffrey," says Clayden, "had written a slashing review of Moore's Epistles, Odes and other Poems, in the Bdinburgh Review for July, 1806, and was apparently conscious that he had done Moore injustice. Rogers met him at Lord Fincastle's at dinner in the early summer, and the conversation turned on Moore. Lord Fincastle described the new poet as having great amenity of manner, and Jeffrey laughingly replied, 'I am afraid he would not show much amenity to me.' The insult and challenge fol- lowed soon after this conversation, and a meeting was arranged at Chalk Farm. William Spencer had heard of it, and had told the police, and, when the combatants were about to fire, the police appeared and took them all off to the station. Moore sent for Spencer to bail him, but Rogers had heard of the arrest and was on the spot in time to give the necessary security." This quarrel of two friends gave Rogers an opportunity of playing his favorite part of peacemaker. He car- ried messages between the combatants, containing, as Moore says, those formalities of explanation which the world requires, and arranged that they should meet at his house." Rogers, in his Table Talk, gives a brief account of his relation to the duel, and adds: "The poet and the critic were mutually reconciled by means 41 of Horner and myself: they shook hands with each other in the garden behind my house." They may have shaken hands there, but it is doubtful whether Rogers really had as much to do with the reconciliation as all this implies. In Clayden's book is given in full the letter of Jeffrey to Rogers, written from Edinburgh, July 30, 1819, in which his generous liberality is exhibited. He says : "I have been very much shocked and disturbed by observing in the newspapers the great pecuni- ary calamity which has fallen on our excellent friend Moore, and not being able to get any distinct informa- tion either as to its extent, or its probable consequences, from anybody here, I have thought it best to relieve my anxiety by applying to you, whose kind concern in him must both have made you acquainted with all the partic- ulars, and willing, I hope, to satisfy the enquiries of one who sincerely shares in that concern. * * * j have, unfortunately, not a great deal of money to spare. But if it should be found practicable to relieve him from this unmerited distress by any contribution, I beg leave to say that I shall think it an honor to be allowed to take share in it to the extent of 300 /. or 500 /., and that I could advance more than double the sum named above upon any reasonable security of ultimate repay- ment, however long postponed." In his own account of the Moore affair, Jeffrey, writing to his friend, George Bell (August 22, 1806), says: "Moore agreed to withdraw his defiance; and then I had no hesitation in assuring him (as I was ready to have done at the beginning, if he had applied 42 amicably) that in writing the review I considered myself merely as the censor of the morality of his book, and that I intended to assert nothing as to the personal motives or personal character of the author, of whom I had no knowledge at the time. * * * We have since breakfasted together very lovingly. * * * You are too severe upon the little man. He has be- haved with great spirit throughout this business. He really is not profligate, and is universally regarded, even by those who resent the style of his poetry, as an innocent, good-hearted, idle fellow. * * * We were very near going to Hamburgh after we had been bound over here ; but it is much better as it is. I am glad to have gone through this scene, both because it satisfies me that my nerves are good enough to enable me to act in conformity to my notions of propriety without any suffering, and because it also assures me that I am really as little in love with life as I have been for some time in the habit of professing." This indif- ference to life arose from the depression caused by the death of his sister Mary (Mrs. Napier) and by a still greater affliction which for a time threatened to drive him from his literary and professional work. His wife, whom he loved devotedly, died on August 8, 1805. The Edinburgh was not destined to continue long without a rival. Its open disapproval of the war with France, rather than its advocacy of domestic reforms, not only aroused the indignation of the Tories but offended many of the moderate men of the class who 43 consider it to be unpatriotic to oppose a. government during the pendency of a conflict in which the nation may be at the time engaged, however they may have de- plored the beginning of such a conflict. We had ex- amples of our own in the Civil War of 1861-1865, and in the Spanish War of 1898. The final offense which provoked the loyal Britons was a review by Jeffrey (with some help from Brougham) of Don Pedro Ceballos's account of the French Usurpation in Spain, which appeared in the number for October, 1808. Jeffrey "dared to despair of what was then called the regeneration of Spain; and this at the very moment when the hearts of most of the English people were agitated with delight in the belief that this glorious change had already begun and that the Peninsula was henceforth to be inhabited by a population of patriots."* Jeffrey was more accurate in his forecast than he was a little later when he wrote to Horner that his "honest impression" was that Bonaparte would be "in Dublin in about fifteen months, perhaps sooner." In that event, he said he would "try to go to America." The Tories brought out their Quarterly Review in February, 1809, and Sir Walter Scott went over to it. It does not seem to have injured the Edinburgh seriously. When Jeffrey saw the first number he wrote : "I have seen the Quarterly this morning. It is an inspired work, compared with the pen prattle of Cumberland. But I do not think it very formidable; and if it were not for our offences, I should have no ♦Cockburn's Life of Jeffrey. 1-192. 44 fear about its consequences." In March he wrote to Horner : "Tell me what you hear, and what you think of this new Quarterly; and do not let yourself imagine that I feel any unworthy jealousy, and still less any unworthy fear, on the occasion. My natural indolence would have been better pleased not to be always in sight of an alert and keen antagonist. But I do rejoice at the prospect of this kind of literature, which seems to be more and more attended to than any other, being generally improved in quality, and shall be found to have set an example." This was manifestly said in all sincerity, and Jeffrey was shrewd enough to per- ceive that rivalry and competition would advance the fortunes of his Review instead of retarding them. In fact, the Edinburgh was not at first particularly Whig- gish. Scott, who was anything but a Whig, had been a contributor for years before the Ceballos article ap- peared, and as late as 1807 advised Southey to follow his example. In November, 1808, Scott wrote to his brother-in-law, saying that Jeffrey had "offered terms of pacification, engaging that no party politics should again appear in his 'Review'," but after this letter had been given out in Lockhart's Life, Jeffrey insisted, in the preface to his collected essays, that he had been misunderstood and added that he had told Sir Walter that he had for six years regarded politics as "the right leg" of the Review. The real attitude of Jeffrey is shown by a letter which he wrote to Horner, on Decem- ber 6, 1808, quoted by Horner in his Memoirs (i. 464) when, asking help in the day of need, he told Hor- 45 ner to write anything, "only no party politics, and noth- ing but exemplary moderation and impartiality on all politics." In fact, while his contributors were all inclined to liberalism, Jeffrey himself wrote very few political essays. His tendency was Whiggish, but he was not enthusiastic; he was not a sympathizer with Cobbett or Bentham, and even thought that Carlyle was too much in earnest. The radicals. Sir Leslie Stephen says, regarded him as a mere trimmer. So he met with the approval of neither faction of extremists, the usual fate of honest men who have a strong sense of justice and abhor tyranny whether of the mob or of the aristocracy. In 1803 he decided not to accept a professorship of moral and political science in a college at Calcutta, although, according to Horner, his professional income was then only about £240. In that year he "became an ensign in a volunteer regiment, with a strong con- viction that an invasion was imminent, but showed so little military aptitude, that he was never at home in his uniform, and could hardly, according to Cockburn, "face his company to the right or left." His social suc- cess, however, was marked, but he was despondent, as we have seen, after the death of his sister and of his wife, following the loss of his child, born in September, 1802, and dying in October of the same year. He bravely worked on and with courage pursued his way both in society and in his literary and professional labors. His practice grew, and, although he was neither learned nor profound, he was successful before juries 46 and often argued appeals in the House of Lords. After 1807 he had, as Cockburn says, an "unchallenged monopoly on one side," before the general assembly, and when the jury system for the trial of issues of fact in civil cases was introduced in 1816, he was employed in almost every trial. His manner was artificial, he had a tendency to refine too much, but he had an excellent memory for details, much sagacity, and a charm of manner which was most effective before juries and popular bodies. He was engaged in the trial of Maclaren and Bird for sedition in 181 7, and defended successfully several criminals. So his repute as a lawyer increased in spite of his editorial occupations. In 18 10 he removed from Queen Street to 92 George Street, which was his Edinburgh home until he moved to 24 Moray Place in 1827. In 18 10 he became ac- quainted with a daughter of Charles Wilkes of New York, who was visiting in Scotland in company with her aunt. She was a grand-niece of John Wilkes and a near connection of Captain Charles Wilkes, long years afterwards famous as an explorer and as the captor of Mason and SHdell. He fell in love with her, and after her return to America decided to go there, leaving his clients to look after themselves as best they might and entrusting the Review to his friends. He had a most uncomfortable voyage, but reached New York in October, 181 3, and married Miss Wilkes very soon afterwards, returning to England in February, 1814. 47 It may not be without interest to Americans to re- member that he never shared in the hostility towards them which was prevalent in his time. Perhaps his personal experiences in the United States in 1813-1814 and his marriage to an American woman were account- able in part for his friendliness. On his visit he had two interviews with the men whom Lord Cockburn — with the fine indifference of a Briton to the names of our public officials— calls "Mr. Munroe, the Secretary" and "Mr. Maddison, the President," with whom he dis- cussed fully the problems of the pending war; and he dined with the President.* Naturally his views were not in accord with those of Madison and Monroe, but the debate appears, by Jeffrey's account, to have been conducted with dignity and courtesy although without any practical result. The truth is that neither party to the "War of 181 2" could afford to boast very much about the merits of its cause, and both of the belligerents were wrong in many ways. In May, 1820, Jeffrey published an article in the Bdinburgh on the jealousies between America and Great Britain, of which Cockburn says : "He had constantly endeavored to remove the irritations which made these two kindred nations think so uncharitably and so absurdly of each other." When Jeffrey re- printed the paper in his Selected Contributions he added in a note: "There is no one feeling, having public con- *Cockburn, I., 226-227. It is curious that long years afterwards, Sir Alexander James Cockburn, at a dinner, asked a relative of mine why Chief Justice Chase did not come over to England, as they would be glad to do him honor. Chase had died some time before, but the Lord Chief Justice had not heard of it. 48 cerns for its object, with which I have been so long and so deeply impressed, as that of the vast importance of our maintaining friendly, and even cordial relations, with the free, peaceful, moral, and industrious States of America — a condition upon which I cannot help thinking that not only our own freedom and prosperity, but that of the better part of the world, will ultimately be found to be more and more dependent." Like many Britons, he was at his worst in a foreign country and appears to have created an impression wholly erroneous regarding his personality. George Ticknor, who met him in the United States, and after- wards again in Edinburgh in 1819, says in his Journals that Jeffrey "both here and in his own house and all society, was a much more domestic, quiet sort of per- son than we found him in America." One of the best pen portraits of him is given by Ticknor in a letter to his friend, Charles S. Davies of Portland, dated on Feb- ruary 8, 1 814,* in which he says : "I had seriously intended to send you a sketch of the Abraham of the Edinburgh Review, while I was running over with speculations and opinions about him. * * * You are to imagine * * * before you, a short, stout little gentleman, about five and a half feet high, with a very red face, black hair, and black eyes. You are to suppose him to possess a very gay and animated countenance, and you are to see in him all the restless- ness of a will-o'-wisp, and all that fitful irregularity ♦Life, Letters and Journals of George Ticknor, I., 43. 49 in his movements which you have heretofore appro- priated to the pasteboard Merry Andrews whose Hnibs are jerked about with a wire. These you are to interpret as the natural indication of the impetuous and impatient character which a further acquaintance de- velops. "He enters a room with a countenance so satisfied, and a step so light and almost fantastic, that all your previous impressions of the dignity and severity of the Edinburgh Review are immediately put to flight, and, passing at once to the opposite extreme, you might, perhaps, imagine him to be frivolous, vain, and super- cilious. He accosts you, too, with a freedom and familiarity which may, perhaps, put you at your ease, and render conversation unceremonious; but which, as I observed in several instances, were not very toler- able to those who had always been accustomed to the delicacy and decorum of refined society. Mr. Jeffrey, therefore, I remarked, often suffered from the pre- possessions of those he met, before any regular conver- sation commenced, and almost before the tones of his voice were heard. It is not possible, however, to be long in his presence without understanding something of his real character — for the same promptness and assurance which mark his entrance into a room carry him at once into conversation. The moment a topic is suggested — no matter what or by whom — he comes forth, and the first thing you observe is his singular fluency. "He bursts upon you with a torrent of remarks, and so you are for some time so much amused with his earnest- ness and volubility, that you forget to ask yourself whether they have either appropriateness or meaning. When, however, you come to consider his remarks closely, you are surprised to find that, notwithstanding his prodigious rapidity, the current of his language never flows faster than the current of his thoughts. You are surprised to discover that he is never, like other impetuous speakers, driven to amplification and repetition in order to gain time to collect and arrange his ideas ; you are surprised to find that, while his con- versation is poured forth in such a fervor and tumult of eloquence that you can scarcely follow or compre- hend it, it is still as compact and logical as if he were contending for a victory in the schools or for a decision from the bench. "After all this, however, you do not begin to under- stand Mr. Jeffrey's character; for it is not until you become interested in the mere discussion, until you forget his earnestness, his volubility, and his skill, that you begin to feel something of the full extent of his powers. You do not, till then, see with how strong and steady a hand he seizes the subject, and with what ease, as well as dexterity, he turns and examines it on every side. You are not, until then, convinced that he but plays with what is the labor of ordinary minds, and that half his faculties are not called into exercise by what you at first suppose would tax his whole strength. And, after all, you are able to estimate him, not by what you witness, — for he is always above a 51 topic which can be made the subject of conversation, — but by what you imagine he would be able to do if he were excited by a great and difficult subject and a pow- erful adversary. "With all this, he preserves in your estimation a transparent simplicity of character. You are satisfied that he does nothing for effect and show ; you see that he never chooses the subject, and never leads the con- versation in such a way as best to display his own powers and acquirements. You see that he is not ambi- tious of being thought a wit; and that, when he has been most fortunate in his argument or illustration, he never looks round, as some great men do, to observe what impression he has produced upon his hearers. In short, you could not be in his presence an hour with- out being convinced that he has neither artifice nor affectation; that he does not talk from the pride of skill or of victory, but because his mind is full to over- flowing, and conversation is his rehef and pleasure. "But notwithstanding everybody saw and acknowl- edged these traits in Mr. Jeffrey's character, he was very far from winning the good opinion of all. There were still not a few who complained that he was super- cilious, and that he thought himself of a different and higher order from those he met; that he had been used to dictate until he was unwilling to listen, and that he had been fed upon admiration until it had become com- mon food, and he received it as a matter of course. "There is some ground for this complaint, but I think the circumstances of the case should take its edge 52 from censure. It seems to me that Mr. Jeffrey has enough of that amiable feeling from which politeness and the whole system of the petite morale springs. But that he has not learned the necessary art of distributing it in judicious proportions. He shows the same degree of deference to every one he meets; and, therefore, while he flatters by his civility those who are little accustomed to attention from their superiors, he dis- appoints the reasonable expectations of those who have received the homage of all around them until it has become a part of their just expectations and claims. "This, at least, was the distinction here. The young men and the literary men all admired him ; the old men and the politicians found their opinions and dignity too little regarded by the impetuous stranger. The reasons of this are to be sought, I think, in his educa- tion and constitution; and I was, therefore, not dis- posed to like him less for his defect. I was not dis- posed to claim from a man who must have passed his youth in severe and solitary study, and who was not brought into that class of society which refines and fashions all the external expressions of character, until his mind and habits were matured, and he was brought there to be admired and to dictate. I was not disposed to claim from him that gentleness and delicacy of man- ners which are acquired only by early discipline, and which are most obvious in those who have received, perhaps, their very character and direction from early collision with their superiors in station or talent. "Besides, even admitting that Mr. Jeffrey could have 53 early been introduced to refined society, still I do not think his character would have been much changed ; or, if it had been, that it would have been changed for the better. I do not think it would have been possible to have drilled him into the strict forms of society and bienseance without taking from him something we should be very sorry to lose. "There seems to me to be a prodigious rapidity in his mind which could not be taken away without diminish- ing its force ; and yet it is this rapidity, I think, which often offended some of my older friends, in the form of impatience and abruptness. He has, too, a prompt- ness and decision which contribute, no doubt, to the general power of his mind, and certainly could not be repressed without taking away much of that zeal which carries him forward in his labors, and gives so lively an interest to his conversation; yet you could not be an hour in his presence without observing that his promptness and decision very often make him appear peremptory and assuming. "In short, he has such a familiar acquaintance with almost all the subjects of human knowledge, and con- sequently such an intimate conviction that he is right, and such a habit of carrying his point; he passes, as it seems to me, with such intuitive rapidity from thought to thought, and subject to subject, that his mind is com- pletely occupied and satisfied with its own knowledge and operations, and has no attention left to bestow on the tones and manner of expression. He is, in fact, so much absorbed with the weightier matters of the dis- 54 cussion, — with the subject, the argument, and the illus- trations, — that he forgets the small tithe of humanity and forbearance which he owes to every one with whom he converses; and I was not one of those who ever wished to correct his forgetfulness, or remind him of his debt." This is all very graphic, but it is amazing to observe the lofty superiority of the young New Englander of twenty-three, for that was Ticknor's age when he thus delivered his judgment. One may indulge in a little merriment over his airy affectation of social superior- ity. When we realize what Jeffrey's social life had been, the patronizing tone, the assumption of dig- nity, conveyed by the lad's phrases, moves us to laughter. The solemn prigs of Massachusetts of 1814 — so wise and great in their petty environment! — what was their dull, provincial society compared with that in which Jeffrey had been an ornament for years ! Still, most of Ticknor's commentaries are worthy of notice ; much may be forgiven to a confirmed Bostonian, who considers the Bostonian standard as the highest ever attained or ever dreamed of by mortal man. Despite the air of tolerance which Mr. Ticknor dis- plays with regard to Jeffrey in social life, it may not be amiss to recall that in a circle at least as worthy of es- teem as that of Boston, he was received without ques- tion. He was always welcome in the refined precincts of Holland House, and indeed in all the Whig society of London, but as Mr. Sanders says in "The Holland 55 House Circle," the appearances there of "the hard working Scotch lawyer and vigorous, if obscurantist writer, were comparatively rare except during the brief period when he sat in the Reform Parliament." In 1811 his London campaign included a large dinner party at Holland House, where the hostess was "in great gentleness and softness," and where he failed to appreciate the charm of Lady Caroline Lamb. He seems not to have revisited Holland House until 1840, when he had "a sweet walk under the cedars and in the garden, where he listened in vain for the nightingales ; though Lord Holland and Allen challenged them to answer by divers fat and asthmatical whistles." Jef- frey kept up his acquaintance with Lady Holland in her widowhood.* That lady writes of him to Mrs. Creevey in 1 8 14, "Do not be surprised at receiving a visit from that very dear little man, who has the best heart and temper, although the authors of the day consider him as their greatest scourge. * * * You will think as much of his acquaintance, as he is full of wit, anecdote and lively sallies."t IV. His devotion to his family was one of his most charming traits. In 181 5 he took up his country resi- dence at Craigcrook, three miles northwest of Edin- burgh. Moore, visiting him there in 1825, says: "Jeffrey cannot bear to stir without his wife and child; requires something living and breathing near him and *The Holland House Circle. 257- London, 1908. tCreevey Paper's. I, 205. 56 is miserable when alone." Craigcrook had been the home of Constable, and his son, Thomas Constable, quotes a letter from Jeffrey to his father, written August 25, 1814, to show "the unfailing consideration and the liberal kindness that were Mr. Jeffrey's eminent characteristics," offering, although he could not use the place for some considerable time, to pay for it at any time or to grant any moderate accommodation in money if any exigency in Constable's affairs required it. He also gives another letter to illustrate Jeffrey's liberality. By some carelessness, there had been delay in paying for an article in the Review. Jeffrey wrote to Constable: "Here, by God's grace, is Mr. ly.'s honorarium. Pray let it be sent off instantly to him, at Longman's & Co., and desire them to pay him or offer him ten guineas for the delay and disappointment. I mulct myself in this fine. * * * x deserve this for my negligence, and besides it is right that the Review and its management should not be liable to the impu- tation of shabbiness, even from the shabby." Two letters from Jeffrey to Hazlitt, written in 1818, are given by Constable, relating to a proposed suit at law which Hazlitt wished to begin against Blackwood's Magazine, which are too long for full quotation, but which show distinctly "the generous, yet wise and honest nature of the writer."* In one of these letters he says : "I am concerned to find your health is not as good as it should be, and that you would take more care of it if your finances were ♦Archibald Constable and his Literary Correspondence (1873). &1 in better order. We cannot let a man of genius suffer in this way, and I hope you are in no serious danger. I take the liberty of enclosing £ioo, a great part of which I shall owe you in a few weeks, and the rest you shall pay me back in reviews whenever you can do so without putting yourself to any uneasiness. If you really want another £ioo tell me so plainly and it shall be heartily at your service." One morning he received a letter from Hazlitt, saying, "I am dying; can you send me £io and so consummate your many kindnesses to me?" Jeffrey sent a check for £50, but whether it saved Hazlitt's life I am unable to discover. The house in Moray Place, then the new part of Edinburgh, looked out on the Forth on one side and to a green garden on the other. Macaulay, no doubt in- tending to confer upon it the highest badge of dis- tinction which an Englishman can bestow upon a dwell- ing-place, pronounced it to be "really equal to the houses in Grosvenor Square." Macaulay stopped with him there in 1828, and wrote to his mother:* "In one thing, as far as I have observed, he is always the same ; and that is the warmth of his domestic affections. Neither Mr. Wilberforce nor my uncle Babington comes up to him in this respect. The flow of his kind- ness is quite inexhaustible. Not five minutes pass without some fond expression or caressing gesture to his wife or his daughter. He has fitted up a study for himself, but he never goes into it. Law papers, reviews, whatever he has to write, he writes in the drawing ♦Trevelyan's Macaulay. I. 143 (Am. Edn.). 58 room or in his wife's boudoir. When he goes to other parts of the country on a retainer, he takes them in the carriage with him. I do not wonder that he should be a good husband; for his wife is a very amiable woman. But I was surprised to see a man so keen and sarcastic, so much of a scoffer, pouring himself out with such simplicity and tenderness in all sorts of affectionate nonsense." On July 2, 1829, he was unanimously elected Dean of the Faculty of Advocates, a position of honor. His opinion was that the "head of a great law corporation" should not "continue to be the conductor of what might be fairly enough represented as in many respects a party journal." So he withdrew from the manage- ment of the Edinburgh Review. The number for June, 1829, was the last one edited by him, and thereafter he contributed to the magazine not more than five or six articles. A few years later his friend Cockburn urged him in vain to undertake some work of original composi- tion, but he could not be persuaded. In reply to Cock- burn he wrote, on August 28, 1835: "I have been delighting myself with Mackintosh. I only got the book two days ago and have done nothing but read it ever since. The richness of his mind intoxicates me. And yet do not you think he would have been a happier man, and quite as useful and respectable, if he had not fancied it a duty to write a great book? And is not this question an answer to your exhortation to 59 me to write a little one ? I have no sense of duty that way, and feel that the only sure or even probable result of the attempt would be hours and days of anxiety, and unwholesome toil, and a closing scene of mortification." Of his two hundred contributions to the Bdinburgh, seventy-nine were selected for publication in book form, in 1843; s-^id a second edition, of three volumes, was issued five years later. These essays are not read now as are those of Macaulay, Hazlitt, Carlyle, or Mackintosh ; because, while they have a certain charm and brightness, they possess no lasting qualities of style or of substance. They seem to be too fluent. As Dr. Samuel McChord Crothers said recently at Prince- ton — and he found it worth repeating in his interest- ing paper on the Autocrat in the Atlantic Monthly for August, 1909: "The writer who is usually fluent should take warning from the instructions which accompany his fountain-pen: 'when this pen flows too freely it is a sign that it is nearly empty and should be filled'." They seem to be wanting in depth and solidity. An American writer well says: "He was French in his literary aptitudes and qualities; never heavy: touching things with a feather's point, yet touching them none the less surely." But touching things with a feather's point, however surely, leaves but a slight impression and time effaces it without mercy. Yet it has also been said of him that he "with his clear, legal mind, his stabbing and brilliant manner of expression, his sarcasm, cold and sharp-edged as a Toledo blade, unfortunately only too capable of wound- 60 ing too deeply — won the position of the greatest Eng- lish critic of all time and of the most eminent Scottish lawyer of the day — achieving the highest honors open to the advocates of Edinburgh."* It is the fate of men like him to be overestimated by their contempo- raries and underrated by those who come after them. He wrote for the Edinburgh a long review of Ali- son's Essays on Taste, which, in 1816, he used for the article on Beauty in the Encyclopcedia Britannica This appeared later as a small volume. His letters were always delightful; those to the American relatives of his wife, describing her new home life, are admirable. He wrote often to Mrs. Waddington — Georgiana Port, grand-niece of Mrs. Delany, — and in some of his letters to her he speaks quite frankly on literary matters. In 18 12 he writes: "As for Alison, its review, which you call abuse, is the best I ever wrote on a matter of free speculation, and Burke and Price are both wrong. This is one of the few things I am sure about, and I really have a strong desire to convert you to the right path. For Madame de Stael, I have never seen her U Allemagne yet, and never asked for it. You see what a savage I am. More- over, I do not greatly admire her, and I do not tolerate idolatry. Corinne is clever, and upon the strength of your recommendation I shall get the other immediately and review it candidly, if I find I have anything to say about it. * * * There are some wild poems pub- ♦Curwen. History of Booksellers. 117. 61 lished here by a lad of the name of Wilson [The Isle of Palms was published early in 1812], a seraph of the Lalce School, and very amiable. Lord Byron has also published a quarto of a strange sort of gloomy, misan- thropical poetry* — but powerful and vigorous. I have thoughts of reviewing both." In 18 14, answering Mrs. Waddington's request to review Madame D'Arblay's latest book — she was no longer the great Fanny Burney and had lost the art which made Johnson and Burke sit up all night to read Evelina — he writes: "I don't know what to say to you about the Wanderer. The cry is pretty general against it, and among judicious and good people as well as others. There is no disguising the fact, and I am afraid there is only one way of accounting for it, not that the judges are — but that the work is bad. If a popular work — I mean a work intended to please and instruct general readers — is generally disliked, how can it be a good work? There is no way of getting over that. Yet you must know that I like the book better than anybody I meet with here — and better than anybody almost that I have heard of but you. I think it has great faults, but I do not think it very much in- ferior to her earlier works, the faults of which seem to be forgotten in order to contrast their excellence with the faults of this, which is worse written than they are, and a little more diffuse, but has the same merits of brilliant coloring, decided character, and occasional elegance. Now I can't tell whether I shall review it *The first tjvo cantos of Childe Harold. 62 or not, nor can I promise to speak of it as you do, if I should. Gently and favorably I certainly shall speak, because I have the highest veneration for the personal character of the author ; but I must speak what I think. I do not think it quite pretty in her not to say a word in that long, foolish preface, of Miss Edgeworth or Madame de Stael, and to praise herself so directly. The last may be partly simplicity of character ; the first looks petty." It was not until February, 1815, that the partly- promised review appeared, mainly a discussion of the general subject of "novels of manners." As to the book itself, he calls attention to the absurdities of the plot observing "that in the conduct of a story she never excelled, while her characters are equally superficial and confined." "We are sorry," he concludes, " to speak so disadvantageously of the work of so excellent and favorite a writer; and the more so as we perceive no decay of talent, but only a perversion of it."* Most of us would think that he was too gentle in dealing with the stupid story, whose style Macaulay described as "a barbarous patois," a sort of "broken Johnsonese," and one marvels that it could have been written by the author of the Diary, which ranks with that of Pepys, among the best in the language. The second volume of Cockburn's L,ife is made up entirely of letters. They are far more interesting than the Life itself, which is a stupid affair, containing long accounts of men who happened to be friends and ♦Side-L,ights on the Georgian Period : George Paston, 48. 63 acquaintances of Jeffrey's and of the biographer, but who might have been dismissed with a mere reference. It is not divided into chapters and, worst of all, it has no index. Some original unpublished letters are in my possession. From the letter to his sister I have already quoted. Most of them are to John Richard- son, an eminent Scottish solicitor, of whom Jeffrey was very fond. Unfortunately the chirography is so atro- cious that it almost defies translation. Of his wretched scrawl Lady Holland says in her Memoirs of Sydney Smith: "My father wrote to him, on receiving one of his letters, 'My dear Jeffrey: — We are much obliged by your letter, but should be still more so were it legi- ble. I have tried to read it from left to right, and Mrs. Sydney from right to left, and we neither of us can decipher a single word of it.' " In one of these letters, dated November lo, 1818, he mentions the recent death of Romilly by suicide, and says: "It is a tremendous revelation, this of Romilly's death, and yet I cannot help considering it as rather an heroic ending." The rest is undecipherable — unless by some expert in Assyrian inscriptions. In another, written from Edin- burgh on February 8, 1825, he reveals his kindly senti- ments in regard to Thomas Campbell. He says : "My dear Richardson: — Altho' the new No. of the Review will be out within ten days, I am tempted to gratify Campbell's natural impatience to know how we have treated him, by sending him a separate copy of my article on his new volume,* and not being sure ♦Campbell's Theodoric, and Other Poems : No. 82. Article I. 64 of his address, I take the liberty of enclosing it to you. You may perhaps like to take a look of it in passing, and think this privilege a sufficient indemnification for the double postage to which it will subject you, — if not, you must put it to my account. You will see I have treated him kindly — indeed I should not have the heart, I am afraid, to treat him otherwise, even if I thought he deserved it. But I really think, in substance, all I have said of him, tho' I might have expressed it less warmly and added other thoughts. Give my love to him and tell me how near I have come to pleasing him. You see I have done him the honor of placing him at the fore of the No. and consequently I have had this sheet by me for a fortnight. But I have forborne sending it for fear of its contents finding their way into some newspaper or magazine — against the possi- bility of which I beg you to caution the said Editorial pest, and to secure obedience to this caution I would recommend his burning the said sheet as soon as he has sufficiently perused it. * * * ^/q ^re a lit- tle anxious about the Judicature Bill. When you hear any certain tidings of it, do let us know. What is the worshipful the Solr. Gen. doing up among you? What trim is Brougham in? What is to be done with Ire- land? We have a strong paper on that subject in this No, which I am anxious to have out before decisive measures are adopted." Another letter is to Talfourd, and it is an additional disclosure of his generous disposition: 65 Edinburgh, 9 May, 1836. My dear Serjeant — I wrote to Spring Rice the day after I received your new supplication for poor Leigh Hunt, and entreated him to confer favorably with you on the subject. Yesterday I had his answer, saying that he had nothing whatever to say as to selecting or suggesting who should have pensions, and that this was strictly and entirely in the department of Lord Melbourne, to whom, however, he promised to communicate what I had written. I have been making an application very nearly to the same effect with your friend. Dr. Bowring, with whom I suppose you are in communication, and whom I beg you will assure of my most hearty concurrence in so kind a suit. He seems to think Lord M. well disposed and if you get up a tolerable show of conservative auxiliaries, I shall have good hopes of success. I shall be most happy to hear of your progress, and to lend any little aid in my power. I have still a pleasing presentiment that I am to have the gratification of seeing you here in the course of the summer. In the meantime pray do not forget me. Always very faithfully yours. To Mr. Serjeant Talfourd, &c., &c., Almost every one who refers to Macaulay's early life quotes what Jeffrey wrote to him in acknowledg- ing the receipt of the manuscript of the essay on Milton, which appeared in the Edinburgh in August, 1825: 66 "The more I think the less I can conceive where you picked up that style." It was a hasty remark, no doubt, and not meant to be embalmed for posterity; for Jeffrey surely knew that "style" is the result either of an inborn power of using language in a particular way or of care, study and wide reading; it is never "picked up." It was easy for him to detect the signs of promise in a young contributor. He recognized Carlyle's merit at once, and the record of his relations with the Carlyles is an honorable one. He soon became their friend and benefactor, and for several years the articles in the Review were one of the main sources of their income. It was difficult for Carlyle to be grateful to any one; but he came very near to gratitude towards Jeffrey. In the "Two Note Books," he says (1830), "Francis Jeffrey the other week offered me a hundred a year, having learned that this sum met my yearly wants; he did it neatly enough, and I had no doubt of his sincerity." In his "Reminiscences" he writes: "Jef- frey about this time generously offered to confer on me an annuity of £100." Charles Eliot Norton, in his footnote to this passage, refers to Carlyle's acute analysis of his own and Jeffrey's feelings in the matter, and adds that Carlyle hardly does justice to the sim- plicity of Jeffrey's kind intention. Carlyle refused to receive the gift, and perhaps he was right. Froude gives us the story of the proposed annuity quite fully. He says : "Jeffrey's anxiety to be of use did not end in recommendations to Napier. He knew 67 how the Carlyles were situated in money matters. He knew that they were poor, and that their poverty had risen from a voluntary surrender of means which were properly their own, but which they would not touch while Mrs. Welsh was alive. He knew also that Car- lyle had educated and was still supporting, his brother out of his own slender earnings. He saw, as he sup- posed, a man of real brilliancy and genius weighed down and prevented from doing justice to himself by a drudgery which deprived him of the use of his more commanding talents; and with a generosity the merit of which was only exceeded by the delicacy with which the offer was made, he proposed that Carlyle should accept a small annuity from him. Here again I regret that I am forbidden to print the admirable letter in which Jeffrey conveyed his desire, to which Carlyle in his own mention of this transaction has done but scanty justice. The whole matter, he said, should be an entire secret between them. He would tell no one — not even his wife. He bade Carlyle remember that he, too, would have been richer if he had not been him- self a giver where there was less demand upon his liberality. He ought not to wish for a monopoly of generosity, and if he was really a religious man he must do as he would be done to ; nor, he added, would he have made the offer did he not feel that in similar circum- stances he would have freely accepted it himself. To show his confidence he enclosed 50 /., which he expected Carlyle to keep, and desired only to hear in reply that they had both done right.''^ 68 Later in the Note Books Carlyle records a visit of the Jeffreys and thus delivers himself : "Very good and interesting beyond wont was our worthy Dean. He is growing old, and seems dispirited and partly unhappy." Jeffrey was then fifty-seven and could not have been remarkably aged. "Jeffrey's essential tal- ent sometimes seems to me to have been that of a Gol- doni; some comic Dramatist, not without a touch of true lyrical pathos. He is the best mimic (in the low- est and highest senses) I ever saw. * * * He is one of the most loving men alive; has a true kindness, not of blood and habit only, but of soul and spirit. He cannot do without being loved. * * * i have heard him say: 'If Folly were the happiest, I would be a fool.' Yet his daily Life belies this doctrine, and says : 'Tho' Goodness were the most wretched, I would be Good.' In conversation he is brilliant (or rather spark- ling) lively, kind, willing either to speak or listen, and above all men I have ever seen, ready and copious. On the whole, exceedingly pleasant in light talk. Yet alas light, light, too light! He will talk of nothing earnestly, tho' his look sometimes betrays an earnest feeling. * * * He is not a strong man in any shape; but nimble and tough. He stands midway be- twen God and Mammon; and his preaching thro' life has been an attempt to reconcile these. Hence his pop- ularity; a thing easily accountable when one looks at the world and at him; but little honourable to either. Literature! Poetry! except by active indestructible Instinct, which he has never dared to avow, yet being a true Poet (in his way) could never eradicate — he knows not what they mean. A true Newspaper Critic, on the great scale ; no priest, but a Concionator ! Yet on the whole he is about the best man I ever saw. Sometimes I think he will abjure the Devil (if he live) and become a pure Light. Already he is a most tricksy dainty beautiful little spirit ; I have seen gleams on the face and eyes of the man that let you look into a higher country. God bless him !" And this is the tribute paid by one who never did to anybody an act of disinterested kindness, an alleged philosopher who was always finding fault but was of no practical value to the world, to a man who was always doing good, a kindly, helpful man, whose life was love and who neither attained nor wished to attain that emi- nence as "a pure light" which manifests itself by the perpetual scolding of others. Jane Welsh Carlyle partially atones for the dubious praise accorded by her surly spouse. "Lord Jeffrey" she writes "came unexpectedly while the Count [D'Orsay] was here. What a difference! The prince of critics, and the prince of dandies. How washed out the beautiful dandiacal face looked beside that little clever old man's. The large blue dandiacal eyes, you would have said, had never contemplated anything more than the reflection of the handsome personage they pertained to, in a looking glass ; while the dark, pene- trating eyes of the other had been taking note of most things in God's universe, ?ven seeing a good way into 70 mill stones.* Another worthy female — Harriet Marti- neau, who sneered at almost any one — thought Jeffrey "one of the most egregious flatterers of vain women in general." He had evidently flattered the lady atro- ciously. In her Autobiography, she expands her view, saying : "Whatever there might be of artificial in Jeffrey's manners — of a set 'company state of mind' and mode of conversation, — there was a warm heart underneath, and an ingenuousness which added captivation to his intellectual graces. He could be absurd enough in his devotion to a clever woman; and he could be highly culpable in drawing out the vanity of a vain one, and then comically making game of it; but his better nature was always within call; and his generosity was unim- peachable in every other respect." With regard to Jeffrey's behavior towards women, Carlyle in his Reminiscences, has some pleasant things to say: "He had much the habit of flirting about with women, especially pretty women, much more the both pretty and clever; all in a weakish, mostly dra- matic, and wholly theoretic way (his age now fifty gone); would daintily kiss their hands in bidding good morning, offer his due homage, as he phrased it; trip about, half like a lap-dog, half like a human adorer, with speeches pretty and witty, always of trifling import. I have known some women (not the prettiest) take offence at it, and awkwardly draw ♦Letters and Memorials of Jane Welsh Carlyle. (1883.) 71 themselves up, but without the least putting him out. The most took it quietly, kindly, and found an enter- tainment to themselves in cleverly answering it, as he did in partly offering it ; pertly, yet with something of real reverence, and always in a dexterous, light way, * * * An airy environment of this kind was, when- ever possible a coveted charm in Jeffrey's way of life." Carlyle in his Reminiscences has left these records of his impressions of the man who so befriended him in the hour of need : "I used to find in him a finer talent than any he has evidenced in writing. This was chiefly when he got to speak Scotch, and gave me anecdotes of old Scotch Braxfield and vernacular (often enough but not always cynical) curiosities of that type, which he did with a greatness of gusto quite peculiar to the topic, with a fine and deep sense of humor, of real comic mirth, much beyond what was noticeable in him other- wise, not to speak of the perfection of the mimicry, which itself was something. I used to think to myself, 'Here is a man whom they have kneaded into the shape of an Edinburgh reviewer, and clothed the soul of in Whig formulas and blue and yellow; but he might have been a beautiful Goldoni too, or something better in that kind, and have given us comedies and aerial pictures true and poetic of human life in a far other way.' There was something of Voltaire in him, something even in bodily features; those bright-beaming, swift and piercing hazel eyes, with their accompaniment of rapid, keen expression in the other lineaments of face, resem- 72 bled one's notion of Voltaire; and in the voice, too, there was a fine half -plangent kind of metallic ringing tone which used to remind me of what I fancied Vol- taire's voice might have been; Voix sombre et majes- teuse,' Duvernet calls it." V. They must have been greatly addicted to talk for talk's sake in those days. There appears to have been far more interchange of words among the men of let- ters than there has been among the writers of recent generations. We read so much in all their interminable memoirs and in their voluminous correspondence, about "talk," and the merits of the talkers — talk at clubs, at dinners, in the salons, — talk morning, noon and night — that it is puzzling to find out how they ever found time to work. It must be owned that we are not favored with many records of what was actually said, the few volumes of "Table Talk" being manifestly edited for publication so as to take all the spontaneity out of them; and the "jests" and "anecdotes" which have been preserved to us seem mostly flat, stale and unprofitable, although there are a few deserving im- mortality, such as the one about Jeffrey's damning the North Pole and the resulting accusation by Sydney Smith of using disrespectful language about, the equa- tor. An example of the dreariness of some of these talks is afforded by the discussion between Moore, Rogers and Lord Holland and later between Moore and John Wilson about the wonderful joke of Sheridan Y3 delivered to Tarleton, and Lord John Russell's ludicrous note thereon in his edition of Moore's Memoirs. Moore expresses rather a gloomy opinion of this joke or bon mot. Lord Russell appends this portentous remark: "Sheridan's joke to Tarleton. Any one might think the wit poor (although I do not agree with them) but the joke is clear enough. 'I was on a horse, and now I'm on an elephant,' i. e., 'I was high above others, but now I am much higher.' 'You were on an ass, and now you're on a mule,' said Sheridan : i. e., 'You were stupid and now you're obstinate.' For quick repartee in conversation, there are few things better. J. R." There are luckily no such scintillations of wit charged against Jeffrey, but the tradition 'concerning him gives him the highest reputation as an entertain- ing talker. He was not addicted to the telling of anecdotes or "stories," but was "bubbling over with engaging book-lore and poetic hypotheses, and eager to put them into those beautiful shapes of language which come — -as easily as water flows — to his pen or to his tongue. * * * One did not, after conversing with him, recall great special aptness of remark or of epithet, so much as the charmingly even flow of apposite and illustrative language — ^void of all extrav- agances and of all wickednesses too."* His biogra- rapher says of his conversation : "The listener's pleas- ure was enhanced by the personal littleness of the speaker. A larger man could scarcely have thrown off Jeffrey's conversational flowers without exposing *Donald G. Mitchell, English Letters and Kings, 93. 74 himself to ridicule. But the liveliness of the deep thoughts, and the flow of the bright expressions that animated his talk, seemed so natural and appropriate to the figure that uttered them, that they were heard with something of the delight with which the slender- ness of the trembling throat and the quivering of the wings make us enjoy the strength and clearness of the notes of a httle bird/'* This description produces rather a belittling effect, reminding one of a canary bird in a cage, and it may be doubted if the sub- ject of it would have relished it greatly. Haydon, writing to Miss Mitford from Edinburgh in 1820, is not as enthusiastic as some others,, and re- marks that "Jeffrey has a singular expression, poignant,, bitter, piercing — as if his countenance never lighted up but at the perception of some weakness in human nature. Whatever^ your praise to Jeffrey, he directly chuckles out some error that you did not perceive. Whatever your praise to Scott, he joins heartily with yourself, and directs your attention to some additional beauty, The face of Scott is the expression of a man whose great; pleasure has been to shake Nature by the hand; while to point at her with his finger, has certainly, from his expression, been the chief enjoyment of Jeffrey."t Richard Harris Barham records that Moore spoke of Jeffrey as an excellent judge, and remarked on the difference between his conversation and, that of Scott; Scott was all anecdote, without any intermediate rnat- *Lord Cockburn: Life, I, 364. IB. R. Haydon and Hjs Friends^, in. ■75 ter, all fact, while Jeffrey had a. profusion of ideas all worked up into the highest flight of fancy, but no f acbt. Moore preferred Scott's talk, as he got tired of Jeffrey's. ' i One reason why different people had opposing opin- I ions in regard to Jeffrey's personality and conversa- tion) is given by Macaulay in the letter to his mother from which a quotation has already bfeen given, — a letter written with the power and vividness of expres- sion which marked not only his published work but even his private correspondence. He said: "I will com- mence with Jeffrey. I had almost forgotten his per- son; and, indeed, I should not wonder if even now I were to forget it again. He has twenty faces, almost as much unlike each other as my father's to Mr. Wil- berf orce's, and infinitely more unlike to each other than those of near relations often are, infinitely more unlike, for ejiample, than those of the two Grants. When abso- lutely quiescent, reading a paper, or hearing a conver- sation in which he takes no interest, his countenance shows no indication whatever of intellectual superiority of anyikind. But as soon as he is interested, and opens his eyes upon you, the change is like magic. There is a flash in his glance, a violent contortion in his frown, an exquisite humor in his sneer, and a sweetness and brilliancy in his smile, beyond anything that I ever witnessed. A person who had seen him in only one state would not know him if he saw him in another. For he has not, like Brougham, marked features which in all moods of mind remain unaltered, The mere out- 76 line of his face is insignificant. The expression is every- thing, and such power and variety of expression I never saw in any human countenance, not even in that of the most celebrated actors. I can conceive that Garrick may have been like him. I have seen several pictures of Garrick, none resembling another, and I have heard Hannah More speak of the extraordinary variety of countenance by which he was distinguished, and of the unequalled radiance and penetration of his eye. The voice and delivery of Jeffrey resemble his face. He possesses considerable power of mimicry, and rarely tells a story without imitating several different accents. His familiar tone, his declamatory tone, and his pathetic tone are quite different things. Sometimes Scotch predominates in his pronunciation; sometimes it is imperceptible. Sometimes his utterance is snappish and quick to the last degree; sometimes it is remark- able for rotundity and mellowness. I can easily con- ceive that two people who had seen him on different days might dispute about him as the travelers in the fable disputed about the chameleon." Mrs. Grant of Laggan, usually styled "the cele- brated," writes of a visit she received from Scott and Jeffrey : "You would think that the body of each was formed to lodge the soul of the other. Jeffrey looks the poet all over : the ardent eye, the nervous agitation, the visibly quick perceptions keep one's attention awake in the expectation of flashes of genius ; nor is that ex- pectation disappointed, for his conversation is in a high degree fluent and animated, Walter Scott has not a 77 gleam of poetic fire in his countenance, which merely suggests the idea of plain good sense." She confessed that she was unable to refrain from liking "the arch- critic" in spite of his manifold literary offenses. Macaulay thought his conversation very much like his countenance and his voice, of immense variety, sometimes plain and unpretending, sometimes brilliant and rhetorical ; a shrewd observer, fastidious, and while not altogether free from affectation himself, having a peculiar loathing for it in other people. "He has a particular contempt" Macaulay adds "in which I most heartily concur with him, for the fadaises of blue- stocking literature, for the mutual flatteries of coteries, the handing about of vers de societe, the albums, the conversaziones, and all the other nauseous trickeries of the Sewards, Hayleys, and Sothebys. I am not quite sure that he has escaped the opposite extreme, and that he is not a little too desirous to appear rather a man of the world, an active lawyer, or an easy, care- less gentleman, than a distinguished writer." Macau- lay thought him to be hypochondriac, but that he was "on the whole, the youngest looking man of fifty that I know, at least when he was animated." In 1828, when this was written, Jeffrey was fifty-five. Of his conversation, Hazlitt says in his Spirit of the Age : "There is no subject on which he is not au fait : no company in which he is not ready to scatter his pearls for sport. * * * His only difficulty seems to be, 78 not to speak, but to be silent. * * * He is never absurd, nor has he any favorite poirits which he is always bringing forward. It cannot be denied that there is something bordering on petulance of manner, but it is of that least offensive kind whicih may be accounted for from merit and from success, and implies no exclusive pretensions nor the least particle of ill- will to others. On the contrary, Mr. Jeffrey is profuse of his encomiums and admiration of others, but still with a certain reservation of a right to differ or to blame. He cannot rest on one side of a question; he is obliged by a mercurial habit and disposition, to vary his point of view. If he is ever tedious, it is from an excess of liveliness; he oppresses from a sense of airy lightness. He is always setting out on a fresh scent; there are always rdoj.? of topics. * * * New causes are called; he holds a brief in his hand for every possi- ble question. This is a fault. Mr. Jeffrey is not obtru- sive, is not impatient of opposition, is not unwilling to be interrupted; but what is said by another seems to make no impression on him ; he is bound to dispute, to answer it, as if he was in Court, or as if he were in a paltry Debating Society, where youftg beginners were trying their hands. * * * He cannot help cross-examining a witness, or stating the adverse view of the question. He listens not to judge, but to reply. In consequence of this, you can as little tell the impres- sion your observations make on him as what weight to assign to his." Most of us have met men who are like Jeffrey in T9 these respects ; usually they are the bright, clever, self- centered men, who consider themselves to bei on exhi- bition. In talking with them, one can see at a glance that they are thinking not of what you are, saying to them but of what they will say when you have paused. They are entertaining persons, but not always agree- able in conversation. Hazlitt further says: > "Mr. Jeffrey shines in mixed company; he is not good in 2i tete-a-tete. You can only show your wisdom and your wit in general society; but in, private your follies or your weaknesses are not the least interesting topics ; and our critic has neither any of his own to confess, nor does he take delight in hearing those of others. Indeed, in Scotland generally, the display of personal character, the indulging your whims and humors in the presence of a friend is not much encour- aged—every one there is looked upon in the light, of a machine or a collection of topics., *- *> * The ac- complished . and ingenious person of whom we speak, has been a little infected, by the tone of, his countrymen —he is too didactic, too pugnacious, too full of electri- cal shocks, too much like a voltaic battery, and reposes too little on his own excellent good sense, his own love of ease, his cordial frankness of temper and unaffected candor. He ought to have belonged to us !" Lockhart is not quite as censorious as Hazlitt is, but then Lockhart had a more amiable disposition. He says, in. "Peter's Letters to his Kinsfolk'^: ., "I have never, I believe, heard so many ideas thrown 80 out by any man in so short a space of time, and appar- ently with such entire negation of exertion. His con- versation acted upon me like the first delightful hour after taking opium. The thoughts he scattered so readily about him (his words, rapid and wonderfully rapid as they are, appearing to be continually panting after his conceptions) — his thoughts, I say, were at once so striking, and so just, that they took in succession entire possession of my imagination, and yet with so felicitous a tact did he forbear from expressing any one of these too freely, that the reason was always kept in a pleasing kind of excitement, by the endeavor more thoroughly to examine their bearings. * * * j have heard some men display more profoundness of re- flection, and others a much greater command of the conversational picturesque — but I never before wit- nessed anything to be compared with the blending to- gether of apparently little consistent powers in the whole strain of his discourse. Such a power, in the first place, of throwing away at once every useless part of the idea to be discussed, and then such a happy redun- dancy of imagination to present the essential and reserved part in its every possible relation, and point of view,— and all this connected with so much of the plain savoir fake of actual existence, and such a thorough scorn of mystification, it is really a very wonderful in- tellectual coalition." In the Reminiscences, Carlyle describes a scene in his own home at Craigenputtoch. "One of the nights there * * * encouraged possibly by the presence 81 of poor James Anderson, an ingenious, simple, youngish man, and our nearest gentleman neighbor, Jeffrey in the drawing room was cleverer, brighter, and more amusing than I ever saw him elsewhere. We had got to talk of public speaking, of which Jeffrey had plenty to say, and found Anderson and all of us ready enough to hear. Before long he fell into mimicking of public speakers, men unknown, perhaps imaginary generic specimens ; and did it with such a felicity, flowing read- iness, ingenuity, and perfection of imitation as I never saw equalled, and had not given him credit for before. Our cozy little drawing room, bright-shining, hidden in the lowly wilderness, how beautiful it looked to us, become suddenly as it were a Temple of the Muses! The little man strutted about full of electric fire, with attitudes, with gesticulations, still more with winged words, often broken-winged, amid our admiring laugh- ter; gave us the windy, grandiloquent specimen, the ponderous stupid, the airy ditto, various specimens, as the talk, chiefly his own, spontaneously suggested, of which there was a little preparatory interstice between each two. And the mimicry was so complete, you would have said not his mind only, but his very body became the specimens, his face filled with the expres- sion represented, and his little figure seeming to grow gigantic if the personage required it. At length he gave us the abstruse costive specimen, which had a meaning and no utterance for it, but went about clam- bering, stumbling, as on a path of loose bowlders, and ended in total down-break, amid peals of the heartiest 82 laughter from us all. This of the aerial little sprite standing there in fatal collapse, with the brightest of eyes sternly gazing into utter nothingness and dumb- ness, was one of the most tickling and genially ludicrous things I ever saw, and it prettily winded up our little drama." VI. Robert Pearse Gillies, that odd, unlucky, obscure aspirant for honor as a poet and an editor, has left in his book of recollections an account of Jeffrey which ex- aggerates certain traits and must have been written as of a time when the "little great man," as Hazlitt calls him, was still young and perhaps a bachelor. He says: "Among the public characters who were always to be met with at our balls and routs in those days, out of sight and comparison the most distinguished was Mr. Jeffrey. To every one who appreciated his talents, the wonder was how he could reconcile his mode of life in this respect with his literary and professional en- gagement. But that he did so was very certain. He seemed the gayest of the gay. He was invited every- where, tried to make his appearance everywhere, and on all such occasions his popularity (if possible) in- creased. * * * To all appearances he cared not a rush about habits of consecutive application. No one could guess what portion of his day was appropriated to literary tasks nor indeed could have imagined that he really had any such tasks on hand. In the mornings, from nine till two, he was on parade and professionally 83 employed in the Parliament House. Thereafter, till dinner time, weather permitting, he walked out or promenaded on horseback. Never did it happen for a single day during the season, that he had not divers invitations both for dinner and evening parties. Of the former, it is needless to say, he could accept only one per diem; but it was quite possible during the even- ing, to migrate from one rout to another, and this he often did, winding up, of course, where the supper party was most attractive and congenial." Referring to Dugald Stewart and Sir Walter Scott, their quiet homes and orderly libraries, he continues : "Never did any fox-hunter or wild roue trample more disdainfully on all such notions than Mr. Jeffrey ! He had third-rate apartments in a 'land' situated in Queen Street, where exclusive of the necessary law books and the very newest publications, his entire library consisted of a few motley tatterdemalion vol- umes, for all the world likest to a set of worn out school books, and such perhaps they really were. Truly there appeared no great charm in that home to render it an object of attachment and affection. Its arrangements were not symmetrical nor indicated much attention to comfort. The looking-glass over the chimney piece remains yet in my remembrance, because within and under its tarnished frame were located a preposterous multitude of visiting cards and notes of invitation which showered on him from all quarters, 'thick as the leaves in Vallambrosa'." Jeffrey did not occupy a "third-rate apartment in 84 Queen Street" after his marriage, and it is quite ab- surd to found a judgment upon a man's whole Hfe, on a mode of living as a young bachelor. But even Gil- lies, — a little envious — cannot withhold a slight trib- ute of praise. He goes on to say : "From all this and other traits which I might ad- duce, who could have imagined that the gay, young barrister was in truth the most adventurous and suc- cessful student in town, the very man of all our Athenian world who was most ready and able to grapple with a difficult question, to torture and twist it by the process of analysis and reasoning, till gleams of light the most unexpected were thrown upon the subject, and who when his reader or hearer thought that no more could possibly be done, would start again de novo, not merely with unabated but increased vivacity, adding more and more of patient argument and brilliant illustration, till at last a so-called essay (alias review) came forth, com- prising materials that might serve as texts for future volumes. "This was not comprehensible yet was nevertheless true— when did he elaborate his papers? There was only one way of accounting for it— the old suggestion as applied in the case of Chatterton, that he did not sleep, but could betake himself to work with undimin- ished zeal when the day's work of the world was done. It would be rather too hypothetical to suppose that he possessed a duality of mind, and could persist in ar- ranging silently a critical argument with one, whilst with the other he managed a nonsensical conversation 85 at the supper table. However, there was one leading peculiarity in Jeffrey's character, which perhaps ren- dered time of some value in his case, that would other- wise have been lost; I mean the grace and alacrity wherewith, if opportunity offered, he could turn ordi- nary conversation to account. If the most commonplace remark was tendered on a subject in itself interesting, he would rapidly reply with an illustration as original as it was unexpected. And if his superficial neighbor luckily ventured to differ from him in opinion, then he would rouse and present the matter in a hundred new lights (if needful) so as to carry his point. And this argument taking its rise, perhaps, from a mere platitude in the course of ordinary table-talk, or during a walk to Corstorphin Hill, might dwell on his remembrance and if committed afterwards to writing, serve for the commencement of a leading article." These diffuse and somewhat rambling remarks of Gillies have been given so fully because they afford a portrait of the real Jeffrey as he appeared to his con- temporaries in his younger days, and throw much light on his methods as they were before he attained celebrity outside of the narrow walls of the Scotch "Athens." These methods were never wholly abandoned, and the result has been that what he wrote often conveys an impression that he has not penetrated to the core of his subject, but is playing around and about it with no settled convictions and no wish to have any such con- victions concerning it. Naturally writings of this kind 86 have no permanence of interest, and soon become part of the lumber of the past, read only by some curious burrower in literary history. But the man, Jeffrey, will be read of and remembered although his once- dreaded reviews may have gone the way of most of the ephemeral pages of the magazine. Hazlitt certainly knew him well, and had abundant occasion to experience the benefit of his generous friendship. In the Spirit of the Age, Hazlitt further says of him: "The severest of critics, as he has been sometimes termed, is the best natured of men. Whatever there may be of wavering or indecision in Mr. Jefifrey's rea- soning, or of harshness in his critical decisions, in his disposition there is nothing but simplicity and kindness. He is a person that no one knows without esteeming, and who both in his public connections and private friendships, shows the same manly uprightness and unbiassed independence of spirit. At a distance, in his writings, or even in his manner, there may be some- thing to excite a little uneasiness and apprehension; in his conduct, there is nothing to except against. He is a person of strict integrity himself, without pretence or affectation; and knows how to respect this quality in others, without prudery or intolerance. He can cen- sure a friend or a stranger, and serve him effectually at the same time. He expresses his disapprobation, but not as an excuse for closing up the avenues of his lib- erality. He is a Scotchman without one particle of hypocrisy, of cant, of servility, or selfishness in his 87 composition. He has not been spoiled by fortune — ^has not been tempted by power — is firm without violence, friendly without weakness — a critic and even-tempered, a casuist and an honest man — and amidst the toils of his profession and the distractions of the world, retains the gayety, the unpretending carelessness, and sim- plicity of youth." In Macvey Napier's Correspondence (London, 1879) he quotes Macaulay as saying, in 1843: "When I compare him with Sydney and myself, I feel, with humility perfectly sincere, that his range is immeasurably wider than ours. And this is only as a writer. But he is not only a writer ; he has been a great advocate, and he is a great judge. Take him all in all, I think him more nearly an universal genius than any man of our time. * * * Jeffrey has tried nothing in which he has not succeeded, except Parliamentary speaking ; and there he obtained what to any other man would have been great success, and disappointed his hearers only because their expectations were extrav- agant." Doctor John Brown, in Horce Suhsecivos, speaks of "Jeffrey, whom flattery, success, and himself cannot spoil, or taint that sweet, generous nature — keen, in- stant, unsparing, and true as a rapier ; the most pains- taking and honest working of all clever men." VII. We have observed that in his earlier years at the bar he had but little practice. His lack of early sue- 88 cess has been ascribed partly to his Whig opinions; but they could not have done him any serious harm. It has also been said to be due to the general prejudice against literary lawyers. This prejudice may have had something to do with it ; for clients are inclined to be- lieve that their lawyer should not think of anything but their affairs and their cases and resent devotion to any shrines but their own. The law is proverbially a jealous mistress, but clients are even more jealous masters. When a man has won a reputation as a lawyer he may perhaps by way of digression, a holiday excursion, dab- ble in literature; but not till then. If he makes a busi- ness of literary work, he must give up hope of eminence in the field of jurisprudence. After he has gained a name in his profession, his dabblings are never regard- ed seriously. Still, Jeffrey began to rise as a lawyer after he became known as an editor and a reviewer. He was at his best before juries, as may well be supposed, for jurymen care very little about profundities and a good deal about things that shine brightly on the surface. The Monthly Magazine said of him, as a lawyer : "When once he had made himself master of a case and its bearings, he was always ready to debate it, even at a moment's warning, however heterogeneous the subject to which he had been tasking his faculties the moment before. This might be owing to a habit which he had in previous conversations with the party or his agent, to ply them with all the arguments that could be brought against them. Often have we known an honest countryman, perplexed by his objections, re- monstrate with his attorney for having encouraged him to proceed with a hopeless case, or for hav- ing employed a pleader of so desponding a tempera- ment; and immediately thereafter have we seen his honest face grow momentarily broader and broader, brighter and brighter, as Jeffrey, on stepping to the bar, proceeded to demonstrate his right in a train of the closest and most irrefragable reasoning." One is amused and not displeased at the fact that, as he found trouble in adjusting his forensic wig over his black, bushy hair, he never wore it in court and was for many years the only lawyer at the Scottish bar who dared to dispense with that ornament. Despite this de- fiance of professional custom, he became a leader in the courts. He did excellent work in the trial of Maclaren and Bird for sedition in 1817, and again in sedition cases at Stirling in 1820, although he lost his causes. In 1 82 1 he was made Lord Rector of the University of Glasgow. When the Whigs came into power in 1830 he was made Lord Advocate. Carlyle writes in his Note Book about that time : "Jeffrey is Lord Advocate and M. P. Sobbed and shrieked at taking office, like a bride going to be married." He may have shown some emotion but his cross-grained friend, who was given to thinking and writing in italics and with over- abundant exclamation points, probably exaggerated it. Jeffrey resigned his deanship and he set to work to get the necessary seat in Parliament. Cockburn notes that the income of his new office was about £3000 a year, but between December, 1830 and May, 1832, he spent 90 about f 10,000 in parliamentary contests. Elected for the Forfarshire burghs, he lost his seat through some defect in the proceedings, and was then chosen, April 6, 183 1, for Malton. He failed of election for Edin- burgh and was in June again elected for Malton. After the Reform Bill was passed he stood again for Edin- burgh, and was elected December 19, 1832. He did not achieve much success in Parliament, for he began too late. He was never an orator, although in what he said he was "always clean-cut, sensible, picturesque, flowing smoothly, but rather on the surface of things than into their depths." Mackintosh* spoke favorably of the speech on reform which he delivered on March 4, 1 83 1, and it was published "at the special request of government." He made other speeches which were well regarded, but they were rather essays than speeches. Brougham in his Memoirs says, however : "It was the custom to say he had failed in Parlia- ment. I recollect meeting Sir Robert Peel the night he made his first speech ; and in answer to my inquiry as to its success, he said that Jeffrey had fired over their heads, and was too clever for his audience." If one may judge of the House of Commons of that day by the House of the present, it could not have been diffi- cult to accomplish that feat. He was hampered by a distressing infirmity, suffer- ing greatly from an affection of the trachea, and was obliged to undergo an operation in October, 1831. He *Memoirs, ii : 479. 91 grew weary of his tasks, and while he preserved his good temper and conciliatory ways, he found much of the work quite distasteful, Hazlitt in his Spirit of the Age gives a description of Jeffrey's style of speaking. He says : "He makes fewer blots in addressing an audience than any one we remember to have heard. There is not a hairbreadth space between any two of his words, nor is there a single expression either ill-chosen or out of place. He speaks without stopping to take breath, with ease, with point, with elegance, and without 'spin- ning the thread of his verbosity finer than the staple of his argument.' He may be said to weave words into any shapes he pleases for use or ornament, as the glass- blower moulds the vitreous fluid with his breath, and his sentences shine like glass from their polished smooth- ness, and are equally transparent. * * * When- ever the Scotch advocate has appeared at the bar of the English House of Lords, he has been admired by those who were in the habit of attending to speeches there, as having the greatest fluency of language and the greatest subtlety of distinction of any one of the pro- fession. The law-reporters were as little able to follow him from the extreme rapidity of his utterance as from the tenuity and evanescent nature of his reasoning." The article in the New Monthly Magazine, (1831), says: "His delivery is not commanding — that, his figure forbids — but it is fascinating. He rises, settles his gown about his shoulders, and commences in a low tone 92 of voice. For the first two or three sentences, he seems beating about for ideas — words there are plenty. But he soon comes upon the track. With the side of his face turned towards the person or persons he is ad- dressing, he fixes his serpent eye upon them and holds them fast. At one time he leans forward and speaks in tones as harsh as the grating of an earthenware plate upon a working grindstone; again he stands erect, or even casts himself backward, and without any sensible motion of his lips, emits a continuous stream of most melodious voice." Lockhart in Peter's Letters to his Kinsfolk, (1819), remarks of Jeffrey's oratory: "I have told you in a former letter that his pronun- ciation is wretched — it is a mixture of provincial Eng- lish, with undignified Scotch, altogether snappish and offensive, and which would be quite sufficient to render the elocution of a more ordinary man utterly disgust- ing ; but the flow of his eloquence is so overpoweringly rapid, so unweariedly energetic, so entirely unlike every other man's mode of speaking, that the pronunci- ation of the particular words is quite lost to one's view, in the midst of that continual effort which is required, in order to make the understanding, even the ear of the listener, keep pace with the glowing velocity of the declamation. His words come more profusely than words ever came before, and yet it seems as if they were quite unable to follow, passihus cequis, the still more amazing speed of his thought. You sit, while minute follows minute uncounted and unheeded, in a state 93 of painful excitation, as if you were in a room over- lighted with gas, or close under the crash of a whole pealing orchestra. "This astonishing fluency and vivacity, if possessed by a person of very inferior talents, might for a little be sufficient to create an illusion in his favor ; and I have heard that such things have been. But the more you can overcome the effect of Mr. Jeffrey's dazzling rapid- ity, and concentrate your attention on the ideas em- bodied with such supernatural facility, the greater will be your admiration. It is impossible to conceive the existence of a more fertile, teeming intellect. The flood of his illustration seems to be at all times rioting up to the very brim — yet he commands and restrains it with equal strength and skill; or, if it does boil over for a moment, it spreads such a richness all around, that it is impossible to find fault with its extravagance. * * * If he be not the most delightful, he is certainly by far the most wonderful of speakers." James Grant, in Random Recollections, referring to Jeffrey's first speech in Parliament, 1831, says: "The amazing rapidity of his delivery operated much against the speech. I think I never heard a per- son, either in or out of the House, speak so fast as he did on that occasion. The most experienced short-hand reporters were unable to follow him. * * * Yet, notwithstanding the rapidity with which Mr. Jeffrey spoke on this occasion, he never so much as faltered once, nor recalled a word which he uttered to substi- tute one more suitable for it. His manner * * * 94 was graceful, but it wanted variety. His voice was clear and pleasant ; but it had no flexibility in its intonations. He continued and ended in much the same tones as he began. The same monotony characterized his gesticu- lation." vni. Glad to be relieved of parliamentary drudgery, he became a Lord of the Sessions in May, 1834, and after a farewell dinner had been given to him by the Scot- tish members, he assumed his judicial seat on June 7, 1834, and thus acquired his title of "Lord Jeffrey," for he never reached the peerage. He usually passed his winters in Edinburgh, and his summers at Craigcrook, visiting London in the spring. In the summers he oc- cupied himself in his garden and in reading. Sir Leslie Stephen says: "He was a sloven in regard to books, and had a 'wretched collection,' though in a 'moment of infirmity' he joined the Bannatyne Club in 1826. He had been one of the founders of the 'Friday Club,' in 1803, which endured for more than thirty years." As a judge he gave great satisfaction, showing the same qualities of tact, quickness and accuracy which marked his career at the bar and in the world of letters. In 1841 he had a serious illness, from the effects of which he never entirely recovered. In November, 1842, he became a member of the first division of the court, where he had three associates and where the opinions were oral. Cockburn asserts that he was singularly patient, painstaking and candid. His fault was over- 95 volubility and mutability, which led him to interpose a 'running margin of questions, suppositions and com- ments' throughout the argument. But his urbanity and openness of mind made him exceedingly popular, es- pecially with the bar.* Some men are so constituted mentally that they are unable to comprehend an argu- ment except by interrupting the counsel and satisfying themselves as the hearing proceeds, in regard to the questions which occur to them at the moment. Such judges annoy and disconcert lawyers, because they dis- turb the orderly sequence of the argument and their fidgety queries bring about a sort of medley, without form or shape, instead of a well-arranged presentation of the subject under consideration. In this way time is often wasted and real injustice done. All sound law- yers welcome questions by the court arising naturally out of the particular matter with which they may hap- pen to be dealing, but it is otherwise when a nimble minded, restless judge insists upon darting from the point immediately under consideration to some remote field, which is to be entered upon later. The judge who talks too much is as unsatisfactory as the one who never opens his lips and listens with blank stolidity. Jeffrey's personal charm, however, endeared him to all who prac- tised before him. Many of his contemporaries dwell upon his person- ality, his appearance, and his manners. The author of ♦Dictionary of National Biography, xxix, 275. 96 the paper in the New Monthly Magazine (1831), to which reference has been made, thus describes him : "He is of low stature, but his figure is elegant and well proportioned. This he seems to be aware of from the assiduity with which he takes care that his little per- sonage shall always be set out to the best advantage. The continually varying expression of his countenance renders it impossible to say what his features are. * * * The face is rather elongated, the chin deficient, the mouth well-formed, with a mingled expression of de- termination, sentiment and arch-mockery; the nose is slightly curved. * * * The brow never presents the same appearance for two moments successively; it is now smooth and unfurrowed, lofty and vaulted; look again, and the skin is contracted upwards into a thousand parallel wrinkles, offering the semblance of a 'forehead villainous low'. The eye is the most peculiar feature of the countenance; it is large and sparkling, but with a want of transparency that gives it the ap- pearance of a heartless enigma." Lockhart says of him, in Peter's Letters to his Kins- folk: "It is a face which any man would pass without ob- servation in a crowd, because it is small and swarthy, and entirely devoid of lofty or commanding outlines — and besides, his stature is so low, that he might walk close under your chin or mine without ever catching the eye even for a moment. "Mr. Jeffrey * * * is a very active-looking man, with an appearance of extraordinary vivacity in 97 all his motions and gestures. His face is one which cannot be understood at a single look — perhaps it re- quires, as it certainly invites, a long and anxious scru- tiny before it lays itself open to the gazer. The features are neither handsome, nor even very defined in their outlines ; and yet the effect of the whole is as striking as any arrangement either of more noble or more marked features, which ever came under my view. The forehead is very singularly shaped, describing in its bend from side to side a larger segment of a circle than is at all common ; compressed below the temples almost as much as Sterne's; and throwing out sinuses above the eyes, of an extremely bold and compact structure. The hair is very black and wiry, standing in ragged, bristly clumps out from the upper part of his head, but lying close and firm lower down, especially about the ears. Altogether, it is picturesque, and adds to the effect of the visage. The mouth is the most expressive part of his face. The lips are very fine, but they tremble and vibrate, even when brought close together, in such a way as to give the idea of an intense, never-ceasing play of mind. There is a delicate kind of sneer almost always upon them, which has not the least appearance of ill-temper about it, but seems to belong entirely to the speculative understanding of the man. "I have said that the mouth is the most expressive part of his face — and, in one sense, this is the truth, for it is certainly the seat of all its rapid and transitory ex- pression. But what speaking things are his eyes ! They disdain to be agitated by those lesser emotions which 98 pass over the lips; they reserve their fierce and dark energies for matters of more moment; once kindled with the heat of any passion, how they beam, flash upon flash! The scintillation of a star is not more fervid. Perhaps, notwithstanding this, their repose is even more worthy of attention. With the capacity of emit- ting such a flood of radiance, they seem to take a pleasure in banishing every ray from their black, in- scrutable, glazed, tarn-like circles. I think their pre- vailing language is, after all, rather a melancholy than a merry one — it is, at least, very full of reflection. Such is a faint outline of this countenance, the features of which (to say nothing at all of their expression), have, as yet, baflled every attempt of the portrait painters. * * * A sharp, and at the same time, very deep- toned voice — a very bad pronunciation, but accompa- nied with very little of the Scotch accent — a light and careless manner exchanged now and then for an infinite variety of more earnest expression and address — this is as much as I could carry away from my first visit." Dr. John Brown in his Horce SuhsecivcB (Third Series, Edinburgh, 1882) said of Jeffrey's mouth that it was "mobile and yet firm, arch, and kind, with a beautiful procacity or petulance about it, that you would not like absent in him, or present in any one else." Robert Tomes in My College Days writes of him : "I often peeped through the green curtain which hung before his contracted judicial shell, and watched the wondrous little man unravelling, in his quick, im- patient way, the tangle of Scotch law. His restless per- 99 son was in a state of perpetual movement; his eyes turning here, there, and everywhere; his features at constant play ; his forehead rippling in quick successive wrinkles as if trying to throw off his close-fitting judi- cial wig, which seemed to grasp his diminutive head painfully, almost down to his eyebrows, and with its great stiff curls of white horse-hair heavily to oppress him with its weight. His arms, too, he was ever moving with an uneasy action, as if he would rid himself of the incumbrance of his official robe of scarlet, which cov- ered his shoulders, and hung in loose folds from his neck to his wrists." Carlyle in his Reminiscences gives a vivid pen-pic- ture of him, as he was apt to do when he dealt with those who interested him: "A delicate, attractive, dainty little figure as h^ merely walked about, much more if he were speaking, uncommonly bright black eyes, instinct with vivacity, intelligence, and kindly fire; round brow, delicate oval face full of rapid expression, figure light, nimble, pretty though so small, perhaps hardly five feet in height. He had his gown, almost never any wig, wore his black hair rather closely cropt ; I have seen the back part of it jerk suddenly out in some of the rapid ex- pressions of his face, and knew even if behind him that his brow was then puckered, and his eyes looking arch- ly, half contemptuously out, in conformity to some con- clusive little cut his tongue was giving." E^lsewhere Carlyle says : "His accent was * * * singular, but it was by 100 no means Scotch; at his first going to Oxford (where he did not stay long) he had peremptorily crushed down his Scotch (which he privately had in store in excellent condition to the very end of his life, producible with highly ludicrous effect on occasion), and adopted instead a strange, swift, sharp-sounding, fitful modu- lation, part of it pungent, quasi-labrant, other parts of it cooing, bantery, lovingly quizzical, which no charms of his fine ringing voice (metallic tenor of sweet tone), and of his vivacious rapid looks, and pretty little attitudes and gestures, could not altogether reconcile you to, but in which he persisted through good report and bad. Old Braxey (Macqueen, Lord Braxfield), a sad old cynic, on whom Jeffrey used to set one laugh- ing often enough, was commonly reported to have said, on hearing Jeffrey again after that Oxford sojourn, 'The laddie has clean tint his Scotch, and found nae English!' which was an exaggerative reading of the fact, his words and syllables being elaborately Eng- lish (or English and more, e. g., 'heppy,' 'my lud,' etc., etc.), while the tune he sang them to was all his own." "His voice," says Carlyle, "clear, harmonious, and sonorous, had something of metallic in it, something almost plangent ; never rose into alt, into any dissonance or shrillness, nor carried much the character of humor, though a fine feeling of the ludicrous always dwelt in him, as you would notice best when he got into Scotch dialect, and gave you, with admirable truth of mimicry, old Edinburgh incidents and experiences of his. * * * 101 His laugh was small and by no means Homeric; he never laughed loud (could not do it I should think), and indeed often sniggered slightly than laughed in any way." Lord Cockburn is almost interesting in his descrip- tion of the voice: "His voice was distinct and silvery; so clear and precise that when in good order, it was heard above a world of discordant sounds. The utterance was excessively rapid; but without spluttering, slurring, or confusion; and regulated into deliberate emphasis, whenever this was proper. The velocity of the cur- rent was not more remarkable than its purity and richness. His command of language was unlimited." Charles Pebody, in the Gentleman's Magazine, June, 1870, writes : "He never took up his pen till the candles were lit. * * * He did most of his work in those fatal hours of inspiration from ten at night till two or three o'clock in the morning. * * * His manuscript was inex- pressibly vile ; for he wrote with great haste, * * * generally used a wretched pen, * * * and altered, erased, and interlined without the slightest thought of the printer or his correspondent. * * * The explanation is, of course, the usual one with men of Jeffrey's temperament and genius. He had a horror and hatred of the work of the desk. * * * His favorite hours of reading were in the morning and in bed, unless he had to deal with a subject of peculiar dignity, and in that case he read it up * * =•" at 102 night ; for he had a notion that hints and suggestions, facts and thoughts, illustrations and authorities, picked up promiscuously over-night, assorted themselves in sleep round their proper centres, and thus reappeared in the morning in logical order." Samuel Carter Hall, that diffuse, conceited and prosy hanger-on upon the outskirts of literature, seems to have forgotten his usual good-nature — which alone renders him endurable — in his observations about Jeffrey, but he admits that he did not know him very well. "The far-famed editor of the Edinburgh Re- view," Mr. Hall remarks, "had a few friends — firm and staunch and loving friends, and very many foes. Some of them he wilfully and wantonly made so ; others he did not understand, and therefore misrepresented; others he rightly and conscientiously condemned, and soured into bitter and irrational hostility." He fur- ther says: "No doubt he was a bitter, caustic and often unjust critic ; and during his long career of power there were not many cases wherein he exhibited gen- erosity and consideration, or that far-seeing intelligence which can anticipate and augur good as well as bad in the authors tried at his tribunal." Jeffrey must at some time have treated Mr. Hall as the humbug he really was ; the assertion that he had "a few friends" is absurdly inane and groundless; but then Hall was a fat-headed person, whose attempts to identify him- self with the great men whom he happened to meet in a long life of pottering about literature and art have 103 not sufficed to preserve his name in the memory of posterity. IX. All — or nearly all — those who have left their testi- mony concerning him have dwelt upon his gentle and kindly nature. It is true that Lockhart, who naturally could not lose an opportunity of exalting Scott, quotes from a letter this quite ill-natured comparison : "J^^rey for the most part entertained us, when books were under discussion, with the detection of faults, blunders, absurdities, or plagiarisms. Scott took up the matter where he left it, recalled some compensating beauty or excellence for which no credit had been allowed, and by the recitation, perhaps, of one fine stanza, set the poor victim on his legs again." The obvious implica- tion is, that a poet — 'for it is plain that they were talk- ing of poetry — may blunder, steal and be as absurd as he likes, but no one may speak of it if he has hap- pened to write "one fine stanza." One trait he possessed which many will accept as competent evidence of his sweetness of disposition, despite his occasional worrying of poor poets — his fondness for animals. Lord Cockburn says: "The only friend, besides his wife, daughter, and servants, that he took with him (to London) was one he often mentions, Toor Poll,' a gray and very wise parrot. He was attached to all that sort of domestic compan- ions, and submitted to much taunts on account of the soft travelling-basket for the little dog, 'Witch,' and 104 the large cage for this bird. The hearth rug and the sofa were seldom free of his dumb pets." He failed perceptibly about ten years before his death- In one of his charming letters to Miss Berry, given in her "Journal," he writes (1842): "Though the trachea is at this moment my most urgent malady, the most obstinate and formidable is in another quarter, and one with which you are unfortunately but too well acquainted. You and I should be in a very tolerable condition if it were not for that frigidus circum prcBCor- dia sanguis, though I confess I should scarcely have expected that our hearts should be the first things that failed about Us, and (privately) take it rather amiss."* Although his health declined, he did not become morose or discouraged, but he maintained his interest in books and his fondness for his family while continu- ing his judicial labors almost without intermission. Stephen refers to "his kindly old age, when he could hardly have spoken sharply of a L,ake poet." He was especially fond of Dickens, and his letters of apprecia- tion are enthusiastic ; he wept over Little Nell and Paul Dombey; and the son-in-law of Thackeray, while say- ing with what seems to be unnecessary contemptuous- ness that "the emotion is a little senile," admits that at least it was genuine. He revised the proof sheets of the first two volumes of Macaulay's History, priding himself greatly upon his accuracy in the matter of punctuation. Hugh Miller, in his Bssays (1862) re- *Miss Berry's Journal (1865), iii. 475- 105 fers to his remarkable energy when he was approach- ing the end. "All accounts agree," says Miller, "in representing him as in private life one of the kindest and gentlest of mortals, ever surrounded by the aroma of a delicate sense of honor and a transparent truthful- ness, equable in temper, in conversation full of a play- ful ease, and, with even his ordinary talk, ever glitter- ing in an unpremeditated wit 'that loved to play, not wound.' Never was there a man more thoroughly beloved by his friends. Though his term of life exceeded the allotted three score and ten years, his fine intellect * * * ^as to the last untouched by decay. Only four days previous to that of his death he sat upon the bench ; only a few months ago he fin- nished an article for his old Review distinguished by all the nice discernment and acumen of his most vigorous days. It is further gratifying to know, that though infected in youth and middle age by the wide- spread infidelity of the first French revolution, he was for at least the last few years of his life of a different spirit. He read much and often in his Bible; and he is said to have studied especially, and with much solici- tude, the writings of St. Paul." His death occurred at Craigcrook, on Jan- uary 26, 1850. Empson, who married Jeffrey's only daughter, Chaflotte, in 1838, and who succeeded Napier as editor of the Edinburgh in 1847, wrote on the 28th to Samuel Rogers: "A three days' illness, apparently slight in its causes and symp- toms, deprived us, at six o'clock, on Saturday evening. 106 of our dear friend. Millar was not alarmed, nor Christi- son, until four and twenty hours before his death. He suffered no pain, but from the sense of increasing weak- ness. Wine and brandy (he took nothing else) had no effect on his pulse or system. What there was of illness was a feverish cold, accompanied by a slight bronchial cough." It was simply a case of the wear- ing out of the heart. On the 31st he was buried in the Dean Cemetery near Edinburgh. Walter Bagehot's article in the National Review of October, 1855, on "The First Edinburgh Review- ers," presents a pleasant, kindly, and discriminating opinion in regard to Jeffrey. Referring to his literary work, he says: "Any one who should expect to find a pure perfection in these miscellaneous productions should remember their bulk. If all his reviews were reprinted they would be very many. And all the while he was a busy lawyer, was editor of the Review, did the business, corrected the proof sheets; and more than all — what one would have thought a very strong man's work — actually managed Henry Brougham. You must not criticise papers like these, rapidly written in the hurry of life, as you would the painful words of an elaborate sage, slowly and with anxious careful- ness instructing mankind. * * * He was neither a pathetic writer nor a profound writer; but he was a quick-eyed, bustling, black-haired, sagacious, agree- able man of the world. He had his day, and was entitled to his day; but a gentle oblivion must now cover his already subsiding reputation." Does not the 107 same "gentle oblivion" cover the reputation of all writ- ers who are not great creators ? Sir L,eslie Stephen, in the National Dictionary of Biography, presents a fair and scholarly estimate of the career and the character of Jeffrey, and writing a generation after the Bagehot review, seems to give to the critic and lawyer a rank somewhat higher than Bagehot is inclined to bestow. "If he had been less afraid of making blunders," Stephen remarks, "and trusted his natural instincts, he would have left a more permanent reputation, and achieved a less negative result." Dr. Winchester is not too partial to Jeffrey, but he closes his discussion of the merits of the reviewer with some words of commendation. "In briefest sum- mary, then," he says, "we may admit that to Jeffrey, rather than to any other man, may be given the credit of raising the critical essay to the rank of a recognized literary form; that his writing is always brilliant and plausible, that his critical verdicts are always clear, and if upon matters within the range of his appreciation, sensible and just. On the other hand, it must also be admitted that his range of appreciation is limited; that his impressions are often worth more than the dogmas he invents to justify them; and that a considerable part of his fame was due to the immense and novel popu- larity of the Review, which raised him for a time to literary dictatorship almost like that of Dryden or Johnson." 108 It has been charged against him that he was with- out enthusiasm in his politics, despondent, pessimistic; prone to alarm for his country and for the interests of the landed proprietors ; that he was indififerent to the development of new forces ; that he belonged to a class of men who "detest enthusiasm wherever it may be found" and are antagonistic to "every great impulse of the kind that leads men to self-sacrifice and to won- der, or to a new world of ideal creation." These be brave words, full of sound and of the frothy order which captivates so many shallow minds. Jeffrey was a Whig, and it is amusing to learn from one source that his radical views hampered his early life as a law- yer and from another that he was so ultra-conserva- tive as to entertain some regard and respect for the rights of property. It is conceded that he was an advocate of reform in the criminal laws, the game laws, the anti-Catholic laws, the abuses of Chancery, and the evils of colonial slavery. Yet because he was unwilling to throw up his cap wildly in acclaiming every scheme devised by unscrupulous agitators for the universal betterment of mankind — and incidentally for their own personal advancement and aggrandise- ment — ^he is called "pessimistic," and "aristocratic." His clear vision foresaw the coming of a time when the majority of men, possessing the maximum of all the meaner qualities of man, would awake to a sense of their power and under the guise of a pretended zeal for the improvement of the race and its conditions, would seek to appropriate for the benefit of the lazy, vicious 109 and unthrifty, the rewards of integrity, intelligence, and industry. If he was opposed to "the doctrine of equality and every form of socialism," it was not be- cause he was aristocratic, in the ordinary meaning of the term, but because not deceived by false prophets and because he knew that the errors and faults of hu- manity cannot be eradicated by empty talk about the brotherhood of man and his indefinite perfectibility. He had no fondness for that equality which is secured by pulling down instead of by uplifting. On the whole, it may be said of him that he was an accomplished man; whose resources were always fully at his command; possessing no great inventive force, but a charm of speech and manner which en- abled him to exercise over those whom he met, what is popularly known as personal magnetism; too fas- tidious, perhaps, in many of his tastes, but endowed with a capacity of literary judgment usually just if not always infallible. He distrusted his own ability to give to the world a book that would survive him; his critical faculties had been cultivated at the expense of the cre- ative faculty. A reviewer of the work of others, he would have reviewed his own with like fearlessness and discrimination. He did not choose to subject him- self to the later sneer of Disraeli and furnish another example of a critic who failed in literature. So we must seek his monument in the faded pages of the Bdinburgh Review. [9E64I)]