Huntington Free Library Native American Collection f«»i«^ FBI aHBiMMi MKAiiMiA 1 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924097764371 THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BY 3 1924 097 764 371 EDWAED SAPIR EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) WASHINGTOH GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1912 o^«- ■■'*■* ft \ *> ' ^^^ ".A '-■' ^^o^ 55 f^\X THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTH- WESTERN OREGON BY EDWARD SAPIR 3045°~Bull. 40, pt 2—12 1 1 CONTEXTS Page . 1. Introduction 7 § 2-24. Phonolc^' 8 § 2. Introductory 8 §§ 3-11. Vowels 10 § 3. General remarks _ lo § 4. System of vowels 10 § 5. Stress and pitch-accent 15 §§6-11. Vocalic processes 22 § 6. Vowel hiatus 22 § 7. Dissimilation of u 24 § S. 7- umlaut 24 § 9. K-sounds preceded by u-Towels 27 §10. Inorganic a 28 § 11. Simplification of double diphthongs 29 §§ 12-24 . Consonants 31 § 12. System of consonants 31 § 13. Final consonants 35 §§ 14-17. Consonant combinations 36 § 14. General remarks 36 § 15. Initial combinations 36 § 16. Final combinations 38 § 17. Medial combinations. 39 §§ 18-24. Consonant processes _ 41 § 18. Dropping of final consonants 41 § 19. Simplification of doubled consonants 42 § 20. Consonants before x 44 § 21. Dissimilation otnxo I and m 45 § 22. Catch dissimilation 47 § 23. Influence of place and kind of accent on manner of articula- tion 48 § 24. Inorganic h 51 § 25-115. Morphology 52 § 25. Introductory 52 §§ 26-32. Grammatical processes 55 § 26. General remarks 55 § 27. Prefixation 55 § 28. Suffixation 56 § 29. Infixation 56 § 30. Reduplication 57 §31. Vowel-ablaut 59 § 32. Consonant-ablaut 62 §§33-83. I. Theverb 63 § 33. Introductory 63 §§34-38. 1. Verbal prefixes 64 § 34. General remarks 64 § 35. Incorporated nouns 66 § 36. Body-part prefixes 72 § 37. Local prefixes 86 § 38. Instrumental ua- 91 3 4 CONTENTS §§ 25-115. Morphology — Continued. §§ 33-83. I. The verb— Continued. Page §§39,40. 2. Formation of verb-stems 92 § 39. General remarks 92 § 40. Types of stem-formation. 95 §§ 41-58. 3. Verbal suffixes of derivation 117 § 41. General remarks 117 §42. Petrified suffixes 118 § 43. Frequentatives and usitatives 127 §§ 44-51. Transitive suffixes 135 § 44. General remarks 135 § 45. Causative -(a) n- 135 § 46. Comitative -(a) gw- 137 § 47. Indirective -d- (-s-) 141 §48. Indirective (aO ^<^- 143 §49. Indirective -(a') ?m7- 144 §50. Indhective -(a)n(an)-"for" 145 § 51. Indirect reflexive -gwa- - 148 §§ 52-57. Intransitive suffixes •. 149 § 52. General remarks 149 § 53. Active intransitive -xa- 150 § 54. Reflexive -gwi-. 152 § 55. Reciprocal Yan- 152 § 56. Non-agentive -x- 153 § 57. Positional -« «- 155 § 58. Impersonal -iau- 156 §§ 59-67. 4. Temporal-modal and pronominal elements 157 § 59. Introductory 157 § 60. Intransitives, class 1 160 § 61. Intransitives, class II 164 §§ 62-66. Transitives, class III 167 § 62. General remarks 167 § 63. Transitive subject pronouns 170 § 64. Connecting -x- and -i- 172 § 65. Forms without connecting vowel 177 § 66. Passives 180 § 67. Verbs of mixed class, class IV 181 §§ 68-72. 5. Auxiliary and subordinating forms 184 § 68. Periphrastic futures 184 § 69. Periphrastic phrases in na(g)- "do, act " 186 § 70. Subordiaating forms 189 § 71. Conditionals 196 § 72. Uses of potential and' inferential 199 §§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives 201 § 73. Introductory 201 § 74. Infinitives 201 §§ 75-78. Participles 204 § 75. General remarks 204 § 76. Active participle in -i' 204 § 77. Passive participle in -{a)F'^, -i^J"" 205 § 78. Passive participle in -xap' {-sap') 207 §§ 79-82. Nouns of agency 208 §79. Introductory 208 § 80. Nouns of agency in -{a'^s 208 CONTENTS 5 §§ 25-115. Morphology — Continued. §§ 33-83. I. The verb— Continued. Page §§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives — Continued. §§ 79-82. Nouns of agency — Continued. § 81. Nouns of agency in -sii, -sSfl 209 § 82. Nouns of agency in -xi 210 § 83. Forms in -i'ya 210 §§84-102. II. Thenoun 210 § 84. Introductory 210 §§85,86. 1. Nominalstems _ 214 § 85. General remarks 214 § 86. Types of stem formation 215 §§87,88. 2. Noun derivation 221 § 87. Derivative suffixes 221 § 88. Compounds 225 § 89. 3. Noun-characteristics and pre-pronominal -x- 227 §§90-93. 4. Possessive suffixes 231 § 90. General remarks , 231 § 91. Terms of relationship 232 §92. Schemes II, and III 285 § 93. Possessives with pre-positives 237 §§94-96. 5. Local phrases 241 § 94. General remarks 241 § 95. Pre-positives 242 § 96. Postpositions 243 §§ 97-102. 6. Post-nominal elements 246 § 97. General remarks 246 § 98. Exclusive -fa 246 § 99. Plural -t'an {-han, -Han) 247 § 100. Dual-dW 249 § 101. -loi'^ every 249 § 102. Deictic -^a^ 250 §§103-105. III. Thepronoun 251 § 103. Independent personal pronouns 251 § 104. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs 252 § 105. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns 254 §§ 106-109. IV. The adjective 255 § 106. General remarks 255 § 107. Adjectival prefixes 256 § 108. Adjectival derivative suffixes 258 § 109. Plural formations 262 §§ 110, 111. V. Numerals 264 § 110. Cardinals 264 § 111. Numeral adverbs 266 §§ 112-114. VI. Adverbs and particles 267 § 112. Adverbial suffixes 267 § 113. Simple adverbs 270 § 114. Particles .272 § 115. VII. Interjections 278 § 116. Conclusion .' 281 Appendix A: 1. Comparative table of pronominal forms 284 2. Scheme of seven voices in six tense-modes 285 3. Forms of 7ia(g')-"say, do" 286 Appendix B : Specimen texts with analysis 291 THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON By Edwaed Sapir § 1. INTRODUCTION The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon, along the middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It, together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form "Takehna" of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe, Da'^gelma'^n those dwelling along the river (see below, § 87, 4) ; there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of Powell's variant form. The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub- hshed by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts, Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. ii, no. 1, Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material (forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub- lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri- can FoTk-Lore (xx, 35-40) . A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun, and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives, will be found at the end of the "Takelma Texts." Some manu- script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau ; though these consist mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or two points. References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to the ones discussed. 8 BUEEAXJ OP AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 The author's material was gathered at the Siletz reservation of Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the s\mamer of 1906, also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology. My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly fuE'-blood Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of DaYts'.asin or Daldani^Jc', on Jump-off- Joe creek (DipfdltsH'lda), a northern affluent of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper coxirse of Cow creek QSagwal). Despite her imperfect command of the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must be under even the very best of circumstances. In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable advice in regard to several points of method and for his active interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language itself.i PHONOLOGY (§§2-24) § 2. Introductory In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh- ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically rough languages of the Columbia vaUey and the North Californian and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok) on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining rather to the latter than to the former. From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice- less Z-sounds (i, l,^ l1) and of velar gtops {c[, g, q!) ; from the latter, 1 What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found Incorporated In two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Taielma Indians of Southwestern Oregon , in Journal of A merican Folk-Lore, XX, 33-49. 2 In the myths, I is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its imeuphonious character is evi- dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which it occurs with great frequency. The prefixed sibilant s- serves in a sfanilar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of the coyote. Qwi'di where? says the ordinary mortal; Igwi'di, the bear; s-gvii'di, the coyote. § 2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA y in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters, though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be considered as difficult in themselves. Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear- cut vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs; these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel- ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock (Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re- semblances iu the manner of articvdation of some of the vowels and consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of Rogue river, possesses aU the voiceless Z-sounds above referred to ; a peculiar illusive g^!, the f ortis character of which is hardly as prominent as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant y, as in North German Tage; the sonants or weak surds dj and z (rarely) ; a voiceless interdental spirant p and its corresponding fortis tp!; and a very frequently oc- curring -0, vowel, as in English htjt. All of these are absent from Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (6, p', p.', m), whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar- ently only in borrowed words, hopi' cat K.pussy) . The fortis Ic!, com- mon in Takelma, seems in the Chasta Costa to be replaced by q!; the Takelma vowel u, found also in California, is absent from Chasta Costa; r is foreign to either, though found in Galice Creek and Shasta. Perhaps the greatest point of phonetic difference, however, between the Takelma and Chasta Costa languages lies iu the peculiar long (doubled) consonants of the latter, while Takelma regularly simpli- fies consonant geminations that would theoretically appear in the building of words. Not enough of the Shasta has been published to enable one to form an estimate of the degree of phonetic similarity that obtains between it and Takelma, but the differences can hardly be as pronoimced as those that have just been found to exist in the case of the latter and Chasta Costa. This preliminary survey seemed necessary in order to show, as far as the scanty means at present at our disposal would allow, the phonetic affiliations of Takelma. Attention will now be directed to the sounds themselves. § 2 10 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Vowels (§§ 3-11) § 3. General Remarks The simple vowels appear, quantitatively considered, in two forms, short and long, or, to adopt a not inappropriate term, pseudo- diphthongal. By this is meant that a long vowel normally con- sists of the corresponding short vowel, though generally of greater quantity, plus a slight parasitic rearticulation of the same vowel (indicated by a small superior letter), the whole giving the effect of a diphthong without material change of vowel-quality in the course of production. The term pseudo-diphthong is the more justified in that the long vowel has the same absolute quantity, and experi- ences the same accentual and syllabic treatment, as the true diph- thong, consisting of short vowel + i,'u, I, m, or n. If the short vowel be given a unitary quantitative value of 1, the long vowel (pseudo-diphthong) and ordinary diphthong will have an approxi- mate value of 2 ; while the long diphthong, consisting of long vowel + i, u, I, m, or n, will be assigned a value of 3. The liquid (Z) and the nasals (m and n) are best considered as forming, parallel to the semi-vowels y (i) and w (u), diphthongs with preceding vowels, inasmuch as the combinations thus entered on are treated, similarly to i- and u- diphthongs, as phonetic units for the purposes of pitch- accent and grammatic processes. As a preliminary example serving to justify this treatment, it may be noted that the verb-stem hilw-, hilu- JUMP becomes hilau- with iaorganic a under exactly the same phonetic conditions as those which make of the stem Jc.'emn- make Jc.'eman-. We thus have, for instance: hilwa'^s jumper; hila^uk' he jumped Jc.'emna'^s maker; Tcfema'^nV he made it From this and numberless other examples it follows that au and an, similarly ai, al, and am, belong, from a strictly Tal^elma point of view, to the same series of phonetic elements; similarly for e, i, o, and u diphthongs. § 4. System of Vowels The three quantitative stages outlined above are presented for the various vowels and diphthong-formrag elements in the following table : S§ 3-4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 11 I. Sliort. II. Long. Short diphthong. III. Long diphthong. a So, (a) ai. aUy al, am, an ai. au, aal, aam, aim e e'.W «, eu, el, em, en a. hi, eel, eem een i a, (S) iu, il, im, in lu, Ul, Um, Un 0, («) 0", (0) Oj, ou, (o») ol, om, on (ul) (urn) (un) St, o"(w), ofl, Sim, Sun u U", (M) Ul, uw, HI, urn, un ui, uu(w), Uul, u^m, uwn U iiii, («) ui, ul, um, un ui, uii(w). Ml, nam, iiiiJi It is to be understood, of course, that, under proper syllabic con- ditions, i and u may respectively appear in semivocalic form as y and w; thus o" and 'iZ" appear as ow and uw when followed by vowels ; e. g., in Tclwwu^- throw awat, uw and w" are equivalent elements forming a reduplicated complex entirely analogous to -dd- in hdd^ SING. Similarly ai, au, ai, and au may appear as ay, aw, cfy, and d''w; and correspondingly for the other vowels. Indeed, one of the best criteria for the determination of the length of the first element of a diphthong is to obtain it in such form as would cause the second element (i or u) to become semi-vocalic, for then the first vowel will adopt the form of a short vowel or pseudo-diphthong, as the case may be. The following phonetic (not morphologic) pro- portions wiU make this clearer: hiliufe^ I jump : biliwat' you jump = Tie^^n he went away from him: he'^wi'^n I went away from him g&ik' he ate it: grayawa'^nlateit = gfai^' he grew: gra^ya'^f he will grow gaysM he ate it : gaynwa'^nl ate it = Tumt'gaM over land : Latg'a.'^wa'^ one from Lat'gau [uplands] Sometimes, though not commonly, a diphthong may appear in the same word either with a semivowel or vowel as its second element, according to whether it is or is not followed by a connecting inor- ganic a. A good example of such a doublet is Jiaye^a'xda'^da or Tiayeuxda^da in his returning (verb stem yeu-, ye^w- return). It is acoustically difficult to distinguish sharply between the long vowel or pseudo-diphthong o" and the w-diphthongs of o (both ou and ou are often heard as o"), yet there is no doubt that there is an organic difference between o", as long vowel to o, and o" = ou, ou. Thus, in loTwi^na'^n I cause him to die, and loTiona'n 1 shall cause him to die, o" and o are related as long and short vowel in parallel § 4 12 BXTEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 fashion to the a" and a of ya^naY you went, and yanado/'^ yqxj will GO. On the other hand, the o" of p'o^p'au- (aorist stem) blow is organically a diphthong (ou), the o" of the first syllable being related to the au of the second as the iu of YiuVau- (verb stem) brandish is to its au. Similarly, the -o"- of s'o'^^Yd'p'^- (verb stem) jump is organic shortened ou, related to the -owo- of the aorist stem s'o'wo^lc'op'- as the -e^- of Tie'^^x- (verb stem) be left over is to the -eye- of heje^x- (aorist stem). A similar acoustic difficulty is experi- enced in distinguishing -ii", (u") as long vowel from the u- diphthongs of il, {u). Examples of unrelated stems and words differiag only in the length of the vowel or diphthong are not rare, and serve as internal evidence of the correctness, from a native point of view, of the vowel classification made: gai- eat, but gai- grow verb-prefix da"- ear, but da- mouth wd^xa his younger brother, but wa'xa at them It may happen that two distinct forms of the same word differ only in vocalic quantity; y&^da'H" he will swim, yada'H' he swims. It is, naturally enough, not to be supposed that the long vowels and diphthongs always appear ia exactly the same quantity. Speed of utterance and, to some extent, withdrawal of the stress-accent, tend to reduce the absolute quantities of the vowels, so that a nor- mally long vowel can become short, or at least lose its parasitic attachment. In the case of the i- and u- diphthongs, such a quan- titative reduction means that the two vowels forming the diphthong more completely lose their separate individuality and melt into one. Quantitative reduction is apt to occur particularly before a glottal catch; in the diphthongs the catch follows so rapidly upon the second element (i or u) that one can easily be in doubt as to whether a full i- or u- vowel is pronounced, or whether this second vowel appears rather as a palatal or labial articulation of the catch itself. The practice has been adopted of writing such diphthongs with a superior i or u before the catch : a*^, a"^, e^% and similarly for the rest. When, however, in the course of word-formation, this catch drops off, the i or u that has been swallowed up, as it were, in the catch reasserts itself, and we get such pairs of forms as: naga!'^^ he said ; but nag&'ida^ when he said sgele'"^^ he shouted; but sgele'uda^ when he shouted § 4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 13 On the other hand, vowels naturally short sometimes become long when dwelt upon for rhetorical emphasis. Thus ga that sometimes appears as gaP". ga"' loTw't'e^ in that case I shall die ga'" ga^a^l for that reason As regards the pronunciation of the vowels themselves, little need be said. The a is of the same quality as the short a of German mann, while the long a° (barring the parasitic element) corresponds to the a of hahn. A labial coloring of the a (i. e., 6 as in German voll) frequently occurs before and after i'": g'UhoV^ planted, sown i]c'wa'"¥w6]c' he woke him up But there were also heard : selc'ak'^ shot malak^wa he told him The e is an open sound, as in the English let; it is so open, indeed, as to verge, particularly after y, toward a.^ Also the long vowel e« is very open in quality, being pronoimced approximately like the ei of English their (but of course without the r- vanish) or the fe of French fete; e", though unprovided with the mark of length, will be always understood as denoting the long vowel (pseudo-diphthong) corresponding to the short e; while e will' be employed, wherever necessary, for the long vowel without the parasitic -*. The close e, as in German eeh, does not seem to occur in Takelma, although it was sometimes heard for i; in the words IdHe'' he became, laHefam Tou became, and other related forms, e was generally heard, and may be justified, though there can be small doubt that it is morphologically identical with the P of certain other verbs. The i is of about the same quality as in English hit, while the long ^* is closer, corresponding to the ea of English beat. Several monosyllables, however, in -i, such as gwi where, di interrogative particle, should be pronounced with a close though short vowel (cf. French pini) . This closer pronunciation of the short vowel may be explained by supposing that gwi, di, and other such words are rapid pronunciations of gwi^, dP, and the others; and indeed the texts sometimes show such longer forms. 1 The word yewe'if he eetuened, e. g., was long heard as yawe'i^, but such forms as yiu kettjknI show this to have been an auditory error. § 4 14 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The is a close vowel, as in German sohn, as far as the quahty is concerned, but with the short quantity of the o of voll. This close- ness of pronunciation of the o readily explains its very frequent taterchange with u: ■ Its'h'p'al sharp-clawed dets'.'uguY sharp-pointed and also the ii- quality of the parasitic element in the long close vowel 0". The short open 6, as in German voll, never occurs as a primary vowel, but is practically always a labiahzed variant of a. Thus in Takelma, contrary to the paralleKsm one ordinarily expects to find in vocalic systems, e- vowels are open in quality, while o- vowels are close. The vowel u is close, as in the English word rude, the long mark over the u being here used to indicate closeness of quality rather than length of quantity. The ii is not identical with the German ii, but is somewhat more obscure in quality and wavers (to an un- Indian ear) between the German short ii of mutze and u of muss ; sometimes it was even heard with the approximate quality of the short o of GOTZ. The long ti** is, in the same way, not exactly equivalent to the long u of the German siJss, but tends in the direc- tion of -iZ", with which it frequently varies ia the texts. It is some- what doubtful how far the two vowels u and ii are to be considered separate and distinct; it is quite possible that they should be looked upon as auditory variants of one sound. Before or after y or w,ii is apt to be heard as H, TclUwu'^ they ran away, UyU'^s- he LAUGHED, IgUyUgi'^si, he keeps nudging me, — —otherwise often as u. The only short vowel not provided for in the table is 4 (as iu Eng- lish sun), which, however, has no separate individuality of its o^th, but is simply a variant form of a, heard chiefly before m; Tie'^ile'me^x'dm he killed us off (for -am) xHm in water (for xam) The absence of the obscure vowel e of indeterminate quality is noteworthy as showing indirectly the clear-cut vocalic character of Takelma speech. Only in a very few cases was the e heard, and in the majority of th^e it was not a reduced vowel, but an intrusive sound between m and s: da¥t'he''^]c'fbagamES he tied his hair up into top-knot (in place of -ams) . I 4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 15 Even here it may really have been the strongly sonantic quality of the m in contrast to the voiceless s that produced the acoustic effect of an obscure vowel. The exact pronunciation of the diph- thongs will be better understood when we consider the subject of pitch-accent. § 3. Stress and Pitch- Accent Inasmuch as pitch and stress accent are phonetic phenomena that affect more particularly the vowels and diphthongs, it seems advisable to consider the subject here and to let the treatment of the conso- nants follow. As in many Indian languages, the stress-accent of any particular word in Takelma is not so inseparably associated with any particular syllable but that the same word, especially if consisting of more than two syllables, may appear with the main stress-accent now on one, now on the other syllable. In the uninterrupted flow of the sentence it becomes often difficult to decide which syllable of a word should be assigned the stress-accent. Often, if the word bears no particular logical or rhythmic emphasis, one does best to regard it as entirely without accent and as standing in a proclitic or encKtic relation to a following or preceding word of greater emphasis. This is natiu-ally chiefly the case with adverbs (such as he^ne then) and conjunctive particles (such as ganehi^ and then; agas'i^ anh so, but then); though it not infrequently happens that the major part of a clause will thus be strung along without decided stress-accent until some emphatic noim or verb-form is reached. Thus the following passage occurs in one of the myths : ganeJii- dewenxa la°le Jiono^ p'ele'xa^, literally translated. And then to-morrow (next day) it became, again they went out to war All that precedes the main verb-form p'ele'xa^ they went out to WAE is relatively unimportant, and hence is hmried over without any- where receiving marked stress. Nevertheless a fully accented word is normally stressed on some particular syllable; it may even happen that two forms differ merely in the place of accent: naga'-ida^ when he said, but naga^Ada!^ when you said The important point to observe, however, is that when a particular syllable does receive the stress (and after aU most words are normally § 5 16 BtTBBAU OF AMEEICAK ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 accented on some one syllable), it takes on one of two or three musical inflections : (1) A simple pitch distinctly higher than the normal pitch of unstressed speech (-) . (2) A rising inflection that starts at, or a trifle above, the normal pitch, and gradually slides up to the same higher pitch referred to above (=^). (3) A falling inflection that starts at, or generally somewhat higher than, the raised pitch of (1) and (2), and gradually slides down to fall either in the same or immediately following syllable, to a pitch somewhat lower than the normal (-). The "raised" pitch (-) is employed only in the case of final short vowels or shortened diphthongs (i. e., diphthongs that, owing to speed of utterance, are pronounced so rapidly as to have a quanti- tative value hardly greater than that of short vowels; also sec- ondary diphthongs involving an inorganic a); if a short vowel spoken on a raised pitch be immediately followed by an imac- cented syllable (as will always happen, if it is not the final vowel of the word), there wiU evidently ensue a fall in pitch in the unaccented syllable, and the general acoustic effect of the two syllables wUl be equivalent to a "falling" inflection (^) within one syllable; i. e. (if — be employed to denote an unaccented syllable), (-=') H — -^(-). The following illustration will make this clearer: YOU SANG is regularly accented JielelaY, the a^ being sung on an interval of a (minor, sometimes even major) third above the two unaccented e- vowels. The acoustic effect to an American ear is very much the same as that of a curt query requiring a positive or nega- tive answer, did he go ? where the i of did and e of he correspond in pitch to the two e's of the Takelma word, while the o of go is equiva- lent to the Takelma a\ The Takelma word, of course, has no interrogative coimotation. If, now, we wish to make a question out of helelaY, we add the interrogative particle di, and obtain the form helela'fidi did he sing? (The ^ is a weak vowel inserted to keep the f and d apart.) Here the a' has about the same pitch as in the preceding word, but the ^ sinks to about the level of the e- vowels, and the di is pronoxmced approximately a third below the normal level. The Takelma interrogative form thus bears an acoustic resemblance to a rapid English reply: so he did go, the o of so and § 5 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 17 e of HE corresponding in pitch, to the unaccented e- vowels of the Takelma, the i of did resembling in its rise above the normal pitch the a' , and the o of go sinking like the i of the interrogative particle.^ If the normal level of speech be set at A, the two forms just considered may be musically, naturally with very greatly exaggerated tonal effect, represented as follows: lie- le- la^V he- le- la'- t'i- di The "rising" pitch (^ is found only on long vowels and short or long diphthongs. The rising pitch is for a long vowel or diphthong what the raised pitch is for a short vowel or shortened diphthong; the essential difference between the two being that in the latter case the accented vowel is sung on a single tone reached without an inter- mediate slur from the lower level, whereas in the case of the rising pitch the affected vowel or diphthong changes in pitch in the course of pronunciation; the first part of the long vowel and the first vowel of the diphthong are sung on a tone intermediate between the normal level and the raised pitch, while the parasitic element of the long vowel and the second vowel (i or u) of the diphthong are hit by the raised tone itself. It is easy to understand that in rapid pronuncia- tion the intermediate tone of the first part of the long vowel or diph- thong would be hurried over and sometimes dropped altogether ;. this means that a long vowel or diphthong with rising pitch (S, ai) becomes a short vowel or shortened diphthong with raised pitch {a^, aH).' Diphthongs consisting of a short rowel -\-l, m, or n, and provided with a rising pitch, ought, in strict analogy, to appear as an, al, am; and so on for the other vowels. This is doubtless the correct repre- sentation, and such forms as; nafiJc' he will say, do gwaW wind dasmayam he smiled wulx enemy, Shasta were actually heard, the liquid or nasal being distinctly higher in pitch than the preceding vowel. In the majority of cases, however, 1 It is curious tliat the effect to our ears of tlie Talcelma declarative helela't' is of an interrogative ded you SING? wMle conversely the effect of an interrogative hekla't'idi is that of a declarative yotj did sing. This is entirely accidental in so far as a rise in pitch has nothing to do in Takelma with an interrogation. 'A vowel marked with the accent ^ is necessarily long, so that the mark of length and the parasitic vowel can be conveniently omitted. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 2 § 5 18 BUREAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY tBULi,. 40 these diphthongs were heard, if not always pronounced, as shortened diphthongs with raised pitch (a V, a^l, a'm) . The acoustic effect of a syllable with rising pitch followed by an unaccented syllable is neces- sarily different from that of a syllable with falling pitch (-), or of a syllable with raised pitch followed by an unaccented syllable, because of the steady rise in pitch before the succeeding fall. The tendency at first is naturally to hear the combination — ==^ — as — - — , and to make no distinction in accent between yewe'ida^ when he returned and yeweit'e^ i returned; but variations in the recorded texts between the rising and falling pitch in one and the same form are in every case faults of perception, and not true variations at all. The words t'.omom he killed him and yawaife^ i spoke may be approxi- mately represented in musical form as follows : $ t'f I ! '^ £ -^ tJo- mo-"m ya- war i- t'e^ The falling pitch ( — ) affects both long and short vowels as well as diphthongs, its essential characteristic being, as already defined, a steady fall from a tone higher than the normal level. The peak of the falling inflection may coincide in absolute pitch with that of the rising inflection, though it is often somewhat higher, say an interval of a fourth above the ordinary level. The base (lowest tone) of the fall is not assignable to any definite relative pitch, the gamut run through by the voice depending largely upon the character of the syllable. If the accent hits a long vowel or diphthong not immedi- ately followed by a catch, the base will, generally speaking, coincide with the normal level, or lie somewhat below it. If the long vowel or diphthong be immediately followed by an unaccented syllable, the base is apt to strike this unaccented syllable at an interval of about a third below the level. If the vowel or diphthong be immediately followed by a catch, the fall in pitch will be rapidly checked, and the whole extent of the fall limited to perhaps not more than a semitone. As soon, however, as the catch is removed (as often happens on the addition to the form of certain grammatical elements), the fall runs through its usual gamut. The words Ic'wede'i his name yewe'ida^ when he returned yewe'^^ he returned will serve to illustrate the character of the falling pitch. § 5 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 19 The pronunciation of the diphthongs is now easily understood A shortened diphthong (a^i, a'*-) sounds to an American ear like an indivisible entity, very much like ai and au in high and how; a diphthong with falling pitch (a'i) is naturally apt to be heard as two distinct vowels, so that one is easily led to write naga'-ida^ instead of naga'ida^ when he said; a diphthong with rising pitch (ai) is heard either as a pure diphthong or as two distinct vowels, according to the speed of utterance or the accidents of perception. All these interpretations, however, are merely matters of perception by an American ear and have in themselves no objective value. It would be quite misleading, for instance, to treat Takehna diphthongs as "pure" and "impure," no regard being had to pitch, for such a classi- fication is merely a secondary consequence of the accentual phenomena we have just considered. One other point in regard to the diphthongs should be noted. It is important to distinguish between organic diphthongs, in which each element of the diphthong has a distinct radical or etymological value, and secondary diphthongs, arising from an i, u, I, m, or n with pre- fixed inorganic a. The secondary diphthongs {fli, au, al, am,, an), being etymologicaUy single vowels or semivowels, are always unitonal in character; they can have the raised, not the rising accent. Con- trast the inorganic au of SiZahii' ( =*hilw''¥, ' not *hila,uF) he jumped; cf. hilwa'^s jumpek with the organic au of gay a,u he ate it; cf. gayawa'^n I ate it Contrast similarly the inorganic an of i.'ema^n^' {=*1c!emnW, not *^.'emanfc') he made it; cf. Tclemna'^s maker with the organic am of dasjnayaSi he smiled; cf. dasmayaxaa'^n I smiled Phonetically such secondary diphthongs are hardly different from shortened organic diphthongs; etjnnologically and, in consequence, in morphologic treatment, the hne of difference is sharply drawn. ' Non-existent or l^eoretically reconstructed forms are indicated by a prefixed asterisk. § 5 20 BUREAU OF AMEKIGAN ETHNOLOGY [BnLL. 40 It was said that any particular syllable, if accented, necessarily receives a definite pitch-inflection. If it is furthermore pointed out that distinct words and forms may differ merely in the character of the accent, and that definite grammatical forms are associated with definite accentual forms, it becomes evident that pitch-accent has a not unimportant bearing on morphology. Examples of words differ- ing only in the pitch-accent are : se'^l black paint, writing; sel kingfisher la'°"p'^ leaves; (1) Icif^ he carried it on his back, (2) lajp' become (so and so) ! sa'°-t his discharge of wind; sa<' mash it! will'''' his house; wil% house, for instance, in da¥wiU on top of the house Jie'H song; TiSl sing it! Indeed, neither vowel-quantity, accent, nor the catch can be consid- ered negligible factors in Takelma phonology^ as shown by the following : way a" knife waya,'°' his knife waya'^ he sleeps wayan he put him to sleep Tclwa^ya^ {^Tdwal^a") just grass It is impossible to give any simple rule for the determination of the proper accent of all words. What has been ascertained in regard to the accent of certain forms or types of words in large part seems to be of a grammatic, not purely phonetic, character, and hence will most naturally receive treatment when the forms themselves are dis- cussed. Here it will suffice to give as illustrations of the morphologic value of accent a few of the cases : (1) Perhaps the most comprehensive generalization that can be made in regard to the employment of accents is that a catch requires the falling pitch-accent on an immediately preceding stressed syllable, as comes out most clearly in forms where the catch has been second- arily removed. Some of the forms affected are : (a) The first person singular subject third person object aorist of the transitive verb, as in: tlomoma'^n I kill him Homoma'nda^ as I killed him § 5 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 21 (h) The third person aorist of all intransitive verbs that take the catch as the characteristic element of this person and tense, as in: ya'^ he went ya/'^da^ when he went (c) The second person singular possessive of nouns whose ending for this person and number is -H\ as in: tH'^H' your husband ela'H' your tongue Contrast : tlit'Jc' my husband elaYlc' my tongue There are but few exceptions to this rule. A certain not very nu- merous class of transitive verbs, that will later occupy us in the treat- ment of the verb, show a long vowel with rising pitch before a catch in the first person singular subject third person object aorist, as in: Ti'.eme^n I make it dittugiifn I wear it The very isolation of these forms argues powerfully for the general correctness of the rule. (2) The first person singular subject third person object future, and the third person aorist passive always follow the accent of la: do'^ma'n I shall kill him t.'omoma'n he was killed Contrast : xo^ma'n he dried it Like IdemS^n in accent we have also: Jc.'emSn it was made (3) The first person singular possessive of nouns whose ending for that person and number is -t'lc' shows a raised or rising pitch, according to whether the accented vowel is short or long (or diphthongal) : ¥wedelf¥ my name f'.anCY my liver t'.Hagwa'nfV my pancreas Contrast : Jc'wede'i his name p!a''^nf his liver t.'ibagwa'n his pancreas § 5 22 BUREAU OF AMEEICAK ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 (4) The verbal sufBx -aid- takes the falling pitch: sgelewa'lda^n I shouted to him sgelewa'lf he shouted to him Contrast : gwalf wind Many more such rules could be given, but these vsdll suffice at present to show what is meant by the "fixity" of certain types of accent in morphological classes. This fixity of accent seems to require a slight qualification. A tendency is observable to end up a sentence with the raised pitch, so that a syllable normally provided with a falling pitch-accent may sometimes, though by no means always, assume a raised accent, if it is the last syllable of the sentence. The most probable explanation of this phenomenon is that the voice of a Takelma speaker seeks its rest in a rise, not, as is the habit in English as spoken in America, in a fall.i Vocalic Processes (§§ 6-11) § 6. VOWEL HIATUS There is never in Takelma the slightest tendency to avoid the com- ing together of two vowels by elision of one of the vowels or con- traction of the two. So carefully, indeed, is each vowel kept intact that the hiatus is frequently strengthened by the insertion of a catch. If the words ya'pla man and a'ni^ not, for instance, should come together in that order in the course of the sentence, the two a- vowels would not coalesce into one long vowel, but would be separated by an inorganic (i. e., not morphologically essential) catch yap!a ^a'nV. The same thing happens when two verbal prefixes, the first ending in and the second beginning with a vowel, come together. Thus: de- ia front xd'^- between, in two +■1- with hand generally appear as: de%- respectively. The deictic element -a\ used to emphasize preceding 1 Thosefamiliarwithlndogermanio phonology will have noticed that my use of the symbols (--■), (=■), and {(^) has been largely determined by the method adopted in linguistic works for the representation of the syllabic pitch-accents of Lithuanian; the main departures being the use of the (-) on short as well as on long vowels and the assignment of a different meaning to the M. § 6 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 23 nouns, pronouns, and adverbs, is regularly separated from a pre- ceding vowel by the catch: ma'^a' but you, you truly ho'^^a' nowadays indeed If a diphthong in i or u precedes a catch followed by a vowel, the i or u often appears as 1/ or w after the catch: Tclwa^ya^ just grass (= Tc!wdi-\--a') a'^ya" just they (= di- they + -a") Jia^vn- (= ha-u- under +%- with hand) If the second of two syntactically closely connected words begins with a semivowel {w or y) and the first ends in a vowel, a catch is generally heard to separate the two, in other words the semivowel is treated as a vowel. Examples are: ge'^ woY {=ge' +wdV) there he arrived he'^ wdP-dl'^ { = ie^ + wd''dl'*) day its-body = all day long ge^ yd''^Tii (=ge + yd''^7ii) just there indeed Such cases are of course not to be confounded with examples hke: me^woY he aekived here, and me^yeU come here! in which the catch is organic, being an integral part of the adverb me^ hither; contrast: ine^gini'V he came herb, with ge gini'^Y he went there. The same phonetic rule apphes even more commonly when the first element is a noim or verb prefix : heL^winl'^da inside of him; but ha.ie/iini'' at noon de^wUiwia'^^ they shouted; but dexehe'^n he said so ahai^wa^yewenJii he returned inside with him; but ahaigini'^lc' he went inside •wi^wd my younger brother; but wiTia'^m my father It is interesting to note that the catch is generally found also when the first element ends in Z, m, or n, these consonants, as has been already seen, being closely allied to the semivowels in phonetic treatment : al^wd^dide to my body; but als'o"ma7 to the mountain al^yowo'^ he looked; but bAxI'^Y he saw him id'^ge'Vyo he lay belly up; but geUcHyi'^lc' he turned to face him gwen^wat'geits' !%k'wa his (head) lay next to it; but gw&nLiwila''^ he looked back yiwvnF wo'Jc'i^ {=yi'win speech -t-wo'i"i^ without) without speech .? 6 24 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 It goes without saying that the catch separates elements ending in I, m, or n from such as begin with a vowel: s'inHlats.'agi'^n I touch his nose alHt'iaga't'bdk^ he struck them § 7. DISSIMILATION OF u A diphthong in u tends, by an easily understood dissimilatory process, to drop the u b.efore a labial suffix i-gw-, -p\ -ba^). Thus we have: wahawaxl^gwa'^n I rot with it, for *xiugwa'^n Compare : hawaxi'^ he rots wahawaximgwa'n I shall rot with it Similarly : hillTc'^ he jumped having it, for *hiliuk'^ (stem hiliu-) willY^ he proceeded with it, for *wilitlk''" (stem wiliu-) Observe that, while the diphthong iu is monophthongized, the orig- inal quantity is kept, i being compensatively lengthened to ?*. In the various forms of the verb yeu- eetuen, such dissimilation, wherever possible, regularly takes place: ys¥'" he returned with it, for *y^'ak'"{ = ye1l- gw- ¥) me^yep' come back! (pi.), but sing. me^yeU ye^ha'^ let us return! for *yeuba'^ It is interesting to note how this u- dissimilation is directly respon- sible for a number of homonyjns : yeV'^ bite him! iaT)ySp' show it to him! A similar dissimilation of an -u- after a long vowel has in all proba- bility taken place in the reduplicating verb laHiwi'^n i call him by NAME {le^la'usi he calls me by name) from * Iduliwi'^n (* Uida'usi) . § 8. I- UMLAUT Probably the most far-reaching phonetic law touching the Takelma vowels is an assimilatory process that can be appropriately termed "i- umlaut." Briefly stated, the process is a regressive assimilation of a non-radical -a- to an -i-, caused by an -i- (-1^-) in an immediately following suffixed syllable, whether the -i- causing the umlaut is an original -i-, or itself umlauted from an original -a-; the -i- of the §§ 7-8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 25 pronominal endings -bi- thee, -si- he to me, -xi- he me, fails to cause umlaut, nor does the law operate when the -i- is immediately preceded by an inorganic h. The following forms will make the applicability of the rule somewhat clearer : wak'.ayayini'^n I caused him to grow with it (but Ic.'ayayana'^n I caused him to grow, with preserved -a-, because of following -a'^n, not -i'^n) wak.'eyeya'nxi he caused me to grow with it wak.'ayaya'nxbi^n I caused thee to grow with it lywiu'yili^n I rub it (from -yali^n) lyuLu'yalhi he rubs it It should be carefully noted that this i- umlaut never operates on a radical or stem-vowel, a fact that incidentally proves helpful at times in determining how much of a phonetic complex belongs to the stem, and how much is to be considered as belongiag to the granmaatical apparatus following the stem. In: wd'^giwi'^n I brought it to bim (from -awi'^n; cf. wd'^ga'sWn I brought it to you) the -a- following the g is shown to be not a part of the aoristic stem wa/^g- by the i- umlaut that it may undergo; on the other hand, the corresponding future shows an un-umlauted -a-: wagawi'n I shall bring it to him so that the future stem must be set down as waga^, as is confirmed by certain other considerations. It would take us too far afield to enumerate aU the possible cases in which i- umlaut takes place; nevertheless, it is a phenomenon of such frequent recurrence that some of the more co mm rm possibilities should be listed, if only for purposes of fm-ther illustration: (1) It is caused by the aoristic verb s uffix -p- denoting position: s'os'inl he stands (cf. s-a's-ant'd'^ he will stand) t'.obigl he lies as if dead (cf. future tlohaga'sdd") (2) By an element -i- characteristic of certain nouns, that is added to the absolute form of the noun before the possessive pronominal endings: iuHiniYlc^ my arm (cf . lu^ia'n arm) f'ga'lfgilixdek' my belly (for * fgdlfgali-) (3) By the common verbal "instrumental" vowel -i-, which, for one reason or another, replaces the normal pre-pronominal element § 8 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bfll. 40 -a-, and often serves to give the verb an instrumental force. This instrumental -i- may work its influence on a great number of preceding elements containing -a-, among which are : (a) The -a- that regularly replaces the stem-vowel in the second member of a duplicated verb : alHfhaga'fhigi^n I beat him (cf. -fiaga'fhak' he beat him) ts\'ele'ts-!ili^n I rattle it (cf. ts-.'ele'ts-.'alhi he rattles it) ismiU'smili^n I swing it (cf. Ismi'lsmdl swing it!) (6) The causative element -an-: wap!d?gini'^n I cause him to swim with it (cf. pld^gana'^n I cause him to swim) See above: waklayayini'^n I cause him to grow (c) The element -an- added to transitive stems to express the idea of FOR, IN BEHALF OF: wat.'omomini'^n I kill it for him with it (cf. tlomomana'^n I kill it for him) (d) The pronominal element -am-, first personal plural object: alxi'^ximi^s one who sees us (cf . alxi''xam he sees us) 4. By the suffixed local element -di^ on top of added to the demon- strative pronoun ga that to form a general local postposition: gidl* on top of it, over (so and so) Compare the similarly formed : gada^¥ above gada^l among and others. 5. By the pronominal element -%g- (.-ik') , first personal plural subject intransitive: t.'omoxiniTc' we kill each other (cf . tlomoxa^n they Idll each other) daxinigam we shall find each other (cf . daxanH' they will find each other) This list might be greatly extended if desired, and indeed numerous other examples will meet us in the morphology. Examples of a double and treble i- umlaut are: loho'^ninini'^n I caused him to die (i. e., killed him) for him (cf. Idho'^nana'nhi he killed him for him) ik'uminininVnk' he will fix it for him (compare %k!'uym,a''n he fiixed it) § 8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 27 The semivowel corresponding to i, namely y, is also capable, under analogous circiunstances, of causing the i- umlaut of a preceding non- radical a. Examples are: daxoyo'xiya^n {=-xaya^n) I scare them around; daxoyo'xi {=-xiy = -xay) he scares them around al'lfge'it^giyaY" {=-t'gay-) roUed up alhuyu'hPx ( = -hiyx = -hayx) he used to hunt saniya' {=sanaya'^) to fight him dd'^mJc'wiya {=-Tc'waya) to kill him; and numerous other infini- tives in -Tc'wiya ( ^-k'waya) § 9. K- SOUNDS PRECEDED BY U- VOWELS An u- vowel (o, u, ii, and diphthongs in -u) immediately preceding a Tc- sound (i. e., g, Tc\ Tc!, x) introduces after the latter a parasitic -w-, which, when itself followed by a vowel, unites with the Tc- sound to form a consonant-cluster {gw, Vw, Jc.'w, xw), but appears, when stand- ing after a (word or syllabic) final Jc', as a voiceless -'". The intro- duction of the excrescent w simply means, of course, that the labial rounding of the u- vowel lingers on after the articulation of the Jc- sound, a phonetic tendency encouraged by the fact that the produc- tion of the guttural consonant does not, as in the labials and dentals, necessitate a readjustment of the lips. A few examples will illustrate the phonetic process: gdgulugwa'^n I desire it gdguLu'Y'" he desires it (contrast gelguia'Y he desired it, without the labial affection of the -Tc" because of the replacement of the -ii- by an -a-) giixfun'^ his heart du^gwi't'gwa her dress duk''' woman's garment yo"1c!wd'^ his bones As also in the upper Chinook dialects (Wasco, Wishram), where exactly the same process occm-s, the w- infection is often very slight, and particularly before u- vowels the -w- is, if not entirely absent, at least barely audible : yoTc'.^oya'^n I know it yo'Yyan I shall know it In one very common word the catch seems to be treated as a i- sound in reference to a preceding u when itself followed by an -v: s'u^wiU he sits; but s-u'^alfa/^ he wiU sit § 9 28 BXJEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The first form was, for some reason or other, often heard, perhaps misheard, as s'i^uU. § 10. INORGANIC a It frequently happens m the formation of words that a Towel present in some other form of the stem will drop out, or, more accu- rately expressed, has never been inserted. Consonant-combinations sometimes then resiilt which are either quite impossible in Takelma phonetics, or at any rate are limited in their occurrence to certain grammatical forms, so that the introduction of an " inorganic " -a-, serving to limber up the consonant-eluster, as it were, becomes neces- sary. Ordinarily this -a- is inserted after the first consonant; in certain cases, after the two consonants forming the cluster. The theoretical future of gini'lc'de^ i go somewhere should be, for example, *ginVde^; but, instead of this somewhat difficult form, we really get gina'¥de^. That the -a'- is here really inorganic, and not a characteristic of the future stem, as was at first believed, is clearly shown by the imperative giW (all imperatives are formed from the future stem) . Similarly: TcHya'Yde^ I shall go, come; aorist, TcHyi'lc'de^ dlxilda'lJiik' ( = theoretical *alxilc!li¥) he kept looking at him; aorist first person dlxiTdilM^n I keep looking at him Ic.'ema'n make it! (= theoretical *lc!emn); cf. Jc.'emna'n I shall make it hai%ye^wa'n drive out sickness!; aorist, -yewen he drove out sickness sgela'uf'e'' I shall shout (= theoretic *sgelwt'e^); aorist second person, sgelewaY you shouted As an example of an inorganic -a- following a consonantic cluster may be given: wisma'fe"! shall move (stem wism-) ; aorist, wits' Hnit'e^ I moved* The exact nature of the processes involved in the various forms given will be better understood when stem-formation is discussed. Here J Such an -a may stand as an absolute final; e. g., barimasga> stakt in sdiging! (stem masg-), aorist tliird person, -viatsla''k'. The form masga'' well illustrates the inherent difflculty of delimiting the range of a phonetic law without comparative or older historical material to aid in determining what is due to regular phonetic development, and what is formed on the analogy of other forms. The final cluster ~sk' does occur in Takelma; e. g., dink!a''slc' (long object) lay stretched out; so that a phonetic irregularity must exist in one of the two forms. Either we should have *ma^sfc', or else *dmfc/am^fc' or *dinkfasga'' is to be expected. On closer examination it is found that the -It' in forms like dlnkla'-sTt' is a grammatical element added on to the future stem dinklas-; whereas in masga'' the -g- belongs in all probability to the stem, and is no added suffix; at least is not felt as such. It seems evident, then, that the quasi-mechanical juxtaposition of grammatical elements does not entirely follow the same phonetic lines as organic sound-teomplexes. « 10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN I,ANGTJAGBS TAE^ELMA 29 it will suffice to say that there are three distinct sorts of inorganic or secondary a- vowels : the regular inorganic a first illustrated above, inserted between two consonants that would theoretically form a cluster; the post-consonantal constant a of certain stems (such as wism,- above) that would otherwise end ib more or less impracticable consonant clusters (this -a appears as -i under circumstances to be discussed below); and a connecting a employed to join consonantal suiExes to preceding consonants (such suffixes are generally directly added to preceding vowels or diphthongs). The varying treatment accorded these different secondary a vowels will become clearer in the morphology. § 11. SrMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE DIPHTHONGS By a double diphthong is meant a syllable consisting of an ordinary diphthong (long or short) followed by a semivov/el {y, w) or by I, m, or n. Such double diphthongs are, for instance, aiw, diw, any, auy, ain, ain, alw, aHw; those with initial short vowel, hke ain, have, Kke the long diphthongs (e. g. a"-n), a quantitative value of 3 morae, while those with initial long vowel, hke ain, have a quantitative value of 4 morae and may be termed over-long diphthongs. Double diph- thongs may theoretically arise when, for some reason or other, a con- necting or inorganic a fails to Hghten the heavy syllable by reducing it to two (see particularly § 65 for a well-defined class of such cases). Double diphthongs, however, are nearly always avoided in Takehna; there is evidently a rhythmic feehng here brought into play, a dislike of heavy syllables containing three quahtatively distinct sonantic elements. In consequence of this, double diphthongs are regularly simpUfied by the loss of either the second or third element of the diphthong; in other words, they are quantitatively reduced by one mora (the simple double diphthongs now have a value of 2 morae, the over- long diphthongs 3 morae Hke ordinary long diphthongs), while quaKtivetatly they now involve only two sonantic elements. An exception seems to be afforded by double diphthongs in -uy (e. g. -auy), which become dissyllabic by vocaKzing the y to i, in other words, -auy becomes -awi: tsIsiWi'Jc' he ran fast; cf. fe.'a-uya'^s fast runner, ts!a,w&jaY (aorist) you ran fast ynwi't'e^ I shall talk; cf. yawsLjaY (aorist) you talked § 11 30 BTJKEAXr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The -am- (= theoretic -awy-) of these forms is related to the -away- of the aorist as the -ilw- of &ilwa'^s jtjmpee to the -iliw- of the aorist ftiliwa^r YOU JUMPED. Such double diphthongs as end in -w (e. g. -aiw, -dHw) simply lose the -w; gal eat it! {=*gaiw)] galk' he ate it { = *ga%wk'); compare goAwa'n I shall eat it Other examples of this loss of w are given in § 18, 2. All other double diphthongs are simpHfied by the loss of the second vowel (i, u) or consonant Q,, m, n); a glottal catch, if present after the second vowel or consonant, is always preserved in the simplified form of the double diphthong. Examples of simplified double diphthongs with initial short vowel are: gelhewe'hafn ( = *-A-au^n) I think; compare gelhewe'hsiu he thinks imi'TiaFn (=*-S.am^n) I sent him; compare imi'li&m he sent him mo'lo^msi^n (=*maPn) I stir it up; mo'Pm&a. (=*-maln) I shall stir it up; compare parallel forms with connecting a: mo'lo^- mala^n, mo'Z^malan, and third person aorist mo'lo^mal ma'^nma'^n (=*-man^n) I cotmt them; compare daTna^nmim'^n (umlauted from -man-^'^J^) I counted them up Jc.'eraxa't'e" ( = *]c!emiixa't'e^) I shall make; compare Jdemna'^s maker and ^.'ema'n make it! (with inorganic a because accent is not thrown forward) Examples of simplified over-long diphthongs are : da^ldi'n { = *da.ildi'n) I shall go to him for food; compare dMt'e" I shall go for food e% t'gelxl' ( = *fgel]xP) wagon (hteraUy, rolling canoe); compare Vge^a''\x it rolls dat.'agii^n (=*t!aghVTi) I build a fire; compare datlagM he builds afire Ic.'eme^n. {=*]c!emhVn) I make it; compare Ic.'emei he makes it oyo^n ( =*02/on^n) I give it; compare third person oyon he gives it In the inferential, less frequently passive participle and impera- tive, forms of the verb, double diphthongs, except those ending in w, generally fail to be simplified. If coming immediately before the inferential -7c'- the double diphthong is preserved, for what reason is not evident (perhaps by analogy to other non-aorist forms in which the last element of the double diphthong belongs to the following syllable) : § 11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 31 o"(Z- to pull out hair; p'oM- to mix dd'^g- to buUd fire ; da^'g- to find ; fd'^g-to cry gai- to eat ; ¥ai- thing, what ' 1 These two series o£ stops are not at all peculiar to Takelma. As far as could be ascertained, the same division is found also in the neighboring Chasta Costa, a good example oJ how a fundamental method of phonetic attack may be uniformly spread over an area in which far-reaching phonetic differences of detail are found and morphologic traits vary widely. The same series of stops are found also in Yana, In northern California. Farther to the east the two series are apparently found, besides a series of true sonant stops, in Ponca and Omaha (J. O. Dorsey's p, t, k, and d, j, :j). The Iroquois also (as could be tested by an opportunity to hear Mohawk) are, as regards the maimer of articulating the two series, abso- lutely in accord with the Takehna. A more accurate phonetic knowledge of other languages would doubt- less show a wide distribution in America of the voiceless media. § 12 BOAS] HAjSTDBOOK of INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 33 The fortes (p!, t!, Tc!, ts! [ = fe-.'], and ^, which has been put in the same series because of its iatimate phonetic and morphologic rela- tion to the other consonants) are pronounced with the characteristic snatched or crackly effect (more or less decided stress of articula- tion of voiceless stop followed by explosion and momentary hiatus) prevalent on the Paci&c coast. From the point of view of Takelma, p!, t!, and 1c! are in a way equivalent to p^, f, and 1c^, respectively, or rather to i^, d^, and g^, for the fortes can never be aspirated. In some cases it was found difficult to tell whether a f ortis, or a voice- less stop followed by a glottal stricture, was reaUy heard: yap la" and yap^a" man ga'pHni"^ and gd'pHni^ two In fact, a final tenuis + a catch inserted, as between vowels, to pre- vent phonetic amalgamation, regularly become, at least as far as acoustic effect is concerned, the homorganic f ortis : ak.'a^ he indeed {=aJc' he + deictic ^aV cf. ma'^a' you indeed) sakleif you shot him (= sak' he shot him + (f)eif you are) jnap.'a^ just you [pi.] (= map' you[pl.] '+ 'a^) Nevertheless, p^, t^, Ic^ are by no means phonetically identical with p!, t!, Tc!] in Yana, for instance, the two series are etymologically, as well as phonetically, distinct. One difference between the two may be the greater stress of articulation that has been often held to be the main characteristic of the fortes, but another factor, at least as far as Takelma (also Yana) is concerned, is probably of greater mo- ment. This has regard to the duration 'of the glottal closure. In the case of p-, t^, and Tc^ the glottis is closed immediately upon release of the stop-contact for p, t, and Tc. In the case of p!, t!, and Tc! the glottis is closed just before or simultaneously with the moment of con- sonant contact, is held closed during the full extent of the consonant articulation, and is not opened until after the consonant release; the fortis p!, e. g., may be symbohcaUy represented as 'p^ (or ^&^, better as ^&^, i. e., a labial unaspirated stop immersed in a glottal catch). As the glottis is closed throughout the whole extent of the fortis articulation, no breath can escape through it; hence a fortis conso- nant is necessarily unaspirated. This explains why fortes are so apt to be misheard as voiceless mediae or even voiced mediae rather than as aspirated tenues (p/, e. g., wiU be often misheard as 6 rather than p). The cracked effect of the fortes, sometimes quite incorrectly 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 3 § 12 34 BUBBAir or American ethnology [BnLi,.4o referred to as a click, is due to the sudden opening of the closed cham- ber formed between the closed glottis and the point of consonant contact (compare the sound produced by the sudden withdrawal of a stopper from a closed bottle) ; the hiatus generally heard between a fortis and a following vowel is simply the interval of time elapsing between the consonant release and the release of the glottal closure.* That the fortis consonant really does involve an initial glottal catch is abundantly illustrated in the author's manuscript material by such writings as: dulu'H!iU^n = dulv't!iU^n I stuff it du'lHHlin = du'lt!ilin I shall stuff it leme'^Jc.'ia-^a^ = Ume']c!ia-itda^ as they go off Many facts of a phonetic and morphological character will meet us later on that serve to confirm the correctness of the phonetic analysis given (see §13, end; also §§ 30,4; 40,6; 40,13a, p. 113; 40,13b). Here it is enough to point out that p!, t!, Tc!, ts'! are etymologically related to h, d, g, s' as are *'^, "^, % ^m, ^n to i, u, I, m, n. There is no tenuis or media affricative {ts — dz; ts', tc — dz', dj) corre- sponding in Takelma to the fortis ts!, ts'!, though it seems possible that it originally existed but developed to x (cf. yegwSxi they bite me [upper Takelma yegwe'tci]; ts'H'xi dog [from original *ts-!its-iP]). Morphologically ts!, ts'! stand in the same relation to s, s- that p!, t!, and Tc! stand in to &, d, g. For example, Aorist stems : t!omom- kill, p!ugug- start (war, basket), ^.'oZoZ- dig — are related to their corresponding Future stems : do^m-, i'vfig-, goH-, — as are the Aorist stems: ts'ladad- mash, ts\'elel- paint — to their corresponding Future stems : s'd'^d-, s'eH- , Of the other consonants, only x, -'", and s, s' call for remark, x is equivalent to the ch of German dach, though generally pronounced further forward (x). It frequently has a w tinge, even when no It-vowel or diphthong precedes, particiolarly before i; examples are M'px'^i CHILD and TiaxHya' (ordinarily Tiaxiya') in the water. -¥", 1 Doctor Goddard writes me that an examination of tracings made on the Rousselot machine leads to substantially the same phonetic interpretation ol the fortes as has been given above. 2 See Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, Ainerkan AnMropologiat, n. s., ix, 257. S 12 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 35 in which combination alone, as we have seen, -'" occurs, is the aspirated tenuis ¥ followed by a voiceless labial continuant approxi- mately equivalent to the wJi of English which, more nearly to the sound made in blowing out a candle, s is the ordinary English s as in sell; while s- is employed to represent a sibilant about midway in place of articulation between s and c {= sh ia English shell), the fortes ts! and ts'! corresponding, respectively, in place of articulation to s and s'. The two sounds .s and s' have been put together, as it is hardly probable that they represent morphologically distinct sounds, but seem rather to be the limits of a normal range of varia- tion (both sal- WITH FOOT and s'ol-, e. g., were heard). The only distinction in use that can be made out is that s occurs more fre- quently before and after consonants and after ^: S'a's'ant'e" I shall stand ogu's'i he gave it to me, but ogu'shi he gave it to you Zo»s-?'' his plaything 1 10.6 ilasgi'n I shall touch it le^psi'' feathers yols steel-head salmon TiOr-uhana'^s it stopped (raining) § 13. Final Consonants By a"iinal" consonant will always be meant one that stands at the end of a syllable, whether the syllable be the last in the word or not. Such a final position may be taken only by the aspirated tenues, the voiceless spirants, the catch, the liquid (Z), and the nasals, not by the voiceless mediae, fortes, and semivowels {y and w) ; Ji occurs as a final only very rarely : la^Ti excrement loMaJiaW he always caused them to die A final semivowel unites with the preceding vowel to form a diph- thong : gayaU he ate it (of. gayawa'^n I ate it) ga% grow! (cf. gaflya'H' he will grow) A final voiceless media always turns into the corresponding aspirated surd; so that in the various forms of one stem a constant alternation between the two manners of articulation is brought about : se'ha'^n I roasted it; sep' he roasted it xebe'^n he did it ; xep'ga^ I did it xuduma'lda^n I whistle to him; xvduma'lf, xuduma'lt'gwa he whistles to him tlayaga'^n I found it; tla/yalc^ he found it, dak'na^ since he found it § 13 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 A final fortis also becomes the corresponding aspirated surd {-ts! becoming -^s), but with a preceding catch by way of compensation for the loss of the fortis character of the consonant. This process is readily imderstood by a reference to the phonetic analysis of the fortes given above (§ 12). Final p.', for instance, really ^h{^), is treated in absolutely parallel fashion to a final h; the final media impHed in the p! must become an aspirated surd (this means, of course, that the glottal closure is released at the ^me time as the stop, not sub- sequently, as in the ordinary fortis), but the glottal attack of the *6 still remains. Examples are: wasga'pHn I shall make it tight; wasga'^p' make it tight ¥ap!a'¥ap'na^n I throw them under (fire, earth) ; future, ¥a^p'- Ya'p^nan ha°'Xo't!an I shall win over him ; id'^xd'H' win over him! id^xo'H'ga' I won over him alxi'JcHn I shall see him; alxi'^¥ see him! (contrast alxl'^gi^n I saw him; alxl'^¥ he saw him) Jia^wiJia'nts.'in I shall cause it to stop (raining); Tia^mJm'n^s make it stop raining! no'tslatgwan next door to each other; nd"^s- next door JmHmi'tsladan t.'eimi'^s six times 100; TiaHmi'^s six Consonant Combinations (§§ 14r-l't) § 14. GENERAL BEMABKS Not all consonant combinations are allowable in Takelma, a cer- tain limited number of possibilities occurring initially, while a larger number occur as finals. Medial combinations, as we shall see (§17), are simply combinations of syllabic final consonants or permissible consonant combinations and syllabic initial consonants or permis- sible consonant combinations. § 15. INITIAL COMBINATIONS If, as seems necessary, we regard gw as a single labialized consonant, the general rule obtains that no combinations of three or more con- sonants can stand at the beginning of a word or syllable. The fol- lowing table shows all the initial combinations of two consonants possible in Takelma, the first members of the various combinations being disposed in vertical columns and the second members, with which the first combine, being given in horizontal lines. Examples fill the spaces thus mapped out. Inasmuch as the mediae and fortes, §§ 14-15 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 37 the liquid, nasals, semivowels, and h never appear, or with very few exceptions, as the first members of initial combinations, it was not con- sidered necessary to provide for them in the horizontal row. Simi- larly the tenues and fortes never occur as second members of initial combinations. A dash denotes non-occurrence. p- (• k- s I b — fba/^- hit sbln beaver ? d s-do'i s-dagwa- put onsty le xddf flute 9 — t'geib- roll sgi'si coyote gw — fgwa^ tlumder sgwini^ raccoon I } I 7 xliwi war feathers m t'mila^px smooth smO'im- smile ? 11 s-fid mamma! xniV acom mush y w — fwap.'afwap'- blink [k' wdagw- awaken] swafg- pursue ? ! It will be noticed that only f {f and Y were given mainly for contrast) and the two voiceless spirants s and x combine with fol- lowing consonants Qc^w- is not to be analyzed into It +'w, but is to be regarded as a single consonant, as also gw- and Tc!w-, both of which frequently occur as initials) ; furthermore that s, x, and y never com- bine with preceding consonants. The general law of initial combi- nation is thus found to be: tenuis (i") or voiceless spirant (s, x) + media (&, d, g) or voiced continuant (Z, m, n, w).^ Of the combina- tions above tabulated, only t%- t'g-, sh~, sg-, and perhaps sgw- and sw-, can be considered as at all common, t'm-, fw-, sd-, sti-, xd-, xl-, and xn- being very rare, si-, si-, xm-, and xw- have not been found, but the analogy of xl- for the first, and of sh-, sm-, and sw- f or the others, make it barely possible that they exist, though rarely ; there may, however, be a distinct feehng against the combination a; + labial (b, m, w). Only two cases have been foimd of fortis or media -I- consonant : t.'ivep.'e't.'wapx they fly about without lighting; future dwep'- dwa'fxdofl This may possibly serve to explain why the aflricative (s- (to correspond to (»•/) is not found in Tiikelma. § 15 38 BtJEEAU OP AMEaiCAN ETHNOLOGY S 16. FINAL COMBINATIONS [bull. 40 Final consonant combinations are limited in possibility of occur- rence by the fact that only aspirated tenues and voiceless spirants ip', f, ¥, ¥'", s, and x) can stand as absolute finals after other con- sonants. The following table will give examples of all final combi- nations of two or three consonants that have been discovered in the available material. p" f V I TO n 5 I p' etfp'yeare - IiJlp' swan sa's-anp' stand!(pl.) f - sgeUwaW he shouted to him tateleU'mf he paints it p/a'unt'his liver r xSp'fhedidit jj'ma't'k' my sal- mon - alk' silver-side salmon io"mk' grizz- ly bear douma'nk" he will kill him beloved her k'wa't^xk' he's awake k-y> - t'^welk'^rat ? yonk'w he took it along p-v - s-M"alp'k' he sat sc'jisanp'k' he whooped fk- • - doomalt'k'my testicles iSoZa'mt'k' my urine ■ MZje'nt'k" my breast s ia^s blanket - Mis moss g&ms blind p.Vns squirrel i'yej^o'px round - t'ge'va''lx i t ya'mx grease ftanx hun- ger zV (Jesjpxk- it closed - gu'lktalick' it was blazing dafs'/d'mxk" it hurt ugwa^axk' he drank VI - sffi'lpx warm your baokl ? No examples of -mfc"" and -npx have been found, but the analogy of -Ipx makes the existence of the latter of these almost certain (Z and n are throughout parallel in treatment) ; the former (because of the double labial; cf. the absence of -mp') is much less probable, despite the analogy of -ZX:'" and -n¥^. It is possible also that -ls¥, -msV, and -ns¥ exist, though their occurrence can hardly be frequent. Of final clusters of four consonants -nt'pV has been found in s-a's'ant'p^h' HE STOOD, but there can be small doubt that the -t- is merely a dental tenuis glide inserted in passing from the dental nasal to the labial tenuis; compare the morphologically analogous form se'nsanp'V he WHOOPED. However, the combinations -lpx¥ and -npx¥ (if -npx exists), though not found in the available material, very probably ought to be listed, as they would naturally be the terminations of morphologically necessary forms (cf. des-lpxV). Most, if not all, of § 16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 39 the preceding final combinations may furthermore be complicated by the addition of ^, which is inserted before the first tenuis or voiceless spirant of the group, i. e., after a possible liquid or nasal: u'^^s-¥ he laughed Fo'^px dust, ashes. ts'.'u'n^s (deerskin) cap As compared to the initial combinations, the table of final clusters seems to present a larger number of possibilities. It is significant, however, that only those that consist of I, m, or n + single consonant can ever be looked upon as integral portions of the stem (such as xa^mk' and fgwe^lTc'^) ; while those that end in -s can always be sus- pected of containing either the verbal suffix -s {^t + x), or the noun and adjective forming element -s. All other combinations are the result of the addition of one or more grammatical elements to the stem (e. g., s'u'^alp'¥ =s-u^al- + p' +1c'). Further investigation shows that only two of the combinations, -fp' (second personal plural sub- ject aorist) and -t'V (first personal singular possessive) are sufiixal units; though -fp' might be ultimately analyzed into -f (second per- sonal singular subject aorist) + -p'- It is interesting to note that these clusters are at the same time the only ones, except t'gw-, allowed initially, t'h- and t'g-. The constitution of the Takelma word-stem may thus be formulated as tenuis (or voiceless spirant) + media (or voiced continuant) + vowel (or diphthong) + liquid or nasal + stop (fortis or media — tenuis) , any or all of the members of which skeleton may be absent except the vowel; h may also be found before the vowel. § 17. MEDIAL COMBINATIONS A medial combination consists simply of" a syllabically final com- bination or single consonant -I- an initial combination or single con- sonant, so that theoretically a very large number of such medial combinations may occur. Quite a large number do indeed occur, yet there is no morphologic opportunity for many of them, such as V-l, np^^m, and numerous others. Examples of medial combinations are: t!om(yma''fwnim^ when he was killed MW^na^ when he sang daV-fgu'^ia^n I put hollowed object (like hat) on top (as on head) § 17 40 BUEEAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBULL. 40 The occurrence of such clusters as -Vn- must not for a moment be interpreted as a contradiction of the non-occurrence of the same clus- ters initially or finally, as they are not, syllabically speaking, clusters at all. Had such combinations as, say, -fgn- (in which -f would be the final of one syllable and gin^ the initial of the next) occurred, we should be justified in speaking of an inconsistency in the treatment of clusters ; but the significant thing is, that such, clusters are never found. A Takelma word can thus ordinarily be cut up into a definite number of syllables : gatVna^ when he ate it {=gat¥-na^) yo'Vyan I shall know it ( = yo'¥-yan) but these syllables have only a phonetic, not necessarily a morpho- logic value (e. g., the morphologic division of the preceding forms is respectively gai-¥-na^ and yoVy-an). The theory of syllabification implied by the phonetic structure of a Takelma word is therefore at complete variance with that found in the neighboring Athapascan dialects, in which the well-defined syllable has at least a relative morphologic value, the stem normally consisting of a distinct syllable in itself. One important phonetic adjustment touching the medial combina- tion of consonants should be noted. If the first syllable ends in a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd, the following syllable, as far as initial stops are concerned, will begin with a media (instead of aspi- rated surd) or aspirated surd + media; i. e., for a cluster of stops in medial position, the last can be a media only, while the others are aspirated surds. As also in the case of single consonants, this adjust- ment often brings about a variation in the manner of articulation of the final consonant in the cluster, according to whether its position in the word is medial or final. Thus we have: xi'P^ga^ I did it ; xep'V he did it Contrast, with constant -Tc'- : alxl'^Va^ I saw it; alxl'^V^ he saw it the -g- of the first form and the -¥ of the second being the same mor- phological element; the -p' of both forms is the syllabically final h of the stem xe^i- do, so that xep^ga^ stands for a theoretical *xgb¥a% a phonetically impossible form. • Other examples are : 1 This form is distinct from alxl'^'LOOK at itI, quoted before. The imperative theoretically =.*aM'i/ the text form = *ala^'ktk'. I 17 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 41 ga-iwa't'ha^ ye shall eat it ; gayawaYp' ye ate it di'n^xga^ I (as long object) was stretching out ; di'n^xk' long object was stretching Consonant Processes {^§ 18-24) § 18. DROPPING OF FINAIj CONSONANTS There is a good deal to indicate that the comparatively limited number of possible final consonant-clusters is not a primary condi- tion, but has been brought about by the dropping of a number of consonants that originally stood at the end. 1. The most important case is the loss of every final -f that stood after a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd. Its former presence in such words can be safely inferred, either from morphologically par- allel forms, or from other forms of the same stem where the phonetic conditions were such as to preserve the dental. Thus giindi''¥'' he THREW IT represents an older reduplicated *g'widi'^7c''"t' ( = gwid-i-gwd-) , as proven by the corresponding form for the first person, g'widi'1c'"'da^n I THEEW IT and gwidi'lc'dagwa he threw him (122.13). Similarly all participles showing the bare verb stem are found to be phonet- ically such as not to permit of a final -t, and are therefore historic- ally identical with the other participial forms that show the -€ : ■sak' shooting { = *sa¥t") dox gathering ( = *ddxf) ha-t!iUJc' following in path ( = *t!ulk't') sana^'p' fighting ( = *sana''p't') Compare : yanaY going loTioY dead sebeH' roasting domf having killed se'nsanf whooping yiHt' copulating with The combinations -Y^fV i-V^t'g-) and -V^fx-, however, seem to lose, not the -f-, but the -¥'"-, whereupon -fV {-t'g-) remains, while -t'x- regularly becomes -s- (see § 20, 2) : Tie'^gwidaYV ( =*giinda'¥n'-k' , inferential of gwidiV'^d-) he lostit Tie^gwida'fga^ {=*gwida'¥n'-ga^) I lost it xamgwidi'sgwide^ {=*gvndi']c'H'-x-gwi- or possibly *gwidi'VH'- gwir) I drown myself § 18 42 BXJEBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll, 40 2. Somewhat less transparent is the former existence of a -w after consonants. The following examples have been found in the material at disposal: ZaZ she twined basket ( = *lalw) ; cf . la°iwa'^n I twine it (that -w really belongs to the stem is shown by the forms Id'^wa'n I shall twine it ; leUxi twine it for me !) Tctel basket bucket ( = *i/eZw); cf. Tdehm'* her bucket ¥al penis ( = *¥alw) ; cf . Valvn'* his penis. sgeTM^ {=*sgeM^w) he keeps shouting; cf. sgelewaY you shout, sgelwa'lt'e' I shall keep shouting dlsgdlJc'a^ ( =*sgalw7c'a^) I turned my head to one side to look at him; cf. alsgaHwi'n I shall turn my head to look at him alsgelslxi ( =*sgelelivxi) he keeps turning his head to one side to look at me; cf. alsgaldHiwi'^n I keep turning my head to look at him, future alsgalwalwi'n This process, as further shown by cases Kke gal eat it! {=*ga%w), is really a special case of the simphfication of double diphthongs (see § 11). Perhaps such "dissimilated" cases as Za°- and le^- (for Idu- and Zfi'U-), see § 7, reaUy belong here. Other consonants have doubtless dropped off under similar condi- tions, but the internal evidence of such a phenomenon is not as satisfactory as in the two cases listed. The loss of a final -n is probable in such forms as ihegwe'hak''^ he works, cf. Ihegwe' ha¥"'na^n i work, and ihegwe'haV^naTMW we work. Certain verb-forms would be satisfactorily explained as originally reduplicated like gwidiW", if we could suppose the loss of certain final consonants : gini'^V he went somewheres ( = 'i*gin-i'-^Vn) gelguluW^ he desired it (= 'i*-gul-u'-¥H) In the case of these examples, however, such a loss of consonants is entirely hypothetical.' § 19. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE CONSONANTS Morphologically doubled consonants occur very frequently in Ta- kelma, but phonetically such theoretic doublings are simplified into single consonants; i. e., V+g become h^ or g, and correspondingly for other consonants. If one of the consonants is a fortis, the simpli- fied result will be a fortis or aspirated surd with preceding catch, according to the phonetic circumstances of the case. If one of the 1 Many of the doubtful oases would perhaps be cleared up if material were available from the upper dialect, as it shows final clusters that would not be tolerated in the dialect treated in this paper; e. g. li-ji'tina'ks-f EELATiVES (cf. Takelma Ti'winaxil mt Km). § 19 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 43 Tc- consonants is labialized, the resulting fe- sound preserves the labial affection. Examples of consonant simplification are : mo'fek' my son-in-law ( = mo'V- + -dek^) lak'wolc' he gave him to eat (= lag- + -fc'wofc") dek.'iya'lc'i^ if it goes on (= dek'.iya'g- + -Yi^) ll*gwa'n I shall fetch them home (= li'g- + -gwan); of. aorist ligigwa'^n dl^ila'klweme^n I make him glad (= Kla'¥" glad + Ic.'eme^n I make him) A good example of three t-sounds simplifying to one is : ginak^wi^ if he comes (= ginag-Y^-Vi^) The interrogative element di never unites -nith the -t of a second person singular aorist, but each dental preserves its individuahty, a light i being inserted to keep the two apart : xemda'fidi do you wish to eat? (= xemelaY+di) The operation of various phonetic processes of simplification often brings about a considerable niunber of homonymous forms. One example will serve for many. From the verb-stem sa''g- shoot are derived: 1. Imperative sdV shoot it! 2. Potential sak' he can, might shoot it 3. Participle saV shooting ( = *sak't') 4. Inferential sak' so he shot it ( = *sag-k') The corresponding forms of the stem yana- go will bring home the fact that we are here really dealing with morphologically distinct formations: 1. yana'' go! 2. yajm'^ he would have gone 3. yanaY going 4. yana^k' so he went Another simplification of consonant groups may be mentioned here. When standing immediately after a stop, an organic, etymo- logically significant h loses its individuahty as such and unites with a preceding media or aspirated tenuis to form an aspirated tenuis, with a preceding fortis to form an aspirated tenuis preceded by a glottal catch (in the latter case the fortis, being a syllabic final, cannot preserve its original fonn). Thus, for the k- series, g ovk' +Ti becomes k\ k! (or ^k') +Ti becomes ^fc'; gw or fc'"' +h becomes Vw, k.'w (or ^k'"') +A becomes ^k'w. Under suitable conditions of accent § 19 44 BUREAU OP AMEEIGAN ETHNOLOGY, [bull. 40 (see § 23) the contraction product Y or Vw may itself become g or gw, so that all trace of the original ^ seems to be lost. Examples for the Tc- sounds are: t'gunuk'i^ ( = t' gunuk' +quota,iiYe -hi^) it became warm, it is said nagana'''lc'i^ (= naganq,'''^lc' +qnoteitiye -IvtF; see § 22) he always said, it is said gwerb-Tie'Vwa'^g'w- (=redupUcated he'gw-Jia^gw-) relate; with ac- cent thrown forward gwen-hegwa'^'gw-an-i- {=}iegw-ha''^gw-); compare, with preserved h, gwen-hegwe'Jiagw-an-i tell to s'o'wo^lc' op' i=s'o'wo^1c'-7iap' =*s'o'wo1c!-Jiap') he jiunps (o = wa; see § 9) he jumps; compare s'owo'Tclana^n I cause him to jump Similarly, d or f +A becomes t\t! {ov H') +lh becomes H'; i or p' +7i becomes p\ p! (or ^p') +^ becomes ^p' : gana't'i {=ganaY + emphatic -7ii) of just that sort yo't'i (=yoY being + emphatic -7ii) ahve; compare plural yot'i'hi he'^sgu'^H'olc'^ {=sgu'H!-TiaY'^) cut away; compare Tie'^sgo'Hlan I shall cut it away «■ and X also generally contract with Ti to s" and x, e. g. : nd^s'i'^{=nd'^^s' +-11%^) next door, it is said. § 30. CONSONANTS BEFORE x No stopped consonant or spirant may stand before x, except p. The dentals, guttural stops, and sibilants all simplify with x into single sounds; the fortes (including ts!) following the example of the ordinary stops and of the s, but leaving a trace in the vicarious '. 1. All Ic- sounds (k\ g, Jc!, Ic'w, gw, Tc.'w) simply disappear before x without leaving any trace of their former existence, except in so far as Tc! and Ic.'w remain as '; if a; is followed by a vowel, thew of the labiaUzed i-sounds unites with x to form xw: alxl'Hi he saw me ( =al-xl'^g-xi) ; cf. alxl'^gi^n I saw him ¥wa''^xde^ I awoke ( =¥wa''^gw-x-de^) ; cf. %¥wd'°'gwi^n I woke him up gelgulu'xii^n I like you ( = -gulu' gw-x-hi^n) ; cf . -gulugwa'^n I like him ia^dini'^x (clouds) spread out on high ( =-dini'Tc!-x) ; cf . di'nik.'a^n I stretch it out lu^xwa" to trap ( =luk!'^-xa'') ; cf . lo'Tc'.wan I shall trap (deer) yexwinJc' ( =yegw-xinJc') he will bite me; but ySxda^ ( =ySgw-x-da^) you will bite me S 20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 45 2. tx always simplifies to s, t!x to 's. Whether the combination tx reaUy spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to say; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor- phologic analogy expect t + x, this combination as such never appears, but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous : lebe'sa^ she sews (,=leie't-xa^); cf., for -f of stem, leheH' she sewed it, for suffix -xa^, Idbo'xa^ she poimds sgelewa'lsi he shouts to me ( =sgelewa'ld-xi) ; cf. sgelewa'lda^n I shout to him daHiodoba'sa^n they pull out each other's hair, with reduplicated stem iodobad- + x- mH''be"'^Yt'T)agams it is aU tied together (=-t'iagamt-x); cf. xaH'bd'''gamda^n I tie it together Jiansgd'^^s he cut across, lay over (road) ( =-sgd'H!-x) ; cf . hansgo'H'.an I shall cut it across This change of te to s is brought about constantly in the course of word-formation, and wiU be incidentally exemplified more than once in the morphology. 3. sx simplifies to s, ts!x (=^sx) to ^s. Examples are: yimi's'a^ he dreams ( =yimi's'-xa^, with suffix -xa^ as in loho'xa^ above ha-uhana'^s it stopped (raining) {=*-hana'^sx, stem 'hanats.'- + -x) § 21. DISSIMILATION OF n TO /AND m If a (generally) final ti of a stem is immediately followed, or, less coromonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissunilates to I. The following examples have been found: yaldlanaY you lost it (cf. yalnanada'^ you vdll lose it, with n preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with Z) ha^gwaH-a'm in the road (cf. gwan road) Dldala^m Grant's Pass (probably =over [dv-] the rocks [da^n]) xd''la^mf¥ my urine ; xala'xamt'e^ I urinate (cf . xan urine) ba-is'inrxi'lik'.wi^n I blow my nose, with I due to -n. of prefix s'in- nose (cf. xin mucus) s'inp'i'Ps flat-nosed, alongside of s'inp'i'n^s The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the prefix s-irp- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the word as are the suffixes; probably, also, the analogy of forms in -p'in^s with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an anomalous-sounding s'inp'i'l^s to -p'i'n-s. § 21 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 A sufl&xed -(a)n dissimilates to -{a)l because of a preceding m in the stem: s'imiH dew (cf. such nouns as pHyi^n deer) dak'-s'd^maH on the mountain (s'oni mountain) do^ma^U'lc' my testicles {do^m testicles) With these compare: daP'-ts'.a'^wa'n by the ocean {tslaU deep water) In xa'^-gulma'n among oaks, the I immediately preceding the m seems to have prevented the dissimilation of the -an to -al. It is practically certain that the -am of JiagwdHa^m, Dldala^m, and mHa'"mfV is at bottom phonetically as well as functionally identical with the suffix -an {-al) , seen in xd^-gulma^n (gulu^m oak) and dalc'- s'o^ma^l, and rests on a second dissimilation of the nasal lingual (n) of the suffix to a labial nasal (m), because of the lingual (Z) of the stem. The history of a word like 'hagwaHa'^m is in that event as follows : An original *hagwa''na''n in the koad (stem gwafln- + nominal characteristic -an) becomes first *Tiagwd°la''n by the dissimilation of the first n because of the following n, then liagwaHa^'m by the dissimi lation of this second n because of the preceding I. Similarly Didala'^m and xdHa^mt'V would go back to *Didana\ and *xd'^na''nfV respec- tively ; with the second form compare the reduplicated verb xala'xam- ( = *xanaxan-) urinate. The probability of such a dissimilation of » to m is greatly strengthened by the fact that nearly all nouns with an evidently suffixal noun-forming element -{a)m have an I in the stem as compared to an -ia)n of nouns not so affected. Contrast: -m ^e^la^m board (cf. di%e'liya sleeping on wooden platform) geWm. river te/ela^m hail (cf. stem ts.'el- rattle) xiWm sick, ghost ts'lu^lra. wart ' habiWm. empty la2?'am frog -n dagsL^n turtle wi^in red lizard p.'iyi^n deer {-n here as suffix shown by pHya'^x fawn) yut.'u^n white duck (cf. yut!- u'yidi^n I eat it greedily) yu'xgsjo. trout xdaw eel (cf . Jid^-xdd''^xdagwa^n I throw something slippery far away) wd^p.'un- eyebrows 'No other exEonple of final -Im is known, so that this form was probably misheard for ta-luliVm (of. ?«!«"m OAK). § 21 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 47 yalu^m eagle (also yuWm is dd'^- n- ear found) guhi^m oak behe'^n rushes ^'iilum fish (sp.?) ga'h! Sin house ladder legem- kidney gmt .'in- wrist It should not be concealed that a few words (such as TiulUn ooean, t'.aga'm lake, and yuk.'um-a- bones) do not seem to conform to the phonetic law implied by the table ; but more exact knowledge of the etymology of these and similar words would doubtless show such disagreement to be but apparent. It is probable that in delga^n- BXJTTOCKS, iilga^Ti- breast, and do'Win-i- anxjs, the g, {¥) im- mediately following upon the I prevented the expected dissimila- tion of n to m; in le'Tc'wan- anits the dissimilation was perhaps thwarted by a counter-tendency to dissimilate the two labials (i'" and m) that would thus result. *yalan-an- lose (tr.), dissimilated, as we have seen, to yalal-an-, fails to be further dissimilated to *yalal- dTTi- because, doubtless, there is a feehng iagainst the obscuring of the phonetic form of the causative suffix -ati-. The great probability of the existence of a dissimilatory tendency involving the change of n to m is clinched by the form do'lk'im-i- anus alongside of do'lVirir-i-. A dissimilation of an original Iton (the reverse of the process first described) J because of an I in the stem, is found in yili'nma'^n I keep asking for it (= original *yiVlHma'^n{l inserted as repetition of stem -I- in iterative formation from yilima'^n I ask him]) le^ia'nxde^ I am carrying (object not specified) (= original *le^- ha'lxde^) ; cf. identical suffix -al-x-, e. g., gayawa'lxde^ I eat. In W'gwa'nxde^ I drink (stem ugw-), it hardly seems plausible that -arir-x- is at all morphologically dififerent from the -al (-an) -x- of these words, yet no satisfactory reason can be given here for a change of the Z to n. § 32. CATCH DISSIMILATION If to a form with a glottal catch in the last syllable is added a syn- tactic (conjunctive) element, itself containing a catch, the first catch is lost, but without involving a change in the character of the pitch- accent; the loss of the catch is frequently accompanied by a length- ening of the preceding vowel (or rather, in many cases, a restoration of the original length) . This phonetic process finds its most frequent 22 § 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 application in the subordinate form of the third person aorist intransitive : yd'^da^ when he went (of. ya'^ he went) ginl'^Vda^ when he went to (cf. gini'^Y he went to) yawa'ida^ when he spoke (cf . ya/w'a'^^ he spoke) loho'ida^ when he died (cf . loho'^^ he died) The connectives -Jii^ it is said, and -s-%^ but, and are, in regard to this process, parallel to the -da^ of the preceding forms : naga'iJii^ he said, it is said (cf. naga'*^ he said) no'^s-i'^ but, so (he went) next door (cf. nd''^^s- next door). a'nis'i^ but not (cf. a'nl^ not) H's'is'i^ but no mattef how (often) (cf. H's'i^ even if) dal^im'^s'i^ but some (cf . daPwi'^ sometimes ; ^wi'^s'i^ is related to -wi'^ as is ya'''da^ to ya'^) § 23. INFLUENCE OF PLACE AND KIND OF ACCENT ON MANNER OF ARTICULATION The general phonetic rule may be laid down that an aspirated surd, when not immediately followed by another consonant, can, with com- paratively few exceptions, be found as such medially only when the accent immediately precedes, provided that no consonant (except in certain circumstances I, m, and n) intervene between the accented vowel and the aspirated surd; under other conditions it appears as a media. This phonetic limitation naturally brings about a con- stant interchange between the aspirated surd and the correspond- ing media in morphologically identical elements. Thus we have as doublets -da and -fa, third person possessive pronoun of certain nouns : Sgmt'a* his stick se' Ht'a^ his writing wila'uVa.^ his arrow gfffl'Zt'a^ his bow mo't" a* his son-in-law; but da'gaxda, his head and numerous other nouns with -x-. This consonant in itself, as we have seen, demands a following media. Another 'pair of doublets is -de^ and -t'e^, first person singular subject intransitive aorist i-de" and -<'e« to correspond in future) : p'ele'xade^ I go to fight ; p'elxa't'e^ I shall go to war yd,nVe^ I go ; yana't'e^ I shall go nagalt'e^ I say; na't'e^ I shall say § 23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 49 but: wits' lismade^ I keep moving; future vnts'le'smade^ (contrast wits' Hmt'e^ I move and msma't'e^ I shall move) Other examples of interchange are: sgoH'sga't'i he cut them to pieces; sgo'H'SgidPn I cut them to pieces ts' !um{lmt'a^n I boil it, s-Smt'anl shall boU it (stem s'u'^'m-t'a-) ; s'omoda'^n I boil it, s'omda'n I shall boU it (evidently related stem s'om-d-) s'as'ini-p'ilc' we stand; e'Wlc' we are This phonetic rule must not be understood to mean that a media can never appear under the conditions given for the occurrence of a surd. The various grammatical elements involved are not all on one line. It seems necessary to assume that some contain a surd as the primary form of their consonant, while others contaiu an organic media. The more or less mechanical changes ia manner of articula- tion, already treated of, have had the effect, however, of so inextri- cably interlocking the aspirated surds and mediae in medial and final positions that it becomes difficult to teU in many cases which manner of articulation should be considered the primary form of the consonant. Some of the medially occurring elements with primary tenuis are: -fa, third person possessive -fa, exclusive (as in Jc.'wa'lfa young, not old; younger one) -fe^, first person intransitive aorist (future, -fe^) -fek\ first person singular possessive (as in ga'lfe¥ my bow) Such elements show an aspirated consonant whether the preceding accent be rising or falling; e. g., hemfa like Tie'Hfa. Some of those with primary media are: -da, third person possessive with preceding preposition (corre- sponding not to first person -fefc', -deV, but to -de) -a'ld- and -a'md- indirect object -da^, subordinating element This second set regtdarly keep the media whether the accent imme- diately precedes or not. The first two of these generally, if not always, require the preceding accent to be a falling one : dak'mll'^da on his house Jiafga''^da in his country xaP-sa'lda between his toes xaP'ha'mda on his back 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 4 § 23 50 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibdll. 40 Jiawa'nda under him sgelewa'lda^n I shout to him ts.'elela'Tnda^n I paint it The third retains its primary character as media when the preceding verb form has the falling accent : yewe'ida^ when he returned naga'-ida^ when he said iaxa'mda^ when he came Jiele'lda^ when he sang xebe'nda^ when he did it On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by the rising accent : IdHefa^ as it became s'as'intt'a^ when he stood The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those cases in which I, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi- larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an original media to an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent, is further indicated by such rather micommon forms as hadedU-ta EVEEYWHEEES. Here the -fa is evidently the same as the -da of Jiawili'^da in his house, and the difference in manner of articulation is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent. A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains to be mentioned. After Z, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but one; also after a short vowel preceded by I, m, or n, provided the accented vowel is short. Examples are : alwe'Tclalt'e" I shall shine; alwe'lc.'alp'igam we shaM. shine; alwe'- fc.'alk'wa to shine Ye'paM'^e'' I shall be absent; Ve''p^a]k'wa to be absent wulu'Tiami' e^ I have menstrual courses for the first time xaZa'aiamt'e^ I urinate I'mhuak'am he was sent off {I is short, though close in quality; contrast domJiigam he was killed) Imi'hamk'mt' he sent himself § 23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 51 ts' Hknil'ts' !am.t'a^n I always boil it (cf. s'omoda'^n I boil it) s'a's.fflnt'e" I shall stand; s'a's'anp'ig'am we shall stand; s'a's'an- k'wa to stand sene'sant'e^ I whoop; se'nsanVe" I shall whoop deHvn'^gank'imde^ I spread (it) out for myself dasga.'lit'd"' (grain) will he scattered about With -t'a" and -t'e^ above contrast the morphologically identical ele- ments -da'^ and -de^ of the following examples, in which the same accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than I, m, or n preceding the affected dental : t'ge'its'.'ida'^ (round object) wiU he (there) s'u'Jc'dida'^ (string) will he curled up dak't'elc.'e'xade^ I smoke (but future -xa't'e' because of immedi- ately preceding accent) § 24. INORGANIC A Whenever two morphologically distuict_ vowels come together within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as deictic -a\ are not considered as integral parts of the word), the first (accented) vowel is separated from the second by an "inorganic" -Ji-: it.'ana'hi^n I hold it (aorist stem. t!an(i- + instrumental -i-), but future U.'ani'n (stem t!an-) dak'-dor-Tiala'Thin I shall answer him (future stem Juila- + iastru- mental -i-), but aorist dak'-da-JidHi'^n (stem TiaH-) This inorganic A is found also immediately following an m, n, or I preceded by the accent: wayanha^n I put him to sleep (cf. same form with change of accent wa-ya'^na'^n) dcf^aganhi^n I used to hear about it (cf. -agani'^n I hear it) liwllhaufe^ I kept looking (cf. liwila'ufe^ I looked) xa-it'giHt'ga'lM he broke it in two (cf. with identical -i- suffix xa'^salfgwi'lt'giuili he broke [somebody's arm] by stepping) i'mhamk'ain he was sent ofl: (also in aorist stem vmiham-) wadomhiY he killed him with it (stem do^m- + -i-) It will be observed that the insertion of the i^is practically the same phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae. § 24 52 BUREAU OF AMEEIGAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-114) § 25. Introductory Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer- ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards the pronominal, and, though somewhat less eridently, the nominal object. If by " polysynthetic " is merely meant the introduction into the Terb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele- ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ- ence ; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is concerned, fall away entirely. The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss- ing the verb we touch, as so frequently in America, upon the most vital element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental, superimposed feature. To use the term "polysynthetic" as a catch- word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other hand, the term "incorporation," though generally of more value as a classificatory label than "polysynthesis," conveys information rather as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than as to the general character of the process of form-building. If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram- matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to find a tangible difference § 25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 53 in general method, however much the details may vary, between Takelma and languages that have been dignified by the name " inflec- tional." It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi- vidualities, but have "chemically" (!) coalesced into a single form- unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element). In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one- to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho- netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -^, ■ ae, -a, -es, -us, all indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German hind-, iand-, hund-, hand-, hund-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as approximate tests. As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept, is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is expressed by -xa, -a, -da (-fa), -t\ or -, all of which are best rendered by HIS, HEE, ITS, THEIR (the ideas of gender and number do not here enter as requiring grammatical expression). Similarly, the idea of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements -fe^ i-de^), -fe^ i-de^), -% -n, -¥a^ i-ga^), all of which are best ren- dered in English by "I." -t'e^ is confined to the aorist of intransi- tive verbs; -t'e^ is future intransitive; -^n is aorist transitive; -n is future transitive; and -Ic'a^ is used in all inferential forms, whether transitive or intransitive. § 25 54 BUBEAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Iedll. 40 As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may imdergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to in German or Greek. As examples may serve : do^m-, dW^m-, tlomom- (tlomo'"-), tlumii*- kill nd'^g-, ne^-, naga^, nege- say to The iirst form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak- ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma- tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a moment's thought to bring home the-general psychic identity of such stem-variability and the "ablaut" of many German verbs, or the Latin stem-variation in present and perfect : frang- :freg- break da- : ded- give If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac- terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left but to frankly call the language "inflectional" ? " Polysynthetic" and "incorporative" are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude such a designation, for they have reference rather to /the detailed treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method. Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the verb, Takelma is polysynthetic; if the criterion of classification be taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un- hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world will imdoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener- ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection has reference to method, not to subject-matter. § 25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 55 Grammatical Processes (§§ 26-32) § 26. General IBemarks There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of grammatical modification and word-formation: afiixation (pre-, in-, and suffixation), reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and conso- nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical importance, but is most probably a product of pm'ely phonetic causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most important, while the presence of iniixation will have to be allowed or denied according to the definition given of it. § 27. Prefixation Prefixation is either of the loose polysjrathetic type already referred to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as we have seen, in this manner. Examples of such loose prefixation are : gwen-^a'l-yowo^ he looked back (gwen- in back; al- is difficult to define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action away from one's self, here with clear implication of sight directed outward; yowo'^ he was, can be used as independent word) s'in-v-lats!agi'^n I touched his nose (s'iji- nose; I- with hand; lats.'agi'^n I touched him, as independent word) gwent'ge^m black necked {given- nape, neck; fge^m black) The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa- tion. The prefixed elements gwem^, al^, s-in^, and v- have no separate existence as such, yet in themselves directly convey, except perhaps al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram- matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre- fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one §§ 26-27 56 BTJBEAtf OF AMERICAiST ETHl^OLOGY rnntL. 40 such prefix tliat occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person singular possessive of nouns of relationship : wiha^m my father Jiami'H^ your father § 28. Sufflxation SufExation is the normal method employed in building up actual forms of nouns and verbs from stems. The suffixes in themselves have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other. In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various sTiJfixed elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nU. Other suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express pronominal elements for pubject and object ui the verb, for the pos- sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like t.'omdxinik' we kill one another contains, besides the aorist stem Homo- (formed from do^m^), the suffixed elements -x- (expressing general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlauted from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [-x-iiv- = iEACB. other, ONE another]), and -ik' (first personal plural subject intransitive aorist). As an example of s\iffixation in the noun may be given t!ibagwa'7v-f¥ my pancreas. This form contains, besides the stem Hiba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi- cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., tHia^lc'" pancreas 47.17), -an/- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear- ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive endings), and -t'V (first personal singular possessive). § 29. Inflxation Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus the aorist stem mats lag- (from masg- put) shows an intrusive or §§ 28-29 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGtTAGES — TAKELMA 57 infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem. Similarly the aorist stem tvits'lim- (from wism- move) shows an infixed i. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by : yonoina'^n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-) tslayalk' he used to shoot them (cf. tslaya^Y he shot them) On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem. Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of matslag- and mts-.'irrv- are repetitions of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -i- of yonoiiv- and ts.'ayaig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon and -y- of ts.'ayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica- tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second infixation. Thus we have: Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative Tiemg- take out hemeg- Tieme^mg- ts!a-im- hide ts.'ayam- ts.'aya-imn masg- put Tnats.'ag- mxitsla'^sg- yavn- talk yawa-i- ya,wa-iy- haxmn come iaxamr- haxaflxmr- § 30. Reduplication Reduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages. The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic) , precedes it. It is, like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action. Some nouns show redupKcated stems, though, as a process, redupH- cation is not nearly as important in the noxm as in the verb. Some verbs, including a number that do not seem, to imply a necessary repetitive action, are apparently never found in unredupUcated form. Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur : 1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel and final consonant of the stem: aorist helel- (from TieH- sing) aorist t.'omom- (from do'^mn kiU) The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., hele'l-, i.'omo'^m-. I 30 58 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 1 a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word, the second vowel in such cases being generally long aorist ts'fum'ifimt'a- (from s'vP'mt^a- boil) usitative aorist t'.uluHg- (from verb stem t.'uHg-, aorist t'.ulug- follow trail) usitative aorist ginl^ng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist ginig- go to; ging-, ginig- itself is probably reduphcated from gin-) 2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a: aorist V.eutlaw- (from t'.evr- play shinny) aorist hofiad- (from ho'^d- pull out one's hair) aorist Ja"- sal- xo{x)xag come to a stand (pi.) ; aorist sdi-xog-^^- stand (pi.) 3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con- necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem: aorist yuluyal- (cf . verb stem yulyal- rub) aorist irequent&tive'JiogoTiag- keep running (from Tio^g- run) aorist frequentative s'TOKs'waZ- tear to pieces; verb stem s'wiZ- s'wal- (from aorist s-wVls-wal- tear; verb stem s-vnH-) If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the redupHcating syllable regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis): sgot.'osgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sgoH!-, aorist sgoM- cut) 3 a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a- of the reduplicating syllable: gwidiV^d- throw (base gwid-) 4. An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the vowel of the stem followed by -(^)a- + the last and first (or third) consonants of the stem in that order: frequentative aorist t.'omoamd-, as though instead of *t!omo- tlaTn-; cf. non-aorist do'^mdam- (from aorist t.'omom- kill) frequentative aorist Tc'.eme^amg- (from Tcleme-n- make; verb stem Tclem-n-) frequentative aorist pluwu^aug-, as though instead ot*p luwup.'aug- (from aorist pluwuk!- name) It will be noticed that verbs of this type of redupUcation all begin with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial representative of the initial fortis; in cases like Ic.'eme^amg- an original § 30 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 59 -Jclam (i. e., -^gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta- thesis to -^amg. Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequent atires. § 31. Vowel-Ablaut Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem- vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively u (u) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the i- vmalaut of an original a to i, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the word, and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem. Thus we have wCga'si he brought it to me (from stem wa°-g-, as shown also by wa'^g-iwi'^n i brought it to him), but wege'sinV HE WILL BRING IT TO ME (from stcm wogo^, as shown also by waga^ wi'n i'll bring it to him), both i- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving in these cases to help analyze out the steins. Vowel-ablaut occurs in the following cases : 1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the passive is the first person singular: mde'od he told it to me 172.17, but mala'xhi^n I told it to you (162.6) nege' s'i he sa,id to me 186.22, but naga'sam he said to us (178.12) dUmxina^ I shall be slain (192.11), but domxbina^ you will be slain (178.15) gd-luhuigwa'si he avenges me, but -lohoigwa'^n I avenge him (148 .3) Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa'si he talks about me (from yaway-tsblk) , and yeweyagwa'si he returns with me (from yeweir-Tetum). 2. With the passive participial endings -ak''^, -iY'^: wase'gV'Tc'^ wherewith it is shot (from sa°-g- shoot) me'xak'" having father (from ma'xa his father) wa^-v-dUxiV^dek' my gathered ones (=1 have been gathering them) (from do^- gather) dal^-wa-p'u't!i¥'^ mixed with (from p'ot!- mix) 178.5 3. In some verbs that have the peculiar intransitive-forming suffix -X-, by no means in all: geyewa'lxde^ I eat (136.15) (cf. gayawa'^n I eat it 30.11) le^ia^nx he carries 178.6 (stem la"!)-) I 31 60 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 dldaH'le' "^Yt'lag-ams (= -amtx) they had their hair tied on sides of head (from base fia^g-) 142.17; cf. -fbd'^gamda^n I tie his hair (27.1) No satisfactory reason can be given why most verbs in -x- do not show this stem-palatalization. It is quite possible that its occurrence is confined to a restricted number of such verbs ; at any rate, there is some limitation in its employjnent, which the material at hand has not been found extensive enough to define. 4. In nouns ending in -a;-ap" {-s-ap'= -t-x-ap'), probably derived from such verbs in -x- as were referred to under 3 : xaHe'^sap' belt (cf. xaHa'"-da^n I put it about my waist) halu''^^xdp' (= -x'^ap') shirt (cf. halo'^^F she put on [her dress]) 5. In verbs provided with the sufiix -xa-, which serves to relieve transitive verbs of the necessity of expressing the object: lu'^xwagwadinin { = luk!-xa-) I'll trap for him (stem lolc!'"-) llu'pxagwanY she shall pound with (stone pestle) (cf . loho"p' she pounds them) Ikledeixade^ I was out picking (cf. Tc'.adafn I pick them, Jc.'adal he picks them) tsleye'mxade^ I hide things (cf. tstayama'^n I hide it) 6. In reflexive verbs ending in -gwi- or -Vwa- {-gwa-) : TdW^gwVf pick them for yourself! (stem 'k!a°-d-) alts!eye¥wif he washed himself with it (cf. alts.'ayap' he washed his own face) iletslek'wide^ I touch myself (cf. llatslagi'^n I touch him) Tc'.edelYwa^n I pick them for myself (aorist stem Tcladdv-) alnu"^¥wa he painted his own face (stem no^gw-) Yet many, perhaps most, reflexive verbs fail to show the palatal ablaut : p!agdn¥wit' he bathed himself fgwa'^xa'nt'gwide^ I shall tattoo myself (but lu'^gwanfgwide^ I trap deer for myself) xd'^-sgb'H'gwide^ I cut myself igaxaga'xgwa^n I scratch myself We have here the same difficulty as in 3. Evidently some factor or factors enter into the use of the ablaut that it has not been founp possible to determine. 7. Other cases undoubtedly occur, but there are not enough of them in the material gathered to allow of the setting up of further groups. All that can be done with those cases that do not fall .? 31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LAITGUAGES TAKELMA 61 within the first six groups is to list them as miscellaneous cases. Such are: gwel-leisde" I shall be lame (cf. gwdr-la'is Tdemna'n I shall make himlam^e le^pd'' wing (if derived, as seems probable, from stem la^b- carry) tlemeya'nwia^ people go along to see her married 178.1 (cf. t.'amayana'^n I take her somewheres to get her married [148.5]) Palatal ablaut, it should be noted, does not affect the -a- of the second member of reduplicated verbs : t'gdHfga^l it bounced from her 140.8 t'geHtg'a'lsi it bounced from me The connecting vowel, however, of verbs reduplicated according to the third type always follows the stem-vowel : dak'dar-Jide'Jialxade^ I am accustomed to answer (stem -Jm^I-) It is difficult to find a very tangible psychic connection between the vario\is cases that require the use of the palatal ablaut, nor is there the slightest indication that a phonetic cause lies at the bottom of the phenomenon. If we disregard the first group of cases, we shall find that they have this in common, they are all or nearly all intransi- tives derived from transitives by means of certain voice-forming ele- ments (-X-, -xa^, -gwT^, -Ywor), or else nominal passives or derivatives of such intransitives {-ak'", -x-ap'); -k'war-, it is true, takes transi- tive pronominal forms; but it is logically intransitive in character in that it indicates action in reference to something belonging to the subject. The only trait that can be foimd in common to the first group and the remaining is that the action may be looked upon as self -centered; just as, e. g., a form in -xa- denotes that the GogicaUy) transitive action is not conceived of as directed toward some definite outside object, but is held within the sphere of the person of central interest (the subject), so, also, in a form with incorporated first per- son singular object, the action may be readily conceived of as taking place within the sphere of the person of central interest from the point of view of the speaker. No difficulty will be found in making this interpretation fit the other cases, though it is not conversely true that aU forms implying self-centered action undergo palatalization. The explanation offered may be considered too vague to be con- vincing; but no better can be offered. In any event, the palatal ablaut will be explained as the symbolic expression of some general mental attitude rather than of a clear-cut grammatical concept. § 31 62 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 Besides these regular interchanges of non-palatal and palatalized vowels, there are a number of cases of words showing differing vowels, but whose genetic relationship seems evident. These vocalic varia- tions have not been brought into the form of a rule; the number of examples is small and the process apparently touches rather the lexical material than the morphology. Variations of this character between a and e are: gala,-i-a'^n I twist it; p!i*-wa-gele-g-i'^n I drill for fire with it (88.12), d¥^al-gelegal-a'inda^n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2) da"'-deda-g-a'mda^n I pierce his ear (22.1); dd'^-dele-h-i'^n I stick it through his ear Za^' excrement 122.2; le'-Vw-an-t'Jc' my anus Variations between o (u) and ii are : s-omoda'^n I boil it (58.10); ts-.'umumt'a^n I boil it (170.17) xuma'' food 54.4; xvLmii'Tc'de^ I am sated (130.18) An a — u variation is seen in : jMU-h&n&'^s it stopped (raining) 196.8; p!ai-hunvL''^^s he shrank 33.16 Variations between a and i are: yEWSilt'e^ 1 talk (132.3); yiwiya'ufe^ I keep talking, I converse (194.5); yiwin talking, (power of) speech 138.4 lahsi'n I shall carry it (124.5) ; libin news (what is carried, about from mouth to mouth[?]) 194.9 Of (u) — e variations there have been found: loholt'e^ I die 184.18; leJielfe^ I drift dead ashore (75.5) xd''-]ink!u'hak'na^n I hreathey xd°-Jiege'7iaJc'na^n I breathe (79.2) f.'os-o'" little 180.20; aZ-<.'e«s-iV" little-eyed 94.3 An e — i variation is found in the probably related : p.'eyenfe^ I lie 71.5 (future p.'e't'e^ [146.9]) ; gwev^pHyi'nVwa^n I lie on pillow (future gwen-p!ik'wan) t'geyaHx it rolls; a'l-t'gVjaHx tears rolled from (his) eyes 138.25 ^32. Consonant- Ablaut Consonant-ablaut, ordinarily a rare method of word-formation, plays a rather important part in the tense-formation (aorist and non- aorist) of many verbs. The variation is in every case one between fortis and non-fortis; i. e., between p.', t!, Tc!, ts!, and h, d, g, s, respec- tively. Three main types of grammatical consonant change are to be recognized: § 32 -__- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES— TAKELMA 63 1. An initial fortis in the aorist as opposed to an initial media in non-aorist forms: aorist Tc.'olol- (stem goH- dig) aorist t!ebe- (stem de^h- arise) aorist tiayag- (stem da'^g- find) 2. A medial fortis followed by a vowel in the aorist as opposed to a medial tenuis followed by a consonant in non-aorist forms : aorist lop.'od- (stem lop'd- rain, snow, or hail) aorist latslag- (stem lasg- touch) 3. A medial media in the aorist as opposed to a medial fortis in the remaining forms : aorist nW-d- (stem nuH!- drown) aorist wl^g- (stem wlk!- spread) Needless to say, this consonant-ablaut has absolutely nothing to do with the various mechanical consonant-changes dealt with in the phonology. A few examples of coiisonant-ablaut not connected with regular grammatical changes have also been f ornid : s'omod- boil; ts'.'umu^mt'a- boil 7iau-gwe7ir^utluyad-i- swallow down greedily (like duck or hog) 126.10; JMU-gwev^wau^yan.-i- dit. The second example illustrates an interchange not of fortis and non- fortis (for mf is related to n as is t! to d), but of non-nasal stop and nasal. I. The Verb (§§ 33-83) §33. Introductory The verb is by far the most important part of the Takelma sen- tence, and as such it will be treated before the independent pronoun, noun, or adjective. A general idea of the make-up of the typical verb-form will have been gained from the general remarks on mor- phology; nevertheless the following formula will be found useful by way of restatement : Loosely attached prefixes + verb-stem {or aorist stem derived from verb-stem) + derivational suffixes 4- formal elements (chiefly pronominal) + syntactic element. This skeleton will at the same time serve to suggest an order of treatment of the various factors entering into verb morphology, § 33 '64 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Before taking up the purely formal or relational elements, it seems best to get an idea of the main body or core of the word to which these relational elements are attached. The prefixes, though not entering into the vital grammatical structure of the verb, are impor- tant for the part they play in giving the whole verb-form its exact material content. They may, therefore, with advantage be taken up first. 1. Verbal Prefixes (§ § 34r-38) § 34. GENERAL BEMABKS Verbal prefixes may be classified into four groups when regard is mainly had to their function as determined largely by position with respect to other prefixes: incorporated objects, adverbial (including local) elements, incorporated instrumentals, and connective and modal particles. These various prefixes are simply strung along as particles in the same order in which they have been listed. Inasmuch as the exact function of a prefix is to a considerable extent determined by its position, it follows that the same prefix, phonetically speaking, may appear with slightly variant meanings according as it is to be interpreted as an object, local element, or instrument. Thus the prefix I- always has reference to the hand or to both hands; but the exact nature of the reference depends partly on the form of the verb and partly on the position of the prefix itself, so that %- may be trans- lated, according to the circumstances of the case, as hand(s) : %-pH^-nd'^lc'wa^n I warm my hands WITH THE HAND : v-^oMini'^n I hunt for it with the hand ( = I am feeling around for it) IN THE hand: p'irri-l-Jio^g'wagwa'^n I run with salmon in my hand In the first of these three examples the I- as object precedes the incorporated instrumental p.'i' fire, so that the form means literally r WARM MY HANDS WITH FIRE. In the third form the f as local ele- ment follows the incorporated object p'im salmon. Such a triplicate use is found only in the case of incorporated nouns, particularly such as refer to parts of the body. These incorporated elements are to be kept distinct from certain other elements that are used in an § 34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 65 adverbial sense only, and regularly occupy the second position. The line between these two sets of prefixes is, however, difficult to draw when it comes to considering the place to be assigned to some of the prefixed elements. It is doubtful whether we are fully justified in making absolutely strict distinctions between the various uses of the body-part prefixes; at any rate, it is certainly preferable, from a native point of view, to translate the three examples of I- incorpora- tion given above as : I-hand-fire-warm(-as-regards-myself) I-hand-hunt-for-it I-salmon-hand-run-with leaving in each case the exact delimitation in meaning of the element HAND to be gathered from the general nature of the form. The fol- lowing examples will render the matter of position and function of the various prefixes somewhat clearer: Object. Locative adverb. Instrument. Modal. Verb proper. Mm- sticks wa- together sf-hand t.'oxo'xi'n I gather (them) (=1 gather sticks together) hef^- away wa- with it wdagiwi'n she is bought (=she is brought with it) 176.17 gwanr road ha-in yoio.continuously t.'iiimiga'^n I tollow (it) (=1 keep following the trail) daTi- rocks 6a<^up ef-hand sget.'e'sgidihi I lifted (them) (= I lifted up the rocks) AttTi- across waya- knife swilswa'lhi he tore him (=he tore himopen with aknife)73.3 dak'- above dor mouth wala'^sina- truly hdali'nda^ I answering him (=1 did answer him) 10- between, in two i-hand mi' i^wa- probably sgi'ibi'n I cut him (=I'll prob- ably cut him through) 31.13 If two adverbial Qocal) elements are used, the body-part prefix foUows that which is primarily adverbial in character; thus: ha-ide'^didi'nik.'at' did you stretch it out? ( = 6a-i- out -l-&'-dini'^x (clouds) were spread out in long strips Qiterally, they stretched up) 13.3 ba»- wear tlugHi- 8 C+W+Ci c!+v+Ci+v+Ci goi4- dig klololr 9 C+W+Ci c!+v+y+v+ci iaflg- find tiayag- lOo C+V(+Ci) c+»+c(+a) Ion. play WU 106 C+V+Ci C+V+Cl+C(,+ V) SaTWr fight mliji'nk''wa^n I lay on lie on pUlow pillow ple'^r he will be lying down p!eyen<'e^ I was lying down 71.5 146.9 The last verb seems to insert a -y- in the aorist, between the -e- of the verb-stem and that of the aoristic addition, in the manner of verbs of Type 9&. In regard to vocalic quantity these verbs differ among themselves. The verb-stem of all but wai- is long in vocalism. The first vowel of the aorist stem is short in every case, the repeated vowel is sometimes short {xeben-, fHyirir-) , sometimes long {waya°"n,-) pleye^n-. The stressed stem vowel bears a rising accent. The -n of wayd^n- and p.'eye^n- is eclipsed before a catch in the third person: waya'^ he slept 152.22; 154.6 f'.eye'^ he was lying down 49.5 but: xebe'^n he did it 78.9; 118.14 The loss of the -n takes place also in the third person aorist of yd""n- Go(Type5). Thus: ya'^ he went 15.3,11; 59.1; 92.26 subordinate form yd'''da^ 58.8 and (rarely) yd'°-nda^ when he went. Type 15. Verb-stem \ >; aorist stem -P. The ending -i^-, found in a considerable number of verbs of position, is not, properly speaking, a stem-formiag element at all, as shown by the fact that § 40 116 BUEEAU OF AMBEICAN ETHNOLOGY [b0LL. 40 sufiixed elements may intervene between it and the base; yet, being wanting in the non-aorist forms of many verbs, it has something of the appearance of such. The non-aoristic -as- of a few verbs has absolutely no appreciable derivative force, and may be regarded as a purely formal element characterizing the non-aorist forms of the verb. As examples of Type 15a may be given: Verb-stem Aorist stem s-a's-an<"e^ I shall stand (cf. s-as'inKV I stand (34.1; 77.9) 23.6) s-u'^alfe^ I shall sit (55.11; s-u^wilK"e" I sat (21.1; 178.21) 186.21) k'e'p'aK'e" I shall be long ab- k'ebilK'e^ I was long absent sent (124.20) l&p'de^ I shall become (92.11; la*lK"e^ I became (see also 166.14) Type 10a) 186.19 Of examples of Type 156 may be mentioned: Verb-stem Aorist stem dinkla'sda'^ it wUl lie stretched dinkli it lies stretched out out t!obaga's(^a" he will lie like one tlobigi he lay like one dead dead (148.8) This non-aoristic -as- seems to occur also in: (Za-sma-ima's(^e' I shall smile (Za-smayaffi he smiled which otherwise belongs to Type 2 or 3 (if the second -m- is part of the base). Type 16. Verb-stem v + c + c^ + i; aorist v + c + v + c^. This type embraces only an inconsiderable number of verbs. They are: Verb-stem Aorist stem dv-k\B.'lside^ 1 shall be lean in tZi-klala'sna^n I amleaninmy my rump rump 102.22 gwel-sal-tle'iside" 1 shall be gwel-sal-tlej^sna^n I have no lean in legs and feet flesh on my legs and feet 102.22 Several verbs of position that show an -l^- in the aorist show an -i- in non-aorist forms. Whether this -i- is merely a shortened form of the aoristic -i'-, or identical with the non-aoristic -i- of verbs of Type 16, is doubtful; but, in view of the absence of the -T*- in non-aoristic forms of verbs of Type 15, the latter alternative seems more probable. Such verbs are : § 40 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 117 Verb-stem Aorist stem Also yana'k'rMTi i shall make htm eo, witli inserted and unexplained suffix -K-. § 45 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 137 Intransitive Causative yewe'^^ he retiirned 49.10; ha^-l-yewSn he cured him (lit- 88.6 . erally, he caused him with his hand to return up) 15.2 The causative in -vnha- is sometimes usitative in meaning: lohonha. he used to kill them; lohon he killed them 142.9 Examples occur of transitives in -n- formed from intransitives in which no causative notion can be detected: da-lonha^n I lied to him; de-Mnhixi he lied to me (intransitive da-lofe^ I shall lie [110.23]) gel-wayaPTia'^n I slept with her (26.4) ; gel-wor-ina'n I shall sleep with her (108.3) (iutransitive wayanf e^ I sleep [188.22]; walfe' I shall sleep [188.20]); but wayanheb^n I cause him to sleep (162.1); wamhsLn I shall cause him to sleep, walnha. put him to sleep! 106.4,8 The connective a of the causative suflBx -aiv- in the aorist is treated differently from the a of the non-aorist forms in so far as in the former case the -an- diphthong, when stressed, receives a raised accent, while in the latter the a, as a strictly inorganic element, takes the falling accent. Thus: Aorist Non-aorist ho'^gwa^n he made him run hogwsi'is. make him run! (i/ewenhe caused him to return) ye'w&'n make him return! Ip.'agan he bathed him [186.25]) pld'^ga.'n bathe him! 186.24 In other words, the phonetic relation between aorist and non-aorist illustrated by several verb types (e. g., agan- : ag[a]n-) is reflected also in the causative suflELs (-an^: -[a]n-). The same is true of other -[a]n- suffixes not causative ia signification (see § 42, 10): Aorist Non-aorist l-Tc'.u^ma'n he fixed it 150.13 l-Jc!uma'n fix it! Qclemenxbi^n I make you 27.9) Tclema'n make it! 186.24 § 46. Comitative -(a) gw- Comitatives, i. e., transitive forms with the general meaning of to DO SOME ACTION (expressed by verb-stem) together with, at- tended BT, having something (expressed by object of verb), may be formed only from intransitives by the suffix -gw- (final -¥'^, rarely -¥wa in monosyllables) ; after a consonant (iucluding semivowel) a connective -a- appears before the -gw-, though in a few cases (as in aorist ya°'n- go) the -gw- is directly appended. Dissyllabic stems ending in vowel -{--g- or -w- often add the comitative -gw- directly, in § 46 138 btjeeau of ameeican ethnology [bull. 40 which case the preceding vowel is generally lengthened; doublets, however, are sometimes found with connecting a. The second vowel of aorist stems is apt to be lengthened in comitative forms, yet not as consistently as in the case of causatives. Differing in this respect from the causative -ri-, the comitative suffix does not require the loss of a final aoristic intransitive element (e. g., -i-). From aorist lohoi- DiE are formed lohoi^-ri/- cause to die, but lohoy-agw- die together WITH. The reason seems clear. While the action of a causative verb is logically transitive, that of a comitative is really intransitive, and the verb is only formally transitive. In the former case the subject of the verb does not undergo the action that would be expressed by the intransitive stem (JoTioi-) ; in the latter it does. Examples of the comitative are: Intransitive ya^ft- go (aorist) yanon (non-aorist) ligi- come home from hunt (aorist) ll^g- (non-aorist) giniig)- go to dal-yewey- run away im*- travel loH- play daway- fly Tienen- use up, be satiated yewey- return yaway- talk Qie'l- sing (non-aorist) [helel- (aorist) § 46 Comitative yank'"" he takes it along Qit., he goes having it) 17.13 yanagwa^n¥ he will take it along ligi^k'"^ he fetched game home 70.3 li'g'wa'nF { ==lPg-gwa^nk' ) he will fetch game home(130.6) ginl^gwa'^n I take it to (31.11); also grmiyagwa'^n (13.12); fu- ture ginagwa'n (=ginag- gwa'n with inorganic a be- cause of preceding n) (146.6) dal-yewey&^'k'"^ he ran away with it wlk'wa he travels around with it 14.2 loHagwa'^n I play with him (124.14) hd'^ -wa- daway a^k'"^ he flies with it Jienen&gwa'^n I eat it all (43.12) yeweysLgwa'^n I fetch them back (30.1; 47.13) yawayagvra'^n I talk about it (lit., I talk having it) 108.12 nax-ir-'heH&gwa'n I shall sing with pipe in hand l-heleH&gwa'^n I siug with it in hand iiliw- fight, jump BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES— TAKELMA 139 Intransitive Comltative t.'ohagas- lie like dead (non- nax-da-t!obaga'sgwan¥ he lies aorist) like dead with pipe in mouth uyu^s'- laugh uyu'^s'gwa^n I laugh at him taxam- come da-ya/wlx iax&m&'V'^ they came talking (literally, mouth-talking they-came- with) 126.2 7o"a; iiliw ligwand^lc' we play at fighting (literally, play we- fight-having) wor-liWgwa'^n I jump having it {—*iiliugwa'^n, see §7) If the object of the comitative verb is other than a third person, the suflSx -gw- is followed by the indirective -d-, which does not ordinarily appear as such, but unites with the immediately following transitive connective -x- to form -s-; a connective -a- is inserted between the -gw- and the -s-, so that the whole comitative suffix for a first or second personal object is -(a)gwas-. Examples are: uyu'^s-gwasi he laughs at me Tienen&gwafsam he ate us up (192.15) ba'^-wa-dawiyagweb' slink' he will fly up with you The form -gwad- of the comitative sufiBx appears as such preceding -in- (umlauted from -an-) in the third personal object of indirect foe- f orms built up on intransitive verbs derived from transitives : lulc!ii'xagwa,dini^n I trap for him (probably = I cause [-in] him to be having [-gwad-] [some one] to trap [luk.'il^xa-] [for him]) ; but luk'.u'xagw&si he traps for me p'ele'xagw&dini^n I go to war for him; but p'ele'xagwsisi he goes to war for me It is highly probable, however, that in such cases the -gwad- is to be definitely analyzed into a comitative element -gwa — \- an indirective element -d- {-f-) to, fok; this seems to be pointed out by the fact that when the fob - object becomes identical with the subject, i. e., when the verb becomes an indirect reflexive (for one's self), the -d- inamediately precedes the regular reflexive sufiix -gwi-, leaving the causative suflSx -{a)n- between it and the comitative suffix -gw-: lulc!u'xagwant^gwide^ltTa,TpioTm.jseli (probably = I cause [-art-] myself [-gwi-] to be having [-gw-] [some one] to tTSb^[luk!'il-xa-] for [-«'-] [me]) § 46 140 BUEEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Comitatives in -gw- are formed not only from intransitivized tran- sitivesin -xa- (e. g., v-lilWxaV" she pounds with it in hand [55.10]; 56.1), but also from non-agentive intransitives in -a>- (see below, § 56). Examples are: Non-agentive Comitative sgo'^sde^ ( = sgd'H-x-de^) I cut sgo'^sgwa^n I got tired * of it (without implied object), (21.6) am across (148.8) Jie^-me^-fbd'^Ft'hax he lay ?ie^^-wa-fhd^¥t'ba'xgwsi he lay down with his arms folded, down with it clasped in his lay rolled up and put away arms 154.6 (cf. ]ie'-me'-t'ho"'¥fhaga'n I roll it up and put it away) fge'yalx it runs around, rolls wa-fgCya'lxgwa^n I roll with it wa-i-s-ugu's'uxgwa^n I am sleepy (literally, something like: I am confused having sleep) ia-i-s-ili^x he landed ha-i-s-ili'xgw& he landed with (his canoe) 13.5 The obverse, as it were, of these transitive forms in -x-gwa-j is given by certain rather curious Class I intransitive forms in -x-gwa- built up on intransitive, not, like normal -x- derivatives, on transitive stems; they may be literally translated as to be with (or having) (something) doing or being. Thus from the intransitive aorist daV-limim- (tree) falls on top of is formed the intransitive dak'- limlmxgwade^ it falls on top of me (108.12), in which the logical subject (tree) becomes an implied object, while the real object or goal of motion (me) is treated as the grammatical subject. The form quoted would have to be literally translated as i am with (or having) (it) falling on top of (me). I (as tree) fall having IT, together with it would probably be something like *da¥- lim¥mgwa'^n. Morphologically similar to dah'-limlrnxgwade^ are doubtless : hewe'hoxgwade^ I yawn (literally, I am having — [ ? ]) yele'^sgwade^ {= yelet!-x-gwar) I am sweating Giterally, I am — Shaving it, i. e., perspiration [?]) With such an interpretation, the form da¥-limlmxgwadini^n i chop it on to hem becomes readily intelligible as a causative built 1 sgB'nadef and sgo'tsgwa^n are morphologically quite clearly related, though in signtflcation the latter form has widely departed from what must have been its primary meaning. § 46 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 141 up on an intransitive in -xgwa-; literally translated it would read I CAUSE (-in) HIM TO BE WITH {-gwod-) (it) falling QAmVm-x-) on TOP OF idak'-) (him) . This chimes in well with the interpretation given above of the really very perplexing "for" forms in -gwadin- and -gwant'gm. As will have been noticed from some of the examples already given (yawayagw- talk about, uyu^s-gwa- laugh at, sgo^sgwa- be tired of, Tienenagw- consume), the primarily Comitative meaning of the -grw- suflBx is sometimes greatly obscured, at times practically lost. Other examples illustrating this weakening of the fundamental signification are: Intransitive Comitative Tioyod- dance hoyod-agw- dance (a particular kind of) dance 100.15; 102.9 ia'^-yaP'n- go up haP'-yaP-n-gw- pick up 24.3; 59.15 ia-i-ginig- go out to, come ba-i-ginl^-gw- take out (no leg motion necessarily implied) xeben- do (so) xebeHj-agw-^ hurt, destroy 136.23 § 47. Indirective -rf-(-s-) The -d- of the indirect object never appears in its naked form (except, as we have seen, in certain forms in -gwod-; see also under -d- in petrified suffixes), but always combined into -s- with the follow- ing element -x- that serves to bind pronominal objects of the first and second persons to the verb-stem Avith its derivative suffixes (see §64). The indirect object of the third person is not normally expressed by this -d-, but, like an ordinary direct third personal object, is left unexpressed, the general character of the verb being impliedly indi- rective. As a matter of fact, an incorporated pronominal indirect object is used only when the direct object is of the third person, never of the first or second; and, since the pronominal object of the third person is never expressed in the verb, this means that what is trans- lated as the indirect object is in reality morphologically the direct object of the verb. The indirective idea is merely a derivative development; or, more correctly, certain transitive verbs with indi- rective " face" require an -s- {=-d--\--x-) instead of -x- with an incor- porated object of the first or second person, i give it to him is, then, really rendered in Takelma by j-him-give; i give it to you, by i- i For tlie change of non-causative -n- to -y- (-»-) of. IclemU- and klemeen- make. § 47 142 BUEBAU OF AMEBICAIir ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 tou-give; I GIVE HIM FOOD, by i-HiM-FOOD-GivE, in which the logically indirect object him must be looked upon as the direct object of the verbal complex pooij-give (food, not being a pronominal object, is loosely incorporated as a prefix in the verb) ; i give you FOOD, by i-you-food-givb, the pronominal combination i you being expressed at the end of the verb-complex in the same form as in a simple transitive like i-you-see, except that it is preceded by -s- instead of -x-; such combinations as i give you to him, me and he GIVES ME TO you, HIM Can not be expressed by one verb-form. In these latter cases the grammatical object of the verb is no longer in- directly affected by the action ; hence another, though probably ety- mologically related, verb-stem is employed, while the indirect object is expressed by a local phrase outside the verb : i give you to him ( = i-YOU-GiVE [not indirective "face"] him-to), -x-, not -s-, preced- ing the combination i you. The idea of to in intransitives like go, RUN, and so on, is regularly expressed by such an extra-verbal local phrase. Many verbs that, from our point of view, seem ordinary transitives, are in Takelma provided with the indirective -s-. Ex- amples illustrating the use of this -s- are : Aorlst Future (ogoyi"n^ I give it to him 180.11 o'Fin (170.13; 180.9,16) I ogu'sWn I give it to you 23.3 o'sbin (178.15) I (oyonxbi^n I give you) {o%n^Un I shall give you) (wSt'gi^n (for -g- see §42, 5) I wede'¥in (17.10,11) I took it from him 76.1 [wSsJyi^n I took it from you (17.3) wede'sUn (16.10,11) (al-da-p'o'^p'iwi^nl'blewsAitilB.l) \al-da-p''ap'avsbi^n I blew at you twd'^giwi'^n I brought it to him wagawi'n I shall bring it to (for -w- see §42, 11) (176.17) him wa'^ga'sam' he brought it to us wegre'smfc" hewillbringittome (194.11) (eiyi'^n I hurt him [ eXsbi^n I hurt you (gayaU he ate him 54.5 ga-iwa"n¥ 130.5 {gaya-Osbi^n I ate you galsbink' he will eat you 26.8 f al-yehehi'^n I showed it to him (77.8) al-ye^hi'n I shall show it to him I al-yele' psbi^n I showed it to you al-yepsi show it to me! ■ The -y- is peculiar to aorist forms of this verb with a third personal object (ogoyit you to him; ogmhi HE TO HIM 122.11) and to the third personal passive aorist (ogoyi'n he was given it 15.2) 2 With connecting a before s. In o'sMn above -fir- 4- -s-gives -s-, but *wS8dam {=weeg-8dam) would be- come confused with wlsdam (=u'ee(^s(^aro) you took it tkom me. § 47 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 143 Some verbs that belong here show the -s- only in the aorist, other forms having only -x-. Examples are : Aorist went away from Tie'^-ivn'n he'^^-i*wi"n, I him 23.12 he^^-l-Osbi^n I went away from he'^-lwi'xbinlc you (184.14,15) yVmnsWn I lent it to you 98.15 {v-t'.aW.iwi^n I catch him 33.4 \l-t!aut!a' vsbi he caught you [naga'^n I said to him 72.9 Xnaga'sbi^n I said to you 108.4 dak'-da-haHi'^n I answered him (61.6) daY-da-haisbi^n I answered you dak'-dorJiala'iLbin (134.20) sa^nsa'^n I fight him (110.20) sa/^nsa'nsbi^n I :^ht you yimi'id lend it to me! 98.14, 21 v-t!a'"wi'n (33.8) l-tlaUxbink' (140.15) na'^gi'n (15.15; 196.20) naxbin (60.3) dak '-dor-hala'hin sana'n (28.15; 33.9) sana'siin § 48. Indirective -{a')ld- This suffix is probably composed of the continuative -I- (see § 42, 9) and the indirective -d-, though, unlike the latter suffix, it is always employed to transitivize intransitives, a characteristic intransitive element of the aorist (e. g., -i-) regularly remaining. After vowels, the suffix appears simply as -Id-; after consonants and semivowels, a con- nective -a- is generally introduced, which, when accented, receives a falling pitch. The general idea conveyed by the s uffix is that of purposive action toward some person or object, so that it may be con- veniently translated by moving at or toward, in order to reach, GOING to get. Examples of its use are : Mliut'e^ I climb yada'fe^ I swim (yadad-) Uli"^ he jumped 32.13; 78.11 'd(P-t.'aya'*^ they went (something) to eat 75.9 to get .d(i-da''ya'H' (future) (33.9) sgele"" he shouted 59.4; 90.8 hiliwa'lda^n I climb for it (77.8) tyadada.'\da^n I swim for him (to I save him from drowning) [yededsi'lsi he swims for me hiliwa.'lsa^n they fought (liter- ally, they jumped at, for each other) 27.4 da-t!aya\6i'^n I went to get it to eat ; da-t!aya\V he went to get it to eat (ffl shows by its accent that it is part of stem) 76.9 da-dd^ldi'n (future) (33.9) sgelewsb'W he shouted to, for him 59.4; (94.1) § 48 144 BUBEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 mliw- go, run xvdu'^m he whistled ligi'^V" he fetched home (game) 70.3; 128.12; ligi'^he came home (with game) 124.22 Imliw&'lda^nl go and show it to him [de-^iliwsb'lda^n I fight him (27.3) xndumsi'lda^n I whistled to him (33.16) de-ligi&'W he fetched it for him to eat 126.9; 130.9 yonobsb'W they held nets waiting for fish 32.1 In woHf HE WENT AFTER IT 29.12 the -Id- is confined to the aorist; non-aorist forms have the stem woo- without suflBx: woo'n i shall go AFTEEIT (162.8,10). § 49. Indirective -{a')md- There hardly seems to be any significant difference between this and the preceding suffix, except that the indirective force ot-{a')md- seems in many cases to be much less clear and that it may be appended to transitive as well as to intransitive stems. It is quite probable that in some of the examples the -m- of the sufl&x is really the dissimi- lated product of an original -I- because of an -I- of the stem (see § 21) ; yet this explanation could not be made to apply to all the cases. Those forms that contain a radical -I- are given first : Simple form -(a')md- t.'lHa'mda^n I fish for (salmon) ts-'.elel&'vada^n I paint him ( = 1 put paint^ — s-e'H — on to him) s-in-delegsk'iasdam you put holes in my nose 22.2 malaga/mshi^n I am jealous of you yalag&'nida^n I dive for it (60.10) lagagsb'mda^n I paid him (184.17) legwelei'nida^nl sucked it out of him dP^-al-gelegaWmda^n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.3) di^-uyu'ts!am.da^n I fool him i/amu'x^Si^ she pounded 16.9; v-lu'f-K.&gwanY she will pound having it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive lobo'^p' she pounded them 16.9) t.'lHa'mxade^ I went fishing {tH'^la'mda^n I fished for them) Ic.'d'^wa'nxa,^ she sifts 57.15 Qc'.d'^'wa'nda^n I sift acorn meal [16.10]) da¥-fek!e'x&^ he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 dak'-fe' ^gi^n I give him to smoke [170.13]) p.'ebe'xei^he beat off (bark) 55.6 (plahai- chop [90.11]) lebe'ssde^ I sew (leheda'^n I sew it) sgut.'u'xa,^ he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgo'^d- 72.10) al-xlTc.'i'xa,^ he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-x^g- 124.8) liik.'u'xa,^ he traps (Type 5 aorist lo'^g"- 78.5) ; future lu'^x:^&gwa- dinin I shall trap for him wd^-Mini'xade^ I was talking to somebody (.wd^-himida'^n I talked to him [59.16]) daV-da-hele'halxsde^ I always answer (ddk'-dar-7id''li'^n I answer him [146.14]) ddk'-Jiene'xa.^ he waits; future daV-henxafVe^ I shall wait {daV- Jhene^da'^n I wait for him) yimi's'Sb^i= -s"-xaO he dreams; future yims'aft'e^; imperative yims'Si!^ In Icleme'nxade^ i was making, working (future Tc'.emxdJt'e') the loss of the -71- in the non-aorist forms (cf. Tc'.emna'n i shall make it [28.14]) may be due to a purely phonetic cause (see § 11) § 53 152 BUEEATT OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 46 § 54. Reflexive -gwi- The final consonant of the aorist stem of some Terbs of Type 8 is eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding rowel, also before the reflex- ive -gwi- (see § 40, 8), in the case_ of others it is preserved. Where the -gwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transitives in -d- {-amd-, -gwadan-) , there is often practically no difference in signification between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are : i/omok'wicJe^ I kill myself (from t'.omom-) al-yehe'p'gwif he showed himself (yeheh-) al-xl'Vwif he looked at himself plagdnk'-wide^ I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe; of. plagd'^na'^n I bathe him) se^la'mt'gwide^ I shall paint myself {seHa'mdan I shall paint him) (t'gwaxdlk'vnde^ I tattooed myself (t^gwaxdi he tattooed him) [fgwd'^xa'nt'gwide' I shall tattoo myself ( = for myself) %-gis-iga' s'gvnde^ I tickle myself al-wa^ts.'eySk'wide^ I washed myself with it dd^-delega'mt'gv^ide^ ( = dd'^-dele'p'gwa^n) I pierce my ears iyaV) Ic.'emSnk'yfif they made themselves (strong) 27.12 xwna ogolk'wide^ I give food to myself ( = I food-give myself) l-lesgi'k'wide^ 1 shall touch myself Before the imperative endings -p\ -p'anp' the reflexive sufiix be- comes lengthened to -gwi*-: IclSt'gwi^p' ' pick them for yourself ! de^gwa'lt'gwi'^p'anp' take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24) The reflexive of naga- sat to is irregular in that is is formed not from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive nagai- sat: nagalFwif he said to himself 104.1 (cf. nagalVwa, §62). § 55. Beciprocal< " " >-an- The -X- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlauted -171-) sufiix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in- direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor- responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of this -X- (-S-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far as in the latter it appears with a third as well as- first and second 1 Indirect reflexive (ior onesell) in signlfloatlon, though without indirective suffix o£ any kind. The form is thus analogous to such as kleiiisi mentioned above (see §59). That the reflexive action is thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (i/asi-) ; see §31, 6. §§ 54-55 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 153 personal object. The phonetic form of what precedes the -x- (-«-) is the same as ia the transitive from which the reciprocal is derived. The reciprocal element -an- is the only one of the verbal suffixes that is placed between the connecting -x- and the personal endings, so that it may rightly be looked upon as in a way equivalent to the incor- porated objective pronouns. Examples of -x-arv- are: Tc.'oydidmTc' we go together, accompany one another (33.15) tleUxiaiba^ni let us play shinny! v-lats.'a'idmk' we touch one another aZ-s-i7i-Zo'"xa^n they meet each other (literally, they thrust noses to one another) I'omoxa^n they Idll one another (33.10) gel-wayanxa.^n they were sleeping together (literally, they caused each other to sleep facing each other) 190.2 aZ-a;?''xa^n they looked at each other Examples of -s-an~, i. e., of indirect reciprocals, are: naga'ssi^n they said to each other 31.9 (cf. naga'shi^n I said to you [100.1]); future naxajxH' (cf. naxbin [60.3]) sa'^Tisa'nsa.^n they fight one another (23.14; 184.13) (cf. sd'^nsa'ns- ii^n) ; future sana'xanH' (23.15) (cf. sana'xbin) Jie^^-His'a.^n they went away from one another (cf. Tie'^'-lusbi^n [184.14]); future A.e^^-4i«i'xan^f (cf. Tie^^-lwi'xbin) la'^ma'lsafn they quarreled with each other 27.2; 86.10 wa^-Mmi'sa^n they talked to one another 124. 14(cf.wa"-Ai7?ii'sJi^n) lo"'gwa's-m.iha^ let us play 32.5 (cf. lo^gwa'shin futm-e) t.'u'lt.'als-imba^ let us play at gambling-sticks {t.'U^l) 31.9 al-sege'sdk'smik' we keep nodding to one another; se^Vsa'V- sanZ;' they nodded to one another (inferential) 172. 10(but unre- duplicated al-se'^iiiV we nodded to each other) § 56. Non-agentive -x- The difference in signification between the non-agentive -x- and the intransitive -xa- may be well brought out by a comparison with the distinctly double signification of English intransitively used transi- tives. If such a transitive word as split be relieved of its object, it may be employed in two quite distinct senses, either to indicate the same sort of action that is expressed by the transitive, but without ex- plicit direction (as, the caepenter can split, i. e., can split beams, boards) ; or to indicate a spontaneous non-volitional activity resulting in a static condition identical with that induced by the corresponding transitive action (as, the beams, boards, split, i. e., spontaneously § 56 154 BtTEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 undergo motion resulting in that condition which is brought about by corresponding activity from without : the carpenter splits the BEAMS, boards) . SPLIT in the former case is rendered in Takelma by xcf-ts-Hwi'xa^ (aorist transitive ts-.'iwi-d-); in the latter, by xd"- ts-!iwi^s' {= -ts- liwi^d-x) . It is true that in some cases the use of -a;- does not seem to be logically justified (e. g., al-huy'uxde^ i hunt 136.18; al-Jio-yoiya'^n i hunt them) ; but something must be allowed for idio- matic, not literally translatable usage. Such petrified suffixes as -d- do not drop out before the -x-; the repeated consonant of Type 8 verbs falls off as usual (yet cf. forms like liml-m^x-gwa-, §46). Ex- amples of the non-agentive are: Non-agentive ¥wd''^xde^ I awoke (16.3) (future ¥wa"'^xde^ [190.5]) leme'^x they all went 136.7 fge'yaHs. it rolls de-ts- lihi'-K (door) shut p!a-i-}ia-v^fgu''^px it upset 60.8 wa-tlem&xia'^^ people assembled 144.23 Jia-u-jMna'^a ( = -a'ts !x) it stopped (152.15; 198.9) dv-sgu'*^xk' it fell (nobody push- ing) (59.11; 62.1) TivMu'nYwa (tiredness) gwidig- wa'^s (= -a^tx) he was plumb tired out (probably = he tot- tered with tiredness) 120.12 smiU'smalxde^ I swings (73.2) id''-fek!e't'ax it bobs up and down (60.11,13,14) In some verbs -alx- ( = continuative -al- + non-agentive -x-) seems to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -xa-: geyew&'hide^ I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, gelxaiba^ let us eat) le'l&'made' I carry (178.6) Qa^ha'^n I carry it [178.3,4]) u^gw&'nxde^ I drink (see § 21). The non-agentive character of verbs in -x- may be reflected in transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives lit maynot be uninteresting to note, as tlirowing llghton tlie native feeling for -i-,tliat this form sounded somewliat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can't very well be swinging without either actively swinging one's self or being swung by some one. « 56 Transitive %-Vwd"^g'wi^n I awakened him 16.4 (future %r¥wd'Tc!win) leme'^Y they took them along 144.17 i-fge^yili'^n I roll it de-ts- aWf" he closed door p!ar-i-Tia-u-fgu''^p' he upset it wa^-l-Heme^m he assembled them 110.3 Tia^w-l-Tia'TMisH^n I made it stop d^sgu'yuk'.i^n I knock it down (48.7, 8) l-gwidigwa't'i he threw them (108.21; 138.3) i-smili'smili^n I swing it hd<'-fe' 'gi^n I lift it up (Type 5) BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 155 the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible for it. Thus, from the aorist stem fgwilildw- {fgwili'^-x watek, BLOOD DEOPS, DKiPS 58.1) are formed: p!a-i-t'gwili']c!wsina^n I (voluntarily) drop^ spiU it p!a-i-t'gwili'^xna,^n I have it drop (unavoidably) , spill it (72.8,16) § 57. Positional-/ '- As we have already seen (§ 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the aorist. A positional verb in -i^- may be defined as expressing the state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive or non-agentive ; e. g., p!a-i-ha-u-fgup!id% it (box-like object) lies ITSIDE DOWN is a vcrb expressing the result of the action defined in p!a-i-ha-v^t'gu''^ha^n i upset it and p!a-i-7ia-u-t'gu'"px it upset 60.8. From one point of view the suffix -%^- serves to mark off a class of purely positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are: dink.'l long, stretched out object lies .(transitive aorist dinik!-) t'geits-.'i round object lies (138.24) {fgeyets'!-} p'ildl flat object lies tlobigl corpse, dead-looking body lies s'einl box-like object with opening on top lies p!a-i-Jia-v^t'gup!idi box-like object with opening below lies (fgu%-) s-ugwidl curled-up object (Uke bundle of rope) lies da^sgali scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie vnkUdi several objects heaped together lie {vn^g-) s-as-inl erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12; 77.9 s'u^will sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2 Vebili absent object is, he is long absent 124.20 Not so clearly positional are : Id^ll (generally heard as IdHe^) it becomes 33.17; 45.3 yamll he looks pretty Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, of their simplex (thus dink!-, not dinilc!-) . The derivational -{a)d- (see § 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs can not be explained. 57 § 156 BTJEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Certain Takelma place-names in -l (or -l-lc', -i^-¥ with suffix -V characteristic of geographical names) can hardly be otherwise explained than as positional verbs in -l^-, derived from nouns and provided with local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are: Di^-danl ^ Table Eock (probably = rock[da^n] is [-?] west [di^-]) : west of the rock would be di^-dana" (cf . danaH'V my rock) Da¥-t'gami-¥ (cf. Dalc'-t'gamiya'^ person from D.) (= place where [-^"] e[ks[t'ga^m] are[?] above, on top[^a^'-]) Dal-dani^V (cf. Dal-daniya'^ one from D.) ( = place where [-¥-] in brush, away from cTeek[dal-] is[-i:] Tock.[da^n]) Tian-xilml ghost land ( = across river [ lian-] are [ -%\ ghosts [ xila'm'^ de-dPwl near the falls of Eogue River ( = in front [-de-] are [-i] falls [dm]) § 58. IMPERSONAL -iau- Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the verb is the suffix -iau-. Forms in -iau- are intransitive, and may be formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi- nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German MAN, French on) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I intransitive) subject. Examples are: ya^Tiia'"^ people go 58.14; 152.5 future yanajsJ'^H' wa^-t-t!emexiiV^ people assem- future wa^-l-demxiay^f ble 144.23 e''6ia'"^ people are 192.7 (cf. e'^U^F we are 180.13) tslaU yd^ja.^'uk' there was (infer- ential) deep water (cf. 188.14) sd^nsa'nsinisL^^ fighting is go- future sana'xmia"-*' ing on 23.14 ddmxbijsi^H' people will kill you (intransitive ; but transitive with definite third personal subject domxbinJc' they will kill you) (33.10) In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving indefiniteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the indefinite suffix -iau-. Examples are: iThis example is due to Mr. H. H. St. Clair 2d, from wtiose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was taken. It is there written Dl'tam\ S 58 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 157 loplodieb'^^ it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but definitely nox lop.'oY it rains 90.1; (198.9) ; ts-.'elam lop.'oY it hails; pla'^s lop.'oY it snows 90.2; 196.7) Zep'myaVit' it has gotten to be winter samgisi'^H' it will be sununer (92.9) samgiB.ugulugwa'n it is about to be summer Giterally, it is sum- mer-intended, see § 68) (cf. 48.13) fuwugia,''^^ it is hot (i. e., it is hot weather; but fuwu'^V it, some object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15) we'«gia-uc^a^ when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13 4. Temporal- Modal and Pronominal Elements (§ § 39-67) § 59. INTBODUCTOBY Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula elfe^ I AM, has forms of six tense-modes — aorist, future, potential, inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac- terized by a -¥-{-g-) following the objective, but preceding the sub- jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however, characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes (indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal schemes. The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb. The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past), the present, and the immediate future, as in now i shall go; whUe the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from the presents as in i shall go this evening, to-moerow. A similar distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill- ment, as in go away! while the command expressed by the future § 59 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as in come to-morrow!, give hee to eat (when she recovers). The uses of the potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of the occurrence of a certain action or condition (i can, could go if I care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings) seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of its stem with that of the future indicating apparently the lack of fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to. The iaferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say the bear killed the MAN, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth of which is directly known from my own or another's experience, the aorist form would normally be employed : mena" (bear) yap.'a (man) t.'omoVwa (it killed him) If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man's corpse or the presence of a bear's footprints in the neighborhood of the house), or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the inferential would be employed: mena" yap.'a domk'wak' it seems that the bear killed the man; the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man Inasmuch as mythical nairation is necessarily told on hearsay, one would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet, in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain. § 59 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 159 The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative future. Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense- modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p'- of Class II intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal, difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to deal with: Aorist subject intransitive I. Aorist subject intransitive II. Aorist subject transitive. Future subject intransitive I. Future subject intransitive II. Future subject transitive. Inferential subject. Present imperative subject. Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive. Future imperative subject intransitive II. Object transitive (and subject passive). The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that the combination of the first person singular object and second person singular or plural subject (i. e., thou or te me) always agrees with the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not aU the per- sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of intercrossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the third person. The third person subject is positively characterized by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II, and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -Vwa- i-gwa-) . In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the absence of a personal ending, though the -p' of the present imperative intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see § 61). § 59 160 BUEBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be taken up according to the verb-classes. § 60. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS I This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language, particularly those of active significance (e. g., come, go, bun, dance PLAY, SING, DIE, SHOUT, JUMP, yet also such as BE, sleep), verbs in -xa-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings: Aorist Future Inferential Present Imperative Future imperative Singular: First person . -fe^, -ief -fee, -dec -if -a" Second person -(a>)C -(a)da'^ -r ^df -ia'yr Third person . _e -(a')V -V Plural: First person . ■n- -(t)ga'm -k'-anaV -(o)to'« Second person -Wfp- -(,a')t'W -V 'Aff /-(a')np' 1 'It is possible that this suffix is really -k'a^n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both transitives in form (of. -a^n and -anaV as first person singular and plural subject of transitives) ; the third person is without ending in both. The ending -k'-a^n is made particularly likely by the subordinate in -k'-a'n-da^ (see § 70). The imperative is necess^jrUy lacking in the first person singular and third person. The first person plural in -{a)'ba'^ of the present imper- ative is used as a hortatory: yanaha'^ let us go! 158.11; (cf. 168.11). This -{a)ha'^ is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles: -m* (e. g., yubd"'^ni'' let us be! [cf. 158.8]) ; -hi (e. g., ye^ia'^Jii let us ee- turn! 63.1; see § 114, 2), or -Jia^n (e. g., ya'naba^Tia'n'L-ET us go 64.1), the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele- ment -Tmn (see § 99) ; -nihan is also found {ya'nabafl^niJia'n let us all go, pkay! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second person plural imperative seem to exist ; for the latter, the ordinary indicative form in -<"&a^ {-ddba^ in the other classes) was always given. The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached ; in the reciprocal -fp', -H\ and -t'ba^ are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the only vocalic ending, -i''¥, a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyi''¥ we look). In the first person plural of the future -iga'm (-aorist -ig- + -a'm; cf . -da'm in possessive § 60 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 161 pronouns, §§ 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga'm after vowels. The first form of the second person plural imperative {-a'n'p^) is used to follow most consonants (-Vp' to follow a "constant" -a- of the stem), -'^'p" being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yu'f BE ye!; yana^p' gote!). In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular form by the addition of a characteristic -p' (cf. the imperative), that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the aorist forms by an added -a^, and that the first person singular future is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri- phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -]c' (mode- sign, not personal ending) plus elf thou art, exfp' te ake. As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel (aorist yowo- be), one ending in a consonant (aorist baxam- come), a reciprocal (aorist sa'^nsan-san- fight with one another), and an indefinite in -iau- (aorist t'uww-g-iau- be hot) . AOHIST Singular: First person yowo'Vef- 1 run baxafUfef I come Second person . . yowo'^V fioaamaT Third person . yowo'' ham"m sat' t.'omdm Womomana'k' Womoma^t'p' t/omSiimit' tlomoxaja (/oroSilmifp" i.'omoianba^n t.'omoianp' i WomSianbana'k' 1 Not to be oonJused with t/omUxant'p' ye ake killing each othek! 63 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKBLMA FUTURE 171 Objective Subjective First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. domibin d6«ma'n domranban 2a per. iflmida^ dSuTwada'^ aSmiimidas 3d per. Plural: lifimxink' dSmxhink- douma'-nk' dSmiamank' domianbank' 1st per. ddrnxbinagsm Somnanaga'm dSmxambanagam 2d per. d&mxdaba' douma'Vba^ dSmxtmit'ba^ i PEESENT IMPERATIVE Singular: 2d per. dumni dSum Somiam Plural: 1st per. dottmaba'^ 2d per. diim^Kxp' d3«mp' (^al-xi'- Ji.'anp' see him!) doMxamp'i FUTURE IMPERATIVE Singular: 2d per. doujim'^'k' ?a 1 These forms were not actually obtained, but can hardly be considered as doubtful. ' Probably expressed by simple future domzimida'. It is not necessary to give the transitive potential and inferential forms, as the former can be easily constructed by substituting in the future forms the aorist endings for those of the future: d^mxi he would kill me do^ma'^n I should, could kill him do'^m he would, could Idll him The inferential forms can be built up from the corresponding future forms by substituting for the subject endings of the latter those given in the table for the inferential mode : dumxiV he killed me ddmxamJc.'eif you killed us domk'a^ 1 killed him domxanp'gana^Tc' we killed you The only point to which attention need be called in the aorist and future forms is the use of a connecting vowel -i- instead of -a- when the first personal plural object (-am-) is combined with a second singular or plural subject {-if, -it'p\ -ida^, -ifha^) ; this -i- naturally § 63 172 BUfiEAtr OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \BVhh. iO carries the umlaut of -am- to -im- with it, but -am- reappears when -i- drops out, cf. inferential domxamk!e%t\ With the -i- of these forms compare the -i- of the first person plural intransitives -iV, -iga'm, -iba^ (§ 60 and § 60, second footnote). § 64. Cormeoting -x- and -/- It will have been observed that in all forms but those provided with a third personal object the endings are not directly added to the stem, but are joined to it by a connecting consonant -x- (amalga- mating with preceding -t- to -s"-) . This element we have seen to be identical with the -x- (-S-) of reciprocal forms ; and there is a possi- bility of its beiag related to the -xa- of active intransitive verbs, hardly, however, to the non-agentive -x-. Though it appears as a purely formal, apparently meaningless element, its original function must have been to indicate the objective relation in which the immediately following pronominal suffix stands to the verb. From this point of view it is absent in a third personal object form simply because there is no expressed pronominal element for it to objectivize, as it were. The final aoristic consonant of Type 8 verbs regularly disappears before the connecting -x-, so that its retention becomes a probably secondary mark of a third personal pronominal object. The fact that the third personal objective element -Tc'wa- (-gwa-) does not tolerate a preceding connective -x- puts it in a class by itself, affiliating it to some extent with the derivational suffixes of the verb. There are, comparatively speaking, few transitive stems ending in a vowel, so that it does not often happen that the subjective personal endings, the third personal object being unexpressed, are directly attached to the verb or aorist stem, as in: naga'^n I say to him 72.9, cf. naga" he said to him 92.24 sehe'n I shall roast it (44.6) ; future imperative odo'^Y hunt for him! (116.7) Ordinarily forms involving the third personal object require a con- necting vowel between the stem and the pronominal suffix. Not all verbs, however, show the purely non-significant -a- of, e. g., t.'omoma'^n, but have a to a large extent probably functional -i-. This -i- occurs first of all in all third personal object forms of verbs that have an instrumental prefix: ts.'ayaga'^n I shoot him (192.10), but wa-ts!ayagi'^n I shoot (him) with it v-latslagiY you touched it § 64 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 173 The greater number of cases will probably be found to come under this head, so that the -i- may be conveniently termed instrumental -i-. Not all forms with -i-, by any means, can be explained, how- BTer, as instrumental in force. A great many verbs, many of them characterized by the directive prefix al- (see § 36, 15), require an -i- as their regular connecting vowel : lagagi'^n I gave him to eat (30.12) laHiwi'^n I call him by name (116.17) lo^ginini'^n I trap them for him (and most other FOE-indirec- tives in -anan-) Examples of -i-verbs with indirect object are: ogoyi'^n I give it to him 180. 1 1 (contrast oyona'^n I gave it [180.20]) wa'^giwi'^n I brought it to him (176.17) (contrast wa'^ga'^n I brought it [162.13]) A number of verbs have -a- in the aorist, but -i- in all other tense- modes : yl'miya'^n I lend it to him, but yimi'hin I shall lend it to him naga'^n I said to him (second -a- part of stem) 72.9, but na'^gi'n I shall say to him; na'^gi'^V say to him! (future) 196.20; nak'ik' he said to him (inferential) 94.16; 170.9; 172.12 The general significance of -i- seems not unlike that of the prefixed directive al-, though the application of the former element is very much wider; i. e., it refers to action directed toward some person or object distinctly outside the sphere of the subject. Hence the -i- is never fotmd used together with the indirect reflexive -Tc'wa-, even though this suffix is accompanied by an instrumental prefix: xd''-p!l^-nd"^¥wa^n I warm my own back (188.20) In a few cases the applicability of the action of the verb can be shifted from the sphere of the subject to that of another person or thing by a mere change of the connective -a- to -i-, ^vithout the added use of prefix or suffix: xa'^-la/Hlan I shall put it about my waist, but xd'^-ld'HHn I shall put it about his waist In the form of the third personal subject with third personal object of the aorist, the imperative with third personal object, and the inferential with third personal object, the -i- generally appears as a suSixed -hi- {-i-), incapable of causing umlaut: malagana'nhi he told him 30.15, but moZajrim'^n. I told him (172.1) wa-t.'omdmhi he killed him with it § 64 174 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, 40 %-lc!u^manana'nhi he fixed it for him l-Tdumana'nhi fix it for him! i-k!umana'nhi¥ he fixed it for him (infer.) , but l-]c!umininini\¥ he will fix it for him It should be noted, however, that many verbs with characteristic -i- either may or regularly do leave out the final -"i : dlxl'^F he saw him 124.6, 8 (cf. al-xl''gi^n I saw him, 188.11)^ l-latsta'Y he touched him (cf. %-lats!agi'^n I touched him) ha^-l-ye^wa'n revive him! (15.2) (cf. ha^-%-yewe^i'^n I revived him) M-l-lele'^F he let him go (13.6) (cf. he^-i-le'le7c!i^n I let him go [50.4]) M-t-leT'¥ let him go! 182.15 (cf. he'-l-le'lkHn I shall let him go) ha-i-di-t'ga'^sfgaFs stick out your anus! 164.19; 166.6 (cf. ba-i-di-fgats!a'fgisi^n I stuck out my anus [166.8]) l-lclvy'Tna'n he prepared it 190.22 (cf. i-lc!u'^mini'^n I prepared it) It must be confessed that it has not been found possible to find a simple rule that would enable one to tell whether an ■i-verb does or does not keep a final -M (-i). Certain verbs, even though without instrumental signification, show an -i- (or -Jii-) in all forms with third personal object. Such are: aorist ogoy- give to {ogolhi he gave it to him 156.20) aorist we't'-g- take away from (wet'gi he took it from him, 16.13) aorist lagag- feed Qaga'Tc'i he gave him to eat 30.12; lak'i give him to eat! laJc'igana'^Jc we seem to have given him to eat) and indirective verbs in -anati-. Irregularities of an unaccountable character occur. Thus we have: he'^^-m he left him (cf. he^^-l'wi'^n 1 left him); but imperative Tie^^-^wi'Tii leave him! (not *-?m\ as we might expect) In many cases the loss or retention of the final -M seems directly connected with syntactic considerations. A large class of verbs with instrumental prefix (generally *-) drop the final -M, presumably because the instrumentality is only indefinitely referred to (cf. § 35, 1) . Examples of such have been given above. As soon, however, as the instrument is explicitly referred to, as when an instrumental noun is incorporated in or precedes the verb, the -hi is restored. Thus: I The -i- of these verbs regularly disappears, not only here but in every form In which the normal con- necting vowel -a- fails to appear in other verbs: aln"k' (Inferential) he saw him {*al-rik!-k' lilte dSmV he KILLED him), homonymous with al-xW (imperative) see him! (=*a!ii'!e/). As soon, however, as the verb becomes distinctly instrumental in force, the -i- is a constant element: al-wa-a'k!ik' (inferential) he SAW IT WITH it. § 64 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 175 la-H-fhd"'¥ he burst it (cf. -t'la'^gi'n I burst it) irs-wili's-wal he tore it to pieces (cf. -s-wili's-vnli^n I tore it to pieces) v-s-wi'ls-wal tear it to pieces! i-8'wVls'waH be tore it (once) l-Tieme'm be wrestled with him 22.10 (cf. -hememi'^n I wrestled with him despite the prefixed -i-; but: la-wayar-t'id''^¥i.h.e burst it with a knife Jian-waya^s'vnls-wa'Thi tear it through in pieces with a knife! (73.3) Similarly: ld-H-sgd'^¥sga^¥ he picked him up 31.11 (cf. -sgdFsgigi^n I picked him up) but: Tda'maP' dan bd''-sgd'^¥sga'¥i tongs rocks he-picked-them-up-with ( = he picked up rocks with tongs) 170.17 despite the lack of an instrumental prefix in the verb. ExpUcit in- strumentahty, however, can hardly be the most fundamental func- tion of the -hi. It seems that whenever a transitive verb that primarily takes but one object is made to take a second (generally instrumental or indirective in character) the iastrumental -i- (with retained -Jii) is employed. Thus: ma'xla Tcluwu he threw dust but: ma'xla ^alkluwuhi dust he-threw-it-at-him (perhaps best trans- lated as he-bethrew-him-with-dust) cf. 184.5 where the logically direct object is ma'xla, while the logically indirect, perhaps grammatically direct, object is implied by the final -hi and the prefix aJ-. Similarly, in: ¥o^px iaiaia't'i wd''di'xda ashes he-clapped-them-over his-body (perhaps best rendered by: he-beclapped-his-body-with-ashes) 182.9 the logically direct obiect is ¥o^px, the logically indirect object, his- body, seems to be implied by the -'i. This interpretation of the -hi as being dependent upon the presence of two explicit objects is con- firmed by the fact that most, if not all, simple verbs that regularly retain it (such as give to, sat to in non-aorist forms, being to, verbs in -anavr-) logically demand two objects. § 64 176 BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 As soon as the verb ceases to be transitive (or passive) in form or when the third personal object is the personal -¥wa, the instrumental -i- disappears: gel-yala''^xalt'gimf he forgot himself 77.10 (cf. gel-yald'°'xaldi^n I forgot him) ogoiJc'wa he gave it to him 96. 18 (cf . ogolhi he gave it to him 188. 12) It is possible that in wet'gigwa he took it from him the -gi- is a peculiar suffix not compounded of petrified -g- (see § 42, 6) and instrumental -i-; contrast l-V.ana'hi he held it with l-tlana'Jiagwa HE held him. Any ordinary transitive verb may lose its object and take a new instrumental object, whereupon the instrumental -i- becomes necessary. Examples of such instrumentahzed transitives are: ga'l^ wortslayagi'^n bow I-with-shoot-it (cf . tslayaga'^n I shoot him) wa-^u^gwi'^n I drink with it (cf . u^gwa'^n I drink it) If, however, it is desired to keep the old object as well as the new instrumental object, a suffix -ain- seems necessary. Thus: ya-pla wa-sa'^ginina'^ people they-will-be-shot-with-it xl'^ wa-^u"gwim'^n water I-drink-it-with-it It is not clear whether or not this -an- is related to either of the -ari- elements of -anan- (§ 50). A final -i is kept phonetically distinct in that it does not unite with a preceding f ortis, but allows the f ortis to be treated as a syllabic final, i. e., to become ^ + aspirated surd: A.e*M-Ze'me^i'ihe killed them off, but -Ze'me^/i^?i I killed them off Forms without connective vowel whose stem ends in a vowel, and yet (as instrumentals or otherwise) require an -i-, simply insert this element (under proper phonetic conditions as -M-) before the modal and personal suffixes: wa-woo'Jiin I shall go to get it with it (contrast woo'n I shall go to get it) v-t!ana'hi^n I hold it; v-t!a7ia'hi he holds it 27.4 di^s'al-yomo'Mn I shall run behind and catch up with him; di-s'ol-yomo'hi catch up with him! (contrast yomo'n I shall catch up with him) wa-sana'Jiirik' they will spear them with them 28.15 (verb-stem Sana-) A constant -a- used to support a preceding consonant combination is, in -i- verbs, colored to -i- : v-lasgV' touch him! (cf. masga'' put it! [104.8]) § 65 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 177 It is remarkable that several verbs with instrumental vocalism lose the -i- and substitute the ordinary connective -a- in the frequentative. Such are: i-go'yoJc!i^n I nudge him; l-goyogiya.'^n I keep pushing him dA,*-t!%*s\'^n I crush it; dl^-t!iyl't!iy&^n I keep crushing them It can hardly be accidental that in both these cases the loss of the -i- is accompanied by the loss of a petrified consonant {-Ic!-, -s-). The following scheme of the instrumental forms of do^m- kill (third personal object) will best illustrate the phonetic behavior of -i- : Aorist Future Potential Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: First person f/omomi'^n do»7ni'n ddThis verb is transitive only in form, intransitive in meaning. The true transitive (think or) employs the full stem hewehaw- with connective -i- tor third personal object, and -s- for other objects: geUtewe'Mwi'n I THINK OF htm; gelrhewe'kausdam TOU think of me. 2 The form sgimi'sga^ti is interesting as a test case of these contract verb forms. The stem must be sgimisgam-: it cannot besgimisg-, as st/- could hardly be treated as a repeated initial consonant. No cases are known of initial consonant clusters treated as phonetic imits. § 65 180 BTJEEATJ OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 person by the analogy of such forms as thmoma'^n, t!omomaH\ The third person generally brings out the original diphthong, yet some- times the analogy set by the first person seems to be carried over to the third person (e. g., sans beside saP-nsa'n) , as well as to the third person passive and first person plural subject transitive. Such forms as oyo^n are best considered as survivals of an older " athematic" type of forms, later put on the wane by the spread of the "thematic" type with connecting -a- (e. g., gayawa'^n, not *gaya^n from *gayail^n). Owing to the fact that the operation of phonetic laws gave rise to various paradigmatic irregularities in the "athematic" forms, these sank into the background. They are now represented by aorists of Type 2 verbs like naga'-^n i say to him and wa-Tc'.oyo-^n i go with HiM,^ non-aorist forms of Type 5 verbs (e. g., odo'-n), and such iso- lated irregularities as intransitive e%-t' and naga%-t' (contrast yewey-aH' and t'agayaH') and transitive contract verbs like Iclada^n and sd°"n,sa'^n. § 66. Passives Passives, which occur in Takelma texts with great frequency, must be looked upon as amplifications of transitive forms with third per- sonal subject. Every such transitive form may be converted into a passive by the omission of the transitive subject and the addition of elements characteristic of that voice; the pronominal object of the transitive becomes the logical, not formal, subject of the passive (passives, properly speaking, have no subject). The passive suffixes referred to are -(a)n for the aorist, -(a)na^ for the future, and -am for the inferential. Imperatives were not obtained, nor is it certain that they exist. Following are the passive forms of do^m-, instrumental forms being put in parentheses : Aorist Future Potential Inferential Singular: First person . . . tlum&xin dumxixxs.^ d^xin dUmxigsm Second person t.'omdxbtR domxUna.' d&mxbin dSmxbig&m Third person . tlomomafn d&imiznW^ douma'n ddmk'em (t/omomi'n) (ioi«mina'«) {iSuml'n) (dSmhig&m) Plural: First person ... J.'omSiimin dQmiiminafi d&mximm ddmxamk'am Second person .... tlombxanhsn domxanbaaaf dUmxanban dOmxanp'sauR 1 Some verbs whose aorist stem ends in a vowel take a constant -a- with preceding inorganic h Instead of adding the personal endings directly. Such a verb is S-Wana- hold; the constant -o- or -i- of forms Uke l-l.'ana'hagum, i-t!ene'hi-S'dam is perhaps due to the analogy of the instrumental -i- of forms like I 66 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 181 The connective -a-, it will be observed, is replaced by -i- when the formal object is the first person plural (.-am-) ; compare the entirely analogous phenomenon in the second personal subjective first per- sonal plural objective forms of the transitive (§ 63). It is curious that the third person aorist of the passive can in every single case be mechanically formed with perfect safety by simply removing the catch from the first personal singular subjective third personal objec- tive of the transitive; the falling accent (rising accent for verbs like Jcleme^n) remains unchanged: l-t!a'ut!iwi^n I caught him : v-t'.a'uV.iwin he was caught 29.12 na^a'^7iIsaidtohun72.7, 9 : jmjra'n he was spoken to 102.16 Tc'.eme^n I made it 74.13 ; Jclemen it was made 13.12 178.12 It is hardly possible that a genetic relation exists between the two forms, though a mechanical association is not psychologically incredible. Not only morphologically, but also syntactically, are passives closely related to transitive forms. It is the logical unexpressed sub- ject of a passive sentence, not the grammatical subject (logical and formal object) , that is referred to by the reflexive possessive in -gwa (see §§ 91, 92). Thus: dik!olola'nfgd'''p^dagwanwa'' he-was-dug-up their-own-horns (not his-own-horns) with (In other words, they dug him up with their own horns) 48.5 There is no real way of expressing the agent of a passive construc- tion. The commonest method is to use a periphrasis with xebe'^n HE DID so. Thus: el salklomo'TcHmin pHyin xebe'^n canoe it-was-kicked-to-pieces deer they-did-so (in other words, the canoe was kicked to pieces by the deer) 114.5 i 67. VERBS OF MIXED CLASS, CLASS IV A fairly considerable number of verbs are made up of forms that belong partly to Class I or Class II intransitives, partly to the transi- tives. These may be conveniently grouped together as Class TV, but are again to be subdivided into three groups. A few instransitive verbs showing forms of both Class I and II have been already spoken of (pp. 162-3, 166). 1. Probably the larger number is taken up by Type 13 verbs in -71-, aU the forms of which are transitives except those with second person singular or plural subject. These latter are forms of Class II (i. e., aorist singular -dam, plural -dap'; future singular -da^, plural § 67 182 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 -daba^) . The -n- appears only in the first person singular and plural (aorist -na^n and -nana^Tc') , yet its absence in the other persons may, though not probably, be due to a secondary loss induced by the pho- netic conditions. The forms, though in part morphologically transi- tive (and, for some of the verbs, apparently so in meaning), are in effect intransitive. The object, as far as the signification of the verb allows one to grant its existence, is always a pronominally unexpressed third person, and the instrumental -i- can not be used before the personal endings. Among these semitransitives in -n- are : (gwen-sgut!u'sgat'na,^n I cut necks gwen-sgut.'u'sgaf he cut necks 144.2 (cf . transitive instrumentals gwen-waya-sgut.'u'sgidi^n, gwen-waya-sgut.'u' sgafi 144.3) fcZo^ftoi.'oJa'i'na^n I make bubbles {ovda-holc.'o'p'Tia^n 102.22) \da-holc!o'p^da,m. you make bubbles hd''-xada'xaf n&^n I hang them up in row iloiola'p'nei^n I used to pound them (57.14) (or loio'lp'na^n) uo6o'Zp'dam you used to pound them f l-lay a' "^nn^ji I coil a basket 122.2 \l-layd''^lc' she coils a basket Jc!ada'Jc!at'na,^n I used to pick them up (116.11) da-dagada'¥na^n I sharpen my teeth (126.18) ugu'^ak'nsi^n I always drink it wagao'Fna^n I always bring it 43.16; 45.6) Morphologically identical with these, yet with no trace of transitive signification, are: l-Jiegwe'Tiak'^nsb^n I am working (xa-hege'JiaFn&'n I breathe (78.12; 79.1, 2, 4) Xxa-Jhulc !u'Jidk'n&^n (third person xa-Tiuklu'TuiV) (al-t'wap!a'fwap'nsi^n I blink with my eyes 102.20 \al-fwap!a'fwap'd&m. you blink with your eyes The following forms of l-Tiegwehagw- (verb-stem l-Jie^gwagw- [ = -he^gwhagw-]) work will serve to illustrate the -n- formation: Aorist Future Inferential Present iiuperative Singular: 1st per. hegwe'hak'ina'n lieegwa'k'wna.n k'aO fteeffMd'klwel'f 2d per. Jiegwenialt'"'dajiL heegwali'tsUsi^ Tte'k'waAk'y 3d per. hegwe'Jmk'w m fteejMd'k'" Plural: 1st per. liegwe1iak'«mani'''k' ie ejwa'Jt' "tuanagam fteepKJa'k'wana^k* hegwa'k'waba,' 2d per. fte^Ujfi'Aafc'Mdap' lieegwa'k'w^absi^ fteefftca'klweit'p" lie'k'wdagwa^Ti-p' 2. Practically a sub-group of the preceding set of verbs is formed by a very few verbs that have their aorist like l-hegwe'TiaV^na^n, § 67 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKEDMA 183 but their non-aorist forms like Class II intransitives. They evidently waver between Class II, to which they seem properly to belong, and the semi-transitive -n- forms. Such are : dl-lclala'snei^n (but also : future dl-k la'lside^ dv-Tc!ala'sde^) I am lean in my rump dl-k!ala'sdsim. (second per- : future d^-Tc!a'lsida^ son) gwel-sal-t.'eyesnsi^n I have : hxtvue-tletside" no flesh on my legs and feet It may be observed that the existence of a form like *gweL-sal-t!e%- sinan was denied, so that we are not here dealing with a mere mis- taken mixture of distinct, though in meaning identical, verbs. 3. The most curious set of verbs belonging to Class IV is formed by a small number of intransitives, as far as signification is concerned, with a thoroughly transitive aorist, but with non-aorist forms belonging entirely to Class II. This is the only group of verbs in which a difference in tense is associated with a radical difference in class. Examples are: dcf-sgekHyaf^n I listened da''-sgek!iya.\' you listened da^-sgekH he listened 102.8 al-we'Tc!al&^n I shine dl-we'Jc!ala,V you shine aZ-we't.'aZana^k' we shine (H^geyan&'^n I turn away my face da^smayamaf^n U ., 5nJ future da'^-sge'TcHVeP future al-we'Tc!alt'e^ futitte al-we'lc!dlp'iga.ia (third person inferential al^ive'- i.'aZp'k') futture al-ge'yande^ future da-sma-ima' sde^ da-smayamh&^: da-STnayam he smiles (Za-smayamana'k' we smile To these should probably be added also da-sgayana'^n I lie down (3d dosgayan), though no future was obtained. Here agaiu it may be noted that the existence of *da^smar-ima'n as a possible (and indeed to be expected) future of da-smayama'^n was denied.* ' There are in Takelma also a number of lo^cally intransitive verbs witli transitive forms tliTougliout all the tense-modes: o^-xaMyana'k' we are seated (56.2; 150.20); passive al-xaVlya'n people ahe seated 152.18. Similar is sal-xogwi they stajto; cf. also gel~hewe^Jiau he THDrais, p. 179, note 1. As these, how- ever, have nettling to mark them off morphologically from ordinary transitives, they give no occasion for special treatment. It is probable that in them the action is conceived of as directed toward some implied third personal object. § 67 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 5. Auxiliary and Subordinating Forms (§§ 68-72) § 68. PERIPHRASTIC FUTURES Periphrastic future forms are brought about by prefixing to the third personal (unexpressed) objective forms of the aorist stem -gulug"- DESiKE, INTEND the verb-stem (if transitive, with its appended pronominal object) of the verb whose future tense is desired. The pronominal subject of such a form is given by the transitive subject pronoun of the second element i-gulug''-) of the compound; while the object of the whole form, if the verb is transitive, is coincident with the incorporated pronominal object of the first element. The form of the verb-stem preceding the -gulug'"- suffix is identical with the form it takes in the inferential. Thus: har-i-'hema'¥ulu''¥'" he will take it out (cf. inferential ha-i-he- ma'^Tc' = -hemg-k') , but imperative ior-i-Jie^ink' 16.10 but, without inorganic a: l-Tie.mgulu'V'^ he will wrestle with him (cf. inferential TiemV) Indeed, it is quite likely that the main verb is used in the inferential form, the -¥ of the inferential amalgamating with the g- of -gulug^- to form g or Jc'. This seems to be proved by the form: lo7io'¥-di-gulugwaH' do you intend to die? {di= interrogative par- ticle) Morphologically the verb-stem with its incorporated object must itself be considered as a verb-noun incorporated as a prefix in the verb -gulug'^- and replacing the prefix gel- breast of gel-gulugwa'^n I DESIRE IT 32.5, 6, 7. Alongside, e. g., of the ordinary future form do^ma'n i shall kill him may be used the periphrastic do^m-gulugwa'^n literally, i kill (him)-desire, intend. This latter form is not by any means a mere desiderative (i desire to kill HIM would be expressed by do'^mia' gel-gvlugwa'^n [ =to-kill-him i-it-desire]), but a purely formal future. Similarly, diimod-gulu''¥" is used alongside of the simpler dilmxink' he will kill me. As a matter of fact the third personal subjective future in -gulu^h'" is used about as frequently as the regular paradigmatic forms h-ere- tofore given: yana'-FuMF" he will go (128.9) sana'p'-gulu^F" he will fight (cf. 48.10) yomo'Jc'wagulu^F"' she was about to catch up with him 140.18 alxl'^xbi-guiu^lc^ he will see you .^ 68 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF IKDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 185 The reason is obvious. The normal futures {yana'H' he will go; sana'p'dd'^; alxl'^xbink') imply a bald certainty, as it were, of the future action of a third person, a certainty that is not in ordinary life generally justifiable. The periphrastic forms, on the other hand, have a less rigid tone about them, and seem often to have a slight intentive force : he intends, is about to go. The difference between the two futures may perhaps be brought out by a comparison with the English i shall kill him ( = <^o"ma'n) and i'm going to kill him (d d^Wr-gidugwa' ^n). Though a form like dumxi-gidu'^lc''' he will kill me is in a way analogous to s-inr4-lets!e'xi he touches mt nose, the incor- porated object dumxi- kill-me of the former being parallel to s'in- NOSE of the latter, there is an important diEference between the two in that the object of the periphrastic future is always asso- ciated with the logically ((Zo"m-), not formally (-gvlug"-), main verb. This difference may be graphically expressed as follows: HE-[KrLL- me]-intenbs-it, but he-[ nose-hand] -touches-me; strict analogy with the latter form would require *dd^'mr-gulu'xi HE-[KrLL]-iNTENDS- me, a type of form that is not found. It is not necessary to give a paradigm of periphrastic future forms, as any desired form can be readily constructed from what has already been said. The incorpo- rated pronominal object is always independent of the subject-suffix, so that Tou WILL KILL ME, foT example, is rendered by dUmxi-gidugwaH' , the ordinary tou — me forms (singular -dam, plural -dap') finding no place here. Inasmuch as all active periphrastic futtires are transitive in form, passive futures of the same type (all ending in -gulugwa'n) can be formed from all verbs, whether transitive or intransitive. When formed from transitive stems, these forms are equivalent to the normal future passives in -ia)na^: dd^m-guiugwa'n he will, is about tp, is going to be killed dumxl-guLugwa'n I am to be kiUed, it is intended to kill me As the intransitive stem in the periphrastic future is never accom- panied by pronominal affixes, there is only one passive future form that can be constructed from an intransitive verb. This form always refers to the third person, generally to the intended or immi- nent action of a group of people : Jwida^gvlugwa'n (verb-stem Tioid- + inorganic -a-) there will be dancing .§ 68 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 lo^-gulugwa'n people are going to play (literally, it is play- intended) The passive future in -gulugwa'n can also be used with the indefinite form in -iau-: sana'xiniav^gulugwa'n it is intended, about to be that people fight one another ; there will be fighting The extreme of abstract expression seems to be reached in such not uncommon forms as : we'^giau-gulugwa'n it was going to be daylight (literally, it was being-daylight intended) 48.13 As the siiffixed pronomiual objects of reciprocal forms are intran- sitive in character, the first element of a periphrastic future of the reciprocal must show an iucorporated intransitive pronoun, but of aorist, not future form : v-di-lasgi'xant'p'-gidugwaYp' are you going to touch one another? (aorist i-lats!a'xanfp'; future l-lasgi'xant'ha^) § 69. PERIPHRASTIC PHRASES IN na{g)- do, act The verbal base na{gY (intransitive na-; transitive na'^g-) has hitherto been translated as say (intransitive), say to (transitive). This, however, is only a specialized meaniug of the constantly recurring base, its more general signification being do, act, be in MOTION indefinitely. It is really never used alone, but is regularly accompanied by some preceding word or phrase with which it is connected in a periphrastic construction; the na{g)- form playing the part of an auxiliary. As a verb of saying, na{g)- is regularly preceded by a quotation, or else some word or phrase, generally a demonstrative pronoun, grammatically sumimarizing the quotation. Properly speaking, then, a sentence like i shall go, he said (to me) i = yana'fe'' [ga] Tiaga'^^ [or nege's'i]) is rendered in Takelma by i SHALL GO (that) HE DID (ov HE DID TO mb), in whfch the quotation yana'fe" i shall go, or else its representative ga that, is incorpo- rated as prefix in the general verb of action. The most interesting point in coimection with periphrastic phrases in na{g)- is the use of a number of invariable, generally monosyl- labic, verbal bases as incorporated prefixes. The main idea, logic- ally speaking, of the phrase is expressed in the prefix, the na{g)- iMost of its forms, as far as known, are listed, for oonvenieoce of reference, In Appendix A, pp. 280-90. It will be seen to be irregular in several respects. Examples of its forms are to be found In great number in " Takelma Texts." § 69 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 187 element serving merely to give it grammatical form. This usage is identical with that so frequently employed in Chinookan dia- lects, where significant uninflected particles are joined into peri- phrastic constructions with some form of the verb-stem -x- do, make, BECOME (e. g., Wasco Iq.'u'h itciux he cut it [literally, cut he-it- made]), except that in Takelma the particles are identical with the bases of normally formed verbs. It is not known how many such verb-particles there are, or even whether they are at all numerous. The few examples obtained are : na^ do (cf. na'fe" I shall say, do) s'as- come to a stand (cf. s'as'inl he stands 144.14) s'il paddle canoe (cf . ei-ia-i-s-ili'xgwa he landed with his canoe 13.5) t'geV fall, drop ts-.'el rattle (cf. ts-ele'^m it rattles 102.13) fio'^x make a racket (cf. t'bo'^xde^ I make a noise) liwa''^ look (cf. liwila'ufe^ I looked [60.7]) le'yas lame (cf. gwd-le'ye^sde^ I am lame) p'i'was jumping lightly (cf. p'iwits.'ana'^n I make it bounce) we'k.'aW shining (cf. dl-we'Tc lala^n I shine) sgala'uk' look moving one's head to side (cf. al-sgalawi'n I shall look at him moving my head to side) The last two are evidently representatives of a whole class of quasi- adverbial -^'-derivatives from verb-stems, and, though syntactically similar to the rest, hardly belong to them morphologically. The -¥ of these invariable verb-derivatives can hardly be identified with the inferential -¥, as it is treated differently. Thus: we'Tc!al-¥ shining 126.3; 128.14, but inferential al-we'1c!al-p'-¥ (Class rV, 3) he shone Most frequently employed of those listed is na^, which is in all probability nothing but the base na- do, to forms of which it is itself prefixed; its function is to make of the base na{g)- a pure verb of action or motion in contradistinction to the use of the latter as a verb of saying: gor-nak'i say that to him! 55.8, but ga-na^naVi do that to him! 182.4; 184.4 ga-naga'^^ he said that 72.12, but ga-na^naga'^^ he did that 58.3 gwalf a-na^na'H' the wind will blow as it is blowing now (liter- ally, vnn.d[gwalf] this[a-]-do[7ia^-act-will[na'^f']) (152.8) goHna^ne'x thus, in that way Giterally, that do-acting, doing) 71.6; 110.21; but ga-ne^'x that saying, to say that 184.10 § 69 188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Examples of the other elements are : ei-s'i'l-naga'^^ ^ he paddled his canoe (literally, he canoe-paddle- did) 13.5 s-as--na5ra'*^hecame to astand22.6; 31.14, 15; 55.12; 96.23 S'as'-na'^gi'n I shall bring him to a halt (literally, I shall s'as'- do to him) liwa'^-rMgaife' Hooked (55.6; 78.10, 13; 79.5) fge'P-nagalt'e^ I fell, dropped down t'gel^ naga^nd"^^¥ he always fell down 62.8 tsle'l naga'^^ (bones) rattled (Uterally, they did ts.'el) 79.8 t'hd'"x Tmga' they made a racket so as to be heard by them 192.9 we'TclalY-naga''^^ he shines sgala'u¥-nagana'''^¥ he looked continually moving his head from side to side 144.14, 17 gwSlxda'^ le'yas-na''¥ his leg was laming 160.17 p'i'was-Tiaga''^ he jumped up lightly 48.8 Syntactically analogous to these are the frequent examples of post- positions (see § 96), adverbs, and local phrases prefixed to forms of the undefined verb of action na{g)-, the exact sense in which the lat- ter is to be taken being determined by the particular circumstances of the locution. Examples are: gada'¥-7iaga'^ they passed over it (literally, thereon they did) 190.21 ganau-nagana'^¥ he went from one (trap) to another (literally, therein he kept doing) 78.5 Jiawi-na¥i tell him to wait! (literally, still do to him!) 'hagwaHa'm (in the road) -naga'^^ (he did) ( = he traveled in the road) haxiya" (in the water) -naga'^^ ( = he went by water) da¥-s-im'^da (over his nose) -ndbaf'^^Tia'n (let us do) (= let us [flock of crows] pass over him!) 144.11 da'¥da'^da (over him) -na^' (do!) (= pass over him!) da¥-yawade (over my ribs) -naga'^^ ( =he passed by me) ge (there) -naga'^^ (= they passed there) 144.18 he^^^wila'mxa-Jii (beyond Mount Wila'mxa) -nak'" (do having it !) (= proceed with it to beyond Mount Wila'mxa!) 196.14 These examples serve to indicate, at the same time, that the particles above mentioned stand in an adverbial relation to the na{g)- form: s'os'-naga'^^ he come-to-a-stand-did, like ge Tiaga'^^ he there-did Compare the similar parallelism in Wasco of: 1 ril has been found as a prefix also in the oomitatiTe ei^-ilrycmigwa'^n i come in a canoe (literally, I-CANOE-PADDLING-GO-HAVING). § 69 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 189 Tc'.wa'c gali'xux afraid he-made-himself (= he became afraid) (see "Wishram Texts," 152.9) Jcwo'ia gali'xux there he-made-himself ( = he got to be there, came there) Here may also be mentioned the use of verb-stems prefixed to the forms of Iclemrir- make and na"g- say to. Such locutions are causa- tive in signification, but probably differ from formal causatives in that the activity of the subject is more clearly defined. Examples are: wede wo'Y Jc.'emTiaY do not let him arrive! (literally, not arrive make-him!) wo^Jc' Tdemana'nxi let me come! (Kterally, arrive make-me!) gwel-lets Tc'.emna'n I shall make him lame (Kterally, be-lame I-shaU-make-him) yava nah'i let him go (Uterally, go say-to-him) The forms involving Jdemerir- are quite similar morphologically to periphrastic futiu'es in -gulug^-, the main point of difference being that, while Tdemen- occurs as independent verb, -gulug"- is never found without a prefix. The forms involving 7ia°gr- are probably best considered as consisting of an imperative followed by a quotative verb form. Thus yana nak'i is perhaps best rendered as "go! " sat IT TO him! The form 1ioida-^o'¥ya^s (S,oz<^ dance + connective -a-) ONE WHO KNOWS HOW TO DANCE suggests that similar compound verbs can be formed from yoVy- know. § 70. STTBOBDINATING FORMS A number of syntactic suffixes are found in Takelma, which, when appended to a verbal form, serve to give it a subordinate or depend- ent value. Such subordinate forms bear a temporal, causal, condi- tional, or relative relation to the main verb of the sentence, but are often best translated simply as participles. Four such subordinating sufiSxes have been foimd: -da^(-fa^), serving to subordinate the active forms of the aorist. -ma^, subordinating those of the passive aorist. -na^, subordinating all inferential forms in -1c\ Periphrastic infer- ential forms in eif and ett'p' are treated like aorists, the form-giving elements of such periphrases being indeed nothing but the second person singular and plural aorist of ei- be. -k'i^ i-gi^), appended directly to the non-aorist stem, forming dependent clauses of unfulfilled action, its most frequent use being § 70 190 BTJREAXJ OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the formation of conditions. Before examples are given of subordi- nate constructions, a few remarks on the subordinate forms themselves will be in place. The aoristic -da^- forms of an intransitive verb like hog''- bun are: Singular: Independent Subordinate • First person . . Jho'Vde^ I run Tio'Vde'da^ when I ran, I running Second person . MgwaY Jiogwada'^ Third person U"¥ ho'Vda' Plural: First person . . hogwi'V Tiogwiga'm Second person . JiogwaYp' hogwa'fha^ Impersonal . . . Tiogwia'^ 7idgwia'-vda^ Of these forms, that of the first person plural in -a'm is identical, as far as the sufiix is concerned, with the future form of the cor- responding person and number. The example given above Qid- gwiga'm) was found used quite analogously to the more transpa- rently subordinate forms of the other persons {alxi'^xam Jiogwiga'm HE SAW XTS RUN, like alxi'^xi ho'Vde^da^ he saw me run) ; the form of the stem is all that keeps apart the future and the subordinate aorist of the first person plural (thus Tiogwiga'm we shall run with short o). No form in -i'lc'da^, such as might perhaps be expected, was found. The catch of the first and third person singular of class I verbs dis- appears before the -da^ (see § 22). The falling accent of the stem, however, remains, and the quantity of the stressed vowel is length- ened imless followed by a diphthong-forming element. Thus: ya'"-da^ when he went 58.8 {ya'^ he went 96.8); cf. 188.17 ia-i-Tc!iy%'^¥da^ when he came iba-i-lc!iyi'^¥ he came 156.24) yawa'ida^ as they were talking 130.13 {yawa'^ they talked) xebe'nda^ when he did so 142.10 {xebe'^n he did so 118.14) The subordinate form of the third person aorist of class II intransi- tives ends in -ta^ if the immediately preceding vowel has a rising accent. Thus : s'as'inlt'a^ when he stood {s'as'int he stood 120.12) lopfot'a^ when it rained {loploH' it rained 90.1) In the second person singular the personal -f and the -d- of the subordinating sufBx amalgamate to -d-. The subordinate second per- son plural in -t'ha^ is not improbably simply formed on the analogy of the corresponding singular form in -da% the normal difference § 70 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN lANGUAGES TAKELMA 191 between the singtilar and plural of the second person consisting " simply of the added -b- (-p') of the latter; similarly, e-ida'^ when THOtr ART and elt'ba^ when te are. Judging by the analogy of the subordinates of transitive forms in -dam and -dap"^ the subordinate forms of the second persons of class II intransitives end in -fa^ {-da^) and -t'dba^ (-dala^) : S'as-inli.t'a^ when you stood {s'as'intfam you stood) s'as'inlfba^ when ye stood {s'as'inlt'ap' ye stood) Note the ambiguity of the form s'as'inzfa^ when he or you stood; compare the similar ambiguity in naga'-ida^ when he said and naga-ida'^ when tou saed 130.14; 132.23. The transitive subordinates of the aorist are also characterized by a suffixed -da^, except that forms with a third personal subject invariably substitute -{a)na'^ {-Itm'^ with first person plural object), and that the personal endings -dam (thou — me) and -dap' (te — me) become simply -da^ and -daba^ respectively. The latter forms are thus distinguished from non-subordinate futures merely by the aoristic stem {al-id'^xda^ when you saw me, but al-m'^xda^ you WILL see me). Analogously to what we have seen to take place in the intransitive, -fp' becomes -t'ia^. The subordiaate aorists of tlomom- KILL are : • Objective Subjective First person singular Second person singular Tbird person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. itmmuxdam) itmmuxi) t/um&xddba^ it/Umitxdap') (tfomoxWn) t.fomdxbina^ (t/omdxbi) tfomoxMitagam {t/omoxbinak') tlomomada'^ (tlomoma^C) tlomomana'^ {tfontdm) HomoTnanaga'm {tlomoTnana^k') t.'omoma't'ba^ {t/omomaH'p') t.'omdximida^ (t/omoximW) tlomoximina^ (t/omdxam) t'omoximit'ba^ (tloTiwximU'p') t/omoxaiibanda^ (t.'oTTwxanba^n) tfomoxanbana^ {t/omoxanp') VomoxaTibajiagam {tfomoxanbanak') The forms with first personal plural subject {-na^¥) and second personal object were not obtained, but the corresponding forms in -iga'm (first person plural intransitive) and -anaga'm (first person plural subject third person object) leave no doubt as to their cor- rectness. These forms differ from ordinary futures of the same > The corresponding non-subordinate forms are given in parentheses. § 70 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 number and person only in the use of the aorist stem. Only very few examples of subordinate -anaga'm have been found : aga'hi ligigwanaga' m ]vist-th.&se which-we-brought-home 134.18; contrast Wgwanaga'm we shall bring them home yewe xebe^agwanaga'm if we should slay him (liter ally , perhaps that- we-slay-him) 1 36 .23 ; contrast xe^hagwanaga'm we shall slay him The use of the aorist stem in the subordinate, it will be observed, is also the only characteristic that serves to keep distinct the third personal subjective subordinates and the future forms of tlie passive: al-xl'^xbiTUb^ when he saw you, but al-xl'^xbina^ you will be seen It may be noted that the third personal subjective aorist forms of the transitive may be mechanically formed, Uke the passives of the same tense, from the first person singular subject third person object aorist by merely dropping the glottal catch of the latter form and adding -a^. Thus: gel-hewe'hana^ when he thought 45.2; 142.10, 13, 16 (cf. gel- hewe'ha^n I thought); but g^eZ-^ewe'^aw he thought 44.11 The subordinate of the form with personal object -V'jaa is formed by adding -na^: TnaWc'wana^-whBO. he told him 72.14 (malak'wa he told him 142.4) The aorist passive subordinates cause no trouble whatever, the characteristic -ma^ being in every case simply appended to the final -n of the passive form: t.'omoma'nma^ when he was killed 146.22 (from tlomoma'n he was killed 148.3) tlomoxanhanma^ when you (plural) were killed The complete subordinate inferential paradigm is rather motley in appearance ; -na^ is suflSxed to the third personal subject in -¥ : p!a¥na^ when he bathed laia'lc'na^ when he carried it 126.5 galVna^ when he ate it dUmxih'na^ when he killed me The first person singular in -k'a^(n) becomes -¥anda^; the first person plural subordinate was not obtained, but doubtless has -Ic'anaga'm as ending. The subordinate of the passive in -k'wm is regularly formed by the addition of -na^: gaik'amna^ when it was eaten domxamVamTiaF when we were killed § 70 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 193 The periphrastic forms in elf and elfp' become -¥ + eida'^ and eifba^ in the subordinate; e. g., wa/^lAfrnVTc! eida'^ when you ANSWERED HIM. The activc inferential subordinates of do^m- with third personal object thus are: Singular: First person, domk'anda^ Second person, dd^mkleida'^ Plural: First person, ddmk'anaga'm Second person, dd^mk'.elt'ha^ Third person, ddmVna^; personal, domk'wak'na^ Impersonal do'^miauk'na^ * The subordinating element -na^ also makes a subordinate clause out of a -t' participle (see §76): gwi na'tna^ gaf a'ldi naga'n how-he-looked (gm naY how-look- ing) that all he-was-called 60.5; (cf. 78.3) yap!a ga Tia't'na^ that number of people 110.15 Also adjectives and local phrases may be turned into subordinate clauses by the suffixing of ~na^ : xilam-na'^ when she was sick 188.10 aga dd'^¥ gwelda-na'^ this log under-it when ( = while he was under this log) 190.20 Examples will now be given of constructions illustrating the use of subordinate forms. It is artificial, from a rigidly native point of view, to speak of causal, temporal, relative, and other uses of the subordinate; yet an arrangement of Takelma examples from the view-point of English syntax has the advantage of bringing out more clearly the range of possibility in the use of subordinates. The subordinate clause may be directly attached to the rest of the sentence, or, if its temporal, causal, or other significance needs to be clearly brought out, it may be introduced by a relative adverb or pronoun (where, when, how, who). Both constructions are sometimes possible; e. g., a sentence like i do not know who killed HIM may be rendered either by not i-it-know who he-him-killing or NOT i-WHOM-KNOW HE-HiM-KiLLiNG. Subordinate constructions with causal signification are : ts'lolx (1) u's'i (2) t.'umUxda^ (3) give me (2) dentalia (1), for you have struck me (3) (cf. 15.8) a'nl^ (1) gel-gulu'xi (2) gayawa'nda^ (3) he does not (1) like me (2), because I ate it (3) 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12 13 § 70 194 BUBEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 guxde^ (1) gayawana'^ (2) goyo'' (3) yap.'a (4) aldl (5) Jie^-i- leme'Tclif (6) you killed off (6) all (5) the people (4), because shamans (3) ate (2) your wife (1) 146.11 a'nV' (1) ya'^ (2) gV (3) me^-wdH:'de^da^ (4) ga^a"-l (5) he did not (1) go (2), because I (3) came (4); ga^a"! (on account of, for) is employed to render preceding subordinate unambiguously causal a'nV (1) s-in-7bo'¥wal (2) yu'Vna^ (3) ga (4) ga^al (5) sbln^a (6) xa'm-Thi (7) lajp^V (8) not (1) being (3) nose-holed (2), for (5) that (4) (reason) Beaver (6) got to be (8) under water (7) 166.18 A temporal signification is found in : Jia'^-yewe''^^ (1) ald'H (2) tlomoma'nma^ (3) they all (2) returned far off (1), after (many of them) had been slain (3) 146.22 goyo (1) gel-lohoigwa'nma^ (2) when shamans (1) are avenged (2) 148.2 la-i-]c!iyi'^¥ (1) p'im (2) gayawa'nda^ (3) he came (1) when I was eating (3) salmon (2) al-xi'^gi^n (1) gwi^ne (2) yaf'^da^ (3) I saw him (1) when (2) he went (3) Relative clauses of one kind and another, including indirect ques- tions, are illustrated in: a'mf (1) ne¥ (2) yok'.oya'^n (3) lege'xina^ (4) I do not (1) know (3) who (2) gave me to eat (4) (literally, not I-whom- know he-giving-me-to-eat) yok'.oya'^n (1) nek' (2) laga'ximina^ (3) I know (1) who (2) gave us to eat (3) man (1) mi'xal (2) ha-loho'^nand'^ (3) he counted (1) how many (2) he had trapped (3) 100.8 a'm^ (1) yoklol (2) gwi (3) giniyagwa'nma^ (4) he did not (1) know (2) where (3) she had been taken to (4) 13.12 ga'M (1) diik' (2) dl-t!ugu% (3) wa-Tclododi'nma^ (4) they wore (3) the same (1) garments (2) with which they had been buried (4) 96.16 g%^ (1) na^nagmfe^da^ (2) na^na'^F (3) do (future imperative) (3) what I (1) am doing (2) i-k'we'^xi (1) ulum (2) waiTc'anda^ (3) they awoke me (1) who (or whUe, when I) before (2) was sleeping (3) 74.5; 75.6 Purpose may be implied by the subordinate in: p'im (1) gayawana'^ (2) laga'Vi (3) he gave them (3) salmon (1) to eat (2) 30.il The subordinate serves very frequently as a clause of indirect dis- course after such verbs as know, see, discover. With a regular § 70 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 195 verb of saying, such as na{g)-, it is nearly always necessary to report the exact words of the speaker. al-xi'^gi^n (1) xebeyigi'lc'wana^ (2) I saw him (1) hurt him (2) yok'.oya'^n (1) p'im (2) galk'noF (3) I know (1) that he has been eating (3) salmon (2) (literally, I-know-him salmon he- having-eaten) al-xi'^xi (1) t.'omoxanbanda^ (2) he saw me (1) strike you (pi.) (2) al-xl'^gi^n (1) dal-yewe'ida^ (2) I saw him (1) run away (2) Not infrequently an adverb is to be considered the main predicate, particularly when supported by the unanalyzable but probably verbal form wala'^si(na^) , while the main verb follows as a subordi- nate clause. Compare such English turns as it is here that i saw HIM, instead of here i saw him : erne' (1) wala"si (2) elfe^da"^ (3) I am (3) right (2) here (1) Giterally, here it-is really [ ? ] that-I-am) eme^ (1) wala'^si (2) eida'^ (3) you are (3) right (2) here (1) ml^ (1) wala'^si (2) l-Tclumanana'nhi'k'na^ (3) he had already fixed it for him (literally, already (1) it-was-really (2) that- he-had-fixed-it-f or-him (3) ) Examples of subordidates depending on predicatively used adverbs without wala'^si are: a'nl^ (1) warw, (2) eme^ (3) ne'ida^ (4) [it is] not (1) even (2) here (3) that they did (4) (probably = even they did not get here) 61.3 Jwple'^n (1) p!a'''s (2) JiVs (3) loplot'a^ (4) it used to snow long ago (long ago [1] that snow [2] almost [3] stormed [4]) all (1) he^-l-leme'lcHTida^ (2) [it is] right here (1) that I destroy them (2) 108.20 An example of a subordinate depending on a demonstrative pro- noun is : I'daga (1) yapla (2) s'as'inlfa^ (3) that man is standing (hterally, [it is] that [1] man [2] that is standing [3]) The form wala'^sina^ is in all probability a third personal aorist transitive subordinate form in -na^, as is shown by its use as a sub- stantive verb for the third person when following an adverb, appar- ently to supply the lack of a third person in the regtdar substantive verb ei-: eme^ (1) wala'sina' (2) a'hla (3) he (3) is right (2) here (1) (literally, something like: [it is] here that-it-really-is he) ge (1) wala'^s-ina^ (2) he is over there Giterally, [it is] there [1] that-he-really-is [ 2]) § 70 196 BUEEAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Most astonishing is the use of wala'^s'ina^ as a modal prefix of a subordinate verb (of the movable class treated above, see § 34) to assert the truth of an action in the manner of our English did in sentences like he did go. Thus, from ddk'-da-halsbi he answered Tou, is formed the emphatic ddk'-da-wala'^sina^-'halsbina^ he did answer tou. The only analysis of this form that seems possible is to consider the verbal prefixes ddk'-da- as a predicative adverb upon which wala'^sina^ is syntactically dependent, the main verb -Jialshina^ itself depending as a subordinate clause on its modal prefix. The fact that dak'-da- has as good as no concrete independent existence as adverb, but is idiomatically used with the verbal base Jidl- to make up the idea of answer, is really no reason for rejecting this analysis, strange as it may appear, for the mere grammatical form of a sen- tence need have no immediate connection with its logical dismem- berment. The above form might be literally translated as (it is) ABOVE {dak'-) wiTH-His-MouTH (da-) that-it-really-is that-he- ANSWERED-YOTJ. § 71. CONDITIONALS Conditionals differ from other subordinate forms in that they are derived, not from the full verb-form with its subject-afiix, but, if intransitive, directly from the verb-stem; if transitive, from the verb- stem with incorporated pronominal object. In other words, the con- ditional suffix -k'i^ (-gi^) is added to the same phonetic verbal units as appear in the inferential before the characteristic -¥, and in the periphrastic future before the second element -gulug^-. The phonetic and to some extent psychologic similarity between the inferential (e. g., dumxiV he evidently struck me) and the conditional (e. g., dumxigi^ ir he strikes, had struck me) makes it not improbable that the latter is a derivative in -i^ of the third personal subjective form in -¥ of the latter. The conditional, differing again from other subordinates in this respect, shows no variation for pronominal sub- jects, the first and second personal subjective forms being periphras- tically expressed by the addition to the conditional of the third per- sonal subjective of the appropriate forms of ei- be. From verb-stem yana- go, for example, are derived: Singular: First person, yana'Jc'i^ eit'e^ Second person, yana'Vi^ elf Third person, yana'k'i^ § 71 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 197 Plural: First person, yana'Vi^ e^hi^¥ Second person, yana'Vi^ elfp"^ Impersonal: yanayauVi^ The conditional is used not merely, as its name implies, to express the protasis of a condition, but as the general subordinate form of unrealized activity; as such it- may often be translated as a temporal or relative clause, an introductory adverb or relative pronoun serving to give it the desired shade of meaning. Examples of its use other than as a conditional, in the strict sense of the word, are : yokloya'^n (1) neV (2) Idxbigi^ (3) I know (1) who (2) will give you to eat (3) dewe'nxa (1) al-xi'Tc!in (2) gm^ne (3) yana'k'i^ (4) I shall see him (2) to-morrow (1), when (3) he goes (4) al-xl'^xink' (1) gwi^ne (2) yana'Jc'i^ elt'e^ (3) he will see me (1) when (2) I go (3) gwen^fgafl-lo'¥danda (1) ts-.'o'H.'igi^ (2) yd'" (3) Tie'ne (4) ya'" (5) xe'iagwa'n (6) just (3) 'when they touch (2) the eastern extremity of the earth (1), just (5) then (4) I shall destroy them (6) 144.15 It has a comparative signification (as thoxtgh) in: p.H^ (1) de-gu'Jc.'alxgi^ (2) na^naga''^ (3) it was (3) as though fire (1) were glowing (2) 142.1 Conditional sentences are of two types : (1) Simple, referring to action of which, though unfulfilled, there yet remains the possibility of fulfillment. (2) Contrary to fact, the hypothetical activity being beyond the possibility of fulfillment. Both types of condition require the conditional form in the protasis, but differ in the apodosis. The apodosis of a simple conditional sen- tence contains always a future form (or inferential, if the apodosis is negative) , that of a contrary-to-fact condition, a potential. Examples of simple conditions are: ga (1) na^nak%^ elf (2) Tmxada'^ (3) if you do (2) that (1), you'll get burnt (3) d¥ (1) yana'Fi' (2) gP (3) Uno^ (4) yana'fe' (5) if he (1) goes (2), I (3) go (5) too (4) wede (1) yana'Vi^ (2) gl'^ (3) Tiotw^ (4) wede (5) yana'Ya^ (6) if he does not (1) go (2), I (3) won't (5) go (6) either (4) gwalf (1) mahai (2) wo'Yi^ (3) ga (4) nd'^gi'^Y (5) if a great (2) wind (1) arrives (3), say (5) that! (4) 196.19 1 Just when = as soon as. § 71 198 BUEEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The apodosis of such conditions is sometimes introduced by the de- monstrative pronoun ga that, which may be rendered in such cases by THEN, IN THAT CASE : aga (1) xa''-sgd"^sgi^ (2) ga (3) loTio't'e' (4) if this (1) string parts (2), in that case (3) I shall be dead (4) 59.10, (11) Of this type are also all general conditions referring to customary action that is to take place in time to come, such as are often intro- duced in English by words like whenever, wheeeveb, and so on.' Examples of such general conditions are : wi'lau (1) 'k!emniyau¥i^ (2) wa-t'W'^gamdina^ (3) whenever peo- ple wiU make (2) arrows (1), they (arrows) will be backed (literally, tied) with it (3) (with sinew) 28.2 wa^di'^ (1) du (2) ia-i-ginak'wi' ^ (3) goyo'' (4) he^ne (5) do'^- mana'^ (6) whenever a shaman (4) goes out with' (3) one whose body (1) is good (2), then (5) he shall be slain (6) 146.6 goyo (1) gelAohogwianVi^ (2) he^ne (3) ya'^s-i^ (4) ya'p'.a (5) gama'xdi (6) p!e'H' (7) whenever one takes vengeance for (2) a shaman (1), just (4) then (3) ordinary (6) people (5) will lie (7) (i. e., be slain) 146.8 wede (1) hono' (2) ne'F (3) al-xi"¥waF (4) yap!a (5) loJw'Fi' (6) no (1) one (3) will see him (4) again (2), when a person (5) dies (6) 98.10 gana^ne^x (1) yo'H' (2) yap!a (3) galk'i^ (4) thus (1) it shall be (2) as people (3) grow, multiply (4) 146.15 Examples of contrary-to-fact conditions are: aldl (1) yu¥ya'¥i^ eife^ (2) mala'xbi^n (3) if I knew (2) all (1), I should tell it to you (3) 162.5 ne¥ (1) yo'Yi^ (2) dak'-llmxgwa^ (3) if it were (2) anyone else (1), it (tree) would have fallen on him (3) 108.11, 13 i'daga (1) ge (2) yuTi^ (3) wede (4) dcFma'^^n (5) if that one (1) had been (3) there (2) , I should not (4) have killed him (5) g%^ (1) ge (2) yu'¥i^ e%t"e^ (3) 6o» (4) yaiia'^ (5) laga' (6) if I (1) were (3) there (2), he would have gone (5) in that event (4) In the last example, Tvaga" is a demonstrative adverb serving to summarize the protasis, being about equivalent to our in that event, UNDER those circxtmstances. This word may be the adverbialized 1 General conditions, however, that apply to past time, or that have application without reference to time-limit, are constructed by the use ot the subordinate for the protasis, and aorist for the apodosis, both verbs being, if possible, Irequen tativo or continuative in form : («• Hzi (1) Vewe! 'k'awalda^ (2) he^ne (3) yap/a (4) al-t!ayalk' (5) whenever the dog ()) bakked (2), then (3) he PotJND (5) A person (4). 2 = -giTtak'" + -k'i^. ' Causes the death of. § 71 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 199 form of the demonstrative pronoun Tia/^ga that one; it is used also with persons other than the third : yana'fe^ Tiaga" I should have gone in that event § 72. trSES OF POTENTIAIi AND INFERENTIAL The potential and inferential modes differ from the aorist in the negative particle with which they may be combined. An indicative non-future statement, such as is expressed by the aorist, is negatived, without change of the verb-form, by means of the negative adverb a'nV: ydnt'e^ I went; a'ni^ ydnt'e^ I did not go An imperative or future form, however, can not be directly negatived, but must be expressed by the potential and inferential respectively, the non-aoristic negative adverb wede being prefixed. Thus we have : Negative future: yana'H' he will go : wede yana'V he will not go yanada'^ you will go : wede yana'TcIeif you will not go yana't'e' I shall go : wede yana'Tc'a^ I shall not go domxhin I shall kill you : wede ddmxbiga^ I shall not kill 178.15 you (cf. 178.15) do'^ma^nV he wiU kill him : wede (1) ne'¥ (2) yap.'a (3) gama'xdi (4) do'^mV (5) no (1) one (2) will slay (5) a person (3) who is no shaman (4) 146.16 Negative imperative: yaTM"" go\ (sing.) : we(^e i/ajmY do not go ! yana'nf go! (pi.) : wede yanaH'p' do not go! (156.9) do^m kill him! : wede do^maY do not kill him! ga na^na'' do that ! : wede ga na^naY do not do that ! The particle wede is used with the inferential and potential, not only to form the negative future and imperative, but in all cases in which these modes are negatived, e. g., wede do'^ma'^n i should not HAVE KILLED HIM, I WOULD NOT KILL HIM. There is thus no morpho- logic distinction between a prohibitive do not go ! and a second person subject negative apodosis of a contrary-to-fact condition, you would not have gone. It is probably not a mere accident that the negative particle wede is phonetically identical with the verb-steBa wede- take awat. This plausible etymology of wede suggests that the origin of § 72 200 BITEBATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the negative future and imperative constructions lies in such peri- phrastic sentences as : Remove (all thought from your mind) that I (inferentially) go (i. e., I shall not go) Remove (all thought from your miud) that you might, would go (i. e., do not go!) The inferential, as we have seen above (see § 59) , is used primarily to indicate that the action is not directly known through personal experience. An excellent example of how such a shade of meaning can be imparted even to a form of the first person singular was given in §70; s-H^-Ywe' ^xi ulum walk'aTida^ they woke me up while i WAS sleeping! 74.5 In the myth from which this sentence is taken. Coyote is represented as suffering death in the attempt to carry out one of his foolish pranks. Ants, however, sting him back jnto life; whereupon Coyote, instead of being duly grateful, angrily exclaims as above, assuming, to save his self-esteem, that he has really only been taking an intentional nap. The inferential form walk'anda^ is used in preference to the matter-of-fact aorist wayanfe^da^ i SLEEPING, because of the implied inference, i wasn't dead, aftek all, else how could they wake me? I WAS REALLY SLEEPING, MUST HAVE BEEN SLEEPING. Closcly akin to this primary use of the inferential is its frequent use in rhetorical questions of anger, sur- prise, wonder, and discovery of fact after ignorance of it for some time. Examples from the myths, where the context gives them the necessary psychological setting, are : geme'^di (1) gi^ (2) wayaUxagwat' (3) yu'¥a^ (4) how (1) should I (2) be (4) daughter-in-lawed (3) (i. e., how do I come to have any daugher-in-law?) 56.10 I didn't know that you, my son, were married ! gl' (1) di' (2) Tia'miH'han (3) do^'mFa' (4) did I (1) kill (4) your father (3) ? (2) 158.2 ' s--gwi dl' (1) le'mTc'.iauV (2) where (1) have they all gone (2), any way? 90.25, 27 says Coyote, looking in vain for help p+(l) mi' (2) dV (3) s-amgia'uk' (4) Oh! (1) has it gotten to be summer (4) already (2) ? (3) says Coyote, after a winter's sleep in a tree-trunk 92.9 ga (1) di' (2) xepT (3) ga (4) di' (5) gu'^xde'V (6) galF (7) so it is those (1) that did it (3) ? (2) those (4) that ate (7) my wife (6) ? (5) 142.18 1 S''- merely marks the Coyote (see footnote, § 2). § 72 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 201 e'meF (1) ddba'^x (2) di (3) ^el^a (4) yu^F (5) are (5) canoes (4) (to be found) only (2) here (1) ? (3) 114.7 (i. e., why do you bother me about ferrying you across, when there are plenty of canoes elsewhere?) ga (1) di' (2) p!a"'nt' (3) galFa^ (4) so that (1) was their livers (3) that I ate (4) ? (2) 120.14 says Grizzly Bear, who imagined she had eaten not her children's, but Black Bear's children's, livers, on discovering her mistake A peculiar Takelma idiom is the interrogative use of gimfne when, HOW LONG followed by wede and the inferential, to denote a series of repetitions or an unbroken continuity of action. Examples are : gm^ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) walk' (4) he kept on sleeping Giterally, when [ 1] did he not [3] sleep [4] ? [2]) 142.11 ; 152.24 gwi^ne' (1) di (2) wede (3) Jio^V (4) he ran and ran (hterally, how long [1] did he not [3] run [4] ? [2]) 78.14. gm^ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) ddlc'am (4) he kept on being found, they always stumbled upon him again Giterally, when [ 1] was he not [3] found [4] ?[2]) 110.15 Similar psychologically is the non-negative future in: ge'me^di (1) Jioino^ (2) al-da'^gi''n¥ (3) they never found him again Git., when[l] wiU they find him[3] agam?[2]) 190.25 6. Nominal and Adjectival Derivatives (§§ 73-83) § 73. INTKODUCTOBY Although such derivatives from the verb-stem as infinitives and nouns of agency should logically be treated under the denominating rather than the predicative forms of speech, they are in Takelma, as in most other languages, so closely connected as regards morphology with the latter, that it is much more convenient to treat them imme- diately after the predicative verb-forms. The number of nominal and adjectival forms derived from the Takelma verb-stem is not very large, comprising infinitives or verbal nouns of action, active and passive participles, nouns of agency, and a few other, forms whose function is somewhat less transparent. The use made of them, how- ever, is rather considerable, and they not infrequently play an important part in the expression of subordinate verbal ideas. § 74. INFINITIVES Infinitives, or, as they are perhaps better termed, verbal nouns, may be formed from aU verbs by the addition of certain suffixes to the stem or stem + pronominal object, if the verb form is transitive. § 73-74 202 BUEEAXJ OP AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnLL. 40 Inasmuch as infinitives, being nothing but nouns in form, may take possessive affixes, forms may easily result that combine a transitive object and a possessive pronoun; e. g., domxhiyatY my {-f¥ scheme III § 92) KILLING YOU (-6i-), FOE ME TO KILL YOU (cf. ySxHyaxdeV MY BITING YOU 116.9; -x-de¥ scheme ii § 92). The classification of verbs into classes is reflected also in the infinitive forms, each of the three main classes being distinguished by a special infinitive suffix. The suffixes are: Intransitive I -{a^)x. Intransitive II -k'wa {-gwa) . Transitive -ia {-ya). The peculiar sub-classes that were grouped together as Class IV all form their infinitives in -¥wa {-gwa). Besides these three main suffixes, -{d)efx- (,-apx-) with possessive suffixes is employed to form infinitives from reflexives in -gwi-, while active intransitives in -cca- form their infinitives by employing the bare stem-form with verbal derivative -xa. Infinitives in -xa'¥wa also occur. The infinitive often shows the stem in a purer form than the non-aorist finite forms; in particular the non-aoristic -p"- of Class II intransitive verbs regularly disappears before the -gwa of the infinitive. Examples of infinitives are : 1. From Class I intransitives: waixde^ your sleeping yana'^x to go Id'^-dawVx to fly up Jioida^x to dance hogwa\ to run lo^x to play 31.7 t.'e^a^x to -pl&j shhmj na^ne^x doing 94.10; 72.4; 148.13 ne'^x saying 108.16; 184.10 gina^x to go (176.8) (from sim- ple base gfin-; contrast third person future ging-a'H') Stems ending in long diphthongs either take -x or -ax. Thus we have either TiOryelJirX-da'^da or Tia-ye^w-a'x^doflda in their RETURNING 124.15. 2. From Class II intransitives: Ywa'^'^xgwa to wake up (in- t'gSlxgwa to run around, roll transitive) geiwa'lxgwa to eat ha-i-di'n^xgwa to march laVwa to become s-a's-an¥wa to stand p!ala'¥wa to tell a myth sana'¥wa to fight § 74 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 203 3. From Class IV verbs: l-Jie^gwa'¥wa {= -he^g^Tiag"-. al-we'k.'alk'wa to shine Vwa) to work dorho^Fia'xgwa to bubble under water (observe verb- suffix -X- of infinitive; but da-bok!oba'¥na^n I make bubbles) 4. From -a;a- verbs : lu'^xwa" { = luk!-xa') to trap f^e'lxa to go to war (but also pelxa'Ywa^) 5. From reflexives : fgwd''xa'nt'gwidepxdagwa to seHa'mt'gwidepxde¥ to paint tattoo himself myself lu'^xagwanfgwiapxdeW to tTa,Y> Tianrse^gwa'ntgwiapxdeV to for myself paddle myself across From non-reflexive verbs are derived : ga-iwiapxde''lc' my eating vMxiapxdd'^ his coming to get me 6. From transitives: p.'ala'xbiya to tell you a myth l-gaxga'xgwia to scratch one's self \%-Vwd''^lc!wia to wake him v-gi's'gis'ia^ to tickle him \l-k'we' '^xiya to wake me (164.20) wayanagwia" to run after him dafl-agania" to hear about it lo^gwia^ to play with it wa^-i-doxia to gather them domk'wia^ to kill him The syntactical usage of verbal nouns of action is illustrated in the following examples: Tivli'nk'wat'F Tc.'emna^nF he will make me tired (literally, my- tiredness he-will-make-it) t.'omoxd'^da wiyina'^n I help him kill (literally, his-killing[no ob- ject] I-aid-it) Jio'gwax gel-gvlugwa'^n I like to run (lit., running I-like-it) (196.8) a'nl^ yok'.ol nexde^F he does not know what I said (literally, not he-knows-it my-saying) xi-^ugwia ga^a^l in order to drink water Qiterally, water-drinking for) hor-i-kHyi'^Jc' dl-xi'^xiiya ga^a^l he came to see you (literally, he- came seeing-you for) I Infinitives in -k'wa seem sometimes to be formed from other Class I intransitives, e. g., wiSTna'k'wa TO move; haxa'k'wSfl to buen (also Mxa'xgwoA). i Umlauted from *lrgi's-gas-ia. s -li'wi- here represents objective -Kwa- umlauted by infinitive ending -(j/)a (see § 8). Similarly s-umt'ia TO Bon, IT 170.16 from -faya. § 70 204 BTJBEAXr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBDLL. 40 The normal method of expressing purpose, as the last two examples show, is by the use of an infinitive followed by the general locative postposition ga^a^l to, at, fok. The infinitive, as its inclusion of the object shows, preserves its verbal character almost completely, and may itself govern another infinitive : Tc.'emnia^ al-we'Jdalk'wa" to make it shine (literally, to-make-it its-shining) Not a few infinitives have become more or less specialized as regular nouns, though it is extremely doubtful if the transparently verbal origin of such nouns is ever lost sight of. Such nouns are : p.'ala'Vwa myth 50.4; 172.17 ts'lip'Tia^x speech, oration (cf. ts'H'p'nan I shall make a speech to them [146.11]) • t'ge^mt'ga'mxgwa darkness sana'Vwa fight, battle gina^x passage-way 176.9 ts'Ie'ma'x noise (cf. dd'^-ts.'Sm- xde^ I hear a big noise 90.21) ye'Vsgwix swea.t(ci. ye'Vsgwade' I shall sweat [140.1]) PARTICIPLES (§§ 75-78) § 75. General Kemarks Participles are either active or passive, and may be formed with considerable freedom from all verbs. They have not been found with incorporated pronominal objects, the active participles being more adjectival than verbal in character, whUe the passives natiirally hardly allow of their incorporation. The passive participle is often provided with possessive afiixes that correspond to the transitive subjects of the finite verb; the active participle, on the other hand, undergoes no modification for person, but, like any adjective, is brought in con- nection with a particular person by the forms of the copula ei- be. § 76. Active Participle in -t' This participle is formed by simply appending a -f, one of the characteristic adjectival sufiixes, to the verb-stem. Inferential and imperative -p'- of Class II intransitives disappears before this ele- ment (e. g., se'nsanf whooping), but not the non-aoristic -p'-, which is characteristic (see § 42, 1) of some of the verbs of the same class; 8. g., sana'p' fighting (from *sana'^p't'). Participles in -f never denote particular action, but regularly indicate that the action predi- § 76-76 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKBLMA 205 cated of a person is one that in a way marks him off from others, and that may serve as a characteristic attribute. Not infrequently, there- fore, a -f- participle has the value of a noun of agency; the fact, how- ever, that it never appears with pronominal elements, but is always treated as an adjective, demonstrates its attributive, non-substantival character. It is possible to use it with a preceding nominal object, so that sentences may result that seem to predicate a siugle act definitely placed in time; yet an attributive shade of meaning always remains. For example, wiJiin domf eife^ (literally, mt-motheb hav- ING-KILLED i-am) and wihin t.'omoma'^n both mean i killed my MOTHER, but with a difference. The latter sentence simply states the fact, the emphasis being on the act itself; the former sentence, on the other hand, centers in the description of the subject as a matri- cide, I AM ONE WHO HAS KILLED HIS MOTHER. The latter sentence might be a reply to a query like what did totj do? the former, to WHO ARE YOU? Examples of -f participles are : gwi-na'V how constituted, of what kind? {gwi- [how, where] + naY [from na- do, act]) 14.4, 9, 10; 15.6 ga-na^t' of that kind, so in appearance 63.12; 192.7 vMnt' Ideme^n I make him old (cf. wunUnt'e^ I grow old) fgd"' Tiaxa^t' burnt field (not passive, but really = field that has at one time burned) 92.29 Mlt' elt'e^ "I know how to sing (literally, singing I am) yap! a lohont' elfe^ I have killed (many) people Giterally, people causing [ or having caused]-to-die I am) loho\' having died, dead 148.13 hawa'x-xiwiY (it is) rotting xuda'mt' eit'e^ I am whistler ni'xa yVlt' having coptdated with his mother (insulting epithet applied to Coyote) 86.5, 6, 16 Examples of participles with lost -f have been given above (see § 18). § 77. Passive Participle in -{a)k'w, -i^k'w Nominal participial forms in -V " of passive signification can be freely formed from all transitive verb-stems, the stem invariably undergoing palatalization (see § 31). The suffix -i'" ordiaarUy requires a pre- ceding connective -a- replaced, as usual, by an instrumental -i- in such passive participles as are derived from verb-forms themselves provided with -i-. Participles in -at'" tend to be accented on the § 77 206 BUREAU OF AMBBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnLL. 40 syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic -h- generally appears before the -co-; -haV'^ is also regularly used with preceding fortis (see § 19). It is not unlikely that the suffix is organ- ically -Aa^'", the -Tia- implying continuity (see § 43, 5). Instrumental passives in -iV'", on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised pitch, on the -i- of the sufiBx. For example, dnmhak''" (always) KILLED or STRUCK PERSON, but WOr-du'^mi^F '^ THING WITH WHICH ONE KILLS Giterally, killed- with thing). Inasmuch as -¥'^- participles, differing in this respect from active participles in -t\ are distinctly nom- inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g., dUmhaV'^-dek' my struck one. Forms thus arise which, like -<'-par- ticiples supplemented by forms of ei- be, have independent predicative force. What we have seen to apply to -^"-participles, however, in regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force to predicatively used passives in -¥^. WhUe a sentence like I'daga tlomoma'n {ddmk'am) that one was slain, with finite passive, implies the fuffiUment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is supplied by a passive participle (like I'daga dUmTiaTc'^ that one is [regularly] slain, struck) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly continued activity: I'daga dumhak'^de^F that one is my (regu- larly) struck one thus appro^aches in signification the finite frequentative I'daga t.'omo'amda^n that one i (always) strike, but differs radically in signification from both i'daga tlomoma'^n I killed that one and I'daga domt" elt'e^ i am one that has killed that one. Examples of -fc'"- participles are: gwen-sgv/'^H' ok'"" (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5) xa^-sgi'^^p'sgibik'^ (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3 (mi*) gda'p'ak.^"^ ^ something which is (already) twisted gUhaV"^ na^ne^'x like something planted, sown wa^-l-duzik''"de¥ I have been gathering them (literally, my gathered ones) daV-wa^fu'tHV"" (manzanita) mixed with (^gar-pine nuts) 178.5 Van fgwil guf ok'^da'^ squirrel has been burying (goM-) hazel- nuts Giterally, squirrel hazel-nuts [ are] his-buried-ones)^ se¥ak.'"^de^¥ I (always) shoot {sd''g-) him Qiterally, my shot one) m%la'shak.''"de¥ I love her (literally, my loved one) 1 Ct. galaia'^n 1 twist it; -o'- above is inorganio, hence impalatalized to -«-. ^t'gwil (hazel-nuts) is the grammatical subject; giWOlC^doA predicates the subject; t'&n (squirrel) is outside the main core of the sentence, being mereiy in apposition with the incorporated -dan (his) oJ the nominal predicate. § 77 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP IKDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 207 As the last example shows, the iadirective -s- of verbs with indirect object is preserved in -hdk''" participles (contrast mllaH'-Tc' he loved HER [inferential]). Participles of instrumental signification in -i^fc'" are freely employed to make up instrumental nouns, such as names of implements. Examples are: dd'^Y-sgu'HHV" log-cut-with ( = saw) se'l-wa-se^la'mdik''^ black paint (writing) - therewith - paiated (written) ( = pencil) l-smi'lsTnilUc^" (thing) swung ( = swing) dulc''°-wa-sgu'H!i¥'' dress-therewith-cut ( = scissors) Tclwdl-ha'^-sgeTc'sgigiY^ grass-up-pitched- with ( = pitchfork) yapfa-wa-do^mi^Tc''' people-therewith-killed, e. g., arrow, gun da^ma'xau al^^wa-xi''7c!ik''" far therewith-seen, e. g., telescope mulmili^'k''" something to stir (mush) up with It is interesting to note that forms in -Z;"" may be formed from the third person possessive of nouns, chiefly terms of relationship. These are shown by the palatalized form of the stem to be morpholog- ically identical with passive participles in -k'". Examples are: Noun Participle ts-.'ele'i his eye 86.7, 9 ts-.'ele'ik"^ eye-having 27.9 ni'xa his mother 17.11; 126.7 ni'xdk"^ he Eas a mother ma'xa his father 17.12; 126.6 me'xak'" he has a father ¥a^^ld'p'ik!Vinswom.a,n(178.8) ¥eHe'f'ik!iY"^ he has a wife 142.6 tHHd'p'ilcH^ her husband 46.1 t.'lHe'pHlcHk.'"^ she has a hus- band Such forms in -k''^ may well be compared to English adjectives of participial form in -ed; e. g., left-handed, foue-corneeed. They may be further adjectivalized by the addition of -at' (see below, § 108) ; e. g., me'xagwat father-having. § 78. Passive Participles in -xap' {-sap') Less common than passive participles in -(a)i'™ are certain forms in -xap' {-sap'), which, like the former, show a palatalized form of the stem, and seem to- be identical in function with them. Like -7c'"- participles, again, they may be provided with possessive pro- nominal suffixes, though these belong to another scheme of endings: gd-gula'Tc'aTc'^-de^k' my liked one, I like him { = gd-gula'xab-at'Tc') gel-gula'¥dk''"-da they like him { = gel-gula'xap') I 78 208 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Forms in -xa-p' are in particular use as names of articles of clothing. Examples are: gwerwm'^^xsLp' handkerchief, neckerchief 188.5 (cf. gwen-wi'%!an I shall wind it about my neck) dak'-'m''^xa.p' something wound about one's head m"-Ze'''^sap" i = -t!-xap^) belt (cf. xa'^-la'Hlan I shall put it about my waist) gwen-p !ixsi-p' pillow (cf. gwen-p!%¥wan I shall lie on pillow) ^a-to'^^xap' shirt (cf. ha-ld'^Jc!Sn I shall put on shirt) ha-ya-'w-fge'n^sa-p' i = -ts!-xap') vest (cf. ha-ya-vrt'ge'ntslan I shall put it about my middle, ribs) sjre'^^xap" man's hat NOTTNS or AGENCY (§§ 79-82) § 79. Introductory Four sufExes have been found that are employed to form nouns of agency from verb-stems, -^s, -sa'^, -si^, and -xi. The first of these is more strictly verbal in character than the other three, being capable, unlike these, of incorporating the pronominal object, -sd" and -sa*, probably genetically related suffixes, are used apparently only with intransitive stems (including, however, such as are partly transitive in form, i. e., that belong to Class IV). -^s and -xi are used with both transitive and intransitive stems. § 80. Nouns of Agency in -{a'Ys This suffix is used to form agentives with more freedom than the others seem to be. The ending -^s is added directly to the verb-stem, with connective -a'- (instrumental -i-) if phonetically necessary. No examples have been found of agentives in -^s from intransitives of Class II. Examples are (49.4; 60.10) : Tioida'^s dancer Jidpxi-fd'^ga'^s child-crier ( = cry-baby) JieHa'^s singer xufma'^s whistler p.'d'^ga'^s bather Faiwi'^ wa^-l-doxi^s one who gathers everything yd'^da'^s swimmer xuma-1c!emna'-s food - maker ( = cook) 54.4 ts.'oruya'^s fast runner 138.2 ddmxbi^s one who kills you ei-sd'^gwa'^s canoe paddler mala'ximi^s one who tells us The last two examples show incorporated pronominal objects; the first personal plural object -am- is, as usual, followed by the connec- § 79-80 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 209 tive -i-. The strongly verbal coloring of the agentive in -^s is perhaps best indicated by its employment as a final clause. Examples of this use are: ia-i-lc !iyi'¥de^ al-xl'^^xWs I came to see you Qiterally, as one- seeing-you) me^-gini'^lc' al-xi'^^xi^s he came to see me hoida'^s di me^-ginigaY did you come to dance? (i. e., as dancer) a'ni^ me^-gini'lc'de^ lo^^s- I did not come to play, as player 31.6 (cf . § 74 for another method of expressing this idea) § 81. Nouns of Agency in -s7», -sa"- These, as already observed, are less distinctly verbal in force than the preceding. Some verbs have agentives in both -^s and -sd°'; e. g., lieHa'^s and Jielsa'^ singer. Not infrequently there is a distinct feel- ing of disparagement in a -sa"- agentive as compared with one in -^s; e. g., Tiog'^a'^s good eunnek, but lio'Vsd°' one who always runs (because of fear). Both of these suffixes are added directly to the stem without connecting vowel. If stressed, they have the falhng accent. -sd°' is the regular agentive ending of Class II intransitives; -p'- is or is not retained before it under the same conditions as in the case of the participial -f (see § 76). Further examples of agentives in -si* and -sd'^ are: v-Tie'gwa'lc' ^si} worker dor-losi liar (but non-disparaging lo^s player) ^'iffg-ji (^ = u'i^s'-s'%') k.'eme^n I make him laugh (literally, laugher) ial-t'wd''p'fwa'p'si^ blinker I al-fwd'^p't'wa' p'sa'^ xa°-M)tsa'* go-between (settler of feud) 178.11 dd^-pHyaiMsa,"- one going, dancing by side of fire ( = medicine- man) yims-a.'^ {=yims'-s'a,"^) dreamer ( = medicine-man) waTsa^ big sleeper esewsa"- big sneezer se'nsansa?- one knowing how to whoop sana'p'sB?- oiie knowing how to fight s-a's'avBa?' one always standing s-u'^alssi^ one always sitting nots.'adam yu'sa^ e^hik' we are neighbors (literally, neighboring- to-us being [stem yvr-] we-are) t'.obaga'sa?- ( = -a's-sd"-) elf you are always lying like dead A few nouns in -sl^, in which an agentive meaning can not well be detected, nevertheless doubtless belong here: Id^sv" plaything 3045°— BiUl. 40, pt 2—12 14 § 81 210 BTJKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 (110.6,11) (cf. verb-stem Zo"- play); less evidently, le'psi^ feather 28.2; ala'lcsl' his tail (86.21, 23) § 82. Nouns of Agency in -x/ Only a few verbal derivatives in -xi have been obtained. They are : al-huyttxi ( = -x-xi) hunter ye^xi' needle, awl (literally [ ?], biter [cf. verb-stem ye^g''- bite]) 122.8 gel-dula'jo} elfe^ I am lazy, one who is lazy gel-he'^^xi stingy (cf. verb-stem Tie^^x- be left over) s-uniia' paddle stirrer (cf. s'vfi-m-t'a- boil) (170.16) el fgSlxV wagon (literally, canoe one-that-rolls) § 83. FORMS IN -i'ya Two or three isolated verb-forms in -i'ya^ have been found that appear to be of a passive participial character. There are not enough such forms available, however, to enable one to form an idea of their function. The few examples are: fga"^ (1) haxani'ja. (2) m¥ (3) al-t!aya''¥ (4) then (3) he dis- covered (4) a burnt-down (2) field (1) 92.26 yap.'a (1) do'^mi'y& (2) ^al-t!aya^¥ (3) he discovered (3) killed (2) people (1) Both of these forms in -i'ya, it will be observed, are derived from transitive stems (haxani'ya from causative 7iaxa-n- cause to burn, burn), and would seem to be best interpreted as attributive passives corresponding to the attributive actives in -f. To these forms belongs probably also: dl'-Jie'lijSi (1) wa-ivn'^ (2) girl (2) who sleeps on a raised board platform (1) (literally, perhaps, up-boarded girl [cf. TieHa'm board]) 13.2 n. The Noun (§§ 84-102) § 84:. Introductory Despite the double-faced character of some of thp nominal deriva- tives of the verb-stem (e. g., the passive participles), there is formally in Takelma a sharp line of demarcation between denominating and predicative elements of speech. This is evidenced partly by the distinct sets of pronominal suffixes peculiar to noun and verb, partly by certain nominal elements appearing before the possessive affixes and serving, perhaps, to distinctly substantivize the stem. Only a I Not to be confused with transitive iniinitiyes in -Ja\ § 83-84 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 211 small number of stems have been found that can, without the aid of nominal (or verbal) derivative elements, be used as both noims and verbs. Such are: Noun Verb se'^l black paint, writing se^l^a'md-a^n I paint it ^e'^Z song 106.7; (164-.16) M sing! (170.12) liw-a'"' naga'*^ he looked (per- liwila'u-fe^ I looked (152.17) haps = his-look he-did) 55.6 (imperative U-ali.ll; [60.2]) du¥-^ shirt 96.16 dvduF" wear it! (55.9; 96.16) t.'iiH gambling-sticks in grass- t.'u'ltlal^siniba^ let us gamble game at grass-game 31.9 xle'^^p' dough-like mass of v-xlep!e'xlib-i^n I mash it into camass or fat dough (94.11) Qcdn urine xala'xam-t'e^ I urinate A number of cases have been found of stem + suffix serving as noun and verb (e. g., vnfilha'm menstrual "eouxd" dance 100.10, 16: wuHha'mt'e^ i shall have tiest coukses 162.7, 8); but iu these it is probable that the verb is . a secondary derivative of the noun. Even in the first two examples given above, a difference iu pitch- accent serves to distinguish the noun from the verb-stem: Ml-gvIu^F" HE WILL SING, but he' 'I gd-gviu'V'' he likes, desires, a song. The use of a stem as both noun and verb in the same sentence may lead to such cognate accusative constructions as the English to live A life, deeam a dream : se' ^l-se'^la'Trisi write to me! du^gwl'* dl-du^gwa'nY she shall wear her skirt 55.9 If we analyze noun forms like t!ilagwa'nV¥ mt pancreas and dd^nxde^V my ear, we find it necessary to consider five more or less distinct elements that go to make up a noun with possessive suffix, though all of these but the radical portion of the word may be absent. First of all we have the stem {t'.iba-; dd'^-) which may or may not be similar in form to a verbal base, and which occurs either as an absolute noun unprovided with a pronominal suffix (body-part nouns and terms of relationship, however, do not ordinarily appear in their naked stem-form), or as an incorporated noun; e. g., tHbor-wesin I AM PANCEEAS-DEPEIVED, MT PANCREAS HAS BEEN TAKEN FROM ME. Appended to the stem are the purely derivational or formative elements of the noun. Takelma is characterized rather by a paucity than an abundance of such elements, a very large proportion of its nouns being primitive, i. e., non-derivative, in character. Of the § 84 212 BUKBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 two nouns that we have chosen as types daflnxde'Tc'^ shows no forma- tive element in the proper sense of the word, while the -gw- of tliba- gwa^t'Jc' is such an element (cf . from stem liu- look liu-gw-ax-de'^Tc' MY pace) . More characteristic of the Takelma noun than derivational suffixes is a group of elements that are never found in the absolute form of the noun, but attach themselves to it on the addition of a pronominal sufRx or local pre-positive. The -n- and -(a)iv- of da'^nxde'Y and t.'ihagwa^nt'Jc' , respectively, are elements of this kind (cf. ha^da-n-de IN MY eak; ha-tHbagw-an-de in my panckeas), also the -a- of danaH'V MY ROCK (cf. Jia^dan-a' in the rock [from da^n rock]), and the -u of Tia-fgaU in the earth 33.7 (from t'ga earth). The function of these elements, if they have any and are not merely older formative suffixes that have become crystallized in definite forms of the noun, is not at all clear. They are certainly not mere connective elements serv- ing as supports for the grammatical suffixes following, as in that event it would be difficult to understand their occurrence as absolute finals in nouns provided with pre-positives ; nor can they be plausibly explained as old case-endings- whose former existence as such was conditioned by the preceding pre-positive, but which now have entirely lost their original significance, for they are never dependent on the pre-positive itself, but vary solely with the noun-stem: Tva-dan-a' in the rock; da^'-dain^a' beside the rock; dal-daiv-a^ among the rocks; dan-a^-f¥ my rock; ddk'-dan^a-dS over my rock (with constant -a- from da'^n rock 16.12) Jia-gwaH-a^m in the road 62.6; dSfl-gwdH-a'im along the road; gwaH-a'm-t'V my road (96.8) ; da¥-gwdH-am-ds over my road (48.6, 8) (with constant -am- from gwan road 148.7) For want of a better term to describe them, these apparently non- significant elements will be referred to as noun-characteristics. Not all nouns have such characteristics : Tia-gela'm m the river (from geWm river 21.14) as opposed to xd"- gulm-a'n among oaks (from guln'm oak 22.10, 11) Whether such nouns were always without them, or really preserve them, but in a phonetically amalgamated form, it is, of course, impossible to decide without other than internal evidence. A fourth nominal element, the pre-pronominal -x-, is found in a large number of nouns, including such as possess also a characteristic § 84 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 213 (e. g., dd'^-n-x-de^lc') and such as are not provided with that element (e. g., sod-x-de^V my foot) ; a large number, on the other hand, both of those that have a characteristic (e. g., Uibagw-a'in^fV) and of those that lack it (e. g., iSm-t'a'^ his stick) do without the -x-. A considerable number of nouns may either have it between the characteristic and the pronominal ending or append the personal endings directly to the characteristic, no difiference ia signification resulting. In such doublets, however, the pronominal suffixes be- long to different schemes : iilg-an-x-de''¥ and hUg-o'v^W my breast se'ns-i-x-da'^ and se'ns-i'-H' your hair waP-d-i'-x-da (92.24) and wd^d-l'^ his body 146.6 The characteristic -a- never tolerates a following -x-. Where doublets occur, these two elements seem to be mutually equivalent: ey-a^-flc' (112.6) and d-x-de'Y mt canoe (from e% canoe 1 14.3) . Such doublets, together with the fact that nothing ever intervenes between it and the personal suffix, make it possible that this -x- is a connective element somewhat similar in fimction to, and perhaps ultimately identical with, the coimective -x- of transitive verbs. This, however, is con- fessedly mere speculation. What chiefly mihtates against its inter- pretation as a merely coimective element is the fact of its occurrence as a word-final in phrases in which no possessive element is found : dagax wo'Vi^ head without ha-da'^-^-x jnoThiY in-ear red (i. e., red-eared) 14.4; 15.13 If the local phrase involves a personal pronominal element, the -x- disappears : dd"'-7ir-x-de^]c' my ear, but Jia-da-nnde in my ear This treatment marks it off sharply from the noun-characteristics. Fifthly and lastly, in the integral structure of the noun, comes the possessive pronominal suiSx (the first person singular of terms of relationship, however, is a prefixed wi-) . The following tabulated summary shows the range of occurrence of the various elements of the noun: 1. Stem. Occurs as absolute noun (gwan), or incorporated in verb 2. Derivative element. Occurs as ending of absolute form of noun whose stem appears only in incorporation: tUba'-V'" pancreas. § 84 214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 3. Noun characteristic. Occurs with all increments of absolute form of noun; i. e., with pronominal suffix (gwdH-a^m-t'¥) , with pre-positive Qha-gwaH-a'm) , and with pre-positive and pronominal element Qia-gwaH-am-de) . 4. I*re-pronominal -x-. Occurs with pronomiaal sufSx {dd'^^rv-x- deW) and pre-positive (Aa-cZa^-n-a;), but never with pre-positive and pronominal element. 5. JPronominal suffix. Occurs in two distinct forms: one for nouns without pre-positives (dd^-n-x-deW) , and one for nouns accompanied by pre-positive Qia-da-^n-de) . A tabulated analysis of a few typical words follows: stem DerivatiTe Character- istio Pre-pro- nominal Pronommai Meaning (An-) wax.- 1 g-a'n in the creek le'- ICw- avr n- my anus doMiya'a- k'w.- deV my medicine-spirit dap~ n- X- deV my ear bo'k'dn an.- X- de'V my neck k'aic- la'-p^a.-kl- i- fk- my woman loy- «-i\- t'k- my plaything sge'ei- xdb.- a- fk- my hat li'u- gw- ax- de'k- my face xSfl~ ha'mr- da on his hack ts-le'k'U-lig- i- X- deV my backbone (ha-) yaw- o- dl in my ribs do^^m.- a'l- fk- my testicles xlM.-(xS,n.) a^Tn- fk- my urine I- Vr X- de'k' my hand Qia^-) l- Vr dl in my handj ^ A point (.) shows the absolute form of the word. 1. Nominal Stems (§§ 85, 86) § 85. GENERAL REMARKS The stem is in a very large number of cases parallel in form to that of a verbal base (e. g., with da'n rock, s'om mountain, mga; CRANE, cf. t!an- hold, s'omn boil, Tie^m- wrestle). An extensive number of noun-stems, however, are apparently amplifications X)i a simpler monosyllabic base, and have all the outward appearance of an aorist stem in the verb. It becomes, then, not only possible, but fundamentally important, to classify noun-stems into types that seem, and ultimately doubtless are, entirely analogous in form to cor- responding verbal types. The noun-stem wili- house, for example, can be conceived of as formed from a base wii- in the same manner § 85 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 215 as the aorist naga- is formed from the verb-stem na°'g- say to some ONE. Similarly, the noun yele'x bukden-basket is phonetically related to a hypothetical base *yelx-, as is the aorist leme-k!- to the non-aorist lem-1c!-. A small number of nouns appear in two forms, one corresponding to the aorist stem, the other to the verb-stem of a verb: guLu'w, oak, but with characteristic -{a)n-:gvlm-a7\^{t\i& non- aorist gula^m with inorganic -a- also occurs). Similarly, yulu^m and yvla^m eagle. In such variable nouns we have a complete morpho- logic analogy to Type 2 (or 3)) verbs like aorist xudum- whistle, verb-stem xut'm- (with inorganic -a-: xudam-) . In both guLu'm and xudum- the -m- is almost certainly a suiExed element. It must be carefully noted, however, that, while in the verb we very often have both the aorist stem and the base (as verb-stem) in actual existence, in the case of nouns we rarely can go beyond the stem as revealed in an absolute or incorporated form. It is true that sometimes a hypothetical noun-base phonetically coincides with a verbal base, but only in the minority of cases can the two be satisfactorily connected. Thus, yut!-, abstracted from yut.'u^n dxjck, is very probably identical with the yut!- of aorist yutluyad- swallow greedily like hog or DUCK. On the other hand, little is gained by comparing the yul- of yvlu^m EAGLE with the yvl- of aorist yiduyal- rub; the p.'iy- of pH'yin deer and pli'yax fawn with the aorist -p!iyin^{¥wa^) lie on pillow (cf. gwev^p! txap' pillow), unless the deer was so called, for reasons of name-taboo, because its skin was used for the making of pillows (or,' more naturally, the reverse) ;^ the way- of waya^ knife with way- sleep; or the noun-stem yaw- rib (occurring as yor-u- when incorporated) with the verb-stem yaw- {yiw-) talk. It is not justi- fiable to say that noun-stems of apparently non-primitive form are necessarily amplified from the bases that seem to lie back of them (e. g., vxili- from wil-; yuLu-^m from yvl-), but merely that there is a strong tendency in Takelma for the formation in the noun of certain typical sound-groups analogous to those found in the verb. § 86. TYPES OF STEM FORMATION Though it is probably impossible to duplicate all the various types of aorist and verb stem found in the verb, most of those that are at all frequent occur also in the noun. 'Improbable, however, if aorist pleyen- lie and pJiyin-k' wa- lie on pillow are radically eonnected (see § 31). § 86 216 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 1. The most characteristic tjrpe of noun-stem in Takelma is the monosyllabic group of consonant (less frequently consonant-cluster) + vowel (or diphthong) + consonant (less frequently cluster). This type may be considered as corresponding to the normal monosyllabic verb-stem- Out of a very large number of such primitive, underived noun-stems are taken a selection of examples. Occurring as naked stems only when incorporated: s'ln- nose da'^- ear gel- breast gwen- neck dag- head s-al- foot Occurring as absolute nouns: nox rain 90.1 pUfiTe 62.10; 78.13 6g sun 54.3; 123.15; 160.20 hem tree, stick 25.5; 48.7 xi^ water 15.1; 57.14 fga land 49.12; 73.9 fgwa" thunder 55.8 'plaf's snow 90.2, 3; 152.16 fi'm salmon 17.12; 30.10 Ian salmon-net 31.2; 33.4 Trial salmon-spear shaft 28.7 t'gwa\ slave 13.12 gwdn trail 148.7 hus fly del yellow-jacket 73.7, 10 mSx crane 13.1 xe^m raven 162.8, 12 s-em duck 55.2; 166.10 sSl kingfisher mel crow 144.9; 162.7 yak''' wildcat 42.1; 46.9 xa^rnk' grizzly bear 106.14 dip' camass 108.18; 124.12 Ic.'wai grass 31.8 Mx roasted camass 178.4 o'^p' tobacco 194.1 Ar.'wa^ pitch 88.13; 158.9 ynp' woman's basket-cap 178.3 §86 gwel- leg yaw- rib V- hand xa"- back de^- lips, mouth Jia- woman's private parts mo x grouse fgweW"" Ta-t (sp.«) t'l'^s gopher 78.4, 7 s6m beaver 112.1; 166.12 s-to bird 22.4; 166.10 ^a'7i.rock 13.6; 16.12 Id'^'p' leaves S'U venison 16.6; 55.1 xin mucus la^' excrement 122.2 t'ga'm elk 158.4; 196.6 t!ak' mussel 26.7 io^n acorn-hopper ceo' fir 24.10; 54.6 hulk' panther 42.1 UF" skunk 164.2 fan squirrel 94.2, 4 s-om mountain 43.6 xdn urine (Zo"m testicles 130.20 do^m spider TioU jack-rabbit 108.8 ga'P bow Jidl cloud 13.3 Mu grasshopper 92.28, 29 xni^F acorn dough 16.12 gut thick brush 71.1 t'gwll h&zelnut 116.5, 11, 14 6oAs] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 217 Occurring generally with possessive suffix: w-,^11 wd^d- body 92 24; 130.24: ^_|father 17.12; 70.7; 158.3 146.6 xuH- brains ^*- 1 , se^ri- s kin ^.^|mother 17.9; 76.10, 13; ^,z^. buttocks 45.9; 72.10; "^••^^ 94.15 gfM«x-wife 13.2; 45.3; 64.5; 142.12 hilg- breast ^/i'-male, husband 45.14; 126.14 iu"6- hair 24.8; 162.4 m'- teats 30.14 (m' found as o-is-- property 23.2; 154.13 absolute form 130.9) p.'a'^n- liver 120.15 (plan found as absolute form 57.9, 13) These lists might be very greatly increased if desired. It will be noticed that a considerable number of the nouns given are such as are generally apt to be derivative or non-primitive in m.orphology. In regard to accent monosyllabic nouns naturally divide themselves iato two classes : — those with rising or raised accent, embracing the great majority of examples, and those with falling accent. Of the latter type a certain number owe their accent to a glottal catch of the stem. Besides ga'l^, already given above, may be cited: t'go'*^ leggings L'a'Z^s sinew 27.13; (28.1) ple'^^V basket-plate 168.15 Tc'o'^x tar- weed seeds 26.15 These offer no special difficulty. There is a fairly considerable num- ber of monosyllabic nouns, however, in which the falling accent can not be so explained, but appears to be inherently characteristic of the nouns. Besides o'^p', p!d'°-s, t'l'^s, and la,"^p\ may be mentioned: ne'^l song 106.7 i.'e'^i'^yellowhammergo. 18; 194.15 se'«Z black paint, writing t'be'^V'" shinny-ball ge'H^ xerophyllum tenax a'lJc' silver-side salmon ye'H' tears p!e''^s (with derivative -s? see § 87, wa'^s bush (sp.?) 25.12 8) fiat rock on which acorns are poimded 74.13; 75.2; 118.17 For two of these nouns (he'4 and se'^1) the etymology is obvious. They are derived from the verb-stems he"!- sing and se^lr{amd-) paint; it may well be that the falling accent here characterizes sub- stantives of passive force (that which is sung, painted). Possibly ld"^p' and o'^p' are to be similarly explained as meaning those that J Most nouns of relationship show monosyllabic stems; none can be shown to be derivative in character. § 86 218 BUREAU Ot AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ARE CARRIED (BY BRANCHES) and THAT WHICH IS DUG UP^ (cf. aorist stems Za"6- carry and o^t- dig up). 2. A very considerable number of noun-stems repeat the vowel of the base, corresponding to aorist stems of Type 2 verbs. Such are: wi'Zi house 13.1; 14.8; 192.6 gwit!i-{n)- wrist fe-.'i'a;i dog fc'aSa- son 23.2; 128.5; 138.14 moxo^ buzzard 105.23 x&ga,- maternal aunt s$fi' si coyote 13.1; 70.1; 108.1 ccZi'wi war-feathers 110.18 sgwini'' raccoon waya^knife73.3; 144.20; 172.12 Tc!&'m& spit for roasting 170.17 5foi/o'shaman47.11;142.7;188.7 i/aj).'a' person 14.12; 96.2; 128.2 wo"p.'u-(n)- eyebrows i/ana^ acorn 15.16; 16.9; 58.9 With probably derivative final consonant are : lege^m- kidney d&g&^n turtle Zap'am frog 102.10; 196.3 fe-.'aa;a'^n blue-striped lizard yxdu^m eagle 77.2; 122.15;164.8 wigin red lizard giuZu'm oak 22.10 Zi'&i?i news 108.20; 194.9 FiiZum fish (sp. ?) j/i' win speech 126.10; 136.12 Zoxo'm manzanita 126.17; 178.5 ts-'.amSl mouse 102.10; 104.9; 142.4 yxd'.-a'n white duck 55.5 S'imi'Z dew f'.i'yin Aeer 17.1; 42.2; 54.2 (i.'eZ)meZieZ-i;'* basket for cook- gafTc'.&n ladder 176.8 ing 178.4 Here again it will be observed that the rising or raised accent is the normal one for the second syllable of the stem. But here also a well-defined, if less numerous, group of noun-stems is found in which the repeated long vowel bears a falling accent. Examples are : t'gw&la!^ hooting owl 194.9 i.'iJisl" ant 74.4; 75.5 7i.u"s"u'" chicken-hawk 142.6 ^a-ui/a'*shaman'sspirit (?from dawy- fly) 164.14 s-iiM'" quail 70.2, 5; 71.4 maya'^-Z;'"- orphan 154.5 Compare also tlono'^^s- below (Type 3) ; ts-HU'^Tc!- and fbele'^s (Type 3) owe their falling accent to the presence of a glottal catch. Very remarkable is the stem formation of the noun tluxu'i drift- wood 75.5. It is evidently formed from the verb-stem do'^x- (aorist stem tloxox-) gather (wood) according to aorists of Type 7b, at the same time with vowel ablaut (cf. theoretic Hiixu-xi he gathers me) and falling accent, perhaps to give passive signification (see § 86, 1); its etymologic meaning would then be that which is gathered. No other noun of similar stem formation has been found. ' If this etymology oi o'^p' is correct, Pit River op' tobacco must be borrowed from Takelma. § 86 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKEUMA 219 3. It is not strictly possible to separate noun-stems corresponding to aorists of verbal Type 2 from those that are to be compared with aorists of Type 3. The doubt that we found to exist in the verb as to the radical or sufExal character of certain consonants is present also in regard to the final consonant of many dissyllabic nouns. The following nouns with repeated vowel show final consonants that are not thought to be elements of derivation. If this view is correct, they are to be compared with Type 3 aorist stems. Zi&is crawfish 30.2 ii'lnk!- hair 27.1; 140.6; 158.1 TiiAwi^^'" black bear 116.1; deges^- sifting basket-pan 118.1 196.13 ts'lili'^lc!- elbow i.'a6a^s porcupine-quUls s-idib-i- (house) wall 176.4, 9 fgrwaya'm lark 22.1 ; 160.3 tep.'es cat-tail rushes MZun ocean 60.8; 154.14 t'lele'^s pine-nuts oho^p' black shells (sp. ?) 55.9 a&wex flea motlo^p' seed-beater s-ele¥'° pestle 56.1 yuk.'nm- salmon-taU 198.9 s-tiZSi* cricket dngu^m baby 126.9 i.'07i6'"s- humming-bird (per- haps with derivative -s) 4. Analogous to aorist stems of Type 4 verbs (e. g., yewei-) are a few nouns with repeated vowel and following -i- to form a diphthong. Of such nouns have been found: ts- !elei- eye 27.8 ; 86.7 ; 92.20 dor-lc.'olo'i-da-x- cheek Ic'wedei- name 100.21 maAa^ (adjective) large 196.10 Ic.'elei- bark 54.6 (cf. plural mahml 130.4 for Tcloloi storage basket 61.5; base) 138.17 That the final -i- of these nouns is not an added characteristic, but an integral part of the noun-stem, is proven by the facts that no examples have been found of vowels followed by noun-characteristic -i- (ordinarily -n- or -m- is employed), and that ts'.'elei- has been found incorporated in that form. 5. A few nouns are found that show a repeated initial consonant; they may be compared to Type 10 aorist stems. Examples are: se'ns- hair 136.28 (cf. se^Vr- bo'p' alder (94.17) skin) lii"l- throat 25.2 (? cf. aorist ts-lu'n^s {ts- lunts- !-) deer- ZomoZ choke) skin cap embroidered with woodpecker-scalps 1 Absolute form dega^s 178.4; cf. yuVi^ 164.3 alongside of yulu^m 77.8? « 86 220 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 sufis thick, deep (of snow) 90.3 ts"!eWs* {ts'terds'!-) wild-rose berry 92.23 bebe^-w rushes bap' seeds (sp.?) (34.1; 79.9; 94.19) b'ii»b-a'72, arm 23.2, 4; (172.4) ts'!a'%"* bluejay (onomato- poetic)22.14;102. 10; 166.11 sgTis bug (sp.?) beZp' ^ swan 102.10; 104.14 Here may also be mentioned Tcla'maTdaP' his tongs (also Tda'maP'). 6. Reduplicated nouns are not frequent in Takelma, particularly when one considers the great importance of reduplication as a gram- matical device in the verb. Examples corresponding in form to Type 12 aorists (i. e., with -a- [umlauted to -i-] in second member) are: tgrn'rifgimn-i- skovl6.6X (also fs'/e'i'fe'.'ijf-i- backbone 112.4; fgm'^nfgw-i-) 198.6 gelgaH fabulous serpent (cf. gi'xgap^ medicine, poison aorist gelegoL-amd- tie hair (irreg.) 188.12 into top-knot 172.3) sPnsa^n decrepit old woman gwi'sgwas chipmunk yuk'ya'¥w-a (place name) p'aH'p'id-i~ salmon-liver (with 188.13 dissimilatedcatch)120.19,20 t'ga'lfgil-i- belly 6o"<'&icZ-i- orphans (alsoiofia) Also wa-im'^ girl 55.7; 96.23 doubtless belongs here; the -wi'^ of the second syllable represents a theoretic -wi'y, umlauted from -wa'y, the falling accent being due to the inorganic character: of the repeated a. A very few nouns repeat only the first consonant and add a, leaving the final consonant unreduplicated. Such are: ha'Vbafl red-headed woodpecker (onomatopoetic) 92.2, 6 ha'^Tca" ( = *'hak!'-'ha<') goose 102.10; 106.2, 5 lot'ba'^ orphan 122.1, 5 A few nouns, chiefly names of animals, show complete duplication of the radical element without change of the stem-vowel to -a- in the second member. This type of reduplication is practically entirely absent in the verb. Examples are: is'.'e'^fe'.'e^ small bird (sp.?) al-Jc!oTc!o^¥ (adj.) ugly-faced 60.5 dalda'l dragon-fly 21.1; 28.6 loWp screech-owl 194.1 p^abd''^p^ manzanita-flour t'ga'nt'gan fly (upper dialect) Even all of these are not certain. Those with radical -a- might just as well have been classified with the preceding group (thus iThat -^s- is felt to be equivalent to -(s7 is shown by Bluejay's song: ts-.'a'its-!l The -«'- of this word is doubtless merely the pitch-accentual peak of the -1-, the -u- resonance of the liquid being due to the preceding -o-. The word is thus to be more correctly written as SomolK (similarly, wulx ENEMY was Often heard as wulii^x), as implied by S-omola'^ one fkom Somolk'. In that event s-omol- is very probably a frequentative in v+l (see § 43, 6) from s-oiH mountain, and the place-name means vekt mountainous eeqion. § 87 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKBLMA 223 Dd'^-gelma.'^n person from Da*-gela^m, Rogue river (= Takelma Indian) Dl-dalamsi'^n person from Didalaffi, Grant's Pass Judging from the material at hand, it seems that -a'^n is used only when the place-name ends ia -m, though the ease with which -a'^n may be heard as -a'^ (see first footnote § 60) detracts from the cer- tainty of this generalization. 5. -gw-. This element occurs as a suffix in a number of terms relating to parts of the body. Examples are : f.'ifca^k'"" pancreas 47.17; t.'ibagw-a^rir-t'V my pancreas (47.5, 6, 7, 13) (incorporated tliba- 46.1, 9) li'ugw-ax-dek' my face (cf . verb-stem liitr- look) • da^inadagw-a'^nr-fV my shoulder da-uyd'^k'^^-dek' my medicine-spirit (incorporated da-uyd'^- 164.14) Ze'k'w-aw-i'i' my rectmn (cf. Za^' excrement 122.2) ma'p.'agw-a-t'Jc' my shoulder-blade 6. -{a)n- (or -m-f -1-). There are so many nouns which in then- absolute form end in -(,a)n or its phonetic derivatives -{a)m- and -(o) l- (see § 21) that there is absolutely no doubt of its suffixal character, despite the impossibility of ascribing to it any definite functional value and the small number of cases in which the stem occurs without it. The examples that most clearly indicate its non-radical character will be conveniently listed here: Ae^Za^m board 176.5 {ci.dl'-he'liya slee-ping on board platform 13.2) ife'.'eZa^m hail 152.12, 16 (cf. verb-stem ts'.'el- rattle) p.'i'yin deer 13.10; 42.2 (cf. p.'i'yax fawn 13.11; 49.11) yi'win speech 126.10; 138.4 (cf. verb-stem yiw- talk) li'lin news 194.9 (? cf. verb-stem laha- carry) yut.'u^n white duck 55.5 (cf . verb-stem yut!- eat greedily) do'Wam.-a^ anus (also do'W-i- as myth form 106.4, 8) do'Wiax-i- do'lFia-i- 106.6, 9 xddn eel (cf . reduplicated Twf-xdd''^xdagwa^n I throw away some- thing slippery, nastily wet [49.7]) s'ugwaJ'u root basket 124.5 (cf. s-ugwidl it lies curled up like bundled roots or strings) dan ye'^aldrYQ-V' rocks retuming-to- them, myth name of Otter 160.10, 13 (cf. verb-stem ye'w-ald- return to) Other examples, etymologically untransparent, will be found listed in § 21. The difference between this derivational -n (--m) and § 87 224 BUEEATJ OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY • [bull. 40 noun-characteristic -n- (-m) lies in the fact that the former is a neces- sary part of the absolute form of the word, while the latter appears only with grammatical increments. Thus the -am of 'heHa'm board can not be identified with the -am of ha-gwaHa'^m in the road, as gwa^la'^m has no independent existence. The exact morphologic cor- respondent of gwaH-am- is 7ieHam-a- (e. g., Jie^lam-a^-t'lc' my board). A doubt as to the character of the -n- can be had only in words that never, or at least not normally, occur without possessive sufiix: lege'm-fTc' my kidneys wo'^p!u'n-t'¥ my eyebrows ^ 7. -a. There are a rather large number of dissyllabic nouns or noun-stems with final -a, in which this element is to outward ap- pearance an integral part of the radical portion of the word. The number of instances in which it occurs, however, is considerable enough to lead one to suspect its derivational character, though it can be analyzed out in an even smaller number of cases than the sufiix -n above discussed. The most convincing proof of the exist- ence of a suffix -a is given by the word xu'ma food, dry food, 54.4; 188.1, a derivative of the adjective jcu^m dry 168.15 (e. g., p'im zu'm DRIED salmon; cf. also xumu'Vde^ i am sated [132.1]). Other pos- sible examples of its occurrence are: yoW fox (? cf. verb-stem yul- rub) 70.1, 4, 5; 78.2, 3, 9 mensi' bear 72.3; 73.2, 3, 4, 5; 106.7, 10 p.'cWa' slug 105.25 noxwsb' small pestle i'e'Zma small pestle 62.1; 116.18, 19; 118.2 ma'xla, dust 172.3; 184.5, 9 Tikda' grass for string (sp.?) t!el&' shinny-stick (? cf. verb-stem Hew- play shinny) t!elB> louse (? cf. verb base t'.el- lick) 116.3, 6, 7, 8, 11 t!%b&- pancreas 46.1, 9; 49.7 el&- tongue (characteristic -a- ?) doW old tree 24.1 yana' oak 22.11; 168.1,2,3, 6, 7 (cf. yangwa'^s oak sp.; with -gwas cf . perhaps al-gwa's-i- yellow) It is of course possible that some of the dissyllabic nouns in -a listed above (§ 86, 2) as showing a repeated vowel (e. g., ya'p.'a) really belong here. 1 These seem to be parallel to gwitli^n-t'k' my "WKISt, in whicli -tc-, inasmucli as it acts as the equivalent of the characteristic -u- (cf. gwitJiuxde^k' MY weist with luxde'^li' my hand), is itself best considered .characteristic element. I 87 BOAS] HANDBOOK 0¥ JNDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 225 8. -s. This element is in all probability a derivational suffix in a fairly considerable number of words, as indicated particularly by the fact of its frequent occurrence after a consonant. Examples are : p.'e'^s mortar-stone fastened in ground (cf. verb-stem p.'e- lie) 74.13; 120.17 la^ps blanket (? cf. base lab- carry on shoulder) 98.14, 15, 19, 21 p.'e^ns squirrel gUms (adj.) blind 26.14 (? cf. jfom^a'^'" rabbit) iels moccasin IcIuHs worm (? cf. verb-stem goH-, aorist Tc'.olol- dig) yols steel-head salmon (1 cf. yola' fox) ftiZs moss 43.16; 44.1; 47.15 iami'^s sky 79.7 (cf. verb-prefix ham- up) hah (adj.) long 14.5; 15.12, 15 (? cf. da-ialni'-xa [adv.] long time) Also some of the dissyllabic nouns in -s with repeated vowel listed above (§ 86, 3) may belong to this set. A few other stray elements of a derivational aspect have been found. Such are: -ax in pH'yax fawn 13.11; 16.8; 17.1, 2 (cf. pH'yin deer) -xi^ in &oma;i^ otter 13.5; 17.13; 154.13; 156.14; u'^xi seed-pouch; hayxi^ child 13.8, 13 (cf. Jiapda his child 98.13 and My'- incorporated in Jid^p'-lclemna'^s Children-maker 172.15) pluralic -x- in Jidpxda his children 16.3; 118.1, 14 -X- varies with -s- in adjective Tiapsdi small; Jia^pxi' hapsdi little children 30.12 A large number of dissyllabic and polysyllabic nouns still remain that are not capable of being grouped under any of the preceding heads, and whose analysis is altogether obscure: SaxcZis wolf 13.1; 16.10; 17.10 domxa'u Chinook salmon yilc'aY red deer yiba'xam small skunk hixa'^l moon 196.1 Jc.'a'TUik.'as basket cup (probably reduplicated and with deriva- tive -s) § 88. COMPOUNDS Of compounds in the narrower sense of the word there are very few in Takelma. Outside of personal words in -la'p'a, which we have suspected of being such, there have been found: lomtn'^ old man 24.11, 12; 126.19 (cf. t.'V- male) Ic'a^^s'o'Tc'da girl who has had courses (cf. Va^Hd'p'a woman) iCf. -ijabove, §82. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 15 § 88 226 BUREAU or AMEEICAN ethnology [bull. 40 Independent nouns may, however, be juxtaposed without change of form to make up a descriptive term, the quahfying noun preceding : Aapxi-- as in 'hoflp-t- childeen, p. 226. § 89 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 231 4. Possessive Suffixes (§§ 90-93) § 90. GENEE.AI, REMARKS The possessive suflBxes appended to the noun embrace elements for the first and second persons singular and pliiral and for the third person; the form expressing the latter is capable of further ampli- fication by the addition of an element indicating the identity of the possessor with the subject of the clause (corresponding to Latin suus as contrasted with eius). This element may be further extended to express plurality. Altogether four distinct though genetically related series of possessive pronominal affixes are found, of which three are used to express simple ownership of the noun modified; the fourth is used only with nouns preceded by pre-positives and with local adver- bial stems. The former set includes a special scheme for most terms of relationship, and two other schemes for the great mass of nouns, that seem to be fundamentally identical and to have become dififerentiated for phonetic reasons. None of these four pronominal schemes is identical with either the objective or any of the subjective series found iu the verb, though the pronominal forms used with pre- positives are very nearly coincident with the subjective forms found in the future of Class II intransitives : JiOrwilidS ia my house, like s-a's-anfe" I shall stand JiOr^W^da iu his house, like s-a's-ant'd'^ he will stand The following table gives the four possessive schemes, together with the suffixes of Class II future intransitives, for comparison: ' Terms of relation- ship Scheme II Scheme III With pre- positives Future in- transitives II Singular: First person wi- -d?t" -Vf -dl -de' Second person -'£(■ -de^ -'«• -da^ -da' Third person -xa, -a ■Ha -', -'*' -'da -da Plural: First person -da'm •da'm -5a'm -da'm -(,p')igam Second person . . ■^•ban -daba'n -'H'ban {-dabaPn {-'cfban !^o6aE Singular reflexive: Third person -xagwa, -agwa -dagwa -'fgma f-'dagma [-'t'gwa Plural reflexive: Third person -xagwan, -agwan -dagwan -Vgwwn [-'dagwan \-fgv^an 1 A complete comparative table of all pronominal forms is given in Appendix A. § 90 232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN^ ETHKOLOGY [BULL. 40 It will be observed that the main difference between the last two schemes lies in the first person plural; the first scheme is entirely peculiar in the first person singular and third person. The first person plural possessive suffix {-da^m) resembles the endings of the sub- jective future of the same person {-iga^m, -anaga'm) in the falling accent; evidently there is a primary element -a'm back of these various endings which has amalgamated with other suffixes. As seen from the table, reflexive suffixes exist only for the third person. The plural reflexive in -gwan has often reciprocal significance: wu'lxdagwan their own enemies ( = they are enemies) The suffixes of the first and second person plural may also have reciprocal significance : wulxda'm e^WY we are enemies (lit., our enemies we are) cf. 180.13 §91. TERMS OF BELATIONSHIP Tiam- {ma-) father, Mn- (ni-) mother, Jclas- maternal grand- parent, and heyan- daughter may be taken as types of the nouns that form this group. ^ Singular: First person. Second person Third person Plural: First person . Second person Singular reflexive: Third person . Plural reflexive: Third person . Vocative . wiha^m hami'H* ma'xa hamida'Tii hami'H'ban ma'xagwan haml ni'xa hinda'm ni'xagwa nVxagwan kinds \ [s-na\\ klasi'n" k/a'sa klasida'm k/asi'H'ban kla'sagwa k/a'sagwan k!asa wibei/a''n beya'nAt' heya'n beyanda'm heya'nH'ban beya'nVgwa beya'nVgwan {hinds TlSJ The first two of these are peculiar in that they each show a double stem; the first form (ham-, Mn-) is used in the first and second persons, the second {mo/-, ni-) in the third person. Despite the phonetically symmetrical proportion Jiam- : ma- = Mn- : m-, the two words are not quite parallel in form throughout, in that Jiin- does not show the characteristic -i- found in certain of the forms of Jiam-. I Out of thirty-two terms of relationship (tabulated with first person singular, third person, and vocative in American Anthropologist, u. a., vol. 9, pp. 268, 269) that were obtained, tweuty-eight belong here. § 91 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES- — TAKELMA 233 Of the other words belongmg to this group, only that for friend shows, or seems to show, a double stem: wiklW-ya'm mt friend &.n.^'k!u'yam o friend! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 but Id'Wi/a'pxa his friend 190.2, 4 and Tcluyaba'H' (with inorganic rather than characteristic a) YOUR friend 198.2. Irregular is also wi-Tc'.o'^xa^ mt son's wife's parents: Tdoi^xa'm-xa his son's wife's parents 178.9, in which we have either to reckon with a double stem, or else to consider the -m- of the latter form a noun-characteristic. Other terms of relationship which, like Mti-, append all the personal endings without at the same time employing a characteristic are: wa'^- younger brother 42.1; 64.4 (also t'awa"- younger sister 58.1, 5; 188.10) Tcle%- husband's parent wayau- daughter-in-law ([ ? ] formed according to verb-type 1 1 from way- sleep) 56.8, 9 s-iyd^p'- woman's sister's husband or husband's brother Tiasd-^ man's sister's husband or wife's brother 152.22 X;.'%a|™"l friend 180.13; 196.19; 198.2 heyarv- daughter 13.2; 70.1, 4; 118.1, 4 belongs, morphologically speaking, to the terms of relationship only because of its first per- sonal singular form; all its other forms (the vocatives really belong to Mn-) are built up according to Scheme III. As far as known, only terms of relationship possess vocative forms, though their absence can not be positively asserted for other types of nouns. The great majority of these vocatives end in -a, which, as in wa o younger brother! may be the lengthened form with rising accent of the fijial vowel of the stem, or, as in Tc'.asd o grandmother! 16.3, 5, 6; 17.2; 154.18 added to the stem, generally with loss of the characteristic -%-, wherever found, wayaw- and s'iyd^p'-, both of which lack a characteristic element, employ as vocative the stem with rising . accent on the a- Yowe\: wayaU o daughter-in-law! und s-iya^p' o brother-in-law! (said by woman). This method of forming the vocative is in form practically equivalent to the addition of -a. s'Tia' mamma! and Tuakla o wife! husband! are vocatives without corre- sponding noun-stems provided with pronominal suffixes, heyarir- DAUGHTER and Vabor- son, on the other hand, have no vocative 1 wiWst' MT WIFE'S BEOTHEE IS the Only Takelma word known that terminates in sV. ' Inasmuch as there is hardly another occurrence ofs-n- in Taiehna, it is perhaps not too tar-fetohed to analyze a-iA into «•- (cf. second footnote, p. 8) +10, (vocative of nU in ni'xa his mothee). § 91 234 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 derived from the same stem, but employ the vocative form of mother and FATHER respectively. Of other vocatives, Tclu'yam^ o friend! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 is the bare stem; haml 70.5; 71.7, the stem with added characteristic -i-; Jiinde o mother! daughter! 56.7; 76.10, 13; 186.14 is quite peculiar in that it makes use of the first personal singular ending (.-ds) peculiar to nouns with possessive suffix and pre- ceding pre-positive. Only two other instances of a nominal use of -ds without pre-positive or local adverb have been found : mo'fe" my son-in-law! (as vocative) 164.19; and Vwi'naxde my polks, rela- tions, which otherwise follows Scheme II (e. g., third person ¥'wi'naxda'^) . The normal pronominal suffix of the third person is -xa; -a is found in only four cases, Tcla'sa his maternal grandparent, Tia'sa his MATERNAL UNCLE, f^a'da HIS PATERNAL AUNT, and ha'sda Tiis brother- in-law. The first two of these can be readily explained as assimi- lated from *1c!a'sxa and *'ha'sxa (see § 20, 3); *fadxa and *'hasdxa, however, should have become *t'a'sa and *Aa'sa respectively. The analogy of the first two, which were felt to be equivalent to stem + -a, on the one side, and that of the related forms in -d- (e. g., t'ada and hasdd) on the other, made it possible for t'a'da and Tha'sda to replace *fa'sa and *Jia'sa, the more so that a necessary distinction in form was thus preserved between ha'sa his maternal UNCLE and ha'sda (instead of *7ia'sa) his brother-in-law. The difference in signification between the third personal forms in -xa and -xagwa (similarly for the other pronominal schemes) will be readily understood from what has already been said, and need not be enlarged upon: ma'xa wa'^-himiY he spoke to his (some one else's) father ma'xagwa ■wd°'-'himiH' he spoke to his own father There is small doubt that this -gwa is identical with the indirect reflexive -gwa of transitive verbs with incorporated object. Forms in -gwan seem to refer to the plurality of either possessor or object possessed : Ic'aha'xagwan their own son or his (her) own sons elxdagwwn their own canoe or his own canoes The final -n of these forms is the indefinite plural -an discussed below (§ 99). Plural (?) -gwan is found also in verb forms (144.12; 150.24). 1 i/uyavv- is perhaps derived, by derivational suffix -(a)m, from verb-stem klB"]/- go together with one. « 91 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES^ — TAKELMA § 93. SCHEMES II AND III 235 As examples may be taken dagax- head, which follows Scheme II, and wili- house, dana- rock, t.'ibagwan- liver, and xa"'1iam- back, which foUow Scheme III. Singular: 1st person da'gaxdek' wiin-v danaH'k' t.'ibagwa^nt'k' xoAha^VlC 2d person da'gaxdef wiW't dana'^t* tfibagwa'nH' xmha'mH' 3d person da'gaxda wiU'i dana'" tlibagwa'n xaaha'm Plural: 1st person da'gaxdam ■wilida'm danada'm tHhagwa'ndam xaATia'mdam 2d person daga/xdaba^n wili'H'ban dana'H'baii t/ibagwa'nH'ban xaalm'm't'ban Singular reflex- ive: 3d •person daga'xdagwa wiU't'gwa danaTgwa tHbagwa'nVgwa xaaha'mVgwa Plural reflex- ive: 3d person daga'xdagwan wili't'gwan dana't'gwan tlibagwa'nt'gwan xaaha'mt'gwan A third person plural -dan also occurs, as in dUmha¥'"dan his SLAIN ONES or THEIR SLAIN ONE 180.2. Scheme II is followed by the large class of nouns that have a pre- pronominal -x-, besides a considerable number of nouns that add the endings directly to the stem. Noun-characteristics may not take the endings of Scheme II unless followed by a -x- (thus -a'nfV and -anxde'Tc'; -iY¥ and -ixdeW). Examples of Scheme II noims with- out preceding -x- are : a-is-de^Jc' my property (though -s-- may be secondarily derived from -s-x- or -tx-) 23.2, 3; 154.18, 19, 20; 158.4 mo't'e¥ my son-in-law (152.9) (incorporated mof-) se'Hfelc' my writing, paint (absolute se'H) he'HfeV my song (164.16; 182.6) (absolute Tie'H 106.7) ts-n'Vdek' my meat (44.3, 6; 170.6) wiZa'ufefc'my arrow (45.13; 154.18) (absolute mZa^u 22.5; 28.1,2; 77.5) ga'lfe¥ mj how {154.19; 190.22) (absolute ^a'Z^) la'psdek' my blanket (absolute la^ps 98.14, 15, 19, 21) ts- Hxi-Tnaha'it'elc' my horse (absolute ts\'i'xi-mahaS) Scheme III is followed by all nouns that have a characteristic immediately preceding the personal- suffix or, in nearly all cases, whose stem, or stem -I- derivative suffix, ends iq -a- (e. g., t!elaY¥ MY SHINNY-STICK [from t.'ela^]), -i-, ^ei- (e. g., ts-!eleitV my eye [from ts-!elei-]), -n (e. g., sent'V my skin), -m, or -Z' (e. g., di^^alfk' 1 In most, if not all, cases the -n, -ro, or -I is a non-radical element. It is not quiteclear in how far stems ending in these vowels and consonants follow Scheme H or Scheme III. § 92 236 BXJEBAU OP AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY fEnLL, 40 MY FOREHEAD [from dP^al-]). The third person is, at least super- ficially, without ending in all nouns of this group whose pre-pro- nominal form is not monosyllabic. The third personal form is characterized by a falling accent on the . final syllable, -a- and -4- being lengthened to -a'" and -4'^ respectively. Other forms are : ts-!ele'i his eye 27,8; 86.7, 9; (cf. 54.6) do'^ma'l his testicles 130.8; 136.5 xdHa'm his urine gwit.'i'n his wrist There is no doubt, however, that these forms without ending origi- nally had a final -t\ as indicated by the analogy of third personal forms in -da in Scheme II, and as proved by the preservation of the -f- before the reflexive suffix -gwa and in monosyllabic forms: fla'^-nt" his liver 120.2, 15 nl'H' her teats 30.14; 32.7 t'.l'H' her husband ( 17.13) sa'H' his discharge of wind 166.8 Though the conditions for the loss of a final -f are not fully under- stood, purely phonetic processes having been evidently largely inter- crossed by analogic leveling, it is evident that the proportion mil'* HIS house: nl'H'' her teats = s'as-inl he stands: wlf he travels ABOUT represents a by no means accidental phonetic and morphologic correspondence between noun and verb (Class II intransitives) . The falling pitch is peculiar to the noun as contrasted with the verb- form (cf. Tie'H SONG, but Ml sing!). Monosyllabic stems of Scheme III seem to have a rising accent before -fgwa as well as in the first person. Thus: Idfgwa his own excrement 77.1 mt'gwa her own husband (despite t.'l'H') 45.14; (59.16; 60.2); 128.22 Nouns with characteristic -i- prefer the parallel form in -i'-x-dagwa to that in -i'-fgwa. Thus: hu^hini'xdagwa his own arm, rather than hu^iini't'gwa, despite lm%miH'¥ my arm The limitation of each of the two schemes to certain definite pho- netically determined groups of nouns (though some probably merely apparent contradictions, such as ga'l-H'^ek' my bow and dP^a'l-flc' 1 -t'k' always reqtiires preceding rising or laised accent. As gal- bow seems to he Inseparably connected wltli a falling a It is quite likely that the deictic -^a^ is etymologically identical with the demonstrative stem a- this, though no other case has been found in which this stem follows the main noun or other word it qualifies. It differs from the exclusive -t'a in being less distinctly a part of the whole word and in. having a considerably stronger con- trastive force. Unlike -t'a, it may be suffixed to adverbs as well as to words of a more strictly denominative character. Examples of its occurrence are extremely numerous, but only a very few of these need be given to illustrate its deictic character: ma^a' you ([I am ,] but you ) 26.3; 56.5; (of. 49.8, 13) maJia'i^ei^ big indeed jra^a^ ge mW' that one's house is there (literally, that-one there his-house [ that house yonder belongs to that fellow Coyote, not to Panther, whom we are seeking]) 65.4; cf. 196.19 &o"*a^ but nowadays (so it was in former days, but now things have changed) 50.1; 194.5 ge'-M jfi'^a^ yolc.'oya'^n that-far I-for-my-part know-it (others may know more) 49.13; 154.7 f'i'm^Sb' gayan he ate salmon (nothing else. § 102 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 251 in. The Pronoun (§§ 103-105) § 103. Independent Personal Pronouns The independent personal pronouns of Takelma, differing in this respect from what is found to be true of most American languages, show not the slightest etymological relationship to any of the various pronominal series found incorporated in noun and verb, except in so far as the second person plural is formed from the second person sin- gular by the addition of the element -f that we have found to be characteristic of every second person plural in the language. The forms, which may be used both as subjects and objects, are as follows : Singular: First person, g% 56.10; 122.8; second person, Tna" {maP') 26.7; 98.8; third person, a¥ 27.5; 156.12. Plural: First person, $fo"m 30.5; 150.16; second person, map'; third person ai 49.11; xilamana^ 27.10; 56.1 Of the two third personal plural pronouns, di is found most fre- quently used with post-positive elements; e. g., dya'" just they (= ai ya'") 160.6; d'^ya'' they (= ai-V) 49.11. When unaccom- panied by one of these, it is generally pluralized: d'ifan (see § 99). The second, xilamana^, despite its four syllables, has not in the slightest yielded to analysis. It seems to be but little used in normal speech or narrative. All the pronouns may be emphasized by the addition of -m^ (see §101), the deictic -V (see §102), or the post-positive particles i/a'" and enclitic -hi and -s'i^ (see § 114, 1, 2, 4): mayd"^ just you 196.2 ma'hi you yourself diW they themselves 104.13 (cf. 152.20) gri's-i'^Iinmy tum47.14; 188.8; (cf. 61.9) A series of pronouns denoting the isolation of the person is formed by the addition of -da^x or -da'^xi ( = -da^x + -hi) to the forms given above : gVda'^x{i) only I irMP'da'^x{i) you alone a¥da^x{i) all by himself 61.7; 90.1; 142.20; 144.6 go'^mda'^x{i) we alone map'da^x{i) you people alone dida'^x{i) they alone 138.11 § 103 252 BTTEEAU OF AMERICAIT fiTHlfOLOGY Isvhh.iO The third personal pronouns are not infrequently used with pre- ceding demonstratives: hd'^ga (or %'daga) ak'da^x that one by himself {aV used here apparently as a peg for the suffixed element -da^x by one's self) hd^a'ifan and ida^d'it'an those people hd^- and Ida-, it should be noted, are demonstrative stems that occur only when compounded with other elements. The independent possessive pronouns (it is) mine, thine, his, OTiRS, TOURS, are expressed by the possessive forms of the substan- tival stem ais-- having, belonging, property: a-is'de'¥ it is mine 23.2; 154.18, 19, 20; a-is'de" yours; a'-is'da his 23.2, 3; (156.7) and so on. These forms, though strictly nominal in morphology, have really no greater concreteness of force than the English transla- tions MINE, thine, and so on. § 104. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverts Four demonstrative stems, used both attributively and substan- tively, are found: a-, ga, Ida-, and M°^-. Of these only ga that occurs commonly as an independent word; the rest, as the first ele- ments of composite forms. The demonstratives as actually found are: Indefinite, gra that 60.5; 61.2; 110.4; 194.4,5 Near first, a'g-a this 44.9; 186.4; aZl this here 110.2; 188.20 Near second, %'daga that 116.22; idall that there 55.16 Near third. Tid'^^ga that yonder 186.5; hdHi that over there a- has been found also as correlative to ga- with the forms of na{g)- DO, say: ana^ne'x like this 176.13 {ga-na^ne^x that way, thus 114.17; 122.20) ana^na'^f it will be as it is now cf. 152.8 {ga-na^Tw/H'' it will be that way) perhaps also in: CK^a'i'wi^ every where ( = odaH ' this way, hither [see § 112, 1] + -vri'^ every) 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 Ida- (independently 46.5; 47.5; 192.6) seems to be itself a compound element, its first syllable being perhaps identifiable with I- hand. Ida^d'it'an and Tid^^d'ifan, referred to above, are in effect the sub- stantive plurals of %'daga and 'hd''^ga. hd'^^- as demonstrative pro- noun is doubtless identical with the local 'hd°'^- yonder, beyond, found as a prefix in the verb. § 104 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 253 By far the most commonly used of the demonstratives is that of indefinite reference, ga. It is used as an anaphoric pronoun to refer to both things and persons of either number, also to summarize a pre- ceding phrase or statement. Not infrequently the translation that or THOSE is too definite; a word of weaker force, like it, better serves the purpose. The association of %'daga and Jid'^^ga with spa- cial positions correspondiag to the second and third persons respec- tively does not seem to be at all strong, and it is perhaps more accu- rate to render them as that eight aeound theee and that yonder. Differing fundamentally in this respect from adjectives, demonstra- tive pronouns regularly precede the noun or other substantive ele- ment they modify: a'ga sgi'si this coyote 108.1 %'daga yap!a^ that person ga ^aldll all that, all of those 47.12 A demonstrative pronoun may modify a noun that is part of a local phrase : I'daga Tie^^s- o^ma^l beyond that mountain 122.22; 124.1 Corresponding to the four demonstrative pronoun-stems are four demonstrative adverb-stems, derived from the former by a change of the vowel -a- to -e-: e-, ge, Ide-, and Tie'^-. .Just as ga that was found to be the only demonstrative freely used as an independent pronoun, so ge theee, alone of the four adverbial stems, occurs outside of compounds, e-, Ide-, and Jie^^-, however, are never compounded with ge, as are a-, Ida-, and 7ia°^- with its pronominal correspondent ga; a fifth adverbial stem of demonstrative force, me^ (hither as verbal prefix), takes its place. The actual demonstrative adverbs thus are: Indefinite, ge there 64.6; 77.9; 194.11 Near first, eme'^ here 112.12, 13; 194.4; me^- hither Near second, %'deme^ right around there 46.15 Near third, he'^me^ yonder 31.13 Of these, me^-, the correlative of he'^-, can be used independently when followed by the local -al : me'^al on this side, hitheewaeds 58.9; 160.4. Tie^- away, besides frequently occurring as a verbal prefix, is found as a component of various adverbs : Tie'dada'^, Jie^da'^ over there, away from here, off 46.8; 194.10 Jie'^ne^ then, at that time 120.2; 146.6; 162.3 he'^daH' on that side, toward yonder § 104 254 BUREAU OP AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 me^- can be used also with the adverb ge of indefinite reference pre- ceding ; the compound, followed by di, is employed in an interroga- tive sense: geme"di where? when? 56.10; 100.16; 190.25. The idea of direction in the demonstrative adverbs seems less strong than that of position: Jie'^^me^ iaxa'^m he comes from over there, as well as Jie'^^me^gini'^¥ he goes over there, me^- and Jie^^-Qid'^^-), however, often necessarily convey the notions of toward and away FROM the speaker: me'^-yewe^^ Tia/'^^^ewe^^ he came and went back AND forth. Demonstrative adverbs may take the restrictive suffix -da^x or -ddba'^x (cf. -da^x with personal pronoims, §103): eme^da'^x 114, A, 5 emeFddba'^x 114.14J § 105. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns As independent words, the interrogative and indefinite stems occur with adverbs or adverbial particles, being found in their bare form only when incorporated. The same stems are used for both inter- rogative and indefinite purposes, a distinction being made between persons and things: »efc' who? some one 86.2, 23; 108.11 Z:'ai what? something 86.5; 122.3; 128.8 As independent adverb also perhaps: Vai tlum'Uxi perhaps he'll strike me 23.3 As interrogatives, these stems are always followed by the interroga tive enclitic particle di, Yai always appearing as Vo/- when di imme- diately follows : WF-^i who? 46.15; 86.4; 142.9 Fa'-(Ziwhat? 47.9; 60.11; 86.8 ¥a'i . . . di occurs with post-positive ga^d^l: ¥a'i ga'al di' what for? why? 71.15; 86.14; 98.8 As indefinites, they are often followed by the composite particle -s'i^wa'Vdi: nek'-s'i^wa'Fdi I don't know who, somebody 22.8 Yai-s'i^wa'Vdi I don't know what, something 96.10 As negative indefinites, nek" and ¥ai are preceded by the negative adverb a'nl^ or wede, according to the tense-mode of the verb (see §72): § 105 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 255 a'm^ne^Y nobody 63.4; 90.8, 25 a'm= Z:Vi nothing 58.14; 61.6; 128.23 we'denek" -il's-iF nobody will give it to me (cf. 98.10) we'de Vai u's'dam do not give me anything With the post-nominal -wi'^ eveky, ¥ai forms Yaiwi'^ everything, SOMETHING. No such form as *nek'wi'% however, occurs, its place being taken by aldll, aldl all, everybody. In general, it may be said that Vai has more of an independent substantival character than neY ; it corresponds to the English thing in its more indefinite sense, e. g., Va'i gwala many things, everything 96.15; 102.11; 108.8 The adverbial correspondent of Faiis gwi how? where? 46.2; 78.5. In itself gwi is quite indefinite in signification and is as such often used with the forms of na{g)- do, act 47.11 ; 55.7: gwi'di nagaif how are you doing? (e. g., where are you going?) 86.17; (138.25) As interrogative, it is followed by di: gmi'dihowl where? 44.5; 70.6; 73.9; 190.10 as indefinite, by -s'i^wa'Tc'di (cf. 190.4) : gwis'i^wa'Ydi in someway, somewhere 54.7; 96.8; 120.21 (also gwi'Jiap' somewhere) as negative indefinite, it is preceded by a'm^ or wede: a'nl^ gwV in no way, nowhere 23.6; 62.11; 192.14 we'de gwi naY do not go anyTvhere! As indefinite relative is used gwi'Jia wheresoever 140.9, 13, 15, 19. IV. The Adjective (§§ 106-109) § 106. General Remarks Adjectives can not in Takehna without further ado be classed as nouns or verbs, as they have certain characteristics that mark them off more or less clearly from both; such are their distinctly adjectival suffixes and their peculiar method of forming the plural. In some respects they closely approach the verb, as in the fact that they are frequently preceded by body-part prefixes, also in the amplification of the stem in the plural in ways analogous to what we have found in the verb. They differ, however, from verbal forms in that they can not be predicatively used (except that the simple form of the adjective may be predicatively understood for an implied third per- son), nor provided with the pronominal suffixes peculiar to the verb; § 106 256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 a first or second personal relation is brought about by the use of appropriate forms of the copula ei- be. They agree with the noun and pronoun in being frequently followed by the distinctly denomi- native exclusive suffix -fa (see § 98) and in the fact that, when forming part of a descriptive noun, they may take the personal end- ings peculiar to the noun: ts'Hoei^mdha'ifeY dog-big-my (= my horse) As adjectives pure and simple, however, they are never found with the possessive suffixes peculiar to the noun; e. g., no such form as *maha'it'ek' alone ever occurs.- It thus appears that the adjective occupies a position midway between the noun and the verb, yet with characteristics peculiar to itself. The most marked syntactic feature of the adjective is that, unlike a qualifying noun, it always follows the modified noun, even when incorporated with it (see § 93) . Ex- amples are: wor-im'^ du girl -prettj 55.7; 124.5 yap.'a daldi'' person wild 22.14 sgi'si da^sga'xif Coyote sharp-snouted 86.3, 20; 88.1, 11 p'im xu^'m yeWx debu'^ salmon dry burden-basket full ( = burden- basket full of dry salmon) 75.10 Rarely does it happen that the adjective precedes, in which case it is to be predicatively understood: gwa'la yap.'a'' many (were) the people 180.16 (but ya'pla gwala" people many 194.10) Even when predicatively used, however, the adjective regularly fol- lows the noun it qualifies. Other denominating words or phrases than adjectives are now and then used to predicate a statement or command : yu'lclalx (1) wa'¥¥ (2), ga (3) ga^al (4) deligia'lt'i (5) gwas (6) [as they were] without (2) teeth (1), for (4) that (3) [reason] they brought them as food (5) intestines (6) 130.22 masi'^ (1) al-TwP-Tia'^n (2) nagaAda'^ (3) [do] you in your turn (1) [dive], since you said (3) " I can get close to him " (2) 61.9 § 107. Adjectival Prefixes Probably all the body-part prefixes and also a number of the purely local elements are found as prefixes in the adjective. The material at hand is not large enough to enable one to follow out the jarefixes oi the adjective as satisfactorily as those of the verb; but i 10.7 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 257 there is no reason to believe that there is any tangible difiEerence of usage between the two sets. Examples of prefixes in the adjective are: 1. daTi'-, dak'-ma^a^i big on top Aak.'-du'Vs big-headed 2. da"-. da*-moZMV red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 96.13 Aaj^-Jio'Tc'wal with holes in ear 166.13, 19 Aa.^^maha'i big-cheeked 3. S'in-. s-m.-Tho'h'wal with holes in nose 166.13, 18 s-in-M's-g-aZ big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 s'vci-pi'Vs flat-nosed 4. de-. de-ts-OiguY, de-ts'lugu''' sharp-pointed 74.13; 126.18 de-t'ulii'^p' dull de-^winiY proceeding, reaching to 50.4 5. da-. dsi-sga'xi(t') long-mouthed 15.13; 86.3; 88.1, 11 da,-sguli^ short 33.17 da.-7io'¥wal holed 176.7 da,-mahaH big-holed 92.4 da-1'os-o'" small-holed 6. gwen-. gwen-xdi'l^s slim-necked gwen-f ^e^m black-necked 196.6 7. I-. i-fe-.'o'p'aZ sharp-clawed 14.4; 15.13; 86.3 i-ge'wa^x crooked-handed l-Tiloldo^Y ugly-handed 8. xd"^-. xa^-maAa^i big-waisted, wide xa^-a^i'Z^s slim-waisted, notched 71.15; 75.6 9. dl^-. dP-Tc!elix conceited 10. dV-. di^-^mahaH big below, big behind 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 17 § 107 258 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 di^-lc!aHs lean in rump 11. gwel-. ha-gwel-hila^m empty underneath, like table (cf. Tia-bila^m empty) gwel-ho'Vwal holed underneath 43, 9. 12. ha-. ha-&^Za^m empty (literally, having nothing inside, cf. hila^m having nothing 43.6, 8, 14) 13. sal-. ssil-t.'a'i narrow sa\-ts' luna^px straight 14. al-. (Referriag to colors and appearances) al-<>'m black 13.3; 162. 4 a\-ts\'iH red al-fgu'''s- white 55.2 ; 188. 1 1 al-sgenUY black 92.19 al-gwa'si yellow &l-fgisa^mf green (participle of t'gisi'^m it gets green) ai-lc.'iyl'x-naf blue (literally, smoke-doing or being) al-k!o]c!o']c' ugly-faced 47.2; 60.5 al-i/e's-iY little-eyed 94.3; (94.6, 14) &\-fgeya''px round Sbl-fmUa^px smooth 15. han-. h.&n-hogwa^l with hole running through 56.9, 10 A few cases have been found of adjectives with preceding nouns in such form as they assume with pre-positive and possessive suflBx : da'Tc'.oloi-ts'Hl red-cheeked gwit.'iu-tla'i slim-wrLsted An example of an adjective preceded by two body-part prefixes has already been given' (ha-gwel-iila^m) . Here both prefixes are coordi- nate in function (cf. Jia-gwel-pHya^ , § 95). In: xaP-sal-gwa' si between-claws-yellow (myth name of Sparrow- Hawk) 166.2 the two body-part prefixes are equivalent to an incorporated local phrase (cf. § 35, 4) § 108. Adjectival Derivative Suffixes A considerable number of adjectives are primitive in form, i. e., not capable of being derived from simpler nominal or verbal stems. Such are: § 108 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 259 ho's-au getting older maha'ihig23.1; 74.15; 146.3 lus' wiped out, destroyed, used up 42.2; 140.19 tZft good, beautiful 55.7; 58.7; 124.4; 146.'6 r-a hot 57.15; 186.25 p'u^n rotten 140.21 yo'fi alive ([?] yoY being + enclitic -hi) (128.16) and many others. A very large number, however, are provided with derivative suffixes, some of which are characteristic of adjectives per se,^ while others serve to convert nouns and pre-positive phrases into adjectives. Some adjectival stems seem capable of being used either with or without a suffix (cf. dorsga'xi and de-ts'!uguH' above, § 107) : maha^i and mahaHf big cd-gwa'si and al-gwa'sif yellow 1. -(i)t\ Probably the most characteristic of all adjectival suffixes is -{i)f, all -f participles (see § 76) properly belonging here. Non-participial examples are: al-gwa'sit' yellow al-sgenhi^t' black 92.19 al-t!e^s-iV little-eyed 94.3 (?) M'nV half ([«] cf. Jiarir- through) 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 i.'oit' one-horned 46.7; 47.7; 49.3. dd'^-molhiX red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 88.2; 96.13 de-ts' !ugu\^ sharp-pointed 126.18 Tc'.ulsaX soft (food) (cf. llu'ls worm) 130.22 p.'ala'Jc'wa-goyd'H" eit'e^ I am story-doctor (cf. goyo^ shaman) 2. -al. Examples of adjectives with this suffix are: Trts'.'o'p'ai sharp-clawed 14.4; 86.3 (ci.de-ts'.'iiguH' sharp-pointed; for-2>'-: -g-ci. § 42, 1,6) m'fal thin (?) delsil five ([ ?] =bemg in front ^) 150.19, 20; 182.21 s-iri-^o'Jfc'wal .with holes in nose 166.13, 18; (56.9; 166.19; 176.7) s'iri-M's'^al big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 M'p'al fiat imi'xal how much, how many (used interrogatively and relatively) 100.8; 182.13 mixsb'lha numerous, in great numbers 92.28; 94.1 lAlewadjeotives In -am (=-ara)are distinctly nominal in appearance; bila^m hating nothing; asto^ro SICK (but also as noun, dead person, ghost). It hardly seems possible to separate these from noims like he'la''m boaed; ts-leWm hail. 2 01. American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, p. 26B. § 108 260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnLL.40 3. -di. A few adjectives have been found with this suihxed element: Aapsdi' little 192.6; M'/di 24.12; 60.15; 61.6 (cf. ^a»pxi' child 128.16) yap!a daldi^ wild man (cf. dal- in the brush) 22.14 £rama'a;diraw 94.3, 6; 144.5; 182.4 jfweZdi' finished (cf . j^weZ- leg) 34.1; 79.8; 94.18 4. -ts!- (r^s). In a small number of adjectives this element is doubt- less to be considered a suffix: * I'ltslaF" bad, ugly 182.1; 186.22; 198.4 (cf. pi. ll'a'JsaF'') s'in-'p'i'Vs flat-nosed xaP--xdi'Vs slim-waisted 71.15; 75.6 (cf. inferential passive xa-i- xdi'lxdalk'am they have been notched in several places) A few adjectives in -s, evidently morphologically connected with the scattering nouns in -s, also occur: gUms blind 26.14 JaZs long 14.5; 33.16; 158.1 s'wns' .thick 90.3 5. -{a)x. This suffix disappears in the plural (see below, § 109), so that no room is left for doubt as to its non-radical character. Whether it is to be identified with the non-agentive -x of the verb is somewhat uncertain, but that such is the case is by no means improbable; in some cases, indeed, the adjective in -x is connected with a verb in -x. The -a'fx of some of the examples is without doubt composed of the petrified -6- found in a number of verbs (see § 42, 1) and the adjectival (or non- agentive) -X. al-fgeysi^px. round (cf . al-t'geye^px it rolls) sal-is- .'unai^-px straight da-fe-.'Smx sick 90.12, 13, 21; 92.5; 150.16 aZ-i'miZa^px smooth da-p'o'a^x crooked (cf. p'owo'^x it bends) %-ge'wa^-s. crooked-handed More transparently derivational in character ttan any of those listed above are the following adjectival suffixes: 6. -gwat" HAVING. Adjectival forms in -gwaY are derived partly by the addition of the adjectival suffix -{a)f to third personal reflexive possessive forms in -fgwa (-xagwa), or to palatalized passive participial forms ia -^t"", themselves derived from nouns (see § 77), partly by the addition of -gwaY to nouns in I 108 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 261 their pre-pronominal form (-x) . The fact that these various -gwaY forms, despite their at least apparent diversity of origin, clearly form a unit as regards signification, suggests an ultimate identity of the noun reflexive -gwa (and therefore verbal indirect reflexive -gwa-) with the passive participial -fc""- The -gwa- of forms in -x-gwat' is not quite clear, but is perhaps to be identified with the comitative -gwa- of the verb. An adjective like yu'Tclal-x-gwat' teeth-having presents a parallel- ism to a verbal participle like dalc'-lim^x-gwaf with (tree) falling over one (from aorist daV-limlm-x-gwa-de^ i am with IT falling OVER ME, scc § 46) that is suggestive of morphologic identity. Examples of -gwaY adjectives are: waya'uxagvf&V having daughter-in-law 56.10 (cf. waya'uxagwa her own daughter-in-law) t' gwana't'gw B.t' slave-having (cf. t'gwana't'gwa his own slave) Da-fav^ela'H'gwat'^ Squirrel-Tongued (literally, in-mouth squirrel his-tongue having [name of Coyote's daughter]) 70.6; 72.4; 75.11 ni'xagw&V mother-having (cf. ni'xdk'^ mothered) me'xagwat' father-having (cf. me'xaV"" fathered) VeHe'p'igigwsit' wife-having (cf. Ic'e^He'p'igiV'" wived 142.6) g"!Z"xgwa^t' wife-having 128.4 (cf. gu^-x-de'V my wife 142.9) ^agraxgwa^t' head-having (cf. da'g-ax-dek' my head 90.13) fe'.'w'Zxgwat' having Indian money (cf. ts'.'uHx Indian money 14.13) A form with -gwaf and the copula ei- (for persons other than the third) takes the place in Takelma of the verb have : ts'lu'lxgwaf elt'e^ I have money (literally money-having or moneyed I-am ts- !ulx-gwaY he has money Aside from the fact that it has greater individuality as a distinct phonetic unit, the post-positive wa'¥*^ without is the mor- phologic correlative of -gwat' having: dagax wa'Vi^ elf head without you-are * da'gaxgwat' elf head-having you-are Similarly: nixa wa'Vi^ elfe^ mother without I-am ni'xagwaf eit'e^ mother-having I-am 1 The fact that this form has a body-part prefix (da- mouth) seems to imply its verbal (participial) character, -t'gwat' in it, and forms like it, may have to be analyzed, not as -fgwa his own+ -f, but rather as -t' Bis+-gwa- HAViNG+-i'. In other words, from a noun-phrase fan eWa (older eWa-f) squirrel Hia- TONGUE may be theoretically formed a comitative intransitive with prefix: * doyt'dii^ela'ft'-gwade^ I am HAVING SQUiREEL's TONGUE IN MY MOUTH, of whioh the text-form is the participle. This explanation has the advantage over the one given above of putting forms in -'t'gwaf and -xgwat' on one line; cf. also 73.15. § 108 262 BTJKBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 7. -imiJeli. A few adjectives have been found ending in this suffix- formed from temporal adverbs : Tiople^ninukli (men) of long ago 168.1 Qiop.'e^n long ago 58.4, 7, 11) to^^i'mikli (people) of nowadays (6o" now 188.8; 194.5) 8. -{i)k!i. This suffix, evidently closely related to the preceding one, forms adjectives (with the signification of belonging to, ALWAYS being) from local phrases. Examples are: Jia-wiU\j[k\i belonging to good folks, not "common" {hoiaJia-wili in the house) m"-6gmik!i^ being between sticks ha-hami'sihli^ dwelling in air xa''-da'nik\i belonging between rocks (e. g., crawfish) dak'-p!i'yak\i^ staying always over the fire Jia-pH'yakli^ belonging to fire 9. -^xi. A few adjectival forms in -^xi, formed from local phrases, seem to have a force entirely coincident with adjectives in-(i)i.'i.' Jho-pH'ya^xi belonging to fire Tia^xi'ya^xi mink (literally, always staying in the water [from Tia-xiya" in the water 33.4]) 10. -^V^xi. This suffix seems to be used interchangeably with -(i)]c!i and -^xi. Examples are: TiOr-lami'sa^i'^xi^ belonging to the air, sky xd°'-da'niH''xi^ belonging between rocks ' ha-^li^'^xi belonging to the house ha-xi'ya^'^xi belonging to the water Jia-p!iya^l'^xi belonging to fire The following forms in -H^xi, not derived from local phrases, doubt- less belong with these: ^e^i"xi belonging there 160.24 goyo^i''xi belonging to shamans (used to mean : capable of wish- ing ill, supernaturally doing harm, to shamans), 170.11 § 109. Plural Formations A few adjectives form their plural or frequentative by reduplica- tion: Singular Plural de-hW^' full 49.14; 116.5 de-bu'ia'x (dissimilated from -l&Wx) 122.17 i'lts!a¥" bad 182.1; 198.4 iVa'lsak''^ (dissimilated from iValts!-) mahaH large 23.1; 74.15 mahml 32.15; 49.10;' 130.4 § 109 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 263 Of these, the first two are clearly verbal in type. The probably non- agentive -x of de-hii^ba''x (also singular de-hu'^x from *de-hu'^Jc!-x [cf. de-bu'^lc.'in i shall, fill itJ) and the apparently passive participial -afc"" of %'lts!a¥'' strongly suggest that the first two of these adjec- tives are really adjectivally specialized verb-forms.- mahmi is alto- gether irregular in type of reduplication, t.'os-o'^ little 56.15; 74.16 forms its plural by the repetition of the second consonant after the repeated vowel of the singular: dakloloi-t.'os'u's'gwaf he has small CHEEKS. In regard to t'M' 170.18, the plural of t'H hot 57.15, it is not certaia whether the -f is the repeated initial consonant, or the -f characteristic of other adjective plurals. Most adjectives form their plural by repeating after the medial consonant the vowel of the stem, where possible, and adding to the amplified stem the element -it' (probably from -Tiif, as shown by its treatment with preceding fortis), or, after vowels, -t'if; a final non-radical -{a)x disappears in the plural, ho's'au getting biggek (with inorganic -a-) forms its plural by the repetition of the stem- vowel alone, Tios' 6" 156.11; 168.11; similar is (Zu^tZ^ 58.10 which seems to be the plural of du pretty 58.8. yo'fi {[1] yof-M) alive forms the plural yot'i'hi ([?] yofi^hi) 128.16. Examples of the peculiarly adjectival plural in -{t')if are: Singular Fluial al-t'geya^'px round al-t'geye'p'it' al-t'mila^px smooth dl-fmili'p'it' sal-ts' luna'px straight sal-ts' lu'nup'W sal-t.'a'i narrow sal-t!a'ya,t'iV da-p'o'a^x crooked {= -ak!-x) gwif-p'o'o^lc' it' crooked- armed l-ge'wa^x crooked-handed l-ge'we '^fc'it' (= -dk!-x; cf. aorist gewe- Tclaw- carry [salmon] bow- fashion) de-fe-.'%u^f sharp-pointed 126.18 de-ts' !ugil\At' de-t'ulvf'p' dull de-t'ulu'Yit' al-ts' !i''l Ted da'Jc.'oloi-ts'H'lit'it' he has red cheeks al-t'gu'^^s- white 55.2; 188.11 da'Tcloloi-t'guyu^s'it' he has white cheeks fflZ-f gre^m black 13.3; 162.4 da'lc.'oloi-t'ge'met'it' he has black cheeks 6aZs long 14.5; 15.12,15 s'inlxddH'an Sa^Za'sit" their noses are long § 109 264 BUBEAtr OP AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 That these plurals are really frequentative or distributive in force is illustrated by such forms as da'Jc!oloi-ts'!i'lifit' red-cheeked, which has reference not necessarily to a plurality of persons affected, but to the frequency of occurrence of the quality predicated, i. e., to the redness of both cheeks. V. Numerals (§§ 110, 111) § JIO. Cardinals Cardinals mi'*%a^l3.2; 192.8; m^'^s 188.9 (ga"m 22.7; 110.11 Adverbs mii^xda'n once 182.20; 188.13 [ga'pnni'^ 55.7,12; 116 .} gd'^mijLn twice xi^nf gamga'man deJialdan 'ha%mi'ts!ada'n TiaHga'^mada'n TiaHxinda'n Tia%gd'^gada'n ixdllda'n iga'^m 22.7 Igd'pHni^^ - 3. xi'bini' 150.8 4. gamga'm 148.5; 184.17 5. dehal 150.19, 20; 182.21 6. JiaHml"s 150.12 7. ha^ga'^m 8. haHxi\ 9. ha'igo'' 150.14 10. i'xdil 13.1; 150.5; 182.22 11. i'xdil ml'^^sga^ gadaW ten one on-top-of 12. i'xdil gd'^m gada'Y 20. yap.'ami'^s 182.23 30. xi'n ixdil 40. gamga'm'dn ixdiH 50. dgJialdan ixdlH 60. ha%7ni'ts!adanixdll, 70. JiaHga'^madan ixdi^l 80. JiaHxi'ndan ixdlH 90. TiaHgogada'n ixdi'l 100. t.'eimi"s 23.2, 4, 9, 12, 13 200. gd'^miin t.'eimi'^s 300. xin t.'eimi'^s 400. gamga'm'Un tleimi'^s 1, 000. i'xdildan t.'eimi'^s 2, 000. yaplami'ts.'adan t.'eimi'^s ml'^^sga^ is the usual uncompounded form of one. In compounds the simpler form ml'^s (stem mlts!-) occurs as the second element: ha%mi'^s six ( = one [finger] in the hand) yaplami'^s twenty ( = one man) § 110 I Often heard as ga'pini^ £5.2, 5. BOAS] HANDBOOK Or IXMAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 265 tleimi'^s one hundred (probably = one male ["a+ (loudly whispered) war-whoop 190.15 6a + &a+ (loudly whispered and held out long) war-whoop 136.26 ha wd' du wd' du (loudly whispered) war-whoop 110.19 gwd' Id Id Id Id (loudly whispered) war-whoop on slaying one of enemy wd wd wd cry to urge on deer to corral io+ yelling at appearance of new moon 196.5 7id+ ; ld+ (both loudly whispered) urging on to run 46.5, 7; 47.6; 48.1, 3, 9; 49.3 A"'+ blowing before exercising supernatural power 96.19, 20, 22; 198.7 p' + blowing in exercising supernatural power 77.9 p"'+ blowing water on person to resuscitate him 170.3 Jie blowing preparatory to medicine-formula addressed to wind 198.4 do' do do do do do cry (of ghosts) on catching fire 98.4 (cf . Yana du' du du du' du du) odml' + ximi cry of rolling skull 174.5, 6 § 115 280 BUEEAtr Of AMERICAN- ETHNOLOGY [Bntt.40 o' + da da da da da cry of people nmning away from rolling skull 174.9, 10 do'Thi dolW taunt (of Pitch to Coyote) 86.2, 8, 10, 17, 21, 23; 88. 1, 2 da'Malwaya da Idalwaya da'ldalwaya formula for catching craw- fish (explained in myth as derived from daldaH dragon-fly) 29.14, 16 wi'liTcUsi "cut off!" (of. wVll'^ his stone knife 142.21) Chicken- Hawk's cry for revenge 144.1 sgilbihl' +^x "come warm yourself!" 25.7 (cf. sgili'pxde^ I warm myself 25.8^ gewe'^lclewe^ (cf . gewe'JcHwi^n I hold [salmon] bow-fashion) said by Pitch when Coyote is stuck to him 88.5, 9, 11, 12 p!idi-l-p'a'H'p'idit'F " O my liver! " (cf . p'aH'p'id-i- salmon liver) cry of Grizzly Bear on finding she has eaten her children's livers 120.19, 20 The last three show very irregular types of reduplication, not other- wise found. 4. Animal Cries and Imitative Sounds: wa'yanl cry of Jack-Rabbit 108.9, 14, 17 {s-)Tia'u, ha'u cry of Grizzly Bear 106.12, 19; 140.12 wa' + "■ (hoarse) death-cry of Grizzly Bear woman 142.3 M» Bear's cry 72.15 p!a¥ p!a¥ "bathe! bathe! " supposed cry of crow ia¥ la¥ia¥ 6afc"6a^"&aFsoundmadebyWoodpecker90.11; 92.2 (cf. la'Vld"' red-headed woodpecker 92.2) p!aup!aup!aup!aup!aup!ausou.nd made by Yellowhammer 90.19 ium+ hu'm+ noise made by rolling skull 174.4 tde'Ielelele (whispered) sound of rattling dentalia 156.24 (cf. aorist stem tdelem- rattle) t'ul ful t'ul noise made by Rock Boy in walking over graveyard house 14.8 dEm+ dEm+ dEm+ noise of men fighting 24.1 xa'-u (whispered) noise of crackling hair as it burns 24.8 t'gi'l imitating sound of something breaking 24.4 Ccf . xa-dofln-fgil- t'ga'lhi he broke it in two with rock 24.4) fuf t'ut" fuf noise of pounding acorns 26.12 hAh! "pop! " stick stuck into eye 27.8 Au»+ confused noise' of people talking far off 190.7 IcH'didididi sound of men wrestling 32.14 5. Song Burdens: wa'yawene lo'^wana medicine-man's dance 46.14 wainJia round dance; lullaby (cf. walnha put him to sleep!) 104.15; 106.4, 8; 105 note S 115 boas] handbook Of INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA ^Sl IcH'xinhi round dance (said by Frog) 102.18 ^o'cu '^o'cu round dance (said by Frog) 102.23 gwa'tca gwatca round dance (said by Bluejay) 104.7 tda'itdm round dance (play on tda'^^c bluejay) 104.7 he'iebinihl'a round dance (said by Mouse; play on hehe^n rushes) 104.10 heleldo round dance (play on help' swan) 104.15 hi'gi li'gi hi'gi+ Skxmk's medicine-man's dance ([?J play on 6tF" skunk) 164.18, 22; 166.5 M'^gwatci hd'^gwatci said by s'omloho'lxa^s in doctoriag § 116. CONCLUSION The salient morphologic characteristics of Takelma may be sununed up in the words inflective and incorporating, the chief stress being laid on either epithet according as one attaches greater impor- tance to the general method employed in the formation of words and forms and their resulting inner coherence and unity, or to the par- ticular grammatical treatment of a special, though for many Ameri- can languages important, syntactic relation, the object. Outside of most prefixed elements and a small number of the post-nominal suffixes, neither of which enter organically iato the inner structure of the word-form, the Takelma word is a firmly knit morphologic unit built up of a radical base or stem and one or more affixed (gen- erally suffixed) elements of almost entirely formal, not material, signification. It would be interesting to compare the structure of Takelma with that of the neighboring languages; but a lack, at the time of writing, of published material on the Kalapuya, Coos, Shasta, Achomawi, and Karok makes it necessary to dispense with such comparison. With the Athapascan dialects of southwest Oregon, the speakers of which were in close cultural contact with the Takelmas, practically no agreements of detail are traceable. Both Takelma and Atha- pascan make a very extended idiomatic use of a rather large num- ber of verbal prefiLxes, but the resemblance is probably not a far- reaching one. While the Athapascan prefixes are etymologically distinct from the main body of lexical material and have reference chiefly to position and modes of motion, a very considerable number of the Takelma prefixes are intimately associated, etymologically and functionally, with parts of the body. In the verb the two lan- guages agree in the incorporation of the pronominal subject and § 116 282 BUREAU Op AMEElCAW ETHNOLOGY [edll. 40 object, but here again the resemblance is only superficial. In Athapascan the pronominal elements are phonetically closely com- bined with the verbal prefixes and stand apart from the follow- ing verb-stem, which never, or very rarely, loses its monosyllabic individuality. In Takelma the pronominal elements, together with the derivative affixes, enter into very close combination with the preceding verb-stem, but stand severely aloof from the verbal prefixes. The radical phonetic changes which the verb-stem under- goes for tense in both languages is perhaps the most striking resemblance between the two; but even in this regard they differ widely as to the methods employed. Neither the very extended use of reduplication in Takelnaa, nor the frequent use in Atha- pascan of distinct verb-stems for the singular and plural, is shared by the other. Add to this the fact that the phonetic systems of Athapascan and Takelma are more greatly divergent than would naturally be expected of neighboring languages, and it becomes clear that the opinion that has generally been held, though based on practically no evidence, in regard to the entirely distinct character- istics of the two linguistic stocks, is thoroughly justified. The entire lack of nominal cases in Takelma and the lack of pro- nominal incorporation in Klamath indicate at the outset the funda- mental morphologic difference between these stocks. In so far as nominal cases and lack of pronominal incorporation are made the chief morphologic criteria of the central Calif ornian group of linguistic families, as represented, say, by Maidu and Yokuts, absolutely no resemblance is discernible between those languages and Takelma. As far, then, as available linguistic material gives opportunity for judg- ment, Takelma stands entirely isolated among its neighbors. In some respects Takelma is typically American, in so far as it is possible at all to speak of typical American linguistic characteristics. Some of the more important of these typical or at any rate wide- spread American traits, that are found in Takelma, are: the incor- poration of the pronominal (and nominal) object in the verb; the incorporation of the possessive pronouns in the notm; the closer association with the verb-form of the object than the subject; the inclusion of a considerable number of instrumental and local modifi- cations in the verb-complex; the weak development of differences of tense in the verb and of number in the verb and noun; and the impossibility of drawing a sharp line between mode and tense. § 116 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 2^3 Of the more special grammatical characteristics, some of which are nearly imparalleled in those languages of North America that have been adequately studied, are : a system of pitch-accent of fairly con- siderable, though prob'ably etymologically secondary, formal sig- nificance ; a strong tendency in the verb, noun, adjective, and adverb toward the formation of dissyllabic stems with repeated vowel (e. g., aorist stem yowo- be; verb-stem loho- die; noun moxo'' buzzard; adjective Tios-d'^ [plural] getting big; adverb olo^m fokmerly); a very considerable use of end reduplication, initial reduplication being entirely absent ; the employment of consonant and vowel changes as a grammatical process; the use in verbs, nouns, and adjectives of pre- fixed elements, identical with body-part noun stems, that have refer- ence now to parts of the body, now to purely local relations; the complicated and often irregular modifications of a verbal base for the formation of the most generalized tense, the aorist; the great differentiation of pronominal schemes according to syntactic rela- tion, class of verb or noirn, and tense-mode, despite the comparatively small number of persons (only five — two singular, two plural, and one indifferent) ; the entire lack in the noun and pronoun of cases (the subjective and objective are made unnecessary by the pronominal and nominal incorporation characteristic of the verb ; the possessive, by the formal use of possessive pronoun affixes ; and the local cases, by the extended use of pre-positives and postpositions) ; the existence in the noun of characteristic suffixes that appear only with pre- positives and possessive aflSxes; the fair amount of distinctness that the adjective possesses as contrasted with both verb and noun; the use of a decimal system of numeration, tertiary or quinary iu origin; and a rather efficient though simple syntactic apparatus of subordi- nating elements and well-modulated enclitic particles. Altogether Takelma has a great deal that is distinct and apparently even isolated about it. Though typical in its most fundamental features, it may, when more is known of American languages as a whole, have to be considered a very specialized type. § 116 284 BXJ&BATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcLL. 40 IB a O o o ;h Ph o o 'a "e '5" .« , ^ S ^ e *" «?* »0 ?^ fQ ,0 :m ^ •§ F •§ ^ .s .S J ^s o e a e '^ >« 'B '« ¥ ■? ?■ S « It «> is ti .g .g t & & li O Pi .2 ■ " "2 <1 -! BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN lANGUAGES — TAKEL.MA 285 P Hi Cm O O P< 0) IS o I (S 09 d EH CO (D U •IH O 0) a (D -d O CQ 02 CD > 1 1 D P=1 t t 'i t _>; M 1 a t 1 if 1 3 1 ■§ 1 1 i 1 11 Sllllli T3 -a -« 13 fQ -a ts ■3 1 11 1 1 1 1 ^ 'S -S '3 -3 -S -3 3 ■§ 1 :§ s II :§ 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 •B ta -tt T3 13 -a -e o g e e s e e s •g -3 '3 '3 -3 '3 'S 'S f • • • • » 1 5 ^ ^ fl fr! d, •§ « M 1 iS 286 BTJEEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 3. Forms of na{g)- sat, do A. Intransitive [BULL. 40 Aorist Future Potential Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: 1st per. nagaXVe^ na't'ee TiaTee ■na'k'a^ 2d per. nagaW nada'^ naX na'k.'dt 7MI^ m/'V 3d per. naga't^ m'H' na'^ na^k' Plural: 1st per. nagaypk' naga'm (.7)nayn' na'k'aTia^k' mOm'mQia'n) 2d per. nagaU'p' na't'baf naH'p' na'lttaVp' 7io%p' Imper. ne'ye's (sub- ordinate neye'eda^ or ni'ida^ neeyaWi' (conditional) fujeq tjent^titxj Aorist Future Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: 1st per. . . . 2d per. 3d per Plural: 1st per 2d per Imper. naga^na'k'def Tiaga^nigVC rmgafna'aek' nagafnign' naga^nigiH'p' naUt'ee Tmnada'^ i nana'H' i imTmga'm i Tiank'ae naflktdt' nank'' nank'ana^k' natik.'eit'p' nanlia wmaha'c nanhanp' Tia'filia^k* 1 These forms are to be carefully distinguished from na^-nada'^, na^-na'H',wi6. so forth (see §69). It is of course possible to have also na^-naHt'e^^ na^-nanada'^, and so forth. » Also naUkak' is found, so that It is probable that doublets exist for other non-aorist forms, e. g., naUhada^, Tianhaba^. B. Transitive Aorist Object Subject First person singular , Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. nege's-dam negCs-i nege'S'dap* naga'sbi^ naga'shi nagasbina^k' naga'^n nagaH' Tmga" nagana^k' ■nagaXp' iMga'simW naga'aam naga'simU'p' naga'sanbafn Tiaga'sanp' naga'sanbaim^k' BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKBLMA 287 3. Forms of na{g)- say, do B. Transitive — Continued Future Object Subject First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. ■nazbin naagi'n ndxanban 2d per. iilxda^ tiak'ida^ Ttdximida^ 3d per. nSxinli* n&xbink' imk'ink' ndxamank' naxanbank' Plural: 1st per. Tiaxbijiagam naflginaga'm naxanbanagam 2d per. ■nSxdaba^ ■ ndagi't'bas ndximit'ba^ Imper. condit. nlxiauk'i^ ■nazbiauk'i' Inferential Singular: 1st per. nazbiga' ■nak'iga' tmxanp'ga' 2d per. nlzik.m' rak'ik.iaf n&xav.k!dt' 3d per. TiSxik' naxbik' Tiak'ik' Tidxamk" naxanp'k' Plural: 1st per. naxbigana^k' nak'igana^k' . nilxanp'gana-k' 2d per. nlxik.'afp' Tiak'ikleit'p' 7iaxamk!eit''p' Singular: 1st per. ndxbi^ naflgi'^n TiaxatibaMi 2d per. nSxdam mk'if imximit' 3d per. nSxi imxbi nak'i nazam nazanp' Plural: 1st per. mzbinak' nak'iTiak' ■naxanbaiia^k' 2d per. •n^xdap' nak'U'p' nazimU'p' JPresent Imperative Future Imperative Singular: 2d per. nlxi nak'i n&xam Plural: 1st per. vaViba' 2d per. nSxip' nak'ip' TiazaTnp' Singular: 2d per. Tiexgc^m Tiaagi'^k' 288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 3. Forms of na{g)- say, do B. Transitive — Contiaued Passive [BULL. 40 Aorist Future Potential Inferential Singular: 1st per. 2d per. Sd, per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. nege's'in Tmga'sUn naga'n naga'simin naga'aanhan naxbina^ nafigina'^ nd-ximina^ Tiaxanbana^ nSxin n&xbin Ti&k'in n&ximin n&xanhan nSxigam Tiaxbigam Tiak'am naxamk'am Tiaxanp'ga-m FJREQ TTMNTATIVM A.07<8t Object Subject First person singular Second person suigular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. . . . 2d per. 3d per. . Plural: 1st per. . 2d per. . negefis-i negens-dap' nagaiisM^ nagansU nagansbinak' nagaHJia^ ■naganhat' nagaHha nagafihanak' nagafihafp' nagaflsimit' nagaflsam nagansimU'p' nagansaribafn nagafisanp' nagaftsanbana'k' Singular: 1st per. . . nansHn nanhan nansanban 2d per. nSna-da^ nB,nhadaf n&n^imida^ 3d per. . nlTis-ink' ninsUnk' nanhank' nJamamank' ndnsanbank' Plural: 1st per. . Tiansbinagam nanhanagam nansanbanagam 2d per. nSTisdaba^ ji&nhat'iaf TiUnsimit'ba^ Passive Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. Aorist negeHs-in nagaH^bin nagaHkan Tiagafisimin nagaHsanban Future ndiishiTia^ Tulnsimina^ n&nsanhanaf BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN lANGUAGES TAKELMA 289 3. Forms of na(g)- say, do C. Causative in -n- ■ A-OT-lst Object Subject First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. nagdmxiifn migamia'"n naganxaniafn 2(J per. negSnxdam tiagaanaH' inagaflnn') nagdnximiV 3d per. . negSnxi naganxbi nagan [naganhi) naganxam naganxanp' Plural: 1st per. naganxUnak' nagaflnana^k' (nagaanina^k') Tiagdnxanbana^k' 2d per. . . negSnxdap' nagSanaH'p' inagatmi'Vp') naganximit'p' Singular: 1st per. . . . nS,nxbin ndana'n [ndfini'n) nanxanban 2d per. nlnxda^ ndimada'^ 8 (namida'i) nanximidai 3d per. . nlnxinV nanxUnk' n.aana'nV [ndanVnV) nanxamank' nanxanhanV Plural: 1st per. . . . nanxhinagam naananaga'm inafininaga/m) nUnxanhanagam 2d per. . . nSnxdaha^ ndana't'ba^ (na/mi'fba^) nanximit'la' Fassi/ve Aorist Future Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. negerixin nagdnxbin TtagoAna'n {nagamiVn) naganximin rtagdnxanban nSnxitia^ Tianxbina^ iWbnximiTM' nanxanbana' I Though these forms are simply derivatives of intransitive aorist nagaii)-, verb-stem «a-, they have been listed here because of their great similarity to transitive frequentatives, with which they might be e^Uy confused. In the aorist, the two sets of forms differ in the length of the second (repeated) vowel, in flie connecting consonant, and to some extent in the place of the accent, though this is probably a minor con- sideration. In the future, they differ in the connecting consonant and partly again in the place of the accent. SForms In parentheses are instrumental. simperative (sing. subj. and third person object): imnUa, 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 19 290 BUREAU OF AMBEICAN ETHNOLOGY 3. Forms of na{g)- say, do D. Reciprocal Forms IBULL. 40 Aorist Future Plural: 1st per naga'sinik' n&xinigam 2d per naga'sanVp^ naxant'baf 3d per naga'safn (frequentative nagaa- safn) naxarM' E. Nominal Derivatives nfFiifixirjES Intransitive: ne^x Object First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person ptaal Transitive .... nlxiya n&xUya naagia' nHximia naxanhia Active: TiaH' Other forms derived from verb-stem na{g)- than those given above are of course found, but are easily formed on evident analogies. Observe, however, intransitive aorist stem nagai- in transitive deriva- tives nagalk'wa he said to him (personal) and nagal¥wif he said TO HIMSELF. Comitatives in - {a)gw- are not listed because their forma- tion offers no difficulty; e. g., second person singular present impera- tive n&Y" DO so AND so HAVING it! It is possible that Z>5"- nSxada^ immediately is nothing but adverb 6 o" now + subordinating foTia.*nSxada^ of -xa- derivative from ria"jf- with regular palatal ablaut (see §31,6) ; literally it would then mean something like when it is becoming (doing) now. APPENDIX B THE ORIGIN OF DEATH xi'lam' sebe^t'^ hap'da^ loho'k'.'' sgi'sidi^P no'tslat'gwan' Roasting-Dead-People his child it died. He and Coyote neighboring each other jn\'J ga-s-i^« nak^ik':^ ''laps*° yimi'xi" hap'dek'^^ ioho'ida%^3 they were. And that he said to " Blanket lend it to me my child since it died, him: kps^" yimi'xi,"" naga'-ihi^ " xilam ^ sebeH*.^ ''ani^ ^^ laps ^^ blanket lend it to me," he said, it is said, Roasting-Dead-People. *' Not blanket 1 xi'lam. Used indifferently for sick, dead (as notm), and ghost, -am (= -an) is probably notm-forming suffix with inorganic -a- (cf. hartr-xilmi abode of ghosts, literally, ACROss-srvER are ghosts as verb with positional -I). As base is left xil- or xirv- {-n- of radical syllable dissimilates to -%• before nasal suffix); n'lam ixQTsi* xin-an or * xil-an. Thisa;i7i-isperhapsetymologicaUyidenticalwitha;z72.mucus(verb-basei87j-SNiFF). 2 seheY. Participle in -V of verb seeba'^n Type 5 1 roast it; aorist stem seeb-, verb-stem sebe-. roast- ING-DEAD-PEOPLE is Takelma name for species of black long-legged bug. He is supposed to be so called because responsible for death, as told in this mj^h. ^hap'da. Base ftoap'- small, child (cf. hap-s-di'' small). This is one of those comparatively few nouns that add possessive pronominal suffixes of Scheme II directly to stem. With suffixed ([?] pre-pronominal) -I- it becomes plural in signification: hapxda his CHILDRE^f. This sort of plural formation stands, as far as known, entirely isolated in Takelma. In its absolute form Map'- takes on derivative suffix -xi, TiapxV' CHILD. ^Zofto^fc*. Third personal inferential of verb lohoU'e^ Type 4b i die; aorist stem lohoi-, verb-stem loho-. -k' inferential element. Inferential mode used because statement is here not made on personal authority, but only as tradition or hearsay. According to this, aU myth narrative should employ inferential forms instead of aorist. This myth employs partly inferentials and partly aorists; but in most other myths aorists. are regularly employed, probably because they are more familiar forms, and perhaps, also, because myths may be looked upon as well-authenticated fact. 5 sgi'sidVl. sgi'si coyote, formed by repetition of base-vowel according to Type 2. -dVl is dual suffix sgi'sidVl by itself might mean two coyotes, but -dlH is never properly dual in signification, meaning rather HE (indicated by preceding noun) and some one else (indicated by context). ^no'tslat'gwan. Prom local adverbial stem nots!- next door, neighboring; it is formed by addition of characteristic -a- and third personal plural reflexive pronominal suffix -t'gwan (= -t'- [third person]-}-- i/wn- [reflexive] -f -ti [plural]). First person singular notsIadS; second person singular notsfada'^. Tyu^k'. Third personal inferential of verb yoioo't'^ Type 2 i am; aorist stem yowo-, verb-stem yo- (_yu-). -k' inferential element as in loho^k'. Corresponding aorist, yowo'^. 8 gas'i^, ga is general demonstrative that, here serving to anticipate quotation: "tops (2) . . . yimi'xi- (3)." -5*F as general connective indicates sequence of naft'ifc' upon Zofto^fc' (1). ^nak'ik'. Third personal inferential of verb naga'^n Type 2 i sat to hxm; aorist stem naga-, verb-stem naag-. Corresponding aorist, naga"". Non-aoristic forms of this transitive verb show instrumental -/- (see §64). 10 laps. Noun of uncertain etjTQOlogy, perhaps from base lab- carry on one's back, -s nominal deriva- tive suffix of no known definite sigmfication. » yimi'xi. Present imperative second person singular subject, first person singular object {-xi) Qi verb ylimiya'^n Type 1 1 lend it to him; aorist stem yUmli-, verb-stem yimi-. Non-aoristic forms show instru- mental -i- as in Tiak'ik' ; e. g., yimi'Un i shall lend it to him, i^Tiap'dek'. Seehap'dail). -de'fc'firstpersonsingularpossessivepronominalsuffixaccording to Schemell. 13 loho'ida^. Subordinate form, with causal signification, of loJio'i^ he died. Aorist stem lohoi- =verb- stem loho- + intransitive element -i- characteristic of aorist of Type 4 ; -^, third personal aorist subject intran- sitive Class I, dissimilated because of catch in subordinating suffix -da^. Syntactically lohoHda^ is subordi- nated to yimi'xi. u naga'-ihi^. =naga'i- he said -I- quotative enclitic -hi^. tiaga'i^ third person aorist of irregular verb TMi^aUV Type 4a I say; aorist stem wif/ai-, verb-stem tmi-. Both transitive and intransitive forms of tm^g)- SAT incorporate object of thing said; ga in gas'i^ (3) is incorporated as direct object in ndJc'ik' (it would be theoreticallymorecorrect to write (?a[-s*i^-7i3fc'ifc'); while quotation "tops . . . j/mi'ii' Ms syntactically direct object of naga'-ihi^ which, as such, it precedes, ga-n&k'ik' anticipates "tops . . . yimVxi" naga'' ihi^. Observe use of aorist instead of inferential from naga'-ihi^ on. 15 a'n¥. Negative particle with following aorist. True negative future would be wede yimi'hixbiga'. 291 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 yi'mlsbi^n" gwidi'-s'i^" yo'^t'" xila^m' yeuk'i^,'"' naga'-ihi^" 1 lend it to you for where they will be dead people if they return?" he said, it is said, sgi'si.^ no"s'P^° yewe''^^' xilam' sebeV.^ klodo^t'^^ hap'dagwa^' Coyote. And next door he returned Eoasting-Dead-People. He buried it his own child loho'ida^.^* ganehP^^ dabalni'xa ^^ la*le\" mPhi^^* sgi's^ hap'da^ who had died. And then, it long time it became. Now, it is Coyote his child is said, said, xi'lami laMe\" mp2' loho"^^» ml'^^ nO'^^s-^" gini'^k'=° xilam' sebet''' sick it became. Now it died. Now next door lie went Roasting-Dead-People iwa'Ma.^! "laps" yimi'xi" ha^p'de'k'^^ loho'ida^""— "kadi"'' to him. "Blanket lend it to me my child since it died." "What nagait","^^ xilam' sebe't'^ ga* naga''^." "ho"xa^a^^* ma^a^^ you said?" Eoasting-Dead-People that he said. "Last time you m yiimisbi^n. Eirst person singular subject (-^n) second personal singular object (-M-) of verb ylimiya'^n (see yimi'xi above), -s- indirect object used only in aorist of this verb, elsewhere -x-; e.g., future yimi'xbin I SHALL LEND IT TO YOU. Aorist is used because idea of futurity Is here immediate; i.e., time of action is not put definitely forward. v gwidi'-ri^. gwi- general interrogative and indefinite adverb where? somewheee. di interrogative enclitic serving to give gwU distinct interrogative signification, -s'z^hashereslightcausal tinge: for where WOULD THET ALL BE, IF THEY RETURNED? 18 yo'H'. Third personal future of verb yowo't'e^ I am (see yu^fc' above). -^V third personal subject future intransitive Class I. " yiiik'i^. Third personal conditional (-S:"S=) of verb yeweXt'e? Type 4a i return; aorist stem yeweU, verb-stem yku- (yeew-). 20 7io'»s-i=. = no'yfs- (stem notsi- next door) H- connective -ri'. no'ifa- maj^ best be considered as local adverbial prefix to yewe'i^. 21 yewe'i^. Third person aorist of verb yeweWe^ (see yiUk'i^ above (-* and -e as in loho'i^ and naga'i^ above) 22 Itlodo't'. Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb klododa''n Type 8 i buky him aorist stem klodod-, verb-stem jo"(J-. i'hap'dagwa. See ftap'da (1). -jiya refiexive suffix. fc/odoV Mp' da would have meant he (Roasting- Dead-People) buried his (Coyote's) child. 2* loWida^. In this case subordinate form serves merely to explain liap^dagwa, and may thus be rendered as relative, who had died. 'iganeW. =-gane and then (compound of demonstrative ga), used to introduce new turn in narrative, + quotative ~Jii^. ^> daialni'xa. Temporal adverb long time. Like many other adverbs, it is difficult of satisfactory analysis, da- is local body-part prefix, as in several other temporal adverbs; but its application here is quite obscure, bal- radical element, cf. adjective baUs long, -xa adverbial (chiefly temporal) suffix- -nU = ? (cf. lep'ni'xa winter). 'Tlaale\ Third person aorist intransitive Class II of verb IMU'^ Types 10a and 15a i become; aorist stem JooZe-, verb-stem laA-p'-. -e- = H- of positional verbs. Corresponding inferential lap'k'. 2» mVW. ='ml' weak temporal adverb now, then, serving generaUy to introduce new statement, + quo- tative -W. ^'toho'i'. Seeloho'ida^ (2). » gini"k'. Third person aorist of verb gini'k'de? Type 2 I GO (somewhere); aorist stem ginig-, verb-stem giTig-, ginag- (present Imperative jinJc"; tntntegiTia'k'dee). -e third person aorist intransitive Class I. Inas- much as forms occui derived from base giri- (e. g., reduplicated giniginia'^), -g- must be considered as either petrified suffix, or as trace of older reduplication with vanished vowel In second member: gin-i-g- from (?) gijiri-gn-. ginig- can be used only with expressed goal of motion (in this case no'vfs- and wa'ada). he WENT without expressed goal would have been ya'^. Similarly: baxam- come, me'-gimg- come here; SoffK- RUN, Mwiliw- run (somewhere); s'owo'^k'ap'- jump, biliw- jump at. n wa'oM. Formed, like no'tsfafgwan (1), by addition of third personal pronomuial sufllx -'da to local stem M0-; first person wadl. These forms are regularly used when motion to some person or persons is meant: if goal of motion is non-personal, postposition ga^a'l to, at is employed. •'k'adi'. Jt'a (before di, otherwise J:'a«)issubstantival indefinite and interrogative stem (thing), what, corresponding to adverbial gwi- (4). di serves also here to give k'a distinct interrogative force. M nagait'. Second person singular aorist of verb rmgaWif (see naga'-iW above). This is one of those few intransitives that take personal endings directly after stem ending in semi-vowel (iiagay-), without connective-a- (see §65 end). M ho^xa^a^. =houxa^ yesterday, (here more indefinitely as) last time, formerly + deictic -^a'. -xa Is eidverbial (temporal) suffix (cf. dabalni'xa above). -=a' serves to contrast last time with NOW. " ma^a. = ma second person singular independent personal pronoun 4- deictic ■'a\ which here contrasts YOU (as former object of supplication) with i (as present object of suppUoation). BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 293 fa^" nege's'dam" 'laps" yimi'xi'" naga'sbinda^:^^ 'yapla^' at you said to me ' Blanket lend it to me ' when I said to you: ' People gwidi"" yo'^t' i« yeuk'i^' i» mi"8 hawa'xi"^ ^° ha^p'de'k'," " naga'-ihi= " where tljeywillbe i£ they return?' Now itisrottiug my child," he said, it is said, xilami sebe't'.^ no'^s-i"" sgisP yewe''^" "sga" +" t'aga"^*^ ga^ Koasting-Dead-People. And next Coyote he returned. " Sga +" he cried. That door ga^al" b5"** 'a'nl^^ yapla^' yewe""i loho'ida^" Because of nowadays not people they return when they die. "ga. Anticipates quotation " yap.'o (10) . . . yiUk'i' (.11)." " nege's-dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object {-dam) of verb Tiaga'^n hcWm is com- pound noun § 88. " § 86, 1. Predicate appostive to he'la^m: they make those boards out of sugar-piue. » Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heHa^m § 104. 21 Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element -»j (?=Me«) of unknown meaning §§ 113, 2; 114 end. 22 Adverb in -doC from local element dak'- above § 112, 1. 23(fa- § 36, 2 end; -t.'abaV third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -tlahaga'^n Type 3 1 FINISH it; §§ 63; 40,3. 2i Local adverb § 113, 1. S5(icdewiH'a-iglm>x. hoA- out § 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type 2 or 11 GO to § 40, 2, 11; -ax infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I § 74, 1. 31 See note 21; -s-i' % 114, 4. 22 § 86, 2; suffix -n, §§ 21; 87, 6. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 295 sgap',^^ gwelt'gati'* gina'x'^ klemei; will s'idibi''s*i^^' klemel. gane places, down to the earth going they make house its wall and they make And it; It. then dat!aba'k' ha^t'bu'xt'bixik'"." gane leples =^ hahuwu'"%'i,'» gana't" ■"> they Unish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spread them of that kind then mats out inside, gidi" alxali" yap!a^; p!?" yoga'*" has*s"3"/^ gas'i^" alxallyana'^ *' thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated ha'*ya-p!iya\** gana^ne'x" hop!e'^n^° yapla^a^' wi'l?;''^ lep'ni'xa^' on hoth sides of the In that way long ago people, for their house; in winter fire. their part, wili"^^ ganaH^^- sama'xas'i^^* ana^ne'x^^ alxall, a'ni^^" wi'li gana^u."5 their of that But in summer in this way they sit, not house therein house kind. gwa's"^' will yaxa^° wit'ge^ye^^k'i,"" gas"P p!i' yoga'" klemel Brush house just they set it around, so that tire its place they make it habini\'* gana^nex sama'xa alxali, ani^ lep'ni'xa nat' ^^ wi'li gana^u. inthemiddle. In that way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein. 33xa- § 36, 7b; -t- instrumental §36, 6; xa'i- with « to mark hiatus § 6. -sgip.'isgap' third personal sub- ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip.'isgiWn Type 13a i CUT it trp to pieces iterative of verb -sgl'iWn Type 6; §§ 63; 40,13; 43,1. " Local phrase with pre-positive gwel down to § 95 and noun-characteristic -u § 89, 4; t'ga § 86, 1. ^ See note 30; infinitive used as noun § 74 end. M See note 16; -s-i' § 114, 4. si« is appended to ridibl'i rather than wili, as wili Bidibl'i is taken as unit. 8' So- Dl § 36, 11 b; -Ir instrumental § 36, 6; fto^ § 6. -t'buxtbix-ik'ii passive participle with instru- mental -i- in -ik'vj § 77 from verb -t'boxot'bax- Type 13a, verb stem -t'boxCbax-; -Vbox- ablauted to -t'bux^ § 31, 2; -fbax- umlauted to -fbix- § 8, 3a. 38 § 86, 3. 39fta- IN §36, lib. -huwii'vfk'i = -huwu^lc.'-M § 19 end; third personal sublect, third personal object aorist of instrumental verb -huwu'uk.'i^n Type 3 1 spread (mat) out § 64. " Compounded of demonstrative ga that and na^f participle in -(' § 76 of verb nagai- Type 4 a do, be, verb stem Tia-; see Appendix A. « Postposition § 96; gi- umlauted from ga- § 8, 4. <'al-^ 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -xali third personal subject, third personal object aorist Type 1 in form, though intransitive in meaning § 67 footnote. «§86, 1. " Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) § 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a § 92 III. FmE ITS-PLACE is regular pariphrasis tor FmE's place. « Local phrase with pre-positive ha- m; -s'5" §86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occui « Connective compounded of demonstrative ga that and enclitic particle -R-i^ § 114,i " Subordinate form of dlxaR, note 42; § 70 (see transitive paradigm). *8 Local phrase with pre-positive hd'ya- on both sides of and noun-characteristic -a §95; -p.'iy-a^from pit FntE . « Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga that and na^ne'-x inflnitive of verb na'nagai; verb stem na^na- §§ 69; 74, 1; Appendix A. M Temporal adverb in ^ § 112, 3. 61 yap!a see note 1; -^a deictic post-nominal element § 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of to-day). » Willi or will'i third personal pronominal form § 92 III of noim wi' li house see note 2. people theie- HOUSE regular periphrasis for people's house. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of TO be) is not expressed in this sentence. K Temporal adverb in -xa § 112, 2. " sama,'xa cf . note 53; s-i^ § 114, 4. 65 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- this § 104 and TwPneH see note 49. M Negative adverb of aorist § 113, 3. 6' Postposition with wili § 96. 68 § 86, 1. gwa'r wili bkush house form compound noun § 88. 69 Particle in -lo §§ 112, 2; 114, 9. toj/ji- § 37, 8. -tgt'yeifKi — -t'geye'k!-hi § 19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of instrumental verb -t'ge'yeekH^n Type 2 1 put it abound § 64; -kl- petrified suffix §42, 7. 61 Local adverb with pre-positive fto- in § 95, noun stem .Jin- not freely occurring § 86, 1, and noun- characteristic -i § 89, 3. 62 Participle in -!' § 76; see note 40. 296 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bbll. 40 [Translation] The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground, and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these) they put one across just once. And just then they make the house wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder, they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it; and the house wall they make. Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed, was the house of the people long ago; in winter their house was such. But in summer they were sitting like now,' not in the house. Just a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a house. * We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated.