CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF George B. Wakeley Cornell University Library DE 5.S66D5 1870 3 1924 028 214 694 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028214694 DICTIONARY GREER AND ROMAN ANTIttUITIES, EDITED BY WILLiAM SMITH, Ph.D., AND ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS (3 N WOOD. EMx'a americau ETrttton, ©arffttUg 3^0S)tsetr, OOKTAINING NUMEROUS ADDITIONAL ARTICLES RELATIVE TO THE BOTANY. MINERALOGY. AND ZOOLOGY OF THE ANCIENTS. CHARLES ANTHON, LL.D., PS0FE3S0S OF THE GREEK AND LATIN LANGUAGES IN COLUMBIA COLLEGE, NEW-TORK, AKE RECTOR OF THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL. NEW YOEK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE. 18 7 0. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousano eight hundred and forty-three, by Charles Anthon. in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern DistricJ of New York. TO WILLIAM B. ASTOR, ESQ., AN J.LUMNUS OF OUR COMBION ALMA MATER, AND A STRIKIN& PKOOF HOW GREATLX AN UNCEASING ATTACHMENT TO CLASSICAL STUDIES TENDS TO ELEVATE AND ADORN TUE CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN MERCHANT, BY HIS FRIEND AND WELL-WISHER, C. A PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. The merits of the present work are so fully set forth in the preface of the London editor as to render any additional remarks on this subject almost unnecessary. The student has here a guide to an accurate knowledge of Greek and Eoman Antiquities, before which the meager compilations of Potter and Adams must sink into utter in- significance ; and he is put in possession of a vast body of information in a most interesting department of study, which it might otherwise have cost him the labour of a whole life to accumulate. All the most recent and valuable discoveries of the German scholars are here placed within his reach, and there is nothing to prevent their speculations becoming as familiar to him as household words. The work is, in truth, a German one in an English garb, and will be found to contain all that lumess and accuracy of detail for which the scholars of Germany have so long and justly been celebrated. It is equally intended, also, for the general reader, and as a work of popular reference will be found to be invaluable, not only from its accuracy of research, but from the wide field over which it ranges. In a word, the present vol- ume supplies what has long been felt as a great desideratum in English literature. In order to render the work, however, if possible, still more useful, the American edi- •tor has added a large number of articles relative to the Botany, Mineralogy, and Zoolo- gy of the ancients, topics interesting and curious in themselves, and which, it is con- ceived, fall naturally within the scope of such a work as the present one. The contri- butions by the American editor are distinguished from those of the English writers by having an asterisk prefixed. In preparing them, the editor has availed himself of vari- ous sources of information, but more particularly of three, which it affords him great pleasure to mention here. The first is the Collection of Scientific and other Terms, by his learned friend, Francis Adams, Esq., of Scotland, and which has appeared as an Ap- pendix to the Greek Lexicon of Professor Dunbar. It embraces the opinions, not only of the ancient naturalists, but of the most celebrated, also, among the moderns, and has afforded the American editor the most numerous, as well as the richest materials for his labours. The second source whence information has been obtained on various topics connected with the natural history of the ancients is the noble edition of Cu- vier's Animal Kingdom, by Griffith and others, in 16 volumes, 8vo, a work full of curious learning, and replete with interesting observations on the naturalists of an tiquity and the opinions entertained by them. On the subject of Ancient Mineralogy, the editor acknowledges himself deeply indebted to the excellent work published some years ago by Dr. Moore, at that time Professor of Ancient Languages in Co- lumbia College, now President of that institution ; and he takes the greater pleasure in stating his obligations to the labours of this distinguished scholar, since it affords him, also, the opportunity of congratulating his Alma Mater on having her highest office filled by one so well qualified to advance her best interests, and to gain for her the esteem and approbation of all who wish her well. As regards the general appearance of the work, some changes of form have been made which may here be enumerated. In the English edition, the articles relating to Grecian Antiquities have their heading in Greek characters. This, although no obstacle, of course, to the student or professed scholar, is a serious impediment in the way of the general reader, and might mar the popularity of the work. To guard against such a result, great care has been taken to change all the headings of the Greek articles (except such as relate to legal matters) to Eoman characters, while, at the same time, in order to satisfy the scholar, the Greek title is written immedi- ately after the Eoman. Should any words, by this arrangement, be thrown out of the alphabetical order, their places can be discovered in an instant by the General Index at the end of the volumfe. In the English edition, again, the references and authorities are given in the body of the article, a plan calculated to deter the general reader, and which, at l?est. is one of very doubtful propriety, since it mars the an n PREFACE. pearance of an English sentence, and destroys, in some degree, its continuity. Thva is remedied in the American edition by throwing all the authorities into foot-notes at the bottom of the page, an arrangement so natural, and, withal, so convenient, that it is surprising it should not have been adopted by the English editor. Another blemish in the English edition is the plan of appending to each article the init'ials of the writer's name, which, to say the least of it, gives a very awkward and clumsy appearance to the page. In the American edition a different arrangement is adopted. A full reference is given at the end of the volume to the different articles furnished by the different contributors, and these are so classified that it can be as- certained at a glance what portions have been supplied by each. This, indeed, gives the American a decided advantage over the English edition. We have l:emarked above, that the present work is intended to supersede the com- pilations of Potter and Adams. In order to facilitate this most desirable change, an index Eaisonne has been appended to the volume, in which the whole subject of Greek and Roman Antiquities is classified under appropriate heads, so that, by means of this index, the present work, though having the form of a Dictionary, may be made, with the utmost ease, to answer all the purposes of a College text-book. No conscientious and honest instructer, therefore, can hesitate for an instant between the work which is here presented to him and the ordinary text-books of the day. In the preparation of the indexes, and, indeed, in the arrangement of the entire work, the editor has to acknowledge the valuable aid of his friend, Mr. Henry Drisler, sub-rector of the Grammar-school of Columbia College, to whose accuracy and faith- ful care the previous volumes of the Classical Series are so largely indebted. Before concluding the present preface, it may be proper to remark, that in a review of Mure's Tour in Greece, which appeared in the London Quarterly for June, 1842, mention is made of an ancient bridge, discovered by that traveller in Laconia, which the reviewer thinks disproves an assertion made in the present work relative to the arch, namely, that the Romans were undoubtedly the first peo- ple who applied the arch to the construction of bridges. The bridge discovered by Mr. Mure, over a tributary of the Eurotas, was regarded by him ^s a work of the remotest antiquity, probably of the heroic age itself; and he even goes so far as to suppose that either Homer himself or Telemachus may have crossed this bridge in travelling into Laconia! The visionary nature of such speculations nyist present itself to every mind ; and we have preferred, therefore, waiting for farther information on this subject, and allowing the article in the Dictionary to remain un- altered. Mr. Mure's Homeric bridge may be found at last to be as modern a struc- ture as Fourmont's temple of the goddess Oga or Onga, near Amyclse, supposed to have been built about 1500 B.C., but which Lord Aberdeen proved to be a modefn Greek chapel ! Columbia College, FeV.ruai-,' 13, 1843. PREFACE TO THE LONDON EDITION. The study of Greek and Roman Antiquities has, in common with all other phiio ogical studies, made great progress in Europe within the last fifty years. The earlier writers on the subject, whose works are contained in the collections of Gro- novius and Grrevius, display little historical criticism, and give no comprehensive view or living idea of the public and private life of the ancients. They were con- tented, for the most part, with merely collecting facts, and arranging them in some systematic form, and seemed not to have felt the want of anything more : they wrote about antiquity as if the people had never existed : they did not attempt to realize to their own minds, or to represent to those of others, the living spirit of Greek and Roman civilization. But, by the labours of modern scholars, life has been breathed into the study : men are no longer satisfied with isolated facts on separate depart- ments of the subject, but endeavour to form some conception of antiquity as an organic whole, and to trace the relation of one part to another. There is scarcely a single subject included under the general name of Greek and Roman Antiquities which has not received elucidation from the writings of the modern scholars of Germany. The history and political relations of the nations of antiquity have been placed in an entirely difierent light since the publication of Nie- buhr's Roman History, which gave a new impulse to the study, and has been suc- ceeded by the works of Bockh, K. 0. Muller, Wachsmuth, K. F. Hermann, and other distinguished scholars. The study of the Roman law, which has been unaccountably neglected in this country, has been prosecuted with extraordinary success by the great jurists of Germany, among whom Savigny stands pre-eminent, and claims our profoundest admiration. The subject of Attic law, though in a scientific point of view one of much less interest and importance than the Roman law, but without a competent knowledge of which it is impossible to understand the Greek orators, has also received much elucidation from the writings of Meier, Schomann, Bunsen, Plat- ner, Hudtwalcker, and others. Nor has the private life of the ancients been neglect- ed. The discovery of Herculaneum and Pompeii has supplied us with important information on the subject, which has also been discussed with ability by several modern writers, among whom W. A. Becker, of Leipzig, deserves to be particularly mentioned. The study of ancient art likewise, to which our scholars have paid littU attention, has been diligently cultivated in Germany from the time of Winckelraanr. and Lessing, who founded the modern school of criticism in art, to which we are indebted for so many valuable works. While, however, so much has been done in every department of the subject, no attempt has hitherto been made, either in Germany or in this country, to make the results of modern researches available for the purposes of instruction, by giving them in a single work, adapted for the use of students. At present, correct infor- mation on many matters of antiquity can only be obtained by consulting a large number of costly works, which few students can have access to. It was therefore thought that a work on Greek and Roman Antiquities, which should be founded on a careful examination of the original sources, with such aids as could be derived from the best modern writers, and which should bring up the subject, so to speak, to the present state of philological learning, would form a useful acquisition to all persons engaged in the study of antiquity. It was supposed that this work might fall into the hands of two different classes of readers, and it was therefore considered proper to provide for the probable wants of each, as far as was possible. It has been intended not only for schools, but also for the use of students at universities, and of other persons, who may wish to obtain more extensive information on the subject than an elementary work can supply Accordingly, numerous references have been given, not only to the classical authors, but also to the best modern writers, which will point out the sources of information on each subject, and enable the reader to extend his inquiries farther if he wishes vui PREFACE. At the same time, it must be observed, that it has been impossible to give at the end of each article the whole of the literature which belongs to it. Such a list of works as a full account of the literature would require would have swelled the work much beyond the limits of a single volume, and it has therefore only been possible to refer to the principal modern authorities. This has been more particularly the case with such articles as treat of the Roman constitution and law, on which the modern wri- ters are almost innumerable. A work like the present might have been arranged either in a systematic or an alphabetical form. Each plan has its advantages and disadvantages, but many rea- sons induced the editor to adopt the latter. Besides the obvious advantage of an alphabetical arrangement in a work of reference like the present, it enabled the edi- tor to avail himself of the assistance of several scholars who had made certain de- partments of antiquity their particular study. It is quite impossible that a work which comprehends all the subjects included under Greek and Eoman Antiquities can be written satisfactorily by any one individual. As it was therefore absolutely necessary to divide the labour, no other arrangement offered so many facilities for the purpose as that which has been adopted ; in addition to which, the form of a Dictionary has the additional advantage of enabling the writer to give a complete account of a subject under one head, which cannot so well be done in a systematic work. An example will illustrate what is meant. A history of the patrician and plebeian orders at Rome can only be gained from a systematic work by putting together the statements contained in many different parts of the work, while in a Dictionary a connected view of their history is given, from the earliest to the latest times, under the respective words. The same remark will apply to numerous other subjects. The initials of each writer's name are given at the end of the articles he has writ ten, and a list of the names of the contributors is prefixed to the work. It may be proper to state, that the editor is not answerable for every opinion or statement contained in the work : he has endeavoured to obtain the best assistance that he could ; but he has not thought it proper or necessary to exercise more than a gen- eral superintendence, as each writer has attached his name to the articles he ha^ written, and is therefore responsible for them. It may also not be unnecessary to remark, in order to guard against any misconception, that each writer is only re- sponsible for his own articles, and for no other parts of the work. Some subjects have been included in the present work which have not usually teen treated of in works on Greek and Roman Antiquities.. These subjects have been inserted on account of the important influence which they exercised upon the public and private life of the ancients. Thus, considerable space has been given to the articles on Painting and Statuary, and also to those on the different departments of the Drama. There may seem to be some inconsistency and apparent capricious- ness in the admission and rejection of subjects, but it is very difficult to determine at what point to stop in a work of this kind. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, if understood in its most extensive signification, would comprehend an account of everything relating to antiquity. In its narrower sense, however, the term is confined to an account of the public and private life of the Greeks and Ro- mans, and it is convenient to adhere to this signification of the word, however arbi- trary it may be. For this reason, several articles have been inserted in the work which some persons may regard as out of place, and others have been omitted which have sometimes been improperly included in writings on Greek and Roman Antiqui- ties. Neither the names of persons and divinities, nor those of places, have been inserted in the present work, as the former will be treated of in the " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology," and the latter in the "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography." The subjects of the woodcuts have been chosen by the writers of the articles which they illustrate, and the drawings have been made under their superintendence. Many of these have been taken from originals in the British Museum, and others from the different works which contain representations of works of ancient art, as the Museo Borbonico, Museo Capitolino, Millin's Peintures de Vases Antiques, Tischbein's and D'Hancarville's engravings from Sir William Hamilton's Vases, and other similar works. Hitherto little use has been made in this country of existing woiks of art for the purpose of illustrating antiquity. In many cases, however, the representation of an object gives a far better idea of the purposes for which it was intended, and PREFACE. " the way in which it was used, than any explanation in words only can convey. Be- sides which, some acquaintance with the remains of ancient art is almost essential to a proper perception of the spirit of antiquity, and would tend to refine and elevate the taste, and lead to a just appreciation of works of art in general. Considerable care has been taken in drawing up the list of articles, but it is feared ?hat there may still be a few omissions.. Some subjects, however, which do not occur in the alphabetical list, are treated of in other arlicles; and it will be found, f)y reference to the Inde.Y, that many subjects are not omitted which appear to be so. The reader will occasionally find some words referred for explanation to other arti- cles, which are not treated of under the articles to which the references are made. Such instances, however, occur but rarely, and are rectified by the index, where the proper references are given. They have only arisen from the circumstance of its having been found advisable, in the course of the work, to treat of them under differ- ent heads from those which were originally intended. Some inconsistency may also be observed in the use of Greek, Latin, and English words for the names of the arti- cles. The Latin language has generally been adopted for the purpose, and the sub- jects connected with Greek antiquity have been inserted under their Greek names, where no corresponding words existed in Latin. In some cases, however, it has, for various reasons, been found more convenient to insert subjects under their English names, but this has only been done to a limited extent. Any little difficulty which may arise from this circumstance is also remedied by the index, where the subjects are given under their Greek, Latin, and English titles, together with the page where they are treated of. The words have been arranged according to the order of the letters in the Latin alphabet. Mr. George Long, who has contributed to this work the articles relating to Roman Law, has sent the editor the following remarks, which he wishes to make respecting the articles he has written, and which are accordingly subjoined in his own words : " The writer of the articles marked with the letters G. L. considers some apology necessary in respect of what he has contributed to this work. He has never had the advantage of attending a course of lectures on Roman Law, and he has written these articles in the midst of numerous engagements, which left little time for other la- hour. The want of proper materials, also, was often felt, and it would have been sufficient to prevent the writer from venturing on such an undertaking, if he had not been able to avail himself of the library of his friend, Mr. William Wright, of Lin- coin's Inn. These circumstances will, perhaps, be some excuse for the errors and imperfections which will be apparent enough to those who are competent judges, (t is only those who have formed an adequate conception of the extent and variety of the matter of law in general, and of the Roman Law in particular, who can esti- mate the difficulty of writing on such a subject in England, and they will allow to him who has attempted it a just measure of indulgence. The writer claims such in- dulgence from those living writers of whose labours he has availed himself, if any of these articles should ever fall in their way. It will be apparent that these articles have been written mainly with the view of illustrating the classical writers ; and that a consideration of the persons for whose use they are intended, and the present state of knowledge of the Roman Law in this country, have been sufficient reasons for the omission of many important matters which would have been useless to most readers, and sometimes unintelligible.. " Though few modern writers have been used, compared with the whole number Avho might have been used, they are not absolutely few, and many of them, to Eng- lishmen, are new. Many of them, also, are the best, and .among the best of the kind. The difficulty of writing these articles was increased by the want of books in the English language ; for, though we have many writers on various departments of the Roman Law, of whom two or three have been referred to, they have been seldom used, and with very little profit." It would be improper to close these remarks without stating the obligations this work is under to Mr. Long. It was chiefly through his advice and encouragement that the editor was induced to undertake it, and during its progress he has always been ready to give his counsel whenever it was needed. It is, therefore, as much a matter of duty as it is of pleasure to make this public acknowledgment to him. , , ,,,„ WILLIAM SMITH. Locdon. 1842. A DICTIONARY GREEK AND ROMAN ANTICIUITIES, ETC ABACUS. •ABACULUS {u6aictBKog), a diminutive of Ab- Accs, is principally applied, when used at all, to the tiles or squares of a tesselated pavement. (^Vid. Abacds, it.) AB'ACUS (u6af ) denoted generally and prima- rily a square tablet of any material. Hence we find it applied in the following special significa- tions : I. In architecture it denoted the flat square stone which constituted the highest member of a column, being placed immediately under the architrave. Its use is to be traced back to the very infancy of ar- chitecture. As the tnilik of the tree, which sup- ported the roof of the early log-hut, required to be based upon a flat square stone, and to have a stone or tile of similar form fi^ed on its summit to pre- serve it from decay, so the stone column in after days was made with a square base, and was cover- f d with an Abacus. The annexed figure is drawn from that in the British Museum, which was taken from the Parthenon at Athens, and is a perfect spe- cimen of the capital of a Doric column. fm In the more ornamented orders of architecture, ie censures the man who ridiculed " the numbers on the abacus and the partitions in its divided dust.'" In this in- stance the poet seems to have supposed perpendicu- lar lines or channels to have been drawn in the sand upon the board ; and the instrument might thus, in the simplest and easiest manner, be adapted foi arithmetical computation. It aj)pears that the same purpose was answered by having a similar tray with perpendicular wood- en divisions, the space on the right hand being in- tended for units, the next space for tens, the next for hundreds, and so on. Thus was constructed " the abacus on which they calculate,'" i. e., reckon by the use of stones.' 'The figure following is design- ed to represent the probable form and appearance of such an abacus. The reader will observe, that stone after stone might be put into the right-hand partition until they amounted to 1 0, when it would be necessary to take them all out as represented in the figure, and in- stead of them to put one stone into the next parti- tion. The stones in this division might in like man- ner amount to 10, thus representing 10x10=100, when it would be necessary to take out the 10, and instead of them to put one stone into the third par- tition, and so on. On this principle, the stones in the abacus, as delineated in the figure, would be equivalent to 359,310. 1. (Plin., H. N., xxxiii., 56; xxxy., 13,)— 2. (" Non placent jam abaci :" H. N., xxiv., 1.) — 3. (De Re Rust., 10.) — 4, (Tid. Criitin., Fragm., ed. Rniikel, p. 27.— Pollux, vi., 90 ; i 105.— Bekkcr, Anec. Grsec, i., 27.)— 5. (Hesych., s. t. Miwcrpa.— Schol. in Theoc, iv., 61.)— 6. (Eustath. in Od., i., 107, p. 1397.) — 7. (" Abaco numeros, et secto in pulvere metas ;" Pere., Sat., i., 131.)— 8. iaSaKtov f^' ov ^/Tjtpilovulv : Eustath in Od . It., I 249, p. 1494.)— 9. (i/^^oi, calculi ) o ABACUS. ABLEGMINA. It is evident that the same method might be em- ployed in adding, subtracting, or multiplying weights and measures, and sums of money. Thus the stones, as arranged in the figure, might stand for 3 stadia, 5 plelkra, 9 fathcrms, 3 cvMs, and Ifoot. The abacus, however, can never be much used by us at the pres- ent day, owing to our various divisions of weights and measures, &c. We should need one abacus for dollars, cents, &c.; another for avoirdupois weight; a third for troy weight, and so on.' In China, how- ever, where the whole system is decimal, that is, where every measure, weight, &c., is the tenth part of the next greater one, this instrument, called Shwam/pan, is very much used, and with astonishing rapidity. It is said that, while one man reads over rapidly a number of sums of money, another can add them so ^s te give the total as soon as the first has done reading. That the spaces of the abacus actually denoted different values', may be inferred from the following comparison in Polybius :' " All men are subject to be elevated and again depressed by the most fleet- ing events; but this is particularly the case with those who frequent the palaces of kings. They are like the stones upon abaci,' which, according to the pleasure of the calculator,^ are at one time the value of a small copper coin,* and immediately afterward are worth a talent of gold.' Thus courtiers at the monarch's nod may suddenly become either happy or miserable." VII. By another variation the Aeaccs was adapt- ed for playing with dice or counters. The Greeks had a tradition ascribing this contrivance to Palame- des ; hence they called it " the abacus of Palame- des."' It probably bore a considerable resemblance to the modern backgammon-board, dice' being thrown for the moves, and the "men"' placed ac- cording to the numbers thrown on the successive lines or spaces of the board. VIII. The term Aeacds was also appUed to a kind of cupboard, sideboard, or cabinet, the exact form of which can only be inferred from the inci- dental mention of it by ancient writers. It appears that it had partitions lot holding cups and all kinds of valuable and ornamental utensils: " Nee per midtiplices abaco spUndente cavemas Argenli nigri pocula defodiam."' This passage must evidently have referred to a piece of furniture with numerous cells, and of a compli- cated construction. If we suppose it to have been a square frame with shelves or partitions, in some degree corresponding to the divisions which have been described under the last two heads, we shall see that the term might easily be transferred from all its other applications to the sense now under consideration. We are informed that luxuries of this description were first introduced at Rome from Asia Minor ^fter the victories of Cn. Manlius Vulso, A.U.C. l567.' In the above passage of Sidonius, the principal use of the abacus now described is indicated by the word argaUi, referring to the vessels of silver which it contained, and being probably designed, like our word " plate," to include similar articles made of gold and other precious substances." The term abacus must, however, have been ap- plicable to cupboards of a, simple and unadorned appearance. Juvenal says of the triclinium and drinking-vessels of a poor man, " Lectus erat Codro Praeula minor, wrceoli sex Ornamenium, abaci, TiecTum et parvulus infra Canlharus."^ The abacus was, in fact, part of the furniture of a tricUnium, and was intended to contain the vessels usually required at meals. IX. Lastly, a part of the theatre was called a6a/c£f, " the abaci." It seems to have been on or near the stage ; farther than this its position cannot be at present determined. We may, however, infer that the general idea, characteristic of abaci in ev- ery other sense, viz., that of a square tablet, was ap- plicable in this case also. ABALIENA'TIO. {Vid. Mancipium; Manci- PATIO.) ABDICA'TIO. {Yid. Magisteatus, Apoceryx- IS.) *ABTES, the " F-ir," a genus of trees of the co niferous tribe, well known for the valuable timber which is produced by many of the species. The or- igin of the Latin name is unknown ; that of the Eng- lish appellation is the SajLon fwrlwiimdu, " fir-wood.'' The AMes Picea, or "'Silver Fir," is the kind stv]?d by Virgil j«rfcA«mma ("most beautiful"), and ricoiy merits the name. Antiquarians have lost them selves in vain attempts to reconcile the declaration of Caesar (5, 12), that he found in Britain all the trees of Gaul except the beech and abies, with tht well-known fact that fir-wood is abundant in the ancient English mosses, and has been met with even beneath the foundations of Roman roads. What Ceesar meant was, no doubt, that he did not meet with the silver fir in Britain ; of the pine he says no- thing, and therefore it is to be presumed that he found it. — The common BUitti of the Greeks mjst have been either the Pimis abies or the Pimis Ori- enlnlis (Tournefort). There is some difliculty in distinguishing the male and female species of Theo- phrastus. Stackhouse holds the former to be the Pinus abies, or common "Fir-tree," and the latter the Pinus picea, or "Yellow-leaved Fir."* *AB'IGA, the herb " ^cmnd-pine," called also " SI. John's wart." The Latm name is derived from this plant's having been used to produce abortion.' The Abiga is the same with the Chamsepitys (Xafiaijzi- TDf) of the Greeks. The three species of the latter described by Dioscorides have been the subject ol much diversity of opinion. The 1st would seem to have been the Ajiga Chavitepitys ; the 3d tlie Ajiga iva (according to Bauhin and Sprengel) ; while' the 2d, according to the latter, is either the Tcvcrium supinum or moTUanum.' These plants, rich in es- sential oil, are tonic and aromatic. All that we find in Dioscorides and in Pliny (who copies him), which does not refer to these properties, is merely hypothetical, and does not merit refutation.' ABLEC'TL (Vid. Extraordinarii.) ABLEG'MINA (dTroAcy/joO were the parts of the victim which were offered to the gods in sacrifce The word is derived from ablcgerc, in imitatioi of 1. (v., 26.)— 2. (rais hi tSv iSaduiv 'p^ais-)—3- l4'1il>t- Covros.) — 4. (xoXkoDi'.) — 5. (rd^avrov.) — 6. (ri tlaXnurjSciOV iSdKiov ■■ Eustath. in Od., i., 107, p. 1396.)— 7. (kuSoi.)— 8. srwffof.)- 9. (Sidoa. Apoll., Car xvii., 7, 8.) 10 1. (Liv., xxxix., 6.— Plin., H. N., xxxii., 8.)— 2. (ViJ. Cic, TuBC, v., 21.— Vnrro, de Linpr, Lat., ix., 33, p. 489, ed. Speu gel.)— 3. (Sat., iii., 187.) — 4. (Adams, Append., s. v. Atirv-) — 5. (" Quod Bl)igat partus." Vid. Plin.. H. N., xxiv., 6.) — 6. (Ad- ams, Append., s. v. \auat~tTV^) — 7 (Diosoond., lii., 175 — F6f in Flin., 1. c.) ABRAMIS. tne Greek Imokh/nv, which is used in a similar manner. These parts were also called PorruicB, Prosegndna, Proseda. {Vid. Sacrifices.) ABOL'LA, a woollen cloak or pall, is probably- only a varied form of pallium {ipapo;), with which this word is nearly, if not altogether, identical in signification. The form and manner of wearing the aboUa may be seen in the figures annexed, which are taken from the bas-reliefs on the tri- jmpha! arch of Septimius Severus at Rome. I'lie word was in use before the Augustan age ; fur it occurs in a passage cited by Nonius Marcel- lus frcra one of the satires of Varro. Nonius Mar- cellus quotes the passage to show that this garment was worn by soldiers (yestis mililaris), and thus op- posed to the toga. There can be no doubt that it was more especially the dress of soldiers, because the toga, which was used instead of it in the time of peace, though of a similar form and application, was much too large, and wrapped in too many folds about the body to be convenient in time of war. But it is a.o0 clear, from many passages in ancient authors, that the abolla was by no means confined in its use to military occasions.' Juvenal, speaking of a person who heard tinex- pectedly that it was necessary for him to attend upon the emperor, says, " He took up his cloak in a great hurry-"" This action suited the use of a gar- ment, made simply to be thrown over the shoulders and fastened with a fibula. The same poet calls a veiy cruel and base action fadnus majoris abollce, literally " a crime of a larger cloak." The expres- sion has been explained as meaning " a crime of a deeper dye," and " a crime committed by a philos- opher of a graver character." Probably it meant a crime so enormous as to require a larger cloak to hide it. This is supported by the authority of the ancient scholiast on Juvenal, who explains majoris abolla as equivalent to majoris paUii, (^Vid. Pal- lium.) The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea mentions aiol- Us among the articles imported into the kingdom of the Axumites in Abyssinia; and the expression 'niariuv hi'oWai., used by the writer, is an additional proof that the abolla was a kind of ifiariuv, i. e., a square or rectangular piece of woollen cloth, a cloak, or pall. »AB'RAMIS {'kipafi'iO, the name of a fish men- tioned by Oppian' and Athenseus.* According to Coray, it is the Bream, namely, the Cyprimis Brama, L., or Abramis Vulgaris (Cuvier). Rondelet, howev- er, with whom Gesneris disposed to concur, suppo- ses it a species or variety of the Qpijca (Thrissa).^ I. (Sueton., Calig., c. 35.— Martial, i., 133; vin., 48.)— 2. '" Rapta properabataiiolla,"iv..75.)— 3 (Hal., l., 244.) — 4 (vii., 112, b.) — 5 (Adams, Append., s v.) ACANTHA. ABROGA'TIO. ( Fki. Lex.) *ABROT'ONUM (aipoTovov), a plant, o/ which two species are described by Dioscorides,' the male and the female. The former of these, by the al- most general agreement of.the commeu.ators and botanical authorities, is referred to the Artemisia Abrotormm, L., or Southernwood. About the other species there is great diversity of opinion. Fuch- sius makes it the Artemisia Pontica ; Dodoneeus, the A. arborescens ; and IMatthiolus, the Sanlolina Cham- acyparissus, or common La|render Cotton. Adams decides in favour of the last. Galen recognises the two species described by Dioscorides ; but Nicander, Paulus JEgineta, and most of the other writers on the Materia Medica, notice only one species, which no doubt was the A. abrotormm.'' *ABSIN'THIUM {aijiivBiov), a plant, of which Dioscorides describes three species. The first of these is pretty generally acknowledged to be the Artemisia aisinthiwm, or common wormwood ; but Sprengel hesitates whether he should not also com- prehend the A. Pontica under it, which latter, indeed, Bauhin held to be the true Roman wormwood. The second species is the Artemisia maritima. The third is held by Sprengel to be the A. jpalmata, L., which, it appears, is indigenous in Santonge. The A. san- tonica, L., being confined to Tartary and the north- em parts of Persia, it is not likely that the ancients were acquainted with it.' ABSOLU'TIO. (Vid. Judicium.) ABSTINEN'DI BENEFICTUM. (FiAHeees.; *"ACA'CALIS or ACALL'IS (d/ca«;a/lif, dxaA/lif), a plant ; according to Sprengel, the Tamarix Orv entalis, called Tamarix artiadata by Vahl.* *ACA'CIA {uKaKia), a plant, which, according to Sprengel, and most of the authorities, is the Acacia Vera, Willd. ; but, according to Dierbach, it is the Acacia Senegal. Hill remarks, that the tree which produces the siiccus acacia: is the same as that which yields the gum arable. The acacia gets the English name of the Egyptian thorn." ACAI'NA {uKaiva), a measure of length, equiva- lent to ten .Greek feet. *ACALE'PHE {aiialfi., ii.,24.) ACETABULUM. ACETAB'ULUM (ofi'f, i^Caipov, b^vSafcov), a vinegar-cup. Among the various ways in which the Greeks and Romans made use of vinegar (acetum) in their cookery and at their meals, it appears that it was customary to have upon the table a cup containing vinegar, into which the guests might dip their bread, lettuce, fish, or other viands, before eating them. Of this fact we have no direct assurance ; but it is implied in one of the Greek names of this utensil, viz., b^6aov, from fifiif, acid, and /Jotttu, to dip or immerse. It also suits the various secondary appli- cations of these terms, both in Latin and in Greek, which suppose the vessel to have been wide and open above. In fact, the acetabulum must have been in form and size very like a modem teacup. It probably diflered from the rpviliov, a vessel to which it was in other respects analogous, in being of smaller capacity and dimensions. These vinegar-cups were commonly of earthen- ware,' but sometimes of silver, bronze, or gold." The accompanying figure is takenfromPanofka's Work on the names and forms of Greek vases. He states that on the painted vase, belonging to a col- lection at Naples, from which he took this figure, the name 6^v6a(pa is traced underneath it. This may therefore be regarded as an authentic specimen of the general form of an antique vinegar-cup From proper vinegar-cups, the Latin and GrecK terms under consideration were transferred to all cups resembling them in size and fonn, to whatever use they might be applied. As the vinegar-cup was always small, and prob- ably varied little in size, it came to be used as a measure. Thus we read of an acetabulum of honey or of salt, which is agreeablr; to our practice of measuring by teacups, wine-glasses, or table-spoons. We are informed that, as a measure, the b^vSafov, or acetaimlum, was a cyathus and a half, or the fourth part of a kotvItj, or hcmma.^ The use of these cups by jugglers is distinctly mentioned. They put stones or other objects under certain cups, and then by sleight of hand abstracted them without being observed, so that the spectators, to their great amusement and surprise, found the stones under ditferent cups from those which they expected. Those persons, who were calle,d in Latin acetatnilarii, because they played with acelalnda, were in Greek called tpri(ponaiii-ai, because they played with stones {ipijioL) ; and under this name the same description of performers is mentioned by Sextus Empiricus. In the Epistles of Alciphron,* a countryman who had brought to the city an ass laden with figs, and had been taken to the theatre, describes his speech- less astonishment at the follomng spectacle: "A man came into the midst of us and set down a three-legged table (rpinoSa). He placed upon it three cups, and under these he concealed some 1. (KcpdjiEa iitKpd : Scliol. Aristoph. — tV-? to c\v6atpov udoi KiiXlKO^ ItiKpnt: Kipaueai : AthenEeus, xi., p. 494.) — 2. (Attense- us, vi., p. 230.)— 3. (Bockh, Gewichte, &c., p. 22.)^1. (iii 20.) 13 ACHATES. smaJ white round pebbles, such as we find on the banks ol rapid brooks. He at one time put one of these imder each cup ; and then, I know not how, showed them all under one cup. At another time he made them disappear altogether from under the cups, and showed them in his mouth. Then hav- ing swallowed them, and having caused those who stood near to advance, he took one stone out of a person's nose, another out of his ear, and a third out of his head. At last he caused them all to dis- appear entirely." In this passage Alciphron calls the cups /iiKf>a( JzapofciSac. It may be observed, that napofig was equivalent to b^vSafov when used in its wider acceptation, and denoted a basin or cup set on the table by the side of the other dishes, to hold either vinegar, pickles {acelaria), sauce, or anything else which was taken to give a relish to the substantial. viands. The word {paropsis) was adopted into the Latin language, and is found in Juvenal, Martial, and other writers of the same period. *ACE'TUM (5foc), vinegar. The kinds most in repute among the ancients were the .Egyptian and Cnidian.' Pliny gives a full account of the medi- cal properties of vinegar. Among other applica- tions, it was employed when leeches had been in- troduced into the stomach, or adhered to the larynx. Strong salt and water would, however, have been more efficacious in making these loosen their hold, and in facilitating the vomiting of them forth. Vine- gar was also given in long-standing coughs, just as modem practitioners give oxymels in chronic catarrhs.' *ACHA'INES (axatviK), the Daguet or young stag.^ ACH'ANE {axuvri). A Persian measure equiva- lent to 45 Attic jie6tjj.voi. According to Hesychius, there was also a Boeotian axi-vji equivalent to one Attic fisdiuvoi;.* *ACHA'TES {axarrig), an agate, a precious stone or gem. The agate is a semi-pellucid stone of the ilint class. Theophrastus describes it as a beautiful and rare stone from the river Achates in Sicily (now the DriUo, in the Val di Nolo), which sold at a high price ; but Pliny tells us that in his time it was, though once highly valued, no longer in esteem, it being then found in many places, of large size, and diversified appearance. The an- cients distinguished agates into many species, to each of which they gave a name importing its dif- ference from the common agate, whether it were in colour, figure, or texture. Thus they called the TeA.,Hamachales, which was sprinkled with spots of jasper, or Wood-red chalcedony, and was the variety now called dotted agate. The white they termed Leucadiates ; the plain yellowish or wax-coloured, Cerachaies, which was a variety little valued be- cause of its abundance. Those which approached to or partook of the nature of other stones, they dis- tinguished by names compounded of their own ge- nerical name, and that of the stone they resembled or partook of; thus, that species which seemed allied to the Jaspers they called Jnspachatcs (the jasper- agate of modem mineralogists); that which par- took of the nature of the Camelian, Sariladwtes; and those which had the resemblance of trees and shrubs on thom, they called for that reason Dendrachatcs. This last is what we call at the present denaritic agate, described in the Orphic poem under the name of uxaTfiQ dEvSpfieit. The Corallachalcs was so called from some resemblance that it bore to coral. Pliny describes it as sprinkled like the sapphire with spots of gold. Dr. Moore thinks, that m this latter case the ancients confounded with agate the yellow 1. (AthoniEUs, 2, p. 67.— .Tuv., Sat.,\iii., 85.— Mavt., xiii., 123.) —2. (Phil , H. N., xxiii., 27.— F«o, in loc.)— 3. (Alistot., H. A., ix., 6.— Salinjs., Exerc. Plin., p. 222.) — I. (Schol. in Aristoph., Acham., 108, who quotes the authority of Aristotle. — Wurm, (le Pond., 4 c., p 133.) 14 ACINACES. fluor spar, containing, as it sometimes does, dissem' nated particles of iron pyrites. The agate was \ f called in Greek alax^-'^'K-^ *ACHERD'US (a,fEp(5of), the wild pe^^ -tr^e," also a kind of thorn of which hedges wi j •/lade Sprengel suggests that it is the Craltegi Arar\,m,^ " *ACHEROTS {axepaU), the whif po-Jar-t" re.' *ACH'ETAS \u.xiTa.(), accordirjj to Hesysh- ius, the male Cicada; but this i/ clearly either a mistake or an error of the text, 4 . there can be no doubt that it is merely an e'^-.htc applied to the larger species of Cicada, aw '. signifjing " vocal."' (Vid. Cicada.) *ACHILLE'OS ('A;i;aAtiOf), a plant, fabled to have been discovered by A .-hilles, and with which he cured the woimd of Telep'ius.' The commenta- tors on Pliny make it the Sideritis heradea. It is difficult; however, to decide the question from the text of the Roman writer merely. On recurring to that of Dioscorides, we may, perhaps, conclude as follows : the Achilleos with the golden flower is the Achillea tomentosa seu Abrotanifolia ; the kind with tbf. puiple flower is the A. taTuuxtifolia ; and the on* with white flowers, the A. nobilis sen magiw,.'' ACTES. (FiW. Army.) ACIL'IA LEX. (Firf. REPETUND.E.) ACILTA CALPUR'NIA LEX. (vid. Amei- TUS.) ACI'NACES (aiavaKTi^), a poniard. This word, as well as the weapon which it de- notes, is Persian. Herodotus says,' that when Xerxes was preparing to cross the Hellespont with his army, he threw into it, together with some other things, "A Persian sword, which they call an aci- naces." As the root ac, denoting sharpness, an edge or a point, is common to the Persian, together with the Greek and Latin, and the rest of the Indo- European languages, we may ascribe to this word the same general origin with unpi, ukuk^, acuo, odes, and many other Greek and Latin words allied to these in signification. Horace' calls the weapon Medais adnaces, intending by the mention of the Modes to allude to the wars of Augustus and the Romans against Parthia. Acinaces is usually translated a cimeter, afaic/mm, a sabre, and is supposed to have been curved; but this assumption is unsupported by any evidence. It appears mat the acinaces was short and straight. Julius Pollux describes it thus :'° "A Persian dag- ger fastened to the thigh." Josephus, giving an ac- cotmt of the assassins who infested Judaea before the destraction of Jerusalem by the Romans, say?, " They used daggers, in size resembling the Persian acinaces ; but curved, and like those wliich the Ro- mans call sica, and from which robbers and murder- ers are called sicarii."" The curvature of the daggers here described was probably intended to allow them to fit closer to the body, and thus to be concealed with greater ease tmder the garments. Thus we see that the Persian acinaces diflired from the Ro- man sica in this, that the former was straight, the latter curved. Another peculiarity of the acinaces was, that it was made to be worn on the right side of the body, whereas the Greeks and Romans usually had their swords suspended on the left side. Hence Valerius Placcus speaks of Mj'races, a Parthian, as In- signis manias, insignis acinace dextro." The same fiict is illustrated by the account given by Ammianus Marcellinus of the death of Cambyses, king of Per- sia, which was occasioned by an accidental wound from his own acinaces: " S^iomet pugioiw, qtiem ap- I. (Thfioplu-ast., (le Lapid., 58.— Hill, in loc— Plin., H. N., xxxvii., 54. — Orph., Lith., v., 230. — Solin., Polyhist., c. xi. — Mooro's Anc. Mineralogy, p. 178.)— 2. (Soph., OSd. Col., 1592.) —3. (Adams, Append., s. v.) — 4. (Spreng., i., 28.) — 5. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 8. (Plin., II. N., xxv., 5.)— 7. (F«e in Plin., 1. c.)— 8. (vii., 54.)— 9. (Od. 1, xxrii., 5.)— 10. (ntpmk-dvJi^Miov TO) unpfl Tzpocn^rjiucvov.) — 11. (Joseph., Ant. Jud., xx^ 7\ ^enq.) —12. (Argon., vi., 701.) ACIPENSER. taMm femcrri dexlro gedabai, subita vi ruijuB rmdato, mhieroim."^ The Latin historian here gives pugio as the translation of the Persian term. I'he form of the acinaces, with the method of using it, is illustrated in a striking manner by two classes of ancient monuments. In the iirst place, in the bas-reliefs which adom the rains of Persepo- lis, the acinaces is invariably straight, and is com- monly suspended over the right thigh, never over the left, but sometimes in front of the body. The ngures in the annexed woodcut are selected from engravings of the ruins of Persepolis, published by L« Bruyn, Chardin, Niebuhr, and Porter. A golden acinaces was freqtrently worn by^ the Persian nobility.' It was also often given to indi- viduals by the kings of Persia as a mark of honour.' After the defeat of the PersiV.n army at the battle of Platsea, the Greeks found golden poniards on the bodies of the slain.* That of Mardonius, the Persian general, was long kept as a trophy in the temple of Athena Parthenos, on the acropolis of Athens." The acinaces was also used by the Caspli.' It was an object of religious worship among the Scyth- ians and many of the northern nations of Europe.' The second class of ancient monuments consists of sculptures of the god Mithras, two of which are in the British Museum. The annexed woodcut is taken from the larger of the two, and clearly shows the straight form of the acinaces. •ACIPEN'SER ('AcsiTTiJaiof), the Sturgeon, or Acipemer Stwiio, L. Ludovicus Nonnius holds, that the ^lums of Ausonius is the sturgeon, but tliis opinion is very questionable. The EAo^i'.and the ACRATOPHOKUM. yaleoc: 'PoiSiof' were varieties of this fisb [t la also called bviaicog by Durio in Athenaeus." ACLIS, akindofdart. Virgil attributes this weapon to the Osci, one ot the ancient nations of Italy : " Tereies mnt adides Ulis Tela, sed hac lento mos est aptare Jlagdlo."' From this account it appears that the peculiarity of the aclis consisted in having a leathern thong attached to it; and the design of this contrivance probably was, that, after it had been thrown to a distance, it might be drawn back again. The aclis was certainly not a Roman weapon. It is always represented as used by foreign nations, and distinguishing them from Greeks and Romans.* ACNA, AC'NUA. (Vid. Actus.) 'AKOff N MAPTTPEFN {ukotiv fiapTvpdv). By the Athenian law, a witness could properly only give evi- dence of what he had seen himself, not of what he had heard from others ;" but when an individual had heard anything relating to the matter in dispute from a per- son who was dead, an exception was made to the law, and what he had heard firom the deceased per- son might be given in evidence, which was called uKOTiv /mpTvpelv.^ It would appear, however, from a passage in Isasus, that a witness might give evi- dence respecting what he had not seen, but that this evidence was considered of lighter value.' *AC'ONE (iiKovrj), the^'hetstone or Novaculitc (Kirman), the same as the wAeistote, of Jameson, and consisting principally of silex ana alum. Theo- phrastus informs us that the Armenian whetstones were in most repute in his time. The Cyprian were also much sought after. Pliny confounds these with diamonds.' ♦ACONI'TUM (uKoviTov), A plant, of which Dios- corides enumerates two species, the ■KapdaXiayxet, and the Tmkoktovov. The latter of these is con- sidered by Dodoneeus, Woodville, Sprengel, and most of the authorities, to be the Aconitum Napellus, or Wolf's-bane. Respecting the former species there is greater diversity of opinion; however, Sprengel is inclined, upon the whole, to agree with DodonaBus and Sibthorp in referring it to the Dcrroni- cum pardoMaTidies, or Leopard's-bane. It would seem to be the Ku/ifiapov of Hippocrates, and the OKop-iziog of Theophrastus.' *ACON'TIAS (aKovTia^), the name of a serpent. There can be no doubt that this is the Jaaulus of Lu- can.'° .Slian is the only author who confounds it with the Cliersydrus. Aetius calls it Cenchrites, from the resemblance which its spots bear to the seeds of millet {niyxP^O- It is called cafezate and alterarate in the Latin translation of Avicenna. According fo Belon, it is about three palms long, and the thickness of a man's little finger ; its colour that of ashes, with black spots. Sprengel thinks it may have been a variety of the Coluber Berus, or Viper." *AC'ORUS (a/topof ), a plant, which most of the commentators hold to be the Acorus Calamus, or •Sweet Flag. Sprengel, however, in his annotations on Dioscorides, prefers the Pseudacorum." ACttUI'SITIO is used to express the acquisition of ownership, or property generally. The several modes of acquiring property among the Romans, and the incidents of property when acquired, are treated of under the various heads of In Jure Ces- sio, Mancipatio, Usucapio, Accessio, &c., and sec Dominium. ♦ACRATOPH'ORUM, a small vessel for hold- I. (xvii., 4.)— 2. (Xen.,Anab.,i., 8,^29.— Chariton, vi., 4.)— 3. (Herod., viii., 120.— Xen., Anab., i., 2, 4 iT.)—i. (Herod., ix., 80.)— 5. (Demosth., c. Timocr., 33, p. 741.)— 6. (Herod., viii., 67., — ^7. (Herod., iv.,G2. — Compare Mela, u., 1. — Ainmian., xxxi., 8.,— 8. (Aristot., H. A.., ii., 13.— jElian, N. A., viii., 28.) 1. (Athen., vii., p. 29S.)— 2. (vii., p. 294.)— 3. (^n., vii., 730,)-^. (Sil. rtal., iii., 362.— Val. Flac, Argonaut., vi., 99.)— 5. (Demosth., c. Steph., p. 1130.)— 6. (Demosth., c. Steph., p. 1130. —Id., c. Leoch., p. 1097.— Id., c. Eubul., p. 1300.— Meyer anil SchSmann, Attisct. Proc., p. 669. — Petitus, Leg:. Att., iv., 7, t) 9, seq., p. 445, seq.)— 7. (De Hajred. Philoctcra., p. 150.)— 8 (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 9. (H. P., ix., 18.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 10. (Pharsal., ix., 720, 823.)— 11. (Spreng., Comment, in Dioscorid.— .Elian, N. A., viii., 13.)— 12. (Thecphrast., H 1* , 1, 22.— Dioscorid., i., 2.) 15 ACROTERIUM. ACTO. tog wine, a wine-cup. The name is derived from inpuTov, " unmixed wine," and ipa>, '" to bear." Pol lux meniions it in Ms account of ancient drink- tag vessels, and describes it as resting, not on a flat ootlom, but on small astragals. (Vid. Talus.)' ACROA'MA {iiKpoa/ia) signified among the Ro- mans a concert of players on different musical in- struments, and also an interlude, called emiolia hy Cicero,'' which was performed during the exhibi- tion of the public games. The word is also fre- quently used for the actors and musicians, who were often employed at private entertainments ;' and it is sometimes employed in the same sense as anagnostts, who were usually slaves, whose duty it was to read or repeat passages from books during an entertain- ment, and also at other times.* ♦ACRDa'SIS (aKpoanig). I. A literary discourse or lecture. The term (itself of Greek origin) is ap- plied by the Latin writers to a discourse or disputa- tion, by some instructer or professor of an art, to a numerous audience. The corresponding Latin term is Audition 11. It also signifies a place or room where literary men meet, a lecture-room or school.' ACRO'LITHOI iaKp62,i6ot), statues, of which the extremities (head, feet, and hands) were only of stone, and the remaining part of the body of bronze or gilded wood.' *ACROPOD'IUM (oKpoiroSiov), the base or ped- estal of a statue, so called from its supporting the extremities or soles of tile feet (a/cpof , vroif ). ACROSTO'LION {uKpoaroTuov,) the extremity of the ffroXof. The oro/lof projected from the head of the prow, and its extremity {aKpoaroXiov), which was frequently made in the shape of an animal or a helmet, &c., appears to have been sometimes covered with brass, and to have served as an k^bokii against the enemy's vessels.' ♦ACROSTTCHIS, an acrostic, a number of verses so contrived, that the first letters of each, being read in the order in which they stand, shall form some name or other word. The word signi- fies literally the beginning of a line or verse {ar.poc, tered by the pKetor's formula. It should be observed, also, that the judex properly could only condemn in a sum of money ; but the arbiter might declare that any particular act should be done by either of the parties, which was called his arbUrivm, and was followed by the condemnatio if it was not obeyed. The division of actions into perpetnus and tempo- rales had reference to the time within which an action might be brought, after the right of action had accrued. Originally those actions which were given br a lex, senaius coTisuUvm, or an imperial constitution, might be brought without any mnita- tiou as to time ; but those which were granted by the prEetor's authority were generally limited to the year of his office. A time of limitation was, however, fixed for aU actions by the late imperial constitutions. The division of actions into adiones in jus and in fadmm, is properly no division of actions, but has merely reference to the nature of the formula. In the formula in fadmn concepta, the prsetor might direct the judex barely to inquire as to the fact which was the only matter in issue ; and on finding the fact, to make the proper condemnatio : as in the case of a freedman bringing an action against his patronus. In the formula in jus the fact was not in issue, but the legal consequences of the fact were submitted to the discretion of the judex. The formula m factum commenced v/ith the technical expression, Siparet, &c., " If it should appear," &c.; the formula in jus commenced, Quod A. A., &c., " Whereas A. A. did so and so."" The actions which had for their object the pun- ishment of crimes were considered public, as op- posed to those actions by which some particular person claimed a right or compensation, and which were therefore called privatcB. The former were properly called judicia publica ; and the latter, as contrasted with them, were called judicia privata. [Vid. Judicium.) The actions called noxoles were when a flius familias (a son in the power of his father), or a slave, committed a theft, or did any injury to an- other. In either case the father or owner might give up the wrong- doer to the person injured, or else he must pay competent damages. These ac- tions, it appears, take their name either from the injury committed, or because the wrong-doer was liable to be given up to punishment (noxte) to the person injured. Some of these actions were of legal origin, as that of theft, which was given by the Twelve Tables; that of dammum injuria, which was given by the Aquilia Lex ; and that of injmi- arum et vi bonorvm raptamm, which was given by the edict, and therefore was of praetorian origin. This instance will serve to show that the Roman division and classification of actions varied accord- ing as the Roman writers contemplated the sources of rights of action, or the remedies and the modes of obtaining them. An action was commenced by the plaintifi" sum- moning the defendant to appear before the proetor or other magistrate who had jurisdiclio : this process was called m jus vocalio ; and, according to the laws of the Twelve Tables, was in effect a drag ging of the defendant before the prsetor if he reftised to go quietly. This rude proceeding was modified in later times, and in many cases there could be no in jus •cocaiio at all, and in other cases it was neces- sary to obtaia the prjetor's permission under pain of a penalty. It was also established that a man cotild not be dragged from his own house ; but if a man kept his house to avoid, as we should say, being served with a writ, he ran the risk of a kind of sequestration (actor in bona mittebatur). The object of these rules was to make the defendant ap- pear before the competent jurisdiction ; the device of entering an appearance for the defendant does not seem to have suggested itself to the Roman lawyers.' If the defendant would not go quietly, the plaintiff called on any by-stander to witoess {amiestari) that he had been duly summoned, touched the ear of the witness, and dragged the defendant into court. ° The parties might settle their dispute on their way to the court, or the defendant might be baUed by a vindex.' The vindei must not be confounded with the vades. This settlement of disputes on the way was called transactio in via, and serves to explain a passage in St. Matthew.* When before the pra;tor, the parties were said jure a^ere. The plaintiff then prayed for an action, and ifthe praetor allowed it {dabat actionem), he then declared what action he intended to bring against the defendant, which was called edere actionem. This might be done in writing, or orally, or by the plaintiff taking the defendant to the aSntm, and show- ing him which action he intended to rely on.' As the formula comprehended, or were supposed to comprehend, every possible form of action that could be required by a plaintiff, it was presumed that he could find among all the formulse some one which was adapted to his case, and he was accord- ingly supposed to be without excuse if he did not take pains to select the proper formula." If he took the wrong one, or if he claimed more than his due, he lost his cause;' but the prsetor sometimes gave him leave to amend his claim or inteTiiio.' If, for example, the contract between the parties was for something in genere, and the plaintiff^claimed some- thing in specie, he lost his action: thus the contract might be, that the defendant undertook to seU the plaintiff a quantity of dyestuff or a slave ; if the plaintiff claimed Tyrian purple or a particular slave, his action was bad; therefore, says Gaius, according to the terms of the contract, so ought the claim of the iiUentio to be. It will be obsened that, as the formulEe were so numerous and comprehen- sive, the plaintiff had only to select the formula which he supposed to be suitable to his case, and it would require no farther variation than the inser- tion of the names of the parties and of the thing claimed, or the subject-matter of the suit, with the amount of damages, 4c., as the case might be. When the prsetor had granted an action, the plain- tiff required the defendant to give security for his appearance before the praetor (in jure) nv a. day named, commonly the day but one after the ire ju^ vocatio, unless the matter in dispute was settled at once. The defendant, on finding a surety, was said vades dare,' vadimtmium promittere or facere; the suretv, vas, was said spondcre ; the plaintiff, when satisfied with the surety, was said vadari revm, to let him go on his sureties, or to have sureties from him. When the '.c.'t.'ndant promised to appear in jure on the day narif-l, without giving any surety, this was called vadimonium purum. In some cases remperatores (vid. Judex) were named, who, in case 1 (Cic, Top., 17.)— S. (Gaius, iv., 46, 47.) IS I. (Dig. a, tit. 4.)— 2. (Hor., Scrm. I., ix., 75., scqq.— Plau- tus, Curcul., v., 2.)— 3. (Cic, Top., 2. — Gaius. iv., 46.) — 4. (v., 25. — It is not easy to state correctly tlie changes in procedure ■wliich took place after the abolition of the legitima: adiones Compare Gaius, iv., 25, 46.) — 5. (Diy. 2, tit. 13.)— 6. (Cic, pro Ros. Com., c. 8.) — 7. (" Causa cadebat ;" Cic, de Orat i 36.)— «. (Gaius, iv., 53, seqq.)— 9. (Hor., Serm. I., i., 11.) ' ACTIO. M ine defendant making default, condemned him in the sum of money named in the vadimoniwm. If the defendant appeared on the day appointed, he was said vadiTiumium sisters ; if he did not ap- pear, he was said ■vadwumivm desendsse, and the UTEetor gave to the plaintiff the bonomm possessio.' Both parties, on the day appointed, were summoned by a crier (preeco), when the plaintiff made his claim or demand, which was very briefly expressed, and may be considered as corresponding to our declara- tion at law. The defendant might either deny the plaintiff's claim, or he might reply to it by a plea, exceptio. If he simply denied the plaintiff's claim, the cause was at issue, and a judex might be demanded. The forms of the exceptio also were contained in the pKEtor's edict, or, upon hearing the facts, the prsetor adapted the plea to the case. The exceptio was the defendajit's defence, and was often merely an equi- table answer or plea to the plaintiff's legal demand. The plaintiff might claim a thing upon his contract with the defendant, and the defendant might not de- ny the contract, but might put in a plea of fraud QMus maius), or that he had been constrained to come to such agreement. The exceptio was in effect something which negatived the plaintiff's demand, and it was expressed by a negative clause : thus, if the defendant should assert that the plaintiff fraudu- lently claimed a sum of money which he had not given to the defendant, the exceptio would run thus : Si in ea re nihil dolo malo Auli Agerii factum sit neque fiat. Though the exceptio proceeded from the de- fendant, it was expressed in this form, in order to be adapted for insertion in the formula, and to render the condem'naMo subject to the condition. Exceptions were peremptmice or diUdmia. Per- emptory exceptions were a complete and perpetual answer to the plaintiff's demand, such as an excep- tio of dolus irialus or of res judicata. Dilatory ex- ceptions were, as the name imports, merely calcu- lated to delay the plaintiff's demand; as, for in- stance, by showing that the debt or duty claimed was not yet due. Gaius considers the exceptio litis dividuiB and rei residua? as belonging to this class. If a plaintiff prosecuted his action after a dilatory exception, he lost altogether his right of action. There might be dilatory exceptions, also, to the person of the plaintiff, of which class is the exceptio cogtiitoria^ by which the defendant objects either that the plaintiff is not entitled to sue by a cognitor, or that the cognitor whom he had named was not qualified to act as a cognitor. If the ex- ception was allowed, the plaintiff could either sue himself, or name a proper cognitor, as the case might be. If a defendant neglected to take advan- tage of a peremptory exceptio, the praetor might af- terward give him permission to avail himself of it ; whether he could do the same in the case of a dilatory, was a doubtful question.' The plaintiff might reply to the defendant's excep- tio, for the defendant, by putting in his plea, became an actor. ( Vid. Actor.) The defendant's plea might be good, and a complete answer to the plaintiff's demand, and yet the plaintiff might allege some- thing that would be an answer to the plea. Thus, in the example given by Gains,* if the auctioneer (argenlarius') claimed the price ' of a thing sold by auction, the defendant might put in a plea, which, when inserted in the formula, would be of this shape : Ut ita dffmum emptor damnetur, si ei res quam emerit tradita sit; and this would be in form a good plea. But if the conditions of sale were that the article should not be handed to the purchaser before the money was paid, the argentarius might put in a rc- plie/itio in this shape: Nisi prcedvAum est ne aliter emptori res tiraderetiwr qmm, si pretium emptor solvent. 1. {Hor., Serm. I., ix , 36, seqq.— Cic, pro P. Quinctio, c. 6.) -2 (iT , 122.) -3. (Gaius, iv., W.)-A. (iv., 126.) ACTIO. If the defendant answered the replicaiio, his answ tt was called duplicaiio; and the parties might go on to the t/riplicatio and gua/kwplicatio, and even farther, if the matters in question were such that they could not otherwise be brought to an is.sue. It remains to speak of the prisscriptio, so called from being written at the head or beginning of the formula, and which was adapted for the protection of the plaintiff in certain cases.' For instance, if the defendant was bound to make to the plaintiff a certain fixed payment yearly or monthly, the plain- tiff had a good cause of action for all the sums of money already due ; but, in order to avoid making his demand for the future payments not yet due, ii was necessary to use a prsescription of the follow- ing form : Ea res agatw cujus rei diesfwit. A person might maintain or defend an action by his cognitor or procmator, or, as we should say, by his attorney. The plaintiff and defendant used a certain form of words in appointing a cognitor, and it would appear that the appointment was made in the presence of both parties. The cognitor needed not to be present, and his appointment was com- plete when by his acts he had!^ signified his assent." No form of words was necessary for appointing a procwrator, and he might be appointed without the knowledge of the opposite party. In many cases both plaintiff and defendant might be required to give security (satisdare) ; for instance, in the case of an aetio in rem, the defendant who was in possession was required to give security, in order that, if he lost his cause and did not restore the thing, nor pay its estimated value, the plaintiff might have an action against him or his sureties. When the actio in rem was prosecuted by \he formula petitoria, that stipidatio was made which was called judiadum solvi. As to its prosecution by the sponsio, see Sponsio and Centl-mviri. If the plaintiff sued in his own name, he gave no security; nor was any security required if a cognitor sued for him, either from the cognitor or the plaintiff himself, for the cognitor actually represented the plaintiff, and was personally liable. But if a procurator acted for him, he was obliged to give security that the plain- tiff would adopt his acts ; for the plaintiff was not prevented from bringing another action when a pro- curator acted for him. Tutors and curators gener- ally gave security, like procurators. In the case of an actio in personam, the same rules applied to the plaintiff as in the cuiio in rem. If the defendant ap- peared by a cognitor, the defendant had to give se- curity; it by a procurator, the procurator had to give security. When the cause was brought to an issue, a judex or judices might be demanded of the praetor who named or appointed, a judex, and delivered to him the formula which contained his instructions. The judices were said dari or addid. So far the pro- ceedings were said to be injwe: the prosecution of the actio before the judex requires a separate dis- cussion. The following is an example of a formula taken from Gaius :* Judex esto. Si paret Aulm,m Agerivm apiid Nwnerium Negidium mensam argenteam depo- misse eamque dolo rtialo Numerii Negidii Aido Agerio redditam non esse qiumti ea res erit tantam pecuniam judex Numerium Negidium Aula Agerio condemnato • si non paret, absolvito. The nature of the formula, however, will be bet- ter understood from the following analysis of it bv Gaius : It consisted of four parts, the demonstratio, intcntio, adjiidicatio, condemnotio. The demonstraiij) is that part of the formula which explains what the subject-matter of the action is. For instance, if the subject-matter be a slave sold, the demonstratio would run thus : Quod Aldus Agerius Numerio Negidio howr- 1. (Gaius, iv., 130, seqq. — Cic, de Orat., i., 37.)— 2. (Cic, KM i. Roscio, c. 2.— Hor., Serm. 1.,- v., 35.)— 3. (iy.. 47.) 19 ACTOR. ACUS. k7ie7/4 vendidit. The intenlio contains the claim or demand of the plaintiff: Si paret Iwminem ex jure QuirUium Auli Agerii esse. I'he adjudicaiio is that part of the formula which gives the judex authority to adjudicate the thing which is the subject of dis- pute to one or other of the litigant parties. If the action be among partners for dividing that which belongs to them all, the adjudication would run thus: Quantum adjudicari opartet judex TUw a^djudi- cato. The condemnaiio is that part of the formula which gives the judex authority to condemn the de- fendant in a stmi of money, or to acquit him : for example, Jtulex Nunusnuim Negidium Aido Agerio scsterHum milia condemna: si non paret ^ absolve. Sometimes the imtentio alone was requisite, as in the formulae called prcejudidaks (which some mod- ern writers make a class of actions), in which the matter for inquiry was, whether a certain person was a freedman, what was the amount of a dos, and other similar questions, when a fact solely was the tiling to be ascertained. Whenever the formula contained the cmidemnaiio, it was framed with the view to pecuniary damages ; and, accordingly, even when the plaintiff claimed a particular thing, the judex did not adjudge the de- fendant to give the thing, as was the ancient prac- tice at Rome, but condemned him in a siuu of mon- ey equivalent to the value of the thing. The for- mula might either name a iixed sum, or leave the estimation of the value of the thing to the judex, who in all cases, however, was bound to name a definite sum in the condemnation. The formula then contained the pleadings, or the statements and counter-statements, of the plaintiff and the defendant ; for the itdeniio, as we have seen, was the plaintifF's declaration ; and if this was met by a plea, it was necessary that this also should be inserted in the formula. The formula also con- tained the directions for the judex, and gave him the power to act. The resemblance between the English and Roman procedure is pointed out in a note in Starkie's Law of Evidence.''- The following are the principal actions which we read of in the Roman writers, and which are briefly described under their several heads : Actio — Aqua pluvia arcenda ; Borwrvm vi raptorum ; Certi el In- ceiii; Commodaii; Communi dividundo ; Confessoria; Damni injuria dati ; Dejecti vel effusi ; Depend ; De- positi ; De dolo malo ; Emti et venditi ; Exercitaria ; Ad ExMbendum; Familia erciscwndce; Fiduciaria; Finium regundorum ; Fiirli; Hypotkecaria ; Injuri- arum; Institoria; Jmikati; Qiwdjussu; Legis Aqui- lice ; Locaii et conducti ; Mwndati mutui ; Negativa ; Nrgotimrwm gestonim ; NoxoMs; Depauperie; Depe- cvlio ; Pignoraticia or PignoralUia ; Publiciana ; Qiumli minoris ; Ratimiiims distrahendis ; Derecepto; Redhibitoria ; Rei uxorice or Dotis ; Restituloria and Rcscissoria ; Rutiliana ; Serviana ; Pro socio ; Trilni- tmia; Tidelci:. ACTOR signified generally a plaintiff. In a civil or private action, the plaintiff was often called petitor; m a public action {causa publicd) he was called accusator.' The defendant was called reus, both in private and public causes : this term, how- ever, according to Cicero,' might signify either party, as indeed we might conclude from tne word itself In a private action the defendant was often called adversarius, but either party might be called a'lversanus with respect to the other. Originally, no person who was not si« juris could maintain an action ; afilius familias, therefore, and a slave, could not maintain an action ; but in course of time cer- tain actions were allowed to a fdius familias in the absence of his parent or his procurator, and also in case the parent was incompetent to act from mad- ness or other like cause.* Wards brought their ac- tions by their guardian or tutor; and in case they I. (i., p. 4.)— a. {Cic. ad Att., i., 16.)— 3. (De Orat., ii., 43.) 4. (Dig. 47, tit. 10, s. 17.) 20 wished to bring an action against their tutor, the praetor named a tutor for the purpose.' Peregrini, or aliens, originaliy brought their action through their patronus; but afterward in their own name, by a fiction of law, that they were Roman citizens. A Roman citizen might also generally bring his ac- tion by means of a cognitor or procurator. {Vid. Actio.) A universilas, or corporate body, sued and was sued by their odor or syndicus." Actor has also the sense of an agent or manager of another's business generally. The actor puilicvf was an officer who had the superintendence or care of slaves and property beloYiging to the state.' ACTOR. {Vtd. HisTRio.) ACTUA'RII, short-hand writers, who took down the speeches in the senate and the public assemblies.* In the debate in the Roman senate upon the punish- ment of those who had been concerned in the con- spiracy of Catiline, we find the first mention of short-hand writers, who were employed by Cicero to take down the speech of Cato. The ACTUiRii MrLiTia;, under the Roman emper- ors, were officers whose duty it was to keeji the ac- counts of the army, to see that the contractors sup- plied the soldiers with provisions according to agree- ment, Su:.^ ACTUS, a Roman measure of length. "Actus vocaiatw, in quo boves agerentmr cum, arairo, uno im- petu justo. Hie erat cxx pedum ; duplicaiusque in longitiuHnemjugerumfaciebat."" This actus is called by Columella actus quadraMis ; he says,' " Actus quadratiis wndiquejiniturpedibus cxx. Hoc duplicatmn. facit jugerwm, et aJb eo, quod erat jimd/iim^jngeri nomen uswrpavU ; sed hunc ad/um jrrovincia Bcdica rustici acrmam (or acnami) vocant." Varro' says, "Actus quadraims qui et lotus est pedes cxx, et kmgus tolidem, is TTiodus acrma Latine appellatur." The adms quad- rakis was therefore equal to half a jugemm, or 14.400 square Roman feet. The actus minimus or sirnplex'' was 120 feet long and four broad, and therefcie equal to 480 square Rom£in feet. ACTUS. (Firf. Servitittes.) ACUS, dim. ACICULA (JSe^ovv, PeXovic, /Ja^i'r), a needle, a pin. We may translate acus a needle, when we suppose it to have had at one end a hole or eye'° for the Eassage of thread ; and a pin, when, instead of a ole, we suppose it to have had a knob, a small globe, or any other enlarged or ornamental termina- tion. The annexed figures of needles and pins, chiefly taken from originals in bronze, vary in length bnr^ an inch and a half to about eight inches. is- I I) Pins were made not only of metal, but also ol wood, bone, and ivory. Their principal use was to assist in fastening the garments, and more particu- lariy in dressing the hair. The mode of platting the hair, and then fastening it with a pin or needle, 1. (Gaius, i,, ]84.)-2. (Dlfr. 3, tit. 4.)— 3. ■Tacit., Ann., ii., 30 ; ill., 67. — LipB., Excurs. ad Tacit., Ann., ii., 30.) — 4. (Suet., Jul., 55. — Seneca, Ep. 33.) — 5. (Animiaii., xx., 5. — Cod. xii., tit. 37, a. 5, 1« ; xii., tit. 40.)— 6. (PUn., H. N., xyiii., 3.)— 7 (v., 1.)— 8. (De Re Rust., i., 16.)-!. (Colum., v., 1.— Varro, De Ling. Lat., iv., 4.)— 10. (rpiinjiia, rpu/iaXia.) ADAMAS. is shown in the annexed figure of a female head, taken from a marble group which was found at Apt, in the south of France.' This fashion has been continued to our own times b> the lemales of Italy. Martial alludes to it in the fulowing epigram, in which he supposes the hair to be anointed with perfumes and decorated with rib- ands: " Termia ne madidi violeitt bomiyd'rui crirtes, Pigat acus tortas, sustiTieaique comas'" The acus was employed as an instrument of tor- ture, being inserted under the nails. Honesty was enjoined upon children by telUng them thiit it was wrong even to steal a pin. '0 yap Geof ^Xetz^l av6wvra : Dion.Perie^., 318.)— 3. (ixapixaipovTa : Id.ib., 1119.)--4. (Salmag.,Exercit. Phn., p. 773, seq. — Jamieson, Mineral.,!., 41.) — 5. (Salmas., Exercit Plin., p. 774. — Moore's Ancient Mineralogy, p. 143, seq.) — 6. (Dioscor., v., 137. — Paul, .^gin., vii. — Mangeti, Bibl. Scrip Med.)— 7. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 8. (Pint., Pericl., c. 31.)— 9. (Demosth., c. Timocr., 12, p. 715.— Pint., Phoc, c. 26.)— IC. (Theophrast., H. P., vii., 14.— Nicand., Ther., 846.)— 11. (c. Leptin., c. 21. p. 487.— Id. ib., c. 29, p. 498.- Id., c. Timoth., p 1204.— Dinarch., c. Philoc., c. 1, p 9S.)— 12. (Capitclin., Pertin c. 6.)— 13 (it, 1.)- 14. (Cod. Tittod., xii., tit. vi., s. 12.) 31 ADOPTION. ADMISSIONA'LES were chamberlains at the imperial court, who iatroduced persons to the pres- ence of the emperor.' They were divided into four classes; the chief officer of each class was caQ.eiproximvs.admissioTmm;'' and the proximi were under the magister admissioTmm.' The admission- ales were usually freedmen.* Friends appear to have beer, called amid admis- skmis privue, secundcs, or tcrtia. According to some writers, they were so called in consequence of the order in which they were admitted ; accord- ing to others, because the ainwm was divided into different parts, separated from one another by hang- ings, into which persons were admitted according to the different degrees of favour in which they were held.' ADO'NIA {aSuvid), a festival celebrated in hon- our of Aphrodite and Adonis in most of the Grecian cities.' It lasted two days, and was celebrated by women exclusively. On the first day they brought into the streets statues of Adonis, which were laid out as corpses ; and they observed all the rites cus- tomary at funerals, beating themselves and uttering lamentations.' The second day was spent in mer- riment and feasting, because Adonis was allowed to return to life, and spend half of the year with Aphrodite.' *ADO'NIS (aiSuvif, or ^fufcojTOf), the Flying-fish, or Exocmtus volitans, L.' ADOPTION (GREEK). Adoption was caUed by the Athenians dai^oirjaif, or sometimes simply TToiriai; or iJeoif. The adoptive father was said woceiadat, eiaTTOieiadai, or sometimes irotclv ; and the father or mother (for a mother after the death of her husband could consent to ner son being adopted) was said kKnouZv : the son was said cKnoi.- tladai, with reference to the family which he left ; and slanoieladai with reference to the family into which he was received. The son, when adopted, was called 7ro(i;r6f, elcnroi^TOC, or ^erfif, in opposi- tion to the legitimate son bom of the body of the father, who was called yvijawQ'. A man might adopt a son either in his lifetime or by his testament, provided he had no male offspring and was of sound mind. He might also, by testa- ^nent, name a person to take his property, in case his son or sons should die under age.'° If he had male offspring, he could not dispose of his property. This rule of law was closely connected with the rule as to adoption ; for if he could have adopted a son when he had male children, such son would have shared his property with the rest of his male children, and to that extent the father would have exercised a power of disposition which the law de- nied him. Only Athenian citizens could be adopted ; but fe- males could be adopted (by testament at least) as well as males.'' The adopted child was transferred from his own family and demus into those of the adoptive father; he inherited his property, and main- tained the sacra of his adoptive father. It was not necessary for him to take his new father's name, but he was registered as his son. The adopted son might return to his former family, in case he left a child to represent the family of his adoptive father : unless he so returned, he lost all right which he might have had on his father's side if he had not been adopted; but he retained all rights which he might have on his mother's side, for the act of adop- tion had no effect so far as concerned the mother of 1. (Lamprid., Sever., c. 4. — "Oflicium admisBionis." Suet., Vesu., c. 14.) — 2. (Ammian., xxii., 7.) — 3. {Ammian., xv., 5.— Vop., Aurel., c. 12.)— 4. (Cotl. Theod., vi.,' tit. 2, s. 12 i tit. 9, 3 2 ; tit. 35, 8. 3.)— 5. (Son., de Benof., vi., 33, scq.— Clem., i., 10.)— 6. (Aristoph., Pax, 412.— Schol. in loo.)— 7. (Plutarch, Ale, c. 18. — Nic, c. 13.) — 8. (For a fuller account, consult An- thon'a Classical Dictionary, s. v.) — 9. (jElian, ix,, 36.— Plin., H. N., ix., 19.)— 10. (Dcniosth., /coriJ Sre^dvov 'itxi., 13.)— II. risffiui rcflrroiJ 'Ayvfou KA^pou.) 23 ADOPTION. the adopted person ; she still continued his moJhe* after the act of adoption. The next of kin of an Athenian citizen -vrere en- titled to his property if he made no disposition of it by -vrXl, or made no valid adoption during his life- time; they wer3, therefore, interested in preventing frauaulent adoptions. The whole community were also interested in preventing the introduction into their body of a person who was not an Athenian citizen. To protect the rights of the next of kin against unjust claims by persons who alleged them- selves to be adopted sons, it was required that the father should enter his son, whether bom of his body or adopted, in the register of his phratria {(pparpiKov ypa/i/MTelov) at a certain time, the Thar- geUa,' with the privity of his kinsmen and phratorea (yevvfjTai, ^parope^). Subsequently to this, it was necessary to enter him in the register of the adoptive father's demus Q.j]iiapxtKov ypa/ifiaTclov), without which registration it appears that he did not possess the fuU rights of citizenship as a member of his new demus. If the adoption was by testament, registration was also required, which we may presume that the person himself might procure to be done if he was of age, or if not. Ins guardian or next friend. If a dispute arose as to the property of the deceased {Klripov diadiKaata) between the son adopted by testament and the next of kin, there could properly be no registration of the adopted son tmtif the tes- tament was established. If a man died childless and intestate, his next of kin, according to the Athenian rules of succession,^ took his property by the right of blood {a-^^iarcia Kara yivoc). Though registration might in this case also be required, there was no adoption properly so called, as some modem writers suppose ; for the next of kin neces. sarily belonged to the family of the intestate. The rules as to adoption among the Athenians are not quite free from difficulty, and it is not easy to avoid all error in stating them. The general doctrines may be mainly deduced from the orations of Isaeus, and those of Demosthenes against Macar- tatus and Leochares. ADOPTION (ROMAN). The Roman rela- tion of parent and child arose either from a lawful marriage or from adoption. Adoptio was the gen- eral name which comprehended the two species, adoptio and adrogatio ; and as the adopted person passed from his own familia into that of the person adopting, adoptio caused a capitis dimimdin, and the lowest of the three kinds. Adoption, in its specific sense, was the ceremony by which a person who was in the power of his parent (in potestate paren- tium), whether a child or grandchild, male or fe- male, was transferred to the power of the person adopting him. It was effected under the authority of a magistrate {magislratvs), the prcetor, for in- stance, at Rome, or a governor (prases) in the provinces. The person to be adopted was emanci- pated (vid. Mancipatio) by his natural father before the competent authority, and surrendered to the adoptive father by the" legal fonn called in jure cessw? When a person was sni juris, i. e., not in the power of his parent, the ceremony of adoption was csHei adrogatio. Originally it coiild only be effect- ed at Rome, and only by a vote of the populus {populi andorikite) in tlie cbmitia nuriata (Jcge airi- ata); the reason of this being that the caput oi status of a Roman citizen could not, according to the laws of the Twelve Tables, be affected except by a vote of the populus in the comitia curiata. (Jlodius, the enemy of Cicero, was adrogated into a plebeian family in order to qualify himself to be elected a tribunus plebis.* Females could not be 1 . (Isajus, TTcpi Tou 'ATToAXoSwp. K\/ipnv, 3, 5.) — 2. (Demosth,, irpis AmX; c. 6.)— 3. (A. Gell., v., c. 19.— Slot , Aug., c. 64,)— 4. (Cic. ad Att., ii., 7. — Id., pro Dt m.) ADO RATIO. ailoptcd by the adrogario. Under the emperors it became the practice to effect the adrogatio by an imperial rescript (^prindpis anctmtale, ex rescripto principis) ; but this practice had not become estab- lished in the time of Gaius, or, as it appears, of Ulpian.i It would seem, however, from a passage in Tacitus,' that Galba adopted a successor without the ceremony of the adrogatio. By a rescript of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, addressed to the pon- •ifices, those who were imder age (impuberes), or wards {pwpilli), could, with certain restrictions, be adopted by the adrogatio. If a father who had children in his power consented to be adopted by another person, Doth himself and his children be- came in the power of the adoptive father. All the property of the adopted son became at once the property of the adoptive father.^ A person could not legally be adopted by the adrogatio tUl he had made out a satisfactory case (Justa, bima, causa) to the pontiiices, who had the right of insisting on certain preluuinary conditions. This power of the pontiiices was probably founded on their right to preserve the due observance of the sacra of each gens.* It would, accordingly, have been a good ground of refusing their consent to an adrogatio, if the person to be adopted was the only male of his gens, for the sacra would in such case be lost. It was required that the adoptive father also had no children, and no reasonable hopes of any ; and, as a consequence of this condition, that he should be older than the person to be adopted. A woman could not adopt a person, for even her own children were not in her power. Finallv, all adoption was effected by the imperial rescript. The effect of adoption was to create the legal re- lation of father and son, just as if the adopted son were born of the blood of the adoptive father in lawful marriage. The adopted child was entitled to the name and sacra privata of the adopting parent, and it appears that the preservation of the sacra privata, which by the laws of the Twelve Tables were made perpetual, was frequently one of the reasons for a childless person adopting a son. In case of intestacy, the adopted child might be the heres of his adoptive father. He became the brother of his adoptive father's daughter, and therefore could not marry her; but he did not become the son of the adoptive father's wife, for adoption only gave to the adopted son the jura agnationis.' The phrase of " adoption by testament'" seems to be rather a misapplication 'of the term; for, though a man or woman might by testament name a heres, and impose the condition of the heres taking the name of the testator or testatrix, this so-caUed adoption could not produce the effects of a proper adoption. It could give to the person so said to be adopted the name or property of the testator or tes- tatrix, but nothing more. A person on passing from one gens into another, and taking the name of his new familia, generally retained the name of his Old gens also, with the addition to it of the ter- mination amis. Thus C. Octavius, afterward the Emperor Augustus, upon being adopted by the tes- tament of his imcle the dictator, assumed the name of Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus ; but he caused the adoption to be confirmed by the curiae.' ADORA'TIO (TrpooKOT^utf) was paid to the gods in the following manner : The individual stretched out his right hand to the statue of the god whom he wished to honour, then kissed his hand and waved it to the statue. Hence we have in Apuleius, " NulM Deo adkitc supplicavit ; nullum templum fre- 1. (Compare Gaius, i., 98, -with Gaius as cited in Dig. 1, tit. 7, s. 2 ; andUlpian, Frag., tit. 8.)— 2. (Hist., i., 15.)— 3. (Gaius, ii., 98.)^. (Cic, r.ro Dom., 13, seqq.)— 5. (Gaius, i., 97-107.— Dig. 1, tit. 7.— Cicero, pro Domo.)— 6. (Cic, Brut., 58.)— 7. (Cic, Off., iii., 18.— Id. ad Att., vii., 8.— Suet , Jul., 83.— Tib., Si^cqq. — ^Heiaecc, Syntagma.— Dig. 36, tit 1, s 63.) ADULTERIUM. fiterUavit; si fanum aliquod prixtereat, nefhs habel adorandi gratia manum labris odTtuniere. '' The adoratio differed from the oratio or prayers, suppli- cations, which were offered with the hands extend ed and the palms turned upward.' The adoration paid to the Roman emperors was borrowed Irom the eastern mode of adoration, and consisted m prostra- tion on the ground, and kissing the feet and knees of the emperor.' ADROGA'TIO. {Vid. Adoption.) ADSCRIPTI'VI. (Vid. Accensi.} ADSTIPULA'TIO. {VU. Stipulatio.) ADULTERIUM properly signifies, in the Ro- man law, the offence committed by a man ha^^ng sexual intercourse with another man's wife. Stu- prum (called by the Greeks i^dopd) signifies the like offence with a widow or virgin. It was the con- dition of the female which determined the legal character of the offence ; there was, therefore, no adultery unless the female was married. In the time of Augustus a lex was enacted (prob- ably about B.C. 17), entitled Lex Julia de adulteriis coei-cendis, the fijst chapter of which repealed some prior enactments on the same subject, with the pro- visions of which prior enactments we are, however, unacquainted. In this law the terms adulterium and stuprum are used indifferently; but, strictly speaking, these two terms differed as above stated. The chief provisions of this law may be collected from the Digest and from Paulus.* It seems not unlikely that tht enactments repeal- ed by the Julian law contained special penal pro- visions against adultery; and it is also not im- probable that, by the old law or custom, if the adulterer was caught in the fact, he was at the mercy of the injured husband, and that the husband might punish with death his adulterous wife." It seems, also, that originally the act of adultery might be prosecuted by any person, as being a pub- lic offence ; but under the emperors the right of prosecution was limited to the husband, father, brother, patruus, and avunculus of the adulteress. By the Julian law, if a husband kept his wife after an act of adultery was known to him, and let the adulterer off, he was guilty of the offence of lenocinium. The husband or father in whose power the adulteress was, had sixty days allowed for com- mencing proceedings against the wife, after which time any other person might prosecute.' A woman convicted of adultery was mulcted in half of her dos and the third part of her property (bojM), and banished (rekgata) to some miserable island, such as Seriphos, for instance. The adulterer was mulcted in half his property, and banished in like manner. This law did not inflict the punishment of death on either party; and in those instances under the emperors in which death was inflicted, it must be considered as an extraordinary punishment, and beyond the provisions of the Julian law.' But, by a constitution of Constantine' (if it is genuine), the offence in the adulterer was made capital. By the legislation of Justinian,' the law of Constantine was probably only confirmed ; but the adulteress was put into a convent, after being first whipped. If her husband did not take her out in two years, she was compelled to assume the habit, and to spend the rest of her life in the convent. The Julian law permitted the father (both adop- tive and natural) to kill the adulterer and adulter- ess in certain cases, as to which there were several nice distinctions established by the law. If the 1. (Apul., Apolog., p. 496.— Plin., H. N., xxviii., 5.)— 2. (urr- TidGiiara x^P^v : .5Cscli., Prom V., 1004. — Lucret., v., 1199. — Hor., Carm., iii., 23, 1.) — 3. (On tliis whole subject, consult Brouerius, de Adorationibus, Amst., 1713.) — 4. (48, tit. 5 — Sentent. Recept., ii., tit. 26, ed. Schulting.) — 5. (Dion. Hal, ii., 25.— Suet., Tib,, 35.)— 6. (Tacit., Ann., ii., 85.)- 7. (Tad; , Ann.,ii., 50 ; iii., 24.— Lips., Excurs. ad Tacit., Ann , iv., 42. — Noodt, Op. Onm., '; 286, sfqq.)— 8. (Cod.,ix., 30.)— 9. (Ncnr 134, clO.) 33 ADUNATUl. father killed only one of tne parties, he brought himself within the penalties of the Cornelian law De Sicariis. The husband might kill persons of a certain class, described in the law, whom he caught in the act of adultery with his wife ; but he coald not kill his wife. The husband, by the fifth chap- ter of the Julian law, could detain for twenty hours the adulterer whom he had caught in the fact, for Ihe purpose of calling in witnesses to prove the adultery. If the wife was divorced for adulterj-, the husband was entitled to retain part of the dos.' Horace^ is supposed to allude to this Julian law. Among the Athenians, if a man caught another man in the act of criminal intercourse {jioixeia) with his wife, he might kill him with impunity; and the law was also the same with respect to a concubine (iroA/la/c^). He might also inflict other punishment on the offender. It appears that among the Athenians also there was no adultery, unless a married woman was concerned.^ But it was no adultery for a man to have connexion with a mar- ried woman who prostituted herself, or who was engaged in selling anything in the agora.* The Roman law appears to have been pretty nearly the same.' The husband might, if he pleased, take a sum of money from the adulterer by way of com- pensation, and detain him till he foimd sureties for the payment. If the alleged adulterer had been un- justly detained, he might bring an action against the husband ; and if he gained his cause, he and his sureties were released. If he failed, the law required the sureties to deliver up the adulterer to the husband before the court, to do what he pleased with him, except that he was not to use a knife or dagger.' The husband might also prosecute the adulterer in the action called fioixetag ypa(pri. If the act of adultery was proved, the husband could no longer cohabit with his wife under pain of losing his priv- ileges of a citizen (artp'o). The adulteress was excluded even from those temples which foreign women and slaves were allowed to enter; and if ■he was seen there, anv one might treat her as he pleased, provided he did not kill her or mutilate her.' ADVERSA'RIA, note-book, memorandum-book, posting-book, in Which the Romans entered memo- randa of any importance, especially of money re- ceived and expended, which were afterward tran- scribed, usually every month, into a kind of leger. ( TalnUcs jiistcB, codex accepli et expensi.) Cicero de- scribes the difference between the adVersaria and tabulae in Ms Oratio pro Rose. Com., c. 3 : Quid est, q\U}d, negligenier scribamus adversaria ? quid est, quod diligerder conficiamus tabulas ? qxm de causa ? Quia h/sc sunt menstrua, ilia sumt ceternm; hcec deleiiMr itatim, nice servanMr sancte, &c. ADVERSA'RIUS. (Firf. Actor.) ADU'NATOI {liSivaToi), were persons supported by the Athenian state, who, on account of infirmity or bodily defects, were unable to obtain alivelihoocl. The sum which they received from the state ap- pears to have varied at different times. In the time of Lysias' and Aristotle,' one obolus a day Avas given; but it appears to have been afterward in- creased to two oboli. The bounty was restricted to persons whose property was under three miiine; and the examination of those who were entillol to it be- longed to the senate of the Five Hundred.'" Pi^is- tratus is said to have been the first to introduce a law for the maintenance of those persons who had been mutilated in war." f. (Ulpian, Fr., vi., 12.)— 2. ((!ann.,iv., v. 21.)— 3. (I.ysins, hTTfp T(i^ ^KptiTOfrQivoit^ (ftfivov.) — ^1. (Doini)sth., Kfnijt Nfa//)ns, -:. 18.)— 5. (PuuIqs, Sent. Rcciipt., vi., tit. 26.)— 6. (Dcmostli., kutA Nco/p., 18.) — 7. (Dcmostli., KaTa ^catp., c. 22.— jTIschin., KuTa Ttjiapx-j < 30.) — 8. iinrlp Toti 'A(^ui'(irou, c. iv., p. 749.) — 9. (ITarpocrat., AHvaroi.) — 10. {.^schin., kutu Ti/uip^oti, c. 21.) — 11. (Plut., Solon., r. 31.— Lysias, l-rrep rou ^A^vviiTov, a tpeech written for an individual, in oriler to prove '^^r *■* •"-* 24 -fflDlLES. ADVOCA'TUS seems originally to have £;rni fied any person who gave another his aii". in ais at fair or business, as a witness, for instance ;' or for the purpose of aiding and protecting him in taking possession of a piece of property." It was also used to express a person who in any way gave his advice and aid to another in the management of a cauje ; but the word did not signify the orator or patronu' who made the speech,' in the time of Cicero. Un- der the emperors, it signified a person who in any way assisted in the conduct of a cause,* and was sometimes equivalent to orator.' The advocate's fee was then called honorarium. (^Vid. Obatoe, Patronus, Cincia Lex.) The advocatus is denned by Ulpian' to be any person who aids another in the conduct of a suit or action. The advocatus fisci was an important ofiicer es tablished by Hadrianus.' It was his business to look after the interests of the iiscus or the imperial treasury, and, among other things, to maintain its title to bona cadiuca.^ AD'YTUM. (Fi<^. Temple.) ^A'CIA. (FkAIAKEIA.) ^BU'TIA LEX. (Firf. Actio.) ^DES. (V'i(i. House; Temple.) -^DI'LES. The name of these functionaries is said to be derived from their having the care of the temple (cedes) of Ceres. The Eediles were originally two ia number : they were elected from the plebes, and the institution of the office dates from the same time as that of the tribuni plebis, B.C. 494. Their duties at first seem to have been merely ministe- rial; they were the assistants of the tribtmes in such matters as the tribunes intrusted to them, among which are enumerated the hearing of causes of smaller importance. At an early period after their institution (B.C. 446), we find them appointee the keepers of the senatus consulta, which the con- suls had hitherto arbitrarily suppressed or altered.' They were also the keepers of the plebiscita. Oth- er functions were gradually intrusted tc them, and it is not always easy to distinguish their dutief from some of those which belong to the censors. They had the general superintendence of buildings, both sacred and private : tmder this power they provided for the support and repair of temples, curia;, &c., and took care that private buildings which were in a ruinous state were repaired by the owners or pull- ed down. The superintendence over the supply and distribution of water at Rome was, at an early pe- riod, a matter of public administration. According to Frontinus, this was the duty of the censors ; but when there were no censors, it was within the prov- ince of the sediles. The care of each particulai source or supply was farmed to undertakers (re- demptores), and all that they did was subject to the approbation of the censors or the oediles.'" The care of the streets and pavements, with the clean- sing and draining of the citv, belonged to the sediles ; and, of course, tlie care of the cloacas. They had the office of distributing corn among the plebes; but this distribution of corn at Rome must not be confounded with the duty of purchasing or procuring it from foreign parts, which was performed by the consuls, quDsstoi-s, and piTetors, and sometimes by an oxtiMordinary magistrate, as the pnefectus an- nona-. The asdiles had to see that the public lands were not improperly used, and that the pasture- grounds of the state were not trespassed on ; and they had power to punish by fine any unlawful act in this respect. They had a general superintcnd- entitlotl to lio supportctl liv the ."itate. — Petit., Lcir. Att., viii., tit 3, s. 5.— Dikkh, Public Ecou. of Athens, i., p. 323-327, transl j 1. (Vario, de Re Ilust., ii., c. 5.)— 2. (Cic, pro Cs-cin., c. 8.) —3. (Cic, de Orat., ii., 74.)— 4. (Di^. 50, tit. 13, s. 1 )— 5, (Ta cit., Ann., x., fi.)- 6. (Dig. 50, tit. 13.)— 7. (Sp.ait., Vit. Had., r. 60,)— 8. (Dig. 28, tit. 4, s. 3,)— 9. (Liv ;ii., 55.)— 10. ,D« Vquse.duct, Item., lib, ii.) aiDILES. ence over buying and selling, and, as a conse- qaence, the supervision of the markets, of things exposed to sale, such as slaves, and of weights and measures : from this part of their duty is derived the name under which the gadiles are mentioned by the Greek writers (ayopavofioi). It was their bu- siness to see that no new deities or religious rites were introduced into the city, to look after the ob- servance of religious ceremonies, and the celebra- tions of the ancient feasts and festivals. The gen- eral superintendence of police comprehended the iuty of preserving order, regard to decency, and the inspection of the baths and houses of entertain- ment, of brothels, and of prostitutes, who, it appears, were registered by the Eediles. The aediles had va- rious oflicers under them, as prsecones, scribse, and viatores. The ^DiLES CuRHLEs, who were also two in number, were originally chosen only from the pa- tricians, afterward alternately from the patricians and the plebes, and at last indifferently from both.' The office of curule aediles was instituted B.C. 365, and, according to Livy, on the occasion of the ple- beian ffidiles refusing to consent to celebrate the ludi miaximi for the space of four days instead of three; upon which a senatus consultum was pass- ed, by which two eediles were to be chosen from the patricians. From this time four Eediles, two plebeian and two curule, were annually elected.' The distinctive honours of the sediles curales were, the sella curulis, from whence their title is derived, the toga prtEtexta, precedence in speaking in the senate, and the jus imaginis.' The sediles curules only had the jus edicendi, or the right of promulga- ting edicta ;* but the rules comprised in their edicta served for the guidance of all the asdiles. The edicta of the curule aediles were founded on their authority as superintendents of the markets, and of buying and selling in general. Accordingly, their edicts had mainly, or perhaps solely, reference to the rules as to buying and selling, and contracts for bargain and sale. They were the foundation of the actiones asiiiiciae, among which are included the actio redhilntoria and qtio,nti- mvnoris.^ A great part of the provisions of the aediles' edict relate to the buying and selling of slaves. The persons both of the plebeian and curule aediles were sacrosancti.^ It seems that, after the appointment of the curule sediles, the functions formerly exercised by the ple- beian aediles were exercised, with some few excep- tions, by all the sediles indiflFerently. Within five days after being elected or entering on office, they were required to determine by lot, or by agreement among themselves, what parts of the city each should take under his superintendence; and each aedile alone had the care of looking after the paving and cleansing of the streets, and other matters, it may be presumed, of the same local character with- in his district. The other duties of the office seem to have been exercised by them jointly. In the superintendence of the public festivals and solemnities, there was a farther distinction between the two sets of aediles. Many of these festivals, such as those of Flora' and Ceres, were superin- tended by either set of aediles indifferently ; but the plebeian games were under the superintendence of the plebeian aBdiles, who had an allowance of mon- ey for that purpose; and the iines levied on the pecuarii and others, seem to have been appropria- ted to these among other public purposes.' The celebration of the ludi magni or Piomani, of the ludi scenici or dramatic representations, and the ludi Megalesu, belonged especially to the curule aediles, and it was on such occasions tlat they. 1. (Liv.,Yi!., 1.)— 2. (Liv., \-i., 42.)— 3. (Cic, 2 Verr., v., 14.) — 4. (Gains, i., 6.)— 5. (Dig. 21, tit. 1, De jEdilieio Edicto.— A. Geli., iv., 2.)— 6. (Liv., iii , 55.)— 7. (Cic, 2 Vorr., v., 14.— Ovid., Fast., 278, seqq.)— 8. (Liv , -x.., S3; xxvii., 6 —Ovid, Fast., 278, seqq.) D jEDILES. often incurred a prodigious expense, with the vit w of pleasing the people and securing their voles in future elections. I'his extravagant expenditure of the asdiles arose after the close of the second Punic war, and increased with the opportunities which individuals had of enriching themselves after the Roman arms were carried into Greece, Africa, and Spain. Even the prodigality of the emperors hard- ly surpassed that of individual curule aediles under the Republic ; such as C. J. Caesar the dictator, P. C. Lentulus Spinther, and, above all, M. jEmilius Scaurus, whose expenditure was not limited to bare show, but comprehended objects of public utiUty, as the reparation of walls, dockyards, ports, and aqueducts.' An instance is mentioned by Dion Cassius'' of the ludi Megalesii being superintended by the plebeian aediles ; but it was done pursuant to a senatus consultum, and thus the particular excep- tion coniii-ms the general rtde. In B.C. 45, J. Caesar caused two curule aediles and four plebeian aediles to be elected ; and thence- forward, at least so long as the office of aedile was of any importance, six aediles were aimually elect- ed. The two new plebeian asdiles were called Ce- reales, and their duty was to look after the supply of com. Though their office may not have been of any great importance after the institution of a praefectus annonae by Augustus, there is no doubt that it existed for several centuries, and at least as late as the time of Gordian. The Eediles belonged to the class of the minores magistratus. The plebeian aediles were originally chosen at the comitia centuriata, but afterward at the comitia tributa,^ in which comitia the curule aediles also were chosen. It appears that, until the lex annalis was passed, a Roman citizen might be a candidate for any office after completing his twenty-seventh year. This lex annalis, which was passed at the instance of the tribime L. V. Tappu- lus, B.C. 180, iixed the age at wliich each office might be enjoyed.* The passage of Livy does not mention what were the ages Iixed by tliis law ; but it is collected, from various passages of Roman writers, that the age fixed for the aedileship was thirty-six. This, at least, was the age at which t. man could be a candidate for the curule aedileship, and it does not appear that there was a different rule for the plebeian aedileship. The Eediles existed under the emperors ; but their powers were gradually diminished, and their func- tions exercised by new officers created by the em- perors. After the battle of Aetium, Augustus ap- pointed a praefectus urbis, who exercised the gen- eral police, which had formerly been one of the du- ties of the aediles. Augustus also took from the asdiles, or exercised himself, the office of superin- tending the religious rites, and the banishing from the city of all foreign cersmonials ; he also assumed the superintendence of the temples, and thus may be said to have destroyed the aedileship by depri- ving it of its old and original functions. This will serve to explain the curious fact mentioned by Dion Cassius,' that no one was willing to hold so con- temptible an office, and Augustus was tnerefore re- duced to the necessity of compelling persons to take it : persons were accordingly chosen by lot, out of those who had served the office of quaestor and tribune ; and this was done more than once. The last recorded instance of the splendours of the aedileship is the administration of Agrippa, who volvuiteered to take the office, and repaired all the public buildings and all the roads at his own ex- pense, without drawing anything from the treasu- ry.' The aedileship had, however, lost its true character before this time. Agrippa had aljeadj 1. (Cic, Off,, ii., 17.— Plin., H. N., xxxiii., 3 ; xxxvn., 15..- 2. (xliii., 48.)— 3. (Dion. Hal., vi., 90 ; ix., 43, 49.— Liv., li.. 56, seq.)— 4. (Liv., xl., 44.)— 5. (Iv., r. 24.)— 6. (Dion. Cas , xlix., 43.— Flin., H N., xxxvi., 15.) 23 a:Gis. iEGIK. beei consul before he accepted the office of aedile, and his munificent expenditure iii this nominal of- tice was the close of the splendour of the aedileship. Augustus appointed the curule Eediles specially to the office of putting out fires, and placed a bodjr of 600 slaves at their command ; but the prsefecti vigi- lum afterward performed this duty. In like man- ner, the curatores viarum were appointed by him to superirotend the roads near the city, and the quatu- orviri to superintend those within Rome. The cu- ratores operwm puMicarum and the curatores alvei Ti- beris, also appointed by Augustus, stripped the sedi- les of the remaining few duties that might be called honourable. They lost also the superintendence of wells or springs, and of the aquedAicts,' They re- tained, under the early emperors, a kind of police, for the purpose of repressing open licentiousness and disorder: thus the baths, eating-houses, and brothels were still subject to their inspection, and the registration of prostitutes was stiJl within their duties." We read of the sediles under Augustus making search after libellous books, in order that they might be btimed. The coloniEe, and the municipia of the later pe- riod, had also their cediles, whose numbers and functions varied in diflTerent places. TliHy seem, however, as to their powers and duties, to havf re- sembled the aediles of Rome. They were (. h< sen annually.^ The history, powers, and duties of the aedilps are stated with great minuteness and accuracy hy Schu- bert, De Romaiwni-m ^dililms, Jib. iv., I!( gimontu, 1828 ' MDlT'm, MDITIJMI, vEDI'J'Jjyil (called by the Greeks veunSpot, ^dKuitnt, and v7:t//iitopoi*), were peisous who took care of ihe temples, attended to the cleaning of them, Ac* They appear to have lived in the temple.s, or near them, and to have act- ed as ciceroni to those person? who wished to see them.* In ancietit times, t^ip Beditui were citizens, but under the eiiiperbrs freedmen.' *AE'DON {;,\ri.i6v), will.iii-i doubt the Motacilia Lmsdnia,, L., and Svlrm iMscinia. (Latham), or the Nightingale. Wc soi«(;times read udovk, or ariinviq in Doric. The nightingale is also called iptkofiriMi and vpoKvri by the poets. That it is the male bird only which sings, was well understood by the an- cients." Virgil, however, has on one occasion given the power of song to the female bird.' From some papers in the Classical Journal, it would appear that the nightingale sings by day as well as by night." .(EGIS is a Greek word (aJyi'r, -Mof), signifying, literally, a goatskin, and formed on the same anal- ogy with ve6plg, a fawnskin." According to ancient mythology, the aegis worn by Jupiter was the hide of the goat Amalthea, which had suckled him in his inf&ncy. Hyginus relates"' that, when he was preparing to resist the Titans, he was directed, if he wished to conquer, to wear a goatskin with the head of the Gorgon. To this particular goatskin the term a?gis was afterward confined. Homer always represents it as part of the armour of Jupiter, whom, on this account, he distinguishes by the epithet agis-hcaring (aiyioxo^). He, however, asserts that it was borrowed on difier- ent occasions both by Apollo'^ and by Minerva." The skins of various quadrupeds having been used by the most ancient inhabitants of Greece for clothing and defence, we cannot wonder that the 1. (Frontinus, ii.)— 2. (Tacit., Ann., ii., 85.)— S. (Do JEAil. Col., &c., Otto., Lips., 1732.)— 4. (Horod., vi., 134.)— 5. (Liv., Ijx., 17.- GoU., xii., 10.— Suet., Dom., 1.— Varro, Do Liny, lat., vi., 2.)— 6. (Plin., H. N., xxxvi., 4, 4 10.— Cic, 2 Vorr,, iv., 44.— Sohol. in Ilor., Ep. 11, i., 230.)— 7. (Sorv. in Virg., Ma., ix., 649.)— 8. (Eustath. in II., iii., 150, p. 395.)— 9. (Georo;., iv., 511, seqq.)— 10. (vol. xxvii., p. 92; xxviii., p. 184, 343; xxiv., p. 255 ; xxx., p. 180, 341.)— 11. (Vid. Ilcrod., iv., 189.)— 12. lAstron. Pool., 13.)— 13. (II., xv., 229, 307-318, 300 ; xxiv., 20.)— 14. (II.. u., 447-449 j xviii., 804 ; ixi., 400.) 36 goatskin was imployed in the same manner j and the particular application of it which we have now to consider will be understood from the fact that the shields of the ancient Greeks were in part support- ed by a belt or strap {TsXafiav, balleus) passing ovei the right shoulder, and, when not elevated with the shield, descending transversely to the left hip. In order that a goatskin might serve this purpose, twd of its legs would probably be tied over the righ) shoulder of the wearer, the other extremity being fastened to the inside of the shield. In combat, the left arm would be passed under the hide, and would raise it together with the shield, as is shown in a marble statue of Minerva, preserved in the museum at Naples, which, from its style of art, may be reck- oned among the most ancient in existence. Other statues of Minerva, also of very high anti- quity, and derived, no doubt, from some still more ancient type, represent her in a state of repose, and with the goatskin falling obliquely from its loose fastening over her right shoidder, so as to pass round the body under the left arm. The annexed iigure is taken from a colossal statue of Minerva at Dresden. The softness and flexibility of the goat- skin are here expressed by the folds produced in it by the girdle with which it is encircled. Another mode of wearing this garment, also of peaceful expression, is seen in a statue of Minerva at Dresden, of still higher antiquity than that last referred to, and in the very ancient image of the same goddess from the Temple of Jupiter at .^gi- na. In both of these tjie sgis covers the right as JEGIS. R'ell as the left shoulder, the breast, and the back, falling behind so as almost to reach the feet. Schom' considers this as the original form of the lEgis. By a figure of speech. Homer uses the term aegis to denote not only the goatskin, which it properly signified, but, together with it, the shield to which it belonged. By thus understanding the word, it is easy to comprehend both why Minerva is said to tlirow her father's eegis around her shoulders,^ and why, on one occasion, Apollo is said to hold it in his hand, and to shake it so as to terrify and con- fomid the Greeks,' and on another occasion to cover with it the dead body of Hector, in order to protect it from insult.* In these passages we must suppose the «gis to mean the shield, together with the large expanded skin or belt by which it was suspended from the right shoulder. As the Greeks prided themselves greatly on the rich and splendid ornaments of their shields, they supposed the aegis to be adorned in a style corre- sponding to the might and majesty of the father of the gods. In the middle of it was fixed the appal- ling Gorgon's head,* and its border was surrounded with golden tassels (-Svaavoi), each of which was worth a hecatomb.'' In the figures above exhibited, the serpents of the Gorgon's Head are transferred to the border of the skin. By the later poets and artists, the original concep- tion of the asgis appears to have been forgotten or disregarded. They represent it as a breastplate covered with metal in the form of scales, not used to support the shield, but extending equally on both ■ sides from shoulder to shoulder, as in the annexed figure, tak?ji from a statue at Florence. EUA. SENTIA LEX. part cf his left arm. The shield is p.aced H.iJer- neath it, at his feet. In his right hand he holds ■.'>« thunderbolt. With this appearance the descriptions of the egis by the Latin poets generally correspond.' It is remarkable that, although the segjs properly Jelonged to Jupiter, and was only borrowed from dim by his daughter, and although she is common- ly exhibited either with the aegis itself, or with some emblem of it, yet we seldom find it as an attribute of Jupiter in works of art. There is, however, in the museum at Leyden a marble statue of Jupiter, fotind at Utica, in which the aegis hangs over his left shoulder. It has the Gorgon's head, serpents on the border, and a hole for the left arm to pass through. The annexed figure is taken from a cameo engraved by Nisus, a Greek artist. Jupiter is here represented with the aegis wrapped round the fore 1. (BSttiger, Amalthea, ii., 215.) — 2. (II., v., 738; xviii., B04.)— 3. (U., XV., 229, 307, seqq.)— 4. (ixiv., 20.)-5. (U., v., 741.)— 6. (n., ii., 446, seqq.)— 7. (Viig; , ^n., viii., 435, seqq.— Val. Flacc., vi., 174.- %id. Apollinaris, Carm., xv. — Sil. Ital., a 442.) The Roman emperors also assumed ihe apgi.^, in- tending thereby to exhibit themselves in the cliar- acter of Jupiter. Of this the armed statue of Ha- drian in the British Museum presents an example. In these cases the more recent Roman conception of the Eegis is of course followed, coinciding with the remark of Servius," that this breast-armour was called aegis when worn by a god ; Imua, when worn by a man. Hence Martial, in an epigram on the breastplate of Domitian, says, " Dum vacat kcBC, Ctesar, polerit Icrica vocari , Pectore cum sacro sederit, agis eril.'" In these lines he in fact addresses the emperor as a divinity. *jEGYPTIL'LA, a name common to several species of agate. It was, perhaps, the ancient de- nomination of what is still called Egyptian pebble ; a striped jasper ; the quartz agate onyx of Haiiy.' *AEIZO'ON (asi^uov), a plant, of which Dioscori- des* describes three species : the first, or a. to /xiya, being the Sempervivum arhoreum, according to Sib- thorp and Sprengel ; the second, or a, to luxpov, the Sedum rupestre or rejlexum (Rock or Yellow Stone- crop) ; and the third, the Sedum striatum, according to Columna and Sprengel. The aei^uov of Theo- phrastus' is the same as the first species of Dios- corides, the characters of which, notwithstanding the high authority of Sibthorp and Sprengel, who are of a different opinion, Dr. Adams thinks he is justi- fied in identifying with those of the Sempervivum tectmnim, or Houseleek.' AEI'SITOI. (Vid. Prytaneion.) jE'LIA SEN"riA LEX. This law, which was passed in the time of Augustus (about A.D. 3), con- tained various provisions. By one clause it was provided that manumitted slaves, who, during their servitude, had undergone certain punishments foi offences, should not become either Roman citizens or Latini, but should belong to the class of peregri- ni dediticii. (Fid. Dediticii.') The law also con- tained various provisions as to the manumission of slaves, and as to the mode in which a manumitted slave, who had only obtained the privileges of a Latinus, might become a Roman citizen. The law also made void all manumission of slaves effected for the purpose of defrauding a creditor or a patron, whether such manumission was effected in the Ufe- 1. (iEn., viii., 435.)— 2. (vii., 1.)— 3. (Moore's Anc. llineral* gy, p. 181.— PUn., xxxvii., 10.)— 4 (iv 88.)- -5. (H. P , w^ 15.) — 6. (Adams, Append., s. t.) 27 iERARII. ^RUGO. time of the master, or by his tf stament. It prescri- bed certain formalities to be observed in the case of manumission when the owner of the slave (dominus) was under twenty ; the effect of which was, that though a person of the age cf fourteen could make a will, he could not by will give a slave his free- dcra- ^NEATO'RES {ahenoiores^) were those who blew upon wind instruments in the Roman army; namely, the tntccmatirres, cornicines, and tuMcines.^ ^neatores were also employed in the public games.* A collegium ce-iieatorum is mentioned in inscriptions.' jEOLIP'YL^ {aUXov niXai) were, according to the description of Vitruvius,' hollow vessels, made of brass, which were used in explaining the origin, &c., of the winds. These vessels, which had a very small orifice, were filled with water and placed on the tire, by which, of course, steam was ^UUITAS. (Vid. Jus.) jERA, a point of time from which subsequent or preceding years may be counted. The Greeks had no common sera till a comparatively late period. The Athenians reckoned their years by the name of the chief archon of each year, whence he was called upxi^v ettuvu/zoc ; the Lacedaemonians by one of the ephors ; and the Argives by the chief priest- ess of Juno, who held her office for life.' The fol- lowing £eras were adopted in later times : 1. The sera of the Trojan war, B.C. 1184, which was first made use of by Eratosthenes. 2. The Olympiac aera, which began B.C. 776, and was first made use of by Timaeus of Sicily, and was adopted by Polyb- ius, Diodorus, Dionysius of Halicamassus, and Pau- sanias. ( Vid. Olympiad.) 3. The Philippic or Alex- andrian aera, which began B.C. 323. 4. The aera of the Seleucidae, which began in the autumn of B.C. 313. 5. The aeras of Antioch, of which there were three, but the one in most common use began in November, B.C. 49. The Romans reckoned their years from the foundation of the city (ab urbe condita) in the time of Augustus and subsequently, but in earlier times the years were reckoned by the names of the con- suls. We also find traces of an aera from the banishment of the kings, and of another from the taking of the city by the Gauls. The date of the foundation of Rome is given differently by diiferent authors. That which is most commonly followed is the one given by Varro, which corresponds to B.C. 753.* It must be observed that 753 A.U.C. is the first year before, and 754 A.U.C. the first year after the" Christian aera. To find out the year B.C. corresponding to the year A.U.C, subtract the year A.U.C. from 754; thus, 605 A.U.C.=149 B.C. To find out the year A.D. corresponding to the year A.U.C, subtract 753 from the year A.U.C; thus, 767 A.U.C.=14 A.D. iERA'RII, those citizens of Rome who did not enjoy the perfect franchise ; i. e., those who cor- responded to the Isotcks and Atimi at Athens. The name is a regular adjective formed from ms (bronze), and its application to this particular class is due to the circumstance that, as the aerarii were protected by the state without being bound to military ser- vice, they naturally had to pay the tes mlUlarc, which was thus originally a charge on them, in the same way as the sums for knights' horses were levied on the estates of rich widows and orphans.' {Vid. Ms HoRDEABiuM.) The persons who constituted this class were either the inhabitants of other towns which had a relation of isopolity with Rome (the 1. (Gaius, lib. i.— Ulp., Frn?., til. 1.— Di^. 2.1, tit, 5,8. 57,60. — Tacit., Ann., XV., 55.) — 2, {Ammian,,xxiv., 4.) — 3. (Suot,. Jul,, 32,)— 4. iSen., Ep.,84,)— 5. (Orelli, 4059,— Gruter, 204, No, 1.) — fl. (i., 6.)— 7. (Thuoyd., ii., 2,— Pausan,, iii., 11, ^ 2.)— S. (Nicbahr, Hist. Rom,, vol. i,, p. 258-269, transl.)— 9. (Nicbuhr, Hist. Rom,. i„ p. 465.) 28 tngmhtit), or clients and the descendants of freed- men. The decemvirs enrolled in the tribes all who were aerarians at that time:' and when the tribes comprised the whole nation, the degradation of a citizen to the rank of an aerarian (which was called arariv/m facere ;' referre aliguem, in cerarios ;' or in tabujas CcerUum referri juiere^) might be practised in'the case of a patrician as well as of a plebeian. Hence aerarius came to be used as a term of re- proach. Thus Cicero, speaking of the corrupt judices who tried Clodius, says,' Maculosi senatores, nudi etpiiies, iriMcni turn tarn o-raM.^ quam^ ut appellavr tnr, ararii. He is alluding to the Aurelian law, which settled that the judices should be selected from the senators, the knights, and the tribtmi aara- rii. These Irilnmi ararii, who constituted an ordei in the later days of the republic, and were, in fact, the representatives of the most respectable plebei- ans, were originally heads of tribes, who acted as general inspectors and collectors of the ces mUitare for the payment of the troops.' In the same way the publicani, or farmers of the taxes, constituted a numerous class of the equestrian order. .S;RA'RIUM, the public treasury at Rome. After the banishment of the kings, the temple of Saturn was used as the place_ for keeping the public treas- ure, and it continued to be so till the later times of the empire.' Besides the public money, the stand- ards of the legions were kept in the aerarium ;' and also all decrees of the senate were entered there, in books kept for the purpose.' The aerarium was divided into two parts: the common treasur}', in which were deposited the regu- lar taxes, and which were made use of to meet the • ordinary expenses of the state ; and the sacred treasury (jerarium sanctum, saTictiiis"^, which was never touched except in cases of extreme peril. The twentieth part of the value of every slave who was enfranchised," and some part of the plunder of conquered nations, were deposited in the sacred treasury." Augustus established a separate treas- ury tmder the name of csrarium militare, to provide for the pay and support of the army, and he impc- sed several new taxes for that purpose.'^ The cerarium, the public treasury, must be distin- guished from the fiscus, the treasury of the emper- ors.'* (Vid. Fiscus.) The charge of the treasury was originally in- trusted to tie quaestors and their assistants, the tribuni aerarii ; but in B.C. 49, when no tjuaestors were elected, it was transferred to the aediles, in whose care it appears to have been till B.C. 28, when Augustus gave it to the praetors, or those who had been praetors." Claudius restored it to the quaestors ;" but Nero made a fresh change, and committed it to those who had been praetors, and whom he called jyrecfecti (trani.'-'' In the time of Vespasian, the charge of the treasur\' appears to have been again in the hands of the pr^tors ;" but in the time of Trajan, if not before, it was again intrusted to the prsefects, who appear to have held their office for two years." *.ERU'GO (iofX Verdigris, "Among the an- cients, as it still is, verdigris was a common green pigment; and Dioscorides'" and Pliny" specify sev- eral varieties of native arugo, or idf, classing with it, in this case, what we may suppose to have been green carbonate, instead oi'^ acetate of copper; as. 1, (Niobuhr, Hist. Rom., n.,-p. 317.)— 2, (Aul. GclI.,iT., 12,) 3, (Cic, pro Clucnt., 43.) — 1, (Aul. Goll., ivi., 13.)— 5. (.W Attic, 1,, 16.)— fl. (Dion, Hal,, iv., 14.)— 7. (Pint,, PopL. 12.— Plin,, Pancc, 91, seq,)— S, (Liv,, iii., 69 ; iv., 22 ; -ni,, 23.)— 9 (Cic, ill' Loir,, iii., 4.— Tac, Ann., iii., 51 ; xiii., 20.)— 10. (Liv., xxvii,, 10.— Flor., IV., 2,— Cics,, Bell. Civ,, i., 14,)— 11. (Liv., vii., 16 ; ixvii., 10,)— 12, (Lncan,, Phars,, iii., 155.)— 13. (Suet. Octav., 49,— Dion, Iv,, 24, 25, 32.)— 14. (Sen., de Ben., v.i., 6. —Plin,, Pan., 36, 42.— Suet., Octav,, 101,— Tac, Ann,, ii„ 47 ; vi,, 2,)— 15. (Suet,, Octav,, 36.)— 16. (Suet,, Claud., 24.— Dion. It,, 24,)— 17, (Tac, Ann,, xiii., 29.)— 18 (Tac, Hist., iv., 9,)— 19, (Plin., Pan., 91, 92.— Lips., Exr.urs, nd Tnc.Ann xiii., 29.)— 20. (Dioscor.,v., 91.)-21. (T*-*.. H. N., ixiii., 24 MS. tor example, ' the efflorescence upon stones which contained copper,' and what was ' scraped from Ike stone out of which copper was melted.' Vari- ous modes of making verdigris are described by Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and Pliny, which agree in principle, and some of tiem even as to their de- tails, wiUi the processes now employed. Among the various adulterations of it, that which was made with the sulphate of iron {atrammtmri sutoriuTn) was, as we learn from Pliny, the one best calcula- ted to deceive ; and the mode of detecting it, sug- gested by him, deserves notice. It was to rub the counterfeit aerugo on papyrus steeped with the gall- nut, which immediately thereon turned black.'" jERUSCATO'RES were vagrants who obtained their living by fortune-telling and begging.' They were caUed by the Greeks uyvpTai.. ( Vid. AGURT AI . ) Festus explains csruscare by ara undiqne coUigere. ./ES [xaXKog), a composition of metals, in which copper is the predominant ingredient. Its etymology is not known. The Italians and French often use the words rame and ottone, and airain, to translate the word aes; but, like the English term l>rass, which is also employed in a general way to express the same composition, . all are incorrect, and are calculated to mislead. Brass, to confine ourselves to our own language, is a combination of copper and zinc, while all the specimens of ancient objects formed of the material called ass, are found upon analysis to contain no zinc ; but, with very limited exceptions, to be composed entirely of copper and tin. To this mixture the term bronze is now exclu- sively applied by artists and founders ; and it is de- sirable that, being now generally received, it should always be used, in order to prevent misapprehen- sion, and to distinguish at once between the two compositions. The word bronze is of Italian or- igin, and of comparatively modem date, and de- rived in all probability from the brown coloui (brwno') which the artists of the period of the revival (as it IS called) of the Arts, and (hose who followed them, gave their metal works ; various fine speci- mens of such productions of the cvnqne-cento age are still preserved in the Museum of Florence and in other collections ; and when the uurfaca of the cast has not been injured by accident or by exposure to the weather, the rich brown tint originally imparted to them is as perfect as when it was first produced. The natural colour of bronze, when first cast, is a reddish brown ; the different tints which are seen on works of sculpture of this class being almost al- ways given by artificial means : that which modem taste prefers, and which is hot usually seen on bronze works, namely, a bright bluish green, may, however, be considered natural to it, as it is simply the effect of oxidation, from exposure to the influ- ence of the atmosphere. Sometimes the operations of time and. weather are anticipated by the skilful application o1 an acid over the surface of the metal. The finest bronzes of antiquity are remarkable for the colour of this palina, as it is called by anti- quaries. The amplo3rmentof BBS (bronze') was very general among the ancients ; money, vases, and utensils of all sorts, whether for domestic or sacrificial pur- poses, omaments, arms offensive and defensive, fur- niture, tablets for inscriptions, musical instraments, and, indeed, every object to which it could be ap- plied, being made of it. The proportions in which the component parts were mixed seem to have been much studied ; and the peculiarities and ex- cellence of the different sorts of^bronze were marked by distinctive names, as the ses Corinthiacum, ses Deliacum, ass .Slgineticum', aes Hepatizon, and others ; but of which, it must be confessed, we know little or nothing beyond the titles, except that 1. (Theophrast., Trtpt Ai0., c. 102. — Vitmv., vii., 12. — Moore's Anc. Mineralogy, p. 64, seil.) — 2. (Gell., liv., 1 ; ii., 2. — Sen ; de Clem., ii., f).) MS. we collect from some of the writers of antiquity, that, with the view of producing effects of colour or variety of texture, the artists sometimes mixed small proportions of gold, silver, lead, and even iron, in the composition of their bronze. Wo ancient works in brass, properly so called, have yet been discovered, though it has been af- firmed that zinc was found in an analysis made of an antique sword ;' but it appeared in so extremely small a quantity, that it hardly deserved notice ; if it was indeed present, it may rather be attributed to some accident of nature than to design. For farther particulars on the composition of bronze, and the practice of the ancients in different pro- cesses of metal-working, the reader is referred to the article on bronze. .^S (money, nummi aenei or eerii). Since the most ancient coins in Rome and the old Italian states were made of ses, this name was given to money in general, so that Ulpian says, Eliam aure- os mimmos as dicimus.' For the same reason we have ffis alienum, meaning debt, and cBra in the plural, pay to the soldiers.^ The Romans had no other coinage except bronze or copper {as) till A.U.C. 485 (B.C. 269), five years before the first Punic war, when silver was first coined ; gold was not coined till sixty-two years after silver.* For this reaDon, Argeniinus, in the Italian m_ythology, was made the son of .flisculanus.' The earliest coprer coins were cast, not struck. In the collection of coins at the British Museum there are four ases joined together, as they were taken from the sculd, in Trhich many were cast at once. lii most ases the edge shows where they were severed from each other. The first coinage of EBS is usiiahy attributed to Servius Tullius, who is said ',o have stamped the ii^oney with the image of cattle {pecus). whence it was calk'd peciinia.' According to some accotmts, it -was coined from the commencement of the city ;' and according to others, the first coinage was attributed to Janus or Saturn.* We know that the old Italian states possessed a bronze or copper coinage from the earliest times. The first coinage was the as (vid. As), which orig- inally was a pound weight ; but as, in course of time, the weight Oj the as was reduced not only in Rome, but in the other Italian states, and this reduction in weight was not uniform in the different states, it became usual in all bargains to pay the ases accord- ing to their weight, and not according to their nomi- nal value. The as grave' was not, as has been sup- posed by some, the old heavy coins as distinguished from the lighter modem ; but, as Niebuhr'" has re- marked, it signified any number of copper coins reckoned accordiog to the old style, by weight. There was, therefore, no occasion for the state to suppress the circulation of the old copper coins, since in all bargains the ases were not reckoned by tale, but by weight. The weight thus supplied a common measure for the national money, and for that of the different states of Italy ; and, according- ly, a hundred poimds, whether of the old or modem money, were of the same value. The name of ass grave was also applied to the uncoined metal.-' Under the Roman empire, the right of coining silver and gold belonged .only to the emperors ; but the copper coinage was left to the asrarium, which was under the jurisdiction of the senate. Bronze or copper {x'^'Xko^) was very little used 1. (Mongez, Mem. de I'lnstitDt.)— 2. (Dif. 50, tit. 16, s. 159. —Compare Hor., Ep. ad Pis., 345.— Id., Ep. 1, nil., 23.)— 3. (Liv., v., 4.— Plin., H. N., EtiiT., 1.)— 4. (PUn.,II. N., xixiii., 13.)— 5. (" Quia prius gerea pecunia in usu esse ccepit, post argentea;** August., de Civ. Dei, iv., 21.)— 6. (Plin., H. N., xrxiii., 13 ; iviii., 3.— Varro, de Re Hust., ii., 1.— Ovid, Fast., t., 281.)— 7. (Plin., H. N., xiady., 1.)— 8. (Macrob., Saturn., i., 7.)— 9. (Liv.. iv., 41, 60; v., 2,- ^.tiii., 26.— Sen. ad Helv., 12.)— 10. (Rom! Hist., i., p. 458.)— 11. (Sei-viu.":, in Virg., ^n., vi., 862.— " Massa, Ees rude, mctallum infectum ;" Isidor., xvi., 18, 13.) 29 ^SCULUS. AFFINES. by the Greeks for money in early timos. Silver was originally the universal currency, and copper ap- pears to have been seldom coined till after the time of Alexander the Great. At Athens a copper coinage was issued as early as B.C. 406, in the archonship of Callias ;' but it was soon afterward called in, and the silver currency restored.^ It is not improbable, however, that the copper coin call- ed ;t;a/'L(coCf was in circulation in Athens still earlier. The smallest silver coin at Athens was the quarter obol, and the xo-'^'^oSi was the half of that, or the eighth of an obol. The copper coinage issued in the archonship of CalUas probably consisted of larger pieces of money, and not merely of the ;i;a/l- toijf, which appears to have been used previously on account of the dilficulty of coining silver in such minute pieces. The ;t:.Tder of the Roman army. According to Polybius,'' the Roman armies commonly marched in his time in ihe folIowing,manner : " In the van are usually pla- ced the extraordinaries (emAe/cToi, extrcwrdinarii) ; and after these the right wing of the allies, which is followed by the baggage of both these bodies. Next to these marches the iirst of the Roman le- gions, with its baggage also behind it. The second legion follows, having behind it, likewise, both its own baggage and the baggage of the allies, who are in the rear ; for the rear of all the march is closed with the left wing of the allies. The cavalry marches sometimes in the rear of the respective bodies to which it belongs, and sometimes on the flanks of the beasts that are loaded with the bag- gage, keeping them together in due order, and cov- ering them from insult. When any attack is ex- pected to be made upon the rear, the extraordina- ries of the allies, instead of leading the van, are posted in the rear ; in all the other parts the dispo- sition remains the same. Of the two legions, and the two wings of the allies, those that are on one day foremost in the march, on the following day are placed behind; that, by thus changiag their rank alternately, all the troops may obtain the same ad- vantage in their turn of arriving first at water and at forage. There is also another disposition which is used when any immediate danger threatens, and the march is made through an open country. At such times, the hastati, the priucipes, and the triarii are ranged in three parallel lines, each behind the other, with the baggage of the hastati in the front. Behind the hastati is placed the baggage of the prii: ;ipes, who are followed likewise by that of the tria -ii ; so that the baggage of the several bodies is placed in alternate order. The march being thus disposed, the troops, as soon as any attack is made, turning either to the left or to the right, ad- vance forward from the baggage towards that side upon which the enemy appears ; and thus, in a mo- ment of time, and by one single movement, the ivhole army is formed at once in order of battle, except only that the hastati are perhaps obliged to make an evolution ; and the beasts of burden, also, with all those that attend upon the baggage, being now thrown into the rear of all the troops, are cov- ered by them from danger." — (Hampton's transla- tion.) An account of the marching order of a Ro- man army is also given by Csesar,' Josephus,* and Vegetius.* The form of the army on march differed, how- ever, according to circumstances, and the nature of the ground. An agmen pilatum was an army in close array, qiiod sine jwmentis iTicedit, sed i-nter se denswm est, quo facilius per iniquiora loca tratismiUa- tur.' The agTnen quadratum was the army arranged in the form of a square, with the baggage in the miaoie.' The form of the Grecian army on march in the time of Xenophon is described in the Anabasis.' It appears that, during a march in the daytime, ei- ther the cavalry or the heavy-armed, or the tar- geteers, marched in the van, according to the na- ture of the ground ; but that in the nighttime the slowest troops always marched first, by which plan the army was less likely to be separated, and^the soldiers had fewer opportunities of leaving the ranks without discovery. AGNA'TI. (Vid. CoGNATi.) AGNO'MEN. ( Vid. Cognomen.) *AGNUS (uyvof). All arc agreed, as Schneider 1. (Isidor., ii., 3.)— 2. (vi., 40.)— 3. (Hdl. Gall., ii., 17, 19.)— 4, (Bell. Jut)., iii., 6, « 2.)— 5. (iii., 0.)— 6. (Scrv. in Virff., JEn., xii., 121.— Compnrn Vir(r., jEn., ii., 450; v., 3.33.)— 7. (Liv., iixi., 37 ; jxxi\., 30.— Ilirt., Doll. Giill., mi., 8.— Tibttll., i*., i., 101.— Tac., Ann., i., 51.) -8. (vii., 3. I) 37, son.) • 33 remarks, that this is the Vitex agnus castas, L,, or Chaste-tree. Galen makes it to be the same as the /liyof. The latter occurs in the Odyssey of Ho- mer,' and also in the Iliad,' and may there mean any flexible twig." AGONA'LIA, AGO'NIA,* or AGOISriUM,' a Roman festival, instituted by Numa Pompilius in honour of Janus,' and celebrated on the 9th of January, the 20th of Mav, and the 10th of Decem- ber. The morning of tfiese festivals, or, at least, the morning of the 10th of December, was consid- ered a dies nefastus. The etymology of this name was difierently explained by the ancients : some derived it from Agonius, a surname of Janus; some from the word agone, because the attendant, whose duty it was to sacrifice the victim, could not do so till he had asked the rex sacrificulus, Agonel and others from agonia, because the victims were for- merly called by that name.' The Circus Agmudis, built by the Emperor Alexander, is supposed by some writers to have been erected on the spot where the victims were sacrificed during the ago- nalia. AFflNES in/ajTol Kal tiutitoL AU causes in the Athenian courts were distinguished into two classes : iiyuve^ utc/ij!toi, suits not to be assessed, in which the fine or other penalty was determined by the laws ; and uyOve^ TLfijjToi, suits to be assessed, in which the penalty had to be fixed by the judges. When the judges had given their votes in favour of the plaintiff", they next had to determine, provi- ded that the suit was an uyov rifiriTog, what fine or punishment was to be inflicted on the defendant {■nradetv ij aTOTiaai)." The plaintiff generally men- tioned in the pleadings the punishment which he considered the defendant deserved {riftaadai) ; and the defendant was allowed to make a counter-as- sessment (^avTCTifidcdat., or v-jroTifj/iadat), and to ar- gue before the judges why the assessment of the plaintiff ought to be changed or mitigated.' In certain causes, which were determined by the laws, any of the judges was allowed to propose an addi- tional assessment (Trpocrifiri/ia) : the amount of which, however, appears to have been usually fixed by the laws. Thus, in certain cases of theft, the additional penalty was fixed at five days' and nights' imprisonment. Demosthenes'" quotes the law : dkedeadac tS' kv ry ttoSokuki^ tov Tzuda TTEvff TjiiEpa^ Kal vvKTa^ ^ff^f, tav TzpoaTLfiT/cn^ if ij^.taia, TTpoaTi/iuaBai de tov ^ovXofievov, orav nepl tov tl- joifiaTo^ 5. In this passage we perceive tlie differ- ence between the active -KpotsTcfi^v, which is used of the assessment of the Heliasa (the court), and the middle npocTifiCiaSai, which means the assess- ment proposed by one of the judges. In the same manner, Tififv is used of the assessment made by the court, and -ifidadai of that proposed by the plaintifl"." According to some writers, the penalty was fixed in all private causes by the laws, vith" the excep- tion of the aifci'af SIkt) ;" and if not absolutely, it was fixed in proportion to the injury which the de- fendant had received. Thus, in the action for inju- ry (Pm-nt SiKTi), if the injury had been done unin- tentionally, the single, and if intentionally, the dou- ble assessment was to be made." But, on the other hand, all penalties which had not the character of compensation were fixed absolutely; as, for in- stance, in the case of libellous words (KaK7iyopia\ at 500 drachmas ;'♦ and in the action for non-ap- I. (IX., 427.)-5. (xi., 105.)-3. (Dioscor., iv., 134.— Thco phrast., 1., 3.)— 4. (Ovid, Fast., v., ,21.)— 5. (Fcst , s v )— fi (Maoroh., Saturn., i., 4.)— 7. (Oirid, Fast., i., 319-332.— Fcst. s. V.)— 8. (Plat., Apol. Socr., c. 25.— Dcmosth. in Mul , p 523! -9, (Plat., Api.l. Socr., c. 25.)— 10. (m Timocr., p. 733.)— 11 (Domosth. in Mid., p. 529 ; in Timocr., p. 720 ; in Anstouit i p. 794 ; in Theocrit., 1332, 1343 ; in Neter., 1347.)— 12. (Har- pocrat., a. v. — Ulpinn, in Dcmoslli., Mid., p. 523.) 13. (De- mrwth. in Mid., p. 528 ) — 14. (Isocr. in l.och., p. 338.) AGORA. AGRARI^ LEGES. pearance of a witness {icmo/iaprvpiov SUri), at 1000 drachmas.' .\GONOTH'ETAI (liyuvoSeTai) were persons, in tlie Grecian games, who decided disputes and ad- judged the prizes to the lactors. Originally, the person who instituted the contest and offered the prize was the ayuvoBhric, ai)d this continued to be the practice in those games which were instituted by kings or private persons. But in the great pub- lic games, such as the Isthmian, Pythian, &c., the ayuvoBsTai were either the representatives of dif- ferent states, as the Amphictyons at the Pythian games, or were chosen from the people in whose country the games were celebrated. During the Qourishing times of the Grecian republics, the Eleans were the ayuvodcrai in the Olympic games, the Corinthians in the Isthmian games, the Am- phictyons in the Pythian games, and the Corinthi- ans, Argives, and inhabitants of Cieonse in the Nemean games. The ayuvoBhai were also called alcv^VTirai, ayuvdpxai, ayuvodiKat, uB'kodeTai, ^a6- dovxoi or baiSovojioi (from the staff they carried as an emblem of authority), J3pa6ui, (IpaSevrai. AG'ORA {dyopd) properly means an assembly of any nature, and is usually employed by Homer for the general assembly of the people. The dyopd seems to have been considered an essential part in the constitution of the early Grecian states, since the barbarity and uncivilized condition of the Cyclopes is characterized by their wanting such an assem- bly.' The dyopd, though usually convoked by the king, as, for instance, by Telemachus in the ab- sence of his father,^ appears to have been also summoned at times by some distinguished chief- taha, as, for example, by Achilles before Troy.* The king occupied the most important seat in these assemblies, and near him sat the nobles, while the people sat or stood in a circle around them. The power and rights of the people in these assemblies have been the subject of much dispute. Plainer, Tittmann, and more recently Mtzsch, in his com- mentary on the Odyssey, maintain that the people were allowed to speak and vote ; while Heeren' and Miiller* think " that the nobles were the only persons who proposed measures, deliberated, and voted, and that the people were only present to hear the debate, and to express their feeling as a body^ T 'hich expressions might then be noticed by a prince of a mild disposition." The latter view of the question is confirmed by the fact, that in no pas- sage in the Odyssey is any one of the people repre- sented as taking part in the discussion; while, in the Iliad, Ulysses inflicts personal chastisement upon Thersites for presuming to attack the nobles in the uyopd.'' The people appear to have been only called together to hear what had been already agreed upon in the council of the nobles, which is called ISovX^' and iJowKof,' and sometimes even uyopd.^" Among the Athenians, the proper name for the assembly of the people was iniariala, and among the Dorians uVia. The term dyopd was coniined at Athen 3 to the assemblies of the phylae and demi." In Crete the original name dyopd continued to be applied to the powilar assemblies till a late ne- riod." ^ The name dyopd vv,t> early transferred from the assembly itself to the place in which the assembly was held; and thus it came to be used for the maf- kot-place, where goods of all descriptions were bought and sold. The expression dyopd ■K'XiiBovca, I. (Harpocrat., sub cXjir^pt;.— Bockh, Public Econ., ii., p. 97 100.— Meier, Att. Process, p. ISO, 725.)— 2. (Od., ii., 112 )— 3 (Od., 11., 5-8.)— 4. (II., i., 54.)— 5. (Polit. Antiq., « 56.1—6. :Donans,ii.,6.)-7. (II., ii., 2II,277.)-8. (II., ii., 63 : vi.,113: 1 lepovTcs iSouAEurai.)— 9. (Od., ii., 26.)— 10. (U., ix., II, 33 — i^'^'' I'? ' ^yi"'' liov\t,(j>6pai.)—n. (.aEsch., c. Ctes., c. 12, p. 376.- Schomann, De Comitiis Athen., p. 27.— Bockh, Corp Insonp., 1., p. 135.)— 12. (Bekker, Anecdot. Gr., i., f 210.) " full market," was used to signify the time from morning to noon, that is, from about nine to twelve o'clock. AGORAN'OMI {dyopavofioi.) were public func- tionaries in most of the Grecian states, whose du- ties corresponded in many respects to those of the Roman sediles. At Athens their number was ten, five for the city and five for the Pirasus, and nol twenty, as Meier erroneously states, misled by a false reading in Harpocration. They were chosen by lot.' Under the Roman empire, the agoranomi were called loyiarai.^ They corresponded in the prov- inces to the curatorcs dvitatis or reipuilias.' The principal duty of the agoranomi was, as their name imports, to inspect the market, and to see that all the laws respecting its regulation were properly observed. They had the inspection of all things which were sold in the market, with the ex- ception of com, which was subject to the jurisdiction of the cri.Tov?i,aKe(.* They regulated the price and quantity of all things which were brought into the market, and punished all persons convicted of cheating, especially by false weights and measures. They had, in general, the power of punishing all infraction of the laws and regulations relating to the market, by inflicting a fine upon the citizens, and personal chastisement upon foreigners and slaves, for which purpose they usually carried a whip.* They had the care of all the temples and fountains in the market-place,' and received the tax (^eviKov reXoi) which foreigners and aliens were obliged to pay for the privilege of exposing their goods for sale in the market. The public prostitutes were also subject to their regulations.' -j AGRA'NIA {dypavia), a festival celebrated at Argos, in memory of one of the daughters of PrcEtus, who had been afllicted with madness. APPA^IOT VPAiH {dypafiovypai},^)- The names of all persons at Athens who owed any sum of money to the state (oi tCi dTi/ioaia b^eLXovrei) were registered by the practores {irpdiiTopcg) upon tablets, kept for that purpose in the Temple of Minerva, on the Acropolis ;» and hence the expression of being registered on the Acropolis iiyytypap.fievog h> 'Ajcpo- TTolct) always means indebted to the state.' If the name of an individual was improperly erasedj he was subject to the action for non-registration {dypai^iov ypa^n), which was under the jurisdiction of the thesmothetsB ; but if an individual was not registered, he could only be proceeded against by £V(!£jfif,_and was not liable to the dypcupim ypa^}" Hesychius, whose account has been followed by Hemsterhuys and Wesseling, appears to have been mistaken in saying that the dypafiov ypa^fi could be instituted against debtors who had not been re^ gistered." ArP'A^OI NO'MOI. (Vid. NOMOI ) Arp-A4.0T META'AAOT PPA^H {dypd^ov jitTdl- lov ypa^Ti) was an action brought before the thes- mothetae at Athens, against an individual who worked a mine without having previously register- ed it. The state required that all mines should be registered, because the twenty-fourth part of their produce was payable to the public treasurv " AGRA'RI^ LEGES. "It is not exactly true that the agrarian law of Cassius was the earliest that was so called : every law by which the com- monwealth disposed of its public land bore that eao'l'^s'T'?-? °- 'T™?"-','^- f ■, P- 733._Aristoph., Achan,., 689.)— 2. (Schol m Anstoph., Acharn., 658 ; iyonavdum,: oil rw\oy,cris^\o„^^.. MttUer, ^^nJtica, 'p. 138 )-3 (C?? 1., bt. 54, 8. 3.)^ (Lysias, Kari rm Siroir., c. 6, p 722 1—5' (Schol in Anstoph Achani.,688.)-6. (Plato, Lei., vi., 10 i —7. (Justm, XII., 5.— Meier, Att. Process, p. 89-92 -^Petitu^ Les Att. v., tm 3, s. 2, p. 495,)_S. (Demis?h in Iristoj ?! ^Ts u If^fiSr™''"- "S'O-IO. (Demo'ShT'n The'o^r!^ c. IS, p^ 1338.)— 11 (Meier, Att. Process, p. 353, 354.-Bockh; Pub. Econ. of Athens, ii„ p. 118-122, tansl. -12. ml^ Publ. Econ. of Athens, u., p. 478.-Keier, Att. Process, p. 3541 33 AGRARIiE LEGES. AGRARI^ LEGES. name ; as, for instance, that by which the domain jf the kings was parcelled out among the conxmon- alty, and those by which colonies were planted. Even in the narrower sense of a law whereby the state exercised its ownership in removing the old possessors from a part of its domain, and making over its right of property therein, such a law exist- ed among ttiose of Servius Tullius."' The history of the enactments called agrarian laws, either in the larger and more correct sense, or in the narrower sense of the term, as explained in this extract, would be out of place here. The particular objects of each agrarian law must be as- certained from its provisions. But all these nu- merous enactments had reference to the public land ; and a great majority of them were passed for the purpose of settliug Roman colonies in conquered districts, and assigning to the veteran soldiers, who formed a large part of such colonists, their shares in such lands. The true meaning of all or any of these enactments can only be understood when we have formed a correct notion of property ia land, as recognised by Roman law. It is not necessary, in order to obtain this correct notion, to ascend to the origin of the Roman state, though, if a complete history of Rome could be written, our conception of the real character of property in land, as recog- uised by Roman law, would be more- enlarged and more precise. But the system of Roman law, as it existed under the emperors, contained both the teims and the notions which belonged to those early ages, of which they are the most faithful historical monuments. In an inquiry of the present kind, we may begin at any point in the historical series which is definite, and we may ascend from known and intelligible notions which belong to a later age, towards their historical origin, though we may never be able to reach it. Gaius," who probably wrote under the Antonines, made two chief divisions of Roman land; that which was divini jwris, and that which was humani juris. Land which was divini juris was either sacsr or religiosus.' Land which was sacer was consecrated to the Dii Superi ; land which was religiosus belonged to the Dii Manes. Land was made sacer by a lex or senatus consultum ; and, as the context shows, such land was land which be- longed to the state (jp'opulus Romanus). An in- dividual could make a portion of his own land religiosus by the interment in it of one of his family : but it was the better opinion that land in the provinces could not thus be made religiosus; and the reason given is this, that the ownership or property in provincial lands is either in the state {pop. Rom,.) or in the Csesar, and that individuals had only the possession and enjoyment of it {pos- !cssio et usus fructnis). Provincial lands were either s'ipmdiaria or trUmtaria ; the stipendiaria were in those provinces which were considered to belong to the Roman state ; the tributariawere in those prov- inces which were considered as the property of the Caesar. Land which was humani juris was divi- ded into public and private ; the former belonged to the state, the latter to individuals. It would seem to follow, from the legal form ob- served in making land sacer, that it thereby ceased to be publicus ; for if it still continued publicus, it had not changed its essential quality. Niebuhr* has stated that " all Roman land was either the property of the state (common land, domain) or private property — aut publicus aut privalus ;" and he adds that " the landed property of the state was either consecrated to the gods (sacer), or allotted to men to reap its fruits (profanvs, humani juris)." Viebuhr then refers to the view of Gaius, who makes the latter the primary division ; but he relies I (Nieb., Rom. Hist., vol. ii., p. lao, tr.ansl.) -2. (ii., 2,seq(l.) • .3. (Compare FroPtlEus, de Rfi A^aria, xiii.J — 4. (Appendii, ' »^i ii.) /■ 34 on the authority of Frontinus, supported Jy Livy,' as evidence of the correctness of his own divisicQ. It is obvious, however, on comparing two passa- ges in Frontiaus {De Re Agraria, xi., xiii.), that Niebuhr has mistaken the meaning of the writer, who clearly intends it to be inferred that the sacred land was not public land. Besides, if the meaning of Frontinus was what Niebuhr has supposed it to be, his authority is not equal to that of Gfaius on a matter which specially belongs to the province of the jurist, and is foreign to that of the agrimensor. The passage of Livy, also, certainly does not prove Niebuhr's assertion. The form of dedition in Livy* may be easily explained. Though the origin of that kind of property called pubHe land must be referred to the earliest ages of the Roman state, it appears from Gaius that under the emperors there was still land within the limits of the Empire, the ownership of which was not in the individuals who possessed and enjoyed it, but in the populus Romanus or the Ceesar. This posses- sion and enjoyment are distinguished by him from ownership {dominium). The tenapossessio frequently occurs in those jurists from whom the Digest was compiled ; but in these writers, as they are known to us, it applies only to private land, and the ager publicus IS hardly, if at all, ever noticed by them. Now this term Possessio, as used in the Digest, means the occupation oi privaU land by one who has no kind of riglit to it ; and this possessio was protected by the praetor's interdict, even when it was without bona fides or justa causa : but the term Possessio in the Roman historians — Livy, for in- stance — signifies the occupation and enjoyment of public land ; and the true notion of this, the original possessio, contains the whole solution of the ques- tion of the agrarian laws. For this solution we are mainly indebted to Niebuhr and Savigny. This latter kind of possessio, that which has pri- vate land for its object, is demonstrated by Savigny (the term here used can hardly be said to be toe strong) to have arisen from the first kind of pos- sessio : and thus it might readily be supposed that the Roman doctrine of possessio, as applied to the occupation of private land, would throw some light on the nature of that original possessio out of which it grew. In the imperial period, public land had almost ceased to exist in the Italian peninsula, but the subject of possession in private lands had Be- come a well-understood branch of Roman J4w. The remarks in the three following paragraphs are from Savigny's valuable work, Das Recht des Be- sitzes.' 1. There were two kinds of land in the Roman state, ager publicus and ager privatus : in the latter alone private property existed. But, conformably to the old constitution, the greater part of the ager publicus was given over to individual citizens to occupy and enjoy; yet the state had the right of re- suming the possession at pleasure. Now we find no mention of any legal form for the protection of the occupier, or possessor as he was called, of such public land against any other individual, though ii cannot be doubted that such a form actually exist- ed. But if we assume that the interdict which pro- tected the possession of an individual in private land was the form which protected the possessor of the pubUc land, two problems are solved at the same time : an historical origin is discovered for possession in private land, and a legal form for the protection of possession in public land. An hypothesis, which so clearly connects into one consistent whole facts otherwise incapable of such connexion, must be considered rather as evolving a latent fact, by placing other known facts in their true relative position, than as involving any independent assumption. Bat there is historical evidence in support of the hypothesis. 1. (via., 14.)— 9 (i.. 38.)— 3. (5th edit., p. 172.) AGRARIJE LEGES. 2. The words possessio, possessor, and possidere are Ihe technical terms used by writers of very different ages, to express the occupation and the enjoyment of the public lands ; that is, the notion of a right to occupy and enjoy public land was in the early ages of the Republic distinguished from the right of prop- erty in it. Nothing was so natural as to apply this notion, when once iixed, to the possession of private land as distinct from the ownership ; and, accordingly, the same technical terms were applied to the possession of private land. Various applica- tions of the word possessio, with reference to pri- vate land, appear in the Roman law, in the bonorum possessio ol the praetorian heres and others. But all the uses of the word possessio, as applied to ager privatus, however they may differ in other respects, agreed in this : they denoted an actual exclusive right to the enjoyment of a thing, without the strict Roman (Unuitarian) ownership. 3. The word possessio, which originally signified the right of the possessor, was in time used to sig- nify the object of the right. Thus aser signified a piece of land, viewed as an object of Cluiritarian ownership; possessio, apiece of land, in which a man had only a bonitarian or beneficial interest, as, for instance, Italic land not transferred by mancipatio, or land which from its nature could not be the sub- ject of Cluiritarian ownership, as provincial lands and the old ager publicus. Possessio accordingly implies usvs ; ager implies proprietas or ownership. This explanation of the terms ager and possessio is from a jurist of the imperial times, quoted by Sa- vigny ;' but its value for the purpose of the present inquiry is not on that account the less. The ager publicus, and all the old notions attached to it, as already observed, hardly occur in the extant Roman jurists ; but the name possessio, as applied to pri- vate land, and the legal notions attached to it, are of frequent occurrence. The form of the interdict — uti possidetis — as it appears in the Digest, is this : Uti eas :?/end., 8. v.) — 9. (Deraosth., ailv. Androt., c. 8, p. Ml -1'.. (Demosth., adv. Conon.,c. 5, p. 1261.)— 11. (Dcmosth., ddv r-erg., c. 3, p. 1141; o 11, p. 1151.) 4fl AIMATITES. ceived, and the judges determined on the justice ol the claim.' AlKLON (uIkXov, alK'Kov, or uIkvov, alKvov\^ ia said by Polerao' to be a Doric word ; its derivatives. iiraliiXa and luoalKXiai, were used only by the Do- rians. Modern writers differ greatly respecting its meaning; but, from an examination of the passages in which it occurs, it appears to be used in two sen- ses : I. A meal in general. Thus Alcraan uses ovva- UXiai for avvSei'miLa.* II. The chief dish or course in a meal. The dessert or after-course was called eTvainTiov.' The uIkIov among the Spartans was composed of the contributions which every one who came to the public banquets {H {ulifia, or uAt/iof Tpo^Tl), (from a, negative, and Ai/iof, '^ hunger"), a refreshment used by Epimenides, Pythagoras, and other philosophers. Plato states, in Ms Dialogue on Laws, that the uk^jxa of Epimenides was composed of mallows and asphodel. Suidas explains it as a plant which grew near the sea (probably the sea- leek), which was the chief ingredient in the fdp/ia- Kov 'EirifieviSiov, and was thought to promote long life. Hesychius interprets u^diScXof by uM/in^. PUny states that some said that alimon was called asphodelos by Hesiod, which he thinks an error ; but that the name alimon was applied by some to a dense white shrab, without thorns, the leaves of which resembled those of the olive, but were softer, and were used for food; and by others to a potherb which grew by the sea, "whence," says Pliny, "its name," confounding iXi/jof, from a and A(/i6f, with ali/iof from S/lf.' The name appears generally to signify a medicinal preparation of equal weights of several herbs, pounded and made into a paste with honey. A similar preparation for quenching thirst (udiTpo; Tpo^r'i) was used by Pythagoras. ALIMENTA'RII PUERI ET PUELLiE. In the Roman republic, the poorer citizens were assist- ed by public distributions of com, oil, and money, which were called congiaria. These distributions were not made at stated periods, nor to any but grown-up inhabitants of Rome. The Emperor Ner- va was the first who extended them to children, and Trajan appointed them to be made every month, both to orphans and to the children of poor parents. These children were cSLWeipuerielpuelliealimentarii, and also (from the emperor) pueri pueUeeque Vlpiani; and the officers who administered the institution were called cpiastores pecunia alimeniariie, qucestmes alimentwum, procuratores alimenterum, or pi'cefecti dlimentorum. The fragments of an interesting record of an in- stitution of this kind by Trajan have been fotmd ai Velleia, near Placentia, from which we learn the sums which were thus distributed. The money was raised in this case by lending out a sum on interest at five per cent., from the treasury of the town, on the security of lands and houses, A simi- lar institution was founded by the younger Pliny at Comum.' Trajan's benevolent plans were carried on upon a larger scale by Hadrian and the Anto- nines. Under Commodus and Pertinax the distri- bution ceased. In the reign of Alexander Severus, we again meet with alimentarii pueri and puellse, who were called Mammeeani, in honour of the em- peror's mother. We learn, from a decree of Ha- drian,' that boys enjoyed the benefits of this insti- tution up to their eighteenth, and girls up to their 1. (PUn., H. N., rriii., 11, 29.)— 2. (H. N., Txii , 24, 61 \ 25, 61, 66 ; :crri., 7, 18 ,■ rrriii., 17, 67.)— S. (H. N., iviii., 11, 29.)^t. (PUn., H. N., xivi., 8, 28.)— 5 (PUn., H. N., iiu., 22, 33.) — 6. (PUn., Epist., vii., 18 ; i., 8 ; and the inscription va Oreffi, 1172.)- 7. (ITlp., in Dig. 34, tit. 1, s. 14.) 43 ALLIUM. ALOE. "ourteenth year; and, from an inscription,' that a boy four years and seven months old received nine times the ordinary monthly distribution of com." ALIP'T^L (aXelTTTat), among the Greeks, were persons who anointed the bodies of the athletae preparatory to their entering the palaistra. The chief object of this anointing was to close the pores of the body, in order to prevent much perspiration, and the weakness consequent thereon. To effect this obj 3Ct, the oil was not simply spread over the surface of the body, but also well rubbed into the skin." The oil was mixed with fine African sand, several jars full of which were found in the baths of Titus, and one of these is now in the British Museum. This preparatory anointing was called i; vapaaicevaaTLiiTj TpiijiiQ. The athleta was again anointed after the contest, in order to restore the tone of the strained muscles : this anointing was called 7) uTrodepavELa. He then bathed, and had the dust, sweat, and oil scraped off his body, by means of an instrument similar to the strigil of the Romans, and called ar'Xeyyi^, and afterward ivarpa. The aliptse took advantage of the knowledge they necessarily acquired of the state of the muscles of the athletEE, and their general strength or weakness of body, to advise them as to their exercises and mode of life. They were thus a kind of medical trainers, laTpaXelnTaL* Sometimes they even su- perintended their exercises, as in the case of Mile- sias.* Among the Romans, the alipt^e were slaves, who scrubbed and anointed their masters in the baths. They, too, like the Greek iikeliKTai, appear to have attended to their masters' constitution and mode of life.' They were also called unctores. They used in their operations a kind of scraper called strigil, towels (lintea), a cruise of oil {gutlus), which was usually of horn, a bottle {yid. Ampdlla), and a anall vessel called feTrficofa. (Fiiv). an action brought in the Athenian courts against an in- dividual who had procured the abortion of a msl° 1. (Cic, pro Cluent.,26.)— 3. (Cic, ail Att., i., 16.)— 3. (Cic in Vatin., 15.)— 4. (Cie., ad Att.. i., 16.)— 5. (Cic, pro Cn' Plane, 15.)— 6. (Suet., Jul., 41 )— 7. (Diu. 48, tit 14 1--8. (Si gonius, De Antique Jure Pop. Rom., p. 545.) AMENTUM. !hild by means of a potion {ifi6lu8pidiov). The loss )f a speech of Lysias on this subject has deprived as of the opinions of the Athenians on this crime, [t does not appear, however, to have been looked upon as a capital offence.' Among the Romans, this crime (^partus aiactio, or abmrtus procwratio) seems to have been originally un- noticed by the laws. Cicero relates that, when he was in Asia, a woman who had procured the abor- tion of her offspring was punished with death;'' but this does not appear to have been in accordance with the Roman law. Under the emperors, a wom- an who had procured the abortion of her own child was punished with exile ;= and those who gave the potion which caused the abortion were con- demned to the mines if of low rank, or were ban- ished to an island, with the loss of part of their property, if they were in respectable circumstances.* AMBRO'SIA (afiOpoaia), festivals observed in Greece in honour of Dionysus, which seem to have derived their name from the luxuries of the table, or from the indulgence of drinking. According to Tzetzes on Hesiod,' these festivals were solemnized in the month of Leneeon, during the vintage. AMBRO'SIA (,ufi6p6aia). I. The food of the gods, which conferred upon them eternal youth and im- mortality, and was brought to Jupiter by pigeons.' It was also used by the gods for anointing their body and hair;' whence we read of the ambrosial locks of Jupiter {ujiipoaiai xairai).' II. A plant, the same with the Aviirrosia maritvina? AMBUR'BIUM or AMBURBIA'LE, a sacri- fice which was performed at Rome for the purifica- tion of the city, in the same manner as the ambar- valia was intended for the purification of the coun- try. The victims were carried through the whole town, and the sacrifice was usually performed when any danger was apprehended in consequence of the appearance of prodigies, or other circumstances.'" Scaliger supposes that the amburbium and ambar- valia were the same, but their difference is expressly asserted by Servius" and Vopiscus {amburUum cele- hratnTii, amharvalia pr&missci)}'^ AME'AIOr AIKH {a/ieXiov SUrj), an action men- tioned by Hesychius, which appears to have been brought by a landlord against his tenant, for the same reason as the ayeapyiov dUr) : at least we have no information of the difference betwee^i them, though it is probable that some existed. {Vid. ArEapnoT aikh.) AMEN'TUM, a leathern thong, either applied for fastening the sandal to the foot, or tied to the middle of the spear, to assist in throwing it. The thong of the sandal is more frequently called corrigia, ligula, or lorum ; so that amentum is com- monly employed in the latter of the two significa- tions above expressed : e. g., " Intendunt acres anus, a-nuniaque Uyrquent."^^ " AmeiUum digitis iende prioribus, Et Misjaculum dirige viribus."^* We are not informed how the amentum added to the effect of throwing the lance ; perhaps it was by giving it rotation, and hence a greater degree of steadiness and directness in its flight, as in the case of a ball shot from a rifle-gun. This supposition both suits the expressions relative to the insertion of the fingers, and accounts for the frequent use of the verb torquere, to whirl or twist, in connexion with this subject. Compare the above-cited passage of Virgil with such as the following: Ameiitatas hastas torqucHt."^^ AMETHYSTUS. " Jnserit amenio digitas, tiec phira locutnis Injuvenem lorsit jacuMm."^ In the annexed figure, taken from Sir "W. Hamil- ton's Etmscan Vases,' the amentum seems to be attached to the spear at the centre of gravity, a little above the middle. I. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 310.)— 2. (Pro Cluent., c. 11.)— 3. (Dig. 47, tit. 11, s. 4 ; 48, tit. 8, s. 8 ; tit. 19, s. 30.)^. (Dij. 48, tit. 19, s. 38, 4 5.)— 5. (Op. et D., v., 504.)— 6. (Od., v., 93 ; lii., 63.)— 7. (II., xiv., 170.)— 8. (□., i., 529.)— 9. (Dioscor., iii., 118.)— 10. (Obseq., De Prodij., c. 43.— Apul., Metamorph., iii., ab init., p. 49, Bipont. — Lucan, i., 593.) — II. (In Vir^., Ecloj. iii., 77,)— 12. (Aurel., c. 20.)— 13. (Virg., JEvi., ix., 665.) —14. (Senec , Hippnl , ii.)— 15. (Cic, De Orat., i., 57.) ♦AMETHYST'US (a/iiBvaTov or -of), the Ame- thyst, a precious stone of a purple or violet colour in different degrees of deepness. In modem min- eralog3', the name has been applied to two precious stones of essentially different natures: 1. the Ori- ental amethyst, which is a rare variety of adaman- tine spar or corundum; and, 3. the Occidental or common amethyst.' The ancients, on the other hand, reckoned five species, differing in degrees of colour. Their Indian amethyst, to which Pliny assigns the first rank among purple or violet-col- oured gems, appears to have been our Oriental spe- cies, which is nothing more than a violet-coloured sapphire. " Those amethysts, again, which Pliny describes as easily engraved (scalpturis faciks), may have been the violet-coloured fluor spar, now called false amethyst ; and the variety of quartz which is now commonly styled amethyst, is well described by the Roman writer as that fifth kind, which ap- proaches crystal, the purple vanishing and fading into white. Some mineralogists think that the amethyst of the ancients was what we call garnet ; but there seems little in its description resembling the garnet, except that one kind of it approached the hyacinth in colour, as Pliny and Epiphanius ob- serve ; that is, had a very strong shade of red ; and so, sometimes, has our amethyst. We see our ame ■ thyst, indeed, plainly indicated in one of the reasons assigned by Pliny for its name, that it does not reach the colour of wine (u, priv., axii/ii6v, "wine"), but first fades into violet. He afterward suggests another, which is the more common derivation, saying that the Magi falsely asserted that these gems were preservative against intoxication (d, priv., and fiedva, " to intoxicate"). Theophrastus twice mentions the amethyst {afii6vaT0v),hnt not in such a way as to determine it ; classing it in one place with crystal, as diaphanous, and afterward observing that it is wine-coloured.* 1. (Ovid, Met,, xii., 321.)— 2. (iii., pi. 33.)— 3, (F«e in Plin. xxxvii., 9.) — 4. (Moore's Anc. Mineral., p, 168. — De Last de Gemm., i., 5.) 47 AMMI. AMPHICTYONS. »AM'IA, a fish of the timny species, the same with the Scomber amia, in Italian, Leccia. Schweig- Laeuser' says its French name is boniUm. Rondo- let mentions that he had seen individuals which measured three and a half feet in length. Its head was the part most esteemed by the bon vivants of Greece and Rome. The etymologist remarks that it is gregarious, and hence its name, from ujia, " to- gether," and Uvai, " to go." "The Amia is the same as the TpuKTjjf of iElian,^ the VXavK.o( of Aristotle,^ Oppian, and Athenasus, and the Glaucus of Ovid and others.' *AMIANTH'US {u/iiavTOi), a variety of Asbes- tus, called in French Almm de Plwme. It consists principally, according to Chevenix, of silex, mag- nesia, lime, and alumine, and from it was formed the celebrated Linum asbestinwm, or Asbestos-Unen. Napkins and other articles made of this were, when soiled, thrown into the iire, and cleansed by this process as others are by washing. Hence the name Amianthus given to the species in question, signify- ing pure, undeJUed (from a, priv., and fuavroc, " de- fied"), because, being indestructible in any ordinary fire, it was restored to its original purity and white- ness simply by casting it into the flames. Where amianthus occurs, as it does in many countries, with fibres sufficiently long and flexible for that purpose, it is often now, as anciently it was, spun and woven into cloth; and has in modem times been successfully manufactured into paper, gloves, purses, ribands, girdles, and many other things. The natives of Greenland even use it for the wicks of lamps, as the ancients also did.' AMIC'TUS, dim. AMIC'ULUM. The verb amicire is commonly opposed to vnduere, the former being applied to the putting on of the outer garment, the pallium, laena, or toga {ijiaTwv, (jiupoc) ; the latter, to the putting on of the inner garment, the tunic (;i;irtjv). Gmco pallio amictus.^ Vclis amictos, rum togis.'' In consequence of this distinction, the verbal noims amicttis and indutus, 3Ven without any farther denomination of the dress ■jeing added, indicate respectively the outer and the inner clothing.' The Ass says, in Apuleius,' Deam, Sirica conieclam amiculo, mvii gerendam imponunt, meaning, " They place on me the goddess, covered with a small silken scarf." The same author says that the priests of the Egyptians used linen indului et amictui ; i. e., both for their iimer and outer clothing. In CJreek, amicire is expressed by a/iipiivmaBai, afi—exi 7dac, km^aXXtudaL, -KepLBaXkiadai : and indu- ere by hSvvecv. Hence came ufi-rrexovi], kTrl6?.7jfia and eTTiOoXaLov, TrspWXjjfia and rrepi6dXatov, an outer garment, a sheet, a shawl ; and hiv/ia, an inner garment, a tunic, a shirt. When Socrates was about to die, his friend ApoUodorus brought him both the inner and the outer garment, each being of great excellence and value, in order that he might put them on before drinking the hemlock : ^finv kvdvvja avrov rov xt-Tijva, Kal ^ocfidrtov 7rept6aA/l6- iiEvov, elra ovtq ■kleIv rb ^apfiaKov}^ AMMA {u-iiiia), a Greek measure of length, equal to forty %fixei-^ (cubits), or sixty TriitSef (feet) ; that is, twenty yards 8-1 inches English. It was used in measuring land." ♦AMMI, a plant, the same, according to Sprengel, with the Ammi Coplicum. Matthiolus and Dodonaj- iis, who give drawings of it, seem to point to the same plant, namely, Bishop's-weed. It must not be 1. (in Athen., vii., 6.)— 2. (N. A., i., 5.)— 3. (Ariatot., H. A., II., 17 ; viii., 13.)^1. (OvU, Hal., 117.— PUn., II. N., xxxii, II. -Adams, Append., s. v.) — 5. (Dioscor., v., 155. — Plin., II. N., lix., 4. — De Lact, de Gemm., ii., 8. — Mnuro's Anc. Mineral., p. 112.)— 6, (Plin., Ep. iv., 11.)— 7. (Cic. in Cat., ii., 10.)— 8. (V«. Tlbull., 1., 9, 13.— Nop., Cimon., iv., 2.— Id.,Dnt., iii., 2. -Vir^., iEn., iii., 545; v., 421, comparod with Apol. Khod., ii., 30. — Val. Max. v., 2, compared with JElian, V. it., iv., 5.) — 9. (Mot. viii.l— 10. (.Elian, v. H., i., 16.)— 11. (Hero, de Mensuris.) 48 confounded, however, with the plant called Bishop'*, weed in Scotland, which is the ^gopodium podih graria?- »AMMODTTES (a/iftodvTrig), a species of ser- pent, which Aetius describes as being a cubit ir length, and of a sand colour, with black spots, Matthiolus, in his commentary on Dioscorides, de termines it to have been a species of viper. It wa most probably, then, only a variety of the exig, oi Cohiier amvwdytes. This is the serpent known by the name of the Homed viper of Illyricum; its. venom is active. In the Latin translation of Avi- cenna it is called Amindaius and Cmilanis, which are corruptions of Ammodyles and Coluber.' ♦AMMONI'ACUM {a/i/iovtaKov), Gum Ammoniac. Even at the present day it is not weU ascertained what species of Ferula it is which produces this gum. Dioscorides gives it the name of a.yaao?Mg. The aft/j.oviaKdv 'Sviiia/za was the finest kind of it, and was so called because used as a perfume in sacred rites. ^ The aXr 'AfifiovtaKog, or Sal Ammoni- ac, was a Fossil salt, procured from the district of Africa adjoining the temple of Jupiter Ammon. It therefore was totally different from the Sal Ammoniac of the modems, which is Hydroddorus Ammonite* ♦AMPELI'TIS (,afiKe/uri( y^), a Bituminous Earth, found near Seleucla in Syria. It was black, and resembled small pine charcoal ; and when rubbed to powder, wcruld dissolve in a little oil poured upon it. Its name was derived from its being used to anoint the vine (a/i;reAof), and preserve it from the attack of worms.' ♦AMPELO'PRASUM (aamXcmpaaov), the Allium Ampeloprasum, or Dog-leek, called in French Porree de ckien.^ ♦AM'PELOS. (Vid. ViTis.) »AMO'MUM. (Vid. AMBIVION, page 55.) AMPHIARATA (a/j^iapdla'), games celebrated in honour of the ancient hero Amphiaraus, in the neighbourhood of Oropus, where he had a temple with a celebrated oracle.' AMPHICTYONS. Institutions called Am- phictyonic appear to have existed in Greece from time immemorial. Of their nature and object his- toiy gives us only a general idea; but we may saiel}- believe them to have been associations of originally neighbouring tribes, formed for the regu- lation of mutual intercourse and the pp.'tection of a common temple or sanctuary, at which the repre- sentatives of the different members met, both to transact business, and celebrate religious rites and games. This identity of religion, coupled with near neighbourhood, and that, too, in ages of remote antiquity, implies, in all probability, a certain degree of affinity, which might of itself produce unions and confederacies among tribes so situated, regarding each other as members of the same great family. They would thus preserve aniong themselves, and transmit to their children, a spirit of nationality and brotherhood; nor could any better means be de- vised than the bond of a common religious worship, to counteract the hostile interests which, sooner or later, spring up in all large societies. The causes and motives from which we might expect such in- stitutions to arise eixisted in every neighbourhood ; and, accordingly, we find many Amphictyonies of various degrees of importance, though our informa- tion respecting them is very deficient. Thus we leam from Strabo tha^ there was one of some celebrity, whose place of meeting was a sanctuary of Poseidon,' at Calauria, an ancient set- tlement of the lonians in the Saronlc Gulf. The 1. (Dioscor., iii., 63. — Galen, de Simp!., v. — Adams, Append., s. V.)— 2. (Adams, Append., s. v.) — 3. (Matthiolus in Dioscor., iii., 87. — Paul, .^gin., vii., 3. — Needham in Geopon., xiii., II.) — 4. (Adams, Append, s. v.) — 5. (Dioscor., v., 138. — Moore'l Anc. Mineral., p. 73.) — 6. (Dioscor., ii., 178.) — 7. (Schol. il Pind., OljTnp. vii., 154.) — 8. (MuUer, Dorians, b. ii., c. 10, s. 5 —Strabo, viii. ,6.) A.MPHICTYONS. original members were Epidaurus, HermsBum, Nauplia, Prasise in Laconia, ^gina, Athens, and the BcEotian Orchomenus,' whose remoteness from each other makes it difficult to conceive what could have been the motives for forming the confedera- tion, more especially as religious causes seem pre- cluded, by the fact that Trcezen^ though so near to Calauria, and though Poseidon was its tutelary god, was not a member. In after times, Argos and Sparta took the place of Nauplia and Prasise, and religious ceremonies were the sole object of the meetings of the association. There also seems to have been another in Argolis,^ distinct from that of Calauria, the place of congress being the 'Hpalov, or temple of Hera. Delos,^ too, was the centre of an Amphictyony — the religious metropolis, or 'lf Macedon should be requested to help Apollo and the Amphictyons, and was thereby constituted abso- lute general of the Amphictyons. He accepted the office, and soon reduced the offending city to sub- jection. From the oath and the decrees, we see that the main duty of the deputies was the preservation of the rights and dignity of the temple at Delphi. We know, too, that after it was burned down (B.C. 548), they contracted with the AlcmEeonidae for the rebuilding ;= and Athenseus (B.C. 160) informs us,* that in other matters connected with the worship of the Delphian god, they condescended to the regula- tion of the minutest trifles. History, moreover, teaches that, if the council produced any palpable effects, it was from their interest in Delphi; and though it kept up a standing record of what ought to have been the iatemational law of Greece, it sometimes acquiesced in, and at other times was a party to, the most iniquitous and cruel acts. Of this the case of Crissa is an instance. This town lay on the Gulf of Corinth, near Delphi, and was much frequented by pilgrims from the West.' The Crisseeans were charged by the Delphians with un- due exactions from these strangers. The council declared war against them, as guilty of a wrong against the god. The war lasted ten years, till, at the suggestion of Solon, the waters of the Pleistus were turned off, then poisoned, and turned again into the city. The besieged drank their fill, and Crissa was soon razed to the ground; and thus, if it were an Amphict5'onic city, was a solemn oath doubly violated. Its territory — the rich Cirrhasan plain — was consecrated to the god, and curses im- precated upon whomsoever should till or dwell in it. Thus ended the First Sacred War (B.C. 585), in which the Athenians were the instruments of Del- phian vengeance.' The Second, or Phocian War (B.C. 350), was the most important in which the Amphictyons were concerned;' and in this the Thebans availed themselves of the sanction of the council to take vengeance on their enemies, the Phocians. To do this, however, it was necessary to call in Philip of Macedon, who readily proclaim- ed himself the champion of Apollo, as it opened a pathway to his own ambition. The Phocians were subdued (B.C. 346), and the council decreed that all their cities, except Abse, should be razed, and the in- habitants dispersed in villages not containing more than fifty inhabitants. Their two votes were given to Philip, who thereby gained a pretext for inter- fering with the affairs of Greece, and also obtained the recognition of his subjects as Hellenes. To the causes of the Third Sacred War, allusion has been made in the decrees quoted by Demosthenes. The Amphissians tilled the devoted Cirrhsean plain, and behaved, as Strabo' says, worse than the Crisseeans of old (x^ipov(: fiaav irtpl rove fevoDf). Their sub- mission to Philip was immediately followed by the 1. (jEech., do F. L., 121.)— S. (Domosth., do Cor., 196, Beklier.) —3. {Herod., ii., 180.) — 4. (iv., 173, 'O Twv'AinPiKTviviav vifios Kc^l6tiiv ^iwp Traaixitv IXcoSCra^' This seems to refer to the Delians only.) — 5. (.Machines, c. Ctes, 125, gives tlie whole his- tory. In early times, Crissa and tlio temple were (iiic state. — Mflller, Dorians.)^6. (Pans., x., V, s. 4.)— 7. (Thirlwall, Hist. «' Ureeee, voL v., p. 2JV372.)— fi. (ii., 3 ) SO AMPHICTYONS. battle of Chaeronea (B.C. 338), and the extinction of the independence of Greece. In the following year a congress of the Amphictyonic states was held, in which war was declared as if by united Greece against Persia, and Philip elected com- mander-in-chief. On this occasion the Amphic:yons assumed the character of national representatives as of old,' when they set a price upon the head of Ephialtes for his treason to Greece at Thermopylas. We have sufficiently shown that the Amphictyons themselves did not observe the oaths they took ; and that they did not much alleviate the horrors of war, or enforce what they had sworn to do, is proved by many instances. Thus, for instance, Mycenee wa.'* destroyed by Argos (B.C. 535), Thespise and Platsea by Thebes, and Thebes herself swept from the lace of the earth by Alexander {ex /liaK I'^f 'EUuSoi avripwaaBTi).^ Indeed, we may infer from Thucyd- ides,^ that a few years before the Peloponnesian war, the council was a passive spectator of what he calls 6 Upog KoTisfio^, when the Lacedaemonians made an expedition to Delphi, and put the temple into the hands of the Delphians, the Athenians, after their departure, restoring it to the Phocians ; and yet the council is not mentioned as interfering. It will not be profitable to pursue its history farther; it need only be remarked, that Augustus wished his new city, Nicopolis (A.D. 31), to be enrolled among the members ; and that Pausanias, in the second century of our era, mentions it as still existing, but deprived of all power and influence. In fact, even Demos- thenes* spoke of it as the shadow at Delphi.' After these remarks, we may consider two points of some interest ; and, first, the etymology of the word Amphictyon. We are told' that Theopompus thought it derived from the name of Amphictyon, a prince of Thessaly, and the supposed author of the institution. Others, as Anaximenes of Lampsacus, connected it with the word a/iiKTiovcc, or neigh- bours. Very few, if any, modem scholars, doubt that the latter view is correct ; and that Amphictyon, with Hellen, Doras, Ion, Xuthus, Thessalus, Laris- sa the daughter of Pelasgus, and others, are not historical, but mythic personages — the representa- tives, or poetic "personifications, of their alleged foundations or offspring. As for Amphictyon,' it is too marvellous a coincidence that his name should be significant of the institution itself; and, as he was the son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, it is difficult to guess of whom his councU consisted. True it is that he also appears in Athenian history ;» but very little is said of him ; and the company he keeps there, though kingly, is far from historical. Besides, though Herodotus' and Thucydides" had the oppor- ttmity, they yet make no mention of him. We may conclude, therefore, that the word should be written amphictiony, from afifiKnovcg, or those that dwell aroimd some particular locality." The next question is one of greater difficulty ; it is this : Where did the association originate 1 were its meetings first held at Delphi or at Thermopylae 1 There seems to us a greater amount of evidence in favour of the latter. In proof of this, we may state the preponderance of Thessalian tribes from the neignboiu-hood of the Maliac Bay, and the compara- tive insignificance of many of them ; the assigned birthplace and residence of the mythic Amphictyon, the names Pylagorse and Pytea. " Besides, we know that Thessaly was the theatre and origin of many of the most important events cf early Greek his- toiy, whereas it was only in later times, and after the Dorian conquest of Peloponnestis, that Delphi 1. (Herodotus, vii., 214, spealts of the Amphictyons as oi tu» 'EXAiiKuv IluXaydpoi.)— 2. (^srhm., c. Ctes.)— 3. (i.,112.)— 4 (De Pace.) — 5. (ii Iv A€^iTrpvfivoi. vfjeg), also called AIIIPQPOI, ships in which the poop and the prow were so much alike as to be appUeable to the same use. A ship of this construction might be considered as having either two poops or two prows. It is supposed to have been convenient in circum- stances where the head of the ship could not be turned about with sufiicient celerity.' *AMPHISBj5E'NA (d/^^irfaiua), sometimes called the Double-headed Serpent. Buifon says of it, that it can move along with either the head or the tail foremost, whence it had been thought to have two heads. Avicenna says, that it is of equal thickness from head to tail, and that from this appearance it had been supposed to have two heads. Schneider states, that Linnasus' describes a serpent which agrees very well with the ancient accounts of tne amphisbEena ; its tail is obtuse, and as thick as its body, and it moves along either forward or back- ward;' but, according to Dr. Trail, it is an Amer- ican species. The amphisbffina was probably a variety of the Anguis fragilis, L., or Blind Worm. The Aberdeen serpent of Pennant, of which mention is made in Linnsus's correspondence with Dr. David Skene of Aberdeen, is a variety of the Ang-uu fragilis. Linnaeus denies that the amphisbsena is venomous, but many authors, even of modem times, are of a contrary opinion.' AMPHITHEA'TRUM was a place for the exhibition of public shows of combatants and -nild beasts, entirely surrounded by seats for the specta- tors ; whereas, in those for dramatic performances, the seats were arranged in a semicircle facing the stage. It is, therefore, frequently described as a double theatre, consisting of two such semicircles, or halves, joined together, the spaces allotted to their orchestras becoming the inner enclosure or area, termed the arena. The form, however, of the ancient amphitheatres was not a circle, but invari- ably an ellipse, although the circular form appears best adapted for the convenience of the spectators. The first amphitheatre appears to have been thai Of M. Curio, of which a description has been given by Pliny." It consisted of two wooden theatres made to revolve on pivots, in such a manner that they could, by means of windlasses and machinery, be turned round face to face, so as to form one building. Gladiatorial shows were first exhibited in the forum, and combats of wild beasts in the cirsus ; and it appears that the ancient custom was still preserved till the dictatorship of Julius Caesar, who 1. (Isajus, de Pyrrhi Hsred., p. 34, s. 30, Bckker.)— 2. (Ly- sistr., 758.)— 3. (Hesych.— Aristoph., At., 923.)— 4. (Hesycb.— Suid.)— 5. (Tiii., 10.)— 6. (Scheffer, De Militia Navali,!!., c. 5, p. 143.) — 7. (Amtenit. Academ., vol. i., p. 295.) — 8. (Schneider in .ail., N. A., ix., 23.)— 9. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 10. (H N., nxvi., 24, 5 8.) 51 AMPHITHEATRUM. AMPHITHEATRUM. bui].t a, wooden theatre in the Campus Martins, for the purpose of exhibiting hunts of wild beasts," " wmch was called amphitheatre because it was surrounded by seats wimout a scene."" Most of the early amphitheatres were merely temporary, and made of wood ; such as the one built by Nero at Rome," and that erected by Atilius at Fidenas during the reign of Tiberius, which gave way while the games were being performed, and killed or in- jured 50,000 persons.* The first stone amphitheatre was built by Statili- os Taurus,- at the desire of Augustus.'^ This build- ing, which stood in the Campus Martius, near the circus called Agonale, was destroyed by fire in the reign of Nero ;' and it has, therefore, been supposed that only the external walls were of stone, and that the seats and other parts of the interior were of tim- ber. A second amphitheatre was commenced by Caligula; but by far the most celebrated of all was the Flavian amphitheatre, afterward called the Colisaeum, which was begun by Vespasian, and finished by his son Titus, who dedicated it A.D. 80, on which occasion, according to Eutropius, 5000, and according to Dion, 9000, beasts were destroyed.' This immense edifice, which is even yet compar- atively entire, was capable of containing about 87,000 spectators, and originally stood nearly in the centre of the city, on the spot previously occupied l;y the lake or large pond attached to Nero's pal- ace,' and at no very great distance' from the Baths of Titus. It covers altogether about five acres of ground ; and the transverse, or longer diameter of the external ellipse, is 615 feet, and the conjugate, or shorter one, 510 ; while those of the interior ellipse, or arena, are 281 and 176 feet respectively. Where it is perfect, the exterior is 160 feet high, and consists of four orders, viz., Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian, in attached three-quarter columns (that is, columns one fourth of whose circumference ap- pears to be buried in the wall behind them), and an upper order of Corinthian pilasters. With the ex- ceptiou of the last, each of these tiers consists of eighty columns, and as many arches between them, forming open galleries throughout the whole cir- cumference of the building ; but the fourth has windows instead of large arches, and those are placed only in the alternate inter-columns, conse- quently, are only forty in number ; and this upper portion of the elevation has, both on that account and owing to the comparative smallness of the, apertures themselves, an expression of greater solidity than that below. The arches formed open external galleries, with others behind them ; besides, which, there were several other galleries and passa- ges, extending beneath the seats for the specta- tors, and, together with staircases, affording access to the latter. At present, the seats do not rise, higher than the level of the third order of the exte- rior, or about half its entire height ; therefore, the upper part of the edifice appears to have contributed very little, if at all, to its actual capacity for ac- commodating spectators. Still, though it has never been explained, except by conjecturing that there were upper tiers of seats and galleries (although no •emains of them now exist), we must suppose that (here existed some yery sufficient reason for incur- ring such enormous expense, and such prodigal waste of material and labour beyond what utility seems to have demanded. This excess of height, so much greater than was necessary, was perhaps, in some measure,, with the view that, when the building was covered in with a temporary roofing or awning (velarimn), as a defence against the sun or rain, it should seem well proportioned as to I. (StnrpSn KuvriYcnudv.)—!!. (Dion., xliii., 22.)— 3. (Suet., Ner., 0.12 Tacit., And., liii., 31.)— 4. (Tacit., Ann., iv., 62.— Suet., Tib., c. 40.)— 5. (Suet., Ocfav., c. 29.— Dion., li., 23,)— 6. (Dion., liii., 18.)— 7. (Suet., Vesp., 9.— Id,, Tit., 7.— Ett- trop., vii., 21.— Dion., Ixvi., 25,)— 8. (Suet., Ner., 31.) height; and also, perhaps, in order to allow thosi who worked the ropes and other mechanism by which the velarium was unrc^ed or dra^Ti back again, lo perform those operations without incom- moding the spectators on the highest seats. With regard to the velarium itself, nothing at all conclusive and satisfactory can now be gathered ; and it has occasioned considerable dispute among the learned, how any temporary covering could be extended over the whole of the buildiug. Some have imagined tjiat the velarium extended only over part of the building; but, independent of other objections, it is ditficult to conceive how such an extensive surface cquld have been supported along the extent of its inner edge or circumterence. The only thing which affords any evidence as to the mode in which the velarium was fixed, is a series of projecting brackets, or corbels, in the uppermost story of the exterior, containing holes or sockets, to receive the ends of poles passing through holes in the projection of the cornice, and to which ropes from the velarium were fixed ; but the whole of the upper part of the interior is now so dismantled as to render it impossible to decide with certainty in what manner the velarium was fixed. The velari- um appears usually to have been made of wool, but more costly materials were sometimes employed. When the weather did not permit the velarium to be spread, the Romans used broad-brimmed hats or caps, or a sort of parasol, which was called umbreU la, from wmhra, shade.' Many other amphitheatres might be enumerated, such as those of Verona, Nismes, Catania, Pom- peii, &c. ; but, as they are all nearly similar in form, it is only necessary to describe certain par- ticulars, so as to afford a tolerably correct idea of the respective parts of each. The interior of the amphitheatre was divided into three parts, the arena, podium, and gradus. The clear open space in the centre of the amphitheatre was called the arena, because it was coverec' with sand or sawdust, to prevent the gladiators Itom slipping, and to absorb the blood. The size cf the arena was not always the same in proportion to the size of the amphitheatre, but its average propor- tion was one third of the shorter diameter of the building. It is not quite clear whether the arena was no more than the solid ground, or whether it had an actual flooring of any kind. The latter opinion is adopted by some writers, who suppose that there must have been a souterrain, or vaults, at intervals at least, if not throughout, beneath the arena, as sometimes the animals suddenly issued apparently ftom beneath the ground ; and machinery of differ- ent kinds was raised up from below, and afterward disappeared in the same manner. That there must have been some substruction beneath the arena, in some amphitheatres at least, is evident, because the whole arena was, upon particular occasions, filled with water, and converted into a' naumachia, where vessels engaged in mimic sea-fights, or else crocodiles and other amphibious animals were made to attack each other. Nero is said to have frequently entertained the Romans with spectacleD and diversions of tMs kind, which took place imme- diately after the customary games, and were again succeeded by them ; consequently, there must have been not only an abundant supply of water, but me- chanical apparatus capable of pouring it in and draining it off again ver>' expeditiously. The arena was surrounded by a wall, distinguish- ed by the name of podinm, although such appella- tion, perhaps, rather belongs to merely the upper part of it, forming the parapet or balcony before the first or lowermost seats, nearest to the arena. The latter, therefore, was no more than an open oval court, 1. (Dion., lix., 7.— Martial, xiv., 27, 28.) AMPHITHEATR JM. AMPHITHEATRUM. surroimded by a wall about eighteen feet high, meas- uring from the ground to the top of the parapet ; a neight considered necessary, in order to render the spectators perfectly secure from the attacks of the •vild beasts. There were four principal entrances leading into the arena, two at the ends of each axis or diameter of it, to which as many passages led di- rectly from the exterior of the building ; besides sec- ondary ones, intervening between them, and commu- nicating with the corridors beneath the seats on the podivmi. The wall or enclosure of the arena is supposed (0 have been faced with marble more or less sump- tuous ; besides which, there appears to have been, in some instances at least, a sort of network affix- ed to the top of the podium, consisting of railing, or, rather, open treUis-work of metal. From the mention made of this network by'ftncient writers, little more can now be gathered respecting it than that, in the time of Nero, such netting, or whatever it might have been, was adorned with gilding and amber ; a circumstance that favours the idea of its having been gilt metal-work, with bosses and orna- ments of the other material. As a farther defence, ditches, called ewripi, sometimes surrounded the arena.' The term podium was also applied to the terrace, or gallery itself, immediately above the lower enclo- sure, and which was no wider than to be capable of containing two, or, at the most, three ranges of mova- ble seats or chairs. This, as being by far the best situation for distinctly viewing the sports in the are- na, and also more commodiously accessible than the seats higher up, was the place set apart for senators and other persons of distinction, such as the ambas- sadors of foreign parts ;' and it was here, also, that the emperor himself used to sit, in an elevated place called suggest/ws' or cuMculwm,;* and likewise the person who exhibited the games, on a place eleva- ted like a pulpit or tribunal (editoris trilnmal). The vestal virgins also appear to have had a place allot- ted to them in the podium.* Above the podium were the gradus, or seats of the other spectators, which were divided into mtsmana, or stories. The first mcenianum, consisting of four- teen rows of stone or marble seats, was appropria- ted to the equestrian order. The seats appropriated to the senators and equites were covered with cush- ions (^pidviUis), which were first used in the time of Caligula.' Then, after an interval or space, termed a preecinctio, and forming a continued landing-place tjfom the several staircases in it, succeeded the sec- ond masnianum, where were the seats called popula- ria,'' for the third class of spectators, or the popubis. Behind this was the second precinction, bounded by a rather high waU, above which was the third mas- nianum, where there were only wooden benches for the puUati, or common people." The next and last division, namely, that in the highest part of the building, consisted of a colonnade or gallery, where females were allowed to witness the spectacles of the amphitheatre,' some parts of which were also cccupied by the pullati. At the very sranmit was the narrow platform for the men who had to attend ',3 the velarium, and to expand or withdraw the awnings, as there might be occasion. Each msnia- num was not only divided from the other by the prse- cinctio, but was intersected at intervals by spaces for passages left between the seats, called sadce or scaiaria ; and the portion between two such passa- ges was called a ameus, because this space gradu- ally widened, like a wedge, from the podium to the top of the building." The entrances to the seats 1. (Plin., H. N., viii., 7.)— 2. (Suet., Octav., 44.— Jut., Sat. ii., 143, seqq.)— 3. (Saet., Jul., 76.— Plin., Panef., 51.)— 4. (Suet., Ner., 12.)— 5. (Suet., Octav., 44.)— 6. (Jut., Sat. iii., 154.— Dion., lix., 7.)- ?. (Suet., Domit., 4.)— 8. (Suet., Octav., 44.)— 9. (Suet., Octa\ , 44.)— 10. (Suet., OctaT., 44.— Jut., Sat. »i., 01.) from the outer porticoes were called vomitoria, be- cause, says Macrobius,' Hcfmines gUmwroMm ingre- dientes in sedilia se fundunt. The situation of the dens wherein the animals were kept is not very clear. It has been supposed that they were in undergrotmd vaults, near to, if noi immediately beneath, the arena; yet, admitting such to have been the case, it becomes more difficult than ever to understand how the arena could have been inundated at pleasure with water; nor was any pos- itive information obtained from the excavations made several years ago in the arena of the CoUsje- um. Probably many of the animals were kept in dens and cages within the space immediately be- neath the podium (marked d in the cut), in the in- tervals between the entrances and passages leading into the arena, and so far a very convenient sifja- tion for them, as they could have been brought im- mediately into the place of combat. There were in the amphitheatres concealed tubes, from which scented Hquids were scattered over the audience, which sometimes issued &om statues pla^ ced in differentparts of the building." Vitruvius afiords us no information whatever as to amphitheatres ; and, as other ancient writers have mentioned them only incidentally and briefly, many particulars belonging to them are now involved in obscurity. The aimexed woodcut, representing a section, not of an entire amphitheatre, but merely of the exterior wall, and the seats included between that and the arena, will serve to convey an idea of the arrange- ment of such structures in general. It is that of the Colisaeum, and is given upon the authority of Hirt; but it is in some respects conjectural, particularly in the upper part, since no traces of the upper gal- lery are now remaining. The extreme minuteness of the scale renders it impossible to point out more than the leading form and general disposition of the interior; therefore, as regards the profile of the ex- terior, merely the heights of the cornices of the dif- ferent orders are shown, with the figures 1, 2, 3, 4 placed against them respectively. EXPLANATIONS. A, The arena. p. The wall or podium enclosing it. P, The podium itself, on which were chairs oi seats for the senators, &c. M', the first mEenianum, or slope of benches, for tho equestrian order. M", The second mseniantim. M'", The third maenianum, elevated considerably above the preceding one, and appropriated to the pullati. W, The coloimade, or gallery, which contained seats for women. Z, The narrow gaUeiy round the summit of the in- 1 (Satum., -n., 4.)— 2. (Lucan, ii., 808.1 53 AMPHORA. AMPYX. terior, for the attendants who worked the vela- rium. fir, pr, The prsecinctiones, or landings, at the top of the first and second mEenianum, in the pave- ment of which were grated apertures, at inter- vals, to admit light into the vomitoria beneath them. V V V V, Vomitoria. G G G, The three external galleries through the circumference of the building, open to the arcades of the first three orders of the exterior. g g, Inner gallery. Owing to the smallness of the cut, the situation and arraneement of staircases, &c., are not express- ed, as such parts could hardly be rendered intelligi- ble except upon a greatly increased scale, and then not in a single section, nor without plans at various levels of the building. For an account of the games of the amphitheatre, see Gladiatoees. AMPHISBETE'SIS. (Vid. Hereditas.) AMPHI'STOMOS. (Viii. Ancora.) AMPHOMO'SIA. (Vid. AMPHIORKIA.) AM'PHORA (in Greek ufKjiopeic, or in the full form, as we find it in Homer, d/j^t^opeiic'), a vessel used for holding wine, oil, honey, &c. The following cut represents ampliorse from the Townley and Elgin collections in the British Mu- seum. They are of various forms and sizes ; in general they are tall and narrow, with a small neck, and a handle on each side of the neck (whence the name,, from a/iipa, to carry,) and terminating at the bottom in a point, which was let into a stand or stuck in the ground, so that the vessel stood upright: several amphorae have been found in this position in the cellars at Pompeii. Amphora were commonly made of earthenware ; Homer mentions amphorae ot gold and stone, and the Egyptians had them of brass ; gljiss vessels of this form have been found at Pompeii. The name of the maker or of the place where they were made was sometimes starnp- ed upon them ; this is the case with two in the El- gin collection, Nos. 238 and 344. The most com- mon use of the amphora, both among the Greeks and Romans, was for keeping wine. The cork was covered with pitch or gypsum, and (among the Ro- mans) a label (pittadum) was attached to the am- phora, inscribed with the names of the consuls under whom it was filled. The following cut represents the mode of filling the amphora from a wme-carl, and is taken from a painting on the wall of a house at Pompeii 1 (n.,iiiii., ro IT., IIBT.) 54 - Oil., I., 164, 204.— SoUoI. in Apoll. Rhod., The amphora was also used for keeping oil, lioa- ey, and molten gold. A remarkable discovery, made at Salona in 1825, proves that amphorse were used as coffins. They were divided in half, in the direc- tion of the length, in order to receive the remains, and the two halves were put together again, and buried in the ground ; they were found containing skeletons.' There is in the British Museum (room VI.) a vessel resembling an amphora, and containing the fine African sand which was mixed with the oil with which the athletEe rubbed their bodies. It was found, with seventy others, in the baths of Ti- tus, in the year 1772. The amphora occurs on the coins of Chios, and on some silver coins of Athens. The Greek afvpopEvg and the Roman amphora were also names of fixed measures. The au^o- peiJf, which was also called fierpriTrit and Kado;, was equal to 3 Roman umae=8 gallons 7365 pints, im- perial measure. The Roman amphora was two thirds of the afi^opcvQ, and was equal to 2 umae ^ 8 congii^S gallons 7-577 pints ; its solid content was exactly a Roman cubic foot. A model am- phora was kept in the Capitol, and dedicated to Jupiter. The size of a ship was estimated by am- phor£E ; and the produce of a vineyard was reckon- ed sometimes by the number of amphorse it yielded, and sometimes by the cideus of twenty amphorae. AMPHO'TIDES. (Vid. Pugilaths.) AMPLIA'TIO. (Vid. Judicium.) AMPUL'LA (/l^fcvSof, l3o/i6vXios), a bottle. The Romans took a bottle of oil with them to ttie bath for anointing the body after bathing. They also used bottles for holding wine or water at their meals, and occasionally for other purposes. These bottles were made either of glass or earthenware, rarely of more valuable materials. The dealer in bottles was called ampuUari'us, and part of his business was to cover them with leather {coriuni). A bottle so covered was called ampulla rvMda.' As bottles were round and swollen like a bladder, Horace metaphorically describes empty and turgid language by the same name : " Projicit ampuJlas et sesquipedalia verba."' " An tragica desami et ampitttatur in arte?"* Bottles of both glass and earthenware are pre- served in great quantities in our collections of anti- quities, and their forms are very various, though al- ways narrow-mouthed, and generally more or less approaching to globular. AMPYX, AMPYKTER, (i/z-ff, A^ttoktw), (^frtnUak), a frontal. This was a broad band or plate of metal, which ladies of rank wore above the forehead as part of 1. (Steinbiichol's Altcrthum.,p. 67.) — 2. (riaut., Rud., iii., 4, 51, nnd Stich., i., 3, 77, compared with Festus, i. v Rubida.) 3. (Ep. ad Pis., 97.)— 4. (Epist. I., iii., 14.) AMULETUM. tlie lieaddreiis.' Hence it is attributed to the female diviaifies. Artemis wears a frontal of gold ;' and the epithet xpvau/invKei is apphed by Homer, He- siod, and Pindar to the Muses, the Hours, and the Fates. From the expression rav Kvam/iirvKa Qridav ■in a fragment of Pindar, we may infer that this or- nament was sometimes made of blue steel (aiavo;) instead of gold ; and the scholiast on the above-ci- ted passage of Jiuripides asserts that it was some- times enriched with precious stones. The frmtal of a horse was called by the same name, and was occasionally made of similar rich materials. Hence, in the Iliad, the horses which draw the chariots of Juno and of Mars are called Xpvau/iKVKeg. Pindar" describes the bridle with a golden frontal (;i;/jTJ(Td/i7rv/(a ^^aXtvov), which was given to Bellerophon to curb the winged horse Peg- asus. The annexed woodcut exhibits the frontal on the head of Pegasus, taken from one of Sir William Hamilton's vases, in contrast with the correspond- ing ornament as shown on the heads of two fe- males in the same collection. Prontals were also worn by elephants.* Hesychi- js> supposes the men to have worn frontals in Lydia, rhey appear to have been worn by the Jews and other nations of the East.' AMULE'TUM {irEplaTrrov, ^eplafifia, (^vT^aKTTj' ptoi/), an amulet. This word in Arabic {Hamalef) means that which is suspended. It was probably brought by Arabian merchants, together with the articles to which it was applied, when they were imported into Europe from tne East. It first occurs in the Natural His- tory of Pliny. An amulet was any object — a stone, a plant, an aitiiicial production, or a piece of writing — which was suspended from the neck, or tied to any part of the body, for the purpose of counteracting poison, curing or preventing disease, warding off the evil eye, aiding women in childbirth, or obviating calam- ities and securing advantages of any kind. Faith in the virmes of amulets was almost univer- sal in the ancient world, so that the whole art of medicine consisted in a very considerable degree of directions for their application ; and in propor- tion to the quantity of Eunulets preserved in our col- lections of antiquities, is the frequent mention of them in ancient treatises on natural history, on the practice of medicine, and on the virtues of plants and stones. Some of the amulets in our museums are merely rough, unpolished fragments of such stones as amber, agate, camelian, and jasper; otli- ers are wrought into the shape of beetles, quadru- peds, eyes, fingers, and other members of tlie body. There can be no doubt that the selection of stones, either to be set in rings or strung together in neck- laces, was often made with reference to their repu- ted virtues as amulets. 1. (n., xrii., 468-470.— JEschyl., Sappl., 434.— Theocrit., i., 33.) — 2. {%puo-crti' a^TVKfi. Eurip., Hec, 464.) — 3. (Olymp., liji,, 92.) — 4. (Liv., xxivii., 40.)— 5, (s. v. Av5it^ N6ijib}.} — 6. fDeut., vi., 8 I li., 18.) AMOMON. The following passages m^ ext (iplify the use oi amulets in ancient times. Pliny' says, that any plant gathered from the bank of a brook or river before sunrise, provided that no one sees the person who gathers it, is considered as a remedy for tertian ague when tied (adaUigata) to the left arm, the pa- tient not knowing what it is; also, that a person may be immediately cured of the headache by the application of any plant which has grown on the head of a statue, provided it be folded in the shred of a garment, and tied to the part affected with a red string. Q,. Serenus Sammonicus, in his poem on the art of healing, describes the following charm, which was long celebrated as of the highest repute for the cure of various diseases : Write abracadabra on a slip of parchment, and repeat the word on oth- er slips, with the omission of the last letter of each preceding slip, until the initial A alone remains. The line so written will assume the form of an equilateral triangle. Tie them together, and sus- pend them from the neck of the patient by means of linen thread. According to the scholiast on Juvenal," athletes used amulets to ensure victory (niceterm phylacteria), and wore them suspended from the neck ; and we learn from Dioscondes" that the efficacy of these applications extended beyond the classes of living creatures, since selenite was not only worn by wom- en, but was also tied to trees, for the purpose of ma- king them fruitful. Consistently with these opinions, an acquaintance with the use of amulets was considered as one of the chief qualifications of nurses. If, for example, an attempt was made to poison a cliild, if it was in danger of destruction from the evil eye, or exposed to any other calamity, it was the duty of the nurse to protect it by the use of such amulets as were suited to the circvunstances.* From things hung or tied to the body, the tenr. amulet was extended to charms of other kind.s, Pliny' having observed that the cyclamen was cul- tivated in houses as a protection against poison, adds the remark, Amuletum vacant. The following epigram by Lucillius coniains a joke against an un- fortunate physician, one of whose patients, having seen him in a dream, "awoke no more, even though he wore an amulet:" 'Ep/ioyEVTj Tov larpov i6uv Ai6 ^ttvol^ OvK £r' dvTjyipdTj, Kal Treplafifia (pipuv. ♦AMYG'DALUS (vfivySal^), the Almonu-tree, or Amygdahis communis. The Almond-tree is a na- tive of Barbary, whence it had not been transferred into Italy down to the time of Cato. It has, hov/- e ver, been so long cultivated all over the south of Eu- rope, and the temperate parts of Asia, as to have become, as it were, naturalized in the whole of the Old World from Madrid to Canton. For some re- marks on the Amygdaias Persica, or Peach, vid. Persica.' ♦AMB'MON {auo/iov), a plant, and perfume, with regard to which both commentators and botanical writers are very much divided in opinion. Scaliger and Cordus make it the Rose of Jericho (Rosa Hie- ridvimtica of Bauhin; Anastatica hierichuntica of Lin- nasus ; Bwrdas Syriaca of Gartner) ; Gesner takes it for the Pepper of the gardens (the Solanum baccijerum of Toumefort ); Csesalpinus is in favour of the Piprn- Cnbeba; and Plukenet and Sprengel, with others, of the Cissus vitiginea. The most probable opinion is that advanced by Fee, who makes the plant in ques- tion the same with our Amomum racemosum. The Romans obtained their amomum from Syria, and it came into the latter coimtry by the overland trade from India.' It is said to have been used by the Eastern nations for embalming ; and from this word 1. (H. N., ixiT^ 19.)— 2. (iii., 68.)— 3. (Lib. v.)— 4. (Horn., Hymn, in Cer., 227.— Orph., Lith., 222.)— 5. 'Plin., H. N., xxv., 9.)— 6. (Dioscor., i., 176.)— 7. (Fie, Flore rte Virrile, p. 16.) 55 ANACRISIS. ANAGYRIS some kave derived, though by no means correctly, the term Trmmmy. The taste of the grains of amo- mum is represented by Charras as tart, fragrant, very aromatic, and remaining a good while in the mouth.' The name amomv/m, is supposed to come from the Arabic hliam&ma, the ancient Arabians having been the first who made this aromatic known to the Greeks. The root of the Arabic term has reference to the warm taste peculiar to spices. The cardamums, grains of Paradise, and mellagetta pep- per of the shops, a class of highly aromatic pungent seeds, are produced by different species of amomum, as botanists now employ the term." ANA'BOLEUS (,ava6o?.evi). As the Greeks were unacquainted with the use of stirrups, they were ac- customed to mount upon horseback by means of a slave, who was termed uva6o?i,evg (from uvaCdTi,- Xeiv'). This name was also given, according to some writers, to a peg or pin fastened on the spear, which might serve as a resting-place to the foot in mounting the horse.* ANAKALUPTE'RIA. (Vid. Maeriaoe.) ANAKEIA or ANAKEI'ON {avuKeia or iivd- KELov), a festival of the Dioscuri, or 'kvaKTsg, as they were called, at Athens. AthenEeus^ mentions a temple of the Dioscuri, called 'XvaKretov, at Ath- ens ; he also informs us^ that the Athenians, prob- ably on the occasion of this festival, used to prepare for these heroes in the Prytanettm a meal consist- ing of cheese, a barley-cake, ripe figs, olives, and garlic, in remembrance of the ancient mode of liv- ing. These heroes, however, received the most distinguished honours in the Dorian and AchEean states, where it may be supposed that every town celebrated a festival in their honour, though not un- der the name of 'kvansia. Pausanias' mentions a festival held at Amphissa, called that of the dvanTuv Traidav ; but adds that it was disputed whether they were the Dioscuri, the Curetes, or the Cabiri. (See DioscuRiA.) ANAKEI'MENA. {Vid. Donaria.) ANAKLETE'RIA (dvo/c^j/r^pm) was the name of a solemnity at which a young prince was pro- claimed king, and at the same time ascended the throne. The name was chiefly applied to the ac- cession of the Ptolemaic kings of EgyTjt.* The prince went to Memphis, and was there adorned by the priests with the sacred diadem, and led into the Temple of Phtha, where he vowed never to make any umovations either in the order of the year or of the festivals. He then carried to some distance the yoke of Apis, in order to be reminded of the suflTerings of man. Rejoicings and sacrifices con- cluded the solemnity.' ANAKOM'IDE {avaKOfuSri)- When an individual had died in a foreign country, it was not tmusual for his fellow-citizens or relatives to remove his ashes or body to his own country, which was called avanofuS^. Thus the dead body of Theseus was removed from Scyros to Athens, and that of Aris- tomenes from Rhodes to Messenia. ANA'CRISIS (tivd/cpiotc), the pleadings prepara- tory to a trial at Athens, the object of which was to determine, generally, if the action would lie (cfcra- fovot lie Koi ti SXuc eladyeiv XPV)-^" The magis- trates were said ivaKptveiv tt/v dUriv, or rovg dv- tiSIkov;, and the parties AvaKpivtaSai. The pro- cess consisted in the production of proofs, of which there were five kinds ; 1. the laws; 2. written doc- uments, the production of which, by the opposite party, might be compelled by a SUri ei( ifi^avov nardaTaaiv ; 3. testimonies of witnesses present ( /iaprvpiat), or aiEdavits of absent witnesses (iK- 1. (Royal Pharmacop., p. 139.)— 2. (File, 1. c.)— 3. (Xen.,De Re Eq., vi., 12.-1(1., IIipp., i., 17.— Appian., Pun., 106.)-^. (Xen., De Re Eq., vii., 1.)— 5. (vi., p. 235.)— 0. (iv.. p. 137.)— 7. (I., 38, 3.)— 9. (Polyb., Reliq., xriii., 38 ; xiviii., 10.)— 9. IDiod. Sic, Frag., lib. xii.)— 10. (Harpocrat., a. v.) 56 fiapTvpiai) ; 4. depositions of slaves extorted by the rack ; 5. the oath of the parties.' All these proofs were committed to writing, and placed in a box se- cured by a seal (exlvog') till they were produced at the trial. The name dvdKpiaif is given to the plead- ings, considered expressly as a written document in Isseus." If the evidence produced at the anacrisis was so clear and convincing that there cotUd not remain any doubt, the magistrate could decide the question without sending the cause to be tried be- fore the dicasts : this was called Sia/zapTvpia. In this case, the only remedy for the person against whom the decision was given, was to bring an ac- tion of perjury against the witnesses {fcvSo/iapTv- pdv diKjj). These pleadings, like our own, were liable to vexatious delays on the part of the liti- gants, except in the case of actions concendng mer- chandise, benefit societies, mines, and dowries, which were necessarily tried wdthin a month from the com- mencement of the suit, and were therefore called ififirivoi SiKai. The word iivditpiaiQ is sometimes used of a trial in general {/x^f eif ujKpiaiv i?£eiv.*) The archons were the proper officers for the ivd- Kpiaif : they are represented by Minerva, in the Ewmenides of .Slschylus, where there is a poetical sketch of the process in the law courts.' {Vid. Antigraphe, Antomosia.) For an account of the dvdKpiaif, that is, the examination which each ar- chon underwent previously to entering on office, see the article Archon. ANADIK'IA. {Vid. Appellatio.) *ANAGALL'IS {dva■ya/^Ai(), a plant, of which Dioscorides and Galen describe two species, the male and the female, as distinguished by their flow- ers, the former having a red flower, and the latter a blue. These are evidently the Anagallis Arvensii and Ctsruka, the Scarlet and Blue Pimpernels.' ANAGNOS'TES. (Fm2. Acroama.) ANArSJTHS AI'KH (uvayoy^f SUri). If an m- dividual sold a slave who had some secret disease — such, for instance, as epilepsy — without informing the purchaser of the circumstance, it was in the power of the latter to bring an action against the vendor within a certain time, which was iixed ly the laws. In order to do this, he had to report {dvayeiv) to the proper authorities tlie nature of the disease, whence the action was caUed dvayuyiji; diK-rj. Platp supplies us with some information on this action ; but it is uncertain whether his remarks apply to the action which was brought in the Athe- nian courts, or to an imaginary form of proceed- ing.' ANAGO'GIA (avayayia), a festival celebrated at Eryx, in Sicily, in honour of Aphrodite. The in- habitants of the place believed that, during this fes- tival, the goddess went over into Africa, and that all the pigeons of the town and its neighbourhood like- wise departed and accompanied her.' Nine days afterward, during the so-called Korayuyia (return), one pigeon having returned and entered the temple, the rest followed. This was the signal for general rejoicing and feasting. The whole district was said at this time to smell of butter, which the in- habitants believed to be a sign that Aphrodite had returned.' *ANAG'YRIS {avdyvpi(), a shrub, which Nican- der" calls " the acrid Onogyris." It is the Anagij- risfdida, L., or Fetid Bean-trefoil. Hardouin says its French name is Bois jntant. According to La- mark, it is a small shrub, having the port of a Cyti- sus, and rising to the height of five or seven feet!" 1. (Aristot., Rhet.,1., XT., 2.) — 2. (Scliol. in Anstojih., Vesp., HSO.)— 3. (De Aristarch. Haired., p. 79, 11.)— 4. (jEscliyl., Eumen., 355.)— 5. (MflUer, Eumeniilcn, ^ 70.)— 6. fDioscor., ii., 209.— Adams, Append., s. T.)— 7. (Plato, Legg., xi., 2, p 916.— Ast in Plat., 1. c— Meier, Att. Process, p. 525.) — 8 (jElian, V. H., i., 14.— Atlicnieus, ix,, p. 394.)— 9. (Athenaral, ix., p. 395.)— 10. (Theriac, 71.)— 11. (Dioscor, iii . 158.— Ad- ams, Append., s. T.) ANCILE. ANA'RRHUSIS. (Virf. Apaturu.) »ANAS {vijaaa or k^tto), the genus Duck. The lucients must have been -well acquainted with many species of Duck; but, from the brief notices they have given of them, we have now great difficulty in recognising these. 1. The fSoma^ is described by Aristotle' as being like the vijaaa, but a little smaller ; it may therefore be supposed a mere va- riety of the Anas Boscas, or Wild Duck. 2. The Qma-qMdvia of Varro is referred by Turner to the species of duck called Teal in England, namely, thfl Anas crecca, L. 3. The irTjveloip, which is enu- merated by Aristotle'' among the smaller species of ^eese, was probably a duck, as Gesner suggests. It may therefore be referred to the Anas Penelops, L., or Widgeon. (In modem works on Natural History it is incorrectly written Penelope^ 4. The ^pivdoc of Aristotle and .(Elian, and jjpivdo; of Phile, although ranked with ducks by Aristotle and Pliny, was probably the Anser Brenta, or Brent Goose. 5. The xv^'^^'-'^V^ o( Aristotle^ and of iElian* is held to be the Anas Berniada, or Bemicle Goose, by Eliot. Schneider and Pennant, however, prefer the Anas Tadoma, or Shelldrake. 6. The Sacred Goose of Egypt was a particular species, the Aims Mgyptiaca, allied to the Bemicle, but dis- tinguished by brighter plumage, and by small spurs on its wings.* ANATHE'MATA. (VU. Dokaria.) ANATOCIS'MUS. (yid. Interest on Monet.) ANATMAX'IOT rPA$H {iivaviiaxiov ypai^fi) was an inipeachment of the trierarch who had kept aloof from action while the rest of the fleet was en- gaged. From the personal nature of the offence, and the punishment, it is obvious that this action could only have been directed against the actual commander of the ship, whether he was the sole person appointed to the office, or the active partner of the perhaps many mivTeku^, or the mere con- tractor (6 luadaaafiEvoQ). In a cause of this kind, the strategi would be the natural and official judges. The punishment prescribed by law for this offence was a modified atimia, by which the criminal and his descendants wers deprived of their political franchise, but, as we learn from Andocides, were allowed to retain possession of their property.' ANAXAGOREI'A (' kva^ayopeia), a day of rec- reation for all the youths at Lampsacus, which took place once every year, in compliance, it was said, with a wish expressed by Anaiagoras, who, after being expelled from Athens, spent here the re- mainder of his life. "This continued to be observed even in the time of Diogenes Laertius.' *ANAX'URIS, a species of Dock; the Rumex iivaricaMs according to Sprengel.' *ANCHU'SA IJiyxovaa), the herb Alkanet. Four kinds of alkanet are described by Dioscorides' and Galen.'" With regard to the first, Sprengel hesi- tates between the Anchisa tindoria and IMhospsr- rnvM tindorium; the second is the Echium Itali- cwm, Sibthorp; the third, or AlciMades, the Echium diffusum; and the fourth, or Dycopsis, the Lithosper- mum fruticomm. This is a plausible account of the ayxovaa of Dioscorides, but is not unattended with difficulties. That of Theophrastus" seems in- disputably to be the Andmsa tindoria. The Anchusa siTiipermrens does not seem to be described by any ancient author." ANCI'LE, tiie sacred shield carried by the Salii. According to Plutarch," Dionysius of Halicar- nassus,'* and Festus," it was made of bronze, and its form was oval, but with the Iwo sides receding inward with an even curvature, and so as to make ANCII-E. it broader at the ends than in the middle. Its shape is exhibited in the following woodcut. The original ancile was found, according to tra- dition,' in the palace of Numa ; and, as no human hand had brought it there, it was concluded that it had been sent from heaven, and was an Hvlov Sio- n-ETEf. At the same time, the haruspices declared that the Roman state would endure so long as this shield remained in Rome. To secure its preserva- tion in the city, Numa ordered eleven other shields, exactly like it, to be made by the armorer Mamu- rius Veturius; and twelve priests of Mars Gradivia were appointed under the denomination of Salii, whose office it was to preserve the twelve ancilia. They were kept in the temple of that divinity on the Palatine Mount, and were taken from it only once a year, on the calends of March. The feast of the god was then observed during several days, when the Salii carried their shields about the city, singing songs in praise of Mars, Numa, and Mamurius Veturius, and at the same time performing a dance, which probably, in some degree, resembled our mor- ris-dances, and in which they strack the shields with rods, so as to keep time with their voices and with the movements of their dance. The accompanving figure shows one of these rods, as represented on the tomb of a Pontifex Salius, or chief of the Salii.' Its form, as here exiibited, both illustrates the man- ner of using it, and shows the reason why different authors call it by different names, as kyxetpiStov, ^oyxii f>d6do(, virga. 1. (H. A., viii., 5.)— 2. (H. A., viii., 5.)— 3. (H. A., viii., 5.)— 4. (N. A. v., 30.)— 5. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 6. (De Myst., 40, Zurich ed., 1838.— Petit, Leg. Art., 667.;- 7. (Anaxiw., c. 10.)- 8. (DioBCOr., ii., 140.)— 9. (i-r., 23.)— 10. (De Simpl., v.)— U. (H. P., Tii., 9.)— 12. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 13. (Vif. Num.)— 14. (Ant., ii.)— 15. (s. v. Mamur. Vetur.) H Besides these different names of the rod, which was held in the right hand, we observe a similar discrepance as to the mode of holding the shield. Virgil, describing the attire of Picus, a mythical king of Latium, says he held the ancile in his left hand Qtevague amdle gerebat'"). Other authors rep- resent the S5,lii as bearing the jmcilia on their necks or on their shoulders.* These accounts may be rec- onciled on the supposition advanced in the article .Sgis, that the shield was suspended by a leathern band Qorum'') proceeding from the right shoulder, and passing round the neck. That the weight of the ancile was considerable, and that the use of it in the sacred dance required no small exertion, is apparent from Juvenal's expression, " sudavit cly- peis ancilibus.'" Besides the Salii, who were men of patrician fam- ilies, and were probably instracted to perform their public dances in a graceful as well as animated manner, there were servants who executed inferior offices. An ancient gem in the Florentine cabinet, from which the preceding cut has been copied, rep- resents two of them carrying six ancilia on their shoulders, suspended from a pole; and the repre- sentation agrees exactly with tne statement of Dio- nysius of Halicarnassus, mXra; vwnperai fipnifii- vac UTZO KavOVQV KOflt^OV(JC. 1. (Dionys., 1. c. — Plut., 1. c. — Florus, i., 2.— Serr. in .^n., viii., 664.) — 2. (Gruter, Inscr., p. cccclxiv., note 3.) — 3. (iEn., yii., 187.;— 4. (Slat., Sylr., ii., 129.- Lucan, i., 603 ; ix., 460.— Lactaut., De Fals. Rel., i., 21.)— 5, (Jut., ii., 125.)— 6. (ii., 126.) £-'7 ANCOKA. ANDROGEONIA. During the festival, and so long as the SalU con- tinued to carry the ancilia, no expedition could be undertaken. It was thought ominous to solemnize marriages at that time, or to engage in any imder- taking of great importance.' When war was declared, the ancilia were pur- posely shaken in their sacred depository." But it is alleged that, towards the close of the Cimbric war, tliey rattled of their own accord.^ AN'CORA (ujKvpa), an anchor. The anclun- used by the ancients was, for the most part, made of iron, and its form, as may be seen from the annexed figure, taken from a coin, resembled that of the modem anchor. The shape of the two extremities illustrates the unco morsu and denle tenaci of Virgil.* Indeed, the Greek and Latin names themselves express this essential property of the anchor, being allied to uy/tti^of, ayauv, angulus, un- cus, &c. 1, The anchor, as here represented and as common- ly used, was called bidens, (hn?.?}, a/ifiSo^xic, or a/i- ^iaroiioi, because it had two teeth or flukes. Some- times it had one only, and then had the epithet iri- poaro/to^. The following expressions were used for the three principa. processes in managing the an- chor: Ancoram solvere, uyxvpav xaKav, to loose the an- chor. Ancoram jacere, fSuXXetv^ ^LTrrecVj to cast anchor. Ancoram tollercj alpeLv, avaipeiaOat, dvaaTzdodatj to weigh anchor. Hence alpciv by itself meant to set sail, uyKvpav being understood. The qualities of a good anchor were 7wt to dip, or lose its hold, and not to break, i. e., to be uafaX^ re Kac fSidacav.^ The following figure, taken from a marble at Rome, shows the cable (funis) passing through a hole in the prow {oculus). • We may suppose the anchor to be lying on the deck, in the place indicated by the turn of the ca- ble ; and if the vessel be approaching the port, the Jteps taken will be as Virgil describes : " Obvertunl pclago proras ; turn denie tenaci Anarra fuiidaiat nnvcs, et Utora curva Pmlemi/nl puppes."' And " Ancora de prora jacitur, slant litore missies."' 1. (Ovid, Fa-it., iii., 303.)— 3. (Sen-, in Mn., vii., 603 ; viii., I.) — 3. {Jul. Obscquens, De Prodirj. — Liv., Epit., 68.) — 4. (.^n., 1, 169; vi., 3.)— 5. (Heb., vi., 19.)— 6. {jEn., vi. 3-5.)— 7. • iEn., Hi., 277; »i., 901.) 58 The prow being turned towards the deep sea (pelago) and the stem towards the land, the latter extremity is fixed upon the shore [slot litore), so that the collected ships, with their aplustria, adorn it, as it were, with a fringe or border (prcetexta). The prow remains in the deeper water, and there- fore the anchor is thrown out to attach it to the ground (Jumdare'). When a ship was driving before the wind, and m danger of foundering upon shoals, its course would be checked by casting anchor from the stem. This was done when Paul was shipwrecked at iWelite.' Four anchors were dropped on that occasion. Athe- nteus" mentions a ship which had eight iron an. chors. The largest and strongest anchor, the " last hope" of the ship, was called Upii : and, as it was only used in the extremity of danger, the phrase "sacram ancoram solvere" was appUed to all per- sons similarly circumstanced. To indicate the place where the anchor lay, a bundle of cork floated over it, on the surface ol the water,^ being attached, probably, to the ring which, in the preceding figure, is seen fixed to the bottom of the shank ; and we may conjecture that the rope tied to that ring was also used in drawing the fluke out of the ground previously to weighing anchor. In the heroic times of Greece, it appears that an- chors were not yet invented: large stones, called eivai (sleepers), were used in their stead.* Even in later times, bags of sand„aiid baskets filled with stones, were used in cases of necessity. Accord- ing to Pliny,' the anchor was first invented by Eu- palamus, and afterward improved by Anacharsis. ♦ANDRAPHAX'YS {avSpd(j>a^v( or urpa^afuf), an herb, the same with our Atriplex kortensis, ac- cording to Sprengel, Stackhouse, and Dierbach, who agree in this with the earlier commentators. All the ancient authorities, from Dioscorides to Macer, give it the character of an excellent pet- herb. It is still sultivated in some gardens as a culinary herb ; its English name is Oraxk.^ ♦ANDRACH'NE, Purslane, or Portmlaca olera- cea, L.' ANAPAnOAISTMOT or ANAPAnOAIS'EQS rPA^'H (avdpa-KodiuiiOv or uvdpaTrodiffeuf ypa^) was an action brought before the court of the eleven (ol ivdcKo), against all persons who carried off slaves from their masters, or reduced free men to a state of slavery. The grammarians mention an oration of Antiphon on tms subject, which has not come down to us.' ANAPAII'OAQN AIKH (ivdpaiToSuv dinri) was the peculiar title of the 6iadiKaaia when a property in slaves was the subject of contending claims. The cause belonged to the class of iiKai ■kooq tivo, and was one of the private suits that canie under the jurisdiction of the thesmothetae. It is recorded to have been the subject of a lost speech of Dinar- chus,' and is clearly referred to in one still extant of Demosthenes.'" ANDREFA. {Vid. Syssitf.i.) ♦ANDRO'DAMAS, one of Plinv's varieties of hematite. (Virf. AIMATITHS.) It was of a black colour, of remarkable weight and hardness, and at- tracted silver, copper, and iron. "When divested of its fabulous proprties, it appeai-s to have been magnetic oxide of iron." ANDROGEO'NIA {'AvtTpoyeuvm), a festival with games, held every year in the Ceramicus at Athens, in honour cf the hero Androgens, son of Minos, who had overcome alt his adversaries in the festive 1. (Acts, xxvii., 29.)— a. (AthcniEUS, v., 43.)— 3. (Paiia., viii., 12.— Plin., 11. N., xvi., 8.)— 4. (See II., i., 436; xiv., 77.— Od., ix., 137 ; XV., 498.— ApoUon. Rhod., i., 1277.)— 5. (vii., 57.)— 6 (Dioscoi-., ii., 145.— ThcopJmvst., H. P., i., 18.— Ad:ims, Ap- pend., s. V.)— 7. (Thoophrast., H. P., i., 15 ; iii., 4, 28.)— 12. (Apophth.)— 13. (.VriiloV , H. A., vui . 5.)— M. (Adams, Append., S.T.)— 15. (iii., 1.)— 10 (iv., 4.; ANTEAMBULONES. pronaos was divided by the two coliunns, were sometimes occupied by marble balustrades, or by some kind of rails, with doors or gates. The ruins of temples, corresponding to the description of Vitru- vius, are found in Greece and Asia Minor; and we here exhibit as a specimen a restoration of the front of the temple of Artemis Propylaea at Eleusis, together with a plan of the pronaos : A A, the anta ; B B, the cella or vab^ : O, the altar. An ancient inscription respecting the temple of &erapis at Pnteoli, contains the following direction ro add antse to one of the walls : Ex. eo. pariete. 4MTAS. DOAS. AD. MARE. TORSUM. PEOJICITO. LONGAS. P. II. CHASSAS. P. I. When Neoptolemus is attacked by Orestes iu the vestibule of the temple at Delphi, he seizes the arms which were suspended by means of nails or pins from one of the antae (irapaardSoc xpefiaard'^), takes his statirn upon the altar, and addresses the people ID his own defence. In two other passages, Euripides uses the term by metonymy, to denote either the pronaos of a temple" or the yestibule of a ualace ;' i.e., in each case the portico, or space en- closed between the antae.* From parastas came the adjective parastatuus, and hence we find parastatua employed as the term for a pilaster, which may be considered as the section of a square pillar attached to the wall of a building. The beams of a ceiling were laid upon three kinds of supports, viz., columns, antae, and parastatica; or pilasters.' ♦ANTAC^US (avruxafof), a variety of the Ad- penser Huso, or Isinglass Fish. This would appear to be the fch of whose name a poet in Athenseus complains that it was inadmissible into heroic verse.' ANTEAMBTJ:.0'NES were slaves who were accustomed to gc before their masters, in order to make way for them through the crowd.' They usually called out date Ucum domino meo ; and if this were not sufficient to clear the way, they used their hands and elbows for that puipose. Pliny relates an amusing tale of an individual who was roughly ANTEFIXA. handled by a Roman knight, because Ms slave had presumed to touch the latter in order to make way for his master.' The term anteamlndones was also given to the clients, who were accustomed to walk before their patroni when the latter appeared in public.'' ANTECESSO'RES, called also ANTECUR- SO'RES, were horse-soldiers, who were accustom- ed to precede an army on march in order to choose a suitable place for the camp, and to make the ne- cessary provisions for the army. They do not ap- pear to have been merely scouts, like the sveciUa- tores.' This name was also given to the teachers of the Roman law.* ANTECCENA. {Vid. Cojna.) ANTEFIXA, terra-cottas, which exhibited vari- ous ornamental designs, and were used in architec- ture to cover the frieze {zophoru,s) of the entablature. These terra-cottas do not appear to have been used among the Greeks, but were probably Etrurian in their origin, and were thence taken for the deco- ration of Roman buildings. Festus describes them in the following terms : Antefixa qua ex opere Jigulino tectis adjlgwntur sub slillicidio. The name antejixa is evidently derive^ from the circumstance that they were fixed before the build- ings which they adorned; and the manner of fixing them, at least in many cases, appears from the re- mains of them still existing. At Scrofano, supposed to be the ancient Veii, they were fotmd fastened to the frieze with leaden nails. At Velletri, formeily a city of the N''ilsci, they were discovered {see lie following woodcut) with holes for the nails to pass through. They were formed in moulds, and then baked by fire, so that the number of them might be increased to any extent ; and copies of the same de- sign were no doubt frequently repeated on the same frieze. Of the great variety and exquisite beauty of the workmanship, the reader may best form an idea by inspecting the collection of them in the Brit- ish Museum, or by studying the engravings and de- scription of that collection published by Dr. Tayloi Combe. The two imperfect antefixa here represented are among those found at Velletri, and described by Carloni {Roma, 1785). 1. (Eurip., Androm., 1098.)— 2. (Iph. in Taur., 1126.)— 3. (Phcen., 427.)— 4. (Yid. Cratini, Fragm., ed. Emkel, p. 16.— Xen., Hier., xi. — Schneider, Gr.-Deutsch. Handworterbnch. — Id., Epira. in Xen., Mem., p. 277.— Id., in Vitruv., vi., 7, 1.) — 5. (Vitruv,, iv., 2, p. 94 ; v., i., p. 116, 117, ed. Schneider.— PUn., — iii., 15.)--6. (Athenieus, vii., p. 284, e. — Schweigh. in loc. ; ^lian, N. A., xiv., 23.)— 7 (Suet., Vesp., c. 2.) y- ' f^ ^ --N ■^ -- The first of them must have formed part of the upper border of the frieze, or, rather, of the cornice. It contains a panther's head, designed to serve as a spout for the rain-water to pass through in descend- ing from the roof Similar antefixa, but with comic masks instead of animals' heads, adorned the Tem- ple of Isis at Pompeii.' The second of the above specimens represents two men who have a dispute, and who come before the sceptre-bearing kings or judges to have their cause decided. The style of this bas-relief indi- cates its high antiquity, and, at the same time, 1. (Ep. iii., 14, sub fin.)— 2. (Martial, ii., 18 ; iii., 7 ; i., 74.) — 3. (Hirt., Bell. Afr., 12, who speaJts of speculatores et aute* cessores equites. — Suet., ViteU., 17. — Cses., B. G., v., 47.) — 1 (Cod. 1, tit. 17, s. 2, 5 9, 11 )— 5. (Pompeii, Lend., 1836, vol. i, p. 281.) 61 ANTENNA. proves tbat tne Volsci had attained to considerable taste in their architecture. Their antefixa are re- markable for being painted : the ground of that here represented is blue ; the hair of the six men is black or brown; their flesh red ; their garments white, yel- low, and red : the chairs are white. The two holes may be observed by which this slab was fixed upon the building. Cato the Censor complained that the Romans of his time began to despise ornaments of this descrip- tion, and to prefer the marble friezes of Athens and Corinth." The rising taste which Cato deplored may account for the superior beauty of the antefixa preserved in the British Museum, which were dis- covered at Rome. A specimen of them is here given. It represents Minerva superintending the construction of the ship Argo. The man with the hammer and chisel is Argus, who built the vessel Wider her direction. The pilot Tiphys is assisted by her in attaching the sail to the yard. The bor- ders at the top and bottom are in the Greek style, and are extremely elegant. Another specimen of the antefixa is given under the article Antyx. ANTENNA {Kcpaia, xipac), the yard of a ship. The ships of the ancients had a single mast in the middle, and a square sail, to raise and support which a tranverse pole or yard was extended across the mast not far from the top. In winter the yard was let down, and lodged in the vessel or taken on shore. "Effugit hyberruis demissa antenna procellas."' When, therefore, the time for leaving the port ar- rived, it was necessary to elevate the yard, to which the sail was previously attached. For this pui-pose a wooden hoop was made to slide up and down the mast, as we see it represented in an antique lamp, made in the form of a ship.' To the two exti'emi- ties of the yard (cornua, uKpoKipatai) ropes were at- tached, which passed over the top of the mast ; and by means of these ropes, and the pulleys {troclika) connected with them, the yard and sail, guided by the hoop, were hoisted to a sufficient height. The sail was then unfurled, and allowed to fall to the deck of the vessel.* CEEsar informs us' that, in order to destroy the fleet of the Veneti, his soldiers made use of sharp sickles fastened to long poles. With these they cut the ropes (Junes) by which the yard of each ship was suspended from the mast. The consequence was, that the yard, with the sail upon it, immediately fell, and the ship became unmanageable. These ropes appear to have been called in Greek Ktpovxoi, whence in Latin summi arwhi.' Besides the ropes already mentioned, two others 1. (Liv., xxxiv., 4.)— 2. (Ovid, Trist., III., iT.,9.)— 3. (Barto- li, Lucern., iii., 31. — Compare Isid., Ilisp. Orig., ix,, 15.) — 4. (Val. Place, i , 313.— Ovid, MpI., xi.. 477.)— 5. (B. G., iii., 14.) -«. (Lucan., viii., 177.— Vol. Flacc. i.. 469.) ANTHERICUS. hung from the horns of the antenna, the use of which was to turn it round as the wind veered, so as to keep the sail opposite to the wind. This operation is technically described by "Virgil in the fcJowing line: " Cormia velatarwm obvertimns ankrmarum."^ And more poetically where he uses brachia for a'n- tenme, and adds, " Iftia ardua tarquevt Coimia, Ue- torqu£7Uqv,e."' When a storm arose, or when the port was at- tained, it was usual to lower the antenna {demittere, KOBiXtaBai, ix^ievai), and to reef the sail: "Ardua jamdudrnm demUtUe cormia, rector Clamat, et avZennii, totma subnectite vebm."' Also before an engagement the antenna was low- ered to the middle of the mast {Antennis ad medium malvm demissis.*) We may observe that the two last-cited authors use antennm in the plural for the yard of a single ship, probaKy because they con- sidered it as consisting of two aims united in the middle. From numerous representations of ships on an- tique coins, intaglios, lamps, and bas-reliefs, we here select two gems, both of which show the velata antenna, but with the sail reefed in the one, and in the other expanded and swollen with the wind. Tlie former represents Ulysses tied to the mast, in Older to effect his escape from the Sirens ; it sho%vs the conaia at the extremities of the yard, and tlie two ceruchi proceeding from thence to the top of the mast. Besides these particulars, the other gem represents also the ropes used for tviming the an- tenna so as to f, oe the wind. ANTEPAGi^SN'TA, doorposts, the jambs of a door. The inscription quoted in the article Ant*: con- tains also a direction to make jambs of silver fir (antepagmenta aMegna). Cato,' speaking of the construction of a farmliouse, mentions stone lintels and jambs (mgumeriia et arttejiagmeiita ex lapide). Vitruvius' gives minute instructions respecting the form and proportions of the antepagmenta in the doors of temples ; and these are found, in general, to correspond with the examples preserved among the remains of Grecian architecture.' The common term for a doorpost is postis. ANTESIGNA'NI appear to have been a body of troops, selected for the defence of the standard (signum), before which they were stationed.' ANTESTA'RI. {Vid. Actio, p. 18.) ♦ANTH'EMIS (avfft/i/f ), a species of plant. ( Yid. Chamaimelon.) *.\NTH'EMUM(uvfe/iov, -of, or -lov), a species of plant, about which some uncertainty prevails. Ad- ams is in favour of its being the genus Matricaria^ or Wild Chamomile. Sprengel, however, refers the several species of this plant noticed by Theophras- tus to the Antkemis Cottji. Stackhouse also is ver)' imsatisfactory in his views on this subject.' *ANTHER'ICUS (ui/flepi/fof), a plant. Sprengel, in the first edition of his R. H. H., compares the AtU/iericus Grceeus yvith. it, but in his second the Aspliodebjs fstuJiKus. Thiebault makes it to be the Ornitlwgah m Piirenaiami, and Stackhouse the Aspho- 1. (jEn., iii., 549.)— 2. (JSn., v., 829, seqq.)— 3. (Ovid, Met. li., 483.)— 4. (Hilt., De Boll. Alex., 45.)— 5. (De Re Rust., xiv.) — 6. (iv., 6.) — 7. {Vid, Hirt, Baukunst nach den Gnind satzon der Alten, xvi.)— 8. (Liv.. iv., 37,— Cacs., Bell. Civ., iii., 75, 84.)-.0. (Thcophrast., ft P.,i.,22i vii., 9-14.— Adams, Ap pend., 8. V.) ANTIDOSIS. ANTIDOSIS. iehLi luteus. In a word, all is mere conjecture with regard to it, the description of it by Theophrastus hfting so imperfect.' ANTHESPHOR'IA CAvBcaiopia), a tlower-festi- iral, principally celel^rated in Sicily in honour of llemeter and Persephone, in commemoration of the wturn of Persephone to her mother in the beginning of spring. It consisted in gathering flowers and • wining garlands, because Persephone had been car- ieil off by Pluto while engaged in this occupation.^ Btrabo' relates that at Hipponium the women cele- irated a similar festival in honour of Demeter, which was probably called anthesphoria, since it was de- rived from Sicily. The women themselves gather- ed the flowers for the garlands which they wore on the occasion, and it would have been a disgrace to buy the flowers for that purpose. Anthesphoria were also solemnized in honour of other deities, especially in honour of Juno, surnamed 'Avdeia, at t.rgos,* where maidens, carrying baskets filled with owers, went in procession, while a tune called iepuKiov was played on the flute. Aphrodite, too, was worshipped at Cnossus, under the name 'Av- to'ffi,* and has therefore been compared with Flora, the Roman deity, as the anthesphoria have been with the Roman festival of the florifertmn. ANTHESTE'RIA. (Fii DiONysiA.) ANTHESTE'RION. (^Vid. Calendar, Greek.) *ANTH'IAS (avOia;), a species offish, the same with the Labrns anthias, L., or Ssjramus anthias of Cuvier. Its French name is Barbier. The an- cients describe several species of this fish, one of which is the Ku.Xli,x9vg.' Cuvier describes this as a most beautiful fish, of a fine ruby red, changing to gold and silver, with yellow bands on the cheek.' •ANTHOS, a bird, which, according to Pliny, feeds on flowers, and imitates the neighing of a horse !^ Belon would have it to be the Einberizza cif/rinrUa, or Yellow Bunting, called in England the Yellow Hammer, and in France Bruanl. This opinion, however, is *>mewhat doubtful, since Aris- totle describes the Anihos as frequenting rivers, whereas the Yellow Hammer delights in trees.' *AN'THRAX (stc) were public clerks at Athens, of whom there were two kinds. The first belonged to the /Sot^i} : his duty was to give an account to the people of all the moneys paid to the state. ("Of Kad^ ^KdfT-njv irpvravEiav utzcTio- yc^sTo Tag Trpocrddovf tl) (J^^y.*) In the time of .^schines, the uvnypafevg r^f ^ovX^g was x^^P^' ToviJToc ;' but in later times he was chosen by lot.* The second belonged to the people, and his duty was to check the accounts of the public oflicers, such as the treasurers of the sacred moneys, of the war taxes, &c. (Airrot ds f/oav avriypatelg, 6 /ihi ANTINOEI'A (Avrivoeia), annual festivals and quinquennial games, which the Roman emperor Hadrian instituted in honour of his favourite Anti- nous, atterhe was drowned in the Nile, or, according to others, had sacrificed himself for Ids sovereign, in a fit of religious fanaticism. The festivals were celebrated in Bithynia and at Mantinea, in which places he was woi'shipped as a god.' •ANTIP'ATHES, the sort of Coral called Atir lipathes fcmicuhuxum, Pall.' ANTIPHER'NA. {Vid. Dos.) ANTiaUA'RII. {Vid. Librarii.) ♦ANTIRRH'INON (avri/5/5ivov or avrififii^ov), a plant, which Sprengel makes the same with the Antirrhinum Oroniium. Hardouin calls it by the French name of Mujle dc vcav, or Calf's Snout, but Stephens- and Matthiolus by that of Mmiron viold. Its ordinary name in English is Snapdin!;on.^* ANT'LIA (avT?iia), any machine for raising wa- ter; a pump. I. (Apolo^. Socr., p. 27, c.)— 5. fAtt. Process, p. 465.)— 3. (Domosth. in Stcph.,i., IIIS.)— 4. (Diog. Lacrt., In., c. 5, s. 19.) G4 1. (Dcmosth. in Et. ct Mnesib., p. 1153.)— 2. (.Sseh. ilr Timarch.) — 3. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 652.) — 4. (jEsch. adT Ctes„c. ll.p. 375.)— 5. (JEsch., 1. c.)— 6. (Pollux, Onom.,-nii., 8, 1) 12.)— 7. (Hnrpocrat., s. y.)— 8. (XL Spartiimus, Iladr., c. 14.— Dion., liix., 10.— Pans., vii., 9, « 4.)— 9. (Dioscor., v, 140. —Adams, Append., s. t.)— 10. (Theophrast ,H. P., ii., 15.— Di- oscor., iy., 131.— Adams, Append., s. v.) ANTLIA. The annexel figure shows a machine which is still used on the river Eissach, in the Tyrol, the an- cient A^. The avru/ioaia of the two par- ties correspond to our bills or declarations on the one side, and to the replies, replications, or rejoin- ders on the other. (Vid. Antigraphe.) ANTYX (ui'Tiif), (probably allied etymologically to AMPYX) (afiirvti, the rim or border of anything, especially of a shield or chariot. The rim of the large round shield of the ancient Greeks was thirmer than the part which it enclosed. Thus the ornamental border of the shield of Achilles, fabricated by Vulcan, was only threefold, the shield itself being sevenfold. ^ In another part of the lUad,' Achilles sends his spear against Mness, and .-trikes his shield uvTvy^ v-ko TrpuTTjv, i. e., " on the outer- most border," where (it is added) the bronze was thinnest, and the thinnest part of the ox-hide was stretched over it. In consequence of the great size of this round shield, the extreme border {avro^ ■av/iarri*) touched the neck of the wearer above, and the lower part of his legs below. In the woodcut, in the article Antefixa, we see the avrv^ on one side of Minerva's shield. On the other hand, the avrv^ of a chariot must have been thicker than the body to which it was at- tached, and to which it gave both form and strength. For the same reason, it was often made double, as in the chariot of Juno {Aoiai 6i •n-epiSpofioi avrvyei Eiffi"). In early times, it consisted of the twigs or flexible stem of a tree {opinjKcc^), which were polish- ed and shaped for the purpose. Afterward, a splen- did rim of metal formed the summit of the chariot, especially when it belonged to a person of wealth and rank. In front of the chariot, the uvtv^ was often raised above the body, into the form of a curvature, which served tht purpose of a hook to hang the reins upon when the charioteer had occasion to leave hip vehicle.' Hence Euripides says of Hippoiyvos, who had just ascended his chariot, MupTrrEi Sixcpalv ijviaQ aif iivTvyo^. On Etruscan and Greek vases, we often see the chariot painted with this appendage to the rim much elevated. The accompanying woodcai shows it in a simpler form, and as it appears in the Antepixa, engraved in the work of Carloni, which has been already quoted. By Synecdoche, uv-ruf is sometimes used for a chariot, the part being put for the whole.' It is 1. {v., 317.)— 2. (lib. i.)— 3. (Vitruv., i., c. 4-7.— Drieberf, Pneum. Etfindungen der Griechen, p. 44-50.) — 4. (Tiber., 51.) —5. COneirocritica, i., 50.)— 6 (ix., 19.) 1. (WiUdnson, Manners and Cust. of Anc. Egypt., ii., 1-4.) — 2. (II., xviii., 479.)— 3. (xx., 275.)^. (II., -vi., 118.)— 5. (n.,v 728.)— 6. (II., xxi., 38.)— 7. (II., v., 262, 322.)— 8. (1178.)— 9 (Callim., Hymn, m Dian., 140.) 65 apagoge. APATURIA. alsc used metaphorically, as when il is applied by Moschus' to the horns of the new moon, and by Euripides' to the frame of a lyre. Likewise the orbits of the smi and planets, which were conceived to be circular, were called uvrvye^ oipaviot. The orbit of Mars is so denominated in the Homeric Hymn to Mars f and the zodiac, in an epigram of Synesius, descriptive of an astrolabe.* Alluding to this use of the term, a celebrated philos- opher, having been appointed Prefect of Rome by the Emperor Julian, and having thus become en- titled to ride in a chariot with a silver rim, laments that he was obliged to relinquish an ethereal for a silver dvnif.' APAGELOI (uTrdyeTioi), the name of those youths among the Cretans who had not reached their eighteenth year, and therefore did not belong to any ayfATj. {Vid. Agele.) As these youths usually lived in their father's house, they were called oKortoi. ' APAGO'GE fjmayuiyq), a summary process, al- lowed in certain cases by the Athenian law. The term denotes not merely tfie act of apprehending a culprit caught in ipso facto, but also the written in- formation delivered to the magistrate, urging his apprehension.' We must carefully distinguish be- tween the apagoge, the emdeixis, and the ephegesis. The endeixis was an information against those who took upon themselves some office, or exercised some right, for which they were by law disqualified; or those whose guilt was manifest, so that the punish- ment only, and not the fact, was to be determined. Pollux says that the endeixis was adopted when the accused was absent, the apagoge when he was present. Demosthenes distinguishes expressly be- tween the endeixis and the apagoge.' When the com- plainant took the accused to the magistrate, the process was called apagoge ; when he led the magis- trate to the offender, it was called ep/tegesis ; in the former case, the complainant ran the risk of forfeit- ing 1000 drachmee if his charge was ill-founded.' The cases in which the apagoge was most generally allowed were those of theft, murder, ill-usage of parents, &c. The punishment in these cases was generally fixed by law ; and if the accused con- fessed, or was proved guilty, the magistrate could execute the sentence at once, without appealing to any of the jury-courts ; otherwise it was necessary that the case should be referred to a higher tribunal.'" The magistrates who presided over the apagoge were generally the Eleven (o! IvScKa^') ; sometimes the chief archon," or the thesmothetce." The most important passage with regard to the apagoge^* is unfortunately corrupt and unintelligible." The com- 1. (ii.,88.)— 2. (Hippol.,]I35.)— 3. (1. 8.)— 4. (Brunck, Ant., li., 449.)— 5. (Themistius, Brunck, Anthol., ii.,404.)— 6. (Schol. in Eilrip., Alcesl., 1009.)— 7. (Suidas : 'ATroyiuyi)- iiijvumi cy ypixip'^i c>iooithij T<^ Sptiovn ircpl tov Sctv &nay;Oijvai riv 5c7va.) —8. (n. Timoor., p. 74i5, 29.)— 9. (DomoBth., c. Androt., p. 601 , rof AtrOcvitTTepof cl; ToTf Spxovmv ^0»jyoS' rovro Trotljuoviriv ^(fcjvoi.)- 10. (.^ach. c. Timarch., c. 37. — Dcinoslh., de Fals. Legat., 431, 7.) — 11. (Dcmostli., c. Timocr., 736.— Lya. adv. Agorat.,c. 85.)- 12. (^afh., r. Tiiiiarrh.,c. 64.)— 13. (Di-mosth., c. Ariatucr., 630, 16.)— 14. (Lyaias, c. Aijurat., t) 85, 86.)— 15. (Vid. Sluiter, Lect. Andocid., p. 254, &c.) 66 plainant was said oTruyeiv Tt/v airayuyiv ; the magis- taates, when they allowed it, •napeiixovTO tt/v ajra yuyiiv. ♦APARI'NE (anapivri), a species of plant, the same with the Lappa of the Romans,' and now called Cleavers, Clivers, or Goose-grass. Sprengel, in the first edition of his R. H. H., holds it to be the Arctiwm Lappa, or Burdock; a mistake which he silently corrects in his edition of Dioscorides. Ac- cording to Galen, it is the fifdarLov and iKaiTepuni of Hippocrates.' *AP'ATE {airaTTi), the name of a plant occurring in Theophrastus.^ Great diversity of opinion pre- vails, however, with respect to the proper reading; some making it uTrdTn/, and others inpanTi. Sprengel refers it to the Leontodom, Taraxacnim, or Dandelion; but Stackhouse hesitates between the Taraxacum and the Hieracium or Hawkweed.* AIIATH'SEaS Toii dTj/iov ypa^. (Yid. AAIKIA2 Trpof Tov drjpiov ypatpij.) APATU'RIA (utrarovpia) was a political festival which the Athenians had in common with all the Greeks of the Ionian name,' with the exception of those of Colophon and Ephesus. It was celebrated in the month of Pyanepsion, and lasted for three days. The origin of this festival is related in the following manner: About the year 1100 B.C., the Athenians were carrying on a war against the Boeotians, concerning the district of CilEens, or, according to others, respecting the little town of CEnoe. The Boeotian Xanlhius or Xanthus chal- lenged Thymoetes, king of Attica, to single combat ; and when he refused, Melanthus, a Messenian exile of the house of the Nelids, offered himself to fight for ThymcEtes, on condition that, if ■victorious, he should be the successor to Thymoates. The offer was accepted ; and when Xantnius and Melanthus began the engagement, there appeared behind Xan- thius a man in the Tpay§, the skin of a black she- goat. Melanthus reminded his adversary that he ■ms violating the laws of single combat by having a companion, and while Xanthius looked around, Melanthus slew the deceived Xanthitis. From that time the Athenians celebrated two festivals, the Apaturia, and that of Dionysus Melansegis, who was believed to have been the man who appeared beliind Xanthius. This is the story related by the scholiast on Aristophanes.' This tradition has given rise to a false etymology of the name ai^a-ovpia, which was formerly considered to be derived from axarfv, to deceive. All modem critics, however,' agree that the name is composed of u=:upa and narvpLa, which is perfectly consistent viith what Xenophon' says of the festival : 'Ev oZf (oTrarovpioif) Of re irar^ptc: Kal ol (n>yy£VEi^ ^vveim tripLULV ourofc- According to this deri^-ation, it is the festival at which the phratriae met, to discuss and settle their own affairs. But, as every citizen was a member of a phratria, the festival extended over the whole nation, who assembled according topkralriie. Welek- er,' on account of the prominent part which Dionysus takes in the legend respecting the origin of the Attic Apaturia, conceives that it arose from the circum- stance that families belonging to the Dionysian tribe of the .figicores had been registered among the citizens. The first day of the festival, which probably fell on the eleventh of the month of Pyanepsion, was called Sopnia or S6p-na ;'" on which, every citizen went in the evening to the phratrium, or to the house of some wealthy member of his own phratria, and there enjoyed the supper prepared for him." Thai 1. (Martyn in Virg., Geoi-g., i., 153.) — 2. {Dioacor., iii., 94.— Theophrast., H. P., vii., 8. — Adama, Append., a. v.) — 3. (H. P., vii., 8.) — 4. (Adama, Append., a. y)— J. (Herod., i., 147.)— 6. (Achorn., MO.)- 7. (Milller, Dorians, i., 5,4. — Wclcker, .Sschyl. Tril., p. 288.)— 8. (Hellen., i., 7, I, 8.)— 9. (Anhanst z. Trilo?., p. 200.)— 10. (Philyll. in Hcrad., in Alhcn., iv., p. 171.— Hesych et Suid., a. v.) — 11. (Axistoph., Acharn., 146.) APEX. the cup-bearers {oivovTai.) were not idle on this oc- casion, may be seen from Photius.' The second day was called 'Avdfifivatg {ava^fivetv), from the sacrifice offered on this day to Zeus, sui- named ;iGn. Aphrodite was worshipped in most towns of Cyprus, and in other parts of Greece, such as Cythera, Sparta, Thebes, EUs, &c.; and though no Aphro- disia are mentioned in these places, we have no reason to doubt their existence: we find them ex. pressly mentioned at Corinth and Athens, where they were chiefly celebrated by the numerous pros- titutes.' Another great festival of Aphrodite and Adonis, in Sestus, is mentioned by Musseus.' •APIASTELLUM, the herb Crmv-foot, Gold KTiap, or Yellow Craw. It is the same with the Balrachium and Apium rusticum.^ This same name is also applied sometimes to the Briony. Humel- bergius, however, thinks that in this latter case. Apiaslelhim is corrupted from Ophiostaphyle, whicli last is enumerated by Dioscorides among the names of the Briony.' *APIASTER, the Bee-eater, a species of bird. {Vid. Merops.) ♦APIASTRUM. {Vid. Melissophtllum.) *AP10N (uTTiov), the Pyrus cmnmunis, or Pear- tree.' (Vid. Pyrus.) *AP'IOS (uTrjof), a species of Spurge, the Eu- phorbia apios.' *APIS (jieXiana or -irra), the Bee. "The natural history of the common hive-bee (Apis mellifica) is so remarkable, that it need not excite surprise that the ancients were but imperfectly acquainted with it. Among the earliest of the observers of the bee may be enumerated Aristotle' and Virgil,'" as also Aristomachus of Soli in Cilicia, and Philiscus the Thasian. Aristomachus, we are told by Pliny, attended solely to bees for fift3--eight years; and Philiscus, it is said, spent the whole of his time in forests, investigating their habits." Both these ob- servers wrote on the bee. Aristotle notices several other species besides the honey-bee, but in so brief a manner that they cannot be satisfactorily deter- mined." The bee plays an important part among the religious symbols of antiquity, and thei« ap- pears, according to some inquirers, a resemblance more than accidental between its Latin name and that of the Egyptian Apis.^' *AP'IUM (ailcvov), a well-known plant. Theo- phrastus speaks of several sorts : the ai^ivov ^/le- pov, which is generally thought to be our common Parsley ; the InTroaeXivov, which seems to be what is now called Alesanders ; the i?.£ioa£/Uvov, Wild Celery or SmaU^e ; and the 6p£oai?uvov, or Mount- ain-parsley. Virgil is generally thought by Apivm to mean the first sort, that being principallv culti- vated in gardens. Martyn, however, thinks he means the SmaSage, which delights in the banks of rivulets, and hence the language of the poet, "viii- d£s apio HptE," and "poUs saudcrcnt rivis." Fie also makes the Apium of Virgil the same with the Apium graveolens, L., or ilnoaiXivov. Our celery is that variety of the A. graveoleiis which is called dulce by Miller. The wild species has a bitter, acrid taste, and is unfit to eat. — According to the generality of writei-s, the term apivm comes from apu, because bees are fond of Uiis plant. A much better derivation, however, is from the Celtic apm, 1. (xiT., p. 244, ed. Tauchnitz.) — 2. (Hcsych., s. v.) — S. (AthoniEUs, liii., p. 674, 579 ; xiv., p. 659.)— 4. (HeroetLeand., 42.)— 5. (Apul., de Herl)., c. 8.)- ^. (Diosco- iy., 184.— Hu- melberg. in loc.)— 7. (Dioscor., i., 167.)— 8. ' ..loscor , iv 174.) -9. (H.A.,v.,19.)-10. (GeDrr.,iv.)-ll. (Plin., H. N , i , ». —12. (Creuzer, Symbolik, ii., 183 ; iii., 354 ; iv., 391, ic) APLUSTRE. APOCYNON. " jvater." The French term ache comes from aches, in the same language, signifying " a brook." APLUSTRE (jLipiaaTov), an ornament of wooden planks, -which constituted the highest part of the poop of a ship. The position of the aplustre is shown in the rep- resentations of ancient vessels in the articles An- CHORA and Antenna. The forms there exhibited show a correspondence in the general appearance and effect between the aplustre which terminated the stern, and the aicpoaToXiov which advanced to- wards it, proceeding from the prow. ( Vid. Achos- TOLioN.) At the junction of the aplustre with the stem, on which it was based, we commonly observe sn ornament resembling a circular shield : this was called aaindEiov or auTrcdlGKrj. It is seen on the t'ifo aplustria here represented. a the liistory of the Argonautic expedition, a ^ird is described, which perches on the aplustre of the ship Argo, and delivers oracular counsel.' Af- terward, the extremities of tiiis appendage to the stem are smashed by the collision of the Symple- »ades, while the body of the vessel narrowly escapes on its passage between those islands." In the battle at the ships related by Homer,' as they had their poops landward, and nearest to the Trojans, Hector takes a firm hold of one by its ap- lustre, while he incites his followers to bring fire and burn them. After the battle of Marathon, some similar incidents are mentioned by Herodo- tus,' especially the distinguished bravery of Cynae- girus, brother of the poet .ffischylus, who, having seized the aplustre of a Persian ship, had his hand cut off by a hatchet. In these cases we must sup- pose the aplustre to have been directed, not towards the centre of the vessel, but in the opposite direc- tion. The aplustre rose immediately behind the guber- nator, who held the rudder and guided the ship, and it served in some degree to protect him from the xvind and rain. The figure introduced in the arti- cle Anghora shows that a pole, spear, or standard ((rrj;2if, aniTic;) was sometimes erected beside the aplustre, to which a iillet or pennon {raivla) was attached. This served both to distinguish and adorn the vessel, and also to shew the direction of the wind. In the figure of a ship, sculptured on the colunm of Trajan, we see a lantern suspended from the aplustre so as to hang over the deck below the gubernator. In like manner, when we read in Vir- gil,' " Pnppibus et Iteti nauta imposuere coronas" we must suppose the garlands, dedicated to the domes- tic or marine divinities, and regarded as symbols ol a prosperous voyage, to be attached to the aplus- tria ; and to these and similar decorations, express- ive of joy and hope, Gregory Nazianzen appears to allude in the phrase dvSta ■upviiviK,'^ and Apollo- nius Rhodius' in the expression ufldaToio Kopv/iSa. It is evident that the aplustre, formed of compar- atively thin boards, and presenting a broad surface to the sky, would be very apt to be shaken by violent and contrary winds. Hence Rutilius, describing a favourable gale, says: " Inconcussa vehit tranguUlns aplustria flatus ; Mollm securo vela rudente tnrermmt" In consequence of its conspicuous position and beautiful form, the aplustre was often taken as the emblem of maritime affairs. It was carried off as a trophy by the conqueror in a naval engagement, Juvenal' mentions it among the decorations of a triumphal arch. NejJtune, as represented on gems and medals, sometimes holds the aplustre iu his right hand ; and 1 . (Apollon. Rhod., i. 1089.)— 2. (Apnllodor., i., 9, 22.— Apol- Im. Rhod., ii., 6U1.— Val. Place, iv.)— 3. (11., it., 710.)— 4. (vi., 1(1 )— 5. (Georg., i., 304.— -55n., iv., 418.) in the celebrated Apotheosis of Homer, now in Uie British Museum, tne female who personates tlie Odyssey exhibits the same emblem in reference to the voyages of Ulysses. APOB'ATE ((iJro /Sot;/?). {Vii. Descltoees.) APOKER'YXIS iJi'KOKripvS.iq) implies the method by which a father could at Athens dissolve the legal connexion between himself and his son. Accord- ing to the author of the declamation on the subject ('A.TcoK)!pvTT6/ievog), which has generally been at- tributed to Lucian, substantial reasons were re- quired to ensure the ratification of such extraordi- nary severity. Those suggested in the treatise re- ferred to are, deficiency in filial attention, riotous living, and profligacy generally. A subsequent act of pardon might aimul this solemn rejection ; but if it were not so avoided, the son was denied by his father while alive, and disinherited afterward. It does not, however, appear that his privileges as to his tribe or the state underwent any Edteration. The court of the archon must have been that in which causes of this kind were brought forward, and the rejection would be completed and declared by the voice of the herald. It is probable that an adoptive father also might resort to this remedy against the ingratitude of a son.* APOCHEIROT'ONEIN {uwoxeipoTovslv). (Vid. Arcbairesia.) *APO'CYNON (uiroKvvov), a species of plant, which Matthiolus informs us he long despaired of discovering; but that, at last, he was presented with a specimen of a plant which he was satisfied was it. He refers to the Cynanchus eredus, L. Dodo- n^us confounds it with the Periploca, to which, as Miller remarks, it- bears a striking resemblance. Stephens describes it as being frequent in Burgun- dy, ha-ving an ivy leaf, white flower, and fruit like a' bean.' 1. (Carm. i., 5.)— 2. (1. c.)— 3. (x., 135.)— 4. (Demostli. i] Spud., 1029.— Petit., Leg. AM., 235.)— 5. (Dioscjr., iv., 91 - Adams, Append., s. v.) APOGRAPHE. APOLLONIA. APODEC'T^ {inoSiKTai) were public officers at Athens, who were introduced by Cleisthenes in the place of the ancient colacretae (KulaKpirai). They were ten in number, one for each tribe, and their duty was to collect all the ordinary taxes, and distribute theio to the separate branches of the ad- ministration which were entitled to them. They had the power to decide causes connected with the subjects tmder their management; though, if the matters in dispute were of importance, they were obliged to bring them for decision into the ordinary courts.' APOG'RAPHE uTToypafTi) is, literally, a " list or register;" but, in the langnage of the Attic courts, the terms a-Troypdfetv and uTro-ypd^eadat had three separate applications: 1. 'Airojpa(i)^ was used in reference to an accusation in public matters, more partictilarly when there were several defendants; the denunciation, the bill of indictment, and enu- meration of the accused, would in this case be term- ed apographe, and differ but little, if at all, from the ordinary graphe." 2. It implied the making of a solemn protest or assertion oefore a magistrate, to the intent that it nught be preserved by him till it was required to be given in evidence.' 3. It was a specification of property, said to belong to the state, but actually in the possession of a private person ; which specification was made with a view to the confiscation of such property to the state.* The last case only requires a more extended il- lustration. There would be two occasions upon which it would occur: first, when a person held public property without purchase, as an intruder; and, secondly, when the substance of an individual was liable to confiscation in consequence of a judi- cial award, as in the case of a declared state debt- or. If no opposition were offered, the inroypaijiri would attain its object, under the care of the ma- gistrate to whose office it was brought ; otherwise a public action arose, which is also designated by the same title. In a cause of the first kiud, which is said in Eume cases to have also borne the name -koBcv Ix^i rit xp^iiUTa Kol ■Koaa ravra dj;, the claimant against the state had merely to prove his title to the property ; and -with this we must class the case of a person that impugned the aT^oypaipij, whereby the substance of another was, or was proposed to be, confiscated, on the ground that he had a loan by way of mortgage or other recognised security upon a portion of it ; or that the part in question did not in any way belong to the state debtor, or person so mulcted. This kind of opposition to the dnoypariTa), literally " things for- bidden," has two peculiar but widely diflTerent ac- ceptations in the Attic dialect. In one of these it implies contraband goods, an enumeration of which, at the different periods of Athenian history, is given by Bockh ;" in the other it denotes certain contume- lious epithets, from the application of wliich both the living and the dead were protected by special laws." Among these, i.vdp6t^ovo<;, narpa/ioiag, and fiTjTpoKolai are certainly to be reckoned ; and other words, as piipaaKu;, though not forbidden nominatim \ (Pollux, viii., 56.) — 2. ('OTTtirai' rag ip^(Poug avaiajpvTTbiul Tixiv K{jiTiav. Lucian, pro Imagin., c. 29.)— 3. {Demosth., c. Eueiget.j c. 13, p. 1153.— Lex. Rhet., p. 210.)— 4. (d-o0opa ifTTt Tit OTTO Twv oovKitiv Tois ^cuTTtiraif Ttafitx^litva vpritiaTa. Ammonius.)— 5. (Demosth., c. Aphob., i., c. 6, p. 819; c. Ni- costr., c. 6, p. 1253.— Andoc, De Myster., c. 9, p. 19.— Xcn., Rep. Ath., i., 11.)— 6. (Suet., Vesp., 19.— Cal., 55.— Octav., 75. —Martial, xiv., 1, 7, 8.)— 7. (Etymol. Mag:.)— 8. (Plut., AJcib., c. 34.— Lucian, Pseudoloj., c. 13.— Schomann, De Comit. Ath., p. 50.)— 9. (Adams, Append., s. t.)— 10. (Pub. Econ. of Athens, J., p. 76.)— 1] . (Meier, Att. Process, p. 482.) by the law, seem to have been equally actionable.' The penalty for using these words was a fine of 500 drachmcB,^ recoverable in an action for abusive lan- guage. {Vid. Kakegorias.) It is surmised thai this fine was incurred by Midias in two actions on the occasion mentioned by Demosthenes.' AnOSTAS'IOT AIKH {unoaraaLov 6iKri). This is the only private suit which came, as far as we knc Wj under the exclusive jurisdiction of the polen:arch.* It could be brought against none but a freedman (aTzelevBEpog), and th>e only prosecutor permitted to appear was the citizen to whom he had been in- debted for his liberty, unless this privilege was transmitted to the sons of such former master. The tenour of the accusation was, that there had been a default in duty to the prosecutor ; but what atten- tions might be claimed &om the freedman, we are not informed. It is said, however, that the great- est delict of this kind was the selection of a patron (jrpoaTaTTjc:) other than the former master. If con- victed, the defendant was publicly sold ; but if ac- quitted, the unprosperous connexion ceased forever, and the freedman was at liberty to select any citizen for his patron. The patron could also summarily punish the above-mentioned delinquencies of his freedman by private incarceration without any le- gal award.' APOST'OLEIS (aizoaroluc) were ten public offi- cers at Athens, whose duty was to see that the ships were properly equipped and provided by those who were bound to discharge the trierarchy. They had the power, in certain cases, of imprisoning the trier- archs who neglected to furnish the ships properly ;' and they appear to have constituted a board in con- junction with the inspectors of the docks (oi tSv veaptuv hiTLfie'ATiTai) for the prosecution of all mat- ters relating to the equipment of the ships.' APOTHE'CA {ai7o6^K7i) was a place in the uppet part of the house, in which the Romans frequently placed the earthen amphorae in which their wines were deposited. This place, which was quite dif- ferent from the cella vinaria, was above the fiima- rium., since it was thought that the passage of the smoke through the room tended greatly to increase the flavour of the wine.' APOTHEO'SIS {d-iroBeaan), the enrolment of a mortal among the gods. The mythology of Greece contains numerous instances of the deification of mortals, but in the republican times of Greece we find few examples of such deification. The inhab- itants of Amphipolis, however, offered sacrifices to Brasidas after his death;' and the people of Egeste built a heroum to Philippus, and also offered sacri- fices to him on account of his personal beauty." In the Greek kingdoms, which arose in the East on the dismemberment of the empire of Alexander, it does not appear to have been uncommon for the success- or to the throne to have offered divine honours to the former sovereign. Such an apotheosis of Ptol- emy, king of Egypt, is described by Theocritus in his 17th Idyl." The term apotheosis, among the Romans, prop- erly signified the elevation of a deceased emperor to divine honours. This practice, which was com- mon upon the death of almost all the emperors, ap- pears to have arisen from the opinion, which was generally entertained among the Romans, that the souls or manes of their ancestors became deities ; and, as it was common for children to worship the manes of their fathers, so it was natural for divine 1. (Lysias, c. Theomn., i., 353 ; ii., 377.— Viii. Herald., Ani- mad. in Salmas., c. 13.)— 2. (Isocr. in Loch., 396.)— 3. (in Mid., 540, m.—Vid. etiam Hudtwalcker, do Diastet., p. 150.)— 4. (Aristot., De Ath. Rep., quoted by Harpocrat.)— 5. (Petit., Legg. Attic, p. 261.)— 6. (Demosth.,pro Cor., p. 262.)— 7. (De- mosth., c. Euerj., p. 1147.— Meier, Att. Process, p. 112.)— 8. (Colum., i., 6, 1) 20.— Hot., Carm. iii., 8, 11 ; Sat. ii., 5, 7.— Heindorff in loc.)— 9. (Thucyd., v., 11.)— 10. (Herod., v., 48.)— 11. (Casaubon in Suet., Jul., 88.) 71 APOTHEOSIS, honours to be publicly paid to a deceased emperor, who was regarded as the parent of his country. This apotheosis of an emperor was usually called amsecratio ; and the emperor who received the hon- our of an apotheosis was usually said in deorum ?im- merum referri, or consecrari. Romulus is said to have been admitted to divine honours under the name of Cluirinus.' None of the other Roman kings appears to have received this honour; and also in the republican times we read of no instance of an apotheosis. Ju- lius CsBsar was deified after his death, and games were instituted to his honour by Augustus.^ The ceremonies observed on the occasion of an apothe- osis have been minutely c|escribed by Herodian- in the following passage : " It is the custom of the Romans to deify those of their emperors who die leaving successors, and this rite they call apotheo- sis. On this occasion a semblance of mourning, combined with festival and religious observances, is visible throughout the city. The body of the dead they honour after human fashion, with a splen- did funeral ; and, making a waxen image in all re- spects resembling him, they expose it to view in the vestibule of the palace, on a lofty ivory couch of great size, spread with cloth of gold. The figure is made pallid, like a sick man. During most of the day senators sit round the bed on the left side, clo- thed in black, and noble women on the right, clo- thed in plain white garments, like mourners, wear- ing no gold or necklaces. These ceremonies con- tinue for seven days ; and the physicians severally approach the couch, and, looking on the sick man, say that he grows worse and worse. And when they have made believe that he is dead, the noblest of the equestrian and chosen youths of the senato- rial orders take up the couch, and bear it along the Via Sacra, and expose it in the old forum. Plat- forms, like steps, are built upon each side, on one of which stands a chorus of noble youths, and on the opposite a chorus of women of high rank, who sing hymns and songs of praise to the deceased, modu- lated in a soleum and moumfiil strain. Afterward they bear the couch through the city to the Campus Martins, in the broadest part of which a square pile is constructed entirely of logs of timber of the lar- gest size, in the shape of a chamber, filled witi; fag- ots, and on the outside adorned with hangings in- teru oven with gold, and ivory images, and pictures. Upon this a similar but smaller chamber is built, with open doors and windows, and above it a third and iimrth, still diminishing to the top, so that one might compare it to the lighthouses which are call- ed Phiri. In the second story they place a bed, and collect all sorts of aromatics and incense, and every sort of fragrant fruit, or herb, or juice ; for all cities, and nations, and persons of eminence emu- late each other in contributing these last gifts in honour of the emperor. And when a vast heap of aromatics is collected, there is a procession of horse- men and of chariots around the pile, with the dri- vers clothed in robes of office, and wearing masks made to resemble the most distinguished Roman generals and emperors. When all this is done, the others set fire to it on every side, which easily catches hold of the fagots and aromatics ; and from the highest and smallest story, as from a pinnacle, an eagle is let loose, to mount into the sky as the fire ascends, which is believed by the Romans to carry the soul of the emperor from earth to heaven, and from that time he is worshipped with the other gods." In conformity with this account, it is common to see on medals struck in honour of an apotheosis an al :ar with fire on it, and an eagle, the bird of Jupi- ter, taking flight into the air. The number of med- als of this d(! icription is very numerous. We can. APPELLATIO. from these medals alone, trace the names of sixty individuals who received the honouis of an apothe. osis, from the time of Julius Caesar to that of Con- stantine the Great. On most of them the word CoNSECRATio occurs, and on some Greek coins the word A$IEPfiClS. The following woodcut is ta ken from an agate, which is supposed to reprK7.'fli the apotheosis of Germanicus.' In his lefl hatd h, holds the cornucopia, and Victory is placing ;. luii- rel crown upon him. A very similar representation to the above is found on the triumphal arch of Titus, on which Ti- tus is represented as being carried up to the skies on an eagle. Many other monuments have come down to us which represent an apotheosis. Of these ihe most celebrated is the bas-relief in the Townley gallery in the British Museum, which represents the apothe- osis of Homer. It is clearly of Roman workman- ship, and is supposed to have been executed in the time of the Emperor Claudius. An interesting ac- count of the various explanations which have been proposed of this bas-relief is given in the Townley Gallery, published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, vol. ii., p. 119, &c. There is a beautiful representation of the apothe- osis of Augustus on an onyx-stone in the royal mu- seum at Paris. The wives, and other female relatives of the em- perors, sometimes received the honour of an apothe- osis. This was the case with Livia Augusta, with Poppaea the wife of Nero, and with Faustina the wife of Antoninus.' For farther information on this subject, see Mencken, Disputatio de Consecratione, &c.; and Schcepflin, Tractalus de Apotlieosi, &c., Argent., 1730 APPARITO'RES, the general name for the pub- lic servants of the magistrates at Rome, namely, the AccENsi, Car.vifex, Coactores, Interpretes, Lie- TORES, Pr^cones, Scrie^), Stator, Strator, Vli- TOREs, of whom an account is given in separate ar- ticles. They were called apparitores because they were at hand to execute the commands of the ma- gistrates.' Their service or attendance was called apparitio.* The servants of the military tribunes were also called apparitores. AVe read that the Emperor Severus forbade the militarr tribimes to retain the apparitores, whom they were accustomed to have.' Under the emperors, the apparitores were divided into numerous classes, and enjoyed peculiar privi- leges, of which an accomit is given in Just., Cod. 12, «t«. 52-59. APPELLATIO (GREEK), (l^^mc or ivaSLda). Owing to the constitution of the Athenian tribunals, each of which was generally appropriated to its 1. (Plut., Rom,, 27. 26.— Liv , i., 10.— Cic, Do R™., li., 10.) 2. (Suet., Jul., SIV)-? (iv., 3.) 73 1. Montfiiucon, Ant. Expl. Surpl.,voI.T.,p.lS- _S (SiiBt., Claud., Il-Dion Ix., 5.-Tao., Ann., ivi., 21 -CiipitoUn., Anton. Philos., 26.)— 3. (" Quod lis apparobont e- nre-Mo enuil ad obscqumni." Sen-, in Virif., .En., xii., 850 — dr.. pro CIu ent., c. 53 --Liv., i S.)-4. (Cic, ad Fam., x\».,ii, ad eaig is when one transfers a cause from the arbitrators (SiairTjTai), or archons, or men of the township (dri/ioTai), to the dicasts, or from the sen- ate to the assembly of the people, or from the as- sembly to a court (dwaarfipiov), or from the dicasts to a foreign tribunal; and the cause was then term- ed i(pmt/ioi. Those suits were also called IkhXtitoi d'lKat. The deposite staked in appeals, which we now call T!-apa56?,wv, is by Aristotle styled napaSo- 7.0V." The appeals from the diaitetae are generally mentioned by Demosthenes ;' and Hudtwalcker sup- poses that they were allowable in all cases except when the fii/ oim SUri was resorted to. (Vid Dike.) It is not easy to determine upon what occasions an appeal from the archons could be preferred; for ailer the time of Solon, their power of deciding causes had degenerated into the mere presidency of a court (Tiyefiovia diKmrripiov), and the conduct of the previous examination of causes {avdxpMii). It has been also remarked,' that upon the plaintiff's suit being rejected in this previous examination as unfit to be brought before a court, he would most probably proceed against the archon in the assem- bly of the people for denial of justice, or would wait till the expiration of his year of office, and at- tack him when he came to render the account of his conduct in the magistracy {eidvvai.'). An ap- peal, however, from the archons, as well as from all c.thei officers, was very possible, when they im- posed a fine of their own authority, and without the sarjtion of a court-, and it might also take 1. (Demosth., c. Timocr., 718, 8-19.)— 2. (Harpocr.— Hadtw Dei DiBtet. 125.)-3. (viii., 62, 63.)^. (c. Aphob., 862.-C Klag., J , 243.)— 6. (AnMph., De Choreut., 788.) K APPELLATIO. place when the king archon had by Lit sole voice made an award of dues and privileges (yepa) con- tested by two priesthoods or sacerdotal races.' The appeal from the demotas would occur when a person, hitherto deemed one of the:: members, had been declared by them to be an intruder, and no genuine citizen. If the appeal were made, the demote appeared by their advocate as plaintiff, and the result was the restitution of the tranchise, or thenceforward the slavery of the defendant. It will have been observed, that in the last three cases, the appeal was made from few, or single, or local judges to the heliasts, who were considered the representatives of the people or country. With respect to the proceedings, no new documents seem to have been added to the contents of the echinus upon an appeal; but the anacrisis would be con- fined merely to an examination, as far as was ne- cessary, to those documents which had been already put in by the litigants. There is some obscurity respecting the two next kinds of appeal that are noticed by Pollux. It is conjectured Dy Schomann' that the appeal from the senate to the people refers to cases which the for- mer were, for various reasons, disinclined to decide, and by Platner,' that it occurred when the senate was accused of having exceeded its powers. Upon the appeal from the assembly to court, there is also a difference of opinion between the two last- mentioned critics, Schomann* maintaining that the words of Pollux are to be applied to a voluntary reference of a cause by the assembly to the dicasts, and Platner suggesting the possible case of one that incurred a prEejudicium of the assembly against him (TTpoSo/l^, KaTax^ipoTovia), calling upon a court {6iKaaT^piov) to give him the opportunity of vindica- ting himself from a charge that his antagonist de- clined to follow up. Platner' also supposes the case of a magistrate summarily deposed by the assem- bly, and demanding to prove his innocence before tll6 Il6li3£tS APPELLA'TIO (ROMAN). This word, and the corresponding verb appellare, are used in the early Roman writers to express the application of an individual to a magistrate, and particularly to a tribune, in order to protect himself from some wrong inflticted, or threatened to be inflicted. It is distin- guished from provocaiio, which in the early writers is used to signify an appeal to the populus in a matter affecting life. It would seem that the provo- catio was an ancient right of the Roman citizens. The surviving Horatius, who murdered his sister, appealed from the duumviri to the populus." The decemviri took away the provocatio ; but it was re- stored by a lex consularis provocatione, and it was at the same time enacted that in future no inagis- trate should be made from whom there should be no appeal. On this Livy' remarks, that the plebes were now protected by the prmocaiio and the ti-ilnt- nicium auxilmm; this latter term has reference to the appellatio, properly so called. Appius' applied (appellavit) to the tribunes ; and when this produced no effect, and he was arrested by a viator, he ap- pealed {p-ovocamf). Cicero' appears to allude tc the re-establishment of the provocatio, which is mentioned by Livy.' The complete phrase to ex- press the provocatio is p-ovocare ad ptrpulum; and the phrase which expresses the appellatio is appel- lare ad, &c. It appears that a person might appel. lare from one magistrate to another of equal rank; and, of course, from an inferior to a superior ma- gistrate, and from one tribune to another. When the supreme power became vested in the emperors, the terms provocatio and appellatio losi their original signification. In the Digest,"" provo- 1. (Lex. Rhet., 219, 19.)— 2. (Att. Process, 771.)— 3. (i., 427. — 4. (Art. Process, 771.)— 5. (Liv., i., 26.)— 6. (iii,, 55.) -7 (Liv., iji., 56.)— 8. (Da (Drat., ii., 48.)— 9. (iii., 55.)— 10. (4» tit. 1, De AppeDationibus.) 73 AaU^ DUCTUS. Aau^ DUCTUS. calio and appellatio are used indiscriminately, to express what we call an appeal in civil matters; but provocatio seems so far to have retained its ori- ginal meaning as to be the only term used for an appeal in criminal matters. The emperor centred in himself both the power of the populus and the veto of the tribunes ; but the appeal to him was properly in the last resort. Appellatio among the Roman jurists, then, signifies an application for re- dress from the decision of an inferior to a superior, on the ground of wrong decision, or other sufficient ground. According to Ulpian,' appeals were com- mon among the Romans, "on accotmt of the injus- tice or ignorance of those who had to decide (judi- cantes), though sometimes an appeal alters a proper decision, as it is not a necessary consequence that he who gives the last gives also the best decision." This remark must be taken in connexion with the Roman system of procedure, by which such matters were referred to a judex for his decision, after the pleadings had brought the matter in dispute to an issue. From the emperor himself there was, of course, no appeal; and, by a constitution of Hadri- an, there was no appeal from the senate to the em- peror. The emperor, in appointing a judex, might exclude all appeal, and make the decision of the judex final. The appeal, or libellus appellatorius, showed who was the appellant, against whom the appeal was, and what was the judgment appealed from, Appellatio also means to summon a party before a judex, or to call upon him to perfonn something that he has undertaken to do.' The debtor who was summoned {appeUatm) by his creditor, and obeyed the summons, was said respondere, APPLICATIO'NIS JUS. (Vid. Banishment.) APPULEIA LEX. {Vid. M.uestas.) APRI'LIS. (FM. Calendar, Roman.) AUPOSTAS'IOT rPA*H {uTzpoaramov jpa^v), an action brought against those metoeci, or resident aliens, who had neglected to provide themselves with a patron {■Kpoarartic), or exercised the rights of full citizens, or did not pay the /leroUtov, a tax of twelve drachmas exacted from resident aliens. Persons convicted under this indictment forfeited the protection of the state, and were sold as slaves.' *"APUS (uTrotif), a species of bird, called also Ki)i/i£/lXof.* It is thought to have been the same with the Swift, or Hinindo opus, L. Pennant, how- ever, contends that the Cypsellus of Aristotle and Pliny was the Procellaria pelagica, or Stormy Petrel.' AQ.UJE DUCTUS usually signifies an artificial channel or water-course, by which a supply of wa- ter is brought from a considerable distance upon an inclined plane raised on arches, and carried across valleys and uneven country, and occasion- ally under ground, where hills or rocks intervene. As nearly all the ancient aqugeducts now remain- ing are of Roman construction, it has been generally imagined that works of this description were entire- ly unknown to the Greeks. This, however, is an error, since some are mentioned by Pausanias and others, though too briefly to enable us to judge of their particular construction ; whether they consist- ed chiefly of subterraneous channels bored through hills, or, if not, by what means they were carried across valleys, since the use of the arch, which is said to have been unkno^Ti to the Greeks, was in- dispensable for such a purpose. Probably those which have been recorded — such as that built by Pisistratus at Athens, that at Megara, and the cele- brated one of Polycrates at Samos* — were rather conduits than ranges of building like the Roman ones. Of the latter, few were constructed in the times of the Republic. We are informed by Pron- 1. (Dig. 49. tit. 1.)— 2. (Cic, ad All., i., 8.)— 3. (Phol., p. 478, Pors.— Bokkor, Anocdot. Gr., p. 201, 434, 440.)— 4. (Aris- ;ot., H. A., ix 21.)— 5. (British Zoology, p. 554.)— 0. (Herod., iii , BO.) 74 tinus that it was not until about B.C. 313 that anj were erected, the inhabitants supplying themselves up to that time with water from the Tiber, or ma- king use of cisterns and springs. The first aquae- duct was begun by Appius Claudius the Censor, and was named, after him, the Aqua Appia.^ In this aqua^duct the water was conveyed from the distance of between seven and eight miles from the city, al- most entirely under ground, since, out of 11,190 passus, its entire extent, the water was above ground only 60 passus before it reached the Porta Capena, and then was only partly carried on arches. Re- mains of this work no longer exist. Forty years afterward (B.C. 373) a second aquae- duct was begun by M. Curius Dentatus, by which the water was brought from the river Anio, 20 miles above Tibur (now Tivoli), making an extent of 43,000 passus, of which only 702 were above ground and upon arches. This was the one aftensard known by the name of Anio Vetus, in order to dis- tinguish it from another aquseduct brought from the same river, and therefore called Anio Novus. Of the Anio Vetus considerable remains may yet te traced, both in the neighbourhood of Tivoli and in the vicinity of the present Porta Maggiore at Rome. It was constructed of blocks of Peperino stone, and the water-course was lined with a thick coating of cement. In B.C. 179, the censors M. iEmiUus Lepidus and M. Flaccus Nobilior proposed that another aquae- duct should be built ; but the scheme was defeated, in consequence of Licinius Crassus refusing to lei it be carried through his lands.' A more abundant supply of water being found indispensable, particu- larly as that furnished by the Anio Vetus was of suet bad quality as to be almost unfit for drinking, the senate commissioned Gluintus Marcius Rex, the prsetor, who had superintended the repairs of the two aquaeducts already built, to imdertake a third, which was called, after him, the Aqua Marcia.' This was brought from Sublaqueum (Subiaco) along an extent of 61,710 passus; viz., M,267 un- der ground, and 7443 above ground, and chiefly on arches ; and was of such elevation that water could be supplied from it to the loftiest part of the Capito- line Mount. Of the arches of this aquseduct a con- siderable number are yet standing. Of those, like- wise, called the Aqva Tepvla (B.C. 127), and the Aqua Julia (B.C. 35), which are next in point of date, remains are still existing ; and in the vicinity of the city, these two aquaeducts and the Marcia were all united in one line of structme, forming three separate water-courses, one above the other, the lowermost of which formed the channel of the Aqua Marcia, and the uppermost that of the Aqua Julia, and they discharged themselves into one res- ervoir in common. The Aqua Julia was erected by M. Agrippa during his sedileship, who, besides repairing both the Anio Vetus and the Aqua Mar- cia,' supplied the city with seven hundred wells (laats), one hundred and fifty springs or fountains, and one hundred and thirty reserv'oirs. Besides repairing and enlai^ng the Aqua Mar- cia, and, by turning a new stream into it, increasing its supply to double what it formerly had been, Au- gustus built the aquEeduct called Alsicilrui, some- times called Avg^ista after its founder. The water furnished by it was brought from the Lpke of Al- sietinus, and was of such bad qualiiv as to be scarce- ly fit for drinking; on which account it has been supposed that Augustus intended it chiefly for fdl- ing his naumachia, which required more water than could be spared from the other aquEeducts, its basin being 1800 feet in length and 1200 in breadth. It was in the reign, too, of this emperor that M. Agrip- pa built the aquEEduct called the Aqua Virgo, wnich 1. (Liv., ix., 29.— Died. Sic, K., 86.)— 2. (Tiv„ il., 51.)-« (Plin., joxyi., 24, « 9.) AaU^ DUCTUS najne it is said to have obtained because the spring which supplied it was first pointed out by a girl to some soldiers who were in search of water. Pliny, however, gives a different origin to the name.' Its length was 14,105 passus, of which 12,865 were un- der ground; and, lor some part of its extent above ground, it was decorated with columns and statues. This aquceduct still exists entire, having been re- stored by Nicholas V., although not completely un- til the pontificate of Pius IV., 1568, and it still bears the name of Aqua Vergine. A few years later, a second aquEeduct was built by Augustus, for the purpose of supplying the Aqua Marcia in times of drought. The two gigantic works of the Emperor Claudius, viz., the Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus, doubled the former supply of water ; and although none of the later aquseducts rivalled the Marcia in the vastness and soUdily of its' constructions, they were of con- siderably greater extent. The Claudia had been begun by Caligula in the year A.D. 38, but was completed by his successor, and was, although less copious in its supply, not at all inferior to the Mar- cia in the excellence of its water. The other was, if not so celebrated for the quality of the water itself, remarkable for the quantity which it conveyed to the city, it being in that respect the most copious of them all. Besides which, it was by far the grandest in point of architectural effect, inasmuch as it pre- sented, for about the extent of six miles before it reached the city, a continuous range of exceedingly lofty structure, the arches being in some places 109 feet high. It was much more elevated than any of the other aquaeducts, and in one part of its course was carried over the Claudia. Nero afterward made additions to this vast work, by continuing it as far as Mount Ceelius, where was a temple erected to Claudius. The Aqua Trajana, which was the work of the emperor whose name it bears, and was completed A.D. Ill, was not so much an entirely new and dis- tinct aquaeduct as a branch of the Anio Novus brought from Sublaqueum, where it was supplied by a spring of purer water than that of the Anio. It was in the time of this emperor, and of his predecessor Nerva, that the superintendence of all the aquae- ducts was held by Sextus Jvdius f'rontinus, whose treatise De Aqutsductiius has supplied us with the fullest information now to be obtained relative- to their history and construction. In addition to the aquasducts which have been al- ready mentioned, there were others of later date : namely, the Antoniana, A.D. 212; the Akxandnna, A.D. 230; and the Jovia, A.D. 300; but these seem to have been of comparatively little note, nor have we any particular account of them. The magnificence displayed by the Romans in their public works of this class was by no means confined to the capital ; for aquasducts more or less stupendous were constructed by them in various and even very remote parts of the empire — at Nico- media, Ephesus, Smyrna, Alexandrea, Syracuse, Metz, Nismes (the Pont du Gard), Lyons, Evora, Merida, and Segovia. That at Evora, which was built by probably that species of VuUure which gets the name of VnlMrine Eagle. Its French name, according to Belon, is Boudree. It is called also ypvaaitTo^ and bpeLrrOMpyoQ by Aris- totle. 3. The uKiaiETo; of Aristotle would appear to be the Osprey.* This bird is the " Nisus" of Vir- gil and Ovid. Naturalists have recently adopted the opinion that the Osprey is the same as the Sea- eagle. Its scientific name is Pandion Hdliaxlus, Savigny. 4. The iielavalero^ of Aristotle, called also Xaya^ovo^ by him, is referred by Hardouin' to the small Black Eagle, which the late authorities on Ornithology hold to be only a variety of the Grolden Eagle, or Aqwila Chnjsa'itos. It is deserving of re- mark, however, that the learned Gesner seems dis- posed to refer the /ic?MvaleT0( to the Erne, or Aguila Albicilla of late ornithologists. 5. The i^tjvtj of Aristotle is undoubtedly the Ossifraga of Pliny, and the ^iv(f of Dioscorides." It is the Falco Ossifragus, L. 6. The TTuyapyof is supposed by Hardouin to be the eagle called Jean le hlanc. Turner suggests that it may have been the Erne, and Elliot the Ring-tail. All point to the same bird, namely, the Halicectns Al- Kdlla, Savigny ; for the Ring-tail is now held to be merely a variety of the Erne. The term iruyapyo; signifies " White-tailed." 7. The species called yvijaio^ by Aristotle is confidently referred by Har- douin to the Golden Eagle, wliich, as Buflbn re- marks, is the noblest and largest of the genus. It is the Aqulla Chrysateos, Vigors.' AaUILLIA LEX. (ViJ. Damntm.) ARA (fiufio;, ■dvT^pi.ov), an altar. Ara was a general term denoting any structure elevated above the ground, and used to receive upon it offerings made to the gods. Altare, probably con- tracted from aUa ara, was properly restricted to the larger, higher, and more expensive structures. Hence Menalcas,' proposing to erect four altars, viz., two to Daphnis, and two, which were to be high altars, to Apollo, says, " En quattuor aras: Ecce duos tibi, Daphni; duos, aUaria, Pkabo" Servius, in his commentary on the passage, observes, that altana were erected only in honour of the superior divinities, whereas ara were consecrated not only to them, but also to the inferior, to heroes, and to demigods. On the other hand, sacrifices were ofier- ed to the infernal gods, not upon altars, but in cavi- ties (scrobcs, scrobiculi, fidBpot, ?.dKKOL) dug in the ground.' Agreeably to this distinction, we find that in some cases an aita're was erected upon an ara, or even several high altars upon one of inferior eleva- tion. 1. (H. A., ix., 22.)- 2. (Willonshby's Ornithology, 111), ii.. art. 5.)— 3. (II., xxiv., 316.)^. (Gesner, do Avibus.— Brooks'* Niit. Hist., vol. ii., p. 4.)— 5. (in Plin., II. N., x., 1.)— 6. (ii., 58.)— 7. (Adams, Append., s " — 8. (Vir-g., Eolog., v. C5.)— »• (Festus, s, V. Altaria.) ARA. ii^ »\\0Js '^e ancients almost every religious net Kns i.cco.i.panied by sacrifice, it was often flecsssary to provide altars on the spur of the oc- casion, and they were then constructed of earth, ;ods, or stones, collected on the spot. Thus, " Erexii subitas cmgegtv, cespUis aras."^ Also, when .apneas and Tumus are preparing to fight in single combat, wishing to bind themselves by a solemn oath, they erect ams gramirwas.' Availing himself cf this practice, Telamon adroitly warded off the effects of the jealousy of liercules, whose rage he had excited by making the first breach in the walls ..f Ilium, and thus appearing to surpass his com- panion in glory. Pursued bf Hercules, who had already drawn his sword, and seeing his danger, he set about collecting the scattered stones ; and when Hercules, on coming up, asked what he was about, he answered that he was preparing an altar to 'HpaKXijc: KaUtviKOC, and thus saved his life.^ When the occasion was not sudden, and especially if the altars were required to be of a considerable size, they were built with regular courses of masonry or brickwork, as is clearly shown in several exam- ples on the column of Trajan at Rome. See the left-hand figure in the woodcut annexed. 1 i . 1 1 The flr.'it deviation from this absolute siraplic _, of form consisted in the addition of a base (jSooif, Kprinii), and of a corresponding projection at the top, the latter (saxapig, puuoi iax^pa^) being in- tended to hold the fire and the objects offered in sacrifice. These two parts are so common as to be almost uniform types of the form of an altar, and will be found in all the figures inserted underneath. The altar on which the gods swore, when they leagued with Jupiter against the Titans, became a constellation consisting of four stars, two on the tireplace and two on the base.' It appears, also, that a movable pan or brazier {iminipov) was sometimes used to hold the fire." Altars were either square or round. The latter form, which was the less common of the two, is exemplified in the following figures : That on the left hand is from a painting at Her- culaneum. The altar is represented as dedicated to the genius of some spot on Mount Vesuvius. He appears in the form cf a serpent,' and is par- taking of the figs and fir-cones which have been offered to him on the altar. The right-hand figure 1. (Lucan, ix., 988.)— 2. (Virg., Mn., xii., 118.)— 3. (Apol- lod., II., vi., 4. — Vid. etiam Hor., Carm. I., xix., 13.) — 4. (Eu- rip., Audr., 1115.) — 5. (Eratosth., Cataster., 39. — Compare Hygin., Astron., ii., 39 ; Arat., 402 ; and Cicero's translation, De Nat Deoj , ii., 44.)— 6 (Ifcron., Spirit., 71.)— 7. (Virg., .Bn., v., 95J ARA. represents an altar, which was found, with lhre« others, at Antium.' It bears the inscription ab* VENTORVM. On it is sculptured the rostrum of a ship, and beneath this is a figure emblematic of the wind. He floats in free space, blows a shell, and wears a chlamys, which is upUfted by the breeze. In the second altar the iaxapk is distinguished by being hollow. Indeed altars, such as that on the left hand, were rather designed for sacrifices of fruits, or other gifts which were offered withoU fire, and they were therefore called unvpoi. When the altars were prepared for sacrifice, they were commonly decorated with garlands or festoons. The leaves, flowers, and fruits of which these were composed were of certain kinds, which were con- sidered as consecrated to such uses, and were called verbenm,' Theocritus' enumerates the three following, viz., the oak, the ivy, and the asphodel, as having been used on a particular occasion for this purpose.* The altar represented in the next woodcut shows the manner in which the festoon of verbenEo was suspended. Other ancient sculptures prove that fillets were also used, partly because they were themselves ornamental, and partly for the purpose of attaching the festoons to the altar. Hence we read in Virgil, " Effer aquam, et moUi dnge liiec allana viUa, Verbenasgue adole pingues, et mascula tura."^ Altars erected to the manes were decked with dark blue fillets and branches of cypress." Many altars which are still preserved have fillets, festoons, and garlands sculptured upon the marble, being designed to imitate the recent and real decorations. Besides the imitation of these ornaments, the art of the sculptor was also exercised in representing on the sides of altars the implements of sacrifice, the animals which were offered, or which were re- garded as sacred to the respective deities, and the various attributes and emblems of those deities. We see, for example, on altars dedicated to Jupiter, the eagle and the thunderbolt ; to Apollo, the stag, the raven, the laurel, the lyre or cithara ; to Bac- chus, the panther,' the thyrsus, the ivy, Silenus, bacchanals ; to Venus, the dove, the myrtle ; to Hercules, the poplar, the club, the labours of Her- cules ; to Sylvanus, the hog, the lamb, the cypress. Strabo says' that the principal altar of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was almost covered with the works of Praxiteles. Some of the altars which still remain are wrought with admirable taste and elegance. We give, as a specimen of the elaborate style, the outline of an Etruscan altar, in contrast with the unadorned altar in our first woodcut. Besides symbolical and decorative sculptures in bas-relief, ancient altars frequently present inscrip- tions, mentioning the gods to whom, and the wor- shippers by whom, they were erected and dedicated. For example, an altar in Montfaucon,* decorate(' with an eagle which grasps the thunderbolt, ana with a club, encircled with a fillet, at each of the four comers, bears the following inscription, in- eluded within a wreath of leaves : lOVI OrT. MA3I. ET HERCVLl INVICTO " C. TVTICANVi« CALLIAT. Ex VOTO We select this example, becans« J illustrates ths fact that the same altar was often erected in honoui 1. (Montfaucon, Ant. Expl,, ii., pi. 51.) — 2. fHor., Carm. iv., 11.)— 3. (xxvi., 3,4.)— 4. {Vid. etiam Tevfint., Andr., iv.. 4, 5.— Donatus in loc. — *' Coronatte anE," Propert., iii., 10. — " Nexis omatffi torauibus ars," Virg., Georg., iv., 27B.) — 5. (Eclog. viii., 64, 65.)— 6. (jEn., iii., 64 )— 7. (liv., ;. 23.)— 8. (Aut Expl., ii., pi. 96.) 77 ARA. ARACHNE. ot more tlian one divinity. It Tra.-, however, neces- sary that such divinities shDUid k:vve something in common, so that they might be properly associated; and deities having this relation to one another were called Dii communes, ■Scot avfi6u/ioi, dfioSu/iioi,' or KoivoSu/iioi.' At Olympia there were six altars, each sacred to two divinities, so as to make twelve gods in all.^ On the other hand, we find that it was not un- usual to erect two or more altars to the same divinity, on the same spot and on the same occa- sion. We have already produced an example of this from Virgil's fifth eclogue ; and the very same expression is in part repeated by him in the iEneid : " JEn quattuor aras — Neptwno."* In Theocritus,' three bacchantes, having collected verbenee, as we have before stated, erect twelve altars, viz., three to Semele and nine to Dionysus. But the most re- markable instances of this kind occurred when hecatombs were sacrificed ; for it was then neces- sary that the number of altars should correspond to the multitude of the victims. A ceremony of this description, recorded by Julius Capitolinus, seems to have been designed in imitation of the practice of the heroic ages. He says that, when "she head of the tyrant Maximin was brought to Rome, Balbinus, to express the general joy, built in one place 100 altars of turf (aras cespitUias), on which were slain 100 hogs and 100 sheep. But a more distinct exhibition of the scene is given in the Iliad,' when the Greeks assembled at Aulis present a hecatomb. A beautiful plane-tree is seen beside a clear fountain; the chieftains and the priests are assemble4 under its wide - spreading branches ; the spot is encircled with altars (a/iijii ircpi uprivnv), and the victims are slain along the cltars {itaTu j3(j>/iovc).^ Vitruvius' directs that altars, though differing in elevation according to the rank of the divinities to whom they were erected, should always be lower than the statues (simulacra) before which they were placed. Of the application of this rule we have an example in a medallion on the arch of Constan- tine at Rome. See the annexed woodcut. We see here Apollo with some of his attributes, riz., the stag, the tripod, the cithara, and plectinim. 1. (Tliucycl.,iii., 59.)— 2. (.ffiscliyl., Suppl,, 225.)— 3. (Scho- liast in Find., Olymp., v., 10.)— 4. (jEn., v , 639.)— 5. (1. c.) -.6. (ii., 305-307.)— 7. (Compare Num., xxiii., 1, " seven al- ars.')-a ,.- ^.) 78 The altar is about half as high as the pedestal 0/ the statue, placed immediately in front of it, and adorned with a wreath of verbenae. The statue stands in an uXaog, or grove of laurel. One of the saciificers, probably the Emperor Trajan, appears to be taking an oath, which he expresses by lifting up his right hand and touching the altar with his spear. This sculpture also shows the appearance of the tripods, which were frequently used instead of altars, and which are explained tmder the arti- cle Tripos. We have already had occasion to advert, in sev- eral instances, to the practice of building altars in the open air wherever the occasion might require, as on the side of a mountain, on the shore of the sea, or in a sacred grove. But those altars which were intended to be permanent, and which were, consequently, constructed with a greater expense of labour and of skill, belonged to temples ; and they were erected either before the temple, as sho-wn in the woodcut in the article Antjs, and beautifully exemplified in the remains of temples at Pompeii,' or within the cella of the temple, and principally before the statue of the divinity to whom it was dedicated. The altars in the area before the temple (fiufiol ■npovdoL') were altars of burnt-offerings, at which animal sacrifices (victima, ai^ayia, Upcla) were presented : only incense was burned, or cakes and bloodless sacrifices {^fuu/iara, Ma) offered on the altars within the building. Altars were also placed before the doors of private houses. In the Andria of Terence,^ a woman is asked to take the verbenae from an altar so situated, in order to lay a child upon them before the door of the house. A large altar to Zeus the Protector stood in the open court before the door of Priam's palace in Ilium.* Hither, according to the poets, Priam, Hecuba, and their daughters fled when the citadel was taken; and hence they were dragged with impious violence by Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, and some of them put to death. All altars were places of 1 cfuge. The supplicants were con- sidered as plrcj::g themselves imder the protectioi: of the deities to whom the altars were consecrated ; and violence ic' the unfortunate, even to slaves and criminals, in such circumstances, was regarded as violence towards the deities themselves. As in the instance already moduced, in which the gods conspired against the Titans, men likewise were accustomed to make solemn treaties and cov- enants, by taking oaths at altars. Thus Virgil rep- resents the kings entering into a league before the altar of Jupiter, by immolating a sow, while they hold the pateras for hbation in their hands.'' The story of Hannibal's oath at the altar, when a boy, is well known. Another practice, often alluded to, was that of touching altars in the act of prayer.' Marriages also were solemnized at the altars ; and, indeed, for the obvious reason, that religious acts were almost universally accompanied by sacrifice as an essen- tial part of them, all engagements which could be made more binding by sacred considerations were often formed between the parties before an altar. •ARAE'ICA, called also Arakkiis lapis, and Arab- ica gemma. It is spoken of by Dioscorides and Galen, and was probably a fine white marble.' •.■VRACH'NE (updxvii or -!?j-), the Spider, or genus Aranea, L. Several species are mentioned by Aristo- tle," but so briefly that they cannot be satisfactorily ascertained. Dioscorides describes two species by the names of oX/tof and Xiijcof.' The former of these, according to Sprengel, is the Aranea retiaria, and the 1. (Cell's Pompeiann, 1819, Plates 43, 62, 68.)— 2. (JSschyl., Suppl., 497.)— 3. (1. c.)— 4. (Virff., Svt., ii., SOO-^aS.-Hevne, Excurs., ad loc.)— 5. (Mn., viii.^64n.— Compare the last wood- cut, aud J&a., xii., 201.)— B, («o-., Carm. III., niii., 17.)— 7. (Dioscor., v., 149.— Plin., II. !( it«vi., 41.)— 8. (H. A., iln 26.)-9. (ii.,'68.) ARAPRUM. ARATRTTM. latter the Arama domestica. Sprengel is farther of opinion that no ancient author has noticed' the AraiKa TaravMda. But vid. Phalangion." ♦ARACHID'NA {apixi-^a)^ a species of Pea, the same, according to Stackhouse and Sprengel, with the Latkyrus ampMcarpiis. Stackhouse proposes to read apundva in the text of Theophrastus.' ♦AR'ACUS (dpa/cof ),_ a plant, which Sprengel, in the first edition of his R. H. H., marks as the Lathj- rvs tuierosus; but in his second, he inclines to the Pisum arve'nse. Stackhouse hesitates about acknowl- edging it as the Vida crctcca, or Tufted Vetch.' •ARATSfEA. {Vid. Arachne.) ARA'TEIA (aparfio), two sacrifies offered every year ai Sicyon in honour of Aratus, the great general of the Achseans, who, after his death, was honoured by his countrymen as a hero, in consequence of the command of an oracle.' The full account of the two festive days is preserved In Plutarch's Life of Ara- tus." The Sicyonians, says he, offer to Aratus two sacrifices every year, the one ■ on the day on which he delivered his native town from tjTanny, which is the fifth of the month of Daisius, the same which the Athenians call Anthesterion ; and this sacrifice they call aarfipia. The other they celebrate in the month in which they believe that he was bom. On the first, the priest of Zeus offered the sacrifices ; on the second, the priest of Aratus, wearing a white riband with purple spots in the centre, songs being sung to the guitar by the actors of the stage. The public teacher (yvfivaaiapxof) led his boys and youths in procession, probably to the heroum of Aratus, followed by the senators adorned with gar- lands, after whom came those citizens who wished to join the procession. The Sicyonians still ob- serve, he adds, some parts of the solemnity, but the principal honours have been abolished by time and other circumstances.' ARA'TRUM (uporpov), a plough. The Greeks appear to have had, from the earliest times, diversities in the fashion of their ploughs. Hesiod' advises the fanner to have always two ploughs, so that if one broke, the other might be ready for use ; and they were to be of two kinds, the one called avroyvov, because in it the plough- tail (yiij;f, huris, bura) was of the same piece of timber with the share-beam {£?^vfia, dens, dentale) and the pole (^vjioc, lU-oSorof, temo) ; and the other called ■jir]KT6v, i. e., compacted, because in it the three above-mentioned parts, which were, moreover, to be of three different kinds of timber, were ad- justed to one another, and fastened together by means of nails {yd/iipoiBiv'). The method of forming a plough of the former kind was by taking a young tree with two branches proceeding from its trunk in opposite directions, so that while in pluughing the trunk was made to serve for the pole, one of the two branches stood upward and became the tail, and the other penetrated the ground, and, being covered sometimes with bronze or iron, fulfilled the purpose of a share. This form is exhibited in the uppermost figure of the annexed woodcut, taken from a medal. The next figure shows the plough still used in Mysia, as described and delineated by a late traveller in that country, Mr. C. Fellows. It is a little more complicated than the first plough, inasmuch as it consists of two pieces of timber instead of one, a handle (kx^rXr;, stiva) being inserted into the larger piece at one side of it Mr. Fellows' observes that each portion of this instrument is still called by its ancient Greek name, and adds, that it seems suited only to the ligh; soil prevailing where he observed it; that it is 1 (Adams, Append., s. r.)— 2. (Thcophrast., H. P., i., 6.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 3. (Theophrast., H. P., i. 6.)— t. (Paus., ii-, 9, ? 4.)— 5. (c. 53.)— 6. (VS^achsiimth, HeUen. Alterthiim., 11., 2, p. 105.)— 7. (Op. et Dies, 432.)— 8. (Compave Scliol. in Apoll. Shod., iii., 232.— Horn., II., i., 353 ; xiii.. 703 ; and Schoi. is loc.)— 9, (Eicureion in Asia Minor, 1838, p. 71.) held by one hand only; that the form of the shars (iwif) varies ; and that the plough is frequently used without any share. " It is drawn by two oxen, yoked fiom the pole, and guided by a long reed or thin stick {xdrpivof), which has a spud or scraper at the end for cleaning the share." See the loweit figure in the woodcut. Another recent traveller in Greece gives the fol- lowing account of the plough which he saw in that country, a description approaching stUl nearer to the mjicTdv apoTpov of Homer and Hesiod. " It is composed," says he, "of two curved pieces of wood, one longer than the other. The long piece forms the pole, and one end of it being joined to the other piece about a foot from the bottom, divides it into a share, which is cased with iron, and a handle. The share is, besides, attached to the pole by a short crossbar of wood. Two oxen, with no other har- ness than yokes, are joined to the pole, and driven by the ploughman, who holds the handle in his left hand, and the goad in his right."' A beautiful view of the plain of Elis, representing this plough in use, is given by Mr. S. Stanhope in his Olympia.' The j-oke and pole used anciently in ploughing did not differ from those employed 'for draught in general. Consequently, thev do not here require any farther description. {Vid. Jugum.) To the bottom of the pole, in the compacted plough, was attached the plougMail, which, accord- ing to Hesiod, might be made of any piece of a tree (especially the Trpwof, i. e., the ilex, or holm-oak), the natural curvature of which fitted it to this use. But in the time and country of Virgil, pains were taken to force a tree into that form which was mos* exactly adapted to the purpose. " Cordinuo in silvis magna vifiexa damaim In burim, et curvi fonnam acdpit nlirms aralri."' The upper end of the buris being held by the ploughman, the lower part, below its junction with the pole, was used to hold the share-beam, which was either sheathed with metal, or driven bare into the ground, according to circumstances. To these three continuous and most essential parts, the two following are added in the description of the plough by Virgil : 1. The eartfi-boards or mtmld-boards, rising on each side, bending outwardly in such a manner as to throw on either hand the soil which had been pre- viously loosened and raised by the share, and ad- justed to the share-beam, which was made double for the purpose of receiving them: "Bina; aures, duplici aptantur dentalia dorso." Accordin"- to Palladius,* it was desirable to have ploughs both with earth-boards (aurita) and without them (sim- plicid). 2. The handle, which is seen • in Mr. Fellcws's woodcut, and likewise in the following representa- tion of an ancient Italian plough. Virgil considers 1. (Hobhonsc, Jouniey throne-h Albania, Ac., toI. i , n 140 i -2. (p. 42.)— 3. (Georg., i., 169, 170.)^. (i., 43.) ■79 A.RATRUM. ARBUTUM. this part as used to turn the plough at the end of the mrrow: " Stivaque, gum cim'us a tergo torgueat imos." Servius, however, in his note on this line, ■ explains stiva to mean " the handle by which the plough is directed." It is probable that, as the dentalia, i. e., the two share-beams, which Virgil supposes, were in the form of the Greek letter A, which he describes by duplid dorso, the buris was fastened to the left share-beam, and the stiva to the right ; so that, instead of the simple plough of the Greeks, that described by the Mantuan ^oet, and ased, no doubt, in his cotmtry (see the loUowing woodcut), was more like the modem Lancashire plough, which is commonly held behind with both hands. Sometimes, however, the stiva {kx^Tlji^) was used alone and instead of the tail, as in the Mysian plough above represented. To a plough so constructed, the language of Columella was es- pecially applicable: " Arator stivm pane rectus irmiti- 'MT ;'" and the expressions of Ovid, " Sliv6e(]ue vn- nixus arator"' and "Inde pi'emens stivam designat mmnia sulco."* In place of "stiva," Ovid also uses the less appropriate term "capulus:"' "Ipse manu capulum prensi moderalAis araVri." When the plough was held either by the stiva alone, or by the buris alone, a piece of wood (manicula') was fixed across the summit, and on this the labourer pressed with both hands. Besides guiding the plough in a straight line, his duty was to force the share to a sufficient depth into the soil. Virgil alludes to this in the phrase " Depresso arairo."'' The crossbar, which is seen in Mr. Fellows's drawing, and mentioned in Sir J. C. Hobhouse's description, and which passes from the pole to the share for the purpose of giving additional strength, was called anuBri, in hatm fulcrum. The coulter (culter^) was used by the Romans as it is with us. It was inserted into the pole so as to depend vertically before the share, cutting through the roots which came in its way, and thus preparing for the more complete loosening and overturning of the soil by the share. About the time of Pliny, two small wheels (lotce, rotuke) were added to the plough in Rhstla; and Servius' mentions the use of them in the country of Virgil. The annexed woodcut shows the form of a wheel-plough, as represented on a piece of en- graved jasper, of Roman workmanship. It also shows distinctly the coulter, the share-beam, the plough-tail, and the handle or stiva}" The plough corresponds in all essential particulars with that now used about Mantua and Venice, of which Mar- tyn has given an engraving in his edition of Virgil's Gcormcs. The Greeks and Romans usually ploughed their land three times for each crop. I'he first plough- ing was called proscindere, or novare {vcovadat, ved- ^eadat) ; the second, offringerc, or itcrare ; and the third, lirare, or terliare}^ ''The field which under- 1. (Hos., Op. ot Dies, 467.)— 2. (i., 9.)— 3. (Met., viii., 218.) —4. (Fnat., iv., 825.)— 5. (Epist. do Ponto, i., 8, 61.)— 6. (Var- ro, Do Ling. Lat., iv.)— 7. (Georj., i., 45.)— 8. (Plin., H. N., xviii., 48.)— 9. (1. c.)— 10. (Caylus, Roo. .I'Ant., v., pi. 83, No. 8.)— 11. (Arat., Dies., 321.— Ovid, Mot., vii,, 119.— Varro, Do Re Rust., i., 29.— Coluin., Do Re Rust., ii., 4.) 80 went the " proscissio" was called ■oe^actum or no- vale (veog), and in this process the coulter was em- ployed, because the fresh surface was entangled with numberless roots, which required u be divided before the soil could be turned up by the share.' The term " offringere," from ob and frangere, was applied to the second ploughing, because the long parallel clods already turned up were broken and cut across, by drawing the plough through them at right angles to its former direction." The field which underwent this process was called ager itera- tus — dinoXo;.^ After the second ploughing, the sow- er cast his seed. Also the clods were often, though not always, broken still farther by a wooden mallet, or by harrowing (pccatio). The Roman ploughman then, for the first time, attached the earth-boards to his share (taimla adiiexa*'). The effect of this ad- justment was to divide the level surface of the "ager iteratus" into ridges. These were called porca, and also llrce, whence came the verb lirare, to make ridges, and also delirare, to decline &om the straight Une.* The earth-boards, by throwing the earth to each side in the manner already explained, both covered the newly-scattered seed, and formed between the ridges furrows (aiXaKeq, sulci) for car- rying off the w-ater. In this state the field was call- ed seges and TpiwoXo;. The use of this last term by Homer and Hesiod proves that the triple plough- ing was practised as early as their age. When the ancients ploughed three times only, It was done in the spring, summer, and autumn ol the same year. But, in order to obtain a still heaviei crop, both the Greeks and the Romans ploughed four times, the proscissio being performed in the latter part -of the preceding year, so that between one crop and another two whole years inter,' ened.' A field so managed was called rETpaTroXoj-.' When the ploughman had finished his day's .a- bonr, he turned the instrument upside down, and me oxen went home dragging its tail and handle ovei the surface of the ground — a scene exhibited to us in the following lines : " Viderefessos vomerem inversum hmes Collo trahentes languido !"' The Greeks and Romans commonly employed oxen in ploughing; but they also used asses for light soils.' The act of yoking together an ox and an ass, which was expressly forbidden by the law of Moses," is made the ground of a ludicrous com- parison by Plautus." Ulysses, when he feigned madness in order to avoid going on the Trojan ex- pedition, ploughed with an ox and a horse togeth- er.' = A line has been already quoted from Ovid's Fasti, which mentions the use of the plough by Romulus for marking the site of Rome. On this occasion a white bull and a white cow were yoked together: " Alba jiigum nivco cum bove vacca hdit."" Besides this ceremony at the foundation of cities or colo- nies, the plough was drawn over the walls when they were conquered by the Romans." AR'BITER. (Firf. Judex.) ARBITRA'RIA ACTIO, {rid. Actio, p. 17.) *ARB'UTUM (fit/iaiKvXov or xO/iapov), the fruit of the Wild Strawberry-tree, or Arbutus. It has very much the appearance of our strawberry, ex- cept that it is larger, and has not the seeds on the outside of the pulp, like that fruit. The arbute-tree grows plentifully in Italy, and the poets have sup- posed that the early race of men lived on acorns and the fruit of this tree before the discovery and 1. (Plin., H. N., xviii., 49.)— 2. (Plin., 1. c— Virg., Geow., i- 97, 98.— Fostus, s. v. Offringi.)— 3. (Cic, Do Oiat., ii., 30.)— 1 (Plin., 1. c.)— 5. (Col., 1. c.)— 6. (Theoptirasl., De Caus. PI, 111., 5.— Virg., Goorg., i., 47-49.)— 7. (Thcocr., xxv., 36.)— 8. (Hor., Epod., ii., 63.)— 9. (Varro, Do Ro Rust., ii., 6.— Plin., H. N., viii., 68.— Col., vii., I.)— 10. (Dcut., itxii., 10.)— 11. (Aul., 11., 2, 51-58.)— 13. (Hygin., Fat)., 95.) — 13. (Compare Virg., iEn., v., 755.— Cic, Phil.,ii.,4a.)— 14. (Hor., Od., i., 16, 30.)- Pioport., iii., 7, 41.) • > i ARCERA. euitivalion ci corn. The berri3s of the arbute, however, aie hardly eatable: when taken in too great quantities, they are said to be narcotic ; and Pliny informs us that the term unedo was familiarly applied to the fruit of this tree, because it was un- ■safe to eat more than one (imiis, "one," and edo, "to eat"'). The same writer' describes the fruit as indigestible and unwholesome, and yet, in the island of Corsica, an agreeable wine is said to be prepared from it. The term miedo was also given '0 the tree itself, and this is retained in the Lin- laean nomenclature, Arbutus unedo. The peculiar properties ascribed to the fruit of the arbute-tree jxist in several other plants of the same order. Their general qualities are said to be astringent md diuretic. The Ledum paluslre renders beer *eavy when used in the manufacture of that bev- rjage ; Rhododendron ponticum and maximum, Kal- nia latifolia, and some others, are well known to w venomous. The honey which poisoned some )f the soldiers in the retreat of the ten thousand ■ hrough Pontus, was gathered by bees from the flowers of the Azalea pontica. TJae shoots of Ari- Arameda imalifoUa, poison goats in Nipal." {Vid. Akeutus.") ♦ARB'tlTUS (K6/iapof), the Arbute or Wild Strawberry-tree, Arlmtus unedo, L. Its fruit is call- ed in Latin arbutum, in Greek KOfiapov and fitfiaiKV- ?.ov, and in English the wUd strawberry, from the resembiacco it bears to that well-known berry. ( Vid. AR3t;TCM.) Virgil, in speaking of the Arbute- tree, uses the epithet Iwrrida,* about the meaning of which comaneatators are not agreed.' The best opinion, however, is that which refers the term in question to the raggedness of the bark, which is the sense in which Servius also seems to take it.' Fee, however, is for making the epithet apply to the rough, astringent taste of the arbute. In fact, the leaves, bark, and fruit afford a very strong astringent, and are used for this purpose in medicine. — There does not seem to be any notice of the Pragaria vesca, or Wood Strawberry, in the Greek classics. It is de- scribed by Pliny, and had been previously men- tioned by Ovid.' ARCA (/cjfiurof), a chest or coffer, is used in several significations, of which the principal are, I. A chest, in which the Romans were accus- tomed to place their money; and the phrase ex area solvere had the meaning of paying in ready money. When Cicero presses Atticus to send him some statues from Greece, he says, " Ne duMtaris mittere et area nostra confidito."^ These chests were either made of or bound with iron or other metals.' The term arcae was usually applied to the chests in which the rich kept their money, and was opposed to the smaller loeuli,^" sacculus," and crumena. II. The Akca was frequently used in later times as equivalent to the Jiseus, that is, the imperial treasury." III. The ARc.i also signified the cofBn in which persons were buried,'^ or the bier on which the corpse was placed previously to burial.'* IV. The Arca was also a strong cell made of oak, in which criminals and slaves were confined." ♦ARKEUTHOS. {Vid. JuNiPERus.) AR'CERA was a covered -carriage or litter, spread with cloths, which was used in ancient times in Rome to carry the aged and infirm. It is said to have obtained the name of arcera on account of its resemblance to an area." 1. (Plin., H. N., xix., 24.)— 2. (xxiii., 8.)— 3. (Lindley's Bot- any, p. 180.)— 4. (Georg., ii., 69.)— 5. (FiSe, Flore de Virgile, p. IX., seq.)^j. (in Virg., 1. c. — Martyn in Virg., Georg., ii., 69.) —7. (Adams, Append., s. v. K6(tapos.) — 8. (Cic. ad At., i., 9. — Compare Colum., iii., 3. " Ea res arcam patrisfamilias exhau- nt.")— 9. (Juv., xi., 26 ; xiv., 259.)— 10. (Jut., i., 89.)— 11. • (Jut., xi., 26.)— 12. (Symm., x., 33.— Compare Vig. 60, tit. 4, s. 1.)— 13. (Aur. Vict., de Vir. HI., c. 42.— Lucan, Tiii., 736.)— 14. (Dig. 2, tit. 7, s. 7.)— 15. (Cic, pro Milon., c. 22.— Festus, s. v. Kobum.)— 16. (Varro, de Ling. Lat., iv., 31.— Gell., xi., 1.) ARCHIATER. ARGHAIRES'IAI {iipxaipcaiai) were the assem- blies of the people which were held for the election of those magistrates at Athens who were not chosen by lot. The principal public oificers were chosen by lot (K\ripuToi), and the lots were drawn annually in the temple of Theseus by the thesmothetce. Of those magistrates chosen by the general assembly of the people {xeiporovTjToi), the most important were the strategi, taxiarchi, hipparchi, and phylar- chi. The public treasurers (rafiiai), and all the oificers connected with the collection of the tribute, all ambassadors, commissioners of works, &c., were appointed in the same manner. The people always met in the Pnyi for the elec- tion of these magistrates, even in later times, when it became usual to meet for other purposes in the Temple of Dionysus.' It is not certain at what time of the year they met for this purpose, nor who presided over the assembly, but most probably the archons. The candidates for these offices, especi- ally for that of strategus, had recourse to bribery and corruption to a great extent, although the laws awarded capital punishment to that offence, which was called by the Athenians SeKaa/xoc. The can- vassing of the electors and the solicitation of their votes was called apxaipeaid^eiv. The magis- trates who presided over the assembly mentioned the names of the candidates (irpoiay^XeadaL'), and the people declared their acceptance or rejection of each by a show of hands. They never appear to have voted by ballot on these occasions. Those who were elected could decline the office, alleging upon oath some sufficient reason why they were unable to discharge its duties, such as labour- ing under a disease, &c. : the expression for this was k^ofivvuBai TTjv apxvv, or ttjv xei-poToviav.^ If, however, an individual accepted the office to which he was chosen, he could not enter upon the dis- charge of his duties till he had passed his exami- nation (SoKijiaaia) before the thesmotliets. If he failed in passing his examination (aTroSoxifiaad^vai), he incurred a modified species of ari/iia.* AU pub- lic officers, however, were subject to the ijnxeipo- roota, or confirmation of their appointment by each successive prytany at the commencement of its period of office, when any magistrate might be deprived of his office (anoxtLpoTovuoBai). In the Attic orawrs, we not unfrequently read of individu- als being thus deprived of their offices.' {Vid. Archon, p. 83.) ♦ARKEION. (HAArktion.) ARCHEION {ipxelav) properly means any pub- lic place belonging to the magistrates, but is more particularly applied to the archive office, where the decrees of the people and other state documents were preserved. This office is sometimes called merely to Srijioaiov.^ At Athens the archives were kept in the temple of the mother of the gods (/i^- rpaov), and the charge of it was intrusted to the president {imoTaTrii) of the senate -of the Five Hundred.' ARCHIA'TER {apxiarpog, compounded of apx6( or apxuv, a chief, and larpog, a physician), a medi- cal title tmder the Roman emperors, the exact signification of which has been the subject of much discussion ; for while some persons interpret it "the chief of the physicians" {quasi apxuv tuv iaTpav), others explain it to mean " the physician to the prince" {quasi tov upxovro^ iarpui). Upon the whole, it seems much more probable that the former is the true meaning of the word, and fol these reasons: 1. From its etymology it cannot 1. (PoUux, Tiii., 134.)- 2. (Demosth., De Coron., p. 277.)— 3. (Demosth., Tcpi napajrp.ip. 379.) — 4. (Demosth. in Aristog., i p. 779.)— 5. {Vid. Demosth., c. Timoth., p. 1187 ; c. Theocrin. p. 1330. — Dinarch. in Philocl., c. 4. — Compare Schomann, de Comitiis Ath., p. 320-330.)— 6. (Demosth., De Cor., p 275.)— 7 (Demosth., rept IlapoTrp., p. 381 j in Aristog., i., p. 799. — Fans i., 3, 1) 4.) 81 ARCHIATER. ARCHON. possibly have any oiher sense, and of all the -words similarly formed {apxi-Tcuruv, upxiTpMivo;, apxi- eridKowo^, &c.) there is not one that has any refer- ence to " the prmce" 2. We find the title applied to physicians who lived at Edessa, Alexandrea, &c., where no king was at that time reigning. 3. Ga- len' speaks of Andromuchus being appointed "to rule over" the pliysicians (upxeiv), i. e., in fact, to be "archiater." 4. Augustine" applies the -word to -EscuJapius, and St. Jerome (metaphorically, of course) to our Saviour," in both which cases it evi- dently means " the chief physician." 5. It is ap- parently synonymous wiin protmnedicm, supra medi- cos, domimvs medicorum, and superposiMs medicorwm, all which expressions occur in inscriptions, &c. 6. We find the names of several persons who were physicians to the emperor mentioned without the addition of the title archiater. 7. The archiatri were divided into A. sancti palaiii, who attended on the emperor, and A. populares, who attended ori the people ; so that it is certain that all those w).o bore this title were not " physicians to the prinre." The chief argument in favour of the contrary opin- ion seems to arise from the fact, that of all those who are known to have held the office of A., the greater part certainly were physicians to the em- peror as well ; but this is only what might, it priori, be expected, viz., that those who had attained the highest rank in their profession would be chosen to attend upon the prince (just as in England the President of the College of Physicians is ex-officio physician to the sovereign). The first person whom we find bearing this title is Andromachus, physician to Nero, and inventor of the Theriaca.* (Vid. Theruca.) But it is not known whether he had at the same time any sort of authority over the rest of the profession. In foct, the history of the title is as obscure as its meaning, and it is chiefly by means of the laws respecting the medical profession that we learn the rank and duties attached to it. In after times (as was stated above) the order appears to have been divided, and we find two distinct classes of archia- tri, viz., those of the palace and those of the people.' The A. sancti palatii were persons of high rank, who not only exercised their profession, but were judges on occasion of any disputes that might oc- cur among the physicians of the place. They had certain privileges granted to them, e. g., they were exempted from all taxes, and their wives and chil- dren also ; were not obliged to lodge soldiers or others in the provinces ; could not be put in prison, &c. ; for, though these privileges seem at first to have been common to all physicians,' yet after- ward they were confined to the A. of the palace and to those of p.ome. When they obtained their dismissal from attendance on the emperor, either from old age or any other cause, they retained'the title ex-archiatri or ex-archiatrisJ The A. populares were established for the relief of the poor, and each city was to be provided with five, seven, or ten, ac- cording to its size.' Rome had fourteen, besides one for the vestal virgins, and one for the gymnasia.' They were paid by the government, and were therefore obliged to attend their poor patients gra- tis, but were allowed to receive fees from the rich." The A. populares were not appointed by the gov- ernors of the province.'?, but were elected by the people themselves." The ofiice appears to have been more lucrative than that of A. s. pal., though less honourable. In later times, we find in Cassio- dorus" the title " comes archialrontm," " count of the 1. (Do Thur. ad Pis., o. 1,)— 2. (Do Civit. Doi, iii., 17.)— 3. (xiii., tlom. in S. Luc.) — 4. (Galen, 1. c. — Erotian.. Lox V1^c. Ilippocr., in Prajf.) — 5. (Cod. Theodos., xiii., tit. 3, De Mcdicis ft ProfeMoribus.) — 6. (Clod. Just., x., tit. 52, s. C, Medicos ct maxime Archiatros.) — 7. (Constantin., C^od. x., tit. 52, ln(r. 6.)^ H. (Diff. 27, tit. 1, s. fi.)— !t. (rn.l. Thrnilos.. 1. c.)_10. (Cod. Theodos., 1. c.)— 11. (Dig. 50, lit. 9, s. I.)— 12. {ViJ, Mcibom., Comment in Class. Formul. Archintr., Ilelmst., 1668.) archiatri," together with an account of his duties, by which it appears that he was the arbiter and judge of all disputes and difficulties, and ranked among the officers of the Empire as a mcariiis or dMx> ARCHIMI'MUS. (F«i. MiMFs.) ARCHITECTU'RA. {Vid. Amphitheatrhm,, Aoxm Ductus, Arcus, Basilica, Bath, House, Temple, &c.) ARCHITHEO'ROS. {VU. Theoria.) ARCHON (upxKtv PUltarch, Solon., 18.)— 6. (Herod., \-i., c. 109,)— 7, (Demosth Timocr,, p. 747,)— 8, (TpiHn i|'«0i(rfia Koiritr nrai 71)1' jroMr liitv, Ka! T-ous apxoi'Taj ^J 'AOnvatwv irdvroiv al{ltl(r8at. Plu tarch, Arist.) ARCHON. ARCHON. abolished the property qualification, throwing open the archouship and other magistracies to all the citi- zens, that is, to the Thetes as well as the other classes, the former of whoin were not allowed by Solon's laws to hold any magistracy at all; in con- formity with which, we hnd that, even in the time of Aristeides, the archons were chosen by lot from the wealthiest class of citizens (ol vevTaKoaiofiidifi- vot^). Still, after the removal of the old restrictions, some security was left to ensure respectability; for, Previously to an archon entering on office, he un- erwent an examination, called the avuKptai;," as to his being a legitimate and a good citizen, a good son, and qualified in point of property : d exet to Ti/iTifia ; was the question put. Now there are^ strong reasons for supposing that this form of ex- amination continued even after the time of Aris- leides ; and if so, it would follow that the right in question was not given to the Thetes promiscuous- ly, but only to such as possessed a certain amount of property. But even if it were so, it is admitted that this latter limitation soon became obsolete ; for we read in Lysias* that a needy old man, so poor as to receive a state allowance, was not disqualified from being archon by his indigence, buf only by bodily Infirmity ; freedom from all such defects be- ing required for the office, as it was in some re- spects of a sacred character. Yet, even after pass- ing a satisfactory avdKpi.cic, each of the archons, in common with other magistrates, was liable to be deposed, on complaint of misconduct made before the people, at the first regular •assembly in each prytany. On such an occasion, the trnxstporovia, as it was called, took place ; and we read" that, in one case, the whole college of archons was deprived of office (uTztxeipoTovTidTi) for the misbehaviour of one of their body : they were, however, reinstated, on promise of better conduct for the future. {VU. Archairesui.) With respect to the later ages of Athenian histo- ry, we learn from Strabo" that even in his day {f^xpi viiv) the Romans allowed the freedom of Athens; and we may conclude that the Athenians would fondly cling to a name and office associated ■nith some of their most cherished remembrances. That the archonship, however, though still in ex- istence, was merely honorary, we might expect from the analogy of the consulate at Rome ; and, indeed, we learn that it was sometimes filled by strangers, as Hadrian and Plutarch. Such, more- over, was the democratical tendency of the assem- bly and courts of justice established by Solon,' that, even in earlier times, the archons had lost the great political power which they at one time pos- sessed,' and that, too, after the division of their functions among nine. They became, in fact, not, as of old, directors of the government, but merely municijial magistrates, exercising functions and • bearing titles which we will proceed to describe. It has been already stated that the duties of the single archon were shared by a college of nine. The first, or president of this body, was called iip- xm by way of pre-eminence ; or iipxuv kwuviifiof, from the year being distinguished by and registered in his name. The second was styled' ap;[(ji' fiaa- iXevc, or the king archon ; the third, Tro%iij.apxog, or commander-in-chief; the remaining six, ^ea/ioBirai, or legislators. As regards the duties of the archons, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish what belong- ed to them individually and what collectively.' It seems, however, that a considerable portion of the 1. (Pliit., Arist., ad init.f— 2. (Pollux, Ouom., viii., 96.— Di- nar., c. Anstog., p. 107 ; tovs iuvsa apxovras dvaKpivtrc d Yoicai ci mioUcnv. Demosth., Eubul., 1320.)— 3. (Schomann, De Comit. Ath., 296, tiansl.— Bockh, ii., 277.)— 4. (Sb-m roii 'A.imdTDV, p. 169.)— 5. (Demosth., c. Theocr., 1330.— PollM, viii., 95.— Harpocr. in Kupi'n KnXijiria.)- 6. (ix., c, 1.)— 7. (Plut. in vit3.>-8. (Thucyd., i., 126.)— 9. (Schomajm, 174, transl.) judicial functions of the ancient kings devolfed upon the apx^v i7ruvv(iO(, who was also constituted a sort of state protector of those who were unable to defend themselves.' Thus he was to superintend oiphans, heiresses, families losing their representa- tives (oi/coi ol i^epTi/xovjievot), widows left pregnant, and to see that they were not wronged in any way. Should any one do so, he was empowered to inflict a fine of a certain amount, or to bring the parties to trial. Heiresses, indeed, seem to have been under his peculiar care ; for we read' that he could com- pel the next of kin either to marry a poor heiress himself, even though she were of a lower class, or to portion her in marriage to another. Again, we find^ that, when a person claimed an inheritance or heiress adjudged to others, he summoned the party in possession before the archon eponymus, who brought the case into court, and made arrange- ments for trying the suit. We must, however, bear in mind that this authority was only exercised in cases where the parties were citizens, the pole- march having corresponding duties when the heir- ess was an alien. It must also be understood that, except in very few cases, the archons did not decide themselves, but merely brought the causes into court, and cast lots for the dicasts who were to try the issue.* Another duty of the archons was to re- ceive daayyiXiai, or informations against individu- als who had wronged heiresses, children who had maltreated their parents, guardians who had neg- lected or defrauded their wards.' Informations of another kind, the {vSci^i<; and (fuaic, were also laid before the eponymus, though Demosthenes assigned the former to the thesmotnetEe. The last office of the archon which we shall mention was of a sacred character ; we allude to his superintendence of the greater Dionysia and the ThargeUa, the latter cele- brated in honour of Apollo and Artemis. The functions of the upxuv flaGiXHic were almost all connected with religion : his distinguishing title shows that he was considered a representative of the old kings in their capacity of high-priest, as the Rex Sacrificnlus was at Rome. Thus he presided at the Leneean, or older Dionysia; superintended the mysteries and the games called XaftwaSri(j>opiat, and had to offer up sacrifices and prayers in the Eleu- sinium, both at Athens and Eleusis. Moreover, in- dictments for impiety, and controversies about the priesthood, were laid before him ; and, in cases of murder, he brought the trial into the court of the arei- opagus, and voted with its members. His wife, also, who was called ISaai'kiaaa, had to olfer certain sac- rifices, and therefore it was required that she should be a citizen of pure blood, without stain or blemish. His court was held in what was called ri toS ^ac- l\eu^ ctou.^ Thepolemarch was originally, as his name de- notes, the commander-in-chief;' and we find him discharging: military duties as late as the battle of Marathon, in conjunction with the ten arpaTriyoi : he there took, like the kings of old, the command of the right wing of the army. This, however, seems to be the last occasion on record of this ma- gistrate, appointed by lot, being invested with such important functions ; and in after ages we find that his duties ceased to be military, having been in a great measure transferred to the protection and sit perintendence of the resident aliens, so that he re- sembled in many respects the prtetor peregrinus at Rome. In fact, we learn from Aristotle, in his I. (Demosth., Maoar., Ktf^o;, p. 1076.— Pollui, viii 89.)— 2 (Demosth., Macar., p. 1052.)— 3. (Id., p. 1055.— Pollux, Onom , vui., 52.)^. (Demosth., c. Steph., 2, p. 1136.)— 5. {KdKwaii fTTtKAjJpov, yovcuv, dpcjiaviav. Pollux, Onom., viii., 48, 49.— De mosth.,*Timocr., 707.— Schomann, 174.)— 6. (Demosth., Lacr 940.— Androt., 601.— Neajra, 1370.— Lysias, And., 103, where th« duties are enumerated.— Elmsley ad Aristoph.,Achiini 1143 «. scholia,— Clinton, F. H., 468, 4.-Harpocr. in 'Er.„£Arrfe rm livurnpiuiv. Plato. Euthv. et Thest., ad fm.— PoUnx, Onom, viii., 90.)— 7. (Herod., vi.. 109, 111.— Pollux, Onom vlu «lT 83 ' ARCHON. ARKTOS. " Constitution of Athens," that the polemarch stood in the same relation to foreigners as the archon to citizens.^ Thus, all actions aifecting aliens, the isoteles and proxeni, were brought before him pre- viously to trial ; as, for instance, the dkri inzpoa- raalov against a foreigner for living in Athens with- out a patron ; so was also the dUii uwoaraciov against a slave who failed in his duty to the master who had freed him. Moreover, it was the pole- march's duty to offer the yearly sacrifice to Artemis, in commemoration of the vow made by Callimachus at Marathon, and to arrange the funeral games in honour of those who fell in war. These three ar- chons, the iiruw/ios, jSaaiX^^, and TroXeiiapxog, were each allowed two assessors to assist them in the discharge of their duties. The thesmothetae were extensively connected with the administration of justice, and appear to have been called legislators," because, in the ab- sence of a written code, they might be said to make laws, or •Sea/ioi, in the ancient language of Athens, though, in reality, they only declared and explained them. They were required to review, every year, the whole body of laws, that they might detect any inconsistencies or superfluities, and discover wheth- er any laws which were abrogated were in the public records among the rest.' Their report was submit- ted to the people, who referred the necessary alter- ations to a legislative committee chosen for me pur- pose, and called vofioderai. The chief part of the duties of the thesmothetse consisted in receiving informations, and bringing cases to trial in the courts of law, of the days of sitting in which they gave public notice.* They did not try them themselves, but seem to have con- stituted a sort of grand jury, or inquest. Thus they received hSei^eis against parties who had not paid their fines, or owed any money to the state, and cKay- yMat against orators guilty of actions which dis- qualified them from addressing the people ; and in default of bringing the former parties to trial, they lost their right of going up to the areiopagus at the ."nd of their year of oflice.' Again, indictments for personal injuries {iSpiuc ypa^ai) were laid before them, as. well as informations against olive growers, for rooting up more trees than was allowed to each proprietor by law.' So, too, were the indictments for bribing the HeliEea, or any of the courts of jus- tice at Athens, or the senate, or forming clubs for the overthrow of the democracy, and against re- tained advocates {avvfiyopoL) who took bribes either in public or private causes. Again, an information was laid before them if a foreigner cohabited with A citizen, or a man gave in marriage as his own Jaughter the child of another, or confined as an adulterer one who was not so. They also had to refer informations (elaayycTdaL) to the people ; and where an information had been laid before the sen- ate, and a condemnation ensued, it was their duty to bring the judgment into the courts of justice for confirmation or revision. A different office of theirs was to draw up and ratify the av/iSoXa, or agreements with foreign states, settling the terms on which their citizens should sue and be sued by the citizens of Athens.' In their collective capacity, the archons are said to have had the power of disath in case an exile re- turned to an interdicted place : they also superin- tended the knix^ipoTovia of the magistrates, held every prytany,' and brought to trial those whom the 1. {Demosth., Lacr., 940. — Arint. ap. Harpocr., s. v. Pole- march.— Pollux, Tiii., I) 92, 93.)— 2. (ThirlwaU, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii., p. 17.)— 3. (.Ssch., c. Ctesiph., 59.) — 4. (Pollux, Onom., Till., 87, 88.)— 5. (Demosth., Mid., 629, 530.— Macnr., 1075.- Timocr., 707. — Biickh, vol. i., p. 59 ; ii., p. 72, transl. — ^schin., Timarch., p. 5.) — 0. (Demosth., c. Steph., ii., 1137. — Neaira, 1351, 1303, 1368.- Timocr., 720.— PoUux, viii., 88.— SchUmann, 271.— BOckh, i., 259, 317.)— 7. (PoUux, Onom., viii., 87.— Har- Socr.,8. V. K«raxc(po'^(>v(a. — Schumann, 224. — Demosth., Arist., 30.) — 8 {l-riflinTtoai d SoKu KaXw? SfiXEtv-) 84 people deposed, if an action or indictment were the consequence of it. Moreover, they allotted the dicasts or jurymen, and probably presided at Ihs annual election of the strategi and other military officers. In concluding this enumeration of the duties of the archons, we may remark that it is necessary to be cautious in our interpretation of the words apx^ and apxovTe; : the fact is, that in the Attic oratoii they have a double meaning, sometimes referring to the archons peculiarly so called, and sometimes to any other magistracy. Thus, in Isaeus,' we might, on a cursory perusal, infer, that when a testator lefl his property away from his heir-at>-law, by what was technically called a Soacc,^ the archon took the original will into custody, and was required to be present at the making of any addition or codicil to it. A more accurate observation proves that by el; Tuv apxoVTan is meant one of the danivo/iot, who formed a magistracy (apx^i) as well as the nine ar- chons. A few words will suffice for the privileges and honours of the archons.' The greatest of the for- mer was the exemption from the trierarchies ; a boon not allowed even to the successors of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. As a mark of their office, they wore a cfiaplet or crown of myrtle ; and if any one struck or abused one of the thesmothetae or the archon, when wearing this badge of office, he be- came ari/iof, or infamous in the fullest extent, thereby losing his civic rights. The archons, at the close of their year of service, were admitted among the members of thg areiopagus. ( Vid. Areiopagcs.) The principal authority on the subject of the archons and their duties is Julius Pollux, in a work called 'Ovo/iaariKov : he was a professor of rhetoric at Athens in the time of the Emperor Conamodus, A.D. 190, to whom he inscribed his work, and is generally believed to have borrowed his information from a lost treatise of Aristotle on the "Constitution of Athens." It is, however, necessary tc ronsult the Attic orators, as will be seen from the reieren- ces which are given in the course of this artiele. Among the modem writers, Bockh and Sehomann are occasionally useful, though they give no regulai account of the archonship. ARGHO'NES (,apxavi];). The taxes at Athens were let out to contractors, and were frequently farmed by a company under the direction of an apxuvijc, or chief farmer, who was the person responsible to the state.* ARCIFIN'IUS AGER. (Vid. Ageimensobes.> *ARKTION and ARKEION {apxrcov and up- Ktiov). There is great confusion of names and uncertainty in respect to these plants. Alston re- marks that Dioscorides' description of the upxeiov agrees better with the character of the Arctium Lappa, or Burdock, than his description of the apxTiov. Sprengel, accordingly, holds the former to be the Arctium Lappa, and suggests that the laUer. may be the Verbascum ferru^neumfi *ARKTOS (apKTOf). I. The common Bear, or Ursus Arctos, L. The Greeks and Romans could scarcely be acquainted with the U. maritimus. The up/tTof of Aristotle is the ordinary Brown Bear, and the habits of the animal are well described by him: " The bear," observes this writer, " is an omnivor- ous animal, and, by the suppleness of its body, climbs trees, and eats the fruits, and also legumes. It also devours honey, having firs, broken up tlie hives ; crabs, too, and ants it cats, and also preys upon flesh." Aristotle then describes how the ani- mal attacks the stag, the boar, and even the bull.'— 1. (De Cleonymi Htered.)— 2. (Harpocr., s. v.— IsiBUS, rtpi itXiipwv.)— 3. (Baokh, ii., 322.— Demosth., Lep., 462, 464, 465.— Mid., 524.— Pollux, Onom., viii., 86.)— 4. (Andoc, De Myst., p 65.— BSckh, Publ. Econ. of Ath., vol. ii., p. 26, 28, 53.)— j. (Dl- oscor., iv., 104, 105. — Adams, Append., s. v.) — 6. (Anstot., ^ A., viii., 5,— Penny Cyclop., vol. iv., p. 84.) ARCUS. ARCUS TRIUMPHALIS. II. A crustaceous fish, described by Aristotle. Most probM)ly the Cancer Arctus, or Broad Lobster of Pennant.' ARCUS (also fornix' and Kafiapa), an arch sus- pended over the head of an aperture, or carried from one side of a wall to another, and serving as the roof or ceiling to the space below. An arch is formed of a series of wedge-like stones or of bricks, supporting each other, and all bound firmly together by the pressure of the centre one upon them, which latter is therefore distinguished by the name of key- stone. • It would seem that the arch, as thus defined, and as used by the Romans, was not known to the Greeks in the early periods of their history, other- wise a language so copious as theirs, and of such ready application, would not have wanted a name properly Greek by which to distinguish it. The use of both arches and vaults appears, however, to have existed in Greece previously to the Roman conquest, though not to have been in general prac- tice.^ But the constructive principle by which an arch is made to hold together, and to afford a solid resistance against the pressure upon its circumfer- ence, was known to tnem even previously to the Trojan war, and its use is exemplified in two of the earliest buildings now remaining : the' chamber built at Orchomenus by Minyas, king of BcEotia, described by Pausanias,* and the treasury of Atreus at Mycense.' Both these works are constructed under ground, and each of them consists of a circu- lar chamber formed by regular courses of stones laid horizontally over each other, each course pro- jecting towards the interior, and beyond the one below it, till they meet in an apex over the centre, which was capped by a large stone, and thus re- sembled the inside of a dome. Each of the hori- zontal courses of stones formed a perfect circle, or two semicircular arches joined together, as the subjoined plan of one of these courses wiU render evident. It will be observed that the innermost end of each ■ stone is bevelled off into the shape of a wedge, the apex of which, if continued, would meet in the centre of the circle, as is done in forming an arch ; while the outer ends against the earth are left rough, and their interstices filled up with small irregular- shaped stones, the immense size of the principal stones rendering it unnecessary to continue the sec- tional cutting throughout their whole length.' In- deed, if these chambers had been constructed upon any other principle, it is clear that the pressure of earth all round them would have caused them to collapse. The method of construction here de- scribed was communicated to the writer of the present article by the late Sir William Gell. Thus it seems that the Gfeeks did understand the con- structive principle upon which arches are formed. I (Aristot., H. A., v., 15; Tiii.,7.)— 2. (Virg., jEn., vi., 631. — Cic. in Verr., i., 7.) — 3. (Mitford, Principles of Design in Ar- chitecture.)— 4. (ix., 38.)— 5. (Pana., ii., 16.) even in the earliest times j although it did not occtki to them to divide the circle by a diameter, and set the half of it upright to bear a superincumbent weight. But they made use of a contrivance, even before the Trojan war, by which they were enabled to gain all the advantages of our archway in making corridors, or hollow galleries, and which, in appear- ance, resembled the pointed arch, such as is now termed Gothic. This was eflfected by cutting away the superincumbent stones in the manner already described, at an angle of about 45° with the horizon. The mode of construction and appearance of the arches are represented in the annexed drawing of the walls of Tiryns, copied from Sir William Gell's Argolis. The gate of Signia (Segni) in Latium exhibits a similar example. Of the different forms and curves of arches now in use, the only one adopted by the Romans was the semicircle ; and the use of this constitutes one leading distinction between Greek and Roman ar- chitecture, for by its application the Romans were enabled to execute works of far bolder construction than those of the Greeks : to erect bridges and aquasducts, and the most durable and massive struc- tures of brick. *(On the antiquity of the Arch among the Egyptians, Mr. Wilkinson has the fol- lowing remarks : " There is reason to beUeve that some of the chambers in the pavilion of Remeses III., at Medeenet Haboo, were arched with stone, since the devices on the upper part of their walls show that the fallen roofs had tms form. At Sag- gara, a stone arch still exists of the time of the second Psammiticus, and, consequently, erected 600 years before our era ; nor can any one, who sees the style of its construction, for one moment doubt that the Egyptians had been long accustomed to the erec- tion of stone vaults. It is highly probable that the small quantity of wood in Egypt, and the consequent expense of this kind of roofing, led to the invention of the arch. It was evidently used in their tombs as early as the commencement of the eighteenth dynasty, or about the year 1540 B.C. ; and, judg- ing from some of the drawings at Beni Hassan, it seems to have been known in the time of the first Osirtasen, whom I suppose to have been contempo- rary with Joseph." — Manners and Customs of the Anc. Egiiptians, vol. ii., p. 116, 117, 1st series.) ARCftlS TRIUMPHALIS (a triumphal arch), an entire structtire, forming a passage-way, and erected in honour of an individual, or in commem- oration of a conquest. Triumphal arches were built across the principal streets of the city, and, according to the space of their respective localities, consisted of a single archway, or a central one for carriages, and two smaller ones on each side foi 85 ARC us. ft ot -passengers, which sometimes have side com- mujiications with the centre. Those actually made use of on the occasion of a triumphal entry and pro- cession were merely temporary and hastily erected, and, having served their purpose, were taken down again, and sometimes replaced by others of more durable materials. Stertinius is the first upon record who erected anything of the kind. He built an arch in the Fornm Boariiun, about B.C. 196, and another in the Circus Maximus, each of which was surmounted by gilt statues.' Six years afterward, Scipio Afri- canus buUt another on the Clivus Capitolinus, on which he placed seven gilt statues and two figures of horses f and in B.C. 121, Fabius Maximus built a fourth in the Via Sacra, which is called by Cicero= the Fornix Fabiamis. None of these remain, the Arch of Augustus at Rimini being one of the earli- est among those still standing. There are twenty-one arches recorded by diiferent writers as having been erected in the city of Rome, live of which now remain: 1. Arms Drusi, which was erected to the honour of Claudius Drusus on the Appian Way.* 2. Arcns Titi, at the foot of the Palatine, which was erected to the honour of Titus, after his conquest of Judaea, but does not appear to have been finished till after his death ; since in the inscription upon it he is called Divus, and he is also represented as being carried up to heaven upon an eagle. The bas-reliefs of this arch represent the spoils from the Temple of Jerusalem carried in triumphal procession. This arch has only a single opening, with two columns of the Roman or Com- posite order on each side of it. 3. Arcus Scptimii Severi, which was erected by the senate (A.D. 207) at the end of the Via Sacra, in honour of that em- peror and his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, on account ot his conquest of the Parthians and Ara- bians. 4. Arcus GaUieni, erected to the honour of Gallienus by a private individual, M. AureUus Victor. 5. Arcus Constantini, which is larger and more profusely ornamented than the Arch of Titus. It has three arches in each front, with columns sim- ilarly disposed, and statues on the entablatures over them, which, with the other sculptured ornaments, originally decorated the Arch of Trajan. ARCUS (/3j6f,,T6fov), the bow used for shooting arrows. The bow is one of the most ancient of all weapons, and has been, from time immemorial, in gei/^ra!. ise 3't: the globe, both among civilized and ia.'uarous nations. Hence the Greeks and Romans ascribed to it a mythical origin, some say- ing that it was the invention of Apollo, who taught the use of it to the Cretan's,* and others attributing the discovery either to Scythes the son of Jupiter, or to Perses the son of Perseus.' These several fables indicate nothing more than the very superior skill and celebrity of the Cretans, the Scythians, and the Persians in archery. The use of the bow is, however, characteristic of Asia rather than of Europe. In the Roman armies it was scarcely ever employed except by auxiliaries ; and these auxili- aries, called sagUtarii, were chiefly Cretans and Arabians.' Likewise in the Grecian armies, archers acted only a subordinate though important part. Their position was in the rear; and, by taking advantage of the protection aiForded by the heavy-armed sol- diers, who occupied the front ranks, their skill was rendered very effective in the destruction of the enemy. Thus Homer* gives a long list of names m the Trojan army of men slain by the arrows of Teucer, the son of Telamon, who accomplished 1. (Liv., xxriii., 27 )— 2. (Liv., xxivii., 3.)— 3. (in Ven-., i., .)— 4. (Suet., Cliu(i., i.)— 5. (Diod. Sic, v., 74.)— 6. (Plin.,H. N., vii., 56.)— 7. (Liv., xxxvij., 40 ; xlii., 35.— Compaio Xen., Anab., i., 2, ^ 9 : Kp^rc? ro^iirat.- Arrian, Exp. Af , i., 8, ^ 8 : '* ^'i"'^ntnM. t.hfl Cretan, leader of the avchers ;" Euouewraf, • K*i)s. h ToErfoxis-'— »■ 266-315.) 86 AHCUS. tliis object by sheltering himself under the ample shield of his brother Ajax. Among the Scythians and Asiatics, archery was universally practised, and became the principal method of attack. In the description given by He- rodotus' of the accoutrements of the numerous and vast nations which composed the army of Xerxes, we observe that not only Arabians, Medes, Parthi- ans, Scythians, and Persians, but nearly all the othei troops without exception, used the bow, although there were differences characteristic of the several cotmtries in respeci to its size, its form, and the ma- terials of which it was made. Thus the Indians and some others had bows, as well as arrows, made of a cane {/caXa/io^), which was perhaps the bamboo. Herodotus also alludes to the peculiar form of the Scythian bow. Various authorities conspire to show that it corresponded with the upper of the two fig- ures here exhibited, which is taken from one of Sii W. Hamilton's fictile vases. It shows the Scythian or Parthian bow unstrung, and agrees with the fonn of that now used by the Tartars, the modem repre- sentatives of the ancient Scythae. In conformity with this delineation, an unlettered rustic, who had seen the name of Theseus (0HCETC), says that the third letter was like a Scythian bow.° On the other hand, the Grecian bow, the usual form of which is shown in the lower of the preceding fig- ures, has a double curvature, consisting of two cir- cular portions united by the handle. The fabrica- tion and use of bows of this kind are described by Homer' in the following manner: Pandams, the Lycian archer, having obtained the long horns of a species of wild goat, had them smoothed and polish- ed by a bowman (/cepaofoof rtKTuv), fitted to one another at tiic base, and fastened together by means of a riiiff of gold {vpvairi Kopavrj). Preparing to shoot, he lowers his body (Trori yalij ayKXiva^. Com- Eare the next woodcut). His companions cover im with their shields. Having fitted the arrow, he draws the string towards his breast {vnipiiv fiai^u TTE/locrfi'). The bow {fiw^, as opposed to vevpn) twangs, the string resounds, and the anjw flies to reach its mark. We see tiiis action exhibiied in the following outline of a statue belonging to Ih*' group of the .Slgina marbles, and perharif r-early as 1. (vii., 61-80.)— 2. (Ap. Athen., x., p. 454, d.— Compiin TlieocT., xiii., 56, and Scliol. in loc, — Lycophr., 914. — AiulB Marcell., ixii., 8. — Diod. Sic, 1. c.)— 3. (II., iv., 105-120.) ■ AREA. old as ihe age of Homer himself.' The bow, placed in the hands of this statue, -n-as probably of bronze, and has been lost. -,, , . It is evident that a bow, made and handled in the manner here described, could not be longer than three or four feet, and must have been far less pow- erful than the Scythian bow. On account of the material, it is often called by the classical authors a horn (aepag," corral'). Tills difference of size and form caused a differ- ence also in the mode of drawing the bow. The Greek, with one knee on the ground, drew his right hand with the string towards his breast, as repre- sented in the iEginetan statue, in Homer's account of Pandarus, and in Virgil's description' of Camilla ; the Scythian, on the contrary, advancing boldly to- wards the enemy, and often on horseback, obliged by the length of his bow, which he held vertically, to avoid stooping and to elevate his left hand, drew the other up to his right ear, as is practised by our archers in the present day.' The Oriental arrow was long and heavy in proportion to the bow," and was sent, as Procopius observes, with such force that no shield or thorax could resist it. The bow was sometimes adorned with gold (whence aureus arcui'). The golden ring, or han- dle, has been already mentioned. Apollo is called by Homer " the god of the silver bow" {dpyupoTofof ). The bowstring was twisted, and was made either of thongs of leather (veipa jSoeia*), of horss-hair (i-K-Kcta rpixuacs'), or of the hide, or perhaps the in- testines, of the horse {nervus equimis'-'). When not used, the bow was put into a case (rof- oBljKii, yapvTof, Corytus), which was made of leather (scorteitm"), and sometimes ornamented ((jiacivo;"). The bowcase is often repeated and very conspicu- ous in the sculptured bas-reliefs of Persepolis. 'Thus encased, the bow was either hung upon a peg" or carried on the shoulders.'* Among the Greek and Roman divinities, the use of the bow is attributed to Apollo, Diana, Cupid, and Hercules ; and they are often represented armed ■with it in ancient works of art. (Vid. Sagitta.) ARDA'LION (apSd^wv or ap6uviov), also called oarpaKov from the materials of which it was made, was a vessel of water, which stood before the door of a house in which there was a dead body, in order that those who had been with the corpse might pu- rify themselves by sprinkling the water on their per- sons." *ARD'EA (t-poiJiof), the Heron. Aristotle" de- scribes three species : 1. The ipoSib; tt^Uo^, the Ar(ka cinerea cristata, L., or common Heron. 3. The Atu/cof , the Ardea alba, or Great Egret. 3. The aarepiac, the Ardea stellaris, or European Bittern. This last is remarkable for flying very high, and hence it.s name (^darepia;, stellaris), as if it flew up to the veiy stars. Its attitude also, when at rest, is very singular, the beak being raised up to the heav- ens." Virgil's description of the soaring flight of this bird is admirably true to nature : Dcscrlt, atqi(£ attain sit/pra volat ardea There is a small species of heron which Gesner supposes may have been the ila^i^ of Oppian. Some late authors, however, would rather refer the i?.a(ptc to the Coot, or Fulica atra, L." A'REA {uXus or alai), the threshing-floor, was a raised place in the field, open on all sides to the 1. (Compare Virg., Xa,, xi., 858-862.)— 2. (Anacreon, iii.— Horn., Od., xxi., 395.)— 3. (Virg., JEn., xi., 859.)^*. (1. c.)— 5. (Eustath. in II., iv., p. 452.— Procop., Bell. Pers., 1.)— 6. (See Xen., as quoted under Ansa.) — 7. (Virg., JTn., xi., 652.) — 8. .;Il.,iT., 122.)— 9. (Hesych.)— 10. (^n.,ix.,622.)— 11. (Festus.) —IS. (Horn., Od., xxi., 55.)— 13. (Od., 1. c.)— 14. (rii^' (S^oioiu txcDf. U., i., 45.— .ain., xi., 652.)— 15. (Hesych., s. t.— Pollux, Onom.,viii.,7.) — 16. (H. A.,ix.,9.) — 17. (Cuvier's Animal King- dom, vd. i., p. 376, transl.)— 18. (Georg., i., 364.)— 19. (Adams, A ppend., s. v ) AREIOPAGUS. wind. Great pains were taken to make this Uooi hard; it was sometimes paved with flint stones,' bui more usually covered with clay and smoothed witli a great roller.'' It was also customary to cover it with lees of oil, which jjrevented insects injuring it, or grass growing upon it.^ The grains of the com were beaten out by the hoofs of cattle treading upon it, or by flails (fustes*). AREIOPAGUS (6 'Apuog Truyof, or hill of Ares), at Athens, was a rocky eminence, lying to the west of, and not far from, the AcropoUs. To account for the name, various stories were told. Thus, some said that it was so called from the Tijnazons, the daughters of Ares, having encamped there when they attacked Athens ; others again, as jEschylus, from the sacrifices there offered to that god ; while the more received opinion connected the name with the legend of Ares having been brought to trial there by Poseidon, for the murder of his son Halirrho- hius.' To none, however, of these legends did the place owe its fame, but rather to the council {'H h 'kpda mya Pov'kn) which held its sittings there, and was sometimes called 'H uva (SovXy, to distin- guish it from the senate of Five Hundred, which sa; in the Cerameicus within the city. That it was a body of very remote antiquity, acting as a criminal tribunal, was evidently believed by the Athenians themselves. In proof of this, we may refer to the express assertions of the orators, and the legend ol Orestes having been tried before the council for the murder of his mother : a trial which took place be- fore Athena, and which J2schylus represents as the origin of the court itself Again, we find that, even before the first Messenian war (B.C. 740) began, the Messenian king offered to refer the points in dispute to the Argire Amphictiony, or the Athenian Arei- opagus ;' a proof not only of the existence of the body, but also that it had already obtained consid- erable reputation for equity in its decisions ; a repu- tation which it must have taken some time to eslab- lish. There is suflicient proof, then, that the Areiopa- gus existed before the time of Solon, though he is admitted to have so far modified its constitution and sphere of duty that he might almost be called its founder. What that original constitution was must in some degree be left to conjecture, though there is every reason to suppose that it was aristocratieal, the members being taken, like the Ephetae, from the noble patrician families {upmrivdr/v}. We may re- mark that, after the time of Solon, the Ephetas, fifty- one in number, sat collectively in four different courts, and were charged with the hearing of such cases of accidental or justifiable homicide as admit- ted of or required expiation before the accused could resume the civil and religious rights he- had lost : a resumption impossible in cases of wilful murder, the capital punishment for which could only be escaped by banishment for life, so that no expiation was re- quired or given.' Now the EphetEe formerly ad- ministered justice in five courts, and for this and other reasons it has been conjectured that they and the Areiopagus then formed one court, which deci- ded in all eases of murder, whether wilful or acci- dentah In support of this view, it has been urged that the separation of functions was rendered neces- sary by that change of Solon which made the Arei- opagus no longer an aristocratic body, while the EphetEe remained so, and, as such, were competent to administer the rites of expiation, forming, as they did, a part of the sacred law of Athens, and there- fore left in the hands of the old patricians, even af- ter the loss of their political privileges. On this point we may remark, that the connexion insisted 1. (Colum., i., 6.)— S. (Virg., Georg., i., 178.)— 3. (Cato, De He Rust., 91, 129.)— 4. (Colum., ii., 21 )— 5. (Demosth., Axis., p. 642.— jEschyl., Euraen., 659.)— 6. (Pans., iv., 5, I.— Thiri- wall. Hist. Greece, vol. i., p. 345.) — 7. (Muller, Eumen., 64.— Pollm, Onom., viii., 125.) 87 AREIOPAGUS. on. may to a great extent be true ; but that there was not a complete identity of functions is proved by Plutarch {Solon), in a quotation from the laws of Solon, showing that even before that legislator the Areiopagites and Ephetae were in some cases distinct. It has been observed, in the article Archon, that the principal change introduced by Solon in the constitution of Athens was to make the qualification tor office depend, not on birth, but property ; also that, agreeably to his reforms, the nine archons, af- ter an unexceptionable discharge of their duties, " went up" to the Areiopagus, and became members of it for fife, unless expelled for misconduct.' The council then, after his time, ceased to be aris- tocratic in constitution ; but, as we learn from Attic writers, continued so in spirit. In fact, Solon is said to have formed the two councils, the senate and the Areiopagus, to be a check- upon the democ- racy ; that, as he himself expressed it, " the state, ridmg upon them as anchors, might be less tossed by storms." Nay, even after the archons were no longer elected by suffrage, but by lot, and the office was thrown open by Aristeides to all the Athenian citizens, the "upper council" stUl retained its former tone of feeling. We learn, indeed, from Isocrates,= that no one was so bad as not to put off his old hab- its on becoming an Aieiopagite ; and, though this may refer to private rather than public conduct, we may not unreasonably suppose that the political principles of the younger would always be modified by the older and more numerous members : a modi- fication which, though continually less in degree, would still be the same in direction, and make the Areiopagus what Pericles found it, a counteracting force to the democracy. Moreover, besides these changes in its constitution, Solon altered and ex- tended its functions. Before his time it was only a criminal court, tr3ring cases of " wilful murder and wounding, of arson and poisoning,"' whereas he gave it extensive powers of a censorial and political nature. Thus we learn that he made the council an " overseer of everything, and the guardian of the lav/s," empowering it to inquire how any one got his living, and to punish the idle.* We learn from other authorities that the Areiopa- gites were " superintendents of good order and de- cency," terms rather unlimited and undefined, as it is not improbable Solon wished to leave their au- thority. There are, however, recorded some par- ticular instances of its exertion.' Thus we find that they called persons to account for extravagant and dissolute living, and that, too, even in the later days of Athenian history. On the other hand, they occasionally rewarded remarkable cases of indus- try, and, in company with certain officers called jajvoi/tovo/iof made domiciliary visits at private enter- tainments, to see that the number of guests was not too large, and also for other purposes. But their censorial and political authority was not confined to matters of this subordinate character. We learn from Aristotle,' that, at the time of the Median inva- sion, when there was no money in the public treas- ury, the Areiopagus advanced eight drachmse a man to each of the sailors : a statement which proves that they had a treasury of their own, rather than any control over the public finances, as some have inferred from it.' Again we are told' that, at the time of the battle of Chaironeia, they seized and put to death those who deserted their country, and that they were thought by some to have been the chief preservation of the city. AREIOPAGUS. It is probable that public opinion supported them in acts of this kind, without the aid of which they must have been powerless for any such objects. In connexion with this point, we may add that, when heinous crimes had notoriously been committed, but the guilty parties were not Imown, or no accuser appeared, the Areiopagus inquired into the subject, and reported (uiro(j)aiv£tv) to the demus. The re- port or information was called atzoi^aaii. This was a duty which they sometimes undertook on their own responsibility, and in the exercise of an old- established right, and sometimes on the order of the demus.' Nay, to such an extent did they cany this power, that on one occasion they apprehended an individual (Antiphon) who had been acquitted by the general assembly, and again brought him to a trial, which ended in his condemnation and death.' .Again we find them revoking an appointment whereby .ffischines was made the advocate of Athens before the Amphictyonic council, and sub- stituting Hyperides in his room. In these two cases, also, they were most probably supported by public opinion, or by a strong party in the state." They also had' duties connected with religion, one of which was to superintend the sacred olives growing about Athens, and try those who were charged with destroying them.* We read, too, that in the discharge of their duty as religious cen- sors, they on one occasion examined whether the wife of the king archon was, as required by law, an Athenian ; and finding she was not, imposed a fine upon her husband.' We learn from the same pas- sage that it was their office generally to punish the impious and irreligious. Again we are told, though ratner in a rhetorical way, that they relieved the needy from the resources of the rich, controlled the studies and education of the young, and interfered with and punished public characters as such.' Independent, then, of its jurisdiction as a crimi- nal court in cases of wilful murder, which Solon continued to the Areiopagus, its influence must have been sufficiently great to have been a consid- erable obstacle to the aggrandizement of the de- mocracy at the expense of the other parties in the state. In fact, Plutarch' expressly states that So- lon had this object in view in its reconstruction; and, accordingly, we find that Pericles, who never was an archon or Areiopagite, and who was oppo- sed to the aristocracy for many reasons, resolved to diminish its power and circumscribe its sphere of ac- tion. His coadjutor in this work was Ephialtes, a statesman of inflexible integrity, and also a military commander.' They experienced much opposition in their attempts, not only in the assembly, but also on the stage, where .Sschylus produced his tragedy of the Eumenides, the object of which was to im- press upon the Athenians the dignitv, the sacred- ness, and constitutional worth of the instimtion which Pericles and Ephialtes wished to reform. He reminds the Athenians that it was a tribunal instituted by their patron goddess Athena, and puts into her mouth a popular harangue full of warnings against innovations, and admonishing them to leave the Areiopagus in possession of its old and well grounded rights, that under its watchful guardian- ship they might sleep in security.' Still the oppo- sition failed : a decree was carried, by which, as Aristotle says, the Areiopagus was "mutilated," and many of its hereditary rights abolished." Ci- cero, who in one place speaks of the council as governing Athens, observes in another, that from that time all authority was vested in the ecclesia. 1. (Dinarc., c. Demosth., p. 97. — Plutnnh, Vit. Sol.)— 2. (Areiop., 147.) — 3. (Pollux, Onom., viii., 117. — Demosth., Aris., 627.)— 4. (Pluttirch, Vit. Sol.— Isocr., Aroiop., 147.)— 5. (Atho- nieus, IV., p. 167, c. ; 168, b, ; oil. Dindorf., vi., 245, c. — Pollux, Onom., viii., 112.)— 6. (Plutarch, Them., 10.— Vt Cohor. ad Grac, p. 22.) ARGEMONE. ARGENTUM. their year of office. Lysias, indeed, speaks of tliem' as forming a part of the Areiopagiis even during that time; a statement which can only be reconciled with the general opinion on the subject, by supposing that they formed a part of the council during their year of office, but were not permanent members till the end of that time, and after passing a satisfactory examination. ARE'NA. ( Firf. Amphitheatrum.) ARETAL'OGI were persons whose occupation appears to have been to amuse the company at the Roman dinner-tables.'' They seem to have been looked upon with some contempt, as Juvenal speaks of the Tiiendax arelalogus.^ Casaubon thinks that they were poor philosophers, of the Cynic and Stoic schools, who, being unable to procure followers, de- livered their discourses on virtue and vice at the dinners of the rich, and that they were the same as those whom Seneca* calls drcuUdores pMlosophos.' Ruperti says that they were persons who boasted of their own valour (aptrri), like the Miles gloriosus of Plautus.^ Tumebus takes the word to mean •' sayers of pleasant things," from dperof, pleasant.'' ARGE'I. We learn from Livy' that Numa con- secrated places for the celebration of religious ser- vices, which were called by the pontifices " argei." Varro calls them the chapels of the argei, and says they were twenty-seven in number, distributed in the different districts of the city. We know but little of the particular uses to which they were ap- plied, and that little is unimportant. Thus we are told that they were solemnly visited on the Liber- alia, or festival of Bacchus ; and also, that when- ever the flamen diMis went {ivil) to them, he was to adhere to certain observances. They seem also to have been the depositaries of the topographical records. Thus we read in Varro, " In sacreis Arge- orum sciiplum est sic ; Oppius mons priiiceps," &c., which is followed by a description of the neigh- bourhood. There was a tradition that these argd were named from the chieftains who came with Her. ules, the Argive, to Rome, and occupied the Oijpitoline, or, as it was anciently called, Satumian Hill. It is impossible to say what is the historical value or meaning of this legend ; we may, however, notice its conformity with the statement that Rome was founded by the Pelasgians, with whom the name of Argos was cormected.' The name argei was also given to certain figures thrown into the Tiber from the Sublician bridge, on the Ides of May in every year. This was done by the pontifices, the vestals, the pra3tors, and other citizens, after the performance of the customary sacrifices. The images were thirty in number, made of bulrushes, and in the form of men {el6a?.a MifpcUela). Ovid makes various suppositions to account for the origin of this rite ; we can only conjecture that it was a symbolical ofltring to pro- pitiate the gods, and that the number w as a repre- sentative either of the thirty patrician curiae at Rome, or perhaps of the thirty Latin townships.'" *ARGEM0'NE {upysfiavn), a species of plant, which DodonsBUS is almost disposed to regard as identical with the Glaucium, or Horned Poppy. Sprengel sets it down for the Papaver argemone. The paragraph in Dioscorides, in which the second species is described, would seem to be spurious. Pliny calls this plant Argemonia, and assigns it va- rious curative properties "in affections of the nervous system, gout, angina, &c." 1. (ircjA Tov SijmB, p. 110, 111.— VitJ. Argum. Orat., c. An- clrot.)— 2. (Suot., Octnv., 74.)— 3. (Sat. xv., 15, 10.)— 1. (Ep. 29.)— S (Cosiiub. in Suet., Octav., 74.)— 0. (Ruperti in Juv., rv. , 16 J— 7. (Adversaria, x., 13.)— 8. (i„ 22.)— 9. (Varro, Do Lmg. Lat., iv.— Ovid, Fast., iii., 791.— Aul. GoU., x., 15.— Nio- buhr, Horn. Hist., i., p. 214, transl.)— 10. (Varro, DeLing. Lat., vi.— Ovid, Fast., v., 021.— Dionys. Ilalicar., i,, 19, 38.- Plu- tarch, Qutcs. Rom., p. 102, Reislie. — Arnolil, Rom. Hist., vol. i., p. 67. — Bunscn und Plattnor, BeschreibunR Roms, vol i , p 688-702.)— 11. (DioBcor,, ii., 208.— Adorns, Append., s. v.) ARGENTA'RII, bankers or mcjney-changers ai Rome. The public bankers, or Tnensarii, are to be distinguished from the argoUarii. The highest class of mensarii, the mensarii guingueviri or hivm- viri, were a sort of extraordinary magistrates, the office being generally filled by persons of high rank; their business was to regulate the debts of the citi- zens, and to provide and distribute specie on emer- gencies." I'here were other mensarii, who stood lower than these, and whose office approximated to that of the argentarii ; and still lower stood the Tmmmularii, though these were also public function- aries. The argentarii, on the contrary, were private bankers, who did all kinds of broking, commission, and agency business for their customers. They are called argentarii; argcntecE Tnensm exerdtores; argenli distracLm'es ; negoliaJores stipis argentaria.' Their private character is clear, from what Ulpian says:' " Taberna (i. e., argentaria) pnilica sunt, quarum usus ad privates pertinet." Almost all money transactions were carried on through their interven- tion, and they kept the account-books of their cus- tomers. Hence all terms respecting the relation between debtor and creditor were borrowed from banking business : thus, rationem accepti scribere ("to put down on the debtor's side in the banker's book") means " to borrow money ;" rescribere, " to pay it back again ;" nomen (an item in the account) is "a debt," or even " a debtor," as when Cicero says,' " Ego meis rebus gestis hoc sum asseculus ut bonum nomen existimer."^ On these books of account, which have given rise to the modem Italian system of book-keeping by double entry, see Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii., 7. The functions of the argentarii, besides their original occupation of money-changing {perm'ulH (apytag ypaiii), an action to which any Athenian citizen was liable, according to the old law, if he could not bring evidence thai he had some lawful calling. The law was intro- duced by Draco, who made the penalty of convic- tion death ; Solon re-enacted the law, substituting, however, for the capital punishment a fine of 100 1. (Plin.,H. N., ixiiii., 13,)— 2. (Vectig., iv., 2.)— 3. (PauB., i., 1, tj 1. — BBckh, On the Silver Mines of Laurion, in the sec- ond volume of the translation of the Public Economy of Athens > —4. (Xen., Vectif., i,,5 ; iv., 2.)— 5. (Plin., II. N., xxxiii., 31.) —6. (iii., 95.)— 7. (Hipp., c. 6, p. 231.)— 8. (ap. Poll., Onom., \x., 76.)— 9. (xxxviii., 11.)— 10. (Jul., 54.)— 11. (Wurm, De Pon- der., 92 ARIES (tpjof), the battering-ram, was usej to shake, perforate, and batter down the walls of be- .sieged cities. It consisted of a large beam, made of the trunk of a tree, especially of a fir or an ash. To one end was fastened a mass of bronze or iron (KcfaX^, i/j6o/i^, TrpoTo/iij^), which resembled in its form the head of a ram ; and it is evident that this shape of the extremity of the engine, as well as its name, was given to it on account of the resemblance of its mode of action to that of a ram butting with its forehead. The upper figure in the annexed wood- cut is taken from the bas-reliefs on the coluiun of Trajan at Rome. It shows the aries in its simplest state, and as it was borne and impelled by human hands, without other assistance. Even when the art of war was much advanced, the ram must have been frequently used in this manner, both whenever time was wanting for more complicated arrange- ments, and wherever the inequality of the ground rendered such arrangements impracticable. This sculpture shows the ram directed against the angle of a wall, which must have been more vulnerable than any other part. (" Angidarem turrim ictus fo- ravit arietis violentior. '') or, etisis, gladius), hung on the left side of his body by means of a belt which 1. (Fi(J. Theocr., xxt., 279.)— 2. (Id., xxii., 52.)— 3. (Italia avanti il Dominio dei Romani, ]il. xiv., fig. 3, and pi. xvi., 1 fig 7.)— 4. (lii. 17.)— 5. (Orph., Argon., 199.— ApoU. Bhod.,i., 324 — Schol. in loo.)— 6. (Pans., iv., 11, ^ 1.)— 7. (II., iii., 328-339 It., 132-138 ; xi., 15-45 ; iri., 130-142 ; xix., 364-391.) 93 ARMA. ARMA. passed over the right shoulder; fourthly, the large round shield {auKOf, dam;, clipeus, scutum), support- ed in the same manner; fifthly, his helmet (/copnf, Kvvii;, cassis galea) ; sixthly and lastly, he took his spear (lyx";, 66pv, hasla), or, in many cases, two spears {dovpe Sia). Virgil represents the outfit of a warrior as consisting of the same six portions, when he describes the armour made by Vulcan for ^neas, and brought to him by his mother.' The form and use of these portions are described in sep- arate articles under their Latin names. The an- nexed woodcut exhibits them all in the form of a Greek warrior attired for battle, as shown in Hope's Costume of l/te Ancients (i., 70). Those who were defended in the manner which has now been represented, are called by Homer ua- vwrai, from their great shield (duTn'f) ; also uyxe- liaxoi, because they fought hand to hand with their adversaries ; but much more commonly wpd/iaxot, because they occupied the front of the army : and it is to be observed that these terms, especially the last, were honourable titles, the, expense of a com- plete suit of armour {iravoKyiTj') being of itself suf- ficient to prove the wealth and rank of the wearer, while his place on the field was no less indicative cf strength and bravery. In later times, the heavy-armed soldiers were called oKMrai, because the term uvla more espe- cially denoted the defensive armour, the shield and thorax. By wearing these they were distinguished from the light-armed, whom Herodotus,^ for the reason just mentioned, calls uvoir/loi, and who are also denominated ■v, u/KfiSed), a bracelet or armlet. Among all the nations of antiquity, the Medcs and Persians appear to have displayed the greatest taste for ornaments of this class. They wore not only armillse on their wrists, and on the arm a little below the shoulder, but also earrings, collars or necklaces, and splendid turbans. These portions of their dress often consisted of strings of valuable pearls, or were enriched with jewels. They were intended to indicate the rank, power, and wealth of the wearer, and this use of them has continued through successive generations down to the present day.'° In Europe, golden armillEe were worn by the Gauls both on their arms and on their wrists.'' The Sabines also wore ponderous golden armillae on the left arm, about the time of the foundation of Rome ;" 1. (il., 57.) -S. (Eph., Ti , 14-17.)— 3. {Xn., ii., 470.) 1. (FiA Liv.,x3cxi.,23.— Jut., xiii., 83.)— 2. (Strab.,ii.,l, 15i — Plin., H. N., vii., 38.— Val. Max., viii., 12.— Cic, De Orat., i, 14.)— 3. (Ttacyd., i., 6.)^. (vi., 68.)— 5. (Dig. 33, tit. 10, s. 3. —Cic, pro Cluent., e. 64.— Petron., Sat., 29.— Plin., IL N, xxix., 17, 32 ; xxxv., 2, 2.) — 6. (Vitruv., vii., Pnef. — Yopisc., Tac, 8.)— 7. (p. 383, No. 4.)— 8. (Dioscor., 1, 165.— Eardocimiu Plin., H. N., XV., 21.— Casjri, Biblioth. Hispan. Arab., vol. i., pt 330. — Gesner, Lex. Rusticum.) — 9. (Dioscor., v., 105. — Vitrav., 7, 9. — Plin., H. N., XXXV., 28. — Adams, Append., s. v. — Moore'a Anc. Minei-al., p. 68, 69.)— 10. (Herod., viii., 113 ; ix., 80.— Xen., Anab., i., 2, 27 ; i., 8, 29.— Cyrop., i., 3, 2, 3 ; vi., 4, 2, el alibi. — Chares Mytil., ap. Atlien., iii., 14. — Diod. Sic, v., 45.— Com. Nep., Dat., iii. — Amm. MarceU., xxiii., sub fin. — Compaw Gen., xxiv., 22, 30, 47.— Ezeli.. xxiii., 42.-2 Sam., i., 10 — Wil Ivinson's Customs of Anc Egypt, vol. iii.. p. 374, 375.)— -U (CI Quadrig., ap. Aul. Gell., ix., 13.— IlEpi toXs Ppaxlooi ARMY. ARMY. cations. It -was also the duty of the hipparchs to train the cavalry in time of peace.' Every free citizen of the Greek states was, ac- cording to Xenophon and Plutarch, enrolled for military service from the age of 18 or 20, to 58 or 60 years, and at Sparta, at least, the rule was com- mon to the kings and the private people. The young men, previously to joining the ranks, were instructed in the military duties by the ra/cn/coi or pubHc teachers, who were maintained by the state for the purpose ; and no town in Greece was with- out its gymnasium or school. The times appointed for performing the exercises, as well in the gymna- sium as in the camp, were early in the morning, and in the evening before going to rest. The tlrst em- ployment of the young soldiers was to guard the city; and in this duty they were associated with such veterans as, on account of their age, had been discharged from service in the iield. At 20 years of age the Athenian recruit could be sent on foreign expeditions ; but, among the Spartans, this was sel- dom done tUl the soldier was 30 years old. No man beyond the legal age could be compelled to serve out of his country, except in times of public danger; but mention is occasionally made of such persons being placed in the rear of the army during an action, and charged with the care of the bag- gage.' While the Athenians were engaged in an expedition against .iEgina, the Peloponnesians sent a detachment of troops towards Megara, in expec- tation of surprising the place ; but the young and the aged men who remained to guard Athens marched, under Myronides, against the enemy, and prevented the success of the enterprise.' An attention to military duties, when the troops were encamped, was strictly enforced in all the Greek armies ; but a considerable difference pre- vailed in those of the two principal states with re- spect to the recreations of the soldiers. The men •jf Athens were allowed to witness theatrical per- formances, and to have in the camp companies of Bingers and dancers. In the Lacedaemonian army, 9n the contrary, all these were forbidden ; the con- .stant practice of temperance, and the observance of a rigid discipline, being prescribed to the Spartan youth, in order that they might excel in war (which among them was considered as the proper occupa- tion of freemen) ; and manly exercises alone were permitted in the intervals of duty. Yet, while en- camped, the young men were encouraged to use perfumes, and to wear costly armour, though the adorning of their persons when at home would have subjected them to the reproach of effeminacy. On going into action, they crowned themselves with garlands, and marched with a regulated pace, a concert of ilutes playing the hymn of Castor.* The military service was not always voluntarily embraced by the Greek people, since it was found necessary to decree punishments against such as evaded the conscriptions. These consisted in a dep- rivation of the privileges of citizenship, or in being branded in the' hand. Deserters from the army were punished with death ; and at home, when a man absented himself from the ranks, he was made to sit three days in a public place in women's ap- parel. It was held to be highly disgraceful in a sol- dier if, after an action, he was without his buckler ; probably because this implied that he, who ought to have maintained his post till the last moment, had made a precipitate retreat ; a coward would throw away his buckler in order that he might run faster. In the infancy of the Greek republics, while the theatre of war was almost at the gates of each city, the soldier served at his own expense in that class of troops which his fortune permitted him to join. 1. (Virf. Xenoplion's treatise entitled 'iTrirafJX*'^'^?-) — 2, (Thu- eyd., V , 72.)— 3. (Thucyd., i., 105.)— 4. (Plutarch, Lycurg.) Both at Athens and Sparta the hTtelg, or horsemen, consisted of persons possessing considerable estates and vigour of body ; each man furnished and main- tained his own horse, and he was, besides, botmd to provide at least one foot-soldier as an attendant. In the time of Xenophon, however, the spirit of the ori- ginal institution had greatly declined ; not only was the citizen allowed to commute his personal servi- ces for those of a horseman hired in his stead, bin the purchase and maintenance of the horses, which were imposed as a tax on the wealthy, were ill exe- cuted ; the men, also, who were least able in body, and least desirous of distinguishing themselves, were admitted into the ranks of the cavalry. The distress occasioned by the long continuance of the Peloponnesian war having put it out of the power of the poorer citizens of Athens to serve the country at their own expense, Pericles introduced the practice of giving constant pay to a class of the soldiers out of the public revenue ; and this wa^ subsequently adopted by the other states of Greece. The amount of the pay varied, according to circum- stances, from two oboU to a drachma.' The com- manders of the Uxoi received double, and the strategi four times, the pay of a private foot-soldier.' A truce having been made between the Athenians and Argives, it was appointed that, if one party as- sisted another, those who sent the assistance should furnish their troops with provisions for thirty days ; and it was farther agreed, that if the succoured party wished to retain the troops beyond that time, they should pay, daily, one drachma (of Mgiiia) for each horseman, and three oboli for a ioot-soldier, whether heavy-armed, light-armed, or archer.' At Athens, by the laws of Solon, if a man lost a limb in war, one obolus was allowed him daily for the rest of his life at the public expense ; the parents and children of such as fell in action were also provided Tor by the state. {Vid. Adunatoi.) With the acquisition of wealth, the love of east prevailed over that of glory ; and the principal states of Greece, in order to supply the places of such citi- zens as claimed the privilege of exemption from military service, were obliged to take in pay bodies of troops which were raised among their poorei neighbours. The Arcadians, like the modern Swiss, were most generally retained as auxiliaries in the armies of the other Greek states. In earlier times, to engage as a mercenary in the service of a foreign power was considered dishonourable ; and the name of the Carians, who are said to have been the first to do so, became on that account a term of reproach. The strength of a Grecian army consisted chiefly in its foot-soldiers ; and of these there were at first but two classes : the bTrKraL, who wore heavy ar- mour, carried large shields, and in action used .swords and long spears ; and the TpiTiot, who were light-armed, having frequently only helmets and small bucklers, with neither cuirasses nor greaves, and who were employed chiefly as skirmishers in dischai^ing arrows, darts, or stones. An intei-me- diate class of troops, called iteXTaaTai, or targeteers, was formed at Athens by Iphicrates, after the Pelo- ponnesian war ;* they were armed nearly in the same manner as the m'klrm, but their cuirasses were of linen instead of bronze or iron ; their spear? were short, and they carried small round bucklers {■KzlTdi). These troops, uniting in some measure the stability of the phalanx with the agility of the light-armed men, were found to be highly efficient; and from the time of their adoption, they were ex- tensively employed in the Greek armies. A band of club-men is mentioned by Xenophon among the Theban troops at the battle of Leuctra. Scarlet or crimson appears to have been the general colour of the Greek uniform, at least in the 1. (Thocyd., iii., 17.)— 2. (Xen., Anab.,Yii.,6, U-)- 3 (Thn cyd., T., 47.)— 4. (Xen., Ilellen., iv., 4, « 16-18.) AKMY. ARJIY. days of Xenophon ; for he observes' that the army of Agesilaus appeared all bronze and scarlet {anav- > tt fief xakK.ov^ airavra de (potviKa faiveoQaC). The oldest existing works which treat expressly of the constitution and tactics of the Grecian armies are the treatises of ^lian and Arrian, which were written in the time of Hadrian, when the art of war had changed its character, and when many details relating to the ancient military organizations were lorgotten. Yet the systems of these tacticians, speak- ing generally, appear to belong to the age of Philip or Alexander ; and, consequently, they may be con- sidered as having succeeded those which have been indicated above. ^ Miian makes the lowest subdivision of the army to consist of a Ao;i;of , ieKag, or hufioTia, which he 'says were then supposed to have been respectively files of 16, 12, or 8 men; and he recommends the latter. The numbers in the superior divisions pro- ceeded in a geometrical progression by doubles, and the principal bodies were formed and denomi- nated as follow : Four ^oxoi constituted a rerpap- xla (=64 men), and two of these a ru^ig (=128 men). The latter doubled, was called a cmrayfia or ^svajia (^256 men), to which division it appears that five supernumeraries were attached ; these were the crier, the ensign, the trumpeter, a servant, and an officer, called ovpayoc, who brought up the rear. Four of the last-mentioned divisions formed a ;t;tA(ap;(;tffi (^1024 men), which, doubled, became a re/lof, and quadrupled, formed the body which was denominated a fdXay^. Tbis corps would therefore appear to have consisted of 4096 men ; but, in fact, divisions of very different strengths were at different times designated by that name. Xenophon, in the Cyropaedia, applies the term ^Aa- langes to the three great divisions of the army of Croesus, and in the Anabasis to the bodies of Greek troops in the battle of Cunaxa, as well as upon many other occasions. It is evident, therefore, that before the time of Philip of Macedon, pludanx was a general expression for any large body of troops in the Grecian armies. That prince, how- ever, united under this name 6000 of his most etfi- cient heavy-armed men,'v/hom he called his com- panions ; he subjected them to judicious regulations, and improved their arms and discipline ; and from that time the name of his country was constantly applied to bodies of troops which were similarly organized. The numerical strength of thephalanx was prob- ably the greatest in the days of Philip and Alexan- der ; and, if the tactics of JE,\iz.Tx may be considered applicable to the age of those monarchs, it would appear that the corps, when complete, consisted of about 16,000 heavy-armed men. It was divided into four parts, each consisting of 4000 men, who were drawn up in files generally 16 men deep. The whole front, properly speaking, consisted of two grand divisions ; but each of these was divided into two ■ sections, and the two middle sections of the whole constituted the centre, or b/iipaXoi. The others were designated Kipara, or wings ; and in these the best troops seem to have been placed. The evolutions were performed upon the enomoty, or single file, whether it were required to extend or to deepen the line ; and there was an interval be- tween every two sections for the convenience of manoeuvring.' The smallest division of the i/iiXm', or light troops, according to the treatise of ^lian, was the X6xo(, which in this class consisted of eight men only ; and four of these are said to have formed a avara- at(. The sections afterward increased by doubling the numbers in the preceding divisions up to the imrayfia, which consisted of 8193 men ; and this 1. (AgesU., ii., 7.)— S. (Polyl)., xi., ex. 3.) 100 was the whole number of the ^lAoi who were at- tached to a phalanx of heavy-armed troops. The Greek cavalry, according to JElian, was divided into bodies, of which the smallest was called iXi;: it is said to have consisted of 64 men, though the term was used in earlier time,; for a party of horse of any number.' A troop called eviAapxta contained two IXai : and a division sub- sequently called rapavTivapxia (from Tarentum in Italy) was double the former. Each of the suc- ceeduig divisions was double that which preceded it ; and one, consisting of 2048 men, was called re- Tiog : finally, the kirnay/ia was equal to two riXji, and contained 4096 men. The troops of the division or class, called by .iElian Tarentines, are supposed to have been siinilar to those which also bore the names of Si/iuxai and VKaaTnaral, and which cor- responded to the present dragoons, since they en- gaged either on horseback or on foot, being attended by persons who took care of the horses when the riders fought dismounted. Their armour was heav- ier than that of the common horsemen, but hghler than that of the dTrXlTai ; and their first establish- ment is ascribed to Alexander. It does not appear that war-chariots were used in Greece after the heroic ages ; indeed, the mountainous nature of the country must have been unfavourable for their evo- lutions. In the East, however, the armies frequently coming to action in vast plains, not only did the use of chariots commence at a very early epoch, but they continued to be employed till the conquest of Syria and Egjrpt by the Romans. Numerous chariots formed the front of the Persian line wheSi Alexander overthrew the empire of Darius. Di- visions of chariots were placed at intervals before the army of Molon, when he was defeated hy An- tiochus the Great;' and Justin relates' that theie were 600 in the army which Mithradates (Eupator) drew up against that of Ariarathes. In the engage- ments with Darius and Porus, the troops of Alex- ander were opposed to elephants; and subsequently to the reign of that prince, those animals were generally employed in the Greek armies in Asia. They were arranged in line in front of the troops, and carried on their backs wooden turrets, in which were placed from 10 to 30 men, for the purpose of annoying the enemy with darts and arrows. Thev were also trained to act against each other : rushing together, they intertwined their trunks and the stronger, forcing his opponent to turn his flank, pierced him with his tusks ; the men, in the mean time, fighting with their spears.* Thus, at the bat- tle of Raphea, between Antiochus and Ptolemy, one wing of the Egyptian army was defeated in consequence of the African elephants being inferior in strength to those of India. Elephants were also employed in the wars of the Greeks, Romans, and Carthaginians with each other. The four chief officers of a phalanx were dis- posed in the following manner: The first with respect to merit was placed at the extremity of the right wing ; the second, at the extremity of the left; the third was placed on the right of the left wing; and the fourth on the left of the right wing ; and a like order was observed in placing the officers of the several subdivisions of the phalanx. The reason given by .Lilian for this fanciful arrangement is, that thus the whole front of the line will be equally well commanded ; since, as he observes, in every (arithmetical) progression, the sum of the extreme tenns is equal to that of the mean terms : whatever may be the value of this reason, it must have beer, a difficult task to determine the relative merit of the officers with the precision necessary for assign- ing them their proper places in the series. Expe- rienced soldiers were also placed in the rear of ih , 1. (Xcn., Anab., i., 2, I) Ifi \--2. (Polvb., t., 5.)— 3 (lltrili 1.)— 4. (Polyb., v., 5.) ARMY. AiiMY. phalanx ; and Xenophon, in the Cyropaedia, com- pares a body of troops thus officered to a house having a good foundation and roof. Each soldier in the phalanx was allowed, when in open order, a space equal to four cubits (54 or G feet) each way ; when a charge was to be made, the space was reduced to two cubits each way, and this order was called nvKvuaic. On some occasions only one cubit was allowed, and then the order was called avvaamniioq, because the bucklers touched each other. In making or receiving an attack, when each man occupied about three feet in depth, and the Macedonian spear, or adpiaaa, which was 18 or 20 feet long, was held in a horizontal position, the point of that which was in the hands of a front- rank man might project about 14 feet from the line ; the pomt of that which was in the hands of a sec- ond-rank man might project about 11 feet, and so on. Therefore, of the sixteen ranks, which was the ordinary depth of the phalanx, those in rear of i.ie fifth could hot evidently contribute by their pikes to the annoyance of the enemy : they conse- quently kept their pikes in an inclined position, testing on the shoulders of the men in their front; and thus they were enabled to arrest the enemy's missiles, which, after flying over the front ranks, might otherwise fall on those in the rear. The ranks beyond the fifth pressing with all their force against the men who were in their front, while they prevented them from falling back, increased the eflfect of the charge, or the resistance opposed to that of the enemy ;' and from a disposition similar to that which is here supposed in the Spartan troops at the battle of Platsea, the Persian infantry, ill armed, and unskilled in close action, are said to have perished in vast numbers in the vain attempt to penetrate the dense masses of tlie Greeks. In action, it was one duty of the officers to pre- sent the whole body of the men from inclining to- wards the right hand ; to this there was always a great tendency, because every soldier endeavom-ed to press that way, in order that he might be covered as much as possible by the shield of his companion ; and thus danger was inciu-red of having the army outflanked towards its left by that of the enemy. A derangement of this nature occurred to the army of Agis at the battle of Mantinea." Previously to an action, some particular word or sentence, avuBi;- jia, was given out by the commanders to the soldiers, who were enabled, on demanding it, to distinguish each other from the enemy.' The Greek tactics appear to have been simple, and the evolutions of the troops such as could be easily executed : the general iigure of the phalanx was an oblong rectangle, and this could, when re- quired, be thrown into the form of a solid or hollow square, a rhombus or lozenge, a triangle, or a por- tion of a circle. On a march it was capable of contracting its front, according to the breadth of the road or pass, along which it was to move. If the phalanx was drawn up so that its front exceeded its depth, it had the name of 'K^ivdiov ; on the other hand, when it advanced in column, or on a front narrower than its depth, it was called ■jrvpyog. Usually, the opposing armies were drawn up in two parallel lines; but there was also an oblique order of battle, one wing being advanced near the enemy, and the other being kept retired; and this dispo- sition was used when it was desii'ed to induce an enemy to break his line. It is supposed to have been frequently adopted by the Thebans; and, at the battle of Delium, the BcEotians thus defeated the Athenians.* At the Grauicus, also, Alexander, following, it is said,' the practice of Epaminondas, 1. (Polyb., xvii., ex. 3.)— 2. (Thucyd., v., 71, 72.)— 3. (Xen., A-nab., i., 8, 5 16.— Cyrop., i., 7, « 10.)— 4. (Tliucyd., iv., 90.)— S. (Arran, Exf. Al., i., 15.) did not attack at once the whole army of the enemy, but threw himself with condensed forces against the centre only of the Persian line. Occasionally, the phalanx was formed in two divisions, each facing outward, for the purpose of engaging the enemy at once ip front and rear, or on both flanks ; these orders were called respectively ufKJiiaTOfio; and dvriaTOjxos. When the phalanx was in danger of being surrounded, it could be formed in four divisions, which faced in opposite directions. At the battle of Arbela, the two divisions of Alex- ander's army formed a phalanx with two fronts ; and here the attack was directed against the right wing only of the Persians. The mancEuvres necessary for changing the front of the phalanx were generally performed by counter- marching the tiles, because it was of importance that the officers or file leaders should be in the front. When a phalanx was to be formed in twi parallel lines, the leaders commonly placed them- selves on the exterior front of each line, with thi ovpayoi, or rear-rank men, who were almost always veteran soldiers, in the interior ; the contrary dispo- sition was, however, sometimes adopted. The phalanx was made to take the form of a lozenge, or wedge, when it was intended to pierce the line of an enemy. At the battle of Leuctra, the Lacedasmonians, attempting to extend their line to the right in order to outflank the Thebans, Epaminondas, or, rather, Pelopidas, attacked them while they were disordered by that movement. On this occasion, the Boeotian troops were drawn up in the form of a hollow wedge, which was made by two divisions of a double phalanx being joined to- gether at one end.' It may be said that, from the disposition of the troops in the Greek armies, the success of an action depended in general on a single effort, since there was no second line of troops to support the iirst in the event of any disaster. The dense order of the phalanx was only proper for a combat on a perfectly level plain ; and even then the victory depended rather on the prowess of the soldier than on the skill of the commander, who was commonly dis- tinguished from the men only by fighting at their head. But, when the field of battle was conunanded by heights, and intersected by streams or defiles, the unwieldy mass became incapable of acting, while it was overwhelmed by the enemy's misisiles : such was the state of the Lacedjemonian troops when besieged in the island of Sphacteria.' The cavalry attached to a phalanx, or line of battle, was placed on its wings, and the light troops were in the rear, or in the intervals between the divisions. An engagement sometimes consisted merely in the charges which the opposing cavalry made on each other, as in the battle between the Lacedsemonians and Olynthians.' The simple battering-ram for demolishing the walls of fortresses is supposed to have been an in- vention of the earliest times: we learn from Thucyd- ides* that it was employed by the Peloponnesians at the siege of Plateea; and, according to Vitruvius," the ram, covered with a roof of hides or wood for the protection of the men, was invented by Cetras of Chalcedon, who lived before the age of Philip and Alexander. (FiA Aries.) But we have little knowledge of what may be called the field-artillerr of the Greeks at any period of their history. Dl- odorus Siculus mentions' that the KaramllTj^f, or machine for throwing arrows, was invented or im- proved at Syracuse in the time of Dionysius ; but whether it was then used in the attack of towns, or against troops in the field, does not appear; and il is not till about a century after the death of Alex- ander that we have any distinct intiiration of such 1. (Xcn., Hel]en.,vii,, 5.)— 2. (Thucyd., iV., 32.)- 3. IXeti.. HeU., v., 2.)— 4. (ii., 76.)— 5. (x. 19.)— 6 (xiv., 42.) 101 ARMY. ARMY. machines being in the train of a Grecian army. According to Polybius,' there were with the troops of Machanidas many carriages filled with catapultse and weapons ; those carriages appear to have come up in rear of the Spartan army ; but, before the ac- tion commenced, they were disposed at intervals along the front of the line, in order, as Philopcemen is said to have perceived, to put the Achsean pha- lanx in disorder by discharges of stones and darts. Against such missiles, as well as those which came from the ordinary slings and bows, the troops, when not actually making a charge, covered themselves with their bucklers ; the men in the first rank placing theirs vertically in front, and those behind, in stooping or kneeling postures, holding them over their heads so as to form what was called a ^^^"^1 (tortoise), inclining down towards the rear. ARMY (ROMAN). The organization of the Ro- man army in early times was based upon the con- stitution of Servius Tullius, which is explained under the article Comitia Centuriata ; in which an account is given of the Roman army in the time of the kings and in the early ages of the Republic. It is only necessary to observe here, that it appears plainly, from a variety of circumstances, that the tactics of the Roman infantry in early times were not those of the legion at a later period, and that the phalanx, which was the battle-array of the Greeks, was also the form in which the Roman armies were originally drawn up. (Clipeis antea Ramani usi sunt ; deinde, postquam stipendiarii facti sunt, scuta pro clipeis fecere ; et quod antea phalanges similes Macedonicis, hoc postea manipulatim ^tructa acies ccepit esse.') In Livy's description" of the battle which was fought near Vesuvius, we have an account of the constitution of the Roman army ti the year B.C. 337 ; but, as this description can- not he understood without explaining the ancient O'rmation of the army, we shall proceed at once to lescribe the constitution of the army in later times. In the time of Polybius, which was that of Fabius and Scipio, every legion was commanded by six military tribunes ; and, in the event of four new legions being intended to be raised, 14 of the trib- unes were chosen from among those citizens who had carried arms in five campaigns, and 10 from those who had served twice as long. The consuls, after they entered upon their office, appointed a day on which all those who were of the military age were required to attend. When the day for enroll- ing the troops arrived, the people assembled at the Capitol ;* and the consuls, with the assistance of the miUtary tribunes, proceeded to hold the levy, unless prevented by the tribunes of the plebes.' The military tribunes, having been divided into four bodies (which division corresponded to the general distribution of the army into four legions), drew out the tribes by lot, one by one ; then, calling up that tribe upon which the lot first fell, they chose (legerunt, whence the name legio) four young men nearly equal in age and stature. From these the tribunes of the first legion chose one ; those of the second chose a second, and so on : after this four other men were selected, and now the tribunes of the second legion made the first choice ; then those of the other legions in order, and, last of all, the tribunes of the first legion made their choice. In like manner, from the next four men, the tribunes, beginning with those of the third legion and ending with those of the second, made their choice. Ob- serving the same method of rotation to the end, it followed that all the legion? were nearly alike with respect to the ages and stature of the men. Po- 1. (xi., el. 3.;— 2, (Liv., viii., 8. — Compare Niebulir, Rom. Hist., vol. i., p. 4fie.)— 3, (viii., 8.)-4. (Liv,, xiyi., 35.)— 5. (Llt., iv , 1.) 102 lybius observes' that, anciently, the cavahy troop* were chosen after the infantry, and that 200 horse were allowed to every 4000 foot ; but he adds that it was then the custom to select the cavalry first, and to assign 300 of these to each legion. Every citizen was obliged to serve in the army, when required, between the ages of 17 and 46 years. Each foot-soldier was obliged to serve during twenty campaigns, and each horseman during tea And, except when a legal cause of exemption (m catio) existed, the service was compulsory : persona who refused to enlist could be punished by fine oi imprisonment, and in some cases they might be sold as slaves." The grounds of exemption were age,' infirmity, and having served the appointed time. The magistrates and priests were also ex- empted, in general, from serving in the wars ; and the same privilege was sometimes granted by the senate or the people to individuals who had render- ed services to the state.* In sudden emergencies, or when any particular danger wasapprehended, as in the case of a war in Italy or against the Gauls, both of which were called tumuUus,' no exemption could be pleaded, but all were obliged to be enrolled. (Senatus decrevit, ut delectus Jiaberetur, vacationes ne vcderent.') Persons who were rated by the censors below the value of 400 drachmae, according to Polybius. were allowed to serve only in the navy ; and these men formed what was called the legio classica. In the first ages of the Republic, each consul had usually the command of two Roman legions and two legions of allies ; and the latter were raised in the states of Italy nearly in the same manner as the others were raised in Rome. The infantry of an allied legion w-as usually equal in number to that of a Roman legion, but the cavalry attached to the former was twice as numerous as that which be- longed to the latter.' The regulation of the two allied legions was superintended by twelve officen called prefects (prirfccti), who were selected (m this purpose by the consuls." In the hne of battle the two Roman legions formed the centre, am" those of the allies were placed, one on the rijht, aar the other on the left flank ; the cavalry was pr^Ua at the two extremities of the hne ; that of '„bo al- lies in each wing, being on the outward Daak of the legionary horsemen, on which account tliey had the name of Alarii. (Tfrf. Alarii.) A body of the best soldiers, both infantry and cavalry, consisting either of volunteers or of veterans sele^-lc-d from the al- lies, guarded the consul in the camp, or served about his person in the field ; ar>piif6pia), a festival which, according to the various ways in which the name is written (for we find iparjijiopia or £/5(5)?(f6pia), is attributed to different deities. The first form is derived from afifiTjTa, and thus would indicate a fes- tival at which mysterious things were carried about. The other name would point to Erse or Herse, who was believed to be a daughter of Cecrops, and whose worship was intimately connected with that of Athena. But, even admitting the latter, we still have sufficient ground for behoving that the festival was solemnized, in a higher sense, in honour of Athena.' It was held at Athens, in the month of 1. (Isid., Ori J., jr., 8.— Non. Marc., v., 14 : "In arqui simil- itudinem.")— 2. (1. c.)— 3. (vi., 625.)^. (iii., 139.)— 5. (Gams, Big. IS, tit. 1, s. 35.)— 6. (Terent., Heautont., iii., 3, 42.)— 7 (Thibaut, System des Pandekten Rechts, 4 144.— Dig. 18, tit. 1, I. 3S ; tit. 3, s. 6 ; 14, tit. 3, s. 5, l> 15 ; 19, tit. 1, s. 11, « 0.— Cod. 4, tit. 21, s. 17. — (jellius, xvii., 2. — Compare Bracton,ii.. c. 27: *' De acquirendo rerum dominio in causa emptionis," and « hal he says on the arrha, with the passage in Gains already refened to.)-^. (Etymol. Mag., s. v. 'Appi)0opia. All other details concerning this festi- val are unknown. ARROGATIO. (Vid. Adoptio.) *ARSEN'IKON ( apasviKov ) " does not mean what is commonly called arsenic, but the sesqui-sul- phuret of arsenic, or orpiment." Celsus clearly in- dicates what it was when he says "Auripigmentum, guod upacviKov a Greeds nominatur."* In a word, it is yellow orpiment, and this latter name itself is merely a corruption from auripigmentum, or " paint of gold." "It was called," observes Dr. Moore, "auripigmentum, perhaps, not merely from its gold- en colour and the use to which it was applied, but because the ancients thought it really contained that metal. Pliny mentions, among other modes of obtaining gold, that of making it from orpiment ; and says that Caligula ordered a great quantity of »hat svii'rrazs to be reduced, and obtained excel- lent gold, but in. such small proportion as to lose by an experiment which was not afterward repeat- ed.' Althoagh no great reliance can be placed on this account, we are not, of necessity, to regard it as a fable ; for the mass experimented on may have contained, as it is said this mineral sometimes does, a small portion of gold."' The arsenic of the ancients, then, was considerably different from our oxyde of arsenic, which is a factitious substance procured from cobalt by sublimation. The Arabian author Servitor, however, describes the process of subliming arsenic ; and Avicenna makes mention of white arsenic, by which he no doubt meant sub- limed arsenic, or the Arsenicum album of modern chymists. According to the analysis of Klaproth, yellow orpiment consists of 62 parts of arsenic and 38 of sulphur. The Greek name apaevLKov {mascu- line) is said by some to have been given to it be- cause of the potent qualities it was discovered to possess ; qualities, however, which the arsenic of the shops exhibits in a more intense degree.' " Ga- len' says it was commonly called apaeviadv in his time, but vm tuv irnKi^eiv to TTuvra liov2,ofievav, ' by those who wished to make everything conform to the Attic dialect,' ufifieviKov." According to Pliny, orpiment was dug in Syria, for the use of painters, near the surface of the ground ; Vitruvius' mentions Pontus as a locality, and Diosroridcs" names Mysia as the country whence the best was brought; that of Pontus holding the second rank. 1. ((i^/^T/0(ipoi, ifHTf]<^6poi, i^l}tj{{>6pQi : Ariatoph., Lysist., 642.) <. (Suid., s. V. XaAKEia.) — 3. (Ilarpocr., s. v. Aenrvofpdpoi : '.!■., i., 27, « 4.)— 1. (De Med., v., 5.)— S. (H. N., xxjciii., 4.) 1. (Anc. Mineralofry, p. 00.)— 7. (M. ib.)— 8. (Do Medioam, ...•ayfi'f?, iii., 2, ji. 5i>3, cd. KUhn. — Thcophrastus has A^hexi- nj», r, 71, 89, 90.)— 9. (vii., 7.)— 10. (v., 121.— Moore, 1. c) lOS The red sulphuret of arsenic was called Sandara- cha, and the ancients appear to have been wel! acquainted with the kindred nature of both the yel- low and red. (Vid. Sandaeacha.) AR'TABA (apTtilki), a Persian measure of capa. city, which contained, according to Herodotus,' : medimnus and 3 choenices (Attic) ^102 Roman sex- tarii =12 gallons 5092 pints ; but, according to Sui- das, Hesychius, Polysenus,'' and Epiphanius, it con- tained 1 Attic medimnus =96 sextarii =11 gallons 71456 pints. There was an Egyptian measure c' the same name, of which there were two sorts, the old and the new artaba.^ The old artaba contained 4^ Roman modii =72 sextarii =8 gallons 7-359 pints. It was about equal to the Attic metretes; and it was half of the Ptolemaic medimnus, which was to the Attic medimnus as 3 : 2. The latei and more common Egyptian artaba contained 3J modii =53J sextarii =6 gallons 48586 pints.* Il was equal to the Olympic cubic foot, and about hall as large as the Persian artaba." ARTEMISIA (' kpTEjiiaLo), a festival celebrated at Syracuse in honour of Artemis Potamia and So- teira.' It lasted three days, which were principally spent in feasting and amusements.' Bread was of- fered to her under the name of Ao;i;ta.' Festivals of the same name, and in honour of the same god- dess, were held in many places in Greece; but principally at Delphi, where, according to Hege- Sander,' they offered to the god a mullet on this oc- casion, because it appeared to hunt and kill the sea- hare, and thus bore some resemblance to Artemis, the goddess of hunting. The same name was given to the festivals of Artemis in Gyrene n id Ephesus, though in the latter place the goddess vas not the Grecian Artemis, but a deity of Eastern origin. *II. The name of an herb, commonly called Hug- worth, or Motherwort. Dioscorides describes three species, the TroAii/cAwvof, fiovoK^uvo^. and P.cTri'fi'.^- Xof. The first, according to Sprengel, is the Artemiiia arborescens ; the second, the Artemisia spicata; and the third, the Artemisia campesiris. Dierbach seems to entertain much the same ideas regarding the species of wormwood comprehended under the upre/uaia of Hippocrates. The ^^'ormwood holds a prominent part in all the Herbals of antiquity, from Dioscorides to Macer Floridus.'" ARTE'RIA (iip-npia), a word commonly (but contrary to all analogy) derived airo tov aipa rripelv, ab aire servanda ; because the ancients, ignorant of the circulation of the blood, and finding the arteries always empty after death, supposed they were tubes containing air." The word was applied to the trachea by Hippocrates" and liis contempora- ries, by whom the vessels now called arteries were distinguished from the veins by the addition of the word a(pvCu. By later writers it is used to signify sometimes the trachea," and in this sense the epi- thet Tprjxna, aspera, is occasionally added ;'* some- times an artery ;" in which sense the epithet ^ia, liivis, is sometimes added, to distinguish it from the trachea ; and sometimes, in the plural number, tht bronchia.^' 1. (i., 192.)— 2. (Strat., iv., 3, 32.)— 3. (Didymus, c. l».)-4. (Rhemn. Faun., Carmen de Pond, et Mens., v., S9, 90. — ^HieTon., nd Ezech., 5.)— 5. (Bockh, Metrolog. Untci-such., p. 242.— Wurni, de Pond., dtc, p. 133.)— 6. (Find., Pyth., ii., 12.)— 7 (Liv., XXV., 23.— Plat., MarcclL, 18.)— 8. (Hesych., s. v.)— 9 (Athenaius, vii., p. 325.) — 10. (Dioscor., iti., 116, 117. — Adams Append., s. v.)— II. (Cic., De Nat. Dcor., ii., 55: '■ Sanijuispe venas in orane corpus diftunditur, etspirituspcrartcn.is."— Com pare Seneca, Quajst. Nat., iii., 15, I) 2.— Plin.,II. N., xi., 88.89 12. (Epideni,, vii., 654, 603, ed. KUhn.)— 13. (Aristot., H. A i., 13, ^ 5. — Macrob., Satuni., vii., 15. — Aret., p. 24, ed. Kiilin. 14. (Arct., p. 31.— Cic, De Nat. Deer., ii., 54.— Cels., De Med iv., 1.)— 15. (Cels., De Med., iv., 1, Art. quns itapurHof v( cant.— Ibid., li., 10.— Plin., H. N., xi., 88.— Viot., p. 31, 27" ic.)— 16. (Auct. ad Herenn., iii., 12.— Aul, Gell , N. A., 20.-Aict., p. 25, (tc.) ARVALES FRATRES. ARVALES FRATRES. Notwithstanding the opinion of manj' oX the an- cients, that the arteries contained only air, it is certain that the more intelligent among them knew perfectly well, 1. That they contain blood,' and even that this is of a different nature from that which is in the veins." Galen, from whom the last idea is obtained, calls the pulmonary artery (pTiiij) aprripiudrii, because it conveys venous blood, al- tl lOugh it has the form and structure of an artery. 2. Thai the section of an artery is much more dan- gerous and more difficult to heal than that of a vein.' 3. That there is a pulsation in the arteries which does not exist in the veins, and of which the variations are of great value, both as assisting to form a correct diagnosis, and also as an indication of treatment.* ARTOP'TA. (Vid. Pistok.) ARU'RA {upovpa), a Greek measure of surface, which, according to Suidas, was the fourth part of the nMdpov. The ir'XiBpov, as a measure of length, contained 100 Greek feet ; its square, therefore, =10,000 feet, and therefore the arura =2500 Greek square feet. Herodotus' mentions a measure of the same name, but apparently of a different size. He says that it is a hundred Egyptian cubits in every direc- tion. Now the Egyptian cubit contained nearly 17| inches ;« therefore the square of 100xl7| inches, i. c, nearly 148 feet, gives the number of square feet (English) in the arura, viz., 21,904.' ARUS'PEX (Fid. H.1RU5PEX.) ARVA'LES FRATRES. The fratres arvales formed a college or company of twelve in number, und were so called, according to Varro,' from oifer- ing public sacrifices for the fertility of the fields [sacra, puilica faciunt proplerea, ut fniges ferant irva). That they were of extreme antiquity is proved by the legend which refers their institution to Romulus, of whom it is said, that when his nurse Acca Laurentia lost one of her twelve sons, he al- lowed himself to be adopted by her in his place, and ealled himself and the remaining eleven " Fratres \rvales.'" We also find a college called the Sodales Titii, and as the latter were confessedly of Sabine origin, and instituted for the purpose of keeping up the Sabine religious rites.'" there is some reason for the supposition of Niebuhr," that these colleges corresponded one to the other : the Fratres Arvales being connected with the Latin, and the Sodales Titii with the Sabine, element of the Roman state, just as there were two colleges of the Luperci, namely, the Faini and the Quindilii, the former of whom seem to have belonged to the Sabines. The office of the fratres arvales was for life, and was not taken away even from an exile or captive. They wore, as a badge of office, a chaplet of ears of corn {spicea corona) fastened on their heads with a white band.'" The number given by inscriptions varies, but it is never more than nine ; though, ac- cording to the legend and general belief, it amount- ed to twelve. One of their annual duties was to celebrate a three days' festival in honour of Dea Dia, supposed to be Ceres, sometimes held on the rvr., XIV., and xin., sometimes on the vi,, iv., and HI. Kal. Jun., i. e., on the 17th, 19th, and 20th, or the 27th, 29th, and 30th of May. Of this the mas- ter of the college, appointed annually, gave public notice {indicebat) from the Temple of Concord on the Capitol. On the first and last of these days, 1. (Aret., p. 295, 303, where arteriotomy is recommended.) — 2. (Galen, De Usu Part. Corp. Hum., vii., 8.)— 3. (Cels., De Med., ii., 10.)— 4. {Via. Galen, De Usu Puis., De Causis Puis., &c., De Ven. et Arteriar. Dissect.) — 5. (ii., 168.) — 6. (Hussey, Ancient Weights, &c.) — 7. (Wui-m, De Ponder., &c., p. 94.) — 8. (De Lin^. Lat., v., 85, ed. iVTCiUer.) — 9. (Masurius Sabinus, ap. Aul. Cell., vi., 7.)— 10. (Tacit., Ann., i,, 53.)— 11. fRom. Hist.. J.. B. 303, transl.)— 12. (Plin., H. N., iviii., 8.) the college met at the house of Iheir president, tc make offerings to the Dea Dia ; on the second they assembled in the grove of the same goddess, about five miles south of Rome, and there offered sacrifices for the fertility of the earth. An account of the different ceremonies of this festival is preserved in an inscription, which was written in the first year of the Emperor Elagabalus (A.D. 218), who wa? elected a member of the college under the name d M. Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix.' The same in- scription contains the following song or hymn, which appears to have been sung at this festival from the most ancient times : " E nos, Lascs, iuvate. Neve luerve, Marvmr, sins incurrere in pleoris ' Satur furere, Mars, limen sail, sta berher : Semunis alternei advocapit conctos. E nos, Marmor, tuvato : Triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, tnumpe, triumpe." Klausen, in his work on this subject," gives the fol lowing translation of the above : " Age nos. Lares, juvate. Neve luem, Mars, sinas incurrere in plures : Satur furere. Mars, pcde pulsa limen, sta verhere Semones alterni advocabite cunctos. Age nos. Mars, juvato : Triumphc," i^c. But, besides this festival of the Dea Dia, the fratres arvales were required, on various occasions under the emperors, to make vows and offer up thanks- givings, an enumeration of which is given in Fau ciolati.' Strabo, indeed,* informs us that, in the reign of Tiberius, these priests (Upo/iv^/iovc() per- formed sacrifices called the ambarvalia at various places on the borders of the ager Romanus, or original teiTitory of Rome ;' and among others, at Festi, a place between five and six miles from the city, in the direction of Alba. There is no boldness in supposing that this was a custom handed down from time immemorial, and, moreover, that it was a duty of this priesthood to invoke a blessing on the whole territory of Rome. It is proved by inscrip- tions that this college existed till the reign of the Emperor Gordian, or A.D. 325, and it is probable that it was not abolished till A.D. 400, together with the other colleges of the pagan priesthoods. The private ambarvalia were certainly of a differ- ent nature from those mentioned by Strabo, aad were so called from the victim {hostia ambarvalis), that was slain on the occasion, being led three times round the cornfields before the sickle was put to the corn. This victim was accompanied by a crowd of merry-makers {chorus et socii), the reap- ers and farm-sen'ants dancing and singing, as they marched along, the praises of Ceres, and praying for her favour and presence, while they offered her the libations of milk, honey, and wine.* This cere- mony was also called a lustralio,'' or purification : and for a beautiful description of the holyday, and the prayers and vows made on the occasion, the reader is referred to Tibullus, lib. ii., eleg. i. It is, perhaps, worth while to remark that Polybius* uses language almost applicable to the Roman ambar- valia in speaking of the Mantineans, who, he says (specifying the occasion), made a purification, and carried victims round the city, and all the country : his words are, 01 Mavriveti KaBapfibv knoirjaavTo, Kal afayia irepu'iveyKav T^g re woAeuj- kvk^cj Kal ttj% Xupag TiaariQ. There is, however, a still greater resemblance to 1. (Marini. Atti e Monumenti degli Arvali, tab. xli. — Orelli, Corp. loscnp., nr. 2270.)— 2. (De Cai-mine Fratrum An-alium, p. 23.)— 3. (Lex., s. v.)— 4. (v., 3.)— 5. (Arnold, Rom. Ifist., i., p. 31.)— 6. (Virg., Georg., i., 330.)— 7. (Virg., Eclog., y., 83.1- 8. (iv., 21, 4 9.) 103 AS. AS. tte rites we have been describing, in the ceremonies of the rogation or gang week of the Latin Church. These consisted of processions through the fields, accompanied with prayers (rogationes) for a bless- ing on the fruits of the earth, and were continued during thr<;e days in Whitsun-week. The custom was abolished at the Reformation in consequence of its abuse, and the perambulation of the parish boundaries substituted in its place.' ♦AllUNDO. (Firf. KAAAMOS.) AS, or Libra, a pound, the unit of weight among the Romans. {Vid. Libra.) AS, the unit of value in the Roman and old Ital- ian coinages, was made of copper, or of the mixed metal called jEs. The origin of this coin has been already noticed under ^s. It was originally of the weight of a pound of twelve ounces, whence it was called as libralis and as grave. The oldest form of it is that which bears the figure of an animal (a bull, ram, boar, or sow). The next and most common form is that described by Phny,° as having the two- faced head of Janus on one side, and the prow of a ship on the other (whence the expression used by Roman boys in tossing up, capita aut navim'). The annexed specimen, from the British Museum, weighs 4000 grains : the length of the diameter in this and the »wo following cuts is half that of the original coins. Pliny* informs us that, in the time of the fii-st Punic war (B.C. 264-241), in order to meet the ex- penses of the state, this weight of a pound was di- minished, and ases were struck of the same weight as the sextans (that is, two ounces, or one sixth of the ancient weight) ; and that thus the Republic paid off its debts, gaining five parts in six : that af- terward, in the second Punic war, in the dictator- ship of Q. Fabius Maximus (about B.C. 217), ases of one ounce were made, and the denarius was de- creed to be equal to sixteen ases, the Republic thus gaining one half; but that, in military pay, the dena- rius was always given for ten ases : and that, soon after, by the Papirian law (about B.C. 191), ases of half an ounce were made. Festus, also,' mentions the reduction of the as to two ounces at the time of the first Punic war. There seem to have been other reductions besides those mentioned by Pliny, for there exist ases, and parts of ases, which show that this coin was made of 11, 10, 9, 8, 3, Ij, H ounces; and there are copper coins of the Terentian family 1. (Hooker, Eccl. Pol., r., 01,(i2.— Wlieatlcy, Com. Pray., v., SO.)— 2. (II.N., vsxiii., 3.)— 3. (Macrob.,Sat.,i.,7.)— 4. (H, N., nxiii,!.?.) — 5. (s. v. .Sextant iasos ) UO which sh'ow that it was depressed to ^^ and etai ^ of its original weight. Several modern writers have contended, chiefly from the fact of ases being found of so many different weights, that Pliny's ac- count of the redactions of the coin is incorrect, and that these reductions took place gradually, in the lapse of successive centuries. But Bockh has shown' that there is no trace in early times of a distinction between the as grave and lighter mon- ey ; that the Twelve Tables know of no such dis- tinction ; that, even after the introduction of lighter money, fines and rewards were reckoned in as grave ; and that the style of the true Roman coins which still remain by no means proves that the heavier pieces are much older than those of two ounces, but rather the contrary. His conclusion is, that all the reductions of the weight of the as, from a pound down to two ounces, took place during the first Punic war. Indeed, if the reduction had been very gradual, it is impossible that the Repubhc could have made by it that gain which Pliny states to have been the motive for the step. The value of the as, of course, varied with its weight. Some writers, indeed, suppose that a rise took place in the value of copper, which compensa- ted for the reduction in the weight of the as ; so that, in fact, the as libralis of Servius Tullius was not of much greater value than the lighter money of later times. But this supposition is directly con- tradicted by Pliny's account of the reduction in the weight of the as ; and it would appear that the value of copper had rather fallen than risen at the time when the reduction took place.' Before the reduc- tion to two ounces, ten ases were equal to the de- narius =about 8i pence English. {Vid. Den.ikics.) Therefore the as =34 farthings. By the reduction the denarius was made equal to 16 ases ; therefore the as =2J farthings. The as was divided into parts, which were named according to the number of ounces they contained. They were the (.' -mx, dextans, dodrans, bes, septum, semis, quincuiu, iiiens, quadrans or teruncius, sex- tans, sescimx or scscuncia, and uncia, consisting re- spectively of 11, 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, \h and 1 ounces. Of these divisions the following were rep- resented by coins ; namely, the semis, quincunx, triens, quadrans, sextans, and wncia. There is a solitary instance of the existence of the dodrans, in a coin of the Cassian family, bearing an S and three balls. We have no precise information as to the time when these divisions were first introduced, but it was probably nearly as early as the first coinage of copper money. • The semis, scmissis, or semi-as, half the as, orsi.x ounces, is always marked with an S to represent its value, and very commonly with heads of Jupiter, Juno, and Pallas, accompanied by strigils. The quincunx, or piece of five ounces, is very rare. There is no specimen of it in the British Museum. It is distinguished by five small balls to represent its value. The triens, the third part of the as, or piece of four ounces, is marked with four balls. In the an- nexed specimen from the British Museum, the balls 1. (Metvolo?. Untorsuch., I) 28.)— 2. (DOckll, Metrolog. U> tersuch.. p. 346, 347.) ASBESTOS. ASCALABOTES. appear on both sides, with a thunderbolt on one side, and a dolphin, with a strigil above it, on the other. Its weight is 1571 grains. The quadrans or teruncius, the fourth part of the as, or piece of three ounces, has three balls to de- note its value. An open hand, a strigil, a dolphin, grains of corn, a star, heads of Hercules, Ceres, &c., are common devices on this coin. Phny' says that both the triens and quadrans bore the image of a ship. The sextans, the sixth part of the as, or piece of two ounces, bears two balls. In the annexed spe- cimen from the British Museum, there is a cadu- ceus and strigil on one side, and a cockle-shell on the other. Its weight is 779 grains. The uncia, one ounce piece, or twelfth of the as, IS marked by a single ball. There appear on this coin heads of Pallas, of Roma, and of Diana, ships, frogs, and ears of barley. After the reduction in the weight of the as, coins were struck of the value of 2, 3, 4, and even 10 ases, which were called, respectively, dussis or dupondius, tressis, quadrussis, and dccussis. Other multiples of the as were denoted by words of similar forma- tion, up to centussis, 100 ases ; but most of them do not exist as coins. In certain forms of expression, in which irs is used for money without specifying the denomina- tion, we must understand the as. Thus deni aris, mille aris, decies aris, mean, respectively, 10, 1000, 1,000,000 ases. The word as was used also for any whole which was to be divided into equal parts ; and those parts were called uncia. Thus these words were applied not only to weight and money, but to measures of length, surface, and capacity, to inheritances, inter- est, houses farms, and many other things. Hence the phrases hieres ex asse, the heir to a whole estate ; hmres ex dodrante, the heir to the ninth part, &c." Pliny even uses the phrases semissem Africa,^ and dodrantes et semiuncias korarum.* The as was also called, in ancient times, assarius {sc. nummus), and in Greek to aaadptov. Accord- ing to Polybius,' the assarius was equal to half the obolus. On the coins of Chios we find aaadptov, daadpiov r/fiiav, daadpta dvu, uaadpia rpta. *AS'ARUM {daapov), a plant. There can be no doubt, observes Adams, that it is the Asarum Euro- paum, or common Asarabacea. Dodonseus men- tions that it had got the trivial name of Baccar in French, and hence supposes Asarabacea was a com- pound of the two terms. He denies, however, that it is the real Baccharis of the ancients. But Spren- gel advocates this opinion, and mentions in confirm- ation of it, upon the authority of the Flora Veronen- iis, that the Asarabacea is called hacchera and bac- cara by the inhabitants of the district around Vero- na.' According to Sibthorp, it still grows in what was once the Laconian territory, and in the country around Constantinople. ASBESTOS or AMIAN'TUS (aafiroTOf, i/udv- rof). This mineral, which is generally white, and has sometimes a greenisli hue, and which consists of soft flexible fibres, was obtained by the ancients ,_•■ (II' N-, xxxiii., 13.)— 2. (Vid. Cic, pro Caicina, c. 6.)— 3. (H N., iviii., 6.)-4 (H. N., ii., 14.)— 5. (ii., 15.)— 6. {Dios- Kir , I., 9.— Galen, De Simpl., vi,— Ailams, Append,, s. v.— Bil- lerbeck. Flora Classica, p. 116.) from India, from the vicinity of Carpasus in Cypruo, and from Carystus in Euboea. In consequence ol being found in the two latter localities, it was some times called " the flax of Carpasus" (}iLvov Kapna- m'ov'). and also " the Carystian stone" (Aiflof Kapva- Tiog^). It was well adapted for making the wicks of lamps, because it is indestructible by fire ; and hence the Greeks, who used it for this purpose, gave it the name -'asbestos," which means inextinguish- able. Pausanias' mentions that the golden lamp which burned day and night in the temple of Athena Polias, at Athens, had a wick of this substance. It was also spun and woven into cloth. Thus manufactured, it was used for napkins (xeipeK/ia- jela,* ;);cip6|Ua/(T/)a'), which were never washed, but cleansed in a much more effective manner, when- ever they required it, by being thrown into the fire. Another use to which asbestine cloth was ap- pUed, was to preserve the remains of dead bodies burned in the funeral pile. The corpse, having been wrapped in a cloth of this substance, was consumed with the exception of the bones, which were thus kept together and preserved from being mingled with the ashes of the wood. But the expense of this kind of cloth was so great, that it could only be used at the obsequies of persons of the most ex- alted rank. The testimony of Pliny, who alone has transmitted to us the knowledge of this species of posthumous luxury, has been corroborated by the discovery of pieces of the cloth in ancient Ro- man or Italian sepulchres. The most remarkable specimen of this kind was found at Rome, A.D. 1703, in a marble sarcophagus. The scull and bones of the deceased were wrapped up in it. Its din lea- sions were about five feet by six and a half Sinro its discovery, it has been carefully preserved in the Vatican Library ; and Sir J. E. Smith, who saw it there, describes its appearance in the following terms :" " It is coarsely spun, but as soft and pliant as silk. Our guide set fire to one corner of it, and the very same part burned repeatedly with great rapidity and brightness without being at all injured." Although asbestos is still found naturally associ- ated with rocks of serpentine in Cornwall, and in many foreign countries, it is now scarcely used ex- cept for some philosophical purposes, and, if made into cloth, it is only in very small quantities, and as a matter of curiosity. — *II. The Greek medical wri- ters use the term aaBearog in a very different sense from the preceding. With them it indicates Calx viva, or Quicklime (rhavoc being understood). By Dioscorides it is more specially applied to the lime of sea-shells. " I am not aware," observes Adams, " that any Greek author uses the term uaSearoc: in the sense in which it is employed by the Latin wri- ters and by modern naturalists."' •ASCALABO'TES (dt7/£aAa«un?c), a species of Lizard. Its Greek names are uaKaia6uT7j(, uaKdla- 6of, yaXeuTTig, and KoAwrj/f, all of which appellations are given to one and the same animal, namely, the Spotted Lizard, the Stellio of the Latin writers, and the Lacerta gecko of Linna3us. The Stellio lived in walls, and was accustomed to run along these and on the roofs of houses.' It was considered the en- emy of man, venomous and cunning. Hence the term stellionatus, denoting all kinds of fraud in bar- gaining, and the old Enghsh word stellimate, or Fraud in the contract. The Stellio is the TarentoU, or Gecko tubcrculeux of the south of Europe. It must not be confounded with the Lacerta stellio, L,, 1. (Paus., i., 26, I) 7.)— 2. (Pint., De Orac. Def.)— 3. a c)— 4. (Sotacus,ap.Ap.Dysc.H. Comment., c. 36.) — 5. (Strato i — Pint., I.e.—" MappiE," Plin., H. N , lix., 4.)— 6. (Tour on Con- tmcnt, Yol.,ii., p. 201.)— 7. (Dioscorides, v., 132.— Galen.— A* tiua.- P. iE^n.— Oribasius : pluries.— Ad jms, Append., s, v —8. ( iristoph.. Nub., 170, &c.) Ill ASCIA. ASCYRON. or ihe Stellio of the Levant. This misapplication of the term was first made by Belon. The Lacerta elellio is of an olive colour, shaded with black, and is very comnon throughout the Levant, and partic- ularly in Egypt. The L. gecko, on the other hand, is n spotted lizard, and some of the species, the Platydactyli for instance, are painted with the most lively Cfriours The melancholy and heavy air of the Gecko, superadded to a certain resemblance which it bears to the salamander and the toad, have rendered it an object of hatred, and caused it to be considered as venomous, but of this there is no real proof •ASC'ARIS (aGKapic), the small intestinal worm formed in children and in adults afflicted with cer- tain diseases. It is the Ascaris vermimlaris, L.' ASCIA, dim. ASCIOLA {cKE-Kapvov, oKi'KdpvLov), an adze. Murato>i^ has published numerous representations of the adze, as it is exhibited on ancient monuments. We select the three following, two of which show the instrument itself, with a slight variety of form, while the third represents a ship-builder holding it in his right hand, and using it to shape the rib of a vessel. The blade of the adze was frequently curv- ed, as we see it in all these figures, in order that it might be employed to hollow out pieces of wood, so as to construct vessels either for holding water or for floating upon it. Calypso, in the Odyssey,'- fur- nishes Ulysses both with an axe (m/leKUf ) and with " a well-polished adze," as the most necessary in- -truments for cutting down trees and constructing ^ ship. In other cases the curvature of the blade was much less considerable, the adze being used merely to cut off all inequalities, so as to make a rough f iece of timber smooth {asciare, dolare), and, as far i>s possible, to polish it (polirc). Cicero' quotes from lie Twelve Tables the following law, designed to r strain the expenses of funerals : Rogum ascia me / 'lito. In using the adze, the shipwright or carpenter was aiways in danger of inflicting severe blows upon his own feet if he made a false stroke. Hence arose a proverb applied to those who were their own en- emies, or did themselves injury : Ipse mihi asciam in cms impegi.' Another proverbial expression, de- rived from the use of the same tool, occurs in Plau- tus.' The phrase Jam hoc opus est cxascialvm means, "This work is now begun," because the rough-hewing of the timber by means of the ascia, the formation of balks or planks out of the natural trunk or branches of a tree, was the first step to- wards the construction of an edifice. On the other hand, we read in Sophocles of a seat not even thus rough-hewn.' The expression used is equivalent 1. (Cuvier's Anim. Kingd.,vol. ii., -3. (Ins. Vet. Thos., 1 ^ , , p. 38, tninsl.) — 2. (Adams, Apptincl,, s. V.)— 3. (Ins. Vet. Thos., i., S.'! 1-530.)-^. (v., 237.) —5. (De Loif., ii,, 23.)— 0. (I'ctr.in.. SKt.,71.)—7. (Asin.,ii., 2, 03.)— 8. 0nOi,ov atTKhapmv : (Ed. Co\.. lOl.) 1J2 to iieoTov irirpov,^ and denoted a rock in its natfr ral state. Both the substantive aacia, and the verb luciart derived from it, retain the same signification in mod- ern Itahan which they had in Latin, as abcre ex- plained. Vitruvius and Palladius' give directions for nsing the ascia in chopping lime and mixing it so as £n make mortar or plaster. For this purpose we must suppose it to have had a blunt, unpolished blade, and a long handle. In fact, it would then resemble tht; modern hoe, as used either by masons and plaster- ers for the use just specified, or by gardeners or ag- riculturists for breaking the surface of the ground and eradicating weeds. Accordingly, Palladius,' in his enumeration of the implements necessary for tilling the ground, mentions hoes with rakes fixed to them at the back, ascias in aversa parte referentct rastTos. Together with the three representations of the ascia, we have introduced into the preceding wood- cut the figure of another instrument, taken from a coin of the Valerian family.* This instrument was called AciscnLDs. It was chiefly used by masons, whence, in the ancient glossaries, Aciscularius is translated Xaro/iOf, a stone-cutter. The acisculus, or pick, as shown in the above figure, was a little curved, and it terminated in a point in one direc- tion, and was shaped like a hammer in the other. Its helve was inserted so that it might be used with the same kind of action as the adze. Also, as the substantive ascia gave origin to the verb exasciare, meaning to hew a smooth piece of wood out of a rough piece by means of the adze, so acisculus gave origin to exacisculare, meaning to hew anything out of stone by the use of the pick. Various mono, mental inscriptions, published by Muratori,' v,a?a persons against opening or destroying tombs by this process. *AS'KION {HdKiov), a species or variety of Truf- fle, mentioned by Theophrastus.* ♦ASCLE'PIAS (.aaxXTima^), a plant, which Al- ston, Woodville, Billerbeck, and Sprengel agree in identifying with the Asclepias vincetoxicum, L., oi officinal Swallow- wort. Stackhouse, however, pre- fers the Thapsia Asclcpinon. It was used in eases of dropsy,' and took its name from Asclepiades, who first recommended it? use. ASCLEPIEI'A ('Aers/li^OTEto) is the name of fes- tivals which were probably celebrated in all places where temples of Asclepius (.lEsculapius) existed. The most celebrated, however, was that of Epidau- rus, which took place every five years, and was sol- emnized with contests of rhapsodists and musicians, and with solemn processions and games. 'Aayoi). The Assian stone was char- acterized by a laminated structure, a sahne efflo- rescence of a sharp taste, and its styptic properties.' Galen, in describing this stone, says that it is of a spongy substance, light and friable ; that it is cov- ered with a farinaceous kind of powder, called the Flower of the Assian stone ; that the molecules of this flower are very penetrating ; that they consume flesh ; and that the stone has a similar property, but in a less degree. This efflorescence had, moreover, a saline taste. Galen adds, that it was of a yellow or whitish colour, and that, when mixed with resin of turpentine or with tar, it removed tubercles. Piiny repeats almost the same account.' ♦AST'ACUS (dura/cof), a sea animal, described by Aristotle, Galen, Oppian, .iElian, and others. It belongs to the class Crustacea, and is called Gram- maro by the Italians, Homar by the French, and Craw-iish by the English. It is the Astacus fluvia- lis. L Cuvier has shown that it is the Elephantus of Pliny.'" *ASTER (aarfip). I. A species of bird, most probably the Fringilla rubra, or Smaller Redpole. — II. The genus Stella, or Star-fish. It has been va- riously classed under Zoophyta, MoUusca, and Crustacea, by both ancient and modern naturalists. — III. One of the varieties of the Samian earth was also called by this name. {Vid. Samia Terra.) ♦ASTER ATT'ICUS (.'Aariip 'Xttiko;), a plant. According to Apuleius, the Asterion, Asteriston, Aster Atticus, and Inguinalis, are synonymous. Stackhouse and Schneider farther identify the uarsp- iaxog of Theophrastus with it. Martyn is at great pains to prove that the " Amellus^' of Virgil is the Aster Atticus. Botanists accordingly give to the Italian blue Starwort the name of Aster amellus. The flower of the Aster has its leaves radiated like a star, whence its name (aarrip, " a star"). This plant was employed in swellings of the groin, whence the names of Inguinalis and Bubonium that were sometimes applied to It. Another ancient appellation, Amellus, was derived from that of the river (the Mela, in Oisalpine Gaul) on the banks of which this plant grew very abundantly. The root of the Aster, cooked in old Aminaean wine, is men- tioned by Columella as a good remedy for sickness among bees. The .ister grows in tbe valleys ana on the hills of Italy and Sicily, frequently in a wild state. Sibthorp found it also near Athens.' It used to grow abundantly in Attica. ♦ASTERTA, a gem, mentioned by I'liny, which came from India and from Carmania. It derived its name from its starlike lustre when exposed to the rays of the sun. Mineralogists make it to have been that variety of opal which is called girasole, from its reflecting a reddish light when turned to- wards the sun. Pliny describes it as difficult to engrave ; " the difficulty," observes Dr. Moore, " arising probably, not from its hardness, but from the numerous minute fissures which traverse opal in all directions, and to which it is supposed to owe the playful variation of its colours."" *ASTRIOS, a gem mentioned by Pliny, and which occurred in India and on the shores of Pal- lene, but of the best quality in Carmania. The Roman writer describes it as shining " from a point within it like a star, with the brightness of the full moon." Dr. Moore considers Werner's opinion the most probable, that it is the same with the moon- stone of Ceylon.' ASTRAG'ALUS, an astragal, one of the mould ings in architecture, more especially characteristic of the Ionic order. The astragal is always found as the lowest mem- ber of the Ionic capital, forming the division be- tween it and the fluted shaft of the column. Of this we have a beautiful example in the remains ot the Temple of Bacchus at Teos, which, as we are informed by Vitruvius,* was built by Hermogenes of Alabanda, one of the most celebrated of the an- cient architects, and of which he wrote a full description. One of the capitals of this temple is shown in the annexed woodcut. Above the astra- gal we see the echinus, and on each side of it the volute, to which is added an ornament in unitation of the aplustre of a ship. (Vid. Aplustee.) The astragal was used with a beautiful effect not only in Ionic, but also in Corinthian buildings, to border or divide the three faces of the architrave ; and it was admitted under an echinus to enrich tho cornice. The lower figure in the woodcut shows a small portion of the astragal forming the upper edge of an architrave, which is now in the British Mu- seum, and which was part of the Temple of Erech- theus at Athens. It is drawn of the same size aa the marble itself The term astragalus, employed by Vitruvius,' was no doubt borrowed from Hermr' 1. (Lamprirt., Alox, Sei., 46.)— 2. (xii., 13.)— 3. (Dig. 47, tit. 10, B. 5.)— 4, (Geschichte des Rflm. Kechts im Mittolalter, i., 79.)— 5. (Plin., H. N., xiivi., 27.)— 6. (v., 141, 142.)— 7. (iv., 24.)— 8. (Mooro's Anc. Mimoral., p. 127.)— 9. (Galon, Sympt. MeiL Fac, lib. ix.) — Id (Adoius, Append., s v ) 116 genes and other Greek writers on architecture. It denoted a bone in the foot of certain quadrupeds, the form and use of which are explained under tho corresponding Latin term Talds. A number of 1. (Dioscor., iv., 118. — Martyn in Vir^., Georg., iv., 271.— Adams, Append., s. v.— Columella, ix., 13, 8.— BiUerbeck, Flora Classica, p. 216.)— 2. (Plm., H. N., xxxvii., 47.— Moore's Anr. Mineralogy, p. 171.)— 3. (Plin., II. N., xixrii., 48.— Jameson'? Mineralo^, i., 362. — Moore's Anc. Mineral., p. 172.) — 4. (iT., 3, 1 ; vii., Prief. 12, cd. Schneider.) — 5. {i\i. 5, 3 ; iv., 6, 2, 3.) ASYLUM. ASYLUM. tuese bones, placed in a row, would present a su:- cession of oval figures alternating with angular projections, which was probably imitated in this moulding by the inventors of the Ionic order. The moulding aftor«-ard retained the same name, not- withstanding great alterations in its appearance. Vitruvius speaks of the " astragali" in the base of the Ionic column. These were plain semicircular mouldings, each of which resembled the torus, ex- cept in being very much smaller. (Vid. Spiea.) ASTPATEI'AS rPA*H {uarpaTciai ypa(^ri) was the accusation instituted against persons who failed to appear among the troops after they had been enrolled for the campaign by the generals.' Any Athenian citizen of the military age seems to have been liable to be called upon for this sel-vice, with the exception of Choreutae, who appear to have been excused when the concurrence of a festival and a campaign rendered the performance of both duties impossible,'' and magistrates during their year of office, and farmers of the revenue, though the case cited in Demosthenes^ suggests some doubts as to how far this last excuse was considered a sufficient plea. We may presume that the accuser in this, as in the similar action for leaving the ranks {lELvoTa^iov), was any citizen that chose to come forward {6 ^mUjievo^, olc l^ean), and that the court was composed of soldiers who had served in the campaign. The presidency of the court, ac- cording to Meier, belonged to the generals.* The defendant, if convicted, incurred disfranchisement — an/ita,^ both in his own person and that of his descendants ; and there were very stringent laws lo punish them if they appeared at the public sacra, to which even women and slaves were admitted.' *ASTUR, the Falco Palumbarius, or Goshawk. \Yii. HiERAx.) *ASTURCO, a jennet, or Spanish horse. (Jid. Kqnns.) ASTYN'OMI { aarvvofioi ), or street police of Athens, were ten in number, five for the city, and as many for the Peiraeus. Aristotle (as quoted by Harpocrat., *. v.) says that they had to attend to the female musicians, to the scavengers, and such like. In general, they had to take care of public decorum : thus they could punish a man for being indecently clad.' It would seem, from what Aris- totle says,' and from the functions which Plato assigns to his astynomi," that they had also the charge of the fountains, roads, and puUic buildings ; and it is supposed that Plutarch's words,'" bre tCiv 'AB^vijaiv vddruv itriaTaTTK ^v, mean " when he was aslynomus." The astynomi and agoranomi di- vided between them most of the functions of the Roman aediles. The astynomi at Thebes were called Te?.iapxoi.^^ (Yid. Agoranomi.) ASY'LUM {uavXov). In the Greek states, the temples, altars, sacred groves, and statues of the gods generally possessed the privdege of protecting slaves, debtors, and criminals, who fled to them for refuge. The laws, however, do not appear to have recognised the right of all such sacred places to afford the protection which was claimed, but to have confined it to a certain number of temples or edtars, which were considered in a more especial manner to have the davXia, or jus asyli." There were several places in Athens which possessed this privilege, of which the best known was the The- seum, or Temple of Theseus, in the city, near the 1. (Lys. in Ale, i., 521.)— 2. (Petit., 664.)— 3. (Neasr., 1353, S4.J^. (Att. Process, 363, 133.)— 5. (Andoc., De Myst., 35.)— 6. (.Sach. in Ctes., 73.— Demosth. in Timocr., 733, II.)— 7. (Diog. Laert., vi., 90.)— 8. (Polit., vi., 8, 1/ 4, 5.)— 9. (Legg., vi., p. 763.)— 10. (Themist., c. 31.)— 11. (Plutarch, Reip. ger. Pne- cept., p. 811, B.) — 12. {" Non fuit asylum in omnibus templis nisi quibus consecrationis lege concessum esset ;" Servius in Virg., JEn., ii., 761.) gymnasium, which was chiefly intended for the protection of the ill-treated slaves, who could take refuge in this place, and compel their masters to sell them to some other person.' The other plavies in Athens which possessed the jus asyli were, the altar of pity, i?Jov ^ufidc,' which was situated in the agora, and was supposed to have been built by Hercules ;' the altar of Zeus 'Ayopato^ ; the altars of the twelve gods ; the altar of the Eumenides on the Areiopagus ; the Theseum in the Piraeus ; and the altar of Artemis at Munychia.* Among the most celebrated places of asylum in other parts of Greece, we may mention the Temple of Poseidon in Laconia, on Mount Taenarus ;* the Temple of Poseidon in Calauria ;' and the Temple of Athena Alea in Tegea.' It would appear, however, that all sacred places were supposed to protect an individual to a certain extent, even if their right to do so was not recogni- sed by the laws of the state in which they were sit- uated. In such cases, however, as the law gave no protection, it seems to have been considered lawful to use any means in order to compel the individuals who had taken refuge to leave the sanctuary, ex- cept dragging them out by personal violence. Thus it was not uncommon to force a person from an al- tar or a statue of a god by the application of fire. We read in the Andromache of Euripides,' that Her- mione says to Andromache, who had taken refuge at the statue of Thetis, vvp aol Trpoaoicu : on which passage the scholiast remarks, " that it was the cus- tom to apply fire to those who fled to an altar.'" In the same manner, in the Mostellaria of Plautus," Theuropides says to the slave Tranius, who had fled to an altar, " Jamjuhebo ignem et sarmenta, car- nifex, circumdari." In the time of Tiberius, the number of places pos- sessing the jus asyli in the Greek cities in Greece and Asia Minor became so numerous as seriously to impede the administration of justice. In conse- quence of this, the senate, by the command of the emperor, hmited the jus asyli to a few cities, but did not entirely abolish it, as Suetonius" has erro- neously stated.'" The asylum which Romulus is said to have open- ed at Rome to increase the population of the city,'^ was a place of refuge for the inhabitants of other states rather than a sanctuary for those who had violated the laws of the city. In the republican and early imperial times, a right of asylum, such as ex- isted in the Greek states, does not appear to have been recognised by the Roman law. Livy seems to speak of the right'* as pecuhar to the Greeks : " Templum est ApoUinis Delium — eo jure sancto quo sunt templa qua asyla Grteci appellant" By a con- stitutio of Antoninus Pius, it was decreed that, if a slave in a province fled to the temples of the gods or the statues of the emperors to avoid the ill-usage of his master, the praeses could compel the master to sell the slave ;" and the slave was not regarded by the law as a runaway— /u^'iisiM." This con- stitutio of Ant:)ninus is quoted in Justinian's Insti- tutes," with a slight alteration ; the words ad adem sacram are substituted for ad f ana deorum, since the jus asyli was in his time extended to churches. Those slaves who took refuge at the statue of an 1. (Plutarcli, Theseus, c. 36. — Schol. in Aristoph., Equit., 1309.— Hesych. et Suid., s. v. ei7(7§ov.)— 2. (Pausan., i., 17, ^ 1.) — 3. (Servius in Virg.,.^n., viii,, 342.) — 4. iOix iv'Movvvxla haBS^ZTO : Demosth., De Cor., p. 262.— Petit., Legg. Att., p. 77- 82. — Meier and SchOraann, Att. Process, p. 404.) — 5. (Thucyd., i., 128, 133.— Com. Nep., Pausan., c. 4.)— 6. (Plutarch, De. mosth., c. 29.)— 7. (Pausan., iii., 5, () 6.)— 8. (1. 256.)— 9. (Compare Eurip., Hercul. Fur., 1. 242.)— 10. (V., i., 65.)— 11 (Tib., 37.)— 12. (Fxi. Tacit., Ann., iii., 60-63; iv., 14 — Emesti Excurs. ad Suet., Tib., c. 37.)— 1 3 (Liv., i., 8.— Virg., Xn., viii. 342.— Dionys., ii., 15.)— 11. (xxxv., 51.)— 15. (Gaius, i., 53.)- 6. (Dig. 21, tit. 1, s. 17, 1) 13.)— 17. (i., tit. 8, s. 2.) 117 ATELLAN^ FABUL«. ATELLAN^ FABULiE. emperor were considered to inflict disgrace' on their master, as it was reasonably supposed that no slave would take such a step unless he had received very bad usage from his master. If it could be proved that any individual had instigated the slave of an- other to flee to the statue of an emperor, he was liable to an action corrupti servi.^ The right of asylum seems to have been generally, but not en- tirely, confined to slaves.' The term iavXla was also applied to the security from plunder (aavTiia nat Kara y^v Kat Kara ^akac- aav) which was sometimes granted by one state to another, or even to single individuals. '' ATELEI'A (ariXeia), immunity from public bur- dens, was enjoyed at Athens by the archons for the time being ; by the descendants of certain persons, on whom it had been conferred as a reward for great services, as in the case of Harmodius and Aristogeiton ; and by the inhabitants of certain for- eign states. It was of several kinds : it might be a general immunity {ariXcta anavruv), or a more special exemption, as from custom-duties, from the liturgies, or from providing sacrifices {ariXeia U- oav*). The exemption from military service was also called arikeia.' ATELLA'NjE FABUL^. The Atellane plays were a species of farce or comedy, so called from Atella, a town of the Osci, in Campania. From this circumstance, and from being written m the Oscan dialect, they were also called Ludi Osci. Judging from the modern Italian character and other circumstances, it is not unreasonable to sup- pose that they were at first, and in their native country, rude improvisatoiy farces, without dra- matic connexion, but full of raillery and wit, sug- gested by the contemporary events of the neigh- bourhood. However this may be, the "Atellane fables" at Rome had a pecuhar and dramatic char- acter. Thus Macrobius' distinguishes between them and the less- elegant mimes of the Romans : the latter, he says, were acted in the Roman lan- guage, not the Oscan ; they consisted of only one act, whereas the Atellane and other plays had five, with laughable exodia or interludes ; lastly, as he thought, they had not the accompaniment of the flute-player, nor of singing, nor gesticulation (motus corporis). One characteristic of these plays was that, instead of the satyrs and sunilar characters of the Greek satyric drama, which they in some re- spects resembled, they had Oscan characters drawn from real life, speaking their language, and person- ating some peculiar class of people in a particular locality. Such, indeed, are the Harlequin and Pul- cinello of the modem Italian stage, called maschere or masks, and supposed to be descended from the old Oscan characters of the Atellanae. Thus, even now, zanni is one of the Harlequin's names, as san- nio in the Latin farces was the name of a buffoon, who had his head shorn, and wore a dress of gay patchwork ; and the very figure of Pulcinello is said to have been found in the stucco painting of Pompeii, in the old country of the Atellanaj.' On this subject Lady Morgan' speaks as follows : " The Pulcinello of Italy is not like the Poliohinel of Paris, or the Punch of England ; but a particular charac- ter of low comedy peculiar to Naples, as Pantalone B of Venice, II Dottore of Bologna. Their name of Maschere comes from their wearing masks on the upper part of their faces. They are the remains of the Greek and Latin theatres, and are devoted to the depicting of national, or, rather, provincial ab- 1 (Dig. 47, tit. 11, s. 5.)— 2. (DiR. 48, lit. 19, s. 28, « 7.)— 3. (,Vid. nUokh, Corp. Inscript., i., p. 725.)— 4. (Yid. Demosth., c. Tept., ^ 105, Wolf.— Bilclih, Corp. Inscript., i., p. 122.)— 5. (Ue- niostli.. c. Neier., p. 1353, 23.)— 6. (Saturn., lib. iii,)— 7. (Schlo- %q\ on Dram. Lit., loot vni.) — 8. (Italy, c. 24.) 118 surdities and peculiarities." Again, at Cologne or Koln, famous for its connexion with the Romans, there still exists a puppet theatre (Puppen Theater), where droll farces are performed by dolls, and the dialogue, spoken in the patois or dialect of the coun try, and full of satirical local allusions, is carried on by persons concealed.' These Atellane plays were not prtBlextata, i. e., comedies in which magistrates and persons of rank were introduced ; nor tabernariae, the characters in which were taken from low life : " they rather seem to have been a union of high comedy and its paro- dy." They were also distinguished from the mimes by the absence of low buffoonery and ribaldry, being remarkable for a refined humour, such as could be understood and appreciated by educated people. Thus Cicero" reproaches one of liis correspondents for a coarseness in his joking, more like the ribaldry of the mimes than the humour of the Atellane fa- bles, which in former times were the afterpiece in dramatic representations {secvndum (Enomamn Allt- cuTn, non ut ohm solebat Atellanum, sed ut nunc Jit, mimum introduxisti). This statement of Cicero agrees with a remark of Valerius Maximus,' that these plays were tempered with an Italian severity of taste ; and Donatus also* says of them, that they were remarkable for their antique elegance, i. e., not of language, but of style and character. This sug- gests an explanation of the fact that Atellanee were not performed by regular actors (histriones), but by Roman citizens of noble birth, who were not on that account subjected to any degradation, but re- tained their rights as citizens, and might serve in the army.* This was not the ceise with other act- ors, so that the profession was confined to foreign- ers or freedmen. Niebuhr, however, is of opimon, that all the three kinds of the Roman national dra- ma, and not the Atellanse only, might be represent- ed by weU-born Romans, without the risking of their franchise." The Oscan or Opican language, in which these plays were written, was spread over all the south of Italy ; and as some inscriptions in it are intelli- gible to us, we cannot wonder that plays written in Oscan were understood by the more educated Ro- mans. One peculiarity of it was the use of p for qu : thus, pid for quid.'' However, in one part of these plays, called the canticum,^ the Latin language, and sometimes the Greek,' was used. Thus we are told" that one of these caniica opened with the words Venit lo simus a villa, "The baboon is come from his country- house ;" and as Galba was entering Rome at the time, the audience caught up the burden of the song, joining in chorus. It might be thought that this is true only of the time of the emperors ; but we find that, even before then, the Latin language was used, as in the instances given below, and that, too, in other parts besides the canticum. In con- nexion with this, it may be remarked, that, Uke ev- erything else at Rome, the Atellanae degenerated under the emperors, so as to become more like the mimes, till they were at last acted by common players. They were written in verse, chiefly iambic, with many trisyllabic feet. Lucius Sulla, the dictator, is believed to have written plays of this sort from a statement in Athenajus," that he wrote satirical comedies in his native, i. c.,the Campanian dialect" Quintus Novius, who flourished about fifty years af- 1. (Murray's HandlMoli.)— 2. (ad Fam., ix., 16.)— 3. (ii., 1.) 4. (Vita Torent.)— 5. (Liv., vii., 2.)— 6. (Hist. Rom., vol. i., p. 520, transl.)— 7. (Niob., Ilist. Rom., vol. i,, p. 6S.)— 8. (Heim., Opusc, i., 295, Do Fabula Togata.)— 9. (Suet., Noro, c. 39.)- 10. (Suet., Galba, c. 13.) — 11. (vi., p. 261.) — 12. (Sdrvpi/tai tttamtidlai Tji TrarpiV 0<*Ji'p ; Herm., Opusc, v., De Fab T'-* ^ ATHERINA. ATHLET.^. ter Sulla's abdication, is said to have written about fifty Atellane plays ; the names of some of these have come down to us, as Macchiis Exul, or " Mac- chus in Exile ;" Gallinaria, or the " Poulterer ;" Vindemiatores, "the Vintagers;" Surdus, the "Deaf- man ;" I'mcus, the "Thrifty-man ;" from this play has been preserved the line, " Quod magnopere qna- siverunt idfrunisci non queunt, Qui non parsit, apud se frunitus est." Fruniscor is the same as fruor.' Lucius Pomponius, of Bononia, who lived about B.C. 90, viTOte Macchas Miles, the Pseudo-Agamem- non, the Bucco Adoptatus, the JEditumus or Sacris- tan, &c. In the last the following verse occurred : " Qui postquam iibi appareo, atque aditumor in templo tuo." Appareo here means " to attend upon." The Macchus was a common character in these plays, probably a sort of clown ; the Bucco or Babbler was another.'' These plays subsequently fell into neg- lect, but were revived by a certain Mummius, men- tioned by Macrobius, who does not, however, state the time of the revival. Subjoined is a specimen of Oscan, part of an in- scription found at Bantia, in Lucania, with the Latin interpretation written underneath : " In svae pis ionc fortis meddis mollaum herest Et si quis eum fortis magistratus wAiltare volet, Ampert mistreis alteis eituas moltas moltaum li- citud Una, cum magistris altis cerarii mutt(E multare licito." Herest is supposed to be connected with ;);aip^(jEi, meddis with fieduv, ampert with afKJUTrepL For additional specimens of Oscan, the reader is referred to Grotefend's Sudimenta Lingua Osca, from which is taken the example given above, and also the interpretation of it. The fragments of Pom- ponius have been collected and edited by Munk. ATHEN^'UM, a school (ludus) founded by the Emperor Hadrian at Rome, for the promotion of literary and scientific studies {ingenuarum artium'), and called Athenaeum from the tovpn of Athens, which was still regarded as the seat of intellectual refinement.* The Athenaeum appears to have been situated in the Capitol.' It was a kind of universi- ty ; and a staff of professors, for the various branch- es of study, was regularly engaged. Under Theo- dosius II., for example, there were three orators, ten grammarians, five sophists, one philosopher, two lawyers or jurisconsults.' Besides the instruction given by these magistri, poets, orators, and critics were accustomed to recite their compositions there, and these prelections were sometimes honoured with the presence of the emperors themselves.' There were other places where such recitations were made, as the Library of Trajan {vid. Bibli- otheca) ; sometimes, also, a, room was hired, and made into an auditorium, seats erected, &c. {Vid. AuDiToEHTM.) The Athenaeum seems to have con- tinued in high repute till the fifth century. Little is known of the details of study or discipline in the Athenffium, but in a constitution of the year 370,' there are seme regulations respecting students in Rome, from wliich it would appear that it must have been a very extensive and important institution. And this is confirmed by other statements contained in some of the Fathers and other ancient authors, from which we learn that young men from aU parts, after finishing their usual school and college studies in their own town or province, used to resort to Rome, as a sort of higher university, for the pur- pose of completing their education. *ATHERI'NA {.aSepivij), a species of small fish, supposed to be the Atherina He psetus, L., but uncer- 1. (Aulas Gellius, xvii., 2.)~2. (Facciolati, s. v. Bucco and Macchus.)— 3. (Aurelius Victor, c. 14, 2.)— 4. (Dion, Ixriii p 838, E.)— 5. (Cod. xi., tit. 18.)— 6. (Dion, Ixxiii., p. 836, E.)— 7. (Laniprid., Alex., c. 35,)— 8. (Cod. Theodos., xiv., p. 9, J 1.) tain. Pennant says it is common on the coast of Southampton, where it is called a smelt. It is about four inches long. The Atherina is mer tioned by Aristotle and Oppian.' ATHLE'TiE ladTvnrai, iSliiTTjpef) were persons who contended in the public games of the Greeks and Romans for the prizes (fiB'Xa, whence the name of aBXTjTai), which were given to those who eon quered in contests of agility and strength. This name was, in the later period of Grecian history and among the Romans, properly confined to those persons who entirely devoted themselves to a course of trainmg which might fit them to excel in such contests, and who, in fact, made athletic exercises their profession. The athletae differed, therefore, from the agonistae {ayaviarai), who only pursued gymnastic exercises for the sake of improving their health and bodily strength, and who, though they sometimes contended for the prizes in the public games, did not devote their whole lives, like the athletae, to preparing for these contests. In early times there does not appear to have been any dis- tinction between the athletas and agonistae ; since we find that many individuals, who obtained prizes at the great national games of the Greeks, were persons of considerable political importance, who were never considered to pursue athletic exercises as a profession. Thus we read that Phaj'Uus of Crotona, who had thrice conquered in the Pythian games, commanded a vessel at the battle of Sala- mis ;' and that Dorieus of Rhodes, wlio had ob- tained the prize in all of the four great festivals, was celebrated in Greece for his opposition to the Athe- nians.' But as the individuals who obtained the prizes in these games received great honours and rewards, not only from their fellow-citizens, but also from foreign states, those persons who intended to contend for the prizes made extraordinary efforts to prepare themselves for the contest ; and it was soon found that, unless they subjected themselves to a severer course of training than was afforded by the ordinary exercises of the gymnasia, they would not have any chance of gaining the victory. Thus arose a class of individuals, to whom the term ath- letae was appropriated, and who became, in course of time, the only persons who contended in the pub- lic games. Athletae were first introduced at Rome B.C. 186, in the games exhibited by Marcus Fulyius, on the conclusion of the jEtolian war.* Paullus Jimilius, after the conquest of Perseus, B.C. 167, is said to have exhibited games at Amphipolis, in which ath- letie contended.' A certamen athletarum^ was also exhibited by Seaurus in B.C. 59 ; and among the various games with which Julius Caesar gi-atified the people, we read of a contest of athletae which lasted for three days, and which was exhibited in a temporary stadium in the Campus Martins.' Un- der the Roman emperors, and especially under Nero, who was passionately fond of the Grecian games,' the number of athletae increased greatly in Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor ; and many inscrip- tions respecting them have come down to us, which show that professional athletae were very numer- ous, and that they enjoyed several privileges. They formed at Rome a kind of corporation, and possess- ed a tahdarium and a common hall — curia athleta- rum,' in which they were accustomed to deliberate on all matters which had a reference to the inter- ests of the body. We find that they were called Herculanei, and also xystici, because they were ac- 1. (Anstot., H. A., n., 17 ; ix., 2.— Oppian, Hal., i.— Adams. Append., s. v.)— 2. (Herod., viii., 47.— Paus., x., 9, i 1 )_? (Paus,, n., 7, ^ 1, 2,)^, (Liv., xxxix., 22,)— 5. (I.iv , xlv 32 i -6. (Val. Max., ii., 4, « 7.)-7. (Suet., Jul., 39.)-8. (Tacit Ann., xiT., 20.)— 9. (Orelli, Inscrip., 2588.) 119 ATHLETE. ATIMIA. tustomed to exercise, in winter, in a covered place called xystiis ;' and that they had a president, who was called xystarchus, and also apxiepevg. Those athlets who conquered in any of the great national festivals of the Greeks were called hieron- ica (lepovtKat), and received, as has been already remarked, the greatest honours'and rewards. Such a conqueror was considered to confer honour upon the state to which he belonged ; he entered his na- tive city in triumph, through a breach made in the walls for his reception, to intimate, says Plutarch, that the state which possessed such a citizen had no occasion for walls." He usually passed through the walls in a chariot drawn by four white horses, and went along the principal street of the city to the temple of the guardian deity of the state, where hymns of victory were sung. Those games, which gave the conquerors the right of such an entrance into the city, were called iselsstici (from elacAav- vuv). This term was originally confined to the four great Grecian festivals, 'the Olympian, Isth- mian, Nemean, and Pythian ; but was afterward applied to other public games, as, for instance, to those instituted in Asia Minor.' In the Greek states, the victors in these games not only obtained the greatest glory and respect, but also substantial rewards. They were generally relieved from the payment of taxes, and also enjoyed the first seat \-irpoe6pia.) in all public games and spectacles. Their statues were frequently erected at the cost of the state, in the most frequented part of the city, as the market-place, the gymnasia, and the neigh- bourhood of the temples.* At Athens, according to a law of Solon, the conquerors in the Olympic games were rewarded with a prize of 500 drachmae ; and the conquerors in the Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian, with one of 100 drachmae ;' and at Sparta Uiey had the privilege of fighting near the person of the king.* The privileges of the athlets were preserved and increased by Augustus ;' and the fol- lowing emperors appear to have always treated them with considerable favour. Those who con- quered in the games called iselastici received, in the time of Trajan, a sum from the state, termed opso- nia.' By a rescript of Diocletian and Maximian, those athletae who had obtained in the sacred games (sacri cerlaminis, by which is probably meant the iselastici ludi) not less than three crowns, and had not bribed their antagonists to give them the victo- ry, enjoyed immunity from all taxes.' The term athletae, though sometimes applied met- aphorically to other combatants, was properly lim- ited to those who contended for the prize in the five following contests : 1. Running (Spo/io^, cursus), which was divided into four different contests, namely, the araSMSpojiog, in which the race was the length of the stadium ; the diavXo6p6ij.n(, in which the stadium was traversed twice ; the SoXixoSp6ij.o;, which consisted of several lengths of the stadium, but the number of which is uncertain; and the 6Tr^.iTodp6fio(, in which the runners wore armour. 2. Wrestling {nuXri, lucta). 3. Boxing {■KvyfiTi, pu- gilatus). 4. The pentathlum {irivraOXov), or, as the Romans called it, quinquertium. 5. The pancratium (Trayiipdrim). Of all these an account is given in separate articles. These contests were divided into two kinds : the severe (jiapia, papirepa) and the tight {Koii^a, KovijioTepa). Under the former were included wrestling, boxing, and the exercises of the pancratium, which consisted of wrestling and box- ing combined, and was also called pammachion." 1 (VitruT., vi., 10.)— 2. (Suet., Ncr., 25.— Plutaich, Symp., i: , 5, { 2.) — 3. (Plin., Ep,, 119, 120.)— 4. (Paus., vi., 13, U ; vii., 17, «3.)— 5. (DioR. Laert., i., 55. — Plut., Sol., 23.) — 6. (Plut., Lye, 22.)— 7. (Saot., Octav., 45.)— 8. (Plm., Ep., 118, 120.- Compare Vitruv., ix., Pr.iif.)- 9. (Cod. x., tit. 53.) — 10. (Plato, Eiithvd., c. 3, p. 271.- Pollux, Oaora., viii., 4.) ISO Great attention was paid to the training of the athletae. They were generally trained in the tot XalaToai., which, in the Grecian states, were dis- tinct places from the gymnasia, though they have been frequently confounded by modem writers. Thus Pausanias informs us," that near the gymna- sium at Olympia there were palaestrae for the ath- letae ; and Plutarch expressly says' that the place in which the athletas exercise is called a pates- tra.' Their exercises were superintended by the gymnasiarch {yii/ivaaiapxiic), and their diet was reg- ulated by the aliptes {iXeiizTtic)- {Vid. Alipt.«.) According to Pausanias,' the athletae did not an- ciently eat meat, but principally lived upon fresh cheese ;' and Diogenes Laertius' informs us that their original diet consisted of dried figs,' moist or new cheese,' and wheat.' The eating of meat by the athletas is said, according to some writers," to have been first introduced by Dromeus of Stympha- lus, in Arcadia ; and, according to others, by the philosopher Pythagoras, or by an aliptes of that name." According to Galen," the athletae, who practised the severe exercises," ate pork and a par- ticular kind of bread ; and from a remark of Di- ogenes the Cynic," it would appear that in his time beef and pork formed the ordinary diet of the athle- tae. Beef is also mentioned by Plato" as the food of the athletae ; and a writer quoted by Athenaeus" relates, that a Theban who lived upon goats' flesh became so strong that he was enabled to overcome all the athletffi of his time. At the end of the exer- cises of each day, the athletae were obliged to take a certain quantity of food, which was usually called avayxo^ayla and avayicoTpoipia, or j3iaL0( rpof^;" after which, they were accustomed to take a long sleep. The quantity of animal food which some celebrated athletae, such as Milo, Theagenes, and Astydamas, are said to have eaten, appears to us quite incredible." The food which they ate was usually dry, and is called by Juvenal" coliphia, on the meaning of which word see Ruperti, ad loc. The athletae were anointed with oil by the aliptae previously to entering the palaestra and contending in the public games, and were accustomed to con- tend naked. In the description of the games given in the twenty-third book of the Iliad,"" the combat- ants are said to have worn a girdle about their loins ; and the same practice, as we learn from Thucyd- ides,"' anciently prevailed at the Olympic games, but was discontinued afterward. For farther information on the athletae, the reader is referred to the articles Isthmian, Nemean, Olym- pian, and Pythian Games ; and to Krause's Thea- genes, Oder wissensch. Darstellung der Gymnastik, Agonistik, und Feslspiele der Hcllenen (Halle, 1835) ; and Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen Olym- pischen Spiele (Vienna, 1838). ATHLOTH'ET-E. {Vid. Aoonothet^, Hella- Nomc^.) ATI'LIA lex. (Vid. Tutor.) ATI'MIA (arifi'ia), or the forfeiture of a man's civil rights. It was either total or partial. A man was totally deprived of his rights, both for himself and for his descendants," when he was convicted of murder, theft, false witness, partiality as arbiter, violence offered to a magistrate, and so forth. This highest degree of iiTi/iia excluded the person affect- ed by it from the forum, and from all public assem- 1. (vi., 21, 1) 2.)— 2. (Symp.. ii, Quuost. 4.)— 3. (rdi' ojv mVov tv a yvfivdl,ovTai navTES ol aGXtjToi, TraXahrpav KaXowtn).— 4. (vi., 7, I) 3.)— 5. (rvpJv Ik tcSx mXiipuv.)— 6. (viii., 12, 13.)— 7. (!iiXi*i" 1.>lpali.)—8. (rupoTs iypois.)— 9. (irapoif.)— 10. (Pans., 1. c.)— 11. (Diog. Licit., 1. c.)— 12. (De Val. Tnead., lii., 1.)- 13. (liapcis i6XriTai.)—H. (Diog. Laert., vi., 49.)— 15. (De Rep., i., 12, p. 338.)— 16. (viii., 14, p. 402, c, d.)— 17. (Arist., Polit., viii., 4.)— 18. (AtheniBUS, x., 1,2, p. 412, 413.)— 19. (ii., 53.)— 20. (1. 6S5, -10.)-21. (l.,6.)— 22. (Kuddwai Suuos : DemosUi., Mid., c. 10.) s p 1 ATRAC TYLIS. ATRAMENTUM. bliea; from the public sacrifices, and from the law courts ; or rendered him liable to immediate impris- onment if he was found in any of these places. It was either temporary or perpetual ; and either ac- companied or not with confiscation of property. Partial aTi.ida only involved the forfeiture of some few rights, as, for instance, the right of pleading in court. Public debtors were suspended from their civic functions till they discharged their debt to the state. People who had once become altogether arifiot wpre very seldom restored to their lost priv- ileges. There is a locus classicus on the subject of aTi/iia in Andocides.' The converse term to Arifita was kniTtfiia. ATI'NIA LEX. (Vid. Usucapio.) ATLAN'TES [aTXavTeg), also called Telamones. Both these words are used, in a general sense, to signify anything which supports a burden, whether a man, an animal, or an inanimate object ; but in architectural language they were specifically ap- plied to designate those muscular figures which are sometimes fancifully used instead of modillions to support the corona, or upper member of a cornice : " Nostri Telamones, Greed vera hos Ailantes vocant,''^ says Vitruvius." The fable of Atlas, whu bore the globe upon his shoulders, and of whom Homer says, 'E;^et (5e re atova^ avrbg fiano^^, at yaldv re Koi ovpavov ufupl^ ix^vGi,^ supplied an historical derivation for the name. They were distinguished from Caryatides, which are al- ways represented as female figures in an erect po- sition. They were also applied as ornaments to the sides of a vessel, having the appearance of supporting the oars ; as in the ship of Hiero, described by AtbeniEus,* in which instance he represents them as being six cubits in height, and sustaining the triglyphs and cornice. Hence, too, the term came to be used in irony (kbt' avrl^aaiv), to ridicule a person of very dimin- utive or deformed stature. " Nanum cujusdam, Atlanta vocamus : ^thwpem cycnum ; pravam eztortamque j/ucllam Europev" &c.^ A representation of these figures is given in the •receding woodcut, copied from the icpidarium in /he baths at Pompeii. They are placed round the «ides of the chamber, and support a cornice, upon which the vaulting of the roof rests, thus dividing Ihe whole extent of the walls into a number of (mall compartments, the uses of which are explained in the description oftepidarium in the article Baths. * ATRAC'TYLIS (urpaKrvXif), a species of thistle, failed by some the Distaff-Thistle, from its resem- 1. (De Myst., c. 73, "6, p. 35.)— 2. (Vitruv., vi., 10.)— 3. (Od., i., 53.)-4. (v., 4S.)-5. CJ,iv., Sat., viii., 32.) ' ' ^ ' Q blance to a distaff (irpo/trof), for which its stalR was often employed. It is not improbable, as Ad- ams thinks, that it was applied to several sorts of thistles, a tribe still very difficult to classify and distinguish. Ruellius and Hermolaus make it out to be the Cnicus sylvestris, but this opinion is re. jected by Matthiolus ; and that of Fuchsius, who held it to be the Carduus Benedictus, does not .sepm less objectionable. Sprengel, in the first edition of his R. H. H., inclines to the Carthamus Canatus, and in the second to the C. Creticus ; but in his edition of Dioscorides he proposes the Carlina lan- ata, L. Stackhouse hesitates about the Atractylis gummifera. The modern name in use among the Greeks is urpuKrvTu or aravpdyKaBi. Sibthorp found it in Southern Greece.' ATRAMEN'TUM, a term applicable to any black colouring substance, for whatever purpose it may be used," like the /zeXav of the Greeks.' There were, however, three principal kinds of atramen- tum : one called librarium or scriptorium (in Gre^k, ypa^mbv fiO^av), another called sutorium, the third tfictorium. Atramentum. librarium was what we call writing-ink.* Atramentum sutorium was used by shoemakers for dyeing leather.' This atramentum sutorium contained some poisonous ingredient, such as oil of vitriol ; whence a person is said to die of atramentum sutorium, that is, of poison, as in Cicero.* Atramentum tectorium or pictorium was used by painters for some purposes, apparently' as a sort of varnish. The scholiast on Aristophanes' says that the courts of justice, or diKaarripia, in Athens were called each after some letter of the al- phabet : one alpha, another beta, a third gamma, and so on, and that against the doors of each Smaa- TrjpLov, the letter which belonged to it was written TTti^/Su fHijiiiaTL, in " red ink." This " red ink," or " red dye," could not, of course, be called atramen- tum. Of the ink of the Greeks, however, nothing certain is known, except what may be gathered from the passage of Demosthenes above referred to, which will be noticed again below. The ink of the Egyptians was evidently of a very superior kind, since its colour and brightness remain to this day in some specimens of papyri.' The initial charac- ters of the pages are often written in red inlt." Ink among the Romans is first found mentioned in the passages of Cicero and Plautus above referred to. Pliny informs us how it was made. He says, " It was made of soot in various ways, with burned resin or pitch : and for this purpose," he adds, " they have built furnaces, which do not allow the smoke to escape. The kind most commended is made in this way from pine-wood: It is mixed with soot from the furnaces or baths (that is, the hypocausts of the baths: tjid. Bath) ; and this they use ad volumina scritenda. Some also make a kind of ink by boiling and straining the lees of wine," &c. With this account the statements of Vitruvi- us" in the main agree. The black matter emitted by the cuttlefish (sepia), and hence itself called sepia, was also used for atramentum." Aristotle, however, in treating of the cuttlefish," does not re- fer to the use of the matter (iJoAof ) which it emits, as ink." Pliny observes" that an infusion of worm- wood with ink preserves a manuscript from mice." 1. (Dioscor., iii., 37. — Theophrast., H. P., vi., 4 ; ix., I. A<{ aras. Append., s. v. — Billerbeck, Flora Classica, p. 2*11 ) 2 (Plaut., Mostell., I., iii., 102.— Cic, De Nat. Deor., ii 50 )— 3 (Demosth., re/ii Srt^., 1) 313, Bekk.)— 4. (Vid. Hor., Epist., 11 , 1., 236.— Petron., Sat., c. 102.— Cic, ad Quint, fratr., ii., 15 )- 5 (Plin., H. N., ixiiv., 12.)-6. (Ad Fatn., ix., 21.)-7. (Plin . H. N., xxxv., 10.) — 8. (Pint., v., 277.)— 9. (British Museum l-gyptian Antiq., vol. u., p. 267.)— 10. (Erypt. Antin.,ii. 270 272.)-ll. (vii., 10, 197.)-1S. (Cic, De Nat. Deor , ii., 50 - Persms, Sat., m., 12, 13 — Ausonius, iv., 76.)— 13. (H. A )— 14 (Vid. Mhan, N. A., i., 34 )— 15 (H. N., xxvii., 7.)— 16. (Fid Isidor., XIX., 17.) ATRAMENTUM. A'l'R:tJM. On the whole, perhaps, it may be said that the inks of the ancients were more durable than our own ; that they were thicker and more unctuous, in substance and durability more resembling the ink now used by printers. An inkstand was discovered at Hercula- neum, containing ink as thick as oil, and still usa- ble for writing.' It would appear, also, that this gummy character of the ink, preventing it from running to the point of the pen, was as much complained of by the an- cient Romans as it is by ourselves. Persius" rep- resents a foppish writer sitting down to compose ; but, as the ideas do not run freely, '' Tunc queritur, crassus calamo quod pendeat humor; Nigra quod infusa vanescat sepia lympha." They also added water, as we do sometimes, to thin it. Mr. Lane' remarks that the ink of the modern Egyptians " is very thick and gummy." From a phrase used by Demosthenes, it would appear as if the colouring ingredient was obtained by rubbing from some solid substance, perhaps much as we rub Indian ink. Demosthenes* is reproach- ing ^schines with his low origin, and says that, " when a youth, he was in a state of great want, as- sisted his father in his school, rubbed the ink (pre- pared the ink by rubbing, to fiDiav rpWuv), washed down the forms, and swept the schoolroom," &c. It is probable that there were many ways of col- ouring ink, especially of different colours. Red ink (made of minium, vermilion) was used for writing the titles and beginnings of books,' so also was ink made of 7-ubrica, "red ochre;"' and because the headings of laios were written with rubrica, the word rubric came to be used for the civil law.' So album, a white or whited table, on which the prae- tors' edicts were written, was used in a similar way. A person devoting himself to album and no- brica was a person devoting himself to the law. {Vid. Album.) There was also a very expensive red-coloured ink, with which the emperor used to write his signature, but which any one else was by an edict' forbidden to use, excepting the sons or near relatives of the emperor, to whom the privilege was expressly granted. But if the emperor was unfler age, his guardian used a green ink for writing his signature.' On the banners of Crassus there were purple letters, ^oiviicu ypii/i/iaTa.'-' On pillars and monuments, letters of gold and silver, or letters covered with gilt and silver, were sometimes used, as appears from Cicero" and Suetonius." In wri- ting, also, this was done at a later period. Sueto- nius" says, that of the poems which Nero recited at Rome, one part was written in gold (or gilt) let- ters {aurcis litleris), and consecrated to Jupiter Cap- itolinus." This kind of illuminated writing was more practised afterward in religious compositions, which were considered as worthy to be written in letters of gold (as we say even now), and, there- fore, were actually written so. Something like what we call sympathetic ink, which is invisible till heat, or some preparation be applied, appears to have been not uncommon. So Ovid" advises writing love-letters with fresh milk, which would be unread- able until the letters were sprinkled with coal-dust : "Tuta quoque est, fallitque oculos e lacte rcccnii Littera: carbonis pulvcre tange; leges." Ausoni- us" gives the same direction (" Lacte incide notas ; arescens charta tenebit Semper inadspicuas; pro- 1. (Winckclmann, vol. ii., p. 127.) — 2. (Sat., iii., 12.) — 3. (Mod. Egyptians, ii., p. 288, smaller edit.) — 4. (-fpi 2r£0., If 313.)— 5. (Ovid, Trist., i., 1, 7.) —5. (Sidonius, vii., 13.)— 7. (Quintil., xii., 3.)— 6. (Cod. i., lik 23, s. 6.)— 0. (Montfaucon, PoliEog., p. 3.)— 10. (Dion, xl., 18.)— 11. (VeiT., iv,, 27.)— 12. (Aug., c. 7.)— 13. (Ner., c. 10.)— 14. (Compare Plin., vii., 32.) —15. (Art. Am., iii., 627, &c.) — 16. (Epist., ixiii., 21.) 123 dentur scripta famllis"). Pliny- suggests that the milky sap contained in some plants might be used in the same way.' An inkstand (atramentarium, used only by later writers ; in Greek, iie%av66xoc') was either single or double. The double inkstands were probably in. tended to contain both black and red ink, much id the modem fashion. They were also of various shapes, as, for example, round or hexagonal. They had covers to keep the dust from the ink. The pre- ceding cuts represent inkstands found at Pompeii. AT'RIUM, called ailri by the Greeks and by Virgil,' and also i^saavXiov, rmpiaTv'Kov, ncpiarum. Two derivations of this word are given by the ancient writers. Festus and Varro refer it to the same origin : Ah Atria populis, u. quibus aJrionm exempla desumpta fuerunt ;' but Servius, on the con- trary," derives the term ab atro, propter fumum qui esse solebat in alriis ; a remark which explains the allusion of Juvenal,' Fumosos equitum cum dictaimt magistros, since it was customary among the Ro mans to preserve the statues of their ancestors ii the atrium, which were blackened by the smoke o the fires kept there for the use of the household. Atrium is used in a distinctive as well as collect ive sense, to designate a particular part in the pri vate houses of the Romans {-aid. Hoose), and alsc a class of pubUc buildings, so called from their gen- eral resemblance in construction to the atrium of a private house. There is likewise a distinction be- tween atrium and area ; the former being an open area surrounded by a colonnade, while the latter had no such ornament attached to it. The atrium, moreover, was sometimes a building by itself, re- sembling, in some respects, the open basilica (vii. Basilici), but consisting of three sides. Such was the Atrium Publicum in the Capitol, which Livy in- forms us was struck with lightning B.C. 216.' It was at other times attached to some temple or other edifice, and in such case consisted of an open area and surrounding portico in front of the struc- ture, like that before the Church of St. Peter in the Vatican. Several of these buildings are mentioned by the ancient historians, two of vphich were dedicated to the same goddess, Libertas ; and hence a difficulty is sometimes felt in deciding which of the two is meant when the atrium Libertatis is spoken of. The most celebrated, as well as the most ancient, was situated upon the Aventine Mount. Of this there is no doubt ; for it is enumerated by Victor, in his catalogue of the buildings contained in the xiii. Regie, which comprises the Mons Aventinus, on which there was an aedes Libertatis built and dedicated by the father of Gracchus,' to which the atrium was attached either at the same time or shortly afterward; for Livy also states" that the hostages from Tarentum were confined in alrio Lib- ertatis, which must refer to the atrium on the Aven- 1. (xxvi., 8.) — 2. (Fid. Caneparius, de Atramentis eujusque generis, Lond., 1660.) — 3. (Pollux, Onom., i., 14.)— 4. (j;n.| iii., 354.)- 5. (Vanro, do Ling. Lat., vi., 33.)— 6. (In Virg., JEH; iii., 353.) — 7. (Sat., viii., 8.) — 8. (Liv., xiiv., 10.) — 9. (Li», xjLiv., 16.)— ID. (iiv., 7.) ATRIUM tine, since tlieir escape was effected by the coirup- tion of the keepers of the temple (corruptis adituii: duobus). In this atrium there was a tabularium, where the legal tablets (iabulm) relating to the cen- sors were preserved.^ The Germanici milites were also stationed at the same spot in the time of Gal- ba,' as is apparent from a passage in Suetonius,^ in which he says that they arrived too late to prevent the murder, which was perpetrated in the Forum, in consequence of their having missed their way and gone lound about. This could not have hap- pened had they come from the other atrium Liber- tatis, which was close to the Forum Romanum. The examination of slaves, when accompanied by the torture, also took place, by a strange anomaly, in atrio Libertatis,* which must also be referred, for several reasons, to the atrium on the Aventine. In- deed, when the atrium Libertatis is mentioned with- out any epithet to distinguish it, it may safely be considered that the more celebrated one upon the Aventine is meant. It was repaired, or, more prob- ably, rebuilt, by Asinius Pollio,' who also added to .1 magnificent library {hiUiotheca'), which explains th« allusion of Ovid,' " Nee me, gua doctis patuerunt prima libellis. Atria Lihertas tangere passa sua est" The other atrium Libertatis is noticed by Ci- cero,' in which place the mention of the Basilica PauUi in conjunction with the word forum {ut forum laxaremus et usque ad atrium lAbertatis explicaremus), has perplexed the commentators, and induced the learned Nardini to pronounce the passage inexpli- cable.' He affirms that this instance is the only one to be found, among all the writers of antiquity, in which mention is made of an atrium Libertatis distinct from that on the Aventine -, and hence he is inclined to think that there was no other, and to alter the reading into atrium Minena, which is mentioned by P. Victor as being in this (the eighth) region. Bui in this he was mistaken, as is made evident by the subjoined fragment from a plan of Rome, discovered since the time of Nardini, which was executed upon a marble pavement during the reigns of Septimius Severus and Caracalla, and is now preserved in the museum of the Capitol at Rome, and termed la Pianta Capitolina. As the name is inscribed upon each of the buildings, no doubt can be felt as to their identity ; and the forum to which Cicero alludes must be the Forum Caesa- ris •" for neither the writers of the Regiones, nor any of the ancient authors, ever mention a building of this kind in the Forum Romanum. The Forum of Ceesar was situated in the rear of the edifices on 00000 0*,00o O^ oooooobooooy o o "°.?..o oooooboj O O O Oo'o'o'o the east side of the Roman Forum;'' so that the atrium Libertatis would be exactly as represented upon the plan, behind the Basilica Mmilia, an eleva- tion of which is given in the article Basilica ; and. ATTHIS. although the name of its founder is broken off; yet the open peristyles, without any surrounding wall, demonstrate what basilica was intended. Thus the passage of Cicero will be satisfactorily explained. In order to lay open the magnificent Basihca of PauUus to the Forum of Caesar, he proposed to buy and pull down some buildings which obstructed the view, which would extend the small forum of Os- sar usque ad lAbertatis atrium, by doing which iie no doubt intended to court the favour of Caesar, upon whose good- will he prides himself so much in the epistle. The dotted lines represent a crack in the marble The senate was held in early times in atrio Pa- lata} *ATT'AGEN {array^v or drrdyaf), the name of a bird mentioned by Aristotle, Aristophanes, Horace, and Martial. There have been various conjectures respecting it, some supposing it a pheasant, some a partridge, and others a woodcock. This last opin- ion is probably the most correct, although Adams inclines to agree with Pennant, that the Attagen was the same with the Godwit, or Scolopax cego- cephala. Walpole," on the other hand, thinks it was the Tetrao Franc/Minus. A writer, quoted by Athenaeus,' describes the Attagen as bemg a little larger than a partridge, having its back marked with numerous spots of a reddish colour. Hence the name of this bird is humorously applied by Aris- tophanes* to the back of a runaway slave, scored by the lash. The same writer also informs us that the Attagen was highly esteemed by epicures.' *ATTEL'EBUS (aTTeXeSoc), generally taken for a species of Gnat, but referred by Stackhouse to the genus Attelebus, L., a class of insects that attack the leaves and most tender parts of plants.' ATTHIS (drSif), a name given to any composi- tion which treated of the history of Attica.' This name seems to have been used because Attica was also called 'ArA'f.' Pausanias' calls his first book 'Arffif avyypa^^, because it treats chiefly of Atti- ca and Athens. The Atthides appear to have been not strictly historical; but also geographical, top- ographical, mythological, and archaeological. By preserving the local history, legends, traditions, and antiquities, and thus drawing attention to the ancient standing and renown of the country, and connecting the present with the past, they tended to foster a strong national feeling. From what Dionysius says," it would appear that other dis- tricts had their local histories as well as Attica." The nature of the 'ArBiSe^ we know only from a few fragments and incidental notices. The most ancient writer of these compositions would appear, according to Pausanias," to have been Clitode- mus — 'KXeLTodTjfiog or K?ieldj]fwg {drrocoi ra 'AdTjvat- uv imxiipia lypaipav, 6 apxaioraToc). His 'ArSii was published about B.C. 378.^' Probably Pausa nias means that Clitodemus was the first native Athenian who wrote an 'At6c(, as Chnton observes, and not the first person ; for Hellanicus, a native of Lesbos, had written one before him. Another wai- ter of this class was Andron (^'AvSpav), a native of Hahcamassus, as appears from Plutarch ;'* also An- drotion — 'Aviporiuv ;" and Philochorus, who held the office of IspoaKono^ at Athens, B.C. 306." His 'Arft'f is quoted by the scholiast on Aristophanes" and Euripides." Phanodemus, Demon, and Ister 1. (Liv., xliii., 16, where the word ascenderunt indicates that the atrium on the Aventine is meant.) — 2. (Tacit , Hist., i., 3.) —3. (Galb., 20.)— 4. (Cic, pro Mil., 22.) — 5. (Suet., Ootar., 29.) — 6. (Plin., H. N., vii., 30; xxy., 2.— Isidor., v., 4.)— 7. (Trist., iii., 1, 71.)— 8. (Ad Att., iv., 16.)— 9. (Rom. Ant., v., 9.) —10. (Dion, xliii. — Suet., Jul., 26. — Plin., H. N., xixvi., 15.) —11. (Nardini, Eom. Ant., v., 9.) 1. (Serv. in Viry., Mn., xi., 235.)— 2. (Memoirs, , . meaning of the word, and from the explanations here given. AUDITO'RIUM, a place where poets, orators, and critics were heard recite their compositions. There were places used expressly for this purpose, as the Athenaeum. (Firf. Athen^um.) Sometimes, also, a room was hired and converted to this object, by the erection of seats, and by other iirrange- ments.' The term auditorium was also applied to a court, in which trials were heard.' Auditorium prihcipis was the emperor's audience-chamber.' *AVEIXA'NA NUX, the Filbert, the fruit of the Corijlus Avellana, or Hazelnut-tree. It is the Kapvov TLovTCKov or Tieizroicupvov of Dioscorides.* Accord- ing to Pliny," the earlier form of the Latin name was Abellina nux, an appellation coming very prob- ably from the Samnian city of Abellinum, where this species of nut is said to have abounded, or else from the Campanian city of Abella. Servius is in favour of the latter.' Pliny says the filbert came first from Pontus into Lower Asia and Greece, and hence one of its Greek names, as given above, Kupvov UovTLKov.'' Macrobius styles it also nux Pmnestina,' but Pliny distinguishes between the nuces Avellana and Prtcnestina.' Theoplirastus" speaks of two varieties of this kind of nut, the one round, the other oblong ; the latter is referred by Sprengel to the Corylus tubulosa, Willd." *AUGrTES (auyirjK), a species of gem deriving its name from its brilliancy (avyri). Pliny says it was thought by many to be different from the Cal- lais, and hence the inference has been drawn that it was generally the same with the latter, whi( h was probably turquoise." AUGUR meant a diviner by birds, but was some- times applied in a more extended sense. The word seems to be connected with augeo, auguro, in the same manner as fulgur with fulgeo and fulguro. Augeo bears many traces of a religious meaning, to which it may have been at first restricted." The idea of a second derivation from avis, confirmed by the analogy of auspex (avispcx), may perhaps have limited the signification of augur. It is not improb- able that this last etymology may be the true one ; but if so, it is impossible to explain the second ele- ment of the word. "Augur, quod ab avium garritu derivari grammatici garriunt," says Salmasius. The institution of augurs is lost in the origin ol the Roman state. According to that view of the constitution which makes it come entire from the hands of the first king, a college of three was ap- pointed by Romulus, answering to the number of the three early tribes. Numa was said to have added two," yet, at the passing of the Ogulnian law (B.C. 300), the augurs were but four in num- ber : whether, as Livy" supposes, the deficiency was accidental, is uncertain. Niebuhr supposes that there were four augurs at the passing of the Ogulnian law, two apiece for the Rhamnes and Titles. But it seems incredible that the third tribe should have been excluded at so late a period ; nor does it appear how it ever obtained the privilege, as the additional augnrs were elected from the plebs. By the law just mentioned, their number became nine, fiv6 of whom were chosen from the plebs. The dictator Sulla farther increased them to fif- teen," a multiple of their original number, which probably had a reference to the early tribes. This continued until the time of Augustus, who, amnn" 1. (Compare Plin., Ep., i., 13.— Tacitus, De Orat, c 9, f9, 6 —Suet., Tib., c, 11.)— 2. (Paulus, Dig. 49, tit. 9, s. l.)- 3. (Ul- pian, Dij. 4, tit. 4, s. 18.)-4. (i., 178.)-5. (H. N., xv., 23.)— 6. (in Viig., Georg., ii., 65.)— 7. (H. N., yy., 22.)— 8. (Sat., ii., J.1'~?V S- ^■' =="'•' ".)-10. (H. P., iii., 15.)-11. (Fie li Plin., H. N., IV., 22.)— 12. (Moore's Anc. Mineral., p. 181.)— 13 (Compare Ovid, Fast., i., 609.)— 14. (Cic, Dc Rep., ii.. 14 ) 15. (I., 6.)-I6. (Liv., Epit., 89.) 125 AUGUR. AUGUR. other extraordinary powers, had the right conferred on hira of electing augurs at his pleasure, whether there was a vacancy or not, B.C. 29,' so that from this time the number of the college was unlimited. According to Dionysius,' the augurs, like the other priests, were originally elected by the comitia curiata, or assembly of the patricians, in their curiae. As no election was complete without the sanction of augury, the college virtually possessed a veto on the election of all its members. They very soon obtained the privilege of self-election (jus co-optor 'Amis), which, with one interruption, viz., at the election of the first plebeian augurs, they retained until B.C. 103, the year of the Domitian law. By this law it was enacted that vacancies in the priestly colleges should be filled up by the votes of a minori- ty of the tribes, i. e., seventeen out of thirty-five, chosen by lot. The Domitian law was repealed by Sulla, but again restored B.C. 63, during the con- sulship of Cicero, by the tribune T. Annius Labie- nus, with the support of Caesar. It was a second time abrogated by Antony ; whether again restored by Hirtius and Pansa, in their general annulment of the acts of Antony, seems uncertain. The em- perors, as mentioned above, possessed the right of electing augurs at pleasure. The augurship is described by Cicero, himself an augur, as the highest dignity in the state,' having an authority which could prevent the comitia from voting, or annul resolutions already passed, if the auspices had not been duly performed. The words alio die from a single augur might put a stop to all business, and a decree of the college had several times rescinded laws. Such exorbitant powers, as Cicero must have seen, depended for their contin- uance on the moderation of those who exercised them. The augurs were elected for life, and, even if cap- itally convicted, never lost their sacred character.* They were to be free from any taint of disease while performing their sacred functions, which Plutarch" thought was designed to show that purity of mind was required in the service of the gods. When a vacancy occurred, the candidate was nominated by two of the elder members of the college,'' the elect- ors were sworn,' and the new member took an oath of secrecy before his inauguration. The only dis- tinction among them was one of age, the eldest au- gur being styled magister colkgii.' Among other privileges, they enjoyed that of wearing the purple prcctexta, or, according to some, the trabea. On an- cient coins they are represented wearing a long robe, Vifhich veiled the head and reached down to the feet, thrown back over the left shoulder. They hold in the right hand a liluus or curved wand, hooked at the end like a crosier, and sometimes have the capis,' or earthen water vessel, by their side.'" On solemn occasions they appear to have worn a garland on the head." Although many of the augurs were senators, their oflSce gave them no place in the senate." The manner of taking the auspices is described under Auspicium. The chief duties of the augurs were to observe and report supernatural signs. They were also the repositories of the ceremonial law, and had to ad- vise on the expiation of prodigies, and other matters of religious observance. The sources of their art were threefold : first, the formulas' and traditions of the cni'.ege, which in ancient times met on the nones of eveiy month ; secondly, the aiigurales lihri, which were extant even in Seneca's time ;" thirdly, the 1. (Dion, xli., 20.)— 2. (ii., 22.)— S. (De Lou., ii., 12.) — 4. (Plin., Ep., iv., 8.)— 5. (QuiBst. Rom., 72.)— 6. (Cic, Phil., ii., 2.) —7. (Cic, Brut., i.)— 8. (Cit-.., Do Sciicct., 18.)— 9. (Liv., v., 7.) —10. (Goltzii, loonos.)— 11. (Plut., Cms , p 730.)— 12. (Cic ad itt., iv., 2.)— 13. (Bp., 107.) > , V , 126 commentarii augurum, such as those of MessaJaand of Appius Clodius Pulcer, which seem to have been distinguished from the former as the treatises of learned men from received sacred writings. Other duties of the augurs were to assist magistrates and generals in taking the auspices. At the passing of a lex curiata, three were required to be present, a number probably designed to represent the three ancient tribes. One of the difficulties connected with this subject is to distinguish between the religious duties of the augurs and of the higher magistrates. Under the latter were included consul, praetor, and censor ; the quaestor, as appears from Varro," being obliged to apply for the auspices to his superior. A single magistrate had the power of proroguing the comitia by the formula se de ccelo servare. ( Vid. Auspicium.) The law obliged him to give notice beforehand,' so that it can only have been a religious way of exer- cising a constitutional right. The spcctio, as it was termed, was a voluntary duty on the part of the magistrate, and no actual observation was required. On the other hand, the augurs were employed by virtue of their office : they declared the auspices from immediate observation, without giving any previous notice : they had the right of nuntiatio, not of spectio, at least in the comitia ; in other words, they were to report prodigies where they did, not to invent them where they did not, exist. The college of augurs possessed far greater pow- er in the earlier than in the later period of Roman history. Tlie old legends delighted to tell of the triumphs of religion : iis first kings were augurs,' and Romulus was believed to have founded the empire by a direct intimation from heaven. It seems natural that augury should have sprung up amid the simple habits of a rustic people, and hence we should be inclined to refer it to a Sabine rather than an Etruscan origin. That a learned system should be ingra fted on a more simple one, such a.5 that of the ar" '"nt Sabines, seems surely far more probable than ine reverse. Yet the prevalence of Etruscan inflppnce, during the second and third centuries of Koman history, must have greatly modified the primitive belief It noight almost ap- pear that the conflict between the old and new reli- gion was hinted at in the story of Attus N2evius, especially when we remember that Tarquinius, whether of Latin or Etruscan origin, is undoubtedly the representative of an Etruscan period. The Ro- mans themselves, as Muller admits, distinguished between their own rites of augury and Etruscan divination. The separate origin of the Roman re- ligion is implied in the tradition that Numa was of Sabine birth, not-to mention that many of the names used by the augurs (such as Sangualis avis, from the Sabine god Sancus, Titiae aves, Sabinus cultus) bear traces of a Sabine origin . Such a view is not inconsistent with the incorporation of many parts of the Etruscan system, as the constitution of the college of augurs, or the divisions of the heavens. Augury was one of the many safeguards which the wisdom of an oligarchy opposed to the freedom of the plebs.* Of the three comitia — curiata, cen- turiata, and tributa — the two former were subject to the auspices. As the favourable signs were known to the augurs alone, their scruples were a pretext for the government to put off an inconve- nient assembly. Yet in early times the augurs were not the mere tools of the government, but formed by themselves, as is the case in almost ail oligarchies, an important portion of the Roman state. The ten-ors of rehgion, which the senate and patricians used against the plebs, must often 1. (T.ing. Lat., vi., 9.)— 2. (Cic, Phil., ii., 32.)— 3 (Cic, D« Div., i., 2.)— 4. (Liv., vi.. 41.) AUGUSTALES. have been turned against themselves, especially during the period vphen the college enjoyed an ab- solute control over the election of its own members. Under the kings, the story of Attus Naevius seems to testify the independence of the augurs. During many centuries their power was supported by the voice of public opinion. Livy tells us that the first military tribunes abdicated in consequence of a de- cree of the augurs ; and, on another occasion, the college boldly declared the plebeian dictator, M. C. Mareellus, to be irregularly created.' It was urged by the patricians, and half believed by the plebeians themselves, that the auspices would be profaned by the admission of the plebs to the rights of inteiTnar- riage or the higher magistracies. With the consul- ship the plebeians must have obtained the higher auspices ; yet, as the magistrates were, in a great measure, dependant on the augurs, the plebs would not be, in this respect, on a level with the patricians until the passing of the Ogulnian law. During the civil wars, the augurs were employed by both par- ties as political tools. Cicero" laments the neglect and dechne of the art in his day. The- college of augurs was finally abolished by the Emperor Theo- dosius ;' but so deeply was the superstition rooted, that, even in the fourteenth century, a Christian bishop found it necessary to issue an edict against it.* For a view of the Roman augurs, which derives them from Etruria, see Miiller's Elrusker, iii., 5. I. AUGUST A'LES (sc. ludi, also called Augus- talia, sc. certamina, ludicra, and by the Greek wri- ters and in Greek inscriptions, 'S.iCaara, ^eSdaifia, KvyovcTu.7.La) were games celebrated in honour of Augustus at Rome and in other parts of the Ro- man Empire. After the battle of Actium, a quin- quennial festival {irav^yvpii itevTtTtipif) was Bistitu- ted ; and the birthday {ysvtOXia) of Augustus, as well as that on which the victory was announced at Rome, were regarded as festival days.' In the provinces, also, in addition to temples and altars, quinquennial games were instituted in almost every town.' On his return from Rome to Greece, in B.C. 19, after being absent from Italy for two years, the day on which he returned was made a festival, and called Augustalia.' The Roman equites were accustomed, of their own accord, to celebrate the birthday of Augustus in every alternate year ;° and the praetors, before any decree had been passed for the purpose, were also in the habit of exhibiting games every year in honour of Augustus. Accord- ing to Dion Cassius,' it was not till B.C. 11 that the augustaha were established by a decree of the senate ; by which augustalia he appears, from the connexion of the passage, to mean the festival cel- ebrated on the birthday of Augustus. This account seems, however, to be at variance with the state- ment of Tacitus, who speaks of the augustales as first commenced in the reign of Tiberius (ludos Au- gustales tunc •primum cceptos iurhamt discordia^'^), to reconcile which passage with the one quoted from Dion Gassius, Lipsius, without MS. authority, chan- ged cceptos into cospta, ; but Tacitus apparently uses this expression on account of the formal recognition of the games, which was made at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius,'' and thus speaks of them as first established at that time. They were exhibit- ed annually in the circus, at first by the tribunes of the plebes, at the commencement of the reign of Tiberius, but afterward by the prsetor peregrinr.s.'" These games continued to be exhibited in the tune of Dion Cassias, that is, about A.D. 230.'" 1. (Liv., viii., 23.)— 2. (Do Div., ii., 31, 34.)— 3. (Zosim., lib. 1T.)~4. (Montfaucon, Sjipp., vol. i., 113.)— 5. (Dion, li., 19.)— 6. (Suet., Octav., 59.)— 7. (Dion, liv., 10.)— 8. (Suet., Octav., 57.)— 9. (liv., 34.)— 10. (Tacit., Ann., i.,54.)— 11. (Tacit., Ann., i ■ 15.)— 12. (Tacit., Ann., i., 15.— Dion, Ivi., 48 )— 13. (!iv., 34.) AUGUSTALES. The augustales or augustaha at Neapolis (Na- ples) were celebrated with great splendour. They were instituted in the lifetime of Augustus,' and were celebrated every five years. According to Strabo," who speaks of these games without men- tioning their name, they rivalled the most magnifi- cent of the Grecian festivals. They consisted of gymnastic and musical contests, and lasted for sev- eral days.' At these games the Emperor Claudius brought forward a Greek comedy, and received the prize.' Augustalia (Sc'Catrra) were also celebrated at Al- exandrea, as appears from an inscription in Gruter ;' and in this city there was a magnificent temple to Augustus (^eiaarelov, Augustale). We find men- tion of Augustalia in numerous other places, as Per- gamus, Nicomedia, &c. II. AUGUSTA'LES were an order of priests in the municipia, who were appointed by Augustus, and selected from the liberlini, whose duty it was to attend to the religious rites connected with the worship of the Lares and Penates, which Augustus put in places where two or more ways met {in com- pitis'). The name of this order of priests occurs frequently in inscriptions, from which we learn that the Augustales formed, in most municipia, a kind of corporation, of which the first six in importance had the title of semri, and the remainder that of compitales Lamm Aug.'' It has been maintained by some modern writers that these augustales^icere civil magistrates ; but there is good reason for >(',- lieving that their duties were entirely of a religious nature. The office, which was called AugustaJitas, was looked upon as honourable, and was much sought after by the more wealthy libertini ; and it appears that the decuriones in the municipia were accustomed to sell the dignity, since we find it re- corded in an inscription that the ofiice had been conferred gratuitously upon an individual on account of the benefits which he had conferred upon the town {ordo decurionum oh merita ejus honorem Au- gustalitatis gratuilum d,ecrevi^). The number of augustales in each municipium does not appear to have had any limitation ; and it seems that, in course of time, almost all the respectable libertini in every municipium belonged to the order, which thus formed a middle class between the decuriones and plebs, like the equestrian order at Rome. We find in the inscriptions of many municipia that the decuriones, seviri or augustales, and plebs, are mentioned together, as if they were the three prin- cipal classes into which the community was div; - ded.s The augustales of whom we have been speaking should be carefully distinguished from the sodalcs Augustales, who were an order of priests instituted by Tiberius to attend to the worship of Augustus.'" They were chosen by lot from among the principal persons of Rome, and were twenty-one in number, to which were added Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus." They were also called sacerdotes Augustales ;'" and sometimes simply Augustales.'' It appears that similar priests were appointed to at- tend to the worship of other emperors after their decease ; and we accordingly find, in inscriptions, mention made of the sodales Flavii, Hadrianales, Ailiani, Antonini, &c.'* It appears that the flamines Augustales ought to be distinguished from the sodales Augustales. We find Ihat flamines and sacerdotes were appointed 1. (Suet., Octav., 98.)— 2. (v., p. 246.)— 3. (Strabo, 1. c.)— 4. (Suet., Claud., 11. — Compare Dion, k., 6.)— 5. (316, 2.) — 6 (Schol. in Hor., Sat., II., iii., 281.)— 7. (Orelli, Inscrin., 3959.— Compare Petron., Sat., c. 30.)— 8. (Orelli, 3213.)— 9. (Orelli, 3939.) — 10. (Tacit., Ann., i., 54.— Compare OreUi, Inscrip., 2366, 2367, &c.)— 11. (Tacit., 1. c.)— 12. (Tacit., Ann., li., 83.) —13. (Tacit., Hist., ii., 95.)— 14. (OreUi, fuscrip., 2371, ) in exchange for silver.' In many passages of the orators, gold money is expressly said to have been imported from Persia and Macedonia. If we look at the Athenian history, we find that the silver mines at Laurion were regarded as one of the greatest treasures possessed by the state ; but no such mention is made of gold. Thucydides,' in enumerating the money in the Athenian treasury at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, does not mention gold ; and Xenophon speaks of the money of Athens in a manner which would lead us to sup- pose that it had no gold coinage in his time.' The mines of Scaptehyle, in Thrace, were indeed worked some years before this period,' but the gold procured from them does not appear to have been coined, but to have been laid up in the treasury in the form of counters ((pdolScc''). Foreign gdd coin was often brought into the treasury, as some of the allies paid their tribute in money of Cyzicus. The gold money thus introduced may have been allowed to circulate, while silver remained the euiTent money of the state. The character of the Attic gold coins now in ex istence, and their small number (about a dozen), is a strong proof against the existence of a gold cur- rency at Athens at an early period. There are three Attic staters in the British Museum, and one in the Hunterian Museum at Glasgow, which there is good reason to believe are genuine ; their weights agree exactly with the Attic standard. In the character of the impression, they bear a striking re- semblance to the old Attic silver ; but they difler from it by the absence of the thick, bulky form, and the high rehef of the impression which is seen in the old silver of Athens, and in the old gold coins of other states. In thickness, volume, and the depth of the die from which they were struck, they closely resemble the Macedonian coinage. Now, as upon the rise of the Macedonian empire, gold became plentiful in Greece, and was coined in large quantities by the Macedonian kings, it is not im- probable that Athens, like other Grecian states, may have followed their example, and issued a gold coinage in imitation of her ancient silver. On the whole, it appears most probable that gold inone) 1. (Vid. Aristoph., Achnm., v., 102, 108.— Equit., Y., 470 — Av., v., 574.) — 2. (p. 914. — Compare his speech, irpiJl Amp/r., p. 935.) — 3. (Tinpezit., p. 367.) -4. (ii., 13.)— 5 (Vcctigal, iv., 10.)— 6. (Tjucyd., iv., 105.)— 7. (Backll, III scrip., vol. i., p. 145, 146.) AURUM. AURUM CORONARIUM. was not coined at Athens in tlie period between Pericles and Alexander the Great, if we except the solitary issue of debased gold in the year 407. A question similar to that just discussed arises with respect to other Greek states, which we know to have had a silver currency, but of which a few gold coins are found. This is the case with ^gina, Thebes, Argos, Carystus in Euboea, Acarnania, and .(EtoUa. But of these coins, all except two bear evident marks, in their weight or workmanship, of belonging to a period not earlier than Alexander the Great. There is great reason, therefore, to believe that no gold coinage existed in Greece Proper before the time of that monarch. But from a very early period the Asiatic nations, and the Greek cities of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands, as well as Sicily and Cyrene, possessed a gold coinage, which was more or less current in Greece. Herodotus' says that the Lydians were the first who coined gold, and the stater of Crcesus appears to have been the earliest gold coin known to the Greeks. The Daric was a Persian coin. Staters of Cyzicus and Phociea had a considerable currency in Greece. There was a gold coinage in Samos as early as the time of Polycrates." The islands of Siphnus and Thasos, which possessed gold mines, appear to have had a gold coinage at an early period. In most of the coins of the Greek cities of Asia Minor the metal is very base. The Macedonian gold coinage came into circulation in Greece in the time of Philip, and continued in use till the subjection of Greece to the Romans. (Vid. Dakious, Stater.) Roman Gold Money. — The standard gold coin of Rome was the aureus nummus, or denarius aitre- us, which, according to Pliny,' was first coined 62 years after the first silver coinage {vid. Aegen* um), that is, in the year 207 B.C. The lowest denomi- nation was the scrupulum, which was made equal to 20 sestertii. The weight of the scrupulum, as determined by Mr. Hussey,* was 1806 grs. In the British Museum there are gold coins of one, two, three, and four scrupula, the weights of which are 17-2, 34-5, 51-8, and 689 grains respectively. They bear a head of Mars on one side, and on the other an eagle standing on a thunderbolt, and beneath the inscription " Roma." The first has the mark XX (20 sestertii) ; the second, xxxx (40 sestertii) the third, ^ux (60 sestertii). Of the last we sub- join an engraving : early emperors, was 60 grains, that of the aureus should be 120. The average weight of the aurei of Augustus, in the British Museum, is 121-28 grains : and as the weight was afterward dimin- ished, we may take the average at 120 grains. There seems to have been no intentional alloy in the Roman gold coins, but they generally contained a small portion of native silver. . The average alloy The aureus of the Roman emperors, therefore, Dntained 5|^=4 of a grain of alloy, and, there- fore, 119-6 grains of pure gold. Now a sovereign contains 113-12 grains of pure gold. Therefore the value of the aureus in terms of the sovereign is il|:^=l-0564=lZ. U. Id. and a little more than a halfpenny. This is its value according to the present worth of gold ; but its current value in Rome was different from this, on account of the difference in the worth of the metal. The aureus passed for 25 denarii ; therefore, the denarius being Sid., it was worth 17s. 8id. The ratio of the value of gold to that of silver is given in the arti- cle Akgentum. The following cut represents an aureus of Au- gustus in the British Museum, which weighs 121 grains : Pliny adds, that afterward aurei were coined of 40 to the pound, which weight was diminished, till, under Nero (the reading of this word is doubtful), they were 45 to the pound. This change is sup- posed, from an examination of extant specimens, to have been made in the time of Julius Caesar. The estimated full weight of the aurei of 40 to the pound is 1301 grains ; of those of 45 to the pound, 1 15-64 grains. No specimens exist which come up to the 130-1 grains ; the heaviest known is one of Pompey, which weighs 128-2 grains. The average of the gold coins of Julius Csesar is fixed by Le- troiine at 12566 grains, those of Nero, 115-39 grains. Though the weight of the aureus was diminished, its proportion to the weight of the de- narius remained about the same, namely, as 2 ; 1 (or rather, perhaps, as 21 : 1). Therefore, since the standard weight of the denarius, under the Alexander Severus coined pieces of one half ani. one third of the aureus, called iemissis and tremis- sis,^ after which time the aureus was called selidua Constantine the Great coined aurei of 72 to the pound, at which standard the coin remained to the end of the Empire.^ AURUM CORONA'RIUM. When a general in a Roman province had obtained a victory, it was the custom for the cities in his own provinces, and for those from the neighbouring states, to send golden crowns to him, which were carried before him in his triumph at Rome.' This practice ap- pears to have been borrowed from the Greeks ; for Chares relates, in his history of Alexander,* that after the conquest of Persia, crowns were sent to Alexander which amounted to the weight of 10,500 talents. The number of crowns which were sent to a Roman general was sometimes very great. Cn. Manlius had 200 crowns carried before him in the triumph which he obtained on account of his conquest of the Gauls in Asia.' In the time of Cicero, it appears to have been usual for the cities of the provinces, instead of sending crowns on oc- casion of a victory, to pay money, which was called aurum caronarium.' This offering, which was at first voluntary, came to be regarded as a regular tribute, and seems to have been sometimes exacted by the governors of the provinces even when no victory had been gained. By a law of Julius Cae- sar,' it was provided that the aurum coronarium should not be given unless a triumph was decreed ; but under the emperors it was exacted on many other occasions, as, for instance, on the adoption of Antoninus Pius.* It continued to be collected, ap- parently as a part of the revenue, in the time of Valentinian and Theodosius.' 1. (i., 94.)— 2. (Herod., iii., 56.)— 3. (H. N., xxiiii., 13.)-4 (\ncient Weights and Mouey.) R 1. (Lamprid., Alei. Sev., c. 39.)— 2. (Cod. i., tit. 70, s. 5.— Hussey on Ancient Weights and Money. — ^Wurm, De Pond., &c.) — 3. (Liv., xxrviii., 37 ; xxxix., 7. — Festus, s. v. Trium- phales CoronaB.) — 4. (ap. Athen., xii., p. 539, A.) — 5. (Lit, xxrix., 7.)— 6. (Cic, Leg. Agr., ii., 22.— Aul. Gell., v., 6.— Monum. Ancyi'.) — 7. (Cic. in Pis., c. 37.) — 8. (Capitolin., Anton FiuB, c. 4.)— 9. (Cod. x., tit. 74.) 129 auspicium; AUSPICIUM. Servius says' that aurum coronarium was a sum of money exacted from conquered nations, in con- sideration of the lives of the citizens being spared ; but this statement does not appear to be correct. AURUM LUSTRA'LE was a tax imposed by Constantine, according to Zosimus,' upon all mer- chants and traders, which was payable at every lustrum, or every four years, and not at every five, as might have been expected from the original length of the lustrum. This tax was also called auri el argenti coUatio or prastatio, and thus, in Greek, ri avvr&eia ii tov xpi'ocpyvpov,^ It appears from an inscription in Gruter* that there was a dis- tinct officer appointed to collect this tax {auri lus- tralis coactor). AUSPICIUM originally meant a sign from birds. The word is derived from avis, and the root spec. As the Roman religion was gradually extended by additions from Greece and Etruria, the meaning of the word was widened, so as to include any super- natural sign. The chief difference between auspi- cium and augurium seems to have been, that the latter term is never applied to the spectio of the magistrate. {Vid. Augde.) Whoever has thought on this part of the Roman religion cannot but feel astonished at its exceeding simplicity. The rudest observations on the instinct of birds, such as the country people make in all ages, were the foundation of the Roman belief. The system outlived the age for which it was adapted and in which it arose. Its duration may be attributed to its convenience as a political in- strument : at length, as learning and civilization in- creased, it ceased to be regarded in any other light. Yet, simple as the system appears, of its innu- merable details only a faint outline can be given.' Birds were divided into two classes, oscines and pmpetes ; the former gave omens by singing, the latter by their flight and the motion of their wings. Every motion of every bird had a different mean- ing, according to the different circumstances or times of the year when it was observed. Many signs were supposed to be so obvious, that any, not Winded by fate, might understand them ; and much was not reducible to any rule, the meaning of which could only be detected by the discrimination of au- gurs. Another division of birds was into dextrm and sinistrcB, about the meaning of which some difficulty has arisen, from a confusion of Greek and Roman notions in the writings of the classics. The Greeks and Romans were generally agreed that auspicious signs came from the east ; but as the Greek priest turned his face to the north, the east was on his right hand ; the Roman augur, with his face to the south, had the east on his left. The confusion was farther increased by the euphemisms common to both nations ; and the rule itself was not universal, at least with the Romans : the jay when it appeared on the left, the crow on the right, being thought to give sure omens.' The auspices were taken before a marriage,' be- fore entering on an expedition,' before the passing of laws or election of magistrates, or any other im- portant oceasion, whether public or private. Can- didates for public offices used to sleep without the walls on the night before the election, that they might take the auspices before daylight. In early times, such was the importance attached to them, that a soldier was released from the military oath if the auspices had not been duly performed. 1. (In Virjt., jEii.,Tiii.,721.)— a. (ii., 39.)— 3. (Cod. 11, tit. 1. —Cod. Theodos., 13, tit. l.)^L (p. 347, n. 4.)— 5. ( Ft(i. Niphus, De Aa^uriia — Bulcmtrre, I)e Aug. — Dompstor, Antiq. Rom., lib. n\.)—i. (H(ir., Od., HI., xxvii,, 11-16.— Kp., I,, vii., .')2.— Virf., ^n., il., 6'J3.-rEclog., ix., 15. — Persius, Sat., v., 114.)— 7. (Cic, De Div., i., )].)— 8 'Plut Mare. Crass.) 130 The commander-in-chief of an army received t/ie auspices, together with the imperium, and a war was therefore said to be carried on ductu et auspicin imperaioris, even if he were absent from the army ; and thus, if the legatus gained a victory in the absence of his commander, the latter, and not his deputy, was honoured by a triumph. The ordinary manner of taking the auspices was as follows : The augur went out before the dawa of day, and, sitting in an open place, with his head veiled, marked out with a wand {lituus) the divis- ions of the heavens. Next he declared, in a sol- emn form of words, the limits assigned, making shrubs or trees, called tesqua,^ his boundary on earth correspondent to that in the sky. The temphm augurale, which appears to have included both, was divided into four parts : those to the east and west were termed sinistm and dexlrce ; to the north and south, anticce and postica. (Vid. Ageimensoees ) If a breath of air disturbed the calmness of the heavens {si silentium non essel'), the auspices could not be taken, and, according to Plutarch,^ it was for this reason the augurs carried lanterns open to the wind. After sacrificing, the augur offered a prayei for the desired signs to appear, repeating, after an inferior minister, a set form : unless the first ap- pearances were confirmed by subsequent ones, they were insufficient. If, in returning home, the augur came to a running stream, he again repeated a prayer, and purified himself in its waters ; other- wise the auspices were held to be null. Another method of taking the auspices, more usual on military expeditions, was from the feeding of birds confined in a cage, and committed to the car8 of the puUarius. An ancient decree of the col- lege of augurs allowed the auspices to be taken from any bird.' When all around seemed favour- able {silentio facto, h. e. quod omni vitio caret), either at dawn' or in the evening, the pullarius opened the cage, and threw to the chickens pulse, or a kind of soft cake. If they refused to come out,' or to eat, or uttered a cry {occinerent), or beat their wings, or flew away, the signs were considered unfavour- able, and the engagement was delayed. On the contrary, if they ate greedily, so that something fell and struck the earth {tripiidium solislimum,'' tripu- dium quasi terripavium, solistimum, from solum, the latter part of the word probably from the root of sti- mulo), it was held a favourable sign. Two other kinds of tripudia are mentioned by Festus, the tri- pudium oscinum, from the cry of burds, and sonivium, from the sound of the pulse falling to the ground.' The place where the auspices were taken, called auguraadum, augurale, or auguratorium, was open to the heavens : one of the most ancient of these was on the Palatine Hill, the regular station for the observations of augurs. Sometimes the auspices were taken in the Capitol, or in the pomoerium. In the camp, a place was set apart to the right of the general's tent.' On other occasions, when the auspices were taken without the walls, the augui pitched a tent after a solemn form : if he repassed the pomoerium without taking the auspices, it was necessary that the tent should be taken down and dedicated anew." The lex ^Elia and Fufia provided that no assem- blies of the people should be held, nisi prius de cask servalum cssetM It appears to have confirmed to the magistrates the power of ohnunciaiio, or of inter- posing a veto. {Vid. AtTGOR.) Auspicia were said to he clivia, prohibitory, mpe- 1. (Vano, De Ling. Lnt., vi., 4.)— 2. (Cic, De DiT., ii., S"!) —3. (QiiKSt. Rom.)— 4. (Cic, Do Div., ii., 34.)— 5. (Liv., i., 40.)— 6. (Val. Max., i., 4 )— 7. (Cic, Do Div., ii., 34.)— 8. (Cic, Ep. ad Fam., vi., 6. — Serv. in .ffin., iif., 90: *' Treraere omnia visa reponte. ")—!). (Tacit., Aim., ii., 13.)— 10. (Val. Mai., i., M —11. (Cic, Pro Sextio, c 17.— Pro Vat., c 9.) AUTONOMI. ^raliva or impetrita, obtained by prayer, opposed to iblativa, spontaneous ; majora those of tlie higher, minora of the inferior magistrates ; coacta, when the jhickens were starved by the puUarius into giving avourable signs ;'■ ex acuminibus, from the bright- ness or sharpness of weapons, an art which Cice- ro' laments as lost in his own day ; juge auspiaum, from birds reappearing in pairs ; pedestre, from ani- mals i ccsleste (Sioaiiiiia), from lightning, &c. ; pra- lermine, before passing the borders [6ia6aTvpia) ; fercme, before crossing a river; male {eiv6aXa} Tpeif aiKJiicTpEipiei) were turned back, so as to form hooks for fastening the two ends of the belt togeth- er. When, in the shades below, Ulysses meets Hercules armed with his bow and arrows {vid. Ar- gus), he wears on his breast a golden belt for sus- pending his quiver (aoprrip xpvTeog reXafiuv^*), on which are embossed both the animals of the chase and exhibitions of the slaughter of men. In a pas- sage already quoted, Diana's belt is described as enriched with jewels. In like manner, ^Eneas gives as a prize in the games at his father's tomb a quiver full of arrows, with the belt belonging to it, which was covered with gold, and had a buckle, or rath- ™l%''^.;' jii' ^*' ?'•' 33*-— Schol. ad loc.)— 2. (11., t., 796- 122-139.)— 7. (Cyneg., 91.)— 8. (ap. Terent. Maur.)- 9. (IdyU. xxiv., 44.)--10. (Herod., i., 171.)— 11. (D., lii., 401.)-12 (Val Flac., v., 139.)_13. (II , u , 39 )-14. (Od., ri , 609.) ' 133 BALTEUS. BANISHMENT. er, perhaps, a button (Jibula), enriched with a gem.' We may presume that, in the sword-belt described by Valerius Flaccus,' " Qua carulus ambit Dalleus, el gemini commillunt ora dracones," the fastening was made by the tasteful joining of the two dragons' heads. The annexed woodcut shows a bronze clasp, with three dragons' heads, which is in the collection of ancient armour at Goodrich Court, in Herefordshire, and which seems to hav^belonged to a Roman balteus. A sword-belt enriched with gold, on which a cel- ebrated sculptor had produced a representation of the Danaids murdering their husbands on the bridal night, gives occasion to the concluding incident of the jEneid. That taste for richly-decorated sword-belts, the prevalence of which, in the Augustan age, may be inferred from the mention of them in the .(Eneid, did not decline under the succeeding emperors. It is, indeed, mentioned as an instance of the self-de- nial and moderation of Hadrian, that he had no gold on his belt.' But Pliny* records the common practice, in his time, of covering this part of the soldier's dress with lamince of the precious metals ; and of the great intrinsic value and elaborate orna- ment of those which were worn by persons attach- ed to the court, we may form some judgment from the circumstance that the haltearius, or master of the belts, was a distinct officer in the imperial household. Spon, who has published an inscriptidn from the family tomb of one of these officers," re- marks, that their business must have been to pro- vide, prepare, and preserve all the belts in the ar- tnamentarium. This office will appear still more considerable from the fact that belts (balteoli) were occasionally given as military rewards, together with torques and armillce.' In a general sense, "balteus" was applied not only to the simple belt, or the more splendid baldric which passed over the shoulder, but also to the girdle {cingulum) which encompassed the waist {Coxa munimen utraque''). Hence the girdle of Orion, called fuvi; by Aratus, is rather incorrectly denominated balteus in the translations of that au- thor by Gerraanicus and Avienus. The oblique ar- rangement of the balteus, in the proper sense of that term, is alluded to by Quinctilian in his advice re- specting the mode of wearing the toga : oblique du- citur, velut balteus.' Vitruvius applies the term " baltei" to the bands surrounding the volute on each side of an Ionic capital.' Other writers apply it to the large steps, presenting the appearance of parallel walls, by which an amphitheatre was divided into stories for the accommodation of different classes of spectators.'" 1. (^n.,y., 311-313.)— 2. (iii., 190.)— 3. (Spartinn., Hodr., 10.) — 4. (11. N,, xxxiii., 54.)— 5. (Miacellan. Erud. Ant., p. 253.) — 6. (.lul. Capitol., Maiimin., 2.)— 7. (Sil. Ital., x., 181.— Luoan, li., 361.— I^dus, De Magf. Rom., ii.. 13.— Corippus, i., 115.) — 8. (iDstitut. Or., xi., 3..) — 9. (De Arch., iii., 5. ed. Schneider. — Gonelli, Briefe iiher Vitruv., ii., p. 35.) — 10. (Calpurn., Eclo^., Tii., 47.— Tertullian, Do S ectac, 3.) 134 Vitruvius calls these divisions pnecincliones.' (Tja, Amphitheatrum.) In the amphitheatre at Verona, the baltei are found by measurement to be 3i feet high, the steps which they enclose being one foot two inches high. •BAMBAK'ION (/3o/ifio«tov), a term which occurs only in the works of Myrepsus, the last of the Greek physicians. It appears to be the seed of the Got- sypium, or Cotton-plant. BANISHMENT (GREEK), ^vyv- Banishment among the Greek states seldom, if ever, appears as a punishment appointed by law for particular offen- ces. We might, indeed, expect this ; for the divis- ion of Greece into a number of independent states would neither admit of the estabUshment of penal colonies, as among us, nor of the various kinds of exile which we read of under the Roman emperors. The general term ^yi'i (flight) was, for the most part, applied in the case of those who, in order to avoid some punishment or danger, removed from their own country to another. Proof of this is found in the records of the heroic ages, and chiefly where homicide had been committed, whether with or without malice aforethought. Thus" Patroclus ap- pears as a fugitive for life, in consequence of man- slaughter {uvipoKTamTi) committed by him when a boy, and in anger. In the same manner,' Theo- clymenus is represented as a fugitive and wanderer over the earth, and even in foreign lands haunted by the fear of vengeance from the numerous kins- men of the man whom he had slain. The duty of taking vengeance was in cases of this kind consid- ered sacred, though the penalty of exile was some- times remitted, and the homicide allowed to remain in his country on payment of a ■hoi.vti, the price of blood, or wehrgeld of the Germans,* which was made to the relatives or nearest connexions of the slain.' "We even read of princes in the heroic ages being compelled to leave their country after the commission of homicide on any of their subjects ;• and even though there were norelatives to succour the slain man, still deference to public opinion im- posed on the homicide a temporary absence,' until he had obtained expiation at the hands of another, who seems to have been called the ayvirris, or puri- fier. For an illustration of this, the reader is re- ferred to the story of Adrastus and Croesus." In the later times of Athenian history, ^vyfi, or banishment, partook of the same nature, and was practised nearly in the same cases as in the heroic ages, with this difference, that the laws more strict- ly defined its limits, its legal consequences, and du- ration. Thus an action for wilful murder was brought before the Areiopagus, and for manslaugh- ter before the court of the Ephetse. The accused might, in either case, withdraw himself ((ivyuv) be- fore sentence was passed ; but when a criminal evaded the punishment to which an act of murder would have exposed him had he remained in his own land, he was then banished forever {^eiya aei(pvyiav), and not allowed to return home even when other exiles were restored upon a general amnesty, since, on such occasions, a special excep- tion was made against criminals banished by the Areiopagus (oi t^ 'Apdov mlyou niyov-e<;). A con- victed murderer, if found within the limits of the state, might be seized and put to death,' and who- ever harlioured or entertained (vTveSe^aro) any one who had fled from his country (tCiv tddiaj)Tai Tiva tuv ev yivei tov irenovBoToc). During his absence, his possessions were imn/ia, that is, not confiscated; but if he remained at home, or returned before the requirements of the law were satisfied, he was liable to be driven or carried out of the country by force.' It sometimes happened that a fugitive for manslaughter was charged with murder ; in that case he pleaded on board ship, be- fore a court wliich sat at Phreatto, in llie Pei- laeus.' We are not informed what were the consequen- ces if the relatives of the slain man refused to make a reconciliation ; supposing that there was no com- pulsion, it is reasonable to conclude that the exile was allowed to return after a fixed time. In cases of manslaughter, but not of murder, this seems to have been usual in other parts of Greece as well as at Athens.* Plato,' who is believed to have copied many of his laws from the constitution of Athens, fixes the period of banishment for manslaughter at one year, and the word diveviavTiafio;, explained to mean a year's exde for the commission of homicide (roff (povov Spuaaai), seems to imply that the custom was pretty general. We have, indeed, the authori- ty of Xenophon' to prove that at Sparta banishment was the consequence of involuntary homicide, though he does not tell us its duration. Moreover, not only was an actual murder pun- ished with banishment and confiscation, but also a rpav/ia ix ■Kpovoia;, or wounding with intent to kill, though death might not ensue.' The same punish- ment was inflicted on persons who rooted up the sacred olives at Athens,' and by the laws of Solon every one was liable to it who remained neuter du ling political contentions.' Under ifvyfi, or banishment, as a general term, is comprehended ostracism : the difl^erenee between the two is correctly stated by Suidas, and the scho- liast on Aristophanes,'" if we are to understand by the former aei^vyin, or banishment fpr life. " ivy^ (say they) differs from ostracism, inasmuch as those who are banished lose their property by confisca- tion, whereas the ostracized do not ; the former, also, have no fixed place of abode, no time of return assigned, but the latter have." This ostracism is supposed by some" to have been instituted by Cleis- thenes after the expulsion of the Peisistratidaj ; its nature and object are thus explained by Aristotle ;'" " Democratical states (he observes) used to ostra- cize, and remove from the city for a definite time, those who appeared to be pre-eminent above their fellow-citizens, by reason of their wealth, the num- ber of their friends, or any other means of influ- ence." It is well known, and implied in the quota- tion just given, that ostracism was not a punish- ment for any crime, but rather a precautionary re- moval of those who possessed sufficient power in the state to excite either envy or fear. Thus Plu- 1. (c. Aris., 634.)— 2. (Demosth., c. Aris., 634 and 644.)— 3. (Demosth., c. Aris., 646.)— 4. (Meursius, nd Lycop)ir., 282.— Eurip., Hipp., 37.— Schol. in loc.)— 5. (Leg., ii., 865.)— 6. (An- »b., iv., 8, ^ ]5.) — 7. (Lysias, c. Simon., p. 100. — Demosth., c. BtEot., 1018, 10.)— 8. (Lysias, 'Tnep Svov 'AiroXoyia, 1083.)— B. (Meier. Hist. Juris Att., p. 97. — Aul. GeU., ii., 12.) — 10. lEquit,, 861.)— 11. (jElian, V. H., liii., 23.— Diod. Sic, id., 55.) ^12. (Folit., iii., 8.) BANISHMENT tarch' says it was a good-natured way of allaymji envy ((peSvov napa/jveia (piMvepunoO by the iumili- ation of superior dignity and power. The manner of effecting it was as follows : A space in the ayopd was enclosed by barriers, 5vith ten entrances for the ten tribes. By these the tribesmen entered, each with his oarpaitov, or piece of tile, on which was written the name of the individual wlinm he wished to be ostracized. The nine archons and the senate, i. e., the presidents of that body, superin- tended the proceedings, and the party who had the greatest number of votes against him, supposing that this number amounted to 6000, was obliged to withdraw {iisTaaTijvai.) from the city within ten days ; if the number of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done.' Plutarch' differs from other authorities in stating that, for an expulsion o' I his sort, it was not necessary that the votes given against any individual should amount to 6000, but only that the sum total should not be less than that number. All, however, agree, that the party thus expelled (6 h/cripvxedi) was not deprived of his property. The ostracism was also called the xepa- jxiKT) fiacTiS, or earthenware scourge, from the ma- terial of the oGTpaKov on which the names were written. Some of the most distinguished men at Athens were removed by ostracism, but recalled when the city found their services indispensable. Among these were Themistocles, Aristeides, Cimon, and Alcibiades; of the first of whom Thucydides* states that his residence during ostracism was at Argos, though he was not confined to that city, but visit- ed other parts of Peloponnesus. The last person against whom it was used at Athens was Hyperbo- lus, a demagogue of low birth and character ; but the Athenians thought their own dignity compro- mised, and ostracism degraded by such an applica- tion of it, and accordingly discontinued the prac- tice.' Ostracism prevailed in other democratical states as well as Athens ; namely, Argos, Miletus, and Me- gara : it was by some, indeed, considered to be a necessary, or, at any rate, a useful precaution for ensuring equahty among the citizens of a state. But it soon became mischievous ; for, as Aristotle' re- marks, " Men did not look to the interests of the community, but used ostracisms for party purposes" {aTaaiacTLKuc;). From the ostracism of Athens was copied the petalism (irEraAio/tof) of the Syracusans, so called from the ■Kirala, or leaves of the olive, on which was written the name of the person whom they wished to remove from the city. The removal, however, was only for five years ; a sufficient time, as they thought, to humble the pride and hopes of the exile. But petalism did not last long ; for the fear of this " humbling" deterred the best qualified among the citizens from taking any part in public affairs, and the degeneracy and bad government which followed soon led to arepe^of the law, B.C. 452.' ' In connexion with petalism, it may be remarked, that if any one were falsely registered in a demus or ward at Athens, his expulsion was called ck^X- Xoipopta, from the votes being given by leaves.* The reader of Greek history will remember that, besides those exiled by law, or ostracized, there was frequently a great number of political exiles in Greece ; men who, having distinguished themselves as the leaders of one party, were expelled, or obli- 1. (Peric.,c.lO.)— 2. (SchoI.inArist.,Eqmt.,865.)— 3. (Arist., c. 7.)^. (i., 135.)— 5. (Plut., Arist., C.7.— Thucyd., viiL,73.) —6. (PoMt., iii., 8.)— 7. (Diod. Sic, xi., c 87 Niebuhr, Hist Rom., i., 504, transl.)— 8. (Meier, Hist. Juris Att., 83.— Lysiai, c Nicnm., 844.) 135 BANISHMENT. ged to remove from their native city -when the op- posite faction became predominant. They are spo- ken of as ol (jievyovTe( or oi kaneadvreg, and as oi KareXeovTcc after their return {v kuBoSoi), the word Kardyeiv being appUed to those who were instru menial in effecting it.'" BANISHMENT (ROMAN). In the later impe- rial period, exsilium was a general term used to ex- press a punishment, of which there were several species. Paulus,' when speaking of those judicia publica, which are capitalia, defines them by the consequent punishment, which is death, or exsili um ; and exsiliam he defines to be aqua et ignu interdictio, by which the ca'put or citizenship of the criminal was taken away. Other kinds of exsilium. he says, were properly called relegatio, and the i uie gatus retained his citizenship. The distinction ue- tween relegatio and exsilium existed under tlie Republic.' Ovid also* describes himself, not as ex- sul, which he considers a term of reproach, but as relegatus. Speaking of the emperor, he says, " Nee vitam, nee opes, nee jus miki eivis ademit ;'' and a httle farther on, " Nil nisi me pairiis jussit ahire foeis."^ Marcianus" makes three divisions of exsilium : it was either an interdiction from certain places na- med, and was then called lata fuga (a term equiva- lent to the libera fuga or liherum exsilium of some writers) ; or it was an interdiction of all places ex- cept some place named ; or it was the eonstraint of an island (as opposed to lata ffga). Noodt' cor- rects the extract from Marcian thus : " Exsihum duplex est : aut certorum locorum interdictio, ut lata fuga ; aut omnium locorum prseter certum lo- cum, ut insulae vinculum," &c. The passage is evidently corrupt in some editions of the Digest, and the correction of Noodt is supported by good reasons. It seems that Marcian is here speaking of the two kinds of relegatio,' and he does not in- clude the exsilium, which was accompanied with the loss of the eivitas ; for, if his definition includes ail the kinds of exsilium, it is manifestly incomplete ; and if it includes only relegatio, as it must do from the terms of it, the definition is wrong, inasmuch as there are only twp kinds of relegatio. The conclu- sion is, that the tftxt of Marcian is either corrupt, 01 has been altered by the compiler of the Digest. Ofrelegatio there were two kinds : a person might be forbidden to live in a particular province, or in Rome, and either for an indefinite or a definite time ; or an island might be assigned to the relegatus for his residence. Relegatio was not followed by loss of citizenship or property, except so far as the sen- tence of relegatio might extend to part of the per- son's property. The relegatus retained his citizen- ship, the ownership of his property, and the patria potestas, whether the relegatio was for a definite or an indefinite time. The relegatio, in fact, merely confined the person within, or excluded him from, particular place% which is according to the defini- tion of .(Eiius Gallus,' who says that the punish- ment was imposed by a lex, senatus oonsultum, or the edictum of a magistratus. The words of Ovid express the legal effect of relegatio in a manner lit- erally and technically correct.'" The term relegatio I (Meureius, Att. Lcrt., v., 18.— Wachsmuth, Hell. Alterth., 1., V 05 ; ii., ^ 95 and 98. — Meior and Schttmann, Att. Process, p. 741. — Schumann, Do Comit. Athen., p. 264, transl. — Timoeus, Lex. Platon.— B'tckh, ii., 129, transl.)— 2. (Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 2.) —3. (Liv., iil., 10 ; iv., 4.— Cic, pro P. Sext., 12.)— 4. (Trist., V , 11.)— 5. (Compare Trist., ii., 127.)— 6. (Dig. 48, tit. 22, s. 5.) —7. (Op. Omn., i., 58,)— H. (Compare Ulpian, Dig. 48, tit. 22, s. 7.) — 9. (Festus, b. v. Relogati.)— 10. (Instances of relegatio oc- cur in the following passages : Suet , Octav., 16. — Tib., 50. — Tacit., Ann., iii., 17, 68.— Suet., Claud., c. 23, which last, as the historian remarks, was o new liind of relegatio.) 136 BANISHMENT. is applied by Cicero' to the case of Titus Manhus, who had been compelled by his father to live in sol- itude in the country. Deporlatio in insulam, or deportatio simply, was introduced under the emperors in place of the aqus et ignis interdictio.' The governor of a province (prases) had not the power of pronouncing the sen- tence of deportatio ; but this power was given to the praefectus urbi by a rescript of the Emperor Sevenis, The consequence of deportatio was loss of property and citizenship, but not of freedom. Though the deportatus ceased to be a Roman citizen, he had the capacity to buy and seU, and do other acts which might be done according to the jus gentinm. Ueponatio differed from relegatio, as already shown, and also in being always for an indefinite time. The relegatus went into banishment ; the deportatus was conducted to his place of banishment, sometunes iD chains. As the exsilium in the special sense, and the de portatio took away a person's eivitas, it follows that, if he was a father, his children ceased to be in his power ; and if he was a son, he ceased to be in his father's power ; for the relationship expressed by the terms patria potestas could not exist when either party had ceased to be a Roman citizcD.' Relegatio of a father or of a son, of course, ha* not this effect. But the interdict and the deportatio did not dissolve marriage.* When a person, either parent or child, was con- demned to the mines or to fight with wild beasts, the relation of the patria potestas was dissolved. This, though not reckoned a species of exsilium, resembled deportatio in its consequences. It remains to examine the meaning of the term exsilium in the republican period, and to ascend, so far Eis we can, to its origin. Cicero' afllrms that no Roman was ever deprived of his eivitas or bit freedom by a lex. In the oration Pro Bona' ha makes the same assertion, hut in a quahfied way; he says that no special lex, that is, no privilegium, could be passed against the caput of a Roman citi- zen unless he was first condemned in a judicium. H was, according to Cicero, a fundamental principle of Roman law,' that no Roman citizen could lose hii freedom or his citizenship without his consent. He adds, that Roman citizens who went out as Latin colonists could not become Latin unless they went voluntarily and registered their names : those who were condemned of capital crimes did not lose theii citizenship till they were admitted as citizens of an- other state ; and this was effected, pot by depriving them of their eivitas {ademptio civitaii'), but by the interdictio tecti, aqua et ignis. The sanie thing is stated in the oration Pro Ccecina,' with the a-ldition, that a Roman citizen, when he was received into another state, lost his citizenship at Rome, because by the Roman law a man could not be a citizen ol two states. This reason, however, would be equal ly good for showing that a Roman citizen could no" become a citizen of another community. In the oration Pro Balbo,^ the proposition is put rather io this form : that a Roman who became a citizen oi another state thereby ceased to be a Roman citizen It must not be forgotten, that in the oration Pro Ca cina, it is one of Cicero's objects to prove that hi» client had the rights of a Roman citizen ; and in the oration Pro Domo, to prove that he himself had not been an exsul, though he was interdicted from fire and water within 400 miles of Rome.'" Now, 1. (Off., iii., SI.)- 2. (Ulpian, Dig. 48, tit. 13, s. 3 ; tit. 19, 8. 2.)— 3. (Gaius, i., 128.)— 4. (Cod. 5, tit I«, s. 24 ; tit. 17, 5.1.— Compare Gaius, i., 128, with the Institutes, i., tit. 12, in which the deportatio stands in the place of the aqute et ignis interdictio of Gaius.)— 5. (Pro Ciecin., c. 34.) — 6. (c. 16, 17.)— 7, (Pni Domo, c. 29.) — 8. (c. 34.) — 9. (c. 11.) — 10 (Cic, ail AlUo, iii., 4.) BANISHMENT. as Cicero had been interdicted from fire and water, and as he evaded the penalty, to use his own words,' by going beyond the limits, he could only escape the consequences, namely, exsilium, either by relying on the fact of his not being received as a citizen into another state, or by alleging the illegali- ly of the proceedings against him. But the latter is the ground on which he seems to maintain his case in the Pro Domo : he alleges that he was made the subject of a privilegium, without having been first condemned in a judicium.' In the earlier republican period, a Roman citizen might have a right to go into exsilium to another state, or a citizen of another state might have a right to go into exsiUum at Rome, by virtue of cer- tain isopolitical relations existing between such state and Rome. (,Vid. MnNicipiuM.) This right was called jus exulandi with reference to the state tc which the person came ; with respect to his own state, which he left, he was exsul, and his condition was exsihura : with respect to the state which he entered, he was inquilinus ; and at Rome he might attach himself (applicare se) to a quasi-patronus, a relationship which gave rise to questions involving the jus applicationis. The word inquilinus appears, by its termination inus, to denote a person who was one of a class, like the word libertinus. The prefix in appears to be the correlative of ex in cxsul, and the remaining part quil is probably related to col, in incola and colonus. The sentence of aquae et ignis, to which Cicero adds^ tecti interdictio, was equivalent to the depri- vation of the chief necessaries of Ufe, and its effect was to incapacitate a person from exercising the rights of a citizen within the limits which the sen- tence comprised. Supposing it to be true, that no Roman citizen could, in direct terms, be deprived of his civitas, it requires but little knowledge of the history of Roman jurisprudence to perceive that a way would readily be discovered of doing that in- directly which could not be done directly ; and such, in fact, was the aquae et ignis interdictio. The meaning of the sentence of aquae et ignis in- terdictio is clear when we consider the symboheal meaning of the aqua et ignis. The bride, on the day of her marriage, was received by her husband with fire and water,' which were symboheal of his taking her under his protection and sustentation. Varro* gives a difllsrent explanation of the symboli- cal meaning of aqua et ignis in the marriage cere- mony : Aqua et ignis- (according to the expression of Festus) sunt duo elementa qua humanam vitam maxime continent. The sentence of interdict was either pronounced in a judicium, or it was the sub- ject of a lex. The punishment was inflicted for various crimes, as vis publica, pecidatus, veneficium, &c. The Lex Julia de vi publica et privala applied, among other cases, to any person qui receperit, cela- verit, tenuerit, the interdicted person ;' and there was a clause to this effect in the lex of Clodius, by which Cicero was banished. The sentence of the interdict, which in the time of the Antonines was accompanied with the loss of citizenship, could hardly have had any other effect In the time of Cicero. It may be true that exsilium, that is, the change of solum or ground, was not in direct terms included in the sentence of aquce et ignis interdictio : the person might stay if he liked, and submit to the penalty of being an outcast, and being incapacitated from doing any legal act. In- deed, it is not easy to conceive that banishment can exist in any state, except such state has distant possessions of its own to which the offender can be BAPHIUM. sent. Tlius banishment, as a penalty, did not exist in the old Enghsh law. When isopolitical relations existed between Rome and another state, exsilium might be the privilege of an offender. Cicero might then truly say that exsilium was not a pun- ishment, but a mode of evading punishment ;' and this is quite consistent with the interdict being a punishment, and having for its object the exsilium. According to Niebuhr, the interdict was intended to prevent a person who had become an exsul from returning to Rome and resuming his citizenship ; and the interdict was taken off when an exsul was recalled: an opinion in direct •contradiction to all the testimony of antiquity. Farther, Niebuhr as serfs that they who settled in an unprivileged place (one that was not in an isopolitical connexion with Rome) needed a decree of the people, declaring that their settlement should operate as a legal ex- sihum. And this assertion is supported by a single passage in Livy," from which it appears that jt was declared by a plebiscitum, that C. Fabius, by going into exUe (exulatum) to Tarquinii, which was a mu- nicipium,^ was legally in exUe. Niebuhr asserts that Cicero had not lost his fran- chise by the interdict, but Cicero says that tht consequence of such an interdict was the loss of caput. And the ground on which he mainly at- tempted to support his case was, that the lex by which he was interdicted was in fact no lex, but a proceeding altogether irregular. Farther, the inter- dict did pass against Cicero, but was not taken off when he was recalled. It is impossible to caution the reader too much against adopting imphcitly any- thing that is stated in the orations Pro Cscina, Fro Balbo, and Pro Domo ; and, indeed, anywhere else, when Cicero has a case to support. BAPHI'UM (,l3aijiclov, oap/ianciv), an establish- ment for dyeing cloth, a dyehouse. An apparatus for weaving cloth, and adapting it to all the purposes of life, being part of every Greek and Roman household, it was a matter of necessity that the Roman government should have its own institutions for similar uses ; and the immense quantity of cloth required, both for the army and for all the ofBcers of the court, made it indispensable that these institutions should be conducted on a large scale. They were erected in various parts of the empire, according to the previous habits of the people employed and the facilities for carrying on their operations. Tarentum, having been celebra ted during many centuries for the fineness and beauty of its woollen manufactures, was selected as one of the most suitable places for an imperial baphium.' Traces of this estabhshment are still apparent in a vast accumulation near Taranto, called " Monte Testaceo," and consisting of the shells of the Murex, the animal which afforded the purple dye. A passage in iElius Lampridius* shows that these great dyehouses must have existed as early as the second century. It is stated that a certain kind of purple, commonly called " Probiana," because Pro- bus, the superintendent of the dyehouses (Jbaphiis propositus), had invented it, was afterward called " Alexandrina," on account of the preference given to it by the Emperor Alexander Severus. Besides the officer mentioned in this passage, who probably had the general oversight of all the imperial baphia, it appears that there were persons called procura- tors, who were intrusted with the direction of them in the several cities where they were es tahlished. Thus the Notitia Dignitatum utriusqui. Imperii, compiled about A.D. 426, mentions the I. (Pro Cascina, c. 34.)— 2. (c. 17.)— 3. (Pro Domo, c. 30.)— 4. (Dig. 24, tit. 1, s. 66.)— 5. (De Lmg. Lat., iv.)— 6. (Paulus, Sent, lleceft., qc) Schulting.) S 1. (Pro Caecina.)— 2. (xrvi,, 3.)— 3. (Pro Ciccina, c. 4.)— 4 (Compare Horat., Ep., II., ii., 207, -with Sen-ius in Virg., Georg iT.,335.)— 5. (Alex. Sev.,c. 40.) 137 BARBA. BARBA. * procurator" of the dyehouses of Narbonne and Toulon. We learn fiom the Codex Theodosiancis that the dyehouses of Phcenice long retained their original superiority, and that dyers were sent to them from other flaces to be instructed in their art. *BAPTES (^u7rr)/f), a mineral mentioned by Pliny.' It is thought, from its description and its name, to have been amber, dyed or stained of some other than its natural colour.'' UAPTJSTE'RIUM. {Viil. Bath.) BAR'ATHRUM. (Fid. Oeygma.) BARBA {Tvuyuv, tycveiov, vtztivti^), the beard. The fashions which have prevailed at different times and in different countries with respect to the beard have been very various. The most refined modern nations regard the beard as an encumbrance, with- out beauty or meaning ; but the ancients generally cultivated its growth and form with special atten- tion ; and that the Greeks were not behindhand in this, any more than in other arts, is sufficiently shown by the statues of their philosophers. The phrase ■Kuyuvorpoi^elv, which is applied to letting the beard grow, implies a positive culture. Gener- ally speaking, a thick beard, Truyuv J3a6iq or 6aai(, was considered as a mark of manliness. The Greek philosophers were distinguished by their long beards as a sort of badge, and hence the term which Persius* applies to Socrates, magister larba- tus. The Homeric heroes were bearded men ; as Agamemnon, Ajax, Menelaus, Ulysses.' Accord- ing to Chrysippus, cited by Athenasus,' the Greeks wore the beard till the time of Alexander the Great, and he adds that the first man who was shaven was called ever after icopariv, " shaven" (from KEipa). Plutarch' says that the reason for the shaving was that they might not be pulled by the beard in battle. The custom of shaving the beard continued among thj Greeks till the time of Justin- ian, and during that period even the statues of the philosophers were without the beard. The philoso- phers, however, generally continued the old badge of their profession, and their ostentation in so doing' gave rise to the saying that a long beard does not Yiake a philosopher (■Kii>YavoTpo(pia ^(.?M!!oakic, Si~?.^ /luxaipa^* (in Latin fcrfex, ai- icia), were used too." Muxatpa was the usual word. (Bottiger, however, says that two knives were merely used, forming a kind of scissoi's. The 1. (Liv., xxvii., 34.)— 2. (Juv., Sat., iii., 186.)— 3. (Suet, Calig., 10.)— 4. (Suet., Nor., 12.)— 5. (Prxf. ad Silv., iii.)-6 (Dion, Ixviii., p. 1132, c. 15.)— 7. (Suet., Octav., c 23.)— 8 (Dion, xlviii., 34. — Compare Cic. in Verr., ii., 12.) — 9. (Vii Plutarcli, Pelopid. and Alex.— Suet., Cal., 5.)— 10. (i., p. 239.) —11. (Germ., c. 3.)— 12. (Plut., De Garral., 13.)— 13. (Adv. Indoct., c. 29.)— 14. (Pollux., Onom., ii., 32.)— 15. (CompaM Aristoph., Acliam., 848.— Lucian, Pis,, c. 46.) BASALTES. most elegant mode of cutting the hair was with the single knife, jiif /iaxaip?}) Irregularity and unevenness of the hair was considered a great blemish, as appears generally, and from Horace ;' and, accordingly, after the hair-cutting, the uneven hairs were pulled out by tweezers, an operation to which Pollux^' applies the term ■KapaXeyendai. So the hangers-on on great men, who wished to look young, were accustomed to pull out the gray hairs for them.' This was considered, however, a mark of effeminacy.' The person who was to be opera- ted on by the barber had a rough cloth (ufiolivov, involucre in Plautus') laid on his shoulders, as now, to keep the hairs off his dress, &c. The second part of the business was shaving {radere, rasitare, fiipew). This was done with a fvpov, a novacula,^ a razor (as we, retaining the Latin root, call it), , which he kept in a case, >>7«:i?, SvpoB^Kij, ivpoSmrj;, " a razor-case.'" Some, who would not submit to the operation of the razor, used instead some pow- erful depilatory ointments or plasters, as psiiotkron;' acida Greta;" Venetum ItUum ;^^ dropax.^' Stray hairs which escaped the razor were pulled out with small pincers or tweezers {volsella, tplxoXuBlov). The third part of the barber's work was to pare the nails of the hands, an operation which the Greeks expressed by the words oKujifcij' and lino- vvxil^uv}^ The instruments used for this purpose were called owxtorripia, sc. jiaxaipia}* This prac- tice of employing a man expressly to pare the nails explains Plautus's humorous description of the miserly Euclio : *' Qiiin ipsi quide-m tonsor ungues dempserat, Collegit, omnia ahstulit prcssegmina.^'^^ Even to the miser it did not occur to pare his nails himself, and save the money he woul 1 ha ve to pay ; but only to collect the parings, in hope of making something by them. So Martial, in rallying a fop, who had tried to dispense with the barber's servi- ces by using different kinds of plasters, &c., asks him,^^ Quid facient ungues 1 What will your nails do ? How will you get your nails pared 1 So Ti- bullus says,'' quid (prodest) ungues arlijicis docta suhsecuisse manu; from which it appears that the person addressed was in the habit of employing one of the more fashionable tensors. The instruments used are referred to by Martial." BAR'BITOS (J3dp6irog 0TPa.p6i.T0v), a stringed in- strument, called by Theocritus ■KolixopSog." The JEiOYia form PupfUTog" led the grammarians to de- rive the word from I3apv( and /icroc, a thread or string ; but according to Strabo,'" who, if the read- ing be correct, makes it the same with aafiSUKi;, it was of foreign origin. Pindar, in a fragment quoted by Athena3us, refers the invention of it to Terpan- ier," but in another place^' it is ascribed to Anac- reon. Dionysius" tells us that in his day it was not in use among the Greeks, but that the Romans, who derived it from them, still retained it at ancient sacrifices. It is impossible to determine its exact form with any certainty : later writers use the word as synonymous with /liipo. (Vid. Lyra.) BARDOGUCUL'LUS. (Firf. CnouLLus.) *BASALT'ES, a species of marble, as Pliny'' 1 ;S5bina, vol. ii , p. 60.)— 2. (Sat., i., 3, 31.— Epist., i., 1, 84.)— 3. (ii., 34.)— 4. (Aristoph., Equit., 908.)— 5. (Aul. Gell., vii., 12.— Cic, Pro Rose. Com., 7.)— 6. (Capt., II., ii., 17.)— 7. (Lamprid., Helio^., c. 31.) — 8. (Aristoph., Thesm., 220. — Pol- lui, Onom., ii., 32.— Petron., 94.)— 9. (Plin., H. N., xxxii., 10, 47.)— 10. (MartW, vi., 93, 9.)— 11. (Plin., iii., 74.)— 12. (Ib.,iii., 74; 1,65.)— la (Aristoph., Equit., 706.— Schol. in loc— Theo- phrast, Charact., c. 26.— PoUui, Oaom., ii., 146.)— 14. (Pollux, Onom., X., 140.)— 15. (Aulnl., ii., 4, 34.)— 16. (Epig., iii,, 74.)— 17. (i., 8, 11.) — 18. (Epi»., xiv., 36 : Instnjmenta tonsona.) — 19. (rri., 45.) — 20. (Pollux, Onom., iv., 9. — ^Etym. Mag. in voce.) — 21. (I., 471, c, ed. Casaub.)— 22. (Athena;us, iv., p. 635, a.)— 23. (Athen., iv., p. 175.)— 24. (Ant. Horn., vii., 73.)— 25. (H. N , xxxvi., 9.) BASANOS. terms it, found in ^Ethiopia, of the colour and hard- ness of iron, whence its name, from an Oriental term basalt, signifying "iron." To what Eastern lan- guage this word belongs is not known ; we may com- pare with it, however, the Hebrew bazzel. Pliny speaks of fine works of art in Egyptian basalt, and of these some have found their way to Rome, as the lions at the base of the ascent to the Capitol, and the Sphinx of the Villa Borghese.' Winckel- mann distinguishes two kinds of this stone : the black, which is the more common sort, is the ma- terial of the figures just mentioned ; the other vari- ety has a greenish hue.' We must be careful not to confound the basaltes of the ancients with the modern basalt. The former was merely a species of syenite, commonly called basaltoid syenite, black Egyptian basalt, and "basalte antique." The ba- salt of the moderns is a hard, dark-coloured rock, of igneous origin.' BASANISTAI. (Vid. Basanos.) ♦BASANI'TES LAPIS (paaavirTi^ nBog), called also Basanos and Lapis Lydius, the Touchstone. Its Greek and English names both refer to its office of trying metals by the touch. The appellation of " Lydian Stone" was derived from the circumstance of Lydia having been one of its principal localities. It was also obtained in Egypt, and, besides the use just mentioned, was wrought into various orna- ments, as- it still is at the present day. Other names for the Touchstone were Chrysites, from its particular efficacy in the trial of gold, and Coticula, because generally formed, for convenience' sake, into the shape of a small whetstone.* The Basa- nite or Touchstone differs but little from the com- mon variety of silicious slate. Its colour is grayish or bluish black, or even perfectly black. If a bar of gold be rubbed against the smooth surface of this stone, a metallic trace is left, by the colour of which an experienced eye can form some estunate of the purity of the gold. This was the ancient mode of proceeding. In modern times, however, the judg- ment is still farther determined by the changes pro- duced in this metallic trace by the appHcation of ni- tric acid (aquafortis), which immediately dissolves those substances with which the gold may be al- loyed. Basalt and some other varieties of argilhte answer the same purpose. The touchstones em- ployed by the jewellers of Paris are composed chief- ly of hornblende. Brogniart calls it Corneenne Lyd- ienne.^ BAS'ANOS (Pdaavoc), the general term among the Athenians for the apphcation of torture. By a decree of Scamandrius, it was ordained that no free Athenian could be put to the torture ;' and this ap- pears to have been the general practice, notwith- standing the assertion of Cicero' to the contrary (de institutis Atheniensium, Rkodiorum — apud quos liberi civesque torquentur). The only two apparent exceptions to this practice are mentioned by Anti- phon' and Lysias.' But, in the case mentioned by Antiphon, Bbckh'" has shown that the torture was not applied at Athens, but In a foreign country ; and in Lysias, as it is a Plataean boy that is spokec of, we have no occasion to conclude that he was an Athenian citizen, since we learn from Demosthe nes" that all Plataeans were not necessarily Athe- nian citizens. It must, however, be observed, that the decree of Scamandrius does not appear to have interdicted the use of torture as a means of execu- tion, since we find Demosthenes" reminding the 1. (Moore's Mineralogy, p. 82.)— 2. (Winckelmann, Werko, vol. v., p. 110, 409, &o.)— 3. (Fie in Plin., 1. c.)— 4. (Hill's The- ophrastus, p. 189, in notis.)— 5. (Cleaveland's Mineralogy, p 300.)— 6. (Andoc, De Myst., 22.— Compare Lys., irtpi rp™i,. 177.— 0. Agorat., 462.)— 7. (Oral. Prat., €. 34.)— S. (De Herod! cajd., 729.)— 9. (c. Simon, 153.)— 10. (Staatshaus.der Athener, i., p. 199; u., p. 412.)— 11. Cc.Neier., 1381.)— 12. (De Cor., 271.) 139 BASILEUS. BASILICA. judges that they had put Antiphon to death by the rack (arpeSAoKTai'Tcf).' The evidence of slaves was, however, always ta- ken with torture, and their testimony was not oth- erwise received.' From this circumstance their testimony appears to have been considered of more value than that of freemen. Thus Isaeus' says, " When slaves and freemen are at hand, you do not make use of the testimony of freemen ; but, putting slaves to the torture, you thus endeavour to find out the truth of what has been done." Numerous pas- sages of a similar nature might easily be produced from the orators.* Any person might offer his own slave to be examined, by torture, or demand that of his adversary, and the offer or demand was equally called irpoKXfiai; eic fiiiaavov If the opponent re- fused to give up his slave to be thus examined, such a refusal was looked upon as a strong presumption against him, The ■KponXriaig appears to have been generally made in writing,' and to have been deliv- ered to the opponent in the presence of witnesses in the most frequented part of the Agora ;' and as there were several modes of torture, the particular one to be employed was usually specified.' Some- times, when a person offered his slave for torture, he gave his opponent the liberty of adopting any mode of torture which the latter pleased.' The parties interested either superintended the torture themselves, or chose certain persons for this pur- pose, hence called jSaaavioTai, who took the evi- dence of the slaves.' In some cases, however, we find a public slave attached to the court, who ad- ministered the torture ;'° but this appears only to have taken place when the torture was administer- ed in the court, in presence of the judges." This public mode of administering the torture was, how- ever, certainly contrary to the usual practice." The general practice was to read at the trial the depo- sitions of the slaves, which were called Paaavoi," and to confirm them by the testimony of those who were present at the administration of the torture. BASCAN'IA. (Vid. Fasoindm.) BASCAUDA, a British basket. This term, which remains with very little variation in the Welsh "basgawd" and the English "basket," was con- veyed to Rome together with the articles denoted by it. We find it used by Juvenal" and by Mar- tial" in connexions which imply that these articles were held in much esteem by the luxurious Ro- mans. In no other manufacture did our British an- cestors excel so as to obtain for their productions a similar distinction." In what consisted the curios- ity and the value of these baskets, we are not in* formed ; but they seem to be classed among vessels capable of holding water. BASILEIA (Baai?.tia) was the name of a festival celebrated at Lebadeia, in Bceotia, in honour of Tro- phonius, who had the surname of Batri/lfiJf. This festival was also called Trophonia — Tpo^uvta ;" and was first observed under the latter name as a general festival of the Boeotians after the battle of Leuctra." BAS'ILEUS (/JauaCTf), ANAX (uvaf), titles ori- ginally given to any persons in authority, and ap- I (Compare Plutarch, Phoc, c. 35.) — 2. (Antiph,,Tetral., i., p. C33.)— 3. (Do Ciron. Ilorod , 202,)— 4. (Compare Dcmosth., c. Onetor., i,, p. 874.— Antiphon, Ue Choreut., 778. — Lvcurg., "c. Loocr., 159-162.)— 5. (Demosth,, c. Pantaon,, 976.)— 6. (De- mosth., c. Aphob., hi., 848.)— 7. (Dcmosth., c. Steph,, i., 1120.) —8. (Antiph., Do Choreut,, 777.) — 9. (iA(J/iCvoi PaaaviaTugt irriVTricaittv th ri 'H0a((TTEiot' : Isocr., Trap., c. 9. — Compare Demosth., c. Pantaen,, 978, 979. — Antiph,, KaTtjyopia ifiaPiiaK', 609.) — 10. (nafizuTai f>l Mr] b ^rjiitog, Koi ^atjavui haVTtov v^wv : JEnch., De Leg., 284, od. Taylor.)— 11. (jEsch., 1. r.— Demosth., c. Euerff,, 1144.) — 12. ifiairavP^tiv ovk iloriv ivaVTtov ii/i(3v : De- mosth., c. Steph,, i,, 1106.) — 13. (Harpocr., Suid., s. v. — De- mosth., c, Nicostrat., 1254.)— 14, (xii., 46.)— 15, (xiv., 99.) — 16. (Henry's Hist, of Britain, h. i., c. 6, p. 226.)— 17. (Pollux, Onom., i., 1, i 37 1-18, (DioJ. Sic, XT., S3.) 140 plied in the first instance indiscriminately, withoaf any accurate distinction. In the government ol Phseacia, which was a mixed constitution, consist- ing of one supreme magistrate, twelve peers oi councillors, and the assembly of the people, each o( the twelve who shared, as well as the one who nominally possessed the supreme power, is desig- nated by the word I3aai?.ev;,^ which title becams afterward strictly appropriated in the sense of our term king ; but ava^ continued long to have a much wider signification. In the CEdipus Tyrannus, the title ivaf is applied to Apollo," to Tiresias,' to Cre- on and CEdipus,* and to the Chorus.' Isocrates' uses /3a m Ma tiN ^ When, however, the Romans became wealthy and refined, and, consequently, more effeminate, a wall was substituted for the external peristyle, and the columns were gonfined. to the interior ; or, if used externally, it was only in decorating the irpi- vaog, or vestibule of entrance. This was the only change which took place in the form of these build- ings from the time of their first institution until 1. a. c.)— 2. (Ad Att., iv., 16.)— 3. (Plin., H. N., rum., 24, 1.— Appian, De Bell. Civ., lib. ii.)— 4. (Suet., Octav., 31.)— 5. (Suet., Ca'Jg., 37.) — 6. (Suet., Octav., 29.)— 7. (De Honor. Cons., vi., 645.) — 8. (Pitisc, Lex. Ant., 1. c. — Nard., Rom. Ant., T., 9.)— 9. (T . 1.) they were converted into Christian churches The ground plan of all of them is rectangular, and their width not more than half, nor less than one third of the length ;' but if the area on which the edi- fice was to be raised was not proportionably long, small chambers (chalcidica) were cut off from one of the- ends," which served as conveniences for the judges or merchants. This area was divided into three naves, consisting of a centre {media porticus) and two side aisles, separated from the centre one each by a single row of columns : a mode of con- struction particularly adapted to buildings intended for the reception of a large concourse of people. At one end of the centre aisle was the tribunal of the judge, in form either rectangular or circular, and sometimes cut off from the length of the grand nave (as is seen in the aimexed plan of the basilica at Pompeii, which also affords an example of the chambers of the judices or chalcidica above men- tioned), or otherwise thrown out from the posterior — f — 1— 1 — ,.".,.-1 * > > « ■ X ' rrr . . . . ' 11 ^* + Lj ■ 'U..^ J. wall of the building, like the tribune of some of the most ancient churches in Rome, and then called the hemicycle : an instance of which is afforded in the Basilica Trajani, of which the plan is given below. It will be observed that this was a most sumptuous edifice, possessing a double tribune, and double re w of columns on each side of the centre aisle, dividiig the whole into five naves. The internal tribune was probably the original construction, when the basilica was simply used as a court of justice ; but when those spacious haUs were erected for the convenience of traders as well as loungers, then the semicircular and external tribune was adopted, in order that the noise anJ confusion in the basilica might not interrapt tnc proceedings of the magistrates.' In the centre of this tribune was placed the eurnle chair of the prse- tor, and seats for judices, who sometimes amount- 1. (VitrUT., 1. 0.)— 2. (VitniT., 1. c.)— 3. (Vitruy,, 1. c.) 141 BASILICA. BASTERNA. en to tlie number of 180,' and the advocates ; and round the sides of the hemicycle, called the wings (cornua), were seats for persons of distinction, as well as the parties engaged in the proceedings. It was in the wing of the tribune that Tiberius sat to overawe the judgment at the trial of Granius Mai- cellus.' The two side aisles, as has been said, were separated from the centre one by a row of col- umns, behind each of which was placed a square pier or pilaster {parastata?), which supported the flooring of an upper portico, similar to the gallery of a modern church. The upper gallery was in like manner decorated with columns, of lower di- mensions than those below ; and these served to support the roof, and were connected with one an- other by a parapet wall or balustrade (pluteus*), which served as a defence against the danger of falling over, and screened the crowd of Joitereis above {subbasilicani') from the people of business in the area below,' This gallery reached entirely round the inside of the building, and was frequented by women as well as men, the women on one side and the men on the other, who went to hear and see what was going on.' The staircase which led to the upper portico was on the outside, as is seen in the plan of the Basilica of Pompeii. It is simi- larly situated in the Basilica of Constantine. The whole area of these magnificent structures was covered with three separate ceilings, of the kind called testudinatum, like a tortoise-shell ; in techni- cal language now denominated cmed, an expression used to distinguish a ceiling which has the general appearance of a vault, the central part of which is, however, flat, while the margins incline by a cylin- drical shell from each of the four sides of the cen- tral square to the side walls ; in which form the ancients imagined a resemblance to the shell of a tortoise. From the description which has been given, it will be evident how much these edifices were adapt- ed, in their general form and construction, to the uses of a Christian church ; to which purpose some of them were, in fact, converted, as may be inferred from a passage in Ausonius, addressed to the Em- peror Gratianus ; Basilica olim negotiis plena, nunc votis pro tua salute susceptis.' Hence the later'wri- ters of the Empire apply the term basilicse to all churches built after the model just described ; and such were the earliest edifices dedicated to Chris- tian worship, which, with their original designation, continue to this day, being still called at Rome ba- silichc. A Christian basilica consisted of four prin- cipal parts : 1. Upovaoc, the vestibule of entrance. 2. Nciif, navis, and sometimes gremium, the nave or centre aisle, which was divided from the two side ones by a row of columns on each of its sides. Here the people assembled for the purposes of wor- ship. 3. 'Afi6uv (from dvaOatveiv, to ascend), cho- rus (the choir), and svggcstum, a part of the lower extremity of the nave raised above the general level of the floor by a flight of steps. 4. 'Uparelov, Upov fifiiia, sanctuarium, which answered' to the tribune of the ancient basilica. In the centre of this sanc- tuary was placed the high altar, under a tabernacle or canopy, such as still remains in the Basihca of St. John of Lateran at Rome, at which the priest officiated with his face turned towards the people. Around this altar, and in the wings of the sanctua- rium, were seats for the assistant clergy, with an elevated chair for the bishop at the bottom of the circle in the centre' 1. (Plin., Ep., vi., 33.)— S. (Tacit., Ann., i.,75.)~3. (Vilruv., 1. c.)— ). (Vitruv., 1. c.)— 5. (Plant., Ci.pt., IV ,ii.,35.)— 6. (Vi- trnv., 1. c.)— 7. (Plin., 1. c.)— 8. (Grat. A.I. pro consulntu.)— 9. (Tliciilr. Biisil. Pisan., cura Josnp. Marl. Cjlnon., iii,, p. 8. — Ci- iiinp,, Vcl. Mon., i., ii., ct De Sacr. Ed., passim.) 142 BASILTCA (BauiXi/coj Amrufcic)- About A.D. 876, the Greek emperor Basilius, the Macedonian, commenced this work, which was completed by hia son Leo, the philosopher. Before the reign of Ba- silius, there had been several Greek translations of the Pandect, the Code, and the Institutes ; but there was no authorized Greek version of them. The numerous Constitutions of Justinian's successors, and the contradictory interpretations of the jurists, were a farther reason for publishing a revised Greek ' text under the imperial authority. This great work was called Basilica, or BauiXiKal Aiard^Ei; : it was revised by the order of Constantinus Porphyrogen- neta, about A.D. 945. The Basilica comprised the Institutes, Pandect, Code, the Novellae, and the im- perial Constitutions subsequent to the time of Jus- tinian, in a Greek translation, in sixty books, which . are subdivided into titles. The publication of this authorized body of law in the Greek language led to tlie gradual disuse of the original compilation of Justinian in the East. The arrangement of the matter in the Basilica is as follows : All the matter relating to a given sub- ject is selected from the Corpus Juris ; the extracts from the Pandect are placed first under each title, then the constitutions of the Code, and next in or- der the provisions contained in the Institutes and the Novellae, which confirm or complete the provis- ions of the Pandect. The Basilica does not con- tain all that the Corpus Juris contains ; but it con- tains numerous fragments of the opinions of ancient jurists, and of imperial Constitutions, which are not in the Corpus Juris. The Basilica was published, with a Latin version, by Fabrot, Paris, 1647, seven vols. fol. Fabrot pub- lished only thirty-six books complete, and six oth- ers incomplete : the other books were made np from an extract from the Basilica and the scholiasts. Four of the deficient books were afterward found in MS., and published by Gerhard Meerman, with a translation by M Otto Reitz, in the fifth volume of his Thesaurus J 1,1 is Civilis et Canonici; and they were also published separately in London in 1765, folio, as a supp.rment to Fabrot's edition. Anew critical edition, by the brothers Heirabacb, was com- menced in 183-3, and is now in progress. *BASILISCUS (3aa,AiaK0{), the Basilisk, some- times called Cockatrice, from the vulgar belief in modern times, that it is produced from the egg of a cock. " Nicander describes it," observes Dr. Ad- ams, " as having a small body, about three pains long, and of a shining colour. All the ancient au- thors speak with horror of the poison of the Basilisk, which they affirm to be of so deadly a nature as to prove fatal, not only when introduced into a wound, but also when transmitted through another object. Avicenna relates the case of a soldier, who, haring transfixed a basiUsk with a spear, its venom proved fatal to him, and also to his horse, whose lip was ac- cidentally wounded by it. A somewhat similar sto- ry is alluded to by Lucan.' Linnfeus( regarding, of course, all the stories about the Basilisk as utterly fabulous, refers this creature, as mentioned by the ancients, to the Lacerta Iguana. I cannot help think- ing it very problematical, however, whether the Ig- nana be indeed the Basilisk of the ancients. Cal- met supposes the Scriptural basilisk to be the same with the Cobra di Capello, but -I am not aware of its being found in Africa. The serpent which is described under the naine of Buskah by Jackson, would answer very well in most respects to the ancient descriptions of the Basilisk.'" BASTER'NA, a kind of litter (lectiea) in which women were carried in the time of the Roman era- 1. (Phnrs., ix., 7S6.1— 2. (Jackson's Account of Morocco ( 109. — Adains, A ppen^ s. v.J BATHS. perors. It appears to have resembled the lectica {tid. LEonoA; very closely ; and the only difference apparently was, that the lectica vpas carried by slaves, and the basterna by two mules. Several etymologies of the word have been proposed. Sal- masius supposes it to be derived from the Greek i3a(TTOf- over the head before the vapour bath, and cold wate immediately after it ;' and at other times a success .■rm of warm, tepid, and cold water was resorted to. The two physicians, GiV.n and Celsus, differ in some respects as to the oii'.er in which the baths should be taken ; the former recommending first the hot air of the Laconicum (dt'pi Sep/jtCi), next the bath of warm water {Mup -^epjiiv ?:ni loirpov), af- terward the cold, and, finally, to be well rubbed ;' while the latter recommends his patients first to sweat for a short time in the tepid chamber (lepida- rium) without undressing ; then to proceed into the thermal chamber {calidarium), and, after having gone through a regular course of perspiration there, not to descend into the warm bath (solium), but to pour a quantity of warm water over the head, then te- pid, and finally cold ; afterward to be scraped with the strigil (perfrkari), and finally rubbed dry and anointed." Such, in all probability, was the usual habit of the Romans when the bath was resorted to as a daily source of pleasure, and not for any par- ticular medical treatment ; the more so, as it re- sembles, in many respects, the system of bathing still in practice among the Orientals, who, as Sir W. Gell remarks, "succeeded by conquest to the luxuries of the enervated Greeks and Romans.'" In the passage quoted above from Galen, it is plain that the word Xovrpov is used for a warm bath, in which sense it also occurs in the same au- thor. Vitruvius,' on the contrary, says that the Greeks used the same word to signify a cold bath (frigida lavatio, quam Graci XoiTpov vocitant). The contradiction between the two authors is here point- ed out, for the purpose of showing the impossibility, as well as impropriety, of attempting to fix one pre- cise meaning to each of the different terms made use of by the ancient writers in reference to their bathing establishments. Having tlius detailed from classical authorities the general habits of the Romans in connexion with their system of bathing, it now remains to examine and explain the internal arrangements of the struc- tures which contained their baths, which will serve as a practical commentary upon all that has been said. Indeed, there are more ample and better ma- terials for acquiring a thorough insight into Roman 1. (Plin., H. N.,xxv., 38.)— 2. (liii., p. 517.)— 3. (Plin., H.N., xiviii., 14.— CbIsus, Do Mi-d., i., 3.)— 4. (Oalnn, Do Methoiin J'cdondi, x., 10, p. 708, 709, od. KUhn.)— 5. (Cols., Do Med., i., 4 )— 6. (GoU's Porapeii, vi'l. I, p. 80, cd. 1632.)— 7. (v., II.) 146 manners in this one particular, than for any ottiKi of the usages connected with their domestic habits Lucian, in the treatise which is inscribed Hippias, has given a minute and interesting description of a set of baths erected by an architect of that name, which it is to be regretted is much too long for in- sertion in this place, but which is well worth peru- sal ; and an excavation made at Pompeii between the years 1824, '25, laid open a complete set of pub- lic baths (balnece), with many of the chambers, even to the ceilings, in good preservation, and construct- ed in all their important parts upon rules very simi- lar to those laid down by Vitruvius. In order to render the subjoined remarks more easily intelligible, the preceding woodcut is insert- ed, which is taken from a fresco painting upon the walls of the thermae of Titus at Rome. The woodcut on the following page represents the ground-plan of the baths of Pompeii, which are near- ly surrounded on three sides by houses and shop% thus forming what the Romans termed an insula. The whole building, which comprises a double set of baths, has six different entrances from the street, one of wliich. A, gives admission to the smaller set only, which were appropriated to the women, and five others to the male department ; of which two, B and 0, communicate directly with the furnaces, and the other three, D, E, F, with the ba- thing apartments, of which F, the nearest to the Forum, was the principal one ; the other two, D and E, being on opposite sides of the building, sen'ed for the convenience of those who lived on the north and east sides of the city. To have a variety of entrances {i^odoic TvoXlalc TcBvpu/iivov) is one ot the qualities enumerated by Lucian necessary to a well-constructed set of baths.' Passing through the principal entrance F, which is removed from the street by a narrow footway surrounding the instik (the outer curb of which is marked upon the plan by the thin line drawn round it), and after descend- ing three steps, the bather finds upon his left hand a small chamber . j ), which contained a conveni- ence {lalrina'), and proceeds into a covered portico (2), which ran round three sides of an open court— atrium (3), and these together formed the vestibule of the baths — vestihulum balncarum,' in which the servants belonging to the establishment, as well as such of the slaves and attendants of the great and wealthy whose services were not required in the in- terior, waited. There are seats for their accom- modation placed underneath the portico (a, a). This compartment answers exactly to the first, which is described by Lucian.* Within this court 1. (Hippias, 8.) — 2. {Latrina was also used, previously to thi time of Varro, for the bathm[?-vessol, quasi lavatrina. — Varro, Do Ling. Lat., ix., 68, ed. MCiller.- Compare Lucil., ap. NoQ. c. 3, n. 131.)— 3. {Cic, Pro Coel., 25.)— 4. (1. c, 5.) BATHS BATKS. the keeper oi the baths (balncator), who exacted the guadrans paid by each visiter, was also stationed ; and, accordingly, in it was found the box for holding the money. The room (4) which runs back from the portico might have been appropriated to him ; or, if not, it might have been an (ecus or exedra, for the convenience of the better classes while await- ing the return of their acquaintances from the inte- rior, in which case it will correspond with the chambers mentioned by Lucian,' adjoining to the servants' waiting-place {h apiarspf 6i tCiv ic '"P"- ^rjv TrapECTKevaafievuv oLKTifidruv). In this court like- wise, as being the most public piace, advertisements for ttie theatre, or other announcements of general interest, were posted up, one of which, announcing a gladiatorial show, still remains. (5) Is the corri- dor which conducts from the entrance E into the same vestibule. (6) A small cell of similar use as the corresponding one in the opposite corridor (1). (7) A passage of communication which leads into the chamber (8), the frigidarium, which also served as an apodyterium or spoliatorium, a room for un- dressing ; and which is also accessible from the street by the door D, through the corridor (9), in which a small niche is observable, which probably served for the station of another lalneator, who col- lected the money from those entering from the north street. Here, then, is the centre in which all the persons must have met before entering into the in- terior of the baths ; and its locality, as well as oth- er characteristic features in its fittings up, leave no room to doubt that it served as an undressing-room to the halnccB Pompeiarue. It does not appear that any general rule of construction was followed by the architects of antiquity with regard to the local ity and temperature best adapted for an apodyteri um. The word is not mentioned by Vitruvius, nor expressly by Lucian ; but he says enough for us to infi^r ihat it belonged to the frigidarium in the baths 01 M-ppias." " After quitting the last apartment, ther'^ is a sufficient number of chambers for the bathers to undress, in the centre of which is an au-iis, containing three baths of cold water." Pliny .'ne younger says that the apodyterium at one of his own villas adjoined the frigidarium,^ and it is plain, from a passage already quoted, that the apodyUnum was a warm apartment in the baths belonging to the villa of Cicero's brother Quintus (assa in alu- rum apodyterii unguium promovi), to which tempera- ture Celsus also assigns it. In the thermae at Rcme, each of the hot and cold departments had probably a separate apodyterium attached to it ; or, if not, the ground-plan was so arranged that one apodyterium would be contiguous to, and serve for both or either ; but where space and means were circumscribed, as in the little city of Pompeii, it is more reasonable to conclude that the frigidarium served as an apodyte- rium for those who confined themselves to cold ba- thing, and the iepidarium for those who commenced their ablutions in the warm apartments. The ba- thers were expected to take off their garments in the apodyterium, it not being permitted to enter into the interior unless naked.' They were then deliv- ered to a class of slaves called capsarii (from capsa, the small case in which children carried their books to school), whose duty it was to take charge of them. These men were notorious for dishonesty, and lea- gued with all the thieves of the city, so that they connived at the robberies they were placed there to prevent. Hence the expression of Catullus, " fu- rum optume halneariorum !'" and Trachilo, in the Ru- dens of Plautus,' complains bitterly of their rogue- ry, which, in the capital, was carried to such an ex- cess that very severe laws were enacted against them, the crime of stealing in the baths being made a capital offence. To return into the chamber itself: it is vaulted and spacious, with stone seats along two sides of the wall-(i, J), and a step for the feet below, slight- ly raised from the floor (puhinus et gradus*). Holes can still be seen in the walls, which might have served for pegs on which the garments were hung when taken off; for in a small provincial town like Pompeii, where a robbery committed in the baths could scarcely escape detection, there would be no necessity for capsarii to take charge of them. It was lighted by a window closed with glass, and or- namented with stucco mouldings and painted yel- low. A section and drawing of this interior is giv- 1 (I c . 5.)— 2. (I. ■. J ) 1 (Ep., 1. (Cic.,ProC(El.,26.)— 2. (Carm., xxjdii., 1 )— 3. (II.,3xriii., 51.)— 4. (Vitray., v., 10.) 147 BATHS. BATHS. en in Sir W. Gell's Pompeii. There are no less than six doors to this chamber ; one led to the en- trance E, another to the entrance D, a third to the small room (11), a fourth to the furnaces, a fifth to the tepid apartment, and the sixth opened upon the cold bath (10), named indifferently by the ancient authors, natatio, natatorium, piscina, haptisterium, puteus, Xovrpov. The word haptisterium} is not a bath sufficiently large to immerse the whole body, but a vessel or labrum, containing cold water for pouring over the head." The bath, which is coat- ed with white marble, is 12 feet 10 inches in diam- eter, and about three feet deep, and has two marble steps to facilitate the descent into it, and a seat sur- rounding it at the depth of 10 inches from the bot- tom, for the purpose of enabling the bathers to sit dovi^n and wash themselves. The ample size of this basin explains to us what Cicero meant when he wrote, *' Latiorem piscinam voluissem, ubi jactata brachia non offenderentur." It is probable that many persons contented themselves with the cold bath only, instead of going through the severe course of perspiration in the warm apartments ; and as the frigidarium alone could have had no effect in baths like these, where it merely served as an apodyteri- um, the natatio must be referred to when it is said that at one period cold baths were in such request that scarcely any others were used.^ There is a platform or ambulatory {schola*) round the bath, also of marble, and four niches of the same material disposed at regular intervals round the walls, with pedestals, for statues probably, placed in them ; according to Sir W. Gell," with seats, which he interprets schola, for the accommodation of persons waiting an opportunity to bathe ; but a passage of Vitruvius," hereafter quoted, seems to contradict this use of the terra : and seats were placed in the frigidarium adjoining, for the express purpose of ac- commodating those who were obliged to wait for their turn. The ceiling is vaulted, and the cham- ber lighted by a window in the centre. The an- nexed woodcut represents a frigidarium, with its cold bath' at one extremity, supposed to have form- ed a part of tlie Formian villa of Cicero, to whose age the style of construction, and the use of the simple Doric order, undoubtedly belong. The bath itself, into which the water still continues to flow from a neighbouring spring, is placed under the al- cove, and the two doors on each side opened into small chambers, which probably served as apodyte- ria. It is still to be seen in the gardens of the Vil- la Caposeli, at Mola di Gaeta, the site of the ancient Formiae. 1. (Plin., Ep,, v., 6.)— 2. (Compare also Plin., Ep., irii., 2.) —3. (Goll's Pompoii, 1. c.)— 4. (Vitruv., v. 10.)— 5. (1. c.)— 8. (v. lai— 7. (puteus: pro., Ep., v., 6.) 148 In the cold bath of Pompeii tl e water ran into thi basin through a spout of bronze, and was canied off again through a conduit on the opposite side. I| was also furnished with a waste-pipe under the margin to prevent it from running over. No. 11 ij a small chamber on the side opposite to the frigida- rium, which might have served for shaving (tonstru na), or for keeping unguents or strigiles ; and from the centre of the side of the frigidarium, the bather who intended to go through the process of warm bathing and sudation, entered into (12) the tepida- rium. This chamber did not contain water either al Pompeii or at the baths of Hippias, but was merely heated with warm air of an agreeable temperature, in order to prepare the body for the ^eat heat of the vapour and warm baths ; and, upon returning, to obviate the danger of a too sudden transition to the open air. In this respect it resembles exactly the tepid chamber described by Lucian,' which he says was of a moderate and not oppressive heat, adjoining to which he places a room for anointing (ot/fof a?^elTpacdac npoaijvug -Trapexofievo^). In the baths at Pompeii this chamber served Hkc» wise as an apodylerium for those who took the warm bath ; for which purpose the fittings up are evidently adapted, the walls being divided into a number of separate compartments or recesses for receiving the garments when taken off, by a series of figures of the kind called Atlantes or Telamonet, which project from the walls, and support a rich cornice above them. One of these divisions, with the Tclamones, is represented in the article Athjj- TEs. Two bronze benches were also found in the room, which was heated as well by its contiguity to the hypocaust of the adjoining chamber, as by a brazier of bronze (foculus), in which the charcoal ashes were still remaining when the excavation was made. A representation of it is given in the annexed woodcut. Its whole length was seven feet, and its breadth two feet six inches. In addition to this service, there can be little doubt that this apartment was used as a depository for unguents and a room for anointing (^aXenr-ripim, unctuarium, elaothesium), the proper place for which is represented by Lucian" as adjoining to the tcpi- darium, and by Pliny^ as adjoining to the hypocaust : and for which purpose some of the niches between the Tclamones seem to be peculiarly adapted. In the larger establishments, a separate chamber was allotted to these purposes, as may be seen by refer- ring to the drawing taken from the Therms of Titus ; but, as there is no other spot vrithin the cir- cuit of the Pompeian baths which could be applied in the same manner, we may safely conclude that the inhabitants of this city were anointed in the tepidariiim, which service was performed by slaves called unctorcs and alipta. (Yid. Alipi.^:.) For this purpose the common people used oil simply or sometimes scented ; but tlie more wealthy classes indulged in the greatest extravagance with regard to their perfumes and unguents. These they ei- ther procured from the clmotliesium of the baths, oi brought with them in small glass bottles {ampidla olcaria), hundreds of which have been discovered in different excavations made in various parts of 1. (1. u., 6.)— 2. (1. c.)— 3. (Er , >., 17.) BATHS BATHS. Italy. {Vid. AMpntiA.) The fifth book of Athe- nsus contains an ample treatise upon the numerous kinds of ointments used by the Romans ; which eubject is also fully treated by Pliny.' Caligula is mentioned by Suetonius" as having invented a new luxury in the use of the bath, by perfuming the water, whether hot or cold, by an in- fusion of precious odours, or, as Pliny relates the fact,' by anointing the walls with valuable un- guents ; a practice, he adds, which was adopted by one of the slaves of Nero, that the luxury should not be confined to royalty (ne principale videatur hoc bonum). From this apartment, a door, which closed by its own weight, to prevent the admission of cold air, opened into No. 13, the thermal chamber, or con- camerata sudatio of Vitruvius ;' and which, in exact conformity with his directions, contains the warm bath — balneum, or calda lavatio,^ at one of its ex- tremities, and the semicircular vapour, or Laconi- cum, at the other ; while the centre space between the two ends, termed sudatio by Vitruvius,' and su- datorium by Seneca, is exactly twice the length of its width, according to the directions of Vitruvius. The object in leaving so much space between the warm bath and the Laconicum was to give room for the gymnastic exercises of the persons within the chamber, who were accustomed to promote a full flow of perspiration by rapid movements of the arms and legs, or by lifting weights ; which practice is alluded to by Juvenal :' " Magno gaudet sudare lumultu, Quum lassata gravi ceciderunt hrachia massa.^^ In larger establishments, the conveniences contain- ed in this apartment occupied two separate cells, one of which was appropriated to the warm bath, which apartment was then termed caldarium, cella caldaria, or balneuvi, and the other which comprised the Laconicum and sudatory — Laconicum sudatio- nesque,' which part alone was then designated un- der the name of concamerata sudatio. This distribu- tion is represented in the painting on the walls of the Therma; of Titus ; in which there is also anoth- er peculiarity to be observed, viz., the passage of communication {intercapedo)hstvieen the two cham- bers, the flooring of which is suspended over the hypocaust. Lucian informs us of the use for which this compartment was intended, where he mentions as one of the characteristic conveniences in the baths of Hippias, that the bathers need not retrace their steps through the whole suite of apartments by which they had entered, but might return from the thermal chamber by a shorter circuit through a room of gentle temperature {Si'T/ps/ia -dep/iov ohij/ia- roc'), which communicated immediately with the frigidarium. The warm-water bath, which is termed calda la- mtio by Vitruvius," balineum by Cicero," piscina or calida piscina by Pliny'" and Suetonius," as well as labrum" and solium by Cicero," appears to have been a capacious marble vase, sometimes standing upon the floor, like that in the picture from the Therms of Titus ; and sometimes either partly ele- vated above the floor, as it was at Pompeii, or en- tirely sunk into it, as directed by Vitruvius." The term labrum is generally used of a bath containing warm water, and piscina of one which contains cold ; but the real distinction seems to be that the latter was larger than the former, as in the words of Cicero already quoted, " latiorem piscinam voluis- 1. (H. N., xm.)-2. (Cal., 37.)-3. (I- c.)^. (t., n.)_5 (Vitruv., 1. c.)— 6. (I.e.)— 7. (Sat., vi., 420.)-8. (Vilruv., 1. c ) -9. ( . c, 7.)-10. (1. c.)-Il. (ad Att., ii., 3.)-12. (Ep., ii 17.)-13. (Nero, 27.)_14. (Cic, ad Fam., xiv., 18»-15. (in fison., 27.)— 16. (v., 10.) . . ; io. uu sem." Pliny' uses the term piscina for a pond or tank in the open air (which was probably the accu- rate and genuine sense of the word) ; which, from being exposed to the heat of the sun, possessed a higher temperature than the cold bath, which last he distinguishes in the same sentence by the word puleus, " a well," which probably was that repre- sented in the drawing from the bath at Mola.' Msecenas is said, by Dion,' to have belen the first person who made use of a piscina of warm water, called by Dion KoXv/i6^0pa.* — The words of Vitru- vius," in speaking of the warm-water bath, are as follows : " The bath (labrum) should be placed un- derneath the window, in such a position that the persons who stand around may not cast their shad- ows upon it. The platform which surrounds the bath {scholcB lahrorum) must be sufliciently spacious to allow the surrounding observers, who are wait- ing for their turn, to stand there without crowd- ing each other. The width of the passage or chan- nel (jdveus), which lies between the parapet {phi- teus) and the iVall, should not be less than six feet, so that the space occupied by the seat and its step below {pulvinus.et gradtis inferior) may take off just two feet from the whole width." The sub- joined plans, given by Marini, will explain his meaning. Tn= 3C£li A, labrum, or bath ; B, schola, or platform ; C, pLu- leus, or parapet; D, aheu.s, passage between the pluteus and wall ; F, pulvinus, or seat ; and E, the lower step {gradus inferior), which together take up two feet. The warm bath at Pompeii is a square basin of marble, and is ascended from the outside by two steps raised from the floor, which answered to the parapet or pluteus of Vitruvius. Around ran a nar- row platform (schola) ; but which, in consequence of the limited extent of the building, would not admit of a seat (pulvinus) all round it. On the interior, another step, dividing equally the whole length of the cistern, allowed the bathers to sit down and wash themselves. The annexed section will ren- der this easily intelligible. A, labrum ; B, schola ; C, pluteus ; D, the step on the inside, probably called solium, which word is sometimes apparently used to express the bath Itself; and Cicero' certainly makes use of the term 1. (Ep., v., 6.) — 2. (" Si natare latius aut tepidius veils, in area piscina est, in proximo jmteus, ex quo possis rui-sns adstringi s. piBniteat teporis.")-3. (Hb. lv.)-4. (Tpflrdf re KoXyMdmr 9tpii0u vdaros cv rfj z6\ii KartuK- uaut.)—5. (v., 10.1—6. (-a PiBon., 27.) \ 1 I 149 BATHS. BATHS, to express a vessel for containing liquids. But the explanation given above is much more satisfactory, and is also supported by a number of passages in which it is used. It is adopted by Fulv. Ursinus," who represents the solium, in a drawing copied from MercurialiSj'as a portable bench or seat, placed sometimes within and sometimes by the side of the bath. Augustus is represented' as making use of a wooden solium (quod ipse Hispanico verbo duretam vocabat) ; in which passage it is evident that a seat was meant, upon which he sat to have warm water poured over him. In the women's baths of the op- ulent and luxurious capital, the solia were some- times made of silver.* We now turn to the opposite extremity of the chamber which contains the Laconicum or vapour bath, so called because it was the custom of the LacedEemonians to strip and anoint themselves without using warm water after the perspiration produced by their athletic exercises ;' to which origin of the term Martial also alludes :' " Ritus si placeant tibi Laconum, Contentus potes arido vapore Cruda Yirgine Marliave mergi." By the terms Virgine and Martia the poet refers to the Aqua. Virgo and the Aqua Martia, two streams brought to Rome by the aqueducts.) (Yid. Kqvx- DUCTUS. It is termed assa by Cicero,' from afu, to dry ; because it produced perspiration by means of a dry, hot atmosphere ; which Celsus' consequently terms sudationes assas, " dry sweating," which, he after- ward adds,' was produced by dry warmth (colore sicco). It was called by the Greeks irvpiaiT^piov,^" from the fire of the hypocaust, which was extended under it ; and hence by Alexander Aphrodis., ^r/pov &oMv, " a dry vaulted chamber." Vitruvius says that its width should be equal to its height, reckoning from the flooring (suspensura) to the bottom of the thole (imam curvaturam hemi- spharii), over the centre of which an orifice is left, from which a bronze shield (clipeus) was suspended. This regulated the temperature of the apartment, being raised or lowered by means of chains to which it was attached. The form of the cell was required to be circular, in order that the warm air from the hypocaust might encircle it with greater facility." In accordance with these rules is the Laconicum at Pompeii, a section of which is given below, the cli- peus only being added in order to make the mean- ing more clear. A, The suspended pavement, suspensura ; B, the junction of the hemisphserium with the side walls, ima curvatura hemispharii ; C, the shield, clipeus ; E and F, the chains by which it is raised and low- ered ; D, a labrum, or flat marble vase, hke those called tazze by the Italians, into which a supply of water was introduced by a single pipe running through the stem. Its use is not exactly ascertain- ed in this place, nor whether the water it contained was hot ( r cold. It would not be proper to dismiss this account of Iho iacomcMm without alluding to an opinion adopt- ed by some writers, among whom are Galiano and 1. (Append, in Ciaccon., De Triolin.)— 2. (De Art. Gymn.)— S. (Suet., Octav., 85.)— 4. (Plin., H. N.,xxxiii., 54.)— 5. (Dion, liii.,p. 516.)— 6. (EpigT., VI., xlii., 10.)- 7. (Ad Quint. Fratr., lii., 1, 1) 1.)— 8. (iii., cap. ult.)— 9. (xi., 17.)— 10. (Voss., Lex. Etym., B. V.)— 11. (Vitruv., t., 10.— See also Atheuajus, xi., p. 1U4.) '^ 150 Cameron, that the Laconicum was merely a small cupola, with a. metal shield mer it, rising above !he flooring (suspensura) of the chamber, in the manner represented by the drawing from the Thermae of Ti- tus, which drawing has, doubtless, given rise to the opinion. But it will be observed that the design in question is little more than a section, and that the artist may have resorted to the expedient in order to show the apparatus belonging to one end of the chamber, as :s frequently done in similar plans, where any part which required to be represented upon a larger scale is inserted in full development within the general section ; for in none of the nu- merous baths which have been discovered in Italy or elsewhere, even where the pavements were in a perfect state, has any such contrivance been observ- ed. Besides which, it is manifest that the clipeus could not be raised or lowered in the design alluded to, seeing that the chains for that purpose could not be reached in the situation represented, or, if at- tained, could not be handled, as they must be red- hot from the heat of the hypocaust, into which they were inserted. In addition to which, the remains discovered tally exactly with the directions of Vi- truvius, which this does not. After having gone through the regular course ol perspiration, the Romans made lise of instruments called strigilcs (or slrigles^) to scrape off the per- spiration, much in the same way as we are accus- tomed to scrape the sweat off a horse with a piece of iron hoop after he has run a heat, or comes in from violent exercise. These instruments, some specimens of which are represented in the follow- ing woodcut, and many of which have been discov- ered among the ruins of the various baths of an- tiquity, were made of bone, bronze, iron, and silver ; all corresponding in form with the epithet of Mar- 1. (Juv., Sat., iii., 86S.) BATHS. BATHS. tial, " cuTvo disliingere ferro."' The poorer class- es were obliged to scrape themselves, but the more wealthy took their slaves to the baths for the pur- pose ; a fact which is elucidated by a curious story related by Spartian." The emperor, while bathing one day, observing an old soldier, whom he had for- merly known among the legions, rubbing his back, as the cattle do, against the marble walls of the chamber, asked him why he converted the wall into a strigil ; and learning that he was too poor to keep a slave, he gave him one, and money for his main- ' tenance. On the following day, upon his return to the bath, he found a whole row of old men rubbing themselves in the same manner against the wall, in the hope of experiencing the same good fortune from the prince's liberality ; but, instead of taking the hint, he had them all called up, and told them to scrub one another. The stri^U was by no means a blunt instrument ; consequently, its edge was softened by the applica- tion of oil, which was dropped upon it from a small vessel called guUus (called also aTnpuUa, X^Kvdo^^ fiv~ podrJKtov, i?i,aio0Lvuc7itmjg Kardyovci olvov jrMovg, which some commentators interpret by " vessels made of the wood of the palm-tree full of wine." But as Eustathius"^ speaks of olvov (poiviicl- vov i31ko(, we ought probably to read in Herodotus I3i- icovi: ipotvucriiov, k. t. 2..," vessels full of palm wine." BIDENS. iVid. RisTRHM.) BIDENTAL, the name given to a place where any one had been struck by lightning (fulguritus"), or where any one had been killed by lightning and buried. Such a place was considered sacred. Priests, who were called bidentales (i. e., sacerdotes), collected the earth which had been torn up by the lightning, and everything that had been scorched, and burned it in the ground with a sorrowful mur- mur." The officiating priest was said condere ful- gur;^^ he farther consecrated the spot by sacrifi- cing a two-year-old sheep {bidens), whence the name of the place and of the priest, and also erected an altar, and surrounded it with a wall or fence. It was not allowable to tread on the place, =» or to touch it, or even to look at it." Sometimes a bi- dental which had nearly fallen to decay from length of time, was restored and renovated;" but to re- move the bounds of one (movere bidental), or in any way to violate its sacred precincts, was considered as sacrilege.'^' From the passage in Horace, it ap- 1. (Becker, Galtus, !., 160.)— 2. (De Tranq. An., 9.)— 3. (Vi- trav., yi., 7.)— 4. (Plin., Ep., ii., 17.— Vopisc, Tacit., 6.)— 5. (:Seneca,De Tranq. An., 9.)— 6. (Juv-, Sat.,iii., 219.)— 7. (Mart i., 118, 15; vii., 17, 5.)— 8. (Juv., Sat., ii., 7 ; iii., 219,— Plin Ep., iii., 7; iv., 28.— Cic, ad Fam., vii., 23.— Plin., H. n' xixv., 2.— Suet., Tib., 70. — Mart., ix., Ep. ad Turan.) — 9* (Ep.,ii., I,)-10. (Pans., 1., 18, « 9.)— II. (Pollux, Onom., vi.! 14; vii., 162; x., 73.)— 12. (s. v.)— 13. (Xen., Anab., i., 9 6 85.)- 14. (Athonaius, iii.,p. 116,F.)— 15. (i., 194.)— 18. (in Od p. 1445.)— 17. (Festus, s. V.)— IS. (Lucan, i., 606.)— 19. fjuv., Sat., vi., 587. — Compare Orelli, Inscr. Lat., i., p. 431, No. 2482 ) —30. (Persiiis, Sat., ii., 27.)— 21. (Amm. Marcell., xxiii., 5.)— as. (Orelii, Inscr Lat., i,, p. 431, No. 2483.)— 23. (Hor., Ep. ad I'll., 471.) ' pears to have been believed, that a person who was guilty of profaning a bidental woiJd be punished by the gods with phrensy ; and Seneca' mentions an- other belief of a similar kind, that wine which had been struck by lightning would produce in any one who drank it death or madness. Persons who had been struck by lightning (fulguriti) were not re- moved, but were buried on the spot.' BIDI./EI (ficSialoi), called in inscriptions j3iSeoi or pi&voi, were magistrates in Sparta, whose business was to inspect the gymnastic exercises. Their house of meeting (apxetov) was in the market- place.' They were either five* or six in number,' and had a president, who is called in inscriptions TrpEaSvg Pidiuv.' Bockh conjectures that pideoi or fiidvoi is the Laconian form for Uvol or YiSvoi, and signifies witnesses and judges among the youth.' Valkenaer' supposes that the bidiaei were the same as the vo/j,o(pvXaKE(:, and that we ought to read in Pausanias,' kuc voi.io(pvXdiiuv KahjvfiEvuv jScSiai- ov, instead of ical vofio^v^uKuv Kal KaXovfitvuv ^i- diaiuv : but the inscriptions given by Bockh show that the bidisei and voiioifivhiKEg Were two separate classes of officers. BIGA or BIGvE, in Greek avvupla or avvapt( {bijuge curriculum^'), a vehicle drawn by two horses or other animals. This kind of turn-out is said by Pliny {bigas primuvi Phrygum junxit natio^^ ) to have been invented by the Phrygians. It is one of the most ancient kinds, and in Homer by far the most common (Si^vyoi Ivriroi"). Four-horse chariots are also mentioned.'^ Pliny'* mentions a chariot drawn by six horses. This was the largest number usual under the emperors ;'* but Suetonius speaks of one which Nero drove at the Olympic games, drawn by ten horses." The name biga was applied more to a chariot used in the circus, or in processions or tri- umphs, and on other public occasions, than to the common vehicles of every-day life." The form of the biga resembled that of the Greek ap/aa or Slippos, being a rather short carriage on two wheels, open above and behind, upon which the driver usually stood to guide the horses. See the cut in the next article. {Vid. Bioatus.) BIGATUS {i. c, nummus), a silver denarius, on which the representation of a biga was stamped." This was an ancient stamp on Roman money, as we learn incidentally from Tacitus, who says" that the Germans, although mostly practising barter, still had no objection to old and well-known coins {pecuniam vetercm et diu notam), such as higati. Bigati were also called argcntum bigatum." The value was different at different times. {Vid. Dena- rius.) A denarius, on which the representation of a quadriga was stamped, was in the same manner called Quadrigatus. The annexed cuts, represent- ing a bigatus and quadrigatus, are taken from coins in the British Museum. BIPA'LIUM. {Vid. Pala.) 1. (Nat. Qutest., ii., 53.)— 2. (Pers,, Sat., ii., 27.— Plin II N xi., 64.)— 3. (Paus., iii., 11, I, 2.)— 4. (Pans., I. c.)— 5. (Bockh' Corp. Inscrip., No. 1271, 1364.)— 6. (BSckh, Coi-p. Insorip., p. 611.)— 7. (Compare MuUer, Dorians, iii., 7, I) 8, p. 132, 133, transl.)— 8. (in Herod., vi., 57.)— 9. (1. c.)— 10. (Suet., Cahv , c 19.)-11. (vii.,56.)-12. (II., v., 195.)-13. (Compare II., vifi 165.- Od., xm., 81.— Virg., Georg:., iii., 18.)— 14. (H. N., xxliv.; 5.)— 15. (Isidor., Orig., xviii., 36.)— 16. (Ner., c. 24.) — 17, (Compare Suet., Tib., c. 26.— Domit., c. 4.)— 18. (Plin., H. N., Kxxui.,3.— Liv., xxiii., 15 ; xxxvi., 40.)— 19. (Germ., c. S.)- SO (Liv., xxim., 23, 27 ; xxxiv., 46 ; xxxvi., 21 ) ]fl9 fJIbUiN. BITUMEN. BIPENNIS. (,Vid. Secheis.) BIRE'MIS was used in two significations. I. It signified a ship with two banks of oars, an explana- tion of the construction of which is given in the ar- ticle Navis. Such ships were called S'lKpora by the Greeks, which term is also used by Cicero {Ipse Domitius dona plane habet dicrota^) and Hirtius (Capit ex co prcelio penterem unam, triremes duas, di- crolas octo'). 11. It signified a boat rowed by two oars,= in which sense it must be used by Horace when he says : " Tunc me, biremis prasidio scapha, Tutum per JEgeos tu.mii.Uus Auraferet, geminusque Pollux."* BIRRHUS {l3if)^oc, pijpos), a cape or hood, which was worn out of doors over the shoulders, and was sometimes elevated so as to cover the head. On the former account it is classed by an ancient gram- marian with the lacerna, and on the latter with the cowl, or cucullus.' It had a long nap (amphiiallus, i. e., amphimallus, villosus'), which was commonly of sheep's wool, more rarely of beaver's wool {Mr- rhus castoreus''). In consequence of its thickness, it was also rather stiff (byrrhim rigentem'). Accord- ing to the materials of which it was made, it might be either dear,' or so cheap as to be purchased by the common people. These garments, as well as lacemae, were woven at Canusium in Apulia ; and probably their name (byrrhus, i. c, Truf)^o() was derived from the red col- our of the wool for which that district was cele- brated. They were also made in different parts of Gaul, especially among the Atrebates." Soon af- terward they came into general use, so that the birrhus is mentioned in the edict of Diocletian, pub- lished A.D. 303, for the purpose of fixing a maxi- mum of prices for all the articles which were most commonly used throughout the Roman empire. *BISON ((Steuv), "the naTiie of a sub-genus of the genus bos (' ox'), comjijehending two living spe- cies, one of them the European, now become very scarce, and verging towards extinction ; the other the American, and, notwithstanding the advances of man, still multitudinous. A good deal of conflicting opinion has thrown some obscurity over the Euro- pean species. Pennant, in his ' British Zoology,' after stating his belief that the ancient wild cattle of Britain were the Bisontes jubali of Pliny, thus continues : ' The Urus of the Hercynian forest, de- scribed- by Cffisar, was of this kind, the same which is called by the modern Germans Aurochs, i. e., Bos sylveslris.' This opinion is not correct. Though there are parts of Csesar's description applicable to the European Bison, there is one striking character- istic which forbids us to conclude that Caesar's Urus was identical with it. A glance at the European Bi- son will convince us that it could never have afforded the horns whose amplitude Csesar celebrates. In the ArchcBologia (vol. iii., p. 15) it is stated, that the Borstal horn is supposed to have belonged to the bison or buffalo. That it might have belonged to a buffalo is not impossible ; but that it did not belong to a bison is sufficiently clear, from the following de- scription : ' It is two feet four inches long on the convex bend, and twenty three inches on the con- cave. The inside at the large end is three inches diameter, being perforated there so as to leave the thickness of only half an inch for about three inches deep ; but farther on it is thicker, being not so much 1. (AaA«.,xvl,4, H.)-2. (Bi-n. Aloi., c. 47.)— 3. (Lucan, »iii., S62 ; X., 5&)— 4. (Od., iii„ .t.vix., 02.— Sohoffer, Do Mili- tia Navali, ii., c. 2, p. 08.)- 5. (Schol. in Juv., viii., 145. — Schol in r{TS., i., 54.)— 6. (Paplns, A-c, ap. Adclung:, Glossar. Manaalo, vol. i.. p. 220, 093.)— 7. (Claudian, Epijr., 37.)— 8. (Snip. Sev., Dial., 14.)— 9. (Claudian, 1. c. — '* pretiosum;'' Au- giistin.. Serin.)— iO. (Vopiac, Cai-., c. 20.) 160 or so neatly perforated.' Such a horn might indeei] have crowned the head of Caesar's Urus, a species which Cuvier believes to be extinct. Caesar's Urus, then, was not, as it would appear, the European Bi- son. There can be little doubt that the Mson ju- balus of Pliny,' which he seems to distinguish fi:om the Urus, was the European Bison, or Aurochs ; and though, in the fifteenth chapter of the eighth book, he mentions the tradition of a wild beast in Paeonia, called a Bonasus, after he has dismissed his Bi- sontes jubati, and with every appearance of a coa elusion on his part that the Bonasus .and; Bison were not identical, his own description, when com- pared with that of Aristotle," will leave little doubt that the Bison jubatus and Bonasus of Pliny and others, the Bovaaao; or Bovaoof of Aristotle (for the word is written both ways), and the Biarav of Op- pian, were no other than the European Bison, the Aurochs (Auerochs) of the Prussians, the Zubr of the Poles, the Taurus Paonius, &c., of Jonston and others, I'Aurochs and le Bonasus of Bufibn, Bos Urus of Boddaert, and Bos Bonasus of Linnaeus. Cu- vier considers it as certain, that the European Bi- son, the largest, or, at least, the most massive of all existing quadrupeds after the rhinoceros, an animal still to be found in some of the Lithuanian forests, and perhaps in those of Moldavia, Wallachia, and the neighbourhood of the Caucasus, is a distinct species, which man has never subdued. Following out this subject with his usual industry and ability, that great naturalist goes on to state, that if Europe possessed a Urus, a Thur of the Poles, different from the Bison or the Aurochs of the Germans, it is only in its remains that the species can be traced ; such repiains are found, in the skulls of a species of ox, different from the Aurochs, in the superficial beds of certain districts. This, Cuvier thinks, must be the Urus of the ancients, the original of our do- mestic Ox ; the stock, perhaps, whence our wild cat- tle descended ; while the Aurochs of the present day is nothing more than the Bison or Bonasus of the ancients, a species which has never been brought under the yoke. — The elevated ridge of the spine on the shoulders, long legs, a woolly fur, and the residence in mountain forests, cause the Bison to approach nearer the Damaline and Catoblepine gen- era than the Buffaloes."^ For some remarks on the knowledge possessed by the ancients of the lat- ter, consult article Bubalis. BISSEXTUM. (Yid. Calendar, Roman.) BISSEXTUS, or BISSEXTILIS ANNUS. {Vtd. Calendar, Roman.) *BIT'UMEN, a Latin word used by Tacitus, Pliny, and other Roman v^Titers, to indicate a spe- cies of mineral pitch or oil. The term appears to have some analogy with the Greek ninaa, Tina, " pitch," its earlier form having probably been "pit- timen." The corresponding Greek word is uu^aXror (in modern Latin asphaltum), for wliich no satisfac- tory derivation has been assigned. The most ap- proved kind of Bitumen was the Jewish, from Lake Asphaltites (Dead Sea) ; but Bitumen in various states, from that of fluid transparent naphtha, to that of dry, solid, black asphaltum, was well known and much used among the ancients. They appear to have employed both Maltha and melted Asphal- tum as a cement in the construction of buildings, &c. Thus the bricks of which the W'alls of Baby- lon were constructed were cemented by a bitumen, which was found abundantly in that vicinity on springs, or Heating on the river Is, which fell into the Euphrates. Asphaltum or Maltha, either pure or mixed witli a liquid extracted from the cedar was employed by the Egyptians in embalming dead 1. (H. N., iiiii., 15 1 xxviii., 10.)— 2. (H. \., ii., a.)-3. (Pea- ny Cyclopoid., iv., p. 461.) BLATTA. BCEO'lARCH. bodies.' In Syria, Asphaltum was dug from quar- ries in a solid state " In Zante (the ancient Zacyn- iiius) there is a pitch spring, which we Imow to have been at work for above 2000 years." At Ag- ■ rigentum, in Sicily, a species of liquid bitumen was burned in lamps as a substitute for oil.* The prin- cipal ingredient in the celebrated Greek fire is sup- posed by Klapvoth to have been some variety of Asfhaltum.— Bitumen is now employed as a generic term, comprehending several inflammable bodies of different degrees of consistency, namely. Naphtha, Tetroleum, Mineral Tar, Mineral Pitch, and Asphal- tum. From the description of ua(j)a?iTo; given by Dioscorides, it would appear that he applied the term not only to the Bitumen solidum, or Asphaltum, of Wallerus, but likewise to the more liquid sorts of bitumen.' BAABH2 AIKH (PUOri; S'ikti). This action was available m all cases in which one person had sus- tained a loss by the conduct of another ; and from the instances that are extant, it seems that wheth- er the injury originated in a fault of omission or commission, or impaired the actual fortune (Demosth., c. Arist., nim^>.J., h., 118.) Y the archon ; then come the day of the month, tl e tribe in office, and, lastly, the name of the proposer. The motive for passing the decree is next stated ; and then follows the decree itself, prefaced with the formula Se66x6ai ry jiovly kuI tCi irifiifs. The reader is referred to Demosthenes, Be Corona, for exam- ples. After B.C. 325, another form was used, which continued unaltered till the latest times.' We will here briefly state the difference between the vopoi and ipijfia/iaTa : it is as follows ; The former were constitutional laws ; the latter, decrees of the peo- ple on particular occasions." Mention has just been made of the ypa/x/iaTcvi, whose name was affixed to the T[ir/iiy/iaTa, as in the example given above : it may be as well to explain that this functionary was a clerk chosen by lot by the senate in every prytany, for the purpose of keep- ing the records, and resolutions passed during that period ; he was called the clerk according to the prytany (6 xora npvTavdav), and the name of the clerk of the first prytany was sometimes used to designate the year." With respect to the power of the senate, it must be clearly understood that, except in cases of small importance, they had only the right of originating, not of finally deciding on pubhc questions. Since, however, the senators were convened by the pry tanes every day, except on festivals or u^etoI iiid pai,* it is obvious that they would be fit recipien' of any intelligence affecting the interests of thr state, and it is admitted that they had the right of proposing any measure to meet the emergency ; foi example, we find that Demosthenes gives them an account of the conduct of ^schines and himself, when sent out as ambassadors to Philip, in conse- quence of which they propose a bill to the people Again, when Philip seized on Elateia (B C. 338), the senate was immediately called together by the prytanes to determine what was best to be done.' But, besides possessing the initiatory power of which we have spoken, the senate was sometimes delega- ted by the people to determine absolutely about Par- ticular matters, without reference to the assembly. Thus we are told' that the people gave the senate power to decide about sending ambassadors to Phil- ip ; and Andocides' informs us that the senate was invested with absolute authority' to investigate the outrages committed upon the statues of Hermes previously to the sailing of the Sicilian expedition. Sometimes, also, the senate was empowered to act in conjunction with the nomothets (avvvo/io- derelv), as on the revision of the laws after the ex. pulsion of the Thirty by Thrasybulus and his party, B.C. 403." Moreover, it was the province of the senate to receive elaayyeliai, or informations of ex- traordinary crimes committed against the state, and for which there was no special law provided. The senate in such cases either decided themselves, or referred the case to one of the courts of the heliaea, especially if they thought it required a higher pen- alty than it was competent for them to impose, viz., 500 drachms. It was also their duty to decide on the qualification of magistrates, and the character of members of their own body. {Vid. Dokim.isia.) But, besides the duties we have enumerated, the senate discharged important functions in cases of finance. All legislative authority, indeed, in such matters rested with the people, the amount of ex- penditure and the sources of revenue being deter- mined by the decrees which they passed ; °but the administration was intrusted to the senate, as the h J^°o''°,TS"' I'a'^^' '""d.)— 2. (Thucyd., iii., 36, ed. Ai- . 'l^^,; 'tany. This was called the irpvTavclov, and was used for a variety of purposes. (Vid. Pkvtaneion.) Thucydides,' in- deed, tells us that, before the time of Theseus, every city of Attica had its jSovXtirripiov and ■KpvTavuov : a statement which gives additional support to the opinion that Solon did not originate the senate at Athens. The number of tribes at Athens was not alwrays ton ; an alteration took place in B.C. 306, when Demetrius Poliorcetes had liberated the city from the usurpation of Cassander. Two were then add- ed, and called Demetrias and Antigonis, in honour of Demetrius and his father." It is evident that 1. (.ffisch., c. Timarcli., 5.)— 2. (Do Fals. Ley., 346.)— 3. (c Ctes., 71, 20.)— 4. (Dobree, Advcrs,, i,, 54S,)— 5. (AniJoc., Df Myst.)— 6. (Antiph., Do Cher., p. 787.)— 7. (ii„ 15.)— 8. (Clin- ton, F. H., ii., 343.) y > I ^ BRAC^. BRACiE. tbis change, aid the consequent addition of 100 members to the senate, must have varied the or- der and length of the prytanes. The tribes just mentioned were afterward called Ptolemais and At- talis ; and in the time of Hadrian, who beautified and improved Athens,' a thirteenth was added, call- ed from him Hadrianis. An edict of this emperor has been preserved, which proves that even in his time the Athenians kept up the show of their former institutions. BOTAET'ZEQS rPA4>H (BavXeiasuc ypa^ri), an impeachment for conspiracy. BovXevaeuc, being in this case the abbreviated form of i7ri.6ov?,Eva£u;, is the name of two widely different actions at Attic law. The first was the accusation of conspiracy against life, and might be instituted by the person thereby attacked, if competent to bring an action ; otherwise, by his or her legal patron (Kvpiog). In case of the plot having succeeded, the deceased might be represented in the prosecution by near kinsmen (ol ivrog uvEipiorjjTog), or, if they were in- competent, by the nvjiiog, as above mentioned.' The criminality of the accused was independent of the result of the conspiracy,' and the penalty, upon conviction, was the same as that incurred by the actual murderers.* The presidency of the court, upon a trial of this kind, as in most SUai fovmai, belonged to the king archon,' and the court itself was composed of the ephetse, sitting at the Palladi- um, according to Isaeus and Aristotle, as cited by Harpocration, who, however, also mentions that the Areiopagus is stated by Dinarchus to have been tiie proper tribunal. The other action, ^ovlevaeug, was available upon a person finding himself wrongfully inscribed as a state debtor in the registers or rolls, which were kept by the different financial officers. Meier,^ however, suggests that a magistrate that had so offended would probably be proceeded against at the cidmai, or tTrixuporoviai., the two occasions upon which the public conduct of magistrates was examined, so that, generally, the defendant in this action would be a private citizen, that had directed such an insertion at his own peril. From the pas- sage in Demosthenes, it seems doubtful whether the disfranchisement {aTijiia) of the plaintiff as a state debtor was in abeyance while this action was pend- ing. Demosthenes at first asserts,' but afterward' argues that it was not. See, however, Meier,' and Bockh's note. There is no very obvious distinction laid down between this action and rpcvScy-ypacjiti; : but it has been conjectured by Suidas, from a passage in Ly- curgus, that the latter was adopted when the de- fendant was a debtor to the state, hut found his debt wrongly set down, and that l3ovXevacai was the remedy of a discharged debtor again registered for the debt already paid.'" If the defendant lost his cause, his name was substituted for that of the plaintiff." The cause was one of the ypa(jiai idcai that came under the jurisdiction of the thesmo- thetsB '^ BOULEUTERTON. (Vid. Bohle.) BRACJS or BRACC^ (ava^vpuhc), trousers, pantaloons. These, as well as various other articles of armour and of dress (^vid. Acinaces, Argus, Aemilla), were common to all the nations which encircled the Greek and Roman population, extending from the Indian to the Atlantic Ocean. Hence Aristagoras, king of Miletus, in his interview with Cleomenes, 1. (Pausan., i., 18, ^ 6.)— 2. (Meier, Alt. Process, 164.)— 3. (Harpocrat.)— 4. (Andoc, De Myst., 46, 5.)— 5. (Meier, Att. Process, 312.)— 6. (Att. Process, 339.)— 7. (c. Aristog., i., 778, I9.)-S. (792, 1.)— 9. (Att. Process, 340.)— 10. (Petit, Leg. Att., 4fi7.)— II. (Demosthenes, c. Aristog., 792.)— 12. (Att. Process, i.o.> king of Sparta, described the attire of a large por- tion of them in these terms : " They carry bowa and a short spear, and go to battle in trousers and with hats upon their heads.'" Henoe, also, tLe phrase Braccati militis arcSs, signifying that those who wore trousers were in general armed with the bow." In particular, we are informed of the use of trousers or pantaloons among the following nations : I. The Medes and Persians {izepl to. cKiy^sa tiva^i- piSai"). 2. The Parthians and Armenians.* S. The Phrygians.' 4. The Sacae {ava^vptSac hde- dvKcaav'). 5. The Sarmatee (Sarmatica braced'). 6. The Dacians and Getae.» 7. The Teutones.' 8. The Franks {ava^ptdag, ol fiEv ?^tvdg, ot de (tkv- TLvag, 6ia^uwv[isvoi Tolg uK^^Eai •KEpiaiiTriaxovTai^'*). 9. The BelgEe (aua^vplac xp^i'Tai •n'spireTaphatg^^). 10. The Britons {veteres braccm Britonis pauperis^'). II. The Gauls (Gallia Bracata, now Provence;" sagatos bracatosgue ;^* ;('p6ivTaj uva^vpiai, a; knelvot (3pdKag ■Kpoaayopevovai^^). The Galhc term " brakes," which Diodorus Sic- ulus has preserved in the last-cited passage, also remains in the Scottish " breeks" and the English " breeches." Corresponding terms are used in all the northern languages." Also the Cossack and Persian trousers of the present day differ in no ma- terial respect from those which were anciently worn in the same countries. In conformity with the preceding list of testimo- nies, the monuments of every kind which contain representations of the nations included in it, exhibit them in trousers, thus clearly distinguishing them from Greeks and Romans. An example is seen m the annexed group of Sarmatians, taken from tlia column of Trajan. The proper braccae of the eastern and northern nations were loose {KexaAaajievat ;" laxcc^'), and they are therefore very aptly, though ludicrously, de- scribed in Euripides as " variegated bags" (-roif i^- Aa/covf Tovg TToi/ci/lovf"). To the Greeks they must have appeared highly ridiculous, although Ovid men- tions the adoption of them by the descendants of some of the Greek colonists on the Euxine."" Trousers were principally wooden ; but Agathias states" that in Europe they were also made of linen and of leather ; probably the Asiatics made them of cotton and of silk. Sometimes they were striped (virgatcB"), ornamented with a woof of various col- K (Hei«l., 1., 49.)— 2. (Proper!., iii., 3, 17.)— 3. (Herod, vji., 61, 62. — Xen., Cyrop., viii., 3, 13. — Diod. Sic, xvii., 77. " Per- sies bracca :" Ovicl,Trist.,T., 11, 34.— "Braccati Medi:" Pers Sat., iii., 53.)— 4. (Arrian, Tact., p. 79.) — 5. (Val. Flacc ' Ti.,230.)-6. (Herod.,Tii.,64.)— 7. (Val.Flacc.,T.,424.— Lucaii! i., 430.)— 8. (Ovid, Trist., iii., 18, 19 ; ».,8, 49.)— 9. (Propert IV., 11.)— 10. (Agath., Hist., ii., 5.) -11. (Strab., iv., 4, 3 )— li (Mart., Ii., 22.)— 13. (Pomp. Mela, ii., 5, 1.)— 14. (Cic, Pro M Font., 11.)— 15. (Diod. Sic, Iv., 30.)— 16. (Ihro, Glossar. Suio- Goth., v. Brackor.)— 17. (Arriati.)— 18. (Ovid and Lucan i) CO.)- 10. (Cyclops, 182.)— 20. (Trist., v., 11, 34.)— 21. (1. nl- 22. \Propert., iv., 11, 43.) " '^ \7l BRASSICA. BREVIARIUM. ours,' or embroidered." They gradually came into use at Rome under the emperors. Severus wore them, and gave them as presents to his soldiers,' but the use of them was afterward restricted by Honorius. * BRACHIA'LE. (Vid. Aemilla.) BRASIDEI'A (Bpaiyideia), a festival celebrated at Sparta in hoiiour of their great general Brasidas, who, after his death, received the honours of a hero.* It was held every year with orations and contests, in which none but Spartans were allowed to partake. Brasideia were also celebrated at Amphipolis, which, though a colony of Athens, transferred the honour of KTiarrj^ from Hagnon to Brasidas, and paid him heroic honours by an annual festival with sacrifices and contests.' *BRASS'ICA (Kpu/iSii), the Cabbage. Some va- rieties of this plant have been cultivated from the very eariiest times of which we have any record. But the migrations and changes of the best sorts have not been traced ; neither is it at all probable that the varieties which the ancients enjoyed have descended to us unaltered. Three kinds of cab- bage were known to the Romans in the time of Ga- te :' the first had a large stalk, and leaves also of considerable size ; the second had crisped leaves ; the third, which was the least esteemed, had small- sized leaves and a bitterish taste. According to Columella, the brassica or cabbage was a favourite edible with the Romans, and in sufficient plenty to be even an article of food for slaves. It was sown and cut all the year round ; the best time, however, for planting it was after the autumnal equinox. When it had been once cut after this, it put forth young and tender shoots the ensuing spring. Api- cius, however, the famous gourmand, disdained to employ these, and inspired the young prince Drusus with the same dislike towards them, for which, ac- cording to Pliny,' he was reproved by his father Tiberius. This same writer mentions various kinds, of which the most esteemed was that of Aricia, with numerous and very thick leaves. Cato's second kind, the Olus Apianum (more correctly Apiacon), is the Brassica viridis crispa of Bauhin. The Olus Aricium is the Brassica oleracca gongyldiies, L. ; the Brassica Halmyridia is thought to have been the Crambe maritima; some, however, are in fa- vour of the Convolvulus soldanella. " It is uncer- tain," observes Beckmann, " whether we still pos- sess that kind of cabbage which the ancients, to prevent intoxication, ate raw like salad.'" Of red cabbage no account is to be found in any ancient author. The ancient Germans, and, in fact, all the northern nations of Europe, cultivated the cabbage from very remote times. The Saxon name for Feb- ruary is sprout-kale, and that is the season when the sprouts from the old stalks begin to be fit for use. The Saxons must of course, therefore, have been familiar with the culture of cabbage or kale, as it is not at all probable that they invented the name af- ter their settlement in Britain. We nowhere find among the Greeks and Romans any traces of that excellent preparation of cabbage called by the Ger- mans sour-ltraut, though the ancients were acquaint- ed with the art of preparing turnips in the same manner.' Whether sour-kraut be a German inven- tion appears somewhat doubtful, if the statement of Belon be correct, who informs us that the Turks in 1. (Eurip., 1. c— Xen., Anab., i., 5, ^ 8.—" Picto subtcmine :'* Val. Flacc, vi.,230.)— 2. CVirg.,jEn., xi.,r77.)— 3. (Lumjir., Al. Sov., 40.)— 4. (Paus., iii., 14, 1) 1.— Arist., Etli. Nil'., v., 7.)— 5. (Thucyil., v., II.)— 6. CPlin., H. N., xix., 8.— Fee, nd loc.)— 7. (Plin,, 1. o.)— 8. (Niclas, in Goopon., v., 11, 3, p. 345.)— 9. (Li- brary of Ent. Knowl., vol. xv., p. 253.— Columella, xii., 54.— Palluil., Decern., 5, p. 1011 — Nicander, up. Athcn., i\\, p. 133.) 172 his time were accustomed to pickle cabbage fo» winter food.' *BRATHY ilipuSv), the Savine, or Juniperus Sa Una, L. According to Pliny, there were two kinds, the one resembling the tamarisk, the other the cy- press ; and hence some called the latter the Cretan cypress. The two species described by Dioscori- des are hence supposed by Sprengel to be the (oma- riscifolia and eypressifolia. BRAURO'NIA {Bpavpavia), a festival cektrated in honour of Artemis Brauronia, in the Attic town of Brauron,' where, according to Pausanias," Oris- tes and Iphigenia, on their return from Tauria, were supposed by the Athenians to have landed, and left the statue of the Taurian goddess.* It was held every fifth year, under the superintendence of ten iepojToioi ;' and the chief solemnity consisted in the circumstance that the Attic girls between the ages of five and ten years, dressed in crocus-coloured garments, went in solemn procession to the sanc- tuary,' where they were consecrated to the god- dess. During this act the leponoioi sacrificed a goat, and the girls performed a propitiatory rite in which they imitated bears. This rite may have simply arisen from the circumstance that the bear was sacred to Artemis, especially in Arcadia ;' but a tradition preserved in Suidas* relates its origin as follows : In the Attic town of Phanidae a bear was kept, which was so tame that it was allowed to go about quite freely, and received its food from and among men. One day a girl ventured to play with it, and, on treating the animal rather harshly, it turned round and tore her to pieces. Her brothers, enraged at this, went out and killed the bear. The Athenians now were visited by a plague ; and when they consulted the oracle, the ans«ei was gi?cn that they would get rid ol^ the evil which had be- fallen them if they would compel some of their cit- izens to make their daughters propitiate Artemis by a rite called apKreveiv, for the crime committed against the animal sacred to the goddess. The command was more than obeyed ; for the Atheni- ans decreed that from thenceforth all women, be- fore they could marry, should have once taken part in this festival, and have been consecrated to the goddess. Hence the girls themselves were called upKToi, the consecration apxrcia, the act of conse- crating dpKTsveLv, and to celebrate the festival ap/t- TeicaBai.' But as the girls, when they celebrated this festival, were nearly ten years old, the verb is- Karevnv was sometimes used instead of I'lpK-cvsiv. According to Hesychius, whose statement, howev- er, is not supported by any other ancient authority, the Iliad was recited on this occasion by rhapso- dists. There was also a quinquennial festival called Brauronia, which was celebrated by men and disso- lute women, at Brauron, in honour of Dionysus." Whether its celebration took place at the same time as that of Artemis Brauronia (as has been supposed by Miiller," in a note, which has, however, been omitted in the English translation) must remain un- certain, although the very different characters of the two festivals incline us rather to believe that they were not celebrated at the same time. BREVIA'RIUM or BREVIA'RIUM ALARICI- A'NUM. Alaric the Second, king of the Visigoths, who reigned from A.D. 484 to A.D. 507, in the 1. (BoUonii Obserr. Itiner, iii., 27, p. 1S6.— Beckmann, Hist. Invent., vol. iv., p. 205, soqq.)— 2. (Herod., vi.. 138,)— 3. (i., 33, « 9 ; 38, « 1 ; iii., 16, » 6 ; viii., 46, I) 2.)— 4. (I'ui. MiiUer, Do rians, i., 9, ^ 5 and 6.) —5. (Pollux, Onom., viii., 9, 31.)— *• (Suidas, 8. V. 'AjjKTOs. — Schol. in Anstoph., Lysistr., G46.)— 7. (MUllcr, Dorians, iii 9, « 3.)— 8. (s. v. 'Aprros.)— 9. (llesych. — Harpocrat. — Scholi in Aristopli., 1. c.) — 10. (Aristoph., Pwti 870. — Schol. in loc. — Suid., s. v. iipavpwV') — 11. (Dorians, lii 9, « 5.) BRIDGE. BRIDGE. twenty-second year of his reign (A.D. 508) com- missioned a body of jurists, probably Romans, to malce a selection from the Roman laws and the Ro- man text-wii.;ers, which should form a code for the use of his Roman subjects. The code, when made, was confirmed by the bishops and nobility ; and a copy, signed by Anianus, the referendarius of Ala- ric, was sent to each comes, with an order to use no other law or legal form in his court {ut in faro tuo nulla alia lex negue juris formula proferri vel re- dpi prcesumatur). The signature of Anianus was for the purpose of giving authenticity to the ofEcial copies of the code ; a circumstance which has been so far misunderstood that he has sometimes been considered as the compiler of the code. This code has no pecuhar name, so far as we know .- it was called Lex Romana, and, at a later period, frequent- ly Lex Theodosii, from the title of the first and most important part of its contents. The name Brevia- rium, or Breviarium Alaricianum, does not appear before the sixteenth century. The following are the contents of the Breviarium, with their order in the code : 1. Codex Theodosia- nus, xvi. books. 2. Novellae of Theodosius II.,Val- entian III., Marcian, Majorian, Severus. 3. The Institutions of Gaius. 4. Pauli Receptae SententiaB, V. books. 5. Codex Gregorianus, 13 titles. 6. Co- dex Hermogenianus, 2 titles. 7. Papinianus, lib. i., Responsorum. The code was thus composed of two kinds of ma- terials, imperial constitutions, which, both in the code itself, and the commonitorium or notice prefix- ed to it, are called Leges ; and the writings of Ro- man jurists, which are called Jus. Both the Codex Gregorianus and Hermogenianus, being compila- tioas made without any legal authority, are included under the head of Jus. The selections are extracts, which are accompanied with an interpretation, ex- cept in the case of the Institutions of Gaius ; as a general rule, the text, so far as it was adopted, was not altered. The Institutions of Gaius, however, are abridged or epitomized, and such alterations as ■s'ere considered necessary for the time are intro- '':uced into the text : this part of the work required no interpretation, and, accordingly, it has none. This code is of considerable value for the history of Roman law, as it contains several sources of the Roman law which otherwise are unknown, espe- cially Paulus and the first five books of the Theo- dssian Code. Since the discovery of the Institu- tions of Gaius, that part of this code is of less value. The author of the Epitome of Gaius in the Bre- viarium paid little attention to retaining the words of the original, and a comparison of the Epitome and the MS. of Gahis is therefore of little advan- tage in this point of view. The Epitome is, how- ever, still useful in showing what subjects were dis- cussed in Gaius, and thus filling up (so far as the material contents are concerned) some of the lacu- nae of the Verona MS. A complete edition of this code was undertaken by Sichard, in his Codex Theodosianus, Basileaj, 1528, small folio. The whole is contained in the edition of the Theodosian Code by Cujacius, Lugd., 1566, folio. The Theodosian Code and the Novellas alone are contained in the editions of Marville and Ritter; the remainder is contained in Schulting, Jurisprudentia Yetus Ante-Juslinianea, Lugd. Bat., 1717. The whole, together with the fragments of Ulpian and other things, is contained in the Jus Ci- vile Antejustinianeum, Berlin, 1815.' BRIDGE {yii^pa, pons). The most ancient bridge upon record, of which the construction has been described, is the one erected by Nitocris over 1. (Savisny, Geschichte lies ESm. Rechts in Mittelalter, ii., e 8.— Gaius, Prafatio PriniiE Editioui Prajmjssa.) the Euphrates at Babylon.' It was in the nature of a drawbridge, and consisted merely of stone piers without arches, but connected with one an- other by a framework of planking, which was re- moved at night to prevent the inhabitants from pass- ing over from the different sides of the river to com- mit mutual depredations. The stones were fast- ened together by iron cramps soldered with lead, and the piers were built while the bed of the river was free from water, its course having been divert- ed into a large lake, which was again restored to the usual channel when the work had been com- pleted.' Compare the description given by Diodo- rus Siculus,' who ascribes the work to Semiramis. Temporary bridges constructed upon boats, call- ed cx^^i-ai,* were also of very early invention. Da- rius is mentioned as having thrown a bridge of this kind over the Thracian Bosporus ;' but we have no details respecting it beyond the name of its archi- tect, Mandrocles of Samos.' The one constructed by order of Xerxes across the Hellespont is more celebrated, and has been minutely described by He- rodotus.' It was built at the place where the Cher- sonese forms almost a right angle, between the towns of Sestos and Madytus on the one side, and Abydos on the other. The first bridge which was constructed at this spot was washed away by a storm almost immediately after it was completed,' and of this no details are given. The subsequent one was executed under the directions of a different set of architects.' Both of them appear to have partaken of the nature of suspension bridges, the platform which formed the passage-way being se- cured upon enormous cables formed by ropes of flax (XevKoALvov) and papyrus (J3v6}dvuv) twisted together, and then stretched tight by means of wind- lasses (ovoi.) on each side. The bridges hitherto mentioned cannot be strict- ly denominated Greek, although the architects by whom the last two were constructed were natives of the Greek islands. But the frequent mention of the word in Homer proves that they were not un- common in Greece, or, at least, in the western part of Asia Minor, during his time. The Greek term for a permanent bridge is yeij>vpa, which the ancient etymologists connected with the Gephyrsei (rsfv- paloi), a people whom Herodotus" states to have been Phoenicians, though they pretended to have come from Eretria ; and the etymologists accord- ingly tell us that the first bridge in Greece was built by this people across the Cephissus ; but such an explanation is opposed to sound etymology and common sense. As the rivers of Greece were small, and the use of the arch known to them only to a limited extent {vid. Arcus), it is probable that their bridges were built entirely of wood, or, at best, were nothing more than a wooden platform supported upon stone piers at each extremity, like that of Ni- tocris described above. Pliny" mentions a bridge over the Acheron 1000 feet in length, and also says" that the island Euboea was joined to Boeotia by a bridge ; but it is probable that both these works were executed after the Roman conquest. In Greece also, as well as in Italy, the term bridge was used to signify a roadway raised upon piers or arches to connect the opposite sides of a ravine, even where no water flowed through it." The Romans were undoubtedly the first people who applied the arch to the construction of bridges, by which they were enabled to erect structures of great beauty and solidity, 'is well as utility ; for by 1. (IIer«l., 1., 186.)— 2. (Herod., 1. c.)— 3. (ii., vol. i., p. 121, ed. WcsseW.)— 4. (Hcsych., s. v.— Herod., vii., 36. — ilsch., Per3.,69, ed. Blomf. et Gloss.)— 5. (Herod., iv., 83, 85.)— o! (Herod., IV., 87, 88.) — 7. (vii., 36.) —8. (Herod., vii 34)_9 (Id., 36.)-10. (v., 57.)-n. (H. N., iv., l.)-12 '(iv.,' 21.)-i3, trijv ycijivpav, ?i fjri tS vdrtu ijii : Xen., Anab., vi., 5, } 22.) 173 BRIDGE. BRIDGE. this means the openings between the piers for the convenience of navigation, which in the bridges of Babylon and Greece must have been very narrow, could be extended to any necessary span. The width of the passage-way in a Roman bridge was commonly narrow, as compared with modern structures of the same kind, and corresponded with the road (via) leading to and from it. It was divided into three parts. The centre one, for horses and carriages, was denominated agger or iter ; and the raised footpaths on each side {decursoria), which were enclosed by parapet walls similar in use and appearance to the pluleus in the basilica. (Vid. Basilica, p. 142.) Eight bridges across the Tiber are enumerated by P. Victor as belonging to the city of Rome. Of these, the most celebrated, as well as the most an- cient, was the Pons Sublicius, so called because it was built of wood ; subliccs, in the language of the Formiani, meaning wooden beams.' It was built by Ancus Marcius, when he united the Janiculum to the city," and became renowned from the well- known feat of Horatius Codes in the war with Porsenna.' In consequence of the delay and diffi- culty then experienced in breaking it down, it was reconstructed without nails, in such a manner that each beam could be removed and replaced at pleas- ure.* It was so rebuilt by the pontifices,' from which fact, according to Varro,' they derived their name ; and it was afterward considered so sacred, that no repairs could be made in it without previous sacrifice conducted by the pontifex in person.' In the age of Augustus it was still a wooden bridge, as is manifest from the epithet used by Ovid :' " Turn quoque priscorum Virgo simulacra virorum MiiUre roboreo scirpea ponte solet;" in which state it appears to have remained at the time of Otho, when it was carried away by an in- undation of the Tiber.' In later ages it was also called Pons JSmilius, probably from the name of the person by whom it was rebuilt ; but who this .(Emil- ius was is uncertain. It may have been .^Emihus Lepidus the triumvir, or probably the ^milius Lep- idus who was censor with Munatius Plancus, under Augustus, ten years after the Pons Sublicivs fell down, as related by Dion Cassius." We learn from P. Victor, in his description of the Regio xi., that these two bridges were one and the same : ".^mil- ius qui ante sublicius." It is called jEmilian oy Juvenal' and Lampridius,' but is mentioned by ( a- pitoUnus' as the Pons Sublicius ; which passage is alone sufficient to refute the assertion of some writers, that it was built of stone at the period when the name of .iErailius was given to it.* This bridge was a favourite resort for beggars who used to sit upon it and demand alms.' Hence the expression of Juvenal,' aliquis de ponte, for u beggar.' It was situated at the foot of the Aventine, aod was the bridge over which C. Gracchus directed his flight when he was overtaken by his opponents.' 11. Pons Palatinus formed the communication between the Palatine and its vicinities and the Ja- niculum, and stood at the spot now occupied by the " Ponte Rotto." It is thought that the words of Livy° have reference to this bridge. It was repaired by Augustus.'" III., IV. Pons Fabeicihs and Pons GEsTinswere the two which connected the Insula Tiberina with the opposite sides of the river ; the first with the city, and the latter with the Janiculum. Both are still remaining. The Pons Fabricius was originally of wood, but was rebuilt by L. Fabricius, the curor tor viarum, as the inscription testifies, and a short time previous to the conspiracy of Catiline ;" which passage of Dion Cassius, as well as the words of the scholiast on Horace,'" warrant the assumption that it was then first built of stone. It is now called " Ponte quattro capi." The Pons Cestius is by some autliors supposed to have been built during the reign of Tiberiuo by Cestius Gallus, the person mentioned by Pliny," though it is more reasonable to conclude that it was constructed before the ter- mination of the Republic, as no private individual would have been permitted to give his own name to a public work under the Empire.'* The inscrip- tions now remaining are in commemoration of Val- entinianus, Valens, and Gratianus, the emperors by whom it was r^ ■ tored. Both these bridges are"iep- resented in lue annexed woodcut : that on the right hand is the Pons Fabricius, and is curious as being one of tl\e very few remaining works which bear the date of the Republic ; the Pons Cestius, on the left, represents the efforts of a much later age ; and, instead of the buildings now seen upon the isl- and, the temples which originally stood there, as well as the island itself, have been restored. V. Pons Janiculensis, vtnioh led direct to the Janiculum. The name ol its founder and period of its construction are unknown ; but it occupied the site of the present " Ponte Sisto," which was built by Sixtus IV. upon the ruins of tbe old bridge. VI. Pons Vaticanus, so called because it formed the communicatioi. between the Campus Martius and Campus V°.ticanus. \Vhen the waters of the Tiber are very low, vestiges of the piers are still discernible at the back of the Hospital of San Spir- i. (iP'ostua, s. V. Sublicium.) — 2. (Liv., i., 33.— Diouys. Hal., Hi., p. 183.)— 3. (Liv., ii., 10.— Val. Max., iii., 2, 1.— Dionys. Hal., v., p. 295, acq.)— 4. (Plin., II. N., xxxvi., 23,)— 5. (Dio- nys. Hal., p. 18,1.1— 0. (DoLing. Lat., v., 83.)— 7, (Dionys.Hal., 1.1., 1. c.)— 8. (Fast., v., 621.)— 9. (Tacit., Ills.!., i. 86, who calls It PuiJb Suhliciiis.)— 10. (p. 42.1 -■ ) 174 ito. By modern topographists this bridge is often called " Pons Triumphalis," but without any claa- leal authority ; the inference, however, is not im- probable, because it led directly from the Campu" to the Clivus Cinnje (now Monte Mario), n:oni which the triumphal processions descended. VII. Pons jElius, built by Hadrian, which led from the city to the Mausoleum {rid. Mausoleum) of that emperor, now the bridge an d castle of St. An- 1. (Sat., Ti., 32.)— 2. (Heliog., c. 17.)— 3. (Antonin. Pius, n 8.) — 4. (Nardini, Rom. Aut., viii., 3.) — 5. (Senec, De Yit. Beat. c. 25.)— 6. (xiv., 134.)— 7. (Compare also Sat., iy., 116.)-* (Pint., Gracch., p. 842, c— Compare Val. Mai., iv., 7, 2.— OviJ, Fast., vi., 477.)— 9. (xl., 51.)— 10. (Tnscrip. ap. Orut., p. If* n. 1,)— 11. (Dion, xxxvii., p. 50.)— 12. (Sat.. II., iii., 36.)— 13 (H. N., X., CO.— Tacit., Ann., vi., 31.)— 14. (Naraiui, I c.) BRIDGE. BRIDGE. gelo. A representation of this bridge is given in the Jo/Iowing woodcut, taken from a medal, still ex- tam. It affords a specimen of the style employed at the period when the fine arts aio considered to have been at their greatest perfection at Rome. VIII. Pons Milvihs, on the Via Flaniinia, now fTrrN'Myjiuif Ponte Molle, was built by .(Emilius Scaurus the censor,' and is mentioned by Cicero' about 45 years after its formation. Its vicinity was a favourite place of resort for pleasure and debauchery in the licentious reign of Nero.* Upon this bridge the am- bassadors of the Allobroges were arrested by Cice- ro's retainers during the conspiracy of Catiline.' Catulus and Pompey encamped here against Lepi- dus when he attempted to annul the acts of Sulla." And, finally, it was at this spot that the battle be- tween Maxentius and Constantine, which decided the fate of the Roman Empire, took place (A.D. 312). The Roman bridges without the city were far too many to be enumerated here. They formed one of the chief embellishments in all the public roads ; and their frequent and stupendous remains, still existing in Italy, Portugal, and Spain, attest, even to the present day, the scale of grandeur with which their works of national utility were always carried on. Subjoined is a representation of the bridge at Ariminum (Rimini), which remains entire, and was commenced by Augustus and terminated by Tiberius, as we learn from the inscription, which is still extant. It is introduced in order to give the reader an idea of the style of art during the age of Vitruvius, that peculiar period of transition between the austere simplicity of the Republic and the pro- fuse magnificence of the Empire. The bridg; thrown across the Bay of Baiae by Caligula,' the useless undertaking of a profligate prince, does not require any farther notice ; but the bridge which Trajan built across the Danube, which is one of the greatest efforts of human inge- nuity, must not pass unmentioned. A full account of its construction is given by Dion Cassius,* and it is also mentioned by Pliny.' The form of it is given in tlie following woodcut, from a representa- tion of it on the column of Trajan at Rome, which has given rise to much controversy, as it does not agree in many respects with the description of Dion Cassius. The inscription, supposed to have be- longed to this bridge, is quoted by Leunclavius" and by Gruter." Sob jugum ecce eapitur et Dandvids. It will be observed that the piers only are of stone, and the superstructure ot wood. The Conte Marsigli, in a letter to Montfaucon,' gives the probable measurements of this structure, from observations made upon the spot, which -frill serve as a faithful commentary upon the text «f Dion. He considers that the whole line consi? ted of 23 piers and 22 arches, making the whole briJge about 3010 feet long, and 48 in height, whi?), are much more than the number displayed upon, the column. But this is easily accounted for wi'hout impairing the authority of the artist's wc-r);. A fewer number of arches were sufl5cient to .".how the general features of the bridge, without crr.tinuing the monotonous uniformity of the whole life, which would have produced an effect ill adapt..d to the fiirposes of sculpture. It was destroyed by*Iadri- ao," under the pretence that it would facilitate the incursions of the barbarians into the Roman terri- tories, but in reality, it is said, from jealousy and despair of being able himself to accomplish any equally great undertaking, which is supposed to be 1. (Span., Hadr., c. 19.— Dion.lxix., 797, E.)— 2 (Aur. Vict., De Viris Illustr., c. 27, I) 8.)— 3 (in Cat., iii., 2.)— 4. (Tacit., Ann., xiii., 47.)— 5. (Cic. in Cat., iii., 2.)— 6. (Floras, iii., 23.) —7. (Dion, lix., 652, E.— Suet., Calig., 19.)— 8. (Ixviii., 776, B.) — 9. (Ep., viii., 4. — Compare Procopius, De .iEdificilB.) — 10. (n. 1041, 6.)— 11. (p. 448, 3.)— 12 (Dion, 1. c.) confirmed by the fact that he afterward put to death the architect, Artemidorus, under whose directions it was constructed. The Romans also denominated by the name of pontes the causeways which in modern language are termed "viaducts." Of these, the Pons ad Nonam, now called Ponte Nono, near the ninth mile from Rome, on the Via PrcsTiestina, is a fine specimen. Among the bridges of temporary use, which were 1. (Giornale de' Litterati d'ltalia, torn. xxii.. p. 116.J 175 BKONZE. iJRONZE. made for the immediate purposes of a campaign, the most celebrated is that constructed by Julius Caesar over the Rhine within the short period of ten days. It was built entirely of wood, and the whole process of its construction is minutely detail- ed by its author.' An elevation of it is given by Palladio, constructed in conformity with the ac- count of Caesar, which has been copied in the edi- tions of Oudendorp and the Delphin. Vegetius," Herodian,' and Lucan* mention the use of casks (doHa, cupa) by the Romans, to support rafts for the passage of an army; and Vegetius' says that it was customarj; for the Roman army to carry with them small boats (monoxuli) hollowed out from the trunk of a tree, together with planks and nails, so that a bridge could be constructed and bound together with ropes upon any emergency without loss of time. Pompey passed the Euphra- tes by a similar device during the Mithradatic war.' The annexed woodcut, taken from a bas-relief on the column of Trajan, will afford an idea of the general method of construction and form of these bridges, of which there are several designs upon the same monument, all of which greatly resemble Each other. When the Comitia were he'd, the voters, in or- der to reach the enclosure called septum and omle, passed over a wooden platform, elevated above the ground, which was called Pons Suffragiorum, in or- der that they might be able to give their votes with- out confusion or collusion. Pons is also used to signify the platform {^niSd- 6pa, a-Ko&dBpa) used for embarking in, or disem- barking from, a ship. " Interca Jineas socio': de puppibus altis Pontibus exponit.^^'' The method of using these pontes is represented in the annexed woodcut, taken from a very curious intaglio, representing the history of the Trojan war, discovered at Bovillce towards the latter end of the 1 7th century, which is given by Fabretti, Syntagma fi-p Column. Trajani, p. 315. *BROMOS iPptifioc or l3p6/ioc), a plant, which Dierbach makes to be the Aoena saliva, " Oats." Stackhouse, however, is in favour of the Sceale Cereale, and Sprcngel of the Avenafalua, or "wild Oats." BRONZE (,xaXK6f, as), a compound of copper and tin. Other metals arc sometimes combined with the above ; but the most ancient bronzes, properly so called, are found to consist of those two ingredients. In the article on JEs, some farther 1. (Db Doll. Gall., iv., 17.)— 2. (iii., 7.)— 3. (viii., 4, 8.)— 4. (it., 420.)— 5. (1. c.)— 6. (Floras, iii., 6.)— 7. (Virg., JEn., x., SSK.! 176 particulars are supplied respecting the different coaw positions of bronze and brass. Th'3 distinctive terms should always be observed in speaking of these substancis, as the indiscriminate use of them has led to great error and confusion in describing works of art. There can be no question as to the remote (inti- quity of metallurgy ; though at what precise period the various metals were known, in what order they were discovered, and by what processes extracted — either simply, or by reducing their ores when they were found in that state, there are no satisfactory means of judging. In the twenty-eighth chapter of the book of Job we read, " Surely there is a vein for the silver, and a place for gold where they fine it. Iron is taken out of the earth, and brass (cop- per) is molten out of the stone." This passage, taken as a whole, and supported as it is by various intimations throughout the Pentateuch, shows that at this early period greater advances had been made in mining and the metallurgic arts than is usuaUy supposed. There is the same dearth of exact in- formation on the practice of the metal-founders and workers of the archaic ages, even after the different substances were known, and objects of imitative art had been executed in them. The most ancient Greek bronzes extant are com posed simply of copper and tin ; and it is remarka ble how nearly the relative proportions of the met als agree in all the specimens that have been ana- lyzed. Some bronze nails from the ruins of the Treasury of A treus at Mycenae; some ancient coins of Corinth ; a very ancient Greek helmet, on which is a boustrophedon inscription, now in the British Museum ; portions of the breastplates of a piece of armour called the Bronzes of Siris, also preserved in our national collection ; and an antique swon" found in France, produced in 100 parts, 87-43 and 88 copper 12-53 and 12 tin 9996 100 At a later period than that to which some of the above works may be referred, the composition of bronze seems to have been a subject to which the greatest attention was paid ; and the addition of a variety of metals seems to have been made to the original (if it may be so called) combination of copper and tin. The few writers on art whose evidence has reached our times, make particular mention of certain of these bronzes, which, not- withstanding the changes they underwent by the introduction of novel elements, were still ranked under the words ;caX/tof and as. That which ap- pears to have held the first place in the estimation of the ancients was the ces Corinthiacum, which some pretended was an alloy made accidentally, in the first instance, by the melting and running to- gether of various metals (especially gold and bronze), at the burning of Corinth by Lucius Mummius, about 146 B.C. This account is obviously incor- rect, as some of the artists whose productions are mentioned as composed of this highly valued metal lived long before the event alluded to. Phny' par- ticularizes three classes of the Corinthian bronze. The first, he says, was white (candidum), the greateJ proportion of silver that was employed in its com position giving it a light colour. In the second sort or quality gold was introduced, in sufficient quan- tity to impart to the mixture a strong yellow oi gold tint. The third was composed of equal pro- portions of the different metals. The nextbroniE of note among the ancient Greek sculptors is dis- tinguished by the title of hepatizon, which it seem! it acquired from its colour, which bore some resem 1. (H. N., jLtxiv.. 3 > BRONZE. BRONZE. blauce to that of the Iviier (fiirap). Pliny says it was inferior to the Corinthian bronze, but was greatly preferred to the mixtures of Delos and jEgina, which for a long period had a high reputation, and were much sought after. The colour of the bronze called hepatizm must have been very similar to that of the cinque cento bronzes— a dull, reddish brown. The next ancient bronze in order of celebrity seems to have been the tes Deliacum. Its reputation was so great that the island of Delos became the mart to which all who required works of art in metal crowded, and led, in time, to the establishment there of some of the greatest artists of antiquity. Next to the Delian, or, rather, in competition with it, the ■ 66.)— 6. (Do Tibiis, p. 226.)— 7. (iEn., yji, 519.)— 8. (Senec, Thyest., 798.)— 9. (Polyb., xiv., 3.— Liv!, XXVI., 15.— Sil. ItDj., vii., 154.— Piopert., IV., iv., 63.— Cic, Pra MuriEii., 9.)— 10. (Tacit., Aim., xv., 30.)— 11. (L, 8 )— IS. (s. v.l —13. (Thoophrast., C. P., v., 13 ; vi., H.-Diosuor., ii., 124.- Pbn., H. N., iiiv., ult.) BULLA. ♦BUGLOSSA and BUGLOSSOS (fioiy?Maaoc «r -ov), the herb Bugloss or Ox-tongue, deriving ns name from the likeness its leaf bears to the tongue of the ox (Mf. " an ox," and y?.Caaa, " the tongue"). Owing to the natural resemblance which rans through the genera of Anchusa, Borrago, and Lycopsis, there is some difficulty in deciding exactly to what genus and species the ^ovylaaao; of the ancients should be referred. Sibthorp and Spren- gel prefer the Anchusa Ilalica, or Italian Alkanet.' — n. The Sole. {Vid. Solea.) BULLA, a circular plate or boss of metal, so call- ed from its resemblance in form to a bubble floating upon water. Bright studs of this description were used to adorn the sword-belt {aurea hullis cingula. ;' hiUis asper balteus'). Another use of them was in doors, the parts of fthich were fastened together by brass-headed, or even by gold-headed nails.' The magnificent bronze doors of the Pantheon at Rome are enriched with highly-orhamented bosses, some of which are here shown. -u f The golden bosses on the doors of the Temple of Minerva at Syracuse were remarkable both for their number and their weight.* We most frequently read, however, of bullae as ornaments worn by children suspended from the neck, and especially by the sons of the noble and v/ealthy. Such a one is called hares iulla,tus by Juvenal." His bulla was made of thin plates of gold. Its usual form is shown in the annexed -.voodcut, which lepresents a fine bulla preserved in the Brit- ish Museum, and is of the size of the original. The bulla was worn by children of both sexes for ornament, as a token of paternal affection and a Dign of high birth ;' and, as it was given to infants, it sometimes served, like other ornaments or play- things (crepundia), to recognise a lost child.' Prob- ably, also, it contained amulets.' Instead of the bulla of gold, boys of inferior rank, including the children of freedmen, wore only a piece of leather vpav kuI ^vatrov.' It was sometimes dyed of a purple or crimson colour (0va- aivov TTopipvpovv"). Pliny" speaks of it as a species of flax (linum), and says that it served mulierum maxime deliciis. Pollux," also, says that it was a kind of Mvov grown in India ; but he appears to in- clude cotton under this term. C, K., &c. CABEI'RIA {Kaieipia), mysteries, festivals and orgies solemnized in all places in which tLe Pelas- gian Cabiri, the most mysterious and perplexing deities of Grecian mythology, were worshipped, but especially in Samothrace, Imbros, Lemnos] Thebes, Anthedon, Pergamus, and Berytos." Lit- 1. (li., 86.)— 2. (Egyptian Antiquities, vol. ii., p. 182-196. Lend., 1836.) — 3. (Vid. Gesenius, Thesaurus.) — 4. (vi., 26, 6 4 —5. (v., 5, « 2.)— 6. (Paus.,vii.,21,«7.)— 7. (Sabina,ii.,p. 105 ' —8. (xvn., 9.)— 9. (Compare rtev., iviii , 12.)— 10. (Hesyoh.)— 11. (H. N., XIX., 4.)— 12. (Cnom., vi,., 75.)— 13. (Paus., ix., 25, « 5 ; IV., 1,45; ii., 22, i 5 : , 4, « 6.— Euseb., Prasp. Evan=. p. 31.) ' r =1 1S3 KAKEGORIAS DIKE. KAKOSIS. tie is known respecting the rites observed in these mysteries, as no one was allowed to divulge them.- Diagoras is said to have provoked the highest in- dignation of the Athenians by his having made these and other mysteries public' The most cele- brated were those of the island of Samothrace, which, if we may judge from those of Lemnos, were solemnized every year, and lasted for nine days. The admission was not confined to men, for ■ve find instances of women and boys being initi- ated.' Persons on their admission seem to have undergone a sort of examination respecting the life they had led hitherto,* and were then purified of all their crimes, even if they had committed murder." The priest who undertook the purification of mur- derers bore the name of koitic- The persons who were initiated received a purple riband, which was worn around their bodies as an amulet to preserve thorn against all dangers and storms of the sea.' Respecting the Lemnian Cabiria, we know that their annual celebration took place at night,' and lasted for nine days, during which all the fires of the island which were thought to be impure were extinguished, sacrifices were offered to the dead, and a sacred vessel was sent out to fetch new fire from Delos. During these sacrifices the Cabiri were thought to be absent with the sacred vessel ; after the return of which the pure fire was distrib- u'.cd, and a newlife began, probably with banquets.' The great celebrity of the Samothracian myster- ies seems to have obscured and thrown into obliv- ion those of Lemnos, from which Pythagoras is said to have derived a part of his wisdom.' Con- cerning the celebration of the Cabiria in other places, nothing is known, and they seem to have fallen into decay at a very early period. •CACAL'IA (KUKalia), a plant mentioned by Dioscorides, Pliny, and others. It is supposed by Sprengel to be the Mercurialis tomentosa. Sibthorp and F6e, however, are undecided, though the latter inclines somewhat to the Cacalia pctasitcs she al- bifrons.'-' KAKHrOPlAS AIKH {mK-qyopia^ SUr]) was an action for abusive language in the Attic courts, called, in one passage of Demosthenes," KaKTijopiov diKJj, and also called ?u}tdopia^ 61k7] {dtuKuv Xoido- pi'af"), and KanoXoyiaQ S'ikt;. This action could be brought against an individual who applied to another certain abusive epithets, such as avSp6(iiovoc, Trarpa- \oiai, &c., which were included under the general name of diraiip^ra. (Firf. Apoerhet.i.) It was no justification thai, these words were spoken in an- ger." By a law of Solon, it was also forbidden to speak evil of the dead ; and if a person did so, he was liable to this action, which could be brought against him by the nearest relative of the deceased." If an individual abused any one who was engaged in any public office, the offender not only suffered the ordinary punishment, but incurred the loss of his rights as a citizen {dri/iia), since the state was considered to have been insulted." If the defendant was convicted, he had to pay a fine of 500 drachmae to the plaintiff." Plutarch, however, mentions that, according to one of Solon's laws, whoever spoke evil of a person in the tem- I. (Strabo, x., p. 365, cJ. Tauchnitz.— Ajiollon. Rlioa., i., 91". — Orph., Argon., 4C9.— Val. Place, ii., 435.)— 2. (Athenaj., Log., ii., 5.)— 3. (Schol. in Eurip., PhiBn., 7.— Plut., Alex., 2,— Donatus in Teront., Phorm., i., 15.)^. (Plut., Laced. Apophth. Antalcid., p. 141, od. Tauchnitz. — 5. (Liv., xlv., 5. — Schol. in Theocr., ii., 12. — llusych., s. v. Koi'vs.)— 6. (Srhol. in Apollon., 1. c— Diod. Sic, v., 49.)— 7. (Cic, Do Nat. Woor., i., 42.)— 8. (Schol. in Apollon. Rhod , i., 008.)— 9. (laml)lich., Vit. Pythnj ., c. 151.— Compare MliUcr'.s Prolegomena, p. 150.)— ID. (Dios- cor., iv., 121.— Plin., II. N., xjv., 11.)— 11. (c. MM., 544.)— 13. (Aristoph., Vcsp., 1246.)— 13. (Lys., r. Theomn., i., p. 372, 373.) —14. (Dc-mosth., c. Lc|itin., 488.— c. Btoiit., 1022.— Plut., Sol., c. 21.)— 15. (Dcmosth.,c. Mid., 521.)— 16. llsocr., c. Loch., 39S. —Lys., c. Theomn., 354.) 184 pies, courts of justice, public offices, or it. public festivals, had to pay five drachmae ; but, as Plainer' has observed, the law of Solon was probably chan- ged, and the heavier fine of 500 drachmae substitu- ted in the place of the smaller sum. Demosthenes, in his oration against Meidias,' speaks of a fine of 1000 drachmae ; but this is probably to be explained by supposing that Demosthenes brought two actions KaKTi-yopiac, one on his own account, and the other on account of the insults which Meidias had com- mitted against his mother and sister.' This action was probably brought before the thes- mothetae,* to whom the related Mpea^ ypa^'ll be- longed. KAKOAOFIAS AIKH. (Yid. KAK»rOPIAX AIKH.) KAKOTEX'NIQN AIKH (KanoTEXViav SUri) cor- responds in some degree with an action for subor- nation of perjury. It might be instituted against a party to a previous suit, whose witnesses had already been convicted of falsehood in an action ipevSo/zapTvpiav.^ It has been also surmised that this proceeding was available against the same party when persons had subscribed themselves falsely as summoners in the declaration or indict- ment in a previous suit ;' and if Plato's authority with respect to the terms of Attic law can be con- sidered conclusive, other cases of conspiracy aaJ contrivance may have borne this title.' With re- spect to the court into which these causes were brought, and the advantages obtained by the suc- cessful party, we have no information.' KAKO'SIS (/cd/c(j<7(c), in the language of the Attis law, does not signify every kind of ill-treatment, but 1. The ill-treatment of parents by their children (KUKuaK: yoviuv). 2. Of women by their husbands (KUKoai^ yvvatKcJv). 3. Of heiresses {kukugl^ tuv miKkfipuv). 4. Of orphans and widows by their guardians or any other persons ((cuKuotf -Cyv bp^a- vCw Kol xvp^^ovcuv yvvatKuv). 1. KaKuaic yoviuv was committed by those who struck their parents, or applied abusive epithets to them, or refused them the means of support when they were able to afford it, or did not bury them after their death, and pay them proper honours.' It was no justification for children that their parents had treated them badly. If, however, they were illegitimate, or had not received a proper education from their parents, they could not be prosecuted for 2. Kd/cuCTif yvvatKcJv was conomitted by husbands who ill-treated their wives in any manner, or had intercourse with other women," or denied their wives the marriage duties ; for, by a law of Solon, the husband was bound to visit his wife three times every month, at least if she was an heiress." In the comedy of Cratinus, called the "AVine Flask" (IIdtiv^), Comedy was represented as the wife of Cratinus, who brought an action against him be cause he neglected her, and devoted all his attention to the wine flask." 3. KaKuai^ rCiv k-iriKX^puv was committed by the nearest relatives of poor heiresses, who neither married them themselves, nor gave them a dowry in order to marry them to persons of their own rank in life ;" or, if they married them themselves, did not perform the marriage duties." 4. Ku/cwcrtf Tuv 6p 281. — Ly- rarg.. f;.I,eocrat.,240.)— 11. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 730-724.)— 12. (Pollux, Onom., viii., 125.) — 13. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 724.)--14 (c. Macart., p. J 053, 10, ed. Beiker.) A CADUCEUS. The dicasts then had either one pebble, which they put into the KaSiaKogof the party in whose favoui they meant to vote ; or they had as many pebbles as there were KaSlanoi (but only one favourable one among them), which they put in according to their opinion.' The pebble was dropped into the urn through a long tube, which was called kti/iui.' The noise which the pebble made in striking against the bottom of the KadioKo; was represented by the syl- lable Koyf " *CADMEIA or CADIVIIA (KaS/iela or -pa), a species of earth, as the ancients termed it ; more correctly, however. Calamine, or an ore of zinc. Geoffrey says, " The dealers in metals call by the name of Cadmia the Lapis Calaminaris, used in making copper into brass." Dr. Kidd calls it a na- tive oxyde of- zinc. According to Dr. Hill, the Cadmia factitia of the ancients was a recrement of copper, produced in the furnaces where that met- al was separated from its ore. Acaording to Spren- gel, the kind called l^oTpvtTic, or clustered Cadmia, was our Tutty; it consists of zinc with a small proportion of copper. The Kam>n^c< or Smoky Cad- mia, according to Dr. Hill, was a fine powder col- lected at the mouths of the furnaces. The tAo/m- Ti'f, or Crust-like Cadmia, was the coarsest and heaviest of all.* "With Cadmia (or an ore of zinc)," observes Dr. Moore, "the ancients were well acquainted, though they are commonly supposed not to have known zinc itself, except as combined with copper in the form of brass. But a passage in Strabo authorizes the belief that they also knew this metal in its separate state. The geographer says," that near Andeira, a town of Troas, is found a stone, which, being burned, becomes iron, and distils false silver {anon-d^ti TpevSdpyvpov) when heated in a furnace together with a certain earth, which, receiving the addition of copper, forms the alloy that some call brass (bpdxakKov). He adds respecting this false silver, which was probably our zinc, that it occurs also near Tmolus. Stephanus states the same thing in somewhat clearer words, and refers to both Theopompus and Strabo as au- thorities. — This earth, which is supposed to derive its name, Cadmia, from Cadmus, son of Agenor,' who first introduced at Thebes the making of brass,' is spoken of by Aristotle,' who informs us that the MossyncEcians had anciently prepared a brass of a pale colour and superior lustre, mixing it not with tin, but with a certain earth found among them. Theophrastus alludes to the same, but without na- ming it. Pliny' repeatedly speaks of Cadmia, but it is evident that he does not always mean one and the same thing. Cadmia seems to have signified with him not only our Calamine, but a copper ore which contained zinc ; and the same name was ex- tended to what the Germans call offenhruch, ' fur- nace-calamine ;' which, in melting ores that con- tain zinc, or in making brass, falls to the bottom of the furnace, and" contains more or less of calcined zinc."'» CADU'CEUS {KripvKewv, KtjpvKwv,^^ KriprvKijiov^^) was the staff or mace carried by heralds and am- bassadors in time of war.'" This name is also given to the staff with which Hermes or Mercury is usu- ally represented, as is shown in the following figure of Hermes, taken from an ancient vase, which is given in Millin's Peintures de Vases antiques}^ The caduceus was originally only an olive-branch 1. (Meier, Att. Process.)— 2. (Photius, s. v.— Pollux, Ooora., X., 15.) — 3. (PhJlol. Museum, vol. i., p. 425, note.) — 4. (Dioscor., v., 85. — Paul, ^gin., vii.. 3.— Adams, Append., s. v.) — 5. (p. 610.)— 6. (Hardouin, ad Plin., vol. ix., p. 195.) — 7. (llvgin., Fab., 272.)— 8. (Op., vol. i., p. 1155, B.)— 9. (H. N., xxxl^., 1 ■ xxxiv., 10, &c.) — 10. (Moore's Anc. Mineral., p. 49, seqq.)— 11 (Thucyd., i. 53.)— 12. (Herod., ix., 1 OO.) -- 13. (PoUux Unom , viii., 138.)— 14. (vol. i., pi, 70.) 1S5 C^CUBUM VINUM. Willi thb oTifiitanv, which were afterward formed into snakes.' Later mythologists invented tales about these snakes. Hyginus tells us that Mercury once found two snakes fighting, and divided them with his wand ; from which circumstance they were used as an emblem of peace.' From caduceus was formed the word caduceator, which signified a person sent to treat of peace." Thus Aulas Gellius* tells us that Q. Fabius sent to the Carthaginians a speaf and a caduceus as the emblems of war or peace (hastam et caduceum, signa duo belli aut jiacis). The persons of the eaduceatores were considered sacred.' It would appear, however, that the Roman am- bassadors did not usually carry the caduceus, since Marcian' informs us that the Roman ambassadors carried vervain {segmina) that no one might injure them, in the same manner as the Greek ambassa- dors carried the ceiycia {Kr/pvicta). CADU'CUM. (Vid. Bona Caduca.) CADIIS {kuSoc, KadSog), a large earthen vessel, which was used for several purposes among the ancients. Wine was frequently kept in it ; and we learn from an author quoted by Pollux, that the amphora was also called cadus.' The vessel used in drawing water from wells was called cadus,' or yavU^.' The name of cadus was sometimes given to the vessel or urn in which the counters or peb- bles of the dicasts were put when they gave their vote on a trial, but the diminutive KadioKoc was more commonly used in this signification. (Vid. Cadiskoi.) ♦ G^'CUBUM VINUM, a name given to a wine which was at one time the best growth of the Fa- lernian vineyards. "Formerly," says Pliny,'" "the Cfficuban wine, which came from the poplar marshes of Amycla;, was most esteemed of all the Campa- nian wines ; but it has now lost its repute, partly from the negligence of the growers, and partly from the limited extent of the vineyard, which has been nearly destroyed by the navigable canal that was begun by Nero from Avernus to Ostia." The Ca;cuban is described by Galen" as a generous, du- rable wine, but apt to affect the head, and ripening only after a long term of years. In another place'" he remarks that the Bithynian white wine, when 1. (Miiller, Ai-chteologio der Kunst, p. 504.) — 2. (Compor© PUii., II. N., xxix., 3 )— 3. (Liv., mil., 32.— Nop., Haniiib., c. 11.— Amm. MaicGll., ix.,7.) — 4. (x., 27.)— 5. (Cato, ap. Fcst., ■. v.— Cic, Do Oral., 1, 46.) -6. (ii.g, 1, tit. 8, s, 8.) — 7. (Pol- lux, Ojoin., X., 70, 71. — Suid., b. v. kuSos.) — 8. (h twv (iperfrajv Toils Kidovs ^v\},aixlitivetv: Aristoph., Ecrlcs., 1003. — PoUux, Onom., X., 31.)— 9. (Suid.. s. v. yuuXiis.)— 10. (H. N., xiv., 6.) -11. (Athcnicus, i., 21.)— 12. (Oribasius, v., 6.) ISC C^RITUM TABULAE. very old, passed with the Romans for CeecHban; but that, in this state, it was generally bitter and unfit for drinking. From this analogy we may con. elude that, when new, it belonged to the class of rough, sweet wines. It appears to have been one of Horace's favourite wines, of which he speaks, in general, as having been reserved for important festivals. After the breaking up of the principal vineyards which supplied it, this wine would ne- cessarily become very scarce and valuable.' C^LATU'RA. (Vid. Bronze, p. 179.) *CiEPA or C^PE (icp6/i/j.vov), the Onion, or AU Hum Cepa, L. The Greeks had numerous kinds, or, rather, varieties of this vegetable, which are mei. tioned by Dioscorides.' The Romans, on the other hand, had two principal kinds, the Pallacana and the Condimentarium, the latter of which was sub- divided into many species. The Pallacana {ciepa) had hardly any head, and consisted principally of a long stem. : it admitted of being often cut. The Condimentarium (cape), so called because it could be potted and kept for use, was likewise termed Capitatum, from its exuberant head. — "Though the history of the onion can be but imperfectly traced in Europe, there is no doubt as to its great , , , antiquity in Africa, since there is evidence to show that this bulb was known and much esteemed in Egypt 2000 years before Christ. Juvenal,' indeed, says that the Egyptians were forbidden to eat the onion, this vegetable having been deified by them. The prohibition, however, seems only to have ex- tended to the priests, who, according to Plutarch,' ' abstained from most kinds of pulse ;' and the ab- horrence felt for onions, according to the same author, was confined to the members of the sa- cerdotal order. That onions were cultivated in Egypt, is proved," continues "Wilkinson, "from the authority of many writers, as well as from the sculptures ; their quality was renowned in ancient, and has been equally so in modern times ; and the Israelites, when they left the country, regretted the ' onions,' as well as the cucumbers, the melons, the leeks, the garlic, and the meats they ' did eat' in Egypt. Among the offerings presented to the gods, both in the tombs and temples, onions are intro- duced, and a priest is frequently seen holding them in his hand, or covering an altar with a bundle of their leaves and roots. Nor is it less certain that they were introduced at private as well as pubhc festivals, and brought to table with gourds, cucum hers, and other vegetables ; and if there is an) truth in the notion of their being forbidden, we may conclude that this was entirely confined to the priestly order. The onions of Egypt were mild and of an excellent flavour, a character enjoyei by them at the present day ; and they were eaten crude as well as cooked, by persons both of the higher and lower classes. It is difficult, however, to say if they introduced them to table like the cab- bage, as a hors d'ceunre to stimulate the appetite, which Socrates reconmiends in the Banquet of Xenophon. On this occasion, some curious reasons for their use are brought forward by different mem- bers of the party. Nicerates observes that onions relish well with wine, and cites Homer in support of his remark ; Callias affirms that they inspu'e courage in the hour of battle ; and Charmides sug- gests their utility in deceiving a jealous wife, who, finding her husband return with his breath smelling of onions, would be induced to believe he had not saluted any one while from home."' C.ERTtUM TABUL.E. The inhabitants of Care obtained from the Romans, in early times, the Ro- 1. (Henderson's Hi,it. Anc. Wines, p. 65, 87.)— 2. (ii., 160.)- 3. (Sat., XIV., 9.)— 4. (Is. et Os., Set 8.)-5. (Wilkinson'sMur ucre and Customs Anc. Egypt, vol. ii., p. 373, seq.) KALAMOS. CALANTICA. man franchise, but without the suffragium,} Some ancient writers thought that the Caerites originally had the full franchise, and were afterward deprived of the sutfragium." The names of the citizens of Caere were kept at Rome in lists called tabula Ca- rilum, in which the names of all other citizens who had not the sufliragium appear to have been entered in later times. All citizens who were degraded by the censors to the rank of aerarians were classed among the Caerites ; and hence we find the expres- sions oiararium facere' and in tabulas Caritum re- ferri* used as svnonymous. (Vid. iEEiEii.) ♦CALAMINTHE (mlaiiheii), a shrub, which Sprengel, in the first edition of his R. H. H., makes to be the Melissa Cretica; but in his second, the Thymus nejieta, or Catmint. In his edition of Dios- corides he calls the first species the Melissa Cretiea; the second, the Thymus nepeta, Scop. ; and the third, the Melissa altissimaJ' CALAMIS'TRUM, an instrument made of iron, ■and hollow like a reed (calamus), used for curUng tlie hair. For tliis purpose it was heated, the per- son who performed the office of heating it in wood- ashes {cinis) being called ciniflo or cinerarius.^ This use of heated irons was adopted very early among the Romans,' and became as common among them as it has been in modern times.' In the age of Cicero, who frequently alludes to it, the Roman youths, as well as the matrons, often ap- peared with their hair curled in this manner (cala- mistrati). We see the result in many antique stat- ues and busts. CAL'AMUS (Ka^a/xof'), a sort of reed which the ancients used as a pen for writing.'" The best sorts were got from jEgypt and Cnidus." So Martial," " Dot chariis hahilcs calamos Memphitica tellus." When the reed became blunt, it was sharpened with a knife, scalpmm librarium;" and to a reed so sharpened' the epithet temperatus, used by Cicero, probably refers,^* " calamoet atramento temperato res agetur." One of the inkstands given under the ar- ticle Atramentcm has a calamus upon it. The calamus was split like our pens, and hence Auso- nius'' calls it jissipes, or cloven-footed. *KAA'AMOS apufiarifiog. Sprengel feels little hesitation in deciding that this is the Acorus Cala- mus, or Sweet Flag. Schneider states that Stack- house, in the second edition of his work, is disposed to refer the /ctiAo/iOf rfoa/jof of Theophrastus to the same. The term imyeioc also occurs in Theophras- tus. {Vid. Sacohaedm.") *KAA'AMOS (jipajfiiTri;. AU agree that this is the Arundo phragmitis, L., or common Reed. Spren- gel refers the «.aha\io^ ;^apa/ciaf of Theophrastus to the same." *KAA'AMOS ai/lT/riKOf, the same as the ?ibval, and, consequently, ihe Arundo donax.'^^ ( Vid. Donax.) *KAA'AMOS 6 vaarb^. The early commentators on Dioscorides have settled the identity of this with the To^mo; of Theophrastus ; and Sprengel refers it very properly, as Adams thinks, to the Arundo are- naria, or sea-side Reed." *KAA'AMOS (5 '1v6lk6(, most probably the Bam- boo Cane, or Bamhusa Arundinacea. Mention of the Bamboo Cane is made by Herodotus, and also by 1. (Cell., ivi., 13.— Stnibo, t., p. 220.)— 2. (Schol. in Hor Epist., I.,Ti., 63.)— 3. (Gell., iv., 12.)— 4. (Cell., xvi., 13.) —5. (Dioscor., iii., 37.— Theophrast., C. P., ii., 16.— Adams, Append., s. t.)— 6. (Hor., Sat., I., ii., 98. — Heindorf, ad loc.)— 7. (Plant., Asin., III., iii., 37.)— 8. (Virg:., Mn., ii., 100.— Servins.- Heme, ad loc.)— 9. (Pollux, Onom., x., 15 ) —10. (Cic, ad Att., vi, 9.— Hor., Ep. ad Pis., 447.)— 11. {PUn., H. N., iri., 36, 64.)— 12. (jit., 38.)-13. (Tacit., Ann., v., 8.— Suet , Vitell., 2.)— 14. (Cic, ad Q. Fratr., ii., 15.)— 15. (vii 49.)— 16. (Dioscor., i., 17.— Theophrast., H. P., iv., 11.)— 17. (Dioscor., i., 114.— Theophrast., H. P., iv., 12.)— 18. (Theo- phrast., H. P., iv., 12.)— 19. (Dioscor., i., 114— Theophrast., H. P., iv., 11.) Ctesias. (Firf. Sacchaeuh.) The KaAa/iof 'Ivdixaf uTToTielidufis i!0( of Theophrastus, or petrified Cala- mus Indicus, was one of the starry-surfaced foss'l Coralloids. " It was not named so without rea- son," observes Hill, " forthe specimen which I have of it very prettily and exactly resembles that body."' "CALCIFRAGA. (Vid. Empeteon.) CALANTTCA or CALVA'TICA, a head-dress. This word is sometimes given as answering to the Greek /££/cpi)^a?.of, but the Latin reticulum (quod ca- pillum contineret, dictum, a rete reticulum') corre- sponds better to KeKpvaXoc, which was a caul or coif of network for covering the hair, and was worn by women during the day as well as the night. This kind of covering for the head was very an- cient, for it is mentioned by Homer,' and it also appears to have been commonly used. It occurs in several paintings found at Pompeii, from one of which the following cut is taken, representing Nep- tune and a nymph, on whose head this kind of net work appears.* The persons who made these nets were called KeKpv^a'XoTi'AoKoi,' and also aaKxv'puv-ai,'' according to Pollux,' who explains the word by oi ■n?JK0VTec Tat; yvvai^ Toif KeKpv(pu?^ovc. These nets appear to have been sometimes made of gold threads,' and at other times of silk,' or the Elean byssus," and probably of other materials which are not mentioned by ancient writers. The head-dress made of close materials must be distinguished from the /cexpii^oAof or reticulum. The former was called mitra or calantica, which words are said to be synonymous," though in a passage in the Digest'" they are mentioned together as if they were distinct. Such head-dresses frequently occur in paintings on vases. Their forms are very various, as the two following woodcuts, taken from Milhn, Peintures de Vases Antiques," will show. The first is an exact copy of the painting on the vase, and represents a man and a woman recUning on a couch, with a small figure standing by the woman's side, the meaning of which' is not quite clear. 11 fi next woodcut only contains a part of the 1. (Theophrast., H. P., iv., 11.— Id., De Lapid., 68.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 2. (Varro, De Ling. Lat.,v., 29.)— 3. (II., xxii., 469.)— 4. (Museo Borbonico, vol. vi., pl. 18.) — 5. (Pollux, Onom., vii., 179.)— 6. (Demosth., c. Olympiod., c. 3, p. 1170.)— 7. (Onom., x., 192.)— 8. (Petron, c. 67.— Juv., ii., 96.)— 9. (Sal mas., Exerc. ad Solin., p. 302.)— 10. (Paus., vii., 21, 4 7.) -II (Serv., ad^n., ix.,616.)— 12. (34, tit. 2, s. 25, i> 10.)— 13. (vol. I., pl. 59 i vol. u., pl. 43.) 187 CALATHUS. CALCEUS. original painting, which consists of many other fe- male figures, engaged in the celebration of certain mysteries. The mitra was originally the name of an eastern huad-dress, and is sometimes spoken of as charac- teristic of the Phrygians.' Pliny" says that Poly- gnotus was the first who painted Greek women •«!/n'» vtrsicoloribus. It appears from a passage in Martial' (fortior in- tortos servat vesica, capillos) that a bladder was some- times used as a kind of covering for the hair. CAL'ATHUS, dim. CALATHIS'CUS (KdUeoc, Ka'XadiaKog), also called TA'AAP02, usually signi- fied the basket in which women placed their work, and especially the materials for spinning. Thus Pollux* speaks of both ruAapoi and KukaSo^ as T7}f yvvaiKuvlri&o^ aKcvTj : and in another passage* he names them in connexion with spinning, and says that the TaXapog and KaXadiaaog were the same. These baskets were made of osiers or reeds ; whence we read in Pollux' TrlEKtiv raXapov^ naX KoXaOtaiiovf, and in Catullus,' " Ante pedes aulem candenlis moUia lana Vellera virgati custodilant calathisci." Thoy appear, however, to have been made in earlier times of more valuable materials, since we read in Homer" of a silver roAapof. They frequently occur in paintings on vases, and often indicate, as Botti- ger' has remarked, that the scene represented takes jilace in the gynseconitis, or women's apartments. In the following woodcut, taken from a painting on a vase," a slave, belonging to tlie class called qua- sillariae, is presenting her mistress with the calathus, in which the wool was kept for embroidery, &c. Baskets of this kind were also used for other pur- poses," such as for carrying fruits, flowers, &c.'' 1. (Viri;., JEn., ix., 610, soq.)— 2. (H. N., xxxv., 35.)— 3. (VIIl., xxxiii., 19.) — 4. (X., 125.)— 5. (vii., 29.)— 0. (vii., 173.) —7. (Ixiv., 310.)— 8. (Od., iv., 125.) — 9. (Vnsengom., iii., 44.) —10. (Millin, Peinturcs de Vrusos Antiques, vol. i., pi. 4.) — 11. (BOttiirer, Sabinii, vil. ii., p. 253, 258.) — 12. (Ovid, Alt. Am., J., 204.) 188 The name of calathi was also given to cups for hold. ing wine.' Calathus was properly a Greek word, though usej by the Latin writers. The Latin word correspond- ing to it was quoins,' or quasillus.^ From qmsilhu came quasillaria, the name of the slave who spun, and who was considered th 3 meanest of the female slaves ( Convocat omnes quasillnrias, familitcque m- dissimam partem*). CALCAR, a spur, that is, a goad attached to tlie heel (calx) in riding on horseback, and used to urge on the horse to greater swiftness.* The early adoption of this conUivance by the Ro- mans appears from the mention of it in Plautus' and Lucretius.' It is afterward often alluded to by Cicero,' Ovid,' Virgil," and subsequent Roman au- thors. On the other hand, we do not find that tlie Greeks used spurs, and this may account for the fact that they are seldom, if ever, seen on antique statues. The spurs of a cock are called calcaria'.- CALCEUS (dim. CALCEOLUS), CALCEA- MEN, CALCE.-iMENTCM (i-SSri/xa, ■zediloy), a shoe or boot, anything adapted to cover and preserve the feet in walking. The use of shoes was by no means universal among the Greeks and Romans. The Homeric he- roes are represented without shoes when armed for battle. (Firf. Akma, Balteus.) According to the institutions of Lycurgus, the young Spartans were brought up without wearing shoes {awaoSriaia"), in order that they might have the full use of their feet in running, leaping, and climbing. Socrates, Pho- cion, and Cato frequently went barefoot {avmoiii- Tof," pede nudo^*). The Roman slaves had no shoes (nudo talo"), their naked feet being marked with chalk or gypsum. The covering of the feet was re- moved before reclining at meals. {Yid. Ccena.) To go barefoot also indicated haste, grief, distrac- tion of mind, or any violent emotion, as when the chorus of Oceanides hasten to the fettered Prome- theus (aTfe'cSiAoc") ; when Venus goes in quest oi Adonis (aauii(5a?,of"), and when the vestals flee from Rome with the apparatus of sacred utensils." For similar reasons, sorceresses go with naked feet when intent upon the exercise of magical arts" (nudapc- dcm," pedibus midis"), although sometimes one foot only was unshod {unum cruta pcdcm vinclis"), and is so painted on fictile vases. That it was a very rare thing at Rome to see a respectable female out of doors without shoes, is clear from the astonish- I. (Virg., Ed., v., 71.)— 2. (Hor., Carm., III., lii., 4.)-3. (Festus, s. V. Calathus. — Cic, Philip., iii., 4. — Prop., IV., vii., 37.)— 4. (I'ttron., c. 132.— Compare TibuU., IV., x., 3, aiid HejTie in loc.)— 5. (Isidor., Orij., xx., 16.)— 6. (Asin., III., iii., 118.)— 7. (v., 1074.)— 8. (De Orat., iii., 9.— Ep. ad Alt., vi., I.) —9. (Ep. exPonto, ii., 6, 38; iv.,2, 35.)— 10. ("ferrata calcdl" Yirg.,^n., xi., 714.) — 11. (Col., De Eo Hust, yiii., 2.)-12' (Xen., Hop. Lac., 2.) — 13. (Aristoph., Nub., l.'S, 362. -Xen., Mom., i., 6, 4 2.— Plut., Phoc— Id., Cat.)— 14 (Epist., I., M-i 12.) — 15. (Juv., vii., 16.) — 16. (jEsch., Prom. Vinct., 138, el. Blomf.)— 17. (Dion, i., 21.)— 18. (Flor., i., 13.)— 19. (Sen, Me- dea, IV., 2, 14.)— 20. (Ovid, Met., vii., 183.)— 21. (Hor., S«t.,li viii., 84.)— 22. (Virg., JEn., iv., 518.) CALCEUS. CALCEUS. ment experienced by Ovid, until he was informed of the reason of it, in a particular instance. " Hue pede matronam vidi descendere nudo : Obstupui tacilus, sustinuique gradum." The feet were sometimes bare in attendance on lunerals. Thus the remains of Augustus were col- lected from the pyra by noblemen of the first rank w itli naked feet.' A picture found at Herculaneum exhibits persons with naked feet engaged in the worship of Isis ;= and this practice was observed at Rome in honour of Cybele.= In case of drought, a procession and ceremonies, called Nudipedalia, were performed with a view to propitiate the gods by the same token of grief and humihation.* The idea of the defilement arising from, contact with anything that had died, led to the entire disuse of skin or leather by the priests of Egypt. Their shoes were made of vegetable materials {calceos ex pajryro'). (Vid. Baxa.) Those of the Greeks and Romans who wore shoes, including generally all persons except youths, slaves, and ascetics, consulted their convenience, and indulged their fancy, by inventing the greatest possible variety in the forms, colours, and materials of their shoes. Hence we find a multitude of names, the exact meaning of which it is impossible to as- certain, but which were often derived either from the persons who were supposed to have brought certain kinds of shoes into fashion, or from tlie pla- ces where they were procured. We read, for ex- ample, of " shoes of Alcibiades ;" of " Sicyonian," and " Persian," which were ladies' shoes ;^ of " La- conian," which were men's shoes ;' and of " Cre- tan," " Milesian," and " Athenian" shoes. ■The distinctions depending upon form may be gen- erally divided into those in which the mere sole of a shoe was attached to the sole of the foot by ties or bands, or by a covering for the toes or the instep ivid. SoLEA, Ceepida, Soccds) ; and those which ascended higher and higher, according as they cov- ered the ankles, the calf, or the whole of the leg. To calceamenta of the latter kind, i. e., to shoes and hoots as "Histinguished from sandals and slippers, the term " calceus" was applied in its proper and restricted sense. Besides the difference in the intervals to which the calceus extended from the sole upward to the knee, other varieties arose from its acaptalion to particular professions or modes of life. Thus the CALIGA was principally worn by soldiers ; Ihe peeo by labourers and rustics; and the cothbenus by tragedians, hunters, and horsemen. Understanding " calceus" in its more contned ap- plication, it included all those more complete cover- ings for the feet which, were used in walking out of doors or in travelling. As most c&mmonly worn, these probably did not much differ from our shoes, and are exemplified in a painting at Herculaneum,' which represents a female wearing bracelets, a wreath of ivy, and a panther's skin, while she is in the attitude of dancing and playing on the cymbals. Her shoes are yellow, illustrating the fact that they were worn of various colours, especially by females. (Vid. preceding woodcut.) The shoe-ties (corrigia) are likewise yellow. These shoes appear light and thin, corresponding to the dress and attitude of the wearer. On the other hand, a marble foot in the British Museum exhibits the form of a man's shoe. Both the sole and the upper leather are thick and strong. The toes are uncovered, and a thong passes between the great and the second toe, as iii a sandal. For an example of calcei reaching to the middle of the leg, see the figure of Orestes in Amentum (p. 47). In the Panathenaic frieze of the Parthenon, boots much like his, but reaching still higher, are worn by many of the Athenian horsemen. They are fastened tightly below the knee, and fit closely in every part, sliowing how completely the sculptor avoided the reproach of making the foot " float" in the shoe {natare,' iveov h raif i/iSdaw'). In many statues the flaps are produced by turning down the head and claws of the quadruped out of whose hide the boot was made. We often see it laced in front. {Vid. CoTHUENDS.) Upon no part of their dress did the ancients be- stow greater attention than upon this. Theophrae- tus* considers it as a proof of rusticity to wear shoes larger than the foot.' If, on the one hand, Ovid' advises the lover, " Nee vagus in lata pes iibi pelle natet," we find Quintilian, on the other hand, laying down similar maxims for the statesman and the orator.' Overnicety produced the inconve nience of pinching shoes,' especially when they were pointed at the toes and turned upward (unci- nati). Besides the various and splendid colours of the leather, the patterns still existing on marble statues show that it was cut in a very elaborate manner. When Lucullus triumphed after his vic- tories in Asia, he displayed fine shoes from Syria, painted with spots in imitation of jewels.' Real gems and gold were added by some of the emper- ors, especially Heliogabalus, who wore beautiful cam- eos on his boots and shoes, but with the natural effect of exciting ridicule rather than admiration.'" The form and colour of the calceus were also 1. (Ant. d'Erco!., i., ta/. 21.)— 2. (Ovia.)— 3. (Aristoph., 1. (Suet., Octav., 100.)— 2. (Ant. d'ErcoT.,ii.,320.)— 3. (Pru- Equit.,321.)— 4. (Cliar.,4.)-5. (Compare IIov, Sat I iii 32 flcnt Peris,, 154.)-^. (TortulL, Apol., 40.)-5. (Mart. C^pell., -6. (De Art. Am., i , 516.)-7. (Ins. Or., x\., 3, p. 439, ed. Spald- 2. -O. (Cic, De Oral., i., 54.— Ilesycli.)— 7. (Aristoph., Thes., inf.)— 8. (Hor., Ep., 1., x., 43.)— 9 (Serv. in iEn., iv., 261.1- '■'■'•' I 10. (Lamprid., Ueliog., 23.— Alei Sev., 4.) 189 CALENDAR. CALENDAR. among the insignia of ranlc and office. Those who were elevated to the senate wore high shoes like buskins, fastened in front with four black thongs (nigris pellibus'-), and adorned with a small cres- cent." Hence Cicero,^ speaking of the assumption of the senatorial dignity by Asinius, says mutavit calceos. Another man, in similar circumstances, was told that his nobility was in his heels.* Among the calcei worn by senators, those called mullet, from their resemblance to the scales of the red mul- let,' were particularly admired ; as well as others called alut(B, because the leather was softened by the use of alum.' CALCULA'TOR {loycaTri^) signifies a keeper of accounts in general, but was also used in the signi- fication of a teacher of arithmetic ; whence Martial' classes him with the nolarius, or writing-master. The name was derived from calculi, which were commonly used in teaching arithmetic, and also in reckoning in general. (Vid. Abacus, No. VI.) Among the Greeks the Tioycarijc and ypafifiarcGTr/g appear to have been usually the same person. In Roman families of importance there was a calculator or account-keeper,' who is, however, more frequently called by the name of dispensator or procurator, who was a kind of steward.' CALCULI, were little stones or pebbles, used for various purposes ; such, for example, as the Athe- nians used in voting (vid. Cadiskoi), or such as De- mosthenes put in his mouth when declaiming, in order to mend his pronunciation." Calculi were used in playing a sort of draughts. ( Vid. Lateuk- CHLi.) Subsequently, instead of pebbles, ivory, or silver, or gold, or other men (as we call them) were used, but still called calculi. The calculi were bi- colores.'-^ Calculi were also used in reckoning, and hence the phrases calculum ponere,^' calculum suldu- :cre." (Firf. Abacus, No VI.) CALDA. {Vid. Calida.) CALDA'RIUM. (Vid. Baths, p. 149.) CALENDAR (GREEK). The Greek year was divided into twelve lunar months, depending on the actual changes of the moon. The first day of the month (vovfiTjvia) was not the day of the conjunc- tion, but the day on the evening of which the new moon first appeared ; consequently full moon was the middle of the month, and is called Six6firivi(, or "the divider of the month."" The lunar month consists of 29 days and about 13 hours ; according- ly, some months were necessarily reckoned at 29 days, and rather more of them at thirty days. The latter were called, full months (irXripcU), the former hollow months (/coiAoi). As the twelve lunar months fell short of the solar year, they were obliged every other year to interpolate an intercalary month (fiiiv i/iCoXt/ialoc) of 30 or 29 days. The ordinary year consisted of 354 days, and the interpolated year, therefore, of 384 or 383. This interpolated year (TpicTTjpic) was seven days and a half too long ; and, to correct the error, the intercalary month was from time to time omitted. The Attic year began with the summer solstice : the following is the sequence of the Attic months, and the number of days in each ; Hecatombason (30), Metagcitnion (29), Boe- dromion (30), Pyanepsion (29), Majmacterion (30), Poseideon (29), Gamelion (30), Anthestenon (29), Elaphebolion (30), Miinychion (29), Thargelion (30), Scirophorion (29). The intercalary month was a 1. (llor.. Sat., I,, vi., 27.— Iloindorf in lot-.)— 2. (Mart., li., 59.— Juv., yii., 102.)— 3. (Phil., xiii., 13.)— 4. (Philobtr., llrr., 0 second Poseideon inserted in the middle of ihj year. Every Athenian month was divided into three decads. The days of the first decad were designated as caTa/ievov or apxo/xivov jirivof, and were counted on regularly from 1 to 10 ; thus ia. Tipa apxo/iEvov or iarafihov is " the second day 0/ the month." The days of the second decad were designated as eiri dsxa, or /isoovvro;, and were count ed on regularly from the 11th to the 20th day, vphicli was called elica(. There were two ways of count- ing the days of the last decad : they were eithei reckoned onward from the 20th (thus xpunj wi iiKudi was the 21st), or backward from the last day, with the addition . • 360X10 J the annual pay prior to Domitian was — de- 16 860X10 . . . J ., , nam, or —z — r^ aurei =9 aarei ; and thus the ad- 16 X25 dition of three aurei was precisely a fourth more. Lastly, the festival Terminalia, as its name implies, marked the end of the year ; and this, by-the-way, again proves that March was originally the first month. The intercalary month was called MepKiSivoc, oi MepKjiioviOf.^ We give it in Greek characters, be cause it happens somewhat strangely that no Latin author has mentioned the name, the term mensis interkalaris or interkalarius supplying its place. Thus, in the year of intercalation, the day after the ides of February was called, not, as usual, a. d. XVI. Kalendas Martins, but a. d. XL Kalendas interka- laris. So, also, there were the Nonae interkalares and Idus interkalares, and after this last came ci- ther a. d. XV. or XVI. Kal. Mart., according as the month had 22 or 23 days ; or, rather, if we add the five remaining days struck off from February, 27 or 28 days. In either case the Regifugium retained its ordinary designation a. d. VI. Kal. Mart.' When Cicero writes to Atticus, " Acccpi tuas litteras a. i. Y. Terminalia" (i. e., Feb. 19), he uses this strange mode of defining a date, because, being then in Cili- cia, he was not aware whether any intercalation had been inserted that year. Indeed, he says, in another part of the same letter, "Basic obseredbo, quasi interkalatum non sit." Besides the intercalary month, mention is occa- sionally made of an intercalary day. The object of this was solely to prevent the first day of the year, and perhaps also the nones, from coinciding with the nundinae, of which mention has been already made.' Hence, in Livy,* " Intercaiatum eo anno; pcstridie Terminalia ijUercalares fuerunt." This would not have been said had the day of intercala- tion been invariably the same ; and, again, Livy,' " Hoc anno intercaiatum est. Tertio die post Termi- nalia Calendce intercalarea fuere" i. e., two days af- ter the Terminaha, so that the dies intercalaris was on this occasion inserted, as well as the month so called. Nay, even after the reformation of the cal- endar, the same superstitious practice remained. Thus, in the year 40 B.C., a day was inserted for this purpose, and afterwafrd an omission of a day took place, that the calendar might not be disturb- ed.' The system of intercalating in alternate years 23 or 23 days, that is, of ninety days in eight years, was borrowed, we cu-e told by Macrobius, from the Greeks ; and the assertion is probable enough, firet, because from the Greeks the Romans generally de- rived all scientific assistance ; and, secondly, be- cause the decemviral legislation was avowedly de- duced from that quarter. Moreover, at the very period in question, a cycle of eight years appears to have been in use at Athens, for the Metonic period of 19 years was not adopted before 432 B.C. The Romans, however, seem to have been guilty of somt clumsiness in applying the science they derived from Greece. The addition of ninety days in a cy- cle of eight years to a lunar year of 354 days would, in substance, have amounted to the addition of lU (=90-^8) days to each year, so that the Romans would virtually have possessed the Julian calendar. As it was, they added the intercalation to a year of 355 days ; anil, consequently, on an average, every year exceeded its proper length by a day, if wc neg- lect the inaccuracies of the Juhan calendar. Ac- cordingly, we find that the civil and solar years were greatly at variance in the year 564 AUG. On the 11th of Quinctilis in that year, a remarkable . (c. 13.)— 2. (ii., 531, note 1179.)— 3. (nj Fam., xm., 7, 9.) . (Do Ling. Lat., vi., 55.) — 5. (Suet., Dom., 7.) 194 1. (Plutarch, Numa, 19.— Cies., 59.)— 2. ( Virf. Ascon., ad Oral. JOT Milon.— Fast. Triumphal., 493 A.U.C.)— 3. (Macrob., r. V — i. (.vlv., 44.)— 5. (iliii., 11.)— 0. (Dion, xlviii.. 33.) CALENDAR. eclipse ol the sun occurred.* This eclipse, says Ideler, can have been no other than the one which occurred on the 14th of March, 190 B.C. of the Ju- lian calendar, and which at Rome was nearly total. Again, the same historian" mentions an eclipse of the moon, which occurred in the night between the 3d and 4th of September, in the year of the city 586. This must have been the total eclipse in the night between the 21st and 22d of June, 163 B.C. That attempts at legislation for the purpose of correcting so serious an error were actually made, appears from Macrobius, who, aware himself of the cause of the error, says that, by way of correction, in every third octoennial period, instead of 90 inter- calary days, only 68 were inserted. Again, it ap- pears that M.Acilius Glabrio, in his consulship 169 B.C., that is, the very year before that in which the above-mentioned lunar eclipse occurred, introduced some legislative measure upon the subject of inter- calation.' According to the above statement of Macrobius, a cycle of 24 years was adopted, and it is this very passage which has induced the editors of Livy to insert the word quarto in the text already quoted. As the festivals of the Romans were for the most part dependant upon the calendar, the regulation of the latter was intrusted to the college of pontifices, who in early times were chosen exclusively from the body of patricians. It was, therefore, in the power of the college to add to their other means of oppressing the plebeians, by keeping to themselves the knowledge of the days on which justice could be administered, and assemblies of the people could be held. In the year 304 B.C., one Cn. Flavins, a recretary (scriba) of Appius Claudius, is said fraud- ulently to have made the Fasti pubUc* It appears, however, from the last passage, that Atticus doubt- ed the truth of the story. In either case, the other privilege of regulating the year by the insertion of the intercalary month gave them great political power, which they were not backward to employ. Everything connected with the matter of intercala- tion was left, says Censorinus," to the unrestrained pleasure of the pontifices ; and the majority of these, on personal grounds, added to or took from the year by capricious intercalations, so as to lengthen or shorten the period during which a magistrate re- mained in office, and seriously to benefit or injure the farmer of the public revenue. Similar to this is the language employed by Macrobius,' Ammia- nus,' Solinus,' Plutarch,' and their assertions are confirmed by the letters of Cicero, written during his proconsulate in Cilicia, the constant burden of which is a request that the pontifices wUl not add to his year of government by intercalation. In consequence of this license, says Suetonius,'" neither the festivals of the harvest coincided with the summer, nor those of the vintage with the au- tumn. But we cannot desire a better proof of the confusion than a comparison of three short passa- ges in the third book of Caesar's Bell. Civ.,^^ "Pri- d'lc nonas Janvarias navii solvit,^^ jamque hiems ad~ propinquahat," multi jam menses transierant et hiems nim prcecipitaverat." Year of Julius Ccesar. — In the year 46 B.C., Caesar, now master of the Roman world, crowned his other great services to his country by employing his authority, as pontifex maximus, in the correction of this serious evil. For this purpose he availed himself of the services of Sosigenes the peripatetic, 1. (Liv., xjcxTii., 4.)— 2. (xliv., 37.)— 3. (Macrob., c. 13.)— 4. (Liv., xi., 46. — Cic, Pro Murasn., c. 11. — Plin., H. N., sxxiii., 1.— Val. Max., ii., 5.— Aul. Gell., vi., 9. — Macrob., i., 15.— Pomponius, De Origine Juris, in tie Digests, 1, tit. 2. — Cicero, ad Att., vi., 1.)— 5. (o. 20.)— 6. (i.,.14.)— 7. (xxvi.,I.)— 8. (c. 1.) —9. (Jul., 59.) -10. (Jul., 40.)— 11. (c. 6.)— 12. (c. 9.)— 13. (c. 25 .i CALENDAR. and a scriha named M. Flavins, though he himsell too, we are told, was well acquainted with astrono- my, and, indeed, was the author of a work of some merit upon the subject, which was still extant in the time of Pliny. The chief authorities upon the subject of the Julian reformation are Plutarch,' Die Cassius,' Appian,' Ovid,« Suetonius,' Pliny,' Cen sorinus,' Macrobius," Ammianus Marcellinus,' So linus." Of these, Censorinus is the most precise ■ " The confusion was at last," says he, " carried so far, that C. Ceesar, the pontifex maximus, in his third consulate, with Lepidus for his colleague, in- serted between November and December two in- tercalary months of 67 days, the month of February having already received an intercalation of 23 days, and thus made the whole year to consist of 445 days. At the same time, he provided against a repetition of similar errors by casting aside the intercalary month, and adapting the year to the sun's course. Accordingly, to the 355 days of the previously existing year, he added ten days, which he so distributed between the seven months having 29 days, that January, Sextilis, and December re- ceived two each, the others but one ; and these additional days he placed at the end of the several months, no doubt with the wish not to remove the various festivals from those positions in the several months which they hfid so long occupied. Hence, in the present calendar, although there are seven months of 31 days, yet the four months which from the first possessed that number are still distinguish- able by having their nones on the seventh, the rest having them on the filth of the month. Lastly, in consideration of the quarter of a day, which he considered as completing the true year, he estab- lished the rule, that at the end of every four years a single day should be intercalated where the month had been hitherto inserted, that is, immediately after the Terminaha ; which day is now called the Bissextum." This year of 445 days is commonly called by chronologists the year of confusion ; but by Macro- bius, more fitly, the last year of confusion. The kalends of January, of the year 708 A.U.C., fell on the 13th of October, 47 B.C. of the Julian calendar ; the kalends of March, 708 A.U.C., on the 1st of January, 46'B.C. ; and, lastly, the kalends of Janu- ary, 709 A.U.C., on the 1st of January, 45 B.C. Of the second of the two intercjilary months in- serted in this year after November, mention is made in Cicero's letters." It was probably the original intention of Caesar to commence the year with the shortest day. The winter solstice at Rome, in the year 46 B.C., occur- red on the 24th of December of the Julian calendar. His motive for delaying the commencement for seven days longer, instead of taking the following day, was probably the desire to gratify the supersti- tion of the Romans, by causing the first year of the reformed calendar to fall on the day of the new moon. Accordingly, it is found that the mean new moon occurred at Rome on the 1st of January, 45 B.C., at 6h. 16' P.M. In this way alone can be ex- plained the phrase used by Macrobius : " Annum civilem Casar, hahitis ad lunam dimensionilus consti- tutum, edicto palam. proposito publicavit." This edict is also mentioned by Plutarch where he gives the anecdote of Cicero, who, on being told by some one that the constellation Lyra would rise the next morning, observed, " Yes, no doubt, in obedience to the edict." ^.yj The mode of denoting the days of the mont^j\g^ 1. (Cies., c. 59.)— 2. (iliii., 26.)-3. (De Bell„ iSj ."P./Sf extr.)-4. (Fasti, iii., 155.)— 5. (Jul., c. 40.)-'6. W.W, ifVHf.? 57.)— 7. (c. 20.)-8. (Sat., i., I4.)-9. (xxvi., l.j^UI. H.lW.l- 11. (Ad Fam., vi., 14.) ' -/"" .^-Ol -t ' ' -I Ihjji ,.v y .ika CALENDAR. CALENDAR. cause no diiBculty, if it be recollected that the kal- ends always denote the first of the month, that the nones occur on the seventh of the four months March, May, Quinctilis or July, and October, and on the fifth of the other months ; that the ides al- ways fall eight days later than the nones ; and, lastly, that the intermediate days are in all cases reckoned backward, upon the Roman principle al- ready explained of counting both extremes. For the month of January the notation wiU be as follows : 1 Kal. Jan. 17 a. d. XVI. Kal. Feb. 2 a. d. IV. Non. Jan. 18 a. d. XV. Kal. Feb. 3 a. d. III. Non. Jan. 19 a. d. XIV. Kal. Feb. 4 Prid. Non. Jan. 20 a. d. XIII. Kal. Feb. 5 Non. Jan. 21 a. d. XII. Kal. Feb. 6 a. d. VIII. Id. Jan. 22 a. d. XI. Kal. Feb. 7 a. d. VII. Id. Jan. 23 a. d. X. Kal. Feb. 8 a. d. VI. Id. Jan. 24 a. d. IX. Kal. Feb. 9 a. d. V. Id. Jan. 25 a. d. VIII. Kal. Feb. 10 a. d. IV. Id. Jan. 26 a. d. VII. Kal. Feb. 11 a. d. III. Id. Jan. 27 a. d. VL Kal. Feb. 12 Prid. Id. Jan. 28 a. d. V. Kal. Feb. 13 Id. Jan. 29 a. d. IV. Kal. Feb. 14 a. d. XIX. Kal. Feb. 30 a. d. III. Kal. Feb. 15 a. d. XVIII. Kal. Feb. 31 Prid. Kal. Feb. 16 a. d. XVII. Kal. Feb. The letters a. d. are often, through error, written together, and so confounded with the preposition ad, which would have a different meaning, for ad kalendas would signify by, i. e., on or before the kal- ends. The letters are in fact an abridgment of ante diem, and the fuU phrase for " on the second of January" would be ante diem quartum nonas Janvr arias. The word ante in this expression seems really to belong in sense to nonas, and to be the cause why nonas is an accusative. Hence occur such phrases as^ in ante diem, quartum Kal. Decem- bris distulit, " he put it off to the fourth day before the kalends of December,"" Is dies erat ante diem V. Kal. Apr., and ante quern diem iturus sit, for quo die.^ The same confusion exists in the phrase post paucos dies, which means " a few days after," and is equivalent to pau£is post diebus. Whether the phrase Kalendte Januarii was ever used by the best writers is doubtful. The words are commonly ab- breviated ; and those passages where Aprilis, De- cembris, &c., occur, are of no avad, as they are probably accusatives. The ante may be omitted, in which case the phrase will be die quarto nonarum. In the leap year (to use a modern phrase), the last days of February were called, Feb. 23. a. d. VII. Kal. Mart. Feb. 24. a. d. VI. Kal. Mart, posteriorem. Feb. 25. a. d. VI. Kal. Mart, priorem. Feb. 26. a. d. V. Kal. Mart. Feb. 27. a. d. IV. Kal. Mart. Feb. 28. a. d. III. Kal. Mart. Feb. 29. Prid. Kal. Mart. In which the words prioi- and posterior are used in reference to the retrograde direction of the reckon- ing. Such, at least, is the opinion of Ideler, who refers to Celsus in the Digests.* From the fact that the intercalated year has two days called ante diem sextum, the name of bisse.xdle bas been applied to it. The term annus bissexiilis, however, does not occur in any writer prior to Beda, but, in place of it, the phrase annus bissextus. It was the intention of Cajsar that the bissextum should be inserted peracto quadriennii circuiiu, as Censorinus says, or quinto quoque incipiente anno, to use the words of Macrobius. The phrase, however, which Caesar used seems to have been quarto quoque tnno, which was interpreted by the priests to mean 1. (Cic, Phil., iii., 8.)— 2. (Cks., BeU.Gall., i.,6.)— 3 (Cibs. BeU. C-v., i., n. )— 4. (50, tit. 16, s. 98.) 196 every third year. The consequence was, that la the year 8 B.C., the Emperor Augustus, finding that three more intercalations had been made than was the intention of the law, gave directions that for the next twelve years there should be no bissextile. The services which Csesar and Augustus had conferred upon their country by the reformation of the year seems to have been the immediate causes of the compliments paid to them by the insertioL of their names in the calendar. Juhus .was substi- tuted for Quinctilis, the month in which Caesar was bom, in the second Julian year, that is, the year of the dictator's death ;' for the first JuUan year was the first year of the corrected Julian calendar, that is, 45 B.C. The name Augustus, m place of Sex- tills, was introduced by the emperor himself, at the time when he rectified the error in the mode of in- tercalating," anno Augustano xx. The first year of the Augustan era was 27 B.C., viz., that in which he first took the name of Augustus, se vii. el M. Vipsanio Agrippa coss. He was bom in September, but gave the preference to the preceding month, for reasons stated in the senatus consultum, preserved by Macrobius.' " Whereas the Emperor Augustas Caesar, in the month of Sextilis, was first admitted to the consulate, and thrice entered the city in tri- umph, and in the same month the legions from the Janiculum placed themselves under his auspices, and in the same month Egypt was brought under the authority of the Roman people, and in the same month an end was put to the civil wars ; and whereas, for these reasons, the said month is, and has been, most fortunate to this empire, it is hereby decreed by the senate that the said month shall be called Augustus." " A plebiscitum to the same ef- fect was passed on the motion of Sextus Pacuvius, tribune of the plebs." The month of September in like manner received the name of Germanicus from the general so called, and the appellation appears to have existed even in the time of Macrobius. Domitian, too, conferred his name upon October, but the old word was re- stored upon the death of the tyrant. The Fasti of Caesar have not come down to us in their entire form. Such fragments as exist may be seen in Gmter's Inscriptiones, or more com- pletely in Foggini's work, Faslorum Anni Ronum . . reliquice. See also some papers by Ideler in the Berlin Transactions for 1822 and 1823. The Gregorian Year. — The Juhan calendar sup- poses the mean tropical year to be 365d. 6h. ; but this, as we have already seen, exceeds the real amount by 11' 12", the accumulation of which, year after year, caused, at last, considerable inccnveni- ence. Accordingly, in the year 1582, Pope Gregory the Xlllth., assisted by Aloysius, Lilius, Christoph Clavius, Petrus Ciaconius, and others, again re- formed the calendar. The ten days by which the year had been unduly retarded were struck out by a regulation that the day after the fourth of October in that year should be called the fifteenth ; and it was ordered that, whereas hitherto an intercalary day had been inserted evei-y four years, for the fu- ture three such intercalations in the course of four hundred years should be omitted, viz., in those years which are divisible without remainder by 100, but not by 400. Thus, according to the Julian cal- endar, the years 1600, 1700, 1800, 1900 and 2000 were to have been bissextile ; but, by the regulation of Gregory, the years 1700, 1800, and 1900, were to receive no intercalation, while the years 1600 and 2000 were to be bissextile as before. The bull which effected this change was issued Feb. 24, 1582. The fullest account of tliis correction is to be found in the work of Clavius, entitled Romam 1. (CoBsorinus, c. 22.)— 2. (Suet., Octav., c. 31.)— 3. (c. 12.) CALENDAR. CALENDAR. Calendarii a Gregorio XIII. P.M. restituH Explica- lio. As the Gregorian calendar has only 97 leap- years in a period of 400 years, the mean Gregorian year is (303x365-|-97x366)H- 400, that is, 365d., 5h., 49' 12", or only 24" more than the mean tropi- cal year. This difference, in sixty years, would amount to 24', and in 60 times 60, or 3600 years, to 24 hours, or a day. Hence the French astrono- mer, Delambre, has proposed that the years 3600, 7200, 10,800, and all multiples of 3600, should not be leap-years. The Gregorian calendar was intro- duced into the greater part of Italy, as well as in Spain and Portugal, on the day named in the bull. Into France, two months after, by an edict of Henry III., the 9th of December was followed by the 20th. The Catholic parts of Switzerland, Germany, and the Low Countries adopted the correction in 1583, Poland in 1586, Hungary in 1587. The Protestant parts of Europe resisted what they called a papis- tical invention for more than a century. At last, in 1700, Protestant Germany, as well as Denmark and Holland, allowed reason to prevail over preju- dice, and the Protestant cantons of Switzerland copied their example the following year. * In England, the Gregorian calendar was first adopted in 1752, and in Sweden in 1753. In Rus- sia, and those countries which belong to the Greek Church, the Julian year, or old style as it is called, stUl prevails. In this article free use has been made of Ideler's work Lehrbuch dcr Chronologic. For other infor- mation connected with the Roifian measurement of time, see Clepsydr.i, Dies, Hoka, Hokologia, Lustrum, Nundin.(E, S^culum, Sidera. The following Calendar, which gives the rising and setting of the stars, the Roman festivals, &c., is taken from an article on the Roman Calendar in Pauly's Regl-Encyclopadie der classischen Alter- thnmsvnssenschaft. It has been principally compiled from Ovid's Fasti, Columella, and Pliny's Natural History. The letter O. signifies Ovid, C. Columella, P. Pliny ; but when C. is placed immediately after the date, it signifies a day on which the Comitia were held. JANUARIUS. A. IJan.Kal. B. 2 IV. C. 3 D 4 III, Prid. E. 5 Non, F. 6 VHI. G. 7 VII. H 8 VI. A. 9 V. B. 10 IV. C. 11 III. D. 12 Prid. E. 13 Id. F. 14 XIX. G. 15 XVHL H. 16 XVII. A. 17 XVI. B. 18 XV. C. 19 XIV. D. 20 XIII. E 21 XH. F. F. C. Cancer occidit. C. Caesari Delphinus matutino ex- oritur. PI. F. Lyra oritur. 0. et P. tempesta- tem significat. 0. Atticae et finiti- mis regionibus aquila vesperi occi- dit. F. C. C. Delphini vespertino occasu con- tinui dies hiemant ItaUae. PI. Agon. Delphinus oritur. 0. En. Media hiems. 0. Car. Np. C. Np. En. Dies vitios. ex SC. Car. Tempestas incerta. C. C. Sol in Aquarium transit, Leo mane incipit occidere ; africus, in- terdum auster cum pluvia. C. C. Sol in Aquario. 0. et P. Cancer desinit occidere ; hiemat. C. C. Aquarius incipit oriri, ventus af- ricus tempestatem significat. C. C. C. C. F. 22 XI. C. Fidicula vesperi occidit, dies pill- vius. C. G. 23 X. Lyra occidit 0. H. 24 IX. C. Leonis, quae est in pectore, clara Stella occidit. 0. Ex occasu pris- tini sideris significat tempestatem ; interdujn etiam tempestas. C. A. 25 VIII. C. Stella regia appellata Tuberoni in pectore Leonis occidit matuti no. P. B. 26 VII. C. C. 27 VI. C. Leonis, quae est in pectore, clara Stella occidit, nonnunquam signifi- catur hiems bipartita. C. D. 28 V. C. Auster, aut africus, hiemat : plu- vius dies. C. E. 29 IV. F. F. 30 III. N. Delphinus incipit occidere, item Fidicula occidit. C. G. 31 Prid. C. Eorum, quae supra sunt, siderum occasus tempestatem facit : inter dum tantummodo significat. C. FEBRUARIUS. H. 1 Feb. Kal N. Fidis incipit occidere, ventus eu rinus et interdum auster cum gran dine est. C. rV. N. Lyra et medius leo occidunt. 0. III. N. Delphinus occidit. 0. Fidis tola et Leo medius occidit. Gorus aut septentrio, nonnunquam favonius. C. Prid. N. Fidicula vesperi occidit. P. Non. Aquarius oritur, zephyrus flare inci- pit. O. Mediae partes Aquarii ori- untur, ventosa tempestas. C. VIII. N. VII. N. Calisto sidus occidit : favonii spl- rare incipiunt. C. VI. N. Ventosa tempestas. C. V. N. Veris initium. 0. IV. N. III. N. Arctophylax oritur. O. Prid. N. Jd. Np. XVI. N, Corvus, Crater, et Anguis oriuu- tur. 0. Vesperi Crater oritur, venti mutatio. C. F. 15 XV. Luper. Np. Sol in Pisces transitum facit : nonnunquam ventosa tem- pestas. XrV. En. Venti per sex dies vehementius flant. Sol in Piscibus. O. XIII. Quir. Np. Favonius vel auster omn grandine et nimbis ut et sequenti die. C. XII. C. XI. C. X. C. Leo desinit occidere ; venti se,> tentrionales, qui dictmtur ornithiae, per dies triginta esse solent : turn et hirundo advenit. C. IX. Feral. F. Arcturus prima nocte ori- tur: frigidus dies: aquilone, vel core, interdum pluvia. C. VIII. C. Sagitta crepusculo incipit oriri ; vanae tempestates : halcyonei dies vocantur. C. VII. Ter. Np. Hirundinum adventus. 0. Ventosa tempestas. Hirundo con- spicitur. C. Arcturi exortus ves- pertinus. P. 24 VL Regif N. 25 V. C. 26 IV. En. 197 A. 2 B. 3 C. 4 D. 5 E. 6 F. 7 G. 8 H. 9 A. 10 B. 11 C. 12 D. 13 E. 14 16 17 21 22 23 CALENDAR. CALENDAR. B. 37 in. Eq. Np. C 28 Prid. C. D. E. F. G. H. IMart.Ki 2 VL 3 V. 4 IV. 5 III. A. 6 B. C. 10 11 12 13 14 15 Prid. Non. VIII. VII. VI. V. IV. III. Prid. Id. 16 XVII, 17 XVI E. 18 XV, F. 19 xrv G. 20 XIII H. 21 XII A. 22 XI B. 23 X C. 24 D. E. F. G. H. A. B. 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 IX, VIII. VII. VI. V, IV, III. Prid. MAKTIDS. .1 Np. F. C. Alter e Piscibus occidit. 0. C. 0. Arctophylax oceidit. Vindemi- ator oritur. 0. Cancer oritur Cae- sari. P. Np. Hoc die Caesar Pontifex Maxi- mus factus est. F. Pegasus oritur. 0. F. Corona oritur. 0. Piscis aqui- lonius oritur. P. C. Orion exoritur. In Attica Mil- vius apparere servatur. P. C. C. C. En. Eq. Np. Np. Nepa incipit occidere, significat tempestatem. C. Scorpius occidit Csesari. P. F. Scorpius medius occidit. 0. Ne- pa occidit, hiemat. C. Lib. Np. Milvius oritur. 0. Sol in Arietem transitum facit. Favoni- us vel corns. C. N. Sol in Ariete. 0. Italiaa Milvi- us ostenditur. P. Quin. N. C. C. Equus occidit mane. C. P. sep- tentrionales venti, C. N. Tubil. Np. Aries incipit exoriri, plu- vius dies, interdum ningit. C. Q. Rex C. F. Hoc et sequenti die asquinoctium vernum tempestatem significat. C. C. .(Equinsctium vernum. 0. P. C. Np. Hoc die Caesar Alexandriam recepit. C. C. c. c. C. lApr.Kal. D, 2 IV. E. 3 HL F. 4 G. 5 Prid. Non. H. vin. A. 7 VII. B. 8 VI. D. 9 V D. 10 IV E. 11 III 198 N. Scorpius occidit. 0. Nepa oc- cidit mane, tempestatem signifi- cat. C. C. Pleiades occidunt. C. C. In Attica Vergiliae vesperi oc- cultantur. C. C. Ludi Matr. Mag. Vergiliae in Boe- otia occultantur vesperi. P. Ludi. Favonius aut auster cum grandine. C. Csesari et Chal- dasis Vergiliae occultantur vesperi. .iEgypto Orion et Gladius ejus in- cipiunt abscondi. P. Np, Ludi. Vergiliae vesperi celan- tur. Interdum hiemat. C. N. Ludi. Hoc die et duobus sequen- tibus austri et africi, tempestatem significant. C. N. Ludi. Significatur imber Libraj occasu. P. N. Ludi. N. Ludi in Cir. N. Ludi. F. 12 Prid. G. 13 H. 14 A. 15 B. 16 C. 17 Id. XVIII. XVII. XVI. XV. D. 18 XIV. E. 19 XIII F. 20 xn G. 21 XI H. 22 X. A. 23 IX. B. C. 24 25 VIII VII. D. 26 VL E. 27 V F. 28 IV G. 29 III H. 30 Prid. A. lMai.Kal. B. 2 VI. C. 3 V. D. 4 IV. E. 5 III. F. 6 Prid. G. 7 Non. H. 8 VIII. A. 9 VII. B. 10 VL C. 11 V. D. 12 IV. E. 13 HI. N. Ludi Cereri. Suculae celantur: hiemat. C. Np. Ludi. Libra occidit : hiemat. C, N. Ludi. Ventosa tempestas et im- bres, nee hoc constanter. C Ford. Np. Lud. N. Ludi. Suculae occidunt vespeii Atticae. P. N. Ludi. Sol in Taurum transitum facit, pluviam significat. C. Sucu- lae occidunt vesperi Caesari, too est palilicium sidus. P. N. Ludi. Suculae se vesperi celant : pluviam significat. C. jEgypto suculae occidunt vespeii. P. Cer. N. Ludi in Cir. Sol in tanro O. N. Assyriae Suculae occidunt ves- peri. C. Par. Np. Ver bipartitnr, pluvia ei nonnunquam grando. C. N. Vergiliae cum Sole oriuntur. Af. ricus vel auster : dies humidus. C. Vin. Np. Prima nocte Fidicula ap- paret : tempestatem significat. C* C. Palilicium sidus oritur Caesari. P. Rob. Np. Medium ver, Aries occi dit, tempestatem significat, Canis oritur. 0. Hoedi exoriuntur. P. F. BoeotiaB et Atticae Canis ves- peri occultatur. Fidicula mane oritur. P. C. Assyriae Orion totus abscondi- tur. P. Np. Ludi flor. Auster fere cum pluvia. C. C. Ludi. Mane Capra exoiitnr, austrinus dies, interdum pluvia. C. Assyriae totus Canis abscondi. tur. P. C. Ludi. Canis se vesperi celat, tempestatem significat. N. Capella oritur. C. F. Comp. Argestes flare incipit. Hyades oriuntur. 0. Sucula cum Sole exoritur, septentrionales ven- ti. C. Suculae matutino exoriun- tur. P. C. Centaurus oritur. 0. Centaurus totus apparet, tempestatem signif icat. C. C. C. Lyra oritur. 0. Centaurus plu- viam significat. C. C. Scorpius medius occidit. 0. JN'e- pa medius occidit, tempestatem significat. C. N. Vergihaj exoriuntur mane; la vonius. C. F. Capella pluvialis oritur Caesari. jEgypto vero eodem die Canis vesperi occultatur. P. Lem. N. .lEstatis initium, favonius aut corus, interdum etiam pluvia. C. C. Vergiliae totse apparent ; favoni- us aut corus : interdum et pluvia; C. Vergiliarum exortus. C. Lem. N. Orion occidit. 0. Arcturi occasus matutinus Caesari tempes- tatem significat. P. Np. Ludi Mart, in Circ. Lem. N. Pleiades oriuntur. .<£sta- tis initium. 0. Fidis mane oritur, CALENDAR. CALENDAR. G. 15 H. Ifi A. 17 B. 18 C. 19 D. 20 E. 21 F. 23 G. 23 H. 24 A. 25 B. 26 C. 27 D. 28 E. 29 F. 30 G 31 Prid. Id. XVIL XVL XV. XIV. XIII. XII. XI. X. IX. VIII. VII. VI V. IV. III. Prid. significat tempestatem. C. Fidicu- lae exortus. P. C. Taurus oritur. 0. Np. Fid is mane exoritur, auster, aut euro-notus interdum, dies hu- midus. C. F. C. Hoc et sequenti die euro-notus vel auster cum pluvia. C. C. C. Sol in Geminis. 0. et C. C. Agon. Np. Canis oritur. O. Sucu- lee exoriuntur, septentrionales ven- ti : nonnunquam auster cum plu- via. C. Capella vesperi occidit et in Attica Canis. P. N. Hoc et sequenti die Arcturus mane occidit ; tempestatem signif- icat. C. Orionis Gladius occidere incipit. P. Tub. Np. Q. Rex. C. F. C. Aquila oritur. 0. Hoc die et bi- duo sequenti Capra mane exoritur, septentrionales venti. C. C. Arctophylax occidit. 0. C. Hyades oriuntur. C. C. C. C. H. IJun.Kal. N. Aquila oritur. 0. Hoc et se- quent! Aquila oritur ; tempestas yentosa et interdum pluvia. C. A. 2 IV. F. Mart. Car. Monet. Hyades ori- untur, dies pluvius. 0. Aquila ori- tur vesperi. P. B. 3 III. C. Ceesari et Assyrise Aquila vespe- ri oritur. P. C. C. 4 D. 5 E. 6 F. 7 G. 8 H. 9 A. 10 Prid. Non. VIII. vn. VI. V. IV. B. n in. C. 12 Prid. D. 13 Id. E. 14 XVIII. F. 15 XVII. G. 16 XVL H. 17 XV. A 18 XIV. B 19 XIIL C. 20 XII. D 21 XI. E. 22 X. F. 23 IX. G. 24 VIII. N. Arcturus matutino occidit. P. N. Arctophylax occidit. O. Arctu- rus occidit, favonius aut corns. C. N. Menti. in capit. Delphinus ves- peri exoritur. P. Vest. N. Fer. N. Delphin. vesperi oritur. 0. et C. et P. Favonius, interdum rorat. C. Matr. N. N. N. Calor incipit. C. N. Q. St. D. F. Hyades oriuntur. 0. Gladius Orionis exoritur. P. C. Ziphyras flat. Orion oritur. 0. C. Delphinus totus apparet. 0. 0. Minervse in Aventino. Sol in Cancro. 0. et C. ■ In jEgypto Gla- dius Orionis oritur. C. Summano ad Circ. Max. Ophi- uchus oritur. 0. C. Anguifer, qui a Graecis dicitur 'Opovxoc, mane occidit, tempesta- tem significat. 0. C. C. C. Hoc et biduo sequenti solstitium, favonius et calor. C. Longissima dies totius anni et nox brevissima solstitium conficiunt. P. H. 25 VII. C. A. 26 VI. C. Orionis Zona oritur : solstitium 0. Orion exoritur Coesari. P B. 27 V. C. C. 28 IV. C. D. 29 III, C. Ventosa tempestas. C. E. 30 Prid. F. F. 1 Jul. Kal. G. 2 VI. H. 3 V. A. 4 IV. B. 5 C. 6 E. 24 III. Prid. D. 7 Non. E. 8 VIII. F. 9 VII G. 10 VI. H. 11 V A. 12 IV B. 13 III C. 14 Prid D. 15 Id E. 16 XVII F. 17 XVI G. 18 XV. H. 19 XIV A. 30 XIII. B. 21 XII. C. 22 XI D. 23 X Sol in Iiso- favonius. C. IX. F. 35 VIII. G. 26 vn. H. 37 VI. A. 28 V. B. 29 IV. C. 30 HI. D. 31 Prid. E. 1 Aug. Kal, F. 2 IV. G. 3 III. H. 4 Prid. A. 5 Non. B. 6 VIII. C. 7 VII. D. 8 E. 9 F. 10 VI. V. IV. N. Favonius vel auster et calor. C N. N. Np. Corona occidit mane, C, Zona Orionis Assyrise oritur, P. jEgyp- to Procyon matutino oritur. P. Popl. N. Chaldseis Corona occidit matutino. Atticae Orion eo die ex oritur. N. Ludi Apollin. Cancer mediua occidit, calor. C. N. Ludi. N. Ludi. Capricornus medius occi- dit. C. N. Ludi, Cepheus vesperi exoritur, tempestatem significat. C. C. Ludi. Prodromi flare incipiunt. C, . C, Ludi. Np. Ludi. C. Ludi in Cir. C. Merk. ..Egyptiis Orion desinit ex- oriri. P. Np. Merk. Procyon exoritur mane, tempestatem significat. C. F. Merk. C, Assyrise Procyon exoritur. P. C. Merk. Lucar. Np. Merk. C. Ludi Vict. Cajsar. nem transitum facit, Aquila occidit. P. C. Lucar. Ludi. C. Ludi. Nept. Ludi, Prodromi in Italia sen- tiuntur, P. N, Ludi, Leonis in pectore clars Stella exoritur, interdum tempes- tatem significat, C. Fur, Np, Ludi. Aquarius incipit oc- cidere clare : favonius, vel auster. C. C. Ludi. Canicula apparet ; caligo aestuosa. C. C. In Ciro. Aquila exoritur. C. C. In Circ. C. In Circ. Leonis in pectore cla- rse stellae exoriuntur, interdum tem- pestatem significat. C. C. In Circ. Aquila occidit, signifi- cat tempestatem. C. C. AUGUSTUS. N. Etesiae. C. C. Fer. C. C. Leo medius exoritur ; tempesta- tem significat. C. F. F. Arcturus medius occidit P, C. Aquarius occidit medius, nebu^ losus sestus. C. C. Vera ratione autumni initium Fi- diculae occasu P. Np. C. 199 CALENDAR. G. 11 III. C.'Fidicula occasu suo autumnum inchoat Caesari. P. H. la Prid. C. Fidis occidit mane et autumnus incipit. C. Atticae Equus oriens tempestatem significat et vesperi jEgypto et Caesari Delphinus occi- dens. P. A. 13 Id. Np. Delphini occasus tempestatem significant. C. B. 14 XIX. F. Delphini matutinus occasus tem- pestatem significat. C. C. G. Port. Np. C. Merk. Vin. F. P. C. Sol in Virginem transitum facit, hoc et sequenti die tempestatem significat, interdum et tonat. Eo- dem die Fidis occidit. C. Cons. Np. En. Caesari et Assyriae Vindemiator oriri mane incipit. P. Vole. Np. Fidis occeisu tempestas plerumque oritm-, et pluvia. C. C. Opic. Np. C. Vindemiator exoritur mane, et Arctujus incipit occidere, interdum pluvia. C. Volt. Np. Np. H. D. Ara Victoriae in Curia de- (Scata est. Sagitta occidit : Etesias desinunt. P. F. P. Humeri Virginis exoriuntur. Etesiae desinunt flare, et interdum hiemat. C. C. 31 Prid. C. Andromeda vesperi oritur, inter- dum hiemat. C. c. 15 XVIII. D. 16 XVII. E. 17 XVI. F. 18 XV. G. 19 XIV. H. 30 XIII. A. 31 XII. B. 33 XI. c. 33 X. D. 34 IX. E. 35 VIII. F. 36 VII. G. 37 VI. H 38 V. A. 29 IV. B. 30 m. D. ISeptKal E. 2 IV. F. 3 III. G. 4 Prid. H. 5 Non. A. 6 VIII. B. 7 VII. C. 8 VI. D. 9 V. E. 10 IV. F. 11 III. G. 13 Prid. CALENDAR. F. 19 XIII. C. In Ciro. Sol in Libram transi- turn facit. Crater matutino tem- pore apparet. C. G. 20 XII. C. Merk. H. 31 XI. C. Merk. Pisces occidunt mane. Item Aries occidere incipit, favo- nius aut corus interdum auster cum imbribus. C. Caesari commissura Piscium occidit. P. A. 33 X. 0. Merk. Argo navis occidit, tem- pestatem significat, interdum etiam pluviam. C. B. 23 IX. Np. Merk. H. D. Augusti natalis. Ludi Cir. Centaurus incipit mane oriri, tempestatem significat, inter- dum et pluviam. C. 0. 24 VIII. C. .^qulnoctium autumnale hoc die et biduo sequenti notat Columella, Plinius hoc die. 0. C. Hoedi exoriuntur, favonius, nonnun- quam auster cum pluvia. C. G. 28 rV. Virgo desinit oriri, tempestatem sig- nificat. C. Capella matutina exo- ritur, consentientibus, quod est ra- rum, Philippe, Calippo, Doritbeo, Parmenisco, Conone, Critone, De- mocrito, Eudoxo, lone. P. H. 29 III. F. Hoedi oriuntur iisdem consenti- entibus. P. A. 30 Prid. C. D. 25 VII E. 26 VI F. 27 V H. 18 Id. A. 14 XVIII. B. 15 XVII. C. 16 XVI. D. 17 XV. E. 18 XIV. 200 SEFTEMBEE. , N. N. Hoc die Fer. Nep. Piscis austri- nus desinit occidere, calor. C. Np. C. Ludi Romani. F. Ludi. Vindemiator exoritur. At- ticae Arcturus matutino exoritur et Sagitta occidit mane. P. F. Ludi. C. Ludi. Piscis aquilonius desinit occidere et Capra exoritur, tem- pestatem significat. C. C. Ludi. C. Ludi. Caesari Capella oritur ves- peri. P. C. Ludi. C. Ludi. I avonius aut afrieus. Vir- go media exoritur. C. N. Ludi. Arcturus oritur medius vehementissimo significatu terra marique per dies quinque. P. Np. Ex pristine sidere nonnunquam tempestatem significat. Q. F. Equor. Prob. N. Ludi Rom. in Circ. C. In Giro. ^Egypto Spica, quam tenet Virgo, exoritur matutino Ete- siaeque desinunt. P. C. In Circ. Arcturus exoritur, fa- vonius aut afrieus, interdum eurus. C. C, In Circ. Spica Virginis exoritur, favonius aut corus. G. Spica Cae- sari oritur. P. 10ct.Kal. 3 VI. 3 V. 4 IV. 11 12 13 14 15 III. Prid. Non. vm. VII. VI. V. IV. III. Prid. Id, XVII. XVI. XV. XIV. E. 30 XIII F. 21 XII. G. 22 XI H. 23 X A. 24 IX B. 35 VIII N. Tempestatem significat. C. F. I C. C. Auriga occidit mane. Virgo de- sinit occidere : significat nonnmi- quam tempestatem. C. C. Corona incipit exoriri, significat tempestatem. C. C. Hoedi oriuntur vesperi. Aries medius occidit : aquilo C. F. F. Coronas clara Stella exoritur. C. Caesari fulgens in Corona Stella oritur. P. F. C. Vergiliae exoriuntur vesperi ; fa- vonius et interdum afrieus cum plu- via. C. Meditr. Aug. Np. Pont. Np. Hoc et sequenti die Co rona tota mane exoritur, auster hi- bernus et nonnunquam pluvia. C. Vergiliae vesperi oriuntur. P. En. Np. Hoc die et sequenti biduo inter- dum tempestas, nonnunquam rorat G. Corona tota oritur. P. F. C. C. Arm. Np. Sol in Scorpionem tran- situm facit. C. C. Hoc et sequenti die Soils excrtil Vergiliae incipiunt occidere, tem- pestatem significat. C. C. C. C. c. c. CALENDAR. C 26 VII. C. Nepffi frons exoritur, tempesta- tem significat. C. D. 27 VI. C. Suculae vesperi exoriuntur. P. E. 28 V. C. Vergilias occidunt, hiemat cum frigore et gelicidiis. C. F. 29 IV C. Arcturus vesperi occidit, vento- sus dies. C. G. 30 III. C. Hoc et sequenti die Cassiope in- cipit occidere, tempestatem signifi- cat. C. H. 31 Prid. C. Caesari Arcturus occidit, et Su- culae exoriuntur cum Sole. P. NOVEMBEK. A INoT.Kal. N. Hoc die et postero caput Tauri occidit, pluviam significat. P. B. 2 rv Arcturus occidit vesperi. P. C 3 III Fidicula mane exoritur, hie- mat et pluit. C. D 4 Prid E. 5 Non. F. F. 6 VIII. F. Ludi. Fidiculae sidus totum ex- oritur, auster, vel favonius, hiemat. C. G. 7 VII. C. Ludi. H 8 VI. C. Ludi. Stella clara Scorpionis exoritur, significat tempestatem, hiemat. 0. A. 9 V. C. Ludi. Hiemis initium, auster aut eurus, interdum rorat. C. Gla- dius Orionis occidere incipit. P. B. 10 IV. C. Ludi. C. n III. C. Ludi. Vergilise occidunt. P. D. 12 Prid. C. Ludi. E 13 Id. Np. Epul. Indict. Dies inceitus, sae- pius tamen placidus. C. r. 14 XVIII. F. G. '15 XVII. C. Ludi. Pleb. in Circ. H. 16 XVI. C. In Circ. Fidis exoritur mane, auster, interdum aquilo magnus. C. A. 17 XV. 0. In Circ. Aquilo, interdum aus- ter cum pluvia. C. B. 18 XIV. C. Merk. Sol in Sagittarium tran- situm facit. Sucute mane oriun- tur, tempestatem signiiicat. C. C. 19 XIII. 0. Merk. D. 20 XII. C. Merk. Tauri cornua vesperi oc- cidunt, aquUo frigidus et pluvia. C. E. 21 XI. C. Sucula mane occidit, hiemat. C. F. 22 X. C. Lepus occidit mane, tempesta- tem significat. C. G. 23 IX. C. H. 24 VIII. C. A. 25 VII. 0. Canicula occidit Solis ortu, hie- mat. C. B. 26 VL C. C. 27 V. C. D. 28 IV. C. E. 29 III. C. F. 30 Prid. C. Tots suculae occidunt, favonius aut auster, interdum pluvia. 0. DECEMBER. G 1 Dec.Kal. N. Dies incertus, saepius tamen pla- cidus. H. 2 rv A. 3 III B. 4 Prid C. 5 Non. F. D. 6 VIII. . . Sagittarius medius occidit, tem- pestatem significat. C. E. 7 VH C. Aquila mane oritur. Africus, in- terdum auster, irrorat. C. F. 8 VI. C. G. 9 V. C. H 10 rv. C. Cc CALIDA. A. 11 III .(Lgon. Np. Corn's vel septentrio, interdum auster cum pluvia C. B. 12 Prid. En. C. 13 Id. Np. Scorpio totus mane exoritur, hiemat. C. D. 14 XIX. F. E. 15 XVIII. Cons. Np. F. 16 XVII. C. G. 17 XVI. Sat. Np. Feriffi Satumi. Sol m Capricomura transitum facit, bru- male solstitium ut Hipparcho pl.i cet. C. H. 18 XV. C. Ventorum commutatio. G A. 19 XIV. Opal. Np. B. 20 Xtll. C. C. 21 XII. Div. Np. D. 22 XI. C. E. 23 X. Lar. Np. Capra occidit mane, tem- pestatem significat. C. F. 24 IX. 0. Brumale solstitium, sicut Cbal- dasi observant, significat. C. G. 25 VIII. 0. H. 26 VII. C. A. 27 VI. C. Delphinus incipit oriri mane, tempestatem signiiicat. C. B. 28 V. C. 0. 29 IV. F. Aquila occidit, hiemat. C. D. 30 HI. F. Canicula occidit vesperi, tempes- tatem significat. C. E. 31 Prid. C. Tempestas ventosa. C. EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATIONS. A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H. These letters are found in all the old calendars, and no doubt vpere used for the purpose of fixing the nundines in the vreek of eight days ; precisely in the same way in which the first seven letters are still employed in ecclesiastical calendars to mark the days of the Christian week. Agon., Agonalia. — ^Arm., Armilustrum, Varro. — Apollin., ApoUinares. — August., Auguslalia. — C, Comitialis, Comitiavit. — Caes., Casaris. — Capit., Capitolio. — Car., Carmentalia. — Car., Carna. — Cer., Cerealia, Varro.— Cir. and Circ, Circenses, Circo. — Comp., Compitalia. — Con., Cmsualia, Plutarch. — Div., Divalia, Festus. — Eid., Eidus. — En., Endoler- cisus, that is, intercisus. — Epul., Bpulum. — Eq., Equiria, Varro, Ovid, Festus. — Equor. prob., Equo- rum proiandorum, Valer. Max. (lib. 2.) — F., Fastus. — F. p., Fastus prima. — Fp., Fas Pnetori. — Fer., FericB, — Fer. or Feral., Fcialia. — Flor., Floralia, Ovid, Pliny. — Font., Fontanalia, Varro. — Ford., Fordicidia. Varro. — H. D., Hoc Die. — ^Hisp., Hispaniam vicit. — Id., Idus. — Indict., Indictum. — K.aX.,Kalendiz. — Lar., Larentalia,Yzno, Ovid, Plutarch. — Lem., Lemuria, Varro, Ovid. — Lib., Liberalia, Varro. — Lud., Ludi. — Luper., Lupercalia, Varro.. — Mart., Marti, Ovid. — Mat., Matri MatuttE, Ovid. — Max., Maximum. — Me- dit., Meditrinalia, Varro. — Merk., Merkatus. — Mo- net., Monetm. — N., Nefastus. — N. F., Nefas. — ^Np., Nefastus prima. — Nept., Neptunalia, Neptuna. — Non., Nona. — Opal., Opalia, Varro. — Opic, Opicon- siva, Varro. — Par., Parilia, Varro, Ovid, Festus. — Pleb., Plebeii, PUbis. — Poplif , Pophfugium. — Port., Portunalia. — Pr., Pratori. — -Prob., Probandorum.^ Q., Quando. — Q. Rex c. F., Qua-nda rex camitiavit fas, Varro, Festus. — Q. St. d., Qaando stercus de- fertur, Varro, Ovid, Festus. — Quin., Quinquatrus, Varro. — Quir., Quirinalia. — Regif , Regifugium, or, according to Ovid, the 23d of February. — Rob., Ro- higalia, Varro. — Satur., Saturnalia, Macrobius. — St., Stercus. — ^Ter., Terminalia. — Tubil., Tubilus- trum, Varro, Ovid, Festus. — ^Vest., Vesta. — Vict., Victoria. — ^Vin., Vinalia, Varro. — Vole, Volcanalia, Varro. — Vol., Volturnalia, Varro. CAL'IDA, or CALDA, the warm drink of the Greeks and Romans, which consisted of warm wa- 201 CALIGA. CALONES. ter mixed with wine, with the addition, probably, of 8i)iees. Tliis was a very favourite kind of drink with the ancients, and could always be procured at certain shops or taverns called thermopolia,' which Claudius commanded to be closed at one period of his reign.' The vessels in which the wine and wa- tei was kept hot appear to have been of a very ele- gant form, and not unlike our tea-urns both in ap- pearance and construction. A representation of one of these vessels is given in the Museo Borhonico,' from which the following woodcut is taken. In the middle of the vessel there is a small cylindrical fur- nace, in which the wood or charcoal was kept for heating the water ; and at the bottom of this fur- nace there are four small holes for the ashes to fall through. On the right-hand side of the vessel there is a kind of cup, communicating with the part sur- jounding the furnace, by which the vessel might be fihea witlioui taking off the lid ; and on the left-hand side there is, in about the middle, a tube with a cock for drawing off the liquid. Beneath the conical cover, and on a level with the rim of the vessel, there is a movable flat cover, with a hole in the middle, which closes the whole urn except the mouth of the small furnace. Though there can be no doubt that this vessel was used for the purpose which has been mention- ed, it is difficult to determine its Latin name ; but it was probably called authepsa. (Vid. Authepsa.) Pollux* mentions several names which were applied to the vessels used for heating water, of which the \.Tn/o2,e6n(, which also occurs in Lucian,' appears to answer best to the vessel which has been described above." ,*CALIDRIS (KaUSpic:), the name of a bird men- tioned by Aristotle. Belon conjectures that it was a bird called Chevalier by the French. The term Calidris is now applied to the Red-shank. CA'LIGA, a strong and heavy sandal worn by the Roman soldiers. Although the use of this species of calcearaentum extended to the centurions, it was not worn by the superior officers. Hence the common soldiers, in- cluding centurions, were distinguished by the name 1. (Plaut., Cm-., IT., iii., 13.— Trin., IV., iii., 6.— Rud., II., vi., M.)— 2. (Dion, Ix., 6.)— 3. (vol. iii., pi, 63.)— 4. (x., 66.)- 5. (Leiiph., 6.)— 0. (DOttiger, Sabina, ii., p. 34.— Booker, Gallus, ii.,p. 175.1 202 of caligati} Service in the rauKS was also designs, ted after this article of attire. Thus Marius was said to have risen to the consulship a caliga, i. e., from the ranks,' and Ventidius juvextam inopem in caliga militari tolerasse.' The Emperor Caligula re- ceived that cognomen when a boy, in consequence of wearing the caliga, and being inured to the life of a common soldier.* Juvenal expressed his de. termination to combat against vice as a soldier, bj saying he would go in caliga {veniam caligatua'). The triumphal monuments of Rome show most distinctly the difference between the caliga of the common soldier (vid. Aema, p. 95) and the calceus worn by men of higher rank. { Vid. Abolla, p. U • Aba, p. 78.) The sole of the caliga was thickly studded with hob-nails {clavi caligarii') ; a circumstance which occasioned the death of a brave centurion at the taking of Jerusalem. In the midst of victory his foot slipped, as he was running over the marble pavement {'kiddarpuTov) of the temple, and, unable to rise, he was overpowered by the Jews who rush- ed upon him.' The use of hob-nails {el; to moiij- /jiiTa ij2mi; kyupovaai) was regarded as a sign of rusticity by the Athenians.' The " caliga speculatoria,"' made for the use of spies {speculatores), was probably very strong, thici, and heavy, and hence very troublesome (mokstis- simu^^). The making and sale of caligae, as well as of every other kind of shoe, was a distinct trade, the person engaged in it being called " caligarius," or '• sutor caligarius."'^ After the dechne of the Ro- man Empire, the caliga, no longer worn by soldiers was assumed by monks and ascetics. *CALLIO'NYMUS (KaXZiwu/iof), a species of fish, so called by Aristotle." jElian" gi^bs the name as KaXTaiuw/j-o; ; Athenasus,^* ovpavoaKO^o^, with which Galen agrees; Oppian," Ji/iepoKoiTni ; and Pliny,'* Uranoscopus. It is the Star-gazer, the Uranoscopus scaber, L., called in French Rat, and in Italian Boca in Capo, according to Rondelet and Schneider." The eyes of this fish are placed in the upper part of its head. CALLISTEIA {KaTiTita-cla), a festival, or, per- haps, merely a part of one, held by the women of Lesbos, at which they assembled in the sanctua- ry of Hera, and the fairest received the prize of beauty." A similar contest of beauty, instituted by Cypse- lus, formed a part of a festival celebrated by the Parrhasians in Arcadia, in honour of the Eleusinian Demeter. The women taking part in it were called Xpvaoijiopoi.'' A third contest of the same kind, in which, how- ever, men only partook, is mentioned by Athenaeus" as occurring among the Eleans. The fairest man received as a-prize a suit of armour, which he dedi- cated to Athena, and was adorned by his friends with ribands and a myrtle wreath, and accompanied to the temple. From the words of Athenaeus," who, in speaking of these contests of beauty, mentions Tenedos along with Lesbos, we must infer that in the former island also Callisteia were celebrated. C.VLO'NES were the slaves or servants of the Roman soldiers, so called from carrying wood VdXo) 1. (Suet., Octav., 23»— Vitell., 7.)— 2. (Sen., De Benef., T. 16.)— 3. (Plin., H. N., vii., 44.)— 4. (Tacit., Ann., 1.— Suel. CaliK., 0.)— 5. (Sat., iii., 306.) — 6. (Plin., H. N., xxiiv., 41 ix., 18.— Juv., Sat., iii., 232 ; xvi., 85,)— 7. (Joseph., Bell. Jud., vi., 1, p. 1266, cd. Hudson.)— 8. (Theophr., Char., 4.)— 9. (Suet., Calig., 52.)— 10, (Tertull., De Corona, p. 100, ed. Rigalt.)— 11. (Spon., Misc. Erud. Ant., p. 220.)— 12. (H. A., ii., 15 ; viii., 13.) —13. (N. A,, liii., 4,)— 14. (viii., p. 356.)— 15. (Halieut., ii,,200. seqq.)— 16. (H. N., ixxii., 7.)— 17. (Schneider, Excnrs., li.i «S iElian, N. A., p. 573, seqq.— Adams, Append., s.T.)— 18. (SfU ad II., I., 140.— Suidas, 8. v.— Anthol. Gr., vi., No. 292.— Aticn., xii., p. 610.)— 19. (Athen., xiii., p. 609.)— 20. (1. c— ComiW Etymol. Mag., B. ».)— 81. {iiii., p. 610.) CALUMNIA. CAMELOPARDALtS. lor their use. Tnus says Festus : " Calories militum sent, quia ligneas clavas gerehant, qua Graci lu/la vocatant." So, also, Servius :' " Galas dicetant ma- jares nostri fustes, quos portabani servi sequentes daminos ad. prmlia." From the same word xakm comes Ka%6i!ov(, a shoemaker's last." These calo- nes are generally supposed to have been slaves, and almost formed a part of the army, as we may learn from many passages in Cssar : in fact, we are told by Josephus that, from living always with the soldiers, and being present at their exercises, they were inferior to them alone in skill and valour. The word calo, however, was not confined to this signification, but was also applied to farm-servants, instanies of which usage are found in Horace.' In Caesar this term is generally found by itself; in Tacitus it is coupled and made almost identical with lixa. Still the calones and lixse were not the same : the latter, in fact, were freemen, who mere- ly followed the camp for the purposes of gain and merchandise, and were so far from being indispen- sable to an army that they were sometimes forbid- den to follow it (me lixa scquerentur excrcitum*). Thus, again, we read of the " lixa mercatoresque, qui plaustris merces portatant,"^ words which plainly show that the hxae were traders and dealers. Livy also' speaks of them as carrying on business. The term itself is supposed to be connected with lixa, an old word signifying water, inasmuch as the lixae supplied this article to the soldiers : since, however, they probably furnished ready-cooked provisions to the soldiers, it seems not unlikely that their ap- pellation may have some allusion to this circum- CAL'OPUS, CALOPODTUM. (Vid. Forma.) CALU'MNIA. Calumniari is defined by Mar- cian,' "Falsa crimina intendere ;" a definition which, as there given, was only intended to apply to crim- inal matters. The definition of Paulus' apphes to matters both criminal and civil : " Calumniosus est qui sciens prudensque per fraudem negotium alicui comparat." Cicero'" speaks of " calumnia," and of the " nimis callida et malitiosa juris interpretatio," as things related. Gains says, " Calumnia in adfectu est, sicutfurti crimen;" the cruninality was to be de- termined by the intention. When an accuser failed in his proof, and the reus was acquitted, there might be an inquiry into the conduct and motives of the accuser. If the person who made this judicial inquiry (qui cognovit) found that the accuser had merely acted from error of judgment, he acquitted him in the form rum pro- basti ; if he convicted him of evil intention, he de- clared his sentence in the words ealumniatus es, which sentence was followed by the legal punish- ment. According to Marcian, as above quoted, the pun- ishment for calumnia was fixed by the lex Rem- raia, or, as it is sometimes, perhaps incorrectly, named, the lex Memmia." But it is not known when this lex was passed, nor what were its pen- alties. It appears from Cicero" that the false ac- cuser might be branded on the forehead with the letter K, the initial of Kalumnia ; and it has been conjectured, though it is a mere .conjecture, that this punishment was inflicted by the lex Remmia. The punishment for calumnia was also exsilium, relegatio in insulam, or loss of rank {ordinis amis- sio) ; but probably only in criminal cases, or in mat- ters relating to status." 1. (Ad^n., vi., 1.)— 2. (Plato, Symp.)— 3. (Epist., I., liv., 42.— Sat., I., yi., 103.)— 4. (SaU., BeU. Jng., c. 45.)— 5. (Hirti- 15, De BeU. Afric, c. 75.)^6. (v., 8.)-7. (VtA SaU., 1. c.)— 8. (Dig. 48, tit. 16, s. 1.)— 9. (Sentent. Recept., i., tit. 5.)~.10. (De Off., i., 10.)— 11. (Val. Max., iii., 7, 9.)-12. (Pro Sent.- Rose. Amirino, c. 20.)— 13. (Paulus, Sentent. Recept., t., 1, 5 , T., 4, 11.) In the case of actiones, the calumnia of the aciot was checked by the calumniae judicium, the judici- um contrarium, the jusjurandum calumniae, and the restipulatio, whiqh are particularly described by Gai- ns.' The defendant might in all cases avail himself of the calumuiae judicium, by which the plaintiff, if he was found to be guUty of calumnia, was mulcted to the defendant in the tenth part of the value of the object-matter of the suit. But the actor was not mulcted in this action, unless it was shown that he brought his suit without foundation, knowingly and designedly. In the contrarium judicium, of which the defendant could only avail himself in certain cases, the rectitude of the plaintiff's purpose did not save him from the penalty. Instead ol adopting either of these modes of proceeding, the defendant might require the plaintiff to take the oath of calumnia, which was to the effect, "Se rwn calumnia causa agere." In some cases the defend- ant also was required by the praetor to swear that he did not dispute the plaintiff's claim, calumnia causa. Generally speaking, if the plaintiff put the defendant to his oath {jusjurandum ei deferebat), the defendant might put the plaintiff to his oath of calumny." In some actions, the oath of calumny on the part of the plaintiff was a necessary prelimi- nary to the action. In all judicia publica, it seems that the oath of calumnia was required from the accuser. If the restipulationis pcena was required from the actor, the defendant could not have the benefit of the calumniae judicium, or of the oath of calumny ; and the judicium contrarium was not applicable to such cases. Persons who for money either did or neglected to do certain things, calumniae causa, were hable to certain actions." CA'MARA {Kafiapa) or CAMERA is used in two different senses: I. It signifies a particular kind of arched ceiling in use among the Romans,* and, most probably, common also to the Greeks, to whose language the word belongs. It was formed by semicircular bands or beams of wood, arranged at small lateral distan- ces, over which a coating of lath and plaster was spread, and the whole covered in by a roof, resem- bling in construction the hooped awnings in use among us," or like the segment of a cart-wheel, from which the expression rotatio camaranim is de- rived.' Subsequently to the age of Augustus, it be- came the fashion to line the camara with plates of glass i hence they are termed vitrea.^ II. Small boats used in early times by the people who inhabited the shores of the Palus Maeotis, ca pable of containing from twenty-five to thirty men, were termed xa/zapai by the Greeks.* They were made to work fore and aft, like the fast-sailing proas of the Indian seas, and continued in use untU the age of Tacitus, by whom they are still named camara,' and by whom their construction and uses are described.'" *CAMELOPARD'ALIS (Ka/ivXoTzdpSali^), the Camelopard or Giraffe, the Giraffa Camelopardalis, L. " The name Giraffa," observes Lt. Col. Smith, " is derived from the Arabic Zuraphahta, which is itself corrupted from Amharir Zirataka; and the Romans, who had seen this animal several times exhibited from the period when Julius Caesar first displayed one to the people, described it under the name of Camelopardalis, on account of its similari- ty to the Camel in foim, and to the Panther or 1. (iv., 174-181.)- 2. (Dig. 12, tit. 2, s. 37.)— 3. (Dig. 3, tit. 6.)-4. (Cic., ad Quint. Fratr., iii., 1, ^ 1.— Propert., HI., ii., 10.— PHn., H.N., I3ixvi.,64.)— 5. (Vitruv.,Yii., 3.)— 6. (Sabnas. in Span., Hadr., c. 10.)— 7. (Plin., 1. c.— Compare Statins, SvIt., I., iii., 53.)— 8. (Strabo, li., p. 3S8, ed. Siebtntees.)— 9. 'Hist, iii., 47.>-i» (C^opaieCJeU x., 25 203 CAMELUS. CAMPUS MARTIUS. I'ardalis in spots. This beautiful animal is noticed by Oppian,' Diodorus Siculus,' Horace,' Strabo,* and Pliny ;' but the first satisfactory description is found in the Mthiopica of Heliodor^js.' Schneider follows Pallas in referring the mpSiov of Aristotle' to this same animal. Modern naturalists have known the Giraffe only since Mr. Patterson, Col. Gordon, and M. le Vaillion found it in South Afri- ca ; but as the Romans were acquainted with the animal, it must have existed to the north of the equinoctial line. It would appear, moreover, that a variety or second species is found in Central Af- rica ; for Park, in describing his escape from cap- tivity among the Moors, noticed an animal of a gray colour, which he refers to the Camelopardalis. Lt. Col. Smith considers this animal as the wild Camel of the mountains, the existence of which has been attested by several negroes brought from the interior, and in the Praenestine Mosaics, where two spotted Camelopardales are seen together ; a lar- ger animal is likewise represented, with short horns, but without spots, and the name TABOUC written over. In a drawing of the same mosaic, the word appears to be partly effaced, but to have been PA- $OUC. It is remarkable, that while the spotted figures are without a name, the animal in question, occupying that part of the picture which designates the Cataracts of the Nile, should be called by the Ethiopian appellation of the Camelopard, which, ac- cording to Phny, was Nabis, resembling the Hot- tentot Naif ; or, by the second reading, be like the Arabic, or one of its dialects. — The absence of the Giraffe from Europe for three centuries and a half naturally induced a belief that the descriptions of this animal were fabulous, or nearly so, and that a creature of such extraordinary height and apparent disproportions was not to be found among the actu- al works of nature. This skepticism was first shaken by Le Vaillant, the traveller, and is now completely removed."* •CAME'LUS (Ka/iJiTioc), the Camel. As Buffon remarks, Aristotle has correctly described the two species of Camel, which he calls the Bactrian and the Arabian, the former being the Camelus Baclri- anvs, L., or the Camel with two hunches, one on the shoulders, and the other on the croup ; and the latter, the Camelus Dromedarius, L., or the species with only one hunch, and of which the Dromedary, properly so caUed, is a breed. The Dromedary of the Greeks is the Mahairy, and is the most celebra- ted for speed. " The name by which these animals are generally known in Europe is evidently derived from an Eastern root, namely, Djemel of the Arabs, Gamal or Gimal of the Hebrews, and points out the quarter where they have been domesticated from a period anterior to all historical documents. Al- though the Greek and Roman writers take univer- sally as little notice of the Camel as an inhabitant of Northwestern Africa or Egypt, as they speak re- peatedly of him in Syria, Arabia, and the rest of Western Asia, we may easily infer, from a consid- eration of the peculiar structure of this animal, that the predestined habitation of the genus was on the sandy deserts of the Zahara, as well as the plains of Arabia, Persia, the Indies, and Southern Tarta- ry. The silence of profane writers, however, is compensated by the Sacred Writings. In Genesis, the King of Egypt is mentioned as having bestowed Camels upon Abram ; consequently, their presence in the valley of the Nile is established before the era of the earliest Greek or Roman writers. And yet it is a singular fact, that the Camel is not rep- 1. (CytcB., iii.)— 2. (ii., 51.)— 3. (Epist., II., i., 195.)— 4. (tvii., p. 774, 826, ed. Cm.)— 5. (H. N., viii., 27.— Compare eeopon., xvi., 22.1—6. (i., 27.)— 7. (H. A.,ii., 2.)— 8. (Griffith's Cavi«r vol. iv., p 151, seqq. — Smith's Supplement.) 204 resented in the hieroglyphics, either in domestii; scenes or in subjects relating to religion. In all obvious cases, the intelligence of man may be con- sidered as acting in unison with the intentions ot Nature ; now, as this sagacity to appreciate his own interests had already, in the earhest ages, car- ried the Camel over India, China, and Middle Rus- sia, it is certainly rather surprising that the Romans, in their frequent wars in Northern Africa, should not have found them of sufficient importance to be mentioned, till Procopius first notices camel-riding Moors in arms against Solomon, the lieutenant of Belisarius : from that period, and most particularly during the progress of the sword of the Koran to Morocco, the Camel is the most striking, and con- sidered the most useful animal in the country. It is probable that this animal increased in proportion as agriculture diminished; at least the two facts are coeval. With the Koran, also, the Camel first crossed the Bosporus, and spread with the Turks over their present dominions in Europe.'" *CAMM'ARUS {Kofifiapo; or -tf), a variety of the Carts, or SquiUa, acording to Athenaeus. It is the common Lobster, the Cammarus of Pliny, and the Cancer Cammarus of Linnaeus. Aristotle, in the second chapter of the fourth book of his "History of Animals," gives a most faithful and elaborate account of the species, which is still an inhabitant of the Mediterranean." CAMI'NUS. (Yid. House.) CAMPESTRE (sc. subligar) was a kind of gn die or apron, which the Roman youths wore rounJ their loins when they exercised naked in the Cam- pus Martius.' The canipestre was sometimes won in warm weather in place of the tunic under the toga (campestri sub toga cinctub*). CAMPIDOCTO'RES wore persons who tangh! soldiers their exercises.' In the times of the Re- public, this duty was discharged by a centurion, or a veteran soldier of merit and distinction {Exerci tationibus nostris non veteranorum aliquiSf cui decus muralis aut civicay sed GriBculus magistcr assisti^) CAMPUS MARTIUS. The term campus be- longs to the language of Sicily, in which it signified a hippodrome or race-course ((ca/i7r6f, 'nrTiodpojiot Swc/loif') ; but among the Romans it was used to signify an open plain, covered with herbage, and set apart for the purpose of exercise or amusement. Eight of these plains are enumerated by P. Victoi as appertaining to the city of Rome ; among whicl" the most celebrated was the Campus Martins, so called because it was consecrated to the god Mars.' Some difference exists between Livy and Dionysins Halicamassus respecting the period at which thir consecration took place. The former states' that, upon the expulsion of the Tarquins, the people tooi possession of their property (ager Targmnionm), situate between the city and the Tiber, and assign- ed it to the god of war, by whose name it was sub- sequently distinguished ; whereas the latter says" that the ager Tarquiniorum had been usurped from that divinity, to whom it belonged of old, and ap- propriated by the Tarquins, so that it was only re- stored to its original service upon their expulsion, which gains coi^rmation from a law of Numa, quo- ted by Festus," "Secunda spolia in Martis aram in campo Solitaurilia utra voluerit ca:(lito."" From the greater extent and importance of this plain beyond all the others, it was often spoken of as the plain, kut' i^oxiv, without any epithet to dis- 1. (GriiEth's CuTier, vol. It., p. 37.— Smith's Supplement.)— 2. {Adams, Append., s. v.) — 3. (Augustin., De Civ. Dei., liT., 17.) — 4. (AscoD., ad Cic, pro Scauro, p. 30, ed. Orelli. — Hor., Epist., I., li., 18.)— 5. (Veget., i,, 13.)— 6. (Plin., Paneg., 13.) —7. (Hesych.)— 8. (Liv., ii., 5.)— 9. (1. c.)— 10. (r., p. 276, ed 1704.)— 11. (s. T. Opima.)— 12, (Compare Liy., i., 44.) CAMPUS SCELERATUS. unguish it, as in the passage of Festus just cited ;> and, therefore, whenever the word is so used, it is the Campus Martius which is to be understood as always referred to. The general designation Campus Martius com- prised two plains, which, *ough generally spoken of collectively, are sometimes distinguished." The former of these was the so-called ager Tarquinio- rum, to which Javenal^ refers, inde Superbi Totum regis agrum; the other was given to the Roman people by the vestal virgin Caia Taratia or Suffetia,* and is sometimes called Campus Tiberinus,' and sometimes Campus Minor.' It is difficult to determine the precise limits of the Campus Martius, but in general terms it may be described as situated between the Via Lata and Via Flaminia on the north, the Via Recta on the south ; as bounded by the Tiber on the west, and the Pantheon and gardens of Agrippa towards the east ; and the Campus Minor, or Tiberinus, occu- pied the lower portion of the circuit towards the Via Recta, from the Pons JEUns to the Pons Janic- ulensis. [Vid. Beidok.)' That the Campus Martius was originally without the city is apparent, first, from the passages of Livy and Dionysius above referred to ; secondly, from the custom of holding the Comitia Centuriata there, which could not he held within the Pomceri- um ; hence the word campus is put for the comitia,' which also explains the expression of Cicero,' fcrrs domina campi, and of Lucan,^** venalis campus, which means " a corrupt voter ;" thirdly, because the gen- erals who demanded a triumph, not being allowed to enter the city, remained with their armies in the Campus Martius ; and, finally, because it was not lawful to bury within the city, whereas the monu- ments of the illustrious dead were among the most striking ornaments with which it was embellished." {Vid. BusTDM.) But it was included in the city by Aurelian when he enlarged the walls.'" The principal edifice? which adorned this famous plain are described by Strabo," and are amply treat- ed of by Nardini." It was covered with perpetual verdure," and was a favourite resort for air, exer- cise, or recreation, when the labours of the day were over.'' Its ample area was crowded by the young, who there initiated themselves in all warlike and athletic exercises, and in the games usual to the palaestra ; for which purpose the contiguous Tiber rendered it peculiarly appropriate in early times, before public baths were established." Hence campus is used as " a field" for any exercise, mental or bodily." Wooden horses were also kept in the Campus Martius, under porticoes in winter, and in the open plain during summer, in order to give expertness in mounting and dismounting ; a neces- sary practice when stirrups were not in use." Horse-races (equiria) also took place here, unless when the campus was overflowed, upon which oc- casions they were removed to the Campus Martialis on the Caelian." CAMPUS SCELERA'TUS was a spot within the walls, and close by the Porta Collina, where those of the vestal virgins who had transgressed their vows were entombed alive, from which circum- 1. (Propert., ii., 16, 34.— Ovid, Fast., vi,, 237.— Ht., xl., 45. — Lucan, i., 180.— Hon, Cann., III., i., 10.— Cic, Cat., i., 5.— De Off., i., 29.)— 2. (Strabo, v., 8.)— 3. (Sat., vi., 525.)— 4. (Aal. Gell., vi., 7.— Plin., H. N., xxxiv., 11.)— 5. (Oell. et Plin., U. cc.)— 6. (Catull., Iv., 3.)— 7. (Nardini, Bom. Ant., vi., 5.— Donat., De TJrbe Rom., i., 8.)— 8. (Cic, De Orat., iii., 42.)— 9. (in Pis., 2.)— 10. (1. c.)— 11. (Strabo, 1. c— Pint., Pomp., p. 647, D.— Appian, Bell. Civ., i., p. 418.— Suet., Aug., c. 100.— Claud., c. 1.)— 12. (Natdini, Rom. Ant., i., 8.)— 13. (v., 8.)— 14. (Rom. Aut., vi., 6-9.)— la. (Hor., Carm., HI., vii., 25.)— 16. (Hor., Epist., 1., vii., 59.)— 17. (Strabo, 1. c.—Veget., i., 10.)— 18. (Cic, De Off., i., 18.— Acad., ii., 35.— Pro Munen., 8.)— 19. (Veget , i., 23.)- -20. (Festus, s. v.) CANATHROIN. stance it takes its name.' As it was unlawlul to bury within the city, or to slay a vestal, whose per- son, even when polluted by the crime alluded to, was held sacred, this expedient was resorted to in order to elude the superstition against taking away a consecrated life, or giving burial within the city.' CAN'ABOS or CINN'ABOS {Kavaio; or Kivva- 6o() was a figure of wood, in the form of a skeleton, round which the clay or plaster was laid in forming models. Figures of a similar kind, formed to dis- play the muscles and veins, were studied by paint- ers in order to acquire some knowledge of anatomy.' CANA'LIS, which means properly a pipe or gut- ter for conveying water, is also used in three spe- cific significations : I. To designate a particular part of the Forum Romanum.* "Inforo infimo boni homines atque dites ambulant ; In medio propter canalem, ihi ostentatores meri." The immediate spot so designated is not precisely known ; hut we can make an approximation which cannot be far from the truth. Before the Cloaca were made, there was a marshy spot in the Forum called the Lacus Curtius f and as the Cloaca Max- ima was constructed for the purpose of draining off the waters which flowed down from the Palatine Hill into the Forum, it must have had a mouth in it, which was probably near the centre. The " ken- nel," therefore, which conducted the waters to this embouchure, was termed Canalis in Faro ; and be- cause the idle and indigent among the lower class- es were in the habit of frequenting this spot, they were named CANALicoL.aE.* The canalis appears to have had gratings {cancelli) before it, to which Cice- ro' refers when he says, that after the tribune P. Sextus had arrived at the Columna Menia, " tantus est ex omnibus spectaculis usque a Capitolio, tantus ex fori cancellis plausus excitatus ,-" by which he means all classes, both high and low : the upper, who sat between the Columna Menia and the Cap- itol ; and the lower, who were stationed near the cancelli of the canalis. In the modern city of Rome, the foul waters empty themselves into the sewers through an archway nearly six feet high, the mouth of which is closed by an iron grating called cancello, so that the passer-by is annoyed by the effluvia ex- haling from them ; which, we learn from a passage in Tertullian,' was also the case in the ancient city. II. C.4NALIS is used by Vitruvius' to signify the channel which lies between the volutes of an Ionic capital, above the cymatium or echinus, which may be understood by referring to the representation of an Ionic capital given in the article Astraoalus. III. In reference to aquaeducts, Canalis is used by Frontinus" for a conduit of water running paral- lel to the main course {specus), though detached from it. Accurately speaking, it therefore means a pipe of lead or clay," or of wood," attached to the aquaeduct, which brought a stream of water from the same source, but for some specific use, and not for general distribution ; though the word is some- times used for a watercourse of any kind. CAN'ATHRON {KavaBpov), a carriage, the uppei part of which was made of basket-work, or, more properly, the basket itself, which was fixed in the carriage.'^ Homer calls this kind of beisket -Ei'piVf." 1. (Liv., viii., 15.)— 2. (Compare- Festus, s.v. Probrum. )— 3 (Aristot., H. A., iii., 5.— Id., De Gen, An., ii., 6.— PoUu.n, Onom. VII., 164 ; X., 189.— Suid. et Hesycb., s. v.— MuUer, Ajch^ol. del Kunst, 1) 305, n. 7.}— 4. (Plant., Curonl., IV., i., 14.)— 5. (Vir ro, De Ling. Lat., v., 149, ed. Muller.)— 6. (Festus, s. v —Com pare Aul. Gel., iv., 20.)— 7. (Pro Sext., 58.)— 8. (De Pall., c. 5,, —9. (lu., 3, p. 97, ed. Bipont.)— 10. (c. 67.)— 11. (Vitrnv., y\ii. 7.)— 12. (Palladio, ix., II.)— 13. (Xen., Ages., viii., 7.— Plut. Ages., o. 19.)— 14. (n., xxiv., 190, 267.— Eustath., ad loc— Com pare Sturz, Lex. Xenoph., s. t. (cdvaflpov.- ScUeffer, De Re Ve hie, p. 68.) 205 CANDELABRUM. CANDELABRUM. •CANCER, the Crab. (Vid. Caecincs.) CANDE'LA, a candle, made either of wax (cerea) or tallow (sebacea), was used universally by the Ro- mans before the invention of oil lamps (lucerna)} They used for a wick the pith of a kind of rush call- ed scirpus.' In later times candelae were only used by the poorer classes ; the houses of the more weal- thy were always lighted by lucerna.' CANDELA'BRUM was originally used as a can- dlestick, but was afterward used to support lamps (,?.vxvovxo(), in which signification it most common- ly occurs. The candelabra of this kind were usu- ally made to stand upon the ground, and were of a considerable height. The most common kind were made of wood;* but those which have been found in Herculaneum and Pompeii are mostly of bronze. Sometimes they were made of the more precious metals, and even of jewels, as was the one which Antiochus intended to dedicate to Jupiter Capitoli- nus.' In the temples of the gods and palaces there were frequently large candelabra made of marble, and fastened to the ground." There is a great resemblance in the general plan and appearance of most of the candelabra which have been found. They usually consist of three parts : 1. the foot {/3a(«f) ; 3. the shaft or stem (nav- ,16f) ; 3. the plinth or tray {Stmo^), large enough for a lamp to stand on, or with a socket to receive a wax candle. The foot usually consists of three lions' or griffins' feet, ornamented \7ith leaves ; and the shaft, which is either plain or fluted, generally ends in a kind of captlal. on which *he tray rests for suppor'Jpg the lamp. S^ncrtmp.-j we find a figure between the ".apital and 'he tray, as is seen in the caUiSfAsiirjTt. on the riahc h:in''- 1'. I'^e annexed wood- •iit, which is taken from the Museo Borbonico,'' and represents a candelabrum found in Pompeii. The 1. (VaiTo, Do Line:. Lat., v., 31.— Jf.irtial; xiv., 43.— Athen., IV., p. 700,) — 2. (Plin., 11. N., ivi., 70.)— 3. (Juv,, Sat., iii., 2H7.) — 4. (Cic, ad Quint. Fmlr., iii., 7. — Martml, .vi»., 44.— Pdinn., c. 95.— Alhcn.,xv., p. 700.)- 5. (Cjc, Vcjr., iv.,28.)— 5 (iMuiiii, Pio-Clem., iv., 1,5: v., I, 3.)— 7. (iv., nl. 5T ) 206 one on the left hand is also a representation of a candelabrum found in the same city,'- and is made with a sliding shaft, by which the light might be raised or lowered at pleasure. The best candelabra were made at jEgina and Tarentum.^ Theie are also candelabra of various other forms '.hoagh those which have been given above are by f^f the most common. They sometimes consist of a figiire supporting a lamp,^ or of a figure, by the si'le of which the shaft is placed with two branches, ,;ach of which terminates in a flat disc, upon which a lamp was placed. A candelabrum of the latw kind is given in the preceding woodcut.* The stem is formed of a liliaceous plant ; and at the base is s mass of bronze, on which a Silenus is seated, en- gaged in tryin J : i pour wine from a skin which he holds in his luit hand, into a cup in his right. There was another kind of candelabrum, entirely different from those which have been describw , which did not stand upon the ground, but was pla- 1. (Mus. Bnrb., vi., pi. 61.)— 3. (Plin., 11. N., ixiiv., 6.)-3. (Mm. Borb., vii., pi. 15.)— 4. (Mus. Eorb., iv., pi. 59.) CANEPHOROS. CANIS. «ed upon the table. These candelabra usually con- sist of pillars, from the capitals of which several lamps hang down, or of trees, from whose branches lamps also are suspended. The preceding woodcut represents a very elegant candelabrum of this kind, found in Pompeii.' Tho original, including the stand, is three feet high. The pillar is not placed in the centre, but at one end of the plinth, which is the case in almost every candelabram of this description yet fonnd. The plinth is inlaid ip imitation of a vine, the leaves of which are of silver, the stem and fruit of bright bronze. On one side is an altar with wood and fire upon it, and on the other a Bacchus riding on a tiger. CANDYS (Kavdvi), a gown worn by the Medes and Persians over tbeir trousers and other gar- ments." It had wide sleeves, and was made of woollen cloth, which was either purple or of some other splendid colour. In the Persepolitan sculp- tures, nearly all the principal personages are cloth- ed in it. The three here shown are taken from Sir R. K. Porter's Travels.^ We observe that the persons represented in these sculptures commonly put their hands through the sleeves {Stetpnore^ ruf ;i;fipaf ^cu. ruv Kavduuv), but sometimes keep them out of the sleeves {{fu tuv X^ipUluv); a distinction noticed by Xenophon.* The Persian candys, which Strabo' describes as a " flow- ered tunic with sleeves," corresponded to the wool- len tunic worn by the Babylonians over their linen shirt {eipiveov Kiduva £Trev6vvec ;^ sTrevdurT/f ipeuv^''). A gown of the same kind is still worn by the Ara- bians, Turks, and other Orientals, and by both sexes. CANE'PHOROS (/tavi^^opof). When a sacrifice was to be offered, the round cake l,Tpox'ia (jidot; ;' ■^OTTavav,^ okri, mola salsa), the chaplet of flowers, the knife used to slay the victim, and sometimes the frankincense, were deposited in a flat circular basket (Kuveov, canistrum), and this was frequently carried by a virgin on her head to the altar. The practice was observed more especially at Athens. When a private man sacrificed, either his daughter or some unmarried female of his family ofiiciated as his canephoros ;"> but in the Panathenaia, the Dionysia, and other public festivals, two virgins of the first Athenian families were appointed for the purpose. Their function is described by Ovid in the following lines : " Ilia forle die casta: de more puella Verticc supposito festas in Palladis arces Pura coronatis portahant sacra canistris."^^ That the office was accounted highly honourable appears from the fact that the resentment of Har- modius, which instigated him to kill Hipparchus, arose from tlie insult offered by the latter in forbid- 1. (Mus. Boib., ii., pi. 13.)— 2. (Xen., Cyr., i., .1, i 2.— Anab., i., 5, i 8.— Diod. Sic, xvii., 77.)— 3. (vol. i., pi. 49.)-^. (Cyiop., Tiii., 3, 4 10, 13.)— 5. (mr., 3, 19.)— 6. (Herod., i., 195.)— 7. (Strabo, xvi., 1, 20.)— 8. (Addsei Epigr., Brunck, ii., 241.)— 9. (jlHiaii, V. H-, xi., 5.)— 10. (Aristoph., Acliarn., 241-252.)— 11. (Mn., ii., 713-715.) ding the sister of Harmodius to walk as canephoroa in the Panathenaic procession.' An antefixa in the British Museum (see woodcut) represents the two canephoroe approaching a candelabrum. Each of them elevates one arm to support the basket, while she slightly raises her tunic with the otlier. This attitude was much admired by ancient artists. Pliny" mentions a marble canephoros by Scopas, and Cicero^ describes a pair in bronze, which were the exquisite work of Polycletus. {Vid. Caryatis.) *CAN'CAMUM {KiLVKafiov), a substance mention- ed by Dioscorides,* and which Paul of ^gina" de- scribes as the gum of an Arabian tree, resembling myrrh, and used in perfumes. Avicenn^ calls it a gum of a horrid taste. Alston remarks that "some have taken Lacea to be the Cancamnm, Dioscoridis ; but it seems to have been unknown to the ancient Greeks." Upon the whole; Sprengel inchnes to the supposition that it may have been a species of the Amyris Kataf.^ CANICOK-E. (Vid. Canalis.) *CANIC'ULA. (Yid. SiRins.) * CANIS {Kvuv), the Dog. " The parent-stock of this faithful friend of man must always remain un- certain. Some zoologists are of opinion that the breed is derived from the wolf; others, that it is a familiarized jackal : all agree that no trace of it is to be found in a primitive state of nature. That there were dogs, or, rather, animals of the canine form, in Europe long ago, we have evidence from their remains ; and that there are wild dogs we also know. India, for example, aflbrds many of them, living in a state of complete independence, and without any indication of a wish to approach the dwellings of man. These dogs, however, though they have been accurately noticed by com- petent observers, do not throw much light upon the question. The most probable opinion is that ad- vanced by Bell, in his ' History of British Quadru- peds.' This author thus sums up : ' Upon the whole, the argument in favour of the view which I have taken, that the wolf is probably the original of all the canine races, may be stated as follows : the structure of the animal is identical, or so nearly so as to afford the strongest a priori evidence in its favour. The Dog must have been derived from an animal susceptible of the highest degree of domes- tication, and capable of great affection for mankind; which has been abundantly proved of the wolf. Dogs having returned to a wild state, and con- tinued in that condition through many generations, exhibit characters which approximate more and more to those of the wolf, in proportion as the in- fluence of domestication ceases to act. The two animals, moreover, will breed together, and produce fertile young ; and the period of gestation is the same. The period at which the domestication of the Dog first took place is wholly lost in the mist of antiquity. The earliest mention of it i'l the 1. (Thucyd., vi., 56.— .aElian, V. H., xi., 8.)— 2. (II. N., xx-vi-i., 4, 7.)— 3. (VeiT., II., iv., 3.)— 4. (i., 23.)— 5. (vii , 3 )— G. (Adams, Append., s. v.) 207 CANNABIS. CANTICUM. Scriptures occurs during the sojourn of the Israel- ites in Egypt : ' But against Israel shall not a dog move his tongue.' It is again mentioned in the Mosaic law in a manner which would seem to show that dogs were the common scavengers of the Israel itish camp, as they still are in many cities of the East : ' Neither shall ye eat any flesh that is torn of beasts in the field ; ye shall cast it to the dogs.' A similar office seems to be repeatedly al- luded to in the course of the Jewish history. The Dog was considered by the Jews as eminently an unclean animal, and was the figure selected for the most contemptuous insults. It is impossible not to be struck with the similarity which exists in the feelings of many Oriental nations at the present day, among whom the very phraseology of the Scriptures is, with little modification, applied to a similar purpose.' The Dog was held in great ven- eration in many parts of Egypt, particularly at the city of Cynopohs, where it was treated with divine honours. According to Plutarch, however, the an- imal lost this high rank by reason of its eating the flesh of Apis, after Cambyses had slain the latter and thrown it out, on which occasion no other ani- mal would taste or even come near it. But con- siderable doubt has been thrown on this story, and the idea seems so nearly connected, as Wilkinson remarks, with the group of the god Mithras, where the dog is' represented feeding on the blood of the slaughtered ox, that there is reason to beheve the story derived its origin from the Persian idol. The Egyptians, as appears &om the monuments, had several breeds of dogs : some solely used for the chase ; others admitted into the parlour, or selected as the companions of their walks ; and some, as at the present day, chosen on account of their pecu- har ugliness. The most common kinds were a sort of fox-dog and a hound ; they had also a short- legged dog, not unlike our turnspit, which was a great favourite in the house. The fox-dog appears to have been the parent-stock of the modern red wild dog of Egypt, which is so common at Cairo and other towns of the lower country.'" — The Al- banian Dog has been noticed by historians, natural- ists, and poets, ever since Europe first began to be raised into consequence and importance. A super- natural origin and infallible powers have been at- tributed to it. Diana is said to have presented Procris with a dog which was always sure of its prey, and to this animal the canine genealogists of antiquity attributed the origin of the celebrated race of the southeasi of Europe, particularly of Molossus and Sparta. The very fine breed of dogs now found verj' plentifully in this corner of Europe, particularly in Albania, accords with the descrip- tions existing of its progenitors, indigenous in the same countries, and does not seem to have degen- erated. The Mastiff ( Canis Anglicus, L. ) Is another fine and powerful species. This breed was assidu- ously fostered by the Romans whils they had pos- session of Britain, and nalany of them were exported to Rome, to combat wild animals in the amphi- theatre. The catuli Melitai were a small species, or a kind of lap-dog. The modern Maltese dog is a small species of the Spaniel, and so, perhaps, was the ancient." •CANNA, a Cane or Reed. (Vid. Cal.uius.) *CANN'AB1S (Kuvva6ic:), Hemp. The Kdwak^ rjfiepo; of Dioscorides and Galen is evidently the Cannabis saliva, or Hemp. Sprengel agrees with C. Bauhin, that the KavvaCig uypia is the Althaa cannaUna.* 1. (Penny Cyclopajdia, vol. i., p. 57, seqq.)— 2. (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, «fcc , vol. ]ii,, p. 39.)— 3. (Griffith's Cu- vier, vol. ii., p. 327.)--4. (Dioscor., iii., 155. — Adams, Append., a. V.) SOS ♦CANTH'ARIS (iiav0apig). From the ancient authorities having stated of the Kavdapig that it ii found among grain (Nicander applies to it the epi- thet oLTTi^ayog), it has been inferred that it could not have been what is now called the Canthmt, or Spanish Fly, since this latter is found principally upon the ash, the privet, and the elder, and. seldom or never among grain. Sprengel thinks it probable that Dioscorides' was acquainted with two species of Cantharides ; the one he pronounces to be the Mylabris Dioscoridis (the same, probably, as the My- labris cichorii of Latreille and Wilson) ; the other he is confident was not the I/ylla vesicatoria, and he hesitates whether to call it the Meloe proscarabsus. Stackhouse, again, suggests that the KavBapif of Theophrastus* was the Curculio granarius. " To me it now appears," observes Adams, " that the common KavOapig of the Greeks was the Mylakis cichorii. It is still extensively used in the East for making blistering plasters.' CAN'THARUS {xavdapo;). I. was a kind of drink ing-cup, furnished with handles (cantharus ansa% It is said by some writers to have derived its name from one Cantharus, who first made cups of this form.' The cantharus was the cup sacred to Bac- chus,' who is frequently represented on ancient vases holding it in his hand, as in the following woodcut, which is taken from a painting on an an- cient vase.' ■"Kt, o o *II. Cantharus was also the name of a fisn, which *Elian calls KavBapoQ iJoXdmof. It is the Spams cantharus, L. Its flesh is like that of the Gilt-head in taste and other qualities.* *III. Cantharus, the Beetle. (Fid. SoARAB.ffitis.) CAN'TICUM. In the Roman theatre, between the first and second acts, flute music appears to have been introduced,' which was accompanied by a kind of recitative, performed by a single actor, or, if there were two, the second was not allowed to speak with the first. Thus Diomedes'" says, "i» canticis una tanlum debet esse persona, aut si duafu- erint, ita debent esse, ut ex occulto una audiat nee col- loquatur, scd secum, si opus fucrit, verba facial." In 1. (ii., 64.)— 3. (II. P., viii., 10.)— 3. (Adams, Append., s. v.) —4. (Virg., Eoloft., vi.-, 17.)— 5. (Athen., li., p. 474, e.— Pollux, Onom., vi., 96.— Plin., H. N., xjcxiv., 19, l> 25.)— 6. (Macrob., Sat.,v.,21.— Plin., H. N., xxxiii., 53.)— 7. (Millingen, Peinlnrei Antiques, pi. 53.)— 8. (Aristot., H. A., viii., 13.— Adams, Ap pcnd., s. V.)— 9. (Phut , Psoudol., I., v., 160 )— 10. (u., p. 4^. ed. Putsch.) CAPER CAPITE CENSI. me canticum, as violent gesticulation was required, it appears to have been the custom, from the time of Livius Andronicus, for the actor to confine him- self to the gesticulation, while another person sang the recitative.' The canticum always formed a part of a Roman comedy. Diomedes observes that a Roman comedy consists of two parts, dialogue and canticum (Lalina comcciia duobus tantum mem- bxis constant, diverhio et cantico). Wolf^ endeav- ours to show that cantica also occurred in tragedies and the AteUans fabulffi. There can be no doubt that they did in the latter ; they were usually com- posed in the Latin, and sometimes in the Greek language, whereas the other parts of the Atellane plays were written in Oscan. (Vid. Atellane Fabulje.) CAPELErON. {Vid. Caupona.) *CAPER (rpuyoc), the he-Goat. Capra is the name for the female, to which aif corresponds in Greek. The generic appellation in the Linnsean system is Capra hircus. The ancients were like- wise acquainted with the wild Goat, or Capra ibex; it is supposed to be the Ako or Akico of Deuterono- my,^ and the rpayc/lo^of of the Septuagint and of Diodorus Siculus.* Among the Egyptians, the Goat was regarded as the emblem of the generative principle, and was held sacred in some parts of the land. The Ibex, or wild goat of the Desert, how- • ever, was not sacred. It occurs sometimes in as- tronomical subjects, and is frequently represented among the animals slaughtered for the table and the altar, both in the Thebaid and in Lower Egypt.' " It is a fact of a singular nature," observes Lt. Col. Smith, " that, as far as geological observations have extended over fossil organic remains, among the multitude of extinct and existing genera, and species of mammiferous animals, which the exercised eye of comparative anatomists has detected, no portions of Caprine or Ovine races have yet been satisfacto- rily authenticated ; yet, in a wild state, the first are found in three quarters of the globe, and perhaps in the fourth ; and the ."iecond most certainly ex- ists in every great portion of the earth, New-Hol- land, perhaps, excepted. It would almost seem as if this class of animals were added by Providence to the stock of other creatures for the express pur- pose of being the instruments which should lead man to industry and peace ; at least such an effect may, in a great measure, be ascribed to them ; and, if not the first companion, the Goat may neverthe- less be regarded as the earliest passive means by which mankind entered upon an improving state of existence. The skins of these animals were prob- ably among the first materials employed for cloth- ing. Afterward the long hair of the goat was mix- ed up with the short and soft fur of other animals, and, united with the gum of trees or animal glue, manufactured into that coarse but solid felt known in Northern Asia from the earliest ages, and noticed by historians and poets. It was probably of this material that the Mack war-tunics of the Cimbri were made, in their conflicts with Marius ; and we know it was the winter dress of the auxiliary co- horts, and even of the Roman legions in Britain, at least to the period of Constantino. But, long before this era, the gradual advance of art was felt, even in the depth of Northern Europe ; the distaff had reached the Scandinavian nations ; and the thread, at first platted into ribands, afterward enlarged, and wrought like matting into a kind of thrum, was at length woven into narrow, and, last of all, into broad pieces of cloth. In the riband plat (i. e., plaid) we 1. (Liv., viii., 2. — Lucian, De Saltat., c. 30. — Isidor., Orig., mil., 44.)— 2. (De Canticis, p. 11.)— 3. (xiv.,4.)-4. (ii.,51.)-^ 5. (Wilkinson, Mannera an^ Cusfoms of Anc. Esryptians, vol. v p. 190.) ' Dd see the origin of the check dresses common to most nations of northern latitudes during their incipient state of civilization ; for these were made by plat- ting the ribands into broader and warmer pieces. The stripes, almost universal in the South, were the same plats sewed together. That goat's hair was the chief ingredient among the Scandinavians, is proved by their divinities being dressed in Geita Kurtlu. The domestic goat in the north and west of the Old World preceded sheep for many ages, and predominated whUe the country was chiefly covered with forests ; nor is there evidence of wool-bearing animals crossing the Rhine or the Upper Danube till towards the subversion of the Roman Empire."' *CAPHU'RA (Ka^ovpa), the Camphor-tree. Sy- meon Seth is the first Greek who makes mention of the Camphor-tree, or Laurus Camphora, L. He describes it as a very large tree, growing in India, the wood of which is light and ferulaceous. Cam- phor was first introduced into medical practice by the Arabians. CAPILLUS. (Vid. Coma.) CAPISTRUM {iopieia), a halter, a tie for horses, asses, or other animals, placed round the head or neck, and made of osiers or other fibrous materials. It was used in holding the head of a quadruped which requirfid any healing operation," in retaining animals at the stall,' or in fastening them to the yoke, as shown in the woodcut Aeateum (p. 79). In representations of Bacchanalian processions, the tigers or panthers are attached to the yoke by ca- pistra made of vine-branches. Thus we read of the vite capistrata tigres of Ariadne,* and they are seen on the bas-relief of a sarcophagus in the Vati- can representing her nuptial procession. See the annexed woodcut. In plougliing fields which were planted with vines or other trees, the halter had a small basket at- tached to it, enclosing the mouth, so as to prevent the ox from cropping the tender shoots {fiscellis ca- pistrari^). Also, when goatherds wished to obtain milk for making cheese, they fastened a muzzle or capistrum, armed with iron points, about the mouth of the kid, to prevent it from sucking.' Bands of similar materials were used to tie vines to the poles (pali) or transverse rails ijuga) of a trellis.' The term opteia. was also applied to a contri- vance used by pipers (ailriTal) and trumpeters to compress their mouths and cheeks, and thus to aid them in blowing. (FjcZ, CHiEinoTA.) This was said to be the invention of Marsyas.' CAPITA'LIS. (Fid. Caput.) CA'PITE CENSL (7«i. Capdt.) 1., (Griffith's Cuvier, vol. iv,, p. 294, seqq.)— 2. (Columella Ti., 19.)— 3. (Varro, De Re Eust., ii.. 6.)— 4. (Ovid, Epist., ii..' 80.— Sidon. ApoU., carm. xxii., 23.)— 5. (Plin., H. N., xvii., 49 i 2.— Cato, De Re Rust., 54.)— 6. (Virj., (Seorg., iji., 399.)— 7 (Columella, iv., 20; ri., 2.)— 8. (Sinionides.Bniiick Analect., i. 122.— Sophocles, ap. Cic. ad Att., ii,, 16.— Aristoph., Av., 8® — Vesp., 580.— Equit., 1147.— Schol. ad 11.) 209 CA.PITOLroM. CAPNIOS. CA'PITIS DEMINU'TIO. (Vid. Caput.) CAPITO'LIUM. This word is used in different significations by the Latin writers, the principal of which are the following : I. CAPiTOLinM, a small temple (sacellutn}), sup- posed to have been built by Numa, and dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva," situated in the Re- gie ix. on the Esquiline, near to the spot which was afterward the Circus of Flora.' It was a small and humble structure, suited to the simplicity of the age in which it was erected,' and was not termed capi- tolium until after the foundation of the one mention- ed below, from which it was then distinguished as the Capitolium. veins.' Martial' alludes to it under the name of antiquum Jovem. II. Capitolium, the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, in the Regio viii. on the Mons Tarpeius,' so called from a human head being discovered in digging the foundations.' Martial distinguishes very clearly this temple from the one mentioned above : " Esquiliis domus est, domus est iihi colle Diana ; Inde novum, veterem prospicis inde, Jovem.^'^ Tarquinius Priscus first vowed during the Sabine war to build this temple, and commenced the found- ations.'" It was afterward continued by Servius TuUius, and finally completed by Tarquinius Superb- us out of the spoils collected at the capture of Su- essa Pometia," but was not dedicated until the year B.C. 507, by M. Horatius." It was burned down during the civil wars, at the time of Sulla, B.C. 83," and rebuilt by him, but dedicated by Lutatius Catulus, B.C. 69.'* It was again burned to the ground by the faction of Vitellius, A.D. 70," and rebuilt by Vespasian ; upon whose death it was again destroyed by fire, and sumptuously rebuilt for he third time by Domitian." The Capitolium contained three temples within the same peristyle, or three cells parallel to each other, the partition walls of which were common, and all under the same roof" In the centre was the seat of Jupiter Optimus Maximus," called cella Jovis," and hence he is described by Ovid"° as " media qui sedet aede Deus." That of Minerva was on the right ;"' whence, perhaps, the allusion of Horace,'" " Proximos iUi tamen occupavit Pallas honores ;" and that of Juno upon the left ; but com- pare Livy," " Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno regi- na, et Minerva," and Ovid," which passages are considered by some writers to give Juno the prece- dence over Minerva. The representation of the Capitolium in the next woodcut is taken from a medal. ilie exact position occupied by this temple has 1. (Vnrro, Do Ling. Lat., v., 158.)— 2. (Vnrro, I.e.)— 3. (Var- 10, 1. c— Notit. Imper.— P. Victor.)— 4. (Val. Mux., iv., 4, Ml.) —5. (VaiTo, 1. c.)— 6. (EpigT., V., ixii., 4.)— 7. (Livy, i., 55.)— 8. (Dionys., iv., p. 217.— Liv., 1. c— Varro, De Ling. Lat., v., 41.— gerv., nd Virg., Xn., viii., 315.)— 9. (Epigr., VII., Ixxiii.)— 10. (Liv., i., 38.— Tacit., Hist., ni., 72.— Compare Plin., H. N., iii., fl.)— 11. (Tacit., I. c— Liv., i., 55.)— 12. (Liv., ii., 8,)- 13. (Ta- cit., 1. c— Plin., H. N., liii., 27.— Plut., Sull., c. 27.)— 14. (Ta- cit., 1. c— Plin., H. N., xi.v., 6.— Liv., Epit,, 08.)— 15. (Tacit., 1. c— Plin., II. N., xxxiv., 17.)— 10. (Snot , Dom., 0. 6.)— 17. (Dionys., iv., p. 24a)— 18. (Dicmvs., 1. r.)_10. (r.ol)., vii., 1,2. —Liv., X., 23.)— 20. (Ex Pont., iv., 0, 32,)— 21. (Liv., vii.,3.)— S2. (Caim., I., xii., 11).)- 23. (iii., 17.)— 24. (Trist.,ii.,289,293.) SIO been the subject of much dispute. Some writen consider it to have been upon the north, and some upon the south point of the Mons Capitolinus ; some that it stood upon a different summit from the arx or fortress, with the intermxmtium between them ■ others, that it was within the arx, which is again referred by some to that side of the mount which overhangs the Tiber, and by others to the opposite acclivity. The reader will find the subject folly discussed in the following works : MarUan., XJrh. Rom. Topogr., ii., 1, 5. — Donat., De Urb. Rmi.~. Lucio Mauro, AnticMta di Rmna. — Andreas Fulvio, Id. — Biondo, Roma Restaurat. — Nardini, Roma An- tica, v., 14. — Bunsen and Plattner, Beschreibung Roms. — Niebuhr, Hist, Rom., vol. i., p. 502, transl. III. Capitolium is sometimes put for the whole mount, including both summits, as well as the in termonlium, which was originally called Mons Sa- turnius,' and afterward Mons Tarpeius," from the virgin Tarpeia, who was killed and buried there by the Sabines ; and, finally, Mons Capitolinus, for the reason already stated ; and, when this last term became usual, the name of Tarpeia was confined to the immediate spot which was the scene of her destruction,' viz., the rock from which criminals were cast down. This distinction, pointed out by Varro, is material ; because the epithet Tarpeian, so often applied by the poets to Jupiter, has been brought forward as a proof that the temple stood upon the same side as the rock, whereas it only proves that it stood upon the Tarpeian or Capitoline Mount. At other times capitolium is used to desig- nate one only of the summits, and that one appa- rently distinct from the arx ;* which obscurity ia farther increased, because, on the other hand, an is sometimes put for the whole mount,* and at eth ers for one of the summits only.* There were three approaches from the Forum to the Mons Capitolinus. The first was by a flight of 100 steps {centum gradus''), which led directly to the side of the Tarpeian Rock. The other two were the clivus Capitolinus and clivus Asyli,^ one of which entered on the north, and the other on the south side of the intermontium, the former by the side of the Carceres Tulliani, the latter from the foot of the Via Sacra, in the direction of the modem accesses on either side of the Palazzo de' Consultori ; but which of these was the clivus Capitolinus and which the clivus Asyli, will depend upon the dispu- ted situation of the arx and Temple of Jupiter Opti- mus Maximus. The epithets aurea' and fulgcns" are illustrative of the materials with which the Temple of Jupiter O. M. was adorned : its bronze gates," and gilt ceil- ings and tiles." The gilding of the latter alone cost 12,000 talents." IV. Capitolium is also used to distinguish the chief temples in other cities besides Rome.'* CAPIT'ULUM. {Vid. Columna.) *CAP-NIOS or CAPNOS (KaTtTtof or kotvSs), a plant which all the authorities agree in referring to the Fumaria officinalis, or common Fumitory. Sib- thorp is the only exception, who prefers the F. par viflora. Lam. It is the Fel tarn of Scribonius Lar- gus." The juice of this plant was used, according to Pliny, in the cure of ophthalmia." It derives its name from its juice, when spread over the eyes, af- 1. (VatTo, De Ling. Lat., v., 42.)— 2. (M., v., 41.— Dionys, iii., p. 193 ; iv., p. 247.)— 3. (Van-o, 1. c.)— 4. (Dionys., I., p. OIL- Liv., i., 33 ; ii., 8.— Anl. Gell., v., 12.)— 5. (Liv., v., 40.) — 6. (Compare Liv., ii., 49; in., 15; v., 41. — Flor., iii., 21.— Virg:., .^n., viii., 652.— Serv., ad Virp., 1. c.) — 7. (Tacit., Hist., iii., 71.) — 8. (Tacit., L c) — 9. (Virg., .Sin., viii., 348.) — 10. (Hor., Carm., IIL, iii., 43.)— 11. (Liv., x., 23.)— 12. (Plin., H. N., xxiiii., 18.)— 13. (Pint., Poplic, p. 104.)— 14. (Sil. Ilal., li. 207.— Plant., Cnrc., II., ii., 10.— Suet., Tiber., 40.)— 15. (Ad- ams, Append., s. v.) — 16. (H. N., iiv., 13.) CAPROS. CAPULUS. fecting them like smoke (Kanvog). Its flower is purple. The modern Greeks call this plant Kairvo and Kanvoyopro. Sibthorp found it growing very abundantly in cultivated places.' ♦CAPP'ARIS (Kanmpif), a plant which Sprengel, Stackhouse, and Schneider agree in referring to the Capparis Spinosa, L., or Thorny Caper-bush. Sib- thorp, however, is in favour of a variety of the C. Spinosa, to which he gives the name of Capparis mata.' Dioscorides mentions several Idnds from different countries, all differing in their qualities. The best came from Caria, the next in the order of merit from Phrygia.' »CAPRA, the she-Goat, the all of the Greeks. (Vid. Capek.) *CAP'REA, a wild she-Goat, or, rather, a species of wild goat generally. Pliny* speaks of it as being possessed of a very keen sight, which may, perhaps, identify it with the Dorcas, or Gazelle. Guvier, however, makes Pliny's Caprea the same with the Cervus Capreolus, L., or Roebuck. {Yid. Dorcas.') *CAPRIFICATIO, the process of caprification, or a ripening of figs on the domestic tree by means of insects found on the wild fig. The process is described briefly by Eustathius,' and more at large by Pliny.' The former, speaking of the wild fig- trees, says that what are called i/i^vcf (" little gnats") pass from them into the fruit of the domestic fig, and strengthen it to such a degree as to prevent its falhng off from the tree. The latter remarks that the wild fig-tree engenders small gnats (culi- ces), which, when the natal tree decays, and fails to afford them nutriment, betake themselves to the domestic tree, and, penetrating by their bites into the fruit of this, introduce, along with themselves, the heat of the sun, which causes the fruit into which they have entered to ripen. These insects consume, also, the milky humour in the young fruit, the presence of which would make them ripen more slowly. The process of caprification, as given by modern authorities, is as follows : " The operation is rendered necessary by the two following facts, namely, that the cultivated fig bears, for the most part, female flowers only, while the male flowers are abundant upon the wild fig-tree ; and, secondly, that the flower of the fig is upon the inside of the receptacle which constitutes the fruit. It is hence found necessary to surround the plantations and gardens containing the figs with branches and lunbs bearing male flowers from the wild fig-tree, thus preparing the way for the fertilizing the female flowers in the garden : and from these wild flow- ers the fertilizing pollen is borne to the other figs upon the wings and legs of small insects which are found to inhabit the fruit of the wild flg."* *CAPRIFrCUS (epweog, ipivoi), the wild fig-tree, the Ficus Carica, L. ( Vid. Syce, and Caphificatio.) *GAPRIMULGTJS. (Vid. Aigothelas.) *CAPROS (Kdnpoi), I. the wild Boar, called by the Romans Aper. (Vid. Sns.) The flesh of this ani- mal was highly esteemed by that people, and it was customary to serve up whole ones at table. Hence the boar was termed cana caput, or, as we would say, the " head dish ;" hence, also, the language of Juvenal in speaking of the wild boar, " animal prop- ter comima natum," " an animal born for the sake ofhanquets.'" *II. A species of fish, the Zeus Aper of Linnaeus, called in Italian Riondo, and in French Sauglier. It is a small yellowish fislj, inhabiting the Mediter- 1. (BiUerbeck, Flora Classica, p. 178.)— 2. (Dioscor., ii., 94 -Theophrast H. P., i., 3.— jEtius, i., 184.-Adams, Append.; ^V~?' 'BiUerbeck, Flora Classica, p. 136.)^. (H. N., xi n ■ '..iFf ®,"''^,*^;,™''' ™'- ■'■■ P- 'I^-)- 6. (Comment, in ranean, and is the same with the perca. pusilla of Brunnich.' CAPSA (,dim. CAPSULA), or SCRINIUM, was the box for holding books among the Romans. These boxes were usually made of beech- wood,* and were of a cylindrical form. There is no doubt respecting their form, since they are often placeiJ by the side of statues dressed in the toga. The following woodcut, which represents an open capsa with six rolls of books in it, is from a painting at Pompeii. There does not appear to have been any diffei- ence between the capsa and flie scrinium, except that the latter word was usually applied to those boxes which held a considerable number of rolls (scrinia da magnis^). Boxes used for preserving other things besides books were also called capsae,* while in the scrinia nothing appears to have been kept but books, letters, and other writings. The slaves who had the charge of these book- chests were called capsarii, and also custodes scrin- ioTum ; and the slaves who carried, in a capsa be- hind their young masters, the books, c&c, of the soa» of respectable Romans, when they went to school, were also called capsarii {Quern sequitur cuslot angustcB vernula capsa^). We accordingly find them mentioned together with the paedagogi {con- stat quosdam cum pcedagogis et cagsariis uno prandio necatos'). When the capsa contained books of importance, it was sealed or kept under lock and key ;' whence Horace' says to his work, " Odisti claves, et grata sigilla ptidico."' CAPSA'RII, the name of three different classes of slaves : 1. Of those who took care of the clothes of per- sons while bathing in the public baths. ( Vid. Bath s, p. 147.) In later times they were subject to the ju- risdiction of the praefectus vigilum.'" 2. Of those who had the care of the capss, in which books and letters were kept. (Fid. Capsa.) 3. Of those who carried the books, &c., of boys to school. {Vid. Capsa.) CAP'SULA. {Vid. Capsa.) CA'PULUS {KaTTT!, ^air,), the hilt of a sword. This was commonly made of wood or horn, but sometimes of ivory" or of silver," which was either embossed" or adorned with gems {capulis radianli- bus ensesy* Philostratus" describes the hilt of a Persian acinaces, which was made of gold set with beryls, so as to resemble a branch with its buds. These valuable swords descended from father to son." When Theseus for the first time appears at Athens before his father ^geus, he is known by the carving upon the ivory hilt of his sword, and is 1. (Aristot., H. A., ii., 13.— Adams, Append., s. y.l- 2. (H N., xvi., 84.)— 3. (Mai-t., i., 3.)— 4. (Plin., H. N., iv., 18, « 4.— Mart , xi., 8.)--5. (Juv., Sat., jc., 117.)-fi. (Snet., Ner., 36.)— li,'™^.-' !•' ^^i—^- fEpist., I., IX., 3.)— 9. (Becker, Gallns, i., 191.— Bottiger, Sabina, i., 102.)— 10. IDig. 1, tit. 15, s. 3.)— 11 (Spartiaji., Hadr., 10, iy,apro^6noi.)-li. (apyvpfn Kun„: Hom.,Il,i.,219.)-13. (Plm., H.N.,xxxiii., 12.)-14. (Claud' De Laud. Sti;., u,, 88.)— 15. (Imag., ii , 9.)-16. (Claud., 1. c ) 211 CAPUT. CARACAtLA. thus saTed from being poisoned by the aconite which Medea has administered.' The handles of knives were made of the same materials, and also of amber." Of the beautiful and elaborate workmanship sometimes bestowed on knife-handles, a judgment may be formed from the three specimens here introduced.' The term capulus is likewise applied to the han- dle of a plough by Ovid, as quoted in AEATRnM, p. 80. CAPUT, the head. The term " head" is often used by the Roman writers as equivalent to " per- son" or "human being."* By an easy transition, it was used to signify " life :" thus, capita damnari, plecli, &c., are equivalent to capital punishment. Caput is also used to express a man's status, or civil condition ; and the persons who were regis- tered in the tables of the censor are spoken of as capita, sometimes with the addition of the word civium, and sometimes not.' Thus to be registered in the census was the same thing as caput habere : and a slave and a filius familias, in this sense of the word, were said to have no caput. The sixth class of Servius Tullius comprised the proletarii and the capite censi, of whom the latter, having little or no property, were barely rated as so many head of citi- zens. ° He who lost or changed his status was said to be capite minutus, deminutus, or capitis min&rJ The phrase se capite deminuere was also applicable in dase of a voluntary change of status.' Capitis minutio is defined by Gaius' to be status permutatio. A Roman citizen possessed libertas, civitas, and familia : the loss of all three, or of lib- ertas and civitas (for civitas included familia), con- stituted the maxima capitis deminutio. This capi- tis deminutio was sustained by those who refused to be registered at the census, or neglected the re- gistration, and were thence called inccnsi. The in- census was liable to be sold, and so to lose his lib- erty ; but this being a matter which concerned citi- zenship and freedom, such penalty could not be in- flicted directly, and the object was only effected by the fiction of the citizen having himself abjured his freedom. (Fjd. Banishment, p. 136.) Those who refused to perform military service might also be Bold.'" A Roman citizen who was taken prisoner by the enemy lost his civil rights, together with his liberty, but he might recover them on returning to his country. (Vid. Postliminium.) Persons con- 1. (Ond, Met., vii., 423.)— S. (^J o5 rai XnSai /laYofpnit yi- i/mTni : Eustath. in Dionvs., 203.)— 3. (Montfaucon, Aatiq. Ex- pliqu^o, iii., 122, pi. 61.)^J. (Cics., BeU. Gall., iv., 15.)— 5. (LiT., ill., 24 i X., 47.)— 6. (GoU., xvi., 10.— Cic, De Repub.,ii., Sa.)— 7. (Ilor., Carm., Ill,, v., 42.)— 8. (Cic, Top., c. 4.)— 9. (D;g. 4, tit. S, 1) 1.)— 10. (Cic, Pro Cmoina, 34.— Ulp., Fragm., xi, 11.) 212 demned to ignominious punishments, as to Ine mines, sustained the maxima capitis deminutio. A. free woman who cohabited with a slave, after no- tice given to her by the owner of the slave, became an ancilla, by a senatus consultum passed in the time of Claudius.' The loss of civitas only, as when a man was in- terdicted from fire and water, was the media capitis deminutio. {Vid. Banishment.) The change of familia by adoption, and by the in manum conventio, was the minima capitis deminu- tio. A father who was adrogated suffered the mini- ma capitis deminutio, for he and his children wen; transferred into the power of the adoptive father A son who was emancipated by his father also sus- tained the minima capitis deminutio ; the cause of \^■hleh could not be the circumstance of his being freed from the patria potestas, for that made the son a liberum caput ; but the cause was, or was considered to be, the form of sale by which the emancipation was effected. A judicium capitale, or poena capitalis, was one which affected a citizen's caput. CAPUT. (yi(£. Interest OF Money.) CAPUT EXTORUM. The Roman soothsayers (haruspices) pretended to a knowledge of coming events from the inspection of the entrails of vic- tims slain for that purpose. The part to vrhich they especially directed their attention was the liv- er, the convex upper portion of which seems to have been called the caput extorum.' Any disease or deficiency in this organ was considered an unfa- vourable omen ; whereas, if healthy and perfect, it was believed to indicate good fortune. The haras pices divided it into two parts, one caReA familiam, the other hostilis : from the former they foretold the fate of friends, from the latter that of enemies Thus we read' that the head of the liver was mnti- lated by the knife of the operator on the " familiar" part (caput jecinoris a familiari parte casum), which was always a bad sign. But the word "caput" here seems of doubtful application ; for it may des- ignate either the convex upper part of the liver, or one of the prominences of the various lobes which form its lower and irregularly concave part. It is, however, more obvious and natural to understand by it the upper part, which is formed of two prom- inences, called the great and smaU, or right and left lobes. If no caput was found, it was a bad sign {nihil tristius accidere potuit) ; if well defined, or double, it was a lucky omen.* ♦CARA, a plant. (Yii. Carehm.) *CAR'ABUS (/ca/)a6of), a crustaceous animal, of which there is frequent mention in the classics. It is the Locusta of Pliny, in French langouste. There is some difficulty, remarks Adams, in determining to what species of Cancer it applies. Schneider thinks it was certainly not the Cancer homans; and he is not quite satisfied that it was the C. eh phas.^ CARACA'LLA was an outer garment used in Gaul, and not unhke the Roman lacerna. {Vii. Li cERNA.) . It was first introduced at Rome by th9 Emperor Aurelius Antoninus Bassianus, who com pelled all the people that came to court to wear it, whence he obtained the surname of Caracalla. This garment, as worn in Gaul, does not appear.ti have reached lower than the knee, but Caracalls lengthened it so as to reach the ankle. It after ward became common among the Romans, and gar ments of this kind were called caracallae Antoniante 1. (Ulp., Fraf., xi., 11.— Compare Tacit., Ann., xii., 53,all« Suet., Vesp., II.)— 2. (Plin., H. N., xi., 37, s. 73.)— 3. (Lit, viii., 9.)— 4. (Cic, De DiT., ii., 12, 13.— I.iv., ixvii., 26>-5 (Schneider, ad Aristot., II A , iv., 3. — Adams, 'Vppend., 8.T.H 6. (Aurel. Vict., Epit,, 21 J GARCER. to distinguish them from the Gallic caracalla.' It usually had a hood to it, and came to be worn by the clergy. Jerome' speaks of "palliolum mircc pul- chritudinis in modum caracallarum sei absque cucul- lis." CARBA'TINA. (Vid. Pero.) *CARBUNC'ULUS (uvBpa^), the Carbuncle, a precious stone, deriving its name, both in Greek and Latin, from its resemblance to a small ignited coal. The ancients called by these two names all the red transparent gems, which have since been distinguished by the different appellations of Ruby, Garnet, &c., all of which they regarded merely as species of the Carbuncle. Theophrastus and Stra- bo enumerate the Carthaginian and Garamantian carbunculi among those most in repute. " Those carbuncles," observes Dr. Moore, "which Pliny calls Alabandic, because they were cut and polish- ed at Alabanda, were precious garnets, still called by some mineralogists Alabandines or Alamandines. What he afterward says of Alabandic carbuncles, which were darker coloured and rougher than oth- ers, may be explained by supposing that near Ala- banda both precious and common garnets were ob- tained." The term Carbunculiis was also applied to a species of black marble, on account of its like- ness to a quenched coal, and out of which mirrors were sometimes made.' CARCER. Career {kerker, Ger., yopyvpa, Greek) is connected with ipnoi and elpja, the guttural be- ing interchanged with the aspirate. Thus also Var- ro,* " Career a coercendo quod prokihentur exire.^* Caecer (Greek). Imprisonment was seldom used among the Greeks as a legal punishment for offences ; they preferred banishment to the expense of keeping prisoners in confinement. We do, in- deed, find some cases in which it was sanctioned by law ; but these are not altogether instances of its being used as a punishment. Thus the farmers of the duties, and their bondsmen, were Uable to imprisonment if the duties were not paid by a speci- fied time ; but the object of this was to prevent the escape of defaulters, and to ensure regularity of payment.' Again, persons who had been mulcted in penalties might be confined till they had paid them.' The arifioi also, if they exercised the rights of citizenship, were subject to the same consequen- ces.' Moreover, we read of a (Jeo/iof for theft ; but this was a TzpoarifiTi/ia, or additional penalty, the in- fliction of which was at the option of the court which tried the case ; and the deo/iof itself was not an imprisonment, but a public exposure in the ?ro- doKuKicri, or stocks, for five days and nights — the to ev ^vhp dsSioBai. We may here observe, that in most cases of theft the Athenians proceeded by " civil action ;" and if the verdict were against the defendant (el rig Idiav diarjv K^onijg aloirj), he had to pay, by way of reparation, twice the value of the stolen property: this was required by laio. The irpoarifiTj/ia was at the discretion oftlie courts Still the idea of imprisonment per se, as a punishment, was not strange to the Athenians. Thus we find that Plato' proposes to have three prisons : one of Ihese was to be a au(j>povwrnpi,ov, or penitentiary ; (mother a place of punishment — a sort of penal set- tlement away from the city. The prisons in different countries were called by different names : thus there was the 'kvayKalov, in BcEotia; the Keddaf, at Sparta; the Kepa/ioc, at Cyprus; the Kwf, at Corinth ; and, among the loni- 1 (Aurel. Vict., De Cajs., 21.-Spartian., Sev., 2I.-Anton., ^^i',?-^T?- '^.P-' 128.)-3. (Theophrast., De LapH., c. 31, 32! -HiU, ad oc.— Moore's Anc. Mineral., p. 156.— Adams, Append., « "/A S" '■'".f -.'''"■V'^- ^^i-^- (BSckh, ii., 57, transl.)-! ?; P^osth-, c. Mid., 529, 26.)— 7. (Demosth., c. Timocr 730 •'.)—«. (Demoslh.,c. Timocr., 736.)— 9. {Leg., X., 15.) ' CARCHARIAS. ans, the yopyvpa, as at Samos.' The prison at Athens was in former times called iea/xur^piov, and afterward, by a sort of euphemism, oMT/fia. It was chiefly used as a guardhouse, or place of execu- tion, and was under the charge of the public ofHceri called the eleven, ol hdeKO. One gate in the prison, through which the condemned were led to execu- tion, was called ro Xapavelov.' The Attic expression for imprisonment was delv. Thus, in the oath of the povXevrai, or senators, oc- curs the phrase ov6e Sijau 'Adijvaiuv oiSeva. Hence we have the phrase uSea/jog (jiviaKjj,' the "libera custodia" of the Romans, signifying thai a party was under strict surveillance and guard, though not confined within a prison. Caroer (Roman). A career or prison was first built at Rome by Ancus Marcius, overhanging the Forum.* This was enlarged by Servius Tullius, who added to it a souterram or dungeon, called from him the Tullianum. Sallust' describes this as being twelve feet under ground, walled on each side, and arched over with stonework. For a long time this was the only prison at Rome,' being, in fact, the " Tower," or state prison of the city, which was sometimes doubly guarded in times of alarm, and was the chief object of attack in many conspiracies.' Varro' tells us that the Tullianum was also named " Lauturaiae," from some quarries in the neighbour- hood ; or, as others think, in allusion to the " Lau-_ tumiae" of Syracuse, a prison cut out of the solid' rock. In later times the whole building was called the " Mamertine." Close to it were the Scalse Ge- moniaB, or steps, down which the bodies of those who had been executed were thrown into the Fo- rum, to be exposed to the gaze of the Roman popu- lace.' There were, however, other prisons besides this, though, as we might expect, the words of Ro- man historians generally refer to this alone. One of these was built by Appius Claudius, the decem- vir, and in it he was himself put to death.'" The career of which we are treating was chiefly used as a place of confinement for persons under accusation, till the time of trial ; and also as a place of execution, to which purpose the Tullianum was specially devoted. Thus Sallust" tells us that Len- tulus, an accomplice of Catiline, was strangled there. Livy also" speaks of a conspirator being delegatus in Tullianum, which in another passage" is otherwise expressed by the words in inferiorem demissus car- cerem, necatusque. The same part of the prison was also called " ro- bur," if we may judge from the words of Festus ; " Robur in carcere dicitur is locus, quo prtscipitalur rmleficorum genus." This identity is farther shown by the use made of it ; for it is spoken of as a place of execution in the following passages : " In robore et tenebris exspirare."^* "Robur el saxum (sc. Tar- peium) minitari."^^ So also we read of the " catenas — et Italum robur."" CAR'CERES. (,Vid. CiEons.) *CARCHARTAS (napxapiag), a species of fish, called in English the White Shark, and in French Requin. The scientific name is Squalus carcharias, L., or Carcharias vulgaris, Cuvier. The Carchari- as is the same with the Lamia of Aristotle," Galea, and Pliny ;" the Idjivri of Oppian ; the midv ^alar- Tto( (" sea-dog") of ^lian ;" and the xapxapog kv6v of Lycophron." It has also been called by some 1. (Herod., iii., 145.— Pollux, Onom., ix., 45.1—2 (Pollux Onom.,Tiii., 103.— Wachsmuth,Hellen.Alterth., ii I '(,95 Ml -3. (Thucjrd., iii., 34.)^. (Liv., i., 33.)-5. (Cat.' 65.)-6 (Juv. Sat,, m., 312.)-7. (LiT.,xxvi., 27 ; xEtii., 26.)-8. (1. c.) -9 (Cramer Anc Italy, i., 430.)-10. (Liv., iii., 57.-Plin. H N. vu., 36.)-Il. (1. c )--12. (xxix., 22.)-13. '(x«iv., 44 ^n, Liv., xxx™,., 59.--Sallust, L c.)-15. (Tacit., Ann , iv, 29.)— 16. (Hor., Carm., II., x 1 ., 18,)— 17. (II A v 5 \—%S (H. N., ix„ 24.)-19. (N. A., i,, 17.)-l20: (C^sand., 34^ 213 CTUICINIUM. Piscis JmuE, from its having been supposed to be tlie fish which swallowed Jona.' CARCHE'SIUM (.Kapxnaiov), a beaker or drink- ing-cup, which was used by the Greeks in very early times, so that one is said to have been given by Ju- piter to Alcmena on the night of his visit to her." It was slightly contracted in the middle, and its two handles extended from the top to the bottom.' It was much employed in libations of blood, wine, milk, anl honey.* The annexed woodcut represents a magnificent carchesiura, which was presented by Charles the Simple to the Abbey of St. Denys. It was cut out of a single agate, and richly engraved with representations of bacchanalian subjects. It held considerably more than a pint, and its handles were so large as easily to admit a man's hand. The same term was used to designate the tops of a ship, that is, the structure surrounding the mast immediately above the yard (»irf. Axtexxa), into which the mariners ascended in order to manage I lie sail, to obtain a distant view, or to discharge missiles (hie summi superat carchesia rruiM?). This was probably called " carchesium" on account of its resemblance in form to the cup of that name. The ceruchi or other tackle may have been fastened to its lateral projections, which corresponded to the handles of the cup (summilas mali, per quam funes trajiciunt ;' foramina, qua summo mali funes reeipi- v.nt''). Pindar' calls the yard of a ship " the yolie of its carchesium," an expression well suited to the relative position of the parts. The carchesia of the three-masted ship built for Hiero II. by Archimedes were of bronze. Three men were placed in the largest, two in the next, and one man in the smallest. Breastworks (^apa- Kia) were fixed to these structures, so as to supply the place of defensive armour ; and pulleys (rpoxn- Xlai, trochlea) for hoisting up stones and weapons from below.' The continuation of the mast above the carchesium was called " the distaflT" {rjlamTri), corresponding to our topmast or topgallant-mast." This part of an ancient vessel was sometimes made to produce a gay and imposing effect when seen from a distance (lueiia qua splendent summi carche- sia mali^^). The carchesium was sometimes made to turn upon its axis (versatile"), so that by means of its apparatus of pulleys it served the purposes of a crane. *CARCIN1UM (icapKiviov), according to Pennant, ^ species of shellfish, the same with the Cancer Bernardus, Linn., or Hermit-crab. It is more cor- rect, however, to say that the Greeks applied the aame Carcinion generically to the parasite crusta- 1. (Adams, AppGnd., s. v.)— 2. (PhoTccydes, p. 97-100, ed. etuiz.) — 3. (Athenieus, xi., 49.— Macro!)., Sat., v., 21.) — 4. (Sappho, FraB.— Virg., GcorR., iv., 380.— .^En., v., 77.— Ovid, Met., vii., 246.— Stat., Aohill., il., 6.— AthouiDUS, v., 28.)— 5. 'Lucil., Sat., iii.— Eurip., Hoc, 1237.— Schol., ad loc.)— D. ■,Sorv. in jEn., v., 77.)—". (Nonius, s. v.)— 8. (Nem., v., 04 , —9. (Moscliion, ap. Athon., v., 43.)— 10. (ApoUon. Rhod., i., 555.— Schol., ad loc— Athenmus, xi., 49.)— 11. (Catullus, ap. Non.— Apuloius, Met., li.)— 12. (Vitruv., x., 2, 10.— Schneider, ad loc.) 214 CARDAMOMUM. cea which lodge themselves in the empty shells pt the mollusca, and which the Latins designated by the synonymous appellation of Cancelli. Aldrovan- dus, Gesner, Rondelet, Swammerdam, and othei modem naturalists, preserve this last denomina tion ; but Fabricius has bestowed that of Pagurut upon this genus, a name by which the anc.ents des- ignated a sort of crab, or one of the biachyurous Crustacea. Aristotle mentions the fact, now sc well established, that the shell serving as an habi- tation to the Carcinion or Pagurus was not of its own formation ; that it had possessed itself of it af ter the death of the molluscous animal which had formed it ; and that its body was not adherent to it, as is that of the last-mentioned animal.' »CAR'CINUS (/cap/ct'vof), the genus Cancer ox Crah, of which many species are described by Aristotle. According to Pennant, Aristotle notices the Velvet crab, or Cancer velutinus, L." The Kapnivo^ ttotu- jiiof belongs to the genus Thelphusa. " This species of crab enjoyed a great celebrity among the Greeks, and we see it on the coins of Agrigentum in Sicily, where it is represented with so much truth that it is impossible to mistake it. Particular mention is made of this crustaceum in the writings of Phny, Dioscorides, Nicander, and others. It is the Grari- cio or Granzo of the Italians. It was believed that the ashes of this species were useful, from their desiccative qualities, to those who had been bitten by a mad dog, either by employing those ashes alone, or mixed with incense and gentian. Accord- ing to JElian, the fresh-water crabs, as well as the tortoises and crocodiles, foresaw the inundations of the Nile, and, about a month previously to that event, resorted to the most elevated situations in the neighbourhood. The kind of Crustacea termed by modern naturalists Ocypode is probably the same of which Pliny makes mention, and which the Greeks, by reason of the celerity of its movements, designated as the Hippeus ('IinrCTf), or "Horseman." — With regard to the Cancer Pinnotheres, or small Crab, vid. PlN^-opHYLiX.' ♦CARDAM'INE {KapSa/iivji), the second species of 'Siav/iCpwv. The term is apphed by modem botanists to a genus closely allied to the Cresses. {Vid. Sisymbrium.)* ♦CARDAMO'JIUM, according to Pliny,' a species of aromatic shrub, producing a seed or grain of the same name with the parent plant. This seed was used in unguents. The Roman writer mentions ibur kinds of this seed : the first, which was the best, was of a very bright green, and hard to break up ; the second was of a whitish-red colour ; the third, smaller, and of a darker hue ; the fourth and worst, of different colours, having little odour, and very friable. The Cardamomum had a fragrance resembling that of Coslus, or Spikenard. The Car- damomum of the shops at the present day appears to be the same with that of the ancients, and is the fruit or seed of the Amomtim Cardamomutn. It comes, not from Arabia, as Pliny says the ancient kinds did, but from India ; and, indeed, it was in this way the Greeks and Romans actually obtained theirs, by' the Red Sea, and the overland trade through Arabia. Only three kinds are known at the present day, the large, medium, and small sized. M. Bonastre thinks that cardamomum means " am(>- mum in husks," or " husk-amomum" (amomt a sUi- qucs), the Egyptian term kardh meaning, as he says, "a husk." Other etymologists, however, make the term in question come from KapSia, "a heart," and afiujiov, and consider it to mean " strengthen- ing, exhilarating, or cardiac amomum."' 1. (Griffith's Cuvler, vol. xiii., p. 304.)— 2. (Adams, Append., a. v.^ — 3. (Griffith's Cuvier, vol. xiii., p. 278, seqq.) — 4. (Adams, Append., B. V.)— 5. (H. N., xri., 13.)— 6. (Fie, ad Phn., 1. c.) CaRDO •OARD'AMUM (xdpda/iov), a species of plant. Schneider remarks that Sprengel holds it to be the Levidmm. sativum, or caltivated Pepper-wort ; Stack- house, however, is for the Sisymbrium nasturtium, or Water-cress ; while Coray thinks it is either the Lepidium perfoliatum, or Vrientaie, Tournefort. "There can be little doubt," observes Adams, " that it was a sort of Cress, but the species cannot be determined with any degree of certainty.'" CARDO (iJoipof, ari^ifevs, arpofiy^, ycyylvjio^), a hinge, a pivot. The first figure in the annexed woodcut is de- signed to show the general form of a door, as we find it with a pivot at the top and bottom (a, i) in ancient remains of stone, marble, wood, and bronze. The second figure represents a bronze hinge in the Egyptian collection of the British Museum: its pivot (6) is exactly cylindrical. Under these is drawn the threshold of a temple, or other large edi- fice, with the plan of the folding-doors. The pivots move in holes fitted to receive them (i, J), each of CARDUUS. which is in an angle behind the antepagmentum {marmoreo izratus stridens in limine cardo^). This rep- resentation illustrates the following account of the breaking down of doors : " JanucR evulsis funditus cardinibus prosternuntur."^ When Hector forces the gate of the Grecian camp, he does it by breaking both the hinges (afKpoTcfiovc ■&ai.pov(*), i. e., as ex- plained by the scholiasts, the pivots {arpofiyya;) at the top and bottom. (Vid. Cataracta.) According to the ancient lexicons, " cardo" de- noted not only the pivot, but sometimes the socket {foramen) in which it turned. On this assumption we may vindicate the accuracy of such expressions as Pastes a carding vellit, and Emoti procumbunt car- dine pastes ;^ ^acpuv i^epvaavre^.^ In these instan- ces, "postis" appears to have meant the upright pillar {a, b) in the frame of the door. The whole of this " post," including the pivots, appears to be called aTpo(j>ev( and " cardo" by Theophrastus and Pliny, who say that it was best made of elm, be- cause elm does not warp, and because the whole door will preserve its proper form, if this part re- mains unaltered.' To prevent the grating or creaking noise* (stri- dor,' strepilus^') made by opening a door, lovers and others who had an object in silence {cardine taciio'-^) poured water into the hole in which the pivot moved.'" The Greeks and Romans also used hinges exactly like those now in common use. Four Roman hin- ges of bronze, preserved in the British Museum, are shown in the following woodcut. The proper Greek name for this kind of hinge was yiyy'Xviioc : whence Aristotle" applies it to the joint of a bivalve shell ; and the anatomists call those joints of the human body ginglymaid which allow motion only in one plane, such as the elbow joint. Of this kind of hinge, made by inserting a pin through a series of rings locking into one an- other, we have examples in helmets and cuirasses.' The form of the door above delineated makes it manifest why the principal line laid down in sur- veying land was called " cardo" (vid. Ageimenso- EEs) ;" and it farther explains the application of the same term to the North Pole, the supposed pivot on which the heavens revolved. = The lower extrem- ity of the universe was conceived to turn upon another pivot, corresponding to that at the bottom of the door ;• and the conception of these two principal points in geography and astronomy led to the application of the same term to the east and west also.' Hence our " four points of the com- pass" are called by ancient writers guatuor cardines orbis terrarum, and the four principal winds, N., S., E., and W., are the cardinales venti.' The fundamental idea of the pivots which served for hinges on a door may be traced in the applica- tion of the same terms to various contrivances connected with the arts of life, more especially to the use of the tenon {cardo, arpdipiyf) and mcitise {foramen, /Jairtf) in carpentry ;' tignum cardina- tum ;' cardines securiculati,' i. e., dove-tailed ten- ons, called securiculati because they had the sh?^)e of an axe (securicula). We also find these terms apphed to the pivot which sustained and moved the hand on the dial {orbis) of an anemoscope-," to the pins at the two ends of an axle, on which it re- volves ;" and to cocks used for drawing fluids through pipes {bronze cock in the Museum at Naples"). Lastly, " cardo" is used to denote an important conjuncture or turn in human affairs,'^ and a defi- nite age or period in the life of man {turpes extremi cardinis annos^*). , ♦CARDUE'LIS, a small bird, feeding among this- tles, whence its Latin name, from carduus, "a this- tle." It appears to be the same with the Acanthis of Aristotle." {Vid. Acanthis.) *CARD'UUS, the Thistle, of which several kinds were known to the ancients. The "KevKaKavBog of Theophrastus" {uKavda Ti-evnii of Bioscorides") is the Carduus leucographus of modern botanists : the UKavda ^a'kKsla is the Carduus cyanmdes, L. The Kipaiov of Dioscorides, so called because reputed to heal in varicose complaints {xipao;, varix), is the C. Marianus, or St. Mary's 'Thistle. The modem Greek name is Kov(j>ayKado. Sibthorp found it in the Peloponnesus, in Cyprus, and around Constan- tinople. It grows wild, according to Billerbeck, throughout Europe." The aKoXv/io; is a species of 1. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 2. (Ciris, 222. — Eurip., Phcen., 114-116.— Schol. ad loc.)— 3. (Apuleius, Met., i.)— 4. (11., lii., 45!t.)— 5. (Virg., ^n., ii., 480, 493.)— 6. (Quiat., Smym., x., 388.)— 7. (Thenplirast., H. P., v., 3, 5.— PUn., H. N., xvi., 77.) —8. (Virg., JEn., i., 449.)— 9. (Orid, Met., xi., 608.)— 10. (Id. ib., xiT., 782.)— 11. (TibuU., I., vi., 20.— Propert., I., xii., 25.) -'2 (Plaut., Cuicul., I., ui., l-4.)-13. (H. A., iv., 4.) 1. (Bronzes of Siris in Brit. Museum. — Xon , De Re Equestr., xii., 6.) — 2. (Festus, s. v. Decumauus. — Tsid., Orig., xv., 14.) — 3. (Varro, De Ee Bust., i., 2.— Ovid, Ep. Ex Pom., ii., 10, 45.) — 4. (Cic, De Nat. Deor., ii., 41.— Vitruv., vi., 1 ; ii., 1.)— 5. (Lucan, v., 71.) — 6. (Servius, ad .ffin., i,, 85.) — ''. (Josejihus, Ant. Jud., 111., vi., 3.)— 8. (Vitruv., x., 15.)— 9. (x., 10.)— 10. (Varro, De Ee East., iii., 6.)— 11 . (Vitruv., x., 32.,^12. (Schol. ad Aristoph., Av., 450.)— 13. (Virg., Xn., i., 672.)— 14. (Lu can. Til., 381.1—15. (H. A., ix., 1.)— 16. (H. P., vi., 4.) 17 (iii., 14.— Sprongel, R H. H., vol. i., p. 185.)— 18. (Flora Classi ca, p. 208.) 215 CARMENTALIA. CARNEIA. edible thistle, and, according to Sibthorp, is the same with the Scolymus Hispanims ; Schneider, however, is in favour of the Cynara carduneulus, or Cardon Artichoke.' {Vid. Acantha.) ♦CAR'EUM (icdpog), the plant called Carroway, the Carum carui, L. It took its name from the country of Caria, where the best grew," and the name is, in fact, an adjective, there being an ellip- sis of cuminum ; for the Careum is, in truth, the Cu- minum sylvestre. BiUerbeck thinks^ that the Chara or Cara which the soldiers of Caesar* ate with milk, and which they also made up into bread during the scarcity of provisions which prevailed in the camp of the latter at Dyrrhachium, was no other than the root of the Careum. Cuvier,' however, with more appearance of reason, declares for a species of wild cabbage (une espece de chau, sauvage), of which Jacquin has given a description under the title of Crambe Tartaria. The Chara of modern botanists is quite different from this, being a small aquatic herb. *CAREX, a species of Rush. The Carex is men- tioned by Virgil' with the epithet acuta, and Martyn' remarks of it as follows : " This plant has so little said of it, that it is hard to ascertain what species we are to understand by the name. It is called ' sharp' by Virgil, which, if it be meant of the end of the stalk, is no more than what Ovid has said of the Juncas, or common Rush. It is mentioned also in another passage of Virgil,' ' tu post carccta late- bas,' from which we can gather no more than that these plants grew close enough together for a per- son to conceal himself behind them. Catullus mentions the Carcx. together with Fern, and tells what season is best to destroy them. Since, there- fore, it is diflBcult to determine what the Carex is from ancient authorities, we must depend upon the account of Anguillara, who assures us that, about Padua and Vincenza, they call a sort of rush Ca- reze, which seems to be the old word Carex modern- ized. Caspar Bauhin says it is that sort of rush which he has called Juncus acutus panicula sparsa. It is, therefore, our common hard rush, which grows in pastures and by waysides in a moist soil. It is more solid, hard, and prickly at the point than our conunon soft rush, which seems to be what the ancients called Juncits."' *OARIS (Kapig), a sea-animal of the class Crus- tacea According to Adams, it is the Squilla of Cicero and Phny,'° a term that has been retained in the Linnaean nomenclature. It is the Cancer squil- la, L. The larger kind of Squilla, he adds, is called White Shrimp in England ; the smaller. Prawn. The (copif Kv(^fi of Aristotle is a variety of the Can- cer squilla, called in French Crcvette. In the sys- tems of Latreille and Fleming, the term Carides is applied to a subdivision of the Crustacea. In these systems, the Prawn gets the scientific name of Palamon serrdtus, the common Shrimp that of Crangon vulgaris."^^ CARINA. {Vid. Navis.) CARMENTA'LIA. Carmenta, also called Car- mentis, is fabled to have been the mother of Evander, who came from Pallantium in Arcadia and settled in Latium ; he was said to have brought with him a knowledge of the arts, and the Latin alphabetical characters as distinguished from the Etruscan." In honour of this Carmenta, who was supposed to be more than human," were celebrated the Carmenta.Ua,* even as early as the time of 1. (BiUerbock, I. c, and p. 205.)— 5. (Pliu., II. N., xix., 8.— BiUcrbeok, Flora Classirii, ]>. 29.)— 3. (F. C, p. 80.)— 4. (Uell. Civ., iii., 48.) — 5. (aJ Cjcs., 1. c, Leinaire's cd.) — 6. (Georg., iii.. All,)— 7. (ad Virg., 1. c.)— 3. (Eclos., iii., 20.)— 9. (Martyn, 1. I!.)— 10. (Cic, Do Nat. Door., ii., 4H.— Plin., II. N., ix., 42.)- 11. (Adams, Append., 8. v.) — 12. (Niobuhr, Hum. Hist., i., p. 67, transl.— Tacit., Ann., li., 14,)— 13. (Liv., i,, 71.)— 14. (Vai- ru, De Ling. Lat., v.) 216 Romulus, if we may believe the authority of Plii. tarch." These were feriae stativas, i. e., annuity held on a certain day, the 11th of January ; and an old calendar' assigns to them the four following days besides ; of this, however, there is no confir- mation in Ovid.' A temple was erected to the same goddess at the foot of the Capitoline Hill, near the Porta Carmentalis, afterward called Scel- erata.* The name Carmenta is said to have been given to her from her prophetic character, carmens or carmentis being synonymous with vates. The word is, of course, connected with carmen, as prophecies were generally delivered in verse. Her Greek title was Oi/xtc-^ Plutarch' tells us that some supposed Carmenta to be one of the Fates who presided over the birth of men : we know, moreover, that other divinities were called by the same name ; as, for instance, the Carmenta Post- verta and Carmenta Prorsa were invoked in cases of childbirth ; for farther information with respect to whom, see Aul. GelL, xvi., 6 ; Ovid, Fast., i., 634. . CARNEIA (Kapvcla), a great national festival, celebrated by the Spartans in honour of Apollo Car- neios, which, according to Sosibius,' was instituted Olymp. 26 , although Apollo, under the name of Carneios, was worshipped in various places of Pel- oponnesus, particularly at Amycte, at a very early period, and even before the Dorian migration.' Wachsmuth,' referring to the passage of Athenaeus above quoted, thinks that the Carneia had long be- fore been celebrated ; and that when, in Olymp. 36, Therpander gained the victory, musical con- tests were only added to the other solemnities ol the festival. But the words of Athenaeus, who is the only authority to which Wachsmuth refers, do not allow of such an interpretation, for no distinc- tion is there made between earlier and later solem- nities of the festival, and Athenasus simply says the institution of the Carneia took place Olymp. 26 ('Eyevero de rj ^iatg rurv Kapveccjv Kara ttjv ^icT7]V Kol eiKoaTrjv ''D'h^firzLdda, tjf 2tj(7i6iOf (^olv, h TU nepl xpovav). The festival began on the seventh day of the month of Carneios^Metageitnion of the Athenians, and lasted for nine days.'" It was, as far as we know,, a warlike festival, similar to the Attic Boedromia. During the time of its celebra- tion, nine tents were pitched near the city, in each of which nine men lived in the manner of a mihtary camp, obeying in everything the commands of a heradd. Miiller also supposes that a boat was car- ried round, and upon it a statue of the Carneian Apollo {'AnoM.ov aTcpiiariaci), both adorned with lustratory garlands, called SUrilov oTEuuanaiov, in allusion to the passage of the Dorians from Naupac- tus into Peloponnesus." The priest conducting the sacrifices at the Carneia was called 'AyriT^;, whence the festival was sometimes designated by the name 'AyrjTopia or 'Ayijropciov ;'" and from each of the Spartan tribes five men (Kapvcdrai) were chosen as his ministers, whose office lasted four years, du- ring which period they were not allowed to marry." Some of them bore the name of Sra^D/lodpd/joi." Therpander was the first who gained the prize in the nmsical contests of the Carneia, and the musi- cians of his school were long distinguished compet- itors for the prize at this festival," and the last ol this school who engaged in the contest was Periclei- das." When we read in Herodotus" and Thucyd- 1. (Romul.. c. 21.)— 2. (Grut., p. 133.)— 3. (Past., i., 467.)- 4. (Liv., ii.,49.)— 5. (Dionys., i., 31.)— 6. (1. c.)— 7. (ap. Athen., xiv., p. 635.)— 8. (Mailer's Dorians, i., 3, 4 8, and li., 8,4 15.)— 9. (Ilellcn. .AHcrthumsk., ii., 2, p. 257.)— 10. (Athcasus, iv., P 141. — Eustalli. ad II., xxiv., sub fin. — Pint., Symp., viii., 1.)— 11. (Dorians, i., 3, 4 8, noto s.)— 12. (Hcsych., s. v. 'Ayi^riipa ol'.)— 13. (Hesych., s. v. Kaprcdrai.) — 14. (Ilesvrh., s v. — Com pare Bckker, Anocdot., p. 2115.)— 15. (Mullcr,'Dor., iv., 6, 4 3,1 —16. (Pint., De Mus., 6.)— 17. (vi. 106 : vii., 206.1 CARPENTUM. KARPOU DIKE. ides" that the Spartans, during the celebration of this ftstival, were not allowed to take the field against an enemy, we must remember that this re- striction v.as not peculiar to the Carneia, but com- mon to all the great festivals of the Greeks ; traces of it are found even in Homer." Carneia were also celebrated at Gyrene,' in The- ra,' in Gythion, Messene, Sicyon, and Sybaris.' CAR'NIFEX, the public executioner at Rome, who executed slaves and foreigners,' but not citi- zens, who were punished in a manner different from slaves. It was also his business to administer the torture. This office was considered so disgraceful, that he was not allowed to reside within the city,' but lived without the Porta Metia or Esquilina,' near the place destined for the" punishment of slaves,' called Sestertium under the emperors." It is thought by some writers, from a passage in Plautus," that the carnifex was anciently keeper of the prison under the triumviri capitales ; but-there does not appear sufficient authority for this opinion.'" *C \RO'TA, the wild Carrot, called by the Greeks 6avK0(^. (Vid. Daucus.) CARPENTUM, a cart ; also a rectangular two- wheeled carriage, enclosed, and with an arched or sloping cover overhead. The cai^entum was used to convey the Roman matrons in the public festal processions ;" and, as this was a high distinction, the privilege of riding in a carpentum on such occasions was allowed to par- ticular females by special grant of the senate. This was done on behalf of Agrippina (ra icaprnvTu h Tali navrjyvpcai xpn Att. Process 531.) -9. (Hndt wdcker,!44 -Meier, Att Process, 750.)-10. (Harpocrat , , v and Obcias di^t].) ' ' 217 CARYAIIS. CARR'AGO, a kind of fortification, consisting of a great number of wagons placed round an army. It was employed by barbarous nations, as, for instance, the Scythians,' Gauls (vid. Caepen- thm), and Goths.' Carrago also signifies sometimes the baggage of an army." CARRU'CA was a carriage, the name of which only occurs under the emperors. It appears to have been a species of rheda {md. Rheda), whence Mar- tial, in one epigram,* uses the words as synony- mous. It had lour wheels, and was used in trav- elling. Nero is said never to have travelled with less than 1000 carrucae.' These carriages were sometimes used in Rome by persons of distinction, like the carpenta {md. Garpentum), in which case they appear to have been covered with plates of bronze, silver, and even gold, which were some- times ornamented with embossed work. Alexander Severus allowed senators at Rome to use carrucae and rhedae plated with silver ;'_ ana Martial' speaks of an aurea carruca which cost the value of a farm. We have no representations of carriages in ancient works of art which can be safely said to be carru- cae, but we have several delineations of carriages ornamented with plates of metal.' Carrucae were, also used for carrying women, and were then, as well, perhaps, as in other cases, drawn by mules,' whence Ulpian'" speaks of mula carrucarite. CARRUS. (Ytd. Cakpentitm.) CAR'YA or CARYA'TIS {Kapva or Kapvark), a festival held at Caryae, in Laconia, in honour of Artemis Caiyatis." It was celebrated every year by Lacedaemonian maidens (KapvarMcf) with natipnal dances of a very lively kind," and with sol- emn hymns. CARYA'TIS {Kapv&Tii), pi. CARYATIDES. From the notices and testimonies of ancient au- thors, we may gather the following account : That Caryae was a city {cimtas) in Arcadia, near the La- conian border ; that its inhabitants joined the Per- sians after the battle of Thermopylae ;" that on the defeat of the Persians the allied Greeks destroyed the town, slew the men, and led the women into captivity ; and that, as male figures representing Persians were afterward employed with an histori- cal reference instead of columns in architecture {vid. ArLANTEs, Pees.«), so Praxiteles and other Athenian artists employed female figures for the same purpose, intending them to express the garb, and to commemorate the disgrace of the Caryatides, or women of Caryae." This account is illustrated by a bas-relief with a Greek inscription, mentioning the conquest of the Caryatae, which is preserved at Naples, and copied in the following woodcut. In allusion to the uphfted arm of these marble statues, a celebrated parasite, when he was visiting in a ruinous house, observed, " Here we must dine with our left hand placed under the roof, like Ca- ryatides." {Vid. Caepentdm.) The Caryatides executed by Diogenes of Athens, and placed in the Pantheon at Rome, above the sixteen columns which surrounded the interior, may have resembled those which are represented in a similar position in one of the paintings on the walls of the baths of Titus." It is proper to observe that Lessing, and various 1. (Treboll.Poll.,Gallion., 13.)— 2. {Amm. MiircoU., mi., 20. -Compare Vegot., iii., 10.)— 3. (Trobell. PoU., Clattd., 8 — Vo- pi«c., Aurelian, II.) — 4. (iii., 47.)— 5. (Suet., Nor., 30.)— 0. (Lamp., Alex. Sot., 43.)— 7. (iii., 72.)— 8. (See Inghirami, Mo- num. Etrusch., iii., 18, 23.— Millingon, Uned. Mou.,ii., 14.)— 9. (Dig. 34, tit. 2, 8. 13.) — 10. (Dig. 21, tit. 1, s. 38, I, 8.) — 11. (Hesycli., B. v. Knpiioi.)- 12. (Paus., iii., 10, 4 8 ; iv., 16, I) 5.— Pollux, Onom., iv., 104.) — 13. (Herod., viii., 26. — Vitruv., i., 1, 5.)— 14. (Vitruv., 1. c. — Plin., 11. N., xxxvi., 45 and 11.) — 1.^ (Dcscr. des Bains do TLtus, pi. 10. — Wolf and Buttmann's Mu- suum, I., tab. 3, fig. 5.) 218 CASTANEA. writers after him, treat the preceding account aa fabulous. After the subjugation of the Caryatae, their terri tory became part of Laconia. The fortress (xu- piov^) had been consecrated to Artemis,^ whoss image- was in the open air, and at whose annual festival {Kapvari^ ioprrj^) the Laconian virgins con- tinued, as before, to perform a dance of a peculiar kind, the execution of which was called Kapvan(civ. Blomfield thinks that the Caryatides in archiiectnre were so called from these figures resembUng the statue of 'ApTcjui Kapvd-i(, or the Laconian virgins who celebrated their annual dance in her temple.' ♦CAR'YON {Kdpvov), the Walnut. " By itself," observes Adams, " the Kapvov is undoubtedly to be generally taken for the Juglmis regia, or common Walnut. I am farther disposed to agree with Stack- house in holding the Kupva EiBolxd, Uepaiicd, and BaaiTiiKa as mere varieties of the same. The no- pvov HovTiKov or TiETiTo-Kupvov, of Dioscoridcs and Galen, is as certainly the Nvx Avellana, or Filbert being the fruit of the Corylus Avellana, or Hazel nut."* (Firf. AVELLAN.E NtrcEs.) *CARIOPHYLL'ON {KapvoijmXKov), Cloves, w the flower-buds of the CaHofhyllus aromatiais {Eu genia Caryophyllala of the London Dispensary) They are first noticed by Paul of .^gina.' Symeoi Seth' likewise gives a short account of cloves. Ther( is no mention of .the clove in the works of Dioscori- des, Galen, Oribasius, or Aetius, but it is regularly noticed in the Materia Medica of all the Arabian physicians.' *CASIA or CASSIA {naala, Kaaaia^), Cassia. Moses Charras says of it, " The tree called Cassia is almost like that which bears the Cinnamon. These two barks, though borne by different trees, are boiled and dried after the same manner, and their taste and scent are almost alike." " I can see no difficulty," observes Adams, " about recog- nising it as the Lauras Cassia." Stackhnuse, how- ever, prefers the Lauras gracilis, but upon what au- thority he does not explain. The KoaaLa avpiy^ and fu^o/cacria are thus explained by Alston : " The Cassia lignea of the ancients was the larger branch- es of the cinnamon-tree cut off with their bark, and sent together to the druggists ; their Cassia fistuia, or Syrinx,\vas the same cinnamon in the bark only, as we now have it stripped from the tree, and roll- ed up into a kind of Fisiula, or pipes." The Greeks then were unacquainted with ow Cassia fistula, which was first introduced into medical practice bj the Arabians.'" ♦CASSIT'EROS. {Vid. Plumbum.) *CASTA'NEA {Kaararra, Kaaravm, or Kuarai-a), the Chestnut-tree, or Fagus Castanea, L. Its fruit was called by the Latin writers Castanea nux, and 1. (Steph. B\-z.)— 2. (Diana Carj-atis. — Serv. in Virg., Eclog., viii., 30.)— 3. (Sesycli.)— 4. (Mus. Crit., vol. ii.,p.402.— Pans, iii., 10, 8 ; iv., 16, 5. — Lucian, De Salt. — Plutarch, Artax.)— 5. (Theophr., iii., 2. — Dioscor., i., 178. — Adams, Append., .==. v.)— ti. (vii., 3.) —7. (Do Aliment.)— a (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 9 (Theophr., H. P., ix., 4. — Dioscor., i., 12,)— 10. (Seminun, Fol , cxx». — Adams, Append., 8. v.) CASTELLUM AQU^. Hiso simply Castanea. Among the Greeks, on iIm other hand, chestnuts had various names. They are called Awf pdlavoi by Theophrastus ;'^ Sap6ia- vai pdXavoL by Dioscorides and Galen ; Ximfia ko.- pva by Nicander ;" and Kufnia simply by Xenophon,^ who mentions that the nation of the MosyncEci lived entirely on them.' The Chestnut-tree is gen- erally considered to be a native of Asia, in many parts of which it is to be found in situations where it is not very likely to have been planted. Tradi- tion says that it was brought from Asia Minor, and soon spread over all the warmer parts of Europe. In the southern parts of the latter continent, chest- nuts girow so abundantly as to form a very large portion of the food of the common people, who, be- sides eating them both raw and roasted, form them into puddings, and cakes, and even bread.' The name Castanea, is derived by Vossius from that of the town of Castansa in Thessaly, where this tree grew very abundantly. This etymology, however, is more than doubtful. CASSIA LEX. {Vid. Tabellaria.) CASSIS. {Vid. Galea, Rete.) CASTELLUM AQUiE, a reservoir, or building constructed at the termination of an aquaeduct, when it reached the city walls,' for the purpose of form- ing a head of water, so that its measure might be taken, and thence distributed through the city in the allotted quantities. The more ancient name in use, when the aquaeducts were first constructed, was dividiculum.'' The castella were of three kinds, public, private, and domestic. I. Castella Poblica. Those which received the waters from a public duct to be distributed through the city for public purposes : 1. Gastra, the praetorian camps. 2. The fountains and pools in the city {locus). 3. Munera, under which head are comprised the places where the pubUc shows and spectacles were given, such as the circus, amphi- theatres, naumachiae, &c. 4. Opera puhlica, under which were comprised the baths, and the service of certain trades — the fullers, dyers, and tanners — which, though conducted by private individuals, were looked upon as public works, being necessary to the comforts and wants of the whole community. 5. Nomine Ccesaris, which were certain irregular distributions for particular places, made by order of the emperors. 6. Beneficia Principis, extraordinary grants to private individuals by favour of the sover- eign. Compare Frontinus, ^ 3, 78, in which the respective quantities distributed under each of these denominations are enumerated. IL Castella Privata. When a number of in- dividuals, living in the same neighbourhood, had obtained a grant of water, they clubbed together and built a castellum,' into which the whole quan- tity allotted to them collectively was transmitted from the castellum ■publicum. These were termed privata, though they belonged to the public, and were under the care of the curatores agtiarum. Their object was to facilitate the distribution of the proper quantity to each person, and to avoid punc- turing the main pipe in too many places ;' for when a supply of water from the aquaeducts was first granted for private uses, each person obtained his quantum by inserting a branch pipe, as we do, into the main ; which was probably the custom in the age of Vitravius, as he makes no mention of private reservoirs. Indeed, in early times," all the water brought to Rome by the aquaeducts was applied to 1. (H. P., iii., 8.)— 2. (Ap. Athen., ii., 43.)— 3. (Anab , t , 4, IS.) — 4. (Adams, Append* s. v.) — 5. (Library of Eiit. Knowl- edge, vol. ii., pt. 1, p. 92.)-^6. (Vitruv,, viii., 7.) — 7. (Festus, s. V.)— 8. (Senatus consult., ap. Frttatin., M06.) — 9. (Frontin., 27.)— 10. (Front., 4 94.) CASTELLUM AQUjE public purposes exclusively, it bemg forbidden 10 the citizens to divert any portion of it to their o\vn use, except such as escaped by flaws in the ducts or pipes, which was termed agua caduca.^ But as even this permission opened a door for great abuses from the fraudulent conduct of the aquarii, who damaged the ducts for the purpose of selling the aqua, caduca, a remedy was sought by the institution of castella privata, and the pubhc were henceforward forbidden to collect the aqua caduca, unless permis- sion was given by special favour (bmeficium) of the emperor.^ The right of water (jus aquce impetrata) did not follow the heir or purchaser of the property, but was renewed by grant upon every change in the possession.' III. Castella Domestica, leaden cisterns, which each person had at his own house to receive the water laid on from the castellum privatum. These were, of course, private property. The number of public and private castella in Rome at the time of Nerva was 247.' All the water which entered the castellum was measured, at its ingress and egress, by the size of the tube through which it passed. The former was called modulus acceptorius, the latter erogatorius. To distribute the water was termed erogare; the distribution, erogatio ; the size of the tube, fistula- rum, or modulorum capacitas, or lumen. The small- er pipes, which led from the main to the houses of private persons, were called puncta ; those inserted by fraud into the duct itself, or into the main after it had left the castellum, fislulce illicitce. The erogatio was regulated by a tube called tc',.x, of the diameter required, attached to the extremity of each pipe where it entered the castellum ; it was probably of lead in the time of Vitruvius, such only being mentioned by hun ; but was made of bronze (aneus) when Frontinus wrote, in order to check the roguery of the aquarii, who were able to increase or diminish the flow of water from the reservoir by compressing or extending the lead. Pipes which did not require any calix were termed The subjoined plans and elevation represent a ruin still remaining at Rome, commonly called the " Trophies of Marius," which is generally consid- ered to have been the castellum of an aquaeduct It is now much dilapidated, but was sufficiently en- tire about the middle of the sixteenth century, as may be seen by the drawing published by Gamucci,' from which this restoration is made. The trophies, then remaming m their places, from which the monument derives its modern appellation, are now placed on the Capitol. The ground-plans are given 1. (Front., « 94.)— 2. (Front., « 111.)— 3. (Front., U07.)-4. (Front., 4 18.)— 6. (Autichiti di Komii. iii., p. 100.) 219 CASTRA. CASTRA. ft-om an excavati(/n made some years since by the students of the French Academy ; they explain part of the internal construction, and show the ar- '. ingement adopted for disposing of the superfluous water of an aquaeduct,' and how works of this na- '.ure were made to contribute to the embellishment and comforts of the city. The general stream' of water is first divided by the round projecting but- tress into two courses, which subdivide themselves into five minor streams, and finally fall into a res- ervoir in the manner directed by Vitruvius,' " im- missarium ad recipiendum aquam castcUo conjunc- tum." Thus the structure affords also an example of that class of fountains designated by the Ro- mans CTnissaria. ♦CASTOR (/cuarup), the Beaver, or Castor Fiber. It is also called kvuv noTa/iioc. The nuaropoq opxtc, or Kaaropiov, is Castor, but this substance is not the testicles of the animal, as was generally sup- posed by the ancients, but a peculiar gland, placed in the groin of the beaver of both sexes. The an- cients had a story prevalent among them, that the Beaver, when closely pursued, bit off its testicles, and, leaving these to the hunters, managed in this way to escape.^ ♦CASTOR'EtTM. {Vid. Castoe.) CASTRA. The system of encampment among the Romans, during the later ages of the Republic, was one of singular regularity and order ; but any attempt to trace accurately the steps by which it reached this excellence, would be an unprofitable task, in which we shall not engage. We may, how- ever, observe, that in the earlier wars of Rome with the neighbouring petty states, the want of a regular camp would seldom be felt, and that the later form of encampment, which was based upon the consti- tution of the legion, would not have been apphcable to the Roman army under the kings and in the first ages of the Repubhc, when it was arranged as a phalanx. We read, indeed, of stativa castra, or sta- tionary camps, in the wars with the jEqui and Vol- sci, and of winter-quarters being constructed for the first time at the siege of Veil (B.C. 404-395*;, and it is not improbable that the great Samnite war (B.C. 343-290) led to some regular system of en- campment. This was followed by the campaigns against Pyrrhus (B.C. 280-275), whose superior tactics and arrangement of his forces were not like- ly to be lost upon the Romans. The epoch of the first Punic war (B.C. 264^-241), in which Rome had to contend against various mercenary forces, was succeeded by the long struggle against the Cisal- pine Gauls, and in both these contests the Romans foimd ample opportunities for improving themselves in the art of war. The second Punic war followed (B.C. 218-201), in which Hannibal was their ad- versary and teacher. After its conclusion, their military operations were no longer confined to Italy, but directed against more distant enemies, the Ma- cedonian and Syrian kings (B.C. 200-192). These, of course, required a longer absence from home, and often exposed them to enemies of superior forces, so that it became necessary to protect themselves, Itoth in the field and in the camp, by superiority in discipline and skill. Shortly after these times flour- ished Polybius, the historian of Megalopolis (a friend and companion of Scipio Africanus the younger), who expresses his admiration of the Roman system of encampment, and tells his readers that it is well worthy of their attention and study.' His descrip- tion of the Roman camp of his day is remarkably clear ; we proceed to give it with the accompany- ing plan. 1. (CompnroPlin., II. N., xxxvi.,24, 3.)— 2. (viii., 7.)— 3 (Ar- iBlot., II. A., viii., -.— Adanis, Append , s. v. kouv Trorduioc.)— J. (Liv., lii,, 2 ; v., 2.)— 5. (Hist., vi., 24, od. Oron.) 220 A, praetorium. B, tents of the tribunes. C, tents of the prsefecti sociorum. D, street 100 feet wide. E, F, G, and H, streets 50 feet wide. L, select foot and "volunteers. K, select horse and volun- teers. M, extraordinary horse of the allies. N, extraordinary foot of the allies. 0, reserved for occasional auxiliaries. Q, the street called Quin- !ana, 50 feet wide. V., P., Via Principalis, 100 feet wide. N.B. The position assigned to the praefecti soci- orum is doubtful. The duty of selecting a proper situation for the camp {castra metari) devolved upon one of the trib- unes and a number of centurions who were' speci- ally appointed for that purpose, and sent in advance whenever the army was about to encamp ; they were called metatores, from their office. After fix- ing on a proper locality, they then chose and dis- tinguished with a white flag a place for the praetori- um (A) or general's tent — praetor being the old name of the consul." This was fixed, if possible, on an elevation, so as to secure an extensive pros- pect, and afford every convenience for giving ordere. About it was measured out a square, each side of which was 100 feet distant from the white flag, and therefore 200 feet in length, so that the whole area amounted to four plethra, or 40,000 square feet. (Vid. Arura.) The two legions of tlie consular army were arranged on that side of the praetorium which commanded the best supply of forage and water, and which we may call the front, in the following manner : Fifty feet distant from the hne of the front side of the square just mentioned, and parallel to it, were arranged the tents (B) of the twelve tribunes of the two legions. The intermediate space of fifty feet in breadth was appropriated to their horses and baggage ; and their tents were arranged at such in- tervals one from the other as to cover the line of the legions whose encampment they faced. On the right and left of, and in the same line with the tents of the tribunes, seem to have been placed those of the praefecti sociorum (C), covering and fronting the flank of the allies, as the former did that of the legions. The spaces lying immediately behind the tents of the tribunes, to the right and left of the praetorium, were occupied by the forum and quaes- torium ; the former a sort of market-place, the lat- ter appropriated to the quaestor and the camp stores under his superintendence. On the sides of, and facing the forum and quasto- rium, were stationed select bodies of horse (K), taken from the extraordinaries (cn-i^tKroi -uv iao- TiiKTav,) with mounted volunteers, who served out of respect to the consul, and were stationed near him, not only in the camp, but also on the line of march and elsewhere, so that they were always ready to do any service for him as well as the quaestor. Behind, and parallel to these, but facing the sides of the camp, were posted similar bodies of foot-sol- diers (L). Again, parallel with the line of the tribunes' tents, and stretching behind the praetorium, the quaestorium, and the forum, ran a street or via (D), 100 feet broad, from one side of the camp to the other. Along the upper side of this street was ranged the main body of the " extraordinary" horse (M), parallel to and fronting the line of the tribunes' tents : they were separated into two equal parts by a street fifty feet broad (E), perpendicular to their front, and leading from the praetorium to the higher or back gate of the camp, the Porta Decumana. At the back of this body of cavalry was posted a simi- lar body of infantry (N), selected from the allies, and facing the opposite way, ;. c , towards the ram- 1 (Nicbuhr, Hist. Rom., i., 520, tniiwl ) CASTRA. OASTRA. PORTA PRjETORIA TRENCH AND Left Wingoflhe Allies. 2d Raman Legion. 1 st Roiii.^ Legion. Right Wjjig of IheAinea. Foot Hoi^se ta'i Pr.n- cipes — 1 Horse Florse PTir, tan none root 1 Foot Horse j Has- la'i Prin cipes 1 Hone ?■ KoTfe 1 H Hone Foot i V. p. C B ' ^- B C □ □□aaDDaaaan naaaGii aoanua L K Quieelorium il i PORTA DEOCMANA. pari . >> ' iiw. camp. The vacant spaces (0) on each side iJiie.io troops were reserved for " foreigners" {u?^X6pvljL) £.nd occasional auxiliaries. The upper part of the camp, which we have just described, formed about a third of the whole, the remaining two thirds being appropriated to the main body of the forces, both legionary and allied, whose arrangement we now proceed to explain. The lower part of the camp was divided from the upper by a street, called the Via Principalis (V. P.), 100 feet broad, running parallel to and in front of the tribunes' tents : this was cut at right angles by another road (F), 50 feet broad, parallel to the length of the camp, and dividing the lower part into two equal spaces. On each side of this street (F) were ranged the horse of the two legions, the ten turmse of each being on different sides, and facing each other : the turma consisted of 30 men, and occu- pied a square whose side was 100 feet long. At the back of these turmae, and facing the contrary way, namely, towards the sides of the camp, stood the triarii, each maniple corresponding to a turma, and occupying a rectangle 100 feet in length by 50 in width. These dimensions would, of course, vary according to the component parts of the legion. Opposite to the two lines of triarii, but separatefJ from them by a wide street (G), also 50 feet wide, stood the principes ; they were double the triarii in number, and had a square, whose side was 100 feet, appropriated to each maniple. Behind these again, and in close contact with them, stood the ten mani- ples of the hastati, with their backs turned the op- posite way, having the same space for each maniple as the principes As the whole legion was divi- ded into thirty maniples of foot, ten of each class, the whole arrangement was therefore perfect)* symmetrical, the fifty-feet roads of which we have spoken commencing from the Via Principalis, and terminating in the open space by the ramparts. The whole legionary army thus formed a square, on each side of which were encamped the allies at a distance of 50 feet from the hastati, and preseut- ing a front parallel to theirs. The allied infantry was equal in number to that of the legions, the cav- alry twice as great : a portion of each (a third pari of the latter and about a fifth of the former) was posted as " extraordinaries" in the upper part of thg camp ; so that, to make the hue of the allies coter- minous with that of the legion, it was necessary to give the former a greater depth of encampment. The cavalry of the allies faced the hastati, and the infantry at their back fronted the ramparts. The several front lines of the legionaries and allies were bisected by a road parallel to the Via Principalis, and called the Quintana (Q), from its dividing the ten maniples into two sets of five each : it was 50 feet in breadth. , Between the ramparts and the tents was left » vacant space of 200 feet on every side, which was useful for many purposes : thus it served for the re- ception of any booty that was taken, and facilitated the entrance and exit of the army. Besides this, it was a security against firebrands or missiles that might be thrown into the camp, as it placed thf tents and the soldiers out of their reach. From the description we have given, the reader will perceive tiat the camp was a square in form, divided into two parts by the Via Principalis, the 221 t^ASTllA. CASTRA. lower portion being cut lengthways by five streets, and crossways by one : so that, as Polybius re- marks, the whole was not unlike a city, with rows «>f houses on each side of the streets. The arrangements we have explained were adapt- ed for a regular consular army ; but in case there was a greater number than usual of allies, they had assigned to them either the empty space about the prsetorium, increased by uniting the forum and quaestorium, or an additional row of tents on the sides of the Roman legions, according as they were fresh comers, or had been in the camp from its first formation. If four legions or two consular armies were united and enclosed by the same ramparts, their two camps then formed an oblong rectangle, the back of each single camp being turned to the other, and joined at the parts where the " extraor- dinaries" were posted, so that the whole perimeter was three halves of, and the length twice that of, the single camp. The camp had four gates, one at the top and bottom, and one at each of the sides ; the top or back gate (ab tergo, or maxime aversa ah hoste^) was called the Decuman ; the bottom or the front gate was the Praetorian ; the gates of the sides were the Porta Principalis Dextra and the Porta Principalis Sinistra. The whole camp was surrounded by a trench (fossa), generally nine feet deep and twelve broad, ind a rampart (vallum) made of the earth that was thrown up (agger), with stakes (valli) fixed at the top of it. The labour of this work was so divided that the allies completed the two sides of the camp along which they were stationed, and the two Roman legions the rest ; the centurions and tribunes superintended the work performed by the Romans, the proefects of the allies seem to have done the same for them. We will now speak of the discipline of the camp. After choosing the ground (loca capere), the proper officers marked, by flags and other signals, the principal points and quarters ; so that, as Polybius observes, the soldiers, on arriving at the place, pro- ceeded to their respective stations like troops en- tering a well-known city, and passing through the streets to their several quarters. The tribunes then met, and administered to all, freemen as well as slaves, an oath to the effect " that they would steal nothing from the camp, and bring whatever they might find to the tribunes." After this, two mani- ples were chosen from the principes and hastati of each legion, to keep clean and in good order the Via Principalis, a place of general resort. The re- maining eighteen maniples of the principes and has- tati were assigned by lot, three to each of the six tribunes, and had to perform for them certain du- ties, such as raising their tents, levelling and paving the ground about them, and fencing in their bag- gage when necessary. These three maniples also supplied two regular guards of four men each, part of whom were posted in front of the tribunes' tents, part at the back by the horses. The triarii and velites were exempt from this duty ; but each mani- ple of the former had to supply a guard of men to the tunma of horse that was at their back ; their chief duty was to look after the horses, though they als. I attended to other things. IVIoreover, each of the thirty maniples of foot kept guard in turn about the consul, both as a protection and a guard of hon- our. The general arrangements of the camp were under the direction of two of the tribunes, who were appointed by lot from each legion, and acted for two months. The prasfects of the allies took their turn of authority in the same way, but, in all probability, over their own troops only. 222 1. (Vogot., i., 23.) We may now observe, that every morning at daybreak the centurions and horsemen presentei themselves to the tribunes. The latter then went to the consul and rtceived his orders, which were conveyed through the former to the soldiers. The watchword for the night, marked on a four-corner- ed piece of wood, and therefore called tessera, was given out in the following way : A soldier in every tenth maniple, posted farthest off from the tribune's tent, was exempted from guard duty, and presented himself at sunset before the tribune, from whom ha received the tessera ; he returned with it to his own tent, and, in the presence of witnesses, gave it to the centurion of number nine ; it was passed on bj him to the centurion of number eight, and so on, till it came back to the tribune. Besides the guards (excubia;) of the tribunes, &c., which we have al- ready mentioned, there were also several night- watches (mgilia) : thus there were generally three about the quaestorium, and two for each of the lega ti ; each division (rdy/ia) also set a watch for itself The velites were stationed by the walls of the ram- part, and supplied the posts or pickets at the gates (siationes ante -portal agebant). We will now describe the arrangements for the inspection of the night-watches, first observing thai the night was divided into four, each of three hours' length ; the arrangements were as follows : The soldiers of the watch-companies, supplied by the different maniples who were to furnish the guards during the first watch of the night, received from the tribune a number of small tablets (fi;/l^0ia) with certain marks upon t'.-m, and then went to their respective posts. The duty of visiting these posts, and making the nightly rounds of inspection, de- volved upon the horsemen. Four of these, who were selected for this duty every day, according to a regular cycle, received from the tribune written instructions as to the time when they were to visil each post, and the number of posts to be visited: they were callPil circuitores (ircpiVoAoj), and, in the time of Vegeiiuo, circitores. After receiving theii orders, they went and posted themselves by the first maniple ol' the triarii, the centurion of which was required to see that the hours of the watch were properly given by the sound of the trumpet; then, when the time came, the circuitor of the first watch proceeded on his rounds to all the posts ; il he found the guards awake and on duty, he toot their tablets ; if he found them asleep, or any one absent from his post, he called upon the friends who accompanied him to witness the fact, and so passed on to the next post. The same was don( by the circuitores of the other watches. The next morning, all the inspectors appeared before the tribunes, and presented the tablets they had re- ceived ; any guard whose tablet was not produced, was required to account for it. If the faalt lay with the circuitor, he was liable to a stoning, which was generally fatal. A regular system of rewards and punishments was established in the camp, ailei describing which, Polybius gives the following com- parison between the methods of encampment among the Romans and Greeks. The latter, he says, endeavoured to avail them- selves of the natural advantages afforded by anj ground they could seize upon, thus avoiding the trouble of intrenchment, and securing, as thej thought, greater safety than any artificial defence would have given them. The consequence of this was, that they had no regular form of camp, and the dilTerent divisions of an army had no fixed place to occupy. In describing the Roman camp and its internal arrangements, we have confined ourselves to the in- formation given by Polybius, which, of course, af CATALOG OS. plies only to his age, and to armies constituted like those he witnessed. Wlien the practice of drawing •jp the army according to cohorts, ascribed to Ma- rius or Caesar (vid. Akjiy, p. 104), had superseded the ancient division into maniples, and the distinc- tion of triarii, &c., the internal arrangements of the camp must have been changed accordingly. So, also, was the outward form ; for we learn from Vegetius, who lived in the reign of the Emperor Valentinian (A.D. 385), that camps were made square, round, or triangular, to suit the nature of the ground, and that the most approved form was the oblong, with the length one third greater than the breadth.' He also distinguishes between camps made only for a night or on a march, and those which were slativa, or built strongly for a station- ary encampment. Another author also" alludes to places in the camp which Polybius does not men- tion, e. g., the valelvdinarium, or infirmary ; the vet- erinarium, or farriery ; the fahrica, or forge ;^ the tabulinum, or record-office. Besides this, we read of a great variety of troops under the emperors which did not exist under the Republic, and, of course, had their respective stations assigned them in the camp. In closing this article, we will mention some points, a previous notice of which would have in- terrupted the order of description We learn from Tacitus* that a part of the prasto- num was called the augurale, the auguries being there taken by the general. The quaestorium, in former times, seems to have been near the back gate, or Porta Decumana, hence called quasstoria.' The same author' tells us that the tribunes formerly inspected (circumibant) the night-watches. In the principia, or its immediate neighbourhood, was erected the tribunal of the gen- eral, from which he harangued the soldiers.' The tribunes administered justice there. ° The princi- pal standards, the altars of the gods, and the ima- ges of the emperors, were also placed there.' From the stationary camps, or castra stativa, arose many towns in Europe ;'" in England, espe- cially those whose names end in cester or Chester. Some of the most perfect of those which can be traced in the present day are at Ardoch and Strat- hcrn, in Scotland. Their form is generally oblong. The castella of the Romans in England were places of very great strength, built for fixed stations. Burgh Castle in Suffolk, the ancient Garanomium, arid Richborough Castle, the Rutupiae of the Ro- mans, near Sandwich in Kent, are still standing ; they seem to have been built nearly on the model of the castra. For information on the Roman sta- tions in this country, the leader is referred to Gen- eral Roy's Military Antiquities in Great Britain. CATAGRAPHA. {Vid. PicTCRi.) CATALO'GIA. (Fid. Analogli.) CATALO'GION. (Vid. CiDPONA.) CATAI'TYX. (Vid. Galea.) CATA'LOGOS, the catalogue of those persons in Athens who were liable to regular military service. A.t Athens, those persons alone who possessed a certain amount of property were allowed to serve in the regular infantry, while the lower class, the thetes, had not this privilege. (7id.CENSDs.) Thus the former are called ol kK KaraT^-yov aTparevovTE^^ and the latter oi ?fu tov Ka-aXoyou." Those who were exempted by their age from military service are called by Demosthenes" oi imp tov naraXoyov. It appears to have been the duty of the generals 1. (Veget., iii., 8.)— 2. (Hygimis, DeCastninet.)— 3. (Cic.,Ep. ad Fam., iii., 8.)— 4. (Ann., ii., 13 ; xv., 30.)— 5. (Liv., x., 32 ; xxiiv., 47.)— 6. (xivifi., 24.)— 7. (Tacit., Ann., i., 67.— Hist.,ii., 20.)— 8. (Liv., xxviii., 24.)— 9. (Tacit., Ann., i., 39 : iv., 2.— F>st., 1. c.)— 10. (Casnub. ad Sueton., Octav., 18.)— 11. (Xen., IMlen., ii., 3, 2U.)— 12. (De Synt., p. 167, c. 2.) CATAPIRATER. (aTparriyoi) to make out the list of persons liable ta service (vid. ASTPATEIAS rPA*H), in which duty they were probably assisted by the demarchi, and sometimes by the ^ovXevrai.^ KATAAT'2EQS TOT AHMOT TPA'l'H (Kara- Atiueuf Toa drjfiov ypaf^) was an action brought against those persons who had altered, or attempt- ed to alter, the democratical form of government at Athens. A person was also liable to this action who held any public office in the st^te after the democracy had been subverted." This action ia closely connected with the irpoSoaiac ypa^ri {km •KpoSoaicf. rfiQ Tro/tewf, r/ hrrV aaraXvaec tov &Tifiov^\ with which it appears in some cases to have been almost identical. The form of proceeding was the same in both cases, namely, by elaayyclia. In the case of KaToXvceag tov Stj/iov, the punishment was death ; the property of the offender was confiscated to the state, and a tenth part dedicated to Athena.' CATAL'USIS. {Vid. Caupona.) ♦CATANANKE {Karavayicv). " There are few plants in the Materia Mcdica of the ancients," ob- serves Adams, " about which there is such a diver sity of opinion. It will be sufficient to mention that Sprengel, upon the whole, inclines to the opin- ion that the first species is the Ornithojpus com- pressus,, and the other the Astragalus magniformis, Herit." CATAPHRACTA. {Vid. Lorica.) CATAPHRA'CTI {KaTd;ie Jei'., ii., 2s-i A sluice constructed in a watercourse, and made to rise and fall like a portcullis, was called by its name (cataractis aqua cursum temperare^). RutUius" mentions the use of such sluices in salt-works. {Vid. Salin.^.) The term " cataracta;" was also applied to those natural channels which were obstructed by rocky barriers, producing a rapid and violent descent of the water, as in the celebrated " cataracts" of the Nile. *CATARACTES (/tarapu/tn/f), the name o a bird mentioned by Aristotle.^ Schneider (who reads KaTal)j)aKT7i() pronounces it, upon the authority of CEdmann, to be the Pelhcanus hassanus, L., or the Gannet. In Scotland it is known by the name o( the Solan Goose.* KATASKOnHS rPA*H (/carawoTr^f Tpa^^), an action brought against spies at Athens. ("Av /m upa ■KE'Ktpi Tt^ fp^pv ^ptuf^evog, ^TpE6Xovv jpu^ai Tovrov (jf KaTdcncoirav.^) If a spy was discovered, he was put to the rack in order to obtain informa- tion from him, and afterward put to death.' It ap- pears that foreigners only were liable to this action, since citizens who were guilty of this crime were liable to the npodoaia; ypa^. CATEN'GYAN {naTeyyvdv). {Vid. Engye.) CATEGOR'IA (Karriyopia). {Vid. Geaphe.) CATEr.4, a missile used in war by the Germans, Gauls, and some of the Italian nations,' supposed to resemble the Aclis.' It probably had its name from cutting ; and, if so, the Welsh terms catoi, a weapon, cateia, to cut or mangle, and calau, to fight, are nearly allied to it. GATELLA. {Vid. Catena.) CATE'NA, dim. CATELLA {alvaig, dim. af.i- ctov, aAvCTtdiov), a chain, Thucydides' informs us that the Platasans made use of "long iron chains" to suspend the beams which they let fall upon the battering-rams of theii assailants. (Fid. Aries.) Under the Romans, pris- oners were chained in the following manner : The soldier who was appointed to guard a particular cap- tive had the chain fastened to the wrist of his left hand, the right remaining at liberty. The prisoner, on the contrary, had the chain fastened to the wrist of his right hand. Hence dexlras imertare catcnis means to submit to captivity ;'° Icviorem in sinistra catenam.^^ The prisoner and the soldier who had the care of him {custos) were said to be tied to one another {alligali ;'" latro et coUigatus"). Sometimes, for greater security, the prisoner was chained to two soldiers, one on each side of him {a7.vacai dvu?'). If he was found guiltless, they broke or cut asun- der his chains (tteXckk SiiKotpe rijv aUaiv"). In- stead of the common materials, iron or bronze, An- tony, having got into his power Artavasdes, king of the Armenians, paid him the pretended compliment of having him bound with chains of gold.'' Chains which were of superior value, either on account of the material or the workmanship, are commonly called catclla {akiaia), the diminutive expressing their fineness and delicacy as well as their minuteness. The specimens of ancient chains which we have in bronze lamps, in scales {vii. L-- bra), and in ornaments for the person, especiallj necklaces {vid. Monile), show a great variety of el- egant and ingenious patterns. Besides a plain cir- 1. (Plin., Epist., x., 69.)— 2. (Kin., i., 481.)— 3. (H. A., il-. 13.) — 4. (Adams, Append., s. v.) — 5. (Antiplianes, ap. Allien., ii., 66, D, where ypdtpoxiai sigTiifies, as it does frequentl)f, "ne- cuse.")— 6. (Antiphanes, 1. c— Demosth., Ds Cor., 272.— ..Es- chin., c. Ctesiph., 616.— Plut., Vit. dec. Oral., p. 848, A.)-'- (Virg., .ain., vii., 741.— Val. Flaec, vi., 63.— Aul.Gell., v., 25.1 —8. (Sei-viui in JErL., 1. c— Isid., Onj., .\viii., 7.)— 9. (ii., 76.) —10. (Stat., Theb., xii., 460.)— 11. (Seneca, De Tranquill., i.i 10.)— 12. (Son., I. c.)— 13. (Aujustine.)— 14. (Acts, xii., 6,7; xxi., 33.)— 15. (Joseph., Bell. Jud., r., 10 )— 16. (Velleius P» terculns, ii., 82.) CATOBLEPAS. ele or oval, the separate link is often shaped like the figure 8, or is a bar with a circle at each end, or as- sumes other forms, some of which are here shown. The linte are also found so closely entwined, that the chain resembles platted wire or thread, like the gold chains now manufactured at Venice. This is represented in the lowest figure of the woodcut. fhise valuable chains were sometimes given as rewards to the soldiers ;' but they were commonly worn by ladies, either on the neck (ircpi tov rpdxv- Tiov uMatov'), or round the waist ;' and were used to suspend pearls, oi jewels set in gold, keys, lock- ets, and other trinkets. CATERVA'RII. {Vid. Gladiatokes.) CATHEDRA, a seat ; but the term was more particularly applied to the soft seats used by women, whereas sella signified a seat common to both sex- es {inter femineas cathedras*). The cathedrae were, no doubt, of various forms and sizes ; but they usu- ally appear to have had backs to them, as is the case in the one represented in the annexed wood- cut, which is taken from Sir William Hamilton's work on Greek vases. On the cathedra is seated a bride, who is being fanned by ,i female slave with a fail madeof pracock's featliers. V\onien were also accustomed to be carried aoroaJ in these cathedra instead of in lecticse, which practice was sometimes adopted by effemi- nate persons of the other sex {sexta cervice feratur calheirji^). The word cathedra was also applied to the chair or pulpit from which lectures were read.' *CATO'BL£PAS (KaTu6Xmag or to kutu ^li- Tov) « v''A animal dwelling in .ilthiopia, near the sourcos o''the Nile. Pliny' describes it as of mod- erate size in every respect except the head, which B so heavy that the sreature bears it with difficul- ty. Hence it holds the head always towards the ground ; and from ihe circumstance of its thus al- ways looking downward, it gets the name of Cato- Dlepas {(caru, " downward," and /JAotu, " to look"). It is well for the human race, it seems, that the an- imal has this downcast look, since otherwise it 1. (Lit., xxxiv., 31.) — 2. (Menander, p. 92, ed. Mein.) — 3. (Plin., H. N., ixxiii , 12.)^4. (Mart., iii., 63 ; ir., 79.— Hor., Sat., I., I., 91 — Propert., IV., v., 37.)— 5. (Jut., Sat., i., 65.— Compare ix., SI.)— d. (Jut., Sat., Tii., 203.— Mart., i., 77.— Compare, on this V.^.* subject, Biittiger, Sabina, i., p. 35. — S '.heffer, De Re Vt'jjr , ii., 4.— Ruperti, ad Jut., i., 65.)— 7. (H. N.viii 21.) Fp CAUCALIS. would annihilate them all ; for no one, says Pliny, can catch its eye vrithout expiring on the spot! yElian' makes the Catoblepas resemble a bull, but with a more fierce and terrible aspect. Its eyes, according to him, are red with blood, but are small- er than those of an ox, and surmounted by large and elevated eyebrows. Its mane rises on the summit of the head, descends on the forehead, and covers the face, giving an additional terror to its aspect. It feeds, the same authority informs us, on deadly herbs, which render its breath so poisonous, that all animals which inhale it, even men them- selves, instantly perish. Modern naturalists have formed the Germs Catoblepas, in one of the species of which they place the Gnu, an animal that may possibly have given rise to some of these marvel- lous tales. Indeed, no other creature but the Gnu could well give rise to so many singular ideas There is none that has an air so extraordinary, and, at the same time, so mournful, by reason, principal- ly, of its long white eyebrows, and the hair, or, rath- er, mane on its snout, a characteristic not found in any other species of Antelope.' *CATOGHrTIS {KaToxlrrji IWoi), a species of gem or stone found in Corsica, and adhering to the hand hke gum. It is thought to have been either amber, or some variety of bitumen.' CATRINOS (mrpivos) is a genuine Greek word, with an exact and distinct signification, although it is found in no lexicon, and only in two authors, viz., Mr. Charles Fellows, as quoted in Aeatedm, p. 79, who gives the figure of the agricultural implement which it denoted, with the name written over the implement, from a very ancient MS. of Hesiod'9 Works and Days.* It is doubtful whether the kclt- pLvos had a Latin name ; for Pliny* describes it by a periphrasis : " Purget vomerem subinde stimulus cuspidatus ratio." But his remark proves that it was used in Italy as well as in Greece, and coin- cides with the accompanying representation, from a very ancient bronze of an Etruscan ploughman driving his yoke of oxen with the Kurpivo^ in his hand.' It cannot be doubled that, if the traveller were tc visit the remote valleys of Greece and Asia Minor and take time to study the language and habits ol the people, he would find many other curious and instructive remains of classical antiquity, which are preserved in no other way. •CATUS. (Vid. Felis.) *CAU'CALIS, a species of plant mentioned by Dl oscorides, Galen, and others. The account which they give of it answers very well to the characters of the Caucalis, L., or Hedge Parsley. Sprengel accordingly refers it to the Caucalis maritima, Lam. Sibthorp, however, prefers the Tordylium officinale, an opinion in which Billerbeck appears to coincide.' 1. (N. A., TU., 5.)— 2. (Griffith's CuTJer, Tol. iv., p. 366.— G CuTier, ad Plin., 1 c )~3. (Plin., H. N., ixxrii., 10.— Moored Anc. Mineral., p. 182.)— 4. (Palieogr. Gr., p. 9.)— 5. (H. N , iTiil., 49, 2.)— 6. (Micab, Italia aTanti il Dom. dei Rom., t. L.) —7. (Dioscor., ii., 168.— Galen, De Simpl., Tii.— Thecphrart H. P., Tii., 7. — ^Adams, Append., s. t.) 225 CAUPONA. CAUSIA. ♦CAUDA EQUI'NA. (Vid. HiPPonRis.) CAV^DIUM. (Vid. HoosE.) CAVEA. (Vid. Theatkum.) CAUPO'NA was used in two different significa- tions : 1. It signified an inn, where travellers obtained food and lodging; in which sense It answered to the Greek words navSoicelov, Karayuyiov, and xard- hjaic- 2 It signified a shop where wine and ready-dress- ed meat were sold, and thus corresponded to the Greeli KaTjiXelov. The person who kept a caupona was called caupo. It has been maintained by many writers that the Greeks and Romans had no inns for the accommo- dation of persons of any respectability, and that their cauponae and ■KavSoK.ela were mere houses of shelter for the lowest classes. That such, howev- er, was not the case, an attentive perusal of the' classical authors wUl sufficiently show ; though it is, at the same time, very evident that their houses of public entertainment did not correspond, either in size or convenience, to similar places in modern times. It is also true that the hospitality of the an- cients rendered such houses less necessary than in modem times ; but they nevertheless appear to have been very numerous in Greece. The public ambas- sadors of Athens were sometimes obliged to avail themselves of the accommodation of such houses,' as well as private persons." In addition to which, it may be remarked, that the great number of festi- vals which were celebrated in the different towns of Greece, besides the four great national festivals, to which persons flocked from all parts of Greece, must have required a considerable number of inns to accommodate strangers, not only in the places wliere the festivals were celebrated, but also on the oads leading to those places. A mong the Romans, the want of such houses of public entertainment would be less felt than among the Greeks ; because, during the latter days of the Republic and under the emperors, most Romans of respectability had friends or connexions in the prin- cipal cities of Europe and Asia, who could accom- modate them in their own houses. They were, however, frequently obliged to have recourse to the public inns.' An inn was not only called caupona, but also ta- berna and taberna diversoria,* or simply diversorium or deversorium. It has been already remarked that caupona also signified a place where wine and ready-dressed provisions were sold,' thus corresponding to the Greek na-KriXElov. In Greek /coTn^iof signifies, in general, a retail trader, who sold goods in small quantities, whence he is sometimes called ■KoKiyKa- nriXoc, and his business na^LynaTrrileieiv.' The word Ko.TTTi'Xoc, however, is more particularly applied to a person who sold ready-dressed provisions, and especially wine in small quantities, as plainly ap- pears from a passage in Plato.' When a retail dealer in other commodities is spoken of, the name of his trade is usually prefixed ; thus we read of irpo6aT(j/ca7n;/lof,' SttAwv KuTTj/Xof,' daTricSuv /cdiri/^of,"' ^liXiona-KTjXoQ, &.C. In these Kair-qleia only persons of the very lowest class were accustomed to eat and drink (h> Kan-qltit^ Sh .M, Do Popims.— Bhcker, Gallus, i., p. 227-230.) CAUTIO. nngs.' Its form is seen in the annexed figures, which are taken from a fictUe vase, and from a medal of Alexander I. of Macedon. The Romans adopted it from the Macedonians," and more espe- cially the Emperor Caracalla, who used to imitate Alexander the Great in his costume.^ CAU'TIO, CAVE'RE. These words are of fre- quent occurrence in the Roman classical writers and jurists, and have a great variety of significa- tions, according to the matter to which they refer. Their general signification is that of security given by one person to another, or security which one person obtains by the advice or assistance of an- other. The general term (cautio) is distributed into Its species according to the particular kind of the secarity, which may be by satisdatio, by a fidejus- sio, and in various other ways. The general sense of the word cautio is accordingly modified by its adjuncts, as cautio fidejussoria, pigneraticia, or hy- pothecaria,. and so on. Cautio is used to express both the security which a magistratus or a judex may require one party to give to another, which ap- plies to cases where there is a matter in dispute of which a court has already cognizance ; and also the security which is a matter of contract between par- ties not in litigation. The words cautio and cavere are more particularly used in the latter sense. If a thing is made a security from one person to another, the cautio becomes a matter of pignus or of hypotheca ; if the cautio is the engagement of a surety on behalf of a principal, it is a cautio fidejus- soria.* The cautio was most frequently a writing, which expressed the object of the parties to it ; accord- ingly, the word cautio came to signify both the in- strument {chirographum or instrumentum) and the object which it was the purpose of the instrument to secure.' Cicero' uses the expression cautio <:hirograj}hi mei. The phrase cavere aliquid alicui expressed the fact of one person giving security to another as to some particular thing or act.' Ulpian' divides the prEetorias stipulationes into three species, judiciales, cautionales, communes ; and he defines the cautionales to be those which are equivalent to an action, and are a good ground for a new action, as the stipulationes de legatis, tutela, ratam rem habere, and damnum infectum. Cautiones then, which were a branch of stipula- tiones, were such contracts as would be ground of actions. The following examples will explain the passage of Ulpian. In many cases a heres could not safely pay lega- cies, unless the legatee gave security (cautio) to re- fund in case the will under which he claimed should turn out to be bad.' The Cautio Muciana was the engagement by which the heres bound himself to fulfil the conditions of his testator's will, or to give up the inheritance. The heres was also, in some cases, bound to give security for the payment of CEDRLTS. legacies, or the legatee was entitled to the Bono- rum Possessio. Tutores and curatores were re- quired to give security (satisdare) for the due ad- ministration of the property intrusted to them, un- less the tutor was appointed by testament, or unless the curator was a curator legitimus.' A psocura- tor who sued in the name of an absent party might be required to give security that the absent party would consent to be concluded by the act of hia procurator;' this security was a species satisda- tionis, included under the genus cautio.' In the case of damnum infectum, the owner of the land or property threatened with the mischief might call for security on the person threatening the mischief* If a vendor sold a thing, it was usual for him to declare that he had a good title to it, and that, if any person recovered it from the purchaser by a better title, he would make it good to the purchaser ; and in some cases the cautio was for double the value of the thing.' This was, in fact, a warranty. The word cautio was also applied to the release which a debtor obtained from his creditor on satis- fying his demand : in this sense cautio is equiva- lent to a modern receipt ; it is the debtor's security against the same demand being made a second time.' Thus cavere ab aliquo signifies to obtain this kind of security. A person to whom the usus fructus of a thing was given might be required to give security that he would enjoy and use it prop- erly, and not waste it.' Cavere is also applied to express the professional advice and assistance of a lavpyer to his cUent for his conduct in any legal matter.* The word cavere and its derivatives are also used to express the provisions of a law by which anything is forbidden or ordered, as in the phrase *' Cautum est lege, principalibus constitutionilms" &c. It is also used to express the words in a will by which a testator declares his wish that certain things should be done after his death. The prep- aration of the instruments of cautio was, of course, the business of a lawyer. It is unnecessary to particularize farther the spe- cies of cautio, as they belong to their several heads in the law. CE'ADAS or CAI'ADAS {KEa&ag or Kaia6ag) was a deep cavern or chasm, like the l3dpadpov at Athens, into which the Spartans were accustomed to thrust persons condemned to death.' ♦CEBLE'PYRIS {KeS^irific), a species of bird, mentioned by Aristophanes. It is probably, accord- ing to Adams, the Red-pole, or Fringilla Linaria, L." ' CEBIT DIES. (,Vid. Legatum.) *CEDRUS {/££(5pof and Kcdpi(), the Cedar, as we commonly translate it. According to the best bo- tanical writers, however, the KiSpo; of the Greeks and Cedrus of the Romans was a species of Juni- per. The Cedar of Lebanon seems to have been but little known to the Greek and Roman writers. Theophrastus, according to Martyn, appears to speak of it in the ninth chapter of the fifth book of his History of Plants, where he says that the ce- dars grow to a great size in Syria, so large, in fact, that three men cannot encompass them. These large Syrian trees are probably the Cedars of Leb- anon, which Martyn believes Theophrastus had only heard of, and which he took to be the same with the Lycian cedars, only larger ; for in the twelfth chapter of the third book, where he de- 1. (Val Max., v., 1, 4.— Pans., ap. Eiistath. ad II., ii., 121.)— a. (Plaut., Mil. Glor., IV., iv., 42.— Pers., I., iii., 75.— Antip, Thcss. in Urunckii Analect., ii.. 111.) — 3. (Herodian, IV., viii., 5.)-4. (Dig. 37, tit. 6, s. 1, « 9.)— 5. (Dig. 47, tit 2, s. 27.)— 6. (Ep. ad Fam., vii., 18.)— 7. (.Dij. 29, tit. 2, s. 97.)— 8. (Dig. 46, tit. 5.)- -9. (Dig. 5, tit. 3, s. 17.) 1. (Gaius, i., 199.)— 2. (Id., iv., 99.)— 3. (Dig. 46, tit. 8, 8. 3, 13, 18, 4.— Suidas, s. v. BdpaOpov, Kaidias, KcdOas.)- 10. (Aiistoph., Ayes, 301.— Adams. Append., s v.) 227 OELLA. CENOTAPHIUM. scribes the Cedar particularly, he says the leaves nre like those of Juniper, but more prickly ; and adds that the berries are much alike. The cedar described by Theophrastus, therefore, cannot, as Martyn thinks, be that of Lebanon, which bears cones, and not berries. He takes it rather for a sort of Juniper, called Juniperus major bacca rufes- cente by Bauhin, Oxycedrus by Parkinson, and Ox- yccdrus Phcenicea by Gerard.' Dioscorides" de- scribes two species, of which the first, or large Cedar, is referred by Sprengel to the Juiiiperus Phm- nicea, and the smaller to the Juniperus atmmunis. Stackhouse, on the other hand, refers the common KcSpog of Theophrastus to the Juniperus Oxycedrus, and the KcSpic to the Juniperus Sabina, or Savin. The Cedar of Lebanon, so celebrated in Scripture, is a Pine, and is hence named Pinus Cedrus by modern botanists. The xeSpti of the medical au- thors is, according to Adams, the resin of the Ju- niper. Nicander calls it KiSpow aKcvdi;.' ♦CELASTRDM (iifi2.aaTpov), a species of plant, about which the botanical writers are much divided in opinion. Sprengel marks it, in the first edition of his R. H. H., as the lAgustrum vulgare, or Privet, and in the second as the Ilex Aquifolium, or HoUy. Stackhouse calls it the Celastrus. Clusius and Bauhin are in favour of the Rliamnus alaternus, or ever-green Privet, an opinion which Billerbeck also espouses, and which probably is the true one.* CECRYPH'ALOS iKeicpv(j>a?ioi). (Vid. Calan- TICA.) CE'LERES, according to Livy,' were three hun- dred Roman knights whom Romulus established as a body-guard ; their functions are expressly stated by Dionysius of Halicarnassus.' There can be httle doubt but that the celeres, or " horsemen" (like the Greek KcXTjres),'' were the patricians or burghers of Rome, the number 300 referring to the number of the patrician houses ; " for," as Niebuhr re- marks,' " since the tribunate of the celeres is said to have been a magistracy and a priestly office, it is palpably absurd to regard it as the captaincy of a body-guard. If the kings had any such body-guard, it must assuredly have been formed out of the nu- merous clients residing on their demesnes." We know that the patrician tribes were identical with the six equestrian centuries founded by L. Tarquin- ius,' and that they were incorporated as such in the centuries." It is obvious, therefore, that these horsemen, as a class, were the patricians in general, so called because they could keep horses or fought on horseback, and thus the name is identical with the later Latin term equites, and with the Greek /TTTT^f, iTTirodafioi, inTycBoTai}^ CELLA. In its primary sense cella means a storeroom of any kind : " Ubi quid conditum esse valebant, a celando cellam appellarunt."^' Of these there were various descriptions, which took then: distinguishing denominations from the articles they contained ; and among these the mxist important were : 1. Penuaria or penaria, " ubi penus,"^' where all the stores requisite for the daily use and con- sumption of the household were kept ;'* hence it is called by Plautus promptuaria.^' 2. Olearia, a re- pository for oil, for the peculiar properties of which consult Vitruvius," Cato," Palladius," and Colu- mella." 3. Vinaria, a wine-Store, which was situ- 1. (Martyn, ad Virg., Georg., ii., 443.)— 2. (i., 106.)— 3. (The- ophrast., 1. c. — Celsius, Ilierobtit., i., p. 82. — Nicand., Ther., SyS. — Adams, Append., s. v.) — 4. (Theophrast., II. P., i., 3, 9 ; ill., 3, (tc— Adams, Append., s. v.— Billorbeck, Flora Classica, p. 53.)— 5. (i., 15.)— 6. (ii., p. 262, &c.)— 7. (Vid. Virg., JEn., li., 003.)— 8. (Hist. Horn., i,, p. 325.)— 9. (Niobuhr, Hist. Rom,, i., p. 391, &c.)— 10. (Niebuhr, Hist. Rom., i., p. 427.)— 11. (Vid. Herod., v., 77.)— 12. (Varro, De Ling. Lat., v., 152, od. MUller.) —13. (Varro, 1. c.)— 14. (Suet., Octav., c, 0.)— 15. (Amph., I., i., 4.)— 10. (vi.,9.)— 17 (DeKeRust.,0. 13.)— 18. (i.,20.)— 19. (xii., 60.) 228 ate at the top of the house.' Our expression 9 bring up the wine, the Latin one is bring down.' The Romans had no such places as wine cellars, m the notion conveyed by our term, that is, undei ground cells ; for when the wine had not sufficient body to be kept- in the cella vinaria, it was put into casks or pig skins, which were buried in the ground itself" For an account of the cellce vinaria, consult Pliny,* Vitruvius,'' and Columella.' The slave to whom the charge of these stores was intrusted was called ccllarius,'' or pramus,' ot condus, " quia promit quod conditum est,"^ . and sometimes promus - condus and procurator pent." This answers to our butler and housekeeper. Any number of small rooms clustered together like the cells of a honeycomb" were also termed cellcE ; hence the dormitories of slaves and menials are called cellce,^' and cellce famikariciz," in distinc- tion to a bedchamber, which was cubiculum. Thus a sleeping-roam at a public house is also termed crf- la.^* JFor the same reason, the dens in a brothel are cella.^^ Each female occupied one to herself," over which her name was inscribed ;" hence cella inscrip- ta means a brothel." Cella ostiarii," or janiloris," is the porter's lodge. In the baths, the cella caldaria, tepidaria, and frigidaria were those which contained respectively the warm, tepid, and cold bath. (Vid. Baths.) The interior of a temple, that is, the part inclu- ded within the outside shell, (ri?/cdf (see the lower woodcut in ANT.a:), was also called cella. There was sometimes more than one ceUa within the same peristyle or under the same roof ; in which case they were either turned back to back, as in the Temple of Rome and Venus, built by Hadrian on the Via Sacra, the remains of which are still visi- ble, or parallel to each other, as in the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximns in the Capitol. In such instances, each cell took the name of the deity whose statue it contained, as Cella Jovis, CcUa Ju nonis, Ce/ia Minervae. (Vid. Capitolium.) CELLA'RIUS. (Vid. Cella.) *CENCHRIS (.Keyxpk), a species of Hawk, ati- swering to the modern Kestrel, or Falco tinnunculus. (Vid. HiERAX.) *CENCHROS (liiyxpoi), I. A species of Grain, the same, according to the best authorities, with Panicum miliaceum, or Millet." — II. Called also Cenchki'nes (Keyxpivric), a species of Serpent, which some confound with the axovTia;, but which Gesner regards as a different kind. " It is more probable, however," says Adams, " that both were mere va- rieties of the Coluber berus, or Viper. I may men- tion here, moreover, that the C. berus and the C. prester are the only venomous serpents which we have in Great Britain, and that many naturalists hold them to be varieties of the same species."*' CENOTA'PHIUM. A cenotaph (ksvoq and ri- ^f) was an empty or honorary tomb, erected as a memorial of a person whose body was buried else- where, or not found for burial at all. Thus Virgil speaks of a " tumulus inanis" in honour of Hector, " Manesque vocabat Hectoreum ad tumulum, viridi quctji ccspite inancm ; Et geminas, causam lacrymis, sacravcrai aras.'^" 1. (Compare Plin., Epist., ii., 17, with Hor., Carm., III., iivii;., 7.) — 2. (Hor. ad Ainphoram, Carm., III., xxi., 7: "Descends, Corvino jubente.")— 3. (Plin., H. N., iriv.,27.)— 4. (I.e.)— 5.0., 4, p. 25, ed. Bipont.— Id., vi., 9, p. 179.)— 6. (Colum., i., 6.)— 7. (Plant., Capt., IV., ii., 115.— Senec, Ep., 122 )— 8. (Colum . xii., 3.) — 9. (Compare Hor-at., Carm., I., ix.., 7 ; HI., xxi., 8.)— 10. (Plant., Pseud., II., ii., 14.)— 11. (Virg., Georg., iv., 164 )- 12. (Cic, Phil., ii., 27.— Columella, i., 6.)- 13. (Vitruv., vi., 10, p. 182.)— 14. (Petron., c. 55.)— 15. (Potron., e. 8.— Jut., Sat., vi., 128.)— 16. (Ibid., 122.)— 17. (Seneca, ControT., i., 2.)— 18 (Mart., xi., 45, 1.)— 19. (VitruT., vi., 10.— Petron., c. 29.)— 20. (Suet., Vitell., c. 16.)— 21. (Theophrast., viii., 9.— Dioscor., ii., 119.)— 22. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 23. (^n., iii., 303.- Cora pare Thucyd., ii., 34.) CENSORES. Cenotaphia were considered as religiosa, and therefore dhini juris, till a rescript of the emperors Antoninus and Verus, the divi fratres, pronounced them not to be so.' CENSO'RES, two magistrates of high rank m the Roman Republic. They were first created B.C. 442, and were a remarkable feature in the constitu- tion then established. They were elected by the curiffi and confirmed by the centuries ; and thus were not merely elected from, but also by the pa- tricians. At first they held their office for five years; but Mamercus.(Emilius, the dictator, passed a law in B.C. 433, by which the duration of the office was limited to 18 months, the election stUl taking place, as before, at intervals of five years, so that the office was vacant for three years and a half at a time. The censors were always patricians of consular rank till B.C. 350, when a plebeian, C. Marcius Rutilius, who had also been the first plebe- ian dictator, was elected to the office. Subsequently, the censors might be, both of them, plebeians,' and even persons who had not filled the consulship or prajtorship might be elected to this magistracy ; but this was very uncommon,^ and was put a stop to after the second Punic war. The censorship was merged in the imperial, rank. The duties of the censors were, at the first, to register the citizens according to their orders, to take account of the property and revenues of the state and of the public works, and to keep the land-tax rolls. In fact, they constituted an exchequer-chamber and a board of works.' It was the discretionary power with which they were invested that gave them their high dig- nity and influence. As they drew up the lists of Roman citizens, according to their distribution as senators, equites, members of tribes, and serarians, and as their lists were the sole evidence of a man's position in the state, it of course rested with them to decide all questions relative to a man's political rank. And tlius we find that, in effect, they could, if they saw just cause, strike a senator off the list, deprive an eques of his horse, or degrade a citizen to the rank of the asrarians. The offences which rendered a man liable to these degradations were, ill treatment of his family, extravagance, following a degrading profession, or not properly attending to his own, or having incurred a judicium turpe* The power of the censors even extended to a man's property. Every citizen was obliged to give in to the censors a minute and detailed account of his property, which was taken down in writing by the notaries, so that, as Niebuhr says, there must have been an enormous quantity of such documents and reports in the register-office." But the censors had unlimited power in estimating the value or fixing the taxable capital : thus cases are known in which they rated the taxable value of some articles of property, as high-priced slaves, at ten times the purchase-money." And they not only did that, but even fixed the rate to be levied upon it. The cen- sors also managed the farming of the vectigalia or standing revenues, including the state monopoly on salt, the price of which was fixed by them.' They also agreed with contractors for the necessary re- pairs of the public buildings and roads. The care of the temples,- &c., devolved on the praetor urbanus when there was no censor ; but there does not ap- pear to be any reason for concluding, with Niebuhr,' that the offices of prastor and censor were ever combined. The censor had all the ensigns of con- sular dignity except the lictors, and wore a robe entire!}' scarlet.' If a censor died in office, he was cE.Nsas not replaced, and his colleague resigned.' A wt. sor's funeral was always very magnificent. = (Fo? farther details with regard to the censors, see Nie- buhr, Hist. Rom., ii., p. 324, &c., and Arnold, Hist Rom., i., p. 346, &c.) CENSUS, or register of persons and property, constituted a man's actual claim to the rights oi citizenship both in Greece and at Rome. I. The Census at Athens seems to date from the constitution of Solon. This legislator made fouj classes {Ttfir/fiaTa, r'tkri). 1. Pentacosiomedimni, or those who received 500 measures, dry or liquid, from their lands. 2. Knights, who had an income of 300 measures. 3. Zeugita, whose income was 150 measures. 4. Thetes, or capite censi. The word Ti/iijfia, as used in the orators, means the val- uation of the property; i. e., not the capital itself, but the taxable capital.' Now if the valuation of the income was that given in the distribution of the classes just mentioned, it is not difficult to get at the valuation of the capital implied. Solon reckon- ed the dry measure, or medimnus, at a drachma.* Now it is probable that the income was reckoned at a twelfth part of the value of the land, on the same principle which originated the unciarium fa- nus, or 81 per cent, at Rome ;' if so, the landed prop- erty of a pentacosiomedimnus was reckoned at a tal- ent, or 12x500=6000 drachmas; that of a knight at 12 X300=8600 dr. ; and that of a zeugites at 12 X 150=1800 drachmas. In the first class the whole estate was considered as taxable capital ; but in the second only |ths, or 3000 drachmas ; and in the third, |ths, or 1000 drachmas ; to which Pollux al- ludes when he says, in his blundering way, that the first class expended one talent on the public ac- count ; the second, 30 minas ; the third, 10 minas ; and the thetes, nothing. In order to settle in what class a man should be entered on the register (kjto- ypai^ri), he returned a valuation of his property, sub- ject, perhaps, to the check of a counter-valuation (vTroTiiujnig). The valuation was made very fre- quently ; in some states, every year ; in others, ev- ery two or four years." The censors, who kept the register at Athens, were probably at first the nau- crari, but afterward the demarchs performed the of- fice of censor. Although this institution of Solon's seems particularly calculated for the imposition of the property-tax {ehipopd), Thucydides,' speaking of the year 428 B.C., says that it was then that the Athenians first raised a property-tax of 200 talents. It seems, however, that the amount of the tax con- stituted its singularity ; for certainly property-taxes were common not only in Athens, but in the rest' of Greece, before the Peloponnesian war,' and Anti- pho expressly says that he contributed to many of them.' In the archonship of Nausinicus (Olym. 100, 3 ; B.C. 378) a new valuation of property took place, and classes {av/ifiopiai,) were introduced ex- pressly for the property-taxes. The nature of these classes, our knowledge of which principally depends on a note of Ulpian,'" is involved in considerable ob- scurity." Thus much, however, may be stated, that they consisted of 1200 individuis, 120 from each of the ten tribes, who, by way of a sort of lit- urgy, advanced the money for others liable to the tax, and got it from them by the ordinary legal pro- cesses. In a similar manner classes were subse- quently formed for the discharge of another and more serious liturgy, the trierarchy ; and the strat- egi, who nominated the trierarchs, had also to form 1. (Heinecc, Ant. Rom., ii., 1.) — 2. (Niebuhr, Hist. Rom., iii., p. 345.)— 3. (Niebuhr, Hist. Kom., ii., p. 395.)— 4. (Cic, Pro Clueut., 42.— Garas, iv., i 182.)— 5. (Hist. Rom., iii., p. 350.) -6. (Liv., xixiv., 44.1—7. (Liv., xxix., 37.)— 8. (Hist. Rom.j iii., p. 356.)— 9. (l^o'lybius, vi., 53.) 1. (Liv., rxiv., 43.)— 2. (Tacit., Ann., iv., 15 )— 3. (Bocih, Pub. Econ. of Athens, ii., p. 270.)— 4. (Plut., Sol., 23.)— 5. (Nie- buhr, Hist. Rom., iii., p. 66.)— 6. (Aristot., Pol., v., 8.)— 7. (in , 19.)— 8. (Thucyd., i., 141.)— 9. (Tetral., i., ff. 12.— Vid. Titt- mann, Darstell. d. Griech. Staatsverf., p. 41.)— 10. (ad De- mosth., Olynth., ii., p. 33, E.)— 11. (Vid. the discussion in Biiclth's Public Economy of Athens, ii., p. 285-307.) 229 CENTRITE. CENTUMVIRI. tne symmorias for the property taxes.' 'Wliat we have here said of the census at Athens renders it unnecessary to spealc of the similar registrations in other states of Greece. When the constitution es- sentially depended on this distribution according to Iiroperty, it was called a timocracy, or aristocracy of property (jijioKpaTta, imb n/iij/idTuv ■KokLTeia). II. The Censds at Rome took place every five years, and was attended by a general purification, whence this period of time got the name of a lus- trum. The census was performed in the Campus, where the censors sat in their curule chairs, and cited the people to appear before them, and give an account of their property. When the census was finished, one of the censors offered an expiatory sacrifice (histrum condidit) of swine, sheep, and bul- locks (hence called suovetaurilia), by which the city was supposed to be purified. The census origina- *ed, like that of Athens, in a distribution of the cit- izens into classes at the comitia centuriata, which distribution is attributed to Servius Tullius. ( Vid. CoMiTiuM.) But this old constitution was never completely established, was very soon overthrown, and only gradually and partially restored. There was a considerable difference between the modes of valuation at Rome and Athens. In the latter city, as we have seen, the whole property was val- ued ; but the taxable capital seldom amounted to more than a part of it, being always much smaller in the case of the poorer classes. Whereas at Rome only res mancipi were taken into the account, estates in the public domains not being returned to the censors,' and some sorts of property were rated at many times their value ; nor was any favour shown to the poorer classes when their property, liowever small, came within the limits of taxation. The numbers of persons included in the censuses which have come down to us, comprehend not only the Roman citizens, but also all the persons con- nected with Rome in the relation of isopohty ; they rsfer, however, only to those of man's estate, or .■>ble to bear arms.^ ♦CENTAUREA or -EUM {Kevravpiov and -if), the herb Centaury, so called from the Centaur Chi- ron, who was fabled to have been thereby cured of a wound accidentally inflicted by an arrow of Her- cules.* It was also, from this circumstance, styled Chironm and Xeipovoc jyi^a.^ There are two kinds of Centaury, the greater and the less, which have no other similitude than in the bitterness of their taste. The less is also called Xi/ivalov,' from its loving moist grounds. " It grows wild in England," says Martyn, "in many places, and is the best known. The greater is cultivated in gardens.'" The Kevravptov fieya is referred by Sprengel and Matthiolus to the Centaurea Centaurium, L., and k. fUKpuv to the Erythrca. Centaurium, Pers. Stack- house makes the k. of Theophrastus to be the Cen- taurea Centaurium.^ The less is called in Greece, at the present day, Oep/ioxoprov. Sibthorp found it everywhere in Greece in the level country.' *CENTRISCUS {aevTpicKog), a species of fish mentioned by Theophrastus. According to Wil- loughby, it was a species of Gastcrosteus, called in English Stickleback or Bamstackle.'" *CENTRI'TE (ncvrpirn), a species of fish men- tioned by jElian, and called Kivrpivij by Athenseus and Oppian. It is the Squalus Centrina, in Italian Pesce porco. Rondelet says it has some resem- blance to a sow, and delights in filth." »CENTROMYRRH'INE {icevTpoiiv^(>ivn), tne Ruscus Aculeatus, common Knee-holly, or ]3utch- er's Broom. The Greek name means " prickly myr- tle." Another appellation is Oxymyraine (fl^fivpai- vTj), or " sharp-pointed myrtle." Dioscorides, again, describes this same plant under the name o[ /nvpaivri aypia, or " wild myrtle." He says the leaves are like those of myrtle, but broader, pointed like a spear, and sharp. The fruit is round, growing on the mid- dle of the leaf, red when ripe, and having a bony kernel. Many stalks rise from the same root, a cubit high, bending, hard to break, and full of leaves. The root is like that of dog's grass, of a sour taste, and bitterish. " The Butcher's Broom is so called," observes Martyn, " because our butchers make use of it to sweep their stalls. It grows in woods and bushy places. In Italy they frequently make brooms of it.'" CENTU'MVIRI. The origin, constitution, and powers of the court of centumviri are exceedingly obscure, and it seems almost impossible to combine and reconcile the various passages of Roman wri- ters, so as to present a satisfactory view of this subject. The essay of HoUweg, Ueber die Compen- tenz des Centumviralgcrickts,' and the essay of Ti* gerstrom, De Judicibus apud Romanos, contain all the authorities on this matter ; but these two es- says by no means agree in all their conclusions. The centumviri were judices, who resembled oth- er judices in this respect, that they decided cases under the authority of a magistratus ; but they dif- fered from other judices in being a definite body or collegium. This collegium seems to have been di- vided into four parts, each of which sometimes sat by itself The origin of the court is unknown ; but it is certainly prior to the Lex jEbutia, which put an end to the legis actiones, except in the matter of Damnum Infectum, and in the causae centumvi. rales.' According to Festus,* three were chosen out of each tribe, and, consequently, the whole num- ber out of the 35 tribes would be 105, who in round numbers were called the hundred men ; and as there were not 35 tribes till 241 B.C., it has been sometimes inferred that to this time we must assign the origin of the centumviri. But, as it has been, remarked by HoUweg, we cannot altogether rely on the authority of Festus, and the conclusion so drawn from his statement is by no means necessary. If the centumviri were chosen from the tribes, this seems a strong presumption in favour of the high antiquity of the court. The proceedings in this court, in civil matters, were per legis actionem, and by the sacramentura. The process here, as in the other judicia privata, consisted of two parts, in jure, or before the prastor, and in judicio, or before the centumviri. The prsa- tor, however, did not instruct the centumviri by the formula, as in other cases, which is farther explain- ed by the fact that the prjetor presided in the ju- dicia centumviralia.' It seems pretty clear that the powers of the cen- tumviri were limited to Rome, or, at any rate, tc Italy. Hollweg maintains that their powers were also confined to civil matters ; but it is impossible to reconcile this opinion with some passages,' from which it appears that crimina came under their cognizance. The substitution of aut for ut in the passage of Quintilian,' even if supported by good MSS., as Hollweg affirms, can hardly be defended. The civil matters which came under the cogni- zance of this court are not completely ascertained. 1. (Deinosth., ndBooot., p. 997, 1.)— 2. (Niobuhr, Hist. Horn., i., p. 448.)— 3. (Vid. Niebuhr, Hist. Rom., ii., p, 76.)— 4. (Plin., II. N., XXV., (i.)— 5. (NicanJ., Ther., 500,)— 6. (Dioscor., iii., 8, 9.)— 7. (ad Vire., Gooi-gr., "'., 270.)— 8. (Adams, Append., s. v.) -■9. (BiUerbeck, Flora Classica, ]). 52.)— 10. (Adams, Append., r vl— 11. (jElinn, N. A., i., 55; ii., 8.— Adams, Append., s. v.) 230 1. (Theoplirast., H. P., iii., 17. — Martyn, ad Virg., Georg., ii., 413.)— 3. (Zeitschrifl, &c., v., 358.)— 3. (Gains, iv., 31,— Gell. xvi., 10.) — 4. (s. V. Centumviralia Judicia.) — 5. (Plin., Epist., v., 21.)— 6. (Ovid, Tnst., ii., 91.— Phiedr., HI., x., 35, &c.)-7 (Inst,, iv., 1, 37.) CENTUMTIRI. CENTURIO. Many ol them (though we have no reason for say- ing all of them) are enumerated by Cicero in a well- known passage.' HoUweg mentions that certain matters only came under their cognizance, and that other matters were not within their cognizance ; and, farther, that such matters as were within their cognizance were also within the cognizance of a single judex. This writer farther asserts that ac- tiones in rem, or vindicationes of the old civil law (with the exception, however, of actiones priejudioi- ales or status quaistiones), could alone be brought be- fore the centumviri ; and that neither a personal ac- tion, one arising from contract or delict, nor a status queestio, is ever mentioned as a causa centumviralis. Jt was the practice to set up a spear in the place where the centumviri were sitting, and, accordingly, the word hasta, or hasta centumviraUs, is sometimes used as equivalent to the words judicium centumvi- rale." The spear was a symbol of quiritarian own- ership : for " a man was considered to have the best title to that which he took in war, and, accord- ingly, a spear is set up in the centumviralia judlbia.'" Such was the explanation of the Roman jurists of the origin of an ancient custom, from which, it is ar- gued, it may at least be inferred, that the centum- viri had properly to decide matters relating to qui- ritarian ownership, and questions connected there- with. It has been already said that the matters which belonged to the cognizance of the centumviri might also be brought before a judex ; but it as conjec- tured by HoUweg that this was not the case till after the passing of the ./Ebutia Lex. He consid- ers that the court of the centumviri was established in early times, for the special purpose of deciding questions of quiritarian ownership ; and the impor- tance of such questions is apparent, when we con- sider that the Roman citizens were rated accord- ing to their quiritarian property ; that on their ra- ting depended their class and century, and, conse- quently, their share of power in the public assem- blies. No private judex could decide on a' right which might thus indirectly affect the caput of a Roman citizen, but only a tribunal elected out of all the tribes. Consistently with this hypothesis, we find not only the rei vindicatio within the juris- diction of the centumviri, but also the hereditatis petitio and actio confessoria. HoUweg is of opin- ion that, with the .(Ebutia Lex, a new epoch in the history of the centumviri commences ; the legis ac- tiones were abolished, and the formula (vid. Actio) was introduced, excepting, however, as to the causa centunwirales* The formula is in its nature adapt- ed only to personal actions, but it appears that it was also adapted by a legal device to vindicationes; and Hollweg attributes this to the jEbutia Lex, by which he considers that the twofold process was introduced : 1. per legis actionem apud centumvi- ros ; 2. per formulam or per sponsionem before a judex. Thus two modes of procedure in the case of actiones in rem were established, and such ac- tions were no longer exclusively within the juris- diction of the centumviri. Under Augustus, according to Hollweg, the func- tions of the centumviri were so far modified, that the more important vindicationes were put under the cognizance of the centumviri, and the less impor- tant were determined .per sponsionem and before a judex. Under this'emperor the court also resumed its former dignity and importance ' The younger Pliny, who practised in this court,' .makes frequent allusions to it in his letters. 1. (De Orat., i., 38.)— 2. (Suet., Octav., 36.— Quinlil., Inst IT., 2, 4 1.)— 3. (Gains, iv., 16.)— 4. (Gains, iv., 30, 31.— Cell., rvi., 10.)— 5. (Dial. De Caus. Corrupt. Elog., c. 38.)— 6. (Ep., ii., 14.) The foregoing notice is founded on Hollwc-^ s in genious essay ; his opinions on some points, how- ever, are hardly established by authorities. Those who desire to investigate this exceedingly obscure matter may compare the two essays cited at the head of this article. , CENTU'RIA. (Fid. Centurio, Comitium.) CENTU'RIO, the conunander of a company of infantry, varying in number with the legion. If Festus may be trusted, the earlier form was ccntu- rionns, like decurio, decurimus. Quintdian' tells ts that the form chenturio was found on ancient in- scriptions, even in his own times. The century was a military division, correspond- ing to the civil one curia ; the centurio of the one answered to the curio of the other. From analogy,' we are led to conclude that the century originally consisted of thirty men, and Niebuhr thinks that the influence of this favoured number may be traced in the ancient array of the Roman army. In later times the legion (not including the veliies) was com- posed of thirty maniples or sixty centuries :' as its strength varied from about three to six thousand, the numbers of a century would vary in proportion from about fifty to a hundred. The duties of the centurion were chiefly confined to the regulations of his own corps, and the care of the watch.' He had the power of granting vaca- tioncs muncrum, remission of service to the private soldiers, for a sum of money. The exactions on this plea were one cause of the sedition in the army of Blaesus, mentioned by Tacitus.' The vitis was the badge of office with which the centurion pun- ished his men.' The short tunic, as Quintilian* seems to imply, was another mark of distinction : he was also known by letters on the crest of the helmet.' The following woodcut, taken from a bas- relief at Rome, represents a centurio with the vitis in one of his hands. The centurions were usually elected by the mili- tary tribunes,' subject, probably, to the confirmation of the consul. There was a time, according to Polybius,' when desert was the only path to milita- ry rank ; but, under the emperors, centurionships were given away almost entirely by interest or per- sonal friendship. The father in Juvenal" awakes his son with Vilem posce libello, "petition for the rank of centurion ;" and Pliny" tells us that he had made a similar request for a friend of his cwn, "Huic ego ordines impetraveram."" Dio Cassius," when he makes Maecenas advise Augustus to fill up the senate, h tuv a%' apx^g' iKaTovTapxnmvTuv, seems to imply that some were appointed to this 1. (1., 5, 20.)— 2. (Tacit., Ann., i., 32.)— 3. (Tacit., Ann., xy 30.)^. (Ann., i., 17.)— 5. (Jut., Sat., viii., 247.— Plin., H N" """d' }-'~J; <"'•,. '39->-'- (Veget., ii., 13.)-8. (Liv., xlii., 34.') —9. (VI., 24.)— 10. (Sat., xiv., 193.)— 11. (Ernst., vi., 25 )— 12 (Compare Vegetius, ii., 3.)— 13. (lii., p. 481, c.) 231 CEPHALUS. CERASUS ■ank at once, without previously serving in a lower capacity. Polybius, in the fragments of the 6th boolc, has left an accurate account of the election of centuri- ons. " From each of the divisions of the legion," i. e., hastati, principes, triarii, " they elect ten men in order of merit to command in their own division. After this, a second election of a hke number takes place, in all sixty, who are called centurions (rafi- apxot, i. e., ordinum ductores). The centurions of the lirst election usually command the right of the maniple ; but if either of the two is absent, the whole command of the maniple devolves on the other. Ail of them elect their own uragi (opliones), and two standard-bearers for each maniple.' He • who is chosen first of all is admitted to the councils of the general {primipilus)." From the above passage (which is abridged in the translation), it appears that the centurion was first chosen from his own division. He might, indeed, rise from commanding the left of the maniple to command the right, or to a higher maniple, and so on, from cohort to cohort, until the first centurion of the principes became primipilus ;" but it was only extraordinary service which could raise him at once to the higher rank. Thus Livy,' " Hie me imperator dignum judicavit, cui primum hastalum prioris centu- ritB assignaret," i. e., " appointed me to be first cen- turion {sc. of the right century) in the first maniple of hastati." The optiones, according to Festus, were originally called accensi : they were the lieutenants of the centurion (probably the same with the succenturiones of Livy) ; and, according to Vegetius,* his deputies during illness or absence. Festus confirms the ac- count of Polybius, that the optiones were appointed by their centurions, and says that the name was given them " ex quo tempore quern velint permissum est cerUurionibus optare.^* Tlie primipilus was the first centurion of the first maniple of the triarii, also called " princeps centu- rionum," primi pili centurio.^ He was intrusted with the care of the eagle,' and had the right of at- tending the councils of the general. " Ut locupletem aquilam tibi sexagesimus annus Afferat," says Juvenal, hyperbolically (for military service expired with the fiftieth year), intimating that the rewards were large for those who could wait for promotion. The primipili who were honourably discharged were called primipilares. The pay of the centurion was double that of an ordinary soldier. In the time of Polybius,' the lat- ter was about ten denarii, or seven shillings and a penny per month, besides food and clothing. Under Domitian we find it increased above tenfold. Ca- ligula cut down the pensions of retired centurions to six thousand sesterces, or 45Z. lis. 6d., probably about one half.' »CEPA. (Yid. Cjepa.) *CEP.(EA (/ojTTote), a species of plant, which Stephens seeks to identify with the Water Purslain, but which Sprengel holds to be the same with the Scdum Cepcea, one of the Houseleek tribe. In this latter opinion Billerbeck coincides. Some, howev- er, have supposed the Cepaea to be the Anagallis aquatica (Veronica anagallis), or Water Speed- well." The Cepsa is called Kpo/ifivov by the mod- ern Greeks." ♦CEPHALUS (Xi^aloi), the Mullet. Linnaeus and several of his successors have confounded all 1. (7t(i. Liv., viii., 8.)— 2. (Vejet., ii., 8.)— 3. (xlii., 34.)— 4. (ii., 7.)— 5. (Liv. .;,27.)— 6. (Juv., Sat.,xiv., 1B7.)— 7. (I'olyb., vi., 37.)— 8. (Suet., Calig., 44.)— 0. (Dioscor., iii., 157.— Alston, Wat Mod. — Adams, Append., a. v.) — 10. (Billerbeck, Flora Classica, p. 115.) 232 the European mullets under a single species, theu Mugil Cephalus. According to this view of the subject, the ;t;E/l/l.ui', vfiaTig, fw^Lvoc, and (^ipatog of Athenaeus' must have been merely varieties of it, Cuvier, however, admits several species, placing the M. Cephalus, or common Mullet, at the head. " The genus Mugil," observes Griffith, " is suppo- sed to derive its name from the contraction of two Latin words signifying ' very agile' (multum agilis). The hearing of the common Mullet is very fine, as has been noticed by Aristotle. It appears to be of a stupid character, a fact which was known in the time of Pliny, since that author tells us that there is something ludicrous in the disposition of the mul- lets, for if they are afraid they conceal their heads, and thus imagine that they are entirely withdrawn from the observation of their enemies. The an- cients had the flesh of the Mullet in great request, and the consumption of it is still very considerable in most of the countries of Europe. According to Athenseus, those mullets were formerly in very high estefai which were taken in the neighbourhood of Sinope and Abdera; while, as Paulus Jovius in- forms us, those were very little prized which had lived in the salt marsh of Orbitello, in Tuscany, in the lagunes of Ferrara and Venice, in those of Padua and Chiozzi, and such as came from the neighbourhood of Commachio and Ravenna. All these places, in fact, are marshy, and the streams by which they are watered are brackish, and commu- nicate to the fish which they support the odour and the flavour of the mud."= The ancients believed the Mullet to be a very salacious kind of fish, which circumstance may, perhaps, have given rise to the custom alluded to by JuvenaL^ *CEPHEN (,Kijij>7iv), the Drone, or male Bee. The opinion that the male bee and drone were identical 77as maintained by some of the ancient naturalists also, but was not generally received. For a full exposition of the ancient opinions on this subject, see Aldrovandus.* *OEP'PH0S (/cfe^of), a species of Bird. Eras- mus and others take it for the Gull or Sea-mew ; but, as Adams remarks, Aristotle distinguishes be- tween it and the Mpof. It may, however, as the latter thinks, have been the species of Gull called Dung-hunter, or Larus parasiticus, L. Ray makes it the Cataracta cepphus.^ •CERACHA'TES {Kvpaxdrrjc), an agate of the colour of wax {Kripoi), mentioned by Pliny. {Yid. Achates.) ♦CERASTES (.KcpatjTvf), the Homed Serpent, so called, according to Isidorus, because it has horns on its head like those of a ram. Dr. Harris thinks that it was a serpent of the viper kind. It is the Shephephon of the Hebrews. " Sprengel," remarks Adams, " holds it to be the same as the Hsemorrhus, referring both to the Coluber Cerastes, L. ; and, from the resemblance of the effects produced by the sting of the Haemorrhus, and of the Cerastes, as de- scribed by Dioscorides, Aetius, and Paulus jEguie- ta, I am disposed to adopt this opinion, althougl" unsupported by the other authorities." {Vid. Ai- MOBRHOS.)' ♦CER'ASUS (Kipamc), the Cherry-tree, or Pru- nes Cerasus, L. According to some authorities, it derived its name from the city of Cerasus in Pontus, where it grew very abundantly ;' vphile others make the city to have been called after the tree.' LucuUus, the Roman commander, is said 1. (vii., c. 77, seqq.) — 2. (Griffith's Cuvier, vol. x.,p.365.)— 3. (Sat., X., 317.) — 4 (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 5. (Aristot., II. A.. viii., 5.— Adams, Append., s. v.) —6. (IsiJo'-. Orig., lii., 4, 13 — Harris, Nat. Hist, of Bible, p. I.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 1 (Serv. ajl Virg;., Georg., li., 18. — Isidor., Orig., xvii., 7, 16.- Plin., H. N., XV., 25.)— 8. (Brouklms. ad Propcrt., iv., 2, 15.) UERCOPITHECUS. JO have first brought the Cherry-tree into Italy,' and hence the terms cerasus and ceraswm (the lat- ter signifying the fruit) were introduced into the Roman tongue. Servius, indeed, says" that cher- ries were known before this in Italy ; that they were of an inferior quality, and were called corna ; and that, subsequently, this name was changed into corna-cerasa. Pliny, on the other hand, expressly denies that cherries were known in Italy before the time of Lucullu3.= In Greece, however, they were known at a much earlier period, having been described by Theophrastus* and the Siphnian Di- phylus.' This latter writer, who is quoted by Atheneeus, speaks of cherries as being stomachic, though not very nutritive. He makes the very red kind, and another called the Milesian, to have been the best, and to have been also good diuretics. Pliny enumerates various species of cherries, such as the Apronian, of a very red colour ; the Luta- tian, of a very dark hue ; the round or Caecilian ; and the Junian, of an agreeable flavour, but so ten- der that they had to be eaten on the spot, not bear- ing transportation to any distance from the parent tree. The best kind of all, however, were the Du- racinian, called in Campania the Plinian. The Cherry-tree could never be acclimated in Egypt.' According to modern travellers, the hills near the site of ancient Cerasus are still covered with cher- ry-trees, growing wild.' *CERATIA (/ccpdrm), the Carob-tree, or Cerato- nia siliqua. " Horace," observes Adams, " speaks of Carob-nuts as being an inferior kind of food ; and so also Juvenal and Persius. It has been con- jectured that it was upon Carobs, and not upon Lo- custs, that John the Baptist fed in the wilderness. This point is discussed with great learning by Olaus Celsius, in his Hieroiotanicon. To me it appears that the generally received opinion is the more probable one in this case.'" ♦■CERAU'NION (_K.epavviov), a variety of the Truffle, or Tuber Ciharium.' *CERCIS (KepKic;), according to Stackhouse, the Judas-tree, or Cercis siliquastrum. Schneider, how- ever, rather inclines to the Aspen-tree, or Pcrpulus tremula.^° ♦CERCOPITHE'CUS (,KepKomevKO(), a species of Monkey, with a long tail, from which circumstance the Greek name has originated (KipKog, " a tail," and iri'fli/Kof, " a monkey")." Pliny describes the animal as having a black head, a hairy covering re- sembling that of an ass, and a cry diiferent from that of other apes. Hardouin refers it to the Mar- mot, but this is very unprobable. Cuvier" states, that among the monkeys in India there are some with long tails, grayish hair, and the face black ; as, for example, the Simia entellus and the Simiaf an- nus. None, however, are found, according to him, in this same country with grayish hair, and the whole head black." On the other hand, Wilkin- son'* states that Phny's description of the Cerco- pithecus, with a black head, accords with one spe- cies of monkey stiU found in Ethiopia. The Cer- copithecus was worshipped, according to Juvenal,'* in Thebes, the old Egyptian capital, and, as Wilkin- son states, would seem to have been embalmed, not only in that city, but also in other places in Egypt. It was frequently represented as an ornament in necklaces, in common with other animals, flow- ers, and fanciful devices ; and the neck of a bot- 1. (Isid., 1. c— Serv., 1. c— Plin., 1. c.)— 2. (I.e.)— 3. (1. o 1 —4. (H. P., iii., 15.)— 5. (ap. Athen., ii., p. 51, a.)— 6. (Pli, , 1. c.)— 7. (Tournefort, Voyage da Levant, vol. iii., d. 65.)— 5, (Dioscor., i., 158.— Herat., Epist., II., i., 123.— Juv., Sat., li., 59. — Pers., Sat., iii., 55,— Adams, Append., s.v.)— 9. (Theophr., H. P.. i., 9.)-10. (Theophr., H. P., Hi., 14.)— 11. (H.N., viii., 21.) —12. (adPlin., 1. c.)— 13. (Cuvier,!. c.)— 14. (Manners and Cus- toms of M, '■ -yttians, vol. v., p. 132.)— 15, (Sat,, xv., 4.) G a CEREVISIA. tie was sometimes decorated with two sitting mon keys. CEREA'LIA. This name was given to a festi- val celebrated at Rome in honour of Ceres, whose wanderings in search of her lost daughter Proser- pine were represented by women, clothed in white, running about with lighted torches.' During its continuance, games were celebrated in the Circus Maxiraus," the spectators of which appeared in white ;^ but on any occasion of public mourning, the games and festivals were not celebrated at all, as the matrons could not appear at them except in white.* The day of the Cerealia is doubtful; some think it was the ides, or 13th of April ; others the 7th of the same month.' CEREVrSIA, CERVI'SIA (fufof), ale or beer, was almost or altogether unknown to the ancient, as it is to the modem, inhabitants of Greece and Italy. But it was used very generally by the sur- rounding nations, whose soil and climate were less favourable to the growth of vines {in Gallia, aliisque prminciis'). According to Herodotus,' the Egyp. tians commonly drank " barley-wine," to which custom ^Eschylus alludes {in upSCiv fzidv :' Pelusi- aci pocula zythi'). Diodorus Siculus'" says that the Egyptian beer was nearly equal to wine in strength and flavour. The Iberians, the Thracians, and the people in the north of Asia Minor, instead of drinking their ale or beer out of cups, placed it before them in a large bowl or vase (Kpa-rjp), which was sometimes of gold or silver. This being full to the brim with the grains as well as the fennent- ed liquor, the guests, when they pledged one anoth- er, drank together out of the same bowl by stooping down to it ; although, when this token of friendship was not intended, they adopted the more refined method of sucking up the fluid through tubes of cane." The Suevi, and other northern nations, offered to their gods libations of beer, and expected that to drink it in the presence of Odin would be among the delights of Valhalla.'" Bpinv, one of the names for beer,'^ seems to be an ancient passive participle, from the root signifying to brew. *"For an account of the ancient Ales," says Adams, " consult Zosimus Panopolita, de Zytharum cmfectime (Salisbech, 1814, ed. Gruner). The word fiflof is derived from feu, ferveo. Ale is called olvof KpiBcvoc; and olvos f/c xpiBuv by Herodotus and Athenaeus ; vlvov by Aristotle ; jSpvrov by Theophrastus, ^schylus, Sophocles, &c. ; (poixag by Symeon Seth; but its first and most ancient name was fiflof or Qi6i.ov. Various kinds of Ale are mentioned by ancient authors : 1. The Zythus Hordeaceus, or Ale from barley ; of which the mvov, Ppvrov, the Curmi, Curma, Corma, and Curmcm, mentioned by Sulpicius and Dioscoridae ; the Cere- visia, a teriji of Celtic origin, applied to an ale used by the Gauls (compare the Welsh crw) ; the (^oiaa^ of Seth ; the Alfoca and Fuca of the Arabs, noticed by Symeon Seth, Rhases, and Haly Abbas, are only varieties. — 2. The Zythus triticeus, or Ale from wheat. To this belong the Cmlia or Ceria of Pliny, Florus, and Orosius, and the Corma of Athena;us.'* — 3. The Zythus succedaneus, prepared from grain of all kinds, oats, millet, rice, panic, and spelt ; also from services." — i. The Zythus Dizythium, or Don ble Beer, called by Symeon Seth fovKoi am upri. 1. (Ovid, Fast,, iv., 494.)— 2. (Tacit.,Ann.,xT.,53.)— 3. (Ovid, Fast., IV., 620.) — 4.-(Liv., xxii., 56 ; xxuv.,6.) — 5. (Ovid Fast iv., 389.)— 6. (Plin., H. N., xxii., 82.— Theophrast., De Cans' Plant.,vi., 11.— Diod. Sic, iv.,2; v., 26.— Strab., XVII ii 5 — Tacit., Germ,, 23.)— 7. (ii., 77.)— 8 (Suppl 954.'— 9. (Coium., X., 116.)— 10. (i., 20, 34.)-ll. (Archii., Frag., p. 67, ed. Lie- bel.— Xen., Anab., iv., 5, 26.— Athemeus, i., 28.— Vug., Georg iii., 380,— Servius, ad loc.)— 12. (Keysler, Antiq. Septent., p 150-156.)— 13. (Archil., 1. c— Hellanicus, p. 91, ed. Stnrtz — Athcnaius, X., 67.)— 14. (iv., 36, 3.)— 15. (Virg., Gear., iii 380.) > o , s , ,u 233 CERUCMI. CESTUS. (laiTi ( Phucas compositus). This was a stronger kind of Ale, the composition of which is unknown. It does not appear that the ancients were acquainted with the use of hops (humulus lupulus) in the com- position of their ales.'" *CERINTHA or -E (Kiipivdri), a plant, which Stackhouse and Sprengel agree in identifying with the Honey-wort, or Cerinthe aspera. Virgil speaks of it as " CerinlhtB ignobile gramen,'" which Mar- tyn explains by saying that it grows common in Italy. It is, in fact, met everywhere in Italy and Sicily. Philargyrius says it derives its name from Cerinthus, a city of Bceotia, where it grew, in ancient times, in great plenty ; the better deriva- tion, however, is that which deduces it from Kijplov, " a honey-comb," because the flower abounds with a sweet juice like honey. The bees were very fond of it.' It must not be confounded, however, with the K-^pivdoc or tpiBdim mentioned by Aristotle, which is nothing more than bees'-bread, being com- posed of the pollen of vegetables kneaded with honey. Botanical writers speak of two kinds of Cerintha, the Greater and the Less, the Jatter of which is the T^TiEfmv of Dioscorides. Sibthorp found this in Greece in the cultivated grounds, and particularly among the vines in the spring, accord- ing in this with the account given by Dioscorides.' CE'RNERE HEREDITA'TEM. (Vid. Heees.) CERO'MA (K^pu/ia) was the oil mixed with wax {KTipoc) with which wrestlers were anointed. After they had been anointed with this oil, they were covered with dust or a soft sand ; whence Seneca' says, " A ceromatc nos kaphe (df^) excepit in crypta Neapolilana." Ceroma also signified the place where wrestlers were anointed (the daothesium'), and also, in later times, the place where they wrestled. This word is often used in connexion with palmstra,'' but we do not know in what respect these places differed. Seneca' speaks of the ceroma as a place which the idle were accustomed to frequent, in order to see the gymnastic sports of boys {qui in ceromale spectator puerorum rixantium sedet). Arnobius' informs us that the ceroma was under the protection of Mercury. CERTA'MINA. (Firf. Athletje.) CERTI, INCERTI ACTIO, is a name which has been given by some modern writers, perhaps with- out good reason, to those actions in which a deter- minate or indeterminate sum, as the case may be, is mentioned in the formula {condemnatio certMoaiiapay6o;), ac- cording to PUny, a species of Emerald, with veins of a coppery hue. It is supposed to have been Di- optase (Achirite) in its gang of copper pyrites.' ♦CHALYBS (jcdXvip), Steel, so called, because obtained of an excellent quality from the country of the Chalybes. "The Indian Steel, mentioned by the author of the Periplus, was probably," observe.' Dr. Moore, " of the kind still brought from India under the name ofwootz ; and the /crra/n candidum, of which Quintus Curtius says the Indians present- ed to Alexander a hundred talents, may have been the same ; for wootz, when polished, has a silvery lustre. The Parthian Steel ranks next with Pliny, and these two kinds only 'mera acie temperantur.' Daimachus, a writer contemporary with Alexandei the Great, speaks of four different kinds of steel, and the purposes to which they were severally suited. These kinds were the Chalybdie, the Sinopic, the Lydian, and the Laoedsmonian. The Chalybdie was best for carpenters' tools; the Lacedaemonian for files, and drills, and gravers, and stone-chisels ; the Lydian, also, was suited for files, and for knives, and razors, and rasps."* According to Tychsen,' nothing occurs in the Hebrew text of the Scriptures relative to the hardening of iron, and the quenching of it in water. Iron (barzel) often occurs, and in some passages, indeed. Steel may, he thinks, be understood under this name. For example, in Eze- kiel,' ferrum fabrefattum, or, according to Michaelis and others, sabre-blades from Usal (Sanaa in Ye- men). A pretty clear indication of steel is given in Jeremiah,' " Iron from the North," which is there described as the hardest. It appears that the He- brews, had no particular name for Steel, which they perhaps comprehended, as the same writer conjec- tures. Under the term harzel, or distinguished it only by the epithet "Northern." Among the Greeks, Steel was used as early as the time of Homer, and, besides Chalybs, it was very commonly called sto- nwma {arofiufia), which, however, did not- so much denote Steel itself as the steeled part of the instru- ment. Adamas, also, was frequently used to indi- cate Steel. (Vid. AD.iMAS.) "The Romans," ob- serves Beckmann,' " borrowed from the Greeks tlje word chalybs ; and, in consequence of a passage in Pliny, many believe that they gave also to Steel the name of acies, from which the Italians made their acciajo, and the French their acier. The word acies, however, denoted properly the steeled or cut- ting part only of an instrument. From this, in later times, was formed aciarium, for the Steel which gave the instrument its sharpness, and also aciare, 'to sted.' The preparation by fusion, as practised by the Chalybes, has been twice described 1. (Kidd's Mineralogy.— Adams, Append., s. v.)- 2. (Plin., H. N., rxivii., 10.— Moore's Anc. Mineralogy, p. 182.)— 3. (Pliu H. N., Mxvii., 5.— Fee, ad loc.)-4. (Anc. Mi»eral., p. 43.)— 5 (Beckmann, Hist, of Inv., vol. iy., p. 236. in notis.)— 6 (iirii 19.)— 7. (17., 12.)— 8. (Hist, of Inv., vol. it., p. 240.) '' 837 CHAMELEON. CHARISTIA. ay Aristotle.' The Steel of the ancients, however, m consequence of not being cemented, suffered it- self to be hammered, and was not nearly so brittle as the hardest steel with which we are acquainted at present. On the other hand, the singular meth- od of preparing steel employed by the Celtiberians in Spain, deserves to be here described. According to the account of Diodorus" and Plutarch,' the iron was buried in the earth, and left in that situation till the greater part of it was converted into rust. Wliat remained without being oxydated was after- ward forged and made into weapons, and particu- larly swords, with which they could cut asunder bones, shields, and hehnets. The art of hardening steel by immersing it suddenly, when rod- hot, into cold water, is very old ; Homer says, that when Ulysses bored out the eye of Polyphemus with a burning stake, it hissed in the same manner as water, when the smith immerses in it a piece of red-hot iron in order to harden it.* Sophocles uses the comparison of being hardened lilce immersed iron ;' and Salmasius' quotes a work of some old Greek chemist, who treats of the method of hard- ening iron in India. It is also a very ancient opin- ion, that the hardening depends chiefly on the na- ture of the water. Many rivers and wells were therefore in great repute, so that steel-works were often erected near them, though at a considerable distance from the mines. The more delicate arti- cles of iron were not quenched in water, but in oil.'" CHALKOUS. (Vid.JEs.) *CHAM^AC'TE (xofiaiaKTrj), the Dwarf-elder. (Vid. AcTE.) •CHAMiE'DRYS (xafiaiSpvs), the Wall German- der, or Teucrium Chamcedrys. Apuleius makes the Chamadrys a synonyme of the Teucrium.^ *CHAM/ECER'ASUS (x'^/j.aiKepaao(), supposed by Sprengel to be the Lily of the Valley, or Conval- laria majalis.^ »CHAM^E'LEON {xafiatXtav), I. a species of jlant, so called from tlie changeable colour of its leaves. Gesner and Humelbergius, according to Adams, can oniy refer it in general terms to the Thistle tribe. Stephens, Schulze,- and Stackhouse hold that the ;t;a/iaiAc6)v XevKoc; is the Carlina acau- lis, and Adams thinks that the description of the xafiaMav by Dioscorides agrees very well with the Carline thistle. Yet Sprengel, although formerly an advocate of this opinion, and Dierbach, both in- cline to think it the Acarna gummifera, Willd. Sprengel and Stackhouse agree in referring the x"-- uatTieuv (lE^at; to the Carthamus corymbosus }° II. The Chamaeleon, or Chamaleo JSg-yptius, L. The ancient naturalists describe this species of liz- ard accurately, and mention, in particular, its re- markable property of changing colour." These col- ours, in fact, change with equal frequency and ra- pidity ; but it is by no means true, as stated by Sui- das and Philo, that the animal can assimilate its hue to that of any object it approaches. Neither is it true, as asserted by Ovid" and Theophrastus, that it lives upon air and dew, for it eats flies. In the Latin translation of Avicenna it is called Alharbe. " It was believed, in the time of Pliny, that no ani- n:ial was so timid as the Chaniffileon ; and, in fact, not having any means of defence supplied by nature, and being unable to secure its safety by flight, it must frequently experience internal fears and agi- tations more or less considerable. Its epidermis is 1. (Bockmann ad Arislot., Auscult. Mirab., o. 49, p. 94.)— 2. (v., 33.)— 3. (Do Gamil., ed. Francof., 1620, ii., p. 510.)— 4. (Od., ix., 391.)— 5. (Ajiis, 720.)-6. (liiorc, Plin., p. 763.)— 7. (Adams, Append., s. y. — Beckmann, 1. r.)— 8. (Dioscor., iii., 102.— TheoplirasV, II. P., ii., 9.>— 9. (Adams, Append., s.v.)— 10. (Diosoos., iii., iO.— Thenphrast., H. P., vi., 4.) — 11. (Aiis- vot., H. A., ii., T.)— 12. (Met., xv., 411.) 838 transparent ; its skin is yellow, and its blood ol a lively violet blue. From this it results, that whep any passion or impression causes a greater quantity of blood to pass from the heart to the surface of the skin, and to the extremities, the mixture of bine violet, and yellow produces, more or less, a number of different shades. Accordingly, in its natural state, when it is free and experiences no disquie- tude, its colour is a fine green, with the exception of some parts, which present a shade of reddish brown or grayish white. When in anger its colour passes to a deep blue green, to a yellow green, and to a gray more or less blackish. If it is unwell its colour becomes yellowish gray, or that sort of yel. low which we see in dead leaves. Such is the col- our of almost all the chamaeleons which are brought into cold countries, and all of which speedily die. In general, the colours of the Chamaeleons are mucli the more lively and variable as the weather is warm- er, and as the sun shines with greater brilliancy. All these colours grow weaker during the night.'" *CHAMiEME'LON {xanaiij.7i\ov), the herb Cham- omile. The Greek name means "ground apple," from the peculiar apple-perfume of the flowers. The term comprehends the Anthemis nobilis, and probably some other species of Chamomile.' In modern Cyprus this plant is called nairoivi. It is frequently met with in the islands, and flowers ear- ly in the spring, according to Sibthorp.' ♦CHAILE'PITYS (xa/iaim-vs), the herb Ground- pine. {Vid. Abiga.) *CHAMEL^.A (xa/iiXaia). " Dodonaeus states correctly," observes Af'ams, "that Scrapie and Av- icenna confounded both the ChameUea and Chama- leon together, under the name of Maxerion ; and it must be admitted, that the learned commentators on the Arabiau medical authors have not been able entirely to remove this perplexity. According to Sibthorp, the Dafhne oleoides is the species which has the best claim to be identified with the ancient Chamelaa. Ma'ihiolus, and the writer of the arti cle on Botany m ihe Ericydtrpedie Metkodique, refei it to the Cneonim iricoccon.''^* ♦CHARAD'i; lUS (;fapa(5p(of), the name of a sea bird described by Aristotle* and jElian.' It is sup- posed .to have been the Dalwilly, or Ring Plover, the Charadrius hiaticula, L. Mention is also made of it by Plato, Aristophanes, and Plutarch. The scholiast on Plato says that the sight of it was be- lieved to cure the jaundice.' »CHELIDON'IUM (x^T^iSoviov), a plant of which two kinds are mentioned, the Ghdidonium majus,or Greater Celandine, and the C. minus, or Ranmcur lusjicaria, the Figwort, popularly called the Lesser Celandine, under which nanre, says Adams, it has been celebrated by the muse of Wordsworth.' ♦CHELI'DON (x^?,i6uv). I. the Swallow. {Vid. HiRUNDo.) II. The Flying-fish, or Tn^/fl tJoittaM, »CHELO'NE ix^T^avri), the Tortoise. ( Vid. Tss- TUDO.) CHARIS'TIA. The charistia (from x^P'^"!^- to grant a favour or pardon) was a solemn feast, to which none but relatives and members of the same family were invited, in order that any quarrel or disagreement which had arisen among them might be made up, and a reconciliation effected.'" The day of celebration was the viii. Cal. Mart., or the 19th of February, and is thus spoken of by Ovid ; 1. (Griffith's Cnvier, vol. ii., p. 235.) — 2. (Dioscor., iii-, IW- — Adams, Append., s. v.)— 3. (Billerbeck, Flora GnBca, p. 220.) —4. (Dioscor., lii., 169. — P. .Egin., vii., 3.— Adams, Appmi, B. V.)— 5. (II. A., viii., 5.) — 6. (N. A., xvii., 12.)— 7. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 8, (Theophr., H.P., vii., 15.— Dioscor., ii., 211. —Adams, Append., s. v.)— 9. (Aristot., II. A., iv., 9.—JF.\isli N. A., ii., 50; xii., 69.— Adams, Append, s.v.)— 10. (Val.Mai. ii., 1,4 S.— Mart, ix., 55) CHEME. • Proxima cognati dixere charistia cari, Et ventt ad sodas turba propinjua dapes."^ CHEIRONO'MIA (xetpovo/iia), a mimetic move- ment of the hands, which formed a part of the art of dancing among the Greeks and Romans. The word is also used in a wider sense, both for the art of dancing in general, and for any signs made with the hands in order to convey ideas. In gymnastics it was applied to a certain kind of pugilistic combat.'' CHEIROTONEIN, CHEIROTONIA (xfiporo- vclv, xeipoTovia). In the Athenian assemblies two mode's of voting were practised, the one by pebbles (vid. PsEPHizEsTHAi), the other by a show of hands irstpoTovdv). The latter was employed in the elec- tion of those magistrates who were chosen in the public assemblies (vid. Arohaieesui), and who were hence called xetporovnToi, in voting upon laws, and in some kinds of trials on matters which concerned the people, as upon ■KpaioXai and claayyeMai. We frequently find, however, the word TpTjipi^eaBat used where the votes were really given by show of hands.' The manner of voting by a show of hands is said by Suidas* to have been as follows : The herald said, "Whoever thinks that Mid las is guilty, let him lift up his hand." Then those who thought so stretched forth their hands. Then the herald said again, " Whoever thinks that Midias is not guilty, let him lift up his hand ;" and those who were of this opinion stretched forth their hands. The number of hands was codnted each time by the herald ; and the president, upon the herald's report, declared on which side the majority voted {avayopevciv Tagx^'-po'''ovcas'). It is important to understand clearly the com- pounds of this word. A vote condemning an ac- cused person is narax^ipoTOvia ; one acquitting him, unox£ipoTovia f kTTix^ipoToveiv is to confirm by a majority of votes ;' tinxeipoTovia tuv vo^uv was a revision of the laws, which took place at the begin- ning of every year ; iizixeipoTovla tuv upxuv was a vote taken in the first assembly of each prytania on the conduct of the magistrates ; in these cases, those who voted for the confirmation of the law, or for the continuance in office of the magistrate, were said iwixstpoTovdv, those on the other side, a-n-oxei.- poTovelv ;' diaxsiporovia, is a vote for one of two alternatives ;' avTLxeipoTovziv, to vote against a proposition. The compounds of TpTjfi^eadai have simUar meanings.'" CHEIROTONE'TOI. (Vid. Aeohaieesiai.) • CHELIDO'NIA (xs^Mvia), a custom observed in the island of Rhodus in the month of Boedromion, the time when the swallows returned. During that season, boys, called xeAidoviffrai, went from house to house collecting little gifts, ostensibly for the return- ing swallows (,xe2t6ovi(etv), and singing a song which is still extant." It is said to have been introduced by Cleobulus of Lindus at some period when the town was in great distress. The chelidonia, which have sometimes been called a festival, seem to have been nothing hut a peculiar mode of begging, which, on the occasion of the return of the swallows, was carried on by boys in the manner stated above. Many analogies may still be observed in various countries at the various seasons of the year. CHEME (xniiri)^ a Greek liquid measure, the capa- CHERNIPS. city of which (as is the case with most of the smaller measures) is differently stated by different authori- ties. There was a small cheme, which contained two cochlearia or two drachmae, and was the sev- enty-second part of the cotyle, =:-0068 of a pint English.' The large cheme was to the small in the proportion of 3 to 3. Other sizes of the cheme are mentioned, but they differ so much that we cannot tell with certainty what they really were." •CHENALO'PEX tovaAom/f), a species ot aquatic fowl. (Yid. Anas.) CHENI'SCUS {xvvi(yicoc) was a name sometimes given to the oKpoarnhov of a ship, because it was made in the form of the head and neck of a goose (,X^v) or other aquatic bird. This ornament was probably adopted as suitable to a vessel which was intended to pursue its course, like such an animal, over the surface of the water.' We are informed that a ship was sometimes named " The Swan" (/tij/tfof), having a swan carved upon the prow.* Though commonly fixed to the prow, the cheniscus sometimes adorned the stern of a ship. It was often gilt.' A cheniscus of bronze is preserved in the Roy^ Library at Paris.' Not unfrequently we find the che- niscus represented in the paintings found at Hercu laneum, and on antique gems. Examples are seen in the annexed woodcut, and in that at p. 62 1. (Past., ii., 617.)— 2. (Athen,, xiv., 27, p. 629, 6.— Hesych., rd. ii., p. 1547, ed. Alberti.— .^lian, V. H., jciv., 22.— Dio Ciss., uavi., 13.— Paus., in., 10, 1) 1.)— 3. (Vid. Lysias, c. Era- tosth., p. 124, 16, andp. 127, 8, ed.Steph.— Demosth., Olyiith., i., p. 9.)— 4. (s. V. KaT£XHpo7-iivi)(7Er.)— 5. (.a3scli.,o. Ctes., 42.) -6. (Demosth., c. Midias, p. 516, 553, 583.)— 7. (Demosth., De Cor., p. 235, 201.)— 8. (Demosth., c. Timoor., p. 700.— Hai-po- crat. and Suidas, s. v. Kvpia iKKXrjuia. — Demosth., c. Theocrin., g. 1330.)— 9. (Demosth., c. Androtion., p. 596. — c. Timocr., p. /07.— c. Neicr., p. 1340,)— 10. (Schomatin, De Comitiis Atheni- ensium, p. 120, 125, 231, 251, 330.)— 11. (Athenaius, viii., p. 360.— Compare Ugen, Opusc. Phi]., i., ^. 16^, and Eustath. ad Od., xxii., sub fin.) *CHENOPOD'IUM ix-nvoitodiov) and CHEN'O PUS {xvvovovc), a species of plant, commonly called the Goosefoot. Dioscorides' and Pliny' mention two kinds, the wild and domestic (sylvestre and sativum), the former of which is the same with the i-Tpdipa^t; or drpu^afuf, the latter the Atrifhx hor- iensis, or Orach (the xP^'^O'^X^^o" "^ Theophras tus'). The modem Greeks use the Chenopodium as a good remedy for wounds, and call it TtavuKta}^ The Chenopodium botrys has a balsamic perfume, and yields an essential oU, which renders it tonic and antiscorbutic. Sibthorp found it between Smyr- na and Brousa, on the banks of the streams." The seed resembles a cluster of grapes, and has a vinous smell, whence the name botrys (Jiorpv;, " a cluster"). The most important property possessed by the Goosefoot tribe is the production of soda, which some of them yield in immense quantities." CHERNIPS, CHERNIBON (.xepvtf, x^P^i-^ov, from x^tp and viwra), signifies the water used for ablution and purification, or the vessel which con tained it." A marble vase containing lustral water was pla- ced at the door of both Greek and Roman temples, which was applied to several purposes. The priest stood at the door with a branch of laurel'* or olive 1. (Rhemn. Faiin., v., 77.) — 2. (Hussey, Anc. Weights, Money, &c.— Wurm, De Pond., &c.)—S. (Etym. Mag-.)— 4 (Nicostratus, ap. Athen., xi., 48. — Etym. Mag., s. t. Kvkvos.)^ 5. (Lucian, Ver. Hist., 41.— Jup. Trag., 47.)— 6. (Millin, Diet des Beaux Arts.)— 7. (ii., 145.)— 8. (H. N., xx., 20.)— 9. (H.P.. vii., 1.)— 10. (Billerheck, Flora Gneca, p. 62 )— II (Billnrlieclr 1. c.)— 12. (Lindley's Botany, p. 165.)— 13. (Pluvorin'fs.— Elyra Mag., s. T. Aj'Sijj.- Hesycb y— 14. (Ovid, Fant., v., 679.) 233 CHIRAMAXIUM. CHIROGRAPHUM. tree' in his hand, which he dipped into the water, and sprinlded as a purification over all who entered. Instead of these branches, the Romans used an in- strument called aspergillum for the purpose, the form of which is frequently met with upon medals and bas-reliefs. Another Greek rite was performed by the priest taking a burning torch from the altar, which he dip- ped into the lustral water (x^P''i-i'\ atKi then sprin- kled it over the by-standers.' Water was also sprin- kled over the head of the victim as an initiation to the sacrifice ; hence the expression x^pviSac vi/j.ei.v,^ " to perform a sacrifice," and ;t;o(r!ji' d//^t uriv x^p- The vessel which the Romans used was of the kind called labrum-,^ resembling those still employed for a somewhat similar purpose in the Roman churches, one of which is shown in the Laconicum at Pompeii. (Fid. Baths, p. 150.) But the word, as its etymology indicates, is of a more domestic origin ; and, in reference to the cus- tom, common to both nations, of washing their hands before meals, is used with the same double meaning above mentioned.' Iq the first passage cited from Homer, x^P'>"-i' is put for the water it- self.; in the second, x^P^i-^"'" is used for the vessel which receives it. In both instances the water is poured out of a jug {■npoxooc), and the two together correspond with our term a basin and ewer. *CHERNI'TES {x^pvirrK), a species of Stoae, which Pliny,' after Theophrastus,* says was very like ivory, and in a coffin of which the body of Da- rius lay. The French commentators on Pliny make it and the porus, mentioned by the same writers as resembling in colour and hardness_ Parian marble, to have been varieties of calcareous tufa (" carbon- ate de chaux sedimentaire, ou craie grossiere et compacte, cbloriteuse, renfermant des silex blonds et des gryphites").' GHEROS'TAI. (Vid. Heees.) *CHERS'YDRUS (^x^pavdpog), aspecies of Snake, living, as the name imports, both on land and in the water (;t;£'p(70f, " land," vdup, " water"). A good description of its form and nature is given by Vir- gil." According to the poet, it was marked with large spots on the belly. Under the head of Clicrs- ydrus, at the present day, Cuvier ranks the Oular- limpe (^Acrochordus Fasciatus, Sh.), a very venomous serpent which inhabits the bottoms of the rivers of Java. *CHTA TERRA (Xia yij), a species of Earth ob- tained from the island of Chios. The ancients used it internally as an astringent ; but its chief use was as a cosmetic, it being highly valued for clean- sing the skin and removing wrinkles. Galen says it was an earth of a white colour, but not a bright, clear white, and that it was brought in flat pieces ; and Dioscorides says it was whitish, but tending to ash colour." " Like the Selinasian and Pnigitic earths," observes Adams, " it is an argQ more or less pure." CHIRAMA'XIUM {xeipa/iu^iov, from x^^^P and afia^a, a sort of easy-chair or " go-cart," used for invalids and children." It differed from the sella geslaloria, wliich answers to our sedan-chair, in which the person was carried by his slaves or ser- vants, since it went upon wheels, though moved by men instead of animals. Doubts are entertained whether this small vehicle was drawn or propelled, 1. (Virg., jEn., Ti., 230,)_2, (Alhcn., ii., 76.— Eurip., Here. Fur., 931.)— 3. (Soph., OSd. T., 210.)— 4. (Eurip., Iph. Tauv., 622.)— 5. (Lit., ijtxvii., 3.)— 6. (Horn., 0(1., i., 136.— II., xxiv., 304.— jEsch., Agnm, 1004.— Ch.«ph., 653.— AthoniBus, ix., 80; and compare Yirg., JEn., i., 701.)— 7. (H. N., xxxvi., 28.)— 8. {Do Lapid., c. 15.)— 9. (ad Win., 1. c.)— 10. (Gcorg.,iii., 425.)— II (llill'S Hist, of Fossils, &C., p. 40.)— 12. (Petron., c. 28.— Compare Aurelian, Mod., i., 5; ii., 1.) 240 as it is observed that men draw from the neck and shoulders,' and push with their hands, which latter method is clearly the one intended by Aurelian' " vehiculo Treamto ac^o." CHIRIDO'TA (xeipiduTo^, from x^vk, manica) a tunic with sleeves. The tunic of the Egyptians' Greeks, and Romans was originally without sleeves (vid. ExoMis), or they only came a little way down the arm. On the other hand, the Asiatic and Celtic nations wore long sleeves sewed to their to- nics, together with trousers as the clothing of their lower extremities, so that these parts of attire are often mentioned together.^ (Woodcuts, pages 15 171.) The Greeks also allowed tunics with sleeves to females (woodcut, p. 188), although it was con- sidered by the Latins indecorous when they were worn by men.* Cicero mentions it as a great re- proach to Catiline and his associates that they wore long shirts with sleeves {manicatis et lalarihw imi- cis^). Caligula, nevertheless, wore sleeves, togeth- er with other feminine ornaments {mamtlealu^). Sleeves were worn on the stage by tragic actors (;feipj(5ef') ; and they were used by shepherds and labourers, who had no upper garment, as a protec- tion against the severities of the weather (pelliha manicatis'). {Vid. woodcuts, p. 112, 132.) All the woodcuts already referred to show the sleeves of the tunic coming down to the wrist. We now insert from an Etruscan vase the figure of a woman, whose sleeves reach only to the elbow, and who wears the capistrum to assist her in blow ing the tihite pares.' {Vid. Manica, Tonica.) CHIRO'GRAPHUM ixf^^poypafov) meant first, as its derivation implies, a handwriting or autograpli. In this its simple sense, x^i^P in Greek and muma in Latin are often substituted for it. Like similar words in all languages, it acquired several technical senses. From its first meaning was easily derived that of a signature to' a ivill or other instrument, especially a note of hand given by a debtor to his creditor. In this latter case it did not constitute the legal obligation (for the debt might be proved in some other way) ; it was only a proof of the obligation. According to Asconius,'" chirograpkum, in tie sense of a note of hand, was distinguished from syngrapha ; the former was always given for mon- ey actually lent, the latter might be a mere sham agreement (something like a bill of accommodation, I. (Virg., .Eu., ii., 236.)— 2. (11. cc.)— 3. (Herod., vii., 61.- Strabo, xv., 3, 19. — raAariKU? ava\vpht Koi vcipmr dvMJcn"'' fihoi: Plutarch, Otho, 6.)— 4. (Aul.Gell.,™., 12.— Vilg.,.«»-i ix., 616.)— 5. (Orat. in Cat., ii., 10.)— 6. (Sueton., Calig.,!*-) —7. (Lucian, Jov. Tra?.)— 8. (Colum., i., 8 ; li., 1.)— 9. (Hotd(jiii, De Hamorrhoidilnia ; 8. Hept Tuv ev KetfiaX^ TpufitiTuv, De Capitis VnU neribus ; 9. Ilepi 'Ey/cararo/z^f ''EfiGpvov, De ReseC' tione Foetus ; and, 10. Xlepl 'AvarofiTjg, De C&rporum Resectione. Of these it should be remarked, that only the eighth is considered undoubtedly genuine ; though the first, second, third, and fourth, if not written by Hippocrates himself, appear to belong to a very early age." Hippocrates far surpassed all his predecessors (and, indeed, most of his success- ors) in the boldness and success of his operations ; and, though the scanty knowledge of anatomy pos- sessed in those times prevented his attaining any very great perfection, still we should rather admire his genius, which enabled him to do so much, than blame him because, with his deficient information, he was able to do no more. The scientific skill in reducing fractures and luxations displayed in his works, De Fracturis, De Articulis, excites the ad- miration of Haller,' and he was most probably the inventor of the amhe, an old chirurgical machine for dislocations of the shoulder, which, though now fallen into disuse, for a long time enjoyed a great reputation. In his work De Capitis Vulneribus he gives minute directions about the time and mode of using the trephine, and warns the operator against the probability of his being deceived by the sutures of the- cranium, as he confesses happened to himself* On this Celsus remarks . " More scili- cet magnorum virorum, et Jiduciam magnarum rerum habentium. Nam levia ingenia, quia nihil habent, nihil sibi detrahunt : magno ingenio, maltaque nihilo- minus habituro, concenit etiam simplex veri, erroris confessio ; prwcipueque in eo ministerio, quod utilita- lis causa posteris traditur ; ne qui decipiantur eadem ratione, qua quis ante deceptus est."^ 'The author of the Oatli, commonly attributed to Hippocrates, binds his pujiils not to perform the operation of lithotomy, but to leave it to persons accustomed to it (epydr^a. avdpdai Tzpij^wc TTjaSe) ; from which it would appeal as if ceitain persons confined themselves to partic- ular operations. Avenzoar also, in his work enti- tled Teiser, " Rcctificatio Regiminis," refused to per- form this operation ; but in his case it was from religious motives, and because, being a Jew, he thought it unlawful to look upon another's naked- ness. The names of several persons are preserved who practised surgery as well as medicine in the times immediately succeeding those of Hippocrates ; but, with the exception of some fragments inserted in the writings of Galen, Oribasius, Aiitius, &c., all their writings have perished. Archagathus do- serves to be mentioned, as he is said to have been the first foreign su^eon that settled at Rome A.U.C. 535, B.C. 219.' He was at first very weL received, the jus Quiritium was conferred upon him, a shop was bought for him at the public expense' and he received the honourable title of Vulnerarius This, however, on account of liis frequent use Oi the knife and cautery, was soon changed by the Romans (who were unused to such a mode of prac- tice) into that of Carnifex. Asclepiades, who e handle is so short that Savenko thinks it must have been broken. It is uncertain for what particulsir purpose it was used : Kiihn conjectures that'(if it be a surgical instrument at all) it may have been made with such a curved edge, and such a straight thick back, that it might be struck with a hammer, and so amputate fingers, toes, &c. 7. Another knife, apparently made of copper, the blade of which is of a triangular shape, two inches long, and in the broadest part eight lines in breadth ; the back is straight and one line broad, and this breadth continues all the way to the point, which, therefore, is not sharp, but guarded by a sort of button. Kiihn thinks it may have been used for enlarging wounds, &c., for which it would be par- ticularly fitted by its blunt point and broad back. 8. A needle, about three inches long, made of iron. 9. An elevator (or instrument for raising depressed portions of the scull), made of iron, five inches long, and very much resembling those made use of at the present day. 10-14. {vid. next cut) Different kinds of forceps {vulsella). No. 10 has the two sides sepa- rated from each other, and is five inches long. No. 11 is also five inches long. No. 12 is three inches and a half long. The sides are narrow at the point of union, and become broader by degrees towards the other end, where, when closed, they form a kind of arch. It should be noticed that it is furnished with a movable ring, exactly like the tenaculum forceps employed at the present day. No. 13 was used for 1. (Opuso. Academ. Med. et PhiloM., Lips., Ii27, 1828, Svo, ToL ii., p. S09.)— 2. (De Med., vii., 26, « 1, p. 429.) 243 CHIUM MAEMOR. CHLAMYS. [JtiUing out hairs by the roots {Tpixo%a6k). No. 14 is six inches long, and is bent in the middle. It was probably used for extracting foreign bodies that had stuck in the oesophagus (or gullet), or in the bottom of a wound. 15. A male catheter ^cenea fstula), nine inches in length. The shape is re- markable, from its having the double curve hke the letter S, which is the form that was reinvented in the last century by the celebrated French surgeon, J. L. Petit. 16. Probably a female catheter, four inches in length. Celsus thus describes both male and female catheters :' " The surgeon should have three male catheters {aneas fistulas), of which the longest should be fifteen, the next twelve, and the shortest nine inches in length ; and he should have two female catheters, the one nine inches long, the other six.- Both sorts should be a little curved, but especially the male ; they should be perfectly smooth, and neither too thick nor too thin." 17. Supposed by Froriep to be an instrument for ex- tracting teeth (bdovrd-ypa') ; but Kiihn, with much more probability, conjectures it to be an instrument used in amputating part of an enlarged uvula, and quotes Celsus,^ who says that " no method of op- erating is more convenient than to take hold of the uvula with the forceps, and then to cut off below it as much as is necessary." 18, 19. Probably two spatulae. CHITON (xiTuv). {Vid. Tunica.) CHITONTA {xiTuvia), a festival celebrated in the Attic town of Chitone in honour of Artemis, sumamed Chitona or Chitonia.* The Syracusans also celebrated a festival of the same name, and in honour of the same deity, which was distinguished by a peculiar kind of dance, and a playing on the flute.' •CHIUM MARMOR (Xiof riBo^), a species of Marble obtained from the island of Chios. Hill de- scribes it as " a very fine and elegantly-smooth stone, of a close, compact texture, very heavy, and of a fine glossy black, perfectly smooth where bro- ken, bat dull and absolutely destitute of splendour." It is capable, according to the same authority, of receiving the highest polish of perhaps any of the marbles. It was famous among the ancients for mailing reflectiiig mirrors, for which the high polish 1. (De Med., yii., 26, i 1^ p. 429.) — 2. (PoUui, Onom., iv., ^ 181.)— 3. (Do Mod., vii., 12, t) 3, p.404.)-4. (Schol.od Callim., Hymn, in Artom., 78.) — 5 (AtKonffius, xiv., p. 629. — Steph. Byz., s. V. XtTiivtj.) 244 of which it is susceptible rendered it pecnliarij proper. The Chian marble would appear to have been of the Obsidian kind, and it is, in fact, some- times called " Lapis Obsidianus Antiguorum."^ The name Obsidianus would seem to have been a corrup- tion from Opsianus (b^iavbg, airb TTjg afeug).' •CHIUM VINUM (X(of olvoc), Chian Wine, a Greek wine made in the island of Chios (the modem Scio). It is described by some writers as a thick, luscious wine ; and that which grew on the craggy heights of Ariusium, extending three hundred stadia along the coast, is extolled by Strabo as the best of all Greek wines. From Athenaeus we learn that the produce of the Ariusian vineyards was usually divided into three distinct species : a dry wine, a sweetish wine, and a third sort of a peculiar quali- ty, thence termed avToKpanv. All of them seem to have been excellent of their kind, and they are fre- quently alluded to in terms of the highest commend- ation. The Phanean, which is extolled by Virgil as the king of wines, was also the product of the same island. The Saprian wine, so remarkable for its exquisite aroma, was probably Chian matured by great age.^ CHLAINA (jc^alva). (Vid. Ljena.) CHLAMYS (;i;Xa/ii5f, dim. ;tf^o/ii;i5ioj'), a scarf. This term, being Greek, denoted an article of thb amictus, or outer raiment, which was, in general, characteristic of the Greeks, and of the Oriental races with which they were connected, although both in its form and in its application it approached very much to the lacerna and paludamentum of the Romans, and was Itself, to some extent, adopted by the Romans under the emperors. It was for the most part woollen ; and it differed from the blanket {i/iariov), the usual amictus of the male sex, in these respects, that it was much smaller ; also filler, thinner, more variegated in colour, and more sus- ceptible of ornament. It moreover differed in being oblong instead of square, its length being generally about twice its breadth. To the regular oblong, a, b, c, d (see woodcut), gores were added, either in the form of a right-angled triangle, a, e, f, producing the modification a, e, g, d, which is exemplified in the annexed figure of Mercury, or of an obtuse-angled triangle, a, c, I, producing the modification a, e, b, c, g, d, whicli is exemplified in the figure of a youth from the Panathenaic frieze in the British Museum. These gores were called TiTepiye^, wings, and the scarf with these additions was distinguished by the epithet of Thessalian or Macedonian.* Hence the ancient geographers compared the form of the in- habited earth (^ olKovfiivri) to that of a chlamys.' The scarf does not appear to have been much worn by children, although one was given, with its brooch, to Tiberius Caesar in his infancy.' It was generally assumed on reaching adolescence, and was worn by the ephebi from about seventeea to 1. (History of Fossils, &c., p. 466.)— 2. (Id.ib)— 3. (Hend«f son's History of Wines, p. 77.) — 4. (Etym. Mag. — Luciaji, DiM- Mort.) — 5. (Strabo, ii., 5. — Macrobius, De Somu. Scip., ii.J— P°s)t ^^^^ leading up the cheerful chorus (i. e., were dancing) to the notes of the harp {i^opjity^)." This account uf the hymenaus is immediately followed by a de- scription of the comus proper, i. e., a riotous pro- jesssion after a banquet. " On another side, some /oung men were moving on in the cmms {iKu/ia^ov) lO the sound of the flute ; some were amusing them- (,elves with singing and dancing ; others moved on . aughing, each of them accompanied by a j^iife-player viTT" avXriTfipi, UauTog). The whole city wasfilled with joy, and choruses, and festivity" (iJaAi'oj fs ■^opol Te ayTi^atac tc). The chorus received its first full development in the Doric states, and in them it was particularly connected with their military organization. The Dorian chorus was composed of the same persons who formed their battle-array: the best dancers and the best fighters were called by the same name (Trpv'Mei) ; the back rows in each were called " un- equipped" (ipiXelr), and the figures of the dance were called by the same name as the evolutions of the army.' The Doric deity was Apollo ; conse- quently, we find the Doric chorus, which was prop- erly accompanied by the lyre, and of which the lyric poetry of the Greeks was the legitimate offspring, immediately connected with the worship of Apollo, the inventor of the lyre. T'he three principal Doric choruses were the pyrrhie, the gymnopadic, and the hyporchematic. These were afterward transferred to the worship of Bacchus, and appear as the three varieties of the dramatic chorus, which celebrated the worship of that divinity : the emmeleia, or tragic dance, corresponded to the gymnopcedic, the comic dance to the hyporcheme, and the satyric to the pyrrhie. All these dances were much cultivated and improved by Thaletas, who introduced a com- bination of the song and dance for the whole chorus, of which Lucian speaks when he says, bv way of contrast to the pantomimic dancers of more modern times ;* lidlai y-Ev yap ol avrol Kal ydov koX upxovv- -0, " in older times the same performers both sang and danced." This extension of the song of the exarchus to the whole chorus seems to have given rise almost naturally to the division of the chorus into strophes and antistrophes, which Ste- sichorus farther improved by the addition of an epode, thus breaking through the monotonous alternation of strophe and antistrophe by the insertion of a stanza of a different measure. This improvement is referred to in the proverb, Ov6e to. rpia Zrijui- Xopm yiyvanKu^. The choruses of Stesichorus CHORUS consisted of combinations of rows of eight dancers, and, from his partiaUty to the number 8, we have another proverb, the ■Ku.vra oktu of the gramma rians. The most important event in the histpry of Greek choral poetry was the adaptation of the dithyramb, or old Bacchic song, to the system of Doric chorus es ; for it was to this that we owe the Attic drama The dithyramb was originally of the nature of a Kujios : it was sung by a band ol revellers to a flute accompaniment ; and in the time of Archilochus had its leader, for that poet says that " he knows how to lead off the dithyramb, the beautiful song ol Dionysus, when his mind is inflamed with wine :"' "Bf Atoiwaor uvanTog KaXbv l^dp^ai /leXoQ olda 6t6vpafj.6ou otv^ cvyKspavvudelg fpevag. Arion, the celebrated player on the cithara, was tl e first to practise a regular chorus in the dithyramb,, and to adapt it to the cithara. This he did at Car inth, a Doric city ; and therefore we may suppose that he subjected his dithyramb to all the conditions of Doric choral poetry. The dithyramb was danced round a blazing altar by a chol^is of 50 men or boys ; hence it was called a circular chorus (icvkXio; Xop6() ; the dithyrambic poet was calle.d kvk7m6i- SdaKoXoi, and Arion is said to have been the son of Cycleus. Aristotle tells us that tragedy arose from the re- citations of the leaders of the dithyramb (dm tC>v i^apxovTuv Tuv StdvpafiSuv') ; and we know from Suidas that Arion was the inventor of the tragic style (jpayiKoi rpoKov Evperij^^). This latter statement seems to refer to the fact that Arion introduced satyrs into the dithyramb ; for the satyrs were also called rpuyoi,* so that Tpay29.) — 5. (Adams, Append., "*. V.) — 6. (Dioscor., '»., 55. — Adams, Append., s. v.) — 7. (lliod. «ic., ii., 51.)— S. (A-o. Mineral.,p. I'O.)— 9. (Billerbeck, Rora tliusica, p. 132.)—' I. (Plin., It. N., nxvii., 10.) r I CHTHONIA. ception of the bright band between the eyes, we ijan find nothing in the Chrysophrys of the ancients," observes Griffith, " that is absolutely characteristic of the modern fish of the same name ; though, at the same time, we find nothing which can give rise to exclusion. According to Aristotle, the chryso- phrys has two pairs of fins ; its pyloric appendages are few in number ; it remains close to the coasts, and in salt marshes or pools ; it spawns in summer, and deposites its eggs at the mouths of rivers ; the great heats oblige it to conceal itself ; the cold also causes it to suffer ; it is carnivorous, and the fish- ermen take it by striking it with a trident while asleep, ^lian tells us that it is the most timid of fishes : some branches of poplar, implanted in the sand during a reflux, so terrified the chrysophrys which were brought back by the flood, that on the succeeding reflux they did not dare to move, and suffered themselves to be taken by the hand. That the Aurata of the Latins was the same fish as the Chrysophrys of the Greeks, is evident from a pas- sage in Pliny, which is manifestly taken from Aris- totle, and where the first word is put as a transla- tion of the second. Columella tells us that the Aurata was of the number of those fishes which the Romans brought up in their vivaria ; and even the inventor of vivaria, Sergius Grata, appears to have derived from this f5sh the surname which he bore, and which he left to his branch of the family. It was, above all, the Aurata of the Lucrine lake that the Romans esteemed ; and Sergius, who obtained nearly entire possession of that lake, in all probabil- ity introduced the species there."' *CHRYSOPRAS'IUS LAPIS (xP^aoTrpaaos), the Chrysoprase, a precious stone, resembling in colour the juice of the leek {rrpdaov), but with somewhat of a golden tinge (xP^'^'Ct " gold"), whence the name given it. What is now called Chrysoprase, however, by Jameson and Aiken, could hardly, as Adams thinks, have been known to the ancients, since it is iound only in Lower Silesia. It is com- posed almost entirely of silex, with a small admix ture of nickel, to which it owes its colour. The Chrysoprase of the ancients, on the other hand, was most probably a variety of the Prasus.' CHTHONTA (XSovta), a festival celebrated at Hermione in honour of Demeter, surnamed Chtho- nia. The following is the description of it given by Pausanias :' " The .inhabitants of Hermione cel- ebrate the Chthonia every year, in surhmer, in this manner: They form a procession, headed by the priests and magistrates of the year, who are follow- ed by men and women. Even for children it is customary to pay homage to the goddess by joining the procession. They wear white garments, and on their heads they have chaplets of flowers, which they call imaiJ,oaavSa2,oi, which, however, from their size and colour, as well as from the letters inscribed on them, recording the premature death of Hyacinthus, seem to me to be hyacinths. Behind the procession there follow persons leading by strings an untamed heifer, just taken from the herd, and drag it into the temple, where four old women perform the sacrifice, one of them cutting the animal's throat with a scythe. The doors of the temple, which durmg this sacrifice had been shut, are thrown open, and persons especially appointed for the purpose lead in a second heifer, then a thurd and a fourth, all of which are sacrificed by the matrons in the manner described. A curious circumstance in this solem- nity is, that all the heifers must fall on the same side on which the first fell." The splendour and rich offerings of this festival are also mentioned 1. (Aristot., H. N., i., 5. — jElian, N. A., xiii., 28. — Cuvier An. Kmg:., vol. x., p. 163, 312, ed. Griffith ) —2. (Adams An^ per.d., s. V.) - 3. (li., 35, H.) ^ 249 CICADA, CIMEX. by yElian,' who, however, makes no mention of the matrons of whom Pausanias speaks, but says that the sacrifice of the heifers was performed by the priestess of Demeter. The Lacedaemonians adopted the worship of De- meter Chtlionia from the Hermioneans, some of whose kinsmen had settled in Messenia ;' hence we may infer that they celebrated either the same festival as that of the Hermioneans, or one similar to it. CHYTRA (x^Tpa), an earthen vessel for common use, especially for cooking. It was commonly left unpainted, and hence all unprofitable labour was de- scribed by the proverb xvrpav iromMetv.^ ♦CICA'DA (tetti^), a species of Insect, frequent- ly mentioned by the classical writers. According to Dodwell,* it is formed like a large fly, with long transparent wings, a dark brown back, and a yellow belly. It is originally a caterpillar, then a chrysa- lis, and is converted into a fly late in the spring. Its song is much louder and shriller than that of the grasshopper, as Dodwell terms the latter. This wri- ter says that nothing is so piercing as their note ; nothing, at the same time, so tiresome and inhar- monious ; and yet the ancient writers, and espe- cially the poets, praise the sweetness of their song ; and Plutarch' says they were sacred to the Mu- ses. According to .lElian,' only the male Cicada sings, and that in the hottest weather. This is confirmed by the discoveries of modern naturalists. The Cicada is extremely common in the south of Italy. It is found also in the United States, being called in some parts " the Harvest-fly," and in oth- ers, very erroneously, " the Locust." The Cicada has a sucker instead of a mouth, by which it lives entirely on liquids, such as dew and the juices of plants. The song of the Cicada, as it has been called, is made by the males for the purpose of call- ing to their females in the season of reproduction, and it is made by the action of certain muscles upon two membranes, turned in the form of a ket- lle-drum, and lodged in the cavity of the belly. Sev- eral species of Cicada are described by Aristotle,' Suidas, and ^lian,' but more especially two, name- ly, ol fityOXoL TeTTiyc;, ol jzdovrcf, called also dxETai, and oi fUKpoi, called also TsTTiyovia. The former would appear to be the Cicada ■plebeia, the latter the Cicada orni. This insect is called Cicale in Italian, and Cigale in French. " The Tettix," ob- serves Kirby, " seems to have been the favourite of every Grecian bard, from Homer and Hesiod to Theocritus. Supposed to be perfectly harmless, and to live only on the dew, they were addressed by the most endearing epithets, and were regarded as all but divine. So attached, indeed, were the Athenians to these insects, that they were accus- tomed to fasten golden images of them in their hair, implying, at the same time, a boast, that they themselves, as well as the Cicada;, were ' tencB filii,' or children of the earth."' Anacreon, in one of his odes,'° says of the Tettix, that old age wastes it not away. In this he has reference to the fable of Tithonus, the favourite of Aurora, who, having wished for immortality, without having asked, at the same time, for perpetual youth, be- came so decrepit, that Aurora, out of compassion, changed him into a tettix, because this insect, as the ancients believed, laid aside its skin every sum- mer, and thus renewed its youth. The truth is, the Tettix or Cicada, like all the other species of the 1. (H. A., xi., 4.)— 2. (Paus., iii., It, } 6.)— 3. (Atlion., ix., p. 407 —Suidas, 6. v. Hirpa and "Orou ndKuL. — Panonca, Recher- ches, &c., i., 28.)— 4. (Travels in Grocco, vol. ii., ]i. 45.) — 5. (Sympos. Probl., 8.) -0. (N. A., xi.,20.)— 7. (II. A., iv., 9.)— 8. (N. A., X., 44.)— 9. (Giiffith'B Ciivior, vol. xv., p. 254.)— 10. (Od iliii., 15, ed. Fischer.) 360 Gryllus, though existing but for a single season, since it dies at the close of the summer, casts its skin in the same manner as the caterpillar, and deposites in the fields a membrane so accurate- ly true to its entire shape, that it is often mistaken at first sight, for the Tettix itself. The belief that this insect was indigenous, or, in other words sprang from the very earth, appears to have arisen from the circumstance of large numbers being seen immediately after showers, though not visible pre- viously. ♦CICER. { Vid. Erebinthus.) *CICHORIUM. (Vid. Intybum.) *CICI (KLKi), a plant, the same as the l-iurna Christi or Ricinus communis. " This plant," ob- serves Woodville, speaking of the Palma Christi, " appears to be the kIki, or aporuv of Dioseorides," who observes that the seeds are powerfully cathar- tic : it is also mentioned by Aetius, Paulus iEgineta, and Pliny."' *CICONIA, the Stork. {Vid. Pelakgos.) ♦CICU'TA, Hemlock. (,Vid. Coneion.) CI'DARIS. ( Vid. Tiara.) CILI'CIUM (.iepfitg), a Haircloth. The material of which the Greeks and Romans almost universal- ly made this kind of cloth, was the hair of goats. ' The Asiatics made it of camel's-hair. Goats were bred for this purpose in the greatest abundance, and with the longest hair, in Cilicia ; and from this country the Latin name of such cloth was derived. Lycia, Phrygia, Spain, and Libya also produced tht same article. The cloth obtained by spinning and weaving goat's-hair was nearly black, and was used for the coarse habits which sailors and fishermen wore, as it was the least subject to be destroyed by being wet ; also for horse-cloths, tents, sacks, and bags to hold workmen's tools (fabrilia vasa), and for the purpose of covering military engines, and the; walls and towers of besieged cities, so as to deaden the force of the ram (vid. Aries), and to preserve the woodwork from being set on fire. ' Among the Orientals, sackcloth, which was with them always haircloth, was worn to express morti- fication and grief. After the decUne of the Roman power, it passed from its other uses to be so em- ployed in Europe also. Monks and anchorites al- most universally adopted the cilicium as fit to be worn for the sake of humiliation, and they sup- posed their end to be more completely attained if this part of their raiment was never washed. Hence Jerome,' describing the life of the monk Hi- larion, says of his hair shirt, " Saccum, quo s:md fuerat indutu-s, nunquam larans, ct superjiuum esse dicens, mundifias in cilicio quarere.'*^ *CIiMEX (Kopi;), the Bug, under which name many species are included by the ancients, which modern naturalists have distinguished from one another. Aristotle makes the Kopif to be engen- dered by the vapory secretions from the skins of animals. Pliny,* after calling the Cimcx " animai foedissimum, ct diclu quoque fastidicTidum" (where he evidently alludes to the Cimez lectularias, oi bedbug), goes on to state some marvellous use* of this insect in the healing art. It was considered an excellent remedy against the bite of serpents, and especially of asps ; fumigations made with cimiccs caused leeches to loosen their hold ; and if any animal had swallowed leeches in drinking, cimiccs, taken internally, served as a cure. Thej were good for weak eyes when mixed with salt and the milk of a female, and for complaints of the ears 1. (Dioscor., iv., 161. — Adams, Appead., s. v.) — 2. (Aristot. H. A., viii., 28.— .ffilian, NJTTig), a Compass. The compass used by statuaries, architects, masons, and carpen- ters, is often represented on the tombs of such artif- icers, together with the other instruments of their profession or trade. The annexed woodcut is cop. led from a tomb found at Rome." It exhibits two kinds of compasses, viz., the common kind used for drawing circles and measuring distances, and one with curved legs, probably intended to measure the thickness of columns, cylindrical pieces of vpood, or similar objects. The common kind is described bj the schohast on Aristophanes,^ who compares its form to that of the letter A. The mythologists top posed this instrument to have been invented by Per- dix, who vas the nephew of Dsedalus, and, throng! envy, thrown by him over the precipice of the Aths nian acropolis.* Compasses of various forms were discovered in a statuary's house at Pompeii CIRCITO'RES. (7t<2. Castea, p. 222.) CIRCUMLI'TIO. (Vid. PicTDKA.) CIRCUMLU'VIO. (Fii. Allhvio.) CIRCUITO'RES. (Vid. Castra, p. 222.) CIRCUS. When Tarquinius Prisons had taken the town of Apiolae from the Latins, as related in the early Roman legends, he commemorated his success by an exhibition of races and pugilistic con- tests in the Murcian valley, between the Palatine and Aventine Hills ; around which a number of tem- porary platforms were erected by the patres and equites, called speclacula, fori, or fomli, from their resemblance to the deck of a ship ; each one raising a stage for himself, upon which he stood to view the games." This course, with its surrounding scaffoldings, was termed circus ; either because the spectators stood round to see the shows, or be- cause the procession and races went round in a circuit.' Previously, however, to the death of Tar- quin, a permanent building was constructed for the purpose, with regular tiers of seats, in the form of a theatre.' To this the name of Circus Masiraus «as subsequently given, as a distinction from the Flaminian and other similar buildings, which it sur- passed in extent and splendour; and hence, like the Campus Martins, it is often spoken of as the Circus, without any distinguishing epithet. Of the Circus Maximus scarcely a vestige now 1. (Hor., Sal., I., viii., 12.)— 2. (Grutcr, Cnrp. Inscript., I. i.i part li., p. 644.)— 3. (Nub., 178.)— 4. (Ovid, Met., viii., 241-3510 —5. (Liv., 1., 35.— Festus, s. v. Fornm.— Dionys., iii., p. 19! &c.)— 6. (Varro, De Lmg. Lat., v., 153, 154, ed. MCiUer)-J (Compare Liv. and Dionys., 11. cc.) CIRCUS CIRCUS. remains beyond the palpable evidence of the site it occupied, and a few masses of rubble-work in a cir- cular form, which may be seen under the walls of some houses in the Via de' Cerchi, and which retain traces of having supported the stone seats' for the spectators. This loss is, fortunately, supplied by the remains of a small circus on the Via Appia, commonly called the Circus of Caracalla, the ground-plan of which, together with much of tne superstructure, remains in a state of considerable preservation. The ground-plan of the circus in question is represented in the annexed woodcut ; and may be safely taken as a model of all others, since it agrees in every main feature, both of gen- eral outline and individual parts, with the descrip- tion of the Circus Maximus given by Dionysius.' eq; i^DE ^ M to Around the double lines (A, A) were arranged the seats (gradus, sedilia, subsellia), as in a theatre, termed, collectively, the cavea, the lowest of which were separated from the ground by a podium, and the whole divided longitudinally by prcBcinctiones, and diagonally into cunei, with their vomitoria at- tached to each. Towards the extremity of the up- per branch of the cavea, the general outhne is bro- ken by an outwork (B), which was probably the ■pulmnar, or station for the emperor, as it is placed in the best situation for seeing both the commence- ment and end of the course, and in the most prom- =^= inent part of the circus.' In the opposite branch is observed another interruption to the uniform hne of seats (0), betokening also, from its construction, a place of distinction, which might have been as- signed to the person at whose expense the games were given (editor speciaculonim). In the centre of the area was a low wall (D), run- ning lengthways down the course, which, from its resemblance to the position of the dorsal bone in the human frame, was termed spina.' It is repre- sented in the woodcut subjoined, taken from an an- cient bas-relief. At «ach extremity of the spina were placed, upon a base (E, E), three wooden cylinders, of a conical shape, like cypress-trees {metasque imitata cupres- sus"), which were called mete— the goals. Their situation is distinctly seen in the preceding wood- cut, but theii form is more fully developed in the I. llMor.}-! , 1. c.)— 2. (Ovid, Met., i., 106.— Compare Plin., H.N., iTi., «>.) one annexed, copied from a marble in the Britisn Museum.* The most remarkable object upon the spina were two columns (F) supporting seven conical balls, which, from their resemblance to eggs, were called ova.^ These are seen in the woodcut representing the spina. Their use was to enable the spectators to count the number of rounds which had been run ; for which purpose they are said to have been first introduced by Agrippa,' though Livy speaks of them long before.' They are, therefore, seven in num- ber, such being the number of the circuits made in each race ; and, as each round was run, one of the ova was put up' or taken down, according to Varro.' An egg was adopted for this purpose in honour of Castor and Pollux." At the other extremity of the spina were two similar columns (G), represented also in the woodcut oyer the second chariot, sus- taining seven dolphins, termed delphina, or delphi- narum cdlumnd," which do not appear to have been intended to be removed, but only placed there as corresponding ornaments to the ova ; and the figure of the dolphin was selected in honour of Neptune." In the Lyons mosaic, subsequently to be noticed, the delpUna are represented as fountains spouting 1. (iii., p. 192.)— 2. (Suet., Claud., 4.)— 3, (Cassiodor., Yar. Ep., iii., 51.)— 4. (Chamtier I., No. 60.)— 5. (Varro, De Re Rust., i., 2, « 11.— LiT., xli, 27.)— 6. (Dion Cass., ilii., p. 600.)— 7. (xli., 27.)— 8. (Cassidor., Var. Ep., iii., 51.)— 9. (De Re Rust., i., 2, t, 11.)— 10. (TertuU., De Spectac., c. 8.)— 11. (Jut., Sat. Ti.,590.)— 12. (Tertull.,l.c.) ^ . . CIRCUS. water ; but in a bas-relief of the Palazzo Barberi- ni,' a ladder is placed against the columns which support the dolphins, apparently for the purpose of ascending to take them up and down. Some wri- ters suppose the columns which supported the ovia and delphince to be the phala or fala which Juvenal mentions.' But the phala were not columns, but towers, erected, as circumstances required, between the metie and euripas, or extreme circuit of the area, when sham-fights were represented in the circus.' Besides these, the spina was decorated with many other objects, such as obelisks, statues, altars, and temples, which do not appear to have had any fixed locality. It will be observed in the ground-plan that there is a passage between the metce and spina, the ex- treme ends of the latter of which are hollowed out into a circular recess : and several of the ancient sculptures afford similar examples. This might have been for performing the sacrifice, or other offices of religious worship, with which the games commenced ; particularly as small chapels can still be seen under the metce, in which the statues of some divinities must have been placed. It was probably under the first of these spaces that the al- tar of the god Consus was concealed,* which was excavated upon each occasion of these games.' At the extremity of the circus in which the two horns of the cavca terminate, were placed the stalls for the horses and chariots (H, H), commonly called carceres at, and subsequently to, the age of Varro ; but more anciently the whole line of buildings which confined this end of the circus was termed oppidum, because, with its gates and towers, it resembled the walls of a town,' which is forcibly illustrated by the circus under consideration, where the two towers (I, I) at each end of the carceres are still (Standing. The number of carceres is supposed to have been usually twelve,' as they are in this plan ; but in the mosaic discovered at Lyons, and pub- lished by Artaud,' there are only eight. This mo- saic has several peculiarities. Most of the objects are double. There is a double set of ova and dcl- fihiniE, one of each sort at each end of the spina ; and eight chariots, that is, a double set for each colour, are inserted. They were vaults, closed in front by gates of open woodwork (cancelli), which were opened simultaneously upon the signal being given,' by removing a rope {iioKXriY?') attached to pilasters of the kind called Herma, placed for that purpose between each stall ; upon which the gates were immediately thrown open by a number of men, probably the armentarii, as represented in the following woodcut, taken from a very curious mar- blf in the Museo Borgiano at Velletri ; which also rpiiresents most of the other peculiarities above BBjentioned as appertaining to the carceres. In the mosaic of Lyons the man is represented 1. (Fabrolh, Syntagm. do Column. Trajam, p. M4.)— 2. (1. c.) f. (Compare Festus, h. v. Phala).— Servius, ad Virg., ./Eii., ix., 705.— Rupeiti, ad Juv., I. o.)— 4. (Tertull., Do Snectac, c. 5.) 5. (Dionys., ii., p. 97.) — 0. (Festus, s. v. — Varro, De Ling. Lat., v., 153.)— 7. (Cassiodor., Var. Ep., iii., 51.)— 8. (Description d'un Mosaique, &c., Lyons, 180fi.) — 9. (Dionys., iii., p. 192. — Cassiodor., 1. c. — Compare Sil. Ital.,xvi., 310.) — lo. (Dionys., 1. e — Compare Scliol. ad Tlieocrit., Idyll,, viii., 57.) 2.'j4 CIRCUS. apparently in the act of letting go the rope (JcirXi/yfl in the manner described by Dionysius.' The cii! below, which is from a marble in the British Mu- seum,' represents a set of four carceres, with their Herma and cancelli open, as left after the chariot! had started, in which the gates are made to open inward. The preceding account and woodcuts will be suf- ficient to explain the meaning of the various words by which the carceres were designated in poetical language, namely, claustra,' crypta,* fauces,' oslia,' fores carceris,'' repagula,^ limiyia equorum.^ It will not fail to be observed that the fine of the carceres is not at a right angle with the spina, but forms the segment of a circle, the centre of whicli is a point on the right hand of the arena ; the rea- son for which is obviously that all the chariots might have, as nearly as possible, an equal distance to pass over between the carceres and mouth of the cotirse. Moreover, the two sides of the circus are not parallel to each otl).r, nor the spina to either of them ; but they are so planned that the course di- minishes graduaUy from the mouth at (J), until it reaches the corresponding line at the opposite side of the spina (K), where it is narrower by thhty-two feet. This might have proceeded from economy, or be necessary in the present instance on account of the limited extent of the circus ; for as all the four or six char nts would enter the mouth of the course nearly uij.east, the greatest width would be required at that spot ; but as they got down the course, and one or more tOi)k the lead, the same width would be no longer necessary. The carceres were divided into two sets of sil each, accurately described by Cassiodorus'" as iis- sena ostia, by an entrance in the centre (L), called Porta Pompa ; because it was the one through which the Circensian procession entered, and which, it is inferred from a passage in Ausonius," was al- ways open, forming a thoroughfare through the cir- cus. Besides this entrance, there were four others, two at the termination of the seats between the ca- vea and the oppidum (M, M), another at (N), and the fourth at (0), under the vault of which the fresco decorations are still visible. This is supposed to be the Porla Triumpkalis, to which its situation seems adapted. One of the others was the Porla Lihilincnsis," so called because it was the one through which the dead bodies of those killed in the games were carried out." Such were the general features of a circus, as far as regards the interior of the fabric. The area had also its divisions appropriated to particular purpos OS, with a nomenclature of its own attached to each Tlie space immediately before the oppidum wai termed circus primus ; that near the meta pritm, circus interior or intimus,^* which latter spot, in tht Circus Maximus, was also termed ad Murcim or ai 1. (I.e.) — 2. (Chamber XL, No. 10.) — 3. (Stat., Theb., ti. 399.— Hor., Epist., I., xiv., 9.) — 4. (Sidon., Carm., xxiii., 31"^ —5. (Cassiodor., Var. Ep., iii., 51.)— 6. (Anson., Epist., «i"; 11.)— 7. (Ovid, Trist., V., ix., 29.)— 8. (Id., Met., ii., 155.-Sll Ital., xvi., 318.) —9. (Id., xvi., 317.]— 10. (1. c.) — 11. (£?'"• xviii., 12.) — 12. (L.imptid., Comraod., 16.) — 13. (Dion Cosi Ixxii., p. 1222.)— 14. (Varro, De Ling-. Lat., v., 154.) CIRCUS. CIRCUS. IfunAam, from the altar of Venus Murtia or Murcia, placed there.' The term arena belongs to an am- phitheatre ; and it is therefore probable that it was applied in the circus to the large open space be- tween the carceres and prima meta, when the circus was used for the exhibition of athletic games, for which the locality seems best adapted; but in Sil- ius Italicus' it is put for the part down the spina. When the circus was used for racing, the course was termed sfatiuvi' or spaiia, because the match included more than one circuit.* It is also called campus,'' and poetically cejHor." At the entrance of the course, exactly in the di- rection of the line (J, K), were two small pedestals (hermuli) on each side of the podium, to which was attached a chalked rope (.alba linea'), for the pur- pose of making the start fair, precisely as is prac- tised at Rome for the horse-races during Carni- val. Thus, when the doors of the carceres were thrown open, if any of the horses rushed out before Ihe others, they were brought up by this rope until the whole were fairly abreast, when it was loosened from one side, and all poured into the course at once. In the Lyons mosaic the alba linea is dis- tinctly traced at the spot just mentioned, and one of the chariots is observed to be upset at the very place, while the others pursue their course. A sec- ond alba, linea is also drawn across the course, ex- actly halfway down the spina, the object of which has not been explained by the publisher of the mo- saic. It has been observed that this is a double race ; and as the circus represented was probably too narrow to admit of eight chariots starting abreast, it became necessary that an alha linea should be drawn for each set ; and, consequently, one in advance of the other. The writer has often seen the accident alluded to above happen at Rome, when an over-eager horse, rushes against the rope and gets thrown down. This line, for an obvious reason,' was also called calx and creta," from whence comes the allusion of Persius,'" cretata am- bitio. The meta served only to regulate the turn- ings of the course ; the alba linea answered to the starting and winning post of modern days : "perac- tolegitimo cursu ad, cretam stetere."" Hence the metaphor of Cicero,'^ " quasi decurso spatio ad car- ceres a cake revocari ;" and of Horace," " mors Mltima linea, rerum.'"* From this description the Circus Maximus differ- ed little, except in size and magnificence of embel- lishment. But as it was used for hunting wild beasts, Julius Caesar drew a canal, called Euripus, ten feet wide, around the bottom of the podium, to protect the spectators who sa' there,'^ which was removed by Nero," but subsequently restored by other princes." It possessed also another variety in three open galleries or balconies, at the circular end, called meniana or ma:niana}^ The numbers which the Circus Maximus was capable of contain- ing are computed at 150,000 by Dionysius," 260,000 by Pliny,M and 385,000 by P. Victor,'^' all of which are probably correct, but have reference to different periods of its history. Its very great extent is in- liicated by Juvenal.^ Its length in the time of Ju- lius Caesar was three stadia, the width one, and the 1. (Compare Apuleius, Met., vi., p. 395, ed. Oudendorp. — TertuU., de Spectac, a— Muller, ad Varron., 1. c.)— 2. (.Tvi,, «5.) — 3. (Juf., Sat., vi., 582.)— 4. (Virj., ^n., v., 318, 325, 327.— Georj., i., 513.— Stat., Theb., vi., 594.— Hoi-., Bpist., I., xiv., 9.— Compare Sil. Ital., xvi., 336.)— 5. (Sil. Ital., xvi., 391.) -6. (Id., 414.)— 7. (Cassiodor., 1. c.) — 8. (Plin., H. N., xxxv., 58.)-9. (Cic, De Am., 27. — Seneca, Epist., 108.) — 10. (Sat., '., 177.)— 11. (Plin., H. N., viii., 65, and compare xixv., 58.)— 12. (Senect., 23.)— 13. (Epist., I., xvi., 79.) — 14. (Compare I'Vlcret., VI., 92.)— 15. (Dionys., iii., p. 192.— Suet., Jul., 39.)— !6. (Plin., II. N., viii., 7.)— 17. (Lamprid., Heliogab., 23.)— 18. (S.iet., Cal., 18.)— 19. (iii., p. 192.)— 20 (H. N., xxxvi., 24.)— "I- (Kcgio xi.)— 22. (Sat., xi., 195.) depth of the buildings occupied half a stadium, which is included in the measurements given by Dionysius," and thus exactly accou.its for the vari- ation in his computation. When the Circus Maximus was permanentlv formed by Tarquinius Priscus, each of the thirty curiee had a particular place assigned to it ;'„ which separation of the orders is considered by Niebuhr to account for the origin and purpose of the Circus Flaminius, which he thinks was designed for the games of the commonalty, who in early times chose their tribunes there, on the Flaminian Field.* Be that as it may, in the latter days of the Republic these invidious distinctions were lost, and all class- es sat promiscuously in the circus.' The seats were then marked off at intervals by a line or groove drawn across them {linea), so that the space included between the two lines afforded sitting- room for a certain number of spectators. Hence the allusion of Ovid :' " Quid frustra refugis ? cogit nos linea jungi." As the seats were hard and high, the women made use of a cushion (pulvinus) and a footstool {scam- num, scabellum''), for which purpose the railing which ran along the upper edge of each prcecinctio was used by those who sat immediately above it." But under the emperors, when it became necessary to give an adventitious rank to the upper classes by privileges' and distinctions, Augustus first, then Claudius, and finally Nero and Domitian, again sep- arated the senators and equites from the commons.' The seat of the emperor, puhinar,^" cuiiculum,^^ was most likely in the same situation in the Circus Max- unus as in the one above described. It was gen- erally upon the podium, unless when he presided himself, which was not always the case ;'' but then he occupied the elevated tribunal of the president (suggestus), over the Porta Fompa. The consuls and other dignitaries sat above the carceres," indi- cations of which seats are seen in the first wood- cut on page 254. The rest of the oppidum was probably occupied by the musicians and persons who formed part of the pompa. The exterior of the Circus Maximus was sur- rounded by a portico one story high, above which were shops for those who sold refreshments.'* Within the portico were ranges of dark vaults, which supported the seats of the cavca. These were let out to women of the town." The Circensian games (Ludi Circenses) were first instituted by Romulus, according to the legends, when he wished to attract the Sabine population to Rome, for the purpose of furnishing his own people with wives," and were celebrated in honour of the god Census, or Neptunus Equestris, from whom they were styled Consuales}'' But after the con- struction of the Circus Maximus they were called indiscriminately Circenses,'-^ Romani, or Magni.^' They embraced six kinds of games : I. Cdksus • 11. Lonns Teojje ; III. Pugna Equestris ; IV Certamen Gymnicum ; V. Vi:natio ; VI. Nauma- CHIA. The last two were not pecuhar to the circus, but were exhibited also in the amphitheatre, or in buildings appropriated for them. The games commenced with a grand procession (Pompa Circensis), in which all those who were about to exhibit in the circus, as well as persons of 1. (Plin., I. c.)— 2. (iii., p. 192.)— 3. (Dionys., iii., p. 192.)— 4. (Hist. Rom., vol. i., p. 426, transl.) — 5. (Suet., Ootav., 44.) —6. (Amor., HI., ii., 19. — Compare Ovid, Art. Amat., i., 141.) 7. (Ovid, Art. Amat., i., 160, 162.) —8. (Ovid, Amor., Ill , ii , 64.)— 9. (Suet., Octav., 44.— Claud.,21.— Nero,ll.— Domit,,8) —10. (Suet., Octav., 45.— Claud., 4.)— 11. (Id., Nero, 12.)— 12. (Suet., Nero, 1. c.)— 13. (Sidon., Carm., xxiii., 317.)— 14. (Dio- nys., iii., p. 192.) — 15. (Juv., Sat.,iii.,65.— L.-.mprid., Heliogab., 26.)— 16. (Val.Max.,ii.,4, i 3.)— 17. (Liv., i., 9.)— 18. (Servius ad Virg., Georg., iii., 18.)— 19. (Liv., i., ?5.) 255 CIRCUS. CIRCUS. (Iistinotion, bore a part. The statues of the gods formed the most conspicuous feature in the show, and were paraded upon wooden platforms, called fercrtia and thensa} The former were borne upon the shoulders, as the statues of saints are carried in modern processions ;" the latter drawn along upon wheels, and hence the thensa, which bore the statue of Jupiter is termed Jovis plaustrum by Ter- tuUian,^ and Aiof oxos by Dion Cassius.* The for- mer were for painted images, or those of light material, the latter for the heavy statues. The whole procession is minutely described by Dio- nysius.' I. CnRsns, the races. The carriage usually em- ployed in the circus was drawn by two or four horses {biga, quadriga). (Vid. Biga, Bigatus.) The usual number of chariots which started for each race was four. The drivers (aurigtz, agitalores) were also divided into four companies, each distin- guished by a different colour, to represent the four seasons of the year, and called a factio .•' thus factio prasina, the green, represented the spring, whence' " Eventum viridis quo coUigo panni ;" factio russa- ta, red, the summer ; factio veneta, azure, the au- tumn ; and factio alba or albata, white, the winter.' Originally there were but two factions, albata and russata,' and, consequently, only two chariots start- ed at each race. Domitian subsequently increased the whole number to six, by the addition of two new factions, aurata and purpurea;^' but this ap- pears to have been an exception to the usual prac- tice, and not in general use. The driver stood in his car within the reins, which went round his back. This enabled him to throw all his weight against the horses, by leaning backward ; but it greatly en- hanced his danger in case of an upset, and taused the death of Hippolytus." To avoid this peril, a sort of knife or bill-hook was carried at the waist for the purpose of cutting the reins in a case of emer- gency, as is seen in some of the ancient reliefs, and is more clearly illustrated in the annexed woodcut. copied from a fragment formerly belonging to the Villa Negroni, which also affords a specimen of the dress of an auriga. The torso only remains of this statue, but the head is supplied from another an- tique, representing an auriga, in the Villa Albani. I. (Sact, Jul., 75.)— 2. (Cic. Do Off., i., 36.)— 3. (Do Spcc- tnc, 7.)-4. (p. B08.)-5. (vii., 457, 458.— Compare Ovid, Amor., III., ii., 43, — 9. (Ut pian,xiii.) — 10. (Aristot., H. A., ix.., 14. — Adams, Append., s. v.) II (De Lapid., c. xxiiii., luIL.lwT %n_T)bull.Uvii.,48.) 857 CITRUS. CIVITAS. *CISTHUS or CISTUS (dadoc, Ktarog). The connjion KiVrof of the Greeks was either the Cistus Creticus or C. ladaniferus. This is the tree which produces the famous gum Ladanum. (Fid. Lada- NUM.) Sibthorp makes the /ti'trrof i^^/luf of Dioscor- ides to be the Cistus sahifolius} CISTO'PHORUS (jii.aTO(^6pot), a silver coin, which is supposed to belong to Rhodes, and which was in general circulation in Asia Minor at the time of the conquest of that country by the Romans." It took its name from the device upon it, which was either the sacred chest {cista) of Bacchus, or, more probably, a flower called kwtoq. Its value is ex- tremely uncertain, as the only information we pos- sess on the subject is in two passages of Festus, which are at variance with each other, and of which certainly one, and probably the other, is corrupt." Mr. Hussey (p. 74, 75), from existing coins which he takes for cistophori, determines it to be about | of the later Attic drachma, or Roman denarius of the Republic, and worth in our money about 74 ; Rosshirt, Grundlinien des Rom. Rechts, Einleitung ; and vid. Banishment, and Ca- put.) CLARIGA'TIO. {Yid. Fetiales.) CLASSES. {Vid. Caput, Comitia.) CLA'SSICUM. (Vid. CoRNu.) CLAVA'RIUM. (Vid. Clavds.) CLAVIS (KTi.eig, dim. K^eLdlov), a Key. The key was used in very early times, and was probably introduced into Greece from Egypt ; although Eu- stathius' states that in early tjmes all fastenings were made by chains, and that keys were compar- atively of a much later invention, which invention he attributes to the Laconians. Pliny* records the name of Theodorus of Samos as the inventor, the person to whom the art of fusing bronze and iron is ascribed by Pausanias. (Vid. Bronze, p. 178 ) We have no evidence regarding the materials of which the Greeks made their keys, but among the Romans the larger and coarser sort were made of iron. Those discovered at Pompeii and else- where are mostly of bronze, which we may assume to be of a better description, such as were kept by the mistress (matrona) of the household. In ages still later, gold and even wood are mentioned as materials from which keys were made.' Among the Romans the key of the house was consigned to the porter (janitor^), and the keys of the other departments in the household to the slave upon whom the care of each department devolved,' I. (Strnb., v., 187, ed, Casaub.) — 2. (Pro CiBcinn, 35.) — 3. (ad Uom., Od., ii.)— 4. (II. N., vii., 57.)— 5. (Augustin., De Doctrin. Christ., iv., 2.)— 6. (Apuleius, Mot., i., p. 53, ed. Oudendorp.— Chrysost., Sorn , 172.)— 7. (Senec, De Ira, ii., S5.) 363 upon a knowledge of which custom the point of tne epigram in Martial' turns. When a Roman woman first entered her hus- band's house after marriage, the keys of the store.s were consigned to her. Hence, when a wife was divorced, the keys were taken from her;' and when she separated from her husband, she sent him back the keys.' The keys of the wine-cellar were, how- ever, not given to the wife, according to Pliny,* who relates a story, upon the authority of Fabius I'ictor, of a married woman being starved to death by her relatives for having picked the lock of the closet in which the keys of the cellar were kept. The annexed woodcut represents a key found at Pompeii, and now preserved in the Museum at Na- ples, the size of which indicates that it was used as a door-key. The tongue, with an eye in it, which projects from the extremity of the handle, served to suspend it from the porter's waist. The expression suh clavi esse^ corresponds with the English one, " to be under lock and key ;" but clavis is sometimes used by the Latin authors to signify the bolt it shoots.* The city gates were locked by keys,' like those of our own towns during the Middle Ages. Another sort of key, or, rather, a key fitting an other sort of lock, which Plautus calls clavis Lato- nica,' is supposed to have been used with locks which could only be opened from the inside, such as are stated to have been originally in use amcng the Egyptians and Laconians (oii yap, uq vvv, ektoj- ^aav at Kyielde^, dXX Evdov to iraXatov Trap' AiyvKriot^, nal AdKuai,'). These are termed xXctdia Kpv^rd by Aristophanes,'" because they were not visible on the outside, and in the singular, clausa clavis, by Vir- gil ;" but the reading in this passage is very doubt- ful.'=. Other writers consider the KXctSia /tpuaro and claves Laconica to be false keys, such as we now call " skeletons," and the Romans, in famiUar language, adulterina ;" wherein consists the wit of the allusion in Ovid, " Nomine cum doceat, quid agamus, adultera cZarw.'"* The next woodcut represents one of two similar- ly formed keys, which were discovered in Holland, and puMished by Lipsius." It has no handle to act as a lever, and, therefore; could not have been made C l|L for a lock with wards, which cannot be turned with- out a certain application offeree ; but, by inserting the thumb or forefinger into the ring, it would be ain- ply sutlicient to raise a latch or push back a bolt : and thus one sort, at least, of the kevs termed /tpuTr- rai seems to be identified with the '" latch-keys" in use among us ; for, when placed in the keyhole (clavi immittenda foramen"), it would be almost en- 1. (v., 35.)— 2. (Cic, Philipp., ii., 28.)-3. (Ambros., Epist., l'\h\~i- , 1- CLAVUS. tirely ouried in it, the ring only, wliich lies at right angles to the wards, and that scarcely, being visible without. CLAVUS (f/lou y6/i(l)oc), a Nail. In the subterra- neous chamber at Mycenae,' supposed to be the treasury of Atreus, * view of which is given in Sir W. Cell's Itinerary ol Greece (plate vi.), the stones of which the cylindrical dome is constructed are perforated by regular series of bronze nails, running in perpendicular rows, and at equal distances, from the top to the bottom of the vault. It is supposed that they served to attach thin plates of the same metal to the masonry, as a coating for the interior of the chamber ; and. hence it is that these subter- ranean works, which served for prisons as well as treasuries, like the one in which Danae is said to have been confined, were called by the poets brazen chambers.' Two of these nads are represented in the annexed woodcut, of two thirds the real size ; they consist of 88 parts of copper to 12 of tin. The writer was present at the opening of an Etruscan tomb at Care, in the year 1836, which had never been entered since the day it was closed up. The masonry of which it was constructed was studded with naUs exactly similar in make and ma- terial to those given above, upon which were hung valuable ornaments in gold and silver, entombed, according to custom, with their deceased owner. Nails of this description were termed traiales and ialmlares' by the Romans, because they were used, in building, to join the larger beams ((raici) together. Hence the allusion of Cicero,* " Ut hoc beneficium clavo trabali figeret ;" and Horace arms Necessitas with a nail of the same kind,' or of adamant,' wherewith to rivet, as it were, irrevocably the de- crees of Fortune. Thus Atropos is represented in the subjoined woodcut, taken from a cup found at Perugia, upon which the story of Meleager and At- alanta is imbodied,' with a hammer in her right 1. (Pans., ii., 16, 4 5.) — 2. (Hor., Carm., lU., i-vi., 1.)— 3. '•'etron , 75.)— 4. (Verr., vi., 21.)— 5. (Carm.,I.,xxxy., 18.)— 6. id.. III., xxiv., 5 )— 7. (Vennig:lioli, Antic. Inscriz. di Perugia, *bJi 1. V. 43.) CLAVUS GUBERNACULI. hand, driving a nail which she holds against the wall with her left. The next cut represents a nail of Roman work- manship,' which is highly ornamented and very cu- rious. Two of its faces are given, but the pattern varies on each of the four. It is difficult to say to what use this nail was ap- phed.' The ornamented head shows that it was never intended to be driven by the hammer ; nor would any part but the mere point, which alone is plain and round, have been inserted into any extra neous material. It might possibly have been used for the hair, in the manner represented in the wood- cut on page 21. Bronze nails were used in ship-building,' and to ornament doors, as exhibited in those of the Pan- theon at Rome ; in which case the head of the nail was called bulla, and richly ornamented, of which specimens are given at page 181. The soles of the shoes worn by the Roman sol- dier were also studded with nails, thence called "clavi caligarii." (Vid. Caliga). These do not appear to have been hob-nails, for the purpose of making the sole durable, but sharp-pointed ones, in order to give the wearer a firmer footing on the ground ; for so they are described by Josephus,' 'Tirod^/iaTa TTE-irapfiiva Trvicvolg ko). b^iav ^Aotf. The men received a donative for the purpose of provi- ding themselves with these necessaries, which was thence called clavarium* CLAVUS ANNA'LIS. In the early ages of Rome, when letters were yet scarcely in use, the Romans kept a reckoning of their years by driving a nail, on the ides of each September, into the side wall of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, which ceremony was performed by the praetor Max- imus.' In after ages this practice fell into disuse, though the ignorant peasantry seem to have retain- ed the custom, as a method of marking dates, down to a very late period.' Upon some occasions a dic- tator was created tn drive the nail ; but then it was not for the mere purpose of marking the year, but from a superstitious feeling that any gi'eat calamity, which happened at the time to afflict the city, wo.uld be stayed if the usual ceremony was performed by another than the usual officer.' CLAVUS GUBERNA'CULI, the handle or shaft of a rudder,' which Vitruvius' appropriately terms " ansa gubemaculi, quod ota^ a. Gracis appellatiir" The rudder itself is gubernaculum ; in Greek, TTT^tSa- Aiov. Both the words are accurately distinguished by Virgil,'" " Ipse guiernaculo rector subit, ipse magister, Hortaturque mros, clavumque ad liltora torquet,' and by Cicero." But it is sometimes used for the rudder itself, as, for instance, by Ennius : " Ut clavum rectum teneam, nammque gubernem."'-' Omf is also used in both senses, and in the same way." The true meaning o' the word will be un- derstood by referring to the vi oodcut at page 58 in which a ship with its rudder is represented : the. 1. (Caylus, Recaeil d'Antiq., torn, v., pi. 96.)— 2. (Veget.,iv., 34.)— 3. (Bell. Jad.,VI., i., 7.)— 4. (Tacit., Hist., iu., 50.)-5. (Festus, s. V. Clav. Annal. — LiT.,Tii., 3. — Cic. ad Att., v., 15.) —6. (Petron., c 135.) —7. (Liv., vii., 3 ; vili., 18 ; ix., 28.)— 8 (Serr. ad Virj., iCn., v., 177.)— 9. (x., 8.)— 10. (jEn., v., 176.) —11. (Pro Sext., 9.) — 12. (Compare Cic. ad Fam., ix., 15 )- 13. (Thomas Magist., s. v.) 263 CLAVUS LATUS. CLAVUS LATUS pole by which it is fastened to the ship's side is the clavus. {Vid. Gubernaculdm.) CLAVUS LATUS, CLAVUS ANGUSTUS. The meaning of these words has given rise to much difference of opinion among modern writers. Sca- liger' considered the clavus to have been an orna- ment detached from the dress, and worn round the neck like a bulla. (Kid. Bulla.) Ferrarius suppo- sed it to be a scarf or band thrown over the shoul- ders, the ends of which hung down in front. Some writers consider it to have been a round boss or buckle, resembling the head of a nail, fastened to the front part of the tunic which covered the chest ; others the hem of the dresr . either at the edges or at the bottom ; and others, igain, the dress itself checkered with stripes of purple, or with ornaments resembling nails, either sewn on to, or woven in, the fabric, such as in modern language would be termed figured.' It is a remarkable circumstance, that not one of the ancient statues, representing persons of senato- rian, consular, or equestrian rank, contain the slight- est trace in their draperies of anything resembling the accessories above enumerated ; some indica- tions of which would not have been constantly omit- ted, if the clavus had been a thing of substance ei- ther affixed to the dress or person. But if it form- ed only a distinction of colour, without producing any alteration in the form or mass of the material wherewith the garment was made, such as a mere streak of purple interwoven in the fabric, or em- broidered or sewed on it, it will be evident to any person conversant with the principles of art, that the sculptor, who attends only to form and mass, would never attempt to express the mere accidents of colour ; and, consequently, that such a clavus would not be represented in sculpture. But in paint- mg, which long survived the sister art, we do find examples in some works executed at a very late pe- nod, some of which are subsequently inserted, in which an ornament like the clavus, such as it is im- plied to be by the words of Horace,' latum demisit pectore clavum, seems evidently to have been repre- sented. The most satisfactory conclusion, therefore, seems to be, that the clavus was merely a band of purple colour,* hence called lumen purpura,' either sewed to the dress' or interwoven in the fabric' Clavus Latus. The clavus worn by the Romans was of two fashions, one broad and the other nar- row, denominated respectively clavus latus and cla- vus angustus.^ The vest which it distinguished properly and originally was the tunic (vid. Tunica), called therefore tunica laticlavia and tunica angusti- clavia ;' and hence the word clavvts is sometimes used separately to express the garment itself" The former was a distinctive badge of the senatorian order," and hence it is used to signify the senatorial dignity," and laliclavius for the person who enjoys it." It consisted in a single broad band of purple colour, extending perpendicularly from the neck down the centre of the tunic, in the manner repre- sented in the annexed woodcut, which is copied from a painting of Rome personified, formerly be- longing to the Darberini family, the execution of which is of a very late period. The position of the band in the centre of the chest i i identified w ith the latus clavus, because ficaomp- 1. (ad VaiTon., De Linff. Lat., viii.) — 2. (Forrarius, Do Re Vostiaria, iii., 12.— Rubonius, Id., i., 1 0—3. (Sat., I., vi., 28.)— 4. (Aero in lior.. Sat., I., v., 35, '* Latum clavum purpuram di- tlt.")— 5. (Stat., Sylv., IV., v., 42.— Quintil., viii., 5, 28.)— (). (Ilor., Ep. ad Pis., 16.)— 7. (Fostus, a. v. Claviit.— Quiiitil., 1. o. — Votus Lexicon Grirc. Latin., Tlop(l>v(ia hv^iatjuhrj, Clavus. — Hcsych., naflu0»7, hlv tm xitSivi Trop^tJna.)— 8. (Pitisc, Lex. Antiii.)— 9. (Val. Max., v., I, 7.)— 10, (Suet., Jul., 45.) — U. (Aero., 1. c— Ovid, Trial., IV., x., 35.)— 12. (Suet Tib . 35.— Vesp , 2, 4.)— 13. (Suet., Octav., 38.) 264 0fpa,' in the Septuagint, is translated in the Vulgate tunica clcecatce purpuric ; and the converse, x'™i'o ■Kopfvpovv fiea6?ievKov,' is thus interpreted by Quin- tus Curtius,' " Purpurea tunica medium album intcx- tum erat." In distinction to the angustus clavus, it is termed purpura major,* purpura latior,' and the garment it decorated, tunica potens,^ or ;i;iruu jrPj^ Tvffijfiog.'' The tunica laticlavia was not fastened round the waist like the common tunic which is worn by the centurion (p. 231), but left loose, in order that the clavus might lie flat and conspicuously over the chest,' which accounts for the allusion of SyUa, when he termed Julius Caesar male pracinctum pu- erum ; for we are informed by Suetonius' that he was the cnly person ever known to wear a girdle to his laticlave. It seems to be generally admitted that the latus clavus was not worn in childhood, that is, with the toga praetexta ; but it is not so clear whether, du- ring the earlier ages of the Republic, it was assumed with the toga virilis, or only upon admission into the senate. Probably the practice was different at different periods." The right of wearing the latus clavus was also given to the children of equestrians," at least in the time of Augustus, as a prelude to entering the sen- ate-house. This, however, was a matter of per- sonal indulgence, and not of individual right ; for it was granted only to persons of very ancient family and corresponding wealth," and then by special favour of the emperor," In such cases the latus clavus was assumed with the toga virilis, and worn until the age arrived at which the young equestrian was admissible into the senate, when it was relin quished and the angustus clavus resumed, if a dis inclination on his part, or any other circumstances, prevented him from entering the senate, as was the case with Ovid :'* " Curia restabat ; clavi mcnsura coacta est; Majus erat nostris viribiis illud optts." But it seems that the latus clavus could be again resumed if the same individual subsequently wished to become a senator," and hence a fickle charactei is designated. as one who is always changing his clavus :" 1. (Esai., ill., 21.)— a. (Xen., Cyrop., viii., 3. 4 13.)— 3. (III. iii., 28.)— 4. (Juv.,Sat,, i., 106.)— 5. (Plin., H. N., xxxiii., 7.| —6. (Stat., Sylv., V., ii., 29.)— 7. (Died. Sic, Eclog. SB, p. 535, od. Wessoling:.— Strab., i'i-, 5, p, 448, ed. Siebenk.) — 8. (Quintd., xi., 3, 138,)— 9, (Jul,, 45.)— 10, (Compare Suet,, Octav., 38, 94,| —11. (Ovid, Trist., IV., x., 29.)— 13, (Stat,, Sylv., iv., 8, 59.- Dig. 24, tit. 1, s. 42.)— 13. (Suet., Vesp., 2.— Tacit., Ann,, xvi. 17.— Plin., Epist., ii.,9.)— 14. (Compare Tiisi., IV., i., 27,\vit» 35 )— 15. (Hor., Sat., I., \i., 25.)— 18. (Tlor , Sat . II , vii., 10 > CLAVUS ANbUSTUS. " Yixit inaqualis, clavum mutabaJ in horas." The latus clavus was also worn by the priests of Saturn at Canhage,' and by the priests of Hercules at Cadiz ;' and napkins were sometimes so decora- ted,' as well as table-cloths, and coverlets {loralia) for the couches upon which the ancients reclined at their meals.* The latus clavus is said to have been introduced at Rome by TuUus HostUius, and to have been adopted by him after his conquest of the Etrus- cans ;' nor does it appear to have been confined to any particular class during the earlier periods, but to have been worn by all ranks promiscuously.' It was laid aside in public mourning.' Clavus Angustos. This ornament is not found, any more than the latus clavus, upon any of the works executed before the decline of the arts ; and therefore the same difficulties occur in attempting to define its form and fashion. That it was nar- rower than the other is evident from the name alone, as well as from other epithets bestowed upon it — "pauper clavus,'" " arctum purpurse lumen ;"° and that it was of a purple colour, attached to a tu- nic girt at the waist, is also evident from the pas- sages of Statius ana Quinctilian" already cited. There is, moreover, leason for supposing that the angustus clavus consisted in two narrow stripes instead of one broad one ; for it is observed that the word clavus is always used in the singular number when the tunica laticlavia is referred to, whereas the plural number (clavi) is often met with in reference to the angusticlavia ; as in the passage of Quinctilian just mentioned, purpura is applied to the former, and purpura to the latter of these gar- ments. It seems, therefore, probable that the an- gusticlave was distinguished by two narrow purple stripes, running parallel to each other from the top to the bottom of the tunic, one from each shoulder, in the manner represented by the three figures in- trodi*;ed below, all of which are taken from sepul- chral paintings executed subsequently to the intro- duction of Christianity at Rome. The female figure on the left hand, which is copied from Buonarotti," represents the goddess Moneta, and she wears a regular tunic. The one on the right hand is from a cemetery on the Via Salara Nova, and repre sents Priscilla, an early martyr; it is introduced .0 show the whole extent of the clavi ; but the iress she wears is not the common tunic, but of ;he kind called Dalmulica, the sleeves of which are Ah.0 clavatae. The next figure is selected from three of a sim- ilar kind, representing Shadrach, Meshach, and 1. (rertull., De Pall., c. 4.)— 2. (Sil. Ital., iii., 27.)— 3. (Mart., Ep., IV., ilvi., 17.— Petron., 32.)— 4. (Amm. Marcell., XVI., vii]., 8.)— 5. (Plin., H. N., ix., 63.)-6. (Plin., H. N., xxiiii., 7.)— 7. (Liv., ix., 7.)— 8. (Stat., Sylv., V., ii., 18.)— 9. (Id., IV., v., 42.)— 10. (XI., iii., 138.)— II. (Osservazioni sopra al'iuni Framraenti di Vasi untichi di Vetro, Tav. xxu., fig 1.) L i. CLERU(Jili. Abednego, from the tomb of Pope Ciillisto on (he Via Appia ; all three wear the ordinary tunic girt at the waist, as indicated by Quinctilian, but with long sleeves, as was customary under the Empire, and the stripes are painted in purple ; so that we may fairly consider it to afford a correct example of the tunica angusticlavia. This decoration belonged properly to the eques- trian order ;' for, though the children of equestrians, as has been stated, were sometimes honoured by permission to wear the latus clavus at an early age, they were obliged to lay it aside if they did not en- ter the senate when the appointed time arrived, which obligation appears to have been lost sight of for some time after the Augustan period ; for it is stated by Lampridius" that Alexander Severus dis- tinguished the equites from the senatores by the character of their clavus, which must be taken as a recurrence to the ancient practice, and not an innovation then first adopted. *CLEM'ATIS or CLEMATI'TIS (/t27?,uoT(f, kXi/- /iartrie), a species of plant, commonly identified with the Winter-green or Periwinkle. DioScorides' mentions two kinds : the first of these Sprengel refers to the Periwinkle, namely, Vinca major or minor ; the other, which is properly called KXe/iarl- Ti(, he is disposed to follow Sibthorp in referring to the Clematis cirrhosa. The term K2.jjfiaTtg is derived from K7Jjfia, " a tendril" or " clasper," and has ref- erence to the climbing habits of the plant. The epithets Sai^voei8^( (" laurel-like") and afivpvoetS^g (" myrrh-hke") are sometimes given to the /cA)?|Ua- Tff, as well as that of TroiluyovocicJ^c, "resembling ^oMyovov, or Knot-grass."* Pliny derives the Latin name vinea from vincire, " to bind" or " encom- pass," in allusion to the Winter-green's encircling or twining around trees.' The same writer alludes to various medical uses of this plant, in cases of dysentery, fluxions of the eyes, heemorrhoides, the bite of serpents, &c. It is found sometimes with white flowers, less frequently with red or purple ones.' The name of this plant in modern Greece is aypMir^a. Sibthorp found it in Elis and Argohs.' CLEPSY'DRA. {Vid. Hoeologium.) CLERU'CHI (Klripoixoi). Athenian citizens who occupied conquered lands were termed Klripoixoi, and their possession Kkripovxia. The earliest ex- ample to which the term, in its strict sense, is ap- plicable, is the occupation of the domains of the Chalcidian knights (LnitoSoTai) by four thousand Athenian citizens, B.C. b06.' In assigning a date to the commencement of this system of colonization, we must remember that the principle of a division of conquered land had exist- ed from time immemorial in the Grecian states. Nature herself seemed to intend that the Greek should rule and the barbarian obey ; and hence, in the case of the barbarian, it wore no appearance of 1. (Paterc, ii., 88.— Lamprid., Alex. Sev., 27.)— 2. (1. c.)— 3 (iT., 7.)— 4. (Biosrar., I. c— Billerberk, Flora Classica, p. 60 ) 5. (H. N.. xxi., 27.— Apul., De Herb , 58.)— 6. (B]Uerbeck, 1. c 1 —7. (BiUertec't, 1. c.)-S (Ilerod., t., 77.) ' 265 CLERUCHI. CLETERES. harshness. Such a system, however, was more rare between Greek and Greek. Yet the Dorians, in tl^eir conquest of the Peloponnese, and still more remarkably in the subjugation of Messenia, had set an example. In what, then, did the Athenian kXti- povxiai differ from this division of territory, or from the ancient colonies ] In the first place, the name, in its technical sense, was of later date, and the Greek would not have spoken of the Klripovxiai of Lycurgus, any more than the Roman of the " Agra- lian laws" of Romulus or Ancus. Secondly, we should remember that the term was always used with a reference to the original allotment : as the lands were devised or transferred, and the idea of the first division lost sight of, it would gradually cease to be applied. The distinction, however, be- tween KlripovxoL and uKoiKot was not merely one of words, but of things. The only object of the earlier colonies was to relieve surplus population, or to provide a htime for those whom internal quar- rels had exiled from their country. Most usually they originated in private enterprise, and became independent of, and lost their interest in, the parent state. On the other hand, it was essential to the very notion of a Kkr^povxla that it should be a public enterprise, and should always retain a connexion more or less intimate with Athens herself The word KXripovxia, as Wachsmuth has well observed, conveys the notion of property to be expected and formally appropriated ; whereas the airowoi of an- cient times went out to conquer lands for them- selves, not to divide those which were already con- quered. The connexion with the parent state subsisted, as has just been hinted, in all degrees. Sometimes, as in the case of Lesbos,' the holders of land did not reside upon their estates, but let them to the original inhabitants, while themselves remained at Athens. The condition of these kXtipovx"!- did not differ from that of Athenian citizens who had es- tates in Attica. All their political rights they not only retained, but exercised as Athenians ; in the capacity of landholders of Lesbos they could scarce- ly have been recognised by the state, or have borne any corporate relation to it. Another case was where the Klijpovxoi resided on their estates, and either with or without the old inhabitants, formed a new community. These stiU retained the rights of Athenian citizens, which distance only precluded them from exercising : they used the Athenian courts ; and if they or their children wished to re- turn to Athens, naturally and of course they re- gained the exercise of their former privileges. Of this we have the most positive proof:' as the sole object of these KXripovxiat was to form outposts for the defence of Athenian commerce, it was the in- terest of the parent state to unite them by a tie as kindly as possible ; and it cannot be supposed that individuals would have been found to risk, in a doubtful enterprise, the rights of Athenian citi- zens. Sometimes, however, the connexion might grad- ually dissolve, and the KXripoixoi sink into the con- dition of mere allies, or separate wholly from the mother-country. In iEgina, Scione, Potidffia, and other places, where the original community was done away, the colonists were most completely under the control of Athens. Where the old in- habitants were left unmolested, we may conceive their admixture to have had a twofold effect : either the new-comers would make common cause with them, and thus would arise the alienation alluded to above, or jealousy and dread of the ancient in- habitants might make the colonists more entirely 1. (Thucyd., iii., 50.)— 3. (Yid. BBckh, Pub. Econ., vol. ii., p. 176, tiansl.) dependant on the mother state. It seems impossv ble to define accurately when the isopolite relation with Athens may have ceased, although such casei! undoubtedly occurred. A question has been raised as to whether the K%iripovxoi were among the Athenian tributaries Probably this depended a good deal upon the pros- perity of the colony. We cannot conceive that col- onies which were established as military outposts, in otherwise unfavourable situations, would beai such a burden : at the same time, it seems improb. able that the state would unnecessarily forego the tribute which it had previously received, where the lands had formerly belonged to tributary allies. It was to Pericles Athens was chiefly indebted for the extension and permanence of her colonial settlements. His principal object was to provide for the redundancies of population, and raise the poorer citizens to a fortune becoming the dignity of Athenian citizens. It was of this class of persons the settlers were chiefly composed ; the state pro- vided them with arms, and defrayed the expenses of their journey. The principle of division doubt- less was, that all who wished to partake in the ad- venture applied voluntarily ; it was then determined by lot who should or should not receive a share. Sometimes they had a leader appointed, who, after death, received all the honours of the founder of a colony (olmBTTii). The Cleruchiae were lost by the battle of Jigos- potami, but partially restored on the revival of Athenian power. For a full account of them, see Wachsmuth, Historical Antiquities, Ij 56, 6 ; Bockh, Public Econ. of Athens, iii., 18 ; and the references in Herman's Manual, vi., 117. CLETE'RES or CLET'ORES ((ci^T/TTJpcf or KTiij- Tape;). The Athenian summoners were not official persons, but merely witnesses to the prosecutoi that he had served the defendant with a notice of the action brought against hun, and the day upon which it would be requisite for him to appear before the proper magistrate, in order that the first exam- ination of the case might commence.' In Aris- tophanes" we read of one summoner only being employed, but two are generally mentioned by the orators as the usual number.' The names of the summoners were subscribed to the declara- tion or bill of the prosecutor, and were, of course, essential to the validity of all proceedings founded upon it. What has been hitherto stated applies in general to all causes, whether cSi/cat or -ypa^ai: but in some which commenced with an infonnation laid before magistrates, and an arrest of the accused in consequence (as in the case of an Evdafif or daay- yeUa), there would be no occasion for a summons, nor, of course, witnesses to its service. In the thdmai and SoKi/iaaiai also,' when held at the reg- ular times, no summons was issued, as the persons whose character might be affected by an accusation were necessarily present, or presumed to be so ; but if the prosecutor had let the proper day pass, and proposed to hold a special evdivri at any other time during the year in which the defendant was Uable to be called to account for his conduct in office (vvevdvvo^), the agency of summoners was as re- quisite as in any other case. Of the SoKifiaaiai, that of the orators alone had no fixed time ; but the first step in the cause was not the usual legal summons (irpdcrK^i/ffif), but an announcement froiii the prosecutor to tlie accused in the assembly of the people.* In the event of persons subscribing themselves falsely as summoners, they exposed themselves to 2G6 1. (Ilarpocmt.)— 2. (Nubes, 1246. — Vesp., 1408.)— 3. (D^ moBth., c. Nicost., 1251, 5.— Pro Ooron., 244,4.— c. BKOt., 1017 6.)— 4. (Meior, Att. Process, 21S, 67S.) CLIENS. «n action {ijievSoiiliiTeiai) at the suit of the party aggrieved. *CLETHRA {KXridpa), the Alder. {Vid. Alnus.) CLIBANA'RII. (Vid. Catapheacti.) CLIENS is said to contain the same element as the verb cluere, to "hear" or "obey," and is accord- ingly compared by Niebuhr with the German vrord hoeriger, " a dependant." In the time of Cicero, we find patronus in the sense of adviser, advocate, or defender, opposed to cliens in the sense of the person defended, or the consultor ; and this use of the word must be refer- red, as we shall see, to the original character of the patronus.' The relation of a master to his libera- ted slave {libertus) was expressed by the word pa- tronus, and the libertus was the cliens of his pa- tronus. Any Roman citizen who wanted a protec- tor might attach himself to a patronus, and would thenceforward be a chens. Distinguished Romans were also sometimes the patroni of states and cit- ies, which were in a certain relation of subjection or friendship to Rome ; and in this respect they may be compared to colonial agents, or persons among us who are employed to look after the inter- ests of the mother-country, except that among the Romans such services were never remunerated di- rectly, though there might be an indirect remuner- ation.' This relationship between patronus and cliens was indicated by the word clientela,^ which also expressed the whole body of a man's clients.* In the Greek writers on Roman history, patronus is represented by irpoaTarj]^, and cliens by ireTidTjjg. The clientele, but in a different form, existed as far back as the records or traditions of Roman his- tory extend ; and the following is a brief notice of its origin and character, as stated by Dionysius,' in which the writer's terms are kept : Romulus gave to the eiiTraTpidai the care of reli- gion, the honores {apxeiv), the administration of jus- tice, and the administration of the state. The 671- jioTiKoi (whom, in the preceding chapter, he has ex- plained to be the Tr/li^fofoi) had none of these privi- leges, and they were also poor ; husbandry and the necessary arts of life were their occupation. Rom- ulus thus intrusted the SrinonKoi to the safe keeping of the ■KarplxiOL (who are the nmaTpiSm), and per- mitted each of them to choose his patron. This re- lationship between the patron and the client was called, says Dionysius, patronia.' The relative rights and duties of patrons and cli- ents were, according to Dionysius, the following : The patron was the legal adviser of the cliens ; he was the client's guardian and protector, as he was the guardian and protector of his own children ; he maintained the client's suit when he was wrong- ed, and defended him when another complained of being wronged by hint : in a word, the patron was the guardian of the client's interests, both private and public. The client contributed to the marriage portion of the patron's daughter, if the patron was poor, and to his ransom, or that of his children, if they were taken prisoners ; he paid the costs and damages of a suit which the patron lost, and of any penalty in which he was condemned ; he bore a part of the patron's expenses incurred by his dis- charging public duties, or filling the honourable pla- ces in the state. Neither party could accuse the other, or bear testimony against the other, or give his vote against the other. This relationship be- tween patron and client subsisted for many genera- tions, and resembled in all respects the relation- ship by blood. It was the glory of illustrious fami- 1. (Ovid, Art. Am., i., 88.— Hor., Sat., I., i., 10.— Epist., I., f., 31 ; II., i., 104.)— 2. (Cic, Div., 20.— Pro Sulla, c. 21.— Tacit., Or., 36.)— 3. (Cic. ad Att., xiv., 12.)— 4. (Tacit., Ann., xiv., 61.) —4 (Antiq. Rom., ii., 9.)— 6. (Compare Cic, Hep., ii., 9.) CLIENS. lies to have many clients, and to add to the numbei transmirted to them by their ancestors. But tho clients were not limited to the drifwrLKol : the colo nies, and the states connected with Rome by alii ance and friendship, and the conquered states, had their patrons at Rome ; and the senate frequently referred the disputes between such states to theii patrons, and abided by their decision. The value of this passage consists in its contain- ing a tolerably intelligible statement, vrhether tnio or false, of the relation of a patron and client. What persons actually composed the body of cli ents, or what was the real historical origin of the clientela, is immaterial for the purpose of under- standing what it was. It is clear that Dionysius understood the Roman state as originally consisting of patricii and plebeii, and he has said that the cli- ents were the plebs. Now it appears, from his own writings and from Livy, that there were clientes who were not the plebs, or, in other words, clientes and plebs were not convertible terms. This pas- sage, then, may have little historical value as ex- plaining the origin of the clients ; and the state- ment of the clientela being voluntary is improba- ble. Still something may be extracted from the passage, though it is impossible to reconcile it alto- gether with all other evidence. The clients were not servi : they had property of their own, and free- dom {libertas). Consistently with this passage, they might be Roman citizens, enjoying only the com- mercium and connubium, but not the suffragium and honores, which belonged to their patroni. {Vid. CiviTAs.) It would also be consistent with the state- ment of Dionysius, that there were free men in the state who were not patricii, and did not choose to be clientes ; but if such persons existed in the ear- hest period of the Roman state, they must have la- boured under great civil disabilities, and this, also, is not inconsistent with the testimony of history, nor is it improbable. Such a body, if it existed, must have been powerless ; but such a body might in various ways increase in numbers and wealth, and grow up into an estate, such as the plebs afterward was. The body of clientes might include freedmen, as it certainly did : but it seems an assumption of what requires proof to infer (as Niebuhr does) that, because a patronus could put hisfreedman to death, he could do the same to a chent ; for this involves a tacit assumption that the clients were originally slaves ; and this may be true, but it is not known. Besides, it cannot be true that a patron had the power of life and death over his freedman, who had obtained the oivitas, any more than he had over an emancipated son. The body of clientes might, consistently with all that we know, contain peregrin!, who had no privileges at all ; and it might contain that class of persons who had the commercium, if the commercium existed in the early ages of the state. (Vid. Civitas.) The lat- ter class of persons would require a patronus, to whom they might attach themselves for the protec- tion of their property, and who might sue and de- fend them in all suits, on account of the (here as- sumed) inability of such persons to sue in their own nameintheearly agesof Rome. {Vid. Banishment.) The relation of the patronus to the cliens, as rep- resented by Dionysius, has an analogy to the patria potestas, and the form of the word patronus is con- sistent with this. It is stated by Niebuhr, that "if a client died without heirs, his patron inherited ; and this law extended to the case of freedmen ; the power of the patron over whom must certainly have been found- ed originally on the general patronal- right." This statement, if it be correct, would be consistent witis the quasi patria potes''' i (." *i« pati-onus. 267 CI/J]'].u.S. CLIPEUS. Bui if a cliens died icith heirs, could he make a Willi and if he died wilkoul heirs, could he not diS' pose of his property by will 1 and if he could not make, or did not make a will, and had heirs, who must they bel must they be sv,i heredes ? had he a familia, and, consequently, agnatil {vid. Cognati) had he, in fact, that connubium, by virtue of which he could acquire the patria potestasi He might have all this consistently with the statement of Di- onysius, and yet be a citizen non optima jure ; for ho had not the honores and the other distinguishing privileges of the patricii, and, consistently with the statement of Dionysius, he could not vote in the comitia curiata. It is not possible to prove that a cliens had all this, and it seems equally impossible, from existing evidence, to show what his rights re- ally were. So far as our extant ancient authorities show, the origin of the clientela, and its true char- acter, were unknown to them. This seems cer- tain ; there was a body in the Roman state, at an early period of its existence, which was neither pa- trician nor client, and a body which once did not, but ultimately did, participate in the sovereign pow- er : but our knowledge of the true status of the an- cient clients must remain inexact, for the want of sufficient evidence in amount, and sufficiently trust- worthy. It is stated by Livy' that the clientes had votes in the comitia of the centuries : they were therefore registered in the censors' books, and could have quiritarian ownership. (Yid. Centumtiei.) They had, therefore, the commercium, possibly the con- nubium, and certainly the sufTragium. It may be doubted whether Dionysius understood them to have the sutfragium at the comitia centuriata ; but, if such was the legal status of a cliens, it is impossi- ble that the exposition of their relation to the patri- cians, as given by some modern writers, can be al- ogether correct. It would appear, from what has been stated, that patronus and patricius were originally convertible terms, at least until the plebs obtained the honores. From that time, many of the reasons for a petson being a cliens of a patricius would cease ; for the plebeians had acquired political importance, had be- come acquainted with the laws and the legal forms, and were fully competent to advise their clients. This change must have contributed to the destruc- tion of the strict old clientela, and was the transi- tion to the clientela of the later ages of the Repub- lic.' Admitting a distinction between the plebs and the old clientes to be fully established, there is still room for careful investigation as to the real status of the clientes, and of the composition of the Roman state before the estate of the plebs was made equal to that of the patricians. This question is involved in almost inextricable perplexity, and elements must enter into the inves- tigation which have hitherto hardly been noticed. Any attempt to discuss this question must be pre- faced or followed by an apology. CLIENTE'LA. {Vid. Chens.) CLI'MAX. {Vill. TOEMENTUM.) ♦JLINOPOD'IUM (iiki.voTt6di.ov), a plant deriving its tame from the resemblance which its round flow- er bears to the foot of a couch {kUvj;, " a couch," and TToiif, -d(!of, " a foot.") It is most probably the Clinopodium vulgarc, or Field Basil, as Bauhin and others think. According to Prosper Alpinus, how- evor, it is the same as the Satureia Grtcca. Sib- tb.orp found it on the mountains of Greece and in the island of Crete." CLrPEUS'(a(ii«'c), the large shield worn by the 1. (ii., 56.)— 2. (Huso, Lchrbuch, &c., i., 458.)— 3. (Dioscor. ^J^ 99.— niUorbeck, Flora Classioa, p. 154.) 268 Greeks an". Romans, which was originally of a cu. cular form, and is said to have been first used by Prcetus and Acrisius of Argos,' and therefore is called dipeiis Argolicus,' and likened to the sun (Compare, alsr, uaniSa iravToa' Hariv,' afsmda; ri TO/cXouf.') But the clipeus is often represented in Roman sculpture of an oblong oval, which makes the distinction between the common buckler and that of Argos. It was sometimes made of osiers twisted togeth- er,' and therefore is called trt'a,^ or of wood. The wood or wicker was then covered over with ox- hides of several folds deep,' and finally bound round the edge with metal." The outer rim is termed avrv^,' jruf,'" ■Kepi^cpeia, or KVKkoc (vid. Antyx)." In the centre was a pro- jection called b/za<^fi were adopted, it is proba- ble that the punishment was fixed by the court; but biith in this case, and in that of conviction in a A'/£77, besides restitution of the stolen property, the disfranchisement (un/iia) of the criminal would be a necessary incident of conviction.' ♦CLYMTNON {KXvfievov), a plant, about whicli the authorities are much at variance. Sprengel, in his edition of Dioscorides, adheres to the opin- ion of Fabiiis iJulumna, who held it to be the ScovpiuTus verwicidatus. Sibthorp, however, con- tends for the Cunvolvulus scpiujjij or Great Bind- weed.' 'CLUP'EA, a very small species of Fish, found, according to Pliny,' in the Po, and which, as he in- forms us, destroys a large kind of fish named At- tilus (a species of sturgeon), by attaching itself to a vein in the throat of the latter. PUny very probably refers to one of those numerous parasitical animals which attach themselves to the branchiae of othei fishes, and suck their blood ; perhaps to a species ol small lamprey.' In modern ichthyology, the name Clupca has been assigned by Linnasus to the whole herring family.' CNAPHOS (Ki-a^of). (TjW. Toemen-tum.) *CNEO'RUM (Kviupov), according to Stackhouse and Sprengel, the Daphne Cneorum. Galen makes it the same with the nvijaTpov of Hippocrates. Two kinds are mentioned by the ancient wniters, the white and black, of which the former was the more remarkable for its perfume. The Cneorum is the Casia spoken of in the Georgics of VirgU among the food for bees. The whole question is fully dis- cussed by Martyn." ♦CNICUS or GNECUS (Kv/xof, kvtjko^), a species of plant, which some have taken for the Carduvs Bcncdictus, but which the commentator on Mesue, the translator of Avicenna, Dodonaeus, Aliston, and 1. (c. Timocr., 733.)— 2. (Anstoph., Nubes, 497.— Plato, De Lefr., xii., 954.)— 3. (Demosth.,c. Androt., 601.)— 4. (Demosth., c. Timocr., 736, 1.)^^. (Meier, Att. Process, 358.)— 6. (Dioi cor., iv., 13.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 7. (H. N., ix., 15.)— 8- (Plin., ed. Panckoucke, vol. vii., p, 161.)— 9. (GrifRth's Caviel, vol. X., p. 434.) — 10. (Theophrast., H. P., i., 10 ; vi , I, *<• -Martyn ad Virg., Georg., ii., 213.) COCALIS. COCHLEA. ^pre^gel, concur in setting down for the Carlhamus tinctarius, or Bastard Saffron.' *CNIDE (/cvWi;). {Vid. Acalephe.) *CNIPS or SGNIPS (,Kviip, mvif), a numerous genus of insects, which prey upon the leaves of trees. They form the Aphis, L. The Cnips is of- ten confounded with the Kuvuf.' ♦CNIPOL'OGUS (oiTToAoyof), the name of a bird briefly noticed by Aristotle.^ According to Gesner, it is the white Wagtail, or Motacilla alba. Aristotle describes it as of an ashy colour (sTrodoei- Stis), and marked with spots {na-acTiKToq), and as having a little cry (^uvet 6i /uKpov). This account suits very well the Motacilla A., and its cry of guit, giiit. It is ranked by the Greek naturalists among the aKvmo^uya, and the Motacilla, it is well known, makes as much havoc among ilies, gnats, and small- er insects as either the fly-catchers or swallows.* COA VESTIS, the Coan robe, is mentioned by various Latin authors, but most frequently and dis- tinctly by the poets of the Augustan age.' From their expressions we learn that it had a great de- gree of transparency, that it was remarkably fine, that it was chiefly worn by women of loose reputa- tion, and that it was sometimes dyed purple and en- ricjhed with stripes of gold. It has been supposed to have been made of silk, because in Cos silk was spun and woven at a very early period, so as to ob- tain a high celebrity for the manufactures of that island." The annexed woodcut is from a painting discovered at Pompeii.' It represents a lady wear- ing a tunic of almost perfect transparency, so as to correspond to the description of the Coa vestis. Her headdress is of the kind called ncKpiKpaloc; in Greek, and reticulum in Latin, which also occurs in a figure on page 187. COA'CTOR. This name was applied to collect- ors of various sorts, e. g., to the servants of the publicani, or farmers of the public taxes, who col- lected the revenues for them ;' also to those who collected the money from the purchasers of things sold at a public auction. Horace' informs us that his father was a coactor of this kind. Moreover, the servants of the money-changers were so called, from collecting their debts for them." The " coac- tores agminis" were the soldiers who brought up the rear of a line of march. •COCALIS {Koxali^ tov airov), the Agrostemma 1. (Theophrast., i., 13 ; vi., 4.— Dioscor., iv., 187.— Adams, Ap[iena., s. V.)— 2. (Theophrast., H. P., iv., ".—Adams, Append., '■ v.)— 3. (H. A., viii., 5.)— 4. (Compare Griffith's Cuvier, vol. m.,p.52.)— 5. (Tibull., ii., 4 ; ii., 6.— Propert., i., 2 ; ii., 1 : i?., 2; iv., 5.— Ilor., Carm., IV., jiii., 13.— Sat., I., ii., 101.— Ovid, Ak Am., ii., 298.)— 6. (Aristotle, II. A., v., 19.)— 7. (Mus. Bor- bomco, viii., 5.)— 8. (Cic, Pro Rab. Post., 11.)— 9. (Sat., I., vi., M.)— 10. (Cic., Pro CtaeDt 64.) Githago. Its English name, Com-Cockle, is evi- dently derived from the ancient appellation, as Ad- ams remarks.' ♦COCCUM, or COCCI GRANUM, a name given by the ancients to what they conceived to be a t pe- des of grain, producing a bright scarlet or crim:ion colour, but which modem naturalists have discov- ered to be a kind of insect (kermes). The Quercus cocci/era is the tree that principally engenders them, and it is from their name (coccum, coccus) that the term cochineal has been derived. The coccus of the ancients came from Portugal, Sardinia, Asia Minor, and Africa." *COCCYG'EA {KOKKvyca), a species of plant men- tioned by Theophrastus, and which, according to Schneider, has been generally taken for the Rhus cotinus, L. It appears from Sibthorp that the mod- ern Greeks make a flame-red colour from it.^ *COCCYME'LEA (KOKuvfiTj^ia), a kind of Plum. Isidorus says, '* Coccymela, quam Latini oh colorcm prunum vacant, cujus generis Damascena mclior." Sprengel refers that of Dioscorides to the Prunus insiticia, or Bullace-tree, a well-known species of plum. Sibthorp's authority is in favour of the Pru- nus domestica. The Damask plums, or ra Kara rriv Aaftaaxrivov, of Galen, are much commended by an- cient authors.* ♦COCCYX (kokkv^. I. The Cuckoo, or Cuculus canorus. Its history is correctly given by Aristo- tle.' " If we consult the ancients, and even some modern naturalists," observes Griffith, "we shall find stories of the greatest absurdity connected with the name of the cuckoo. It would seem that everything the most monstrous in fable, or the most odious and criminal in the history of mankind, had been carefully sought out, and attributed to these inoffensive birds : and this, because men could not discover the secret springs which Nature has em- ployed to give to this species manners, habits, and a model of life altogether opposite to those of oth- ers, and the union of which fixes on the cuckoos a distinguishing character from all other known ani- mals.'" The ancients held the flesh of the cuckoo in high estimation, as do also the modem Italians. *II. A species of Fish, the same with the Trigla Cuculus, L. It is the Red Gurned, or Rotchet ; in French, Rouget or Refait.'' *COCCO'NES {KOKKuve;), the seed of the Punica granata, or Pomegranate.' *COCH'LEA (KoxViai), the SnaU, a genus of Mollusca. Of snails there are three sorts, the Sea, the River, and the Land. The last are the Helices, one of which, the Helix pomalia, or edible snail, was much used by the Greeks and Romans as an article of food. The ancients, as Adams remarks, must have been also well acquainted with the Helix fruticum and the H. arbustm-um.' " The uses of the Helices, or Snails," observes Grifiith, " are not very numerous. It appears, however, that the lar- ger species, and especially the garden-snails (i/. po- matia, L.), serve for the aUment of man in many countries. The Romans, according to Pliny," con- sumed great quantities of them ; and they must have been in great estimation for the table, since that au- thor has thought fit to give, in his Natural History, the name of him who first turned his attention to the rearing of these animals in sorts of parks or de- pots, and of fattening them with particular substan- ces. The best came from the island of Astvpalaja 1. (Myrepsus, iv., 2.— Adams, Append., s. v.) — 2. (Theo- plrast., H. P., iii., 16.— Dioscor., iv., 48.— Plin., H. N., ivi., 12.> —3. (Theophrast., iii., 16.— Adams, Append., s. v.) — 4. (Theo- phrast., i., 11.— Dioscor., i., 174.— Geopon., x., 73.— Adams, Ap- pend., s. V.)— 5. (Aristot., ix., 20.)— 6. (Griffith's Cuvier, vol. vii., p. 520.)— 7. (Aristot., H. A., iv., 9.— .a;iian, N. A., x., 11 —Adams, Append., s. v.)— 8. (Harpocr., Morb. Mulier,, 1 )— 9 (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 10. (H. N., ii., 56 ) 271 COCHLEA. CODEX GREGORIANUS. one of the Cyclades ; the smallest from Reate, in the Sabine territory, and the largest from lUyria. The Romans also greatly esteemed the snails of Si- cily, of the Balearic Isles, and of the island of Ca- prea. They shut them up in sorts of warrens, and fattened them there with cooked meat, flour, &c It was Fulvius Hirpinas who first conceived the idea of this, a short time previous to the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. He carefully separa- ted each species, and succeeded in obtaining indi- viduals whose shells contained ocloginta guadranies, about ten quarts. All this history is taken from Pliny ; but there would appear to be some confu- sion in it, especially with regard to the size produ- ced by education ; for Varro,' after whom he writes, says the same only concerning the African species, which naturally attained to these dimensions. It does not appear that this mode of educating snails was practised for any great length of time, for Ma- crobius says nothing about it.'" CO'CHLEA (Kox?iia(), which properly means a snail, was also used in several other significations. I. It signified a screw, one of the mechanical powers, so named from its spiral form, which re- sembles the worming of a shell. The woodcut an- nexed represents a clothes-press, from a painting on the wall of the Chalcidicum of Eumachia, at Pompeii, which is worked by two upright screws (cochlea:) precisely in the same manner as our own linen presses. A screw of the same description was also used in oil and wine presses.' The tliread of the screw, for which the Latin language has no appropriate term, is called nepiKox^iov in Greek. II. Cochlea was also the name of a spiral pump for raising water, invented by Archimedes,* from whom it has ever since been called the Archime- dean screw. It is described at length by Vitruvius." A pump of this kind was used for discharging the bilge-water in the ship of Hiero, which was built under the directions of Archimedes.* III. Cochlea was also the name of a peculiar kind of door, through which the wild beasts passed from their dens into the arena of the amphitheatre.' It consisted of a circular cage, open on one side like a lantern, which worked upon a pivot and within a shell, like the machines used in the convents and foundling hospitals of Italy, termed rote, so that any particular beast could be removed from its den into the arena merely by turning it round, and without the possibility of more than one escaping at the 1. 'VaiTo, R. K., iii., 14.)— 2. (Grimth's Cuvior, vol. xii., p. 339.)~-j. (Vitniv., vi., 9, p. 180, eU. Bipont.— Palladius, IV., x., 10; II., xix., 1.) — 4. (Diod. Sic, i., 34; v., 37. — Compare St.ab., xvii., 30.)— 5. (x., 11.)— 6. (Athon., v., 43.)— 7. (Varro, n K., iii., 6, J 3.) 378 same time; and therefore it is recommended by Varro' as peculiarly adapted for an aviary, so that the person could go in and out without affording the birds an opportunity of flying away. Schneider » however, maintains that the cochlea in question was nothing more than a portcullis (cataphracta) raised by a screw, which interpretation does not appear sc probable as the one given above. CO'CHLEAR (Kox?uapwv) was a kind of spoon which appears to have terminated with a point ai one end, and at the other was broad and hollow lik( our own spoons. The pointed end was used foi drawing snails (cochlea) out of then shells, and eat ing them, whence it derived its i.ame ; and the broader part for eating eggs, &c. Martial' men- tions both these uses of the cochlear : " Sum cochleis habilia nee sum minus utilis ovis."' Cochlear was also the name given to a smaD measure like our spoonful. According to Rhemni- us Fannius, it was J^ of the cyathus. CODEX is identical with caudex, as Claudius and Clodius, clausirum. and clostrum, cauda and coda. Cato' still used the form caudex in the same sense in which afterward codex was used exclusively.' Tbe word originally signified the trunk or stem of a tree,' and was also applied to designate anything composed of large pieces of wood, whence the small fishing or ferry boats on the Tiber, which may originally have been like the Indian canoes, or were construct- ed of several roughly-hewn planks nailed together in a rude and simple manner, were called naves can- dicaria, or codicaria, or caudicea.' The surname ol Caudex given to Appius Claudius must be traced to this signification. But the name codex was es- pecially applied to wooden tablets bound together and hned with a coat of wax, for the purpose cf writing upon them ; and when, at a later age, parch- ment, or paper, or other materials were substituted for wood, and put together in the shape of a book, the name of codex was still applied to them.' In the time of Cicero we find it also applied to the tab- let on which a bill was written ; and the tribune Cornelius, when one of his colleagues forbade his bill to be read by the herald or scribe, read it himself (legit codicem suum"). At a still later period, during the time of the emperors, the word was used to ex- press any collection of laws or constitutions of the emperors, whether made by private individuals or by public authority. See the following articles. CODEX GREGORIA'NUS and HERMOGENI- A'NUS. It does not appear quite certain if tbis title denotes one collection or two collections. The general opinion, however, is, that there were two codices, compiled respectively by Gregorianus and Hermogenianus, who are sometimes, though, as it seems, incorrectly, called Gregorius and Hermoge- nes. The codex of Gregorianus consisted of thir- teen books at least, which were divided into titles The fragments of this codex begin with constitu- tions of Septimius Severus, and end with Diocletian and Maximian. The codex of Hermogenianus, so far as we know it, is only quoted by titles, and it also contains constitutions of Diocletian and Max- imian ; it may, perhaps, have consisted of one boolt only, and it may have been a kind of supplement or continuation to, or an abridgment of, the other. The name Hermogenianus is always placed after that o( Gregorianus when this code is quoted. According 1. (1. 0.)— 2. (in hid. Script. R. R., s. t. Cavea.)— 3. (xiv., 121.)— 4. (Compare Plin., H. N., xxviii., 4.— Patron., 33.)-5. (ap. Front., Epist. ad M. Anton., i., 2.) — 6. (Compai-e Ovid, Met., xii.,432.)— 7. (Virg., Geoig., ii., 30.— Cnlamdla, xii., 19.-Plin., II. N., xvi., 30.) — 8. (Fest. and Varro, ap. Nonium, liii., 12.— Gellius, X., 25.)— 9. (Cic, Verr., ii., 1, 36.— Dig. 32, lit 1, » 52.— Sucton., Orta-., 101.)— 10. {Vid. Cic. in Vat, 2.— Ascol Pod. in Argiun. ad Cornbl., p. 58, ed. Orclli.) CODEX JUSllNIANEUS. to the Consultationes, the Codex of Hermogenianus also contained constitutions of Valens and Valen- linian II., which, if true, would bring dowri the compiler to a time some years later than the reign of Constantine the Great, under whom it is generally assumed that he wrote. These codices were not made by imperial authority, so far as we know : they were the work of private individu- als, but apparently soon came to be considered as authority in courts of justice, as is shown indirectly by the fact of the Theodosian and Justinian Codes leing formed on the model of the Codex Gregoria- lus and Hermogenianus.' CODEX JUSTINIANE'US. In February of the I ear A.D. 538, Justinian appointed a commission, consisting of ten persons, to make a new collection of imperial constitutions. Among these ten were Tribonianus, who was afterward employed on the Digesta and the Institutiones, and Theophilus, a teacher of law at Constantinople. The commission was directed to compile one code from those of Gregorianus, Hermogenianus, and Theodosius, and also from the constitutions of Theodosius made subsequently to his code, from those of his success- ors, and from the constitutions of Justinian himself The instructions given to the commissioners em- powered them to omit unnecessary preambles, repe- titions, contradictions, and obsolete matter ; to ex- press the laws to be derived from the sources above mentioned in brief language, and to place them under appropriate titles ; to add to, take from, or vary the words of the old constitutions, when it might be necessary, but to retain the order of time in the several constitutions, by preserving the dates and the consuls' names, and also by arranging them under their several titles in the order of time. The collection was to include rescripts and edicts, as well as constitutiones properly so called. Four- teen months after the date of the commission, the code was completed and declared to be law, under the title of the Justinianeus Codex ; and it was de- clared that the sources from which this code was derive! were no longer to have any binding force, and that the new code alone should be referred to as of legal authority.' The Digest or Pandect, and the Institutiones, were compiled after the publication of this code, subsequently to which, fifty decisiones and some new constitutiones also were promulgated by the emperor. This rendered a revision of the Code ne- cessary ; and, accordingly, a commission for that purpose was given to Tribonianus Dorotheus, a distinguished teacher of law at Berytus in Phceni- cia, and three others. The new code was promul- gated at Constantinople on the 16th of November, 534, and the use of the decisiones, the new consti- tutiones, and of the first edition of the Justinianeus Codex, was forbidden. The second edition {secun- da edito, repclita prcslectio, Codex repetita prtelectio- nis) is the code that we now possess, in twelve books, each of which is divided into titles. It is not known how many books the first edition con- tained. The constitutiones are arranged under their several titles, in the order of time and with the names of the emperors by whom they were respectively made, and their dates. The constitutions in this code do not go farther back than those of Hadrian, and those of the imme- diate successors of Hadrian are few in number ; a circumstance owing, in part, to the use made of the earlier codes in the compilation of the Justinian 1. (Zimmem, Geschichte des Rflmischen Pnvatrechts, Heidelb., 1826. — Hugo, Lehrbuch der Geschichto des Rom, Rechts, Ber- lin, 1832.— Frag. Cod. Greg, et Hermog., m Schulting's Juris- pradentia Vet., piov ^ klGutiov)^ i, e., a little coffer or ark, because the bean is sown on the moist earth, and so sinks into the water. The root is thicker than a reed ; it is eaten both raw and boiled, and is called Colocasia. The bean is eat- en green, and when it is dried it turns black, and is larger than the Greek Bean.'" Theophrastus, in the account which he gives of the Egyptian Bean, does not in the least hint, as Martyn remarks, that any part of the plant was called Colocasia ; Pliny,' however, agrees with Dioscorides in making them COLONIA. the same. He mentions the stalk as the part thai is eaten ; says the Egyptians used the leaves to drink out of; and adds, that in his time it was plant- ed in Italy. " Prosper Alpinus, in his work Dc Planlis JSgyjiti, assures us that the modern -■Egyp- tian name of this plant is Culcas, which the Greek writers might easily change to the more agreealde sound of Colocasia. He says no plant is better known, or is in more use among them, the root of it being eaten as commonly as turnips among us. The Colocasia began to be planted in Italy in Vir- gil's time ; and when the fourth Eclogue of that poet (in which mention is made of it) was written, it was a rarity newly brought from ^gypt, and therefore the Mantuan bard speaks of its growing commonly in Italy as one of the glories of the gold- en age which was now expected to return.'" For farther information respecting the Colocasia, the reader is referred to Fee's Flore de Virgile. Ac- cording to this last-mentioned writer, the ancients frequently confounded the Nymphaa Lotus and the Arum Colocasia under the common name of Coloca- SlUJTl. ' *COLOCYNTHE {KoloKvvftij, -6a, and-n?), the Gourd. •' Even in the days of Atheneeus,"^ says Adams, " the savans complained of the difficulty of distinguishing the summer fruits from one another, owing to the confusion of names which had taken place among the authors who had treated of them. Thus Nicander applied the term aiKva to what was the KoXoKvvda of later writers ; and it is farther de- serving of remark, that Galen applies the term ck- irof to the KoXoKvvBa of Dioscorides, i. e., to the Cu- curms sativus, or common Cucumber, and, conse- quently, his (Galen's) aoTioumdri was the Cucurhita, or Gourd. In this sense I am inclined to think the terms aiicvoc and KoXoKvvBti are generally used by the writers on Dietetics, namely, the former is the Cucumber, and the latter the Gourd of English gar- deners.' Theophrastus did not define accurately the character of his KoloKivBr;, and, indeed, accord- ing to Athenaeus, he described several species of it. I can scarcely believe, however, that he generally applied it to the Cucumis Colocynthis, i. e., the Col- oquintida, or Bitter Apple, as Stackhouse repre- sents."'" •COLOCYNTHIS (noloKmBk), I. The Bitter Apple (Coloquintida), or Cucumis C tocynthis .^ — II. The common Cucumber, or Cucumis sativus.' *COLIAS (/to/liac), the name of a small Fish, mentioned by Pollux, Aristotle, Athenasus, and ^lian. It would appear to have been a variety of the Mackerel, or Si^omhcr scomber.'' *COLOIOS (KoAoi'of). (Yid. Geaculus.) COLO'NI. (Vid. Pkjediom.) COLO'NIA. This word contains the same ele- ment as the verb colere, " to cultivate," and as the word colonus, which probably originally signified a " tiller of the earth." The English word colony, which is derived from the Latin, perhaps expresses the notion contained in this word more nearly than is generally the case in such adopted terms. A kind of colonization seems to have existed among the oldest Italian nations, who, on certain occasions, sent out their superfluous male popula- tion, with arms in their hands {kpi. veoTjjg), to seek for a new home.' But these were, apparently, mere bands of adventurers, and such colonies rather re- sembled the old Greek colonies than those by which Rome extended her dominion and her name. Colonies were established by the Romans as far back as the annals or traditions of the citv extend, 1. (Ep., v., 7.— Ulp., Frag., tit. 22, s. 5.)— 2. (Dig-. 41, tit. 2, s. 1, « 22.)— 3. (Di^. 34, tit. 5, s. 21.)— 4. (Ulp., Fragm., tit. 22, «. B.)— 5. (Cod. 6, tit. 24, s. 12.)— 6. (Tacit., Ann., iv., 43.)— 7. (ii., 126.)-8. iH. P., iv., 4.)— 9. (H. N,, xxi., 15.) 1. (Virjil, Eclog.,iv., 20.— Martyn, ad loc.)- 2. (ij., c. 14.)— 3. (Adams, Commentary on Paul of jEgina, p. 103.)— 4 (Ad- ams, Append., s. v.)— 5. (Dioscor., iv., 175.— Galen, De Simpl, vii.)— 6. (Hippocr., AfTect.)- 7. (Adams, Append., s. v.)— 8 (Dionys. Hal., Antiq. Rom., i., 16.) 379 COLONIA. COLONIA and the practice was continued, without intermis- sion, during the Republic and under the Empire. Sigonius' enumerates six main causes or reasons which, from time to time, induced the Romans to send out colonies ; and these causes are connected with many memorable events in Roman history. Colonies were intended to keep in check a conquer- ed people, and also to repress hostile incursions, as in the case of the colony of Narnia,' which was founded to check the Umbri ; and Minturnae and Sinuessa,^ Cremona and Placentia,* which were founded for similar purposes. Cicero' calls the old Italian colonies the " propugnacula imperii ;" and in another passage" he calls Narbo Martius (Narbonne), which was in the provincia Gallia, "Colonia nostrorum civium, specula populi Romani et propugnaculum." Another object was to in- crease the power of Rome by increasing the popu- lation.' Sometimes the immediate object of a col- ony was to carry off a number of turbulent and dis- contented persons. Colonies were also established for the purpose of providing for veteran soldiers, a practice which was begun by Sulla, and continued under the emperors : these coloniae were called mil- itares. It is remarked by Strabo,' when speaking of the Roman colonies in the north of Italy, that the an- cient names of the places were retained, and that, though the people in his" time were all Roman, they were called by the names of the previous occupiers of the soil. This fact is in accordance with the character of the old Roman colonies, which were in the nature of garrisons planted in conquered towns, and the colonists had a portion of the con- quered territory (usually a third part) assigned to them. The inhabitants retained the rest of their lands, and lived together with the new settlers, who alone composed the proper colony.' The conquer- ed people must at first have been quite a distinct class from, and inferior to, the colonists. The defi- nition of a colonia by Gellius'" will appear, from what has been said, to be sufficiently exact : " Ex civitate quasi propagattz — populi Romani quasi effi.gies parvtz simulacraque." No colonia was established without a lex, plebis- citum, or senatus consultum ; a fact which shows that a Roman colony was never a mere body of ad- venturers, but had a regular organization by the pa- rent state. A" lording to an ancient definition quo- ted by Niebuhr," a colony is a body of citizens, or socii, sent out to possess a commonwealth, with the approbation of their own state, or by a public act of that people to whom they belong ; and it is added, those are colonies which are founded by public act, not by any secession. Many of the laws which re- late to the establishment of colonise were leges agra- riss, or laws for the division and assignment of pub- lic lands, of which Sigonius has given a list in his work already referred to. When a law was passed for founding a colony, persons were appointed to superintend its forma- tion (coloniam deducere). These persons varied in number, but three was a common number {trium- viri ad colonos deducendos^'). We also read of du- umviri, quinqueviri, vigintiviri for the same pur- pose. The law fixed the quantity of land that was to be distributed, and how much was to be assigned to each person. No Roman could be sent out as a colonist without his free consent, and when the colony "a3 not an inviting one, it was difficult to fill up the number of volunteers." 1 (De Antiquo Jure Italiio, p. 215, &c.)~2. (Liv., x., 10.) — 3. (I., 21.)— 4. (xxxvii., 40.)— 5. (2 Do Leg. Agr., c. 27.)— «. (Pro Font., c. 1.)— 7. (Liv., xxvii., 9.)_8. (p. 216, od. Casaub.) ■ -9. (Dionys., Autiii. Roman., ii., 53.)— 10. (xvi., 13.)— II. (Scrv. ad jEn., i., 12.)— 12. (Liv., xxxvii., 46.)- 13. (Liv., i., 21.) 280 Roman citizens who were willing to go out as membeis of a colony gave in their names at Rome. Cicero' says that Roman citizens who chose to become members of a Latin colony must go volun- tarily {auctores facti), for this was a capitis deminu- tio ; and in another passage" he alleges the fact of Roman citizens going out in Latin colonies as a jiroof that loss of civitas must be a voluntary act. it IS true that a member of a Roman colony would sustain no capitis deminutio, but in this case, also, there seems no reason for supposing that he evei joined such a colony without his consent. The colonia proceeded to its place of destinatiOD in the form of an army (suh vexillo), which is indi- cated on the coins of some coloniae. An urbs, if one did not already exist, was a necessary part of a new colony, and its limits were marked out by a plough, which is also indicated on ancient coins. The colonia had also a territory, which, whether marked out by the plough or not,' was at least marked out by metes and bounds. Thus the urbs and territory of the colonia respectively corre- sponded to the urbs Roma and its territory. Reli- gious ceremonies always accompanied the founda- tion of th's colony, and the anniversary was after ward observed. It is stated that a colony could not be sent out to the same place to which a colony had already been sent in due form (auspicate dedut- ta). This merely means that, so long as the colony maintained its existence, there could be no new colony in the same place ; a doctrine that would hardly need proof, for a new colony implied a new assignment of lands ; but new settlers {novi adscrip- ti) might be sent to occupy colonial lands not al- ready assigned.' Indeed, it was not unusual for a colony to receive additions ;' and a colony might be re-established, if it seemed necessary from any cause ; and under the emperors such re-establish- ment might be entirely arbitrary, and done to gratify personal vanity, or from any other motive.' The commissioners appointed to conduct the col- ony had apparently a profitable office, and the es- tablishment of a new settlement gave employment to numerous functionaries, among whom Cicero enumerates apparitores, scribte, librarii, preecones, architect!. The foundation of a colony might then, in many cases, not only be a mere party measure, carried for the purpose of gaining popularity, but it would give those in power an opportunity of provi ding places for many of their friends. A colonia was a part of the Roman state, and it had a respublica ; but its relation to the parent state might vary. In Livy' the question was, whether Aquileia should be a colonia civium Romanorum or a Latina colonia ; a question that had no reference to the persons who should form the colony, but to their political rights with respect to Rome as mem- bers of tne colony. The members of a Roman col- ony {colonia civium Romanorum) must, as the term itself implies, have always had the same rights, which, as citizens, they would have had at Rome. They were, as Niebuhr remarks, in the old Roman colonies, " the populus ; the old inhabitants, the commonalty." These two bodies may, in course of time, have frequently formed one ; but there could be no political union between them till the old inhabitants obtained the commercium and connubi- um, in other words, the civitas ; and it is probable that, among the various causes which weakened the old colonies, and rendered new supplies of col- onists necessary, we should enumerate the want of Roman women ; for the children of a Roman were 1. (Pro Dom., c. 30.)— 2. (Pro Ciecin., 33.)— 3. (Cic, Pliil., ii., 40.)— 4. (Cic, PhiL, ii., 40.)— 5. (T.icit., Ann., xiv., 27.)— 6. (Tacit., Ann., xiv., 27, Puleoli ; and the note in Oljuli suffragio); and he enumerates ten 1. (ixix., 15.)— 2. (Geschichte des Eom. Eechts, etc., i., 16, fee.)— 3. (Festus, s. T. Municipium.) — 4. (Liv., viii., 14.)— 5 (Liv.. ii., 23.) OOiONlA. places in Campania to which these quattuorviri were sent, and among them Cumae and Acerra, which were municipia; and Volturnum, l.iternum, and Puteoli, which were Roman colonies establish- ed after the second Punic war. The second divis- ion of praefectura; comprised those places to which the praetor urbanus sent a praefectus every year, namely, Fundi, Formia;, Care, Venafrum, Allifa;, Privernum, Anagnia, Frusino, Reate, Saturnia, Nur- sia, Arpinum, ahaque complura. Only one of them, Saturnia, was a colony of Roman citizens ;' the rest are municipia. It is the conclusion of Zumpt, that all the municipia of the older period, that is, up to the time when the complete civitas was giv- en to the Latini and the socii, were praefecturae, and that some of the colonies of Roman citizens were also praefecturae. Now as the praefectus was appointed for the purpose of administering justice (juri dicundo), and was annually sent from Rome, it appears that this was one among the many ad- mirable parts of the Roman polity for maintaining harmony in the whole political system by a uni- formity of law and procedure. The name praefec- tura continued after the year B.C. 90 ; but it seems that, in some places at least, this functionary ceas- ed to be sent from Rome, and various praefecturae acquired the privilege of having magistratus of their own choosing, as in the case of Puteoli, B.C 63.= The first class or kind of prsefecti, the quattuorviri who were sent into Campania, was abolished by Augustus, in conformity with the general tenour ot his pohcy, B.C. 13. After the passing of the Julia Lex de Civitate, the cities of the socii which receiv ed the Roman civitas still retained their internal constitution; but, with respect to Rome, were all included under the name of municipia : thus Tibur and Praeneste, which were Latinae civitates, then became Roman municipia. On the other hand, Bo- nonia and Luca, which were originally Latinae co- loniae, also became Roman municipia in consequence of receiving the Roman civitas, though they retain- ed their old colonial constitution and the name of colonia. Thus Cicero^ could with propriety call Placentia a municipium, though in its origin it was a Latin colonia ; and in the oration Pro Sext* he enumerates municipia, coloniae, and praefecturae as the three kinds of towns or communities under which were comprehended all the towns of Italy. The testimony of the Heracleotic tablet is to the hke efiect ; for it speaks of municipia, coloniae, and praefecturae as the three kinds of places which had a magistratus of some kind, to which enumeration it adds fora and conciliabula, as comprehending all the kinds of places in which bodies of Roman citi- zens dwelt. It thus appears that the name municipium, which originally had the meanings already given, acquired a narrower import after B.C. 90, and in this nar- rower import signified the civitates sociorum and coloniae Latinae, which then became complete mem- bers of the Roman state. Thus there was then re- ally no difference between these municipia and the coloniae, except in their historical origin, and in their original internal constitution. The Roman law pre- vailed in both. The following recapitulation may be useful : The old Roman colonies (civium Komanomm) were pla- ced in conquered towns, and the colonists continu- ed to be Roman citizens. These colonies were near Rome, and few in number. Probably some of the old Latinae coloniae were established by the Romans in conjunction with other Latin states (Antium) After the conquest of Latium, Latinae coloniae were estabhshed by the Romans in various parts of Italy. 1. (LiT., xixix., 65.)— 2. (Cic, De Ler. Agr., ii., c. ?1.)— 3. (in Pis., c. 23.)— 4. (c. 14.) 2S3 COLONIA. COLONIA. Tlieso colonies should be distinguished from the colonies civium Ilomanorum, inasmuch as they are sometrmes called colonias populi Romani, though they were not coloniae civium Romanorum.' Ro- man citizens who chose to join such colonies, gave up their civic rights for the more solid advantage of a grant of land. When Latin colonies began to be established, few Roman colonies were founded until after the close of the second Punic war (B.C. 201), and these few were chiefly maritime colonies (Anxur, &c.). These Latin colonies were subject to and part of the Ro- man state ; but they had not the civitas : they had no political bond among themselves ; but they had the administration of their internal affairs. As to the origin of the commercium, Savigny's conjecture has been already stated. (Ftd. Civitas.) The col- onies of the Gracchi were Roman colonies ; but their object, like that of subsequent Agrarian laws, was merely to provide for the poorer citizens : the old Roman and the Latin colonies had for their ob- ject the extension and conservation of the Roman Empire in Italy. After the passing of the Lex JuUa, which gave the civitas to the socii and the Latin colonies, the object of establishing Roman and Latin colonies ceased ; and military colonies were thence- forward settled in Italy, and, under the emperors, in the provinces. These military colonies had the civitas, such as it then was ; but their internal or- ganization might be various. It would require more space than is consistent with the limits of this work to attempt to present anything like a complete view of this interesting subject. The following references, in addition to those already given, wiU direct the reader to abun- dant sources of information : Sigonius, De Jure An- tiquo, &c. ; iN'iebuhr, Roman History ; Savigny, Ue- ber das Jus Jtalicum, Zeitschr., vol. v. ; Tabula He- racleenses. Mazochi, Neap., 1754 ; Savigny, Der Ro- mische VolksscUuss der Tafel von Heraclea; and Rudorff, Ueber die Lex Mamiliade Coloniis, Zeitsch.^ vol. ix. ; Rudorff, Das Ackergesetz von Sp. Thorius, and Puchta, Ueber den Inhalt der Lex Rubria de Gal- lia Cisalpina, Zeitschr. , vol. x. Since this article was written, and after part of it was printed, the author has had the opportunity of reading two excellent essays : De Jure et Con- dicione Coloniarum Populi Romani Quastio historica, Madvigii Opuscula, HauniiB, 1834 ; and Ueber den Unterschied den Benennungen Municipium, Colonia, Prafectura, Zumpt, Berlin, 1840. With the help of these essays, he has been enabled to make some important additions. But the subject is incapable of a full exposition within narrow limits, as the his- torical order is to a certain extent necessary, in or- der to present a connected view of the Roman co- lonial system. The essay of Madvig has establish- ed beyond all dispute several most important ele- ments in this inquiry ; and, by correcting the errors of several distinguished writers, he has laid the foundation of a much more exact knowledge of this part of the Roman polity. Greek Colonies. The usual Greek words for a colony are tiiroi/tta and K^ripovxia. The latter word, which signified a division of conquered lands among Athenian citizens, and which corresponds in some respects to the Roman colonia and our notions of a modern colony, is explained in the article Cle- Kucni. The earlier Greek colonies, called uttoikIci, were usually composed of mere bands of adventurers, who left their native country, with their families and property, to seek a new home for themselves. Some of the colonies, which arose in consequence of foreign invasion or civil wars, were undertaken without any formal consent from the rest of the community ; but usually a colony was sent ont with the approbation of the mother-country, and under the management of a leader (okio-r^f) appointed by it. But whatever may have been the origin of the colony, it was always considered, in a political point of view, independent of the mother-country (called by the Greeks /^jj-poTToXic), and entirelj emancipated from its control. At the same time, though a colony was in no political subjection to its parent state, it was united to it by the ties of filial affection ; and, according to the generally received opinions of the Greeks, its duties to the parent state corresponded to those of a daughter to her mother.' Hence, in all matters of common interest, the col- ony gave precedence to the mother state ; and the founder of the colony (oiicicrr^f ), who might be con- sidered as the representative of the parent state, was usually worshipped, after his death, as a hero.' Also, when the colony became in its turn a parent, it usually sought a leader for the colony which it intended to found from the original mother-coun try f and the same feeling of respect was manifest- ed by embassies which were sent to honour the principal festivals of the parent state,* and also by bestowing places of honour and other marks of re- spect upon the ambassadors and other members of the parent state, when they visited the colony at festivals and similar occasions.' The colonists also worshipped in their new settlement the same dei- ties as they had been accustomed to honour in their native country ; the sacred fire, which was con- stantly kept burning on their pubUc hearth, was taken from the Prytaneum of the parent city ; and, according to one account, the priests who minis- tered to the gods in the colony were brought from the parent state." In the same spirit, it was con- sidered a violation of sacred ties for a mother-coun- try and a colony to make war upon one another' The preceding account of the relations between the Greek colonies and the mother-country is sup- ported by the history which Thucydides gives us of the quarrel between Corcyra and Corinth. Corcy- ra was a colony of Corinth, and Epidamnus a colo- ny of Corcyra ; but the leader {o'naarfi^) of Epi damnus was a Corinthian, who was invited froni the metropolis Corinth. In course of time, in con- sequence of civil dissensions and attacks from the neighbouring barbarians, the Epidamnians apply for aid to Corcyra, but their request is rejected. They next apply to the Corinthians, who took Epidamnus under their protection, thinking, says Thucydides, that the colony was no less theirs than the Corcy- raeans' : and also induced to do so through hatred of the Corcyrsans, because they neglected them though they were colonists ; for they did not give to the Corinthians the customary honours and defer- ence in the public solemnities and sacrifices that the other colonies were wont to pay to the mother- country. The Corcyraeans, who had become veiy powerful by sea, took ofrence at the Corinthians re- ceiving Epidamnus under their protection, and the result was a war between Corcyra and Connth. The Corcyi-Beans sent ambassadors to Athens to ask assistance ; and in reply to the objection that they were a colony of Corinth, they said " that every colony, as long as it is treated kindly, respects the mother-country ; hut when it is injured, is alienated from it ; for colonists are not sent out as subjects, but that they may have equal rights with those that remain at home.'" 284 1. (Liv., x.\rii., 9; xxix., 15.) 1. (Dionys. Hal., Ant. Eom., lii., 7.— Polyb., xii., 10, 4 3.)- S. (Herod., Ti., 38— Thucvd., v., 11.— Diod. Sic, xi., 66; ii-i 102.)— 3. (ThucyJ., i., 24.)-^. (Diod. Sic, xii., 30.— Wesse- ling, ad loc.)- 5. (Thucyd., i., 25.)— 6. (Schol. ail Thucyd., i., 25.— Compare Tacit., Ann., 11,, 54.)— 7. (Herod.,viii,,22.— Thu cyd., i., 38.)— 8. (Thucyd., i., 34.) COLORES. COLORES. It is true that ambitious states, such as Athens, gometimes claimed dominion over other states on the ground of relationship ; but, as a general rule, colonies may be regarded as independent states, at- tached to their metropolis by ties of sympathy and common descent, but no farther. The case of Po- tidBea, to which the Corinthians sent annually the chief magistrates {drijitovpyoi), appears to have been an exception to the general rule.' COLOTIES. The Greeks and Romans had a very extensive acquaintance with colours as pig- ments. Book vii. of Vitruvius, and several chap- ters of books xxxiii., xxxiv., and xxxv, of Pliny's Natural History, contain much interesting matter upon their nature and composition ; and these works, together with what is contained in book v. of Dioscorides, and some remarks in Theophrastus," constitute the whole of our information of any impor- tance upon the subject of ancient pigments. From these sources, through the experiments and obser- vations of Sir Humphrey Davy" on some remains of ancient colours and paintings in the baths of Titus and of Livia, and in other ruins of antiquity, we are enabled to collect a tolerably satisfactory ac- count of the colouring materials employed by the Greek and Roman painters. The painting of the Greeks is very generally considered to have been inferior to their sculpture ; this partially arises from very imperfect informa- tion, and a very, erroneous notion respecting the resources of the Greek painters in colouring. The error originated apparently with Pliny himself, who says,* ■' QuatuoT coloribus solis immortalia ilia, opera, feccre, ex albis Mclino, ex silaceis Attico, ex rubris Sinopide Pontica, ex nigris atramento, Apeltes, EcMon, MelanthiuSj Nicomachus, clarissimi pictores ;" and^ " Legentes meminerint omnia ea quatuor coloribus facta." This mistake, as Sir H. Davy has sup- posed, may have arisen from an imperfect recollec- tion of a passage in Cicero,^ which, however, di- rectly contradicts the statement of Pliny : " Inpic- tura Zcuxim ci Polygnotum, ct Timanthem, et earum, qui non sunt usi plusquam quattuor coloribus, for- mas et lineamenta laudamus : at in. Echione, Nicoma- cho, Protogcne, Apelle jam perfecta sunt omnia." Here Cicero extols the design and drawing of Polyg- notus, Zeuxis, and Timanthes, and those who used but four colours; and observes in contradistinc- tion, that in Echion, Nicomachus, Protogenes, and Apelles, all things were perfect. But the remark of Pliny, that Apelles, Echion, Melanthius, and Nicom- achus used but four colours, including both black and white to the exclusion of all blue (unless we understand by " ex nigris atramento" black and in- digo), is evidently an error, independently of its con- tradiction to Cicero ; and the conclusion drawn by some from it and the remark of Cicero, that the early Greek painters were acquainted with but four pigments, is equally without foundation. Pliny himself speaks of two other colours, besides the four in question, which were used by the earliest painters ; the testa-trita'' and cinnaharis or vermil- ion, which he calls also minium.* He mentions also' the Eretrian earth used by Nicomachus, and the elephantium, or ivory-black, used by Apelles," thus contradicting himself when he asserted that Apelles and Nicomachus used but four colours. The above tradition, and the simplex color of Quin- tilian,'' are our only authorities for defining any limits to the use of colours by the early Greeks as applied to painting ; but we have no authority whatever for supposing that they were limited in I. (Thucyd., i., 56.)— 2. (De Lapidibus.)— 3. (Phil. Trans, of She Royal Society, 1815.)— 4. (.■cxxv., 32.)— 5. (iixv., 36.)— 6. (Brjtus, c. 18.)— 7. (xixv., 5.)— 8. (xxiiii., 36.) — 9. (xxxr., ■21 1—10. (ixiT.. 25.)— 11. (Orat. Inst., xii., 10.) any remarkable way in their acquaintance with them. That the painters of the earliest period had not such abundant resources in this department of art as those of the later, is quite consistent with experience, and does not require demonstration , but to suppose that they were confined to four pig- ments, is quite a gratuitous supposition, and is op- posed to both reason and evidence. (Vid. Pictdra.) Sir H. Davy also analyzed the colours of the so- called " Aldobrandini marriage," all the reds and yellows of which he discovered to be ochres ; the blues and greens, to be oxides of copper; the blacks, all carbonaceous ; the browns, mixtures of ochres and black, and some containing oxide of manganese ; the whites were all carbonates of hme. The reds discovered in an earthen vase contain- ing a variety of colours were, red oxide of lead (minium), and two iron ocUres of different tints, a dull red, and a purplish red nearly of the same tint as prussiate of copper ; they were all mixed with chalk or carbonate of lime. The yellows were pure ochres with carbonate of lime, and ochre mixed with minium and carbonate of lime. The blues were oxides of copper with carbonate of lime. Sir H. Davy discovered a frit, made by means of soda, and coloured with oxide of copper, approaching ul- tramarine in tint, which he supposed to be the frit of Alexandrea ; its composition, he says, was per- fect : " that of imbodying the colour in a composition resembling stone, so as to prevent the escape of elastic matter from it, or the decomposing action of ' the elements ; this is a species of artificial lapis-laz- uli, the colouring matter of wnich is naturally in- herent in a hard silicious stone." Of greens there were many shades, all, however, either carbonate or oxide of copper, mi.xed with carbonate of lime. The browns consisted of ochres calcined, and oxides of iron and of manganese, and compounds of ochres and blacks. Sir H. Davy could not ascertain whether the lake which he dis- covered was of animal or of vegetable origin ; if of animal, he supposed that it was very probably the Tyrian or marine purple. He discovered also a colour which he supposed to be black wad, or hy- drated binoxide of manganese ; also, a black colour composed of chalk, mixed with the ink of the sepia ofBcinahs, or cuttle-fish. The transparent blue glass of the ancients he found to be stained with oxide of cobalt, and the purple with oxide of manganese. The following Ust, compiled from the different sources of our information concerning the pigments known to the ancients, will serve to convey an idea of the great resources of the Greek and Roman painters in this department of their art ; and which, in the opinion of Sir H. Davy, were fully equal to the resources of the gi'eat Itahau painters in the sixteenth century : Red. The ancient reds were very numerous. KivvdSapi, /iiXroc:, cinnabaris, cinnabar, vermilion, bisulphuret of mercury, called also by Phny and Vitruvius minium. The KtwdSapL 'IvdcKov, cinnaharis Indica, men- tioned by Pliny and Dioscorides, was what is vul- garly called dragon's-blood, the resin obtained from various species of the calamus palm. MUrof seems to have had various significations ; it was used for cinnabaris, minium, red lead, and rubrica, red ochre. There were various kinds of rubrica, the Cappadocian, the Egyptian, the Span- ish, and the Lemnian ; all were, however, red iron oxides, of which the best were the Lemnian, from the i3le of Lemnos, and the Cappadocian, called by "the Roi' ms rubrica Sinopica, by the Greeks Sivu- m'f, from Sinopt in Paphlagonia, whence it was first brought. There vas also an African rubrica called cicercalum. 285 COLORES. COLORES. Minium, red oxide of lead, red lead, was called by the Romans cerussa usta, and, according to Vitrn- vius, sandaracha ; by the Greeks, /ii'/lrof, and, ac- cording to Dioscorides,' aavSapaKt}. Pliny tells us tliat it was discovered through the accidental cal- :;„iation of some cerussa (white lead) by a fire in the Pirasus, and was first used as a pigment by Ni- cias of Athens, about 330 B.C. The Roman sandaracha seems to have had va- rious significations, and it is evidently used differ- ently by the Greelc and Roman writers. Pliny speaks of different shades of sandaracha, the pale or massicot (yellow oxide of lead), and a mixture of the pale with minium ; it apparently also signified realgar or the red sulphuret of arsenic : there was also a compound colour of equal parts of sandara- cha and rubrica calcined, called sandyx, advSv^. Sir H. Davy supposed this colour to approach our crimson in tint ; in painting it was frequently glazed with purple, to give it additional lustre. Pliny speaks of a dark ochre from the isle of Sy- ros, which he calls Syricum ; but he says also that it was made by mixing sandyx with rubrica Sino- pica. Yellow, Yellow ochre, hydrated peroxide of iron, the sil of the Romans, the uxpa of the Greeks, formed the base of many other yellows, mixed with various colours and carbonate oflime. Ochre was procured from different parts ; the Attic was con- sidered the best ; it was first used in painting, ac- cording to Pliny, by Polygnotus and Micon, at Ath- ens, about 460 B.C. 'A-paevcKoVj auripigmentum, orpiment (yellow sul- phuret of arsenic), was also an important yellow ; but it has not been discovered in any of the ancient paintings. (Vid. Aesenicon.) The sandaracha has been already mentioned. Green. Chrysocolla, xp^c"KoMa, which appears to have been green carbonate of copper or malachite (green verditer), was the green most approved of by the ancients ; its tint depended upon the quan- tity of carbonate oflime mixed with it. Pliny mentions various kinds of verdigris (diace- tate of copper), arugo, lb;, log ^aX/cov, cypria anigo, and aruca, and a particular preparation of verdigris called scolecia. Sir H. Davy supposes the ancients to have used, also, acetate of copper (distilled verdi- gris) as a pigment. Besides the above were sev- eral green earths, all cupreous oxides : Theodolion (QeodoTiov), so called from being found upon the estate of Theodotius, near Smyrna; Appianum; and the creta viridis, common green earth of Verona. Blde. The ancient blues were also very numer- ous ; the principal of these was caruleum, Kvavo(, azure, a species of verditer or blue carbonate of cop- per, of which there were many varieties. It was generally mixed with carbonate oflime. Vitruvius and Pliny speak of the Alexandrean, the Cyprian, and the Scythian ; the Alexandrean was the most valued, as approaching nearest to ultramarine. It was made also at Pozzuoli by a certain Vestorius, who had learned the method of its preparation in Egypt ; this was distinguished by the name of ccs- lon. There was also a washed cteruleum called lomcnlum, and an inferior description of this called trifum. It appears that ultramarine (lapis-lazuli) was known to the ancients under the name of Arme- nium, 'Ap/ihiov, from Armenia, whence it was pro- cured. Sulphuret of sodium is the colouring prin- ciple of lapis-lazuli, according to M. Gmelin of Tu- bingen. Indigo, Indkum, 'IvStKov, was well known to the ancients. Cobalt. The ancient name for this mineral is not known ; but it has been supposed to be the xa2,K.o( of Theophrastus, which he mentions was used for staining glass. No cobalt, however, has been discovered in any of the remains of ancient painting. Pdeple. The ancients had also several kinds of purple, purpurissum, oitrwm, hysginum, and various compound colours. The most valuable of these was the purpurissum, prepared by mixing the crtlai argentaria with the purple secretion of the mures (■Kopipipa). Hysginum, vayivov {iayri, woad'!), according to Vitruvius, is a colour between scarlet and purple. The Roman oslrum was a compound of red ochre and blue oxide of copper. Vitruvius mentions a purple which was obtained by cooling the ochra usta with wine vinegar. Rulia radix, madder-root. Bbown. Ochra usta, burned ochre. The browna were ochres calcined, oxides of iron and of manga nese, and compounds of ochres and blacks. Black, atramentum, jjizXav. The ancient blacks were mostly carbonaceous. The best for the pur- poses of painting were tlephantinum, k^eipuv-ivm, ivory-black ; and tryginum, rpvytvov, vine-black, made of burned vine twigs. The fonner was used by Apelles, the latter by Polygnotus and Micon. The atramentum Indicum, mentioned by Pliny and Vitruvius, was probably the Chinese Indian ink. The blacks from sepia, and the -black woad, have been already mentioned. ■ White. The ordinary Greek white was mdi- num, /i(7^icif, an earth from the Isle of Melos ; for fresco painting, the best was the African paratoni- um, uapaiTovLov, so called from the place of its ori- gin on the coast of Africa, not far from Egypt. There was also a white earth of Eretria, and the annularian white, creta anularia or anulare, made from the glass composition worn in the rings of the poor. Carbonate o*" '"ad or white lead, cerussa, ^ijii- 6iov, was apparently not much used by the ancient painters ; it was nowhere found among the Roman ruins. Sir H. Davy is of opinion that the aziu-e, the red and yellow ochres, and the blacks, have not under- gone any change of colour whatever in the ancient fresco paintings ; but that many of the greens, which are now carbonate of copper, were originally laid on in a state of acetate. Pliny divides the colours into colorcs Jhridi and colores austeri;' the colores floridi were those which, in his time, were supplied by the employer to the painter, on account of their expense, and to secure their being genuine ; they were minium, Armenium, cinnabaris, chrysocolla, Indicum, and purpurissum; the rest were the austeri. Both Pliny" and Vitruvius' class the colours into natural and artificial ; the natural are those obtain- ed immediately from the earth, which, according to Pliny, are Sinopis, rubrica, partetonium, mclinura, Eretria, and auripigmentum ; to these Vitruvius adds ochra, sandaracha, minium (vermilion), and chi7SOcolla, being of metallic origin. The others are called artificial, on account of requiring some particular preparation to render them fit for use. To the above list of colours more names might still be added ; but, being for the most part merely compounds or modifications of those already men- tioned, they would only take up space, without giv ing us any additional insight into the resources of the ancient painters ; those which we have ahead) enumerated are suiBcient to form an infinite varie ty of colour, and conclusively prove that the ancient painters, if they had not more, had at least equal 286 l.(v., 122.) 1. (iiiv., 13 ■ -2. (niv., 12.)— 3. (vii., 7) COLOSSUS. COLUMBARIUM. lesouroes in this most essential branch of painting with the artists of our own times. COLO'SSUS (fcoXoffffof). The origin of this word is not known, the suggestions of the grammarians being either ridiculous, or imperfect in point of ety- mology.' It is, however, very ancient, probably of Ionic extraction, and rarely occurs in the Attic wri- ters." It is used both by the Greeks and Romans to signify a statue larger than life,' and thence a person of extraordiuary stature is termed colosse- ros ■* and the architectural ornaments in the upper members of lofty buildings, which require to be of large dimensions in consequence of their remote- ness, are termed colossicotera {noTkoaamuTEpa^). Statues of this kind, simply colossal, but not pre- posterously large, were too common among the Greeks to excite observation irsrely from their size, and are, therefore, rarely referred to as such, the word being more frequently applied to designate those figures of gigantic dimensions (moles statua- rum, turribus pares') which were first executed in Egypt, and of which some specimens may be seen in the British Museum. Among the colossal statues of Greece, the most celebrated was the bronze colossus at R,hodes, dedi- cated to the sun, which was commenced by Chares of Lindus, apupilofLysippus, and terminated, at the expiration of twelve years, by Laches, of the same place, at a cost of 300 talents. Its height was 90 feet according to Hyginus,' 70 cubits according to Pliny, or 105 according to Festus. It was thrown down by an earthquake fifty-six years after its erec- tion.' It is to this statue that Statins refers ' Another Greek colossus, the work of Calamis, which cost 500 talents, and was twenty cubits high, dedicated to Apollo, in the city of ApoUonia, was transferred from thence to the Capitol by M. Lucul- lus.'" Some fragments in marble, supposed to have belonged to this statue, are still preserved in the courtyard of the Museo Capitolino. There were two colossal statues in bronze, of Greek workmanship, at Tarentum : one of Jupiter ; the other and lesser one of Hercules, by Lysippus, which was transplanted to the Capitol by Fabius Maximus." Among the works of this description made ex- pressly by or for the Romans, those most frequently alluded to are the following: 1. A statue of Jupiter upon the Capitol, made by order of Sp. Carvilius, from the armour of the Samnites, which was so large that it could be seen from the Alban Mount.'^ 2. A bronze statue of Apollo at the Palatine Libra- ry," to which the bronze head now preserved in the Capitol probably belonged. 3. A bronze statue of Augustus, in the Forum, which bore his name.'* 4. The colossus of Nero, which was executed by Zenodorus in marble, and therefore quoted by Pliny in proof that the art of casting metal was then lost. Its height was 110 or 120 feet." It was originally placed in the vestibule of the domue aurea," at the bottom of the Via Sacra, where the basement upon which it stood is still to be seen, and from it the contiguous amphitheatre is supposed to have gained the name of " Colosseum." Twenty-four elephants were employed by Hadriar to remove it, when he was about to build the Temple of Rome." Having 1. (Etym. Mag., p. 526, 16.— Festus, s. v.)— 2. (Blomf., Gloss, ad JSsch., A^memnon,406.)— 3. (Hesych.,s.v.— .S^sch., Agam 406.— Schol. ad Juv., Sat., viii., 230.)— 4. (Suet., Calij. 35.)— 5. (Vitruv., iii., 3, p. 98, ed. Bipont.— Compare Id., x., 4.)— fi (PUn., H. N., xxxiv., 18.)— 7. (Fab., 233.)— 8. (Pliu., H, N uxiv., 18.— PolyB., T., 88.— Festus, s. v.)— 9. (Sylv., I., i., 103.) —10. (Strab., -rii,^ 6, 4 1.— Plin., 1. c— P. Victor, Regio Tiii.)— 11. (Strab., v., 3, i 1.— Plin., 1. c— Plutarch, Fab., 3tiii.,p. 722 Jj. Reiske.l— 12. (Plin., 1. c.)— 13. (Plin., 1. c.)— 14. (Mart. Ep.,TOi.,4-l, 7.)— 15. (Plin.,1. c— Suet., Nero, 31.)-16. (iHart., SpBct,n.,l -Ep ,i.,ri,7.— DionCass.,liri., 15.)— 17. (Span., Hadr. , 19 ) *- J suffered in the fire which destroyed the Golden House, it was repaired by Vespasian, and by him converted into a statue of the Sun.' 5. An eques- trian statue of Domitian, of bronze gilt, which was placed in the centre of the Forum." *COLO'TES (/c6)Piijr)7f), another name for the aa- KaXaduTtig, or Spotted Lizard. { Vid. Ascalabotes.) Aristotle, however, in one part,' would seem to ap- ply it to some other animal than this. Some have taken it for a bird ; while Scaliger rather thinks it was a species of Scarabtcus.* *COLOU'TEA (icoXovTia), a plant, which has been referred to the genus Colytea, L., or Bladder- Senna. Three species are described by Theophras- tus, namely, 'Idaia, Tzspl Antapav, and ^pvyavuSTjc' *COL'UBER, a species of Serpent, considered by some to be the same with the Boas of Pliny. ( Vid. Draco.) *COLUMBA, the Pigeon. (Vid. Peristera.) COLUM {7id/j.6(), a strainer or colander. Various specimens of this utensil have been found at Pom- peii. The annexed woodcut shows the plan and profile of one which is of silver.' Wine-strainers (iid.ivia) were also made ot bronze,' aod their perforations sometimes formed an elegant pattern. The poor used linen strain- ers ;* and, where nicety was not required, they were made of broom or of rushes.' The Romans filled the strainer with ice or snow (cola nivaria) in order to cool and dilute the wine at the same time that it was cleared. The bone of the nose, which is minutely perforated for the passage of the olfac- tory nerves, was called TjS/iSg, the ethmoid bone; from its exact resemblance to a strainer. COLUMB.A'RIUM, a Dovecote or Pigeon-house. The word occurs more frequently in the plural num- ber, in which it is used to express a variety of ob- jects, all of which, however, derive their name from their resemblance to a dovecote. I. In the singular, Coldmbarium means one of those sepulchral chambers formed to receive the ashes of the lower orders, or dependants of great families ; and in the plural, the niches in which the cinerary urns (oZte) were deposited. Several of these chambers are still to be seen at Rome. One of the most perfect of them, which was discovered in the year 1822, at the villa Rufini, about two miles beyond the Porta Pia, is represented in the annexed woodcut. Each of the niches contained a pair of urns, with the names of the persons whose ashes they contain- ed inscribed over tiiem. The use of the word, and 1. (Hieronym. in Hab., c. 3.— Suet., Vesp., 18.— Plin., 1. c— Compare Lamprid., Commod., 17. — Dion Cass., lixii., 15.)— 2. (Stat., SylT., 1., i., 1.— Mart., Ep., i., 71, 6.)— 3. (H. A., is., 8.) — 4. (Adams, Append., s. t.)— 5. (Theophrast., H. P., iii., 14, 17.— Adams, Append., 1. c.)— 6. (Mus. Bovb. T.,™i., 14, flg. 4, 5.)— 7. (Athen.)— 8. (Mart., xiv., 104.)- 9. (Colum., De Ke Bust., xii., 19.) 287 COLUMNA. COLUMNA. mode of occupation, is testified in the following in- ( i' 'iption : L. Abucics Hermes in hoc OEDINE AB IMO AD SnMMHM C0LU5IBAKIA IX. OLI.M XVIII. SIBI POSTERISQUE SUIS. II. In a machine used to raise water for the pur- pose of irrigation, as described by Vitruvius," the vents through which the water was conveyed into the receiving trough were termed Columbaeia. This will be understood by referring to the woodcut at p. 65. (Vid. Antlia.) The difference between that representation and the machine now under consideration consisted in the following points : The wheel of the latter is a solid one {tympcmum) instead of radiated {rota), and was worked as a treadmill, by men who stood upon platforms pro- jecting from the flat sides instead of being turned by a stream. Between the intervals of each plat- form a series of grooves or channels (.columbaria) were formed in the sides of the tympanum, through which the water taken up by a number of scoops placed on the outer margin of the wheel, like the jars in the cut referred to, was conducted into a wooden trough below {lairum ligneum suppositum'). III. The cavities into which the extreme ends of the beams upon which a roof is supported (tigno- rum cubilia), and which are represented bytriglyphs in the Doric order, were termed Columbaria by the Roman architects ;* that is, while they remained empty, and until filled up by the head of the beam.' COLUMNA (kcuv, dim. kcovic;, kcovlov, KioviaKog' rrrCXoc, dim. crvVis, cTvliaKo^), a Pillar or Column. The use of the trunks of trees placed upright for supporting buildings, unquestionably led to the adop- tion of similar supports wrought in stone. Among the agricultural Greeks of Asia Minor, whose modes of life appear to have suffered little change for more than two thousand years, Mr. Fellows observed an exact conformity of style and arrangement between the wooden huts now occupied by the peasantry, of one of which he has given a sketch" (see woodcut). o>-g rxja^axrij.xJxrjJ srijXi..'?T and the splendid tombs and temples, which were 1. (Spon., Misc. Ant. Eradit., ii., p. 287.)— 2. (x.. 9.)— 3. (Vi- Irviv., 1. c.)— 4. (Vitnlv., iv., 2, p. 110, ed. Bipont.) — 5. (Mar- ^uez, Deir Ordme Doiico, vii., 37.)— 6. (Journal, j-. 234.) 2S8 hewn out of the rock, and constructed at the ex- pense of the most wealthy of the ancient inhabi- tants. We have also direct testimonies to prove that the ancients made use of wooden columns in their edifices. Pausanias' describes a very ancient monument in the market-place at Elis, con^ting of a roof supported by pillars of oak. A temple of Juno at Metapontum was supported by pillars made from the trunks of vines." In the Egyptian irchi- tecture, many of the greatest stone columns are manifest imitations of the trunk of the palm.' As the tree required to be based upon a flat square stone, and to have a stone or tile of similar form fixed on its summit to preserve it from decay, so the column was made with a square base, and was covered with an abacus. (Vid. Abacus.) Hence the principal parts of which every column consists are three, the base, the shaft, and the capital. In the Doric, which is the oldest style of Greek architecture, we must consider all the columns jn the same row as having one common base {podium), whereas in the Ionic and Corinthian each column has a separate base, called arrupa. {Vid. Spiea.) The capitals of these two latter orders show, on comparison with the Doric, a yet greater degree of complexity and a much richer style of ornament ; and the character of lightness and elegance is far- ther obtained in them by their more slender shaft, its height being much greater in proportion to its thickness. Of all these circumstances, some idea may be formed by the inspection of the three ac- companying specimens of pillars, selected from each of the principal orders of ancient architecture. The first is from a column of the Parthenon at Athens, the capital of which is shown on a larger scale at p. 9. The second is from the temple of Bacchus at Teos, the capital of which is introduced at p. 110. The third is from the remains of the temple of Ju- piter at Labranda. In all the orilers, the shaft {scapus) tapers from the bottom towards the top, thus imitating the nat- ural form of the trunk of a tree, and at the same time conforming to a general law in regard to the attainment of strength and solidity in all upright bodies. The shaft was, however, made with a slight swelling in the middle, which was called the entasis. It was, moreover, almost universally, and from the earliest times, channelled or fluted, t. c, the outside was striped with incisions parallel to the axis.* These incisions, called stria, were al- ways worked witli extreme regularity. The sec- tion of them by a plane parallel to the base was, in the Ionic and Corinthian orders, a semicircle ; in 1. (vi., 24, i 7.)— 2. (Plin., H. N., xiiv., 1.)— 3 (Herod., ii, 160.)— 4. (Vitruv., iv , 4.) COLUMNA. the Doric, it was an are much less than a semicir- cle Their number was 20 in the columns of the Parthenon above represented ; in other instances, 24, 28, or 32. ^^ , The capital was commonly wrought out of one bljck of stone, the shaft consisting of several cylin- drical pieces fitted to one another. When the col- umn was erected, its component parts were firmly joined together, not by mortar or cement, but by iron cramps fixed in the direction of the axis. The annexed woodcut is copied from an engraving m Swinburne's Tour in the Two Sicihes,' and repre- sents a Doric column, which has been thrown pros- trate ill such a manner as to show the capital lying separate, and the five drums of the shaft, each four feet long, with the holes for the iron cramps by which they were united together. Columns of an astonishing size were nevertheless erected, in which the shaft was one piece of stone. For this purpose it was hewn in the quarry into the requisite form,^ and was then rolled over the ground, or moved by the aid of various mechanical contri- vances, and by immense labour, to the spot where it was to be set up. The traveller now sometimes views with wonder the unfinished pillars, either oc- cupying their original site in the quarry, or left after having performed one half their journey, while he finds other shafts arranged in their intended posi- tion, and consisting each of a single piece of marble, alabaster, porphyry, jasper, or granite, which is ei- ther corroded by time, or retains its polish and its varied and beautiful colours, according to the situa- lion in which it has been placed, or the durability of its substance. The mausoleum of the Emperor Adrian, a circular building of such dimensions that it serves as the fortress of modern Rome, was sur- rounded by Ibrty-eight lofty and most beautiful Co- rinthian pillars, the shaft of each pillar being a sin- gle piece of marble. About the time of Constan- line, some of these were taken to support the inte- rior of a church dedicated to St. Paul, which a few years ago was destroyed by fire. The interest at- tached to the working and erection of these noble columns, the undivided shafts of which consisted of the most valuable and splendid materials, led mu- nificent individuals to employ their wealth in pre- senting them to public structures Thus Croesus contributed the greater part of the pillars to the temple at Ephesus.^ In the ruins at Labranda, now called Jackly, in Caria, tablets in front of the col- umns record the names of the donors, as is shown in the specimen of them above exhibited. *" The capitals used in the architecture of the Greeks," observes Stuart,' " though with number- less minute variations of ornaments and propor- tions, arrange themselves into three general classes, and oflfer the most obvious distinction between the orders. The Doric capital, which preserves more of the primitive type than any other, is extremely plain, but its simplicity is not without beauty. It consists of a broad and massy abacus, an ovolo un- der the abacus, from three to five fillets under the COLUMNA. ovolo, and under these a neck called the frieze of the capital. In the Ionic capital there is great in- vention, and a particular character is displayed ; in- deed, so much so, that it never fails to distinguish itself, even on the most slight and careless observa- tion. It consists of a small and moulded abacus, below which depend to the right and left two spiral volutes ; it has also an echinus, which is not unfre- quently enriched, and a bead. The Corinthian cap- ital is most richly ornamented, and diflfers extreme- ly from the others. In this the abacus is hollowed, forming a quadrilateral figure with concave sides, the angles of which are generally truncated. Some- times the abacus is enriched, but more frequently ornamented with a flower in the middle. Below the abacus the capital has the form of a vase or bell, surrounded with two tiers of the leaves of the acanthus, or, rather, of leaves resembling those of a species of the acanthus plant. Under each angle of the abacus springs a volute, and under the flow- er in the centre of the abacus there are cauliculi. With regard to the Tuscan capital, there are no authenticated remains of the order; and the pre- cepts of Vitruvius on this head are so very obscure, that the modern compUers of systems of architec- ture have, of course, varied exceedingly in their de- signs ; the order, therefore, that passes under this name must be regarded rather as a modern than an ancient invention. It has been made to differ from the modern Doric by an air of poverty and rudeness, by the suppression of parts and mouldings. But, though the Tuscan capital is plain and simple in the highest degree, it well becomes that column whose character is strength. The Composite capital is formed by a union of the Ionic and Corinthian. It consists of a vase or bell, a first and second row of acanthus leaves, with some small shoots, a fillet, astragal, ovolo, four volutes, and a hollowed abacus with a flower in its centre." Columns were used in the interior of buildings, to sustain the beams which supported the ceiling. As both the beams and the entire ceiling were often of stone or marble, which could not be obtained in pieces of so great a length as wood, the columns were in such circumstances frequent in proportion, not being more than about ten or twelve feet apart. The opisthodomos of the Parthenon of Athens, as appears from traces in the remaining ruins, had four columns to support the ceiling. A common arrange- ment, especially in buildings of an oblong form, was to have two rows of columns parallel to the two sides, the distance from each side to the next row of columns being less than the distance between the rows themselves. This construction was adopt- ed not only in temples, but in palaces (oIkoi), i. e., in houses of the greatest size and splendoui The great hall of the palace of Ulysses in Ithaca, that of the King of the Phaeacians, and tliat of the palace of Hercules at Thebes,' are supposed to have been thus constructed, the seats of honour both for me master and mistress, and for the more distinguished of their guests, being at the foot of certain pillars ' In these regal halls of the Honiei ic a;ra, we are also led to imagine the pillais decorated with arms. When Telemachus enters his father's hall, he places his spear against a column, and " within the doI- ished spear-holder," by which we must understand one of the striae or channels of the shaft.' Around the base of the columns, near the entrance, all the warriors of the family were accustomed to incliim their spears ; and from the upper part of the same they suspended their bows and quivers on nails or hooks.* The minstrel's lyre hung upon its peg from 1. (vol. ii., p. 301.)— 2. (Virg., ^ii., i., 428.)— 3. (Herod., i., 12.)— 4. {Dictionary of Architecture, vol. i., s. v. Capital.) Oo 1. (Eurip., Here. Fur., 975-1013.)— 2. (OJ., vi.,307 ; viii.,66 473,- ixiii., 90.) — 3. (Od., i,, 127-129; xvii., 29.— Vir j., ^a, xii., 92.)— 4. (Horn., Hymn, in Ap., 8.) 2sg COLUMNA. COLUMNA. another column nearer the top of the room.' The columns of the hall were also made subservient to less agreeable uses. Criminals were tied to them in order to be scourged or otherwise tormented.' According to the description in the Odyssey, the beams of the hall of Ulysses were of silver-fir ; in such a case, the apartment might be very spacious without being overcrowded with columns.^ Such, likewise, was the hall of the palace of Atreus at Mycenae : " Fulget turba cwpax Immane tectum, cu- jus auratas trades Variis columns nobiles maculis fe- runt."* Rows of columns were often employed within a building to enclose a space open to the sky. Beams supporting ceilings passed from above the columns to the adjoining walls, so as to form covered passa- ges or ambulatories {oroai). Such a circuit of col- umns was called a peristyle (nepiarvXov), and the Roman atrium was built upon this plan. The lar-' gest and most splendid temples enclosed an open space like an atrium, which was accomplished by placing one peristyle upon another. In such cases, the lower rows of columns being Doric, the upper were sometimes Ionic or Corinthian, the lighter be- ing properly based upon the heavier.' A temple so constructed was called hypathral {viraidpoc). On the outside of buildings columns were by no means destitute of utility. But the chief design m erecting them was the attainment of grandeur and beauty ; and, to secure this object, every cir- cumstance relating to their form, proportions, and arrangement was studied with the utmost nicety and exactness. Of the truth of this observation, some idea may be formed from the following list of terms, which were employed to distinguish the dif- ferent kinds of temples.' I. Terms describing the number and arrange- ment of the columns. I. 'AffTD/lof, astyle, without any columns.' 3. 'Ev napaaraai, in antis, with two columns in froqt between the antae.' (Woodcut, p. 61.) 3. UpoaTvXoc, prostyle, with four columns in front. 4. 'A/i(j>i7rp6aTv?M;, amphiprostyle, with four col- umns at each end. 5. llepiTZTepo^ or a/ifiKiuv,' peripteral, with col- umns at each end and along each side, the side being about twice as many as the end columns, including two divisions, viz. ; a. 'EfaffTTj^of, hexastyle, with six columns at each end, and either nine or eleven at each side, besides those at the angles. Example, the Theseum at Athens. h. 'OKTaoTvAof, octastyle, with eight columns at each end, and fifteen at each side, besides those at the angles. Example, the Parthenon at Athens. 6. AiTTTEpof, dipteral, with two ranges of columns {irrepd) all round, the one within the other. 7. "ievSoSlirTepo;, pseudoiipteral, with one range only, but at the same distance from the walls of the cella as the outer range of a SiwTepoc. 8. AeKaaTvXo(, decastyle, with ten columns at each end, which was the case only in hypsthral temples.'" II. Terms describing the distance of the columns from one another, and from the walls of the cella. 1. nuKvooTt/lof, pycnostyle, the distance between the columns a diameter of a column and half a di- ameter. 2. Si5(TniXoc systyle, the distance between the columns two diameters of a column. I. (0(1., viii., 67.— Find., 01., i., 17.)— 2. (Soph., Ajax, 108. — Lobcck, ad U.c.— Diog. Laert., viii., 21. — Hesiod., Thoog., 521.) -3. (Od., xix., 38 1 ixii., 176 193.)— 4. (Sen., Thyest., iv., 1.) 5. (PauB., v.li., 45, It 4.)— 6 (Vitruv., iii., 2, 3.) —7. (Leoni- das Tar. in B' inck. Analect., i., 237,- Plin., II. N., M\iv,, 8.) —8. (Pind., 01 , vi., 1.)— 9. (S jph., Antlg., 285.)— 10. (Vitruv., ill., 1-) 2P> 3. Eti(jrvA.of, eustyle, the distance between the columns two diameters and a quarter, except in the centre of the front and back of the building, where each intercolumniation {intereolumnium) was threo diameters, called eustyle, because it was best adapt ed both for beauty and convenience. 4. AiaffruAof, diastyle, the intercolumniation, oi distance between the columns, three diameters. 5. 'ApafoffTuAof, araeostyle, the distances excess- ive, so that it was necessary to make the epistyle (kmarvTiLov), or architrave, not of stone, but of timber. Columns in long rows were used to convey water in aqueducts,' and single pillars were fixed in har- bours for mooring ships.' Some of these are found yet standing. Single columns were also erected to commemo- rate persons or events. Among these, some of the most remarkable were the colnmnce rostratce, called by that name because three ship-beaks proceeded from each side of them, and designed to record suc- cessful engagements at sea {navali surgentes an columnce.'). The most important and celebrated of those which yet remain is one erected in honour of the consul C. Duillius, on occasion of his victory over the Carthaginian fleet, B.C. 261 (see the an- nexed v,'oodcut). It was originally placed in the Forum,' and is now preserved in the museum of the Capitol. The inscription upon it, in great part effaced, is written in obsolete Latin, similar tc that of the Twelve Tables.' When statues were raised to ennoble victors at the Olympic and other games, or to commemorate persons who had obtained any high distinction, the tribute of public homage was rendered still more notorious and decisive by fixing their statues upon pillars. They thus appeared, as Pliny observes,' to be raised above other mortals. But coliimns were much more commonly used to commemorate the dead. For this purpose they va- ried in size, from the plain marble pillar bearing a simple Greek inscription,' to those lofty and elabo- rate columns which are now among the most won- derful and instructive monuments of ancient Rome. The column on the right hand, in the last woodcut, exhibits that which the senate erected to the honour of the Emperor Trajan, and crowned with his co- lossal statue in bronze. In the pedestal is a door, which leads to a spiral staircase for ascending to 1. (Crates, Qp.Athon.,Ti.,94.)— 2. (Od.,xxii.,466.)— 3. (Virg., Georg., iii., 29.— Servius, ad loc.) — 4. (Plin., II. N., xxxiv., 11) —6. (Quinlil., i., 7.)— 6. (H. N., iixiv., 12.)— 7. (Leon. Tar i« fiiniQck. Anal., i., 239.) COMA. the summit. Light is admitted to the staircase through numerous apertures. A spiral bas-rehef is folded round the pillar, which represents the em- peror's victories over the Dacians, and is one of the most valuable authorities for archaeological inqui- ries. Including the statue, the height of this monu- ment, in which the ashes of the emperor were de- posited, was not less than 130 feet. A similar col- omn, erected to the memory of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, remains at Rome, and is commonly known by the appellation of the Antonine column. After the death of Julius Ciesar, the people erected to his memory a column of solid marble, 20 feet high, in the Forum, with the inscription paeenti patei^.' Columns still exist at Rome, at Constantinople, and in Egypt, which were erected to other emperors. COMA (fc6/i)?), the hair of the head. Besides this general term, there are various other words, both in Greek and Latin, signifying the hair, each of which acquires its distinctive meaning irom some physical property of the hair itself, or from some pe- culiarity in the mode of arranging it, the principal of which are as follow : 1. 'Eeeipa,' a head of hair when carefully dressed.^ 3. Xairi?, properly the mane of a horse or lion, is used to signify long flow- ing hair.' 3. $0677, when accurately used, implies the hair of the head in a state of disorder incident to a person under a sense of fear.' 4. Jlomg, from rninu or irixu,^ the hair when combed and dressed.' 5. epi'f, a general term for hair, from the plural of which the Romans borrowed their word tricce :' rpi- tuffif and TpixufMa are used in the same sense.' 6. Viopari (Att. K6/>/yii), from the old word Kop, the head,'" signifies properly the hair on the top of the head ; and hence a particular fashion of arranging the hair among the Greek women was termed ko- pu/iSof ;" or, when worn in the same style by the men, it was designated by another derivative from the same word, KpufiuAoc.'" To produce this effect, the hair was drawn up all round the head from the front and back, and fastened in a bow on the top, as exemplified in the two following busts, one of the Apollo Belvidere, the other of Diana, from the British Museum." COM.A. Hercules, one of which is subjoined from a speei- men in the British Museum.' Instead of a band, the people of Athens fastened the bow with an ornamental clasp, fashioned like a grasshopper, to show that they were aborigines." KpiiSivlof is also used for a cap of network, like that represented at p. 187, 271. (Vid. Galantica.) 7. MaX/lof, which properly means wool, was also used for the short, round, curly hair, which resembles the fleece of a lamb, such as is seen in some of the early Greek sculptures, particularly in the heads of 1. (Suet, Jul., 85;— 2. (Horn., 11., ivi., 795.)— 3. (Schol. ad Thccyjr.-, IJyll., i., 34.)— 4. (Hom., II., Miii., 141.)— 5. (Soph., (Ed. Col., 1465.— Aotig., 419.)— 6. (Hesych.)— 7. (Aristoph., Thesm., 547.)— 8. (Nonius, s. v.)— 9. (.aisch., Sept. c. Theb., 663.— Eurip., Iph. Taur., 73.)— 10. (Blomf., Gloss, ad .Slsch., Peis., 664.)— 11. (Thucyd., i., 6.)— 12. (Schol. ad Thucyd., 1. c.) —13. (Chamter lu.. No. 19.)— 14. (Thucyd., i., 6.— Virg., Ciris, 128.) 8. Kepof (xepf ay?Mi'), a term used when tne hair was combed up from the temples on each side, so as to give it the appearance of two horns, as is seen in the heads of fawns and satyrs, and in the bust of Jupiter introduced below. 9. Kikivvo;,' 7rXdxii6(,* x^'^oi,' the hair which falls in ringlets, either natural or artificial, which was sometimes called ^oarpvxoi and v^oKa/io;.' All these terms, when strictly appropriated, seem to designate that singular style of coiffure which is observable in Etruscan and early Greek works, and common to both sexes, as is seen in the casts from the temple of Jupiter Panhellenius in the British Museum. Besides the generic coma, the Romans made use of the following terms, expressive of some peculiar qualities in the hair, or particular mode of arrange, ment : 1. Capillus, according to the old etymolo- gists, quasi capitis pilus. 2. Crinis, the hair when carefully dressed.' 3. Cmsaries, which is said, though without much probability, to be connected with c interested in the matter of the suit,' though the per son who instituted the legal proceedings was proper ly the actor. This action was maintainable betweei those who were joint owners of a corporeal thing which accordingly was called res communis ; an< it was maintainable whether they were owners (domini), or had merely a right to the publiciana actio in rem ; and whether they were socii, as in the case of a joint purchase ; or not socii, as in the case of a thing bequeathed to them (legala) by a testament ; but the action could not be maintained in the matter of an hereditas. In this action an account might be taken of any injury done to the common property, or anything expended on it, or any profit received from it, by any of the joint own- ers. Any corporeal thing, as a piece of land or a slave, might be the subject of this action. It seems that division was not generally effected by a sale ; but if there were several things, the ju- dex would adjudicate {adjudicare) them severally' to the several persons, and order {condemnare) the party who had the more valuable thing or things to pay a sum of money to the other by way of equality of partition. It follows from this that the things must have been valued ; and it appears that a s^e might be made, for the judex was bound to make partition in the way that was most to the advantage of the joint owners, and in the way in which they agreed that partition should be made ; and it ap- pears that the joint owners might bid for the thing, which was common property, before the ;.idex. & the thing was one and indivisible, it was adjudica ted to one of the parties, and he was ordered to pay a fixed sum of money to the other or others of the parties. This action, and that of familiae erciscun- dse, bear some resemblance to the now abolished English writ of partition, and to the bill in equity for partition.' COMMODA'TUM is one of those obligationes which are contracted re. He who lends to anothei a thing for a definite time, to be enjoyed and used under certain conditions, without any pay or reward, is called commodans ; the person who receives the thing is called commodatarius ; and the contract is called commodatum. It is distinguislied fi'om rau- tuum in this, that the thing lent is not one of those things qua pondere, numcro, mensurave constant, as wine, corn, &c. ; and the thing commodata does not become the property of the receiver, who is therefore bound to restore the same thing. It dif- fers from locatio et conductio in this, that the use of the thing is gratuitous. The commodatarius is liable to the actio commodati if he does not restore the thing ; and he is bound to make good all injury which befalls the thing while it is in his possession, provided it be such injury as a careful person could have prevented, or provided it b5 any injury which the thing has sustained in being used contrary to the conditions or purpose of the lending. In some cases the commodatarius had an actio contiaria against the commodans, who was liable for any in- jury sustained by the commodatarius through his dolus or culpa ; as, for instance, if he knowingly lent him bad vessels, and the wine or oil of the com- modatarius was thereby lost or injured.* COMCEDIA (,Kufi6oi, and Aristophanes,'' " the same sense.' It is also applied to the Purpura in particular, and likewise to the purple colour formed from it. According to Aldrovandus, Horace applies it to oysters in the following line : "Miscveris eliza simul eonchylia turdis^^^ CONCILIA'BULUM. (Yid. Colonia.) CONCUBI'NA (GREEK). The -KaWaKlj oi ■KaXkanig occupied at Athens a kind of middle rank between the wife and the harlot (iraipa). The dis- tinction between the kraipa^ naTXaKi], and legal wife is accurately described by Demosthenes :" rhq \ih> yap iraipac Tjdovrjq Hen' ix^f^^' ^^C ^^ TraAXa/caf, r^f Kod' ijfiepav ^epairetac tov cufiarog : raf de yvvatKa(;y Tov iraidoTTOtSLffdat yvjjalug Kal ruv Ivdov ^vXaKa TCio- TTiv ix^Lv. Thus Antiphon speaks of the ira?i?.aK^ of Philoneos as following him to the sacrifice," and also waiting upon him and his guest at table." If her person were violated by force, the same penaltj was exigible from the ravisher as if the offence had been committed upon an Attic matron ; and a man surprised by the quasi-husband in the act of crimi nal intercourse with his iraAAa/f^, might be slain by him on the spot, as in the parallel case.'* (Yid. Adulteeium.) It does not, however, appear very clearly from what political classes concubines were chiefly selected, as cohabitation with a foreign (feVj?) woman was strictly forbidden by law,'* and the pro- visions made by the state for virgins of Attic fami- lies must in most cases have prevented their sinking to this condition. Sometimes, certainly, where there were several destitute female orphans, this might take place, as the next of kin was not obliged to provide for more than one ; and we may also conceive the same to have taken place with respect to the daughters of famihes so poor as to be unable to supply a dowry.'* The dowry, in fact, seems to have been a decisive criterion as to whether the 1. (iv., p. 219.)— 2. (in Pison., c. 4.)— 3. (vii., 7.)— 4. (Sat., i., 4.)— 5. (I., 24.)— 6. (Hussey, p. 207, 209.— Warm, p. 129 )— 7. (Sat, ii., 4, 28.)— 8. (Hippocr., De Diait.)- 9. (De Aliment, ex Aquat.)— 10. (Sat., ii., 2, 74.)— 11. (c. Neair., p. 1386.)— IS. (Ace. de Venef., p. 613.)— 13. (Id., p. 614.— Fid. Decker, Char- ikies, Tol. ii., p. 438.)— 14. (Lysias, De Cied. Eratosth., p. 95.)— 15. (Demosth., c. Neasr., p. 1350.) — 16. (Deraosth., c. Neier., 1384.— Plaut., Trinumm., III., ii., 63.) 30) CONDITORIUM. CONFESSORIA ACTIO. eornjxion between a male and female Athenian, in a SI \te of cohabitation, amounted to a marriage : if no dowry had been given, the child of such union wo .-Id be illegitimate ; if, on the contrary, a dowry had been given, or a proper instrument executed in acknowledgment of its receipt, the female was fully entitled to all conjugal rights.' It does not appear that the slave that was taken to her master's bed acquired any political rights in consequence; the concubine mentioned by Antiphon' is treated as a slave by her master, and after his death undergoes a servile punishment.' • (Vid. Het.«ea.) CONCUBI'NA (ROMAN). According to an old definition, an unmarried woman who cohabited with a man was originally called p^lex, but after- ward by the more decent appellation of concubina.* This remark has apparently reference to the Lex Julia et Papia Poppeea, by which the concubinatus received a legal character. This legal concubina- tus consisted in the permanent cohabitation of an unmarried man with an unmarried woman. It therefore differed from aduiterium, stuprum, and in- cestus, which were legal offences ; and from con- tubernium, which was the cohabitation of a free man with a slave, or the cohabitation of a male and female slave, between whom there could be no Roman marriage. Before the passing of the Lex Jul. et P: P., the name of concubina would have applied to a woman who cohabited with a married man who had not divorced his first wife ;' but this was not the state of legal concubinage which was afterward established. The offence of stuprum was avoided in the case of the cohabitation of a free man and an ingenua by this permissive concubinage ; but it would seem to be a necessary inference that there should be some formal declaration of the in- tention of the parties, in order that there might be no stuprum.^ Heineccius' denies that an ingenua could be a concubina, and asserts that those only could be concubinse who could not be uxores ; but this appears to be a mistake,' or perhaps it may be said that there was a legal doubt on this subject.' It seems probable, however, that such unions were not often made with ingenuae. This concubinage was not a marriage, nor were the children of such marriage, who were sometimes called liberi naturales, in the power of their father. Still it established certain legal relations between the two persons who lived in concubinage and their children. Under the Christian emperors concubi- nage was not favoured, but it still existed, as we see from the legislation of Justinian. This legal concubinage should not be confounded with dlieit cohabitation. It rather resembled the morganatic marriage (ad morganalicam), in which neither the wife enjoys the rank of the husband, nor the children the rights of children by a legal marriage. '" Thus it appears that, among the Ro- mans, widowers who had already children, and did not wish to contract another legal marriage, might take a concubina, as we see in the case of Vespa- sian," Antoninus Pius, and M. Aurelius.'" CONDEMNA'TIO. (Vid. Actio, p. 20.) CONDl'CTIO. (VId. Actio, p. IG.) CONDITO'RIUM, in its general" acceptation, means a place in which property of any kind is de- posited — ubi quid conditum est — thus condilorium muralium tormentorum" is a magazine for the recep- tion of a battering-train when not in active service. 1. (Petit., Log. Att., 548, and authors there quoted.) — 2. (Ace. do Venef.)— 3. (Id,, p. 615.)— 4. (Mussurius, ap. Paul.— Dig. 50, tit. 10, s. 144.)— 5. (Cic, De Onit., i., 40.)— 6. (Dig. 48, til. 5, s. 34.)— 7. (Syntag., Ap., lib. i., 30.)— 8. (Dig. 25, tit. 5, s, 3.)— 9. (Id., s. l.)-10. (Lib. Feud., ii., 29.)— 11. (Suet., Vesp., 3.)— 12. (Jul. Cap., Vit. Ant., c. 8.— Aurol., c. 29.— Dig. 25, tit. 7.— Cod. T., tit. 20.— Paulus, Ilecept. Sentoiit., ii., lit. 19, 20.— Nov. 18, c. 5 1 89, c. 12.)— 13. (Amin. Mai-cell., ivii., 9.) 302 But thi word came afterward to be applied more strictly as a repository for the dead. In the earlier ages of Greek and Roman history, the body was consumed by fire after death (vid. Bustdm), the ashes only receiving sepultore ; and as there could be no danger of infection from these, the sepulchres which received them were all above ground.' But subsequently, when this practice fell into partial or entire disuse, it became necessary to inter (humare) the dead, or bury them in vaults or chambers under ground ; and then the word conditorium or conditivum' was adopted, to express that class of sepulchres to which dead bodies were consigned entire, in contradistinction to those which contained the bones and ashes only. It is so used by Petronius' for the tomb in which the husband of the Ephesian matron was laid ; by Pliny,* for the vault where the body of a person of gigantic stature was preserved entire ; and by Quintilian,' for tlie chamber in which a dead body is laid out, " cubicu- lum conditorium mortis tua." In a single passage af Pliny' it is synonymous with monimentum, and in an inscription,' " olios vi. minores in avito condi- torio," the mention of the cinerary olla indicates that the tomb alluded to was of the kind called co- lumbarium. (Firf. CoLUMBAEiiiM.) The Correspond- ing word in Greek is vizoyatov or VTzoyeiov^* kypo- geum.' Conditorium is also used for the coffin in which a body was placed when consigned to the tomb and when used, the same distinction is implied." *C0NE10-\ {kCivuov), Hemlock, or Conium mac- ulatum. It is called Cicuta by Celsus. This poi- sonous plant possesses highly narcotic and danger- ous qualities, and an infusion of it was given at Athens to those who were condemned to capital punishment. By a decoction of this kind Socrates lost his life'. The effects of the poison in his case are strikingly described, in the Phaedon of Plato. Sibthorp found the Kuveiov between Athens and Me- gara. It is not imfrequent throughout the Pelopon- nesus also. I'iic modern Greeks call it Bpoiioxoit- TOV.^^ CONTARREA TIO. (Fid. Maeeiage.) CONFESSO'RIA ACTIO is an actio in rem," by which a person claims a jus in re, such as the use and enjoyment {usus fructus) of a thing, or claims some servitus (jus eundi, agendi, &c.). The actio negatoria or negativa is that in which a per- son disputes a jus in re which another claims and _ attempts to exercise. If several persons claimed a servitus, each might bring his action; if several claimed as fructuarii, they must join in the action. None but the ownei of the property, to which the servitus was alleged to be due, could maintain a directa actio for it. The condemnatio in the actio confessoria was adapt- ed to secure to the fructuarius ,his enjoyment of the thing if he proved his right, and to secure the servitus if the plaintiff made out his claim to it. The negatoria actio was that which the ovvTiei of a thing had against a person who claimed a servi- tus in it, and at the same time endeavoured to ex- ercise it. The object of this action was to prevent the defendant from exercising his alleged right, and to obtain security (cautio) against future attempts, which security it was competent for the judex to require. But this action was extended to the get- ting rid of a nuisance ; as, if a man put a heap of dung against your wall so as to make it damp ; oi 1. (Salmas., Exercit. Plin., p. 849.)— 2. (Seuec, Ep., 60.)- 3. (Sal., C)u., 2, 7 ; cvii., 3.)— 4. (H. N., vii., 16.)— 5. (Deckm 8, p. 119, ed. Var.)— 6. (Ep.,-ri., 10.)— 7. (ap. Grut.,p. 1134, 6.) 8. (Hesych.)— 9. (Pctron., Sat.,cii.,2.)— 10. (Suet.,Ocla"., IS. —Plin., H. N., ix.\\ni., 7.— Potroo., Sat., cxii., 8,— Compare Strobo, xvii., 8.)— 11. (Theophrast., H. P., ix., 8.— Dioscor., it. 79.— Celsus, v., 6.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 12. (Gaius, iv., 3 CONFUSIO. a neighbour's wall bellied out half a foot or more into your premises ; or the wind blew one of his trees so as to make it hang over your ground ; or a man cut stones on his own land so that the pieces fell on yours : in all such cases you had a negatoria actio, in which you declared jus ei non esse, &c., according to the circumstances of the case.' CONFU'SIO properly signifies the mixing of liquids, or the fusing of metals into one mass. If things of the same or of different Icind were con- fused, either by the consent of both owners or by accident, the compound was the property of both. If tlie confusio was caused by one without the con- sent of the other, the compound was only joint prop- erty in case the things were of the same kind, and perhaps (we may conjecture) of the same quality, as, for instance, wines of the same quality. If the things were different, so that the compound was a new thing, this was a case of what, by modern wri- ters, is called specification, which th"e Roman wri- ters expressed by the term novam speciem facere, as if a man made mulsum out of his own wine and his neighbour's honey. In such a case the person who caused the confusio became the owner of the compound, but he was bound to make good to the other the value of his property. Commixtio applies to cases such as mixing to- gether two heaps of corn ; but this is not an in- stance in which either party acquires property by the commixtio. For if the mixture takes place, ei- ther accidentally or with mutual consent, or by the act of one alone, in all these cases the property of each person continues as before, for in all these cases it is capable of separation. A case of com- mixtio arises when a man's money is paid without his knowledge and consent, and the money, when paid, is so mixed with other money that it cannot be recognised ; otherwise it remains the property of the person to whom it belonged. The title confusio does not properly comprehend the various modes of acquisitio which arise from two pieces of property belonging to different per- sons being materially united ; but still it may be convenient to enumerate under this head the vari- ous modes of acquisitio which belong to the general head of Accessio. Specification (which is not a Roman word) took place when a man made a new thing (nova species) either out of his own and his neighbour's material, or out of his own simply. In the former case, such man acquired the ownership of the thing. In the latter case, if the thing could be brought back to the rough material (which is obviously possible in very few cases), it still belonged to the original own- er, but the specificator had a right to retain the thing till he was paid the value of his labour, if he had acted bona fide. If the new species could not be brought back to its original form, the specificator in all cases became the owner ; .if he had acted bo- na fide, he was liable to the owner of the stuff for its value only ; if mala fide, he was liable to an ac- tion of theft. Of this kind are the cases put by Gains,' of a man making wine of another man's grapes, oil of his olives, a ship or bench of his tim- ber, and so on. Some jurists (Sabinus and Cassius) were of opinion that the ownership of the thing was not changed by such labour being bestowed on it ; the opposite school were of opinion that the new- thing belonged to him who had bestowed his labour on it, but they admitted that the original owner had a legal remedy for the value of his property. Two things, the property of two persons, might become so united as not to be separable without in- jury to one or both ; in this case, the owner of the principal thing became the owner of the accessory. CONGIARIUM. Thus, in the case of a man building on another man's ground, the building belonged to the owner of the ground (superficies solo cedit) ; or in the case of a tree planted, or seed sown on another man's ground, the rule was the same. If a man wrote, even in letters of gold, on another man's parchment or paper, the whole belonged to the owner of the parchment or paper ; in the case of a picture paint- ed on another man's canvass, the canvass became the property of the owner of the picture.' If a piece of land was torn away by a stream (avulsio) from one man's land and attached to another's land, it became the property of the latter when it was firmly attached to it. This is a different case from that of Allotio. But in all these cases the losing party was entitled to compensation, with some exceptions as to cases of mala fides. The rules of Roman law on this subject are sta- ted by Brinkmann, Instit. Jut. Rem., ^ 398, &c. ; Mackeldey, Lehrbuch, &c., ^ 245, &c.. Accession; Rosshirt, Grwndlinicn, &c., ^ 62. The term confusio had other legal meanings, which it is not necessary to explain here. *CONGER (Koyypog), the Conger Eel, or Murana conger, L., called in Italian Bronco. " The name of Conger," observes Griffith, " was at first given to a species of eel, the Mnrana conger, after Aristotle and Athenaeus, who had called the sea-eel Kdyypof. M. Cuvier has withdrawn this fish from the genus Anguilla, and made it the foundation of a sub-genus, under the name of Conger. It is very abundant on the coasts of England and France, in the Mediter- ranean Sea, where it was much sought after by the ancients, and in the Propontis, where it was not long ago in considerable estimation. Those of Sicyon were more especially esteemed. The con- gers are extremely voracious. They live on fish, moUusca, and Crustacea, and do not even spare their own species. They are extremely fond of carrion, and are sure to be found in those places into which the carcasses of animals have been thrown. — Among the species of the sub-genus Mu- rana (proper) we may notice here the Common Mu- rana, or Murana helcna. This fish is about three feet long, and sometimes more ; it weighs as much as twenty or thirty pounds ; is very much extended in the Mediterranean ; and the ancient Romans, who were well acquainted with it, held it in high estima- tion under the name of Murana, which we com- monly translate by the term ' lamprey.' These mu- raenae were carefully reared in vivaria by the Ro- mans. As early as the time of Caesar, the multi- plication of these domestic muraenas was so great that on the occasion of one of his triumphs, that commander presented six thousand of them to his friends. Crassus reared them so as to be obedient to his voice, and to come and receive their food from his hands ; while the celebrated orator Hortensius wept over the loss of a favourite lamprey of which death had deprived him. The Romans are said to have thrown offending slaves into their fish-ponds, as food for these voracious creatures."' CONGIA'RIUM (scil. vas, from congius), a vessel containing a congius. (Vid. Congios.) In the early times of the Roman Republic, the congius was the usual measure of oil or wine which was, on certain occasions, distributed among the people ;' and thus congiarium, as Quintilian* says, became a name for liberal donations to the people in general, whether consisting of oil, wine, corn, or money, or other things,' while donations made to the soldiers were called donativa, though they were 1. (Dig. 8, tit. 5.— Brisomiu, Be Fo— .;ulis.)— 2. (ii , 29.) 1. (Gains, ii., 73, &c.)— 2. (Griffith's Cuvier, vol. x., p. 544, &c.)— 3. (Liv., XIV., 2.)— 4. (vi., 3, 52.)— 5. (Plin.,H. N., iciv., 14, 17; xixi., 7, 41.— Suet., Octav., 41.— Tib., 20.— Net., 7.— Pliu., Faneg., 25. — Tacit., Aiin., lii., 41 ; xiii., 31 .— Liv., ixivii., 57.) 303 CONQUISITORES. sometimes also termed congiaria.^ Congiarium was, moreover, occasionally used simply to desig- nate a present or a pension given by a person of high rank, or a prince, to his friends ; and Fabius Maximus called the presents vchich Augustus made to his friends, on account of their smallness, hemi- r.aria instead of congiaria, because hemina was only the twelfth part of a congitts.' CO'NGIUS, a Roman liquid measure, which con- tained six sestarii,' or the eighth part of the am- phora (=5-9471 pints Eng.). It was equal to the larger x'>''C °^ ^^^ Greeks. (Vid. Chous.) Cato tells us that he was wont to give each of his slaves a congius of wine at the Saturnalia and Compitalia.* Pliny relates, among other examples of hard drink- ing,' that Novellius Torquatus Mediolanensis ob- tained a cognomen (tricongius, a nine-bottle-man) by drinking three congii of wine at once. There is a congius in existence, called the con- gius of Vespasian, or the Farnese congius, bearing an inscription, which states that it was made in the year 75 A.D., according to the standard measure in tJTie Capitol, and that it contained, by weight, ten pounds {Imp. Ctes. vi. T. Ctcs. Aug. F. iiii. Cos. Mensura exacta in Capitolio, P. x.'). By means of this congius the weight of the Roman pound has been ascertained. {Vid. Libra.) This congius holds, according to an experiment made by Dr. Hase in 1824, 52037-692 grains of distilled water. Now the imperial gallon of eight pints, as determin- ed by act of Parliament in 1824, holds 10 lbs. avoir- dupois, or 70,000 grains of distilled water. Hence .....,, . 52037692X8 the number of pints in the congius:^ 70000 :=5-9471, as above. Its capacity in cubic inches is 2061241. A congius is represented in Fabretti.' ♦CONI'LE (KovU.ri), a plant, most prob.ibly, as Sprengel suggests, the Salureia Graca, or Greek Savory.' CONNU'BIUM. (Firf. Marriage.) CONOPE'UM (Kova-elov), a gnat curtain, i. e., a covering made to be expanded over beds and couch- es to keep away gnats and other flying insects, so called from Kuvu^p, a gnat. The gnat-curtains mentioned by Horace' were probably of linen, but of the texture of gauze. The use of them is still common in Italy, Greece, and other countries surrounding the Mediterranean. Conopeum is the origin of the English word canopy.^" According to Herodotus," the Egyptian fishermen used to provide a substitute for gnat-curtains in the following manner : The fisherman, having through the day worked at his employment with his casting- net (aji^itlrjaTpov), in the evening fixed the point of it on the top of an upright pole, so that it might be expanded round him in the form of a tent. Under this he reposed, secure from the attacks of insects, which, as has been lately proved, will not pass through the meshes of a net, though quite wide enough to admit them." *CONOPS (Kuvuip), a name most properly applied to the Culex pipiens, or Gnat. Schneider, however, shows that it is sometimes indiscriminately applied also to the Ephemera (Mayfly) and the Phrygajiea." CONQUISITO'RES. These were persons em- ployed to go about the country and impress soldiers. I. (Cic. ad Att., xvi., 8.— Curt., vi., 2.)— 2. (Quint., 1. c— Compura C;o. ad Fam., viii., 1. — Sonec, Do Brevit. Vit. — De acnef., ii., 16.~Suet., Vcsp., 18.— Jul., 27.)— 3. (Rhem. Fann., r, 72.)— 4. (Do Re Rust., c. 57.)— 5. (H. N., liv., 22.)— 6. (See llso Festus, s. V. Publica pondora.)— 7. (Inscript., p. 536.)— 8. (Nicand., Thcr., 020.— Dioscnr,, iii., 34.— Adams, Append.)— 9. (Epod.ix., 9,)— 10. (See Judith,x., 21; xiii., 9; xvi,, 19.— Juv., ri., 80.— Varro, Do Re Bust., ii. 10, I) 8.)— U. (ii., 95.)— 12. 'Sptiirc, ill Tr;ms. of the Entomoln;,'ical Society for 1834.)— 13. Arikt'it., II. A., iv., 7.— jEliaii, N. A., xiv., 22.) 304 CONSUALIA. when there was a difficulty in completing a levy.' Sometimes commissioners were appointed by a de. cree of the senate for the purpose of making a con. quisitio.' CONSANGUI'NEI. (Vid. Cognati.) CONSECRA'TIO. (Yid. Apotheosis.) CONSILIA'RII. (Vid. Conventus.) CONSI'LIUM. (Vid. Conventus.) CONSTITUTIO'NES. " Constitutio principis," says Gains,' " is that which the imperator has con- stituted by decretum, edictum, or epistola ; nor has it ever been doubted that such constitutio has the force of law, inasmuch as by law the imperator re- ceives the imperium." Hence such laws were oftet called principales constitutiones. An imperial constitutio, then, in its widest sense, might mean everything by which the head of the state declared his pleasure, either in a matter ol legislation, administration, or jurisdictio. A decre- tum was a judgment in a matter in dispute between two parties which came before him, either in the way of appeal or in the first instance. Edicta, so called from their analogy to the old edict,* edictales leges, generales leges, leges perpetuae, &c., were laws binding on all the emperor's subjects. Under the general head of rescripta' were contained epis- tola; and subscriptiones,' which were the answers of the emperor to those who consulted him either as pubhc functionaries or individuals.' In the time of Tiberius, the word rescriptum had hardly obtain- ed the legal signification of the time of Gaius.' It is evident that decreta and rescripta could not, from their nature, have the force of leges generales, but, inasmuch as these determinations in particular cases might be of obvious general application, they might gradually obtain the force of law. Under the early emperors, at least in the time oi Augustus, many leges were enacted, and in his time, and that of his successors to about the time of Ha- drian, we find mention of numerous senatus con- sulfa. In fact, the emperor, in whom the supreme power was vested from the time of Augustus, ex- ercised his power through the medium of a senatus consultum, which he introduced by an oratio or libellus, and the senatus consultum was said to be made "imperatore auctore." Probably, about the time of Hadrian, senatus consulta became less com- mon, and finally imperial constitutiones became the common form in which a law was made. At a later period, in the Institutes, it is declared, that whatever the imperator determined (consliiuit) by epistola, or decided judicially (cognosccns dccre- vit), or declared by edict, was law ; with this lim- itation, that those constitutions were not laws which in their nature were limited to special cases. Under the general head of constitutiones we also read of mandata, or instructions by the Caesar to his officers. Many of these constitutions ar«i preserved in their original form in the extant co^'es. (Vid. Codex Theodosianos, &c.) CONSUA'LIA, a festival, with fimes, celebrated by the Romans, according to Festus, Ovid,' and others, in honour of Census, the god of secret de- liberation, or, according to Livy," of Neptunua Equestris. Plutarch," Dionysius of Halicamas sus,*'and the Pseudo Asconius, however,'' say that Neptunus Equestris and Census were only different names for one and the same deity. It was solem- nized ei'ery year in the circus by the symbolical ceremony of uncovering an altar dedicated to the 1. (Hirt., De Dell. Alex., i., 22.— Liv., xxi., 11 )— 2. (L-V, XXV., 5.)— 3. (i., 5.)— 4. (Oaius, i., 93.)— 5. (Gaius, i., 72, 73, &c.)— 6. (Gaius, i., 94, 96, 104.)— 7. (Plin., Ep., x., 2.)— 8. (Ta- cit., Aim.,vi., 9.)— 9. (Fast., iii., 199.)— 10. (i., 9.)— 11. (tJuKSt. Rom., 45.) — 12. (li., 31.) — 13. (ad Cic. iu Verr., p. 142, ei Orelli.) CONSUL. god, which was buried in the earth. For Romulus, who was considered as the founder of the festival, was said to have discovered an altar in the earth on that spot.' The solemnity took place on the 21st of August with horse and chariot races, and libations were poured into the flames which con- sumed the sacrifices. During these festive games, horses and mules were not allowed to do any work, and were adorned with garlands of flowers. It was at their first celebration that, according to the an- cient legend, the Sabine maidens were carried off." Virgil,' in speaking of the rape of the Sabines, de- scribes it as having occurred during the celebration of the Circensian g-amc*, which can only be account- ed for by supposing that the great Circensian games, in subsequent times, superseded the ancient Con- sualia, and that thus the poet substituted games of his own time for ancient ones — a favourite prac- tice with Virgil ; or that he only meant to say the rape took place at the well-known festival in the circus (the Consualia), without thinking of the ludi circenses, properly so called. CONSUL, the Joint president of the Roman Re- public. " W'ithout doubt the name consuUs means nothing more than simply colleagues; the syllable sul is found in ■prmsvl and exsul, where it signifies one who is ; thus consules is tantamount to conserUes, the name given to Jupiter's council of gods."* This is not quite correct. The syllable sul contains the root of the verb salio, " to go" or " come ;" and con-sil-ium is merely " a coming togetlier," like con- ventio, contio. So consules are "those who come together," prasul " he who goes before," exsul " he who goes out." The institution of consuls or joint presidents of the state seems to have been inti- mately connected with the first principles of the Roman political system. The old tradition with regard to the first two kings seems to point directly to something of the kind, and Servius, in his Con- stitution, is said to have provided for a restoration of the old division of the sovereign power between two functionaries. They do not, however, appear to have existed under this name till after the ex- pulsion of Tarquinius, when L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius CoUatinus (or M. Horatius') were ap- pointed chief magistrates at Rome with this title. At first the consuls were the only supreme oflicers at Rome, and had all the power of the kings whom they succeeded. Cicero' ascribes to them the regia potestas : " Idque in republica nostra maxima va- luit, quod ei regalis potestas praefuit — quod et in his etiam qui nunc regnant manet." " Quibus autem regia potestas non placuit, non ii nemini, sed non semper uni parere voluerunt." Their dress was regal, with the exception of the golden crown, which they did not wear at all, and the trahea, which they only wore on the occasion of a triumph. They had ivory sceptres surmounted by eagles ; in the public assemblies they sat upon a throne (^sella curulis) ; they had an elevated seat in the senate, where they presided ; they appointed the public treasurers ; they made peace and contracted foreign aUiances ; they had the jurisdictio, i. e., they were the supreme judges in all suits, whence we also find them called praetores ; and they had the imperium, or supreme conunand of the armies of the state. The most prominent outward symbols of thsir authority were the fasces, or bundle of rods surrounding an axe, and borne before the consuls by twelve lictors or beadles. At first each of the consuls had his own twelve lictors ; but P. Valerius, called Publicola, from his 1. (Compare Nielmhr, Hist. Rom., vol. i., notes 629 and 630.) — S. (Van-o, De Linf . Lat, v., 3.— Dionys., i., 2.— Cic, De Enp., ii., 7.) — 3. (^n., Tiii., 636.)— 4. (Niebuhr, Hist. Rom., i. p. Wa.')— 5. (Polyb., iii., 22.)— 6. (De teg., iii., 2.) CONSUL. attention to the wishes of the populus, or original burgesses, removed the axe from the fasces, and allowed only one of the consuls to be preceded by the lictors while they were in Rome. The other consul was attended only by a single accensus. This division of the honours was so arranged that the consuls enjoyed the outward distinctions alternately from month to month ; the elder of the two consuls received the fasces for the first month, and so on, till the reign of Augustus, when it was decreed by the IjCX Julia et Papia Poppaa, that the precedence should be given to him who had the greater num- ber of children. To this alternation in the honours of the consulate Horace seems to refer indirectly, when he says, " Virtus, repulsie nescia sordidee, Intaminatis fvlgct honoribus : Nee sumit aut ponit secures Arhitrio popularis aurte."^ WTiile they were out of Rome, and at the head ol the army, the consuls retained the axes in the fas- ces, and each had his own lictors as before the time of Valerius. The consuls were for some time chosen only from the popidus or patricians, and, consequently, al- ways sided with their own order in the long strug- gle which was carried on between the patricians and the commonalty. The first shock to their pow- er was given by the appointment of the iribuni ple- bis, who were a sort of plebeian consuls, and, like the others, were originally two in number. They presided at the comitia tributa, or assemblies of the plebs, as the consuls did at the other comitia, and had the right of interposing a veto, which put a stop to any consular or senatorial measure. The con- sular office was suspended in B.C. 452, and its func- tions performed by a board of ten high commission- ers (decemviri), appointed to frame a code of laws, according to a motion of the tribune Terentius. On the re-estabhshment of the consulship in B.C. 444, the tribunes proposed that one of the consuls should be chosen from the plebeians, and this gave rise to a serious and long-protracted struggle between the two orders, in the course of which the oflice of con- sul was again suspended, and its functions admin- istered by a board of tribuni militares, corresponding to the OTpaTTjyol at Athens. At length, in B.C. 366, the plebeians succeeded in procuring one of the con- suls to be elected from their own body, and after that time both consuls were occasionally plebeians. The prerogatives and functions which were ori- ginally engrossed by the consuls, were afterward divided between them, and diflerent magistrates appointed to reheve them under the great pressure of business introduced by the increase of the state. The censors, appointed in B.C. 442, performed some of their duties, and the praetors, first elected in B.C. 365, undertook the chief part of the jurisdictio, or judicial functions of the consuls. When a consul was appointed to some command or office out of Rome, he was said provinciam accipere ; and when the consul was appointed to a foreign command af- ter the expiration of his year of office, he was call- ed proconsul. In the Greek writers on Roman his- tory, the consuls are called I'Taroi, the proconsuls uvdvT^aTOi. The consul might also be superseded by the dictator, who was appointed with absolute power for certain emergencies. A snnilar authori- ty, however, was occasionally vested in the consuls themselves by vutue of the senatus decretum, which vpas worded, Videant consules ne quid respublica det- rimenti capiat, i. e., " Let the consuls look to it, that no harm befalls the state." The consuls were elected some time before thej I (Cam., Ill , ii., 17 ) 305 CONTUS. CONVOLVULUS. entered upon their office, and till then were called consules designati. In later times they entered on their office on the 1st of January, and were obliged to take the oath of office within the five days follow- ing, the effect of which they had to repeat in an oath ■vhich they took on quitting their office at the end of the year. The commencement of the consulate was always celebrated by a solemn procession to the Capitol, and a sacrifice there to Jupiter Capito- linus, and after that there was a great meeting of the senate. By the Lex Annalis (B.C. 181) it was decreed that the consul should be 4.3 years of age.' But many were elected consuls at an earlier age. It was also a law that an interval of ten years should elapse between two elections of the same person to the office of consul ; but this law was not strictly observed, and instances occur of five or six re-elections to this office. C. Marius was seven times consul. The office of consul continued after the downfall of the Republic. In the reign of Tiberius the con- suls were no longer elected by the people, but were appointed by the senate ; and subsequently the num- ber was increased, and consuls were appointed for a part of the year only, till at last it became only an honorary or complimentary appointment. In these times the consuls were divided into several classes : the consules ordinarii, who were the nearest repre- sentatives of the older consuls ; the consules suffecti, appointed by the emperors for the rest of the year ; and the consules honorarii, who had only the name, without a shadow of authority. The consuls, like the apx'jv iiruvvfioc at Athens, gave their names to the year ; calendars or annual registers were kept for this purpose, and called Fasti Consulares. The last consul EKOvvfios was Basilius junior, in the reign of Justinian, A.U.C. 1294, A.D. 541. CONTRACTUS. (Vid. Oblicition-es ) CONTUBERNA'LES (ovaKtivot). This word, in ts original meaning, signified men who served in the same army and lived in the same tent. It is de- rived from iaherna (afterward tabernaculum), which, according to Festus, was the original name for a military tent, as it was made of boards (tahdiB). Each tent was occupied by ten soldiers (contuberna- les), with a subordinate officer at their head, who was called decanus, and in later times caput contu- bernii.^ Young Romans of illustrious families, used to ac- company a distinguished general on his expeditions or to his province, for the purpose of gaining under his superintendence a practical training in the art of war or in the administration of public affairs, and were, like soldiers living in the same tent, called his contabernales.' In a still wider sense, the name contubernalcs was applied to persons connected by ties of intimate friendship and living under the same roof,* and hence, when a free man and a slave, or two slaves, who were not allowed to contract a legal marriage, lived together as husband and wife, they were call- ed contuhernales ; and their connexion, as well as their place of residence, contubernium.' Cicero' calls Caesar the conlubcmalis of Quirinus, thereby alluding to the fact that Cffisar had allowed his own statue to be erected in tlie temple of Quirinus.' CONTUBE'RNIUM. {Vid. Contdbernalks, CONCOBINA.) CONTUS (KofTuf, from kcvtcu, I prick or pierce ) 1. (Cic, Phihpp., v., 17, 47.)— 9. (Veget., Do Re Mil., ii., 8, 1:1— Compare Cic, Pro Ligar., 7. — Hirt., liell. Alrx., 16. — Dra- kcnb. ad Liv., y., 2.) — 3. (Cic, Pro Coel., 30.— Pro Plane, 11. — Succ, Jul., 42. — Tat^it., Agr., 5. — Frontin., Stratftf., iv., 1, 11. — Plutarch, Pomp., 3.) — 4. (Cic ad Fam., ii., 2. — Plin., Epist., ii., 13.)— 5. (Coluni., xii., 1, 3 ; i., 8.— I'ltrou., Sat., 90. —Tacit., llist., i.,43; iii.,74.)— 0. (ad Att., iiii.,28.)— 7. (,Yid. K(>. ad Att., xii., 45.— Suet., Jul., 76.) W6 was, as Nonius' expresses it, a long and strong wooden pole or stake, with a pointed iron at the one end." It was used for various purposes, but chiefly as a punt-pole by sailors, who, in shallow water, thrust it into the ground, and thus pushed on the boat.' It also served as a means to sound the depth of the water.* At a later period, when the Romans became acquainted with the huge lances or pikes of some of the northern barbarians, the word contus was applied to this kind of weapon ; and the long pikes peculiar to the Sarmatians were always designated by this name." CONVENI'RE IN Jt.iNUM. (VU. Maseiage.) CONVE'NTUS (avvoihc, avvovaia, or awayuyj) is properly a name which may be given to any as- sembly of men who meet for a certain purpose. But when the Romans had reduced foreign coun- tries into the form of provinces, the word conventus assumed a more definite meaning, and was apphed to the whole body of Roman citizens who were ei- ther permanently or temporarily settled in a prov- ince.' In order to facilitate the administration of justice, a province was divided into a number of districts or circuits, each of which was called con- ventus, forum, or jurisdictio.' Roman citizens liv- ing in a province were entirely under the jurisdic- tion of the proconsul, except in the towns which had the Jus Italicum, which had magistrates of their own with a jurisdictio, from whom there was, no doubt, an app.eal to the proconsul ; and at certain times of the year, fixed by the proconsul, they as- sembled in the chief town of the district, and this meeting bore the name of conventus (avvodo;). Hence the expressions, conventus agere, peragtre, convocare, dimitlere, ayopaiovr (sc. ^/jcpof) uyuv, &c.' At this conventus litigant parties appUed to the proconsul, who selected a number of judges from the conventus to try their causes." The pro- consul himself presided at the trials, and pronoun- ced the sentence according to the views of the judges, who were his assessors (consilium or consil- iarii). As the proconsul had to carry on all official proceedings in the Latin language," he was always attended by an interpreter.'" These conventus ap- pear to have been generally held after the proconsul had settled the mifitary affairs of the provmce ; at least, when Caesar was proconsul of Gaul, he made it a regular practice to hold the conventiis after his armies had retired to their winter-quarters. Niebuhr" supposes that, after the peace of Cau- dium, and before any country had been made a Ro- man province, the name conventus was appUed to the body of Roman citizens sojourning or residing at Capua, Cuma, and eight other Campanian to\vns. CONVrVIUM. (T'id. Symposicm.) ♦CONVOLVULUS, I. a species of Caterpillar, mentioned by Pliny'* as doing great damage to the vineyards. It derives its name from rolling itself up in the leaf, after having half cut through the small stem which connects the latter with the vine. Modern naturalists make it the same with the Pyra- lis vitis." ♦II. A plant, the Bindweed, of which several kinds are mentioned by the ancient writers. The C. Arvensis is the cfiiXa^ of Dioscorides," with the 1 . (xviii., 24.)— 2. (Virg., .En., v., 208.)— 3. (Horn., Od., ii., 287.— Virg., 1. r.— Id., vi., 302.) — 4. (Festns, s. T. Percunctatio — Douat. ad Tercnt , Hec, I., ii., 2.) —5. (Virg., .Sn., ix., 510. —Tacit., Hist., 1.. 44 ; iii., 27.— Lamprid., Commod., 13.)— 6 (T.ncit., Hist., i., 79.— Id., Ann., vi., 35.— Stat., Achill., ii., 416. — Val. Flaco., vi., 162, et al.) — 7. (Cic. in Vcrr., ii., 13; v., 36.— Cies., Bell. Civ., ii., 21.— Hirt., Bell. Afr., 97 )— 8. (Cic in Vcrr., ii., 15.— Plin., Ep., x., 5.— Plin., H. N., iii., 1, 3i v., 29.) —9. (Cks., BcU. Gall., i., 54 ; v., 1 ; viii., 46.— Act. Apost., iii., 38.)— 10. (Cic. in Verr., li., 13, &c.— Niebuhr, ll\s.t. Horn., lii., p. 732.)— 11. (Val. Max., II., ii., 2.)— 12. (Cic. in Verr., iii., 37. — Ep. ad Fam., iiii., 54.)— 13. (Hist. Rom., iii., p. 340.)— 14. (H. N., xvii., 28.)— 15. (Plin., ed. Paockoucke, vol. xi., p. 186.) —16. (iv., 144.) CORALLIS. CORBIS. epithet of Aem, in opposition to the aiiila^ rpaxcTa,^ the same witli the Smilax lavis of Pliny." This species does great injury to the corn, and its roots are not easily eradicated. BiUerbeck censures Sib- thorp for confounding it with the TrepiKM/icvov of Dioscorides.^ The C. Scpium, also called a/iila^, is the fialaKoK'-amc of the Geoponica,* and the Convolvulus of Pliny.' It has white, bell-shaped flowers, and derives its name from growing in hedges, and places adjacent to these (" sepes et vi- cina omnia impUcat"). It is also called 'laatuvr/, from 'Idau, the goddess of healing.' Sibthorp found it everywhere in the hedges of Greece. The C. Scammonia, or Scammony,' is the plant the inspis- sated juice of which is the Scammony of the shops, a well-known purgative. This article has been known from a very early period ; it is mentioned by Hippocrates, and many peculiar virtues were at- tributed to it at that time : now, however, it is con- sidered only as an active cathartic. The plant is spread over Syria, Asia Minor, and nearly the whole East. Sibthorp found it growing in many parts of Livadia and the Peloponnesus or Morea." The C. Soldanella is the KpufiSrj SaT^aaaia, or Sea-Kale. ° ♦GONUS (/ciJvof), a term applied by Galen" and Paul of ^gina" to the Pinus sylvestris, or wild Pine. It is commonly used, however, to signify the Nux Pinca, or the fruit of the Pine-tree. Athenasus says that Theophrastus called the tree t^cvktj, and the fruit Kui/of." *CONY'ZA (Kovv^a), a plant, three species of which are described by Dioscorides.'^ " Owing to recent changes in the Botanical terminology," ob- serves Adams, " there is now considerable difficulty ui applying scientific names to these three species. The older authorities referred them all to the genus Cor.yza, or Fleabane, and Stackhouse still does so, but hesitatingly." Sprengel, upon the whole, prefers the following distribution of them. 1. Inula viscosa Ait. 2. Inula saxatilis, or Erigeron graveolens. 3. Inula oculus Christi. Dierbach makes the Kovvl^a Df Hippocrates the Ambrosia maritima}* COOPTA'RE. {Vid. Collegium.) CO'PHINUS (k6ivo( by Josephus," which con- stituted part of the marchiag accoutrements of ev- ery Roman soldier. The corbis was also used in the Roman navy. Being filled with stones, it afforded a substitute for an anchor in places where the soil was impervious to, or not sufficiently tenacious for, the fluke of an anchor," which practice is not yet forsaken, for the writer has repeatedly seen the identical " corbella" delineated above so applied in the bay of Mola di Gaieta. GO'RBITjE, merchantmen of the larger class, so called because they hung out a corbis at the mast- head for a sign.'" They were also termed oneraria ; and hence Plautus, in order to designate the vora- cious appetites of some women, says, " Corbitam cibi comesse possunt."" They were noted for their heavy build and sluggish saihng,'* and carried pas- sengers as well as merchandise, answering to the large "felucca" of the present day. Cicero pro- posed to take a passage in one of these vessels from Rhegium to Patrae, which he opposes to the smarter class of packets (actuariola^^). *COR'CHORUS (K.6pxopoi'„ a plant, probably the same with the Jews' Mallow, or Corchorus olitorius. It is still used as a potherb by the Jews at Aleppo. A Japanese species of this shrub is well known in Great Britain, according to Adams ; but the Cor- chorus olitorius is seldom cultivated." *CORD'YLUS {Kop&OXo;), an amphibious animal described by Aristotle." " From the discussions of Belon, Rondelet, Gesner, and Schneider, it would appear to be settled," remarks Adams," that it was a sort of Lizard, probably a variety of the Siren La- certina." II. The fry of the Tunny-fish, according to Phny. Modern naturalists, however, think that it is proba- ijly a variety of the Scomber-thynnus, L." *CORIANDRUM {Kopiavmv or nopiov"). Cori- ander, or Coriandrum sativum. It grows wild in Italy. The name is derived from the strong smell of bedbugs {xopi;, " a bedbug") which the seed has when fresh. Theophrastus says there were several kinds."" According to Pliny," Coriander-seed, ta- ken in moderate quantities, was good in aiding di- gestion ; and the ancients, therefore, generally took it after eating. Sibthorp makes the modern Greek name to be KopiavSpov or /couirfapaf. He found it in Peloponnesus (the Morea) and the island of Cy- jirus." 1. (Cato, De Ho Rust., 136.)— 2. (Colum., VI.,iil.,5 ; XI.,ii., ,>9.)— 3. (Vegct., Art. Votorin., ii., 33.)— 4. (Bacch., IV., iv., 61.) -5. (Ciito, De Ro Rust., ii., 6.— Colum., XII., l.,8.)— 6. (Vano, De Re Rust., i., 15.) — 7. (Citcilius, an. Non., s. v. Corbis.) — 8. (Plaut., Aul., II.,vii.,4.)— 9. (Suot.,Noro, 19.)— 10. (Bell.Jud., Ui., 5, t) 5.) — 11. (Arrian, I.e. — Eunap, ap. Suid., 8. v. Ztvvua.) --12. (Festus.- Nonius, B. V.)— 13. (Cas.,IV.,i.,20.)— 14. (Lu- ,11. ap. Non., s. v. Corbito).- Flaut., Para., III., i.,4.)— 15. (Ep. ad Att., xvi., 6.)— 16. {Theophrost., H. P., vii., 7. — Adams, Ap- pend., s. V.)— 17. (II. A., i., 5.)— 18 (Aristot., viii., 21.— Plin., H. N., il., 15.)— 19. (Theophrast.. i., 11 ; vii., 1.— Dioscor., iii., 64 )— 20. (H.P., vii., 1.)— 21. (H.N , M., 20.)— 22. (BiUorbeck, Flora Classica, p. 76.) 308 *CORIS (Koptf) I., a name applied to several species of the genus Cimex, or bug. (Vid. Cimei ) II. A Plant, the same with the Hypericum Coris L.' CORDAX. {Vid. CoMiEDiA, p. 299.) ' CORNE'LIA LEX. (Vid. Majestas, Repetdk CORNE'LIA FULVIA LEX. {Vid. Ambitub.) CORNE'LIA LEX DE FALSIS. (Vid. Falsa.) CORNE'LIA LEX DE INJU'RIIS. (Vid. In. JURI^.) CORNE'LIA LEX DE SICA'RIIS ET VENE- FI'CIS. A law of the Twelve Tables contained some provision as to homicide,' but this is all that we know. It is generally assumed that the law o{ Numa Pompilius, quoted by Festus,' " Si quia horn- inem liberum dolo sciens morti duit paricida csto" was incorporated in the Twelve Tables, and is the law of homicide to which Pliny refers ; but this cannot be proved. It is generally supposed that the laws of the Twelve Tables contained provisions against incantations (rruilum carmen) and poisoning, both of which offences were also included under parricidium : the murderer of a parent was sewed up in a sack (culeus or cuUeus) and thrown into a river. It was under the provisions of some old law that the senate, by a consultum, ordered the consuls P. Scipio and D. Brutus (B.C. 138) to in- quire into the murder in the Silva Scantia {Sika Sila*). The lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficis was passed in the time of the dictator Sulla, B.C. 82. The lex contained provisions as to death or fire caused by dolus malus, and against persons go- ing about armed with the intention of kilhng or thieving. The law not only provided for cases of poisoning, but contained provisions against those who made, sold, bought, possessed, or gave poison for the purpose of poisoning ; also against a magis- tratus or senator who conspired in order that a per- son might be condemned in a judicium publicum, &c.' To the provisions of this law was subse- quently added a senatus consultum eigainst mala sacrificia, otherwise called impia sacrificia, the agents in which were brought within the provisions of this lex. The punishment inflicted by this law was the interdictio aquae et ignis, according to some modem writers. Marcian' says that the pun- ishment was deportatio in insulam et bonorum adem- tio. These statements are reconcilable when we consider that the deportatio under the emperors took the place of the interdictio, and the expression in the Digest was suited to the times of the ^vrilers or the compilers. Besides, it appears that the lex was modified by various senatus consulta and im- perial rescripts. The lex Pompeia de Parricidiis, passed in the time of Cn. Pompeius, extended the crime of parri- cide to the killing (dolo malo) of a brother, sister, uncle, aunt, and many other relations enumerated by Marcianus ;' this enumeration also comprises vitricus, noverca, privignus, privigna, patronus, pa- trona, an avus who kiUed a nepos, and a mother who killed a filius or filia ; but it did not extend to a father. All privy to the crime were also punished by the law, and attempts at the crime also came within its provisions. The punishment was the same as that affixed by the lex Cornelia de Sica- riis,' by which must be meant the same punishment that the lex Cornelia affixed to crimes of the same kind. He who killed a father or mother, grand- father or grandmother, was punished (more niajo- rum) by being whipped till he bled, sewn up in a 1. (Dioscor., iii., 164.— P. .Sgin., vii., 3.— Plin., H.N., iivi., 54.)— 2. (Plin., H. N., xviii., 3.)— 3. (s. v. Parici Qua;stores.)— 4. (Cic., Brutus, c. 22, ed. H. Meyer.)— 5. (Compare Cic, Pre Cluent., c. 54, with Dij. 49, tit. 8.)— 6. (Dig. 49, tit. 8, s. 3.)- 7. (Dig. 49, tit. 9, s. l.)-8. (Dig., 1. c) CORNU. CORONA. lack with a dog, cock, viper, and ape, and thrown into the sea if the sea was at hand, and if not, by a constitution of Hadrian, he was exposed to wild oeasts, or, in the time of Paulus, to be burned. The ape would appear to be a late addition. The mur- derers of a father, mother, grandfather, grandmoth- er only were punished in this manner ;' other par- ricides were simply put to death. . From this it is clear that the lex Cornelia contained a provision against parricide, if we are rightly informed as to the provisions de Sicariis et Veneficis, unless there was a separate Cornelia Lex de Parricidiis. As al- ready observed, the provisions of those two leges were modified in various ways under the emperors. It appears from the law of Numa, quoted by Pestus," that a parricida was any one who killed another dolo malo. Cicero^ appears to use the word in its limited sense, as he speaks of the pun- ishment of the culleus. In this limited sense there seems no impropriety in CatUina being called par- ricida with reference to his country ; and the day of the dictator Caesar's death might be called a par- ricidium, considering the circumstances under which the name was given.* If the original meaning of parricida be what Festus says, it may be doubted if the etymology of the word (pater and caedo) is correct ; for it appears that paricida or parricida meant murderer generally, and afterward the mur- derer of certain persons in a near relationship. If the word was originally patricida, the law intended to make all malicious killing as great an offence as parricide, though it would appear that parricide, properly so called, was, from the time of the Twelve Tables at least, specially punished with the culleus, and other murders were not.^ *CORNIX, the Carrion Crow. (Vid. Corone.) CORNU, a wind instrument, anciently made of horn, but afterward of brass.' According to Athe- naeus,' it was an invention of the Etruscans. Like the tuba, it differed from the tibia in being a larger and more powerful instrument, and from the tuba itself in being curved nearly in the shape of a C, with a crosspiece to steady the instrument for the convenience of the performer. In Greek it is called OTpoyyvXri aa^iriyS. It had no stopples or plugs to adjust the scale to any particular mode ;' the en- tire series of notes was produced without keys or holes, by the modification of the breath and of the lips at the mouthpiece. Probably, from the descrip- tion given of it in the poets, it was, like our own horn, an octave lower than the trumpet. The clas- sicum, which originally meant a signal rather than the musical instrument which gave the signal, was usually sounded with the cornu. " Sonuit reflexo classicum cornu, Lituusque aduTico stridulos cantus Elisit cere."^ 1. (Modest., Dig. 49, tit. 9, s. 9.)— 2. (s. t. Parici Qusatores.) 3. (ProRos.Am., c. 25.)— 4. (Suet., Ces., c. 88.)— 5. (Dig. 49, tit. 8, 9.— Paulus, Recept. Sentent., v., tit. 24.— DiAsen, Uebei- sicht, &c., der Zwolftafelgesetze, Leipsig.) — 6. (Varro, De Ling. Lat., v., 117, cd. Muller.)— 7. (iv., 184, A.)— 8. (Bumey's Hist. o' .Music, yol. i., p. 518.)— 9. (Sen. (Ed., 734.) From which lines we learn the distinction between the cornu and lituus, as from Ovid' we learn that between the tuba and cornu : " Non tuba directi, non aris cornua flexi." The preceding woodcut, taken from Bartholini,' illustrates the above account. GORO'NA (uv. A basin was filled with water, with small empty bowls swimming upon it. Into these the young men, one after another, threw the remnant of thg wine from their goblets, and he who had the good fortune to drown most of the bowls obtained the prize ((corra- 6wv), consisting either of simple cakes, sweetmeats, or sesame-cakes. A third and more complicated form of the cotla- bus is thus described by Suidas :' A long piece of wood being erected on the ground, another was placed upon it in a horizontal direction, with two dishes hanging down from each end; underneath each dish a vessel full of water was placed, in each of which stood a gilt brazen statue, called fiuvm. Every one who took part in the game stood at a distance, holding a cup full of wine, which he en- deavoured to throw into one of the dishes, in order that, struck down by the weight, it might knock against the head of the statue which was concealed under the water. He who spilled least of the wine ■■ '•,i?'"^t ' i,^'"'* Classica, p. 5.-Martyn ad V,rg , Ooorg., —J. (Etymol. Mag., s. v. Korrafii^a).)^. (Pollux, vi., 109.— ^i'™ BR^?!:i! ,?-~f'l'''-' '"••P-667, sub fin.)-5. (Athen., IT., p. 667.)-«. (1. c.)— 7. (s. V. Korra6.>.) 317 COTYTTIA. CRATJSGDS gained the victory, and thereby knew that he was loved by his mistress.' A fourth kind of cottabus, vrhich was called kot- Ta6og KaraiiTOQ (otto tov Karuyetv Tov KOTTatov), is described by Pollux,' the scholiast on Aristoph- anes,' and Athenaeus.* The so-called navrn was placed upon a pillar similar to a candelabrum, and the dish hanging over it must, by means of wine projected from the goblet, be thrown upon it, and thence fall into a basin filled with water, which, from this fall, gave forth a sound ; and he who pro- duced the strongest was the victor, and received prizes, consisting of eggs, cakes, and sweetmeats. This brief description of four various forms of the cottabus may be sufficient to show the general character of this game ; and it is only necessary to add, that the chief object to be accomplished, in all the various modifications of the cottabus, was to throw the wine out of the goblet in such a manner that it should remain together and nothing be spill- ed, and that it should produce the purest and stron- gest possible sound in the place where it was thrown. In Sicily, the popularity of this game was so great, that houses were built for the especial purpose of playing the cottabus in them. Those readers who wish to become fully acquainted with all the various forms of this game, may consult Athenaeus,' the Greek lexicographers, and,' above all, Groddeck,* who has collected and described nine different forms in which it. was played.' Becker is of opinion that all of them were but modifications of two principal forms.' ♦ COTTUS (/coTTOf), a species of Fish, supposed to be the Zeus Faber, L., or the Doree. The name in the common editions of Aristotle occurs at H. A., i"'., 8, where, however, Schneider reads /Soirof, and refers it to the river Gudgeon.' ♦COTT'YPHUS {KOTTvipos), a species of Fish, the fcarae with the Labrus rmrula, called in French the ♦COTURNIX. {Vid. Perdix.) COTY'TTIA or CO'TTYTES (/conirno, kot- Tt/Tcf), a festival which was originally celebrated by the Edonians of Thrace, in honour of a goddess called Cotys or Gotytto." It was held at night, and, according to Strabo, resembled the festivals of the Cabiri and the Phrygian Cybele. But the worship of Cotys, together with the festival of the Cotyttia, were adopted by several Greek states, chiefly those which were induced by their commercial interest to maintain friendly relations with Thrace. Among these Corinth is expressly mentioned by Suidas, and Strabo" seems to suggest that the worship of Cotys was adopted by the Athenians, who, as he observes, were as hospitable to foreign gods as they were to foreigners in general." The priests of the goddess were formerly supposed to have borne the name of bapta; ; but Buttmann has shown that this opinion is utterly groundless. Her festivals were notorious among the ancients for the dissolute man- ner and the debaucheries with which they were celebrated.'* Another festival of the same name was celebrated in Sicily," where boughs hung with cake and fruit were carried about, which any person had a right to pluck off if he chose ; but we have no mention that this festival was polluted with any 1. {Vid. Schol. ad Lucian., Lexiph., 3, torn, ii., p. 325.) — 2. (Ti., 109.)— 3. (PiLv, 1172.)— 4. (tv., p. 067.)— 5. (xv., p. 666, &c.) — 6. (Ueber den Kottabos dor Griechcn, in his Antiquarische VEraucho, I., Sammlunj, 1800, p. 163-238.)— 7. (Chariklos, ]., p. 476, &c.) — 8. (Compare also Fr. Jacobs, Ueber den Kotta- bos, in Wieland's Attischcs Museum, III., i., p. 475-496.) — 9. (Plin., H N., xxxii., 11. — Adams, Append., s.v.) — 10. (Aristot., II.A.viii., 15.— jfElian, N.A., \., 19.)— 11. (Strab., x., 3, p. 362, eil. Tauchnitz. — Eiipolis. ap. Hesych., s. v. — Suidas.) — 12. (1. c, p. 364.)— 13. (Compare Porsms, Sat., ii., 02.)— 14. (Suidas, s. v. Kiirut.- Iloral., Epod., xvii., 56.— Tticocrit., vi., 40.)— 15. (Plul., Pr'tverb.) 318 of the licentious practices which disgiaced those of Thrace and Greece, unless we refer the allusion made by Theocritus to the Cotyttia, to the Sicilian festival.' CO'TYLA (KoT0.ri) was a measure of capacity among the Romans and Greeks : by the former it was also called hemina ; by the latter, rpvBMov and ri/iiva or Tifii/^va. It was the half of the sextarius or f£(7T)?c and contained 6 cyathi, = (on Mt. Hussey'j computation) -4955 of a pint English. This measure was used by physicians with a graduated scale marked on it, like our own chemi- cal measures, for measuring out given weights of fluids, especially oil. A vessel of horn, of a cubic or cylindrical shape, of the capacity of a cotyla, was divided into twelve equal parts by lines cut on its side. The whole vessel was called litra, and each of the parts an ounce {uncia). This measure held nine ounces (by weight) of oil, so that the ratio of the weight of the oil to the number of ounces it occupied in the measure would be 9 : 12 or 3 : 4.' *COTYLE'DON {kotvIv^ov), a plant, called in Enghsh Navelwort. The two species described ly Dioscorides' may be confidently referred, according to Adams, to the Cotyledon umbilicus and C. serrata. »KOTKIO*'OPON AENAPON (KnvKto(j>6pm ih- Spov), a sort of Palm-tree. Stackhouse suggests that it may have been the Palma Thelaxea, called " Doom-tree" in Brace's Travels.* COVI'NUS (Celtic kowain), a kind of car, the spokes of which were armed with long sickles, and which was used as a scythe-chariot chiefly by the ancient Belgians and Britons.' The Romans des- ignated by the name of covinus a kind of travelling carriage, which seems to have been covered on all sides with the exception of the front. It had no seat for a driver, but was conducted by the traveller himself, who sat inside.' There must have been a great sinmlarity between the Belgian scythe-chariot and the Roman travelling carriage, as the name of the one was trr, :i ?ferred to the other, and we maj justly conclude that the Belgian cai was likewise covered on all sides except the front, and that it was occupied by one man, the covinarius only, who was, by the structure of his car, sufficiently pro- tected. The cotinarii (this word occurs only in Tacitus) seem to have constituted a regular and distinct part of a British anny.' COURETJS (Koi;prif). {Vid. Bakba.) *CRAMBE. (nrf. Brassica.) •CRANGON (Kpayyuv), formerly held to be a species of Squilla. " The term is now used in a generic sense by late naturalists," observes Adams: " thus the common shrimp is named the Crmgm vulgaris. It is worthy of remark, however, that Cuvier and Schneider contend that the Kpayyuv of the Greeks corresponds to the Cancer digitdis"'^ *CRANIA or CRANEIA {npavia, Kpavaa). "All agree," remarks Adams, "that Vae Kpivtia u(>(>riv is the Cornus musculo, L., called in English the Cornelian Cherry, or Male Cornel-tree." For the other, see Thelycraneia (-^riTMiipavcia)} CRANOS. (Hd. Galea.) ♦CRAT^GUS (Kparaiy6(). Sprengel refers the tree described by Theophrastus under this name to the Azorola, or Crateegus Azorolus, but Stack- house to the C. torminalis. The plant of this name 1. (Compare Euttmann's Essay, Ueber die Kotyttia und die Bapta;, in his Mytholo^us, vol. li., p. 159.)— 2. (Galenas, De Compos. Medicam. per Genera, iii., 3 ; i., 16, 17 i iv., 14 ; T.,3 6 ; VI., 6, 8. — Wurm.De Pond. Mens., ttc. — Ilussey oa Ancient Weights, &c.)— 3. (iv., 90, 91.)— 4. (v., 45.— Adams, Append., s. V.)— 5. (Mela, iil., 6.— Lucan, i., 426.— Silius, xvii., 422.)-6. (Mart., Epig., ii., 24.)— 7. (Tacit., Agric, 35 and 36, with M. .!■ H. llekker's note. — BSttichcr's Lexicon Tacit., s. v. — Bcci:er, Gal lus, vol. i., p. 222. — Compare the article Essedum.) — 8. (.Aris- tot., II. A., iv.. 4. — Adams, Append., s. v.)— 9. (ThenDbrast., H. P., i., 9 ; ill., 4. — Dioscor., i., 172.— Adams, Appena , . r,\ CRATEF.. described by Theophrastus in another part of his work was most probably the same as the Cratago- •lon (Koaraiyovovy , , . *CR,ATjE'GONON {Kparacyovov), a plant, to which Stephens gives the French name of Courage. Stackhouse refers it to the Euphrasia odontitis, now called Bartsia odontitis. Sprengel, however, prefers the Polygonum Persicaria.' CRATER [Kpar^p, Ionic KpnTr/p ; Lat. crater or cra- lera, from aepamv/u, I mix), a vessel m which the wine, according to the custom of the ancients, who very seldom drank it pure, was mixed with water, and from which the cups were filled. In the Homer- ic age the mixture was always made in the dinmg- room by heralds or young men [Kovpoi'). The use of the vessel is sufficiently clear from the expres- sions so frequent in the poems of Homer : xpi/T^pa Kepdaaadai, i. e., olvov xal vSup en Kprir^pt /ilayctv: mveiv KpnTnpa (to empty the crater) ; upriTiipa arii- aaadai (cratera statuere, to place the filled crater near the table) ; KprjT^pac tTiiaTefeaBai, noroZo (to fill the craters to the brim*). The crater, in the Homeric age, was generally of silver,' sometimes with a gold edge,' and sometimes all gold or gilt.' It stood upon a tripod, and its ordinary place in the uiyapov was in the most honourable part of the room, at the farthest end from the entrance, and near the seat of the most distinguished among the guests." The size of the crater seems to have va- ried according to the number of guests ; for where their number is increased, a larger crater is asked for.' It would seem, at least at a later period (for in the Homeric poems we find no traces of the cus- tom), that three craters were filled at every feast af- ter the tables were removed. They must, of course, have varied in size according to the number of guests. According to Suidas,'" the first was dedi- cated to Hermes, the second to Charisius, and the third to Zeus Soter ; but others called them by dif- ferent names ; thus the first, or, according to others, the last, was also designated the uparrip ayadov 6ac/iovo(, the crater of the good genius,'' uparrip vyieiof and /ieravinrpic or /icruvmrpov, because it was the crater from which the cups were filled after the washing of the hands.'" Craters were among the first things on the em- belhshment of which the ancient artists exercised their skill. Homer" mentions, among the prizes proposed by Achilles, a beautifully- wrought silver crater, the work of the ingenious Sidonians, which, by the elegance of its workmanship, excelled all others on the whole earth. In the reign of Croesus, king of Lydia, the Lacedaemonians sent to that king a brazen crater, the border of which was all over ornamented with figures (fiidm), and which was of such an enormous size that it contained 300 am- phorae." Crcesus himself dedicated to the Delphic god two huge craters, which the Delphians believed to be the work of Theodorus of Samos, and Herodo- tus" was induced, by the beauty of their workman- ship, to think the same. It was about 01. 35 that the Samians dedicated six talents (the tenth of the profits made by Colaeus on his voyage to Tartessus) to Hera, in the shape of an immense brazen crater, the border of which was adorned with projecting heads of griffons. This crater, which Herodotus" calls Argive (from which we must infer that the Argive ai-tists were celebrated for their craters), CREPIDA. was supported hy three colossal brazen statues, seven yards long,' with their knees closed together The number of craters dedicated in temples seema everywhere to have been very great. Livius An- dronicus, in his Equus Trojanus, represented Aga- memnon returning from Troy with no less than 300i? craters,' and Cicero' says that Verres carried away from Syracuse the most beautiful brazen craters, which most probably belonged to the various tem- ples of that city. But craters were not only dedi- cated to the gods as anathemata, but were used on various solemn occasions in their service. Thus we read in Theocritus :" " I shall offer to the mu- ses a crater full of fresh mUk and sweet olive-oil." In sacrifices the libation was always taken from a crater ;* and sailors, before they set out on their jour- ney, used to take the libation with cups from a cra- ter, and pour it into the sea.' The name crater was also sometimes used as synonymous with aiT2.iov, situla, a pail in which water was fetched.' The Romans used their crater or cratera for the same purposes for which it was used in Greece ; but the most elegant specimens were, like most other works of art, made by Greeks.' CRATES (Toptiof ), a Hurdle, used by the ancients for several purposes. First, in war, especially in assaulting a city or camp, they were placed before or over the head of the soldier, to shield off the en- emy's missiles.' From the plutei, which were em- ployed in the same way, they differed only in being without the covering of raw hides. A lighter kind was thrown down to make a bridge over fosses, for examples of which see Caesar, De Bell. Gall., vii., 81, 86. By the besieged' they were used joined to- gether, so as to form what Tegetius calls a metella, and filled with stones : these were then poised be- tween two of the battlements, and, as the storming party approached upon the ladders, overturned on their heads." A capital punishment was called by this name, whence the phrase sui crate necari. The criminal was thrown into a pit or well, and hurdles laid upon him, over which stor.es were afterward heaped." Crates, called ficariir, were used by the country people upon which to drj- 5j-s, grapes, &c., in the rays of the sun." These, as Columella informs us, were made of sedge or straw, and also employed as a sort of matting to screen the fruit from the weath- er. Vu-gil'^ recommends the use of hurdles in ag- riculture to level the groun(Lafter it has been turn- ed up with the heavy rake (rastrum). Any texture of rods or twigs seems to have been called by the general name crates. CRE'PIDA (.KpyTTtc), dim. CREPIDULA, a Shp- per. Shppers were worn with the pallium, not with the toga, and were properly characteristic of the Greeks, though adopted from them by the Romans. Hence Suetonius says of the Emperor Tiberius," " Deposito patrio habitu, redegit se ad pallium et cre- pidas." They were also worn by the Macedonians," and with the chlamys." As the cothurnus was as- sumed by tragedians, because it was adapted to be part of a grand and stately attire, the actors of com edy, on the other hand, wore crepidae and other cheap and common coverings for the feet. (Vid. 1. (TheophraBt., iii., 15 : ix., 18. — Adams, Append., s. t.) — 2. (Dioscor., iii., 129.)— 3. (Tid. U., iii., 269.— Od., vii., 182 ; m., 271.)— 4. {Vid. Buttmann, Lexil., i., 15.)— 5. (Od., ix., 203; i., 356.)-«. (Od., iv., 616.)— 7. (II., xxiii., 219.)— 8. (Od., xiL, 146, XXII., 333, compared witli 341.)— 9. (II., ix., 202.)— 10. (s. V. Kparr/p.) — II. (Suidas, s. v. ^Ayadov Aaifiovoi. — Compare Athea., XV., p. 692, &c.— Aristoph., Vesp., 507; Pax., 300.)— 12. (Alhen.. iv., p. 629, F., &c.)— 13. (II., xxiii., 741, &c.)— 14. (Herod,, i„ 70.)— 15. (i., 51.)— 16. (iv., 152.) 1. (Cic, Ep. ad Fam., vii., I.)— 2. (in Velr., iv., 5S.)— 3. (v., 53.— Compare Virgil, Eclog., v., 67.)— 4. (Dcmosth., De Fals. Leg., p. 431. — c. Sept., p. 505. — c. Mid., p. 531. — c. Macart., p. 1072.— Compare Bekier, Anecdot., p. 274, 4.)— 5. (Thucyd., vi., 32.— Diod., iii., 3.— Arrian, Anab., vi., 3.— Viig., .ffin., y., 765.) — 6. (Nxv., ap. Non., xv., 30. — Hesych., s. v. Kparrjpt^.) — 7. (Virg., jEn., i., 727; iii., 525.— Ovid, Fast., v., 522. —Hor., Carm., III., xviii., 7.) — 8. (Ammian., ixi., 12.) — 9. (Veget., iv., 6.)— 10. (Lipsins, Pol., i., 7 ; v., 5.— Salmas., Plin. Eierc., 1267, A.)— 11. (Liv., i., 51 ; iv., .50.— Tacit., Germ., c. 12.)— 12. (Colum., xii., 15, 16.)— 13. (Georg., i., 94.)— 14. (c. 13.)— 15. (Jacobs, Anim. ad Anthol., 2, 1, p. 294.)— 16. (Cic, Pro Ilab. Post.— Val. Max., iii., 6, 1) 2, 3.) 319 CRETA CRIMEN. Baxka, Soccus.) Also, whereas the ancients had thei- more finished boots and shoes made right and left, their slippers, on the other hand, were made to fit both feet indifferently.' *CRETA, in a general sense, means any whitish earth or clay, such as potter's clay, pipe-clay, &c. Thus Columella' speaks of a kind of Creta out of which wine-jars and dishes were made: Virgil* calls it "tough" (^tenax); and the ancient writers on Agriculture give the same epithet to marl which was employed to manure land.* In a more special sense, several varieties of Creta occur in the ancient writers. Thus : I. Creta, properly so called (Terra Creta., KpnriKTi jTj), is our chalk, which obtained its name from the island of Crete, where it abounded. The ancients employed it in medicine, as weaker than the Terra Chia; and they were also acquaint- ed with its use as a cleanser of silver vessels.* — II. Creta annularia. " The earth called annularia, spo- ken of by Pliny in connexion with Selinusian, and which was stained with woad to produce an imita- tion of Indicum,' is probably," observes Dr. Moore, " the same with the annulare (viridum) mentioned afterward' by the same writer, and which was so called because made of clay coloured with common green ring-stones. This, at least, strange as it is, appears to be the only sense we can extract from Pliny's words, the meaning of which Beckmann ac- knowledges he had not been able to discover.' The same author inclines to think that the earth called annularia received its name from its use in sealing, a purpose to which certain kinds of earth were an- ciently applied."' — III. Creta Cimolia. (Vid. Cimo- LiA Terka.) — IV. Creta Eretria, a species of earth obtained from the neighbourhood of Eretria, in the island of Eubcea. It is, according to Hill, a fine pure earth, of a grayish white, moderately heavy, and of a smooth surface, not staining the hands, and readily crumbling between the fingers, It burns *o a perfect whiteness, acquiring a stony hardness and an acrimonious taste, and in a violent fire runs into a very pure pale blue glass. What distinguish- es it, however, in a more marked manner from other earths is, that if a little be wetted and drawn over a plate of brass or copper, so as to mark a line, the mark will in a little time appear bluish. This is a character originally recorded of it by Di- oscorides, and which Hill explains by assigning the earth in question alkaline property in a much strong- er degree than other earths possess. In the Mate- ria Medica of former d&ys, it was used as an astrin- gent and sudorific. The ancients mention another Eretrian earth of a pure white, but this appears to have been no other than the true white Bole of Ar- menia " — V. Creta Sarda, a species of earth obtain- ed from the island of Sardinia. Pliny calls it " vi- lissima omnium cimolia: gcnerum," the cheapest kind of Cimolite. It was, however, used in the first place to cleanse garments that were not dyed, which were then fumigated with sulphur, and final- ly scoured with Cimolia Terra." — VI. Creta Sclinu- sia, an earth obtained from the neighbourhood of Seliims in Sicily, whence its name. It is now found in various parts of the globe ; the finest kind, however, is the Sicilian. Dioscorides describes it as of a very bright and shining white, friable, and very readily disuniting and ditfusing itself in water. It was used by the ancient physicians as an astrin- gent, and among females as a cosmetic." *CREX (Kpif), a species of Bird with a creaking 1. (Isid., Orif., ix., 34.1—2. (xii., 43.)— 3. (Geov^., i., 179.)— 4. (Vorro, II. II., i., 7, 8.— Geopoii., i., 75. 12 ; ix., 10, 4.)— 5. (Hill's History of Fossils, &c., p. 43.)— 6. (Plin., H. N., xxiv., 27 )— 7. (Plin., II. N., xxiv., 30.)— 8. (Hist. Invmit., iv., 106.)— 9 (Moore's Anc. Mineral., p; 74.)— 10. (Hill, Hist. Fossils, Ac, ?5.) — II. (Plin., H. N., XXXV., 57. — Mooro's Anc. Mineral., p. 3.)— 12. (IliU, Hist. Fossils, &C., p, 40.) 320 note, whence its name. Some commentators snp. pose it the same as the bpTvyofiriTpa of Aristotle, who treats of them separately. " It is generally held," says Adams, " to be the Land Rail or Corn Crake, namely, the Eallus Crex, L., or Orlygometra Crex of later naturalists ; but if Tzetzes was cor rect in describing it as a sea-bird, resembhng the Egyptian ibis, this opinion must be admitted to be untenable. Dr. Trail suggests that the one may have been the Land, and the other the Water Rail.'" CRE'TIO HEREDITA'TIS. (Fid. Hereditas.) CRIMEN. Though this word occurs so fi-e- quently, it is not easy to fix its meaning. Crimen is often equivalent to accusatio {xarrp/opia) ; but 11 frequently means an act which is legally punishable. In this latter sense there seems to be no exact def inition of it given by the Roman jurists. Accord ing to some modern writers, crimina are either pub- he or private ; but if this definition is admitted, we have still to determine the notions of public and private. The truth seems to be, that there was a want of precise terminology as to what, in common language, are called criminal offences among the Romans ; and this defect appears In other systems of jurisprudence. Crimen has been also defined by modern writers to be that which is capitalis {mi. Caput), as murder, &c. ; delictum that which is a private injury (privata noxa) ; a distinction founded apparently on Dig. xxi., tit. 1, s. 17, <) 15. Delicts (delicta) were maleficia, wrongful acts,' and the foundation of one class of obUgations: these delicts, as enumerated by Gains,' are furtum, rapina, damnum, injuria ; they gave a right of action to the individual injured, and entitled him to compen- sation. These delicts were sometimes called crim- ina.* Crimen, therefore, is sometimes applied to that class of delicta called privata ;' and, accord- ingly, crimen may be viewed as a genus, of which the delicta enumerated by Gains are a species. But crimen and delictum are sometimes used as synon- ymous.' In one passage' we read of majora delic- ta (which, of course, imply minora), which expres- sion is coupled with the expression omnia crimina in such a way that the inference of crimen contain- ing delictum is, so far as concerns this passage, necessary ; for the omnia crimina comprehend (in this passage) more than the delicta majora. Some judicia publica were capitalia, and some were not. Judicia, which concerned crimina, were not, for that reason only, pubhca. There were, therefore, crimina which were not tried in judicia publica. This is consistent with what is stated above as to those crimina (dehcta) which were the subject of actions. Those crimina only were the subject of judicia publica which were made so by special laws ; such as the Julia de adulteriis, Cor- nelia de sicariis et veneficis, Pompeia de parrici- diis, Julia peculatus, Cornelia de testamentis, Julia de vi privata, Julia de vi publica, Julia de ambitu, Julia repetundarum, Julia de annona." So far as Cicero' enumerates causns criminum, they wers causae publici judicii ; but he adds,'" " criminum est multitude infinita." Again, infamia was not the consequence of every crimen, but only of those crimina which were " publicii judicii." A condem- nation, therefore, for a crimen, not puWici judicii, was not followed by infamia, unless the crimen laid the foundation of an actio, in which, even in the case of a privatum judicium, the condemnation was followed by infamia ; as furtum, rapina, inju- rite." Crimen, then, must be an act which, if 1. (Aristot., H. A., ix., 2.— Adams, Append., s. v.)— 2. (Dij 47, tit. 1, s. 3.)— 3. (iii., 182.)— 4. (Crimen furti : Gains, iii., I'J7.)— 5. (Dig. 47, tit. 1, de Privatis Delictis.)— 6. (Diff. 48, tit. 19, S.I.)— 7. (Dig. 48, tit. 19, s. 5.)— 8. (Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 1.)- 9. (De Oral., ji., 25.1—10. (ii., 31.)— II. (Dig. 48, tit. 1, s. 7.) URIOS. CROCODILUS. proved against the ofTender, subjected him to some punishment, the consequence of which was infamia ; but it would not therefore follow that infamia was only the consequence of a crimen. Most modern writers on Roman law have con- sidered delicta as the general term, which they have subdivided into delicta publica and privata. The legal consequences of delicta in this sense were compensation, punishment, and infamia as a consequence of the other two. The division of de- licta into publica and privata had, doubtless, partly its origin in the opinion generally entertained of the nature of the delict ; but the legal distinction must be derived from a consideration of the form of ob- taining redress for, or punishing, the wrong. Those delicta which were punishable according to special leges, senatus consulta, and constitutiones, and were prosecuted in judicia publica, were apparently more especially called crimina ; and the penalties, in case of conviction, were loss of life, of freedom, of civ- itas, and the consequent infamia, and sometimes pe- cuniary penalties also. Those delicta not provided for as above mentioned, were punishable by action (actiones poenales), and were the subjects of judi- cia privata, in which pecuniary compensation was awarded to the injured party. At a later period, we find a class of crimina extraordinaria,' which are somewhat vaguely defined. They are offences which in the earlier law would have been the foun- dation of actions, but Were assimilated, as to their punishment, to crimina publici judicii. This new class of crimina (new as to the form of judicial pro- ceedings) must have arisen from a growing opinion of the propriety of not limiting punishment, in cer- tain cases, to compensation to the party injured. The person who inquired judicially extra ordinem, might affix what punishment he pleased, within jeasonable hmits." Thus, if a person intended to prosecute his action, which was founded on male- ficium (delict), for pecuniary compensation, he fol- lowed the jus ordinarium ; but if he wished to pun- ish the offender otherwise (extra ordinem ejus rei pcenam exerceri (eT) velit), then he took criminal proceedings, " subscripsit in crimen."' Delicta were farther distinguished as to the pen- alties as follows : Compensation might be demand- ed of the heredes of the wrong-doer ; but the pcena was personal. The nature of the punishment also, as above intimated, formed a ground of distinction between delicta. Compensation could be sued for by the party injured : a penalty, which was not a di- rect benefit to the injured party, was sued for by the state, or by those to whom the power of prosecu- tion was given, as in the case of tfie lex Juha de adulteriis, &c. In the case of delicta publica, the intention of the doer was the main thing to be con- sidered : the act, if Jone, was not for that reason only punished ; nor if it remained incomplete, was it for that reason only unpunished. In the case of delicta privata, the injury, if done, was always com- pensated, evenif it was merely culpa. {Yid. Culpa.) CRI'MINA EXTRAORDINA'RIA. (Vid. Cri- men.) *CRIMNUS or -UM {Kpi/ivo; or -ov), the larger granules of bruised grains, called Groats in Eng- lish. Damm, however, says it was also applied to Barley itself He contends that Kpl in Homer is a contraction fi'om Kpifivof, and not from kplBt;.* •CRINANTH'EMUM (KpivuvBe/iov), probably the Sempervivum teciorum, or House-leek. Such, at least, is the opinion of Sprengel and Dierbach.* •CRlSfON {npivov), the Lily. (Yid. Lilium.) ♦CRIOS (Kpiog), I,, a military engine. {Yid. Aei- 1. (Dig. 47, tit. 11.)— 2, (Dig. 48, tit. 19, s. 13.)— 3. (Dig. 47, tit. 1, s. 3.) — 4. (Damm, Lex. Hom., s. v. — Adams, Append., s. '.)~*. (Hippocr., Morb. Mulier.— Adams, Append., s. t.) S s Es.) — II. The Ram. (Yid. Ovis) — III. (xpiof or/tpej- df), A large fish, mentioned by Oppian and jElian. It cannot be satisfactorily determined.' — IV. (icpidi kpeiivdoQ), A species of the Cicer arietanum. ( Vid. Ekebinthus.)' CRISTA. (Yid. Galea.) CRITAI (Kpirai), (judges). This name was appli- ed by the Greeks to any person who did not judge of a thing like a SiKuarriq, according to positive laws, but according to his own sense of justice and equi- ty.^ But at Athens a number of npiraL were cho- sen by ballot from a number of selected candidates at every celebration of the Dionysia, and were called ol apiTal, /tar' i§oxiv- Their office was to judge of the merits of the diiferent choruses and dramatic poems, and to award the prizes to the vic- tors.* Their number is stated by Suidas (s. v. 'Ev TrivTc KpiTuv yovvaai) to have been five for come- dies ; and G. Hermann has supposed, with great probability, that there were, on the whole, ten Kpnai, five for comedy and the same number for tragedy, one being taken from every tribe. The expression in Aristophanes,' vm^v izuai Tot( KpiTalg, signifies to gain the victory by the unanimous consent of the five judges. For the complete literature of this sub- ject, see K. F. Hermann's Manual of the Pol. Ant. of Greece, fj 149, n. 13. CRO'BYLOS. (Vid. Coma, p. 291.) ♦CROCODI'LUS (KpoicoSuloi), the Crocodile. The name properly denotes a smaU species of Liz- ard, and was merely given by the Greeks to the Crocodile itself, from the resemblance which the latter bore to this small creature,' just as our Alli- gator is the Portuguese "a.1 legato" the Lizard. Hence Aristotle calls the Crocodile nooaodeiXoi 6 7roTd|Uiof, and the Lizard KpoKodtiT^at, 6 p^epcaiog. The Egyptians, says Herodotus, called the Croco- dile x"'f^i'V<: ■ this, however, is a mere corruption in Greek of the Egyptian name Msah or Emsooh, which the Copts still retain in Amsah, and from which the Arabs have derived their modern appel- lation Temsah. The ancient writers have left us accounts of this animal, but they are more or less imperfect. Thus Herodotus says' it is blind in the water ; an evident error, unless he mean by the Greek term rvifilog, not " blind," but merely " dim- sighted," or " comparatively weak of sight," i. e., when compared with its keenness of vision on the land. So, again, Herodotus says it has no tongue. . This, however, is a popular error : it has a tongue, like the rest of animals, but this is connected by a rough skin with the lower jaw ; and, not being ex- tensible, nor easily seen at first view, since it com- pletely fills the cavity of the jaw between the two rows of teeth, it has been supposed to have no actual existence. Again, the Crocodile, according to Herodotus, does not move its lower jaw, but brings the upper one down in contact with it. Now the truth is just the other way .- the lower jaw alone is moved, and not the upper. The lower jaw ex- tends farther back than the scull, so that the neck must be somewhat bent when it is opened. The appearance thus produced has led to the very com- mon error of believing that the Crocodile moves its upper jaw, which is, in fact, incapable of motion, except with the rest of its body. " Naturahsts de- scribe four species of the Crocodile, namely, Croco- dilus alligator, C. cayman, C. gamal, and C. candi- verbera. The third of these being found only in India, and the fourth being peculiar to America, it follows that the ancients could have had little ac- quaintance with any other species than the Alliga- 1. (Adams.Append., s.T.)— 2. (Theophrast., H. P., vfli., 5 )_ 3. (Herod., in., 160.— Demosth., Olynth., i., p. 17 ^ c , Mid p 520. )^t. (Isoor.,Trapez.,p. 365, C.,withCoray'snote.)— S. (Ay 421 )— 6. (Herod., ii., 69.)— 7. (.. c ) ■* 321 CROCUS. CROTALUM. tar and the Cayman. jElian, however, must be supposed to allude to the Gavial when he mentions the Crocodile of the Ganges. Both Linnsus and Buffon reckon the first two as mere varieties, but they are now generally held to be distinct species, Bochart, with great learning, has proved that the Leviathan of Job is the Crocodile.' Atheneeus ranks the Crocodile and the Hippopotamus with the k^ti;.' Among the Egyptians, the Crocodile was pecuharly sacred to the god Savak. Its worship, however, did not extend to every part of Egypt ; some places considering it the representative of the Evil Being, and bearing the most deadly animosity to it, which led to serious feuds between neighbouang towns. Such was the cause of the quarrel between the Oinbites and the Tentyrites, as described by Juve- nal ; and the same animal which was worshipped at Ombos, was killed and eaten by the inhabitants of ApoUinopolis.' The Crocodile enjoyed great honours at Coptos, Ombos, and Crocodilopolis or Arthribis, in the Thebaid. In Lower Egypt, it was particularly sacred at a place called the City of Crocodiles (Crocodilopohs), and afterward Arsinoe, the capital of a nome, now the province of Fyoom. The animals were there kept in the Lake MaBris, and were buried in the under-ground chambers of the famous Labyrinth. The Crocodile is now sel- dom eaten, the flesh being bad. Indeed, in former times, it seems rather to have been eaten as a mark of hatred towards the Evil Being, of whom it was the emblem, than as an article of food.* The Croc- odile at present is found in the Nile only towards the region of Upper Egypt, where it is extremely hot, and where this animal never falls into a lethar- gic state. Formerly, when it was wont to descend the branches of the river which water the Delta, it used to pass the four winter months in caverns, and without food. Of this fact we are informed by Pliny and other ancient naturalists. — In the year 58 B.C., the sedile Scaurus exhibited at Rome five crocodiles of the Nile ; and subsequently, the Em- peror Augustus had a circus filled with water, and exhibited there to the people thirty-six crocodiles, which were killed by an equal number of men who vere habituated to fight with these animals.'" ♦KPOKOAErAOS (xspnaiot or cKiyKo^), the ■sTvink, or Land Crocodile. There are two species iif the Skink with which the ancients may be sup- posed to have been well acquainted, namely, Scincus officinalis and S. Algiriensis. Moses Charras says of them, " The Skinks are little animals like to liz- ards, or, rather, like to little crocodiles, by which name they are known."" ♦CROCODEILTUM (KpoKoSciXiov), a species of plant. Matthiolus informs us that it had been sup- posed to be the Eryngium marinum, or Sea Eringo, and the Carlina, or Carline Thistle ; but he rejects both these suppositions, admitting, however, at the same time, his own want of acquaintance with it. Sprengel, on the other hand, inclines to think it the EryngiuTK."^ •CROCUS (xpo/cof), the Saffron Crocus, or Cra- ms sativus. The genuine Saffron grows wild in the I.evant and in Southern Europe. Sibthorp found it in the fields of Greece and on the mountains around Athens. The flower of the C. sativus is of a violet colour, and appears in autumn ; hence the epithet autumnalis. The best Saffron came from Corycus in Cilicia and from Mount Tmolus in Lydia. The Lycian Olympus and the island of Sicily also pro- duced a very good sort. Saffron was much used 1. (Hioroz., S2, 4, 12.)— 2. (Athcn., ii., 90.— Adams, Append., a. V ) — 3. (WiUtinson's Egyptians, vol. v., p. 229. — Juv., Sat., iviii., 36.)— 4. (Wilkinson, L c.)— 5. (Griffith's Cuvier, vol. ix., p. 190 >- CRYPTEIA. CRYPTEIA. poif.t are refuted at length by Lampe.' From Sui- dcs and ihe scholiast on Aristophanes,' it appears to have been a split reed or cane, which clattered when shaken with the hand. According to Eusta- thius,^ it was made of shell and brass as well as of wood. Clemens Alexandrinus farther says that it wi>s an invention of the Sicilians, Women who played on the crotalum were termed crolalistriai. Such was Virgil's Copa, " Crispum sub crotalo docta movere latus."* The line alludes to the dance with crotala (similar to castanets), for which we have the additional tes- timony of Macrobius.' The annexed woodcut, ta- kes from the drawing of an ancient marble in Spon's K'/.'ellanea,' represents one of these crotalislria \/i /jrming. The words RpoToko^ and K^soTaXov are often ap- plied, by an easy metaphor, to a noisy, talkative person.' *CROTON (Kp'oTuv), I. an insect found on oxen and dogs, and sometimes on men, namely, the Aca.- Tus reduvius, L., or Tick.' — II. According to Galen, the same with the kikl' {Vid. Cici.) CRyPTEI'A («.fWKTtia, also called Kpvnrla or Kpvnrri) was, according to Aristotle,'" an institution introduced at Sparta by the legislation of Lycurgus. Its character was so cruel and atrocious, that Plu- tarch only with great reluctance submitted to the authority of Aristotle in ascribing its introduction to the Spartan lawgiver. The description which he gives of it is this : The ephors, at intervals, select- ed from among the young Spartans those who ap- peared to be best qualified for the task, and sent them in various directions all over the country, pro- vided with daggers and their necessary food. Du- ring the daytime these young men concealed them- selves ; but at night they broke forth into the high- roads, and massacred those of the Helots whom they met, or whom they thought proper. Sometimes, also, they ranged over the fields (in the daytime), and despatched the strongest and best of the Helots. This account agrees with that of Heraclides of Pon- tus," who speaks of the practice as one that was still carried on in his own time, though he describes its introduction by Lycurgus only as a report. The crypteia has generally been considered either as a kind of military training of the Spartan youths, in which, as in other cases, the hves of the Helots were unscrupulously sacrificed, or as a means of lessening the numbers and weakening the power of the slaves. But Miiller,'" who is anxious to soften the notions generally current respecting the rela- tions between the Helots and their masters, suppo- ses that Plutarch and Heraclides represent the in- stitution of the crypteia " as a war which the ephors themselves, on entering upon their yearly office, proclaimed against the Helots." Heraclides, how- 1. (De Cymb. Vet., i., 4, 5, 6.)— 2. (Nubes, 260.)— 3. (II., xi., 160.)— 4. (v., 2.)— 5. (Sat., ii., 10.)— 6. (Sec. I., art. vi., fij. 43.) —7. (Arist., Nub., 448.— Eur., Cycl., 104.)— 8. (Aristot., H. A., f., 17.)— 9. (Theophrast., H. P.,.i., 10.)— 10. (ap. Plut., Lye, S8.)-ll (r 2 )— 12. (Donans, hi., 3. 6 4 l ever, does not mention this proclamation at all, and Plutarch, who mentions it on the authority of Aristotle, does not represent it as identical with the crypteia. Miiller also supposes that, according to the received opinion, this chase of the slaves took place regularly every year; and showing at once the absurdity of such an annual proclamation of war and massacre among the slaves, he rejects what he calls the common opinion altogether, as involved in inextricable difficulties, and has re- course to Plato to solve the problem. But Thirl- wall' much more judiciously considers that this proclamation of war is not altogether groundless, but only a misrepresentation of something else, and that its real character was most probably connected with the crypteia. Now if we suppose that the thing here misrepresented and exaggerated into a proclamation of war was some promise which the ephors, on entering upon their office, were obliged to make : for instance, to protect the state against any danger that might arise from too great an in- crease of the numbers and power of the Helots — a promise which might very easUy be distorted into a proclamation of war — there is nothing contrary to the spirit of the legislation of Lycurgus ; and such an institution, by no means surprising in a slave- holding state like Sparta, where the number of free citizens was comparatively very small, would have conferred upon the ephors the legal authority occa- sionalbj to send out a number of young Spartans in chase of the Helots." That on certain occasions, when the state had reason to fear the overwhelming number of slaves, thousands were massacred with the sanction of the public authorities, is a well- known fact.^ It is, however, probable enough that such a system may at first have been earned on with some degree of moderation ; but after attempts had been made by the slaves to emancipate them- selves and put their masters to death, as was the case during and after the earthquake in Laconia, it assumed the barbarous and atrocious character which we have described above.* If the crypteia had taken place annually, and at a fixed time, we should indeed have reason, with Miiller, to wonder why the Helots, who in many districts lived entirely alone, and were united by despair for the sake of common protection, did not every year kindle a most bloody and determined war throughout the whole of Laconia ; but Plutarch, the only authority on which this supposition can rest, does not say that the crypteia took place every year, but 6ia xpovov, i. e., " at intervals," or occasionally.' The difficul- ties which Miiller finds in what he calls the common account of the crypteia, are thus, in our opinion, re- moved, and it is no longer necessary to seek their solution in the description given by Plato,' who pro- posed for his Cretan colony a similar institution, under the name of crypteia. From the known par- tiality of Plato for Spartan institutions, and his in- clination to represent them in a favourable light, it will be admitted that, on a subject like this, his ev- idence will be of little weight. And when he adopt- ed the name crypteia for his institution, it by no means follows that he intended to make it in every respect similar to that of Sparta ; a partial resem- blance was sufficient to transfer the name of the Spartan institution to that which he proposed to establish ; and it is sufficiently clear, from his own words, that his attention was more particularly di- rected to the advantages which young soldiers might derive from such hardships as the Kfymroi had to undergo. But even Plato's colony would not have 1. (Hist. Greece, vol. i., p. 311.)— 2. (Isocr., Panalh., p. 271, B.)— 3. (Thucyd., iv., 80.)— 4. (Compare Plut., Lye, 28, »all fin.)— 5. (Hermann ad Viger., p. 856.)— 6. (De Leg., i., p. 633 , vi., p. 763 ) 323 CRYPTA. CUBICULARII. been of a very humane character, as his Kfyuirroi were to go out in arms and make free use of the slaves. CRUX {aravpoc, aKo^-mf)), an instrument of capi- tal punishment used by several ancient nations, es- pecially the Romans and Carthaginians. The words uTavpoo and anoXom^a are also applied to Persian and Egyptian punishments, but Casaubon^ doubts whether they describe the Roman method of cruci- fixion. From Seneca' we learn the latter to have been of two kinds, the less usual sort being rather impalement than what we should describe by the word crucifixion, as the criminal was transfixed by a pole, which passed through the back and spine, and came out at the mouth. The cross was of several kinds ; one in the shape of an X, called crux Andreana, because tradition re- ports St. Andrew to have suffered upon it ; another was found like a T, as we learn from Lucian,' who makes it the subject of a charge against the letter. The third, and most common sort, was made of two pieces of wood crossed, so as to make four right angles. It was on this, according to the unanimous testimony of the fathers, who sought to confirm it by Scripture itself,* that our Saviour suffered. The punishment, as is well known, was chiefly inflicted on slaves and the worst kind of malefactors." The manner of it was as follows : The criminal, after sentence pronounced, carried his cross to the place of execution : a custom mentioned by Plutarch' and Artemidorus,' as well as in the Gospels. From Livy° and Valerius Maximus,' scourging appears to have formed a part of this, as of other capital punishments among the Romans. The scourging of our Saviour, however, is not to be regarded in this light, as Grotius and Hammond have observed it was inflicted before sentence was pronounced.'" The criminal was next stripped of his clothes, and nailed or bound to the cross. The latter was the more painful method, as the sufferer was left to die of hunger. Instances are recorded of persons who survived nine days. It was usual to leave the body on the cross after death. The breaking of the legs of the thieves, mentioned in the Gospels, was acci- dental ; because by the Jewish law, it is expressly remarked, the bodies could not remain on the cross during the Sabbath-day.'' CRYPTA (from Kprnreiv, to conceal), a Crypt. Among the Romans, any long narrow vault, wheth- er wholly or partially below the level of the earth, is expressed by this term ; such as a sewer {crypta Subura}') {vid. Cloaca), the carceres of the circus {vid. Circus, p. 254), or a magazine for the recep- tion of agricultural produce.'^ The specific senses of the word are : I. A covered portico or arcade, called more def- initely crypto-porticus, because it was not supported by open columns like the ordinary portico, but closed at the sides, with windows only for the admission of light and air.'* These were frequented during summer for their coolness. A portico of this kind, almost entire, is still remaining in the suburban villa of Arrius Diomedes at Pompeii. Some theatres, if not all, had a similar portico attached to them for the convenience of the per- formers, who there rehearsed their parts or prac- tised their exercises." One of these is mentioned 1. (Exer. Antibnrou., xvi., 77.) — 2. (Cons, ad Marc, xx. — Epist., xiv., 1.) — 3. (Judic. Vocal., xii.) — 4. (Lips., De Cruce, i., 0.)— 5. (Juy., Sat.,vi.,219.— llor.. Sat., I., iii., 82.)— 6. (De Tard. Dei Vind., 'Uaaros roiv KOKoipyoiV Ixtftipzi rbv qItov uTavfdv.)—!. ('Owi(ii!Ius. Nan., p. 188.— ap. Mur., 485, 8.)— 10. (Isid., Gloss. Philox.— Columell., li., 15.) — 11 (Festus, s. V. Culina ; and vid. Bustirapi, p. 169.)— 12. (Aril toph., Equit., 1232, ed. Beki.)— 13. (Pollux, Onom. vi , 95 | 325 CULPA. CULPA. Blips or vessels,' but was generally restricted to small drinking-cups used at symposia and on simi- lar occasions (^k ri/iw ol -rzalSeg fUKpalc kvXi^i irvKva km^amiaaiv'). The kvXl^ is frequently seen in paintings on ancient vases which represent drinlcing scenes, and when empty, is usually held upright by one of its handles, as shown in the annexed wood- cut. Athenaeus' informs us that these cups were usu- ally made of earthenware, and that the best kind were manufactured in Attica and Argolis. The following woodcut, which is referred to ij several articles, is taken from Millin,' and repre sents a symposium. Three young and two older men are reclining on a couch (/tto;;), with their left arms resting on striped pillows (■Kpocne^aXam O' VTrayKovm). Before the couch are two tables. Three of the men are holding the ra/lif suspended by one of the handles to the fore-linger ; the fourth holds a ^Lttlri (vid. Phiala ); and the fifth a ^ia^.ji in one hand and a /5ut6v in the other. (Vid. Rutob ) In the middle Komos is beating the tympanum.' CULPA. The general notion of damnum, and the nature of dolus malus, are most conveniently explained under this head. Damnum is injury done by one man to the prop- rrty of another, and done illegally {injuria, i. e., con- tra jus) ; for this is the meaning of injuria in the actio damni injuriae given by the lex Aquilia ;* and injuria, in this sense, must not be confounded with the actio injuriarum.' This damnum, injuria of the lex Aquilia, is done by culpa or by dolus malus ; for damnum done without culpa or dolus malus is casual {casus), and the doer is not pumishable. Damnum, in fact, implies injuria ; and, generally, a man is not bound to make good the damage done by him to another man's property, except on the ground of contract, or on the ground of illegal act where there is no contract, that is culpa or dolus. Neither culpa nor dolus can be taken as a genus which shall comprehend the species culpa and do- lus, though some writers have so viewed these terms. Dolus malus is thus defined by Labeo :• " Dolus malus est omnis calliditas, fallacia, machi- natio ad circumveniendum, fallendum, decipiendum alteram adhibita." Dolus malus, therefore, has ref- erence to the evil design with which an act is ac- complished to the injury of another ; or it may be the evil design with which an act is omitted that ought to be done. The definition of Aquilius, a learned jurist, the friend of Cicero, and his col- league in the praetorship,' labours under the defect •)( the definition of Servius, which is criticised by JLabeo." This seems to be the Aquilius who, by the edict, gave the action of dolus malus in all ca- jes of dolus malus where there was no legislative provision, and there was a justa causa.' It is generally considered that culpa may be ei- ther an act of commission or omission ; and that an Oct of commission may fall short of dolus, as not coming within the above definition, but it may ap- proach very near to dolus, and so become culpa ■Jolo proxima. But tlie characteristic of culpa is omission. It is true that the damnum, which is 1. (Herod., iv., 70.)— 2. (Xen., Sympos., ii., 20.)— 3. (xi., p. 480.)— 4. (Gaiua, iii., 210.— Dig. 9, tit. 2, s. 5.)— 5. (Gains, iii., "' 6. (DiR. 4, tit. 3, 6.1.)— 7. (0(r., iii., 14.)— 8. (Dig. 4, tit. necessary to constitute the culpa, is th^ consequence of some act ; but the act derives its culpose char- acter from an act omitted ; otherwise it might be casus, or casual damage. Culpa, then, being characterized by an act of omission {ncgligentia), or oraissio diligentis, the question always is, how far is the person charged with culpa bound to look,afler the interest of anoth- er, or to use diligentia. There is no such general obligation, but there is such obligation in particular cases. Culpa is divided into lata, levis, and levis- sima. Lata culpa " est nimia negligenlia, id est, non intelligere quod omnes intelligunt.'" If, then, one man injured the property of another by gross carelessness, he was always bound to make good the damage {damnum praestare). Such culpa was not dolus, because there was not intention or de- sign, but it was as bad in its consequences to the person charged with it. Levis culpa is negligence of a smaller degree, and the responsibility in such case arises from contract. He who is answerable for levis culpa, is answerable for injury caused to the property of another by some omission, which a careful person could or might have prevented. For instance, in the case of a thing lent {vid. Commodatitm), a man must take at least as much care of it as a careful man does of his own property. There is never any cul- pa if the person charged with it has done ail-that the most careful person could do to prevent loss or damage. Levissima culpa came within the mean- ing of the term culpa in the lex Aquilia ; that is, any injury that happened to one man's property through the conduct of another, for want of such care as the most careful person would take, was a culpa, and therefore punishable. ■The word culpa occurs very frequently in the Lat- in writers in a great variety of meanings ; but the characteristic of such meanings is " carelessness" or " neglect." Hence may be explained the pas- sage of Horace,* " Post hoc ludus erat culpa potare magislra ;" which means to have no magister at all, or, as th* icJO.) W. 1»./J^. -I, iti ■ ", B. »., .. \".. *i8 1,)— 9, (Cic, Do Nat, Dour., iii., 326 0.) I. (Peintures do Viises Antiques, vol. ii.,pl.5S.)— 2. (Becker Charikles, vol. i., p. 505 ; vol. ii., p. 499 (—3. (Dig. 50, tit. W 8, SI3,)— ». 'Sat,, II., ii., 123.) CULTRARIUS. CUPRESSUS. «choliast explains it, " libere potare." The absurd- ity of the explanation grafted on this schoHum, is only equalled by the absurdity of Bentley's emen- dation of cupa for culpa. CULTER (probably from cello, percello ; dim. cul- tcllus, Engl, coulter ; in southern Germany, das kol- ier ; French, couteau ; Greek, fidxaipa, kottIc, or a(payk), a knife with only one edge, which formed a straight line. The blade was pointed and its back curved. It was used for a variety of purposes, but chiefly for killing animals, either in the slaugh- ter-house, or in hunting, or at the altars of the gods.' Hence the expressions bovem ad cultrum emere, " to buy an ox for the purpose of slaughtering it ;'" me sub cullro linquit, " he leaves me in a state like that of a victim dragged to the altar ;"' se ad cul- trum locare, " to become a bestiarius."* From some of the passages above referred to, it would appear that the culter was carried in a kind of sheath. The priest who conducted a sacrifice never killed the victim himself; but one of his ministri, ap- pointed for that purpose, who was called either by the general name minister, or the more specific popa or cultrarius.^ A tombstone of a cultrarius is still extant, and upon it *wo cultri are represented,' which are copied in tne annexed woodcut. 1^ X Q.'Jcinvit.Ti.o.-L MENOLAJSn CVLTRAIO.. OSSA HEIC.SITA.SVKT The name culter was also apphed to razors' and kitchen-knives.' That in these cases the culter was different from those above represented, and most probably smaller, is certain ; since, whenever it was used for shaving or domestic purposes, it was always distinguished from the common culter by some epithet, as culter tonsorius, culter coquina- ris. Fruit-knives were also called cultri ; but they were of a smaller kind (cultelli), and made of bone or ivory.' Columella, who" gives a very minute description of a falx vinitoria, a knife for pruning vines, says that the part of the blade nearest to the handle was called culter on account of its similari- ty ij an ordinary culter, the edge of that part form- ing a straight line. This culter, according to him, was to be used when a branch was to be cut off which required a hard pressure of the hand on the knife. The name culter, which was also applied to the sharp and pointed iron of the plough," is still extant in English, in the form coulter, to designate the same thing. (FV(J. Aeateum.) The expression in cultrum or in cultro collocatus^^ eignifies placed in a perpendicular position. CULTRA'RIUS. (Vid. Cultek.) 1. (Liv., iii., 48. — Scribonius, Compos. Med., 13. — Suet.. Oc- lav., 9.— Plaut., Rud., I., ii., 45.— Virg-., Georg., iii., 492.— Ovid, Fast., i., 321.)— 2. (Varro, De Re Rust., ii., 6.)— 3. (Hor., Sat., I., ix., 74.)^. {Senec, Ep., 87.)— 5. (Suet., Calij., 32.)— 6. (Gruter, Inscript., vol. ii., p. 640, No. 11.)— 7. (Cic, DeOff., ii., 7.— Plin., vii., 59.— Petrun., Sat., 108.) — 8. (Varrn ap. Non., Hi., 332.)— 9. (Columell., xii., 14, 45.— PUn., iii., 25.— Scnbon., c. 83.)-10. (iv., 25.)— 11. (Plin., H. N., xviii., 18, 48.)— 12. (Vi- trur , 1-., 10, 14.) *CUMI'NUM or CYMFNUM (kv/iivov), ' (Jumin, an umbelliferous plant, of annual duration, found wild in Egypt and Syria, and cultivated from time imme- morial for the sake of its agreeable aromatic- fruit, which, like that of caraway, dill, anise, &c., possess es well-marked stimulating and carminative prop erties." The seeds were used by the ancients as a condiment, and the mode of preparing what was termed thecuminalum is given by Apicius.' Drinking a decoction of cumin produced paleness, and hence the allusion in Horace to the " exsangue cuminum."' Pliny' says it was reported that the disciples of Por- cius Latro, a famous master of the art of speaking, used it to imitate that paleness which he had con- tracted from his studies.* The ancients used to place cumin on the table in a small vessel, like salt ; the penurious were sparing of its use in this way, whence arose the expressions KVfuvo-npiaTtK, " a splitter of cumin-seed," analogous to KapSafioy- Xv(j)nc, "a cutter or scraper of cresses," and in Latin cuminisector, to denote a sordid and miserly per- son.' It can admit of no doubt, according to Adams, that the kviiwov f/fiepov of Dioscorides, which is the only species treated of by Hippocrates and Galen, was the Cuminum cymnmm, L. Of the two varie- ties of the Kv/iLvov aypiov described by Dioscorides, the first, according to Matthiolus and Sprengel, is the Lagacia cuminoides, L. ; the other, most proba- bly, the Nigella arvensis, or wild Fennel flower. CU'jMEUS was the name applied to a body of foot-soldiers, drawn up in the form of a wedge, for the purpose of breaking through an enemy's line. The common soldiers called it a caput porcinum, or pig's head. The wedge was met by the " forfex" or shears, a name given to a body of men drawn up in the form of the letter V, so as to receive the wedge be- tween two lines of troops." The name cuneus was also applied to the compartments of seats In circu- lar or semicircular theatres, which were so arranged as to converge to the centre of the theatre, and di verge towards the external walls of the building, with passages between each compartment. CQNI'CULUS (yiTovo/ioc). A mine or passage under ground was so called, from its resemblance to the burrowing of a rabbit. Thus Martial' says, " Gaudet in effossis habitare cuniculus aniris, Monstravit tacitas hostihus ille vias." ' Fidenae and Veii are said to have been taken by mines, which opened, one of them into the citadel, the other into the Temple of Juno." Niebuhr' ob- serves that there is hardly any authentic instance of a town being taken in the manner related of Veii, and supposes that the legend arose out of a tradi- tion that Veii was taken by means of a mine, by which a part of the wall was overthrown. »GUNIC'ULUS, the Rabbit, the same with the Greek SaffUxov^. {Vid. Dasypus.) ♦CDNI'LA, Savory, or wild Marjoram, a plant of which there are several kinds : 1. The Saliva is also called Satureia, and was used as a condiment. ( Vid. Thymbea.)- 2. The Bulula is the wild Origany. (Vid. Oeiganos.) — 3. The Gallinacea is the same with Cunilago, or Flea-bane." ♦CUPRESSUS (Kvirdpwaoc), the Cypress, or Cu- pr^ssus Scmpervirens, L. The Cypress was a fune- real tree among the ancients. Branches of this tree were placed at the doors of deceased persons. It was consecrated to Pluto, because, according to popular belief, when once cut, it never grew ag°ain, and it was also accustomed to be placed around 1. (i., 29.)— 2. (Epist.,i., 19, 18.)— 3. (H. N., xx., 57.)— 4. (1 c.)— 5. (Billerieck, FloraClassica, p. 79.)— 6. (Veget., iii 19 J —7. (xiii., 60.)— 8. (Liv., iv., 22 ; v., 19.)— 9. (Hist. Horn., ii, 483, traosl.)— 10. (PUn., H. N., xix., 8 ; n., 16.) 327 CURATOR. CURATOR. the funeral piles of the noble and wealthy. Its dark foliage also gave it a funereal air.' ♦CUPRUM, Copper. (Vid. JEs and Chalcos.) CURA. {Vid. Curator.) CURATE'LA. (Vid. Curator.) CURA'TIO. {Vid. Curator.) CURA'TOR. Up to the time of pubertas, every Roman citizen was incapable of doing any legal act, or entering into any contract which might be injurious to him. The time when pubertas was at- tained was a matter of dispute ; some fixed it at the commencement of the age of procreation, and some at the age of fourteen." In all transactions by the impubes, it was necessary for the auctoritas of the tutor to be interposed. ( Vid. Auctoritas, Tu- tor.) With the age of puberty, the youth attained the capacity of contracting marriage and becoming a paterfamilias : he was liable to military seiTice, and entitled to vote in the comitia; and, consist- ently with this, he was freed from the control of a tutor. Females who had attained the age of pu- berty became subject to another kind of tutela, which is explained in its proper place. (Vid. Tutela.) With the attainment of the age of puberty by a Roman youth, every legal capacity was acquired which depended on age only, with the exception of the capacity for public offices, and there was no rule about age, even as to public offices, before the passage of the lex Vilha. (Vid. ^Ediles, p. 25.) It was, however, a matter of necessity to give some legal protection to young persons, who, owing to their tender age, were liable to be overreached; and, consistently with the development of Roman jurisprudence, this object was effected without in- terfering with the old principle of fuU legal capacity being attained with the age of puberty. This was accomplished by the lex Plaetoria (the true name of the lex, as Savigny has shown), the date of which is not known, though it is certain that the law ex- isted when Plautus wrote.' This law estabhshed a distinction of age, which was of great practical importance, by forming the citizens into two class- es, those above and those below twenty-five years of age (minores viginti quinque annis), whence a person under the last-mentioned age was sometimes simply called minor. The object of the lex was to protect persons under twenty-five years of age against all fraud (dolus). The person who was guilty of such a fraud was liable to a judicium pub- licum,* though the offence was such as in the cas§ of a person of full age would only have been matter of action. The punishment fixed by the lex Plaeto- ria was probably a pecuniary penalty, and the con- sequential punishment of infamia or loss of political rights. The minor who had been fraudulently led to make a disadvantageous contract might protect himself against an action by a plea of the lex Plaa- toria (exceptio legis Plcetorice). The lex also appears to have farther provided that any person who dealt with a minor might avoid all risk of the consequen- ces of the Plsetoria lex, if the minor was aided and assisted in such dealing by a curator named or chosen for the occasion. But the curator did not act like a tutor : it can hardly be supposed that his consent was even necessary to the contract ; for the minor had full legal capacity to act, and the busi- ness of the curator was merely to prevent his being defrauded or surprised. The praetorian edict carried still farther the prin- ciple of the lex Plastoria, by protecting minors gen- erally agamst positive acts of their own, in all cases in which the consequences might be injurious to them. This was done by the " in integrum restitu- I (Plin , II. N., xvi., 33.— Virj., JEn., v., 64.— Ilorat., Cain ii. H, 23.)— 2. (Gmus, i., 190.)- 3. (PBcudoluB, i., 3, fi9.)- (Cic, Do Not. Door., iii., 30.) 138 tio :'' the praetor set aside transactions of this de- scription, not only on the ground of fraud, but on a consideration of all the circumstances of the case. But it was necessary for the minor to make appli. cation to the praetor, either during his minority or within one year after attaining it, if he claimed the restitutio ; a hmitation probably founded on the lei Plaetoria. The provisions of this lex were thus sn perseded or rendered unnecessary by the jurisdic- tion of the praetor, and, accordingly, we find very few traces of the Plastorian law in the Roman jurists, Ufpian and his contemporaries speak of ado lescentes, under twenty-five years of age, being under the general direction and advice of cura- tores, as a notorious principle of law at that time.' The establishment of this general rule is attribu- ted by Capitolinus" to the Emperor M. Aurelius, in a passage which has given rise to much dis- cussion. We shall, however, adopt the explana- tion of Savigny, which is as follows : Up to the time of Marcus Aurelius there were only three cases or kinds of curatela: 1. That which was founded on the lex Plaetoria, by which a minor who wished to enter into a contract with another, asked the prffitor for a curator, stating the ground or oc- casion of the petition (reddita causa). One object of the application was to save the other contracting party from all risk of judicial proceedings in conse- quence of deahng with a minor. Another object was the benefit of the applicant (the minor) ; for no prudent person would deal with him, except with the legal security of thp curator^ ("Lex me perdit quinavicenaria : metuunt credere omnes"). 2. The curatela, which was given in the case of a man wasting his substance, who was called " prodigus.' 3. And that in the case of a man being of unsound mind, " demens," " furiosus." In both the last- mentioned cases provision was made either by the law or by the praetor. Curatores who were deter- mined by the law of the Twelve Tables were called legitimi ; those who were named by the praetor were called honorarii. A furiosus and prodigus, what- ever might be their age, were placed under the cura of their agnati by the law of the Twelve Tables. When there was no legal provision for the appoint- ment of a curator, the praetor named one. Cuia- tores appointed by a consul, praetor, or governor of a province (prceses), were not generally required to give security for their proper conduct, having been chosen as fit persons for the office. What the lex Plaetoria required for particular transactions, the Emperor Aurehus made a general rule, and all mi- nors, without exception, and without any special grounds or reasons (non rcdditis causis), were re- quired to have curatores. The following is the result of Savigny's investi- gations into the curatela of minors after the consti- tution of M. Aurelius. The subject is one of con- siderable difficulty, but it is treated with the most consummate sldll, the result of complete knowledge and unrivalled critical sagacity. The minor only received a general curator when he made application to the praetor for that purpose : he had the right of proposing a person as curator, but the prajtor might reject the person proposed. The curator, on being appointed, had, without the concurrence of the mi- nor, as complete power over the minor's property as the tutor had up to the age of puberty. He could sue in respect of the minor's property, get in debts, and dispose of property like a tutor. But it was only the property which the praetor intrusted to him that he managed, and not the acquisitions of tho minor subsequent to his appointment ; and herein lie differed from a tutor, who had the care of all the 1. (Dig. 4, tit. 4. — De Minoribus ixv. Anoia.; — 3. (M. Am ton, o. 10.)— 3. (Plaut., Pseudolus, i., 3, 69.) CURATOR. property of the pupillus. If it was intended that the curator should have the care of that which the minor acquired after the curator's appointment, by will or otherwise, a special apphcation for this pur- pose was necessary. Thus, as to the property which was placed under the care of the curator, both as regards alienation and the getting in of debts, the minor was on the same footing as the prodigus : his acts in relation to such matters, with- out the curator, were void. But the legal capacity of the minor to contract debts was not affected by the appointment of a curator, and he might be sued on his contract either during his minority or after. Nor was there any inconsistency in this : the minor could not spend his actual property by virtue of the power of the curator, and the preservation of his property during minority was the object of the cu- rator's appointment. But the minor would have been deprived of all legal capacity for doing any act if he could not have become liable on his contract. The contract was not in its nature immediately in- jurious, and when the time came for enforcing it against ttie minor, he had the general protection of the restitutio. If the minor wished to be adrogated (vid. Adoptio), it was necessary to have the consent of the curator. It is not stated in the extant au- thorities what was the form of proceeding when it was necessary to dispose of any property of the mi- nor by the mancipatio or in jure cessio ; but it may be safely assumed that the minor acted (for he alone could act on such an occasion) and the curator gave his consent, which, in the case supposed, would be analogous to the auctoritas of the tutor. But it would differ from the auctoritas in not being, like the auctoritas, necessary to the completion of the legal act, but merely necessary to remove all legal objections to it when completed. The cura of spendthrifts and persons of unsound mind, as already observed, owed its origin to the laws of the Twelve Tables. The technical word for a person of unsound mind in the Twelve Tables ibfuriosus, which is equivalent to demens ; and both v.ords are distinguished from insanus. 'Though /«- tor implies violence in conduct, and dementia only mental imlecility, there was no legal difference be- tween the two terms, so far as concerned the cura. Insania is merely weakness of understanding {stul- titia constantia, id est, sanitate vacans^), and it was not provided for by the laws of the Twelve Tables. In later times, the praetor appointed a curator for all persons whose infirmities required it. This law of the Twelve Tables did not apply to a pupillus or pu- pilla. If, therefore, a pupillus was of unsound mind, the tutor was his curator. If an agnatus was the curator of a furiosus, he had the power of alienating the property of the furiosus." The prodigus only received a curator upon apphcation being made to a magistratus, and a sentence of interdiction being pronounced against him (ei bonis interdictum est'). The form of the interdictio was thus : " Quando tilji bona paterna avitaque nequitia tua disperdis, hber- osque tuos ad egestatem perducis, ob earn rem tibi ea re commercioque interdico." The cura of the prodigus continued till the interdict was dissolved. It might be inferred from the form of the interdict, that it was limited to the case of persons who had children; but perhaps this was not so. It will appear from what has been said, that, whatever similarity there may be between a tutor and a curator, an essential distinction lies in this, that the curator was specially the guardian of prop- erty, though in the case of a furiosus he must also have been the guardian of the person. A curator must, of course, be legally qualified for his functions, 1. (Cic , Tusc. Quaiat,, iii., 5.)— 2. (Gains, ii,, 64.)— 3. (Com- pare Cic, Dp Senec, c. 7.) Tt CURATORES. and he was bound, when appointed, to accept the duty, unless he had some legal exemption {excusa- tio). The curator was also bound to account at the end of the curatela, and was liable to an action for misconduct. The word cura has also other legal applications ; 1. Cura bonoium, in the case of the goods of a debt or, which are secured for the benefit of his creditors. 2. Cura bonorum et ventris, in the case of a woman being pregnant at the death of her husband. 3. C-w- ra hereditatis, in case of a dispute as to who is the heres of a person, when his supposed child is under age. 4. Cura hereditatis jacentis, in the case of a property, when the heres had not yet declared whether or not he would accept the inheritance. 5. Cura bonorum absentis, in the case of property of an absent person who had appointed no manager of it. This view of the curatela of minors is from an essay by Savigny, who has handled the whole mat- ter in a way equally admirable, both for the scien- tific precision of the method, and the force and per- spicuity of the language.' CURATO'RES were public officers of various kinds under the Roman Empire, several of whom were first established by Augustus.'' The most im- portant of them were as follow : I. Cdbatoees Alvei et Ripjrum, who had the charge of the navigation of the Tiber. The duties of their ofBce may be gathered from Ulpian.' It was reckoned very honourable, and the persons who filled it received afterward the title of comites. II. CuEATOEEs Annon^, who purchascd corn and oil for the state, and sold it again at a small price among the poorer citizens, 'ifhey were also called curatores emcndi frumenti et old, and airuvac and eXatuvai* Their office belonged to the persona- lia munera ; that is, it did not require any expendi- ture of a person's private property ; but the curato: es received from the state a sufficient sum of money to purchase the required amount.' III. CUKATORES AqUARUM. ( Fli(i. Aqu.^ DucTUS, p. 75.) IV. CtjRATOBEs Kalenharii, who had the care .in municipal towns of the kalendaria, that is, the books which contained the names of the persons to whom public money, which was not wanted for the ordinary expenses of the town, was lent on interest. The office belonged to the personalia munera.^ These officers are mentioned in inscriptions found in municipal towns.' V. CtTRAToREs LuDOEUM, who had the care of the public games. Persons of rank appear to have been usually appointed to this office.' In inscrip- tions, they are usually called curatores muneris gla- diatorii, &c. VI. CuEATOEEs Opeeum Publicordm, who had the care of all public buildings, such as the theatres, baths, aquaeducts, &c., and agreed with the con- tractors for all necessary repairs to them. Theii duties, under the Republic, were discharged by the aediles and censors. {Vid. Censoees, p. 229.) They are frequently mentioned in inscriptions.' VII. Curatores Regionum, who had the care of the fourteen districts into which Rome was divided 1. (Von dem Schutz der Minderjftbjigen, Zeitschrift., x. — Sa- vigny, Vom Beruf, &c., p. 102.— Gaius, i., 197.— TJlp., Frag , xii. — Dirksen, TJebersicht, &c., Tab. v.. Frag. 7. — Mackeldey, Lehrbuch des heutigen Romischen Rechts. — Thibaut, System des Pandekten-Rechts. — MarezoU, Lehrbuch, &c, — A, referenco to these authorities will enable the reader to carry his investig^- tioiis farther, and to supply what is purposely omitted in the above sketch.)— 2. (Suet., Oc, it., 37.)— 3. (Dig. 43, tit. 15.)— 4. (Dig. 50, tit. 5, s. 19, t, 5.)— f (Dig. 50, tit. 8, s. 9, 1) 5.)-6. (Dig. 50, tit. 4, s. 18, « 2 ; tit. 8, s. 9, t 7.— Ileinecc.. Antiq. Rom., iii., 15, 4.)— 7. (Orelli, Inscrip., No. 3<)4(', 4491.)- .8, (Ta- cit., Ann., xi., 35 ; xiii., 22.- Suet.. Cal , 27 J— 9. (Orelli, la- scrip.. No. 24, 1506, 2273.) 339 CURI^. KYRIOS. under the emperors, and whose duty it was to pre- vent all disorder and extortion in their respective districts. This office was first instituted by Augus- tus.' There were usually two officers of this kind for each district ; Alexander Severus, however, appears to have appointed only one for each ; but these were persons of consular rank, who were to have jurisdiction in conjunction with the praefectus urbi.' We are told that Marcus Antoninus, among other regulations, gave special directions that the curatores regionum should either punish, or bring before the prtefectus urbi for punishment, all per- sons who exacted from the inhabitants more than the legal taxes.^ VIII. Curatores ReipublicjE, also called Lo- GisT^, who administered the landed property of municipia.* Ulpian wrote a separate work, De Of- fioio Curatoris Reipublica. IX. Curatores Viarom. {Vid. Yije.) KYRBEIS (/ctipSfif). (Vid. Axones.) CU'RIA. (Vid. Ca-RiJB.) CU'RI^. The accounts which have come down to us of the early ages of Rome, represent the burghers or proper citizens (the populus of the An- nals) to have. been originally divided into three tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres.' {Vid. Tribus.) Each of these tribes was composed of a union of ten curiae ((^parpiai) or wards, so that the whole number of the latter was thirty. Again, each of these thirty curiae was formed of gentes or houses, the families constituting which were not of necessity related ; just as at Athens the yevv^rai or members of a yivoi;, also called d/j.oyu?.aKTE;, were no way akin, but bore this name solely in con- sequence of their union.' Dionysius' farther in- forms us that Romulus divided the curiae into de- cads, i. e., decads of gentes or houses, at the head of which were officers called decurions : each of the three tribes, therefore, was originally composed of one hundred gentes {vid. Gens) ; and as in the old legion the three centuries of horse corresponded to the three tribes, so did the thirty centuries of foot represent the same number of curiae. We need not, however, infer from this that the number rf soldiers in each century was always a hundred.' The curiae whose names have come down to us ire only seven : the Forensis, Rapta, Faucia or Saucia, Tatiensis, Tifata, Vehensis, and Velita. According to Livy,' these names were derived from the Sabine women carried off during the consualia; according to Varro,'° from their leaders {avSpec Tjyi- fiovec), by which he may mean Heroes Eponymi ;" others, again, connect them with the neighbouring places.'" The poetical story of the rape of the Sa- bine women probably indicates, that at one time no connulium, or right of intermarriage, existed between the Romans and the Sabines till the former extorted it by force of arms. A more intimate union would, of course, be the consequence. Each of these thirty curiae had a president {cmio), who performed the sacred rights, a participation in which served as a bond of union among the mem- bers." The curiones themselves, forming a college of thirty priests, were presided over by the curio mazimus. Moreover, each of these corporations had its common hall, also called curia, in which the citizens met for religious and other purposes.'* But, besides the lalls of the old corporations, there were also other curite at Rome used for a variety of pur- poses : thus we read of the Curia Saliorum, on the 1. (Suet., Ortav., 30.) — 2. (Lnmprid., Alox. Sev., S3.)— 3. (Jul. Capitol., M. Anion., 12.)— 4. (Dig. 50, tit. 8, s. 9, J 2; 2, tit. 14, s. 37.)— 5. (Liv., I., C.)— a. (l^iehulir. Hist. Rom., i., 311, transl.)— 7. (ii., 7.1^8. (Varro, De Ling. Lat., lib. iv.— Ar- nold, Hist. Rom., vol. i., p 25.)— 9. (i., 13.)— 10. (Dionys., ii., 47.) — 11. (Nicbuhr, Hist. Rom., i., 313, transl.) — 12. (Plut., Kom.)— 13. (Dionys., ii., 7, 64.)— 14. (Dionys,, ii., 23.) 330 Palatine ;' of the Curia Calabra, on the Capitoline said to have been so called from cnlare, because the pontifex minor there proclaimed to the people the number of days between the kalends and the nones of each month." But the most important of all was the curia in which the senate generally met ; some- times simply called curia, sometimes distinguished by the epithet HostiUa, as it was said to have been built by TuUus Hostilius. This, however, was de- stroyed by fire, and in its place Augustus erected another, to which he gave the name of Curia Julia, though it was still occasionally called the Curia Hostiha.' The reader of Niebuhr will be aware that the curiae (we are now speaking of the corporatiiuisj were formed of the original burghers of the three patrician tribes, whose general assembly was the comitia curiata, and whose representatives original- ly formed the smaller assembly or senate. They were, in fact, essentially exclusive bodies, in whose hands were the whole government and property ot the state ; for the plebs which grew up around them, formed as it was of various elements, but not in- cluded in the curiffi, had for a long time no share in the government of the state or its property. Our own country, before the alteration in the laws rela- ting to the franchise and municipal government, ex- hibited a parallel to this state of things. The free- men in many instances enjoyed the franchise, and possessed the property of their respective boroughs, though their unprivileged fellow-citizens often ex- ceeded them both in numbers and influence. But it is the nature of all exclusive corporations to decline in power and everything else : and so it was at Rome ; for in the later ages of the Republic, the curiae and their comitia were httle more than a name and a form. The ablatio curia, under the em- perors, seems to show that to belong to a curia was then no longer an honour or an advantage, but a burden.' In later ages, curia signified the senate of a colo- ny in opposition to the senatus of Rome. {Yii. CoLONiA, p. 282.) Respecting the etymology of the word, see Comitia, p. 295. CURIA'TA COMI'TIA. {Vid. Comitia) CURIO. {Vid. Curi^.) KYRTOS (ffvpsof) signifies generally the person that was responsible for the welfare of such mem- bers of a family as the law presumes to be incapa- ble of protecting themselves ; as, for instance, mi- nors and slaves, and women of all ages. Fathers, therefore, and guardians, husbands, the nearest male relatives of women, and masters of families, would all bear this title in respect of the vicarious func- tions exercised by them in behalf of the respective objects of their care. The qualifications of all these, in respect of which they can be combined in one class, designated by the term Kvpioc, were the male sex, years of discretion, freedom, and, when citizens, a sufficient share of the franchise (tem/uo) to enable them to appear in the law-courts as plain- tiffs or defendants in behalf of their several char- ges ; in the case of the Ki'piof being a resident alien, the deficiency of franchise would be supplied by his Athenian patron (n-poorar^f). The duties to be performed, and, in default of their performance, the penalties incurred by guardians, and the pro- ceedings as to their appointment, are mentioned un- der their more usual title. {Vid. Epitropoi.) The business of those who were more especially designated icvpiai in the Attic laws was, to protect the interests of women, whether spinsters or wid- ows, or persons separated from their husbands. K a citizen died intestate, leaving an orphan daughter, 1. (Cic, De Div., i., 11.)— 2. (Facciol., s. v.) Italy, vol. i., p. 402.)— 4. (Heinecc, x., 24.) 1—3. (Cnanert CURRUS. CURRUS. the son, or the father, of the deceased was bound to supply her with a sufficient dowry, and give her in marriage ; and take care, both for his own sake and that of his ward, that the husband made a prop- er settlement in return for what his bride brought him in the way of dower (anori/iiiiia, Harpocr.)- In the event of the death of the husband or of a di- vorce, it became the duty of the Kvpio; that had be- trothed her to receive her back and recover the dowry, or, at all events, alimony from the husband or his representatives. If the father of the woman had died intestate, without leaving such relations as above mentioned surviving, these duties devolved upon the next of kin, who had also the option of marrying her himself, and taking her fortune with her, whether it were great or small.' If the fortune were small, and he were unwilling to marry her, he was obliged to make up its deficiencies accord- ing to a regulation of Solon ;' if it were large, he might, it appears, sometimes even take her away •lom a husband to whom she had been married in ?[te lifetime and with the consent of her father. There were various laws for the protection of fe- male oi-phans against the neglect or craelty of their kinsmen ; as one of Solon's,' whereby they could compel their kinsmen to endow or marry them ; and another, which, after their marriage, enabled any Athenian to bring an action kokuscu^, to protect them against the craelty of their husbands ;* and the archon was specially intrusted with power to inter- fere in their behalf upon all occasions.' {Yid. Ca- cosis.) *CURMA, CURMI, CORMA, and CURMON, a species of Ale mentioned by Sulpicius and Dioscor- ides. {Vid. Cerevisia.) CURSO'RES were slaves, whose duty it was to run before the carriage of their musters, for the same purpose as our outriders. They were not used during the times of the Republic, but appear to have first come into fashion in the middle of the first century of the Christian aera. The slaves em- ployed for this purpose appear to have frequent- ly been Numidians.' The word cursores was also applied to all slaves whom their masters employed in carrying letters, messages, (Sec' CURSUS. (Vid. CiKcus, p. 256.) »CURU'CA or CURRU'CA, a bird mentioned by Aristotle under the name of iTToAaif.' Gaza trans- lates this Gieek term by Curuca. Gesner inclines to the opinion that it is the Titlark, or Anthus pra- tcnsis, Bechstein. CURU'LIS SELLA. (Fiii. Sella Chkulis.) CURRUS, dim. CURRI'CULUM (ap^n), a Char- iot, a Car. These terms appear to have denoted those two-wheeled vehicles for the carriage of per- sons which were open overhead, thus differing from the carpentum, and closed in front, in which they differed from the cisium. One of the most essen- tial articles in' the construction of the currus was the uvTv^, or rim ; and it is accordingly seen in all the chariots which are represented either in this ar- ticle, or at p. 66, 209, 253. ( Vid. Antyx.) Another indispensable part was the axle, made of oak (^fiyi- KOf afuv'), and sometimes also of ilex, ash, or elm.'° The cars of Juno and Neptune have metallic axles {tTtdripio;, xi^tcof dfuf"). One method of making a chariot less hable to be overturned was to length- en its axle, and thus to widen the base on which it stood. The axle was firmly fixed under the body 1. (Bnnsen, De Jure Hseved. Athen., p. 46.)— 2. (Deraosth., c. Macart., 1068.)— 3. (Diod. Sic, xii., p. 298.)— 4. (Petit., Leg. Alt., 543.)— 5. (Demosth., o. Macart., 1076.)— 6. (Senec, Ep., 87, 126.— Mart., iii., 47; xii., 24.— Petron., 28.)— 7. (Suet.,Ner., 19.-Tit., 9.— Tacit., Agrric., 43.)— S. (H. A., Ti., 7.)— 9. (Horn., 11., v., 838; imitated by Virgil, "fagiuus axis;" Georg., iii., 172.)— 10 (Plin., H. N.,3tvi.,84.)— 11. (Horn., U., v.,723 ; xiu.. of the chanot, which, in reference to this circum- stance, was called vneprspia, and which was often made of wicker-work, enclosed by the avrvf- Fat (AjTTOf') and pressed olives (amurca?) were used to grease the axle. The wheels (kvkXo, rpoxoi, rota) revolved upon the axle,* as in modern carriages ; and they were prevented from coming off by the insertion of pins (iliioloi) into the extremities of the axle (JiKpa^ovia). Pelops obtained his celebrated victory" over CEno- maus through the artifice of Hippodamia, who, wishing to marry Pelops, persuaded Myrtilus, the charioteer of his adversary, to omit inserting one of the linchpins in the axle of his ear, or to insert one of wax.' She thus caused the overthrow and death of her father CEnomaus, and then married the conqueror in the race. Sir W. Gell describes, in the following terms, the wheels of three cars which were found at Pompeii : " The wheels light, and dished much hke the mod- ern, 4 feet 3 inches diameter, 10 spokes, a little thicker at each end.'" These cars were probably intended for the purposes of common life. From Xenophon we learn that the wheels were made stronger when they were intended for the field of battle. After each excursion the wheels were ta- ken off the chariot, which was laid on a shelf or reared against a wall ; and they wee put on agnin whenever it was wanted for use.' The parts of the wheel were as follows : (a.) 'The nave, called ■kXtdivt)? X""""'?, modiolus.' The last two terras are founded on the resemblance of the nave to a modius or bushel. The nave was strengthened by being bound with an iron ring, called TrXrifivoderov.^" (b.) The spokes, Kvrjiiai (literally, the legs), radii. We have seen that the spokes were sometimes ten in number. In other instances they were eight (/tO/cAo oKTaKVTi/ia^^), six, or four. Instead of being of wood, the spokes of the chariot of the sun, con- structed by Vulcan, were of silver (jaMorum irgen- teus ordo^^). (c.) The felly, irvf." This was commonly made of some flexible and elastic wood, such as poplar" or the wild fig, which was also used for the rim of the chariot ; heat was applied to assist in produ- cing the requisite curvature." The felly was, how- ever, composed of separate pieces, called arcs (dipl- (5ff"). Hence the observation of Plutarch, that, as a " wheel revolves, first one apsis is at the highest point, and then another." Hesiod" evidently in- tended to recommend that a wheel should consist of four pieces. (d.) The tire, iTriauTpov, canihus. Homer" de- scribes the chariot of Juno as having a tire of bronze upon a golden felly, thus placing the harder metal in a position to resist friction, and to protect the softer. On the contrary, Ovid's description is more ornamental than con'ect : " Aurea summa cur- vatura rota."" The tire was commonly of iron. °° AU the parts now enumerated are seen in an an- cient chariot preserved in the Vatican, a represent- ation of which is given in the following woodcut. This chariot, which is in some parts restored, also shows the pole (l>vft6(, temo). It was firmly fixed at its lower extremity to the axle, whence the destruction of Phaethon's chariot is represented 1. (Horn., n., Dtxiii., 335, 436.— He-iiod, Scut., 300.)— 2. (lo. Tzetzes in Hes., Scut., 309,) — 3. (Ptoi., H. N., xt., 8.)— 4. (Tim., Lex. Plat.)— 5. (Pherecydes, ap. Schol. in Apoll. Rliod., i., 752.)— 6. (Pompeiana, Loud., 1819, p. 133.)— 7. (Horn., n. v., 722.)— 8. (Horn., II., v., 726; xxiii , 339. — Hesiod, Scut., 309.— Schol. in loc.)— 9. (Plin., H. N., ix., 3.)— 10. (Pollux, Onom.) — 11. (n., v., 723.) — 12. (Ovid, Met., ii., 108.)— 13. (Horn., II., v., 724.)— 14. (II., iv., 482^86.)— 15. (11., xxi., 37, 38, compared with Theocrit., ixv., 247-251.) — 16. (Hesiod, Od. ct Dies, 426.)— 17. (1. c.)— 18. (II., v., 725.)— 19. (Met., ii., 107'.) —20. (Hesychius.— Quintil., Inst. Or , i., 5, p. 88, ed. Spaliing ( 33" CURRUS. CURRUS. St the circumstance of the pole and axle being torn ■^.sunder (temone revulsus axis^). At the other end [uKpopfii/uov) the pole was attached to the yoke, either by a pin (£/i6o/lof), as shown in the chariot above engraved, or by the use of ropes and bands. {Vid. JCGDM.) Carnages with two, or even three poles were used by iliie Lyuiacii.^ The Greeks and Romans, on the other hand, appear never to have used more than one pole and one yoke, and the currus thus constructed was commonly drawn by two horses, which were attached to it by their necks, and there- fore called Si^vyec liTTi-oi,' amupis,* "gemini jji- gales,"* " equi bijuges."° If a third horse was added, as was not unfre- quently the case, it was fastened by traces. It may iave been intended to take the place of either of the yoke horses (fiiyios iiriroi) which might happen to be disabled. The horse so attached was called vafyfjopog. When Patroclus returned to battle in the chariot of Achilles, two hnmortal horses, Xan- thus and Balius, were placed under the yoke ; a third, called Pedasus, and mortal, was added on the night hand ; and, having been slain, caused confu- sion, until the driver cut the harness by which this third horse was fastened to the chariot.' Ginzrot' has published two drawings of chariots with three torses from Etruscan vases in the collection at Vi- enna. The iTrvrof Trap^opoi is placed on the right of the two yoke horses. (See woodcut at top of next column.) We also observe traces passing be- tween the two avTvyec, and proceeding from th« front of the chariot on each side of the middle horse. These probably assisted in attaching the third or ex- tra horse. The Latin name for a chariot and pair was biga. {Vid. BioA.) When a third horse was added, it was called triga ; and, by the same analogy, a char- iot and four was called quadriga; in Greek, Terpa- opia or TidpiTTTTog. The horses were commonly harnessed in a quad- riga after the manner already represented, the two strongest horses being placed under the yoke, and the two others fastened on each side by means of ropes. This is implied in the use of the epithets aeipaloc or aei.pa(jj6po(:, and funalis or funarius, for a horse so attached.' The two exterior horses were farther distinguished from one another as the right and the left trace-horse. In a chariot-race descri- bed by Sophocles," the driver, aiming to pass the goal, which is on his left hand, restrains the nearest horse, and gives the reins to that which was far- thest from it, viz., the horse in traces on the right hand {de^cov 6' avecg ceipalov 1-ktzov). In the splen- did triumph of Augustus after the battle of Actium, the trace-horses of his car were ridden by two of his young relations. Tiberius rode, as Suctoniuj relates, " sinisteriore funali equo," and Mar'«litis " dexteriore funali equo." As the works of aicienl art, especially fictile vases, abound in representa- tions of quadrigae, numerous instances may be ob- served in which the two middle horses (6 ^'ffof (5eff6c Kai 6 fieaog dpcarepog^) are yoked together as in a biga ; and, as the two lateral ones have coUare (XlTraSva) equally with the yoke-horses, we may presume that from the top of these proceeded the ropes which were tied to the rim of the car, and by which the trace-horses assisted to draw it. The first figure in the annexed woodcut is the chariot of Aurora, as painted on a vase found at Canosa.' The reins oi" the two middle horses pass through rings at the extremities of the yoke. All the par- ticulars which have been mentioned are still more distinctly seen in the second figure, taken from a tena-cotta at Vienna.' It represents a chariot I. (Ovid, Mot., ii., 316.)— 2. (iEschyl., Pers., 47.)— 3. (Horn., Tl., v., 195 : X., 473.)— 4. (Xcn., Hell., i., 2, « 1.)— S. (Virjr., .Sn., vii., 280,)— 6. (Oeorg., iii., 91.)— 7. (Horn., II., ivi., 148- Ib4, 407-474.)— 8. (Wftgon und Fahrwerke, vol i , p. 342.)— 9. ^Ginzrot, v. ii., p 107, 108.1 332 overthrown in passing the goal at the circus. The charioteer having fallen backward, the pole and yoke are thrown upward into the air; the two trace-horses have fallen on their knees, and the two yoke-horses arc prancing on their hind legs. If we may rely on the evidence of numerous I. (Isid., Orig.,xviii.,35,)— 2, (Electra, 690-738.)— 3. (Schol inAristoph., Nub., 122.)— 4. (Gerhard, uber LichtgoUheiten.pl iii., fig. 1 1 CURRUS. OURRUS. works of art, the currus was sometimes drawn by four horses without either yoke or pole ; for we see two of them diverging to the right hand and two to the left, as in the beautiful cameo on p. 334, 1st col., which exhibits Apollo surrounded by the signs of the zodiac, tf the ancients really drove the quadriga thus harnessed, we can only suppose the charioteer to have checked its speed by pulling up the horses, and leaning with his whole body backward, so as to make the bottom of the car at its hindermost bor- der scrape the ground, an act and an attitude which seem not unfrequently to be intended in antique representations. The currus, like the cisium, was adapted to carry two persons, and on this account was called in Greek di^poc. One of the two was, of course, the driver. He was called Jivioxo;:, because he held the reins, and his companion %apai6anig, from going by his side or near him. Though in all respects supe- rior, the T!apai6a.TjiQ was often obliged to place him- self hehM the riv'wxot. He is so represented in the biga at p. 66, and in the Ihad' Achilles himself stands behind his charioteer Automedon. On the other hand, a personage of the highest rank may drive his own carriage, and then an inferior may be his tto- padiiTTii, as when Nestor conveys Machaon (Trap' 6i Maxduv jiatve'), and Juno, holding the reins and whip, conveys Minerva, who is in full armour.' In such cases a kindness, or even a compliment, was conferred by the driver upon him whom he convey- ed, as when Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily, " himself holding the reins, made Plato his frapoiddrjjf."* In the contest which has been already referred to, and which was so celebrated in Greek mythology, CEno- maus intrusts the reins to the unfaithful Myrtilus, and assumes the place of his napaiSu-Tis, while Pe- lops himself drives with Hippodamia as his irapai- idrif, thus honouring her in return for the service she had bestowed.' The Persepolitan sculptmes, and the innumera- ble paintings discovered in Egyptian tombs, concur with the historical writings of the Old Testament, and with the testimony of other ancient authors, in showing how commonly chariots were employed on the field of battle by the Egyptians, the Persians, and other Asiatic nations. The Greek poetry of the heroic ages proves with equal certainty the ear- ly prevalence of the'same custom in Greece. The aptarne^, i. e., the nobility, or men of rank, who wore complete suits of armour, aU took their char- iots with them, and in an engagement placed them- selves in front.' Such were the wirEff, or cavalry of the Homeric period ; the precursors of those who, after some centuries, adopted the less expensive and ostentatious practice of riding on horseback, but who, nevertheless, in consideration of their wealth and station, still maintained their own hor- ses, rather to aid and exhibit themselves individu- ally on the field than to act as members of a com- pact body. In Homer's battles we find that the horseman, who, for the purpose of using his weap- ons, and in consequence of the weight of his ar- mour, is under the necessity of taking the place of JTopaiSdi-ijf (see the woodcut of the triga, p. 332), often assails or challenges a distant foe from the chariot ; but that, when he encounters his adversa- ry in close combat, they both dismount, " springing from then- chariots to the ground," and leaving them to the care of the ifvloxoi.'' So hkewise Turnus is described by Virgil, " Desiluit Turnus bijugis ; pe- des apparat ire Comminus.'" As soon as the hero had finished the trial of his strength with his oppo- 1. (lii., 397.)— 2. (n., xi., 512, 517.)— 3. (v., 720-775.)— 4. (.Slian, V. ]!., iv., 18.;-5. (Apollon. Ehod., i., 752-758.)— 6. {Vii. p. 94, 97.)— 7. (II., iii., 23 ; ivi., 423, 427 ; xvii., 480-483. •HeBiod, Scut. Here, 370-372.)— 8. (jSq., i., 453.) nent, he returned to his chariot, one of the xed woodcut from the Museo Borbonico, vol. iv., ]k Vi Th°. cyathua Tas the uneia, considered with rd- erence to the scxtarius as the unit : hence we have sextans used for a vessel containing the sixth of the sextarius, or two cyathi, quadrans for one contain- ing three cyathi, triens for four cyathi, quincunx for five cyathi, &c.' »CYCLAM'T^-'US {KvuXafUvoi), a plant, of which Dioscorides r..t;iitions two species. The first ap- pears to be the Cyclamen EuropiBum, or common Sow-bread. A bout the second there has been much difference of opinion. Dodonaeus and Hardouin conclude that it was the Bitter-sweet {Salanum dul- camara) ; but Sprengel follows^Gesner in referring it to the Lonicera periclymenum, or Woodbine.' *CYCNUS (kvkvoc). This appellation, as Adams remarks, is generally applied to the Anas Cycnus, L., or Wild Swan ; but sometimes also to the^nas Olor, or Tame Swan. It is to the wild swan thai the Homeric epithet dcwTuxoSnpoc, " long-necked,'' is particularly apphcable." " It is to this species (the Anas Cycnus)," observes Griffith, "that the ancients attributed so melodious a voice : but this opinion, however accredited, was not universal. It was contested by Lucian, Pliny, and .-Elian ; and even Virgd speaks only of the disagreeable cries of the swan. Some moderns have, notwithstanding, adopted the popular notions of the ancients on this subject, and, even in contradiction to the evidence of their senses, have endeavoured to persuade themselves of its truth. It is sufficient to observe, from all creditable evidence, that the opinion is ut- terly unfounded. The swan neither sings during its lifetime, nor, as some assert, just before its death. The comparatively modern discovery of the Black Swan seems to lead to the conclusion that the Cycnus Niger of antiquity was not altogether a fabulous creature."' I. (Jut., viii., 3.)— 2. (Varro, De Ling. Lat., v., 124, cJ. Mul Icr.)— 3. (Becker, Charikles, vol. i., p. 463.)— 4. (Wui-ra, Ui Pond. Mens., &c. — Ilusscy on Ancient Weights, &c.) — 5. (The ophrnst., H. P., vii., O.-Dioscor., ii., 193.— Hardouin ad Phn.i 11. N., MV. 68.)— 6. (Adams, Append., s. T.)— 7. (Griffith's Cu- vier, vol. viii., p. 660.) GYMBALUM. CYNOCEPHALI. ♦CYDONIUM MALUM, the Quince, the fruit of the Pirus Cydonia. The name arose from that of the city of Cydon, in Crete, whence they were first brought to Greece, Cato first gave it the appella- tion of Cotoneum malum, and Pliny followed him. The ancient writers mention several varieties of the Quince ; thus the true ones (itv&uvio) were small and round ; another kind, the arpovBeia, was of a large size, and sweeter than the former. Columella enumerates three kinds, namely, Siruthea, Mustea, and Chrysomela. The last, however, helongs to the orange family. The Quince-tree is still called kv- (!viov ), a plant, the EAUie, acjording to Galen, with the uXiciia of Dios- eorides. Stephens calls it Plantago aquatica. Cor- dus, Sprengel, and Sibthorp accordingly acknowl- edge it as the Water Plantain, or Alisma plantago, J,' DAMNI INJURIA ACTIO. The Aquilia lex, in the first chapter, provided that, if a man unlaw- fully (injuria) killed a slave or quadruped (jui/, against the person who received it.' 1 liese actions applied to the bribery of citizens in the put lie assemblies of the people {avvdem^eiv tt/v iKicXri- aiav'), of the Helisea or any of the courts of justice, of the jiovXri, and of the public advocates {amriyo- poi'). Demosthenes,* indeed, says that orators were forbidden by the law not merely to abstain from receiving gifts for the injury of the state, but even to receive any present at aU. According to Aristotle,' Anytuswas the first per- son at Athens who bribed the judges ; and we learn from Plutarch' that he did so, when he was charged with having been guilty of treachery at Pylos, at the end of the Peloponnesian war. Other writers say that Melitus was the first person who bribed the judges.' Actions for bribery were under the jurisdiction of the thesmothetae." The punishment on conviction of the defendant was death, or payment of ten times the value of the gift received, to which the court might add an additional punishment {irpoaTi/irifia). Thus Demosthenes was sentenced to a fine of 50 talents by an action for bribery, and also thrown into prison.' DECATE {ScKarri). {Vid. Decdm^.) DEC ATE'LOGOI (deKaTjjXojoi). (Vid. Decum^). DECATEUTAI (deKarevTai). (Vid. DEcuMiE.) DECATEUTE'RION (deKa-evT^piov). {Vid. De- CTJM^.) DECATO'NAI (deKaTuvai). (Vid. Decum^.) DECEMBER. (Vid. Calendar, Roman.) DECET^PEDA, a pole ten feet long, used by the agrimensores (vid. Agrimensores) in measuring land." Thus we find that the agrimensores were sometimes called deccmpedatores (L. Antonius, qm fuerat aquissimus agri privati ct publici decempeda- DECE'MVIRI, the name of various magistrates and functionaries at Rome. I. Decemviri Degibus Scribendis were ten per- sons who were appointed to draw up a code of laws, and to whom the whole government of the state was intrusted. As early as B.C. 460, a law was proposed by Caius Terentilius Harsa, that commis sioners should be appointed for drawing up a body of laws ; but this was violently opposed by the pa- tricians ;" and it was not till after a struggle of nine years that the patricians consented to send three persons to Greece, to collect such information re- specting the laws and constitutions of the Greek states as might be useful to the Romans." Thej were absent a year ; and on their return, after con- siderable dispute between the patricians and plebe- ians, ten commissioners of the patrician order were appointed, with the title of " decemviri legibus scri bendis," to whom the revision of the laws was com- mitted. All the other magistracies were suspend- ed, and they were intrusted with supreme power in the state.'* Niebuhr, however, supposes that the tribuneship was not given up till the second decem- virate; but Dionysius expressly says that it was superseded in the first. The decemviri entered upon their office at the beginning of the year 449 B.C. They consisted of Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius, the new con 1. (Pollux, Tiii., 42,)— 2. (^sch., o. Timarch., c. 16, p. 12.) —3. (Demosth., c. Stcph., ii., p. 1137, 1.) — 4. (Be Falsa Leg., p. 343.) — 5. (apud Harpocrat., s. v. AeKd^uv.) — 6. (Coriol., c. 14.)— 7. (Petit, Leg. Att., p. 427, and Baker's note.) — 8. (De- mosth., c. Steph., 1. c.) — 9. (Bockh, Puhl. Econ. of Athens, ii. p. 116, transl.— Meier, Att. Proc., p. 352.)— 10. (Cic, Pro Mil , c. 27.— Hor., Carm., II., xt., 14.— Cic, Philinp., xiv., 4.) — li. (Cic, Philipp., xiii., 18.)— 12. (Liv., iii.,9.)— 13. (Liv.,iii.. 31 —14. (Dionys., x., 56.) ^ • > • 339 DECEMVIRI. DECUM^. guls, of. the wardf n of the city, and of the two quaes- tores parricidii, as Niebuhr conjectures, and of five others chosen by the centuries. They discharged the duties of their office with diligence, and dispen- sed justice with impartiality. Each administered the government day by day in succession, as during an interregnum ; and the fasces were only carried before the one who presided for the day.' They dre^^ up a body of laws, distributed into ten sections, which, after being approved of by the senate and the comitia, were engraven on tables of metal, and set up in the comitium. On the expiration of their year of office, all par- ties were so well satisfied with the manner in which they had discharged their duties, that it was resolv- ed to continue the same form of government for an- other year ; more especially as some of the decem- virs said that their work was not finished. Ten new decemvirs were accordingly elected, of whom Appius Claudius alone had belonged to the former body ;' and of his nine new colleagues Niebuhr thinks that five were plebeians. These magistrates framed several new laws, which were approved of by the centuries, and engraven on two additional tables. They acted, however, in a most tyrannical manner. Each was attended by twelve lictors, who carried, not the rods only, but the axe, the emblem of sovereignty. They made common cause with the patrician party, and committed all kinds of outrages upon the persons and property of the plebeians and their families. When their year of office expired, they refused to resign or to appoint successors. Niebuhr, however, considers it certain that they were appointed for a longer period than a year, since otherwise they would not have been required to resign their office, but interreges would at the expiration of the year have stepped into their place. This, however, does not seem conclusive, since the decemvirs were at the time in possession of the whole power of the state, and would have prevented any attempt of the kind. At length the unjust decision of Appius Claudius in the case of Virginia, which led her father to kill her with his own hands to save her from prostitution, occasion- ed an insurrection of the people. The decemvirs were in consequence obliged to resign their office, B.C. 447, after which the usual magistracies were re-established.' The ten tables of the former, and the two tables of the latter decemvirs, together form the laws of the Twelve Tables, of which an account is given in a separate article. (Vid. Twelve Tables.) II. Decemviri Litibus Jhdicandis. {Vid Vrje- TOE.) III. Decemviri Saoris Faciundis, sometimes called simply Decemviri Sacrokum, were the mem- bers of an ecclesiastical collegium, and were elected for life. Their chief duty was to take care of the Sibylline books, and to inspect them on all impor- tant occasions by command of the senate.* Virgil' alludes to them in his address to the Sibyl; "Leclos sacrabo viros." Under the kings the care of the Sibylline books was committed to two men (^dnumviri) of high rank,' one of whom, called Atilius or Tullius, was punish- ed by Tarquinius for being unfaithful to his trust, by being sewed up in a sack and cast into the sea.' On the expulsion of the kings, the care of these books was intrusted to the noblest of the patricians, who were exempted from all military and civil du- ties. Their number was increased about the year 365 B.C. to ten, of whom five were chosen from 1. (Liv., iii., 33.) — 2. (Liv., lii., 35. — Dionys., i., 53.)— 3. (Niebuhr, Hist. Borne, vol. ii., ii. 309-350, transl.— Arnold,- Hist, of Rome, vol. i., p. 250-313.)— 4. (I,iv., vii.,27; ni., 62 ; xxxi., 12.)— 5. (jEn., vi., 73.)— 6. (Dionys., iv.,62.)-7. (Dionys., 1. c. -Val. Max., i., 1,413.) 340 the patricians and five from the plebeians.' Subse- quently their number was still farther increased to fifteen (guindecemviri), but at what time is uncer- tain. As, however, there were decemviri in B.C. 83, when the Capitol was burned, = and we reau of decemviri in the time of Cicero,^ it appears proba- ble that their number was increased from ten to fifteen by Sulla, especially as we know that he in- creased the numbers of several of the other ecclcsi- astical corporations. Julius Cassar added one moie to their number ;* but this precedent was not fol- lowed, as the collegium always appears to have consisted afterward of onl)' fifteen. It was also the duty of the decemviri and quin- queviri to celebrate the games of Apollo' and the secular games.' They were, in fact, considered priests of Apollo, whence each of them had in his iiouse a bronze tripod dedicated to that deity.' DECIMA'TIO was the selection, by lot, of every tenth man for punishment, when any number of soldiers in the Roman army had been guilty of any crime. The remainder usually had barley allowed to them instead of wheat.' This punishment does not appear to have been often inflicted in the early times of the Republic, but is frequently mentioned in the civil wars and under the Empire. It is said to have been revived by Crassus, after being di;- continued for a long time {liuTpwv rt tovto Sia :ro?.- XCiv j^^poo^wv Kokacyid roif arparicjracg kirayayuv^). For instances of this punishment, see Liv., ii., 59. —Suet., Aug., 24 ; Galba, 12.— Tacit., Hist, i., 37.— Dio, xli., 35 ; xlix., 27, 38. Sometimes only the twentieth man was punished (vicesimatio), or the hundredth {centesimatio^y DECRE'TUM seems to mean that which is de- tennined in a particular case after examination oi consideration. It is sometimes applied to a deter- mination of the consuls, and sometimes to a deter- mination of the senate. A decretum of the senate would seem to ditfer from a senatus consultum in the way above indicated : it was limited to the spe- cial occasion and circumstances, and this would be true whether the decretum was of a judicial or a legislative character. But this distinction in the use of the two words, as appUed to an act of the senate, was, perhaps, not always observed. Cice- ro" opposes edictum to decretum, between which there is in this passage apparently the same analo- gy as between a consultum and decretum of the senate. A decretum, as one of the parts or kinds of constitutio, was a judicial decision in a case be- fore the sovereign. {Vid. Constitutio.) Gaius," when he is speaking of interdicta, says that they are properly called decreta, " cum (preetor aut pro- consul) fieri aliquid jubet," and interdicta when he forbids. A judex is said " condemnare," not " de- cernere," a word which in judicial proceedings is appropriate to a magistratus who has jurisdictio. DE'CUiMiE (so. partes) formed a portion of the vectigalia of the Romans, and were paid by subjects whose territory, either by conquest or deditio, had become the property of the state {ager puUiats). They consisted, as the name denotes, of a tithe or tenth of the produce of the soil, levied upon the cultivators (aratorcs) or occupiers (possessores) ol the lands, which, from being subject to this pay- ment, were called agri decuman i. The tax of a tenth was, however, generally paid by corn lands plantations and vineyards, as requiring no seed and less labour, paid a fifth of the produce." We also find the expression "decumates agri" 1. (Liv., vi., 37-42.)— 2. (Dionys., 1. c.)— 3. (ad Fam., viii., 4.) —4. (Dion Cass., xhii., 51.)— 5. (Liv., x., 8.)— 6. (Tac., Ann., XI., 11. — Hor., Carm. Sa;c., 70.) — 7. (Ser\-ius ad V\Tg.,Mn., ill., 332.)— 8. (Polyb., vi., 38.— Cic, Pro Cluent., 46.)— 9. (Pint, Crass., 10.)— 10. (Capitol., Macrin., 12.)— 11. (ad Fam., liii.i 56.)— 12. (iv., 140,)— 13. (Appian, Bell. Civ., i.,7.) DECUM.'E. applied to districts in Germany which were occu- pied by Roman soldiers or auxiliaries, after the ex- pulsion of the old proprietors, subject to the pay- ment of a tenth part of the produce. It is probable that there were many such ; and if so, it is useless to inquire where the lands so called were situated.' Tacitus merely says of them that they lay beyond the Rhine and the Danube. The name of decuma- ni was also applied to the farmers of these tributes, who purchased them from the state, and then col- Inotedtliem on their own account. {Vid. Publioani.) The system of exacting a tenth of the produce from the occupiers of land which had become the property of the state, seems to have been of great antiquity : thus a tradition is preserved of the Ro- mans themselves having at one lime paid a tenth to the Etruscans, a story which Niebuhr' refers to the surrender (dciilio) of the city to Porsenna.= The practice is best illustrated by the case of Sicily. It appears from Cicero' that the Romans, on redu- cing this island to a province, allowed to the old in- habitants the continuance of their ancient rights (ut eodemjure esscnl, quo fuissent), and that, with some few exceptions, the territory of all the states (omnis ager Sicilia cicitatum) was subjected, as formerly, to the payment of a tithe on corn, wine, oil, and the " fruges minutae ," it was farther determined that the place and time of paying these tithes to the de- cumani should " be and continue" as settled by the law of King Hiero {lex Hieronica), which enacted ■evere penalties against any arator who did not pay s due, as well as against the decumani who ex- 'd more than their tenth. It is interesting to re- k, that the coloni, who afterward occupied the ds of the Romish Church in Sicily, and were med out along with the smaller plots of land to "! " conductores" or lessees of the Church, paid rent a fixed portion of the produce, which was netimes delivered in kind, sometimes bought off th money. A letter of Gregory VII. shows that iOse coloni suffered the same sort of grievances •s the aratores under the praetor Verres.' Exac- tions of this kind-were not, however, peculiar to the foreign provinces of Rome : they were also levied on public lands in Italy ; as, for instance, on the " ager Campanus," which we read of as being vec- tigalis, before it was apportioned to a number of Roman citizens by a lex agraria of Julius Ca;sar.' {Vid. AajiA&iJE Leges.) A similar system existed in Greece also ; the tenths being paid as a usufruct on property which was not freehold, though the right of occupation might be acquired by inheritance or purchase: thus a tyrannus demanded tithes from his subjects in his right as proprietor of the lands they occupied ; Pei- sistratus, for instance, imposed a tax of a tenth on the lands of the Athenians, which the Peisistratidae lowered to a twentieth.' We use the word " usu- fruct," in the previous sentence, in its common ac- ceptation ; but the " usus fructus" of Roman law seems to be the same as "usus et fructus." The profit which the state derived from the land was termed " fructus," and the occupation for which it was paid, "usus."' The same principle was also applied to religious purposes : thus Xenophon sub- lected the occupiers (roif Ix"'"'^"-! "■"■'■ nap'Kov/icvovi) Df the land he purchased near Scillus to a payment of tithes in support of a temple of Artemis, the god- dess to whom the purchase-money was dedicated ; the Delian Apollo also received tenths from the Cyclades.' That many such charges originated in DEIOELISTAT. conquest, or something similar, may be inlerre* from the statement of Herodotus,' that at the time of the Persian war the confederate Greeks made a vow, by which all the states who had surrendered themselves to the enemy were subjected to the payment of tithes for the use of the god at Delphi. The tenth (to tmSUaTov) of confiscated property was also sometimes applied to similar objects." The tithes of the public lands belonging to Athens were farmed out, as at Rome, to contractors, called dcKa- Tuvai : the term SeKarrjioyoi. was applied to the col- lectors ; but the callings were, as we might suppose, often united in the same person. The title deKarey- rat is applied to both. A Sekutti, or tenth of a dif- ferent kind, was the arbitrary exaction imposed by the Athenians (B.C. 410) on the cargoes of all ships sailing into or out of the Pontus. They lost it by the battle of jEgospotami (B.C. 405), but it was re-established by Thrasybulus about B.C. 391. This tithe was also let out to farm.' The tithe- house for the receipt of this duty was called (Seko- TevTijpiov : to saU by necessity to it, ■napayayml^eiv .^ DECUMA'NI. (Fid. Decum^.) DECUMA'NI AGRI. {Vid. Deccm^.) DECUMA'TES AGRI. {Vid. Decum^.) DECD'RIA. (Yid. Army, Roman, p. 104.) DECURIO'NES. (Vid. Armt, Roman, p. 104., DECURIO'NES. {Yid. Colonia, p. 282.) DECUSSIS. (Vid. As, p. 111.) DEDI'TIO. (Vid. Dediticii.) DEDITI'CII are one of the three classes of lib ertini. The lex MWa. Sentia provided that, if a slave was put in bonds by his master as a punish- ment, or branded, or put to the torture for an of- fence and convicted, or delivered up to fight with wild beasts, or sent into a Indus (gladiatorius), oi put in confinement (custodia), and then manumitted either by his then owner or by another owner, he merely acquired the status of a peregrinus deditici- us, and had not even the privileges of a Latinus. The peregrini dediticii were those who, in former times, had taken up arms against the Roman peo- ple, and, being conquered, had surrendered them- selves. They were, in fact, a people who were ab- solutely subdued, and yielded conditionally to the conquerors, and, of course, had no other relation to Rome than that of subjects. The form of deditio occurs in Livy." The dediticii existed as a class of persons who were neither slaves, nor cives, nor Latini, at least as late as the time of Ulpian. Their civil condition, as is stated above, was formed by analogy to the condition of a conquered people, who did not indi- vidually lose their freedom, but as a community lost all political existence. In the case of the Volsci, Livy inclines to the opinion that the four thousand who were sold were slaves, and not dediti.' DEDUCTO'RES. ( Vid. Ambitus, p. 46). ^ DEICELISTAI (StinTjlLCTai or diKtlwTai: La- cedaemonian, SeLKeliKTai, from delneT^o^, imitating), a name which was, indeed, sometimes applied by the Spartans to any class of actors on the stage ;' but it properly belonged to a class of buffoons or improvisatore, who, in the language of the common people, and in a very artless manner, imitated some comic event. This kind of amusement, according to Sosibius,' was very old at Sparta, and consisted in imitating some foreign physician, or persons (probably boys) who stole fruit in the autumn, or the remains of meals, and were caught with their goods.' The play itself is called by Pollux a mimic dance ; 1. (Tacit., Ger., 29.— Ann., xiii., 54, ed. Walther.)— 2. (Hist. Rom., i., 546, tnmsl.)— 3. (Tacit., Hist., iii., 72.)— 4. (o. Verr., act. ii., lib. iii.)~5. (Savigny, Philol. Mus., ii., 129.)— 6. (Suet., CiBS., 20.)— 7. (Thucyd., -vi., 54.)— 8. (Njeb., Rom. Hist.)— 9. (Xen., Anab., v , 3, HI — CaUim., Hymn. Del.. 272, ed. Span- heim.) 1. (vii., 132.)— 2. (Xen., Hell., i., 7, Ij 11.)— 3. (Demosth., c. Leptin., 475, ed. Bekker.— Xen., Hellen., iv., 8, « 27, 31.)— 4 (Boclth, vol. ii., p. 41, transl.)— 5. (i., 37.)— 6. (Gains, i., 13, &c.—Ulp., Frag., tit. 1, s. II.)— 7. (Pint., Agesil., 21.— Laron. Apophth.. p. 185.)— 8. (ap. Athen., xiv., p. 621.)— 9. (Pollui, Onom., IV., 14, 104, compared with Snidas, s. v. Swff/6tos.) 341 DEIPNON. DEIPNON. but, from the words of Sosibius, we must conclude that the action represented was only alternating with comic dances, or accompanied by them. Athe- naeus' gives a list of names by which these mimic actors, who were extremely popular among the an- cients generally, were designated in various parts of Greece. It is highly probable that the repre- sentations of the SciKiXiarai were peculiar to some religious festival, and it has been supposed that they were connected with the celebration of the Diony- sia at Sparta." DEIGMA {delyiia), a particular place in the Pei- raeus, as well as in the harbours of other states, where merchants exposed samples of their goods for sale.' The samples themselves were called deiyiiaTa.* DEJECTUM EFFUSUiM. (Yid. Dejeoti Effu- sive Actio.) DEJECTI EFFUSIVE ACTIO. This was an action given by the praetor's edict against a person who threw or poured out anything from a place or upper chamber {ccenaculum) upon a road which is frequented by passengers, or on a place where peo- ple use to stand. The action was against the oc- cupier, not the owner. If several persons inhabited a ccenaculum, and any injury was done to another by a thing being thrown or poured out of it, he had a right of action against any of them, if the doer was uncertain. The damages recoverable were to double the amount of the damage, except in the case of a liber, when they were fifty aurei if he was kill- ed ; if he was only injured in his person, they were " quantum ob earn rem aequum judici videbitur eum eum quo agatur condemnari," which included the expenses of a medical attendant, loss of time, &c., but not damage done to his apparel, &c. If injury was caused by a thing being thrown from a ship, there was an actio ; for the words of the edict are, " Unde in eum locum quo volgo iter fiat vel in quo consistatur, dejectum," &c. As many of the houses in Rome were lofty, and inhabited to the top by the poor,' and probably as there were very imperfect means for carrying off rubbish and other accumulations, it was necessary to provide against accidents which might happen by such things being thrown through the window. Ac- cording to Labeo's opinion, the edict only applied to the daytime, and not to the night, which, however, was the more dangerous time for a passer-by." DEILE (SciXv)- (Vid. Dies.) AEIA'IAS rPA$H (rfciXmf ypai^fi), the name of a suit instituted against soldiers who had been guilty of cowardice.' The presidency of the court be- longed to the strategi, and the court was composed of soldiers who had served in the campaign.* The punishment, on conviction, appears to have been (Iri/iia. Compare A2TPATEIAS rPA*H. DEIPNON (SuTzvov). The present article is de- signed to give a sketch of Grecian meals, and cus- toms connected with them. The materials for such an account, during the classical period of Athens and Sparta, are almost confined to incidental allu- sions of Plato and the comic writers. Several an- cient authors, termed dEnrvoXoyoi., are mentioned by Athenseus ; but, unfortunately, their writings only survive in the fragments quoted by him. His great worl:, the Deipnosophists, is an inexhaustible treasury of this kind of knowledge, but ill arranged, 1. (1. c.)— 2. (VH. MilUer, Dorinns, iv., 6, >, 9.)— 3. (Hnrpo- erat., s. v.— Pollux, Onom., ix., 34.— Aristoph., Equit., 974.— Do- mosth., c. Lacr., 932, 20.— Thoophi-ast., Charact., 23.) — 4. (Plu- tarch, Demoath., 23.— BOckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, i., p. 81 ) —5. (Cic, Agr., ii., c. 35.— Hor., Epist., I., i., 91.— Juv., Sat., I., 17.)— 6 (Dig. 9, tit. 3.— Juv., Sat., iii., 268, Ac.)— 7. (^sch. c. Ctes., 506.— Lysias, c. Alrib., 520, 525.)— 8. (Lyaias, c. Alcib 521.) ' 343 and with little attempt to distinguiih the custoinj of different periods. The poems of Homer contain a real picture o( early manners, in every way worthy of the antiqua- rian's attention. As they stand apart from all oth- er writings, it will be convenient to exhibit in one view the state of things which they describe. It is not to be expected that the Homeric meals at all agree with the customs of a later period ; indeed, it would be a mere waste of time to attempt adapting the one to the other. Athenseus,' who has entered fully into the subject, remarks on the singular sim- plicity of the Homeric banquets, in which kings and private men all partake of the same food. It was common even for royal personages to prepare their own meals ;" and Ulysses' declares himself no mean proficient in the culinary art : IIvp ■f ei vrifiaai, iia ie fiiXa 6ava KEaaaai Aairpevaal re aal dTT^aai kqX oivoxoTJaai. Three names of meals occur in the Iliad and Odys- sey: upiaTov, SelTTvov, Sopirov. This division of the meals is ascribed, in a fragment of iEschylus quo ted by Athenaeus,* to Palamedes, 'K.al ra^iapxac aai arpaTupxa; nal iKarovrapxas ira^a- bItov d' eldhai 6iapiaa, apiara, delirva, SopTva ■&' alpcloBai rpla. The word upiarov uniformly means the early (u^' vot^), as ddpvov does the late meal ; but ddTiVov, on the other hand, is used for either," apparently with- out any reference to time. AVe should be careful, however, how we argue from the unsettled habits of a camp to the regular customs of ordinary life. From numerous passages in the Iliad and Odys- sey, it appears to have been usual to sit during meal- times. In the palace of Telemachus, before eating, a servant brings Minerva, who is habited as a stran- ger, the x^pv'M'' "r lustral water, " in a golden pitch- er, pouring it over a silver vessel.'" Beef, mutton, and goat's flesh were the ordinary meats, usually eaten roasted ; yet from the lines' 'Qf Si ?^6ric ffi IvSov, hreiyo/in-oi; izvpl ttoX/m Kvl(jGri /ieXdofiEvo^ a-naXoTpEcbEn^ ciuXoto, we learn that boiled meats were held to be far from unsavoury. Cheese, flour, and occasionally fruits, also formed part of the Homeric meals. Bread, brought on in baskets,' and salt (uAf, to which Ho- mer gives the epithet iSeioc), are mentioned : from Od., xvii., 455, the latter appears, even at this early period, to have been a sign of hospitality ; in Od., xi., 122, it is the mark of a strange people not to know its use. Each guest appears to have had his own table, and he who was first in rank presided over the rest. Menelaus, at the marriage feast of Hermione, begins the banquet by taking in his hands the side of a roasted ox, and placing it before his friends.'" At the same entertainment music and dancing are in- troduced : " The divine minstiel hymned to the sound of the lyre, and two tumblers (,Kv6iaTT!T^pc) began the festive strain, wheeling round in Ihe midst." It was not beneath the notions of those early days to stimulate the heroes to battle," 'ESpri re, Kpiaciv re, We Tr^eioff de—tUaaiv : and Ajax, on his return from the contest with Hec- tor, is presented by Agamemnon with the vura Siv- V£K£a. The names of several articles of the festive board occur in the Iliad and Odyssey. Knives, spits, cups of various shapes and sizes, bottles made of goat- skin, casks, &c., are all mentioned. Many sorts of wine were in use among the heroes ; some of Nes- tor's is remarked on as being eleven years old. Tlie 1. (i., p. 8.)— 2. (II., ix., 20(>-218.— Compare Gen., xxvii., 31.1 ■3. (OcJ., XT., 322.)— 4. (i., p. 11.)— 5. (Od., xvi., 2.)-6. (II., ii., 381.— Od., ivii., 170.)— 7. (Od., i., 136.)— 8. (II., xxi.,'363 i —9. (II., ix., 817.)- 10. (Od., iv., 65.)— 11. (II., xii , 311.) DEIPNON. Maronean wine, so called from Maron, a hero, was especially celebrated, and would bear mingling with twenty times its own quantity of water. It may be observed that wine was seldom, if ever, drunk pure. When Nestor and Machaon sit down together, " a woman," like unto a goddess, sets before them a polished table, with a brazen tray, km Si Kpofivov irory oTJ/m:. Then she mingles a cup of Pramnian wme in Nestor's own goblet, and cuts the cheese of goat's milk with a steel knife, scattering white flour over it. The guests drank to one another : thus the gods' ScLdcxar' dU^Xovc, and Ulysses pledged Achilles, saying, x^'P'y 'A^t'^ciJ-^ Wine was drawn from a larger vessel {vid. Ck iTER) into the cups from which it was drunk, and belore drink- ing, libations were made to the gods by pouring some of the contents on the ground.^ The interesting scene between Ulysses and the swineherd* gives a parallel view of early manners in a lower grade of life. After a welcome has been given to the stranger, " The swineherd cleaves the wood, and they place the swine of five years old on the hearth. In the goodness of his heart, Eumaeus forgets not the immortal gods, and dedicates the firstling lock with a prayer for Ulysses's return. He next smites the animal with a piece of cleft oak, and the attendants singe off the hair. He then cuts the raw meat all round from the iimbs, and laying it in the rich fat, and sprinkling flour upon it, throws it on the fire as an offering (airapxp to the gods ; the rest the attendants cut up and pierce with spits, and, having cooked it with cunning skill, draw off all, and lay the mess on the tables. Then the swineherd stands up to divide the portions, sev- en portions in all, five for himself and the guests. End one apiece to Mercury and the nymphs." There is nothing more worthy of remark in the Homeric manners than the hospitality shown to .strangers. Before it is known who they are, or whence they come, it is the custom of the times to give them a welcome reception.' "When Nestor and his sons saw the strangers, " They all came in a crowd, and saluted them with the hand, and made them sit down at the feast on the soft fleeces by the seashore." The Greeks of a later age usually partook of three meals, called aapdnajia, apiarov, and detirvov. The last, which corresponds to the 66pirov of the Ho- meric poems, was the evening meal or dinner ; the dpLuTQv was the luncheon ; and the uKpaTicfia, which answers to the uptarov of Homer, was the early meal or breakfast. . The aKpariapa was taken immediately after rising in the morning (if evvijf, IuBev'). It usually con- sisted of bread dipped in unmixed wine (a/t/aarof), whence it derived its name.' Next followed the apiarov or luncheon ; but the time at which it was taken is uncertain. It is fre- quently mentioned in Xenophon's Anabasis, and ap- pears to have been taken at different times, as would naturally be the case with soldiers in active service. Suidas* says that it was taken about the third hour, that is, about nine o'clock in the morn- ing ; but this account does not agree with the statements of other ancient writers. We may con- clude from many circumstances that this meal was taken about the middle of the day, and that it an- swered to the Roman prandium, as Plutarch' as- serts. Besides which, the time of the TilnBovaa uy- opd, at which provisions seem to have been bought for the dpioTov, was from nine o'clock till noon. This agrees with the account of Aristophanes,'" who 1 (II., iT., 4.)— 2. (II., ii., 225.)— 3. (II., vii., 480.) — 4. (Od., liv., 420.)— 5. (Od., i., 125, &o.)— 6. (Aristoph., Aves, 1286.)— 7. (Plut., Symp., Tiii., 6, I) 4.— Schol. ad Theoor., i., 51.— Athe- UKUs, i., p. 11.)— 8. (s. V. Atiirvov.)- 9 (Symp., viii., 6, 1) 5.)— 10. (Vesp., 605-612.) DEIPNON. introduces Philocleon describing the pleasure of re- turning home after attending the courts, and parta- king of a good upiarov. The courts of justice could scarcely have finished their sittings by nine o'clock. TimiEus also defines dslXi) vputa, which we know to have been the early part of the afternoon (vid. Dies), as the time before the uptcTov. The aptaTot was usually a simple meal, but, of course, vant^,. according to the habits of individuals. Thus Is- chomachus, who describes his mode of life to Soc- rates, who greatly approves of it, says, 'Apiaru 6aa p^re K€vQ^ pijre uyav liXripT]^ dcrifiEpEveiv.^ The principal meal, however, was the Survvov, which ought, therefore, according to our notions, tc be translated, like the Latin ccena, by our word " dinner." It was usually taken rather late in the day, frequently not before sunset.^ Aristophanes' says, 2o£ de peTJiGBt, brav ^ deKiiizovv to croix^tov XiTzapov ;j;tjpcrv etti delTTVov. But, in order to ascertain the time meant by de- KUTTovv TO cTotxetov, the reader is referred to the ar- ticle HOEOLOGIUM. The Athenians were a social people, and were very fond of dining in company. Entertainments were usually given, both in the heroic ages and la- ter times, when sacrifices were offered to the gods, either on public or private occasions ; and also on the anniversary of the birthdays of members of the family, or of illustrious persons, whether living or dead. Plutarch* speaks of an entertainment being given on the anniversary of the birthdays both of Socrates and Plato. When young men wished to dine together, they frequently contributed each a certain sum of money, called avp&oXfi, or brought their own provisions with them. When the first plan was adopted, they were said d-KO ovpSolCiv Semvuv, and one individual was usually intrusted with the money to procure the provisions, and make all the necessary preparations. Thus we read in Terence,' " Heri aliquot adoUsceniuli caimus in Pirtro, In hunc diem ut de synibolis essemus. Chceream ei rei Prafccimus ; dati annuli : locus, icmjpus conslitu- tum est." This kind of entertainment, in which each guest contributed to the expense, is mentioned in Homer' under the name of epavo(. An entertainment in which each person brought his own provisions with him, or, at least, contributed something to the general stock, was called a SeiTrvov uTTo aiivpiSoQ, because the provisions were brought in baskets.' This kind of .entertainment is also spoken of by Xenophon." The most usual kind of entertainments, however, were those in which a person invited his friends to his own house. It was expected that they should come dressed with more than ordinary care, and also have bathed shortly before ; hence, when Soc- rates was going to an entertainment at Agathon's, we are told that he both washed and put on his shoes — things which he seldom did.' As soon as the guests arrived at the house of their host, their shoes or sandals were taken off by the slaves, and their feet washed (iiroAiiftx and anovi^etv). In an- cient works of art we frequently see a slave or other person represented in the act of taking off the shoes of the guests, of which an example is given, from a terra-cotta in the British Museum, in p. 276. 1. (Xen., (Econ., xi., 18.)— 2. (Lysias, o. Eratosth., p. 26.)— 3. (Eccl., 652.)— 4. (Symp., viii., 1, 1, I.)— 5. (Eun., IIl.,ii'., 1.) —6. (Od., i., 226.)— 7. (Athen., viii., p. 365.)- 8. (Mem., iii., 14 1.)— 9. (Plato, Symp., c. 2, p. 174.) 343 UEIPNON. DEIPNON. Alter their feet had been washed, the guests re- clined on the kXCvm or couches (Ka; i fiiv lijiTi unov- IC^LV Tov Tralda, Iva KaraKeoiro)} It has been already remarked that Homer never describes persons as reclining, but always as sitting at their meals ; but at what time the change was introduced is uncertain. Miiller- concludes from a fragment of Alcman, quoted by Athen£eus,= that the Spartans were accustomed to recline at their meals as early as the time of Alcman. The Dorians of Crete always sat ; but the Athenians, lilie the Spar- tans, were accustomed to recline. The Greek wom- en and children, however, like the Roman (sjd. Cce- NA, p. 276), continued to sit at their meals, as we find them represented in ancient works of art. It was usual for only two persons to recline on each couch. Thus Agathon says to Aristodemus, Sii S, 'ApiaTdSTi/ie, nap' 'Epv^i/iaxov KaraK/iivov : and to Socrates, Aevpo, iuicparcr, nap' ifti Karuiceiao.* Also, at a banquet given by Attaginus of Thebes to fifty Persians and fifty Greeks, we are told that one Persian and one Greek reclined on each couch. In ancient works of art we usually see the guests rep- resented in this way ; but sometimes there is a larger number on one long k^cvti, as in the woodcut in page 326. The manner in which they reclined, the cx^p-a Trjc: KaraKXiaeu^, as Plutarch' calls it, will be understood by referring to the woodcut already mentioned, where the guests are represented recli- ning with their left arms on striped pillows (inayic- livta), and having their right free; whence Lucian^ speaks of k-Tf ayKuvoc deinvuv. After the guests had placed themselves on the Kklvai, the slaves brought in water to wash their hands (v6up Kara x^V°^ iSodrj). The subsequent proceedings of the dinner are briefly described in two lines of Aristophanes,' "YSup Kara x^i-P^C ' tuc rpanc^a^ ciayia of Archestratus.' A dinner given by an opulent Athenian usually consisted of two courses, called respectively npuTai rpdire^ai and devrcpai rpune^ai. Pollux,'" indeed, speaks of three courses, which was the number at a Roman dinner (rid. (Jcena, p. 275 ; and in the same way we find other writers under the Roman Empire speaking of three courses at Greek dinners ; but before the Roman conquest of Greece, and the introduction of Roman customs, we only read of two courses. The first course embraced the whole of what we consider the dinner, namely, fish, poul- try, meat, &c. ; the second, which corresponds to our dessert and the Roman bellaria, consisted of different kinds of fruit, sweetmeats, confections, &c. When the first course was finished, the tables were taken away {alpeiv, dnaipeiv, krvaipuv, u(j>ai- pelv, eiiijiepeiv, fSaaTa^eiv ruf rpa-eCof), and water was given to the guests for the purpose of washing their hands. Crowns made of garlands of flowers were also then given to them, as well as various kinds of perfumes." Wine was not drunk till the first course was finished ; but, as soon as the guests had washed their hands, unmixed wine was intro- duced in a large goblet, called /tcTuviiTTpov or /icra- vmrpl;, of which each drank a little, after pouring 1. (Pollux, Onom., vi., 76.)— 2. (Aristoph., Vesp., 610.)— 3. (Symp., iv„ 5, « 1.) — 4. (De Rep., iii., c. 13, p. 404.)— 5. (Athen., vii., p. 270, e.)— 6. (Dio^. Laert., ii., 72.)- 7. (Plala, Do Rep., iii,, 13, p. 404.)— 8. (c. 156, p. 518.— Compare .Maiim Tyr., D-.ss., iv., 5.)— 9. (Allien., iii., p. 104, 4.)— 10. (vi , 83.)- 11, (Philyll ap. Athon,, ix,, p. 408, e.) TIFXIA. DELPHIS out a small quantity as a libation. This libation was said to be made to the " good spirit" {uyaeoi Saljiovof), and was usually accompanied with the singing of the paean and the playing of flutes After this libation, mixed wine was brought in, and with their first cup the guests drank to Atof Su-^pof.' With the dTTOvdai, the (SeiTrvov closed ; and at the introduction of the dessert {Scvrepai. rpane^ai) the TToToc, n'/iitoaiov, or Kupc commenced, of which an account is given in the article Symposium." DELA'TOR, an informer. The delatores, under the emperors, were a class of men who gained their livelihood by informing against their fellow-citizens.^ They constantly brought forward false charges to gratify the avarice or jealousy of the difFerent em- perors, and were, consequently, paid according to the importance of the information which they gave. In some cases, however, the law specified the sums which were to be given to informers. Thus, when a murder had been committed in a family, and any of the slaves belonging to it had run away before the qua;stio, whoever apprehended such slaves re- ceived, for each slave whom he apprehended, a reward of five aurei from the property of the de- ceased, or else from the state, if the sum could not be raised from the property of the deceased.' In the senatus consultum quoted by Frontinus," the informer received half of the penalty in which the person was fined who transgressed the decree of the senate. There seems also to have been a fixed sum given to informers by the lex Papia, since we are tcfld that Nero reduced it to a fourth.' The number of informers, however, increased so rapidly under the early emperors, and occasioned so Tiuch mischief in society, that many of them were banished, and punished in other ways, by Titus, Domitian, and Trajan.' DELECTUS. {Vid. Army, Roman.) DE'LIA (di'iXia) is the name of festivals and games celebrated at the great panegyris in the isl- and of Delos, the centre of an amphictyony, to which the Cyclades and the neighbouring lonians on the coasts belonged." Thi; amphictyony seems originally to have been instituted simply for the purpose of religious worship in the common sanc- tuary of Apollo, the T^eof Trarpwof of the lonians, who was said to have been born at Delos. The Doha, as appears from the Hymn on Apollo,' had existed from very early times, and were celebrated every fifth year,'" and, as Bockh supposes, with great probability, on the sixth and seventh days of Ihargelion, the birthdays of Apollo and Artemis. The members of the amphictyony assembled on these occasions {i6eupovv) in Delos, in long gar- ments, with their wives and children, to worship the god with gymnastic and musical contests, cho- ruses, and dances. That the Athenians took part in these solemnities at a very early period, is evi- dent from the Deliastse (afterward called teapot) mentioned in the laws of Solon ;" the sacred vessel (i?fupi'f), moreover, which they sent to Delos every year, was said to be the same which Theseus had sent after his return from Crete." The Delians, during the celebration of these solemnities, per- formed the office of cooks for those who visited their island, whence they were called 'EAeo&tiTai.." In the course of time, the celebration of this an- 1. (Xen., Symp., ii., 1.— Plato, Symp., c. 4, p. 176. — Diod. Sic, iv., 3. — Suitlas, s. v. 'Ay'adov Aaifxoms-) — 2. (Becker, Charikles, vol. i., p. 411-450 )— 3. (Suet., Tib., c. 61.— Dora., 12.— Tacit., Ann., ir., 30 ; vi , 47.)— 4. (Dig. 29, tit. 5, s. 25.)— 5. (De Aqnieduct.)— 6. (Suet., Nero, 10.)— 7. (Suet., Tit., 8.— Dom., 9. — Mart., i., 4. — Piin., Panffig., 34.— Brissonius, Ant. Select., iii., 17.)— 8. (Horn., Hymn, in ApoU., 147, &c.)— 9. (Compare Thucyd., iii., 104.— Pollux, Onom., it., 61.)— 10. (Polluj, Onom., viii., 104.) — 11. (Athen., vi., p. 234.) — 12. {Vid. cjTunenlatorii on Plato, Crito, p. 43, c.) — 13. (Athen., iv., p 173.) cient panegyris in Delos had ceased, and it was not revived until 01. 88, 3, when the Athenians, after having purified the island in the winter of that year, restored the ancient solemnities, and added horsf - races, which had never before taken place at tlit Delia.' After this restoration, Athens being at the head of the Ionian confederacy, took the most prominent part in the celebration of the Delia ; and though the islanders, in common with Athens, pro- vided the choruses and victims, the leader {upxiBi- upoc), who conducted the whole solemnity, was an Athenian," and the Athenians had the superintend ence of the common sanctuary. ( Vid. Amphictyons. ) From these solemnities, belonging to the great Delian panegyris, we must distinguish the lesser Delia, which were mentioned above, and which were celebrated every year, probably on the 6th of Thargelion. The Athenians, on this occasion, sent the sacred vessel (iScopif), which the priesi of Apol- lo adorned with bay branches, to Delos. The em- bassy was called ^eupla, and those who sailed to the island, ^eupoi ; and before they set sail, a solemn sacrifice was offered in the Delion at Marathon, in order to obtain a happy voyage.^ During the ab- sence of the vessel, which on one occasion lasted 30 days,^ the city of Athens was purified, and no criminal was allowed to be executed. The lesser Delia were said to have been instituted by Theseus, though in some legends they are mentioned at a much earlier period, and Plutarch' relates that the ancient vessel used by the founder himself, though often repaired, was preserved and used by the Athe- nians down to the time of Demetrius Phalereus.' DELICTUM. {Vid. Crimen.) DELPHI'NIA \6e7i.i^Lvi.a), a festival of the same expiatory character as the ApoUonia, which was celebrated in various towns of Greece, in honour of Apollo, surnamed Delphinius, who was considered by the lonians as their i^eof narpuoc. The name (if the god, as well as that of his festival, must be de- rived from the belief of the ancients, that in Hhe be- ginning of the month of Munychion (probably iden- tical with the ^ginetan Delphinius) Apollo came through the defile of Parnassus to Delphi, and be- gan the battle with Delphyne. As he thus assumed the character of a wrathful god, it was thought ne- cessary to appease him, and the Delphinia, accord- ingly, were celebrated at Athens, as well as at other places where his worship had been adopted, on the 6th of Munychion. At Athens seven boys and girls carried olive-branches, bound with white wool (called the herripla), into the Delphinium.' The Delphinia of ^gina are mentioned by the scholiast on Pindar," and, from his remark on an- other passage, it is' clear that they were celebrated with contests.'" Concerning the celebration of the Delphinia in other places, nothing is known ; but we have reason to suppose that the rites observed at Athens and in .lEgina were common to all festivals of the same name." DELPHIS or DELPHIN (SeW^is or Sa<^iv), an instrument of naval warfare. It consisted of a large mass of iron or lead suspended on a beam, which projected from the mast of the ship like a yard-arm. It was used to sink or make a hole in an enemy's vessel, by being dropped upon it when alongside.'" There seems no necessity for supposing that li 1. (Thucyd., 1. c.)— 2. (Plut., Nic, 3.— Wolf, Introd. ad De mosth. Lept., p. ic.)- 3. (MUUer, Dor., ii., 2, 14.)— 4. (Plat., Phajdon, p. 58.— Xen., Mem., iv., S, ( 2.)— 5. (Thes., 23.)— ti. (BOckh, Staalsh. der Ath., ii., p. 216, cfcc— Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, iii., p. 217.)— 7. (Plut., Thes., 18.)— 8. (Pyth., viii., 88.)— 9. (Olymp., vii., 151.)— 10. (Compare Diog. Laert., Vit. Thai., c. 7.— Miiller, Dor., ii., 8, 6 4.)— 11. (Vid. MuUer, ^gi- net., p. 152.)— 12. (Aristoph., Equit., 759 -Thucyd., vii . 41°— Schol. ad Thucyd., 1. c. — Hesych., s v > 345 DEMARCHI. DEMIOPRATA. was made in the shape of a dolphin. Bars of iron flsed for ballast a re at the present day called " pigs," though they bear no resemblance /o that animal. I'robably the SeXiplvc^ were hoisted aloft only when going into action. We may also conjecture that they were fitted, not so much to the swift {raxecai) triremes, as to the military transports (arpaTiuTLdeg, inTijiTayuyoi), for the sailing of the former would be much impeded by so large a weight of metal. At any rate, those that Thucydides speaks of were not on the triremes, but on the 6\Kd6s^. *DELPHIS, DELPHIN, or DELPHI'NUS, the Dolphin, or Delphinus Delphis, L.' " This animal," says Cuvier, speaking of the D. Dclphis, " found in numerous troops in every sea, and celebrated for the velocity of its movements, which sometimes cause it to precipitate itself on the helms of vessels, ap- pears to have been really the Dolphin of the an- cients. The entire organization of the brain indi- cates that degree of docility which they universally attributed to this animal."" The internal organiza- tion of the ear also renders this animal susceptible of great attention : it produces a sensibility to mu- sical sounds, and enables the Dolphin to distinguish, at a considerable distance, the cries of joy or alarm of its congeners. " Some authors," observes Grif- fith,^ " more especially the ancients, have not only celebrated the mutual friendship subsisting among the Dolphins themselves, but have also asserted that they have a lively and natural affection towards the human species, with which they are easily led to familiarize ; and they have recounted many mar- vellous stories on this subject. All that is known on this point with certainty is, that when these ani- mals perceive a ship at sea, they rush in a crowd before it, surround it, and express their confidence by rapid, varied, and repeated evolutions ; some- times bounding, leaping, and mancEuvring in all manner of ways, sometimes performing compUcated circumvolutions, and exhibiting a degree of grace, agility, dexterity, and strength which is perfectly astonishing. We must not, however, be deceived by such external show of affection. These animals, represented as susceptible of so much attachment to man, are thoroughly carnivorous, and if they fol- low the track of vessels, it is, perhaps, with no oth- er view than the hope of preying on something that may fall from them." The Grampus (a fish in na- ture nearly allied to the Dolphin; would seem to be the Orca of Pliny. " It is not noticed," observes Ad- ams, " by the Greek authors, unless, as some have supposed, it be the Spuf of Strabo."* *DELPHIN'IUM (,6e7.ivwv), a plant. Sprengel rectgnises the two species described by Dioscori- des as being the Delphinium Ajacis, or common Larkspur, and the D. tenuissimum of Sibthorp. From the circumstance of the Delphinium not be- ing noticed in the Materia Medica of Galen, Oriba- sius, or Paul of .iEgina, Matthiolus is disposed to re- gard as spurious the two chapters of Dioscorides' in which mention is made of it. " Among the syn- onymes of the (Se2,iviov in Dioscorides, we find," remarks Adams, in continuation, " vukivOoc and poiKcvo; jiLvop of the Romans. It has, therefore, been supposed that the 'vaccinia nigra' of Virgil were Larkspurs."" DELUBRUM. (FiiZ. Tempi.um.) DEMA'RCHI. These officers were the head boroughs Or chief magistrates of the demi in Attica, and are said to have been first appointed by Cleis- thenes. Tlicir duties were various and important. Thus, they convened meetings of the demus, and 1. (Aristot., II. A., ii., 13, *c.— jElion, N. A., i., 18, &c.— Plin., IV., 8.— Juv., Sat.,x.,14.)— 2. (Griffith's Cuvior, vol. iv., p. 435.)- 3. (Criflith's Cuvier, vol. iv., p. 450.)— 4. (Adams, Ap- pend., •. V.) — 5. (iii., 77, 78.) — 6. (Adams, Append., s. v.) 346 took the votes upon all questions under considera- tion ; they had the custody of the Xri^iapxiKov ypa/i. fiarelov, or book in which the members of the de- mus were enrolled ; and they made and kept a regis- ter of the landed estates (xopia.) in their districts, whether belonging to individuals or the body cor- porate ; so that, whenever an cla^opu, or extraor- dinary property-tax was imposed, they must have been of great service in assessing and collecting the quota of each estate.' Moneys due to the demus for rent, &c., were collected by them,' and it may safely be allowed that they were employed to en- force payment of various debts and dues claimed by the state.' For this purpose they seem to have had the power of distraining, to which al- lusion is made by Aristophanes.* In the duties which have been enumerated, they supplanted the naucrari of the old constitution ; their functions, however, were not confined to duties of this class, lor they also acted as poUce magistrates : thus, in conjunction with the dicasts of the towns (SiKaaTai Karij. dfifiovi), they assisted in preserving peace and order,' and were required to bury, or cause to be buried, any dead bodies found in their district : foi neglect of this duty they were liable to a fine of 1000 drachmae." Lastly, they seem to have furnish- ed to the proper authorities a list of the members of the township who were fit to serve in war (ra- ra'Koyov^ k7:oi7i(yavTO~'). (Vid. Demds.) DEMENS. (Vid. Cdeatok, p. 329.) DEMENSUM was an allowance of com, which was given to Roman slaves monthly or daily.' Do- natus' says that every slave received four modii of corn a month ; but Seneca'" speaks of five modii as the allowance." DEME'NTIA. (Vid. Ccbatoe, p. 329 ) DEME'TRIA (SjifiijTpia), an annual festival which the Athenians, in 307 B.C., instituted in hon- our of Demetrius Poliorcetes, who, together with his father Antigonus, were consecrated under tlie title of saviour gods. It was celebrated every year in the month of Munychion, the name of which, as well as that of the day on which the festival was held, was changed into Demetrion and Demetrias. A priest ministered at their altars, and conducted the solemn procession, and the sacrifices and games with which the festival was celebrated.'' To hon- our the new god still more, the Athenians at the same time changed the name of the festival of the Dionysia into that of Demetria, as the young prince was fond of hearing himself compared to Dionysus. The Demetria mentioned by Athenseus" are probably the Dionysia. Respecting the other extravagant flatteries which the Athenians heaped upon Demetrius and Antigonus, see Athen., vi , p. 252 ; Herm., Polil. Ant. of Greece, i 175, n. 6, 7, and 8 ; and Thirhvall, Hist, of Greece, vii., p. 331 DEMINU'TIO CAPITIS. (Ttd. Caput.) DEMIOP'RATA (Srifuo-npai-a, sc. ^pil-i/iara oi KTiifiara) was property confiscated at Athens and sold by public auction. The confiscation of prop- erty was one of the most common sources of rev- enue in many of the Grecian states ; and Aristoph- anes'* mentions the STj/iioirpaTa as a separate branch of the public revenue at Athens. An account of such property was presented to the people in the first assembly of every prytaneia ;" and lists of it were posted upon tablets of stone in different pla- 1. (B6ckh, vol. i., p. 212, liansl.) —2. (Demosth., c. Eub., 1318.)— 3. (B8ckh,l.c.)— J. (Nubes, 37.— Ttd. Mitchell, ad 1« , —5. (Wachsmutlx, ii., part 1, p. 33.)— 6. (Demosth., o Macan, 1069, 22.)— 7. (Demosth., c. Polj-c., 1208.- Harpocrai., s. T.- Pollux, Onom., viii., 108.— SchOmann, 377.)— 8. (Plaut., Stick, I., ii., 3. — Trinumm., IV,, ii., 102.— "diaria:" Mart., li., 109 — Hor., Ep., I., xiv., 40.)— 9. (ad Ter., Phorm., 1., i., 9.)-10. (Ep., 80.)— 11. (Becker, Callus, i., p. 110.)— 12. (Diod. Sic. XI., 46.— Plut., Demetr., 10, 46.)— 13. (xii., p. 536.)— 14. (Vesn. 659.— Sohol. ad loo.)— 15. (Pollux, Onom., vui., 95.) DEMUS. ees, as was the case at Eleusis, with the catalogue of the articles which accrued to the temple of De- meter and Persephone, from persons who had com- mitted any offence against these deities.' Many monuments of this kind were collected by Greek an- tiquarians, of which an account is given by Bockh." DE'MIUS ((%ior). (Vid. Basanos, p. 140.) DEMIU'RGI (6riiii.ovpyoi). These magistrates, whose title is expressive of their doing the service of the people, are by some grammarians stated to have been peculiar to Dorian states ; but, perhaps, on no authority except the form Sa/iiovp-yoi. Miil- ler' observes, on the contrary, that '■ they were not uncommon in the Peloponnesus, but they do not occur often in the Dorian states." They existed among the Eleians and Mantineans, with whom they seem to have been the chief executive magis- tracy (oi Sij/iicvpyol Kal 71 0mlri, k. r. /I.*). We also read of demiurgi in the Achaian league, who proba- bly ranked next to the strategi,* and put questions to the vote m the general assembly of the confed- erates.' Officers named epidemiurgi, or upper dem- iurgi, were sent by the Corinthians to manage the government of their colony at Potidaea.' DEMONSTRATIO. (Vid. Actio, p. 19.) DEMOPOIE'TUS (di^/ioTroi^TOf) was the name given to a foreigner who was admitted to the rights of citizenship at Athens by a decree of the people, on account of services rendered to the state. Such citizees were, however, excluded from the phratrice, and could not hold the offices of either a'rchon or priest,' but were registered in a phyle and deme. \ Vid. CiviTAs, Greek, p. 259.) DEMOS'IOI {dtifiociO!) were public slaves at Ath- 2ns, who were purchased by the state. Some of hem filled subordinate places in the assembly and ccurts of justice, and were also empiuyed as her- alds, checking clerks, &c. Thsy were usually call- ed Sriiioai.01, o'lKeTai, and, as we karn from Ulpian,' were taught at the expense of the state to qualify them for the discharge of such dut.'es as have been mentioned.'" As these public slaves diJ not belong to any one individual, they appear to ^a ."-e possessed certain legal rights which private skvts ii,;'l not." Another class of public slaves foimei; the city guard ; it was their duty to preserve Oider ;n the public assembly, and to remove any person whom the ■Kpvravsl; might order.'^ They are generally called bowmen (roforizi) ; or, from the native coun- try of the majority, Scythians ; and also Speusin- ians, from the name of the person who first estab- lished the force.'^ There were also among them many Thracians and other barbarians. They ori- ginally lived in tents in the market-place, and after- ward upon the Areiopagus. Their officers had the name of toxarchs (To^apxoi). Their number was at first 300, purchased soon after the battle of Sala- mis, but was afterward increased to 1200.'* DEiWUS. The word 67)110^ originally indicated a district or tract of land, and is by some derived from Mu, as if it signified an " enclosure marked off from the waste," just as our word town comes, ac- cording to Home Tooke, from the Saxon verb " ty- nan," to enclose ^ It seems, however, more simple 1. (PoUai, Onom., », 97.)— 2. (Publ. Econ. of Athens, vol. i., p. 265, 4:c.— Compare ii., p. 127 ; and Meier, " De Bonis Dam- natonlm," p. 160, &c.)— 3. (Dorians, ii., 145, transl.) — i. (Thu- cyd., T., 47.)— 5. (Wachsmuth. I) 79.) — 6. (Liv., iixii., 22 ■ iiiTiii., 30.)— 7. (Thucyd., i., 56.)— 8. (Demosth., c. Nesr., p. 1376.)— 9. (ad Demosth., Olynth., ii., p. 15.)— 10. (Hemster. ad Pollu.Tc, Onom., ix., 10. — Maussac. ad Harpocrat., s. v. Ajjti6aio^. —Petit., Leg. Att., p. 342.)— 11. (Meier, Att. Process, p. 401, 560.— .Sschin., c. Timarch., p. 79, 85.)— 12. (Schneider ad Xen., Mem., 111., 6, 5 1.— Plato, Protaj., c. 27, p. 319, aod Heindorff's note. — Aristoph., Acham., 54, with the commentators.) — 13. 'P?Uui> Onom., viii., 131, 132.— Photius, s. v. To^drai.)- 14. (jEsoh., TTtpi Ilapairpjui;., p. 335.— Andoc, De Pac, p. 93.— Mckli, Pul,l. Econ. of Athens, i., p. 277, &c.) — 15. (Arnold, Thucyd., vol. i, aip. iii.) DEMUS. to connect it with the Doric SS, for yS,. In this meaning of a country district, inhabited and under cultivation, Srjfiog is contrasted with irolig : thus we have (Ivdpav d^jiov re wbXiv re ;' but the transition from a locality to its occupiers is easy and natural, and hence, in the earlier Greek poets, we find Sf/fioi applied to the outlying country population, who till- ed the lands of the chieftains or inhabita; ts of the city ; so that d^/zof and noXirai came to be opposed to each other, the former denoting the subject peas- antry (6^/iov (fiLlodianoTov') ; the latter, the nobles in the chief towns.^ We now proceed to treat of the demi or country parishes of Attica. The word rf^^of, in the sense which we have here expressed by " parish," is by some rendered "borough," by others, " township." Of these terms, the former is certainly not appro- priate ; and as a parish may include townships and hamlets, we prefer this word to " township." In the first place, we may remark that, whatever un- certainty there may be about the nature and origin of the four tribes in that country as they existed before the age of Cleisthenes, there is scarcely any about the alterations he introduced with respect to them. His object was to eflPect a revolution, by which the power of the aristocracy would be dimin- ished ; for this purpose he broke up the four tribes of the old constitution, and substituted in their place ten local tribes {(^Tial Tomxai), each named from some Attic hero.* These were subdivided into ten demi or country parishes, possessing each its prin- cipal town ; and in some one of these demi were enrolled all the Athenian citizens resident in Attica, with the exception, perhaps, of those who were na- tives of Athens itself.' These subdivisions corre- sponded in some degree to the vavKpapiat of the old tribes, and were, according to Herodotus, one hun- dred in number ; but, as the Attic demi amounted in th? time of Strabo" to 174, doubts have been raised about this statement. Niebuhr has inferred from it that the tribes of Cleisthenes did not origi- nally include the whole population of Attica, and " that some of the additional 74 must have been cantons, which had previously been left in a state of depcndance ; by far the chief part, however, were houses (ysnTi) of the old aristocracy," which were ipcluded in the four Ionian tribes, but, according to Niecahr, were not incorporated in the ten tribes of the " rural commonalty" till after the time of Cleis- thenes. (Vid. Tsisvs.) This inferer.ee, however, seems very questiona- ble ; for the number of the demi might increase from a variety of causes, such as the growth of the population, the creation of new tribes, and the di- vision of the larger into smaller parishes, to say nothing of the improbability of the coexistence of two different orders of tribes. "Another fact, more difficult to account for, is the transposition by which demes of the same tribe were found at opposite ex- tremities of the country."' The names of the dif- ferent demes were taken, some from the chief towns in them, as Marathon, Eleusis, and Acharnae ; some from the names of houses or clans, such as the Dzed- alidas, Boutadae, &o. A complete list of them is given in Wachsmuth.* The largest of all was the deraus of Acharnae, which in the time of the Pelo- ponnesian war was so extensive as to supply a force of no less than three thousand heavy-armed men. Thucydides" says of it, that it was the xupiof jieyiarov Tjjg 'Atthctjc rCiv d^/iuv KaAov/jhiuv. In explanation of their constitution and relation to the state in general, we may observe, that they ;,,'^';',°''-J °-',.*^1-'"-^- (Hes.,Theog.,847.)-3. (Wachs- n.uth,Hellen. Alterth , I., 1. p. 316.)-4. (lIerod.,v., 66,69.)- ?^i^?" ?;"^'' ■''■"•/ ^'""'^''' "■• P- '''•)-6- («•. 396. <: )-7. Thnlwall, 1, c, and app. i., vol, ii.)_8. (ii., p. 1, app. i.)-* (11., iVl.) 347 DEMUS. DENARiaS. jfcaisd independent corporations, and had each tneir several magistrates, landed and other proper- ty, with a comjnon treasury. They had, Ukewise, their rerpective convocations or " parish meetings," convened by the demarchi, in which was transact- ed the public business of the demus, such as the leasing of its estates, the elections of officers, the revision of the registers or lists of dti/iorai, and the admission of new members. Moreover, each de- mus appears to have kept what was called a mVaf iKK^tiacaanKoc, or list of those drj/ioTai who were entitled to vote at the general assemblies of the whole people. In a financial point of view, they supplanted the old " naucraries" of the four tribes, each demus being required to furnish to the state a certain quota of money and contingent of troops whenever necessary.' Independent of these bonds of union, each demus seems to have had its pecu- liar temples and religious worship (Jiy/ton/ta lepd'), I lie officiating priests in which were chosen by the irijioTai ;' so that, both in a civil and religious point of view, the demi appear as minor communities, whose magistrates, moreover, were obliged to sub- mit to a 6oKi/iaaia, in the same way as the public officers of the whole state. But, besides the magis- trates, such as demarchs and treasurers {ra/iiai), elected by each parish, we also read of judges, who were called SUaaTai Kara d^/iovc : the number of these officers, originally thirty, was afterward in- creased to forty, and it appears that they made cir- cuits through the difTerent districts, to administer justice in all cases where the matter in dispute was not more than ten drachmse in value, more impor- tant questions being reserved for the SiaiTtirai* We will now treat of the Srniorai, or members of each demus, their privileges, and relations to the body corporate, of which they formed a constituent part. We are told by Aristotle' that, on the first institution of the demi, Cleisthenes increased the strength of the d^/iof or commonalty by making many new citizens, among whom are said to have been included not only strangers and resident for- eigners, but also slaves. His words are, lioXkov^ k drififj aircp uv Kal Xleipacec^f Kol ^tj ek}^- yecv izap^ avTov rbv dr/jiapxov to kyKTTj-LKOv. .^ The decree is' taken from an inscription in Chandler.' {Vii. De.m.vrchi.) DENA'RIUS, the principal silver coin among the Romans, was so called because it was originally equal to ten asses ; but on the reduction of the weight of the as {vid. As), it was made equal to six- teen asses, except in military pay, in wiich it was still reckoned as equal to ten asses.' The denarius was first coined five years before the first Punic war, B.C. 269. (Vid. Aegentum.) There were originally 84 denarii to a pound,' but subsequently 96. At what time this reduction was made in the weight of the denarius is uncertain, as it is not mentioned in history. Some have conjectured that it was completed in Nero"s time ; and Mr. Hussey" justly remarks, that Suetonius' proves that 84 de narii went still to the pound about the year B.C. 50 ; since, if we reckon 96 to the pound, the pro- portion of the value of gold to silver is 78 to 1, which is incredibly low ; while the value on the other supposition, 8 9 to 1, is more probable. (Com- pare Aroe.vtum, svh Jin.) BRITISH MUSEUM. ACTUAL SIZE. WEIGHT 60 6 GR3 BRITISH MUSEUM. ACTUAL SIZE WEIGHT 58 5 GRS Mr. Hussey calculates the average weight of the denarii coined at the end of the Commonwealth at 1. (Domosth., c. Eubnl., 1318.)— a. (Isaiu.s.De Apoll.IIaiml. p. 66, 17.)— 3. (Demostli., c. Leocli., p. 1091.)- -4. (1 c.)-5. (ii., 108.)— 0. (Plin., H. N., ix-iiii., 13.)— 7. (Plin., II. N., xxxiii., 46. — Celsus, v., 17, ^ 1.) — 8. {Ancient WcialitH. Ac. d 137.)— 9 (Jul., SI) DENARIUS. DEPOSITUM. 69 grains, and those under the Empire at 52-5 grains. II we deduct, as the average, ^Lth of the weight for alloy from the denarii of the Common- wealth, there will remain 58 grains of pure silver ; and since the shilling contains 80 7 grains of pure 58 silver, the value of the best denarii will be gjr;^ of a shilling, or 86245 pence ; vphich may be reck- oned in round numbers 8Jrf. If the same method of reckoning he applied to the later denarius, its value will be about 75 pence, or 7id.' The Roman coins of silver went at one time as low down as the fortieth part of the denarius, the teruncius. They were, the quinarius, or half dena- rius ; the sestertius, or quarter denarius {vid. Sester- tius) ; the libella, or tenth of the denarius (equal to the as) ; the sembella, or half libella ; and the terun- eius, or quarter libella. The quinarius was also called victoriatus,' from the impression of a figure of Victory which it bore. Pliny" says that victoriati were first coined at Rome in pursuance of the lex Clodia, and that previous to that tune they were imported as an article of trade from Illyria. The Clodius who proposed this law is supposed to have been the person vpho obtained a triumph for his victories in Istria, whence he brought home a large sum of money,* which would fix the first coinage of the victoriati at Rome B.C. 177, that is, 92 years after the first silver coinage. If the denarius weighed 60 grains, the teruncius would only have weighed 11 grs., which would have been so small a coin that some have doubted whether it was ever coined in silver, for vee know that it was coined in copper. {Vid. As, p. 110.) But Varro' names it among the silver coins with the libella and sembella. It is, however, improba- ble that the teruncius continued to be coined in silver after the as had been reduced to -j^th of the denarius ; for then the teruncius would have been g-'jth of tlie denarius, whereas Varro only describes it as a subdivision of libeUa, when the latter was yLth of the denarius. In the time of Cicero, the libella appears to have been the smallest silver coin in use ;' and it is frequently used, not merely to express a silver coin equal to the as, but any very small sum.' Gronovius,' however, maintains that there was no such coin as the libella when Varro wrote, but that the word was used to signify the tenth part of a sestertius. No specimens of the libella are now found. If the denarius be reckoned in value 8id., the other coins which have been mentioned will be of the following value : Teruncius- .... Sembella ... Libella Sestertius Quinarius or Victoriatus Denarius ..... It has been frequently stated that the denarius is equal in value to the drachma, but this is not quite correct. The Attic drachma was almost equal to 9|i., whereas we have seen that the denarius was but little above 8}d. The later drachms, however, appear to have fallen off in weight ; and there can be no doubt that they were at one time nearly enough equal to pass for equal. Gronovius has given all the authorities upon the subject in his De Sestsrtiis.' The earliest denarii have usually, on the obverse, the head of Rome with a helmet, the Dioscuri, or Pence. Farth. ■53125 10625 2125 2 ■5 4 1 8 lat thf 2 denari I. (Hussey, p. 141, 142.)— 2. (Cic, Pro F,iit., 5.)— 3. (H. N., ixiiii., 13.)— 4. (Liv., rii., 13.)— 5. (Varro, De Ling. Lat., v., 174, ed. Muller.)— 6. (Cic, Pro Rose. Com., c. 4.)— 7. iPlaut., Cas., II., v., 7.— Capt., V., i., 27.)— 8. (De Sestertiis, ii 2.)- -9. (hi., 2.) the head of Jupiter Many have, on the reverse, chariots drawn by Iwt or four horses (biga, quadri- ga), whence they are called respectively bigati ami quadrigati, sc. nummi. (Vid. Bigatos.) Some de- narii were called serrati,^ because their edges were notched like a saw, which appears to have been done to prove that they were solid silver, and not plated. Many of the family denarii, as those of the /Elian, Calpurnian, Papinian, TuUian, and numer- ous other families, are marked with the numeral X, in order to show their value. Pliny" speaks of the deTiarius aureus. Gronovius' says that this coin was never struck at Rome ; but there is one of Augustus in the British Museum, weighing 60 grains, and others of less weight. The average weight of the common aureus was 120 grains. (Yid. Auhum, p. 129.) In later times, a copper coin was called denarius.* *DENDRACHA'TES {6m>6paxaTri(), a species of Agate, the veins of which resemble a small tree. It is our Dendritic agate. A description of it is given in the Orphic poem under the name of uxo-rri^ *DENDROLIB'ANUS {dcvSpoMOavo;), a term occurring only in the Pharmaf-eutical work of My- repsus. It is applied to the Rosemary.' *AENAPT*'1A KEPAT'INA (ievdfmfa Kepdri- va), apparently, says .\dams, a kind of Coral. It is mentioned by Theophrastus.' Stackhouse conjec- tures it to be the Gorgonia nobilis, or Red Coral.' DENTIFRI'CIUM {bSovTo-pifiiia), a dentrifice or tooth-powder, appears to have been skilfully pre- pared and generally used among the Romans. A variety of substances, such as the bones, hoofs, and horns of certain animals, crabs, egg-shells, and the shells of the oyster and the nmrex, constituted the basis of the preparation. Having been previously burned, and sometimes mixed with honey, they were reduced to a fine powder. Though fancy and superstition often directed the choice of these in- gredients, the addition of astringents, such as myrrh, or of nitre and of hartshorn ground in a raw state, indicates science which was the result of experi- ence, the intention being not only to clean the teeth and to render them white, but also to fix them when loose, to strengthen the gums, and to assuage tooth- ache.' Pounded pumice was a more dubious arti- cle, though Pliny'" says, " Utitissima fiunt ex his den- ttfrzczcL. DEPENSI ACTIO. {Vid. Sponsoe.) DEPORTA'TIO. (7?(J. Banishment, Roman ) DEPO'SITI ACTIO. (Yid. Depositdm.) DEPO'SITUM. A depositum is that which is given by one man to another to keep until it is de- manded back, and without any reward for the trouble of keeping it. The party who makes the depositum is called deponens or depositor, and he who receives the thing is called depositarius. The act of deposite may be purely vohintary, or it may be from necessity, as iu the case of fire, shipwreck, or other casualty. The depositarius is bound to take care of the thing which he has consented to receive. He cannot use the thing unless he has permission to use it, either by express words or by necessary implication. If the thing is one " quae usu non consumitur," and it is given to a person to be used, the transaction becomes a case of locatio and conductio {vid. Locatio), if money is to be paid for the use of it ; or a case of commodatum {md. Gommodathm), if nothing is to be paid for the use. If a bag of money not sciled up is the subject of 1. (Tacit., Germ., 5.)— 2. (H. N., jtxxiii., 13.)— 3. (De Ses- tertiis, iii , 15.)— 4. (Ducange, s. t. Denarius.) — 5. (Plin., H. N., xxirii., 54.— Orph., Lith., y., 230. —Moore's Anc. Mineral., p. 178.) — 6. (Adams, Append., s. T.) — 7. (H. P., iv., 8.) — 8. (Adams, Append., s.T.)— 9. (Plin., H. N..xiyri.,49 ; ixii.,46: ixiii., 21, 26.)— 10. (xxrvi., 42.) ^t9 DESULTOR. tne depositum, and the depositarius at any time asks for permission to use it, the money becomes a loan (vid. Motuum) from the time when the per- mission is granted ; if the deponens proffers the use of the money, it becomes a loan from the time when the depositarius begins to use it. If money is de- posited with the condition that the same amount be returned, the use of it is tacitly given ; but the depositum does not therefore become mutuum. If the depositum continues purely a depositum, the depositarius is bound to make good any damage to it which happens through dolus or culpa lata ; and he is bound to restore the thing on demand to the deponens, or to the person to whom the deponens orders it to be restored. The remedy of the depo- nens against the depositarius is by an actio depositi directa. The depositarius is entitled to be secured against all damage which he may have sustained through any culpa on the part of the deponens, and to all costs and expenses incurred by his charge ; and his remedy against the deponens is by an actio depositi contraria. The actio was in duplum if the deposite was made from necessity ; if the deposi- tarius was guilty of dolus, infamia was a conse- quence.' DESERTOR is defined by Modestinus to be one " qui per prolixum tempus vagatus, reducitur," and differs from an emansor " qui diu vagatus ad castra egreditur."' Those who deserted in time of peace were punished by loss of rank, corporeal chastise- ment, fines, ignominious dismission from the ser- vice, &c. Those who left the standards in time of war were usually punished with death. The irans- fuga, or deserters to the enemy, when taken, were sometimes deprived of their hands or feet,* but gen- erally were put to death.* DESIGNA'TOR. ( Vii. Fdnub.) DESMOTE'RION (SeafiaTripiov). (Vid. Carcer.) DESPOSIONAU'TAI (SeaizoawvavTai)- [Vid. CiviTAS, Greek.) DESULTOR (a/j^iTTTTOf, avaSdrrjc, fLcratarri^), a rider. Although riding on horseback is never men- tioned among the martial exercises of the early Greeks, it was often practised by them as a swift and easy method of conveyance from place to place ; and that they had attained to great skill in horse- manship is manifest from a passage in the Iliad,' describing a man who keeps four horses abreast at full gallop, and leaps from one to another, amid a crowd of admiring spectators. The Roman desul- tor generally rode only two horses at the same time, sitting on them without a saddle, and vaulting upon either of them at his pleasure.' He wore a hat or cap made of felt. The taste for these exercises was carried to so great an extent, that young men of the highest rank not only drove bigae and quadrigae in the circus, but exhibited these feats of horseman- ship.' Besides performing publicly for the amuse- ment of the spectators, the Roman riders were em- ployed to convey messages with the gi'eatest pos- sible despatch, relieving either horse, when fatigued, by vaulting upon the other.' Among other nations, this species of equestrian dexterity was applied to the purposes of war. Livy mentions a troop of horse m the Numidian army, in which each soldier was supplied with a couple of horses, and in the heat of battle, and when clad in armour, would leap with the greatest ease and celerity from that which was wearied or disabled upon the back of the horse which was still sound and fresh.' The Scythians, DIADEMA. Armenians, and some of the Indians, were skilled in the same art. The annexed woodcut shows three figures of de sultores, one from a bronze lamp, published by Bar toll,' the others from coins. In all these the ridei 1. (Dig. 16, tit. 3. — Cic, OfT., i., 10.— Juv., Sat., liii., 60.— Diiksen, Uiibcrsicht, &c., p. 697.)— 2. (Dig. 49, tit. 16, s. 3.)— 3. (Liv., xxvi., 12,)— 4. (Lipaius, Do Milit. Rom, iv., 4.)— 5. (IT., C79-tie4.)— 6. (Isidor., Orif., xviii., 39.) — 7. (Sact., Jul., 39.- Compare Iho article Cmcuii, p. 256.) — 8. (Ilygiii., Fab., SO.)— 9. (xxiii., 29.) 350 wears a pileus, or cap of felt, and his horse is witii- out a saddle ; but these examples prove that he had the use both of the whip and the rein. On the coins we also observe the wreath and palm-branch as ensigns of victory. DETESTA'TIO SACRO^RUM. (Vid. Sacei.) DEVERSO'RIUM. (Tii. Cadpona.) DEUNX. (Jid. As, p. 110.) DEXTANS. (Yid. As, p. 110.) DIADE'MA fi'id(5)?//a), a white fillet used to en- circle the head ' fascia alba"). The invenUuii of this ornament is by Pliny' at- tributed to " Liber Pater." Diodorus Siculus adds,* that he wore ii to assuage headache, the conse- quence of indulgi ng in wne. Accordingly, in works of ancient art, Bacchus wears a plain bandage on his head, as shown in the woodcut at p. 208. Whether ^e reject or admit the conjecture of Diodorus, we may safely consider the diadem, even in its simplest form, as a decoration which was properly Oriental. It is commonly represented on the heads of Eastern monarchs. Justin' relates that Alexander the Great adopted the large diadem of the kings of Persia, the ends of which fell upon the shoulders, and that this mark- of royalty was preserved by his successors.' Antony assumed it in his luxurious intercourse with Cleopatra in Egypt.' ./Elian says' that the kings of that coun- try had the figure of an asp upon their diadems. In process of time, the sculptors placed the dia- dema on the head of Jupiter, and various other di- vinities besides Bacchus (see examples at p. 245, 292), and it was also gradually assumed by ihe sovereigns of the Western world. It was tied be- hind in a bow ; -whence Tacitus' speaks of the Eu- phrates rising in waves " white with foam, so as to resemble a diadem." By the addition of gold and gems,'" and of pearls from the Erythrean Sea," and by a continual increase in richness, size, and splen- dour, this bandage was at length converted into the crown which has been for many centuries the badge 1. (Anticho Lucerne Sepolcrali, i., 24.)— 2. (Val. Max., n., 2. 7.) — 3. (H. N.,»ii., 57.)— 4. (iv., p. 250, ed. Wesselrag.)--» (xii., 3.) — 6. (See also Lucian, Dial. Diog. et Alex.) — 7. (ri» ru9,iv., 11.)— 8. (V.II., vi., 38.) — 9. (Ann., vi., 37,2.) — H (Isidor., Orig., xii., 31.)— 11. (Claud., Epithal.) DI^TETICA. DliETETICA. o! sovereignty in modern Europe. It must have i been merely in joke that the surname of Diadema- tus was given to L. Metellus, vfho, in order to con- ' ceal an ulcer, had his head for a long time surround- ^ ed with a bandage.' DIABATE'RIA (SiaSar-^pta) was a sacrifice of- fered to Zeus and Athena by the Kings of Sparta upon passing the frontiers of Lacedaeraon with the command of an army. If the victims were unfa- vourable, they disbanded the army and returned home.' DIADICAS'IA (SiaSiKaaia), in its most extended sense, is a mere synonyme of SUtj : technically, it denotes the proceedings in a contest for prefer- ence between two or more rival parties ; as, for instance, in the case of several claiming to succeed as heirs or legatees to the estate of a deceased per- son. Upon an occasion of this kind, it will be ob- served that, as all claimants are similarly situated with respect to the subject of dispute, the ordinary classification of the litigants as plaintiffs and de- fendants becomes no longer applicable. This, in fact, is the essential distinction between the proceedings in question and all other suits in which the parties appear as immediately opposed to each other ; but, as far as forms are concerned, we are not told that they were peculiarly characterized. Besides the case above mentioned, there are several others to be classed ,wilh it in respect of the object of pro- ceedings being an absolute acquisition of property. Among these are to be reckoned the claims of pri- vate creditors upon a confiscated estate, and the contests between informers claiming rewards pro- posed by the state for the discovery of crimes, &c., as upon the occasion, of the mutilation of the Her- mae' and the like. The other class of causes in- cluded under the general term consists of cases like the antidosis of the trierarchs (ciii. Antidosis), con- tests as to who was to be held responsible to the state for public property alleged to have been trans- ferred on one hand and denied on the other,* and questions as to who should undertake a choregia, and many others, in which exemptions from person- al or pecuniary liabilities to the state were the sub- ject of claim by rival parties. In a diadicasia, as in an ordinary dUri, the proper court, the presiding magistrate, and the expenses of the trial, majnly depended upon the peculiar object of the proceed- mgs, and present no leading characteristics for dis- cussion under the general term.' DIAD'OSEIS (SiaSoauf). (Yii. Dianomai ) DLETA. (Yid. House.) DItETE'TICA or DI^TE'TICE (.Scanyrmv), one of the three principal branches into which the ancients divided the art and science of medicine. (Vtd Medicina.) The word is derived from (Si'aira, which meant much the same as our word diet. It is defined by Celsus" to signify that part of medi- cine qua victu medelur, " which cures diseases by means of regimen and diet ;" and a similar expla- nation is given by Plato.' Taken strictly in this sense, it would correspond very nearly with the modern dietetics, and this is the meaning which (as far as the writer is aware) it always bears in the earlier medical writers, and that which will be ad- hered to in the present article ; in some of the later authors it seems to comprehend Gelsus's second grand division, (papfiaKsvTiKii, and is used by Scri- bonius Largus' simply in opposition to chirurgia, so as to answer exactly to the province of our physi- cian. I. (Plin., H. N., jctxiv., 8. )— 2. (Xen., De Rep. Lac, xi., 2. -Thucyd., v., 64, 55, 116. — Wachsrauth, IL, i., p. 391.)— 3. AndcK;., 14.) — 4. (as in Dem., c. Everg. et Miies.)— 5. (Plainer, Process nnd Klajen, li., p. 17, s. 9.)— b. (De Medic, Prjjfat. in lib. i.)_7, (ap. Diog. I.aert., iii., 1, « 85.)— 8. (De Compos. Medicam., I) 200.) No attention seems to have been paid to thia branch of medicine before the date of Hippocrates ; or, at least, it would seem that, whether Homer meant to represent it as it was in his own time, or as he supposed it to have been during the Trojan war, it must have been (according to our modern notions) very defective and erroneous. For instance, he represents Machaon, who liad been wounded in the shoulder by an arrow,' and forced to quit the field, as taking a draught composed of wine, goat's- milk cheese, and flour,' which certainly no modern surgeon would prescribe in such a case.' Hippoc- rates seems to claim for himself the credit of being the first person who had studied this subject, and says the " ancients had written nothing on it worth mentioning."* Among the works commonly ascri- bed to Hippocrates, there are four that bear upon this subject, viz. : 1. Hepl AiaiTijg 'Tyuivrj;, De Sa- luhri Victus Ratione ; 2. Hepi AiaiTT/^, De Vicius Ratione, in three books ; 3. tlepl Aiairti; 'Ofiuv, De Ratione Victus in Morhis Acutis ; and, 4. ITfpi Tpo- (jifjc, De Alimcnto. Of these the third only is con- sidered to be undoubtedly genuine ; but the first was probably written by his son-in-law Polybus ; the second, though evidently not all composed by the same author, is supposed to be as old as Hippoc- rates ; and the fourth, if not the work of Hippoc- rates himself, is nevertheless very ancient.' There is also a good deal of matter on this subject in his other works, as regimen and diet was the first, the chief, and often the only remedy that he employed. Besides these treatises by Hippocrates and his con- temporaries, on the first, third, and fourth of which Galen has left a commentary, the following works on the subject by later authors are still extant • Galen, Xlept Tpo^wv AvvufisDc;, De Aiimentorum Fa- cultatibus ; Id., tlepl Eu;ti',u(af /cat KaKoxv/.clas Tpo- (bijv, De Probis et Pravis Aiimentorum Succis ; Id., Hepi Tjjg Kara Tov 'l-KizoKparjiv AiaiTTjg kirl tuv 'O^- iuv NoaTjfiaTuv, De Victus Ratione in Morbis Acutis ex Hippocratis Senteniia ; Michael Psellus, IJepl Ai- o-LTT}^, De VicLus Ratione ; Theodorus Priscianus, DicEta, sive de Salufaribus Rebus ; Gonstantinus Afer, De Victus Ratione Variorum Morborum. To these may be added the famous Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum ; a treatise by Isaac i^Iskak Ben So- Iciman), De Dicetis Univcrsalibus et Particularibus , another corruptly entitled Tacuini Sanitatis Ellu- chasem Elimithar de Sex Rebus non Naturalibus ; and another by the celebrated Maimonides {Moshck Ben Maimon), De Regiminc Sanitatis : besides sev- eral chapters in the works of Haly Abbas, Avicen- na.and Mesne. It would be out of place here to attempt anything lilie a complete account of the opinions of the ancients on this point ; those who wish for more detailed information must be referred to the different works on medical antiquities, while in this article mention is made of only such partic- ulars as may be supposed to have some interest for the general reader. In the works above enumerated, almost all the articles of food used by the ancients are mentioned, and their real or supposed properties discussed, sometimes quite as fancifully as by Burton in his Anatomy of Melancholy. In some respects they ap- pear to have been much less delicate in their tastes than the moderns, as we find the flesh of the fox, the dog, the horse, and the ass spoken of as com- mon articles of food.' With regard to the quantity of wine drunk by the ancients, we may arrive at something like certainty from the fact that Cajlius 1. (II., xi., 507.)— 2. (Ibid., 638.)— 3. (See Plato, De Hepubl ., p. 405, 406.— Max. Tyr., Sem., 29. — Athenaeus, i., « 17, p. 10.)— 4. (De Rat. Vict, in Morb. Acut., torn, li., p.26, ed. Kiihn.' —5. ( rid. Fabric, Bibl. Gr., vol. ii., ed. llarles.)— 6. (Pseudo^ Hippocr., De Vict. Eat , lib. ii., torn, i., p. 679, 680.) 351 OI^TiiTIOA. DIAITETAI. Aureliaiius mentions it as something extraordinary tiiat the famous Asclepiades, at Rome, in ttie sev- enth century A.U.C, sometimes ordered his patients to double and treble the quantity of wine, till at last (hey drank half wim and half water,' from which it appears that wine was commonly diluted with five or six times its quantity of water. Hippocrates recommends wine to be mixed with an equal quan- tity of water, and Galen approves of the proportion ; but Le Clerc" thinks that this was only in particular cases. In one place' the patient, after great fa- tigue, is recommended iieBvadrjvai iiira^ fj dig, in which passage it has been much doubted whether actual mloxicalion is meant, or only the " drinking freely and to cheerfulness," in which sense the same word is used by St. John* and the LXX.^ According to Hippocrates, the proportions in which wine and water should be mi-^ted together vary ac- cording to the season of the year ; for instance, in summer the wine should be most diluted, and in winter the least so." Exercise of various sorts, and bathing, are also much insisted upon by the writers on diet and regimen ; but for farther partic- ulars on these subjects, the articles Baths and Gym- KAsiuM must be consulted. It may, however, be added, that the bath could not have been very com- mon, at least in private families, in the time of Hip- pocrates, as he says' that " there are few houses in which the necessary conveniences are to be found." Another very favourite practice with the ancients, both as a preventive of sickness and as a remedy, was the taking of an emetic from time to time. The author of the treatise De Victus Eatione, false- ly attributed to Hippocrates, recommends it two or three times a month." Celsus considers it more beneficial in the winter than in the summer,' and says that those who take an emetic twice a month had better do so on two successive days than once a fortnight.'" At the time in which Celsus wrote, this practice was so commonly abused, that Ascle- "iiades, in his work De Sanitate Tuenda, rejected the use of emetics altogether : " Ofensus" says Celsus," " eorum consuetudine, qui quoHdie cjicien- do vorandi facultatem moliuntur.^^^^ It was the cus- tom among the Romans to take an emetic imme- diately before their meals, in order to prepare them- selves to eat more plentifully ; and again soon after, so as to avoid any injury from repletion. Cicero, in tiis account of the day that Cffisar spent with him at his house in the country," says, " Accubuit, ilMCTMi]!! agebat, itaque el edit et bibit uSeui; et ju- cunde. :" and this seems to have been considered a sort of compliment paid by Caesar to his host, as it- intimated a resolution to pass the day cheerlully, and III eat and drink freely with him. He is repre- sented as having done the same thing when he was entertained by King Deiotanis.'* The glutton Vi- tellius IS said to have preserved his own life by con- itar.'. emetics, while he destroyed all his compan- ions who did not use the same precaution," so that one of Ihem, who was prevented by illness from dining with him for a few days, said, " I should certainly ha"'' been dead if I had not fallen sick." Even women, after bathing before supper, used to drink wine and throw it up again, to sharpen their nppetite iFulerm] ^' scxtarius alter Ducittir ante cibum, rabidam facturus orcxim;^^^^ I. (De Morh Chron., lib. }ii., r.. 7, p. 386.)— 2. (Iljst. do li Mtd.)— 3. (Pseudo-IIippocr., Uo Yict. Rat., lib. iii., in fiu.) — 4. (i:.. 10.) — 5. (Gen., xliii., 34. — Cant., v., 1 ; and perhaps Gen., ■T.. SI.)— 6. (Cnmpare Celsus, De Medic, i., 3, p. 31, ed. Ar- ifBnt.)— 7. (Do Rat. Vict, in Mni-h. Acut., p. 62.)- 8. (lib. iii., p. 710.)— n. (De Moilic, i., 3, p. 28.)— 1(1 (Ibid., p. 29.)— 11. (r..:i., p, 27.)— 12. (See also Pliii , 11. N., xxvi., 8.)- 13. (ad Att„ xiii., 52.)— 14. (Cic, Pro Demt., c. 7.)— 15. (Suot., Vitcll., r 13.-Diun Cnss., liv., 2.)— 16. (Juv., Sat,, vi., 427, 428.) 352 so that it might truly be said, in the strong language of Seneca,' " Vomunt, ut edant ; edunl, ut vo- mant."' By some the practice was thought so ef- fectual for strengthening the constitution, that it was the constant regimen of all the athletae, or pro fessed wrestlers, trained for the public shows, in order to make them more robust. Celsus, howev- er,' warns his readers against the too frequent use of emetics without necessity, and merely for luxury and gluttony, and says that no one who has any re- gard for his health, and wishes to live to old age, ought to make it a daily practice.* DIAGR'APHEIS (diaypaipug). (Yid. Etspuora) DIAITE'TAI (StaiTiiTai). The diatniTal, or ar- bitrators mentioned by the Athenian orators, were of two kinds ; the one public, and appointed by lot (KTiTjpuToi), the other private, and chosen (alperoi) by the parties who referred to them the decision of a disputed point, instead of trying it before a court of justice ; the judgments of both, according to Aristotle, being founded on equity rather than law (6 jap StaiTTiT^g TO eirieixic opa, 6 6i dtKaarr/r -dv vo- jj-ov'). . We shall, in the first place, treat of the dmi- TTjTal xlripuToi, following, as closely as possible, the order and statements of Hudtwalcker in his treatise " UebcT die ojfenllichen und Prinat-Schiedsnchier Dia- teten in Athen, und den Process vor denselben." According to Suidas,* the public itanriTal were required to be not less than 50 years of age ; ac- cording to Pollux' and Hesychius, not less than 60 With respect to their number there is some diificul ty, in consequence of a statement of Ulpian,' ac- cording to which it was 440, i. e., 44 for each tribe (^ffav de reacapeg Kol reaaapuKovra, Ka& tKaarriv ^vlriv). This number, however, appears so unne- cessarily large, more especially when it is consid ered that the Attic orators frequently speak of only one arbitrator in each case, that some writers have, with good reason, supposed the reading should be, TjGav (Je TeacapaKovTa, TiacapeQ k. L (p. At any rate, litigious as the Athenians were, it seems that in must have been enough for all purposes. The words koO" kKucrriv (pvXijv imply that each tribe had its own arbitrator ; an inference which is supported by Demosthenes,' where he speaks of the arbitrators of the (Eneid and Erectheid tribes ; as well as by Lysias,'" who, in the words -poanAjia.ifie- vog avTov Trpog rovg t^ 'iTrTrodouvTidi diKd^ovTag, is thought to allude to the dtairriTai of the Hippothoon- tid tribe. With regard to the election of these offi- cers, it is doubtful whether they were chosen by the members of the tribe for which they adjudicated, or in a general assembly of the people. Hudtwalcker inclines to the latter supposition, as being more probable ; we do not think so ; for it seems just as likely, if not more so, that the four arbitrators of each tribe were chosen in an assembly of the tribe itself .\gain, whether they were appointed for life, or only for a definite period, is not expressly men- tioned by the orators ; but as none of the Athenian magistrates, with the exception of the Areiopagites, remained permanently in office, and Demosthenes" speaks of the last day of the Uth month of the year as being the last day of the ihairijrai (^ tta™- raia i/fiipa Tuv diaLTTj-Civ), it seems almost certain that they were elected for a year only. The onlj objection to this conclusion arises from a statement in a fragment of Isajus," where an arbitrator is spoken of as being engaged on a suit for two years {dvo ^Tjj rov 6tatTij7ov ttiv dinTjv ex<^vrog) : if, howev- er, we admit the conjectural reading tCiv diatrirruv. 1. (Cons, ad Helv., 9 < 10.)— 2. (Compare Seneca, Dc Provul., c. 4, Ml — W-> Epjst., 95, (, 21.)— 3. (1. c.,p. 28.)— I. (See MiJ- dieton's Life of Cicero. — Casaubon ad Suet., 1. c.) — 5. (Rhct ■. i., 13.)— 6. (s. V.)— 7. (viii., 126.)— 8. (Deniosth., c. Mcid., 542, 15 1-0. c.Euprj,1142,25.)-10.(c.Paiic!.,731.)— ll.(c.Mciil., 542, 15.J— 12 ,. 361, ed. Rciske.) DIAJIfiTAI. DIAITETAI. the meaning would be in accordance with what we infer from other authoiities, and would only imply that the same cause came before the arbitrators of two different years, a case which might not unfre- quently happen ; if, oa the contrary, the reading of the text is correct, we must suppose that it was sometimes necessary or convenient to re-elect an arbitrator for the decision of a particular case. After discussing this subject, Hudtwalcker raises the question whether or not the public StatTrj-al took any general oath before entering upon their du- ties. The point is not one of great importance, and therefore we shall only observe that such a guaran- tee would seem to be unnecessary ; for we read of their taking oaths previous to giving judgment in the particular cases which came before them.' From this circumstance we should infer that no oath was rxacted from them before they entered upon office : Hudtwalcker is of the contrary opinion, and sug- gests that the purport of their oath of office (amt- seid) was the same as that of the Heliastic oath given by Demosthenes.' The diaiTTiTai of the different tribes appear to liave sat in different places ; as temples, halls, and courts of justice, if not wanted for other purposes. Those of the OSneid and the Erectheid tribes met in the heliaea ;^ we read of others holding a court in the delphinium,* and also in the aroa. ttomiIti.^ Again we are told of slaves being examined by the iiaiTTjTai, sitting for that purpose, under the appel- lation of (iaaaviaTai (vid. Basanos), in the hsphais- teium, or TempleofHephaistos.' Moreover, we are toid of private arbitrators meeting in the Temple of 'Athena on the Acropolis ; and, if the amended reading of Pollux' is correct, we are informed by him, in general terms, that the arbitrators formerly held their courts in the temples {Ai^tuv h iepolg TuAiu). Harpocration also' contrasts the dicasts with the arbitrators, observing that the former had regularly appointed courts of justice (aivoSedciy- uiva.) Another point of difference was the mode of pay- ment, inasmuch as the dicasts received an allow- ance from the state, whereas the only remuneration of the Si-aiTtjTac was a drachma deposited as a irap- ddTacrii' by the complainant on the commencement of the suit, the same sum being also paid for the dv- TOfioaia, and every vKu/ioaia sworn during the pro- ceedings.'" The TTapdaTaaig of which we have been speaking is the same as the dpaxfiv tov MCTro/iaprvpiov men- tioned by Demosthenes." The defendant in this case had failed to give evidence as he ought to have done, and therefore the plaintiff commenced proceedings against him for this arbitrary neglect before the arbitrators in the principal suit, the first step of which was the payment of the jrapdcTaai;. The public arbitrators were iirevdvvoi, i. e., every one who had, or fancied he had, a cause of com- plaint against them for their decisions, might pro- ceed against them by ehayyeAca, or information laid before the senate. For this purpose, says Ul- pian, whose statement is confirmed by Demosthe- nes" in the case of Straton, the public diaetetae were, towards the close of their year of office, and during the latter days of the month Thargelion, required to present themselves in some fixed place, probably near the senate-house, that they might be ready to answer any charge brought against them, of which 1. (laasus, De Bicxog. 3Iered.,p. 54.— Demosth., c. Callip., p. 1244.)— 2. (c. Timocr., 747.)— 3. (Demosth., c. Euerg., 1142, 25.)-4. (Id., noBot., ii., 1011.)— 5. (Id., c. Steph., i., 1106.)— 6. (Isocr., Tpuir£C,361, 21, ed. Bekker.)— 7. (Onom., viii., I2C.) —8. (s. V.)— 9. (PoIlM, Onom., viii., 39.)— 10. (Pollux,Tiii., 39 •nd 127.— Hai-pocr., s. t — Comparo BSckli, vol. ii., p. 207, traiisl.)— 11. (c. Timoth., 1190.)— 12. (c. Meid.) Y Y they received a previous notice. The piinish.neut, in case of condemnation, was un/iia, or the loss of civic rights. Harpocration,' however, informs us that the ehayyeXia against the arbitrators was brought before the dicasts or judges of the regular courts ; but this probably happened only on appeal, or in cases of great importance, inasmuch as the /3ot)Xi? could not inflict a greater penalty than a fine of 500 drachmae with drijiia. We may now discuss the competency of the diae- tetae, i. e., the extent of their jurisdiction, with re- spect to which Pollux" states, that in former times no suit was brought into a court before it had beer investigated by the diaetetae (TraAai ovdefiia Sutr/ ivplv eni diaiTtjTu; tWclv dafiyeTo). There can be but little doubt that the word ndXai here refers to a time which was ancient with reference to the age of the Athenian orators, and therefore that this pre- vious investigation was no longer requisite in the days of Demosthenes and his contemporaries. Still we find the ditetetae mentioned by them in very many cases of civil actions, and it is not unhkely that the magistrates, whose duty it was to bring ac- tions into court (eiadyetv), encouraged the process before the arbitrators, as a means of saving the state the payment which would otherwise have been due to the dicasts.^ Hudtwalcker is accord- ingly of opinion that the diaetet^ were competent to act in all cases of civil action for restitution or com- pensation, but not of penal or criminal indictments lypaijial) ; and, moreover, that it rested with the com- plainant whether his cause: was brought before thero in the first instance, or sent at once to a higher court of judicature.* But, besides hearing cases of this sort, the dimiri rai sat as commissioners of inquiry on matters of fact which could not be conveniently examined in a court of justice,^ just as what is called an " issue" is sometimes directed by our own Court of Chan- cery to an inferior court, for the purpose of trying a question of fact, to be determined by a jury. Either party in a suit could demand or challenge {irpoKa- leladai) an inquiry of this sort before an arbitra- tor, the challenge being called wpoKlrjai; : a term which was also applied to the " articles of agree- ment" by which the extent and object of the inqui- ry were defined.' Many instances of these -Kpo- Klriaiig are found in the orators ; one of the most frequent is the demand or offer to examine by tor- ture a slave supposed to be cognizant of a matter in dispute, the damage which might result to the own- er of the slave being guarantied by the party who demanded the examination.' See also Demosthe- nes;;* who observes that the testimony of a slave, elicited by torture, was thought of more value by the Athenians than the evidence of freemen. ( Vid. Basanos.) Another instance, somewhat similar to the last, was the itpoKlriaig d( fiaprvpiav,' where a party proposed to his opponent that the decision of a disputed point should be determined by the evi- dence of a third party.'" Sometimes, also, we read of a TvpoKlnciQ, by which a party was challenged to allow the examination of documents, as wills," deeds, bankers' books, &c."' It is manifest that the forms and objects of a wpoK^ais would vary according to the matter in dispute, and the evidence which was producible; we shall therefore content ourselves with addimi that the term was also used when a party chaf lenged his adversary to make his allegation under nM""- S"'S*-: °- ^"Sr- 1387.)-7. (Har'pocr., s^ ,' np ypafiuarelu ro eyK^^ifia Kol to Tcfiyfia). If the defendant were not present on the proper day to make his last defence, judgment went against him by default {epTJit-^v u^/'.e), the arbitrator being obliged to wait till the evening (injie i/fiipai'). Sometimes, however, the time of pronouncing sen- tence was deferred in consequence of a deposition (mo/ioaia*) alleging a. satisfactory cause for post- ponement, such as sickness, absence from town, military service, or other reasons. To substantiate these, the applicant, when possible, appeared per- sonally ; but if a party was prevented from appear- ing on the day of trial by any unexpected event, the majioaia might be made on oath by authorized friends.' The ma/^oaia might be met by a counter- statement {avBvKafioaia) from the opposite party, affirming his. belief that the reasons alleged were fictitious or colourable. In connexion with this point, we may observe that, according to Pollux,' the motion for a new trial could only be sustained in cases where the applicant had made a vnofu>ma, and demurred either personally or by proxy against the passing of judgment on the regular day. More- over, it was incumbent on the party who wished for a new trial to move for it within ten days after judgment had been pronounced, and even then he was obliged to take a kind of v-a/ioaia, to the effect that his absence on the proper day was involuntary {ofioaa^ /uf ^Kuv kK?i.L7ceiv ttjv diairav''). In default of compliance with these conditions, the previous sentence was confirmed.' We are told also by Photius,' that it was competent for plaintiff as well as defendant to move for a new trial on the grounds we have mentioned. When it was granted, the former verdict was set aside (i/ ip^/ir/ iXvero), and the parties went again before an arbitrator, probably through the instrumentality of the eiaayuyeti, tc whom application had been made in the first in- stance. The process itself is called avriXri^cc in Greek, and does not seem to have been confined tf trials before the dtanriTal : the corresponding term in Roman law is restauratio crcmodicii. This, however, was not the only means of setting aside a judgment, inasmuch as it might also be ef- fected by an i^eirtf, or appeal to the higher courts (md. APPELL.A.TIO, Greek), and if false evidence had been tendered, by a fiiKii KaKorcxviiJv.^'' For an ac- count of the proceedings consequent upon non-com- 1. (c. Meid., 542.)— 2. (viii., 127.)— 3. (Dcmosth.. c. Meid.. 541.— Id., c. Timoth., 1190.)— 4. (Pollux, viii., 60.— Hai-pocr., s V.)— 5. (Demosth., c. Olymp., 1174, 4.— Pollux, Onom., m, 58.)— 6. (riii,, 60.)— 7. (PoUui, Onom.,Tiii., 60.)— 8. (Demostl- c. Meid., 542.)— 9. (Lex., a. v. Mfi oZtja ^1117.)— 10. (HaipMr 1. v.— Demosth., c. Timoth., 1201, 5.) DIAMARTYRIA. pliance with a final judgment, see Enechyra and ExouLEs Dike. We will now speak of the strictly private arbi- trators, chosen by mutual agreement between con- tending parties, and therefore generally distinguished by the title alperoi, of whom it must be understood that they were not selected from the diaiTrjTai of the tribes. The powers with which they were in- vested were, as we might suppose, not always the game ; sometimes they were merely SLaXkaiiTai, or chosen to effect a compromise or reconcQiation : thus Iseeus' speaks of arbitrators offering either to bring about a reconciUation if they could, without taking an oath, or to make an award (avo^aiveaBai) upon oath. Sometimes, on the other hand, they were purely referees, and then their powers de- pended upon the terms of the agreement of refer- ence ; if these powers were limited, the arbitration was a diaiTa kitl ^n^rolg.'' The agreement was not merely a verbal contract {stipdaiio), but drawn up in writing Qmrpo-rrri Kara awdr/Kai"), and signed by the parties ; it fixed the number of referees (gener- ally three), determined how many unanimous votes were necessary for a valid decision, and probably reserved or prohibited, as the case might be, a right of appeal to other authorities.* If there were no limitations, these SimTi/Tai were then, so to speak, arbitrators proper, according to the definition of Festus ;* " Arbiter dicitur judex, quod totius rei habcat arbitrium et potestalem." More- over, no appeal could be brought against their judg- ment ;' though we read of an instance of a party having persuaded his opponent to leave a matter to the arbitration of three persons ; and afterward, when he found they were likely to decide against himself, going before one of the public arbitrators ('ETTt Tov kXtiputov dtaiTjjTTjv ^A0(jv'). We should, however, suppose that in this case there was no written avvB^Krj. The award was frequently given under the sanction of an oath, and had the same force as the judgment which proceeded from a court of law, so that it might be followed by a S'ikij t^ovTiTjc-" We may add, that these private SiairriTai are spoken of as sitting kv tO IspCi, h> ru 'K^aLaTetu, and that in some cases it was customary to give notice of their appointment to the proper archon or magistrate {arroipipeLv Tzpog ttjv apxvv), who, as Hudt- walcker suggests, may have acted as an daayaydg in the case.' DIAMARTYRTA (Sta/Mprvpia) was a solemn protest against the proceedings at the anacrisis, in nearly all causes, whether public or private. It purported that the action pending could or could not be brought into court, and operated as a hin- derance to its farther progress until this question was decided. The protest was, like all the other pro- ceedings at an anacrisis, put in in writing, together with the evidence requisite for its corroboration, and the question raised by it was decided by the tribunal that had cognizance of the original cause. The only peculiarity in the conduct of the trial seems to have been, that the party against whom the protest was made was the first to address the court. According to Harpocration, the plaintiff was entitled to adopt this method of proceeding first, and the protest was only allowed to the de- fendant upon his antagonist's omitting to do so ; but, besides the two original parties, we are told that a third (o fiovXofievo^) might interpose by pro- test, and thus fro tempore substitute himself for one of the litigants. It seems probable that the epo- DIAPSEPHISIS. belia, or sixth part of the damages estimated in the original cause, was forfeited in some diamartyrise,' when the protester failed in obtaining a fifth of tha voices of the dicasts ; and in others, a deposite (tto paKaTa6olri') was forfeited by the unsuccessful party to his opponent.' DIAMASTIGO'SIS {SLa/iaaTiyam;) was a solem- nity performed at Sparta at the festival of Artemis Orthia, whose temple was called Limnseon, from its situation in a marshy part of the town.* The solem- nity was this : Spartan youths {IfijBoi) were scour- ged on the occasion at the altar of Artemis, by persons appointed for the purpose, until their blood gushed forth and covered the altar. The scourging itself was preceded by a preparation, by which those who intended to undergo the diamastigosis tried to harden themselves against its pains. Pausanias describes the origin of the worship of Artemis Or- thia, and of the diamastigosis, in the following manner ; A wooden statue of Artemis, which Ores- tes had brought from Tauris, was found in a busli by Astrabanes and Alopecus, the sons of Irbus. The two men were immediately struck mad at the sight of it. The Limnaeans and the inhabitants of other neighbouring places then offered sacrifices to the goddess ; but a quarrel ensued among them, in which several individuals were killed at the altar of Artemis, who now demanded atonement for the pollution of her sanctuary. From henceforth hu- man victims were selected by lot and offered to Artemis, until Lycurgus introduced the scourging of young men at her altar as a substitute for human sacrifices. The diamastigosis, according to this account, was a substitute for human sacrifice, and Lycurgus made it also serve his purpose of education, in so far as he made it a part of the system of hardeninj the Spartan youths against bodily sufferings.' Ac- cording to another far less probable account, the diamastigosis originated in a circumstance, record- ed by Plutarch,^ which happened before the battle of Plataese. The worship of Artemis Orthia was unquestion- ably very ancient, and the diamastigosis only a step from barbarism towards civilization. ' Many anec- dotes are related of the courage and intrepidity with which young Spartans bore the lashes of the scourge ; some even died without uttering a mur- mur at their sufferings, for to die under the strokes was considered as honourable a death as that on the field of battle.' DIAN'OMAI or DIA'DOSEIS (diavo/iai or 6ia66- aeic) were public donations to the Athenian people, which corresponded to the Roman congiaria. ( Vid. CoNGiiRiuM.) To these belong the free distribu- tions of corn,' tHfe cleruchiae (vid. Cleeuchi), the revenues from the mines, and the money of the theorica. (Vid. Theoricojj.)' DIA'PHANE EIMATA (dio^Sav^ el/iara) were garments similar to the celebrated Coo: vcstcs of the Romans ; but as they are mentioned in Aris- tophanes and the earlier Greek writers (Siaav^ XiTavia,^' l/idna Siacfiaivovra'^^), they were probably made of muslin and not of silk, which is supposed to be the material of which the Coae vestes were made. (Fid. Coa Vestip.)'^ DIAPSE'PHISIS (6iai,7J,piw.s), a political institu- tion at Athens, the object of which was to prevent aliens, or such as were the offspring of an unlawful 1. (De DiciEog. Hereil., p. 54, eil. Bekk.)— 2. (Isocr., c. Call., 373, eel. Bekk.)-3. (Demosth., c. Phonn., 912.)— 4. (Isocr., c. Call., 375, ed. Bekk.— Demosth., c. Apat., 897.)— 5. (p. 15, ed. MuUer.) — 6. (Demosth., c. MeW., 545.) — 7. (Demostl c Apheb., 86S.) — 8. (Demosth., c. Callip., 1240, 22.) — 9. (De- moi"li., c. Callip., 1244, 14.— Id., o. Moid., 542, 14.) 1. (Platner, i., 180. — Demosth., c. Leoch., 1098, 12.) 2. (Meier, Att. Process, 640.)— 3. (Platner, i., 163.)— 4. (Paus * iii., 16, 6.)— 5. (Plut., Lye, 18.— Instit. Laced., p. 244 — Cic ' Tusc. Quist.,T., 27.)— 6. (Aristid., 17.)— 7. (Compare MuUert Dorians, u., 9, i S, note k, and iv., 5, i) 8, note c— IVIanso, Spar ta, 1., 2, 183.)— 8. (Aristoph., Vesp., 715.)— 9. (Bockh, Pub) Econ., 1., p. 289.)— 10. (Aristoph., Lysistr., 48.)— 11. (Philom- Fragm., p. 387, ed. Meineke.)— 12. (Bekker, Charikles, ii., p 335 DIAPSEPHISIS. DICASTERION. marriage, from assuming the rights of citizens. As usurpations of this liind were not uncommon at Athens,' various measures had been adopted against them (w'li. Graphaiienias and Doroxenias) ; but as none of them had the desired effect, a new meth- od, the dLaip^ the nature nor of the usual amount of the court fees, but a kind of penalty, as it was forfeited by the suiter in case he failed in establishing his cause. In a suit against the treasury, it was tixed at a fifth ; in that of a claim to the property of a deceased per- son by an alleged heir or devisee, at a tenth of the value sought to be recovered.' If the action was not intended to be brought before an hehastic court, but merely submitted to the arbitration of a diaete- tes (rid. Diaitet.ii), a course which was competent to the plaintiff to adopt in all private actions,' the drachma paid in the place of the deposite above mentioned bore the name of TrapdaToai^. The de- posites being made, it became the duty of the magis- trate, if no manifest objection appeared on the face of the declaration, to cause it to be written out on a tablet, and exposed for the inspection of the pub- Uc on the wall or other place that served as the cause-list of his court." The magistrate then appointed a day for the far- ther proceedings of the anacrisis (vid. Anacrisis), which was done by drawing lots for the priority, in case there was a plurality of causes instituted at the same time ; and to this proceeding the phrase \ayxaveiv SIktiv, which generally denotes to bring an action, is to be primarily attributed. If the plain- tiff failed to appear at the anacrisis, the suit, of course, fell to the ground ; if the defendant made default, judgment passed against him.' Both par- ties, however, received an official summons before their non- appearance was made the ground of either result. An affidavit might at this, as well as at other periods of the action, be made in behalf of a person unable to attend upon the given day, and this would, if allowed, have the effect of postponing far- ther proceedings (vtu/joctio) ; it might, however, be 1. (Aristoph., Nub., 1100.)— 2. (Demosth., c. Zeiioth., SOtt — c. Aristog., 778.)— 3. (Meier, Alt. Process, 580.)— 4. (Matth., Do Jud. Ath., 261.)— 5. (Meier, Att. Pi-ocess, 613.)— 6. (Malth., 1)0 Juil. Ath., 260.)— 7. (Hudtw., Do Diastet., 35.)— 8. (Meier, Att. Process. 605.)— 9, (Meier, Att. Process, 623.) DICE. DICTAMNUS. combated by a counter-affidaTit to the effect that the alleged reason was unfounded or othenvise in- sufficient {avBvKUjjoaia) ; and a question would arise upon this point, the decision of which, when adverse to the defendant, would render him liable to the penalty of contumacy.' The plaintiff was in this case said IprijiTiv iXtlv : the defendant, eprifirjv bip^fXv, SiKTjv being the word omitted in both phra- ses. If the cause were primarily brought before an umpire (tiiaiTi;7ijf), the anacrisis was conducted by him ; in cases of appeal it was dispensed with as unnecessary. The anacrisis began with the affida- vit of the plaintiff (■zpoufioaia), then followed the answer of the defendant {avTujioaia or avTiypatpij) (vid. Antigkaphe), then the parties produced their respective witnesses, and reduced their evidence to writing, and put in originals, or authenticated copies of all the records, deeds, and contracts that might be useful in establishing their case, as well as mem- oranda of offers and requisitions t)ien made by ei- ther side (jrpo/(X^(T£if ). The whole of the documents were then, if the cause took a straightforward course {siBvdmia), enclosed on the last day of the anacrisis in a casket (Ejivof ), which was sealed and intrusted to the custody of the presiding magistrate till it was produced and opened at the trial. Du- ring the interval no alteration in its contents was permitted, and, accordingly, evidence that had been discovered after the anacrisis was not producible at the trial.'' In some causes, the trial before the di- casts was by law appointed to come on within a given time ; in such as were not provided for by such regulations, we may suppose that it would principally depend upon the leisure of the magis- trate. The parties, however, might defer the day (Kvpia) by mutual consent.' Upon the court being assembled, the magistrate called on the cause,* and the plaintiff opened his case. At the commence- ment of the speech, the proper officer (o kf iiup) filled the clepsydra with water. As long as the water flowed from this vessel, the orator was per- mitted to speak ; if, however, evidence was to be read by the officer of the court, or a law recited, the water was stopped till the speaker recommenced. The quantity of water, or, in other words, the length of the speeches, was not by any means the same in all causes : in the speech against Macartatus, and elsewhere, one amphora only was deemed sufficient ; eleven are mentioned in the impeachment of ^schi- nes for misconduct in his embeissy. In some few cases, as those of /ca/cucr(f, according to Harpocra- tion, no limit was prescribed. The speeches were sometimes interrupted by the cry Kardia — "go down," in effect, "cease speaking" — from the di- casts, which placed the advocate in a serious dilem- ma ; for if, after this, he still persisted in his address, he could hardly fail to offend those who bid him stop ; if he obeyed the order, it might be found, after the votes had been taken, that it had emana- ted from a minority of the dicasts.' After the speeches of the advocates, which were, in general, two on each side, and the incidental reading of the documentary and other evidence, the dicasts pro- ceeded to give their judgment by ballot. (Vid. Cadiskoi.) When the principal point at issue was decided in favour of the plaintiff, there followed, in many cases, a farther discussion as to the amount of damages or penalty which the defendant should pay. {Yii AraNES ATIMHTOI KAI TIMHTOI.) The meth- od of voting upon this question seems to have varied, in that the dicasts used a small tablet instead of a ballot-ball, upon which those that approved of the 1. {Demosth.. c. Olymp., 1174.)— 2. (Demosth., c. BoBot., i , ,^:r?- (Demosth., c. Phaen., 1042.) — 4. (Plainer, Process inii Klagen, i., 182.)— 5. (Aristoph., Vesp., 973.) heavier penalty drew a long line, the others a shofl one.' Upon judgment being given in a private suit, the Athenian law left its execution very much in the hands of the successful party, who was empow- ered to seize the movables of his antagonist as a pledge for the payment of the money, or institute an action of ejectment (cfoiiXi^f) against the refrac- tory debtor. The judgment of a court of dicasts was in general decisive (dUri avTOTc/.TJc) ; but upon certain occasions, as, for instance, when a gross case of perjury or conspiracy could be proved by the unsuccessful party to have operated to his dis- advantage, the cause, upon the conviction of such conspirators or witnesses, might be commenced de novo. (Vid. Appellatio, Greek.) In addition to which, the party against whom judgment had pass- ed by default had the power to revive the cause, upon proving that his non-appearance in court was inevitable (t^v epr/firiv iivrikaxuv^) ; this, however, was to be exercised within two months after the original judgment. If the parties were willing to refer the matter to an umpire (limin^T^f), it was in the power of the magistrate to transfer the proceed- ings as they stood to that officer ; and in the same way, if the diaetetes considered the matter in hand too high for him, he might refer it to the eiaayayevs, to be brought by him before an heliastic court. The whole of the proceedings before the diaetetes were analogous to those before the dicasts, and bore equally the name of di/cTj : but it seems that the phrase avriXaxelv rr/v /i?; oicav is peculiarly ap- plied to the revival of a cause before the umpire in which judgment had passed by default. (Fid. Di- AITETAI.) The following are the principal actions, both pub- lic and private, which we read of in the Greek wri- ters, and which are briefly discussed under their several heads : Ai'/f!? or Tpa7j — 'Aji/ciof irpof tov Sf/izov : 'Xyeup- yiov : 'Aypa(j>iov : 'Aypa(j)ov fi€TuUov : AIkIo^: 'A/m- y'iov : 'A/i6?.uaea( : 'AfieXiov : 'Avayuyijg ; 'Avavfia- xiov : 'AvipaTiodwjiov : ' AvSpa-irdSuv : Airarriaeac tov Stjuov : 'A^opftijc : ' AiroXehjieui : 'A-nomfnjteur: ■ 'Airo- araalov : ' ATrpoaraaiov : 'Apjia; : 'Apyvpiov : 'AacSet- a( : 'A(7TpaTeiai : Avrofioklac ■ AiiTOTelrig : BeSaiu- ami: Biaiuv : BAiifij/j- : Bov?.ervasu( : KaKT/yopca; : Kafcaaeu; : Ko/co?-e:;f ;<«jjj ; Kapwov : KaTa7aia£u^ tov Sijuov : KoTaoKOTzm- : Xplov^ : Xuplov : KAoff^f : Ae- Kaojiov^ : AeMa( : Aupuv : Aupo^eviac : 'Eyyvj^ : 'Evomiov : 'ETZiTpir/papxij/iaToc : 'EiriTpoTrjJQ : 'Efo- jcryijc |_ 'E^aipiasuc : 'EfovXj^f : 'Apiraysyf : Eipy/iov : 'ETaipfjoeaf : 'Upoavlia^ : 'Tn-oSoA^f : 'T6peu(: Aet- TiOfiapTvpiov : AsnrovavTiov : Asi.7roaTpa-lov : Aenzo TO^iov : Miadoi : MmSuaEuj- oIkov : Moixtiag : No- fiiafiaTog Sta(ji6opuc: ■ OUia; : UapaKaTaO^KT/; : Uapa- votag : Tlapavo^av : Hapavpeafidac : napeioypa(j>7j( : ^apfidxav : ^ovov : iupug a^avoijf ical /ledTmepivt;^ : idopug Tuv ilevdipuv : Xlpoayuylag : Upodooiag : Upoeio^opag : lipoiKOc : -fevdeyypaijnjc : ■irevSoK'li.ji- Teiag : •teySofiap-vpiuv : 'PrjTopiK^ : ^Kvpia : ZItov : lvKO(j)avTiai ■ ^vfi6oXaiav or ^wdTjuuv izapaiuctug : TpavfioTog f/c Trpovoiat; : TvpavviSog DI'CROTA. (Vid. BiREMis.) ♦DICTAMNUS {fmrdfivo;), a plant, the Dittany of Crete, or Origanum Dictamnus. Virgil gives a very striking description of it, and records the pop- ular belief of its great efficacy in the cure of wounds ' Pliny and those who came after him also attest its great virtues in this respect : the arrow or missile with which the wound had been inflicted dropped from It on applying the juice of the Dictamnus, amf the stags, when wounded by the hunter, caused the weapon to fall out from the wound by browsing upon this plant I The moderns make no use of it MeT'w'sJ"''-' ^"i>-^- ''^l'^^", Process uad Kl»gen, , AMO.) — a. {^n., III., 412, seq.) 359 DICTATOR. DICTATOR. experience having stiown how little reliance was to be placed on these statements. The Dictamnus which grew on Mount Ida, in Crete, was the most highly esteemed. It is to he regretted that Linnae- us has given the name of Dictamnus to a kind of plant which has no relation whatever to the one mentioned by Virgil. DICTATOR. The name and office of dictator are confessedly of Latin origin : thus we read of a dictator a\ Tusculum in early, at Lanuvium in very late, times.' Among the Albans, also, a dictator was sometimes elected, as Mettus Fuffetius on the death of their king Cluilius. Nor was this magistracy confined to single cities ; for we learn from a frag- ment of Cato, that the Tusculan Egerius was dicta- tor over the whole nation of the Latins.' Among the Romans, a dictator was generally ap- pointed in circumstances of extraordinary danger, whether from foreign enemies or domestic sedition. Instances occur very frequently in the early books of Livy, from whom we also learn that a dictator was sometimes created for the following purposes : 1. For fixing the " clavus annalis" in the temple of Jupiter, in times of pestilence or civil discord. ( Vid. Clavus Annalis.) 2. For holding the comitia, or elections, in the absence of the consuls.^ 3. For appointing holydays (feriarum consiituendarum cau- sa) on the appearance of prodigies,* and officiating at the ludi Romani if the praetor could not attend ;' also for holding trials (gutEstionibus exercendis'), and, on one occasion, for filling up vacancies in the sen- ate.' In this last case there were two dictators, one abroad and another at home ; the latter, how- I'ver, without a magister equitum. According to the oldest authorities, the dictator- ship was instituted at Rome ten years after the ex- pulsion of the Tarquinii, and the first dictator was said to have been T. Lartius, one of the consuls of the year.* Another account states that the consuls of the year in which the first dictator was appoint- ed were of the Tarquinian party, and therefore dis- trusted. This tradition naturally suggests the inference that the dictator was on this first occasionappointed to di- rect and supersede the consuls (moderator et magister cotisulibus appositas), not qnly with a view to foreign wars, but also for the purpose of sununarily punish- ing any member of the state, whether belonging to the commonalty or the governing burghers, who should be detected in plotting for the restoration of the exiled king.' The powers with which a dicta- tor was invested will show how far his authority was adequate for such an object. In the first place, he was formerly called magister populi, or master of the burghers ;'° and, though cre- ated for six months only, his power within the city was as supreme and absolute as that of the consuls without," In token of this, the fasces and secures (the latter, instruments of capital punishment) were carried before him even in the city." Again, no ap- peal against the dictator was at first allowed either to the commons or the burghers, although the latter had, even under the kings, enjoyed the privilege of appealing from them to the great council of the pa- tricians {prmocare ad populum); a privilege, more- over, which the Valerian laws had confirmed and secured to them against any magistracy whatever." This right, howevur, was subsequently obtained by the members of the liouses," and perhaps eventually by the plebeians ; an instance of its being used is given by Livy," in tliecase of M. Fabius, who, when I. (Cic, Pro Mil., 10.)— 2. (Niobuhr, i., p. 589.)— 3. (Liv., jiii., 23 ; ix., ".)— 4. (Id., vii., 28.)— 5. (III., viii.,40; ix., 34.) —0. (Id., ix., 20.)— 7. (Id., XXIII., 23.) — 8. (Liv., ii., 18.)— 9. (Arnold, i., p. 144.)— 10. (Vdrro, Do Ling. Lat,, v., 02.)— 11. (Li-., Tiii., 32.)— 12. (Id., ii., 18.)-13. (Liv., ji., 8— Cic, De Rcii.,ii., Jl.)— 14. (Fest., Opt. Lex. 1—15. (vm., 33.) 3G0 his son was persecuted by the dictator L. Papirius, appealed on his behalf to the " populus," the patri- cians of the curies. Still, even in this case the populus had recourse to entreaties rather than au- thority. Moreover, no one was eligible to the dictatorship unless he had previously been consul or praetor, for such was the old name of the consul' Afterward, when the powers of the old praetors had been divi- ded between the two consuls who went to their provinces abroad, and the praetorians who adminis- tered justice at home, prstorians as well as consu- lars were qualified for the office. The first plebeian dictator was C. Martius Rutilus, nominated (dictus) by the plebeian consul M. Popillius Lsenas, B.C. 356." With respect to the electors and the mode of elec- tion, we are told' that on the first institution of the office, the dictator was created by the populus or burghers (M. Valerius qui primus magister a populo creatus est), just 'as it had been the custom for the kings to be elected by the patricians. Dionysius* tells us that the people merely ratified (eTzt-ipjiijiiaaTo) the choice of the senate. But the common prac- tice, even in very early times, was for the senate to select an individual, who was nominated in the dead of the night by one of the consuls, and then re- ceived the imperium, or sovereign authority, from the assembly of the curies.' This ratification was in early times indispensable to the validity of the election, just as it had been necessary for the kings, even after their election by the curies, to apply to them for investiture with the imperium {legem curi- atam de imperio ferre'). The possession of the right of conferring the im- perium may, as Niebuhr suggests, have led the pa- tricians to dispense with voting on the preluninary nomination of the senate, although it is not impos- sible that the right of ratification has been confound- ed with the power of appointment. In later times, however, and after the passing of the Maenian law, the conferring of the impenum was a mere form. Thenceforward it was only necessary that the con- sul should consent to proclaim the person nomina- ted by the senate.' In the statement we have just made with respect to the nominations by the senate, we have ijeen guided chiefly by the authority of Livy ; but we must not omit to mention that, according to Diony- sius, the senate only resolved oo the appointment of a dictator, and left the choice to be made by one of the consuls. Some instances mentioned in Livy certainly confirm this opinion ; but they are gener- ally, though not always, cases in which a dictator was appointed for some single and unimportant pur- pose ;" nor is it likely that the disposal of kingly power would have been intrusted, as a matter of course, to the discretion of an individual. On one of these occasions we read that the consuls in ofiice refused for some time to declare a dictator, though required by the senate to do so, till they were com- pelled by one of the tribunes.' There were, in fact, religious scruples against the nomination being made by any other authority than the consuls ;'" and to such an extent were they carried, that after the battle at the Trasimene lake, the only surviving consul being from home, the people elected a pro- dictator, and so met the emergency. We may ob- serve that Livy states, with reference to this case, that the people could not create a dictator, having never up to that time exercised such a power {quod 1. (Lit., ii., 18.)— 2. (Liv., vii., 17.— Arnold, ii., p. 84.)— i (Post., Opt. Lex.)— 4. (v., 70.)— 5. (Liv., ix., 38.)— 6. (Cic., Dt Kepub., ii., 13, 17.)— 7. (Niebuhr,i., p. S09.)— 8. ;LiT.,viii.,23 il., 7.— Diottys., X , 23.)— 9. (Liv., iv., 26.)— 10 (Liv., iv., 31 zxvii., c. 5.) DICTATOR. DIES. nunquam ante earn diem factum erat) : we find, how- ever, ia a ca.5e subsequent to this (B.C. 213), that the people did appoint a dictator for holding the elections, though the consul of the year protested against it, as an encroachment upon his privileges; but even then the consul nominated, though he did not appoint.^ Dionysius" informs us tliat the authority of a dic- tator was supreme in everylliing (jroXejiov re nal eipr/vrii nai navTo; uaXov ■KpayjiaTOf avTOKparap), and that, till the time of Sulla, no dictator had ever abused his power. There were, however, some limitations, which we will mention. 1. The period of office was only six months,^ and at the end of that time a dictator might be brought to trial for any acts of tyranny committed by him whUe in power.* Many, however, resigned their author- ity before the expiration of the six months, after completing the business for which they were ap- pointed. 2. A dictator could not draw on the treas- ury beyond the credit granted him by the senate,' nor go out of Italy,' nor even ride on horseback without the permission of the people,' a regulation apparently capricious, but perhaps intended to show wlience his authority came. The usurped powers of the dictators Sulla and Julius Caesar are, of course, not to be compared with the genuine dic- tatorship. After the death of the latter, the office was abolished forever by a law of Antony, the con- sul.' The title, indeed, was offered to Augustus, but he resolutely refused it,' in consequence of the odium attached to it from the conduct of Sulla when dictator ; in fact, even during the later ages of the Republic, and for one hundred and twenty years previous to Sulla's dictatorship, the office itself had been in abeyance, though the consuls were fre- quently invested, in time of danger, with something lilie a dictatorial power by a senatus consultum, empowering them to take measures for securing the state against harm iut darent operam ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet). Together with the master of the burghers, or the dictator, there was always appointed (dictatori addi- tus) a magister equitum, or master of the knights. In many passages of Livy, it is stated that the lat- ter was chosen by the dictator. This, however, was not always the case ; at any rate, we meet with instances where the appointment was made by the senate or the plebs.'" He was, of course, sub- ject, like other citizens, to the dictator ; but his au- thority is said to have been equally supreme, within his own jurisdiction, over the knights and accensi :" who the latter are it is difficult to determine.'' Nie- buhr'^ says of the magister equitum, " The func- tions of this officer in the state are involved in ob- scurity ; that he was not merely the commander of the horse, and the dictator's lieutenant in the field, is certain. I conjecture that he was chosen by the centuries of the plebeian knights, and that he was their protector : the dictator may have presided at the election, and have taken the votes of the twelve centuries on the person whom he proposed to them. This might afterward have fallen into disuse, and ho would then name his colleague himself." This conjecture, although plausible, is far from being supported by the authority of Livy, who speaks of both officers as being " creati," and of the ma/- gister equitum as being " additus dictatori," in such a way as to justify the inference that they were both appointed by the same authority, just as they were both selected from the same class of men. the eonsulares or prstorii. 1. (Liv., ixii., 8, 31.)— 2. (v., 73.)— 3. (Liv., ix., 34.)— 4. (Liv., vu., 4.)— 5. (Niebulir, note 1249.) — 6. (Liv., Epit., ]dx.) — 7. (W., ixiii., 14.)— 8. (Cic, Phil., i., 1.)— 9. (Suot.,Octavr., c.52.) —10. (Liv., ii., 18 ; viii., 17 ; x-\vii., 5.)— 11. (Varro, De Ling. Lat . ,., 82.)— 12. (Arnold, i., p. 144.)— 13. (i., p. 596.) Z z On one occasion the pnople made a master of t!ie horse, M. Minucius, equal in command with the dictator Fabius Maximus.' DICTYNNTA (Aj/cnJi-vm), a festival with sacri- fices, celebrated at Cydonia in Crete, in honour of Artemis, surnamed Murvvva or hmTivvma, from SiKTVov, a hunter's net.' Particulars respecting its celebration are not known. Artemis Murvvva was also worshipped at Sparta,^ and at Ambrysus in Phocis.* DIES (of the same root as Sio; and dcus^). The name dies was applied, like our word day, to the time during which, according to the notions of the ancients, the sun performed his course around the earth ; and this tune they called the civd day (dies civilis, in Greek vvx6>jfi£pov, because it included both night and day'). The natural day {dies naturalis), or the time from the rising to the setting of the sun, was likewise designated by the name dies. The civil day began with the Greeks at the setting of the sun, and with the Romans at midnight ; with the Babylonians at the rising of the sun, and with the Umbrians at midday.' We have here only to consider the natural day, and, as its subdivisions were different at different times, and not always the same among the Greeks as among the Romans, we shall endeavour to give a brief account of the va- rious parts into which it was divided by the Greeks at the different periocj^ of their history, and then proceed to consider its divisions among the Ro- mans, to which will be subjoined a short list of re- markable days. At the time of the Homeric poems, the natural day was divided into three parts.' The first, called ^uc, began with sunrise, and comprehended the whole space of time during which light seemed to be increasing, i. e., till midday.' Some ancient grammarians have supposed that in some instances Homer used the word fiuq for the whole day, but Nitzsch" has shown the incorrectness of this opin- ion. The second part was called jitcov v/iap, or mid- day, during which the sun was thought to stand still.'' The third part bore the name of rftiA;/ or dcieXov yiiapj^' which derived its name from the increased warmth of the atmosphere. The last part of the SsiTij] was sometimes designated by the words TTori iajtepav or fSovXvTO^." Besides these three great divisions, no others seem to have been known at the time when the Homeric poems were composed. The chief information respecting the divisions of the day in the period after Homer, and more especially the divisions made by the Athe- nians, is to be derived from Pollux.'* 'The first and last of the divisions made at the time of Homer were afterward subdivided into two parts. The earlier part of the morning was termed irput or Trpu r^f Tjfiipag ; the latter irlijdovav^ ttj^ dyopuc, or jrspl n?[,Tjdovaav ayopdv." The fiiaov TJjiap of Homer was afterward expressed by fieaiiiitpia, liiaov ri/xepa;, or /iiari Tijiepa, and comprehended, as before, the middle of the day, when the sun seemed neither to rise nor to dechne. The two parts of the afternoon were called dei'XT] irputT] or izputa, and SeiXri oTplT] or 6i/>ia." This division continued to be observed down 1. (Liv., xxii., 26.) — % (Died. Sic, v., 76. — Compare Stralw, I., p. 376, ed. Tauchnitz. — Pausan., ii., 30, ^ 3.) — 3. (Pans., iii., 12, ^ 7.)— 4. (Paus., X., 36, ^ 3. — Compare the scholiast ad Aris toph.. Ran., 1284 ; Vesp., 357 ; and Meursius, Creta, c. 3.) — 5. (Buttmann, Mythologus, ii., p. 74.) — 6. (See Censorin., De Die Natali, 23.— Plin., H. N., ii., 77, 79.— Varro, De Re Ruat., i., 28.— iVIacrob., Sat., i., 3.)— 7. (Maorob.,!. c.— Gellius, iii., 2.)— 8. (n.,xxi.. 111.)— 9. (n., viii., 66 ; ix., 84.— Od., ix., 56.)— 10. (Anmerkungen zur Odyssee, i., 125.) — 11. (Henuias ad Plat., Phsedr., p. 342.)— 12. (Od., xvii., 606.— Compare Buttmann's Lex- ilogus, ii., n. 95.)— 13. (Od., xvii., 191.-11., xvi., 779.)— 14 (Onom., i., 68.)— 15. (Herod., iv., 181.— Xen., Mem., i., 1, « 10. — Hellen., i., 1, i 30.— Dion Chrysost., Orat., Ij-vii.)— 16. (He- rod., vii., 167 ; viii., 6. — Thucyd., iii., 74 ; viii., 26.— Compare Libanius, Epist., 1084.) 361 DIES DIFFAREATIO. h the lateet period of Grecian history, though an- other more accurate division, and more adapted to tlie purposes of common life, was introduced at an early period ; for Anaximander, or, according to otiiers, his disciple Anaximenes, is said to have made the Greeks acquainted with the use of the Babylonian chronometer or sundial (called iroXo; or (JpoAnytov, sometimes with the epithet aKioOr/piKdv or T/XiafiavSpov), by means of which the natural day was divided into twelve equal spaces of time.' These spaces were, of course, longer or shorter, according to the various seasons of the year. The name hours (dpai), however, did not come into general use till a very late period, and the ditference be- tween natural and equinoctial hours was first ob- served by the Alexandrine astronomers. During the early ages of the history of Rome, when artificial means of dividing time were yet un- known, the natural phenomena of increasing light and darkness formed with the Romans, as with the Greeks, the standard of division, as we see from the vague expressions in Gensorinus." Pliny states' that in the Twelve Tables only the rising and the setting of the sun were mentioned as the two parts into which the day was then divided ; but from Oen- sorinus* and Gellius^ we learn that midday (meri- dies) was also mentioned. Varro' likewise distin- guished three parts of the day, viz., mane, meridies, and suprcma soil, tempestasji^fter which ho assem- bly could be held in the Forum. The lex Plaetoria prescribed that a herald should proclaim the supre- ina in the comitium, that the people might know that their meeting was to be adjourned. But the di- vision of the day most generally observed by the Romans was that into tempus antemeridianum and pomeridianum, the meridies itself being only consid- ered as a point at which the one ended and the oth- er commenced. But, as it weis of importance that this moment should be known, an especial officer (md. AcoENsus) was appointed, who proclaimed the time of midday, when from the curia he saw the sun standing between the rostra and the graecosta- sis. The division of the day into twelve equal spa- ces, which, here as in Greece, were shorter in win- ter than in summer, was adopted at the time when artificial means of measuring time were introduced among the Romans from Greece. This was about the year B.C. 291, when L. Papirius Cursor, after the war with Pyrrhus in southern Italy, brought to Rome an instrument called solarium horologium, or simply solarium.' But as the solarium had been made for a different meridian, it showed the time at Rome very incorrectly. Scipio Nasica, therefore, erected in B.C. 159 a public clepsydra, which indi- cated the hours of the night as well as of the day. Even after the erection of this clepsydra, it was cus- tomary for one of the subordinate officers of the praetor to proclaim the third, sixth, and ninth hours ; which shows that the day was, like the night, divi- ded into four parts, each consisting of three hours. See Dissen's treatise, Dc Partibus Noctis cf Did ex Divisionibus Vetcrum, in his Kleine Lalcinische und Deutsche Schriften, p. 130, 150. (Compare the arti- cle HoROLOaiUM.) All the days of the year were, according to dif- ferent points of view, divided by the Romans into different classes. For the purpose of the adminis- tration of justice, all days were divided into dies fas- ti and dies nefasti. Dies fasti were the days on which the prastor was allowed to administer justice in the public 1. (Ilerod., ii., 109.— Dioff. Lacrl., ii., 1, 3.— Plin., H. N., ii., 6, 78.— Suklas, 8. v. 'Avu?i>ui'tVcis-)— 2. (De Dio Not., 24.)— a. (II. N., vii., 60.)— 4. (1. c.)— 5. (xvii., 2.)— 6. (Do Ling. Lai., Ti., 4, 5, ed. Mullor ; andlsMor., Orig;,, v., 30 and 31.)— 7. (Plaut. in. Cell., iii., 3, 4 5.) 362 courts ; they derived their name from firi {fari hia verba, ; do, dico, addico'-). On some of the dies fasti comitia could be held, but not on all." Dies might be fasti in three diflTerent ways : 1. Dies fasli pro- prie et Mi, or simply dies fasti, were days on which the praetor used to hold his courts, and could do so at all hours. They were marked in the Romac calendar by the letter F, and their number la the course of the year was 38 ;' 2. Dies proprie sed non toti fasti, or dies intercisii days on which the praetoi might hold his courts, but not at all hours, so that sometimes one half of such a day was fastus, while the other half was nefastus. Their number was 65 in the year, and they were marked in the calendar by the signs Fp. =: fastus prima, Np = nefastus pri- ma. En. = endotercisus = intercisus, Q. Rex C. F. = quando Rex comitia fugil, or quando Rex eomiliavit fas, Q. St. Df =: quando stercus deferlur ; 3. Dies nan proprie sed casu fasti, or days which were not fasti properly speaking, but became fasti accidentally ; a dies comitialis, for instance, might become fastus, if either during its whole course, or during a part of it, no comitia were held, so that it accordingly be- came either a dies fastus totus, or fastus ex parte.* Dies nefasti were days on which neither courts of justice nor comitia were allowed to be held, and which were dedicated to other purposes.' Accord- ing to the ancient legends, they were said to have been fixed by Numa Pompilius.' From the re- marks made above, it will be understood that one part of a day might be fastus, while another was ne- fastus.' The nundina, which had originally been dies fasti, had been made nefasti at tbe time "vhen the twelve-months year was introduced ; but in B.C. 286 they were again made fasti by a law of Q. Hor- tensius.* The term dies nefasti, which originally had nothing to do with religion, but simply indicated days on which no courts were to be held, was in subsequent times applied to religious days in gener- al, as dies nefasti were mostly dedicated to ;he wor- ship of the gods.' In a religious point of view all days of the year were either diesfesli, or dies profesti, or dies intercisi. According to the definition given by Macrobius, die^ festi were dedicated to the gods, and spent with sacrifices, repasts, games, and other solemnities; dies profesti belonged to men for the administra- tion of their private and public affairs. They were either dies fasti, or comitiales, or compcrendim, or stati, or praliales. Dies intercisi were common be- tween gods and men, that is, partly devoted to the worship of the gods, partly to the transaction of or- dinary business. We have lastly to add a few remarks on some of the subdivisions of the dies profesti, which are like- vv-ise defined by Macrobius. Dies comitiales were days on which comitia were held ; their number was 184 in a year. Dies comperendini were days to which any action was allowed to be transferred (quibus vadimonium licet diccrc^"). Dies stali were days set apart for causes between Roman citizens and foreigners (qui judicii causa cum peregrinis in- stituuntur). Dies prodiales were all days on which religion did not forbid to commence a war ; a list of days and festivals on which it was contrary to religion to commence a war is given by jMacrobius. See also Festus, s. v. Compare JIanutius, De Vet- erum Dierum Ratione, and the article Cale.ndab (Roman). DIFFAREA'TIO. (Yid. Divortium.) 1. (Ovid, Fasti, i., 45, dpc- V,irro, De Ling. Lat., vi., 29, 30, ed. MuUor.— Macrob., Sat., i., 16.)— 2. (Cicero, Pro Scxt., 15 witli the note of Manutius.)— 3. (Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, lii., p. 368.)— 4. (Macrob., Sat., i., 16.— Varro, De Ling. Lat., 1. c.)— 5. (Varro, L c.)— 8. (Liv., i., 19.)— 7. (Ovid, Fast., i., 50.)-* (Macrob., Sat., i., 16.)— 9. (Gellius, iv., 9 ; v., 17.)— 10. (Gaiui, iv., I, 15,) ,DIOCLEIA. DIGEST A. {Vid. Pandects.) DI'GITUS. (Vid. Pes.) DIIPOLEIA (AiwoXew), also called AmoXeia o. AujraXta, a very ancient festival, celebrated every year on the acropolis of Athens in honour of Zeus, surnamed UoXtev;.^ Suidas and the scholiast on Aristophanes^ are mistaken in believing that the Diipolia were the same festival as the Diasia. It was held on the 14th of Scirrophorion. The man- ner in which the sacrifice of an ox was offered on this occasion, and the origin of the rite, are de- scribed by Porphyrins," with whose account may be compared the fragmentary descriptions of Pausa- nias* and Lilian.' The Athenians placed barley mixed with wheat upon the altar of Zeus, and left it unguarded ; the ox destined to be sacrificed was then allowed to go and take of the seeds. One of the priests, who bore the name of (SovfOvo; (whence the festival was sometimes called jSov^oxm), at see- ing the ox eating, snatched the axe, killed the ox, and ran away. The others, as if not knowing who had killed the animal, made inquiries, and at last also summoned the axe, which was in the end de- clared guilty of having committed the murder. This custom is said to have arisen from the fol- lowing circumstance : In the reign of Erechtheus, at the celebration of the Dionysia, or, according to the scholiast on Aristophanes,* at the Diipolia, an ox ate the cakes offered to the god, and one Baulon or Thaulon, or, according to others, the j3ov(j)6voi, killed the ox with an axe and fled from his coun- try. The murderer having thus escaped, the axe was declared guUty, and the rite observed at the Diipolia was performed in commemoration of that event.' This legend of the origin of the Diipolia manifestly leads us back to a tune when it had not yet become customary to offer animal sacrifices to the gods, but merely the fruits of the earth. Por- phyrius also informs us that three Athenian families had their especial (probably hereditary) functions (o perform at this festival. Members of the one drove the ox to the altar, and were thence called KtvTpidSai : another family, descended from Baulon, and called the ^ovTvirot, knocked the victim down ; and a third, designated by the name Sairpol, kUled it' DILIGE'NTIA. (Firf. Culpa.) DIMACHiE {Sijiaxai) were Macedonian horse- soldiers, who also fought on foot when occasion re- quired. Their armour was heavier than that of the ordinary horse-soldiers, and lighter than that of the regular heavy-armed foot. A servant accom- panied each soldier in order to take care of his horse when he alighted to fight on foot. This spe- cies of troops is said to have been first introduced by Alexander the Great.' DIMINUTIO CA'PITIS. {Vid. Caput.) DIO'BOLOS. (Vid. Obolos.) DIOCLEI'A (AjoK/lfia), a festival celebrated by the Megarians in honour of an ancient Athenian hero, Diodes, around whose grave young men as- sembled on the occasion, and amused themselves with gymnastic and other contests. We read that he who gave the sweetest kiss obtained the prize, consisting of a garland of flowers.'" The scholiast on Theocritus" relates the origin of this festival as follows : Diodes, an Athenian exile, fled to Megara, where he found a youth with whom he fell in love. In some battle, while protecting the object of his love with his shield, he was slain. The Megarians honoured the gallant lover with a tomb, raised him to the rtmk of a hero, and, in commemoration of his 1. (Paus., i., 14, ii 4.)— 2. (Pai, 410.)— 3. (De Abstinent., ii, > 29.)— 4. (i., 28, i 11.)— 5. (V. H., viil., 3.)— 6. (Nub., 972.) —7. (Compare Suidas and Hesych., s. v. Bou(6(5i'i(i.) — 8. {Com- pare Crou2er*s Mythol. und Symbol., i., p. 172 ; iv., p. 122, &c.) —9. (Pollux, Onom., i., 132.— Cuitius, v., 13.)— 10. (Theoorit., UyU.. xil., 27, &c.)— 11. (1. 0.) DIONYSIA. faithful attachment, instituted the festival ol thB Diocleia. See Bockh ad Find., Olymp., vii., 157, p. 176, and the scholiast ad Arisloph., Acharn., 730, where a Megarian swears by Diodes, from which we may infer that he was held in great honour by the Megarians.' DIOMO'SIA (AiufiOBia). {Vii. Antomosia.) DIONY'SIA {Aiovvaia), festivals celebrated in va- rious parts of Greece in honour of Dionysus. We have to consider under this head several festivals of the same deity, although some of them bore differ- ent names ; for here, as in other cases, the name of the festival was sometimes derived from that of the god, sometimes from the place where it was cele- brated, and sometimes from some particular circum- stance connected with its celebration. We shall, however, direct our attention chiefly to the Attic festivals of Dionysus, as, on account of their inti- mate connexion with the origin and the develop- ment of dramatic hterature, they are of greater im- portance to us than any other ancient festival. The general character of the festivals of Dionysus was extravagant merriment and enthusiastic joy, which manifested themselves in various ways. The import of some of the apparently unmeaning and absurd practices in which the Greeks indulged du- ring the celebration of the Dionysia, has been well explained by Midler ;° " The intense desire felt by every worshipper of Dionysus to fight, to conquer, to suffer in common with him, made them regard the subordinate beings (Satyrs, Pans, and Nymphs, by whom the god himself was surrounded, and through whom life seemed to pass from him into vegetation, and branch off into a variety of beautiful or grotesque forms), who were ever present to the fancy of the Greeks, as a convenient step by which they could approach more nearly to the presence of their divinity. The customs so prevalent at the festivals of Dionysus, of taking the disguise of sa- tyrs, doubtless originated in this feeling, and not in the mere desire of concealing excesses under the disguise of a mask, otherwise so serious and pa- thetic a spectacle as tragedy couid never have ori- ginated in the choruses of these satyrs. The de- sire of escaping from self into something new and strange, of living in an imaginary world, breaks forth in a thousand instances in these festivals of Dionysus. It is seen in the colouring the body with plaster, soot, vermilion, and different sorts of green and red juices of plants, wearing goat and deer skins round the loins, covering the face with large leaves of different plants, and, lastly, in the wearing masks of wood, bark, and other materials, and of a complete costume belonging to the character." Drunkenness, and the boisterous music of flutes, cymbals, and drums, were likewise common to all Dionysiac festivals. In the processions called -AiaaoL (from iJei'afu), with which they were celebrated, women also took part, in the disguise of Bacchae, Lenas, Thyades, Naiades, Nymphs, &c., adorned with garlands of ivy, and bearing the thyrsus in their hands (hence the god was sometimes called ej?Ai5^op^of), so that the whole train represented a population inspired, and actuated by the powerful ' presence of the god. The choruses sung on the oc- casion were called dithyrambs, and were hymns ad- dressed to the god in the freest metres and with the boldest imagery, in which his exploits and achievements were extolled. (Fid. Chorcs.) The phallus, the symbol of the fertility of nature, was also carried in these processions,' and men dis- guised as women, called iBviaXXoi,* followed the 1. (Compare Welcker's Sappho, p. 39, and ad Theogn., p. 79.) —2. (Hist, of the Lit. of Anc. Greece, i., p. 289.)— 3. (Plut., Vt Cupid. Divit., p. 527, D.— Aristoph., Acharn., 229, -with thi schol.— Herod., ii., 49.) — 4. (Hesych., s. v. — Athen., liv., p 622.) ' ' r 363 DIONrsiA. WONYSIA. phallus A woman called ?.iKvo(l>6poc carried the 'uKvov, a long basket containing the image of the god. Maidens of noble birth (Kavriipopot) used to carry figs in baskets, which were sometimes of gold, and to wear garlands of figs round their necks.' The indulgence in drinking was considered by the Greeks as a duty of gratitude which they owed to the giver of the vine; hence in some places it was thought a crime to remain sober at the Dionysia." The Attic festivals of Dionysus were four in num- ber : the Aiovvaia xar'aypov;, or the rural Dionysia, the Atjvaia, tho 'AvBcar^pia, and the Aiovvaia h ua-ei. After Ruhnken^ and Spalding* had declared the Anthesteria and the Leneea to be only two names for one and the same festival, it was gener- ally taken for granted that there could be no doubt as to the real identity of the two, until in 1817, A. Bockh read a paper to the Berlin Academy," in which he established by incontrovertible arguments the difference between the Lenaa and Anthesteria. An abridgment of Bockh's essay, containing all that is necessary to form a clear idea of the whole question, is given in the Philological Museum." The season of the year sacred to Dionysus was du- ring the months nearest to the shortest day,' and the Attic festivals were accordingly celebrated in the Poseideon, Gamelion (the Lenaeon of the loni- ans), Anthesterion, and Elaphebolion. The Acovvaia /tar" dypovc or fuKpd, the rural or lesser Dionysia, a vintage festival, were celebrated in the various demes of Attica in the month of Po- seideon, and were under the superintendence of the several local magistrates, the demarchs. This was doubtless the most ancient of all, and was held with the highest degree of merriment and freedom ; even slaves enjoyed full freedom during its celebration, and their boisterous shouts on the occasion were almost intolerable. It is here that we have to seek for the origin of comedy, in the jests and the scur- rilous abuse which the peasants vented upon the ty-standers from a wagon in which they rode about (kuuo^ if dfia^Cni). Aristophanes' calls the comic poets TpvyaSoi, lee-singers, and comedy, rpvyuSla, lee-song ;' from the custom of smearing the face with lees of wine, in which the merry country people mdulged at the vintage. The ascolia and other amusements, which were afterward introduced into the city, seem also originally to have been peculiar to the rural Dionysia. The Dionysia in the Pirasus, as well as those of the other demes of Attica, be- longed to tlie lesser Dionysia, as is acknowledged both by Spalding and Bockh. Those in the Pirasus were celebrated with as much splendour as those in the city ; for we read of a procession, of the per- formance of comedies and tragedies, which at first may have been new as well as old pieces ; but when the drama had attained a regular form, only old pieces were represented at the rural Dionysia. Their liberal and democratical character seems to have been the cause of the opposition which these festivals met with, when, in the time of Pisistratus, Thespis attempted to introduce the rural amuse- ments of the Dionysia into the city of Athens.'" That in other places, also, the introduction of the worship of Dionysus met with great opposition, must be inferred from the legends of Orchomenos, Thebes, Argos, Ephesus, and other places. Some- thing similar seems to be implied in the account of 1. (Aristojili., Acharn., 1. c.—Lvsiiitr., 6'17.— Natal. Com., v., 13.)— 2. (Lucian, Do Calumn., i6.)— 3. (Auctar. ad Ilcsych., torn, i., II. 199.)— 4. (Abhandl. dor Berl. Acad, von 1804-1811, p. 70, &.C.] — 5. (" Vom Untorschcide der Attischcn LcnsEen, Anthcatericn, uiid Iflndl. Dionysicn," published in 1819, in the Abhandl. dev Deri, Acad.)— 6. (vol. ii., p. 273, &c.)— 7. (Pint., Do Ei np. Dolph., 9.)— 8. (Vcsp., 620 and 1479.)— 9. (Acharn., «84, 834.— Athen., ii., p. 40.)— 10. (Pint., Sol c. 29, 30.— Dioa. Uert., Sol., c. 11.) : ■ < B 364 the restoration of tragic choruses to Dionysus at Sicyon.' The second festival, the Lenaa (from Zjpiof, the wine-press, from which, also, the month of Game- lion was called by the lonians Lenaeon), was cele- brated in the month of Gamelion ; the place of its celebration was the ancient temple of Dionysus Limnaeus (from Tii/ivri, as the district was originally a swamp, whence the god was also called hjivaye- vri;). This temple, the Lenaeon, was situate south of the theatre of Dionysus, and close by it.= The Lenaea were celebrated with a procession and scen- ic contests in tragedy and comedy.^ The process- ion probably went to the Lenaeon, where a goat {rpuyof, hence the chorus and tragedy which arose out of it were called rpayiKoi x^PH and rpayudia) was sacrificed, and a chorus standing around the altar sang the dithyrambic ode to the god. As the dithyramb was the element out of which, by the in- troduction of an actor, tragedy arose (tid. Choebs), it is natural that, in the scenic contests of this fes^ tival, tragedy should have preceded comedy, as we see from the important documents in Demosthenes.* The poet who wished his play to be brought out at the Lenaea applied to the second archon, who had the superintendence of this festival as well as the Anthesteria, and who gave him the chorus if the piece was thought to deserve it. The third Dionysiac festival, the Anthesteria, was celebrated on the 12th of the month of Anthesteri- on ;° that is to say, the second day fell on the 12th, for it lasted three days, and the first fell on the lllh,' and the third on the 13th.' The second archon su- perintended the celebration of the Anthesteria, ami distributed the prizes among the victors in the vari- ous games which were carried on during the sea- son.' The first day was called TriOoiyia , the sec- ond, xoec; and the th\iA,xvTpoi.' The fiist day de- rived its name from the opening of the casks to taste the wine of the preceding year ; the second fi-om Xovc, the cup, and seems to have been the day de- voted to drinking. The ascolia seem to bare been played on this day. (Firf. Ascolia.) We read in Suidas" of another similar amusement peculiar to this day. The drinker placed himself upon a bag filled with air, trumpets were sounded, and he who emptied his cup quickest, or drank most, received as his prize a leather bag filled with wine and a garland, or, according to -Elian," a golden crown." The Kufioi fp' iipa^Civ also took place on this day, and the jests and abuse which persons poured forth on this occasion were doubtless an imitation of the amusements customary at the rural Dionysia. Athe- naeus" says that it was customary on the day of the Ghpes to send on to sophists their salaries and presents, that they too might enjoy themselves with their friends. The third day had its name from xv-pof, a pot, as on this day persons offered pots with flowers, seeds, or cooked vegetables, as a sac- rifice to Dionysus and Hermes Chthonius." With this sacrifice were connected the iiyuvec xV'P"'"^ mentioned by the scholiast on Aristophanes," in which the second archon distributed the prizes. Slaves were permitted to take part in the general rejoicings of the Anthesteria ; but at the close of the day they were sent home wiih the words iSti- pa^e, Kapef, ovu tr' ^kvdear^pta}* 1. (Herod., v., 67.1—2. (Schol. ad Aristoph., Ran., 46«.)-3. (Demosth., c. Moid., p. 517.)— 4, (I. c.)— 5. (Thucyd., li, l.'>.)— 0. (Suidas, s. v. Xois.) — 7. (Philoch. ap. Suid., s. v. Xiirpoi.)— 8. (Aristoph., Achani., 1143, with the schol.)— 9. (Harpocnit. and Suidas, s. v. — Schol. ad Aristoph., Ran., 219. — Athen., x., p. 437 \ vii., p. 276 1 iv.. p. 129.)— 10. (s. v. 'Acrrfi).- 11. (V. H., ii., 41.)— 12. (Anstopli , Acham., 943, with the schol.)— 13. (r., p. 437.)— 14. (Schol. -id Aristoph., Achani., 1009.— Suidas, «. v. XtirMi.)— 15. (Ran., 220.)— 16. (Hesych., s. v. eiJpaCt.- FrodM ad Hesiod., Op. et Dies.) DIONYSIA. It is unceitain wiiether dramas were performed at the Anthesteria ; but Bockh supposes that comedies were represented, and that tragedies which were to be brought out at the great Dionysia were per- haps rehearsed at the Anthesteria. The mysteries connected with the celebration of the Anthesteria were held at night, in the ancient temple ev Mjivaii, which was opened only once a year, on the 12th of Anthesterion. They were liiiewise under the su- perintendence of the second archon and a certain number o( imiielriTai. He appointed fourteen priest- esses, called jepaipai or yEpapai, the venerable, who conducted the ceremonies with the assistance of one other priestess.' The wife of the second archon dSaaihaaa) offered a mysterious sacrifice for the welfare of the city ; she was betrothed to the god in a secret solemnity, and also tendered the oath to the geraerse, which, according to Demosthenes,^ ran thus : " I am pure and unspotted by anything that pol- lutes, and have never had intercourse with man. I will solemnize the Theognia and lobakoheia at their proper time, according to the laws of my ancestors." The admission to the mysteries, from which men were excluded, took place after especial prepara- tions, which seem to have consisted in purifications by air, water, or fire.= The initiated person? wore sicins of fawns, and sometimes those of panthers. Instead of ivy, which was worn in the public part of the Dionysia, the mystas wore myrtle.* The sacrifice offered to the god in these mysteries con- sisted of a sow, the usual sacrifice of Demeter, and in some places of a cow with calf It is more than probable that the history of Dionysus was symbol- ically represented in these mysteries, as the history of Demeter was acted in those of Eleusis, which were in some respects connected witli the former. The fourth Attic festival of Dionysus, Aiovvaia h uarei, auTtKii or /ieydXa, was celebrated about the 12fh of the month of Elaphebolion ;' but we do not know whether they lasted more than one day or not. The order in which the ceremonies took place was, according to the document in Demosthenes, as follows : The great public procession, the chorus of boys, the /cu/iof {vid. Chords), comedy, and, last- ly, tragedy. We possess in Athensus' the descrip- ,ion of a great Bacchic procession, held at'Alexan- drea in the reign of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, from which we may form some idea of the great Attic procession. It seems to have been customary to represent the god by a man in this procession. Plu- tarch,° at least, relates that, on one occasion, a beau- tiful slave of Nicias represented Dionysus.' A ri- diculous imitation of a Bacchic procession is de- scribed in Aristophanes.'" Of the dramas which were performed at the great Dionysia, the tragedies, at least, were, generally new pieces ; repetitions do not, however, seem to have been excluded from any Dionysiac festival. The first archon had the super- intendence, and gave the chorus to the dramatic poet who wished to bring out his piece at this festi- val. The prize awarded to the dramatist for the best play consisted of a crown, and his name was proclaimed in the theatre of Dionysus." Strangers were prohibited from taking part in the choruses of boys. During this and some other of the great At- tic festivals, prisoners were set fret, and nobody was allowed to seize the goods of a debtor ; but a war was not interrupted by its celebration.' " As the great Dionysia were celebrated at the beginning of spring, when the navigation was reopened, Athens DIONYSIA. was not only visited by numbers of country people, but also by strangers from other parts of C.reece ; and the various amusements and exhibitions on thin occasion were not unldie those of a modern fair.' Respecting the scrupulous regularity, and the enor mous sums spent by the Athenians on the celebra- tion of these and other festivals, see Demosthenes.' As many circumstances connected with the celebra- tion of the Dionysia cannot be made clear without entering into minute details, we must refer the read- er to Bockh's essay. The worship of Dionysus was almost universal among the'Greeks in Asia as well as in Europe, and the character of his festivals was the same every- where, only modified by the national differences of the various tribes of the Greeks. It is expressly stated that the Spartans did not indulge so much in drinking during the celebration of the Dionysia as other Greeks.* The worship of Dionysus was in gen- eral, with the exception of Corinth, Sicyon, and the Doric colonies in southern Italy, less popular among the Doric states than in other parts of Greece.* It was most enthusiastic in Bceotia, in the orgies on Mount Cithaeron, as is well known from allusions and descriptions in several Roman poets. That the extravagant merriment, and the unrestrained con- duct with which all festivals of this class were cel- ebrated, did, in the course of time, lead to tlie greatest excesses, cannot be denied ; but we must, at the same time, acknowledge that such excesses did not occur until a comparatively late period. At a very early period of Grecian history, Bacchic fes- tivals were solemnized with human sacrifices, and traces of this custom are discernible even until very late. In Chios this custom was superseded by another, according to which the BacchsE were obliged to eat the raw pieces of flesh of the victim which were distributed among them. This act was called ai^oiayia, and Dionysus derived from it the name of u/muSwi and i>ftrj(!T^(. There was a report that even Themistocles, after the battle of Salamis, sacrificed three noble Persians to this divinity.' But Plutarch's account of this very instance, if true, shows that at this time such savage rites were looked upon with horror. The worship of Dionysus, whom the Romans called Bacchus, or, rather, the Bacchic mysteries and orgies (Bacchanalia), are said to have been in- troduced from southern Italy into Etruria, and from thence to Rome," where for a time they were car- ried on in secret, and, during the latter part of their existence, at night. The initiated, according to Livy, did not only indulge in feasting and drinking at their meetings, but, when their minds were heat- ed with wine, they indulged in the coarsest excess- es and the most unnatural vices. Young girls and youths were seduced, and all modesty was set aside ; every kind of vice found here its full satis- faction. But the crimes did not remain confined to these meetings : their consequences were manifest in all directions ; for false witnesses, forgeries, false wills, and denunciations proceeded from this focus of crime. Poison and assassination were carried on under the cover of this society ; and the voices of those who had been fraudulently drawn into these orgies, and would cry out against the shame- less practices, were drowned by the shouts of the Bacchantes, and the deafening sounds of drums and cymbals. The time of initiation lasted ten days, during (Pollai, Onom., mii., 9.)— 2. (c. Neicr., p. 1371, 22.)— 3. (Sen. ad Xa., ii., 740.— Paus., ii., 20, 4 4.— Liv., xxxix., 13.) —4. (Schol. ad Aiistoph., Ean., 330.)— 5. (Schol. ad Aristoph., Ran., 343.)— 6. (.Ssoh, c. Ctes., p. 63.)— 7. (v., p. 197, 199.)— 8. (Nir.,3.)— 9. (Compare Athen., v., p. 200.)— 10. (Eccles., 759, seqq.)— 11. (Demosth., De Coron., p. 2(>7.)— 12. (Demosth., c. Bceut. De Nom., p. 99a ) 1. (Isocr., Areop., p. 203, ed. Bekker. — Xen., Hiero, i., 11. — ■ Compare Becker, Charikles, ii., p. 237, seqq.)— 2. (Philip., i., p. 50.)— 3. (Athen., iv., p. 156.— Plato, De Lo^., i., p. 637.)— 4. (Miiller, Dorians, ii., 10, i) 6. — Boitiger, Ideen z. Archseol. del Malerei, p. 289, seqq.)— 5. (Pint., Themist., 13.— Pelop., 21.— Compare Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, ii., p. 310.) — 6. (Liv., xixix., 8.) 365 DIJNYSIA. lONYSIA. which a person was obliged to abstain from all sex- ual intercourse ; on the tenth he took a solemn meal, underwent a purification by water, and was led into the sanctuary (Bacchanal). At first only women were initiated, and the orgies were celebra- ted every year during three days. Matrons alter- nately performed the functions of priests. But Pac- ula Annia, a Campanian matron, pretending to act under the direct influence ot Bacchus, changed the whole method of celebration : she admitted men to the initiation, and transferred the solemnization, which had hitherto taken place during the daytime, to the night. Instead of three days in the year, she ordered that the Bacchanalia should be held during five days in every month. It was from the time that these orgies were carried on after this new plan that, according' to the statement of an eye- witness,' licentiousness and crimes of every de- scription were committed. Men as well as women indulged in the most unnatural appetites, and those who attempted to stop or to oppose such odious proceedings fell as victims. It Wcis, as Livy says, a principle of the society to hold every ordinance of God and nature in contempt. Men, as if seized by fits of madness, and under great convulsions, gave oracles : and the matrons, dressed as Bacchae, with dishevelled hair and burning torches in their hands, ran down to the Tiber and plunged their torches into the water ; the torches, however, containing sulphur and chalk, were not extinguished. Men who refused to take part in the crimes of these or- gies were frequently thrown into dark caverns and despatched, while the perpetrators declared that they had been carried off by the gods. Among the number of the members of these mysteries were, at the time when they were suppressed, persons of all classes ; and during the last two years, nobody had been initiated who was above the age of twen- ty years, as this age was tUought most fit for seduc- tion and sensual pleasure. In the year B.C. 186, the consuls Spurius Postu- mius Albinus and Q. Marcius Philippus were in- formed of the existence of these meetings, and, af- ter having ascertained the facts mentioned above, they made a report to the senate." The senate, alarmed by this singular discovery, and although dreading lest members of their own famihes might be involved, invested the consuls with extraordina- ry power, to inquire into the nature of these noc- turnal meetings, to exert all their energy to secure the priests and priestesses, to issue a proclamation throughout Rome and Italy, forbidding any one to be initiated in the Bacchic mysteries, or to meet for the purpose of celebrating them ; but, above all things, to submit those individuals who had already been secured to a rigid trial. The consuls, after having given to the subordinate magistrates all the necessary instructions, held an assembly of the peo- ple, in which the facts just discovered were ex- plained to the public, in order that the objects of the proceedings which were to take place might be known to every citizen. A reward was at the same time offered to any one who might be able to give farther information, or to name any one that be- longed to the conspiracy, as it was called. Meas- ures were also taken to prevent any one from leav- ing Italy. During the night following, a number of persons were apprehended ; many of them put an end to their own lives. The whole number of the initiated was said to be 7000. The trial of all those who were apprehended lasted thirty days. Rome was almost deserted, for the innocent as well as the guilty had reason to fear. The punish- ment inflicted on those wlio were convicted varied according to the degree of tlicir guilt ; some were 1. (Liv., mil., 13.)— 2 (Liv., mil., 14.) 3B6 thrown into prison, others were put to death. TI.e women were surrendered to their parents or hus- bands, that they might receive theu- punishmept in private. The consuls then were ordered bv f/.e senate to destroy all Bacchanalia throughout Rome and Italy, with the exception of such altars or stat- ues of the god as had existed there from ancient times. In order to prevent a restoration of the Bac- chic orgies, the celebrated decree of the senate (&- natus anctoritas de Bacchanalibus) was issued, com- manding that no Bacchanalia should be held either in Rome or Italy ; that if any one should think such ceremonies necessary, or if he could not neglect them without scruples or making atonements, he should apply to the praetor urbanus, who might then consult the senate. If the permission should be granted to him in an assembly of the senate, con- sisting of not less than one hundred members, he might solemnize the Bacchic sacra ; but no more than five persons were to be present at the celebra- tion ; there should be no common fund, and no master of the sacra or priest.' This decree is also mentioned by Cicero.' A brazen table containing this important document W3S discovered near Ban, in southern Italy, in the year 1640, and is at present in the. imperial Museum of Vienna. A copy of it is given in Drakenborch's edition of Livy.' We have, in our account of the Roman Baccha- nalia, closely followed the description given by Livy, which may, indeed, be somewhat exaggerated ; but, considering the difference of character between the Greeks and Romans, it cannot be surprising tfiat a festival like the Dionjsia, when once introduced among the RomanSj should have immediately de- generated into the grossest and coarsest excesses. Similar consequences were seen immediately after the time when the Romans were made acquainted with the elegance and the luxuries of Greek life ; for, like barbarians, they knew not where to stop, and became brutal in their enjoyments. But whether the account of Liv^ he exaggerated or not, thus much is certain, thai uie Romans, ever since the time of the suppression of the Bacchanalia, considered these orgies as in the highest degree immoral and licen- tious, as we see from the manner in which they ap- plied the words derived from Bacchus, e. g., bacchor, bacchanSj bacchalio, bacchicus, and others. But the most surprising circumstance in the account of Livy is, that the Bacchanalia should have been cel- ebrated for several years in the boisterous manner described above, and by thousands of persons, with- out any of the magistrates appearing to have been aware of it. While the Bacchanalia were thus suppressed, an- other more simple and innocent festival of Bacchus, the Libcralia (from Liber or Liber Paler, a name of Bacchus), continued to be celebrated at Rome every year on the 16th of March.* A description of the ceremonies customary at this festival is given by Ovid,' with which may be compared Varro.* Priests and aged priestesses, adorned with garlands of ivy, carried through the city wine, honey, cakes, and sweetmeats, together with an altar with a handle {ansata ara), in the middle of which there was a small firepan (foodus), in which, from time to time, sacrifices ivore burned. On this day Roman youths who had attained their sixteenth year received the toga virdis.' That the Liberalia were celebrated with various amusements and great merriment, might be inferred from the general character of Di- onysiac festivals ; but we may also see it from the name Ludi Lihcralcs, which is sometimes used in- stead of Liberalia ; and Naevius" expressly says 1. (T.1V., ixxii., 18.)— 2. (De Lcir., ii., 15.)— 3. (torn. iii.,p. 197, seqq.)— 4. (Ovid, Fast., iii., 713.)— 5. (I. c.)— B. (De Ling. Lat., T. 55, cd Bipout.)— 7. (Cic. ad Att., -I., 1.)— 8. (ap Fest.) DIPLOMA. DISCUS. that persons expressed themselves very freely at the Liberalia. St. Augustine' even speaks of a high degree of licentiousness carried on at this festival. *DIOS ANTHOS (Aidj- avBog), a plant. Sprengel conjectures that it was the Agrostemma Flos Jems ; but Stackhoiise hesitates between the Agrostemma, and the Diantkus Caryopliyllus, or Carnation.' DIOSCU'RIA (AwffKoiipia), festivals celebrated in various parts of Greece in honour of the Dioscuri. The Spartan Dioscuria mentioned by Pausanias^ and Spanheim,* were celebrated with sacrifices, re- joicings, and drinking. At Cyrene the Dioscuri were likewise honoured with a great festival.' The Athe- nian festival of the Dioscuri has been described un- der Anaoeia. Their worship was very generally adopted in Greece, especially in the Doric and AcliEean states, as we conclude from the great num- ber of temples dedicated to them ; but scarcely any- thing is known respecting the manner in which their festivals were celebrated. ♦DIOS'PYRUS (,Ai6aKvpnf), according to Stack- house, the Diospyrus Lotus ; but Schneider doubts whether the fruit of the latter agrees in character with the description of the dwanvpos as given by Theophrastus.' DIO'TA was a vessel containing two ears (ura) or handles, used for holding wine. It appears to have been much the same as the amphora.' (Fid. Amphora.) •DIPHRTGES {Si'ppvyc;), " evidently," accord- ing to Adams, " a metallic compound of copper. Sprengel says it consisted principally of burned cop- per, with a certain admi.icture of iron. Dr. MiUigan calls it an oxide of copper. Matthiolus gives it the name of Marc de bronze, i. e.. Husk of bronze.'" ♦DIPS'ACUS ((!i'^a/cof), the Dipsacus Fullonum, Fuller's Thistle, or manured Teasel. Stephens calls it Chardon de Bonnetier. The leaves are concave, and so placed as to contain water.' *DIPSAS (diipus), the name of a venomous ser- pent, whose bite causes insatiable thirst, whence the name, from 6tipua,'"to thirst." Sprengel marks it as the Coluber prester, or black viper. According to Adams, it is sometimes found in England. A splendid description of the effects of its sting is giv- en by Lucan. For farther information, the student is referred by Adams to Nicander, Dioscorides, Ae- tius, and the other writers on toxicology, as also to Lucian's treatise on the Dipsades." DIPHTH'ERA \6i.(j}di:pa) was a kind of cloak made of the skins of animals, and worn by herdsmen and country people in general. It is frequently men- tioned by Greek writers." Pollux" says that it had a covering for the head (eiriKpavov), in which respect it would correspond to the Roman cucuUus. ( Vid. CuCULLUS.)^^ DIPHROS ((!(>pof). (.Vid. CoRRUs, p. 333.) DIPL'OIS ((JiTrAoif.) (.Vid. Pallium.) DIPLO'MA was a writ or public document, which conferred upon a person any right or privilege. Du- ring the Republic it was granted by the consuls and senate ; and under the Empire, by the emperor and the magistrates whom he authorized to do so.'* The diploma was sealed by the emperor ;" it con- sisted of two leaves, whence it derived its name. 1. (De Civ. Dei, vii., 21.)— 2. (Theophrast., vi,, 1 ; vi., 6.— Adams, Append., s. v.) — 3. (iv., 27, Ij 1, compared with iii., 16, i 3 )— 4. (ad Callim., Hymn, in Pall., 24.)— 5. (Schol. ad Pind., Pyth., v., 629.)— 6. (Theophrast., H. P., iii., 13. — Adams, Ap- pend., 8. V.)— 7. (Hor., Carm., 1., ix., 9.) — 8. (Dioscor., v., 119. — Paul, .ffigin., vii., 3. — Adams, Append., s. v.) — 9. (Dioscor., iii., 11.— Adams, Append., s. v.) — 10. (jElian, N. A., vi., 51.— Lucan, ix., 610. — ^Adams, Append., s. v.) — 11. (Aristoph., Nub., 72. — Schol. ad loc. — Vesp., 444. — Plato, Crit., p. 53. — Lucian, Tim., c. 12.) — 12. (Onom.,,vii., 70.) — 13. (Becker, Charikles, ii., p. 359.)— 14. (Cic. ad Fam., vi., 12 ; ad Att., x. 17 ; c. Pis., 37.— Sen., Ben., vii., 10.— Suet., Cal , 38 ; Ner., 12 ; 0th., 7.— Dig. 48, -it. 10, s. 27.)— 15. (Suet., Octav., 50.) These writs were especially given to public cour- iers, or to those who wished to procuie the use of the public horses or carriages.' The tabellarii of the emperor would naturally always have a diplo- ma ; whence we read in an inscription' of a diploma TZUS t^tOCllOiTiUS AinPfiPOI isTHES (diirpapot vijee). [Vid. AM*I nPYMNOl NHES.) DIP'TYCHA (6i-!ZTvxa) were two writing tablets, which could be folded together. Herodotus' speaks of a Seyi,Tiov SinTvxov made of wood, and covered over with wax.* The diptycha were mace of dif- ferent materials, commonly of wood, but sometimes of ivory. Under the Empire, it was the custom of the con- suls and other magistrates to distribute among their friends and the people, on the day on which they entered on their office, tablets, called respectively diptycha consularia, pratoria, adilitia, &c., which were inscribed with their names, and contained their portraits. Several of these diptycha are given by Montfaucon.* DIRECTA ACTIO. (Vid. Actio, p. 17.) DIRIBITO'RES are said by most modern writers to have been the persons who gave to the citizens the tabclla with which they voted in the comitia (vid. CoMiTiA, p. 297) ; but Wunder has most distinctly proved, in the preface to his Codex Erfuiensis,'' that it was the office of the diribitores to divide the votes when taken out of the cista, so as to determine which had the majority. He remarks that the ety- mology of diribere would lead us to assign to it the meaning of " separation" or " division," as it is compounded of dis and habere, in the same manner as dirimere is of dis and emere ; the h disappears as in prabere and debere, which come respectively from pra and habere, and de and habere. In several pas- sages the word cannot have any other signification than that given by Wunder.' When Cicero says,' " vos rogatmes, vos diribi- tores, vos custodes tabellarum,^^ we may presume that he mentions these oflicers in the order in which they discharged their duties in the comitia. It was the office of the rogatores to collect the tabellae which each century. gave, as they used, before the ballot was introduced, to ask (rogare) each century for its votes, and report them to the magistrate who pre- sided over the comitia. The diribitores, as has been already remarked, divided the votes when ta- ken out of the cisla, and handed them over to the custodes, who checked them off by points marked on a tablet. Many writers have confounded the dsta with the sitella or urna, into which the sortes or mere lots were cast ; the true difference between these words is explained under Sitella. DISCUS (rfifTKOf), a circular plate of stone (At6t vol SitsKoi}') or metal (splendida pondera disci'^), madt for throwing to a distance as an exercise of strength and dexterity. This was, indeed, one of the princi- pal gymnastic exercises of the ancients, being inclu- ded in the UivraBXav. It was practised in the he- roic age ;" the fable of Ryacinthus, who was killed by Apollo as they were playing together at this game," also proves its very high antiquity. The discus was ten or twelve inches in diameter, so as to reach above the middle of the forearm when held in the right hand. The object was to throw it 1. (Plin., Ep., X., 14, 121.— Compaie x., 54, 55.) —2. (OrelU. No. 2917.)— 3. (vii., 239.)— 4. (Compare PoUnx, iv., 18.)— 5' (Cidex Theod., 15, tit. 9, s. 1.) — 6. (Antiq. Expl., Suppl., vol iii., p. 220, &c.)— 7. (p. cxxvi.-clviii.)— 8. (Cic., Pro Plane, 20 ; ad Qu. Frat., iii., 4, 1/ 1. — Varro, De Re Rust., iii., 2, H ; iii., 5, H8.)— 9. (in Pis., 15.)— 10. (Pind.,Isth.,i.,34.)— 11. (Mart., liv., 164.) — 12. (Horn., 11., ii., 774. — Od., vi., 626 ; viii., 129, 186-188; xvii., 168. — Eurip., Iph. in Anl., 200.) — 13. (Ovid, Met., X., I'i7-219.) 367 DISCUS. DIVINATIO. from a fixed spot to the greatest distance ; and in doing this, each player had a friend to mark the point at which the discus, when thrown by him, struck the ground, as is done by Minerva on behalf of Ulysses when he contends with the Phaeacians ;' fixa. signalur terra sagitta.' The distance to which it was commonly thrown became a measure of length, called ra dicKovpa.^ The space on which the discobolus, or thrower of the discus, stood, was called jia\6cg, and was in- dicated by being a little higher than the ground sur- -ounding it. As each man took his station, with his lipdy entirely naked, on the /3aA&'fi he placed his right foot forward, bending his knee, and resting principally on this foot. The discus being held, ready to be thrown, in his right hand, he stooped, turning his body towards it, and his left hand was naturally turned in the same direction.* This atti- tude was represented by the sculptor Myron in one of his works, and is adduced by Quintilian' to show how much greater skill is displayed by the artist, and how much more powerful an effect is produced on the spectator, when a person is represented in action, than when he is at rest or standing erect. We fortunately possess several copies, more or less entire, of this celebrated statue ; and one of the best of them is in the British Museum (see the annexed woodcut). It represents the player just ready to swing round his outstretched arm, so as to describe with it a semicircle in the air, and thus, with his collected force, to project the discus at an angle of forty-five degrees, at the same time springing for- ward so as to give it the impetus of his whole body. Discum " vasto contorquet turbine., et ipse prosequi- lu; ."' By metaphor, the term discus was applied to a mirror' (vii. Speculum) ; to the orb of the sun as seen by us ; and to a flat round plate used to hold meat, whence the English dish. Sometimes a heavy mass of a spherical form {ao- Xof) was used instead of a discus, as when the Greeks at the funeral games contended for a lump of iron, which was to be given to him who could throw it farthest.' The iroAof was perforated in the centre, so that a rope or thong might be pcissed through, and used in throwing it.' In this form the discobolia is still practised by the mountaineers of the canton of Appcnzell, in Switzerland. They jneet twice a year to throw round stones of great weight and size. This they do by a sudden leap I. (Od., viii., 186-200.)— 2. (Stal., Theb., vi., 703.) — 3. (II., ixiii., 431, 523.)- -4. (Philoslr. Sen., Iniag., i., 24.— Welcker, ad loc.l— 5. (Inst.Or., ii., 13, 4 10.)— 6. (Stalius,l. c.)— 7. (Brnnck., Annl., li., p.494.)— 8. (II., iziii., 826-846.)— 9. (Eratosth.,Beni- horjy, p. 251.) 368 and forcible swinging of the whole body. The same stone is taken by all, as in the case of the ancient discus and mXog : he who sends it to the greatest distance receives a public prize. The stone is lifted as high as the right shoulder (see woodcut ; xaru- fiaSioio') before being projected.^ DISPENSA'TOR. (Vid. Calcul.vtob.) DITHYRA'MBUS. {Vid. Chokhs, p. 247 ) DIVERSO'RIUM. {Vid. Caupona.) DIVINA'TIO is, according to Cicero,' a presen- sion and a knowledge of future things ; or, accord- ing to Chrysippus,* a power in man which foresees and explains those signs which the gods throw in his way, and the diviner must therefore know the disposition of the gods towards men, the import ol their signs, and by what means these signs are to be obtained. According to this latter definition, the meaning of the Latin word divinatio is narrower than that of the Greek fiavTiK?;, inasmuch as the latter signifies any means by which the decrees of the gods can be discovered, the natural as well as the artificial ; that is to say, the seers and the ora- cles, where the will of the gods is revealed by inspi ration, as well as the divinatio in the sense of Chry- sippus. In the one, man is the passive agent through which the deity reveals the future ; while in the other, man discovers it by his own skill or experience, without any pretension to inspiration. As, however, the seer or vates was also frequently called divinus, we shall treat, under this head, of seers as well as of other kinds of divinatio. The subject of oracles is discussed in a separate article. (Firf. Oraculcm.) The belief that the decrees of the divine will were occasionally revealed by the deity himself, or could be discovered by certain individuals, is one which the classical nations of antiquity had, in crun- mon with many other nations, before the attainment of a certain degree of intellectual cultivation. In early ages such a belief was natural, and perhaps founded on the feeling of a very close connexion between man, God, and nature. But in the course of time, when men became more acquainted with the laws of nature, this belief was abandoned, at least by the more enlightened minds, while the mul- titudes still continued to adhere to it ; and the gov- ernments, seeing the advantages to be derived from it, not oiriy countenanced, but encouraged and sup- ported it. The seers or /lavrcif, who, under the du'ect influ- ence of the gods, chiefly that of Apollo, announced the future, seem originally to have been connected with certain places where oracles were given ; but In subsequent times they formed a distinct class of persons, independent of any locality ; one of them is Calchas in the Homeric poems. Apollo, the god of prophecy, was generally the source from which the seers, as well as other diviners, derived their knowledge. In many families of seers the inspired knowledge of the future was considered to be he- reditary, and to be transmitted from father to son. To these families belonged the lamids,' who from Olympia spread over a considerable part of Greece ; the Branchidae, near Miletus;' the Eumolpids, at Athens and Eleusis ; the Clytiads,' the Telliads,* the Acarnanian seers, and others. Some of these families retained their celebrity till a very late pe- riod of Grecian history. The mantels made their revelations either when requested to do so on im- portant emergencies, or they made them sponta- neously whenever they thought it necessary,' eiihei 1. (II., ixiii,, 431.)— 2 (EM, SchiMenins der GeWrgsvoftH dcr Schweil/. i., p. 174.) -3. (De Dmn., i., 1.) — 4. (Cic.,Di Divin., 11., 63.) — 5. (Paus, in., 11, « 5, ic. — Dockh ad Fmd.. 01., vi., p. 152.1—6. (Conon., 33.)— 7. (Paus., vi., 17, H )— » (Herod., via., 27.— Paus., i., 1, 4 4, &c.— Herod., ii., 37.) 0IV1NATIO. DIVINATIO, to prevent some calamity or to stimulate their coun- trymen to something beneficial. The civil govern- ment of Athens not only tolerated, but protected and honoured them ; and Cicero' says, that the man- tels were present in all the public assemblies of the Athenians.' Along with the seers we may also mention the Bacides and the Sibyllas. Both existed from a very remote time, and were distinct from the manteis so far as they pretended to derive their knowledge of the future from sacred books (xpTia/ioi) which they consulted, and which were in some pla- ces, as at Athens and Rome, kept by the govern- ment or some especial officers, in the acropolis and in the most revered sanctuary. Bacis was, accord- ing to Pausanias,' in Boeotia, a general name for a man inspired by nymphs. The schohast on Aris- tophanes* and iElian' mention three oiiginal Baci- des, one of Eicon in Boeotia, a second of Athens, and a third of Caphys in Arcadia.' From these three Bacides all others were said to be descended, and to have derived their name. Antichares,' Mu- sseus,' Euclous of Cyprus,' and Lycus, son of Pan- dion,'° probably belonged to the Bacides. The Sib- yllae were prophetic women, probably of Asiatic or- igin, whose peculiar custom seems to have been to wander with their sacred books from place to place." ^lian'^ states that, according to some authors, there were four Sibyllae, the Erythraean, the Sa- mian, the Egyptian, and the Sardinian ; but that others added six more, among whom there was one called the Cumaean, and another called the Jewish Sibylla. Compare Suidas,'^ and Pausanias,'* who has devoted a whole chapter to the Sibyllae, in which, however, he does not clearly distinguish be- tween the Sibyllae properly so called, and other wom- en who travelled about and made the prophetic art their profession, and who seem to have been very numerous in all parts of the ancient world.'' The Sibylla whose books gained so great an importance at Home was, according to Varro," the Erythrasan: the books which she was said to have sold to one of the Tarquins were carefully concealed from the public, and only accessible to the duumvirs. The early existence of the Sibyllae is not as certain as that of the Bacides ; but in some legends of a late date they occur even in the period previous to the Trojan war, and it is not improbable that at an early period every town in Greece had its prophe- cies by some Bacis or Sibylla." They seem to have retained their celebrity down to the time of Antiochus and Demetrius.'* Besides these more respectable prophets and prophetesses, there were numbers of diviners of an inferior order (xpTio/ioXdym), who made it thei"' business to explain all sorts of signs, and to tell fortunes. They were, however, more particularly popular with the lower orders, who are everywhere most ready to believe what is most marvellous and least entitled to belief This class of diviners, however, does not seem to have existed until a comparatively late period," and to have been looked upon, even by the Greeks themselves, as nuisances to the public. These soothsayers lead us naturally to the mode of divination, of which such frequent use was made by the ancients in all the affairs of public and pri- vate hfe, and which chiefly consisted in the inter- 1. (DeDivinnt., i., 43.) — 2. (Compare Aristoph., Pax, 1025, with the schol. — Nub., 325, &c., imd tlie schol. — J.ycurg., c. Leocrdt.,p. 196.)— 3. (i., 12, i 6, compared with iv., 27, J 2.)— 4. (Pax, 1009.) — 5. (V. IT., xii., 35.) — 6. (Compare Aristoph.. Eqmt., 123, 998.— Aves, 963.— Clem. Aler., Strom., i., 398.)—?; (Heiod., T., 43.)— 8. (Heiod., Tii., 6.)— 9. (Pans., i., 12, « 6.)— 10. (Paus., 1. c.) — 11. (Liv„ i., 7.) — 12. (V. II., xii., 35.)— 13. (s. T SigiiWai ) — 14. (X., 12.) — 15. (Clem. Alex., Strom., i., 3")) — 16 ,ai Lactam ■ 6.) — 17. (Paus., 1. c.) — 18. (Sec Niebuhr, H,st ol Rome . r 503, &c.)— 19. (Thucyd., ii., 21. -Anstopt. • e -.0- Fax 986, 1034, &c.) A » A pretation of numberless signs and phenomena. No public undertaking of any consequence was evei entered upon by the Greeks and Romans without consulting the will of the gods, by observing the signs which they sent, especially those in the sac- rifices offered for the purpose, and by which they were thought to indicate the success or the failure of the undertaking. For this kind of divination no divine inspiration was thought necessary, but mere- ly experience and a certain knowledge acquired by routine ; and although, in some cases, priests were appointed for the purpose of observing and explain- ing signs (vid. Augur, Haeuspex), yet on any sud- den emergency, especially in private affairs, any one who met with something extraordinary might act as his own interpreter. The principal signs by which the gods were thought to declare their will, were things connected with the offering of sacrifi- ces, the flight and voice of birds, all kinds of nat- ural phenomena, ordinary as well as extraordinary and dreams. The interpretation of signs of the first class {Upo (lavrsla or lepouKoma, haruspicium. or ars haruspicina) was, according to ^schylus,' the invention of Pro- metheus. It seems to have been most cultivated bj the Etruscans, among whom it was raised into a complete science, and from whom it passed to the Romans. Sacrifices were either offered for the special purpose of consulting the gods, or in the or- dinary way ; but in both cases the signs were ob- served, and when they were propitious, the sacri- fice was said KaXlupelv. The principal points that were generally observed were, 1. The manner in which the victim approached to the altar, whether uttering a sound or not ; the former was consider- ed a favourable omen in the sacrifice at the Panio- nium." 2. The nature of the intestines with re- spect to their colour and smoothness ;^ the liver and bile were of particular importai»;e. ( Yid. C afu r ExTOEUM.) 3. The nature of the flame which con- sumed the sacrifice ;* hence the words Trvpo/xavreia, e/iTTvpa aijjiaTa, ^Ti-oyuiru a^/iara. That the smoke rising from the altar, the libation, and various other things offered to the gods, were likewise considered as a means through which the will of the gods might be learned, is clear from the names Ka-Kvo/iavTeia, ^t.6avo/iavT£ca, KpidofiavTeia, and others. Especial care was also taken, during a sacrifice, that no inau- spicious or frivolous words were uttered by any of the by-standers : hence the admonitions of the priests, eviprj/iElre and ev(jiyfiia, or aiydre, giottute, favete Un- guis, and others ; for improper expressions were not only thought to pollute and profane the sacred act, but to be unlucky omens (,6v(7(jiri/iia, xk-Qdmei, tp^l^at, (puval, or ofitpal^). The art of interpreting signs of the second class was called oiuvwtlk^, augurium or aiisjpicium. It was, like the former, common to Greeks and Ro- mans, but was never developed into so complete a system by the former as by the latter ; nor did it ever attain the same degree of importance in Greece as it did at Rome. ( Vid. Auspicium.) The Greeks, when observing the flight of birds, turned their face towards the north, and then a bird appearing to the right (east), especially an eagle, a heron, or a fal- con, was a favourable sign,' while birds appearing to the left (west) were considered as unlucky signs.' Sometimes the mere appearance of a bird was thought sufficient : thus the Athenians always con- sidered the appearance of an owl as a lucky sign ; hence the proverb, yAaif iwraTai, " the owl is out,""' 1. (Prom. Vinct., 492,