iie!!<aiBpig»j5a 
 
 Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31 924081 2701 53 
 
Cl^e pgitorical ^etiesi for CBtble ^tuDent^. 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 , Professor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., of Brown University, 
 
 AND 
 
 Professor FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., of Yale University. 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE HEBREW PEOPLE. 
 
 The Divided Kingdom. 
 
The Historical Series for Bible Stddehts. 
 
 Edited by Professor CHARLES F. KENT, Ph.D., of Brown University, 
 and Professor FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., of Yale University. 
 
 IN response to a widespread demand for non-technical yet scholarly and reli- 
 able guides to the study of the history, literature, and teaching of the Old 
 and New Testaments, and of the contemporary history and literature, this series 
 aims to present in concise and attractive form the results of investigation and 
 exploration in these broad fields. Based upon thoroughly critical scholarship, it 
 will emphasize assured and positive rather than transitional positions. The series 
 as a whole is intended to present a complete and connected picture of the social, 
 political, and religious Ufe of the men and peoples who figure most prominently in 
 the biblical records. 
 
 Each volume will be complete in itself, treating comprehensively a given sub- 
 ject or period. It will also refer freely to the biblical and monumental sources, 
 and to the standard authorities. Convenience of size, clearness of presentation, 
 and helpfulness to the student, will make the series particularly well adapted foi 
 (i) practical text-books for college, seminary, and university classes ; (a) hand- 
 books for the use of Bible classes, clubs, and guilds ; (3) guides for individual 
 study; and (4) books for general reference. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE. 
 
 I. The United Kingdom. Fifth edi- Charles F. Kent, Ph.D., Professor of 
 tion. Biblical Literature and History, Brown 
 
 3. The Divided Kingdom. Fifth edi- University. 
 
 tion. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 
 
 3. The Babylonian, Persian, and Greek Charles F. Kent, Ph,D., Professor of 
 
 Periods. Biblical Literature and History, Brown 
 
 University. 
 
 4. The Maccabean and Roman Period James S. Riggs, D.D., Professor of Bib- 
 
 (including New Testament Times). lical Criticism, Auburn Theological Sem- 
 
 inary. 
 
 CONTEMPORARY OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 
 
 5. History of the Egyptians. James H. Breasted, Fh.D., Assistant 
 
 Professor of Semitic Languages and 
 Egyptology, The University of Chicago. 
 
 6. History of the Babylonians and As- George S. Goodspeed, Ph.D., Professor 
 
 Syrians. of Ancient History, The University of 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT HISTORIES. 
 
 7. The Life of Jesus. Rush Rhees, Professor of New Testament 
 
 Interpretation, Newton Theological Sem- 
 inary. 
 
 I. The Apostolic Age. George T. Purves, Ph.D., D.D., Pro- 
 
 fessor of New Testament Literature and 
 Exegesis, Princeton Theological Semi- 
 nary. 
 
 OUTLINES FOR THE STUDY OF BIBLICAL 
 HISTORY AND LITERATURE. 
 
 g. Prom Earliest Times to the Cap- Frank K. Sanders, Ph.D., Professor 
 
 tivity. of Biblical Literature, Yale IJnivei^ty. 
 
 10. From the Exile to 200 A.D. 
 
A HISTORY 
 
 OP 
 
 THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 FROM THE DIVISION OF THE KINGDOM TO 
 THE FALL OF JERUSALEM IN 586 B.C. 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES FOSTER KENT, Ph.D. 
 
 PROFEaSOB OF BIBLICAL LITKRATCRE AKD HISTOKT, BROWN UNIVEESITT 
 
 WITH MAPS AND CHART 
 
 SEVENTH EDITION 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 1899 
 
Copyright, 1897, 
 Bt Cbakles Scsibneb's Sons. 
 
 John WiLsaN and Son, Caubbidoe, U.S.A. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The division of the Hebrew kingdom at the death 
 of Solomon turned the courses of Hebrew life and 
 thought into such entirely new channels that that 
 which precedes and that which follows this eventful 
 act constitute, in a sense, two independent historical 
 units. Both, however, are parts of an organic whole, 
 and therefore our knowledge of one remains incom- 
 plete without a familiarity with the other, Eecogniz- 
 ing that many threads were necessarily left loose, and 
 that many conclusions, especially in the analysis of the 
 historical sources, were stated without complete proof, 
 it was with great hesitation that the first volume was 
 submitted to the public. Its aims, however, have been 
 BO generously appreciated by all classes of Bible stu- 
 dents that it is with keen pleasure that I now endeavor 
 to redeem the implied promise, and gather up these 
 loose threads by presenting the subsequent develop- 
 ment of the history, since this itself constitutes the 
 most satisfactory and final proof of the conclusions 
 previously offered. Thus, for example, in the full light 
 of the reformation of Josiah, the peculiar ideas of the 
 Deuteronomic editor of Judges and Samuel are clearly 
 intelligible, and the inconsistencies in these books, 
 which at first seem so glaring, disappear in the true 
 
VI PREFACE 
 
 perspective of history. During the prophetic period 
 also the great religious truths, heretofore found only 
 in germ, unfold, making this, of all Semitic antiquity, 
 the era unquestionably the richest in its intellectual 
 and spiritual development. 
 
 While the determination to limit the present volume 
 to the length prescribed by the wants of the busy 
 reader has been persistently adhered to, the aim has 
 been so to introduce him to the character, work, and 
 essential teachings of each of the prophets that he may 
 find in their recorded words that reality and meaning 
 which are impossible without a clear understanding of 
 their historical background. 
 
 A detailed critical analysis of the different prophet- 
 ical books, which are the main historical sources for 
 the various periods, has not been attempted, since the 
 sections whose date and authorship are in question 
 fortunately do not contain data of sufficient importance 
 to modify materially our conception of the history ; 
 and therefore such a treatment would be aside from 
 the purpose of the present work, which deals primarily 
 with the life of the Hebrew people in its political, 
 social, and religious aspects rather than with their 
 literary products. 
 
 The course of the development of Hebrew history 
 was determined so largely by the influence of the two 
 great world-powers, Assyria and Babylonia, that they 
 suggest the most practical division into periods. Be- 
 fore the advent of Assyria the histories of the two 
 Hebrew kingdoms ran closely parallel and therefore 
 they have been considered together. Subsequently they 
 
PKEFACE VU 
 
 were separated so widely that they have been treated 
 independently. References to sections, preceded by 
 the Roman numeral I., refer to the first volume of this 
 history, which treats of the period included between 
 the settlement in Canaan and the division of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 Trusting that this work will prove to many only a 
 starting-point for a more detailed study of the variety 
 of interesting problems which arise in connection with 
 each chapter, I have given in the Appendix a full list of 
 references to the leading authorities. The bibliog- 
 raphy therein contained also suggests the previous 
 writers to whom I am indebted. 
 
 In the same connection I take pleasure in acknowl- 
 edging a more personal indebtedness to Professor 
 Frank K. Sanders, Ph. D., of Yale University, and 
 the Reverends Samuel B. Sherrill and Stephen G. 
 Hopkins, who have reviewed the present volume in 
 manuscript. 
 
 C. F. K. 
 
 Berlin, Germant, 
 
 January 2, 1897. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART I 
 
 THE PRE-ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF HEBREW HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES FOB THE PERIOD 
 
 Sections 1-12. Pages 3-11. 
 
 Section 1. The general character of the sources. 2. The edi- 
 tor of the Book of Kings. <3. Ancient state records. 4. 
 Analysis of I. Kings xii.-svi. 5. The Elijah stories. 6. 
 Historical value of Kings. 7. Characteristics of Chronicles. 
 8. Point of view of the chronicler. 9. His didactic purpose. 
 10. Sources of the chronicler. 11. Historical value of 
 Chronicles. 12. Phcenician and Moabite inscriptions. 
 
 II 
 
 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE TWO KINGDOMS 
 
 Sections 13-17. Pages 12-15. 
 
 Section 13. 'The chronological data of Kings. 14. Different 
 chronological systems. 15. Exactness of Assyrian dates. 
 
 16. Synchronisms between Hebrew and Assyrian history. 
 
 17. Chronology of the Pre- Assyrian period. 
 
X CONTENTS 
 
 III 
 
 THE DIVISION OF THE HEBREW KINGDOM 
 
 Sections 18-26. Pages 16-25. 
 
 Section 18. The causes of the division. 19. Early separation 
 of Israel and Judah. 20. The division following the death 
 of Saul. 21. Mutual jealousy under David. 22. Results of 
 Solomon's policy. 23. Attitude of the prophets. 24. Orien- 
 talism versus Jehovahism. 25. Kehoboam's policy and its 
 fruits. 26. Results of the division. 
 
 IV 
 
 EESOURCES AND ORGANIZATION OP THE TWO 
 
 KINGDOMS 
 
 Sections 27-34. Pages 26-34. 
 
 Section 27. The boundary between Israel and Judah. 28. 
 Their natural defences. 29. Their relative productiveness. 
 30. Elements of unity and discord. 81. Position of the 
 king in the north and the south. 32. The national religion 
 of Israel. 33. Northern sanctuaries. 34. Significance of 
 Jeroboam's religious policy. 
 
 POLITICAL EVENTS IN ISRAEL AND JUDAH 
 
 Sections 35-45. Pages 35-45. 
 
 Section 35. The reigns of Jeroboam and Rehoboam. 36. War 
 between Israel and Judah. 37. Accession of Omri. 38. 
 His wars with Damascus. 39. The building of Samaria. 
 40. The policy of Ahab. 41. Aramean invasions. 42. Ahab's 
 victory over the Arameans, and defeat at Karkar. 43. His 
 death at Ramoth-Gilead. 44. Joram's unsuccessful invasion 
 of Moab. 45. Contemporary events in Judah. 
 
CONTENTS xi 
 
 VI 
 
 THE RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN ISRAEL, AND THE WORK 
 
 OJF ELIJAH 
 
 Sections 46-54. Pages 46-54. 
 
 Section 46. The religious life of Judah. 47. Position of the 
 prophets m the two kingdoms. 48. Results of Ahab's aUi- 
 ance with Phoenicia. 49. False and true Jehovah prophets. 
 50. The danger from Baalism. 51. Character of Elijah. 
 52. His protest against Baalism. 53. Ahab's crimes against 
 his subjects. 54. Elijah's work as a social and religious 
 reformer. 
 
 PART II 
 
 THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF ISRAEL'S HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND CHRONOLOGY 
 
 Sections 55-58. Pages 57-60. 
 
 Section 55. The analysis of II. Kings iv.-xvii. 56. The 
 prophecies of Amos and Rosea. 57. Assyrian inscriptions. 
 68. Chronology of the period. 
 
 II 
 
 THE REVOLUTION OF JEHU 
 
 Sections 59-68. Pages 61-69. 
 
 Section 59. The contrast between Elijah and Elisha. 60. The 
 prophetic guilds. 61. Character of the " sons of the prophets." 
 62. Elisha's relation to the prophetic guilds. 63. The anoint- 
 ing of Jehu. 64. The murder of Joram. 65. Death of Jez- 
 ebel. 66. Jehu's slaughter of the royal family. 67. The 
 disastrous effects of the revolution. 68. Establishment of 
 the principle of separation. 
 
XU CONTENTS 
 
 III 
 
 ISRAEL UNDER THE RULE OE THE HOUSE OF JEHU 
 
 Sections 69-76. Pages 70-77. 
 
 Section 69. Jehu's tribute to Assyria. 70. Damascus and 
 Assyria. 71. Israel's subjection to Damascus. 72. Aramean 
 invasion. 73. Unexpected deliverance. 74. Humiliation of 
 Damascus by the Assyrians. 75. Extension of Israel's power. 
 76. Its Indian summer under Jeroboam II. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE PROPHETS AMOS AND HOSEA 
 
 Sections 77-84. Pages 78-85. 
 
 Section 77. The new type of prophets. 78. Their character- 
 istics. 79. Nationality and position of Amos. 80. His call 
 to be a prophet. 81. The reception of his message. 82. 
 Personality of Hosea. 83. His private history. 84. Histor- 
 ical importance of these prophets. 
 
 SOCIETY AND MORALS IN ISRAEL 
 Sections 85-90. Pages 86-91. 
 Section 85. The causes of Israel's sudden decline. 86. Im- 
 portance of the individual in the Hebrew state. 87. The re- 
 sults of the war with Damascus. 88. Increasing greed and 
 luxury. 89. Public and private corruption. 90. Impending 
 national destruction. 
 
 VI 
 
 POPULAR AND PROPHETIC RELIGION 
 Sections 91-95. Pages 92-97. 
 Section 91. The prevailing conceptions of Jehovah. 92. Cor- 
 ruption of the priests and prophets. 93. The God of Amos. 
 94. Sources of the new light. 95. Divine love as proclaimed 
 by Hosea. 
 
CONTENTS Xiii 
 
 VII 
 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF ISRAEL 
 
 Seotions 96-102. Pages 98-104. 
 
 Section 96. The reign of Menahem. 97. Conquests of Tiglath- 
 Pileser UI. 98. Parties in Israel. 99. Rebellion against 
 Assyria. 100. Subjugation of Palestine by Tiglath-Pileser. 
 101. Intrigues of Egypt. 102. Revolt of Hoshea and the 
 final fall of Samaria. 
 
 VIII 
 THE ROLE OF ISRAEL IN THE WORLD'S HISTORY 
 
 Sections 103-108. Pages 105-110. 
 
 Section 103. The deportation of the Israelites. 104. Tate of 
 the exiles. 105. Introduction of foreign colonists into 
 Samaria. 106. Their religious faith. 107. Israel's literary 
 products. 108. Its religious contributions. 
 
 PART III 
 
 THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF JUDAH'S HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND CHRONOLOGY 
 
 Sections 109-115. Pages 113-119. 
 
 Section 109. The analysis of II. Kings xi.-xxi. 110. Date 
 of Isaiah's prophecies. 111. Micah's sermons. 112. Con- 
 temporary Assyrian inscriptions. 113. Chronology of the 
 period. 114. Date of Hezekiah's accession. 115. Data 
 suggesting the year 725 b. c. 
 
xiv CONTENTS 
 
 II 
 
 FROM ATHALIAH TO AHAZ 
 
 Sections 116-125. Pages 120-126. 
 
 Sectiok 116. The revolution led by Jehoiada. 117. Kejection 
 of Baalism. 118. Kepair of the Temple. 119. Invasion of 
 Hazael. 120. Accession of Amaziah. 121. Conquests in 
 Edom. 122. Judah's humiliation by Israel. 123. Character 
 of Azariah (Uzziah). 124. His foreign and home policy. 
 125. His war against Tiglath-Fileser HI. 
 
 Ill 
 
 THE CRISIS OF 734 B.C. 
 
 Sbctions 126-134. Pages 127-133. 
 
 Section 126. The invasion of the Israelites and Arameans. 
 127. Character of Ahaz. 128. The youthful Isaiah. 129. 
 His call to be a prophet. 130. His words of encouragement 
 to Ahaz. 131. The mysterious sign. 132. Isaiah's political 
 insight. 133. His appeal to the people. 134. Submission 
 of Ahaz to Assyria. 
 
 IV 
 
 SOCIETY AND RELIGION IN JUBAH 
 Sections 135-143 Pages 134-140. 
 
 Section 135. The new influences in the life of Judah. 136. 
 Social sermons of the prophets. 137. Oppression of the poor 
 by the rich. 138. Results of intemperance. 139. Corruption 
 of the rulers. 140. Earlier conceptions of Jehovah. 141. 
 Popular superstitions. 142. False religious leaders. 143. 
 Debasing ceremonials. 
 
CONTENTS XV 
 
 THE GREAT INVASION OF SENNACHERIB 
 
 Sections 144-153. Pages 141-150. 
 
 Section 144. The reign of Hezekiah. 145. Sargon's invasion 
 of Palestine in 711 b. c. 146. Significance of the embassy 
 of Merodach-Baladan. 147. Rebellion in Palestine. 148. 
 Advance of Sennacherib. 149. Isaiah's predictions of As- 
 syria's overthrow. 150. Conquest of Judah. 151. Surrender 
 of Jerusalem. 152. Isaiah's activity at the great crisis. 
 153. Sennacherib's sudden retreat. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE WORK AND TEACHINGS OF ISAIAH 
 
 Sections 154-163. Paces 151-158. 
 
 Section 154. The greatness of Isaiah. 155. His concq)tion of 
 Jehovah's holiness. 156. His Messianic ideals. 157. His 
 predictions concerning the Messianic king. 158. The coming 
 Messianic kingdom. 159. The unfolding of the divine plan. 
 160. Growth of a prophetic party. 161. Doctrine of the 
 " faithful remnant." 162. Reformation of Hezekiah. 163. 
 The fruits of Isaiah's work. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE REACTIONARY REIGN OF MANASSllH 
 
 Sections 164-169. Pages 159-164. 
 
 Section 164. The causes of the religious reaction. 165. 
 Triumph of the anti-prophetical party. 166. Introduction 
 of foreign religions. 167. Work of Isaiah's disciples. 168. 
 Editing of the Book of Deuteronomy. 169. Religious sig- 
 nificance of the period. 
 
ivi CONTENTS 
 
 PART IV 
 
 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JUDAH'S HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES 
 
 Sections 170-176. Pages 167-171. 
 
 Section 170. The analysis of II. Kings xxii.-xxv. 171. The 
 Book of Deuteronomy. 172. Prophecies of Zephaniah, 
 Nahum, and Habakkuk. 173. Jeremiah's earlier sermons. 
 174. His later prophecies. 175. Ezekiel's earlier -writings. 
 176. Babylonian and Graek records. 
 
 II 
 
 THE GREAT REFORMATION UNDER JOSIAH 
 
 Sections 177-188. Pages 172-182. 
 
 Section 177. The forerunners of the reformation. 178. Ad- 
 vance of the Scythians. 179. Zephaniah's reform sermons. 
 180. Call and character of Jeremiah. 181. Text of his 
 earliest prophecies. 182. Finding of the book of the law. 
 183. Institution of reform measures. 184. Historical sig- 
 nifloance of the reformation. 185. The chief enactments of 
 Deuteronomy. 186. Beginning of the rule of the written 
 law. 187. Literary activity following the reformation. 188. 
 Editing of earlier prophetical and wisdom books. 
 
 Ill 
 
 JUDAH AND THE NEW WORLD POWERS 
 
 Sections 189-196. Pages 183-189. 
 
 Section 189. The fall of Assyria. 190. Advance of Necho 
 and death of Josiah. 191. The short reign of Jehoahaz. 
 192. Religious reaction under Jehoiakim. 198. Protests of 
 Jeremiah. 194. Persecutions of the true Jehovah prophets. 
 195. Supremacy of the Chaldeans. 196. Counsels of Habak- 
 kuk and Jeremiah. 
 
CONTENTS XVU 
 
 IV 
 
 JEREMIAH AND THE FALL OF JERUSALEM 
 
 Sections 197-206. Pages 190-198. 
 
 Section 197. The reception of Jeremiah's message. 198. His 
 political policy. 199. His unflinching loyalty. 200. The 
 first conquest of Jerusalem. 201. Inefficiency of Zedekiah. 
 202. Reappearance of old heathen forms. 203. Influence of 
 the false prophets. 204. Revolt against Babylon. 205. 
 Jeremiah's experiences during the siege of the city. 206. 
 Final destruction of Jerusalem. 
 
 THE LAST CHAPTER OF JUDAH'S HISTORY 
 
 Sections 207-212. Pages 199-204. 
 
 Section 207. The Jewish colony at Mizpah. 208. Murder of 
 Gedaliah. 209. Fortunes of the exiles. 210. Unique work 
 and character of the Hebrew prophets. 211. Their con- 
 stantly developing religious ideals. 212. Fulfilment of the 
 prophetic revelation in Christianity. 
 
 Appendix 207-218 
 
 LIST OF MAPS AND CHART 
 
 Chronological Chart Frontispiece 
 
 The Two Hebrew Kingdoms to face page 26 
 
 The Assyrian Empire to face page 100 
 
PART I 
 
 THE PRE-ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF 
 HEBREW HISTORY 
 
THE HISTOmCAL SOXJKCES FOB THE PEBIOD 
 
 1. The glories of the united Hebrew kingdom at- 
 tracted and held the attention of succeeding genera- 
 tions so effectually that the later prophets and priests 
 whose writings are preserved in the Old Testament 
 were impelled to draw copiously from the rich records 
 which had been handed down from that earlier age. 
 A period of decline, however, such as that which im- 
 mediately followed the division of the kingdom, did 
 not call forth the activity of the patriotic historian; 
 neither were the events themselves of a character to 
 appeal to religious teachers seeking for appropriate 
 historical illustrations ; consequently, our data respect- 
 ing the Pre-Assyrian period of Hebrew history are at 
 many points exceedingly incomplete. 
 
 2. The oldest and most authentic records are con- 
 tained in I. Kings xii.-II. Kings iii. An examination 
 of these chapters quickly demonstrates that, like the 
 Books of Judges, Samuel, and I. Kings i.-xi., of which 
 they are the continuation, they are compilations. As 
 in the Book of Judges (I. sect. 32), the work of the 
 editor or compiler is most apparent in the recurring 
 formulas which constitute the framework into which 
 the citations from the older sources are fitted. The 
 
 3 
 
4. A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 introductory formula in the case of the kings of Israel 
 indicates the synchronism with the kingdom of Judah, 
 and the length of the reigns of each king. In the 
 case of the kings of Judah, the name of the queen- 
 mother is also added, and frequently the age of the 
 king at his accession. The closing formula consists 
 of a reference to the historical source for the reign 
 and to the death of the king, and usually gives the 
 name of his successor. In the case of the kings of 
 Judah, the words " was buried with his fathers " are 
 added. The compiler's formula includes the stere- 
 otyped judgment upon each king. Even Zimri, who 
 overthrew the house of Baasha and reigned in Tirzah 
 but seven days, is condemned, as are all the kings of 
 Israel who succeeded its founder, for "doing that 
 which was evil in the sight of the Lord, in walking 
 in the way of Jeroboam, and in his sin which he did, 
 to make Israel to sin." A study of their recorded 
 deeds indicates that the compiler commends or con- 
 demns them, not because of their ability or ineiSciency 
 as rulers, but according to their attitude toward the 
 religion of Jehovah, and especially toward its cere- 
 monial observances. His standard naturally was that 
 of the later age in which he lived. The two kings 
 who are accredited with " doing right in the eyes of 
 the- Lord" are Asa and Jehoshaphat, who instituted 
 movements toward the reform of the religious cult. 
 
 8. These and kindred facts demonstrate conclusively 
 that the interests of the editor of the Book of Kings 
 were religious rather than political. This in turn ex- 
 plains why so many events of transcendent importance 
 to the modem historian were either ignored or re- 
 ceived only a passing notice. Fifteen times he refers 
 
THE ORIGINAL SOURCES OF "KINGS" 6 
 
 the reader for information respecting the acts of the dif- 
 ferent reigns to the "Book of the Chronicles of the 
 Kings of Judah," and seventeen times to the corre- 
 sponding Chronicles of Israel. These references — 
 exceedingly tantalizing since there is no hope that the 
 Chronicles can ever be recovered — suggest the sources 
 from which he gained a part of his facts. Even though 
 he lived after the final capture of Jerusalem, in 686 
 B. c, with which the narrative in Kings ends, it is not 
 incredible that certain state annals were still acces- 
 sible to him. The office of recorder, estabUshed under 
 David (I. Kings iv. 3), is good evidence that some such 
 memoranda of events were kept. The frequent change 
 of rulers, especially in Israel, was, however, unfavor- 
 able for the preservation of a connected record. It is 
 more probable that the Chronicles (literally, " words of 
 days ") referred to were two independent, continuous 
 narratives, based upon the official annals of the two 
 kingdoms. 
 
 4. Chapter xii. 1-31 contains the account of the 
 division of the kingdom, and the establishing of Jero- 
 boam as king over Israel. The original source was 
 probably the " Chronicles of the Kings of Israel," since 
 the interest is with the north. In verses 26-31, the 
 work of the compiler, who was strongly influenced by 
 the ideas of the age of Josiah (sect. 188), is appar- 
 ent. The language and representation of section xii. 
 32-xiii. 32, which tells of the mission of the unknown 
 Judean man of God to the royal sanctuary at Bethel, 
 indicate that it is a very late prophetic tradition, pos- 
 sibly inserted after .the work of the compiler was com- 
 pleted. It has been suggested, not without reason, 
 that it had its historical basis in the denunciatory mis- 
 
6 A HISTORY 01" THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 sion of the Judean prophet Amos, to the royal sanc- 
 tuary at Bethel, when another Jeroboam sat on the 
 throne of Israel (sects. 79, 80). Verses 33 and 34 of 
 chapter xiii. continue the thought of xii. 31, in the 
 language of the editor. Chapter xiv. 1-18 consists of 
 an ancient prophetic narrative, worked over in places 
 by the same hand. The remainder of this chapter, 
 and the two following, contain a series of short chi'ono- 
 logical and political notices cast in the framework of 
 the compiler, broken only by the brief prophecy of 
 Jehu against Baasha in xvi. 1-4. 
 
 5. The political notices are again interrupted by the 
 insertion of chapters xvii.-xix. The thought and 
 style of this section indicate that it is all from one 
 source, which must have been an old prophetic history 
 of the deeds of Elijah, based upon the stories current 
 among the later prophets. Here the compiler has 
 transcribed his material with few, if any, alterations. 
 The abruptness of the beginning suggests that the ori- 
 ginal narrative was provided with an introduction, 
 which he for some reason omitted. Chapter xxi. 
 continues the Elijah history. In chapter xx., which 
 breaks the continuity of the record, the interest is 
 political, although in verses 35-43 the sons of the 
 prophets are the central figures. It is evident that 
 here, and in xxii. 1-38, the original source was Israel- 
 itish, and was also probably the prophetic records. 
 The remainder of chapter xxii. consists of political 
 notices incorporated in the regular framework of the 
 compiler. The same are continued in II. Kings i. 17', 
 18. Between verses 1 and 17'', however, is inserted a 
 narrative concerning Elijah. Whether this is from the 
 same source as the other Elijah stories or from a later 
 
HISTORICAL VALUE OF "KINGS" 7 
 
 age, is uncertain. Chapter ii. concludes the history 
 of Elijah, and introduces that of Elisha. In iii. 1-3 
 the familiar formula of the compiler reappears, while 
 the remainder of the chapter, like I. Kings xx. and 
 xxii., is in part political apd in part prophetical, and 
 was evidently drawn from' an Israelitish source. The 
 political notices of chapter viii. 16-29 conclude the 
 treatment of this period. 
 
 6. This general analysis demonstrates that the dif- 
 ferent parts of Kings require careful study and adjust- 
 ment by the historian. The testimony of the later 
 traditions must be weighed in the light of their dis- 
 tance from the events of which they treat, and of the 
 influences to which they have been subjected. The 
 date and point of view of the compiler also must be 
 constantly borne in mind. It may, however, be justly 
 said that although the Books of Kings leave us igno- 
 rant of many important facts, they are, nevertheless, 
 an exceedingly authentic historical source, since they 
 are for the most part based upon records almost, if not 
 quite, contemporary with the events recorded; and 
 through them we are able to gain a remarkably clear 
 conception of the essential movements of the period 
 with which they are concerned. 
 
 7. While the second Book of Chronicles treats of 
 the same epochs, its historical contributions are much 
 inferior to those of the Books of Kings. In many pas- 
 sages the text is practically the same in each, indi- 
 cating that the chronicler transferred bodily many 
 sections from the older history. Consequently the 
 Book of Chronicles is also a compilation ; but only in 
 a limited sense, for a study of the language and char- 
 acteristics of the other parts of the book soon reveals 
 
8 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the fact that they are not citations from different 
 sources, but are all from the same author, or, at least, 
 from the same age and written from the same point of 
 view. 
 
 8. His peculiarities are clearly marked. His use of 
 words and constructions indicates that the Hebrew 
 language was already beginniug to decay. With the 
 exception of one or two short notices, he completely 
 ignores the history of Israel. He conceives of Judah 
 as a religious state, very similar to the post-exilic 
 hierarchy. He represents a ritual and institutions un- 
 known to the pre-exilic historians, as already devel- 
 oped. Prophets are frequently introduced whose words 
 and acts suggest no kinship with Elijah or Amos, but 
 who are closely related to the legal prophets of the 
 restored Jewish community. The evidence soon be- 
 comes conclusive that the author of Chronicles not 
 only wrote long after the exile (the beginning of the 
 Greek period, about 300 b. c, being the date usually 
 assigned to him), but he also repeatedly read the ideas 
 current in his age into the earlier days. 
 
 9. Two distinct strands, therefore, run through the 
 book : the first consists of the citations from the Book 
 of Kings ; the second, of the writings of the chronicler 
 himself. Although he has endeavored to reconcile them 
 by omissions and expansions, the variations resulting 
 from the two widely different points of view reflected 
 therein are frequently apparent. The didactic aim of 
 the chronicler is also very evident. National misfor- 
 tune and prosperity are always attributed directly to 
 right or wrong doing on the part of king or people. 
 The attentive reader soon recognizes that the author 
 has constantly in mind the Jews of his own day, whom 
 
THE SOURCES OP "CHRONICLES" 9 
 
 he was endeavoring in this manner to influence. The 
 purpose which always dominated him, even more than 
 the author of Kings, was to teach ethical and religious 
 truth. With him the mere recording of historical facts 
 was entirely secondary. If the systematic exaggerar 
 tion of numbers which is found throughout the book 
 is his work, it is the result, not of a deliberate effort to 
 pervert the truth, but rather to make his illustrations 
 the more impressive. 
 
 10. This preliminary study makes it possible to 
 estimate approximately the historical value of the 
 book. Since the citations from Kings only repeat 
 what is known, additional information, if any, must 
 be sought for in those parts of the book peculiar to 
 the chronicler. Living as he did, centuries after the 
 events recorded, the important question is, what were 
 the sources, other than Kings, from which he drew 
 his facts ? He refers to (1) " The Book of the Kings 
 of Judah and Israel" (II. Chron. xvi. 11, xxv. 26, 
 xxviii. 26) ; (2) " The Book of the Kings of Israel and 
 Judah " (II. Chron. xxvii. 7, xxxv. 27, xxxvi. 8) ; and 
 (3) " The Acts of the Kings of Israel " (II. Chron. 
 xxxiii. 18). These, probably, are to be identified as 
 variations of the same title. In several cases facts not 
 found in the canonical Book of Kings are cited from 
 this " Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah," which 
 is conclusive proof that they are not the same. It 
 cannot be identified with the authorities referred to in 
 the Book of Kings, since they were two independent 
 works (sect. 3), treating the history of each kingdom 
 separately. Reference is made in II. Chronicles xxiv. 
 27 to " The Midrash of the Book of Kings." Midrash 
 (translated " commentary ") is a late Hebrew designa- 
 
10 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 tion for a treatise containing moral or religious teach« 
 ing derived from some scriptural narrative or history. 
 It is not impossible that this was still another title for 
 " The Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah." If so, 
 the chief authority of the chi-onicler was a post-exilic 
 work, based upon the earlier traditions of the nation's 
 history, written, like the Book of Chronicles, with the 
 aim of deriving therefrom practical lessons for imme- 
 diate application. The "words" of certain prophets 
 and seers to which the chronicle refers may have been 
 independent monographs, although the context sug- 
 gests that they were only titles of certain sections of 
 the greater work. Another source is called " The 
 Midrash of the Prophet Iddo" (II. Chron. xiii. 22), 
 suggesting that its character likewise was didactic 
 rather than historical. 
 
 11. In the light of these facts there is no absolute 
 proof that the chronicler had access to ancient sources 
 equal or superior to those cited by the compiler of 
 Kings. On the other hand, the representation of the 
 chronicler is clear evidence that he drew his historical 
 illustrations largely from current tradition. In many 
 cases these differ radically from the testimony of the 
 Book of Kings ; for example, according to I. Kings xv. 
 1-4, Abijam, the successor of Rehoboam, " walked in 
 all the sins of his father, which he had done before 
 him ; and his heart was not perfect with the Lord, his 
 God," while the chronicler represents him (II. Chron. 
 xiii. 1-22) as valiantly championing the cause of 
 Jehovah, and winning a great victory over Jeroboam 
 of Israel. This idealization of the history, in accord- 
 ance with certain presuppositions current in the later 
 days of the Jewish state, or as the result of long oral 
 
EGYPTIAN AND MOABITE INSCKIPTIONS 11 
 
 transmission, runs through the entire book, and, of 
 course, in many cases obscures the original kernel of 
 historical fact. At the same time it is quite possible 
 that certain details of the history have been preserved in 
 this manner. When, however, the testimony of Kings 
 and Chronicles differs, it is obvious that that of the older 
 book is to be followed. Supplemental information 
 contained in the Book of Chronicles must also be care- 
 fully weighed in the light of the tendencies of the 
 author before being used. 
 
 12. Among the extra-biblical sources are the Phoeni- 
 cian inscriptions, which furnish valuable information 
 respecting the religion of these neighbors of Israel. 
 Later Hebrew and Greek writings have also preserved 
 a few stray facts. The long inscription of Shishak I., 
 inscribed in Egyptian hieroglyphics on the walls of 
 the temple at Karnak, tells of his invasion of Palestine. 
 The most valuable document, outside of the Bible, is 
 the famous Moabite stone found east of the Jordan, 
 and now preserved in the Louvre at Paris. This in- 
 scription consists of thirty-three lines, written in the 
 so-called Phoenician script, on a monument of black 
 basalt, reared by the Moabite king, Mesha, mentioned 
 in II. Kings iii. 4, in commemoration of his victories 
 over the Israelites. It refers to the conquest of Moab 
 by Omri, and gives the details of the war with the 
 Israelites, marvelloiisly supplementing the biblical 
 records. 
 
II 
 
 THE GHEOKOLOGT OF THE TWO KINGDOMS 
 
 13. Hebrew chronology presents a most difficult 
 and perplexing problem. The biblical data respecting 
 the chronology of the two kingdoms are of two kinds : 
 (1) the length of each reign is given ; (2) at the acces- 
 sion of each king the corresponding year of the reign of 
 his contemporary in the other kingdom is stated. Ad- 
 dition of the years assigned to the kings of Israel and 
 of Judah during a given period at once reveals differ- 
 ences which indicate that the first group of data is 
 not exact. A comparison of the second, the synchro- 
 nisms, with each other and with the lengths assigned 
 to the different reigns, also discloses wide variations. 
 These facts are not so surprising when it is noted 
 that the chronological data belong, not to the citations 
 from the older sources, but are from the hand of the 
 compiler, who lived about the time of the fall of 
 Jerusalem, in 586 b. c, and was therefore entirely 
 dependent either upon earlier records or traditions for 
 his information, or else, when these were wanting, was 
 obliged to estimate as best he could. In the age of 
 Jeremiah and Ezekiel it had become the custom to 
 reckon time by the year of the reigning monarch, so 
 that in the writings of these prophets he could find 
 
 12 
 
DIFFERENT CHRONOLOGICAL SYSTEMS 13 
 
 data from which to determine the length of each reign ; 
 but in the earlier periods there appears to have been 
 no regular system of chronology, and no definite point 
 from which to reckon. The older documents contain 
 almost no chronological notices. Amos, the most ex- 
 act of the earlier prophets, states that he delivered 
 his prophecy "two years before the earthquake." 
 Zechariah (xiv. 5) refers to the same great earthquake, 
 which occurred during the reign of Uzziah of Judah ; 
 but succeeding generations soon forgot its exact date, 
 so that the reference is now valueless. 
 
 14. The data upon which the compiler of Kings 
 based his statements must have been exceedingly in- 
 complete. " The Chronicles of the Kings of Israel and 
 of Judah" may have given him the length of the reigns 
 of certain kings, although the character of his system 
 suggests that he was almost entirely dependent upon 
 general tradition or his own estimates. A careful ex- 
 amination of the series of synchronisms confirms the 
 conclusion that they were added by a still later editor, 
 who was endeavoring to harmonize the differences in 
 the chronology of the two kingdoms. A great variety 
 of devices has been adopted by later biblical chronolo- 
 gists, with a view to explaining the discrepancies. 
 That of Bishop Ussher, the one introduced in the 
 margin of the Authorized Version, has in the past 
 received the widest acceptance. The testimony of the 
 Assyrian inscriptions, however, has demonstrated that 
 his system can no longer be accepted as even approxi- 
 mately correct. 
 
 15. That which overthrows, at the same time fur- 
 nishes the basis for a more satisfactory reconstruction. 
 Fortunately the Assyrians, like the Greeks, designated 
 
14 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 each year by the name of a certain officer. Not one, 
 but many duplicate copies of these eponym lists have 
 been found which mutually corroborate each other, 
 and establish beyond question the exactness of the 
 Assyrian chronological system. This is in turn car- 
 ried down to later times by the Ptolemaic. Astro- 
 nomical calculations have confirmed the testimony of 
 these two systems respecting the month, as well as the 
 year, when a certain great eclipse occurred. In accord- 
 ance with the spirit of exactness, not only the length 
 of the reigns of the kings, but also the events of each 
 year, are clearly stated in the Assyrian annals and his- 
 torical inscriptions. Consequently, when Hebrew and 
 Assyrian history touch, an exact standard is provided 
 for confirming or correcting the biblical data. 
 
 16. At two points the history of Judah and Israel 
 absolutely synchronizes ; namely, at the division, and 
 when Jehu slew the rulers of both the kingdoms (sect. 
 64). The inscription of Shalmaneser II. states that 
 Jehu paid tribute to Assyria in 842 B. c. Since there 
 is no evidence that his territory was invaded, it is prob- 
 able that his object in so doing was to establish his 
 position on the throne of Israel; indeed, it would 
 have been in perfect accord with the policy of Assyria 
 if it had originally had a part in instigating the revo- 
 lution. However that may be, 842 b. c. may be as- 
 signed as its date. Addition of the years attributed, 
 respectively, to the kings who reigned between these 
 two common dates, gives a total of ninety-five for 
 Judah, and ninety-eight for Israel, which represents a 
 difference of three years. The error should probably 
 be assigned to Israel. 
 
 17. On an inscription of Shalmaneser II., Ahab of 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLIER PERIOD 15 
 
 Israel is mentioned among the allied kings who fought 
 at Karkar in 854 B. c. (sect. 42). The battle of 
 Eamoth-Gilead, at which Ahab met his death (sect. 
 43), was necessarily later, probably in the succeeding 
 year, 853 B. c, eleven years before the revolution of 
 Jehu. The biblical historian, however, assigns two 
 years to Ahaziah, and twelve to Jehoram, the two 
 kings who reigned between Ahab and Jehu. Aha- 
 ziah's fatal accident, recorded in II. Kings i. 2, prob- 
 ably came about the time of his accession. His brother 
 Jehoram naturally became regent; in which case the 
 two years of his regentship before Ahaziah's death 
 would be counted twice. Since Ahab was living in 
 854, the duration of Jehoram's reign must have been 
 eleven instead of twelve years. With these changes, 
 the chronology of Judah and Israel is brought into 
 agreement. According to this reckoning, the division 
 of the Hebrew empire took place in 937 B. c, a date 
 confirmed by the Egyptian monuments, since it falls 
 within the reign of Shishak I., who received the refu- 
 gee Jeroboam, and later invaded Palestine (sect. 35). 
 These results, together with the contemporary chronol- 
 ogy of Egypt, Damascus, and Assyria, are presented 
 in the chronological chart at the beginning of this 
 volume. 
 
Ill 
 
 THE DIVISION OF THE HBBEEW KINGDOM 
 
 18. Within a single century the barbarous Hebrew 
 peasants had been organized into a powerful empire 
 which dominated the Canaanitish world. Still greater 
 political influence and prosperity seemed to await 
 them, when suddenly the empire was divided, and 
 a few centuries later the two kingdoms, mutually 
 weakened, fell an easy prey to foreign conquerors. 
 What were the causes of this fatal act of division, so 
 weighted with far-reaching consequences? A casual 
 reader of Old Testament history might at once reply 
 that it was due to the unwise course followed by 
 Solomon's successor in his treatment of the northern 
 tribes. This, however, would present only the imme- 
 diate cause, — the spark which set off the accumulated 
 mass of tinder. To understand the real causes, it is 
 necessary to review the preceding chapters of Hebrew 
 history. 
 
 19. When the fragmentary records of the Book 
 of Judges at times turned the flash-light upon the 
 Hebrew tribes contending for the possession of the 
 soil of Canaan, or absorbing and assimilating the origi- 
 nal inhabitants of the land, we found the Israelites, 
 in the north and centre, and the Judeans in the south, 
 each fighting their own battle alone, and each grappling 
 
 16 
 
ISRAEL AND JtJDAH 17 
 
 with their own individual problems (I. sects. 40, 41). 
 Gideon's kingdom does not appear to have extended 
 farther south than the limits of Ephraim. Nowhere 
 is there any indication (in the light of the oldest 
 sources) that during the period of the judges the north 
 and south were ever united, even temporarily, to ward 
 off the attack of a threatening enemy. Furthermore, 
 a strong line of Canaanitish cities, of which Jebus was 
 the chief, extended across the land of Canaan from 
 east to west, completely cutting off the Israelites of 
 the north from their kinsmen of the south. The 
 Judeans also absorbed an unusually large native 
 element, which undoubtedly tended to neutralize the 
 mutual attraction of common blood and religion. 
 Thus the circumstances and events of their early 
 history all tended to foster the spirit of independence 
 rather than of union. The frequent recurrence, side 
 by side, in the earher as well as in the later narratives 
 of Samuel and Kings, of the two names Israel and 
 Judah as designations of the north and south, respec- 
 tively, indicates that this distinction was constantly 
 maiataiued, even during the period of the united 
 kingdom (I. Sam. xi. 8; xvii. 52; II. Sam. xi. 11; 
 xii. 8; xxi. 2; I. Kings i. 35; iv. 20, 25). In the 
 oldest sections in Judges the same distinctions are 
 observed (i. 2, 4, 8, 28 ; v. 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, etc.). 
 Not until after the fall of the northern kingdom does 
 Israel, as a general name, appear to have been also 
 applied to Judah. This looser usage is most common 
 in Chronicles. In this connection it may be noted 
 that the tribes in the north after the division were 
 assuming no new title when they designated their 
 kingdom as Israel. 
 
 2 
 
13 A HISTORY 01-' THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 20. Under the stress of a common and threatening 
 danger (subjection to the Philistine yoke), all the 
 tribes were driven for a brief period to unite about 
 the standard of the Benjaminite Saul. If the support 
 of the Judeans was at first strong and hearty, it was 
 gradually withdrawn when their kinsman and popular 
 champion, David, was hunted from the court of their 
 suspicious king. Although they did not openly revolt, 
 the readiness with which they proceeded, after the 
 battle of Gilboa, to elect their favorite to the throne 
 of Judah, even though the northern tribes remained 
 faithful to the house of Saul, shows conclusively that 
 their support of the Benjaminite king was far from 
 enthusiastic, and that the feeling of jealousy was only 
 smouldering. 
 
 21. Throughout all early Hebrew history the north- 
 ern tribes, of which Ephraim and Manasseh were the 
 acknowledged leaders, far surpassed Judah in influence 
 and resources. Joshua, Deborah, Barak, Gideon, 
 Samuel, and Saul, whose exploits were the pride of 
 the race, all came from the north ; but the scion of the 
 house of Saul, whom the Israelites placed upon the 
 throne after the death of their first king, proved a 
 weak reed to lean upon; while from without the 
 victorious Philistines pressed them so severely that 
 their might was terribly broken. At last the stroke 
 of assassins cut down in quick succession both their 
 general and their king, so that they were left without 
 a' leader. Under the pressure of this insistent danger, 
 the Hebrew tribes were for the first time in their 
 history really united. David's continued success in 
 war, and a policy which favored the northern tribes 
 even more than Judah, preserved the union ; neverthe- 
 
JEALOUSY BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH 19 
 
 less during his reign the ancient, fierce rivalry broke 
 forth and threatened to sunder the state. In his 
 efforts to conciliate the northern tribes after the 
 suppression of the rebellion of Absalom, Dayid un- 
 wittingly stirred up the jealousy of the Judeans. 
 Evidently, whUe endeavoring to appease them, he in 
 turn incensed their old rivals of the north ; for we 
 find them in a mad revolt, which is only put down 
 by Joab by force of arms. This incident is conclusive 
 proof that the old bitter feeling survived, and that 
 all the sMU and power of a David was required 
 to keep together the elements which mingled so 
 imperfectly. 
 
 22. Solomon took good care, at the beginning of 
 his reign, to remove by the sword all persons who 
 might prove seditious. Perhaps he felt too secure 
 after this act, since his later policy is famous for just 
 those mistakes which his father had so carefully 
 avoided. He succeeded in realizing his ideal of 
 splendor and absolutism; but his success was pur- 
 chased at a* terrible cost. Although for a time his 
 people were dazzled by the display, erelong the 
 northern tribes waked up to the bitter realization 
 of the fact that all this glitter was not gold, and that 
 the just policy of David no longer guided the throne. 
 Israelitish interests were made subservient to those 
 of the king and of Judah. It was gall and bitterness 
 to the northerners to see the wealth and power of 
 the empire constantly being concentrated in the 
 southern capital. Furthermore, the Temple and all 
 the splendid palaces and strong fortifications with 
 which the city was beautified were built by the fruits of 
 their increase and by their wearisome toil. Ttus to 
 
20 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 override the rights of the individual subject and to re- 
 duce to serfdom a people who a generation before had 
 been free and independent, inevitably meant rebellion 
 whenever opportunity offered. Many may have been 
 the uprisings. History records only the unsuccessful 
 one led by Jeroboam the Ephraimite. 
 
 23. In connection with the account of this rebel- 
 lion, there is a suggestive notice (I. Kings xi. 29-39) 
 to the effect that Jeroboam was informed by a prophet, 
 Ahijah, that he would become king over the ten tribes. 
 Even though the narrative be late, it is of value as 
 indicating the hostile attitude of the prophets toward 
 the policy and reign of Solomon. This is further 
 confirmed by the reference, in I. Kings xii. 22-24, 
 to the action of a certain man of God, named Shemaiah. 
 When Rehoboam, after the division, gathered together 
 his forces to march against the Israelites to reduce 
 them to subjection, this man of God appeared before 
 the king, and proclaimed that it was the will of 
 Jehovah that they should not go up and fight against 
 their brethren. The narrative also adds that the 
 Judeans listened to him and desisted from their expe- 
 dition. These references are sufficient to indicate 
 that the influence of at least the more zealous Jehovah- 
 prophets was thrown on the side of the Israelites, and 
 that they favored rather than opposed the division. 
 The attitude of the true prophets in subsequent crises, 
 when conditions were similar, confirms the conclusion. 
 
 24. A careful study, on the one hand, of the reign 
 of Solomon and of the tendencies which were then 
 beginning to manifest themselves, and, on the other, 
 of the character and ideals of these early men of God, 
 reveals the cause of their attitude. Solomon's policy 
 
REAL CAUSES OF THE DIVISION 21 
 
 brought to the Hebrew nation the refining influences 
 and the products of the civilization of that ancient 
 world. Tlirough the newly opened channels of con- 
 quest and commerce it was fast absorbing the art and 
 ideas of the surrounding peoples. In a generation or 
 two more it would have been quite impossible to dis- 
 tinguish it from its neighbors. If its character and 
 mission were to be similar to that of the other nations 
 of the world, this transformation certainly represented 
 great progress ; but if it had a peculiar mission, and if 
 that mission could be performed only as it preserved a 
 unique individuality, this was not an altogether prom- 
 ising line of development. Also, according to the fun- 
 damental principles of a Semitic alliance, Solomon was 
 obliged to acknowledge the gods of the allied peoples, 
 and to tolerate their worship within the territory of 
 Israel. The crisis was more than a political one ; it 
 was also religious. It was Solomon's policy of Orien- 
 talism versus the pure worship of Jehovah. The fu- 
 ture of the faith of humanity hung in the balances. 
 Probably the prophets did not fully appreciate the 
 stupendous issues at stake, but they saw enough to 
 lead them to act. They were ready to welcome the 
 disunion of the tribes as the last resort, in the hope 
 that thereby they might avert the awful danger which 
 threatened the faith which they held dearer than 
 the unity of their nation. Hence, before Rehoboam 
 mounted the throne of his father, the circumstances of 
 their early history, the bitter jealousy between the 
 north and the south, and the injustice and grinding 
 oppression of Solomon, which had aroused the uncom- 
 promising opposition of the prophets as well as the 
 resentment of the proud tribes of the north, had pre« 
 pared the way for the division. 
 
22 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 25. A king witli tlie commanding prestige and tact 
 of David might have averted the catastrophe' for a 
 time. But Rehoboam, reared in the luxurious Orien- 
 tal" court of Solomon, possessed neither of these quali- 
 ties. The laws also which determined the right of 
 succession in Israel evidently had not as yet been defi- 
 nitely established. Saul and David had been chosen by 
 the nation to be their leaders and counsellors. Solomon 
 had been nominated as his successor by the aged David, 
 and this had been publicly ratified — at least, by the 
 citizens of Jerusalem. Hence it appears that the Hebrew 
 people had thus far had an important voice in the elec- 
 tion of their king, although the tendency to regard the 
 office as hereditary was beginning to manifest itself. 
 The northern tribes, discontented with the heavy bur- 
 dens and unjust partiality of Solomon's rule, had good 
 precedents as well as reasons for refusing to accept 
 Solomon's son as their king until they were given 
 certain assurances that these evils would be abated. 
 Accordingly they meet at the old noi-thern capital, She- 
 chem, whither Rehoboam, apparently attended by only 
 a small force, goes to confer with them. The demand 
 which they make is reasonable : " Lighten the griev- 
 ous burdens which your father laid upon us." It is 
 probable that if the king had yielded, the dismember- 
 ment of the empire might even then have been averted. 
 Ostensibly he acknowledges its justice, for he half 
 consents in asking for three days for consideration. 
 Graphically, the author of Kings presents the counsels 
 of the different factions in Rehoboam's camp. The 
 gray-bearded courtiers, who had been instructed by the 
 politic David, and who had grown old in the service of 
 the worldly-wise Solomon, appreciate the situation and 
 
THE ACT OS" DIVISION 23 
 
 urge a conciliatory policy — at least, until the present 
 crisis is past. But the younger men, who, like him- 
 self, had grown up in the vitiated court of Solomon, 
 had only absorbed its ideas of Oriental absolutism. 
 Naturally he accepts their advice, since it merely voices 
 his wishes. Despotism shall win or lose the day. 
 Therefore, at the end of the appointed time, when the 
 representatives of the northern tribes again assemble, 
 confidently expecting a generous Magna Charta, a 
 bomb is exploded in their midst. " Whereas my father 
 did lade you with a heavy yoke, I will add to your 
 yoke ; my father chastised you with whips, but I will 
 chastise you with scorpions," are the arrogant words 
 of the king. It instantly kindles into a fierce blaze all 
 the suppressed jealousy and discontent which filled 
 their hearts. The old cry of revolt, raised during the 
 days of David by Sheba the Benjaminite (II. Sam. 
 XX. 1), " What portion have we in David ? To your 
 tents, O Israel," spreads like wild-fire from mouth to 
 mouth throughout the assembly. The aged Adorara, 
 who was at the head of the hated levy, is sent to treat 
 with the Israelites, and falls the first victim of Reho- 
 boam's folly. It is forever too late for conciliation. 
 The die is cast. Before Rehoboam has reached Jeru- 
 salem, whither he had fled for his life, king of but one 
 tribe, Jeroboam, who in the earlier days had led the 
 revolt against the tyranny of Solomon, and had now 
 returned from his forced exile in Egypt, had been 
 raised to the throne of Israel. The Judeans, who nat- 
 urally refused to accept the choice of the majority of 
 the tribes, are regarded as rebels by their kinsmen of 
 the north. The old breach was opened too widely 
 ever to be closed again. 
 
24 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 26. The act of division turned the future course of 
 Hebrew history into entirely new channels. Its effects 
 can be clearly traced in all the varying fortunes which 
 subsequently came to the Hebrew race. It is idle to 
 conjecture what might have been, had the integrity of 
 the empire been preserved ; but it is certain that the 
 division sapped the political strength of the Hebrew 
 people, so that the possibility of their becoming a great 
 world-power was forever destroyed. With few excep 
 tions their subsequent history is one of continuous 
 political disaster. On the other hand, the mighty tide 
 of foreign customs and civilization which came in dur- 
 ing the reigns of David and Solomon was turned sud- 
 denly backward. The energies of the people were 
 occupied in a death-struggle for national existence. 
 Consequently, for a few generations at least, the social 
 life tended necessarily to return to its primitive sim- 
 plicity. The influence of Solomon's policy of exalting 
 the court far above the mass of the nation was arrested, 
 and thereby greater equality among all classes was 
 Becured. The tendency to place Jehovah on an equal- 
 ity with the gods of the surrounding nations was also 
 temporarily checked. The series of political calamities 
 which soon overtook Israel, and later Judah, called 
 forth those religious heroes, the prophets, who won 
 mighty victories for righteousness and Jehovah. 
 When the northern kingdom fell in 722 B. c, Judah, 
 severed from it by the division, survived to enjoy 
 a century of independent existence, which was rich 
 in spiritual experience. By virtue of its separation, 
 its religious life was centralized more and more in 
 Jerusalem, thereby preparing the way for that cen- 
 tralization of worship which in time became one of the 
 
RESULTS OF THE DIVISION 25 
 
 strongest bulwarks against the influence of heathen- 
 "ism. The approaching captivity, which followed in 
 the wake of the division, led the prophets to open their 
 spiritual eyes wider until they beheld, instead of the 
 local god of one little nation, a Lord supreme in the 
 affairs of men and in the universe. Out of the depths 
 of their private and national affliction, those divinely 
 enlightened men caught glimpses of the character and 
 will of the Eternal, which enabled them to rise above 
 national annihilation and exile, and to give to their 
 race and humanity truths and principles which are 
 the everlasting foundations of religious faith. Thus, 
 while by the division the Hebrew nation lost its life, 
 in a truer and higher sense it found it. 
 
IV 
 
 EESOXJECES AND OKGANIZATION OP THE T"WO 
 KINGDOMS 
 
 27. The territory of the two kingdoms which came 
 into existence as the result of the division, was defined 
 by tribal rather than natural boundaries. The border 
 line between them lay within the land of Benjamin, 
 and the greater part of the territory of this tribe must 
 have fallen to the northern kingdom. The Benja- 
 minites regarded themselves as belonging to the house 
 of Joseph (II. Sam. xix. 16, 20). Their traditions 
 and the events of their earlier history all bound them 
 most closely to the tribes of the north. They had 
 every reason to regard with no kindly interest the 
 family of David, which had supplanted that of their 
 kinsman Saul. Their resentment, in fact, found re- 
 peated expression at the time of Absalom's rebellion 
 during the lifetime of David, and almost resulted in 
 the dismemberment of the kingdom (II. Sara. xvi. 
 1-14 ; XX. 1-22). Consequently, there is every reason 
 for accepting the testimony of I. Kings xii. 20, which 
 states explicitly, " There was none that followed the 
 house of David, but the tribe of Judah only," instead 
 of the popular impression that Benjamin joined with 
 the south. The boundary line must have run a few 
 miles north of Jerusalem, including within the limits 
 
 26 
 
35"" Loneitiid« East 30 ftom Gre«Qwich 3ti'' 
 
 ISRAEL AXD JUDAH AFXEK THE DIVISION OF 
 THE HEBREAV EMl'IBE. 
 
AREA AND STRENGTH OF JtTDAH 27 
 
 of Judah a small section of the territory of Benjamin 
 immediately adjacent to the southern capital. It 
 varied at different times, and proved a fertile subject 
 of dispute (I. Kings xv. 17-22). During the reign of 
 Asa, Ramah (about six miles north of Jerusalem) was 
 fortified by the Israelites. When the forces of the 
 north were withdrawn, the Judeans improved the op- 
 portunity to fortify in turn the neighboring towns of 
 Geba and Mizpah (five mCes north of Jerusalem). 
 The Judean territory probably never extended beyond 
 these points. 
 
 28. The area of the territory of the southern king- 
 dom could not have been more than one-half of that of 
 its northern rival, while the amount of arable land was 
 less than one-fourth. The area of Judah, however, 
 during the greater part of its history was greatly in- 
 creased by the territory of Edom, over which the 
 Judeans continued to exercise a suzerainty. Simi- 
 larly, at the division, the territory of the Moabites fell 
 to the tribes of the north. Although the land of 
 Judah was much smaller, it enjoyed certain advantages 
 of position not shared by the northern kingdom. On 
 the east, the Dead Sea, with its barren shores, proved an 
 sfficient barrier against Moabite or Ammonite invasion. 
 On the south extended the desert, which barred the 
 way against all invaders, except the wandering Arabs, 
 whose attacks, although troublesome, were no menace 
 to the nation's life. After their power was broken by 
 David, the Philistines, whose lands bounded Judah on 
 the west, never again united for the conquest of 
 Hebrew soil. For two centuries the northern king- 
 dom proved an effective buttress against the formi- 
 dable attacks of the great world powers from the north. 
 
28 A HISTORY OF THE HEBKEW PEOPLE 
 
 The only foe which Judah had cause to fear was 
 Egypt, and Egypt's ambitions and capabilities were 
 limited to desultory forays into Canaan. Israel, on 
 the other hand, by virtue of its position was obliged to 
 engage in a constant and desperate struggle for exist- 
 ence. Its bars were aU down. The broad valleys 
 which led into the heart of the land furnished natural 
 highways for hostile armies. Egyptian invasion pene- 
 trated its territory also, while from the northeast there 
 came, almost yearly, Aramean, and later Assyiian 
 armies, which gradually drained its life-blood. 
 
 29. The natural resources of the two kingdoms pre- 
 sented even greater contrasts. Judah's territory was 
 strewn with limestone rocks. The little soil between 
 yielded only a meagre subsistence in return for the 
 most wearisome labor. Water, the absolute requisite 
 for animal and vegetable life, was doled out by nature 
 most sparingly. While great wealth was impossible, a 
 suificient livelihood could be gained by toil. It was a 
 land calculated to develop hardy, earnest, courageous 
 men, fond of their rocky hills, and tenacious of their 
 customs and religion. It furnished no surplus of prod- 
 ucts to tempt its inhabitants to seek a foreign market, 
 and the barriers which encircled them intensified the 
 tendency to remain at home. In Israel, on the con- 
 trary, the rocks were concealed by rich soil, abounding 
 in springs which called forth everywhere a rich vege- 
 tation. Broad plains, easily tilled, furnished a gener- 
 ous supply of grain. Contrasted with Judah, it was 
 indeed "a land flowing with milk and honey." Its 
 wealth, however, encouraged commerce and attracted 
 the invader. It gave to Israel material prosperity and 
 commanding prestige, but with these came temptations 
 
LACK OF UNITY IN ISRAEL 29 
 
 and dangers untnown to Judah. It tended to develop 
 a luxurious, pleasure-loving people, far more suscep' 
 tible to foreign influences than their.poor cousins living 
 among the limestone hills in the south. 
 
 30. Judah's inferiority in size and numbers was 
 more than compensated for by the unity and homo- 
 geneity of its population. The tribe of Judah not 
 only dominated the southern kingdom, but it had so 
 completely absorbed the Simeonites, and the Arabian 
 clans, which it had found in possession of its southern 
 territory, that it was a nation made up of one tribe. 
 The interests of the people were the same, since their 
 land presented little diversity and limited its inhabi- 
 tants to the culture of the vine and the raising of 
 sheep and cattle. Jerusalem towered so high above 
 the few other towns in the kingdom that they stood 
 toward her only in a relation of dependence. In this 
 respect Judah resembled states like Damascus, Baby- 
 lon, and Rome. Furthermore, the Temple, with its 
 splendid equipment, commanded the reverence and 
 homage of all the people, and was, therefore, a potent 
 uniting force. These elements of strength and union 
 were lacking in Israel. Ephraim, the leading tribe, 
 shared its influence with others. Rival sectional inter- 
 ests were an even greater source of weakness. The 
 tribes in the extreme north and across the Jordan 
 never participated actively in the common national 
 life of Israel. Natural divisions, like the plain of 
 Esdraelon and the deep valley of the Jordan, kept the 
 different sections of the northern kingdom from com- 
 ing into close touch with each other. An inevitable 
 result of the ynde variations in physical contour was 
 that its inhabitants were found engaged in a great 
 
80 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 variety of occupations. In the territory of Ephraim 
 and Manasseh, for example, agricultural and pastoral 
 pursuits flourished side by side ; on the rich plain of 
 Esdraelon the life was wholly agricultural; in the north, 
 fishing as well as the culture of the soil occupied 
 the people; while across the Jordan the majority of 
 the inhabitants were shepherds. Consequently, while 
 Judah was a perfect social unit, bound together by the 
 closest natural bonds, Israel was made up of a loose 
 aggregation of such units. In the north also there 
 was no capital city like Jerusalem, nor sanctuary 
 like that reared by Solomon, dominating and binding 
 together all these different elements, which from 
 geographical, racial, and political causes were so 
 heterogeneous. 
 
 31. Furthermore, in Israel, where a strong central 
 government was most needed, it was most conspicuously 
 lacking. In Judah the kingship was hereditary, and 
 was retained in the same family throughout its history, 
 so that its rulers enjoyed the prestige of the name of 
 David, and all the cumulative power which comes 
 from an uninterrupted succession. The priesthood, 
 which exercised great influence, used this to maintain 
 the authority of the throne, by which it was in turn 
 supported. The prophets also co-operated with the 
 civil rulers to further the political interests of the 
 nation. Througliout Judean history the relations of 
 court and people were most cordial. Therefore the 
 authority of the king was practically absolute without 
 being tyrannical. In Israel these conditions were in 
 many respects reversed. Jeroboam I. was raised to the 
 throne from the ranks of the people. His authority, 
 therefore, was delegated, and he enjoyed none of the 
 
RELIGIOUS POLICY OF JEROBOAM L 31 
 
 prestige of a long established royal line. His influ- 
 ence, like that of the judges of earlier days, and the 
 kings who succeeded him, depended chiefly upon his 
 own personal ability. When an Israelitish king was 
 weak or incapable, his authority was little more than 
 that of his most powerful nobles. This fact explains 
 why so often in the northern kingdom an aspiring sub- 
 ject was able to mount the throne by the assassination 
 of his sovereign. These frequent revolutions tended 
 still further to weaken the authority of the central 
 government. Consequently, the strength of Israel was 
 constantly being sapped, not only by foes from with- 
 out, but by inefficient rule and anarchy within. 
 
 32. Jeroboam I. felt impelled, as the first king of 
 a newly constituted kingdom, to establish a royal 
 sanctuary which should be closely identified with the 
 new regime, and enjoy in a peculiar sense the kingly 
 patronage. Late historians, who lived when all the 
 ceremonial worship had been centralized in Jerusalem, 
 regarded this act as in itself a sin; but it is clear, 
 in the light of subsequent history, that at this time 
 even the Judeans worshipped at many shrines outside 
 of Jerusalem, and that Jeroboam did not thereby dis- 
 countenance the other sanctuaries, like Gilgal, Shiloh, 
 and Mizpah, already established in the territory of 
 Israel (Amos iv. 4 ; Hosea v. 1 ; I. Sam. i. 3, 9). In 
 reality he was only acting in accordance with the 
 precedent established by Gideon (I. sect. 55) and Solo- 
 mon (I. sect. 154), and performing his duty as the 
 religious as well as civil head of the nation. Instead, 
 however, of following minutely the example of his 
 predecessors and establishing a new shrine at liis capi- 
 tal, he selected, doubtless with a view to seeming 
 
32 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the support of the priests, two sanctuaries, locatei 
 conveniently for his people, and indicated that they 
 were to be the royal shrines by setting up at each a calf 
 or bull, probably made of wood overlaid with gold. 
 The bull seems to have been regarded among the 
 Hebrews and other Semitic peoples as a symbol of 
 majesty and strength (compare Deut. xxxiii. 17). It 
 appeared in the supports of the brazen sea of Solomon's 
 Temple, probably in the horns of the altar, and possi- 
 bly in the form of the cherubim which guarded the 
 Ark of Jehovah. Colossi, with the body of bulls, 
 are also familiar figures before every ancient Assyrian 
 palace. That the Israelites originally regarded them 
 as symbols of Jehovah can scarcely be questioned; 
 indeed, the author of Kings explicitly states that 
 Jeroboam identified them with the god who delivered 
 the Israelites from Egypt (I. Kings xii. 28). 
 
 33. From such zealous prophets as Ehjah and 
 Elisha this act of Jeroboam's evoked no censure; in 
 fact, it must have been regarded as eminently satis- 
 factory by the conservatives of his realm, for instead 
 of establishing a new shrine, hallowed by no tradi- 
 tions from antiquity, he merely assumed the attitude 
 of patron toward two of the most venerated and popu- 
 lar sanctuaries in the land. The one at Dan, in the 
 north, had been established during the period of the 
 judges, and was presided over by the family of a 
 certain Levite of Bethlehem, who traced descent from 
 Moses (I. sect. 69). Bethel, as its name (" House of 
 El ") signifies, was regarded as a sacred city by the 
 Israelites, at least since the time of its capture. 
 According to Judges xviii. 30, the same priestly 
 family continued in charge of the sanctuai-y of Dan 
 
THE RELIGIOUS CULT OF ISRAEL 33 
 
 from the days of the judges to the captivity. If it 
 was necessary for Jeroboam to appoint new priests 
 to meet the additional requirements of the services 
 at the sanctuary in Bethel, which seems to have en- 
 joyed in a greater measure the royal patronage, he 
 could refer, as a precedent, to a similar appointment 
 by David (I. sect. 123). The ritual at these shi-ines 
 probably did not differ materially from the one at 
 Jerusalem during the same period. The author of 
 Kings recalls the fact that the great annual feast in 
 Israel was held in the eighth month instead of the 
 seventh, as was the custom in Judah in his time. 
 It may also be inferred that on this occasion the king, 
 like Solomon before him (I. sect. 162), publicly sac- 
 rificed at the great altar in Bethel. The prophet 
 Amos, a few generations later, refers to the custom 
 of going up to Bethel and bringing sacrifice every 
 morning, and tithes every three days, and of olfering 
 sacrifices of thanksgiving of that which is leavened, 
 and of proclaiming free-will offerings (iv. 4, 5). He 
 also speaks of the solemn assemblies and public sacri- 
 fices in terms which suggest that they were attended 
 with song and music, and even with licentious prac- 
 tices (v. 21-24 ; ii. 8). 
 
 34. Although his contemporaries did not recognize 
 it, the policy which Jeroboam adopted in regard to 
 the national religion was a hindrance to the develop- 
 ment of the purer worship of Jehovah. About the 
 sanctuaries which he thus exalted, clung all the debas- 
 ing traditions and customs of a less enlightened past. 
 The golden bulls also belonged to the degrading sjm- 
 bolism of the preceding age. His act, therefore, rep- 
 resented a step backward rather than forward. Later 
 
 3 
 
34 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 prophets, who recognized the evils which followed 
 in its train, were right in branding it as a fatal mistake. 
 Keeping alive dead traditions and forms, because they 
 had served the past well enough, instead of adopting 
 a higher expression of truth, was the sin " wherewith 
 Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, made Israel to sin." In 
 this respect the newly established temple at Jerusalem, 
 untrammelled by few inherited traditions, enjoyed ad- 
 vantages which were destined ultimately to make it 
 a centre of commanding influence. 
 
POLITICAL EVENTS IN ISEAEL AND JtJDAH 
 
 35. The dissolution of the empire of David pre- 
 cipitated a long series of petty wars between the differ- 
 ent peoples of the Palestinian world. In the contest 
 between Israel and Judah the advantages at first 
 were with the smaller kingdom, since it inherited most 
 of the collected wealth of the empire. Eehoboam, 
 who evinced the same incapacity for war that had 
 characterized his father, did not, however, improve his 
 opportunity, but contented himself with establishing 
 fortresses throughout the territory of Judah. Jeroboam 
 in the meantime fortified his capital, Shechem. Lo- 
 cated in a narrow valley commanded by Gerizim on 
 the south, and Ebal on the north, it could never be 
 made an impregnable stronghold. The author of Kings 
 states that he subsequently "went out from thence 
 and built Penuel," which is to be identified with the 
 east-Jordan town south of the Jabbok, upon which 
 Gideon at an earlier period wreaked such dire ven- 
 geance (I. sect. 54). Later Tirzah, which was proba- 
 bly located about six miles northeast of Shechem, 
 became the capital of the northern kingdom (I. Kings 
 xiv. 17; XV. 33). The superiority which Judah 
 at first enjoyed disappeared a few years later, when 
 
 35 
 
36 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 its territory was invaded by Shishak, the Lybian com- 
 mander who founded the twenty-second Egyptian 
 dynasty. Jerusalem was captured, and the wealth 
 which David and Solomon had collected was trans- 
 ferred to Egypt. Within Judah bronze henceforth 
 took the place of gold in the court as well as in the 
 Temple. According to the inscription which Shishak 
 caused to be inscribed on the south wall of the great 
 temple of Amen at Karnak, commemorating this plun- 
 dering expedition, Israel suffered together with Judah ; 
 for several of the one hundred and thirty-three cap- 
 tured cities mentioned therein belonged to the north. 
 
 36. When this wave of invasion had receded, the 
 war between the two Hebrew kingdoms was renewed. 
 After a reign of twenty-two years Jeroboam died and 
 was succeeded by his son Nadab, who was assassinated 
 soon after his accession by a certain Baasha of the tribe 
 of Issachar, while he was besieging the Philistine town 
 of Gibbethon. According to the chronicler, Abijam, 
 the son of Rehoboam, gained an important victory over 
 Jeroboam. Baasha, the new king of Israel, however, 
 carried on the war with fresh vigor. Ramah, on the 
 extreme southern border of Israel, was fortiiied, and 
 the independence of Judah was so threatened that its 
 king, Asa, in alarm, collecting the gold and silver 
 which he could find in his court and the Temple, sent 
 them as a present to persuade Benhadad, the king of 
 the new Aramean state which had been founded at 
 Damascus by Rezon during the reign of Solomon 
 (I. sect. 143), to break his treaty with Baasha. Ben- 
 hadad, ambitious for conquest, responded by invading 
 the territory of Israel, capturing the cities of Dan, 
 Abel, and Ijon in the north, and overrunning the land 
 
ACCESSION OF OMEI 37 
 
 around the Sea of Galilee. Baasha was obliged to 
 withdraw his forces from the south, and Asa improved 
 the opportunity to fortify Geba and Mizpah. The 
 Judean king by this act secured immediate deliverance, 
 but he thereby introduced into Israelitish politics a 
 foe who was destined for generations to harass and 
 menace both the Hebrew kingdoms. 
 
 37. Elah, the son who succeeded Baasha, proved an 
 even more inefficient ruler than the son of Jeroboam. 
 In a drunken debauch he was slain by Zimri, one of 
 his military officers. In accordance with the custom 
 of the age, his family were exterminated by the same 
 hand. The assassin sat but seven days on the throne 
 thus rendered vacant. As soon as the news of this 
 deed reached the army engaged in the siege of Gibbe- 
 thon, they at once elected their general, Omri, king, 
 and marched against the conspirator, who remained at 
 the capital, Tirzah. When Zimri realized that resist- 
 ance was useless, he retired to the palace and burnt it 
 down over his head. During this period of anarchy 
 another party in Israel set up as king a certain Tibni, 
 the son of Ginath. In the civil war which followed, 
 Omri was ultimately successful, and became the founder 
 of the strongest dynasty which occupied the throne 
 of Israel. 
 
 38. Fortunately for the existence of Israel, Omri 
 proved an able and energetic military commander ; for 
 Benhadad of Damascus, its northern foe, was strong 
 and pressing it closely. The record in Kings pre- 
 serves none of the details of the wars between Damas- 
 cus and Israel, which were fought during the twelve 
 years of Omri's rule. On the whole, they must have 
 been adverse to the northern kingdom; for Ahab, 
 
38 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBEEW PEOPLE 
 
 Omri's successor, was little better than a vassal of 
 Benhadad during the earlier part of his reign (I. 
 Kings XX.). An incidental reference informs us that 
 Omri ceded certain Israelitish cities to his foe, and 
 that he was also compelled to set aside certain streets 
 in his capital — probably for the especial use of Ara- 
 mean traders — which were under the especial patron- 
 age of the king of Damascus (I. Kings xx. 34). In 
 that age this act was one of the penalties imposed 
 by the conqueror upon the vanquished. In the east 
 his military enterprises were attended with greater 
 success; according to the testimony of the Moabite 
 stone, " Omri was king of Israel and oppressed Moab 
 many days, for Chemosh was angry with his land" 
 (lines 4-6). 
 
 39. Under his wise direction the relations between 
 Israel and Judah became more and more friendly, un- 
 til in the days of Ahab the two Hebrew kingdoms are 
 found fighting together against their common foes. 
 The most important act of his reign, however, was the 
 establishment of Samaria as the capital of his kingdom. 
 Since the latter days of Jeroboam the kings of Israel 
 had resided at the insignificant town of Tirzah. Omri 
 purchased for two talents of silver a commanding hill, 
 situated a few miles northeast of the ancient capital, 
 Shechem, surrounded on every side by deep valleys, 
 and encircled by some of the most fruitful territory in 
 all Israel. On this site, centrally located and capable 
 of being easily rendered almost impregnable, he built 
 Samaria, which was thus identified with his family, and 
 which subsequently figured so prominently in Israel- 
 itish history. Although he never attained as great 
 euccess, since the conditions were much more unfavor- 
 
AHAB'S HOME AND FOREIGN POLICY 39 
 
 able, Omri from a political point of view stands in 
 much the same relation to Israel as David did to the 
 united Hebrew kingdom. The Assyrians, even when 
 Jehu had supplanted the family of Omri, recognized 
 his ability by designating Israel as "the House of 
 Omri." 
 
 40. Ahab, his son, adopted the policy of Solomon, 
 although he evinced far more energy as a military 
 leader than that splendor-loving monarch. At Sar 
 maria he engaged in extensive building operations, 
 while at Jezreel, on the edge of the fair plain of Es- 
 draelon, he had another palace. During his reign the 
 prevalent spirit of building impelled Hiel, the Bethel- 
 ite, to rebuild Jericho (I. Kings xvi. 33, 34). Under 
 the rule of the preceding dynasties, Israel had had no 
 relations with the surrounding nations except those 
 imposed by war. Onu-i or else his son, who succeeded 
 to his ambitions, recognizing the material advantages 
 which would accrue to Israel, surrounded as it was by 
 so many hostile peoples, from an alliance with the opu- 
 lent trading city of Tyre, renewed the old relations 
 which had existed during the days of David and Solo- 
 mon, and cemented them by a marriage between Ahab 
 and the daughter of the Tyiian king. 
 
 41. The author of Kings gives few suggestions re- 
 specting the sequence of events in Ahab's reign ; this 
 question, therefore, must be determined from a study 
 of the events themselves. His father had been obliged 
 to make important concessions to Benhadad of Damas- 
 cus. The greater part, if not all, of the territory of 
 Israel north of the plain of Esdraelon and east of the 
 Jordan, had been seized by this powerful foe. Ahab 
 submitted to his demands until at length the Aramean 
 
40 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 king assembled all his forces and invaded Israel for 
 the purpose of completely subjugating it. He suc- 
 ceeded in overrunning its territory and in shutting up 
 the king of Israel within his capital Samaria. Ahab 
 at first acceded to Benhadad's demand that he become 
 his vassal. Not content with this concession, the Ara- 
 mean king insisted that the city and palace be given 
 up to his servants for plunder. Ahab recognized that 
 he could hope for no leniency. Accordingly, after 
 consulting with his elders and people, he sent back a 
 refusal, which caUed forth from Benhadad dire threats 
 of vengeance. Ahab retorted in the words of the 
 proverb, "Let not him that girdeth on his armor 
 boast himself as he that putteth it off," and forthwith 
 mustered his army for an attack, although his entire 
 fighting force was less than eight thousand. At mid- 
 day they fell upon the Arameans, while Benhadad was 
 engaged in a drinking-bout with his princes. When 
 it was reported to the reveller that the Israelites were 
 approaching, he gave the senseless command to take 
 them alive. In a short time his army was in flight, 
 and he himself was fleeing for his life. 
 
 42. His counsellors consoled the vanquished king 
 with the assurance that his defeat was because the god 
 of the Israelites was a god of the hills, and that on the 
 plains he could expect a victory. They also wisely 
 suggested that he substitute military commanders for 
 the inefficient princes. Acting in accordance with 
 their advice, Benhadad invaded Israel in the following 
 year with a great army to meet with a still more over- 
 whelming defeat at Aphek, which may have been the 
 Aphek memorable in the Philistine wars (I. sect. 59), 
 but more probably is to be identified with the modern 
 
AHAB'S WARS WITH DAMASCUS 41 
 
 town of Flk, located five miles east of the Sea of Gali- 
 lee, and therefore in the direction from which the 
 Arameans would naturally advance. He himself was 
 unable to escape, but was compelled in the garb of a 
 suppliant to crave mercy from the king of Israel. Al- 
 though the prophets of his realm severely denounced 
 Ahab for his leniency, he spared the life of his foe, and 
 allowed him to depart on the condition that he would 
 restore the Israelitish cities captured from Omri, and 
 set aside for the Israelites certain quarters in Damas- 
 cus. Ahab's motive in so doing can only be conjec- 
 tured. Possibly it was because he recognized in the 
 approach of Assyria a common adversary which de- 
 manded their united attention. The fact that these 
 hereditary foes did actually fight side by side with the 
 other princes of Palestine against Assjnria at Karkar in 
 the year 854 b. c. is established by the testimony of 
 the inscription of the Assyrian king, Shalmaneser II. 
 The land of Damascus is accredited with furnishing 
 twelve hundred chariots, twelve hundi'ed cavalry, and 
 twenty thousand soldiers, while Ahab, of the land of 
 Israel, sent two thousand chariots and ten thousand 
 soldiers. The only satisfactory explanation of how 
 Ahab, whose territory was not especially adapted for 
 chariots, was able to furnish more than his rich north- 
 ern rival, is that the battle of Karkar followed soon 
 after the great Israelitish victory at Aphek. 
 
 43. Shalmaneser claims that he completely ronted 
 the forces of the Palestinian coalition. He did not, 
 however, immediately follow up the results of his 
 victory, being recalled by more important affairs in the 
 east. Thus Damascus and Israel were free to resume 
 their old attitude of hostility. After three years of 
 
42 A HISTORY OF THE HEBEEW PEOPLE 
 
 peace Ahab again took up the gauntlet. The cause 
 was that the king of Damascus had failed to restore 
 the Israelitish cities, as promised at the treaty of 
 Aphek, for the attack was directed against Ramoth- 
 Gilead, showing that it was still retained by the enemy. 
 Jehoshaphat of Judah, lured by the false message of 
 the four hundred servile prophets of Israel, joined the 
 campaign. Ahab, knowing that he himself was an 
 especial object of hate to the king of Damascus, 
 entered the battle in disguise. A chance arrow, how- 
 ever, pierced through his armor and inflicted a mortal 
 wound, so that at evening he died. The army, thus 
 bereft of a leader, gave up the fight and scattered, 
 each man to his home. 
 
 44. The death of Ahab was the beginning of a long 
 series of disasters for Israel. Ahaziah, who followed 
 him, fell through a lattice in the upper chamber of his 
 palace at Samaria, and received injuries from which he 
 never recovered. He and his brother Joram, or Jeho- 
 ram, who succeeded him, carried on the policy of their 
 father, but with little of his military ability. Mesha, 
 the shepherd king of Moab, improved this opportunity 
 to throw off completely the yoke of Israel. Joram 
 summoned his father's ally, Jehoshaphat of Judah, 
 and his vassal prince, the king of Edom, with their 
 armies, to aid him in subduing the rebel. Instead of 
 invading the territory of Moab from the north, where 
 it was most easily defended, they took the longer and 
 more difficult route around the southern end of the 
 Dead Sea, where they almost perished for lack of 
 water. The Moabites, attacked in their rear, were put 
 to flight and their territory devastated. The Moabite 
 king was shut up within his capital, and, after making 
 
THE EEIGN OF JEHOSHAPHAT 43 
 
 a vain effort to escape with some of his followers, 
 resorted to the extreme measure of offering up his 
 oldest son on the walls, as a burnt-offering to appease 
 and thereby win the favor and aid of his god. The 
 act is quite in keeping with the religious practices of 
 the age, and with the spirit which finds expression in 
 the Moabite inscription. It aroused the superstitious 
 fear of the allies, and proved the signal for their 
 retreat. Moab was thus lost to Israel; while in the 
 north the contest with Damascus, which at this time 
 was weakened by the attacks of the Assyrians, was 
 canied on without marked success on either side. 
 At last the religious storm which had long been 
 gathering within Israel broke, in the revolution of 
 Jehu, sweeping the family of Omri from the throne, 
 and inaugurating another era in the history of the 
 northern kingdom. 
 
 45. According to the testimony of Chronicles 
 (II. Chron. xiv.), during the reign of Asa, Judah was 
 invaded by an Egyptian army, led by Zerah, who is 
 probably to be identified with Osorkon II. The Judean 
 king, collecting his forces, met and defeated the 
 marauding foe at Mareshah, near the Philistine border. 
 Jehoshaphat, the son of Asa, who was the first to enter 
 into friendly relations with Israel, was an energetic 
 and aspiring prince. Although liis warlike ventures in 
 connection with the northern kingdom were univer- 
 sally unsuccessful, he infused new life and activity 
 into Judah. Garrisons were placed in the walled 
 towns, citadels and store-cities built at strategic points, 
 and the army regularly organized (II. Chron. xvii.). In 
 the south he carried his conquests to the Red Sea, and 
 forced certain of the wild, desert tribes to pay him a 
 
44 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 large annual tribute. Imitating Solomon, he prepared 
 to send from the port of Ezion-geber large merchant- 
 ships to Ophir. These, however, were wrecked even 
 before they had left their port. Under his son, Jeho- 
 ram, Judah met with still further reverses. The town 
 of Libnah successfully revolted. In the campaign 
 against the Edomites, who at the same time renounced 
 the yoke of Judah and " made a king over themselves," 
 Jehoram with his army barely escaped from being sur- 
 rounded and captured, by cutting his way by night 
 through the line of the insurgents. The alliance be- 
 tween Israel and Judah was cemented by the marriage 
 of Jehoram to Athaliah, one of the daughters of Ahab. 
 The court of Judah imitated more and more that of 
 Israel. Ahaziah, who succeeded to the throne of Judah, 
 joined his cousin Joram in his war against the Ara- 
 means, and fell a victim to the destroying zeal of the 
 reformer Jehu. Athaliah, the queen mother, seized 
 this opportunity, by the murder of the seed royal, to 
 assume the supreme power. For six years Judah en- 
 dured her tyranny, until a wave of revolution headed 
 by Jehoiada, the priest, cut down the usurper and 
 placed upon the throne of Judah, Jehoash, the youth- 
 ful son of Ahaziah, who had been rescued by his aunt 
 from the massacre instituted by Athaliah. From a 
 political point of view the Pre-Assyrian period of 
 Hebrew history was one of steady decline, only tem- 
 porarily checked by the energetic efforts of such 
 kings as Jehoshaphat, Omri, and Ahab. The rich 
 resources of Israel were being exhausted by repeated 
 revolutions; the strength of the Hebrew race was being 
 wasted by a fruitless civil war ; and the energies of 
 the entire Palestinian world were being dissipated 
 
RESULTS OP THE CIVIL WAKS 45 
 
 by internecine conflicts waged with the cruelty and 
 destructiYeness characteristic of the age. Before 
 Assyria, which was destined radically to transform 
 the character of Palestinian politics, appeared on 
 the horizon, conditions in Canaan were ripe for its 
 conquest. 
 
VI 
 
 THE EELIGIOTJS CBISIS IN ISEAEL, AND THE 
 WORK OF ELIJAH 
 
 46. The data are too incomplete and unsatisfactory 
 to determine with certainty what was the character of 
 the religious life of Judah during the century imme- 
 diately following the division. Under Rehoboam and 
 Abijam, the religious conditions introduced by Solo- 
 mon's policy continued unchanged. The reigns of 
 Asa and Jehoshaphat were, however, characterized by 
 renewed political and commercial activity, and with 
 this came certain movements toward religious reform 
 which served to extend the influence of the Temple 
 and of its priesthood. The most odious symbols of 
 Baalism were removed, and its most immoral practices 
 suppressed ; but the author of Kings, as well as later 
 conditions, testifies that, "nevertheless the high places 
 were not taken away ; the people still sacrificed and 
 burnt incense in the high places " (I. Kings xxii. 43). 
 Inasmuch as Jehoshaphat's spirit of reform did not 
 deter him from readily affiliating with the house of 
 Omri, which openly tolerated Baalism, and from lis- 
 tening as willingly to the prophets of Israel as to those 
 of liis own land, it must be concluded that religious 
 ideas and practices in the south were not radically 
 better than those in the north. 
 
 46 
 
INFLUENCE OF THE PROPHETS IN ISRAEL 47 
 
 47. In religion, as in politics, Israel played the 
 leading r61e. In both kingdoms, the priests of the 
 sanctuaries were conservative rather than progressive 
 religious forces, cherishing existing customs and 
 loyally supporting the ruling monarchs. Upon the 
 prophets, therefore, devolved the high duty of deliver- 
 ing their nation from the grave dangers vrhich threat- 
 ened, and of leading it on to a higher and purer 
 religious life. The author of Kings refers incidentally 
 to one or two prophets in Judah, and the chronicler to 
 still others ; but there is no evidence that they exerted 
 much influence. In Israel, however, the conditions 
 were entirely different. The prophets favored the 
 division (sect. 19), because they hoped in the new 
 kingdom to be able to realize their ideals. Their 
 hopes were partially fulfilled. Freedom from the 
 dominating authority of the throne was temporarily 
 secured, and much of the old simplicity restored; but 
 it was a reversion to the conditions which obtained 
 during the days of the judges. The foreign wars and 
 the dangers of national annihilation soon called forth a 
 series of military kings, who had no sympathy nor 
 concern for the realization of the lofty religious ideals 
 which filled the souls of the greatest prophets. Con- 
 sequently, between the monarchy and prophecy, the 
 two leading powers in Israel, there was an intense and 
 ever-growing opposition. It first found expression in 
 messages of denunciation and warning, directed by the 
 prophets against the reigning sovereigns (I. Kings xiv. 
 1-17; xvi. 1-4). 
 
 48. The antagonism between prophet and king 
 reached its culmination in the persons of Elijah and 
 Ahab, who were each the strongest representatives of 
 
48 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the two opposite tendencies. The causes of the con- 
 flict were the same as those which earlier led to the 
 division of the Hebrew empire. Ahab, as we have 
 seen (sect. 40), was, like Solomon, intent only upon 
 making Israel a strong political power, and upon es- 
 tablishing his own authority. The means which he 
 used were well adapted to his ends. The newly 
 founded towns of Samaria and Jezreel grew into cities, 
 adorned with public buildings. The currents of com- 
 merce were set in motion through an aUianoe with 
 Tyre. New ambitions filled the minds of the rude 
 shepherds and farmers as they came into contact with 
 foreign life and civilization. With Phcenician wares 
 and customs came, inevitably, Phoenician religion. 
 Ahab was bound to countenance it by the obligations 
 of his alliance. In Jezebel, the daughter of Ethbaal, 
 the ex-priest of Baal, who had mounted the throne of 
 Tyre by murdering his predecessor, Phoenician culture 
 found a champion as ardent as she was unprincipled. 
 Ahab sealed the alliance, and gratified his queen by 
 building at Samaria a temple and altar of Baal. This 
 called for special priests, who enjoyed Jezebel's patron- 
 age. Ahab and his political advisers indignantly re- 
 sented the charge of committing any sin against 
 Jehovah in thus recognizing the god of an allied 
 people. Even if the king did at times pay his respects 
 at the sanctuary of Baal, he had no intention of aban- 
 doning the worship of the god of his nation. Perhaps 
 the best evidence of this is that to his children, Aha- 
 ziah, Jehoram, and Athaliah, he gave names which 
 contained the shorter form of Jehovah ( Jah or -iah), 
 the designation of their god peculiar to the Hebrews. 
 49. From a political point of view, Ahab's general 
 
FALSE AND TRUE PROPHETS 49 
 
 policy, although calculated to alter fundamentally the 
 character of Israel, appeared to be wise and beneficial. 
 It was only the more enlightened prophets, represent- 
 ing the best conscience of the nation, who recognized 
 the menace which it was to the pure worship of Jeho- 
 vah. Those who had dared to raise their voices in pro- 
 test had been silenced, and in some cases persecuted; 
 for Ahab regarded them as mere fanatics, blind to the 
 best interests of Israel, and rebels defying his author- 
 ity. Jezebel recognized in them the most zealous 
 opponents of her policy. According to the narrative 
 preserved in I. Kings xviii., she personally undertook 
 to exterminate these "troublers of Israel." Their 
 cause was also betrayed by the many in Israel who 
 were called prophets of Jehovah, and who, neverthe- 
 less, prophesied only according to the dictates of self- 
 interest. This fact is vividly portrayed in the picture 
 contained in I. Kings xxii. Jehoshaphat of Judah 
 and Ahab of Israel are about to go out in battle against 
 the Arameans at Ramoth-Gilead, when, in accordance 
 with the prevailing custom, the Judean king makes 
 the demand, " Inquire, I pray thee, at the word of the 
 Lord to-day " (verse 5). In compliance, Ahab sum- 
 mons four hundred (a general number) of the prophets 
 of Jehovah. Unanimously they predict, " Go up ; for 
 the Lord shall deliver it [Ramoth-Gilead] into the hand 
 of the king." Jehoshaphat, suspecting their subser- 
 viency, asks whether there is no other prophet from 
 whom he may inquire. Ahab replies reluctantly 
 that there is a certain Micaiah, the son of Imlah, whom 
 he hates because he always prophesies evil. While 
 awaiting his arrival, the four hundred prophets reiter- 
 ate their prediction of victory. To impress it, one of 
 
50 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 them makes horns of iron and declares, " Thus saith 
 Jehovah, with these shalt thou push the Arameans 
 until they be consumed." The royal messenger, who 
 summons Micaiah, urges him to return a message 
 agreeable to the king; but he replies, " What Jehovah 
 saith unto me, that will I speak." Mockingly he re- 
 peats before the kings the words of the four hundred 
 prophets. When Ahab adjures him to speak the truth, 
 he proclaims, in the figurative language of prophecy, 
 "I saw all Israel scattered upon the mountains, as 
 sheep that have no shepherd." Then, by the use of an 
 allegory, he tactfully but forcibly declares that the 
 message of the other prophets is false, being prompted 
 by a lying spirit. His fidelity is repaid by the blows 
 of his fellow prophets, and painful imprisonment at 
 the command of the king. 
 
 50. The scene belongs to the last days of Ahab's 
 life, and is conclusive evidence that he never ceased to 
 regard Jehovah as the god of Israel. The real danger 
 was more insidious, for it was that the distinctions 
 between the religion of Jehovah and Baal would be 
 completely levelled. The incident just referred to 
 indicates that at least the majority of the official 
 prophets of Jehovah abetted rather than opposed this 
 tendency. The ceremonial forms with which Jehovah 
 and Baal were worshipped were so similar that the 
 priests could maintain no essential distinctions. The 
 cultivation of the soil was the chief industry of Israel ; 
 and Baal was pre-eminently the god of agriculture, 
 while Jehovah had from the first been associated with 
 the nomadic life of the desert. To understand the 
 gravity of the situation, it is necessary to remember 
 how attractive to a Semite of that age was the religion 
 
THE CHARACTER OF ELIJAH 51 
 
 of Baal, which gave the greatest license to its devotees. 
 Its system of morals was the antithesis of that preached 
 by the austere prophets of Jehovah. Gradually and 
 almost imperceptibly, Israel was again becoming politi- 
 cally, socially, and religiously like the other nations 
 about, — a consummation fatal to the performance of 
 its unique mission to the world. 
 
 51. One man alone had the courage to act. Later 
 generations, appreciating something of the sublimity 
 of Elijah's personality, cast about it an atmosphere of 
 wonder. Ahab and many of his contemporaries re- 
 garded him as an arch-fanatic. From the biblical nar- 
 rative we learu that his home was among the hills east 
 of the Jordan, on the borders of the desert in that part 
 of the land which retained longest the customs and 
 thought peculiar to nomadic life. He was, therefore, 
 in sympathy with those who regarded with apprehen- 
 sion Israel's departure from the ancient pastoral sim- 
 plicity. It was a feeling which found objective 
 expression in the vow of the Nazirite not to touch 
 the product of the vine, since this was regarded as the 
 characteristic symbol of Canaanitish agricultural civi- 
 lization ; and in the customs of the Rechabites, who also 
 refused to drink wine and clung persistently to their 
 nomadic life (Jer. xxxv. ; II. Kings x. 15-23). In mode 
 of living and thought, Elijah always retained the char- 
 acteristics of a "sojourner in Gilead." His religion 
 also was that of the desert, which had been the cradle 
 of the Mosaic faith. He was unaffected by the seduc- 
 tive spell of the Canaanitish civilization, and had little 
 sympathy with the current aspirations for material 
 wealth and political glory. His one ideal was that 
 Israel should be in the true sense the people of Jeho- 
 
52 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 vah. Toleration of the worship of Baal was to his 
 enlightened vision entirely incompatible with the 
 realization of that ideal. It must, therefore, be 
 suppressed, even though at the cost of the nation's 
 existence. 
 
 62. The method which he employed to accomplish 
 this was characteristic of the man. Ahab had no in- 
 clination, even if he had had the ability, to understand 
 and fulfil his demands. Accordingly he appealed from 
 the king to the people. Famine, which was always rec- 
 ognized as a sign of Jehovah's displeasure, first did its 
 work of preparation. It is interesting to note in the 
 same connection that Meander of Ephesus also refers 
 to a di-ought during the reign of Ethobalos (Phoeni- 
 cian, Ethbaal), King of Tyre, which lasted one year 
 and was finally averted, according to Phoenician tra- 
 dition, by the intercession of the king. According to 
 the narrative in Kings, at Elijah's command, to which 
 Ahab was forced to defer, the people assembled on 
 Moimt Carmel. On its heights popular superstition 
 and the religion of Jehovah met face to face, and the 
 weakness of the one and the strength and grandeur 
 of the other were manifest. Upon the minds of the 
 people was flashed anew and with unparalleled clear- 
 ness the old truth, so nearly forgotten, that Jehovah . 
 is a jealous God, and that therefore they must make 
 an absolute choice between him and Baal. Not only 
 his words and acts, but also the personality and man- 
 ner of the great prophet-hero impressed the lesson. 
 Baal was vanquished, and his priests, who were pres- 
 ent, were slain ; the cause of Elijah's God for the 
 moment triumphed ; but at the close of that memorable 
 day the people returned to their homes, and Jezebel 
 
NATURE OF ELIJAH'S WOEK 53 
 
 practically retained her old power. Nothing seemed 
 to have been gained. Truth is not impressed upon 
 humanity by the tempest, nor by the lightning-flash, 
 nor in a moment, but gradually. Teachers were needed 
 to move among the people and inculcate the great truth 
 by word and life. Elijah must have realized his utter 
 inability to complete the task which he had undertaken. 
 He had done all that he could, and much more was 
 needed. With supreme fidelity to human nature, tra- 
 dition records the despair which in the moment of 
 reaction filled his impulsive, heroic soul. 
 
 53. Elijah was not only the herald of a purer con- 
 ception and a truer service of Jehovah, but he also 
 proved himself the champion of the rights of the peo- 
 ple against the aggressions of the throne. Ahab's 
 policy of absolutism manifested itself in his palace 
 building and the suppression of the prophets who 
 challenged his authority. It found its most heinous 
 expression, however, in an incident recorded in I. 
 Kings xxi. Near the royal palace at Jezreel wa,s the 
 vineyard of a peasant by the name of Naboth. The 
 king, desiring to extend his grounds, endeavored to 
 secure it by purchase ; but the Jezreelite, availing him- 
 self of the right of every free citizen of Israel, refused 
 to part with his family p<»session. Ahab returned 
 to his palace in a pet. Jezebel, familiar only with 
 the methods of an Oriental monarch, taunted him be- 
 cause he had stopped to regard the rights of his sub- 
 ject, and despatched letters to the elders of Jezreel, 
 commanding them to bring against Naboth the charge 
 of blasphemy, and forthwith to stone him to death. 
 The queen evidently knew her instruments, for the 
 crime was speedily committed. When Ahab went 
 
64 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 down to take possession of the vineyard so iniquitously 
 gained, Elijah met him with a bitter denunciation on 
 his lips, and the proclamation that because of this deed 
 destruction would come upon liimself and family. 
 
 54. The horror which this royal crime aroused in 
 the minds of the people undoubtedly did more to over- 
 throw the house of Omri than the favor shown to the 
 Phoenician Baal; for they felt, with reason, that the 
 hereditary rights, of which they were always exceed- 
 ingly jealous, were thereby endangered. Notwith- 
 standing the distinguished services of the house of 
 Omri, popular discontent against it continued to grow, 
 and was reinforced by the opposition of the Jehovah 
 prophets until it found expression in the bloody revo- 
 lution of Jehu. Undoubtedly this revolution was one 
 of the indirect fruits of Elijah's work, but his contri- 
 butions to Israel's development were positive as well 
 as negative. He does not appear to have brought for- 
 ward any new revelation, but by word, and especially 
 by his life, he impressed upon his age the simple yet 
 revolutionizing truth that Jehovah, the god of their 
 race, was a jealous and righteous God. Being jealous, 
 he accepts nothing less than the entire service of his 
 people. Being righteous, he demands righteousness 
 in turn from his followers. The heroic prophet of 
 Jehovah left the scene of his struggles before the prin- 
 ciples for which he offered himself gained general ac- 
 ceptance ; but he left behind him a personal ideal of 
 simple grandeur, of undaunted courage, and of un- 
 swerving advocacy of the demands of divine righteous- 
 ness, which was partially realized in the prophets who 
 followed him, and only fully in the second Elijah, who 
 heralded the coming of the One altogether righteous. 
 
PAET II 
 
 THE ASSYKIAN PERIOD OF ISRAEL'S 
 HISTORY 
 
THE HISTOEICAL SOTJKCBS, AKD CHRONOLOGY 
 
 55. The story of the gradual decadence and final 
 destruction of Israel is recounted in II. Kings iv.-xvii., 
 in a series of citations from various sources. The first 
 part of the section (iv. 1-viii. 15 ; xiii. 14-21) consists 
 of stories concerning Elisha. Variations in language 
 and context indicate that they are not all from the 
 same hand (compare verses 23 and 24 of chapter vi. ; 
 also V. 27, and viii. 4, 5). Chapters iv., vi. 1-7, and viii. 
 1-6 manifest the closest affinity with one another. All 
 the Elisha, passages, however, are characterized by the 
 same picturesqueness of style, the same general point 
 of view, and the same indications of the influence 
 of oral transmission as the Elijah narratives (sect. 4), 
 and hence were doubtless current in the same pro- 
 phetic circles in Israel during the ninth and eighth 
 centuries B. c. The compiler has introduced them 
 into his history with very few changes. The material 
 in chapters ix. 1-x. 27, which records the revolution 
 of Jehu, although taken from several different sources, 
 is evidently old. It is closely related to the politico- 
 prophetical material contained in I. Kings xx., xxii., 
 and II. Kings iii. The remaining passages, which 
 refer primarily to Israel, are, with the exception of 
 
 57 
 
58 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the short section xiv. 8-14, epitomes from the hand 
 of the compiler. In chapter xvii. 7-23 he reviews 
 the causes which in his opinion led to the fall of the 
 northern kingdom, and in verses 24-^1 explains the 
 origin of the Samaritan people and of their religion. 
 
 66. Our conception of this period would be very- 
 defective if we were dependent alone upon the frag- 
 mentary records of Kings. Fortunately portions of 
 the sermons of two prophets who prophesied in Israel 
 have been preserved. These are the most valuable 
 historical sources, because they represent the testi- 
 mony, not only of eyewitnesses, but of the most 
 enlightened men of their age. Through their eyes 
 we are able to study conditions as they actually ex- 
 isted, and to become familiar with the details of the 
 history. The prophecy of Amos deals especially with 
 the social questions which agitated Israel during the 
 days of Jeroboam II. It is a perfect unit, the parts 
 being closely related, and, with the exception of a few 
 possible interpolations, is all from the hand of the 
 prophet himself. The prophecy of Hosea, who lived 
 a generation later, is, on the contrary, exceedingly 
 disconnected. The repetitions of theme and ideas and 
 the loose correlations of the parts indicate that it is 
 based upon extracts from different sermons. It is 
 sharply divided into two parts. The first includes 
 chapters i.-iii. The reference in i. 4 to the house 
 of Jehu as still standing is conclusive evidence that 
 the section belongs to the latter days of the brilliant 
 reign of Jeroboam IT. In the second part, chapters 
 iv.-xiv., the historical background is entirely different. 
 Anarchy has succeeded the order of the earlier days ; 
 there are several references to the murder of a king 
 
WITNESS or ASSYEIAN mSCEIPTIONS 69 
 
 (vii. 3-7, 16; x. 15); Israel has lost her prestige 
 (vii. 8 ; viii. 8), and is foolishly seeking alliances with 
 Egypt and Assyria, in the hope that it can secure help 
 from them (v. 13 ; vii. 11 ; viii. 9 ; xii. 1). Evidently 
 most of the sermons from which these were taken 
 belong to the days of disorder and decline which 
 followed the death of Jeroboam II., antedating, how- 
 ever, the invasion of Tiglath-Pileser in 734 B. c, 
 when GUead was wrested from Israel (vi. 8 ; xii. 11). 
 
 67. The historical inscriptions of the great Assyrian 
 conquerors, Shalmaneser II., Tiglath-Pileser III., Shal- 
 maneser IV., and Sargon, who extended their cam- 
 paigns into Palestine, furnish many facts supplemental 
 to the biblical data. Through them the student is 
 introduced to the broader field of Semitic politics, 
 and enabled to study those movements of which the 
 Hebrew kingdoms were the victims. Although the 
 Assyrian annalists frequently exaggerate, and some- 
 times suppress unpleasant facts, this tendency is easily 
 detected. Their testimony is of inestimable value, 
 since it is that of writers living at the time that the 
 events transpired. The exact chronological system 
 which they contain has revolutionized our conclusions 
 respecting the chronology of this period. 
 
 58. The Assyrian inscriptions establish the date of 
 the fall of Samaria at 722 b. c. Beginning in 842 b. c, 
 the Assyrian period of Israelitish history was, there- 
 fore, limited to one hundred and twenty-one years. 
 The total number of years assigned in the biblical 
 narratives to the kings of Israel from Jehu to the fall 
 of Samaria is one hundred and forty-three, presenting 
 a discrepancy of twenty-two years. Here again the 
 Assyrian inscriptions suggest where the error is to be 
 
60 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 found. In 738 b. c. Menahem paid tribute to Assyria. 
 This date also gives approximately the year of his 
 accession, since the biblical account definitely states 
 that Israel's king gave the Assyrian king one thousand 
 talents, " that his hand might be with him to confirm 
 the kingdom in his hand" (II. Kings xv. 19). The 
 total number of years assigned by the compiler to the 
 kings who reigned in Israel during the seventeen 
 years between 738 and 722 b. c. is forty-one (ten, two, 
 twenty, and nine). Evidently the twenty-two extra 
 years have been inserted here. Four years later, 734 
 B. c, Tiglath-Pileser invaded Israel, putting to death 
 Pekah who had cut down Pekahiah, the son of 
 Menahem. These facts indicate that the round num- 
 bers (ten and twenty) assigned to Menahem and 
 Pekah, are greatly exaggerated. Menahem may have 
 reigned three, while Pekah's rule could not have 
 exceeded two years. On the other hand, the nine 
 years attributed to Hoshea, and the one hundred and 
 three to the house of Jehu, are confirmed, giving as 
 the result a comparatively definite system (see chart). 
 
n 
 
 THE REVOLTTTION OF JEHU 
 
 59. Althottgh the principles which Elijah valiantly 
 advocated did not gain immediate recognition with 
 court and people, he did succeed in impressing them 
 indelibly upon the minds of certain of his followers. 
 Chief among these was Elisha. According to I. Kings 
 xix. 16-21, he was from the town of Abel-Meholah, 
 which was situated on the southern side of the plain 
 of Bethshean, not far from the Jordan. His home, 
 therefore, was in the midst of a rich agricultural com- 
 munity, and his father, Shaphat, was one of the rich 
 farmers of Israel. His call to the prophetic office was 
 unprecedented, for he is the only prophet who, accord- 
 ing to the biblical record, was summoned to that high 
 calling by another. At first his relations to Elijah 
 were those of a disciple and servant (II. Kings iii. 11). 
 A more striking contrast could not be imagined than 
 existed between the rugged, fearless prophet of Gilead 
 and his follower. The one represented the uncompro- 
 mising life and religion of the nomad, while the other 
 belonged to the agricultural class in Israel and was 
 familiar with the customs of city and court. The 
 stories respecting these two prophets which were cur- 
 rent in the prophetic schools during the succeeding 
 
 61 
 
62 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 centuries, illustrate how different was the impression 
 which the two men made upon posterity. With the 
 name of Elijah was associated the drought, the thunder- 
 roll, and the lightning-flash, — wonders within the realm 
 of Nature. Elisha, on the other hand, was always 
 found among men, healing their maladies, cleansing 
 their fountains, and advising king and subject. The 
 one used denunciations to accomplish his ends, the 
 other diplomacy ; in the eyes of his contemporaries the 
 one seemed to fail, the other to be crowned with com- 
 plete success; and yet Elijah will always be recog- 
 nized as the master, the greater soul who dared to 
 initiate. 
 
 60. At this critical point in Israelitish history the 
 prophetic guilds (I. sect. 86), which were mentioned 
 first during the days of Samuel, again come into 
 prominence. They were located at the larger cities, 
 like Jericho (II. Kings ii. 5), and especially at the old 
 sanctuaries, such as Bethel (II. Kings ii. 3) and Gilgal 
 (II. Kings iv. 38). Their members stood in much the 
 same relation to the religion of Jehovah as the prophets 
 of Baal to the Phoenician cult (I. Kings xviii. 19, 22). 
 They were permitted to marry, and entered into busi- 
 ness contracts with their fellow countrymen (II. Kings 
 iv. 1). Certain of them, at least, lived together, as 
 at Gilgal, sharing a common table (II. Kings iv. 38-41). 
 These guilds sometimes changed their place of abode, 
 and built their quarters with their own hands (II. 
 Kings vi. 1-7). They must have been dependent for 
 their subsistence chiefly upon their own toil, although 
 they may have received some support from the throne, 
 as did the priests of the royal sanctuaries and the 
 prophets of Baal, who enjoyed the patronage of Jeze- 
 
NATURE OF THE PROPHETIC GUILDS 63 
 
 bel. The subserviency of the four hundred Jehovah 
 prophets, who were summoned before Ahab and 
 Jehoshaphat (sect. 45), indicates that they must have 
 anticipated some material reward. This incident also 
 suggests what were the functions of the members of 
 these prophetic guilds. Questions, private as well as 
 public, concerning which it was deemed necessary to 
 consult Jehovah, were referred to them. According 
 to Deuteronomy xviii. 9-15, the prophets filled the 
 place in Hebrew life left vacant by the diviners, wiz- 
 ards, and necromancers to which the people were ac- 
 customed to resort in the earlier days. Their services, 
 therefore, would call forth private donations. In H 
 Kings V. 22, Gehazi, the servant of Elisha, is repre- 
 sented as soliciting a gift in behalf of two yoimg men 
 of the sons of the prophets, who had recently come 
 from the hill country of Ephraim. 
 
 61. There is no direct information respecting the 
 manner in which the members of these prophetic guilds 
 were chosen. The term " son of the prophets " is used, 
 not to indicate lineal descent, but in the common Se- 
 mitic sense of the member of a community, personal 
 inclination or natural characteristics undoubtedly had 
 much to do in determining the choice. The account 
 of the call of Elisha (sect. 59), and the references to 
 his servant, Gehazi, suggest that the older prophets 
 gathered about themselves young men, who attended 
 them and, as an inevitable result of association on such 
 terms, absorbed much of their spirit and teaching. A 
 group of such followers would easily grow into a guild. 
 The application to these bands of the modern term 
 "school," with its implication of regular instruction, 
 is not warranted by any biblical reference, and is en« 
 
64 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 tirely out of harmony with the habits of the Orient. 
 Undoubtedly much of the old frenzy and wild enthu- 
 siasm characterized their religious life. The son of 
 the prophets who anointed Jehu was called a mad 
 fellow by the other officers in command of the Israel- 
 itish army (II. Kings ix. 11, 12); even Ehsha em- 
 ployed a minstrel to induce that ecstatic state which 
 they deemed essential for prophesying. 
 
 62. While they shared certain external character- 
 istics, the Hebrew prophets differed widely in their 
 teachings. The four hundred who predicted victory 
 for Ahab (I. Kings xxii.) must have come from the 
 various prophetic guilds ; and yet there was no sym- 
 pathy between them, and Micaiah, the son of Imlah, 
 or the unknown son of the prophets who declared that 
 judgment would surely come upon Ahab because he 
 spared the life of Benhadad (I. Kings xx. 35-43). In- 
 stead, the reference indicates that already there were 
 two distinct classes of prophets in Israel: the true 
 prophets, like Elijah and Micaiah, who saw clearly the 
 will of Jehovah and acted accordingly; and the so- 
 called :^lse prophets, who likewise prophesied in the 
 name of Jehovah, but who had no divinely given mes- 
 sage. It was tliis latter class which subsequently 
 undermined the influence of the true prophets by de- 
 stroying all confidence in the prophetic word. Among 
 the more faithful sons of the prophets, Elijah's message 
 to Israel must have met with the readiest response. As 
 in the days of Samuel, they proved a political as well 
 as a religious force. Elijah's successor, Elisha, assisted 
 them in their building operations, helped them in ad- 
 versity, and stood toward them in the relation of patron 
 (II. Kings vi. 1-7 ; iv. 1-7, 38-41 ; v. 22). In them 
 
ELISHA'S MESSAGE TO JEHTJ 65 
 
 he found in turn that support which was absolutely 
 necessary if Baalism was to be OYerthrown. 
 
 63. For more than a decade after the death of Ahab, 
 his family continued undisturbed on the throne of 
 Israel. The author of Kings declares that Joram made 
 a movement toward reform by "putting away the pillar 
 of Baal which his father had made," but there was no 
 essential change in the religious policy of the nation. 
 Baalism was still openly tolerated, and Jezebel exer- 
 cised her old rofluence. Meantime the resentment of 
 the people, kiudled by the injustice against Naboth, 
 and the zeal of the prophets, jealous for Jehovah, in- 
 creased unto, it was ready to burst iato a fierce flame. 
 Elisha was the one who applied the torch. On a cer- 
 tain day about 842 B. c, when the Israelitish army were 
 carrying on the war with the Arameans, intrenched at 
 Ramoth-Gilead, he called one of the sons of the proph- 
 ets, and despatched him on a secret mission to the army. 
 Joram, the Mng, had returned to Jezreel wounded, and 
 so the messenger on his arrival was ushered into the 
 presence of the captains of the host. Disregarding the 
 rest, he addressed himself directly to one of them, a 
 certain Jehu, saying, "I have an errand to thee, O 
 Captain." As soon as the two were alone the pro- 
 phetic messenger, in accordance with Elisha's com- 
 mand, poured the oil, with which he was provided, on 
 Jehu's head, declaring that Jehovah had anoiated him 
 king over Israel, and immediately fled. The spirit of 
 rebellion was in the air, and the act was so full of sig- 
 nificance that when Jehu rejoined his fellow officers 
 they inquired at once the reason of the strange visit 
 of this fanatic. At first he attempted to turn them off, 
 but they refused to be deceived. Then in his blunt 
 
66 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 fashion Jehu announced that he had been anointed 
 king. The details of the narrative suggest that this 
 was only the launching of a conspiracy previously 
 arranged. Conditions certainly were ripe. Stripping 
 off their outer garments, his fellow officers cast them 
 down upon the steps beneath Jehu's feet, and with 
 trumpet-blast proclaimed him king. 
 
 64. Elisha made no mistake in the choice of a man 
 to overthrow the house of Omri. Energy and crafti- 
 ness were in him, combined with a certain recklessness, 
 which has found popular expression in the saying, 
 " He drives like Jehu." Impetuous, fearless, regard- 
 less of life, he was fitted alike to lead a cavalry 
 charge or a dangerous revolution. He had also lis- 
 tened to Elijah as he pronounced the awful curse 
 upon the house of Ahab, so that he regarded the 
 reigning family as doomed, and himself as a messenger 
 sent by Jehovah to execute his judgment. His ambi- 
 tion and fanaticism needed no further encouragement. 
 Leaving the officers and army behind, with strict in- 
 junctions that no one should be allowed to bear the 
 news of the conspiracy to the court, he himself set out 
 in hot haste across the Jordan and up over the plain 
 of Jezreel, which leads to the northern capital. When 
 Joram, the wounded king, learned from the watchman 
 that a company was approaching, he despatched a 
 horseman to meet them, to learn whether their mission 
 was a peaceful one. Jehu, grimly commanding the 
 messenger to fall behind, rode on furiously. A second 
 horseman was sent out with the same result. Soon he 
 was near enough for the watchman on the battlements 
 of the palace to perceive from his driving that it was 
 Jehu. Recognizing that he came on important busi- 
 
JEHU'S DESTRUCTIVE ZEAL 67 
 
 ness and not suspecting a conspiracy, the king set out 
 to meet him, accompanied by Ahaziah, his cousin, the 
 king of Judah, who was visiting him at the time. 
 Jehu's reply to his salutation led him to fear treachery. 
 As he turned to flee with Ahaziah he fell to the bot- 
 tom of his chariot, pierced through the heart by an 
 arrow from Jehu's bow. In remembrance of Elijah's 
 prophecy against Ahab (sect. 53), the revolutionist com- 
 manded his faithful follower, Bidkar, to cast the body 
 upon the land secured by foul means from Naboth 
 the Jezreelite. 
 
 65. Jehu's fierce zeal against the house of Ahab 
 led him to pursue the fleeing king of Judah across 
 the plain of Esdraelon, and to command his followers 
 to slay him. Near Ibleam Ahaziah received a mortal 
 wound, from which he died at the famous old fortress 
 of Megiddo. Jezebel was the next victim of Jehu's 
 destructive hate. Attiring herself in all her finery, 
 she met him with the taunting words, " Is it well, 
 thou Zimri, thy master's murderer ? " Without reply- 
 ing, he commanded the eunuchs in attendance to throw 
 her down through the window. The order was imme- 
 diately executed, and the fierce conspirator drove his 
 chariot horses over her body. When he at last gave 
 orders to his servants to bury the aged queen, it was 
 found that the dogs had further fulfilled the prophecy 
 of Elijah, and devoured the body. 
 
 66. Having exterminated the representatives of the 
 reigning family at Jezreel, Jehu next turned to Samaria, 
 where were seventy of the descendants of the hated 
 Ahab. To the elders of the city and the guardians of 
 the young princes he sent an ironical letter, suggesting 
 that they elect one of their royal wards king and 
 
68 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 defend him if they could. It awakened the response 
 anticipated. In terror they submitted, and expressed 
 their readiness to do whatever Jehu should command. 
 He forthwith demanded the heads of the princes. 
 When these were received at Jezreel, he caused them 
 to be piled up at the city gate, as a gory proof of the 
 complicity of the elders of Samaria in this wholesale 
 slaughter. Forty-two of the princes of the royal 
 house of Judah, whom Jehu overtook near Samaria, 
 were mercilessly put to death. His thirst for blood 
 was not satisfied until the nobles, favorites,, and priests 
 of Ahab were all slain. According to the narrative 
 preserved in II. Kings x. 17-28, a large number of 
 the followers of Baal shared the same fate. 
 
 67. By this revolution the house of Omri was com- 
 pletely exterminated, and the danger that Baalism 
 would gradually supplant the worship of Jehovah for- 
 ever averted; but at a terrible cost. The blood, so 
 ruthlessly shed at this time, weakened Israel to such 
 an extent that for the next half-century it was forced 
 to maintain an almost hopeless struggle for existence. 
 Even though the evil was great, it hardly justified the 
 means employed to remove it. Either Elisha and the 
 prophets who chose him were deceived as to the charac- 
 ter of Jehu, or else had not yet learned that the cause 
 of truth is not permanently advanced by intrigue and 
 bloodshed. Amos and Hosea, looking back from the 
 vantage-point of the next century, condemned this 
 revolution, declaring, in the name of Jehovah, " I will 
 visit the blood of Jezreel upon the house of Jehu" 
 (Hosea i. 4; Amosvii. 9). The sword, thus fanati- 
 cally unsheathed in the name of religion, was destined 
 to be repeatedly used by friends and foes of Jehovah 
 
CONSEQUENCES OF JEHU'S REVOLUTION 69 
 
 wHih the same deplorable effects. Jehu proved himself 
 to be little more than an unscrupulous adventurer 
 •who improved a favorable opportunity to further his 
 own interests. From him the cause of the pure wor- 
 ship of Jehovah could expect little real assistance. 
 He rooted out Baalism, but in its place he only restored 
 the half-heathenish bull worsliip of Jeroboam. 
 
 68. At the same time this great prophetic revolu- 
 tion established a principle, enunciated in the earlier 
 days and potent at the division of the Hebrew empire 
 (sect. 26), which determined to a great extent the char- 
 acter of the history of Judah as well as Israel. It was 
 that for which Elijah contended : " If Jehovah be God, 
 follow him." Practically interpreted, this meant that 
 under no conditions should the god of a foreign na- 
 tion be recognized within the land of Jehovah ; hence 
 alliances between Israel and other peoples were forever 
 impossible. Thus at this time was virtually instituted 
 that complete separation, so jealously guarded by 
 prophets, and later by priests, which made the Hebrews 
 a holy (in its original sense of " separate ") nation, and 
 which appears even to-day in the sharp line of demarca- 
 tion drawn between the Jew and the Gentile. 
 
Ill 
 
 ISRAEL TJITDEK THE KTIL.E OF THE HOUSE OP JEHU 
 
 69. The bloody waves of revolution which about 
 the middle of the ninth century B. c. swept in quick 
 succession over the two Hebrew kingdoms, also af- 
 fected Damascus. Even before Jehu raised his hand 
 against the house of Omri, Hazael improved the op- 
 portunity, afforded by the illness of his master, the 
 aged warrior, Benhadad II., to mount the throne by 
 murdering him. Although Damascus was beset by 
 strong and active foes, the usurper succeeded, by his 
 energy and military powers, in raising it to a more 
 commanding position than it had enjoyed under his 
 predecessor. Jehu of Israel, however, possessed little 
 of the ability of his northern rival, whose example he 
 had imitated. The blood which he so freely shed in 
 establishing his undisputed sway was that of the mili- 
 tary class who had rallied about Ahab. Israel was 
 divided into antagonistic parties, and the prophetic con- 
 servatives who had supported him had little interest in 
 war. The biblical historian passes over the events of 
 his reign with a brevity which is ominous. We are 
 not surprised, therefore, to learn from the inscriptions 
 of the Assyrian conqueror, Shalmaneser II., that he 
 received the tribute of " Jehu, son of Omri," together 
 
 70 
 
EARLY ASSYEIAN INVASIONS 71 
 
 with tliat of Tyre and Sidon. On the Black Obelisk 
 also the ambassadors of Jehu are pictured bearing gifts 
 of silver and gold to the great king. The date of the 
 campaign thus commemorated is 842 B.C., probably 
 soon after the accession of Jehu. The Assyrian army 
 does not appear to have actually invaded the terri- 
 tory of Israel ; hence the tribute was sent by Jehu in 
 the hope of strengthening his position by securing 
 the favor of the Assyrians; but he was doomed to 
 disappointment. 
 
 70. In this same campaign Shalmaneser met and de- 
 feated the army of Hazael near Mount Senir, a north- 
 ern spur of Hermon. The camp of the Arameans, 
 with eleven hundred and twenty-one chariots and four 
 hundred and seventy horses, fell into the hands of the 
 conqueror. The territory from the mountains of the 
 Hauran to the gates of Damascus was laid waste, 
 but the capital itself offered a successful resistance. 
 Three years later Shalmaneser again invaded the 
 land of Hazael, capturing four cities and receiving the 
 tribute of Tyre and Sidon. This campaign, however, 
 was not so extensive as the preceding, and the name 
 of Jehu is not found among the kings who then 
 paid tribute. Shalmaneser retired without having 
 broken the power of Damascus. For the next thirty- 
 five years Palestine enjoyed immunity from Assyrian 
 invasion. The latter days of the great conqueror, 
 Shalmaneser II., were darkened by a serious revolt 
 headed by his oldest son. It was finally put down; 
 but his successor, Shamshi-Ramman II., was so busily 
 occupied in consolidating the disorganized empire that 
 he found no time for foreign conquests. 
 
 71. This period of Assjoian inactivity Hazael im- 
 
72 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 proved to extend the boundaries of his kingdom. 
 Israel, being the hereditary enemy of Damascus, was 
 naturally the first victim. Jehu, who had vainly 
 sought deliverance by calling upon the common en- 
 emy, Assyria, bitterly atoned for his mistake. The 
 territory of Israel east of the Jordan, and that of Moab 
 as far as the Amon, were overrun and made subject to 
 Damascus (II. Kings x. 32, 33). These conquests of 
 Hazael were characterized by extreme cruelty. The 
 men in the conquered towns were pitilessly slain, the 
 little children dashed in pieces, and the women sub- 
 jected to the most brutal indignities (II. Kings viii. 
 12 ; Amos i. 3, 4). The Philistine town of Gath was 
 also captured by the armies of Hazael. To reach this 
 point they were obliged to cross the plain of Esdraelon, 
 which they probably did as conquerors. Judah was 
 likewise invaded, and Jerusalem was saved only by 
 the payment of heavy tribute. During the reign of 
 Jehu's son, Jehoahaz, the old empire of David was 
 completely dominated by Damascus. In the graphic 
 language of the author of Kings, the people of Israel 
 were ground down under the heel of the conqueror 
 until they were made "like the dust in threshing." 
 Their fighting force was reduced to fifty horsemen, 
 ten chariots, and ten thousand footmen. Their old 
 foes, the Philistines, Moabites, and Edomites, took ad- 
 vantage of their weakness to invade their territory for 
 the purpose of pillage and plunder, wreaking their 
 hatred upon the defenceless, and carrying away the 
 inhabitants to sell them into slavery (II. Kings xiii. 
 20, 21 ; Amos i. 6-15). Drought, pestilence, and fam- 
 ine completed their work of desolation (Amos iv. 
 6-11). 
 
ISRAEL'S HUMILIATION BY DAMASCUS 73 
 
 72. To this period of Israel's greatest humiliation 
 probably belongs the Elisha narrative in II. Kings 
 vi. 24-vii. 20. It certainly has no internal relation- 
 ship with the context (compare vi. 23 and viii. 1), 
 Being a popular tradition, it unfortunately does not 
 preserve the name of the king of Israel. The com- 
 piler of Kings, evidently considering that the Aramean 
 king referred to was Benhadad II., who figured so 
 prominently in Ahab's wars, assigned the narrative 
 to its present position. More probably the invader 
 was Benhadad III., the son of Hazael, who carried on 
 his wars against Israel with the same energy as his 
 older namesake (II. Kings xiii. 3). The later period 
 also furnishes the only satisfactory background for 
 the events recorded. The territory of Israel was 
 completely overrun by the armies of Damascus. Its 
 king was closely besieged within his capital, Samaria. 
 Famine had done its work until the most unattractive 
 food was selling for a fabulous sum. The common 
 people, wild with hunger and despair, were even eat- 
 ing their own offspring. There seemed absolutely no 
 hope of deliverance. Israel was on the verge of com- 
 plete subjection. 
 
 73. Under the rule of the house of Jehu, the influ- 
 ence of the prophet Elisha in the court was very strong. 
 The old antagonism between king and prophet was 
 for a time set aside. Elisha's position and personal 
 ability made him the chief adviser of the realm. 
 Samaria's prolonged resistance was evidently due to 
 his counsels, for when the king learned of the appall- 
 ing conditions within the city he swore that it should 
 cost the prophet his head. According to the narrative, 
 Elisha met this crisis with an assurance equalled only 
 
74 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW" PEOPLE 
 
 by that of the great Isaiah in strikingly similar circum- 
 stances (sect. 152). Confidently he asserted : " Thus 
 saith the Lord, To-morrow about this time shall a meas- 
 ure of fine flour be sold for a shekel, and two measures 
 of barley for a shekel in the gate of Samaria." Before 
 the dawn of the next day four Hebrew lepers, who 
 had turned in desperation to the Aramean camp, came 
 with the report that it was deserted. Subsequent 
 investigation demonstrated that the enemy had re- 
 treated in wild confusion. The cause of their panic 
 was the rumor that the king of Israel had hired cer- 
 tain allies to attack them. According to the accepted 
 English translation, these were the Hittites and Egyp- 
 tians. This may be only the popular Israelitish ac- 
 count of the event, while the real enemies were the 
 Assyrians. The Hebrew word translated "Egyp- 
 tians " may, however, with equal propriety be identi- 
 fied with the Musre, who lived to the north of the 
 modern Syria and who are referred to several times in 
 the Assyrian historical inscriptions. If we accept this 
 translation, the reference is at once relieved of many of 
 its difficulties, since the land of the Musre was near 
 that of the Hittites, and a union between them against 
 their hereditary enemies, the Arameans, is by no means 
 incredible. 
 
 74. Israel would in time have been completely 
 absorbed by the powerful kingdom of Damascus, and 
 its independent national life extinguished, had not 
 relief come from an unexpected quarter. The Book of 
 Kings declares that "the Lord gave Israel a savior, 
 so that they went out from under the hand of the 
 Arameans " (II. Kings xiii. 6). From the monuments 
 we learn that that savior was Assyria. Ramman- 
 
CAPTURE OF DAMASCUS BY ASSYRIA 75 
 
 nirari, the successor of Shamshi-Ramman, was animated 
 by the ambitions of his predecessors. His reign of 
 twenty-four years was filled with a series of conquests. 
 As a result he extended the boundaries of Assyria in 
 every direction until in the northeast it touched the 
 Caspian Sea, and on the west the Mediterranean. 
 About 800 B. c, Tyre, Sidon, Philistia, and Edom 
 were reduced to subjection. The kingdom of Damas- 
 cus was the most important of his western conquests. 
 The city itself was besieged and captured, and vast 
 plunder taken. Its king — who is called in the in- 
 scriptions " Mari," the Aramaic for " Lord " — and 
 its people became vassals of Assyria. The " Land of 
 Omri " (Israel) is also reckoned among the conquered 
 states. In his campaigns, which extended to the coast 
 of the Mediterranean, it is probable that the victori- 
 ous armies of Ramman-nirari repeatedly traversed 
 the territory of Northern Israel. Broken as it was 
 by Aramean oppression, its ready submission to the 
 great king was assured. It therefore bent before 
 the storm, while Damascus, the stronger state, was 
 shattered. 
 
 75. Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, came to the throne 
 of Israel about 797 b. c, which was the date of the 
 final conquest of Damascus. His accession marks a 
 decided turn in the tide of Israel's fortunes. He con- 
 ducted three successful campaigns against his old op- 
 pressor, and recovered from Damascus the Israelitish 
 towns which had been captured in the former wars 
 (II. Kings xiii. 17-19, 25). Amaziah of Judah, who 
 rashly ventured to challenge him, met with a signal 
 defeat at Bethshemesh, and was made to pay dearly for 
 his folly. Jeroboam IL, who came to the throne of 
 
76 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 Israel about 780 b. c, inherited the energy as well as 
 the fruits of the victories of his father, Joash. For a 
 half-century also Palestine was relieved from the de- 
 structive attacks of Assyria. Shahnaneser III., who 
 succeeded the great conqueror Ramman-nirari, was 
 himself obliged to assume the defensive. Under a 
 native prince, the Armenians, whose home was among 
 the mountains in the north, became so formidable 
 that they not only threw off the yoke, but also threat- 
 ened the independence of Assyria. During the two 
 succeeding reigns frequent revolts and outbreaks of 
 pestilence exhausted still further the resources of the 
 empire. The vassal states availed themselves of its 
 weakness to renounce their allegiance. Among the 
 first to do this were the principalities of Palestine. 
 
 76. During this period of freedom from foreign at- 
 tack, Jeroboam II. pushed the boundaries of Israel to 
 their farthest limits. The territory of her old rivals, 
 the Moabites, was reconquered. Damascus was too 
 much weakened to offer effectual resistance. The 
 sway of Israel extended from the Arabah, on the 
 southeastern end of the Dead Sea, to Hamath, between 
 the Lebanons (II. Kings xiv. 25 ^ Amos vi. 14). 
 Judah's territory was correspondingly expanded, so 
 that, excepting in the northeast, the ancient empire of 
 David was again under the rule of the Hebrews. 
 Commerce also sprang up, bringing to the Israelites 
 wealth unheard of since the days of Solomon. The 
 marvellous natural resources of Israel were allowed for 
 the first time to assert themselves. This growth in 
 property was as sudden as it was great. The nation 
 which was trembling a generation before on the verge 
 of annihilation had become a dominant power in the 
 
ISRAEL'S INDIAN SUMMER 77 
 
 Palestinian world. The reaction naturally induced a 
 spirit of over-confidence in king and people. What 
 was only Indian summer was beUeved to be the dawn 
 of a golden era. In reality Assyria was only slumber- 
 ing. When Damascus fell, the last barrier which 
 protected the Israelites from this aU-absorbing world- 
 power was thrown down; the enemy was at their 
 doors. 
 
IV 
 
 THE PROPHETS AMOS AND HOSEA 
 
 77. At this supreme crisis in Israel's history a new 
 type of prophet appeared, with a new and a nobler 
 message. Already the house of Jehu had broken 
 loose from the principles laid down by the prophets 
 who had called its founder to the throne. Doubtless 
 there were many of the so-called prophets of Jehovah 
 who stood high in royal favor, since they, like the four 
 hundred (sect. 49), prophesied according to the wiU of 
 their human rather than their divine King ; but these 
 were only imitations of the real. The distinctions 
 between the true and false prophets were, however, 
 not absolutely established. They were determined by 
 the purity of the ideal revealed to each, and the 
 steadfastness with which he adhered to it. 
 
 78. During the reign of Jeroboam II. there filled 
 the souls of certain great prophets an ideal of national 
 righteousness so exalted that they could only condemn 
 the existing conditions. Reconciliation between their 
 claims upon the nation and the policy of the reigning 
 family was impossible. Unlike the earlier prophets, 
 rejecting political intrigue and force, they depended 
 entirely upon the truth of their words for their accep- 
 tance. At the same time they did not appeal to the 
 fanaticism of the masses. Unfortunately they spoke 
 
 78 
 
THE NEW TYPE OF PEOPHET 79 
 
 in an age when the authority of the prophets with the 
 people was being rapidly destroyed by the lying mes- 
 sages of their false colleagues. The demands of this 
 new class of prophets were so unfamiliar, and the 
 principles which they annunciated so different from 
 those generally accepted, that they were at first re- 
 garded only with suspicion. To be a true prophet 
 during the Assyrian period required unflinching cour- 
 age and unceasing patience as well as a soul open wide 
 to divine truth. Recognizing that they could reach 
 only a Hmited number by their voice, and desiring to 
 give a permanence to their work, the prophets began 
 regularly to commit their sermons to writing. This in 
 itself represents a most significant transition. Only a 
 few words, preserved in the historical narratives, were 
 handed down to succeeding generations from the lips 
 of the great prophets who had moulded Israel in the 
 preceding ages. From this time on, writing became 
 common among the Hebrews. Prophetic teaching, as 
 a result, took more definite form. It also became 
 cumulative, since each succeeding prophet built upon 
 the foundations laid by his predecessors. 
 
 79. Isaiah incorporates in chapters xv. and xvi. 
 a citation from an earlier prophecy against Moab. 
 Tradition assigns it, on very insufficient grounds, to 
 Jonah, the son of Amittai, who prophesied the suc- 
 cesses of Jeroboam II. (II. Kings xiv. 25). Others also 
 must have preceded Amos, but he is the first prophet 
 whose prophecy and name are preserved together in 
 the Old Testament. Although his message was to the 
 northern kingdom, he was a native of Judah. The 
 town of Tekoa, perched on a high hill about six miles 
 south of Bethlehem, was his home (Amos i. 1). Im- 
 
80 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 mediately on the east begins the wilderness of Tekoa, 
 which extends toward the Dead Sea, twelve miles dis- 
 tant. The life of the town, therefore, retained the 
 pastoral simplicity of the earlier days. Amos himself 
 was one of the herdsmen of Tekoa. The Hebrew 
 word indicates that he watched small animals, such as 
 sheep and goats. The prophet also adds that he was a 
 " dresser of sycamore trees " (vii. 14), probably at the 
 proper season piercing their fruit that it might ripen 
 so as to be utilized as food by the poor, who could 
 secure nothing more pajatable. Hence his occupation 
 was the humblest. His surroundings were all pastoral 
 and agricultural. His prophecy also abounds in 
 figures drawn from the simple life of the country. 
 At the same time he betrays a familiarity with lands 
 outside Judah, which must have been the result of per- 
 sonal observation. The peculiar location of Samaria 
 and the conditions within Israel's capital were well 
 known to him (iii. 9, 10). His references to the sur- 
 rounding nations reveal an intimate acquaintance with 
 them (i., ii.). The graphic allusion to the rising and 
 falling of Egypt's river suggests that this shepherd- 
 prophet had sometime made a journey to that wonder- 
 land. 
 
 80. By environment and observation, therefore, this 
 earnest man of Judah was prepared for his great mis- 
 sion. He does not tell us when or how it was that 
 " Jehovah took him from following the flock and said 
 unto him, ' Go prophesy unto my people Israel ' " 
 (vii. 15). Perhaps it gradually dawned upon his 
 slowly awakening spiritual consciousness. The fact 
 remains that when — about the middle of the eighth 
 century b. c. — one festal day he began to preach to 
 
APPEARANCE OF AMOS AT BETHEL 81 
 
 the crowds of Israelites who gathered at their great 
 national sanctuary, Bethel, he was absolutely certain 
 of his God-given commission. To their angry, sus- 
 picious looks, inquiring what right he, a rude Judean 
 shepherd, had to condemn them, he replied: "You 
 certainly will agree that a lion does not roar in the 
 forest when it hath no prey, and that a bird does not 
 fall into a snare where none has been set; in other 
 words, that nothing unusual occurs without a corre- 
 sponding cause; consequently, my presence here is 
 conclusive evidence that I was sent. On the other 
 hand, — I appeal to you who recall the awful wars 
 with Damascus — Is the trumpet, announcing that the 
 enemy is near, ever blown without the people being 
 afraid ? Every sufficient cause produces a correspond- 
 ing effect. You all believe that when evil comes to a 
 city, it is the Lord who sends it. Furthermore, you 
 know that God does nothing which he does not reveal 
 unto his servants the prophets. When the Lord God 
 speaks to a prophet, as he has to me, you must know 
 that prophet can do nothing but prophesy " (iii. 3-8). 
 81. Coming thus, a foreigner without introduction, 
 to sing in the ears of a self-satisfied, prosperous people 
 the death-dirge, " The virgin Israel is fallen no more 
 to rise," Amos showed marvellous skill in his opening 
 address. In a series of short prophecies, in which the 
 recurring formulas add to the effectiveness, he de- 
 nounces the sins of Israel's enemies, and proclaims 
 that at last they have sinned beyond forgiveness, and 
 that, therefore, destruction impends. This was joyful 
 news to his hearers. They listen eagerly ; but in giv- 
 ing their ready assent they unwittingly subscribed to 
 certain principles which the prophet forthwith applied 
 
82 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 to their own case with awful effectiveness. His logic 
 was so unassailable, and their iniquities which he 
 denounced so patent, that the rulers and priests of the 
 proud royal sanctuary were obliged to listen without 
 interruption, until at last he declared, "The sanc- 
 tuaries of Israel shall be laid waste ; and I will rise 
 against the house of Jeroboam with the sword" 
 (vii. 9). This gave an opportunity for a charge of 
 blasphemy and treason, which Amaziah, the priest of 
 Bethel, hastened to improve. " Amos hath conspired 
 against thee in the midst of the house of Israel; the 
 land is not able to bear all his words. For thus Amos 
 saith, Jeroboam shall die by the sword, and Israel shall 
 surely be led away captive out of the land " (vii. 10, 
 11), was the message, half truth, half falsehood, which 
 he sent to Jeroboam. Either on his own authority or 
 that of the king, Amaziah then turned upon Amos 
 with the sarcastic words : " O thou seer, go, flee thee 
 away into the land of Judah, and there eat bread, and 
 prophesy there ; but prophesy not again any more at 
 Bethel ; for it is the king's sanctuary, and it is a royal 
 house " (vii. 12, 13). Disclaiming the implication 
 that he was one of those mercenary prophets who 
 " declare war against those who put not bribes in their 
 mouth " (Micah iii. 5), he protested that he was only 
 a humble shepherd whom Jehovah called from his 
 occupation and sent upon the present mission (vii. 14, 
 15). He was compelled to depart; but even as he 
 turned to leave he took occasion to reiterate most 
 impressively the burden of his message: "Thou and 
 thy family, O Amaziah, shall experience all the bitter 
 woes of conquest, and Israel shall surely be led away 
 captive out of liis land." 
 
NATIONALITY AND CHARACTER OF HOSEA 83 
 
 82. Amos returned to his flock. A few of the more 
 thouglitful in Israel pondered over his solemn words 
 of warning; but the majority only remembered that 
 at a certain feast at Bethel one of those fanatical 
 prophets, betrayed by his accent and manners to be a 
 Judean shepherd, had startled them all for a time by 
 his awful denunciations, until at last the priest, 
 Amaziah, had silenced the mad fellow. The truth, 
 however, which had once found expression could not 
 be long silenced. During the latter part of the reign 
 of Jeroboam, Hosea, the son of Beeri, also began to 
 preaeh to his countrymen. His reference to "our 
 king" (vii. 5), who must have been one of the rulers 
 of Israel, his familiarity with the geography and his- 
 tory, and, above all, the loyal love for the northern 
 kingdom which he shows in every utterance, indicate 
 beyond question that, unlike Amos, he was a citizen 
 of the greater Hebrew state. His illustrations and 
 references suggest that his home was in a large town 
 or city. From his familiarity with the early traditions 
 of his people (i. 4 ; viii. 14 ; x. 6, 9, 10 ; xi. 1 ; xii. 
 12 ; xiii. 4), it may be inferred that he was a careful 
 student of its history. The style and thought of his 
 prophecies reveal a loving, sympathetic nature, sensi- 
 tive and tender as that of a woman. His feelings are 
 often so deep that they only find utterance in broken 
 and disconnected sentences. His logic is that of the 
 emotions and intuitions rather than of reason. 
 
 83. From the allusions contained in the first three 
 chapters of his prophecy, it is possible to reconstruct 
 the outlines of his sad private history. Like many 
 other prophets, in response to the promptings of true 
 affection, he took to himself as wife a woman by the 
 
84 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 name of Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim. He believed 
 that she would faithfully return the strong love which 
 he felt toward her ; but later experience proved that 
 she, like so many of the Israelitish women of that age, 
 was indeed one of " the daughters of whoredom." Law 
 and custom permitted him to put her away, but his 
 love and the hope that he could yet reclaim her led 
 him to forgive the heinous crime. Even after she fled 
 from his home with her paramour, and was finally put 
 up for sale as a common slave, he bought and restored 
 her to his home, so darkened by her infamy. Then by 
 discipline, which is sometimes the supreme proof of 
 love toward the erring, he sought to lead her back to 
 the path of rectitude. Whether he succeeded or not, 
 he does not add ; but these simple, sad facts, presented 
 with a purpose, reveal the method whereby Divine Love 
 spoke to Hosea. His own tragic experience enabled 
 him to appreciate Jehovah's feeling toward apostate 
 Israel, which he likewise had loved, called, forgiven, 
 and finally, as a last resort, was forced to punish, that 
 the people might be led in penitence to claim his for- 
 giveness. Hosea knew, as did no other man in Israel, 
 the pain which the sin of one who is loved can bring to 
 the heart of the one loving. This explains why his de- 
 nunciations of sinful Israel are unequalled for their 
 vehemence. On the other hand, his messages of divine 
 love and mercy are the strongest and the tenderest 
 uttered by Hebrew prophet. His public as well as 
 his private life was a tragedy of tragedies, for it was 
 his sad fate to proclaim saving truth to his beloved 
 nation and then see it rapidly go down to its ruin, 
 simply because it refused to listen. In this painful 
 Bchool of affliction, however, Hosea learned lessons 
 
IMPOETANCE OF THE HEBREW PROPHETS 85 
 
 which make his obscure, broken prophecy the gospel 
 of the Old Testament. 
 
 84. These two prophets were despised and rejected 
 by their contemporaries. Hosea bitterly complains 
 that the prophet who denounces Isiael's sins is re- 
 garded as a fool, and the man that hath a spirit as mad 
 (ix. 7). The prophet is subjected on every side to 
 treacherous and murderous attacks ; even in the house 
 of his God he does not escape from the malignity of 
 his relentless foes (ix. 8). His life was one long mar- 
 tyrdom. The rulers of Israel paid no more heed to 
 the words of Amos -and Hosea, than to the barking of 
 the dogs without their capital city ; and yet time has 
 proved that the prophets were right and the rulers 
 wrong. Unquestionably they are the most important 
 figures in the last act of Israel's drama ; for the activ- 
 ity of the Hebrew prophets ultimately moulded their 
 nation's history, and thereby distinguished it from that 
 of the hundred other petty states which rose and fell, 
 and have long since been forgotten. 
 
SOCIETY AND MORALS IN ISRAEL 
 
 85. Israel's sudden fall from the height of pros- 
 perity which it enjoyed under Jeroboam II. Was not 
 entirely due to the cruelty of the foreign conqueror. 
 To use a prophetic figure, the nation was like an 
 attractive basket of rich tropical fruit, dead ripe ; it 
 was fair to look upon, but within were the germs of 
 decay, which were destined in a short time, under un- 
 favorable conditions, to transform it into a mass of 
 loathsome putrefaction (Amos viii. 1-3). The prophets, 
 detecting, by the aid of their enlightened vision, these 
 insidious evils, pointed them out and at the same time 
 suggested the remedy. Amos, viewing conditions in 
 Israel as a foreigner, directed his attention almost 
 exclusively to social questions ; while Hosea, who was 
 able to go to the roots of the nation's life, was con- 
 stantly dealing with its morals and religion. 
 
 86. Certain social disorders, to which an Oriental 
 community, organized like the Hebrew states, was 
 especially susceptible, were constantly breaking out in 
 Israel. The principles underlying the Hebrew com- 
 monwealth were essentially democratic. During its 
 early history questions of national interest were set- 
 tled in a popular assembly, or in a representative 
 
 86 
 
EFFECTS OF ISRAEL'S WARS 8T 
 
 council of tlie tribal elders. The king was chosen by 
 the people to be their servant. Every free Israelite had 
 inalienable rights which the king must respect. Judi- 
 cial as well as political power was delegated. A 
 Hebrew judge, like the sheik of a modern Bedouin 
 tribe, was little more than a referee. Custom supplied 
 the place of a constitution and legal code. Right and 
 justice were therefore guarded, not by law and politi- 
 cal organization, but by the co-operation of all the 
 citizens of the community. Anything which destroyed 
 the simple and normal relations of its individual mem- 
 bers shook the very foundations of the state. Earlier 
 prophets recognized this fact. When the old sim- 
 plicity was threatened under Solomon and Ahab, they 
 strove to maintain it at any cost, and for the time suc- 
 ceeded. Tendencies, however, were at work which 
 the prophets with their waning political influence 
 could no longer stay. 
 
 87. History proves that the chief burden of a pro- 
 tracted, intense struggle, such as was the war between 
 Israel and Damascus, rests upon the middle and poorer 
 classes. Year after year, they were obliged to go forth 
 for the defence of their families, while their little 
 estates were neglected. They returned to find their 
 hereditary lands consumed and themselves and families 
 reduced to slavery. When the tide of war turned and 
 the spoil of conquest poured into Israel, it did not 
 materially relieve the poor. Instead it merely en- 
 riched the military nobUity which had arisen during 
 the long years of war. Commerce, which sprang up 
 in a time of peace, only added to the wealth of the 
 already rich, increasing the distance between classes. 
 Thus it was that the old simplicity, so essential to such 
 
88 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 a state as Israel, suddenly disappeared, and with it the 
 middle class, who are the main dependence of every 
 nation, leaving only the rich nobility and their poor 
 dependants. 
 
 88. Unwonted national prosperity aroused among 
 the rich and powerful in Israel a passion for show 
 and luxury which was the more striking because of 
 the contrast with the simplicity of the earlier days and 
 the want and penury which were still the lot of the 
 masses. Great estates took the place of small hold- 
 ings; palaces of hewn stone, furnished with beds of 
 ivory and silken couches, rose on the land once held 
 by the families of those who now were serfs (Amos 
 iii. 11, 12 ; V. 11 ; vi. 4). Their idle masters sought 
 far and wide for the choicest morsels with wliich to 
 gratify their appetites, as they stretched themselves 
 upon their ivory couches, singing idle songs to the 
 sound of the viol, anointing themselves with expen- 
 sive ointment and engaging in shameful carousals 
 (Amos vi, 1-7). It was a selfish luxury which led 
 those who thus indulged themselves to disregard en- 
 tirely the sacred duty which they owed to their poorer 
 brethren (Amos vi. 6). Instead it led them to deeds 
 of inhuman cruelty, in comparison with which the 
 barbarity of the heathen nations about them, which 
 they so readily condemned, could easily be condoned 
 (Amos i.-iii.). A poor debtor, even though he was 
 a righteous man and his indebtedness a mere trifle, 
 received not the least mercy at their hands ; indeed, 
 they exulted in the misery which they brought upon 
 him (Amos ii. 6, 7 ; viii. 4). Their chief delight 
 seemed to be to wrong the needy and helpless (Amos 
 ii. 7). Their palaces were fiUed with the fruits of 
 
PXJBLIC AND PRIVATE CORRUPTION 89 
 
 their violence and robbery (Amos iii. 10). Even the 
 wives of the nobles, those from whom mercy might 
 be expected, if from any source, only "oppressed the 
 poor and crushed the needy " by urging their husbands 
 on to greater exactions, in order to gratify their unholy 
 appetites. The public tribunals, instead of being 
 sources of justice, were made the instruments whereby 
 the rulers extracted bribes and perverted the cause 
 of the poor and helpless (Amos v. 12). Under such 
 conditions there could be no harmony between classes, 
 nor unity in the state. There is a grim significance 
 in the message of Amaziah to the king respecting 
 Amos's plain unveiling of Israel's social evils : " Amos 
 hath conspired against thee in the midst of the house 
 of Israel : The land is not able to bear all his words." 
 Even the ruling class realized that only a leader was 
 necessary to set the much wronged masses into a mad 
 revolt. When such conditions existed within the 
 nation, there was no hope of escape from the clutches 
 of the foreign foe. 
 
 89. At a later and more degenerate period, when 
 the strong hand of Jeroboam II. no longer guided the 
 state, Hosea brought in a still more sweeping indict- 
 ment against Israel : " There is no truth, nor mercy, 
 nor knowledge of God in the land. There is naught 
 but swearing, and breaking faith, and killing, and steal- 
 ing, and committing adultery ; they break out, and 
 deeds of bloodshed touch deeds of bloodshed " (iv. 1, 
 2). Israel's crimes were those common among all 
 peoples, but especially so in the Orient. Eepeatedly 
 Hosea complains that the people swear falsely in 
 making covenants, and that the deceit which charac- 
 terized their forefather Jacob has not ceased to be 
 
90 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the besetting sin of his descendants (x. 4 ; xi. 12). 
 It found expression in the false measures and balances 
 which Amos saw in the hands of the merchants of 
 Israel (viii. 5). Theft and highway robbery were 
 common (Hosea vii. 1). Rulers, prophets, and priests, 
 who were the appointed guardians of the people, con- 
 spired together to spoil them (Hosea v. 1 ; iv. 6 ; 
 vi. 9). Anarchy ruled unchallenged (Amos iii. 9; 
 Hosea vii. 5-7). In this atmosphere, so deeply tainted 
 by the influence of Baalism, there flourished a gross 
 immorality which extended to all classes. The 
 daughters of Israel gave themselves up to the licen- 
 tious practices attendant upon that degenerate cult 
 (Hosea iv. 11-15). Deeds of lewdness, such as would 
 have aroused public indignation even in the barbarous 
 days of the judges, were of common occurrence (Hosea 
 ix. 9 ; X. 9 : Judges xix.). The most sacred laws of 
 society were wantonly disregarded (Amos ii. 7). 
 
 90. The virgin Israel indeed had fallen so low that 
 there was little hope that she would ever rise again 
 (Amos V. 2). In the last chapter of the prophecy of 
 Amos the firm conviction is expressed that after cap- 
 tivity had sifted out the evil elements in the state, the 
 few faithful would be restored to enjoy a peace and 
 prosperity far surpassing that of the earlier days (ix. 
 8-15). Hosea also pictured, in rich imagery, the glo- 
 rious era which would be inaugurated when once 
 Israel's discipline had accomplished its end and the 
 people had come back to Jehovah in penitence to be 
 reconciled to him « in righteousness and in judgment 
 and in loving-kindness and in mercies" (ii. 9-28). 
 Both prophets, however, as they saw the social and 
 moral degeneracy of the nation, and the blind self- 
 
CERTAINTY OF ISRAEL'S DOWNFALL 91 
 
 confidence of its leaders, which gave no promise of 
 reform, declared that its destruction at the hands of 
 a foreign conqueror was absolutely certain (Amos iv. 
 12 ; vi. 14; vii. 9; Hosea iii. 3, 4; xiii. 16). The Judean 
 prophets, Isaiah and Micah, echoed the same (Isaiah 
 xxviii. 1-13 ; Micah i. 2-7). Subsequent develop- 
 ments confirmed most signally their inspired diagnosis 
 of Israel's sickness, and established the eternal prin- 
 ciples upon which they based their predictions. 
 
VI 
 
 POPXJLAE AND PEOPHBTIC RELIGION 
 
 91. The blackness of the picture wherein Amos 
 and Hosea portray the social and moral conditions of 
 their age is undoubtedly in part due to the striking 
 contrast between their standards and those of their 
 contemporaries. The masses still clung to the old 
 conception of Jehovah. They believed that he was 
 simply Israel's god and stood in the same relation to 
 them as Chemosh did to the Moabites (I. sects. 72, 167). 
 The series of national misfortunes wliich had befallen 
 them were regarded as tokens of his displeasure (Amos 
 iv. 6-11). The turn in the tide of war which brought 
 to them the unparalleled prosperity of the reign of 
 Jeroboam II. was regarded as conclusive evidence that 
 Jehovah was pleased with his people. Starting with 
 the mistaken dogma, then already old, that success 
 was always a proof of divine favor, and calamity of 
 displeasure, they, as was the hero of the Book of Job 
 when oppressed by the same error, must often have 
 been forced to the conclusion that Jehovah, like the 
 gods of the Greeks, was at times ruled by caprice. 
 Ordinarily, however, they believed, as did Mesha, king 
 of Moab (compare Moabite Inscription), that zealous 
 service by sword and sacrifice would surely secure his 
 
PREVAILrNG RELIGIOUS FALLACIES 93 
 
 favor. On the other hand, according to the naive 
 thought of the age, Israel was the one people of Je- 
 hovah, therefore his glory was dependent upon their 
 national prosperity. Adversity might afflict them for 
 a time, but erelong he would surely arouse himself 
 to deliver them and vindicate his honor among their 
 foes, who were also his enemies (Amos v. 18). Assjt- 
 ian storm clouds lowered in the distant horizon, but 
 the mass of the Israelites felt absolutely sure that Je- 
 hovah would deliver; for, according to their concep- 
 tion of him, it was incredible that he would allow his 
 people, who alone of all the nations bore his name, to 
 be destroyed. Besides, were they not honoring him 
 with a devotion and wealth of sacrifice unequalled be- 
 fore in their history ? The cry, " My God, we, Israel, 
 know thee " (Hosea viii. 2), voiced the popular feeling. 
 They deemed the one who predicted the downfall of 
 Israel guilty of impious blasphemy. 
 
 92. Such a religion put little stress upon social or 
 private morality. While Jehovah was served by cere- 
 mony and offering, that sufficed. The ordinary priests 
 and prophets encouraged the people in this fatal delu- 
 sion. Amaziah, the chief priest of the royal sanctuary 
 at Bethel, regarded the teaching of Amos as the wild- 
 est fanaticism (Amos vii. 12, 13). Hosea declared to 
 the priesthood, "Thou shalt stumble in the day, and 
 the prophet also shall stumble with thee in the night. 
 . . . My people are destroyed for lack of knowl- 
 edge. I have rejected thee, that thou shalt be no 
 priest to me; seeing thou hast forgotten the law of 
 thy God, I also will forget thy children. As they 
 were multiplied, so they sinned against me; I will 
 change their glory into shame. They feed on the sin 
 
94 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 of my people, and set their hearts on iniquity. And 
 it shall be, like people, like priest" (iv. 6-9). They 
 were but blind leaders of the blind. The ceremonial 
 service itself was attended by mad revels (Amos v. 23; 
 Hosea iv. 11-14 ; ix. 1-5). The priests of the differ- 
 ent sanctuaries vied with one another in making their 
 services the most attractive, in order to swell the offer- 
 ings. Their greed made them little better than high- 
 way robbers (Hosea vi. 9). "When the national religion 
 was so corrupt, we cease to wonder that society was 
 so rotten. 
 
 93. The miracle, explicable only as we recognize the 
 influence of the Divine, is that certain prophets were 
 led to reject completely the prevailing ideas, and to 
 present a system of faith and morals which has be- 
 come the foundation of the three greatest world re- 
 ligions. Amos outlines, in his artistic introduction 
 (i., ii.), the new and revolutionizing principles which 
 characterize his prophecy. Jehovah rules, not only 
 over Israel, but over each and every nation. The gods 
 of the other peoples slirivel into insignificance in the 
 full light of this truth. Before Jehovah's tribunal the 
 nations are condemned, because they have transgressed 
 the common laws of humanity. Each is judged ac- 
 cording to its enlightenment. Hence greater privilege 
 entails greater responsibility. Jehovah is a righteous 
 God, and therefore demands righteousness from his 
 people, and can show no favoritism. Having gained 
 a half-assent to these profound propositions, Amos pro- 
 ceeded to throw down in quick succession the cher- 
 ished fallacies which hitherto had dominated the minds 
 of the Israelites. " Yes, you alone of all the peoples 
 of the world have I known in a peculiarly intimate 
 
AMOS'S CONCEPTKJN OF JEHOVAH 95 
 
 relation," declares Jehovah, "but because your oppor- 
 tunities have been greater, I will visit upon you all 
 your iniquities (iii. 2). Jehovah despises all your 
 feasts and sacrifices and ceremonial worship, because 
 they are mere mockery, when accompanied, as they are, 
 with deeds of injustice and inhumanity (iv. 4, 5 ; v. 21- 
 25). He is no human judge who can be bribed with 
 gifts. Righteousness is the only acceptable offering. 
 Do you not know that he has also been active in the 
 life of other nations? He it was that brought your 
 hereditary enemies, the Philistines, from Caphtor, and 
 the Arameans from Kir, just as he led you out of 
 Egypt (ix. 7.) In fact, it is he who is bringing this 
 great nation, Assyria, to execute upon you the death 
 sentence" (vi. 14). 
 
 94. It is not strange that the Israelites were unable 
 to comprehend a message which swept away their im- 
 memorial claims to Jehovah's especial favor, and placed 
 them in such unfavorable contrast with their hated 
 enemies. Amos was indeed an iconoclast ; but whence 
 his new truth? The situation suggests the means 
 whereby the Eternal revealed himself to his prophets. 
 The first element in the revelation was that they saw 
 existing conditions in their true significance. They 
 recognized that the advance of Assyria meant destruc- 
 tion for Israel. In the face of this fact, the old con- 
 ceptions of Jehovah as merely the god of a land and 
 people were totally insufficient, for they offered only 
 one explanation: the God of Israel was no God, or 
 else weaker than the gods of the conquering race. 
 This was the conclusion which the exiled Israelites 
 accepted, and thereby forfeited their national indivi- 
 duality and religion (sect. 104). Confronted by the 
 
96 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 same burning question, Amos was divinely led to open 
 his eyes and see instead of the God of Israel the God 
 of the universe, who directed the march of the Assyr- 
 ian armies as well as fought for Israel. With this 
 came a full grasp of the truth, heretofore but imper- 
 fectly enunciated, that Jehovah was a God of perfect 
 righteousness. A study of conditions within Israel 
 soon revealed the reason of the approaching captivity. 
 Henceforth devotion to the ideal of righteousness, 
 even though it cost the life of their state, character- 
 ized the true prophets. With untiring zeal they strove 
 to realize it in their nation, and at the same time en- 
 deavored to prepare their race for the great catas- 
 trophe which they saw approaching. It was due to 
 their unceasing efforts that the spark of national life 
 and faith was kept alive during the trying centuries 
 which followed. 
 
 95. Hosea reiterated the teachings of his predeces- 
 sor, and added many new and precious truths. Amos 
 had looked with no favor upon the religious cult of 
 Israel ; Hosea, appreciating its debasing influence, un- 
 hesitatingly denounced the worship of the golden 
 calves as wholly corrupt (viii. 5 ; x. 5 ; xiii. 2, 3). 
 With infinite tenderness, he called upon the Israelites 
 to forsake " the work of their own hands " and turn 
 to a God in whom " the fatherless findeth mercy," who 
 would " heal their backslidings and love them freely " 
 (xiv. 3, 4). As we have seen (sect. 88), Hosea's tragic 
 private experience was that which prepared him to 
 appreciate the character and purpose of Jehovah even 
 more truly than Amos. The God whom he proclaimed 
 was righteous because he was loving. He declared 
 that the approaching captivity was to be not merely a 
 
THE GOD OF AMOS AND HOSEA 97 
 
 fulfilment of the stern laws of justice, but rather a form 
 of discipline intended to'call the nation back to repent- 
 ance (ii. 10-23 ; iii. 4, 5). The punishment brought far 
 less pain to Israel than to the loving heart of Jehovah. 
 Gladly would he remit the penalty if love did not 
 command that it be executed (xi. 8-9). The stern, 
 just God of Amos assumes an entirely different aspect, 
 and through the eyes of Hosea we behold a Divine 
 Father, who with infinite love and tenderness called 
 " his son [Israel] from Egypt, taught him to walk, and 
 took him in his arms." Although the child was way- 
 ward, he drew him "with the bands of love " (xi. 1-4). 
 Again the figure changes and Jehovah is the husband 
 who sought out Israel and was united to the nation by 
 the sacred covenant bonds. With unceasing love, he 
 anticipated Israel's every want, although it was re- 
 quited only with the basest infidelity and ingratitude. 
 Whenever the discipline of captivity should bring the 
 foolish, erring people back to Jehovah, he stood ready 
 to forgive and to restore (ii. 1-23). Thus, while the 
 masses blindly worshipped a tribal god, whose favor 
 and help they sought to win by the abundance of their 
 gifts, Amos perceived that Jehovah was the righteous 
 ruler of the universe ; and Hosea, with still deeper in- 
 sight, proclaimed the supreme truth of religion, that 
 God is love. 
 
VII 
 
 THE DECLIKE AITO FALL OF ISRAEL 
 
 96. Whilb the prophets were learning from the 
 great crisis through which their nation was passing new 
 and rich lessons, Israel was rapidly hastening to its 
 ruin. Jeroboam died about 740 b. c, and in less than 
 two decades the proud kingdom over which he ruled 
 ceased to exist. Four of the six kings who succeeded 
 him were struck down by assassins, and one died in 
 captivity. His son, Zechariah, perished by a conspir- 
 acy, after a reign of only six months. Shallum, the 
 chief conspirator, reigned in the capital a month, and 
 then was slain by Menahem, the son of Gadi, who ap- 
 pears to have been the military governor of the old 
 Israelitish capital of Tirzah. His rule, like that of 
 Omri, was at first opposed, but he succeeded in sub- 
 jugating the disaffected districts, and then visited 
 upon them a most brutal revenge (II. Kings xv. 16). 
 The weakness of his position is indicated by the state- 
 ment of the Book of Kings to the effect that he gave 
 a thousand talents of silver, which he exacted from the 
 wealthy in his realm, to Pul to confirm the kingdom 
 in his hand (II. Kings xv. 19, 20). Although Pul is 
 not mentioned in the Assyrian annals, it is established 
 from other sources that he was Tiglath-Pileser III., 
 
 98 
 
CAMPAIGNS OF TIGLATH-PILESER 99 
 
 who reigned on the throne of Assjo-ia from 745 to 
 727 B. c, — Pul being his private name and Tiglath- 
 Pileser the oificial title which he assumed and which 
 of course is always employed on the monuments. 
 
 97. This was the great conqueror who revived the 
 waning fortunes of the Assyrian empire. His connec- 
 tion with the old reigning family, if any, was distant, 
 since in the annals no reference is made to his ances- 
 try. He succeeded, by infusing into his nation new 
 blood and energy, in organizing again its resources 
 and kindling its old ambitions for conquest. The 
 first six years of his reign were occupied with cam- 
 paigns in the east ; but before 738 B. c. he had broken 
 the strength of the kingdom of Hamath, north of 
 Israel, and of its ally, Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah 
 (sect. 126), and in that year reached the borders of 
 Israel. The inscriptions, therefore, give the date at 
 which Israel paid tribute, as well as confirm the bib- 
 lical record, since they state that among the many 
 western princes who then acknowledged his suzerainty 
 were Rezon of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, and 
 Hiram of Tyre. The Assyrian empire again touched 
 the Mediterranean. The two great world powers, 
 with their capitals on the Tigris and the Nile, stood 
 face to face. Palestine, being the key to both the east 
 and the west, was the bone of contention. 
 
 98. From this time on, Israel and Judah were to 
 be the scene of constant intrigue and war. Ephraim, 
 " like a silly dove," flew blindly into the Assyrian net 
 (Hosea vli. 11). Menahem's weak, selfish policy gave 
 the great eastern power a hold upon Israel which was 
 never relaxed. Inordinate greed, as well as insatiable 
 cruelty, characteiized the conquering nation. Each year 
 
100 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the resources of Israel were drained to pay the heavy 
 tribute which was exacted. The nation writhed under 
 the awful injustice. Egypt, jealous of the influence 
 of her rival, was constantly holding out promises of 
 assistance in case Israel would revolt. Although the 
 prophets pointed out the folly of such an alliance 
 (Hosea vii. 11 ; xii. 1), and the weakness of Egypt was 
 evident, a large and growing party advocated the plan 
 of throwing off the yoke of Assyria, and of trusting to 
 their own strength and the support of Egypt to resist 
 the common foe. Menahem and his son, however, led 
 the opposite faction, which might be called the Assyrian 
 party, since it urged that safety was to be found only 
 in submission. For about five years they maintained 
 their policy. The second part of the prophecies of 
 Hosea reflects something of the confusion and weak- 
 ness which characterized the period. The king and 
 princes regarded the people as their prey (v. 1), law 
 and order were relaxed, and with this a wild abandon 
 took possession of all classes (vii. 8-16). Under such 
 conditions the strength of the anti- Assyrian party in- 
 creased rapidly. It found a leader in Pekah, the son 
 of Eemaliah, the captain of Pekahiah who succeeded 
 his father, Menahem. Supported by fifty of his fear- 
 less Gileadite followers, he raised the standard of 
 revolt in Samaria and slew the inefiicient king. 
 The year 735 B. c. must have been the date of this 
 revolution. 
 
 99. That which encouraged the Israelites to strike 
 for independence at this time was undoubtedly the 
 absence of Tiglath-Pileser III. and his armies, since 
 we learn from his annals that he was engaged, between 
 737 and 735 b. c, in campaigns in the east. Rezon of 
 
CONQUEST OF ISRAEL IN 734 B.C. 101 
 
 Damascus, and the Philistine cities, Askelon and Gaza, 
 joined with Pekah in a coalition against Assyria. The 
 other peoples of Syria, however, held aloof. The al- 
 lies recognized that the only hope of successful resist- 
 ance lay in a union of all. Accordingly they marched 
 against Judah, to force it to join with them. Its terri- 
 tory was devastated, and its king shut up in his capi- 
 tal ; but before he could be brought to submission 
 Tiglath-Pileser with his armies was upon the rebels. 
 His advance was so rapid that they were taken un- 
 prepared. He followed the usual route along the 
 coast of the Mediterranean. From the west he sent 
 his armies eastward over the plain of Esdraelon, and 
 from thence to the conquest of the Israelitish towns 
 in the north. Ijon, Abel-beth-maacah, Janoah, Ke- 
 desh, and Hazor are the cities mentioned in the biblical 
 record (II. Kings xv. 29). All this territory north of 
 the plain of Esdraelon was subjugated and placed un- 
 der the charge of Assyrian governors. Continuing 
 his march southward, he captured Askelon and Gaza, 
 thereby securing the frontiers of Palestine and cutting 
 off all possibility of assistance from Egypt. Return- 
 ing, he completed the subjugation of Israel. The ter- 
 ritory of Ephraim was devastated, and many of its 
 inhabitants carried away captive. The rebel Pekah, 
 who had made such a valiant though ineffectual strike 
 for freedom, was put to death. According to II. Kings 
 XV. 30, the Israelite Hoshea, whom Tiglath-Pileser 
 appointed governor over the remnant of Israel, prob- 
 ably as a reward for his treason, was the instrument 
 whereby Pekah met his end. 
 
 100. This memorable campaign of 734 B.C. gave 
 Israel its death-blow. Its territory was henceforth 
 
102 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 limited to a few square miles, bounded on the north 
 by the plain of Esdraelon and on the east by the Jor- 
 dan. Although stripped of their wealth, those who 
 were allowed to remain behind were compelled to pay 
 an exorbitant annual tribute to Assyria. During 
 the two succeeding years Damascus suffered a similar 
 fate. Its army was defeated, and its king shut up in 
 his capital " like a caged bird." Its territory, even to 
 the walls of the city, was laid waste with a thorough- 
 ness of which the Assyrians alone were capable. In 
 732 B. c. Damascus itself fell (compare II. Kings xvi. 
 9). In accordance with the policy of Tiglath-Pileser 
 III. and his successors, its people were deported to the 
 northern part of the Assyrian empire. In this effec- 
 tive way its power was extinguished so that it never 
 again gave serious annoyance to its conquerors. Even 
 before Tiglath-Pileser appeared, Ahaz of Judah had 
 hastened to swear allegiance; the kings of Edom, 
 Moab, and Ammon later followed his example. Tig- 
 lath-Pileser also made a successful incursion into 
 Arabia, reducing to subjection a strong tribe under a 
 queen by the name of Samsi, and received the homage 
 and tribute of many Arabian chiefs. By his skill and 
 energy he had not only completely reorganized the de- 
 caying empire, but also had extended its boundaries 
 far beyond all former Hmits. 
 
 101. As long as the great conqueror lived, Hoshea, 
 the governor, whom he had placed over the remnant 
 who still bore the name of Israel, remained faithful ; 
 but the death of Tiglath-Pileser III. in 727 b. c. was 
 the signal for a general revolt. Shalmaneser IV., his 
 successor, anticipated this by despatching an army into 
 the west-land. Under the pressure of these circum- 
 
THE FATAL REVOLT OF HOSHEA 103 
 
 stances, Hoshea did homage and brought tribute to his 
 new master; but when the army was withdrawn he 
 yielded to the demands of the anti-Assyrian party. 
 He was only a vassal king of the crippled remnant of a 
 little nation, while Assyria was at its height. Already 
 the toils of the world-conqueror had been tightened by 
 the fruitless efforts which the Israelites had made to 
 gain their freedom. If they failed, aU was lost, for 
 the next stage of subjection was deportation and 
 national annihilation. Judah was neither willing nor 
 able to render any aid. It was Egypt's empty prom- 
 ises which encouraged the feverish leaders of the 
 northern kingdom to court certain destruction. About 
 this time also the kings of Ethiopia, whose power had 
 long overshadowed that of the weak rulers of northern 
 Egypt, took possession of the throne of the Pharaohs. 
 With the new dynasty the old longings for conquest 
 were revived. The first step toward their realization 
 was an attempt to undermine the influence of their 
 dangerous rival in Palestine. This was in part success- 
 ful, for the name of Egypt still inspired confidence, 
 and the renown of the new Pharaoh, Shabaka, aroused 
 unwarranted hopes. 
 
 102. In 725 or 724 b. c. the fatal alliance was 
 formed between Hoshea and his would-be patron 
 (II. Kings xvii. 4). Before any relief came from 
 Egypt, Shalmaneser IV. invaded Israel and captured 
 its king, who apparently had advanced against him. 
 The details respecting the events of the last few years 
 of the northern kingdom are exceedingly meagre. 
 Although deprived of their king, its leaders made a 
 last stand in Samaria. Its impregnable position made 
 it impossible for the Assyrians to capture it by storm, 
 
104 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBEEW PEOPLE 
 
 and therefore they were obliged to wait three years 
 until starvation had done its ghastly work. The rich 
 territory about was all in the hands of the enemy, so 
 that there was no hope of relief from their countrymen. 
 The expectation that Egypt would yet deliver them, 
 and the knowledge that they could anticipate no 
 mercy from their conqueror, nerved them for a heroic 
 though hopeless resistance. The crowded city must 
 have been the scene of the most horrible want and 
 misery. Egypt's weakness and disorganized condition 
 rendered it utterly incapable of coping with the 
 thoroughly equipped, experienced armies of Assyria; 
 indeed, there is no evidence that it made any attempt 
 to help its ally. Shalmaneser began and practically 
 completed the conquest of Samaria, but, dying before 
 the city finally surrendered, its capture was one of the 
 first events which rendered glorious the reign of the 
 great conqueror, Sargon, who succeeded him in 
 December of 722 b. c. The policy of assimilation 
 inaugurated by Tiglath-Pileser III. was carried out 
 even more rigidly by the new monarch. The city was 
 given up to plunder ; twenty-seven thousand two hun- 
 dred and ninety of its inhabitants were, according to 
 the inscriptions of Sargon, carried away into captivity, 
 and over those who were left behind was placed an 
 Assyrian governor to attend to the collection of the 
 annual tribute. Section after section of the kingdom 
 of Jeroboam II. had been broken o£E and annexed to 
 Assyria, until at the end of eighteen years the capital 
 itself was brought under the same iron sway and Israel 
 as a nation ceased to exist. 
 
VIII 
 
 THE ROLE OP ISRAEL IN THE WORLD's HISTORY 
 
 103. With the fall of Samaria, Israel not only lost 
 its identity as a nation, but the character of its people 
 also was completely changed under the influence of 
 the foreign populations which surged into the land. 
 Assyria's policy of eradicating by force all national 
 spirit and of assimilating and amalgamating the differ^ 
 ent races in its vast empire, that the possibility of 
 revolt might be removed, ultimately proved eminently 
 successful in the case of Israel. In 720 b. c, two 
 years after the fall of Samaria, there was a general 
 uprising in Syria, which included Hamath, Arpad, and 
 Damascus. The provinces into which the land of 
 Israel had been divided were drawn into the insurrec- 
 tion. The severity of the penalty which was inflicted 
 upon the Israelites was probably in part due to this 
 additional offence. Strategic reasons also prompted 
 Sargon to root out completely all possible seeds of 
 rebellion, since the strong fortress of Samaria com- 
 manded central Palestine ; and already Assyrian plana 
 of conquest extended beyond Syria to Egypt. 
 
 104. The captives who were deported naturally in- 
 cluded the rich, the ruling and military classes, and 
 the religious leaders. One body of exiles was settled 
 
 105 
 
106 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 on the chief northern tributary of the Euphrates, the 
 river Habor, within the Mesopotamian province of 
 Gozan. Here they were surrounded by an Aramaic- 
 speaking population, with which they readily assimi- 
 lated, and consequently quickly lost their identity. 
 Another group was transported, several years later, 
 to the land of the Medes, on the extreme eastern bor- 
 ders of the empire. The location, Halah, the third 
 place mentioned in II. Kings xvii. 6, has not yet been 
 definitely established; it may have been situated in 
 Mesopotamia, or possibly east of the Tigris. The 
 great majority of the Israelites who survived the 
 devastating Assyrian wars were allowed to remain in 
 their homes. The pastoral and agricultural classes in 
 the community suffered least. Since the territory 
 north of the plain of Esdraelon submitted first and 
 with little resistance, it escaped the repeated deporta- 
 tions which so seriously modified the character of the 
 population of the district lying to the south. This 
 fact explains why, after the exile, the Galileans affil- 
 iated with the Jews so much more readily than did the 
 Samaritans. 
 
 105. According to II. Kings xvii. 24, " The king of 
 Assyria brought men from Babylon, and from Cuthah, 
 and from Avva, and from Hamath, and from Sephar- 
 vaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead 
 of the children of Israel ; and they possessed Samaria, 
 and dwelt in the cities thereof." The annals of Sargon 
 corroborate and supplement this reference. Among 
 the events of his first year, it is stated that colonists 
 from the rebellious state of Babylon were transported 
 to the land of the Hittites, which was a general desig- 
 nation of Syria. Cuthah and Sepharvaim have been 
 
ORIGIN OF THE SAMARITANS 107 
 
 identified as Babylonian towns. During the second 
 year of Sargon's reign, Hamath, having rebelled, was 
 subjected to the severest punishment known to the 
 conqueror. Colonists from the east were introduced 
 to take the place of the natives, who, according to the 
 biblical record, were transferred to Samaria. Two 
 other inscriptions state that Arabians from four desert 
 tribes conquered by Sargon were also settled in 
 Samaria. About half a century later Esarhaddon 
 transported thither still other colonists from Baby- 
 lonia and the cities of Elam (Ezra iv. 2, 9, 10). A 
 more heterogeneous mixture of peoples could not be 
 imagined; Babylonians, Elamites, Arabians, and Ha- 
 matheans mingled their blood with that of the ancient 
 Israelites to form the Samaritan race which was thus 
 gradually evolved. Their national spirit was so com- 
 pletely crushed that they submitted readily to the 
 various foreign conquerors who have ever since ruled 
 the land of Palestine. The result has been that they 
 alone, of all the ancient peoples who once inhabited 
 this much contested territory, have survived, and to- 
 day are represented by a small tribe of about one 
 hundred members, who live together at Nablus, the 
 ancient Shechem, and on their sacred Mount Gerizim 
 worship Jehovah in accordance with the customs of 
 their fathers. 
 
 106. It is obvious that the wild theories concerning 
 the fate of the " lost ten tribes of Israel " are entirely 
 without foundation, since they were never lost. Their 
 descendants survived and at times emerged into prom- 
 inence ; but with the destruction of Samaria in 
 722 B. c, the Israelites sank to the level of the peoples 
 about them. The catastrophe, which the true prophets 
 
108 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 had labored so earnestly to avert, came at last. The 
 foreign colonists worshipped their respective gods for 
 a time ; but, in accord with the current ideas of 
 the age, public disasters were soon interpreted as an 
 indication that the god of the land was angry. There- 
 fore priests of Jehovah were introduced ; Bethel again 
 became a religious centre ; the worship of the God of 
 Israel continued to be the acknowledged cult of the 
 land; but other gods were freely tolerated, and 
 Jehovah was regarded as little more than a local 
 divinity and placed on an equality with the other 
 deities. The old heathen forms were also retained. 
 The conception of Jehovah ceasing to develop, the 
 religion itself became dead; and when its faith was 
 dead, Israel's life was no longer an important factor in 
 the history of humanity. Its glory and its influence 
 came alone from its past. 
 
 107. The sudden and disastrous fate of Israel ex- 
 plains why a comparatively small part of the literature 
 of the Old Testament comes from the larger Hebrew 
 kingdom. That kingdom fell just as the Hebrews 
 were entering upon their most prolific literary period. 
 The Judeans, who became the custodians of its writings, 
 were never very kindly disposed toward the people of 
 the north, and the feeling of antagonism steadily in- 
 creased during the succeeding centuries. In view of 
 these facts, it is surprising that so much has been 
 preserved. Probably a few of the proverbs and psalms 
 in our present collections are from Israelitish authors. 
 The Song of Songs breathes the spirit and reflects the 
 point of view of the north rather than of the south. 
 One of the most important strands of prophetic nar- 
 rative (E) which run through the Hexateuch, bears 
 
THE LITERATURE AND THOUGHT OF ISRAEL 109 
 
 unmistakable marks of its Israelitish origin. Almost 
 all the ancient material preserved in the Book of 
 Judges, part of that in Samuel, and the greater por- 
 tion of Kings were derived originally from northern 
 sources. Although the prophet Amos was a Judean, 
 his message was directed wholly against the north, and 
 may properly be reckoned among its literature. The 
 prophecy of Hosea is at the same time the noblest and 
 most characteristic product of Israel. Although its 
 style is rough and broken, its figures and references 
 suggest something of the beauty and delicacy of 
 thought which under brighter skies find expression in 
 the Song of Songs, and which might have come to per- 
 fection, had not the fruits of the nation's sins and 
 adverse circumstances forever silenced its poets and 
 prophets. 
 
 108. Until Samaria began to totter, the spiritual 
 side of the religion of Jehovah found its true develop- 
 ment in Israel. Religiously as well as politically, the 
 southern kingdom followed in the wake of the greater 
 and more active state. Israel alone had an Elijah and 
 an Elisha. The great religious and social crisis arose 
 first in the north. Its enlightened prophets gave 
 the watchwords to all who followed. The definite 
 proclamation by Amos, that Jehovah was the God of 
 the universe and at the same time altogether righteous, 
 ultimately revolutionized religious thought. He also 
 first clearly enunciated the great fact of the universal 
 brotherhood of man, and emphasized the obligations 
 which grow out of it. When he declared that cere- 
 monial service was hateful to God if unaccompanied by 
 deeds of justice and mercy, he presented a truth which 
 humanity has not yet fully grasped. Hosea first saw 
 
110 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 clearly that love, not arbitrary will, rules the universe, 
 and announced that Jehovah is just because his love is 
 supreme. He recognized the Supreme Father of man- 
 kind, and in his messages of warning to the nation 
 and in his promises of God's forgiveness laid the 
 foundations of the New Testament revelation. Israel's 
 greatest prophets stand apart and above their nation ; 
 the truths which they proclaimed were never accepted 
 and consequently never realized in its history ; but in 
 Judah, and ultimately in the life of humanity, they 
 found their true field of development. Israel there- 
 fore, through the messages of its prophets, enjoys 
 immortality, although its body politic met such an 
 untimely death. 
 
PART III 
 
 THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF JUDAH'S 
 HISTORY 
 
THE HISTOKICAL SOURCES, AND CHRONOLOGY 
 
 109. Sn)E by side with the material contained in 
 II. Kings xi.-xvii., relating to Israel, are important 
 sections: xi. 1-xii. 21; xiv. 1-14, 17-22; xv. 1-7, 
 32-38, and xvi. 1-20, which refer to contemporary 
 events in Judah. The accounts of the priestly revolu- 
 tion (xi. 1-20) and the subsequent repair of the Temple 
 under Joash (xii. 4-16), were derived from early 
 Judean sources. They, together with xvi. 10-18, 
 which describes the altar erected by Ahaz, may have 
 been based upon official records preserved in the 
 Temple. Chapters xii. 17, 18 ; xiv. 8-14, 19, 20, 22 ; 
 XV. 5, and xvi. 5-9 consist of concise political notices, 
 gathered by the compiler, probably, from the state 
 annals, and incorporated in his regular framework. 
 With the exception of the short epitome inserted by 
 the editor in xviii. 9-12, the rest of the Book of Kings, 
 beginning with chapter xviii., is devoted entirely to 
 Judah. The brief account of the invasion of Sen- 
 nacherib in xviii. 13-16 was probably taken from the 
 state records ; while the more detailed narrative of 
 the same, contained in xviii. 17 - xix. 37, and repro- 
 duced in Isaiah xxxvi. and xxxvii., in which Isaiah is 
 the chief figure, is, like the stories of Elijah and Elisha, 
 
 8 113 
 
114 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 from some prophetic historian living not long after 
 the events recorded. Chapter xix. 21-31 preserves a 
 short prophecy, practically as it fell from the lips of 
 Isaiah. Chapter xx. 1-19 is also a prophetic narra- 
 tive, evidently of still later date than the one contained 
 in xviii. 17 -xix. 37. Chapter xxi., which treats of 
 the reigns of Manasseh and Amon, contains some defi- 
 nite historical data (verses 3-7), although it consists 
 mainly of the comments of the compiler. The narra- 
 tive in Kings is supplemented by a few additional 
 facts which have been preserved by the chronicler in 
 the corresponding chapters (II. Chron. xxiii.-xxxiii.) 
 of his work. 
 
 110. The Assyrian period of Judah's history is 
 illuminated, at its most important crises, by the ser- 
 mons of its greatest statesman-prophet. They treat 
 every side of the nation's life, and consequently ren- 
 der this epoch one of the best known of Hebrew his- 
 tory. The prophecies of Isaiah, however, are not 
 arranged in chronological order. With the aid of an 
 occasional superscription and the testimony of internal 
 evidence, it is possible to date those relating to Judah 
 with comparative certainty. His call, recorded in chap- 
 ter vi., was during the last year of Uzziah, between 
 740 and 737 b. c. Chapters ii. 5 - iv. 1 contain prophe- 
 cies delivered about 735 B. c, during the reign of the 
 weak Ahaz (iii. 12), and before the loss of Elath (ii. 
 16) to the Arameans in 734 b. c. To the same year 
 belong the series of sermons preserved in v. 1-25; 
 ix. 8 - X. 4 and v. 26-30, which distantly reflect the 
 coming Aramean-Ephraimitish war. The addresses 
 in vii. 1 - ix. 7, and xvii. 1-11 were delivered in 734 
 B. c, when these storm clouds from the north were 
 
DATE OF ISAIAH'S PROPHECIES 115 
 
 hovering over Judah. Chapter i. belongs either to 
 this time, when tlie land was overrun by Arameans, 
 Edomites, and Philistines, or to the even darker days 
 of 701 B.C. The opening words of chapter xxviii., 
 found in verses 1-6, were uttered shortly before the 
 fall of Samaria in 722 b. c. The short prophecy in 
 chapter xx. indicates Isaiah's attitude toward the up- 
 rising which called Sargon to Palestine in 711 B. c. 
 Isaiah's activity reached its height in connection with 
 the great rebellion against Assyria, which resulted in 
 the invasion of Sennacherib in 701 B. c. The events 
 recorded in the historical sections, xxxviii. and xxxix., 
 belong to the years immediately preceding that crisis ; 
 the narratives themselves were taken from II. Kings. 
 The short passage xiv. 29-32 reflects the exultation of 
 the people of Palestine on hearing of the death of their 
 oppressor Sargon in 705 B. c. As early as 703 B. c. the 
 leaders of Judah began plotting, thereby arousing 
 Isaiah to utter the words of warning preserved in 
 xxviii. 7-xxix. 24. Chapters xxx.-xxxii. and xxii. 
 15-25 come from a later period, probably 702 B. c, 
 when alliances were being openly made with Egypt. 
 To the year of the invasion itself, when the armies of 
 Sennacherib were on the march toward Palestine, be- 
 long the sermons in x. 5-xi. 9; xiv. 24^27. In xvii. 
 12-14 the city is about to be besieged ; chapter xviii. 
 pictures graphically the terror of the Ethiopians at 
 this time, and xxii. 1-14 the confusion within Jeru- 
 salem and the wild rejoicing when the siege was 
 raised. The historical sections xxxvi. and xxxvli., 
 which record the final deliverance of the city, were, 
 like xxxviii. and xxxix., taken from II. Kings. The 
 remaining portions of the book either relate to foreign 
 
116 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 nations or else are from other hands, as is demonstrated 
 by their style and contents. 
 
 111. The prophecies of Micah, a younger contem- 
 porary of Isaiah, deal especially with the social condi- 
 tions in Judah. Chapters i.-iii., with the exception 
 of ii. 12, 13, treat of the same general themes. The 
 references in i. 1-7 to the impending fall of Samaria 
 establish their date at a little before 722 b. c. Chap- 
 ters iv. and v., if from Micah, may be assigned to the 
 days of confusion and terror which attended the invar 
 sion of Sennacherib in 701 B. c. The most satisfactory 
 historical background for vi. 1-vii. 6 is the reac- 
 tionary reign of Manasseh. The style and thought 
 of the remainder of chapter vii. is so different from 
 that which precedes that its date and authorship are 
 exceedingly uncertain. 
 
 112. Judah as well as Israel is frequently mentioned 
 in the Assyrian inscriptions. In addition to the 
 annals already referred to (sect. 57), those of Sen- 
 nacherib contain a full account of the movements 
 of this mighty conqueror, and especially the steps 
 in his great western campaign of 701 B. c. The 
 tribute lists of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal also 
 afford valuable information respecting political condi- 
 tions dui'ing the reign of Manasseh, which is passed 
 over with such brief mention by the biblical historians. 
 
 113. The chronology of this period presents exceed- 
 ingly intricate problems, arising from the conflicting 
 testimony of the biblical data. The Assyrian chro- 
 nology fixes two dates : (1) the accession of Athaliah 
 to the throne of Judah after the slaughter of Azariah 
 by Jehu in 842 b. c. ; and (2) the invasion of Judah by 
 Pekah and Rezon in 735-734 b. c, when Ahaz was 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF JDDAH'S ASSYRIAN PERIOD 117 
 
 on the throne. We also know that Azariah (Uzziah) 
 of Judah was defeated by Tiglath-Pileser III. in 740- 
 738 B. C. Allowing only two or three years for the 
 independent reign of Jotham, the year 735 b. c. is 
 established approximately as the date of the accession 
 of Ahaz. According to the chronological system of 
 the compiler of Kings, a total of one hundred and forty- 
 three (Athaliah, 6 ; Joash, 40 ; Amaziah, 29 ; Azariah, 
 62 ; Jotham, 16) years is assigned to the period of one 
 hundred and seven years which intervened between 
 the beginnings of the reigns of Athaliah and Ahaz, 
 giving a discrepancy of thirtynsix years. The six 
 years of Athaliah and the forty of Joash seem to be 
 well established. Amaziah's attack upon Jehoash of 
 Israel (II. Kings xiv. 8-14) indicates that they were 
 contemporaries. It probably occurred near the close 
 of the reign of Jehoash, when he had recovered from 
 the disastrous wars with Damascus. It has also been 
 conjectured with reason that Amaziah's death at the 
 hands of a conspiracy (II. Kings xiv. 19) was the result 
 of his defeat. From these inferences, 782 b. c. may 
 be accepted as the date of his death, giving him a 
 reign of sixteen instead of twenty-nine years. The 
 remaining twenty-three years must be deducted from 
 the reigns of Azariah (Uzziah) and Jotham. Since 
 Azariah was a leper, his son ruled as regent (II. Kings 
 XV. 5). This accounts in part for the variation in the 
 reckoning of the compiler, since he would give the full 
 number of years during which each reigned. It is obvi- 
 ous that whatever system of dates is adopted for the 
 first part of this period, they must be regarded as only 
 approximate. In the chronological chart the system of 
 Kamphausen has been generally followed. 
 
118 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 114. The most perplexing although not the most 
 important question in connection with the remainder 
 of the period is the date of the accession of Hezekiah. 
 Two distinct series of data point, the one to 715, and 
 the other to 725 B. 0. The date (715 B. c.) accepted 
 by the majority of German scholars rests primarily 
 upon II. Kings xviii. 13, which states that Sennache- 
 rib's invasion of 701 b. c. fell in the fourteenth 
 year of Hezekiah. This seems to be confirmed by 
 II. Kings XX. 1-6, which associates Hezekiah's sick- 
 ness with Sennacherib's invasion, and contains the 
 prophecy that the king would survive his illness fifteen 
 years (verse 6). It may, however, have been from 
 this statement that the author of II. Kings xviii. 13, 
 knowing that Hezekiah reigned in all twenty-nine 
 years, drew the inference that the great invasion was 
 in his fourteenth (29 — 15 ^ 14) year. Furthermore, it 
 is distinctly stated (II. Kings xx. 12; Isa. xxxix. 1) 
 that Merodach-Baladan of Babylon sent an embassy 
 to Hezekiah during his illness. From the inscriptions 
 of Sennacherib it is established that the power of 
 Merodach-Baladan was broken in 704-8 B. c. The 
 date of his embassy, therefore, and of Hezekiah's illness 
 (in his fourteenth year) must have been still earlier, 
 so that the accession of the latter could not have been 
 as late as 715 B. o. 
 
 115. On the other hand, II. Kings xviii. 10 defi- 
 nitely states that Samaria was taken in the sixth year 
 of Hezekiah. Addition of the years assigned to Heze- 
 kiah and the kings of Judah who succeeded him 
 before the fall of Jerusalem in 586 b. c. fixes the 
 beginning of his reign at 725 b. c, which is in prac- 
 tical agreement with the passage just cited. There 
 are good grounds for regarding the number of years 
 
DATE OF HEZEKIAH'S ACCESSION 119 
 
 assigned to these kings as substantially correct, since 
 their reigns were not so far removed from the age of 
 the compiler as were those of the earlier dajj-s. Under 
 Ahaz, Hezekiah, and Manasseh, also, the influence 
 of Assyria became paramount in Judah, as was mani- 
 fested in the introduction of a new style of altar 
 (II. Kings xri. 10), and eastern customs (Isa. ii. 6), 
 and, as a result, from this time on a more exact system 
 of reckoning time seems to have been adopted. 
 Jeremiah and Ezekiel regularly date their prophecies 
 according to the year of the reigning king. Further- 
 more, when we are able by these other sources to 
 verify the number of years assigned by the compiler 
 to the later kings, we find them substantially correct. 
 The reference in Jeremiah xxvi. 18, which states posi- 
 tively that the sermons of Micah were delivered during 
 the days of Hezekiah, obviously points to 725 rather 
 than 715 b. c, since this prophecy foretells the fate 
 of Samaria (722 b. c). Whichever date be accepted, 
 the sixteen years assigned to the reign of Ahaz cannot 
 stand. Perhaps the most serious objection to the 
 earlier date is its inconsistency with the ages of Ahaz 
 and Hezekiah at their accession. Ahaz could not have 
 died when only thirty years old and left a son aged 
 twenty-five. These, however, are details which pos- 
 terity would be least likely to record, and respecting 
 which the compiler has elsewhere shown that he was 
 dependent upon conjecture. In the light of all the 
 evidence, therefore, 725 B. c. is the more probable date 
 for the accession of HezekiaL 
 
II 
 
 FROM ATHALIAH TO AHAZ 
 
 116. The revolution of Jehu, which included the 
 slaughter of Ahaziah of Judah and thereby gave 
 the unscrupulous Athaliah an opportunity to seize 
 the throne, was followed, six years later, by a counter 
 revolution in the southern kingdom, likewise inspired 
 by the more zealous champions of the worship of Je- 
 hovah. It is significant that the one who planned it 
 was not a prophet, but Jehoiada, the priest of the 
 temple of Jehovah, where Joash, the youthful son of 
 the murdered Ahaziah, had been hidden by his aunt 
 from Athaliah's destructive hand. The details of the 
 conspiracy were carefully prepared, and the captains of 
 the royal guard previously pledged to co-operate. The 
 coup d'etat took place on a Sabbath day. The guard, 
 who regularly assumed charge of the Temple on that 
 day, were posted at such points as commanded the 
 passage from the palace and the other entrances to 
 the sanctuary. The Temple guard, which was ordi- 
 narily relieved from duty on the Sabbath, was or- 
 dered to remain and protect the person of the young 
 king. The prestige of the house of David gave force 
 to the movement. In the hands of the guard were 
 placed the spears and shields which had been won 
 
 120 
 
THE RELIGIOUS REVOLUTION IN JUDAH 121 
 
 from their foes by the great conqueror, whose offspring 
 they were about to restore to the throne of his ances- 
 tors. When all was ready, the little Joash (or Je- 
 hoash) was led forth and duly anointed king. The 
 cry of guard and people, " Let the king live," was the 
 first intimation which Athaliah received of the con- 
 spiracy. Her exclamation of "Treason" aroused no 
 response. She was slain within the palace at the com- 
 mand of Jehoiada, who virtually acted as regent dur- 
 ing the boyhood of the new ruler. 
 
 117. A solemn covenant was then made between 
 Jehovah and the people "that they should be the 
 Lord's people." Elijah's words of protest against the 
 toleration of Baal worship found a response in Judah 
 as well as in Israel. Under the influence of the re- 
 action, and doubtless at the instigation of the priest, 
 Jehoiada, the people went to the temple of Baal, which 
 had been allowed to flourish undisturbed beneath the 
 shadows of the capital, and tore it down, levelling altars 
 and images, and slaying its priest, Mattan, in the midst 
 of the ruin to make the desecration complete. Thus, 
 with little bloodshed, was consummated the important 
 revolution whereby the family of David was restored 
 to the throne of Judah, and Baalism placed under 
 a ban. 
 
 118. A century and a half had elapsed since the 
 building of Solomon's Temple ; and consequently the 
 demand for repairs was imperative. "While the reign- 
 ing family of Judah was coquetting with the house of 
 Ahab and countenancing a temple of Baal at Jerusa- 
 lem, the temple of Jehovah was neglected. Joash, 
 however, who had been raised to the throne by a 
 priestly revolution, was under obligation to repay the 
 
122 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 debt thus incurred. He accordingly turned over to 
 the priests the regular religious tax, as well as the 
 voluntary offerings, with the understanding that they 
 were, with the proceeds, to see that the necessary re- 
 pairs were completed. Twenty-three years passed, 
 however, and nothing was done. When, at last, they 
 were called to account by the king, Jehoiada intro- 
 duced the simple but effective device of placing at 
 the right side of the entrance of the Temple a chest 
 with a hole in the lid into which the priests who 
 guarded the door cast the offerings of the people. 
 As the money accumulated, it was taken from thence 
 by the priest and royal secretary and paid directly to 
 the workmen. In this way the structure of the Temple 
 was rescued from decay. 
 
 119. The long reign of Joash was further charac- 
 terized by a threatened invasion led by the ambitious 
 king of Damascus, Hazael, who not only overran Israel, 
 but also attacked the Philistine town of Gath, which 
 he captured and destroyed so effectually that it hence- 
 forth disappeared from the list of the Philistine Pen- 
 tapolis. Jerusalem was the next place toward which 
 he turned for plunder. Joash, however, anticipated at- 
 tack, and saved his capital by turning over to Hazael 
 the accumulated treasures of the Temple and palace. 
 The latter part of his reign was further darkened by a 
 conspiracy among his servants, who for some unknown 
 cause slew him at the house of Millo. 
 
 120. The hereditary principle was so strong in Ju- 
 dah that Amaziah, his son, succeeded Joash without 
 serious opposition. As soon as he became the real 
 master of his realm, he avenged the death of his father 
 by slaying his murderers. For the first time (com- 
 
CONQUESTS OP AMAZIAH 123 
 
 pare Josh. vii. 24-26 ; II. Sam. xxi. ; II. Kings ix. 26) 
 the milder custom, which finds expression in Deuter- 
 onomy xxiv. 16, of not visiting upon the innocent off- 
 spring the crimes of the parent, was observed. The 
 act represented such a marked advance toward civili- 
 zation that it justly commanded the especial attention 
 of the writer of II. Kings xiv. 6. Amaziah's attitude 
 toward the national religion was, like that of his 
 father, exceedingly friendly. 
 
 121. During the earlier part of the Assyrian period 
 of Judean history the smaller and more protected 
 Hebrew kingdom felt the influence of the great em- 
 pire on the Tigris only indirectly. When the power 
 of Damascus was broken, it improved the opportunity, 
 as did Israel, to extend its boundaries. Since the days 
 of Jehoram (sect. 45), the Edomites had maintained 
 their independence. Amaziah invaded their land, 
 and fought a successful battle in the Valley of 
 Salt, to the south of the Dead Sea, in which a large 
 number of the Edomites were slain. Sela ("The 
 Rock," better known by its later Greek name Petra) 
 was captured, and its name changed to Joktheel, as 
 long as it remained under the sway of Judah. Ama- 
 ziah's conquests appear to have extended southward to 
 Elath, on the Red Sea (II. Kings xiv. 22); but the 
 Edomites stiU retained the eastern portion of their ter- 
 ritory. Amos later predicted the coming destruction 
 of Teman and Bozrah, which in his day were the chief 
 Edomite cities (i. 12). The kings of Edom figure fre- 
 quently among the princes of Palestine, who subse- 
 quently paid tribute to the conquering monarchs of 
 Assyria, and there is no evidence that they were sub- 
 ject to Judah, 
 
124 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 122. Elated by his victory over the Edomites,^ Ama< 
 ziah sent his fatal challenge to Joash of Israel (sect. 
 75). Although the power of the northern kingdom 
 had been broken by its long wars with Damascus, it 
 was rapidly recovering, and its resources far exceeded 
 those of Judah. Joash, therefore, showed a fraternal 
 consideration for his cousins of the south in endeavor- 
 ing to persuade Amaziah to desist from his foolhardy 
 enterprise ; but the Judean king refused to listen, and 
 learned his error when, at Bethshemesh, he was de- 
 serted by his army and found himself the captive of 
 the king of Israel. A long section of the wall of Jeru- 
 salem was torn down, the Temple and palace were de- 
 spoiled of their treasures, and hostages taken. Like 
 his father, Amaziah fell a victim to a conspiracy. The 
 cause was probably the discontent aroused by the dis- 
 astrous results of his rash attack upon Israel. Recog- 
 nizing his danger, he fled from Jerusalem to the border 
 town of Lachish, whither his assassins pursued and 
 where they slew him. He was, however, accorded a 
 burial in the royal tombs, and his son regularly suc- 
 ceeded him. 
 
 123. The youth of sixteen who was thus raised to 
 the throne of Judah possessed the energy of his father, 
 and in addition a prudence and organizing ability which 
 made his reign the most glorious since the division of 
 the kingdoms. His official name appears to have been 
 Azariah. This is the one by which he is generally 
 known in the Book of Kings, and also on the Assyrian 
 monuments, while in the prophecies and Chronicles 
 (excepting I. Chron. iii. 13) he is called Uzziah. The 
 latter may have been the name by which he was fami- 
 liarly known among his people, but, by later generar 
 
THE BEILLIANT REIGN OF AZAEIAH 125 
 
 tions, it was shortened still further to Uzza (II. Kings 
 xxi. 18, 26). He was afflicted by leprosy, and so, in 
 accordance with the inexorable Hebrew custom, which 
 made no exception even for a king, was obliged to 
 dwell in his separate palace. His son, Jotham, as- 
 sumed charge of the court, and discharged the public 
 duties of the king as judge of the realm. 
 
 124. The Book of Kings is as silent respecting the 
 long and important reign of Azariah (Uzziah) as it 
 is concerning that of his contemporary, Jeroboam II. 
 of Israel. The chronicler, however, has preserved 
 an account of his military successes which may be 
 regarded as historical. While Israel was extending 
 its boundaries in the north and east, Judah was push- 
 ing in the opposite directions. The territory of the 
 Philistines, whose power had been broken by the Ara- 
 means (sect. 119), was invaded and several of their 
 cities captured. Hebrew colonies were settled in the 
 lands thus annexed. The prophet Micah, who came 
 from Moresheth, a little town tributary to Gath (Micah 
 i. 1, 14), was probably a descendant of these colonists. 
 Some of the towns mentioned in his opening proph- 
 ecy (i. 10-16) may have been those founded by 
 Azariah (Uzziah) at this time. Elath, the Edomite 
 town on the Red Sea, which had been the port from 
 which Hebrew ships in the earlier days went forth to 
 engage in trade with Arabia and India, was rebuilt. 
 The revival of commerce, therefore, explains in part 
 the prosperity of the period. Azariah's wars against 
 the Arabian tribes were presumably to protect his 
 merchants and to secure an undisturbed passage to 
 the port on the Red Sea. The series of building en- 
 terprises attributed to him by the chronicler is quite 
 
126 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 in accord with his character. The walls of Jerusalem 
 were rebuilt and provided with towers ; the army also 
 was thoroughly organized; cisterns were dug to col- 
 lect and retain the winter rains ; and watch-towers 
 were constructed in the wilderness for the protection 
 of the herds of cattle which belonged to the king. In 
 the uplands he had many fields, carefully tilled by 
 husbandmen and vinedressers, since he was a patron 
 and lover of agriculture. 
 
 125. From two fragmentary inscriptions of Tiglath- 
 Pileser III., we learn that the influence of this strong 
 Judean king was felt throughout the Palestinian world. 
 Jeroboam II. died about 740 B. c, and Israel quickly 
 fell into disorder (sect. 96). This perhaps explains 
 why in 739 or 738 B. c, Azariah (Uzziah) was recog- 
 nized as the leader of the coalition of Syrian states 
 which attempted to check the advance of Assyria in 
 the north. The effort, however, was in vain. The 
 cities of Hamath were subjugated by Tiglath-Pileser. 
 Judah escaped immediate invasion simply because its 
 territory was far removed from the scene of its defeat. 
 The reference to Azariah (Uzziah) in the Assyrian 
 inscriptions also indicates that he survived nearly as 
 long as his son Jotham, whose independent reign 
 could not have extended beyond two or three years 
 at the longest (compare sect. 113). He continued the 
 policy of his father, and distinguished his rule by 
 building the upper gate of the Temple. His last 
 year was darkened by the threatened invasion of the 
 allied kings of Israel and Damascus, and he died, 
 leaving this danger as an unpleasant heritage to his 
 son Ahaz. 
 
Ill 
 
 THE CEISIS OF 734 B. C. 
 
 126. The occasion of the invasion of Judah by its 
 two northern neighbors was, as has been indicated 
 (sect. 99), their determination to force the southern 
 kingdom to unite with them in a revolt against 
 Assyria. The kings of Judah had measured their 
 strength with this world-power only a few years be- 
 fore, and were loath to venture another experiment. 
 The northern allies, however, were insistent. The 
 armies of Damascus captured the port of Elath, ex- 
 pelling the Judeans, and thus cut off the source of 
 the nation's wealth. When Ahaz still refused to join 
 the coalition, Pekah of Israel and Rezon of Damascus 
 made preparations to march upon Jerusalem, depose 
 its unpatriotic king, and install a, certain son of 
 Tabeel in his place. Undoubtedly within the city 
 itself there was a strong party favorable to the coali- 
 tion (Isa. viii. 6). The energetic foe might appear 
 without the walls at any time. According to the 
 chronicler (II. Chron. xxviii. 5-18), the armies of 
 Judah had already suffered an overwhelming defeat at 
 the hands of the confederates. Edomites and Philis- 
 tines had also taken advantage of the weakness of 
 their old enemy and master, to devastate and overrun 
 
 127 
 
128 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 its southern towns. Well may Isaiah's words, pre- 
 served in chapter i. 7, 8, have been uttered at this time 
 " Your country is desolate ; your cities are burned 
 with fire ; your land, strangers are devouring it in 
 your presence, and it is desolate, as the overthrow of 
 strangers. And the daughter of Zion is left as a booth 
 in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers, as 
 a besieged city." Hearts of king and people were 
 moved " as the trees of the forest are moved with the 
 wind " (Isa. vii. 2). The future of Judah depended 
 upon the policy which should then be adopted. 
 
 127. The crisis brought into prominence two men 
 of widely diiferent character. Ahaz, the king, pos- 
 sessed all of the faults with few of the virtues of the 
 descendants of David. He was superficial, cowardly, 
 superstitious, and selfishly indifferent to the welfare 
 of his nation. In him we recognize a characteristic 
 product of the luxurious reign of Azariah (Uzziah). 
 He was more at home in the harem than on the throne. 
 His youth and inexperience alone palliate his faults. 
 
 128. Isaiah, the prophet, was at this time also a 
 young man. His ability and the influence which he 
 exerted in the state strengthen the testimony of tra- 
 dition, which maintains that he was closely connected 
 with the royal family. He had grown up at Jeru- 
 salem, familiar with the life of the court, and also 
 with that broader field of Semitic politics into which 
 Judah was then entering. About the time of his 
 birth the remarkable mission of the Judean Amos 
 to Israel occurred. The ministry of Hosea had just 
 been completed. The grave social and religious prob- 
 lems with which they had grappled were already 
 present in Judah. Related as intimately as was the 
 
ISAIAH'S CALL TO BE A PROPHET 129 
 
 smaller Hebrew kingdom to the greater, the revolu- 
 tionizing messages of these prophets were undoubtedly 
 familiar to the more enlightened men in the south. 
 Isaiah's prophecies indicate that as a young man he 
 was acquainted with these great teachers of the north, 
 if not personally, at least through their written or 
 popularly reported sermons. 
 
 129. As his eyes were divinely opened to a broader 
 and deeper conception of Jehovah and a truer appre- 
 ciation of conditions within and without Judah, the 
 conviction deepened that some one must undertake the 
 task, unpleasant as it would necessarily be, of pro- 
 claiming the new truth to the nation. Four or five 
 years before the crisis of 734 B. c, this conviction 
 culminated in a definite and personal call for him to be 
 a prophet. The day and hour were indelibly fixed in 
 his memory (vi. 1). As his spiritual vision was clari- 
 fied under the influence of the Spirit of the Highest, 
 he was enabled to see the real instead of the symbol. 
 In place of the Temple, the Ark and the cherubim, 
 he beheld the God of perfect holiness, seated upon his 
 throne. In the presence of the Holy One he realized 
 his own sinfulness and that of his nation with a vivid- 
 ness unequalled before, perhaps, in the history of man. 
 The realization of the awful contrast presented the 
 need which was the occasion of his call. His own 
 symbolic cleansing was an earnest of the free forgive- 
 ness which would always follow the cry of penitence. 
 The voice of duty was plainly recognized as the voice 
 of God calling for a messenger to send to his people. 
 Unhesitatingly Isaiah offered himself and was accepted. 
 Henceforth his life-work was to preach truth to a 
 nation which turned toward it only a deaf ear ; and, 
 
 9 
 
130 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 like Hosea, he was destined to see the cities of his 
 beloved land laid waste and devastated simply because 
 of this stubborn refusal to listen. 
 
 130. At first Isaiah confined himself to denunciation 
 of the social and religious evils which had crept into 
 the life of Judah (sect. 110) ; but the needs of the 
 situation in 734 B. 0. called him to political activity. 
 Accompanied by his little son, Shear-Jashub, whose 
 name ("A remnant shall return " ) was in itself a 
 prophecy of hope, he met Ahaz one day near the con- 
 duit, which probably led from the pool within the city, 
 where was stored the water which issued from the 
 present Virgin's Fount, to a point without the walls. 
 The presence of the king at this place suggests that he 
 was making preparations for the impending siege. 
 Isaiah's words, addressed directly to him, were cal- 
 culated to inspire confidence, and may be briefly para- 
 phrased : " Be watchful, O king, and commit yourself 
 to no rash policy ; be not terrified by the threatening 
 foes, for their show of power is like the last fierce 
 flame which blazes up before a firebrand burns out 
 completely. Surely you are not afraid of that con- 
 spirator, Pekah, who has incited Israel to make this 
 attack, nor of his ally, Rezon. It is Jehovah's will 
 that their plans shall be overturned. Israel itself, 
 before many years, shall go down to its ruin; there- 
 fore you have no cause for fear; but if you do not 
 believe, surely you shall not be established." 
 
 131. Knowing, perhaps, that Ahaz was already plan- 
 ning ignominiously to purchase present deliverance by 
 selling his freedom to Assyria, the common foe, the 
 prophet waited to see whether or not he would heed 
 his words. Perceiving that they had made no impres- 
 
ISAIAH^S MYSTERIOUS SIGN 131 
 
 sion, he demanded, " Ask thee a sign of the Lord, thy 
 God; ask it either in the depth, or in the height 
 above ; " but he was speaking to deaf ears. Unwilling 
 to be convinced, Ahaz replied, " I will not ask, neither 
 wiU I tempt the Lord." Indignantly Isaiah turned 
 upon the hypocritical king and liis faithless princes, 
 who were " a weariness to man and God " alike, and, 
 after rebuking them, announced unasked his myste- 
 rious sign : " A young woman shall bear a son ; amidst 
 destitution shall he grow up, but before he shall attain 
 to the years of discretion the territory of these foes 
 whom you now fear shall be desolate." The name of 
 the child, Immanu-El (God-with-us), contained a prom- 
 ise of that perfect era toward which the prophet, 
 surrounded as he was by so much that was imperfect, 
 confidently looked ; but whether the child was the 
 ideal king of his later prophecies, his own offspriug, a 
 son of Hezekiah, or any child that might be born at 
 that time, it is clear, in the light of the context, that 
 the allusion to his birth was intended primarily as a 
 sign that Israel and Damascus, and Judah also, would 
 soon be devastated by the foreign conqueror. Casting 
 aside symbolism, in the following verses Isaiah plainly 
 declares to Ahaz that the nation whose favor he is 
 courting will prove the instrument whereby Jehovah 
 vnll bring a desolating judgment upon Judah, and that 
 his land is about to become the scene of the great con- 
 test between the world powers, Egypt and Assyria. 
 
 132. Isaiah's utterances at this time reveal the 
 clearness and depth of his political insight. He 
 not only correctly estimated the relative strength of 
 the nations with which Judah must deal, but antici- 
 pated their future movements. His policy of holding 
 
132 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 aloof from all foreign entanglements was dictated by 
 reason as well as by faith in Jebovab ; for union with 
 Pekah and Rezon would be suicide ; and alliance with 
 Assyria only hastened the time when the yoke of the 
 rapacious conqueror should rest upon the neck of little 
 Judah. Ahaz, however, rejected the advice of his 
 wisest counsellor, and hastened to become the vassal of 
 his deadliest foe. "I am thy servant and thy son," 
 was the fawning message which he sent to Tiglath- 
 Pileser. Temple and palace were despoiled of their 
 treasures to swell the present wherewith Judah's sub- 
 jection was purchased. 
 
 133. Treated with scorn by king and princes, Isaiah 
 turned to the people. No means were left untried to 
 impress his message upon his countrymen. On a great 
 tablet he inscribed the significant motto, " Swift spoil, 
 speedy prey," and placed it in a conspicuous place 
 where all could read it. Imitating the example of 
 Hosea (Hosea i. 4-9), he gave as a name to a child 
 who was born to him at that time the same alarming 
 words which proclaimed the speedy devastation of 
 Samaria and Damascus by the hands of the Assyrians 
 (viii. 3, 4). Thus he endeavored to allay the terror 
 inspired by the cry of " conspiracy " which had rung 
 throughout the city when the news had come of the 
 advance of the northern confederates, and to arouse 
 instead a genuine trust in Jehovah (Isa. viii. 12). The 
 faith of the masses, however, proved no stronger than 
 that of their king and princes. In their fright they 
 forgot Jehovah, and resorted unto those who had 
 " familiar spirits and unto the wizards that chirp and 
 that mutter " (viii. 19). Only his few faithful disciples, 
 " the children whom the Lord had given him," were 
 
JTJDAH'S SUBJECTION TO ASSYRIA 133 
 
 ready to wait for Jehovah, who had for the time being 
 " hidden his face from the house of Jacob " (viii. 17, 
 18). In them he recognized the true hope of Judah; 
 they were " for signs and wonders in Israel." Hence- 
 forth he devoted himself to instructing them (viii. 16). 
 134. Tiglath-Pileser III. advanced with such rapid- 
 ity that the states of Palestine, which had been 
 wasting their energies in civil war, were unable to 
 make a united defence (compare sect. 99). As Isaiah 
 had predicted, nation after nation was broken in 
 pieces. Torrents of blood flowed from one end of 
 Syria to the other. Pekah of Israel was among the 
 first to fall. Judah alone enjoyed the immunity from 
 attack which it had purchased at so great a cost. 
 Among the vassal princes who assembled at Damascus 
 to do homage to the conqueror was Ahaz of Judah. 
 Deteri'ed by no strong religious principles, he caused 
 the old brazen altar which stood before the Temple at 
 Jerusalem to be moved to the north, and on its site 
 he reared a new altar after the style of one which he 
 had seen in Damascus. To gratify his Assyrian mas- 
 ter still further, he commanded that all the regular 
 offerings should be burnt upon this foreign altar. 
 Other innovations were introduced into the Temple, 
 presumably with the same object. Even within their 
 most sacred sanctuary, the Judeans were not allowed 
 to forget that their honor and independence had been 
 forfeited by their cowardly king. 
 
IV 
 
 SOCIETY AND KELIGION IN JUDAH 
 
 135. Foe the first century and a half after the divi- 
 sion of the Hebrew empire, society in Judah reverted 
 to the simplicity of the earlier days. Jerusalem, 
 perched on a barren plateau, surrounded by dry 
 ravines and limestone hills, was the insignificant capi- 
 tal of a little nation of herdsmen and vinedressers. 
 Their poverty and natural seclusion rendered impor- 
 tant social transformations impossible. During the 
 reign of Azariah (Uzziah), however, the smaller Hebrew 
 kingdom was exposed to the same temptations to 
 which the larger and richer northern state had long 
 been subjected. The prolonged and prosperous reign 
 of this able king not only extended Judah's boundaries 
 and influence, but also brought wealth and peace un- 
 known since the days of Solomon. The capture of 
 the Edomite towns of Sela and Elath opened the way 
 for commerce with Arabia and India. The approach 
 of Assyria introduced the states of Palestine to the 
 greater world without, and inspired in them the mate- 
 rial ambitions by which this great people were at this 
 time dominated. 
 
 136. The same forces, therefore, which revolution- 
 ized society in Israel, were actively at work in Judah. 
 
 134 
 
ISAIAH'S SOCIAL SERMONS 135 
 
 They began to be felt most strongly during the reigns 
 of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. We might suspect 
 that Amos magnified the social evils of Israel, did not 
 the royal prophet Isaiah and his contemporary, Micah, 
 picture those of Judah in still darker colors. Danger 
 from without always led the prophets to study condi- 
 tions, within the state more closely, just as to-day extra 
 sanitary precautions are taken when a dread pestilence 
 threatens. Consequently the social sermons of the 
 prophets were delivered in connection with the crises 
 of their nation. 
 
 137. The earliest public addresses of Isaiah with 
 which we are familiar were upon social themes, and 
 belong to the troublesome days preceding the invasion 
 of 734 B. 0. The one preserved in chapter v. may be 
 regarded as typical. Like Amos, with consummate 
 skill he gains the hearing of his audience before pro- 
 nouncing their condemnation. Accordingly he asks 
 permission to sing to them a song. His words are cast 
 in the light, tripping metre of the vineyard ditty, so 
 agreeable to the ears of a people whose chief occupa- 
 tion was the culture of the vine ; the theme also was a 
 vineyard established by a dear friend Briefly he 
 recounts how a fair site was selected, the ground pre- 
 pared and no pains spared to make it perfect in every 
 detail ; but, alas, its fruit ! It has only wild grapes. 
 " Is it not just, O Judeans, to destroy utterly this vine- 
 yard ? " While their heads are still nodding in ready 
 assent, like a flash comes the application: "Israel is 
 the vineyard, carefully planted by Jehovah. Judah is 
 his favorite vine. Are the fruits justice and righteous- 
 ness? No; only oppression and the cry of the 
 wronged." Not content with general denunciations, 
 
136 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 the prophet proceeds to point out the most heinous 
 crimes : " Woe unto them that join house to house, 
 that lay field to field, till there be no room, and ye be 
 made to dwell alone in the midst of the land." So 
 vivid is the picture that one can see the rich nobles 
 gradually driving out their poorer neighbors from their 
 little ancestral possessions, that they may add acre 
 after acre to their huge estates. Micah a few years 
 later echoed the same protest: "Woe to them that 
 devise iniquity and work evil upon their beds! 
 When the morning is light they practise it, because 
 it is in the power of their hand; and they covet 
 fields, and seize them; and houses, and take them 
 away; and they oppress a man and his house, even 
 a man and his "heritage" (ii. 1, 2). Both prophets 
 recognized that this process was rapidly reducing 
 the independent freedmen to servitude and thereby 
 destroying the middle class in Judah. 
 
 138. Again Isaiah pronounced a woe upon those 
 who make drinking and feasting the chief end of 
 their existence. He realized that the whole com- 
 munity suffered from this wanton waste : " There- 
 fore my people are gone into captivity, for lack of 
 knowledge; and their honorable men are famished, 
 and their multitude are parched with thirst." So 
 great was his abhorrence of the intemperance in Judah 
 that the prophet utters in the same sermon (verses 22, 
 23) another contemptuous woe against those " mighty 
 to drink wine and men of strength to mingle strong 
 drink." 
 
 139. The prophets of Judah, like those of Israel, 
 recognized that the rulers were chiefly to blame for the 
 awful social corruption. Micah, who regarded them. 
 
CORRUPTION OF THK RULERS 137 
 
 as did Amos, from the point of view of the masses, 
 declared that they were cannibals " who tear the flesh 
 of the people from their bones and eat it " (iii. 2, 3). 
 Their greed and rapacity knew no limit. Like high- 
 way robbers they pounced upon the passer-by and 
 stripped off his robe (ii. 8). Helpless women and chil- 
 dren were their especial prey (ii. 9). Under the name 
 of justice, decisions were given to the one who offered 
 the highest bribe (iii. 11). Isaiah, the royal prophet, 
 repeatedly denounced them in language equally strong : 
 "They that lead Judah cause it to err. They spoil 
 the poor in their houses and crush my people " (iii. 14, 
 ] 5). " The princes are companions of thieves ; every- 
 one loveth gifts and hath no regard for the cause of 
 the widow and fatherless " (i. 23). The women of 
 Judah also were ruled by a passion, not for gratifying 
 their appetites, as were those of Israel, but for show 
 and adornment, which was leading them on to commit 
 the most cruel excesses (Isa. iii. 16, 17). None of 
 the social evils to which an Oriental state is peculiarly 
 subject were lacking in Judah. The little kingdom 
 was poorly prepared to weather the terrific storms 
 which were about to sweep over it ; for, according to 
 the testimony of its acutest statesman, "from the 
 sole of the foot even unto the head, there was no 
 soundness in it " (Isa. i. 6). 
 
 140. Since it bore such evil fruits, it may be inferred 
 that the religion of Judah was little better than that 
 of Israel. The few historical references confirm the 
 truth of this inference. Until the political revolution 
 instigated by Jehoiada (sect. 118) overthrew the tem- 
 ple and worship of the Tyrian Baal, they appear to 
 have been tolerated without open opposition. The 
 
138 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 revolution itself represented not so much an advance 
 as a return to ideas and forms already generally ac- 
 cepted. The religious history of Judah, therefore, 
 during the first century of the Assyrian period is 
 marked by little appreciable progress. The popular 
 conceptions of Jehovah and the forms with which he 
 was worshipped were the same as in the earlier days. 
 The compiler of Kings, viewing the history from a later 
 period, considered it a sin that " the high places were 
 not taken away ; the people still sacrificed and burnt 
 incense in the high places." But the age saw in it 
 nothing wrong; for the sanctuary at Jerusalem had 
 not yet attained its commanding prestige. 
 
 141. Under the influence of the Canaanitish cult, 
 the people still worshipped trees as symbols of life, and 
 indulged in the debasing practices associated therewith 
 (Isa. i. 29) ; but Baalism never proved as seductive 
 to the Judeans as to the Israelites, whose territory was 
 largely agricultural. Instead, they appear to have re- 
 tained many of the primitive superstitions, inherited 
 from their nomadic past, and consei'ved by their con- 
 stant contact with the tribes of the desert. Into the 
 reign of Hezekiah the masses continued to worship a 
 brazen serpent which was associated with the name of 
 Moses (II. Kings xviii. 4). Isaiah complained that 
 " Their land also is full of idols ; they worship the 
 work of their own hands, that which their own fingers 
 have made " (ii. 8). Idols of silver and of gold, prob- 
 ably corresponding to the teraphim, or family idols, 
 frequently referred to in the earlier times (I. sects. 69, 
 167), seem to have been commonly found in the pos- 
 session of private individuals as well as in the pubhc 
 sanctuaries (Isa. ii. 20). 
 
FALSE PBIESTS AND PROPHETS 139 
 
 142. Their unjustifiable appropriation of the funds 
 intended for the repair of the Temple indicates that 
 the priests of the royal sanctuary during the days 
 of Joash, when the greatest purity might have been 
 expected, were little better than those who ministered 
 at the northern shrines. Micah, with his usual blunt- 
 ness, declared that the priests of his day taught for 
 hire (iii. 11). The oificial prophets he condenms still 
 more severely ; not only do they " divine for money " 
 (iii. 11), but " they even prepare war against the one 
 who putteth not into their mouths " (iii. 5). Deuter- 
 onomy xviii. 9-22 declares that one of the missions 
 of the true prophet is to take the place of the diviners, 
 augurs, enchanters, sorcerers, charmers, consulters with 
 familiar spirits, wizards, and necromancers to whom 
 the people were wont to resort. Isaiah refers to these 
 false religious guides as being very common in his day, 
 and speaks sorrowfully of those who go to consult them 
 (viii. 19; xxix. 4; iii. 3). Both Isaiah (iii. 2) and 
 Micah (iii. 7) associate them with the regular prophets 
 of Jehovah. Their references imply that the people 
 considered them to be as reputable and important 
 members of the community as the judge, the priest, 
 the military captain, and the counsellor. 
 
 143. The same fundamental errors characterized 
 the popular religion of both Judah and Israel. A 
 formal, ceremonial service was regarded as sufficient, 
 and morality as almost non-essential (Isa. i. 10-17 ; 
 Micah vi. 6-8). Jehovah ever remained the tribal 
 god of Judah; but this did not deter the ordinary 
 citizen, nor such a king as Ahaz, from " making his 
 son to pass through the fire according to the abomina- 
 tions of the heathen" (II. Kings xvi. 8), and from 
 
140 A HISTORY OF THE HEBKEW PEOPLE 
 
 freely adopting foreign customs (Isa. ii. 6), and even 
 from paying homage to the deities of the surrounding 
 nations (Micah i. 13). Reformations more fundamen- 
 tal than that which is attiibuted to Hezekiah by the 
 author of Kings (II. Kings xviii. 4), and which would 
 transform the formal ceremonial into an ethical and 
 spiritual religion, were required, before the faith of 
 Judah would be prepared to meet the supreme test 
 which awaited it. An understanding of the prevailing 
 religious conditions and ideas alone furnishes the basis 
 for an adequate appreciation of the marvellous degree 
 of spiritual enlightenment which was vouchsafed to 
 the prophets who proclaimed the true God to their 
 nation. The striking contrast between popular and 
 prophetic faith is explained only as we recognize the 
 patent fact that "Jehovah had spoken to his servants." 
 
THE GEEAT INVASION OF SENNACHEBIB 
 
 144. The fall of Samaria in 722 b. c. made an im- 
 pression upon Judah which was not soon forgotten. 
 This was deepened, when two years later Sargon met 
 and signally defeated an Egyptian army under Sha- 
 baka, near Raphia, on the borders of the land of the 
 Nile. The Judeans were thus enabled to learn by 
 observation, instead of by bitter experience, that 
 Assyria was practically invincible. For three decades 
 they profited by this knowledge, paid tribute to Sargon, 
 and as a result enjoyed peace and prosperity. The 
 public treasury, depleted by Ahaz, was again filled 
 (II. Kings XX. 13), and the Philistine territory, as far 
 as Gaza, was conquered (II. Kings xviii. 8). To this 
 period must also be assigned the construction by 
 Hezekiah of the pool and conduit whereby water was 
 brought within the city to insure a supply in time 
 of siege (II. Kings xx. 20). This work may be iden- 
 tified with the rock-cut tunnel, discovered in 1880, 
 which conducts the water which flows from the 
 present Virgin's Fount, south of the Temple hill, to 
 the pool of Siloam, which was within the ancient city 
 walls, and within which was found the ancient Hebrew 
 inscription describing the process of construction. 
 
 141 
 
142 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 Hezekiah also figures as a patron of literature. The 
 collection of proverbs preserved in chapters xxv.-xxix. 
 of the Book of Proverbs, according to the superscrip- 
 tion (xxv. 1), " were copied out " by his scribes. 
 
 145. The petty states of Palestine bore with impa- 
 tience the galling yoke of Assyria. The masses in 
 time forgot the lessons which they had learned and 
 listened only too readily to Egypt, which, consistently 
 with its usual policy, was endeavoring to stir up 
 rebellion among the vassals of its powerful rival. 
 Consequently in most of the cities of Syria there arose 
 a party who, relying upon the aid of Egypt, were 
 eager to try their chances in a revolt. In 711 B. c. 
 this element gained the ascendency in the Philistine 
 town of Ashdod, and induced it to refuse the usual 
 tribute. Gath was drawn into the rebellion, and a 
 strong party in Judah favored union with the rebels. 
 To avert the danger, Isaiah employed extreme meas- 
 ures to bring his countrymen to their senses and keep 
 them true to their pledges to Assyria. Taking off his 
 outer garment, with bare feet, in the significant garb 
 of a captive, he went about Jerusalem for three years 
 " as a sign and a wonder upon Egypt and Ethiopia " 
 (Isa. XX. 3). His words and action dissipated the popu- 
 lar illusion respecting Egypt's strength suificiently to 
 save Judah from becoming fatally involved. Sargon, 
 recognizing the danger of a general uprising, advanced 
 with lightning rapidity (as he assures us in his inscrip- 
 tions), not even waiting to collect his entire army. 
 Ashdod found itself deserted by its allies ; the rebel 
 king fled to Egypt, and the rigors of conquest were 
 visited upon the inhabitants. The tribute and presents 
 of Judah, Edom, and Moab, " who were plotting revolt 
 
MOVEMENTS TOWARD REBELLION 143 
 
 and treason " (Sargon Cyl. Inscp. 29) were accepted, 
 and peace was establislied in Palestine. 
 
 146. While Sargon lived, the subject peoples re- 
 mained quiet ; but his assassination in 705 b. c. was 
 a cause of wild rejoicing (Isa. xiv. 29), and became 
 the occasion of a widespread uprising. Merodach- 
 Baladan, the king of Babylon who had been over- 
 thrown and driven from his capital in 709 b. c, 
 returned to head the revolt in the east. Outside of 
 Babylonia, he induced the Elamites, certain Arameans 
 of Mesopotamia, and Arabian tribes to unite with him. 
 It was probably at this time that his ambassadors 
 appeared in Jerusalem and were so cordially received 
 by Hezekiah (II. Kings xx. 12-21; Isa. xxxix.). 
 The readiness of the Judean king to show them all 
 the treasures and equipment of his capital, and the 
 indignant protest of Isaiah are explained when it 
 becomes clear that their mission, although ostensibly 
 to congratulate Hezekiah on his recovery from a 
 severe illness, was in reality to induce him to join the 
 grand coalition. 
 
 147. Isaiah, who in 734 B. c. had so strenuously 
 opposed alliance with Assyria, now exerted all his 
 influence to deter the leaders of his nation from taking 
 the fatal steps. " In quietness and in confidence 
 shall be your strength" (xxx. 15) was the keynote 
 of all his teaching. The statesmen of Judah, how- 
 ever, were intoxicated with the spirit of revolt (Isa. 
 xxviii. 7 ; xxx. 9). Prophets, seers, and wise men. 
 with their siren songs, encouraged them in their wild 
 course (xxix. 9-14). A mad recklessness took posses- 
 sion of all, and the baser elements, " the scornful men," 
 niled public opinion (xxviii. 14, 15). Isaiah's " precept 
 
144 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 upon precept and line upon line," which had held 
 Judah to a true course for thirty years, were rejected 
 (xxviii. 9-13). In vain he declared that "out of 
 the serpent's root shall come forth an adder," and with 
 prophetic vision pointed out the " smoke that cometh 
 out of the north " (xiv. 29, 31). The nations, however, 
 could not believe that another conqueror like Sargon 
 would rise in his stead. At first the anti- Assyrian 
 party carried on their counsels in secret, fearing, 
 doubtless, the opposition of Isaiah (xxix. 15) ; but at 
 length Judah openly arrayed itself under the standard 
 of revolt. Already this had been raised in the towns 
 of Phoenicia and Philistia. Sidon in the north, and 
 Ekron in the south were the leaders. Padi, the 
 vassal king of Ekron, who remained faithful to his 
 Assyrian master, was sent in chains to Jerusalem. 
 Ambassadors were despatched to secure the aid of 
 Tirhakah, the Ethiopian prince who had recently 
 usurped the throne of Egypt. Isaiah pointed with 
 scorn to "Egypt that helpeth in vain, and to no 
 purpose i therefore, have I called her Rahab, that 
 sitteth still " (xxx. 7). His charge against tlie leaders 
 of Jerusalem, however, was not merely one of folly 
 and shortsightedness. Their supreme mistake was 
 that " they looked not unto the Holy One of Israel, 
 neither sought the Lord ; " instead, they placed their 
 whole trust in their military equipment and " in the 
 shadow of Egypt " (xxxi. 1 ; xxx. 1-4), forgetting 
 that "the Egyptians were men and not God; and 
 their horses flesh and not spirit" (xxxi. 3). From the 
 first Isaiah took his stand upon the principle that Zion 
 was inviolable, and declared that although the rulers 
 of Judah should learn to their shame the folly of their 
 
SENNACHERIB'S CONQUEST OF PALESTINE 145 
 
 plans, yet at the last Jehovah would deliver his holy- 
 city (xxix. 5-8; xxxi, 4-9). 
 
 148. Events soon demonstrated the truth of the 
 prophet's position. Sennacherib, who succeeded Sar- 
 gon, proved as active a general as his father. Until 
 702 B. c. he was occupied in suppressing the rebellion 
 in the east. Merodach-Baladan was at last completely 
 vanquished. Master of the east, Sennacherib turned 
 his large army, now flushed with victory, toward Pales- 
 tine. He found the rebels poorly organized. Without 
 aiding one another, they each fell in turn an easy prey. 
 His march lay along the coast of the Mediterranean. 
 Sidon feU. first, with its dependent towns. " Ethobal 
 upon the royal throne, I placed over them, and the 
 payment of the tribute of my lordship, every year 
 without change, I laid upon Mm. Menahem of Sam- 
 simuruna [Samaria], Ethobal of Sidon, Mitinti of 
 Ashdod, Buduilu of Ammon, Chemoshnadab of Moab, 
 Malik-rammu of Edom (all the kings of the west-land) 
 brought rich presents, heavy gifts together with mer- 
 chandise before me, and kissed my feet," is the testi- 
 mony of the conqueror (Taylor Prism, ii. 44-57). At 
 the first blow, therefore, half the princes of Palestine 
 hastened to submit. From PhcEnicia, Sennacherib 
 marched at once against the Philistine town of Aske- 
 lon, capturing it, and thereby preventing a union be- 
 tween the rebels and their Egyptian allies. Thence 
 he turned back against Ekron, which had led the up- 
 rising. While besieging this city he met, at the neigh- 
 boring town of Eltekeh, an army sent by Tirhakah to 
 the relief of Ekron. According to the Assjo-ian annals, 
 the Egjrptian troops experienced a signal defeat. They 
 were certainly forced to retire, leaving Ekron and 
 
 10 
 
146 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 Judah to their fate. Longer resistance was hopeless. 
 The bodies of the rebellious princes of the Philistine 
 city were impaled on stakes without its walls, and 
 their supporters carried away into captivity, and the 
 deposed king, Padi, restored to his throne. 
 
 149. The evils which were about to overtake his 
 countrymen were due to the mistakes against which 
 Isaiah had repeatedly warned them, yet he did not re- 
 main silent. As the gloom deepened, his prophecies 
 of ultimate deliverance became more definite and cer- 
 tain. Even while the Assyrians were in the north he 
 uttered the sublime address contained in x. 5-xi. 9: 
 "Assyria is advancing," is the underlying thought, 
 "crushing nations, and will yet bring woe to rebel- 
 lious Judah ; but it is only the rod wherewith Jehovah 
 executes judgment. The proud king of Assyria, how- 
 ever, does not recognize this fact. In his arrogance 
 he boasts that by the strength of his own hand he has 
 conquered the world. Shall the ax boast itself against 
 him that heweth therewith ? The Assyrians shall be 
 allowed to advance unopposed to the very walls of 
 Jerusalem, and then Jehovah vnll suddenly arise and 
 cast them down in utter ruin. As the danger increased, 
 the prophet repeatedly proclaimed these stupendous 
 truths (xiv. 24-27 ; xvii. 12-14). The basis of liis pre- 
 dictions was the realization that the God of Judah was 
 the Lord of hosts whose " hand is stretched out upon 
 all the nations, and whose purpose none can disannul " 
 (xiv. 27). That he would allow this arrogant monster 
 of greed and cruelty to crush completely his chosen 
 people was incredible. 
 
 150. While Isaiah was predicting his downfall, Sen- 
 nacherib was completing the conquest of the Philistine 
 
DEVASTATION OF JXJDAH 147 
 
 towns, and sending detachments of his army up the 
 valleys of Judah (Isa. xxii. 7). Forty-six of its cities 
 were captured. According to the conqueror, over two 
 hundred thousand Jewish captives were dragged away, 
 together with huge spoil, consisting of horses, mules, 
 asses, camels, oxen, and innumerable sheep. The terri- 
 tory thus ravaged was divided between their old ene- 
 mies, the kings of Ashdod, Ekron, and Gaza, to make 
 the humiliation greater; and a grinding tribute was 
 imposed. Hezekiah was shut up "like a caged bird 
 within his city," and the walls encircled with siege 
 towers so that none could escape. For a time Heze- 
 kiah offered a resistance. Isaiah xxii. 1-14 reflects 
 some of the details of the siege : the armory was put 
 in readiness for attack, the waters collected in the 
 lower pool, and a reservoir made between the two 
 walls for the water of the old pool. The chronicler 
 adds (II. Chron. xxxii.) that all the fountains without 
 the city were closed, and the defences strengthened. 
 Isaiah xxii. 10 also states that certain houses within 
 the city were broken down to fortify the wall. The 
 main army of Sennacherib, however, did not advance 
 against Jerusalem, because it was still occupied in 
 Philistia, or possibly because the scant supply of water 
 furnished by the barren hills of Judah rendered it 
 impracticable. 
 
 151. The reason which led Hezekiah to submit, as 
 suggested both by the inscription of Sennacherib and 
 Isaiah xxii. 3, was that the rulers and the allies who 
 had been introduced within the city for its defence 
 were completely terrified by the approach of the foe, 
 "fear overcame them" (Taylor Inscp. iii. 32), and "all 
 fled away together " (Isa. xxii. 3). The same cowardice 
 
148 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 evidently characterized the attitude of the leaders at 
 this juncture, as a few days later, when faced by a 
 greater danger. Hezekiah, who was nearly as weak as 
 his craven princes, hastened to send word to Sen- 
 nacherib, who was then besieging the border town of 
 Lacliish: "I have offended; return from me; that 
 which thou puttest upon me will I bear " (II. Kings 
 xviii. 14). He paid for his pardon thirty talents of 
 gold, three hundred talents (eight hundred Assyrian 
 talents according to the inscriptions) of silver, and 
 spoil of every description. To pay this huge tribute, 
 even the gold on the doors of the Temple was stripped 
 off. The daughters of the king and the young men 
 and women of his palace were among the captives 
 who were sent back to Nineveh. Isaiah felt no sym- 
 pathy with the wild rejoicing which followed this igno- 
 minious deliverance, purchased " by the spoiling of the 
 daughter of my people " (Isa. xxii. 1-5). " Let us eat 
 and drink, for to-morrow we shall die " (Isa. xxii. 13) 
 voiced the reckless mood of princes and people. 
 
 152. The unnatural mirth of the Jerusalemites was 
 quickly turned to mourning; for the greed of the 
 Assyrian monarch, or else the realization that it would 
 be dangerous to leave such a strong fortress in the 
 hands of those who might become foes as he advanced 
 to the conquest of Egypt, led him to send certain of 
 his officers with a small army to demand the uncondi- 
 tional surrender of the city. Their boasting words 
 struck terror to the hearts of all except one, for it 
 seemed the height of folly to suppose that Jerusalem, 
 weakened as she was, could successfully resist the 
 whole might of the Assjrrian army should it be turned 
 against her. In their extremity they turned to Isaiah. 
 
THE GREAT DELIVERANCE 149 
 
 His words of assurance nerved Hezekiah to send back 
 a refusal. The Assyrian messenger found his master 
 at Libnah, having completed the conquest of Lachish. 
 News soon came that the Egyptian king, Tirhakah, 
 was advancing. With the exception of Jerusalem, all 
 Palestine had bowed before Sennacherib, and now he 
 made a last effort to intimidate it into surrender. Of 
 the many crises through which Judah passed, this was 
 the greatest. Surrender meant the destruction of the 
 city and the annihilation of the nation; a refusal to 
 accede to the demands of the conqueror -would leave 
 no hope for clemency should the angry king turn his 
 hosts upon them. Again Isaiah came forth to save 
 the city by his inspired and inspiring message : " As- 
 syria's arrogancy and blasphemy shall soon be punished. 
 Jehovah is about to put his hook in its nose and 
 turn it back by the way which it came. The king of 
 Assyria shaU not come unto this city, nor shoot an 
 arrow there, neither shall he come before it with shield, 
 nor cast a mount against it " (II. Kings xix. 20-34). 
 
 153. Isaiah's greatness is attested, not only by the 
 sublimity of his message, but by the fact that it carried 
 persuasion with it. Sennacherib set out to meet Tir- 
 hakah without taking any measures to execute his 
 threats against Jerusalem. On the borders of Egypt 
 he suddenly turned back and never again during his 
 reign visited the west-land. His annals naturally 
 make no reference to this unexpected retreat. The 
 Babylonian chronicle refers to an uprising which may 
 account for his haste. The Egyptian as well as the 
 biblical allusions suggest that, amidst the swampy 
 marshes at the northeastern end of the Nile Delta, his 
 army was attacked by a severe pestilence, which the 
 
150 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBEEW PEOPLE 
 
 Hebrews ever regarded as the work of an angel of 
 Jehovah (compare II. Kings xix. 35 with II. Sam. xxiv. 
 15, 16), so that he did not dare advance with his 
 forces thus weakened. Whatever was the cause, the 
 fact is established that Isaiah's marvellous prediction 
 was most signally fulfilled, and Judah delivered solely 
 by his activity for another century of remarkable 
 religious development. 
 
VI 
 
 THE WOEK Am) TEACHINGS OP ISAIAH 
 
 154. Isaiah is unquestionably the most perfect ex- 
 ample of a Hebrew prophet, for in him every side of 
 the prophetic activity was fully developed. While 
 Micah and Amos were concerned chiefly with social 
 questions, and Hosea with morals and religion, Isaiah 
 spoke with authority on all of these themes. Every- 
 thing that concerned his nation, and consequently 
 determiaed its attitude toward Jehovah, whose am- 
 bassador he was, commanded his attention. In the 
 politics of his age he was, as we have seen, the central 
 figure. At every turn in the varying fortunes of 
 Judah he proved himself a practical statesman, and a 
 loyal patriot as well. When conditions changed, he 
 urged allegiance to Assyria with as great earnestness 
 as he had formerly opposed the alliance. Unceasingly 
 he combated the social and moral evils of his day, and 
 endeavored to overthrow the popular fallacies by pre- 
 senting fuller truths. Isaiah's power as a prophet, 
 however, rested more upon the strength of his own per- 
 sonality and his marvellous skill in presenting his 
 teachings, than upon the originality of the truth which 
 he thus made living and vivid ; for most of the princi- 
 ples which he emphasized had already been enunciated 
 by Amos and Hosea. 
 
 151 
 
152 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 155. Underlying all his teaching was the exalted 
 conception of the holiness of God. It found expres- 
 sion at the time of his call in the words of the seraphim, 
 "Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts; the whole 
 earth is filled with his glory." It was repeated again 
 and again in his prophecies in the designation the 
 "Holy One of Israel," which is his most common 
 title for Jehovah. Already Amos and Hosea had re- 
 ferred to this attribute of the Highest (Amos iv. 2 ; 
 Hosea xi. 9) ; and it was a quahty commonly ascribed 
 by Semitic peoples to their deities ; but Isaiah gave to 
 it a depth of meaning which it had never possessed be- 
 fore. Its original significance appears to have been 
 that of separation. Applied to the gods, it expressed 
 the idea that they were separate from the material 
 world to which their worshippers were confined. 
 Among the Hebrews the conception of physical in 
 time grew into that of moral separation. Jehovah's 
 holiness was his moral perfection as contrasted with 
 man's imperfection. By Isaiah it was used as a com- 
 prehensive designation for all of the moral attributes 
 which belong to God. When he declared that Jehovah 
 was the " Holy One of Israel," he meant, on the one 
 hand, that Jehovah stood in an intimate personal rela- 
 tion to his nation. Upon this relationship he based 
 the teaching that God would not allow Jerusalem to 
 be destroyed, and that he would ever preserve at least 
 a remnant of his people. On the other hand, Israel, 
 being in a peculiar sense Jehovah's people, was his 
 representative and under solemn obligation to reflect 
 his character. The social and moral demands which 
 Isaiah constantly urged upon his nation rested upon this 
 unique relationship. " Ye shall be holy, for I am holy " 
 
ISAIAH'S MESSIANIC IDEALS 153 
 
 later expressed the fundamental teaching of priest as 
 well as prophet (Lev. six. 2 ; xx. 7, 26). 
 
 166. The coming perfection, which he pictured so 
 vividly amidst the darkest scenes of Judah's degrada- 
 tion and disaster, was without doubt primarily intended 
 to serve as a basis of contrast wherewith to bring out 
 the blackness of existing conditions, and at the same 
 time to inspire his countrymen to strive for the speedy 
 realization of that perfection. Although in the high- 
 est and truest sense it was an ideal, it was also a pre- 
 diction and promise of the future, since the inspired 
 prophet was enabled, as his soul's vision was clarified 
 by the Highest, to catch glimpses of the divine plan, 
 and the eternal principles according to which it was 
 gradually unfolding. He saw only the first dawning 
 rays, instead of the sun at its zenith ; and consequently 
 he expected in his own generation that which was not 
 realized until centuries later. The details also were 
 often indistinct and determined by the immediate point 
 of view of the prophet; but no one can study his 
 Messianic prophecies and fail to perceive a funda- 
 mental rather than a superficial connection between 
 them and the consummation which was inaugurated by 
 Jesus. 
 
 157. As he turned from the cowardly Ahaz, whose 
 vacillating policy was plunging his nation into a sea of 
 trouble, his prophetic eyes beheld, instead of the 
 devastation wrought in the north by the armies of 
 Tiglath-Pileser, an era of freedom and peace, to be in- 
 stituted by a prince yet to be born (ix. 1-7). His 
 character was to be revealed by the names which he 
 would bear: Wonderful Coimsellor, with marvellous 
 wisdom directing the policy of his nation; Mighty 
 
154 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 God, gifted with divine might and power; Eternal 
 Father, unceasingly caring for his people with paternal 
 solicitude ; Prince of Peace, destined to introduce per- 
 fect harmony among mankind. Seated upon the throne 
 of David, he was to establish upon the principles of 
 perfect righteousness an eternal kingdom. " The zeal 
 of the Lord of hosts shall perform this." Again, when 
 the armies of Sennacherib had carried destruction to 
 the walls of Jerusalem, Isaiah called attention to this 
 central and personal figure in his picture of the future. 
 "When Jehovah has cut down the proud Assyrians, 
 like the cedars of Lebanon, there shall come forth a 
 shoot out of the stock of Jesse. The spirit of the 
 Lord shall rest upon him, the spirit of wisdom and 
 understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the 
 spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the Lord." 
 Righteousness shall characterize his rule ; the op- 
 pressed shall he champion; perfect peace shall pre- 
 vail, extending even to the animal world, and all the 
 earth shall know the Lord (xi. 1-9). 
 
 158. In other prophecies Isaiah presents in varying 
 imagery still other characteristics of the Messianic era. 
 The social abuses, against which he had so often re- 
 monstrated, were to cease ; men shall be quick to per- 
 ceive the truth ; every act shall receive its just reward ; 
 rulers and people alike shall be governed by the laws 
 of justice and mercy (xxxii.). Jerusalem shall be 
 exalted above all the cities of the eartli, and thither 
 shall the nations resort to learn the law of Jehovah, 
 the judge of the universe. Isaiah appears to have 
 anticipated that the Messianic kingdom would be an 
 earthly one with its centre at Jerusalem. With Micah 
 (v. 3-6), he seems to have expected that the Messianio 
 
FULFILMENT OF ISAL4.H'S PEEDICTIONS 155 
 
 King would appear to inaugurate it during the Assyr- 
 ian period, and that his first act would be to overthrow 
 the hated conqueror. 
 
 159. Isaiah, however, emphasized the moral and 
 spiritual side of the kingdom far more than the tem- 
 poral. In the prophecy concerning Egypt (xix.), which 
 is generally attributed to him, he declared that in the 
 coming day Egypt and Assyria, which stood for hostile 
 heathendom, would be recognized, on an equality with 
 Israel, as the people of Jehovah. No better illustration 
 could be cited to show the breadth of his vision. To 
 him Jehovah was in a peculiar sense the Holy One of 
 Israel, but he was also the Holy One of the universe, 
 whose just and beneficent purposes were being realized 
 in the rise and fall of nations. Through his eyes one 
 is enabled to follow the unfolding of that divine plan 
 in the varying fortunes which had come and were 
 then coming to his chosen people ; and also to trace its 
 outhnes, as they were projected on the canvas of the 
 future. Subsequent development was destined to 
 more than fulfil his sublimest predictions, and in a 
 manner far transcending his highest expectations ; but 
 posterity has rightly recognized, in the Messianic 
 prophecies of Isaiah and of the prophets who followed 
 him, links binding together the past, the present, and 
 the future, and demonstrating that God's dealings 
 with man are ever prompted by the same loving 
 purpose. 
 
 160. The Hebrew prophets recognized that the ful- 
 filment of their predictions rested upon certain condi- 
 tions, implied if not expressed (compare, for a detailed 
 statement of this important law, Jer. xviii. 3-12). 
 Hence their constant endeavor was to influence their 
 
156 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 nation to fulfil the conditions upon which the promises 
 of God were given. Hitherto citizenship in Judah 
 had been regarded as conclusive evidence that a man 
 was a follower of Jehovah, and, consequently, the 
 prophets had spoken to the nation as a whole; but a 
 truer conception of God's character and demands drew 
 sharp distinctions between classes in the Hebrew state 
 itself. Those who accepted and applied the teachings 
 of the true prophets gradually grew into a party hav- 
 ing little in common with the majority, who refused to 
 give heed to the new revelation. This little group of 
 disciples corresponded, in the ancient Hebrew common- 
 wealth, to the modern church. It was an inevitable 
 outgrowth of conditions then existing, but it neverthe- 
 less marked a new epoch in the history of religion. 
 There is no evidence that the true prophets of the 
 north gained an organized following, and if they did, 
 it was dissipated at the fall of Samaria. Isaiah, how- 
 ever, makes reference to his disciples early in his 
 ministry (viii. 16). To them he turned, when he be- 
 gan to despair of the regeneration of the entire nation. 
 In him the prophetic party found an able leader, and 
 upon them he impressed his teachings. Micah of 
 Moresheth, a younger contemporary of Isaiah, did not 
 share the latter's belief in the inviolability of Zion 
 (Micah iii. 12), but otherwise he echoes in nearly every 
 verse of his prophecy the principles proclaimed by his 
 distinguished teacher. The preservation of so many of 
 the sermons of Isaiah is also doubtless due to the 
 watchful care of his disciples. 
 
 161. In this band of faithful hearers and doers the 
 prophet recognized the permanent element in the state, 
 the true Israel, the good grain, which, according to 
 
HEZEKIAH'S EEFORMATION 157 
 
 Amos, was alone to survive the sifting among the na- 
 tions (ix. 9, 10). They also were the only ones 
 who fulfilled the conditions upon which Jehovah's 
 promises for the future rested ; hence Isaiah was led 
 first to give definite expression to the doctrine of the 
 "faithful remnant," which became one of the most im- 
 portant teachings of later prophets. 
 
 162. Under Isaiah's leadership the prophetic party 
 was able to exercise a potent influence in Judah. The 
 religious reformation under Hezekiah was one of its 
 fruits. Jeremiah xxvi. 18, 19 associates it definitely 
 with the preaching of Isaiah's disciple, Micah. Un- 
 fortunately the references to it are exceedingly general. 
 II. Kings xviii. 4 states that " Hezekiah removed the 
 high places, and brake the pillars, and cut down the 
 Asherah; and he brake in pieces the brazen serpent 
 that Moses had made." Shortly before 701 B. c. 
 Isaiah spoke of the destruction of the idols as a hope of 
 the future (xxx. 22 ; xxxi. 7), so that the most prob- 
 able date for these acts is found in the years immedi- 
 ately following the great victory of the prophetic party, 
 in connection with the deliverance o"f Jerusalem ; but 
 it may be questioned whether such a thorough reform 
 as is suggested by the passage in Kings was instituted 
 before the time of Josiah, for in his day he found the 
 high places reared by Solomon near Jerusalem still 
 undisturbed (II. Kings xxiii. 13). The first step would 
 be to destroy the idols of silver and gold and the 
 Asherim, which were so common in the land, and 
 which had called forth the denunciations of Isaiah and 
 Micah. King and people could not be expected to ex- 
 cel in zeal those who instigated the reform, and there 
 is no eAddence that these prophets had yet raised their 
 
158 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 voices against the high places. Their desecration by 
 the armies of Sennacherib undoubtedly diminished 
 their prestige in contrast with the royal shrine at 
 Jerusalem, which had survived the crisis untouched, 
 and perhaps at this time gave the first impetus to that 
 movement which led later prophets to place them under 
 a ban (Deut. xii.), and ultimately culminated in their 
 abolition by Josiah. 
 
 163. The reformation of Hezekiah is not, however, 
 the most lasting fruit of Isaiah's labors. He himself 
 hoped for a national repentance so deep that the 
 people would of their own will cast aside their idols. 
 Not by royal decree, but by word and life, he sought to 
 reform his nation. In his own character he furnished 
 for all time an example of the highest type of patriot- 
 ism, which shrunk from no sacrifice, nor paled in the 
 face of the greatest danger, because it was inspired by an 
 intelligent and so an unfailing faith in a God of infinite 
 majesty and perfect holiness. Although his field of 
 activity was little Judah, he stands among the greatest 
 statesmen and reformers of the world. He alone saved 
 his nation in the time of its greatest danger. Few, if 
 any, writers have surpassed him in grandeur, force, and 
 vividness of literary style. So forcibly did he impress 
 his teachings by word and by life upon the little group 
 of disciples who gathered about him, that they ulti- 
 mately transformed the religion of their nation ; and 
 since Judaism prepared the way for Christ, Christian- 
 ity will forever bear the stamp of Isaiah's mighty 
 personality. 
 
VII 
 
 THE EBACTiONABY EBIGN OP MAKASSEH 
 
 164. While Hezekiah lived, he succeeded in up- 
 holding the cause of the prophetical party, to whom 
 he owed the preservation of his kingdom ; but when 
 the reins of power were handed over to his youthful 
 son, Manasseh, a great religious reaction swept over 
 Judah. In their zeal, the reform party, instead of 
 patiently waiting until they could reach the heart of 
 the nation, had begun by destroying the popular objects 
 of worship, about which the traditions and veneration 
 of generations had centred. Among all peoples that 
 which is hallowed by sacred associations and endorsed 
 by the past enjoys a peculiar sanctity; but to a remark- 
 able degree was this the case among the primitive 
 Semitic races. In the place of these accepted ideas 
 and sacred relics, the new prophetic school presented a 
 God whom the masses understood only imperfectly, 
 and whose demands were exceedingly difficult for 
 them to fulfil. Isaiah and the author of Micah v. 
 had both given them reason to believe that the Mes- 
 sianic era, which they had pictured in such glowing 
 colors, would be inaugurated immediately after the 
 deliverance of Jerusalem in 701 B. c. ; and that with 
 it would come the overthrow of the power of Assyria ; 
 
 159 
 
160 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 but the monuments show that Judah continued to pay 
 tribute to Assyria for tlie next half-century, at least, 
 and that, instead of declining, the mighty empire 
 attained its greatest glory during this period. Egypt, 
 toward which it had long been looking with envious 
 eyes, was repeatedly invaded and finally made a sub- 
 ject province. Both the east and the west lay pros- 
 trate before the conqueror. 
 
 165. The people, who recognized no other index of 
 Jehovah's pleasure or displeasure than prosperity or 
 adversity, considered that they had not only been 
 deluded by the prophetic party, but also led on to 
 commit acts of impiety which were calling down the 
 wrath of their God. Innocent blood was shed in Jeru- 
 salem until it was filled from one end to the other (II. 
 Kings xxi. 16). The sword of the reactionists "de- 
 voured the prophets like a destroying lion " (Jer. ii. 
 30). To preach the God of Isaiah became a crime. 
 " Back to the old ! " was the popular cry to which 
 Manasseh and the princes who gathered about him 
 listened. The idols torn down by Hezekiah were care- 
 fully restored, and the Asherim again set up; the 
 augurs, the enchanters, those who had familiar spirits, 
 and the wizards exercised their old influence (II. Kings 
 xxi. 6). Sodomites were tolerated in connection with 
 the service of the Temple (II. Kings xxiii. 7). In the 
 valley of Hinnom, to the south of Jerusalem, the first 
 born were sacrificed to Moloch (II. Kings xxi. 6 ; xxiii. 
 10). Micah vi. 6, 7, reflects the intensity of feeling 
 which prompted such acts. Graphically he puts in the 
 mouth of the people the cry, " Wherewith shall I come 
 before the Lord, and bow myself before the high God? 
 Shall I come before him with burnt offerings, with 
 
CAUSES OF THE RELIGIOUS REACTION 161 
 
 calves of a year old ? Will the Lord be pleased with 
 thousands of rams, or with ten thousands of rivers of 
 oil ? Shall I give my first born for my transgressions, 
 the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?" As 
 Judah continued to be grotind down under the yoke 
 of a foreign conqueror, faith in the old forms was 
 shaken; the masses had not yet accepted the great 
 prophetic truth that Jehovah required his follower 
 simply " to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk 
 humbly with thy God" (Micah vi. 8); hence they 
 feverishly endeavored to secure the favor of the half- 
 heathenish deity which they worshipped, by the value 
 and multiplicity of their sacrifices. 
 
 166. So deep-seated was the popular distrust of 
 Jehovah that the worship of other gods was intro- 
 duced within his Temple. Naturally those of Assyria 
 received the first place. Already Ahaz had curried 
 favor with his master by imitating Assyrian fashions 
 in the furnishing of the Temple (sect. 134). To those 
 who refused to see with the prophets Jehovah's hand 
 in the conquests of Assyria, as well as in the deliver- 
 ance of Judah, the humiliation of his chosen people 
 before the world-conqueror was conclusive evidence 
 that his gods were superior to Jehovah. Hence 
 Manasseh strengthened his position with the majority 
 of his subjects, as well as with his Assyrian masters, 
 when " he built altars for all the host of heaven in the 
 two courts of the house of the Lord," and placed 
 the chariots of the sun within the sacred precincts 
 (II. Kings xxi. 3, 4 ; xxiii. 11, 12). No stronger proof 
 could be adduced to show the inherent weakness of the 
 commonly prevailing conceptions of Jehovah than the 
 readiness with which foreign cults were not only 
 
 11 
 
162 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PliOPLE 
 
 tolerated but even welcomed. The popular worship of 
 Judah at this time must have been a strange com- 
 bination of cults, native and foreign. The frantic 
 effort which it made to maintain itself against the 
 attacks of the true prophets and the influence of the 
 new ideas and conditions which confronted it, is only- 
 paralleled by the bitter opposition offered by that re- 
 markable mixture of customs and religions which were 
 found in Rome when the light of Christianity first 
 burst upon heathendom. 
 
 167. Until the power of Assjrria began to wane, the 
 anti-prophetic party remained in control of Judah. 
 The history of this half-century is almost a blank, 
 because the voices of the prophets were silenced. 
 Ihere is evidence, however, that they were not inac- 
 tive. The spirit and teachings of Isaiah still lived 
 among his disciples. The God who had led his people 
 thus far had not forsaken them. As is always the 
 case, persecution only forced the true prophets to seek 
 other and better charmels through which to impart the 
 truths committed to them. Silenced, they took up the 
 pen and endeavored to put their teachings in a form 
 which would be permanent, and at the same time 
 intelligible to aU. They recognized that not merely 
 abstract principles, but concrete forms were necessary 
 to reach the masses and take the place of the debasing 
 ceremonials which were valued so highly by the people. 
 Therefore, avoiding the mistakes of Hezekiah's refor- 
 mation, they adopted, as far as possible, pre-existent 
 usages and traditions, and, eliminating the heathen 
 elements, assigned to them a deeper and more spiritual 
 meaning. The step from the old to the new was thus 
 made easy instead of abrupt. 
 
AIM AND CONTENT OF DEUTERONOMY 163 
 
 168. The body of the Book of Deuteronomy (v.- 
 xxvi., xxviii.) is the most important fruit of this new 
 reform movement. Many older laws were incorpor- 
 ated in it, but a majority of the questions with which 
 it deals are those which first became insistent during 
 this period. The reaction under Manasseh had demon- 
 strated that the high places, the local sanctuaries 
 scattered throughout Judah, which up to the time of 
 Hezekiah had been accepted without protest from 
 priest or prophet, were conservers of the practices and 
 forms inherited from the darker past. Their ritual 
 was a snare rather than a help toward the purer wor- 
 ship of Jehovah. Consequently the most prominent 
 enactment of the new law book was to centralize all 
 the ceremonial worship of Jehovah in Jerusalem. The 
 other evils which characterized Manasseh's reign, such 
 as the worship of idols or foreign gods and the con- 
 sulting of diviners or necromancers, were expressly 
 forbidden. While it is primarily a law book, it is 
 permeated throughout with a broad prophetic spirit. 
 Service is ever placed above sacrifice ; to " love and 
 serve Jehovah thy God with all thy heart and all thy 
 soul" (x. 12) is its supreme demand. The love of 
 God toward his people and the love which he asks 
 from them toward him and his creatures are its 
 exalted theme. The detailed laws are presented as a 
 means whereby this love is to find expression. The 
 writer of Deuteronomy was, therefore, like Moses, a 
 prophet, imbued with the great prophetic ideas which 
 were the priceless heritage of his race. Since many of 
 the laws and narratives which are the nucleus of his 
 work were originally Mosaic in spirit, if not in form, 
 their later editor was entirely justified in associating 
 
164 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 thein, as he does (always in the third person), with the 
 name of Moses. He was only following the custom, 
 characteristic of the compilers of the historical books 
 (compare, for example, I. Sam. viii.) when he refor- 
 mulated the old laws, and put into the mouth of the 
 father of the Hebrew nation the words which he 
 would have uttered had he lived in the light of the 
 new conditions and fuller revelation. 
 
 169. The circumstances of the reign of Manasseh 
 and of his son Amon, who pursued the policy of his 
 father, were unfavorable for the promulgation of this 
 new code ; and hence it was laid aside in the Temple 
 until it was discovered — actually or perhaps ostensibly 
 in accordance with a plan known to the few most inter- 
 ested in it — and made the programme of the great ref- 
 ormation of Josiah (II. Kings xxiii.). The Assyrian 
 period of Judean history opened with a religious 
 reform and closed with a reaction which apparently 
 reinstated all the old heathenism ; it was filled with 
 grave political errors which brought disaster and 
 bloodshed upon the nation ; it was also characterized 
 by awful social and moral crimes ; but through all the 
 gloom, God's eternal truth was shining more and more 
 into the hearts of his faithful ones, and through them 
 was finding fuller and clearer expression. The pro- 
 phetic seed, sown amidst opposition and persecution, 
 was about to take root in the life of the nation. 
 
PART IV 
 
 THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF JUDAH'S 
 HISTORY 
 
THE HISTOEICAIi SOTJECBS 
 
 170. Certain verses (xxiii. 29-xxiv. 1) in chap- 
 ters xxii.-xxv. of II. Kings, whicli treat of the period, 
 were probably based upon material gathered from the 
 state annals; but with the exception of a few later 
 additions, the section as a whole is from the Deutero- 
 nomic editor, whose personal knowledge of the events 
 furnished him the necessary data. 
 
 171. The Book of Deuteronomy, which, as we have 
 seen (sect. 168), comes from the latter part of the 
 preceding or from the beginning of the Babylonian 
 period, is also a most valuable historical source, since 
 it presents the laws and motives which became the 
 keynotes of the new reformation. - 
 
 172. The stirring events of the age called forth an 
 unusually large and active body of prophets, many 
 of whose writings have been preserved. The first to 
 raise his voice in denunciation of the sins inherited 
 from Manasseh's reign was Zephaniah. The imme- 
 diate occasion of his prophecy was the advance of the 
 dreaded Scythians, who about 627 b. c. swept down 
 the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, spreading ter- 
 ror throughout Palestine. From the land of captivity 
 there also came about this time the brief prophecy of 
 
 167 
 
168 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 Nahum. Primarily it was intended as a message of 
 encouragement to the Judeans; but its theme is the 
 coming fall of the cruel, rapacious world-conqueror, 
 Assyria, whose yoke had rested upon the necks of the 
 Semitic peoples for more than two centuries. It was 
 probably evoked by the first attack upon Nineveh, in 
 625 B. c, by the Medes under King Phraortes. To the 
 same group belongs the powerful prophecy of Habak- 
 kuk. Josiah's brilliant reign has been succeeded by 
 the reactionary rule of Jehoiakim. The Assyrians 
 have completely disappeared, and in their place the 
 Chaldeans are advancing. The date of the prophecy, 
 therefore, must be sought shortly before the great 
 battle of Carchemish in 604 B. c. 
 
 173. The chief historical source for the entire period 
 is the combination of prophecy, history, and biography 
 found in the Book of Jeremiah. The first collection 
 of his discourses was made in the fourth year of 
 Jehoiakim (xxxvi.), but was soon destroyed. The 
 second edition, which was made in the following year 
 and included his earlier sermons, is probably the basis 
 of our present text. Jeremiah's ministry, however, 
 began twenty-three years earlier, in 627 B. c, before 
 the reformation of Josiah had been instituted, and 
 lasted until after the final destruction of Jerusalem in 
 686 B. c. His sermons in their present order are not 
 arranged chronologically. Fortunately the superscrip- 
 tions, as well as the contents, aid in determining the 
 dates at which they were delivered. His call, re- 
 corded in chapter i., belongs to the year 627 B. c. The 
 sermons in ii.-vi. refer frequently to "the foe from 
 the north," which was probably the Scythian hordes 
 alluded to by Zephaniah, although when he collected 
 
DATE OF JEREMIAH'S PROPHECIES 169 
 
 his prophecies later he had the Chaldeans in mind. 
 They were, therefore, originally delivered soon after 
 the prophet's call in 627 B. c, and represent his noble 
 contributions to the reformation, which was carried 
 into effect in 621 b. c. Chapter xi. 1-8 suggests the 
 important part which he took in that movement. The 
 short section, xxii. 10-12, relates to the brief reign of 
 Jehoahaz. 
 
 174. Jeremiah's activity at the beginning of the 
 reign of Jehoiakim is represented by chapters xxvi., 
 vii.-ix., X. 17-25, xi. 9-xii. 6. To the year 604 
 B. c. may be assigned the sermons and incidents re- 
 corded in chapters xxv., xxxvi. 1-8, xlv. 1-xlix. 
 33. Chapter xxxvi. 9-32 belongs to the following 
 year, and xiv.-xx. and xxxv. to the latter part of the 
 reign of Jehoiakim. About the death of that inefficient 
 ruler and the first siege of Jerusalem in 597 B. c. are 
 grouped xii. 7-xiii. 27 and xxii. 13-80. Chapters 
 xxiv., xxvii.-xxix., and xlix. 34-39 come from the 
 earlier days of Zedekiah's reign ; while 1. and li. con- 
 tain a prophecy which, according to li. 59, belongs 
 to the year 593 B. c, but its point of view, style, and 
 temper are so different from those which characterize 
 Jeremiah's ordinary utterances that it is usually as- 
 signed to one of his disciples who wrote not long be- 
 fore the end of the Babylonian exile. The siege of 
 Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar, which began in 587 
 B. c, called forth the series of sermons preserved in 
 xxi. 1-10, xxiii., and xxxiv. Chapters xxxvii. and 
 xxxviii. are historical, and describe the personal ex- 
 periences of the prophet during the siege. The glori- 
 ous prophecies contained in xxx.-xxxiii. are from the 
 same dark period ; the last two are definitely assigned 
 
170 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 to the days of his confinement during the second stage 
 of the siege. Chapters xxxix.-xliv. and lii. record 
 the final capture of Jerusalem and the subsequent 
 fortunes of Jeremiah and the few who were allowed 
 by the conqueror to remain in Judah. Respecting 
 the second edition of Jeremiah's earlier sermons, it is 
 explicitly stated that "there were added besides unto 
 them many like words" (xxxvi. 32). The example 
 set by the prophet himself was followed by later edi- 
 tors of his writings, who recast certain sections and 
 inserted others. The historical chapters, also, are 
 either from Baruch, his faithful scribe, or from some 
 one of his disciples. 
 
 175. Among the prominent Jewish exiles who were 
 transported in 597 B. c. to the banks of the river 
 Chebar in Babylonia, was a priest by the name of 
 Ezekiel. In July of 592 B.C., the fifth year of his 
 captivity, he was called by a vision to the prophetic 
 office. The chief end of his life-work was to conserve 
 within the little body of exiles that which was best in 
 the religious heritage from his nation's past; but while 
 Jerusalem still stood, conditions there frequently com- 
 manded his attention. Consequently the first twenty- 
 four chapters of his prophecy contain much valuable 
 historical data relating to Judah. With characteristic 
 exactness he has dated all of his prophecies. Chap- 
 ters i.-vii. come from the year 592, viii.-xix. from 
 591, xx.-xxiii. from 590, and xxiv. from 688 B. c. 
 The foreign prophecies (xxv.-xxxii.), like Obadiah's 
 brief oracle against Edom, suggest the attitude of the 
 surrounding nations at the time of Jerusalem's final 
 fall. While Ezekiel's writings lack the intimate famil- 
 iarity with the details of Judah's later history which 
 
BXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES 171 
 
 characterizes those of Jeremiah, they contain the con- 
 clusions of a man gifted with clearest insight into 
 conditions and forces within and without the parent 
 state. 
 
 176. It is fortunate that the biblical records for the 
 period are so full and varied, for the outside sources 
 throw little light upon the history of Judah. The in- 
 scriptions of Nebuchadrezzar, thus far discovered, re- 
 late almost entirely to his building enterprises and 
 devotion to the gods. Nothing respecting his inva- 
 sion and capture of Jerusalem has been found. "With 
 the aid of Herodotus and Babylonian records it is pos- 
 sible, however, to trace the outlines of the history of 
 the great eastern nations which determined the fate of 
 the little Palestinian kingdom. 
 
II 
 
 THE GREAT KEFOEMATION UNDER JOSIAH 
 
 177. Amon, the son of Manasseh, was slain by 
 his nobles after a reign of only two years. The 
 people thereupon arose and put the conspirators to 
 death. Unfortunately the author of Kings leaves us 
 to conjecture the motives which prompted these acts. 
 He only states that Amon " walked in all the way his 
 father walked in, and served the idols that his father 
 served " (II. Kings xxi. 21). His policy was calcu- 
 lated to win the favor of the masses, who clung tena- 
 ciously to their old idols ; hence their zeal in avenging 
 his death is explained. Whether or not the conspiracy 
 of the nobles represented a premature attempt to 
 institute a more progressive religious policy, must 
 remain an open question, although subsequent devel- 
 opments strengthen the inference that it was. If so, 
 it indicates that already, when Josiah, the little eight- 
 year-old son of Amon, came to the throne of Judah 
 in 639 B. c, the spirit of reform was in the air. 
 Conditions were also favorable. Already omens of 
 Assyria's coming downfall were beginning to appear. 
 The predictions of Isaiah were at last about to be ful- 
 filled. Assyrian armies no longer menaced the peace 
 of Palestine. The gods of the conqueror were seen, 
 
 172 
 
FORERUNNERS OF THE REFORMATION 173 
 
 after all, to be not invincible. Tlie work of the 
 reformers also began to be felt. The ardor with 
 which the descendant of such immediate ancestors as 
 Amon and Manasseh later championed the cause of 
 Jehovah is explained only on the supposition that 
 Josiah at an early age came under the instruction of 
 these earnest co-workers. 
 
 178. Of necessity, they developed their plans at 
 first in secret, awaiting a favorable occasion to raise 
 openly the standard of reform. This came about the 
 twelfth year of Josiah's reign, when the startling 
 news spread throughout Palestine that a detachment 
 of the Scythians was moving southward along the 
 coast of the Mediterranean. A more dreaded foe 
 could not be imagined. From their home north of 
 the Black Sea, they streamed through the passes of 
 the Caucasus in countless hordes, ruthlessly destroy- 
 ing cities, fields, men, women, and children. They 
 knew neither fear nor mercy. Already strong nations 
 had fallen before them, and even the Assyrian empire 
 was shaken to its foundations ; therefore the Judeans 
 had good reason to tremble at the approach of the 
 mysterious foe. From Herodotus we learn that they 
 advanced to the borders of Egypt, where they were 
 bribed by the reigning Pharaoh to turn back. The 
 coast towns of Palestine bore the bruiit of their attack. 
 Although there is no evidence that they invaded 
 Judah, their presence shook its inhabitants from their 
 indifference. 
 
 179. Zephaniah seized the opportunity to attack the 
 sins of his nation. Religious conditions were prac- 
 tically the same as under Manasseh, except that the 
 bitterness which characterized the first stages of the 
 
174 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 reaction had disappeared, and the prophets of Jehovah 
 could speak freely, without fear of persecution. 
 Within the capital the black-robed priests of Baal 
 were still supported by eager devotees. On the 
 house-tops many continued to worship the sun, moon, 
 and stars. Some dragged Jehovah down to a level 
 with the heathen deities by syncretizing him with 
 Malcam; while others had completely abandoned his 
 service (i. 4-6). Among the nominal worshippers of 
 Jehovah there were many who had arrived at the 
 sceptical conclusion that he lacked either the desire 
 or the power to direct the affairs of man (i. 12). 
 To all the prophet declared that the great oncoming 
 host was God's instrument of judgment. Forcibly he 
 portrayed the utter desolation which was about to 
 come upon proud Assyria, and upon the circle of 
 hostile nations which had taken base advantage of 
 Judah's weakness (ii.); but declared, as Amos had 
 on another occasion (sect. 81), that the destruction 
 would not stop there. "Against the inhabitants of 
 Jerusalem, Jehovah will stretch out his hand and cut 
 off the apostates (i. 4, 5), and the princes who are as 
 roaring lions, the judges who are as evening wolves, 
 the light and treacherous prophets and the priests who 
 profane the sanctuary and do violence to the law" 
 (iii. 3, 4). The proclamation of judgment, however, 
 was always with the prophets only a means to an end. 
 With the same beauty and grandeur Zephaniah pro- 
 ceeds to describe the other side of the coming day of 
 Jehovah. When the nation has been purged of its 
 dross, then Jehovah will gather the "meek of the 
 earth, who have wrought judgment" (ii. 3), "the 
 remnant of Israel," and "they shall feed and lie 
 
CALL AND CHARACTER OF JEREMIAH 175 
 
 down, and none shall make them afraid," and he 
 "will make them a name and a praise among all the 
 peoples of the earth " (iii. 13, 20). To his country- 
 men this little reform tract was a signal of warning 
 before the coming storm, and at the same time it 
 pointed the way to a haven of refuge for the faithful. 
 
 180. At this critical period (627 b. c.) the voice of the 
 Lord calling him to be a prophet was first recognized 
 by Jeremiah. His book of prophecies, which in many 
 parts is almost a personal memoir, tells of the conflicts 
 which then raged in the heart of the timid youth. He 
 appreciated in part the magnitude of the task to which 
 he was called (i. 11-19). Although he loved his 
 nation passionately, he was destined to witness the 
 hideous death-struggles which were induced by its 
 excesses. Rejected and persecuted by those whom he 
 sought to help, his life was to be one prolonged 
 martyrdom, doubly painful because he was so keenly 
 sensitive. In character and experience he had much 
 in common with Hosea. Among all the prophets; 
 none uttered sterner denunciations and none spoke 
 with greater tenderness. In the spirituality and the 
 depth of his religious emotions he had no equal. Jere- 
 miah's birthplace was the little town of Anathoth, 
 situated a short distance north of Jerusalem. Thither 
 Abiathar, the priestly representative of the house of 
 Eli, had been banished by Solomon (I. sect. 141) ; and 
 it is by no means impossible that the prophet was a 
 descendant of that renowned family. In his birth and 
 in the holy influences cast about him by his parents 
 during his childhood, he recognized an especial prep- 
 aration for the prophetic oiBce (i. 5). 
 
 181. " Out of the north evil shall break forth upon 
 
176 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 all the inhabitants of the land " (i. 14), was a thought 
 prominent at the time of his call and, as with Zepha- 
 niah, was the background of his reformation sermons. 
 He was not obliged to look far for the cause of this 
 evidence of Jehovah's displeasure. The hideous fruits 
 of Judah's apostasy were apparent on every side ; it 
 was almost impossible to find a just and true man in 
 Jerusalem (v. 1). The prophet felt that awful loneli- 
 ness which oppressed him throughout most of his 
 ministry. " If thou wilt put away thine abominations 
 out of my sight, then shalt thou not be removed " 
 (iv. 1), was the central idea of his preaching during 
 these years. 
 
 182. Zephaniah and Jeremiah did not stand alone 
 in their noble endeavor to reform the nation. Nahum's 
 brief prophecy came about this time, to assure the 
 Judeans tiiat Jehovah was about to cast down the 
 haughty Assyrians. Common adversity led the more 
 faitlxful priests and prophets to draw closely to- 
 gether. The high-priest Hilkiah, the friend of Jere- 
 miah, was prominent in the movement ; and certain of 
 Josiah's ministers, as well as the king himself, were 
 most favorably disposed toward it. The first open 
 steps toward reform seem to have been taken about 
 627 B. c, when Zephaniah and Jeremiah began to 
 preach. Already the Temple was being repaired, when, 
 in 621 B. c, the memorable discovery was made which 
 determined the character of the reformation. The 
 custom, initiated in the days of Joash (sect. 119), of 
 inti'usting the funds for the repair of the Temple to 
 a committee, consisting of the royal scribe or secretary 
 and the chief priest, was still in vogue. While they 
 were discharging this duty, Hilkiah, the priest, in- 
 
EEFORM MEASURES 17T 
 
 formed Shaphan, the scribe, of the discovery of the 
 book of the law within the Temple. It was given to 
 Shaphan, who read it and then delivered it to the king. 
 When the king had heard its contents, he was deeply 
 affected. Forthwith he despatched a deputation, con- 
 sisting of Hilkiah, the priest, Achbor, Asaiah, Shaphan 
 and his son, Ahikam, to inquire of the Lord, in 
 behalf of himself and the people, respecting the 
 significance of the book. Strangely enough, they 
 turned, not to Zephaniah or Jeremiah, but to Huldah, 
 a prophetess, the wife of the keeper of the wardrobe. 
 When its contents were confirmed by the prophetess, 
 the king gathered together all the people of his realm 
 within the Temple precincts and read the book to 
 them. As a result, a solemn covenant was entered into 
 by king and people to observe its injunctions. 
 
 183. Rigorous measures were at once instituted by 
 the king to carry those injunctions into effect. The 
 first step was to cleanse the Temple. The vessels and 
 paraphernalia which were used in the service of Baal 
 and the host of heaven were brought forth and burned 
 in the Kidron valley ; the altars reared by Manasseh 
 were demolished ; the chariots of the sun were burned, 
 and their horses removed from the entrance of the 
 Temple ; the houses of those consecrated to the licen- 
 tious worship of Baal and Ashtarte were torn down ; 
 in the valley of Hinnom, Tophet, where the people had 
 been wont to sacrifice their children to Molech, waa 
 defiled; the shrines erected by Solomon without the 
 city, for Ashtoreth, Chemosh, and other foreign divini- 
 ties, were broken in pieces. The king's zeal even led 
 him to destroy the old Israelitish sanctuary of Bethel. 
 Idols and teraphim were placed under a ban, and 
 
 12 
 
178 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 wizards and diviners driven from the land. Tlie most 
 revolutionary act, however, was the destruction of the 
 high places, which were found near every city. The 
 kings of Judah, in recognition of the importance of 
 those places, had heretofore appointed regular priests 
 to care for them. Deprived of their occupation, these 
 were invited by Josiah to connect themselves with 
 the Temple at Jerusalem, which was made by this 
 religious revolution the one legal sanctuary in the 
 kingdom. As might be expected, the majority of them 
 rejected the offer, and "did eat unleavened bread 
 among their brethren" (II. Kings xxiii. 9). In con- 
 clusion a memorable passover feast was celebrated at 
 Jerusalem in accordance with the directions laid down 
 in the newly found law book. 
 
 184. Conclusive evidence might be adduced from 
 other sources to demonstrate that this book of the 
 covenant consisted of a portion, at least, of our present 
 Book of Deuteronomy ; but it is sufficient to note how 
 closely the reformation instituted by Josiah conforms 
 in every detail to the laws therein contained. Hereto- 
 fore we have found that custom and usage, frequently 
 radically different from those which are enjoined by 
 the first five books of the Old Testament, determined 
 the character of the ceremonial forms in force at any 
 given period ; but with the reformation of Josiah be- 
 gins the rule of the written law. At fij-st this un- 
 doubtedly represented a great advance, for not only 
 were the requirements of Deuteronomy far superior to 
 the forms which they supplanted, but they also gave a 
 stability to the worship of Jehovah which it had never 
 possessed before. Reactions came, but the written law 
 survived to gain wider acceptance when conditions 
 
DnFLtlENCE OF THE NEW LAW BOOK 179 
 
 were again favorable. Ultimately, however, the means 
 whereby this stability had been secured impeded the 
 religious development of the Jewish race, as is always 
 the case when fixed forms of worship or statements of 
 faith are substituted for the living spiritual life which 
 they were intended to promote. The law was allowed 
 to overshadow and extinguish prophecy, from which it 
 originally derived its spiritual significance ; and when 
 it ceased to grow, it became dead and meaningless. 
 
 185. The Book of Deuteronomy was, as we have 
 seen (sect. 168), the result of a noble effort to replace 
 the popular religion with a new system in accord with 
 the new prophetic revelation. The most practical 
 way of reaching the masses seemed to be through ex- 
 pUcit laws, which would regulate social relations and 
 the religious cult. Deuteronomy, accordingly, sought to 
 give objective expression to the fundamental prophetic 
 teachings. The abolition of idols and of the worship 
 of foreign deities was the most impressive declaration 
 that Jehovah was a spirit, and that he, as the supreme 
 ruler of the universe, demanded the entire homage of 
 his followers. The great prophetic watchword, " Thou 
 art a holy people unto the Lord thy God," which finds 
 expression so frequently in Deuteronomy (vii. 6 ; xiv. 
 2, 21 ; xxvi. 1, 9 ; xxviii. 9), was interpreted into the 
 details of life and ritual. Isaiah's other characteristic 
 doctrine of the inviolability of Zion also took form in 
 the exaltation of the Temple at Jerusalem, to the 
 exclusion of all other sanctuaries. 
 
 186. The full significance of this sweeping innova- 
 tion can be appreciated only by a comparison with the 
 practices which it supplanted. Hitherto sacrifices 
 appear to have been offered anyvrhere and by any one j 
 
180 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 in fact, every animal slain was regarded as shared with 
 the deity (I. sects. 69, 70). At every town there v/as 
 a high place to which the people went, not only on 
 feast days, but whenever they wished, through the 
 priest, to have a disputed case settled, or to ascertain 
 the divine will respecting their private matters (I. sect. 
 163). Religion entered into all their life. The enact- 
 ments of Deuteronomy swept away the high places, 
 placed a ban upon private sacrifice, and restricted 
 all offerings to the Temple. A sharp distinction was 
 thereby drawn between the laity and the priests, 
 between secular and holy things. Religion henceforth 
 became something formal, above and apart, rather than 
 in all which concerned the nation or individual. Con- 
 ventionality took the place of the old freedom and 
 joyousness which had so often degenerated into lax- 
 ness. The end desired by the reformers was attained. 
 The narrowing of religion saved it from the shallow- 
 ness of heathenism. The Jehovah who was wor- 
 shipped in the Temple with jealously guarded forms 
 was not in danger of being degraded to a level with 
 the surrounding deities. That which henceforth con- 
 stituted the Jewish church was divorced from the state, 
 and so survived the downfall of the nation. Un- 
 fortunately the narrowing process did not cease after 
 the crisis was past, so that its later effects were de- 
 plorable; but, measured in the light of existing 
 circumstances, the reformation of Josiah marks the 
 beginning of that movement which ultimately resulted 
 in the complete elimination of the practical heathenism 
 which had long threatened the extinction of the pure 
 worship of Jehovah. 
 
 187. The unparalleled success of the reformation of 
 
FRUITS OF JOSIAH'S EEFORMATION 181 
 
 Josiah was undoubtedly largely due to the ability and 
 energy of the king himself. Since David, no ruler 
 appeared on the throne of Judah who has been so 
 uniyersally commended by his own and succeeding 
 generations. His reformation, like every other insti- 
 tuted by state authority, affected first the externals 
 of religion; but the thirteen prosperous years which 
 followed were improved to impress its fundamental 
 principles upon the popular heart. In Jeremiah 
 xi. 1-8, we majr listen to the exhortations of the 
 prophet as he went about the cities of Judah and the 
 streets of Jerusalem preaching in the language of 
 Deuteronomy, " Hear ye the words of this covenant, 
 and do them." Prophet, priest, and wise man united 
 with voice and pen in heralding the glorious truths 
 which then for the first time received general accept- 
 ance. The prophetical party carried aU before it, and 
 heathenism was for the time driven into concealment. 
 The Messianic era foretold by earlier prophets seemed 
 about to become a reality. The principles of justice 
 and mercy dominated rulers and people (Jer. xxii. 15, 
 16). Peace and prosperity bespoke Jehovah's favor. 
 
 188. The reformation of Josiah furnishes the best 
 starting-point from which to study the literature of 
 the Old Testament. It kindled a prodigious literary 
 activity, and has left its impress upon nearly every 
 volume of that unique library. The language, ideas, 
 and spirit which find expression in Deuteronomy and 
 Jeremiah characterize all the vn-itings of the age, 
 making it possible readily to distinguish them. It 
 now becomes easy to understand the work of the first 
 editors of the prophetico-liistorical books. Judges, 
 Samuel, and Kings, who gathered together the ancient 
 
182 A HISTOSY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 narratives of their race, calling attention to the rich 
 spiritual truths which they illustrated, and interspers- 
 ing them with observations and judgments which 
 reflect the higher ideals current at this later period. 
 Some of the Psalms bear witness to the deeply devo* 
 tional spirit which then filled the souls of these earnest 
 workers. The introduction to the Book of Proverbs 
 (i.-ix.), whose hortatory religious tone stands in such 
 contrast with the other sections of the anthology, 
 contains the characteristic birth-marks of this unique 
 epoch. The union of the older collections found in 
 chapters x.-xxix. of Proverbs is probably the work 
 of the same hand. The priceless revelation granted 
 to the Hebrew race had begun to crystallize into 
 written proverbs, psalms, prophecies, and laws, so 
 that when reactions and exile came, it was preserved 
 to be the imperishable and inestimable heritage of 
 humanity. 
 
Ill 
 
 JUDAH AOT) THE NEW WORLD POWERS 
 
 189. Jubah's Indian summer ended most abruptly. 
 The primary cause of this time of peace and prosperity 
 had been the decline of Assyria. Two decades before 
 its final disintegration, Nahum beheld in prophetic 
 vision a fierce enemy marching against this " den of 
 hons " which was filled with the prey of nations, and, 
 in the name of Jehovah, pronounced a woe upon it. 
 He saw that its " people were women, and the gates of 
 its land were set wide open unto its enemies." Dis- 
 organization and social corruption had sapped its 
 strength; "its hurt was grievous." Already the 
 prophet heard the nations clapping their hands over 
 the downfall of their merciless oppressor. The first 
 serious attack came from the Medes, about the middle 
 of the seventh century. Hostilities were temporarily 
 interrupted by the invasion of the Scythians; but 
 when these ceased, the Medes, under Cyaxares, united 
 with the Babylonians, under Nabopolassar, for the final 
 overthrow of the mighty power whose name for more 
 than two centuries had been written in blood on almost 
 every page of Semitic history ; and its former vassals, 
 the Babylonians (or Chaldeans, as they are more com- 
 monly called), succeeded to its rule. 
 
 183 
 
184 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 190. Before Nineveh fell in 607 B. c, Necho, the 
 aspiring Pharaoh of Egypt, set out to secure a portion 
 of the great empire which was falling into decay. The 
 march of his huge army lay across the memorable plain 
 of Esdraelon. Josiah, who had improved the period 
 of quiet to extend the boundaries of Judah so that 
 they enclosed a large part of the territory of ancient 
 Israel, refused Necho a passage across Hebrew soil. 
 Blindly casting himself upon the care of Jehovah, 
 whose cause he had so valiantly championed, the re- 
 former-king with his little army attacked the Egyptian 
 host, doubtless confident that his God would grant 
 him the victory. At the old fortress of Megiddo he 
 fell slain, and the conqueror passed on, assured of 
 Judah's submission. 
 
 191. The death of Josiah is unquestionably the 
 most tragic event in Hebrew history, for his fall proved 
 a death-blow to the immediate realization of the ideals 
 of the party which he represented. The reformation 
 instituted under his direction was still on trial. The 
 heathen party, who had only been forced into silence, 
 hastened to point to the signal calamity which befell 
 him as a judgment upon his iconoclastic zeal. The 
 force of this line of argument with the people had 
 already been frequently demonstrated. Since Necho 
 did not immediately follow up his victory at Megiddo, 
 the prophetical party was able to set aside Josiah's 
 eldest son, whose disregard for their interest was 
 known^ and place his brother, Jehoahaz, on the throne. 
 The new king, however, did not have an opportunity 
 to vindicate the confidence which was placed in him. 
 When the Egyptian conqueror returned from the 
 Euphrates, whither he had extended his rule, he en- 
 
THE EULE OF JEHOIAKIM 185 
 
 ticed Jehoahaz to Riblah, on the river Orontes, where 
 he was holding court. For some reason — perhaps 
 because the Judean king represented the party of 
 Josiah, or because his older brother promised greater 
 tribute — Necho sent Jehoahaz, after a reign of only- 
 three months, in chains to Egypt, and made his brother 
 Eliakim, who bore after his accession the name of Je- 
 hoiakim, king in his stead. 
 
 192. This act placed the reactionary, half-heathenish 
 party in control of the state, and inaugurated the series 
 of political errors and religious crimes which resulted, 
 in less than a quarter of a century, in the complete 
 destruction of Judah. The tribute imposed by Necho 
 was comparatively small, consisting of one hundred 
 talents of silver and one of gold; but it was exacted 
 from the people, while the king devoted the wealth 
 which must have collected in the public treasury dur- 
 ing Josiah's prosperous reign, together with that which 
 he unjustly extorted from his subjects, to building for 
 himself a broad and spacious palace, provided with 
 windows, ceiled with cedar, and painted with ver- 
 milion (Jer. xxii. 13-15). The chief ambition of 
 this selfish, vain son of a noble father was to imitate 
 the luxurious courts on the Nile and Euphrates. 
 Solomon's policy of despotism was re-introduced 
 into little Judah, and with it came its inevitable 
 fruits, oppression and injustice (Jer. xxii. 17). Judah's 
 " shepherds had become brutish and ceased to inquire 
 of the Lord " (Jer. x. 21). The rigorous demands of 
 the true prophets were treated with contempt. The 
 majority of the Judeans followed the example of their 
 king, and " turned back to the iniquities of their fore- 
 fathers and went after other gods to serve them" 
 
186 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 (Jer, xi. 10). Most of tlie heathen practices of Ma- 
 nasseh's reign were resumed. " Their children remem- 
 bered their altars and their Asherim by the green trees 
 upon the high hills " (Jer. xvii. 2). Altars to Baal 
 were set up in all the cities of Judah and in every 
 street of Jerusalem (Jer. xi. 13). In attempting to 
 root out the old cult at one stroke and by force, the 
 reformers had essayed a task which has repeatedly 
 been proved impossible. 
 
 193. While the ignorant were turning back to their 
 old idols and heathen gods, the more enlightened were 
 entertaining a fatal delusion. Shutting their eyes to 
 the dangers which threatened their nation from with- 
 out, they blindly trusted to the service of the Temple 
 to save them (Jer. vii. 4). Isaiah's teaching re- 
 specting the inviolability of Zion had grown into a 
 dogma, and the conditions upon which that teaching 
 had been based were ignored. Formalism, instead of 
 morality, was regarded as the essential element in 
 religion. In vain Jeremiah endeavored-to recall them 
 to their senses : " Will you steal, murder, commit 
 adultery, swear falsely, burn incense unto Baal, and 
 walk after other gods whom you have not known, and 
 then come and stand before me in this house which is 
 called by my name, and say, We are delivered ; that 
 you may do all these abominations ? This Temple has 
 become a den of robbers. It shall be utterly destroyed, 
 as was the ancient sanctuary at Shiloh (I. sect. 60). 
 You shall be cast out as were your brethren of the 
 north. On just one condition can this nation be saved, 
 and that is that it amend its way " (vii. 3-15). 
 
 194. During this period Jeremiah stood almost 
 alone. He complains that the people put their trust 
 
TEESECUTION OP THE TRUE PROPHETS 187 
 
 in lying words that cannot profit ; priest and prophet 
 deal falsely ; in their pride they declare, "We are wise 
 and the law of the Lord is with us ; constantly they 
 are crying, Peace, peace, when there is no peace (vii. 8 ; 
 viii. 8, 11). His own kinsmen at Anathoth treacher- 
 ously attempted to put him to death because he would 
 •:not stop uttering his ominous predictions (xi. 18-23). 
 So deep-seated was the popular faith in the indestruc- 
 tibility of Jerusalem that his opponents, the priests and 
 prophets, preferred a capital charge against him be- 
 cause he had prophesied against the city (xxvi.). It 
 was a critical moment for the prophet. Calmly he 
 reiterated his former words, and warned his accusers 
 against bringing innocent blood upon their capital. 
 His voice might then have been silenced, had not cer- 
 tain of the elders, chief among whom was Ahikam, 
 the son of Josiah's secretary, Shaphan, saved him by 
 citing the precedent of Micah, the Morashtite, who 
 had declared in the days of Hezekiah, " Zion shall be 
 ploughed as a field, and Jerusalem shall become heaps, 
 and the mountain of the house as the high places of a 
 forest " (Micah iii. 12). Uriah, a prophet of the town 
 of Kiriath-jearim, who prophesied, as did Jeremiah, 
 respecting the fate of the city and land, had no power- 
 ful patrons to espouse his cause. Persecution by the 
 king and princes led him to flee to Egypt, whither 
 Jehoiakim sent messengers, who brought him back 
 and then slew him, casting his body into the common 
 burial field. The murder of this early martyr indi- 
 cates the temper of king and people, which led the 
 few true prophets, like Jeremiah, to realize that the 
 fate of the nation was sealed. 
 
 195. The rule of Egypt over Palestine lasted only 
 
188 A HISTORY 01" THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 four years. After the capture of Nineveh the Chal- 
 deans soon conquered the territory of the fallen foe ; 
 and in 605-604 B. c. Nebuchadrezzar (wrongly written 
 Nebuchadnezzar in the Books of Kings and Chronicles), 
 the son of Nabopolassar, met Necho in a memorable 
 battle near the town of Carchemish, on the Euphrates. 
 Jeremiah xlvi. re-echoes the din of that fierce conflict : 
 Egypt's "mighty ones were beaten down, they fled 
 away and looked not back; their swift and mighty 
 men stumbled and fell." The advance of the con- 
 queror was delayed by the death of his father. Two 
 or three years elapsed before he could establish himself 
 upon the throne, and again turn westward to reap the 
 fruits of the victory which left him master of south- 
 western Asia. 
 
 196. The impending advance of the Chaldeans gave 
 new force to the warnings of the true prophets. Be- 
 fore his armies reached Judah Jeremiah proclaimed 
 with the most absolute assurance that Nebuchadrezzar 
 would lay Judah desolate, and that the nations about 
 would also be compelled to drink of this winecup of 
 fury from the hand of Jehovah (xxv.). Habakkuk 
 voices the cry of doubt and anguish which escaped at 
 this time from the lips of the few faithful followers of 
 Jehovah: "Within Judah the law is relaxed, justice 
 perverted, violence rules, while the fierce and pitiless 
 Chaldeans are sweeping down upon us for our destruc- 
 tion. Thou that art of purer eyes than to behold evil, and 
 that canst not look on perverseness, wherefore lookest 
 thou on them that deal treacherously, and boldest thy 
 peace when the wicked swallows up the man that is 
 more righteous than he?" With Jeremiah, he realized 
 that the overweening pride of their foes would ulti- 
 
JUDAH'S SUBMISSION TO PABYLON 189 
 
 mately prove their destruction (Jer. xxv. 12 ; Hab. ii. 
 8) ; but for the present there was nothing for the just 
 man to do but wait and trust that his integrity would 
 yet be vindicated (ii. 4). These words of warning 
 may have been that which influenced the Judeans to 
 submit without resistance when Nebuchadrezzar ad- 
 vanced, about 600 B. c, to the conquest of the west- 
 land. After three years, however, they entered upon 
 that mad career of revolt which darkens the last 
 chapters of Judah's history. 
 
IV 
 
 JBEEMIAH AWD THE FALL OP JEEUSAI^BM 
 
 197. Viewed in the perspective of history, the most 
 important character in this closing period of Hebrew 
 history is Judah's last and greatest prophet. Through- 
 out the reign of Jehoiakim, however, Jeremiah's words 
 were treated only with contempt. At times discour- 
 aged, but never daunted, he constantly sought new 
 means whereby to make an impression upon his un- 
 willing hearers. When the approach of the Chaldeans, 
 after the battle of Carchemish, had led to the procla- 
 mation of a national fast at Jerusalem, he seized the 
 opportunity to collect his former prophecies, and then 
 himself despatched his faithful scribe, Baruch, to the 
 Temple to read them in the presence of the people 
 (xxxvi.). A grandson of Josiah's secretary, Shaphan, 
 hastened to inform the princes assembled in the palace ; 
 and Baruch was forthwith summoned to read his roll 
 before them. As they listened they were so far im- 
 pressed by its contents that they determined to bring 
 it to the attention of the king. Knowing his dislike 
 for the uncompromising prophecies of Jeremiah, they 
 kindly urged Baruch to flee with his master into con- 
 cealment. Then they informed Jehoiakim of the affair, 
 and at his command the roll was brought. Before 
 
 190 
 
ACTIVITY OF JEEEMIAH 191 
 
 many pages had been read, he contemptuously cut it 
 into pieces, and cast it into a fire that was burning on 
 a brazier such as those with which the Hebrews heated 
 their homes during the cold winter months. The re- 
 monstrances of certain of his ministers, who were 
 friendly to Jeremiah, were in vain. Three of the 
 nobles were at once sent out to take the prophet and 
 his faithful scribe ; "but the Lord hid them." 
 
 198. Two or three years later, when the spirit of 
 revolt was sweeping Judah into fatal opposition to 
 Babylon, Jeremiah redoubled his efforts to bring the 
 infatuated people to their senses. The political policy 
 which he advocated was the same as that urged by 
 Isaiah under strikingly similar circumstances. To 
 the party who were relying upon Egypt to save them 
 from Babylon, he said, " Cursed is he that trusteth in 
 man, and maketh flesh his arm. God alone is the true 
 source of confidence; for as the clay in the potter's 
 hand, so are you, O house of Israel, in the hand of 
 Jehovah; therefore, amend your ways if you desire 
 deliverance " (xvii. 5, 7 ; xviii. 6, 11). There was, how- 
 ever, no hope, for the people were bent upon following 
 their own devices (xviii. 12). 
 
 199. In 597 b. c. Jehoiakim openly revolted. The 
 other states of Palestine, instead of joining with him, 
 overran the territory of Judah at the instigation of 
 their Babylonian master. Among those who then 
 sought refuge in Jerusalem were men of the tribe of 
 the Recabites, descendants of the wandering Kenites, 
 who had tenaciously clung to their nomadic life and 
 customs. Knowing the steadfastness with which they 
 adhered to the strict injunctions of their great re- 
 former, Jonadab (II. Kings x. 15-24), Jeremiah invited 
 
192 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 them into the Temple and placed wine before them. 
 As he had anticipated, they bluntly refused to partake. 
 Thereupon he turned to the Judeans and drew a for- 
 cible contrast between their disregard for the com- 
 mands of Jehovah, as proclaimed by his prophets, and 
 the fidelity of the Recabites in following the precepts 
 of their ancestor. At another time Jeremiah led cer- 
 tain of the elders of Jerusalem out into the valley of 
 Hinnom, which had often been defiled by human sac- 
 rifices, and solemnly broke before them a potter's vessel, 
 which he had brought with him (xix.). Then he de- 
 clared in the name of Jehovah : " Even so will I break 
 this people and city." When he repeated his prophecy 
 in the court of the Temple, he was violently attacked 
 and put in the public stocks by Pashur, the chief ofiicer 
 of the house of the Lord (xx.). When the crowds, as 
 they passed by, derided him, his humanity asserted it- 
 self ; bitterly he cursed the day of his birth, and prayed 
 that he might see Jehovah's vengeance upon his per- 
 secutors (xx. 12) ; but, painful as was his lot, he still 
 went on prophesying, for, as he pathetically exclaims : 
 " If I say I will not speak any more in his name, then 
 there is in mine heart as it were a burning fire shut up 
 in my bones, and I am weary with forbearing, so that 
 I cannot stay (xx. 9). 
 
 200. Death removed Jehoiakim before he saw the 
 final results of his folly in revolting against Babylon. 
 He was succeeded by his eighteen-year-old son, Coniah, 
 or Jeconiah (Jer. xxii. 24 ; xxiv. 1), who assumed at 
 his accession the name Jehoiakin. The queen mother, 
 Nehushta, appears to have been the virtual ruler (Jer. 
 xxii. 26). It was, however, a barren reign, lasting only 
 three months. The circle of Judah's enemies was 
 
FIRST CAPTURE OF JERUSALEM 193 
 
 ever drawing closer and closer. The cities outside 
 Jerusalem were abandoned to their fate (Jer. xiii. 19). 
 In vain the Judeans looked toward Egypt for help, for 
 Nebuchadrezzar had barred his rival out of Palestine 
 (II. Kings xxiv. 7). At last a division of the army 
 of the great conqueror was detailed to lay siege to the 
 capital, and the pride of the king and queen-mother 
 was humbled (Jer. xiii. 18). Seeing that resistance 
 was hopeless, they with their court siurendered uncon- 
 ditionally on the arrival of the Babylonian monarch. 
 In their treatment of rebellious states the Chaldeans 
 followed the policy of the Assyrians. Jehoiakin was 
 carried away to Babylon. During the latter part of 
 his exile he was kindly treated by his captors (Jer. lii. 
 31-34), and was regarded with marked respect by his 
 subjects, who shared his captivity (Ezek. i. 2 ; Lam. iv. 
 20). With him went the best elements in Judah. In 
 addition to the nobles and court, Nebuchadrezzar car- 
 ried o£E seven thousand trained warriors and one thou- 
 sand artisans. In many cases, although not always 
 (Ezek. xxiv. 21), their families went with them to 
 swell the numbers in the Jewish colony, which was 
 established on the river Chebar in the land of the 
 Chaldeans (Ezek. i. 3). To pay the heavy tribute 
 exacted by the conqueror, palace and Temple were 
 looted. Bitterly did those who were left behind feel 
 the loss of the vessels of the Lord's house, which went 
 to furnish Babylonian temples (Jer. xxvii. 16; Dan. 
 i. 2 ; V. 2). Only the pillars, the brazen sea, the vases, 
 and the less valuable vessels were left behind (Jer. 
 xxvii. 18). 
 
 201. Those who were carried into exile at the first 
 captivity, in 597 B. c, had proved themselves base 
 
 13 
 
194 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 enough ; but even Jeremiah called them good in com-, 
 parison with the ignorant, ineificient men who were 
 allowed to remain. Over these Nebuchadrezzar placed, 
 as his vassal, Mattaniah, a younger son of Josiah, who 
 is known in history by his official name, Zedekiah. 
 The situation called for a ruler 'who could organize 
 and then hold these turbulent elements to a wise and 
 consistent policy. Under the Assjrrian rule, Judah 
 had bent before the storm and thus survived; the 
 Chaldeans were no harsher taskmasters. Unfortu- 
 nately, however, the new king was lacking in both 
 energy and courage. Although his intentions were 
 good, he proved only a tool in the hands of his head- 
 strong nobles. 
 
 202. The overwhelming disaster, which had come 
 upon Judah, instead of leading the people to listen to 
 the voice of the true prophets, only prompted them to 
 cry more vehemently: "The Lord seeth us not; the 
 Lord hath forsaken the land" (Ezek. viii. 12; ix. 9). 
 Having lost faith in Jehovah, they turned to the old 
 superstitions. The ancient totemistic forms of wor- 
 ship were secretly revived in connection with the 
 Temple ; an Asherah was again set up within the sacred 
 precincts : the women adopted the Syrian custom of 
 weeping for Tammuz; and the men worshipped the 
 sun, turning their backs upon Jehovah's sanctuary 
 (Ezek. viii.). The siren voices of the false prophets, 
 who deliberately or mistakenly uttered lying messages 
 in the name of Jehovah, continued to lure the nation 
 on to its ruin. 
 
 203. Soon after the accession of Zedekiah, mes- 
 sengers came from the vassal kings of Moab, Ammon, 
 and Tyre, urging him to join in a league againslj. 
 
JEREMIAH AND THE FALSE PROPHETS 195 
 
 Babylon. Chapters xxvii. and xxviii. of Jeremiah's 
 prophecy reflect the bitter conflict which was then 
 waged between him and those " who prophesied lies." 
 The methods and form of expression used by each 
 were identical, so that it is not strange that the people 
 found it difficult to decide which to believe. Jere- 
 miah's advice was : " Serve the king of Babylon, and 
 hve." His opponents, cMef among whom was the 
 prophet Hananiah, declared that Jehovah had broken 
 the yoke of Babylon, and that within two years Je- 
 hoiakin, with the captives and spoil taken by Nebu- 
 chadrezzar, would be brought back to Jerusalem. To 
 impress his words, Hananiah took the yoke which Jere- 
 miah was wearing about his neck, as a symbol of the 
 continued rule of Babylon, and broke it in pieces be- 
 fore the people, saying, " Even so will Jehovah break 
 the yoke of Nebuchadrezzar within two full years from 
 off the neck of aU the nations." For the moment Jere- 
 miah was silenced ; but he soon returned with the mes- 
 sage that the broken yoke of wood was to be exchanged 
 for a yoke of iron, and that within a year Hananiah 
 would atone for his lying words with his life. The 
 death of this degenerate prophet undoubtedly did more 
 than anything else to establish in the minds of the 
 people the truth of Jeremiah's predictions and save 
 their state temporarily from fatal entanglements. 
 
 204. The fanatical belief, however, that Jehovah 
 would interpose in a miraculous way to rescue his 
 people from the hands of their enemies was also shared 
 by many of the exiles. False prophets and prophet- 
 esses in their midst encouraged them in the delusion, 
 so that Ezekiel, like Jeremiah, with whom he was in 
 perfect agreement, recognized that his influence waa 
 
196 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 constantly being neutralized. Popular faith in the 
 prophetic word was practically destroyed, and with it 
 that veneration which had heretofore guarded the per- 
 son of the ambassador of the Highest. Communica- 
 tion between the exiles and their brethren in Judah 
 was frequent ; and despite the efforts of Jeremiah and 
 Ezekiel, the two kindled each other's fanatical hopes 
 until, in 588 B. c, those in Judah plunged into another 
 revolt against Babylon. Ammon and Tyre joined with 
 them, and ambassadors were despatched to Egypt to 
 secure "horses and much people" (Ezek. xvii. 15). 
 Nebuchadrezzar gave the rebellion his immediate at- 
 tention, and by January of 587 B. c. was encamped 
 with his army about the walls of Jerusalem. In their 
 terror and dismay its inhabitants were induced to ob- 
 serve the neglected law, incorporated in Deuteronomy 
 XV. 12, 13, and free their Hebrew slaves and maid- 
 servants (Jer. xxxiv.). The act was of the nature of 
 a solemn covenant with Jehovah, intended to induce 
 him to deliver them from their imminent danger. It 
 may also have had in view the practical aim of increas- 
 ing the number of loyal defenders to guard the city 
 walls. 
 
 205. At this juncture lamentation was temporarily 
 changed to rejoicing by the unexpected departure of 
 the besieging army. The cause was the advance of 
 an Egyptian force under Hoplira (Jer. xxxvii. 5). The 
 short respite was regarded by the fanatical people as 
 an omen that they were again to be delivered, as in 
 the days of Hezekiah. Notwithstanding the remon- 
 strances of Jeremiah against their perfidy, the slaves 
 who had been set free were forthwith brought under 
 the old bondage (Jer. xxxiv.). The prophet himself, as 
 
JEREMIAH'S NAEKOW ESCAPE 197 
 
 he set out for his estate at Anathoth, was arrested, 
 brought before the princes, and charged with attempt- 
 ing to desert to the Chaldeans. His hostile judges, 
 after venting their spite upon him, cast him into a vile 
 prison, where he remained many days, until Zedekiah, 
 alarmed perhaps by the report of the movements of 
 the Chaldean army, secretly summoned him into his 
 presence. In reply to his eager question, Jeremiah 
 declared to the king that he would surely be delivered 
 into the hands of his foe. To those who did not un- 
 derstand the true patriotism which inspired his advice 
 to submit, Jeremiah seemed indeed a traitor to the 
 common cause. The friendship of a king who openly 
 admitted his inability to oppose their will was of no 
 avail to deliver him from the vindictive assault of 
 the princes (Jer. xxxviii.). Not wishing to slay him 
 openly, they let the prophet down into a cistern and 
 left him there to die a miserable death. It was fortu- 
 nate that there was no water in the cistern, and that 
 Jeremiah had a friend among the heterogeneous crowd 
 which gathered about the king. His deliverer was an 
 Ethiopian by the name of Ebed-meleck (" slave of the 
 king"). Informing his royal master of the danger 
 which threatened the prophet, he was commissioned 
 to go with a band of men to his rescue. During the 
 remainder of the siege, which had meantime been re- 
 newed, Jeremiah was under the protection of the royal 
 guard. Again he assured the king, in a private inter- 
 view, that the only salvation for himself and his capi- 
 tal lay in surrender to the Chaldeans. The irresolute 
 Zedekiah was, however, too weak to oppose his proud 
 princes, who were bent upon continuing the resistance, 
 even though their hopes that Egypt would deliver them 
 had proved utterly futile. 
 
198 A HISTORY OP THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 206. Certain passages in Lamentations (ii. 19-22; 
 iv. 10) suggest the horrors of the siege, which lasted 
 a year and a half. Famine drove the Hebrew mothers 
 to such a pitch of madness that they did not hesitate 
 to consume their own children ; wMle it so far weak- 
 ened the strength of the defenders that in July of 
 686 B. c. the besiegers were able to force an entrance 
 into the city thi'ough the northern wall. Under the 
 cover of night Zedekiah, with his few warriors, fled 
 through the southern gate, down across the barren 
 wilderness of Judea toward the Jordan. The fugi- 
 tives were overtaken, however, by the Chaldeans on 
 the plain of Jericho ; Zedekiah was carried before 
 Nebuchadrezzar at Riblah in Hamath, where he was 
 forced to witness the slaughter of his sons ; and then 
 was condemned to lose his eyes and spend the re- 
 mainder of his days in captivity at Babylon. His 
 nobles, including the leading priests of the Temple, 
 the king's cabinet, the chief military commanders, and 
 sixty of the more prominent elders, were likewise 
 brought before the great king at Riblah and slain. 
 Those who escaped the slaughter at the capture of the 
 city, together with the deserters to the Chaldeans, were 
 carried into exile. Nabuzaradan, an officer of Nebu- 
 chadrezzar, was deputed to attend to the destruction 
 of Jerusalem. First it was despoiled of its treasures, 
 the vessels of the Temple, which remained from the 
 first captivity, being among the booty; then all the 
 houses, including the palace and the house of the Lord, 
 were burnt, and the walls of the city torn down. At 
 last Micah's grim prophecy was literally fulfilled: 
 "Jerusalem became heaps, and the mountain of the 
 house as the high places of a forest." 
 
THE LAST CHAPTER OF JUDAH'S HISTOKT 
 
 207. Bbfoee the national life of Judah was extin- 
 guished entirely, it flashed up in one brilliant, expir- 
 ing gleam. Not wishing to leave the land utterly 
 desolate, Nebuchadrezzar allowed certain of the poorer 
 Judeans, chiefly vinedressers and shepherds, to remain 
 behind. With them were left a few nobles whose 
 loyalty could.be trusted. Over the little state was 
 placed, as governor, Gedaliah, the son of Jeremiah's 
 patron, Ahikam, and the grandson of Josiah's secre- 
 tary, Shaphan. Jerusalem being destroyed, Mizpah, 
 located on a height a few miles to the north, was 
 selected as the seat of government. Among Geda- 
 liah's stanchest supporters was the prophet Jeremiah. 
 At first he had been carried in chains with other Jew- 
 ish captives to Ramah (Jer. xl. 1). There a careful 
 investigation was made, by the Chaldean officers, of 
 the record of the prisoners, and judgment meted out 
 according to their deeds. Jeremiah's determined op- 
 position to rebellion was rewarded by giving him the 
 choice of either going with the exiles or remaining 
 with his kinsmen in Judah. Duty, and probably iacli- 
 nation as well, led him to join Gedaliah ; for in this 
 noble ruler he recognized one who was in perfect sym- 
 
 199 
 
200 A HISTORY OF THE HEBEEW PEOPLE 
 
 patliy with his teachings, and who might yet realize 
 what had been impossible while the headstrong princes 
 who had met their fate at Eiblah still guided the 
 state. 
 
 208. For two bright months (Jer. xli. 1) all went 
 well. Judean fugitives, who had sought refuge among 
 the surrounding peoples, flocked to the standard of 
 the wise Gedaliah. In peace the people turned to 
 agricultural pursuits. Old hopes were being revived, 
 when suddenly all was ruined by an act of superla- 
 tive treachery. The petty kings of the surrounding 
 nations looked with bitter jealousy upon any prosperity 
 enjoyed by their old rival. Prompted by this feeling, 
 the king of Ammon instigated a certain Jewish prince 
 by the name of Ishmael to kill Gedaliah. Refusing to 
 think any evil of Ishmael, although he had previously 
 been warned of a plot, the generous governor freely 
 extended to him his hospitality, in return for which 
 he received the death-tlirust. The few Judeans and 
 the Chaldean soldiers in attendance upon Gedaliah 
 were also slain by the assassin and his followers. 
 Even a band of harmless pilgrims who stopped at 
 Mizpah on their way to the site of the ruined Temple 
 at Jerusalem, did not escape the fiendish perfidy of 
 this base son of the East. With the princesses and 
 the few men of Mizpah who had been spared, Ishmael 
 set out to return to his master, the king of Ammon. 
 On the way, however, he was overtaken by certain 
 followers of the murdered governor, who forced him 
 to abandon his captives and flee for his life. 
 
 209. Rejecting Jeremiah's counsel to remain, the 
 little band who survived Ishmael's slaughter fled to 
 Egypt to avoid the vengeance which they feared the 
 
THE COMPLETE EXTINCTION OE JUDAH 201 
 
 Chaldeans would visit upon them because of the 
 murder of their governor. Perhaps their apprehen- 
 sions were not without foundation, for, according to 
 Jeremiah lii. 30, there was later still another deporta- 
 tion, whereby seven hundred and forty-five more Ju- 
 deans were carried to Babylon. In the land of Judah 
 there remained at last only a few humble peasants; 
 all semblance of local government disappeared. Jere- 
 miah was taken by the fugitives into the land of Egypt, 
 where he continued his painful ministry until, accord- 
 ing to tradition, he met a martyr's death at the hands 
 of his countrymen. From his latest prophecies it 
 appears that the Egyptian exiles soon relapsed into 
 practical heathenism, retaining only the forms of the 
 worship of Jehovah. That which remained of the real 
 life of the Hebrew people was found among the group 
 of Jewish captives in the land of Babylon, and upon 
 them rested the future of their race and religion. At 
 this point also the history of the Hebrew nation closes, 
 and Jewish history begins. 
 
 210. Judah, like the northern kingdom, came to an 
 end from the same causes, and in accordance with the 
 same unchangeable laws which have repeatedly oper- 
 ated in the downfall of other kingdoms. As the prophets 
 so clearly pointed out, religious, social and moral 
 corruption led to the weakening and disintegration of 
 the state. Selfish, inefficient rulers and blind spiritual 
 leaders hastened this process, so that, when the temper 
 of the nation was severely tested by the weight of the 
 heavy yoke of the foreign conqueror, it was unequal 
 to the strain, and in the end Judah's vacillating policy 
 brought down upon it the destructive wrath of Baby- 
 lon. The individual events in Hebrew history were 
 
202 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 analogous to those which entered into the life of other 
 peoples. As has been repeatedly noted, the popular 
 beliefs and the forms in which Jehovah was worshipped 
 were also very similar to those which prevailed among 
 the surrounding Semitic nations. Hebrew history is 
 unique because of the presence and work of its in- 
 spired teachers. They moulded its life, interpreted 
 the true significance of its events, and proclaimed the 
 nature, will, and purposes of the Eternal Father, who 
 found in them his willing messengers, and who in 
 turn revealed himself to them as to hone of their 
 contemporaries. 
 
 211. Hence, while the state was going down to its 
 ruin, the prophetic vision and ideals were always 
 broadening. National experiences, which shook the 
 faith of the masses, constantly opened to the true 
 prophets new and deeper conceptions of Jehovah and 
 of his world plan. While public morals deteriorated, 
 these men, who were in living touch with the Holy 
 One, continued to demand conformity to higher and 
 higher standards of mercy and righteousness. As they 
 were led to perceive the glaring imperfections in the 
 Hebrew commonwealth, they portrayed with ever-in- 
 creasing definiteness the outlines of the perfect state 
 of the future in which the will of Jehovah should be 
 the supreme law. Gradually they began to realize 
 that their nation as a whole would never attain to the 
 divine ideal. Jeremiah voiced this conclusion, and at 
 the same time opened a new chapter in God's revela- 
 tion, when he declared, as he sat upon the ruins of 
 Jerusalem, that instead of the old covenant between 
 God and the nation, which had been broken by the 
 people's sins, Jehovah would establish a new and ever- 
 
JEREMIAH'S ETERNAL MESSAGE 203 
 
 lasting' covenant, inscribed, not in law books, but in 
 the human heart. Then the people would come no 
 more to the priest or prophet to learn the character 
 and wiU of God, but all would know him, from the 
 least of them even to the greatest (xxxi. 31-34). Old 
 forms would no longer be necessary; even the Ark 
 would be forgotten (iii. 16) ; for Jehovah himself 
 would cleanse the iniquities of his people and freely 
 pardon. Each man is personally responsible for his 
 own action, and therefore according to his own deeds 
 alone shall he be judged before God (xxxi. 29, 30). 
 
 212. Although Jeremiah, with the prophets who had 
 gone before, still looked forward for the realization of 
 these exalted ideals to the time when exile should have 
 done its work of purification and the Jewish race should 
 be restored to its land, he proclaimed in germ the great 
 truth of Christianity, that religion after all is a relar 
 tion between the loving Father and his individual 
 children. In many ways the message of the weeping 
 prophet is more closely related to the New Testament 
 teaching than that of any other Old Testament writer ; 
 but before the supreme truths intrusted to the Hebrew 
 prophets could be imparted to all humanity, they must 
 find personal expression. During the period of the 
 exile this was partially realized in the faithful Israel, 
 ■who, amidst persecution and doubt, preserved the 
 sacred revelation, and came back to Palestine forever 
 purged of the old idolatry and entirely converted to 
 the teaching of the true prophets. Later Judaism 
 failed, however, to realize fully the prophetic ideals ; 
 only in the perfect Son of Man, the Son of the Eternal 
 Father, did the old half-truths find their complete and 
 personal fulfilment. The same God who gradually re- 
 
204 A HISTOEY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 vealed himself to his people amidst the varied experi- 
 ences of their history perfected that revelation in the 
 life and work of the Christ, who inaugurated a world- 
 wide, spiritual kingdom, limited to no race or land or 
 forms, and transcending the highest expectations of 
 inspired prophet and psalmist. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 THE AUTHORITIES UPON HEBREW 
 HISTORY 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 THE AUTHOEITIES UPON HEBEEW HISTORY 
 
 The Prophetic period of Hebrew history has evoked 
 from the writers of the past and present a greater volume 
 of literature than any other ancient epoch, except that 
 which immediately followed the beginning of the Christian 
 era. So many and so important have been the new dis- 
 coveries, however, and so rapid the advances in biblical 
 study, that of the thousands of books which relate to this 
 period, only a very few dating from the preceding decade 
 are still of value even to the technical student. Although 
 the present bibliography is limited to the more recent 
 works, it has been found exceedingly difficult to keep the 
 list of books of reference within practical bounds. 
 
 In addition to the books described in the preceding 
 volume of the History (pages 209-212), of especial service 
 to the historical student is Schrader's The Cuneiform In- 
 scriptions and the Old Testament, in which the author 
 has collected and interpreted the Assyrian inscriptions 
 which throw light upon the Old Testament books. The 
 latest results of Assyriological study are ably presented 
 in Winckler's Keilinschriftliches Textbuch sum Alien Testa- 
 ment, which covers the same field. In the new series of 
 the Records of the Past, edited by Professor Sayce, is 
 found a translation of many of the more important in- 
 scriptions which relate directly or indirectly to the history 
 of the Hebrews. Still more comprehensive, and on the 
 whole more accurate, is the corresponding German work, 
 
 207 
 
208 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 Die Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, prepared under the 
 general editorship of Professor Schrader. It also pre- 
 sents the transliterated text, thus making it possible for 
 those familiar with the Assyrian to verify the suggested 
 translations. 
 
 Semitic history has recently been enriched by the 
 second volume of Professor McCurdy's History, Prophecy, 
 and the Monuments, which treats of the period of Assyria's 
 greatest power, and consequently of Judah's greatest peril. 
 Por a comprehensive survey of Assyrian history Tide's 
 Bahylonische-Assyrische Geschichte remains the standard 
 authority. It should, however, be read in connection 
 with Professor Winckler's more recent work, Geschichte 
 Babylonians und Assyriens. 
 
 Among a host of recent books dealing with the life and 
 teachings of the Hebrew prophets, W. R. Smith's Prophets 
 of Israel, which appears in a new edition with an in- 
 troduction and a few corrections by Professor Cheyne, 
 continues to be one of the most helpful and inspiring in- 
 troductions to the Assyrian period of Hebrew history. 
 Kirkpatriek's The Doctrine of the Prophets is of great 
 value to the general and technical student alike, since it 
 presents in concise form the chai-acteristic teachings of 
 each prophet, with the date of his activity and the cir- 
 cumstances amidst which he labored. Of the same char- 
 acter is Professor Cornill's little volume on the Prophets 
 of Israel, which has recently been translated into English. 
 It is an able popular presentation of the positions of the 
 advanced German school, of which he is a distinguished 
 representative, and will be found exceedingly stimulating. 
 
 The list of commentaries upon the different prophetical 
 books has been restricted to a few of the best English 
 works, which present the latest results of biblical scholar- 
 ship in a form attractive and easily intelligible to all 
 readers. Isaiah is illuminated by the writings of Pro- 
 
AUTHORITIES UPON HEBREW HISTORY 209 
 
 fessors Smith and Driver. Both treat his prophecies in 
 their chronological order, and interpret them in their his- 
 torical setting. Critical questions respecting the date 
 and authorship of the different sections of the Book of 
 Isaiah are considered in detail and from an advanced 
 point of view by Professor Cheyne in his Introduction to 
 the Booh of Isaiah. For the interpretation of individual 
 passages, the commentaries of Cheyne, Duhm, and Dill- 
 mann are the best authorities. 
 
 Cheyne's Jeremiah, His Life and Times corresponds to 
 the work of Professor Driver upon Isaiah. Although its 
 value to the historical student is somewhat impaired by 
 the presence of a large amount of homiletical material, 
 it is the most useful book on Jeremiah for general refer- 
 ence. The leading commentaries upon Jeremiah's prophe- 
 cies are those of Cornill, Giesbrecht, and Orelli. 
 
 Professor G. A. Smith's The Book of the Twelve Prophets 
 is unquestionably the most helpful as well as the latest 
 contribution to the elucidation of the shorter prophetic 
 books. It is characterized by the same excellences as his 
 work on Isaiah. Still more popular is the little volume 
 in the Men of the Bible Series by Canon Farrar on The 
 Minor Prophets. For the interpretation of individual 
 passages, Orelli's The Book of the Twelve Minor Prophets 
 is valuable. Students of the German will consult with 
 great profit Wellhausen's Die Kleinen Propheten in Skiz- 
 zen und Vorarbeiten. 
 
 Within its special field, the Messianic Prophecy of 
 Riehm is the most lucid and suggestive introduction. 
 For the classification and epitomization of the different 
 passages the Messianic Prophecy by Professor Briggs is 
 exceedingly useful, and largely supplants the older and 
 more conservative Old Testament Prophecy by Orelli. 
 
 14 
 
BOOKS OF REFERENCE 
 
 Abbreviations 
 
 Dr. L. O. T.« 
 
 R. P 
 
 Sch. C. I. O. T. 
 
 Corn. E. A. T. 
 K. B 
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 Driver — Introduction to the Literature of 
 
 the Old Testament (6th edition). 
 Records of the Past, New Series, I-VI. 1892. 
 Schrader — The Cuneiform Inscriptions and 
 
 the Old Testament, I., II. (Eng. transl. 
 
 1885). 
 Cornjll — Einleitung in das Alte Testament 
 
 (2te Aufl.) 1892. 
 Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, I.-III. 1889- 
 
 1892). 
 
 Kitt. H. H. . 
 Mo. H. P. M. 
 Re. H. P. I. . 
 Ew. H. I. . . 
 
 St. G. V. I. 
 Winck. G. I. 
 
 Tiele, B. A. G. 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 Kittel — History of the Hebrews, I. , II. (Eng. 
 transl. 1895, 1896). 
 
 McCurdy — History, Prophecy, and the Mon- 
 uments, I., II. 
 
 Renan — History of the People of Israel, II., 
 III. 1891. 
 
 Ewald — History of Israel, IV. (Eng. transL 
 1883-188.5). 
 
 Stade — Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 1. 1887. 
 
 Winckler — Geschichte Israels in Einzeldar- 
 stellnngen, I. 1895. 
 
 Tiele — Babylonische-Agsyrische Geschichte, 
 I., II. 1886, 1888. 
 
BOOKS OF REFERENCE 211 
 
 PROPHECY 
 
 AbbreviatioiLB 
 
 Sm. P. I W. R. Smith— The Prophets of Israel (new 
 
 edition), 1897. 
 Kirk. D. P Kirkpatrick — The Doctrine of the Prophets, 
 
 1892. 
 
 Corn. P. I Cornill — The Prophets of Israel, 1895. 
 
 Sm. B. I Gr. A. Smith — The Book of Isaiah, I. 1890. 
 
 Dr. I Driver — Isaiah, His Life and Times, 1888. 
 
 Cheyne, J. .... Cheyne — Jeremiah, His Life and Times, 
 
 1890. 
 Gieseb. B. J. . . . Giesebrecht — Das Buch Jeremiah, 1894. 
 Sm. B. T. P. ... G. A. Smith — The Book of the Twelve 
 
 Prophets, I., II. 1896, 1898. 
 Far. M. P. .... Farrar — The Minor Prophets, 1895. 
 
 RELIGION 
 
 Schultz, O. T. T. . Schultz — Old Testament Theology, I., 11. 
 
 (Eng. transl. 1892). 
 Kuen. R. I. ... Kuenen — The Religion of Israel. 
 Mont. R. A. H. . Montefiore — The Religion of the Ancient 
 
 Hebrews, 1892. 
 Dill. H. A. T. . . Dillmann — Handbuch der Alttestament- 
 
 lichen Theologie, 1895. 
 Smend, A. T. . . . Smend — Alttestamentliche Theologie, 1893. 
 
 ANTIQUITIES AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 Sm. H. G. H. L. . G. A. Smith— The Historical Geography 
 
 of the Holy Land, 1894. 
 Benz. H. A. Benzinger — Hebraische Archaologie, 1894. 
 
 ENCYCLOPAEDIAS 
 
 En. B Encyclopaedia Britannica. 
 
 Hast. D. B Hastings — A Dictionary of the Bible, 1898. 
 
REFERENCES 
 
 Part I. —THE PRE-ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF 
 HEBREW HISTORY 
 
 I. 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES FOR THE PERIOD 
 
 I. Kgs. xii.-II. Kgs. iii. ; II. Chrs. x. 1-xxii. 9 ; Dr. L. O. T. • 
 193-196, 516-535; Sch. C. 1 .0. T., I. 177-195; R. P., II. 194-203, 
 IV. 42-71 ; Sm. P. I. 376-378 ; En. B. XIV. 85, 86; Hast. D. B., 
 
 I. 395, 396; Kitt. H. H., II. 205-216, 224-233; St. G. V. I. 73- 
 79; K. B., I. 170-174. 
 
 II. 
 
 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE TWO KINGDOMS 
 
 Sm. P. I. 144-151, 403-405; Mo. H. P. M., U. 420-423 ; R. P., 
 
 II. 110-127, 207, 208 ; Hast. D. B., I. 400-403 ; Ew. H. I., IV. 
 20-22, 295-299; Sch. C. I. O. T. II., 161-199; Kitt. H. H., H. 234- 
 240 ; St. G. V. I. 88-99; Tiele, B. A. G., I. 92-99. 
 
 Ill 
 
 THE DIVISION OF THE HEBREW KINGDOM 
 
 I. Kgs. xii. 1-24 ; Mc. H. P. M., I. 252-254; En. B. XIII. 406 ; 
 Com. H P., I. 95, 96 ; Re. H. P. I., II. 149-154 ; Mont. R. A. H. 
 83-86 ; Kitt. H. H., H. 241-246 ; St. G. V. I. 344-349; Dill. H. 
 A. T. 162-164. 
 
 IV 
 
 RESOURCES AND ORGANIZATION OF THE TWO KINGDOMS. 
 
 I. Kgs. xil. 25-32; xiii. 33, 34; Sm. H. G. H. L. 257-364; 
 Mo. H. P. M., I. 316-322 ; Ew. H. I., IV. 1-20; Re. H. P. I., II. 
 155-165; Dill. H. A. T. 164-170. 
 
REFERENCES 213 
 
 V 
 
 POLITICAL EVENTS IN ISRAEL AND JUDAH 
 
 I. Kgs. xvi. 1-xvi. 34 ; xx. 1-43 ; xxii. 1-53 ; II. Kgs. iii. 1- 
 27 ; Mc. H. P. M., I. 254-286 ; Corn. H. P. I. 97-108 ; En. B. 
 XIII. 406 ; Ew. H. I., IV. 23-59, 71-78 ; Re. H. P. I., II. 206-219, 
 243-260 ; Sch. C. I. O. T., I. 177-195 ; Sm. H. G. H. L. 345, 346 ; 
 Hast. D. B., I. 51-53; Kitt. H. H., II. 246-261, 270-277 ; Dill. H. 
 
 A. T. 170-172 ; St. G. V. I. 349-357, 519-524, 527-541 ; Tiele, 
 
 B. A. G., I. 185-192 ; Winck. G. I. 133-155, 160-165, 175-177. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN ISRAEL, AND THE WORK OF ELIJAH 
 
 I. Kgs. xvii. 1-xix. 21 ; xxi. 1-29 ; 11. Kgs. i. 1-ii. 25 ; Sm. 
 P. I. 72-85; Corn. P. I. 29-36; Ew. H. I., IV. 63-71, 101-113 ; 
 En. B. VIII. 134-136, XIII. 407 ; Mont. R. A. H. 89-96 ; Sm. B. 
 T. P., I. 20-30 ; Kuen. R. I., 1. 343-357 ; Re. H. P. I., II. 220-242 ; 
 Hast. D. B., I. 687-691 ; Smend, A. T. 152-159; Dill. H. A. T. 
 172, 173 ; St. G. V. I. 524r-527. 
 
 Part II.— THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF ISRAEL'S 
 HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND CHRONOLOGY 
 
 n. Kgs. iv.-xvii. ; Amos; Hosea; Dr. L. O. T. • 300-307, 313- 
 318, 196, 197; R. P., IV. 86-95, V. 115-128; En. B. XIV. 86; 
 Sm. B. T. P. 1. 61-72, 211-226 ; Sm. P. 1. 405-407 ; Sch. C. I. O. T., 
 I. 196-277; Kitt. H. H.,II. 216-223 ; St. G. V. I. 558-561; K. B. 
 I. 174-193, n. 2-80. 
 
 II 
 
 THE REVOLUTION OE JEHU 
 
 II. Kgs. ix. 1-x. 31 ; Sm. P. I. 85-87; En. B. XHI. 407, 408, 
 Vm. 140-142 ; Corn. H. P. 1. 108-114 ; Ew. H. I., IV. 96-101 ; 
 
214 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 Kuen. R. I., H. 261-274; Re. H. P. I., 11.261-274; Schultz, 
 O. T. T. I. 235-246 ; Sch. C. I. O. T., 1. 196-201 ; Kitt. H. H.,II. 
 278-282 ; St. G. V. I. 541-545. 
 
 Ill 
 
 ISRAEL UNDER THE RULE OP THE HOUSE OF JEHU 
 
 II. Kg3. vi. 8-vii. 20 ; x. 32-36 ; xiii. 1-25 ; xiv. 8-29 ; Mc. 
 H. P. M.,I. 286-301, 308-310; Corn. H. P. I. 117-119; Sm. P. I. 
 90-93; Ew. H. I., IV. 114-123; Re. H. P. L, II. 340-349; Sch. 
 C.I. O. T., I. 202-208; Kitt. H. H., II. 289-296; St. G. V. I. 
 562-566 ; Tiele, B. A. G. I. 193-216. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE PROPHETS AMOS AND HOSEA 
 
 Sm. P. I. 120-190 ; Sm. B. T. P. I. 73-354 ; Kirk. D. P. 88- 
 140; Corn. P. I. 37-55; Far. M. P. 35-102; Kuen. R. I., 1. 188- 
 212 ; Re. H. P. I., II. 350-403 ; Mont. R. A. H. 119-139 ; En. B. 
 XIII. 410 ; XIT. 295-298 ; Mc. H. P. M., I. 344-346 ; Ew. H. I., 
 IV. 126-133; Kitt. H. H., II. 312-328; Smend, A. T. 159-203; 
 St. G. V. I. 570-582. 
 
 SOCIETY AND MORALS IN ISRAEL 
 
 Sm. p. I. 87-89, 93-96; Sm. B. T. P., I. 31-43: Kirk. D. P. 
 84-88; Mc. H. P. M., I. 310, 311, 337-343; Mont. R. A. H. 112- 
 118; Kitt. H. H., II. 296-311; Ew. H. I., IV. 124-126; Dill. 
 H. A. T. 174, 175. 
 
 VI 
 
 POPULAR AND PROPHETIC RELIGION 
 
 Sm. P. I. 97-102; Sm. B. T. P., I. 44-58; Par. M. P. 1-15, 
 28-34; Kuen. P. I., I. 35-85; Schultz, O. T. T., I. 220-230; 
 Mont. R. A. H. 97-105; En. B. XIII. 411 ; St. G. V. I. 428-517, 
 550-558, 582-585 ; Winck. G. I. 65-70, 82-86. 
 
EEFEEENCES 215 
 
 VII 
 
 THE DKCLtNB AND FALL OF ISRAEL 
 
 II. Kgs. XV. 8-31 ; xvii. 1-41 ; Mc. H. P. M., I. 323-337, 351- 
 358, 372-397; En. B. XIII. 412; Corn. H. P. I. 122, 123, 125; 
 £w. H. I., IV. 148-166; Re. H. P. I., H. 425-444 ; Sch. C. I. 
 O. T., I. 219-254, 257-268; Kitt. H. H., 11. 332-335, 337-339, 
 348-354; St. G. V. I. 598-601: Tiele, B. A. G., I. 217-240; 
 Winck. G. I. 167-171. 
 
 VIII 
 
 THE r6lE of ISRAEL IN THE WORLD'S HISTORY 
 
 Mo. H. P. M., I. 397-401; Sch. C. I. O. T., I. 268-277; Com. 
 H. P. I. 126-130; Re. H. P. I., II. 445-455; Kitt H. H., 11. 
 353-354; St. G. V. I. 601, 602. 
 
 PaetIIL— THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD OF 
 JUDAH'S HISTORY 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES AND CHRONOLOGY 
 
 II. Kgs. xi.-xxi. ; II. Chrs. xxii. 10-xxxiii. 25 ; Isa. i.-xxxix ; 
 Micah; Dr. L. O. T.^ 196, 197, 204-226, 825-334; R. P., I. 
 168-175, VI. 80-101 ; Sch. C. I. O. T., I. 277-310, II. 1-43 ; 
 Sm. B. T. P., I. 357-374; Kirk. D. P. 225-231; Sm. P. I. 210- 
 217, 404, 405, 414-423; Mc. H. P. M., II. 248-252 ; Kitt. H. H., 
 II. 208-223 ; K. B., II. 25-33, 80-152. 
 
 II 
 
 FROM ATHALIAH TO AHAZ 
 
 II. Kgs. xi. 1-xii. 21 ; xiv. 1-22 ; xv. 1-7 ; II. Chrs. xxii. 10- 
 xxvii. 9; Mo. H. P. M., I. 301-308, 312-315, 347-350; Sm. P. I. 
 191-199; Dr. I. 5-14; Ew. H. I., IV. 134-146; Corn. H. P. I. 
 115-117, 120-122; Sch. C. I. O. T., I. 208-215; Kitt. H. H.,n. 
 282-289; Dill. H. A. T. 175-177; St. G. V. I. 545-549, 566-570; 
 Winck. G. I. 177-179 ; Benz. H. A. 410-414. 
 
216 A HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 m 
 
 THE CKISIS OF 734 B. C. 
 
 II. Kgs. xvi. ; II. Chrs. xxviii.; Isa. v. 1-x. 4; Mc. H. P. M., 
 I. 315, 316, 366-371; Sm. P. I. 217-224, 235-278; Sm. I., I. 
 3-130 ; Dr. I. 1-4, 15-42 ; Kirk. D. P. 141-152, 158-160 ; Corn. 
 H. P. I. 123-125; Ew. H. I., IV. 166-172; Sch. C. I. O. T., I. 
 255-257 ; Kitt. H. H., II. 339-348 ; St. G. V. I. 585-598. 
 
 IV 
 
 SOCIETY AND RELIGION IN JUDAH 
 
 Isa. ii. ; iii. 1-iv. 1 ; v. ; Micah i-iii. ; Mc. H. P. M., I. 359-366; 
 II., 252-257 ; Sm. P. I. 199-205 ; Sm. B. T. P., I. 375-399 ; Kirk. 
 D. P. 152-158, 201-225; Far. M. P. 124-140; En. B. XIII. 412, 
 413; Kuen. R. I., I. 374-390; Ew. H. I.,IV. 146-148; Re. H. P. 
 I, II. 416-424; Dill. H. A. T. 175-178; Sohultz, O. T. T., L 
 230-235, 246,290; Winck. G. I. 87-90. 
 
 THE CHEAT INVASION OP SENNACHERIB 
 
 II. Kgs. xviii.-xx. ; II. Chrs. xxix.-xxxii. ; Isa. xx. ; xxii. 15- 
 25 ; xxviii.-xxxii. ; x. 5-xi. 9 ; xiv. 24-27 ; xvii. 12-14 ; xviii. ; 
 xxii. 1-14 ; xxxvi.-xxxvii. ; Micah iv. ; v. ; Sm. P. L 279-356 ; 
 Dr. I. 43-83; Sm. I., I. 151-204, 306-374; Kirk. D. P. 161-168; 
 Mc. H.P. M., II. 258-321, 428-431; Corn. H. P. I. 130-136; Re. 
 H. P. I., III., 79-93 ; Ew. H. I., IV. 172-190; Sch. C. I. O. T., I. 
 277-310, II., 1-43, 82-103 ; Sm. H. G. H. L. 157-160; Kitt. H. 
 H., II. 355-370 ; St. G. V. I. 603-624 ; Tiele, B. A. G. 244-325. 
 
 VI 
 
 THE WORK AND TEACHINGS OP ISAIAH 
 
 Sm. P. I. 205-210, 224-234, 424; Sm. I. 131-150; Dr. I. 107- 
 116 ; Kirk. D. P. 169-196; Corn. P. I. 56-70; Sohultz, O. T. T., 
 I. 290-297"; Mont. R. A, H. 139-160; Smend, A. T. 203-227; 
 Winck. G. I. 97, 98. 
 
REFEBENCES 217 
 
 VII 
 
 THE REACTIONARY REIGN OF MANASSEH 
 
 II. Kgs. xxi. ; II. Chrs. xxxiii. ; Micah. vi. 1-vii. 6. ; Mc. H. 
 P. M., II. 377-390 ; Sm. P. I. 356-373 ; Corn. P. I. 71-79 ; Sm.-B. 
 T. P. 419-431; Mont. R. A. H. 161-173; Sch. C. I. O. T., 11. 53- 
 59 ; Ew. H. I., IV. 206-225 ; Corn. H. P. 1. 136, 137 ; Re. H. P. I., 
 III. 103-113; Kuen. R.I., II. 1-6; Kitt. H. H., II. 370-379; Dill. 
 H. A. T. 178, 179 ; St. G. V. I. 624-641 ; Tiele, B. A. G. 325-351 ; 
 Winok. G.I. 98-107. 
 
 Part IV. — THE BABYLONIAN PERIOD OF 
 JUDAH'S HISTORY 
 
 I 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOURCES 
 
 II. Kgs. xiii.-xxv. ; II. Chrs. xxxiv.-xxxvi. ; Zephaniah; 
 Nahum ; Habakkuk ; Jeremiah ; Obadiah ; Kzek. i.-xxiv. ; 
 Dr. L. O. T.6 197-200, 247-286, 318-320, 334-343; Sch. C. I. O. 
 T., II. 43-52 ; Kirk. D. P. 235-246, 280-285 ; Gieseb. J. xiv.-xix. 
 
 II 
 
 THE GREAT REFORMATION UNDER JOSIAH 
 
 II. Kgs. xxii. 1-xxiii. 30 ; II. Chrs. xxxiv-xxxv. ; Zephaniah 
 Jar. i.-vi. ; xi. 1-8 ; Mc. H. P. M , II. 391-402: Corn. P. I. 80-99 
 En. B. XIII. 415, XXI. 575-577 ; Cheyne, J. 1-101; Far. M. P. 
 153-158; Kirk. D. P. 253-263, 296-298 ; Mont. R. A. H. 173-195 
 Corn. H. P. I. 137, 138; Kuen. R. I., IT. 7-40; Re. H. P. I., HI. 
 114-184 ; Ew. H. I , IV. 226-240 ; Kitt. H. H., II. 379-385 
 Smend, A. T. 227-233, 263-302; St. G. V. I. 641-671; Winck 
 G. I. 107-111, 185j 186; Benz. H. A. 389-393, 418. 
 
218 A HISTOKY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 III 
 
 JUDAH AND THE NEW WORLD POWERS 
 
 II. Kgs. xxiii. 31-xxiv. 17; II. Chrs. xxxvi. 1-10; Habakkuk 
 Nahum; Jer. xxii. 1-12; xxvi. ; vii.-ix.; x. 17-25; xi. 9-xii. 6 
 XXV. ; xxxvi. ; xiv.-xx. ; xxxv. ; xii. 7-xiii. 27 ; xxii. 13-30 
 McH. P. M., II. 402-414; Corn. P. I. 99-102; Cheyne, 102-164 
 Far. M. P. 141-152, 159-174; Kirk D. P. 246-252, 264-280 
 Schultz, O. T. T.,I. 300-307; Mont. R. A. H. 195-204; Sch, 
 C. I. O. T., II. 43-47 ; Corn. H. P. I. 138-142; Kuen. R. I., II, 
 41-47, 52-65; Ew. H. I., IV. 240-264; Re. H. P. I., III. 210- 
 242; Kitt. H. H., II. 385-400; Smend, A. T. 233-252; St. G. V. 
 I. 671-681; Tiele, B. A. G. 400-427. 
 
 IV 
 
 JEREMIAH AND THE FALL OF JERUSALEM 
 
 II. Kgs. xxiv. 18-xxv. 21; II. Chrs. xxxvi. 11-21; Obadiah ; 
 Jer. xxiv.; xxvii.-xxxiv. ; 1.; li. ; xxi. 1-10; xxiii.; xxxvii.- 
 xxxix. ; Ezek. i.-xxiv. ; Corn. P. I. 102-107 ; Cheyne, J. 165-181 ; 
 Kirk. D. P. 298-310, 321-345; Schultz, O. T. T., I. 307-310; 
 Mont. R. A. H. 204-208; Sch. C. I. O. T., II. 47-52; Ew. H. I., 
 
 IV. 264-274; Re. H. P. I., III. 243-274; Kitt. H. H., II. 385- 
 395; Smend, A. T. 252-262; St. G. V. I. 681-694; Tiele, B. A. G. 
 427-441; Winck. G. I. 109-113, 188, 189; Gieseb. J. v.-xiv. 
 
 V 
 
 THE LAST CHAPTER OF JUDAH's HISTOKY 
 
 II. Kgs. XXV. 22-30; Jer. xl.-xliv. ; lii. ; Cheyne, J. 182-205; 
 Kirk. D. P. 310-320; Mont. R. A. H. 208-221; Ew. H. I., IV. 
 274-276 ; Re. H. I., III. 282-308 ; Dill. H. A. T. 180-183 ; St. G. 
 
 V. I. 694-703. 
 
INDEXES 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Abel, city of, 36, 101. 
 
 Abel-Meholah, 61. 
 
 Abiathar, 175. 
 
 Abijam, 10, 36, 46. 
 
 Absalom, 19, 26. 
 
 Achbor, 177. 
 
 Acts of the Kings of Israel, 9. 
 
 Adoram, 2.3. 
 
 Ahab, policy of, 39, 48, 49, 6.3, 87 ; 
 court of, 70 ; wars of, 14, 15, 37-42, 
 64 ; tyranny of, 53, 54 ; relations to 
 Elijah, 47, 48, 50-53 ; death of, 42 ; 
 family of, 44, 65, 66, 121. 
 
 Ahaz, 102, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119,126, 
 128, 130-133, 135, 139, 141, 153, 161. 
 
 Ahaziah of Israel, 1 5, 42, 48. 
 
 Ahaziah of Judah, 44, 67, 120. 
 
 Ahijab, 20. 
 
 Ahikam, 177, 187, 199. 
 
 Amaziah, King of Judah, 75, 117, 122- 
 124. 
 
 Amaziah, high priest at Bethel, 82, 
 83, 89, 93. 
 
 Ammon, 102, 145, 194,196, 200. 
 
 Ammonites, 27. 
 
 Amon, 114, 164, 172, 173. 
 
 Amos, date of, 13, 79 ; call of, 80-82; 
 cliaracter of, 8, 79, 80; mission of, 
 6, 81 ; sermons of, 33, 83, 85, 123 ; 
 teacliings of, 68, 86-94, 109, 135, 
 151, 174; theology of, 94-96, 109, 
 152. 
 
 Amos, Book of, 58. 
 
 Anathoth, 175, 187, 197. 
 
 Aphek, 40-42. 
 
 Arabah, 76. 
 
 Arabia, 102, 125, 134. 
 
 Arabs, 27, 28, 107, 125, 143. 
 
 Arameans, 28, 40, 41, 44, 49, 50, 65, 
 70-77, 95, 114, 115, 143. 
 
 Ark, 32, 129, 203. 
 
 Armenians, 76. 
 
 Arnon, 72. 
 
 Arpad, 105. 
 
 Asa, 4, 27, 36, 37, 43, 46. 
 
 Asaiah. 177. 
 
 Ashdod, 142, 147. 
 
 Asherim, 157, J60, 186, 194. 
 
 Askelon, 101, 145. 
 
 Assyria, 14, 15, 45, 59, 60, 72, 74-77, 
 95, 99-104, 115, 119, 123, 126, 127, 
 130-134, 141-150, 165,160-162, 168, 
 173, 174, 183. 
 
 Assyrians, chronology of, 13, 14, 39, 
 43, 59, 60, 71, 116; invasions of, 
 28, 98-104, 130-133, 145-150; over- 
 throw of, 154, 168, 176. 
 
 Athaliah, 44, 48, 116, 117, 120, 121. 
 
 Avva, 106. 
 
 Azariah of Israel, 116. 
 
 Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah, 99, 117, 
 124-126, 128, 134. 
 
 Baal, 48, 50-52, 54, 62, 65, 121, 137, 
 
 177, 186. 
 Baalism, 46, 65, 68, 69, 90,121, 137, 138. 
 Baasha, 4, 36, 37. 
 Babvlon, 29, 106, 107, 118, 143, 17(i 
 
 19"l-]97, 201. 
 Babylonians, 107, 183. 
 Barak, 18. 
 Baruch, 170, 190. 
 Benhadad I., 36, 37, 39-41, 64. 
 Benhadad II., 70, 73. 
 
222 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Bcnhadad III., 73. 
 
 Benjamin, 26, 27. 
 
 Bethel, city of, 32, 62, 82, 83, 108 ; 
 
 royal sanctuary at, 5, 32, 33, 177. 
 Bethlehem, 32, 79. 
 Bcthshean, 61. 
 Bethshemesh, 75, 124. 
 Bidkar, 67. 
 Book of the Kings of Israel and 
 
 Judah, 9, 10. 
 Bozrah, 123. 
 
 Calf worship, 32-34, 96. 
 
 Canaan, 16, 17, 28, 45. 
 
 Canaanites, 51. 
 
 Caphtor, 95. 
 
 Carcheinish, 168, 188, 190. 
 
 Carmel, Moaiit, 52. 
 
 Chaldeans, 168, 169, 188, 190, 193, 194, 
 
 197-201. 
 Chehar, 170, 193. 
 Chemosh, 177. 
 Cherubim, 32, 129. 
 Christ, the, 54, 158, 204. 
 Chronicler, the, 8-U, 125, 147. 
 Chronicles, Second Book of, 7-11, 17. 
 Chronicles of the Kings of Judah, 5. 
 Chronology, biblical, 6, 12-15, 59, 60, 
 
 116-119; Assyrian, 13, 14, 59, 60, 
 
 116, 117. 
 Chemosh, 38, 92. 
 Commerce, 87. 
 Covenant, 177, 202, 203. 
 Cuthah, 106. 
 Cyaxares, 183. 
 
 Damascus, 15, 29, 36-39, 41-43, 70- 
 77, 87, 99, 101, 102, 105, 122-124, 
 128, 127, 131-133. 
 
 Dan, city of, 36; sanctuary of, 32. 
 
 David, 18, 19, 22-24, 26," 30, 35, 36, 
 39, 76, 120, 128, 154, 181. 
 
 Dead Sea, 27, 42, 76, 123. 
 
 Deborah, 18. 
 
 Deportations, 193, 198, 201. 
 
 Dcuteronomic editor, 167. 
 
 Deuteronomy, Book of, date of, 162, 
 163, 167, 196; authorship of, 162-164, 
 178, 179; finding of, 164, 176, 177; 
 tpaching of, 6.H, 163, 164, 181; in- 
 fluence of, 177-182. 
 
 Disruption, causes of, 16-22, 47; act 
 
 of, 22, 23 ; effects of, 24, 25. 
 Dirination, 63, 178. 
 
 Ebai., Mount, 35. 
 
 Ebed-melech, 197. 
 
 Edom, 27, 76, 102, 123, 142, 145, 170. 
 
 Edomites, 44, 72, 115, 123, 127. 
 
 Egypt, 15, 28, 32, 36, 59, 74, 95, 97, 
 100-105, 115, 131, 142, 144, 145, 
 148, 149, 155, 160, 173, 184, 187, 
 188, 191, 193, 196, 197, 200. 
 
 Elah, 37. 
 
 Elam, 107. 
 
 Elamites, 107, 143. 
 
 Elath, 114, 123, 125, 127, 134. 
 
 Eli, 175. 
 
 Elijah, stories respecting, 6, 7, 113; 
 character of, 51, 52, 67, 60, 61, 64; 
 relations to Ahab, 47, 48; teachings 
 of, 32, 67, 69, 121 ; work of, 52, 53, 
 54, 66, 109: calling of Elisha, 61. 
 
 Elisha, stories respecting, 6, 7, 57, 7.3, 
 114; call of, 61; teachings of, 32; 
 character of, 01, 62; work of, 62-67, 
 74,109; influence of, 73, 74. 
 
 Eltekeh, 145. 
 
 Ephesus, 62. 
 
 Ephraim, land of, 17, 30, 63, 99, 101. 
 
 Ephraim, tribe of, 18, 29. 
 
 Esarhaddon, 107. 
 
 Esdraelon, plain of, 29, 30, 39, 67, 72, 
 101, 102, 106, 184. 
 
 Ethbaal, 48, 52. 
 
 Ethiopia, 103, 142. 
 
 Ehiopians, 1 15, 197. 
 
 Euphrates, 184, 185, 188. 
 
 Ezekiel, the prophet, 12, 119, 195, 
 196. 
 
 Ezekiel, Book of, 170. 
 
 Ezion-Geber, 44. 
 
 Feasts, 33. 
 
 Gaijlee, Sea of, 37. 
 Gath, 72, 122, 125, 142. 
 Gaza, 101, 111, 147. 
 Geba, 27, 37. 
 Gedaliah. 199, 200. 
 Gehazi, 63. 
 Geriziin, 35, 107. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 223 
 
 Gibbethon, 36, 37. 
 Gideon, 17, 18, 35. 
 Gilboa, 18. 
 Gilead, 51, 59. 
 Gilgal, 31, 62. 
 Gomer, 84. 
 
 Habakkuk, the prophet, 188, 189. 
 
 Ilabakkuk, Book of, 168. 
 
 Halwr, 106. 
 
 Halah, 106. 
 
 Hamath, 76, 99, 105-107, 126, 198. 
 
 Hanauiah, 195. 
 
 Hazael, 70-73, 122. 
 
 Uazor, 101. 
 
 Hermon, Mount, 71. 
 
 Herodotus, 171, 173. 
 
 Hexateuch, 108. 
 
 Hezekiah, 118, 119, 131. 135, 138, 140- 
 143, 147-150, 157-159, 162, 163, 187, 
 196. 
 
 Kiel, .39. 
 
 High places, 178, 180. 
 
 High priest, 176. 
 
 Hilkiah, 176, 177. 
 
 Hinnom, 177. 
 
 Hiram of Tyre, 99. 
 
 Historical sources, 3-11, 57-60, 11.3- 
 119, 167-171. 
 
 Hittites, 74, 106. 
 
 Hophra, 196. 
 
 Hosea, the prophet, nationality of, 83; 
 call of. 83, 84; teachings of, 85, 89- 
 94, 100, 132, 151; theology of, 94- 
 97, 109, no, 152; work of, 128, 130. 
 
 Hosea, Book of, 58, 109. 
 
 Hoshea, 60, 101-103. 
 
 Huldah, 177. 
 
 Ielbam, 67. 
 
 Ijon, 36, 101. 
 
 Immanuel, 131. 
 
 India, 125, 134. 
 
 Inscriptions, Assyrian, 13, 59, 74, 96, 
 116, 124, 126, 145; Babylonian, 149, 
 171 ; Egyptian, 11, 15 ; Hebrew, 141 ; 
 Phoenician, 11. 
 
 Isaiah, training of, 128, 129; call of, 
 129, 130; teachings of, 114, 130-133, 
 135-137, 143, 144, 149, 159, 179, 186; 
 theology of, 138-140, 152, 153; 
 
 Messianic ideals of, 153-155; work 
 
 of, 113, 149, 151, 155-158. 
 Isaiah, Book of, 114-116. 
 Ishmael, 200. 
 Israel, politics of, 4, 14, 15, 17, 24, 28, 
 
 31, 33, 35-44, 47-54, 70-77, 86-91, 
 
 98-110. 
 Issachar, tribe of, 36. 
 
 Jebos, 17. 
 
 Jehoahaz of Israel, 72. 
 
 Jehoahaz of Judah, 169, 184, 185. 
 
 Jehoiada, 44, 120-122. 
 
 Jehoiakim, 1G8, 169, 185-192. 
 
 Jehoiakin, 192, 193: 
 
 Jehoram (or Joram) of Israel, 15, 42, 
 44, 48, 65, 66. 
 
 Jehoram of Judah, 44, 123. 
 
 Jehoshaphat, 4, 42-44, 46, 49, 63. 
 
 Jehoyah, popular conceptions of, 24, 
 92-94, 107-110, 137, 138, 160, 161; 
 symbols of, 32 ; crisis in religion of, 
 SO, 51; Elijah's conception of, 54, 
 69 ; Amos's and Hosea's conception 
 of, 94-97; Isaiah's conception of, 
 138-140, 152-155; prophetic concep- 
 tion of, 202-204. 
 
 Jehu, 14, 15, 39, 43, 44, 54, 57-60, 64- 
 73, 78, 116, 120. 
 
 Jeremiah, date of, 12, 119, 168, 169, 
 175; call of, 175; fortunes of, 170, 
 176, 186, 187, 190-193, 195-197; 
 character of, 175; sermons of, 170, 
 171, 181; teachings of, 181, 187-189, 
 191, 192, 194-197, 202-204; death 
 of, 201. 
 
 Jeremiah, Book of, 168. 
 
 Jericho, 39, 62, 198. 
 
 Jeroboam I., 4, 10, 15, 20, 23, 30-34, 
 36-38. 
 
 Jeroboam II., 6, 58, 59, 75, 76, 78, 79, 
 82,83,86,89,92,98,104,126. 
 
 Jerusalem, 12, 22, 24, 26, 29-31, 33, 
 36, 72, 115, 118, 124, 126, 133, 134, 
 142, 144-149, 152, 154, 157-159, 169, 
 171, 174-179, 186, 187, 191-193, 196, 
 202. 
 
 Jews, 69, 106. 
 
 Jezebel, 48, 49, 52, 62, 63, 65, 67. 
 
 Jezreel, 39, 48, 53, 65-68. 
 
 Joab, 19. 
 
224 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Joash of Israel, 75, 76, 117, 124. 
 
 Joash of Judah, 44, 113, 121, 122, 171. 
 
 Job, Book of, 92. 
 
 Jonadab, 191, 192. 
 
 Jonah, 79. 
 
 Jordan, 11, 29, 39, 51, 66, 102, 198. 
 
 Joseph, house of, 26. 
 
 Joshua, IS. 
 
 Josiah, 5, 158, 164, 168, 172, 173, 176- 
 178, 180, 181, 184, 185, 190, 199. 
 
 Jotham, 117, 125, 126, 135. 
 
 Judah, politics of, 4, 14, 15, 17-20, 24, 
 26-30, 33, 36-38, 47, 49, 75, 76, 101, 
 120-126, 141-150, 183-204. 
 
 Judaism, 158, 203. 
 
 Judges, Book of, 3, 16, 109, 181. 
 
 Karkab, 15, 41. 
 
 Karnak, 36. 
 
 Eedesh, 101. 
 
 Kidron, 177. 
 
 KiuR, Hebrew, 30, 31, 47. 
 
 Kings, First Book of, 3-6, 13, 17, 22, 
 
 46, 47, 181. 
 Kings, Second Book of, 3, 6, 7, 17, 67, 
 
 58, 74, 109, 113, 114, 167, 181. 
 Kings, Midrash of the Book of, 9. 
 Kirjath-jearim, 187. 
 
 Lachish, 124, 149. 
 Lamentations, Book of, 198. 
 Lebanon, Mount, 76, 154. 
 Libnah, 44, 149. 
 
 Literature of the Old Testament, 181, 
 182. 
 
 Manasseh, King, 114, 116, 119, 159- 
 161, 162-164, 167, 172, 179, 186. 
 
 Manasseh, tribe of, 18, 30. 
 
 Mareshah, 43. 
 
 Mattan, 121. 
 
 Medes, 106, 168, 183. 
 
 Meander, 52. 
 
 Mediterranean Sea, 75, 99, 101, 145, 
 107, 173. 
 
 Mcgiddo, 67, 184, 
 
 Menahem, 60, 98-100. 
 
 Merodach-Baladan, 118, 143, 145. 
 
 Mcsha, 11, 42, 43, 92. 
 
 Mesopotamia, 106, 143. 
 
 Messianic ideals, 153-155, 159. 
 
 Micah, the prophet, 325, 1.36, 137, 139, 
 151, 164, 156, 167, 187, 198. 
 
 Micab, Book of, 116, 119, 159-161. 
 
 Micaiah, 49, 50, 64. 
 
 Midrash, of the Book of Kings, 9, 10; 
 of the prophet Iddo, 10. 
 
 Millo, 122. 
 
 Mizpah, 27, 31, 37, 199, 200. 
 
 Moab, 11, 38, 42, 43, 72, 79, 92, 102, 
 142, 145, 194. 
 
 Moabites, 27, 42, 43, 72, 76, 92. 
 
 Moabite stone, 11, 43, 92. 
 
 Moloch, 160, 177. 
 
 Moresheth, 125, 156, 181. 
 
 Moses, 32, 138, 157, 163, 164. 
 
 Naeopolassak, 183, 188. 
 
 Naboth, 53, 66, 67. 
 
 Nadab, 36. 
 
 Nahum, the prophet, 176, 183. 
 
 Nahum, Book of, 107, 168. 
 
 Nazirite, 61. 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar, 169, 171, 188, 189, 
 
 193-199. 
 Nebuzaradan, 198. 
 Necho, 184, 185. 
 Nile, 99, 141, 149, 185. 
 Nineveh, 148, 168, 184, 188. 
 
 Obadiah, Book of, 170. 
 
 Omri, 11, 37-39, 41, 43, 44, 46, 54, 66, 
 
 68, 70, 75, 98. 
 Ophir, 44. 
 
 Orientalism, 21, 23, 53, 64. 
 Orontes, 185. 
 Osorkon II., 43. 
 
 Padi, 144, 146. 
 
 Palestine, 59, 76, 99, 101, 103, 105, 
 
 107, 115, 123, 134, 145, 149, 167, 
 
 173, 191, 193, 203. 
 Pashur, 192. 
 Pekah, 60, 100, 101, 116, 127, 130, 132, 
 
 133. 
 Pekahiah, 60, 100. 
 Penuel. 35. 
 Philistia, 75, 144,147. 
 Philistines, 18, 27, 72, 95, 116, 125, 127, 
 
 133. 
 Fhcenicia, 144, 145. 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 225 
 
 Plicenicians, 48, 52, 62. 
 
 I'hraortes, 168. 
 
 Priests, of Judah, 30, 120-122, 178, 
 
 180; of Israel, 32, 33, 47, 139. 
 Prophetic guilds, 62-64. 
 Prophets, 20, 21, 30, 46, 47, 49-51, 78- 
 
 80, 85, 136-140, 143, 155, 156, 160- 
 
 162, 174, 194, 202, 203. 
 Proverbs, 108. 
 Proverbs, Book of, 142, 182. 
 Psalms, 108, 182. 
 Pul, 98, 99. 
 
 Bamah, 27, 36, 199. 
 
 Bamman-nirari, 74, 75. 
 
 Bamoth Gilead, 15, 42, 49, 65. 
 
 Baphia, 141. 
 
 Becabites, 51, 191, 192. 
 
 Eecorder, 5. 
 
 Bed Sea, 43, 123, 125. 
 
 Eefonns, 140, 169, 172-181, 184. 
 
 Behoboam, 10, 21-23, 35, 36, 46. 
 
 Beligion, of Israel, 31-34, 36, 46; of 
 Samaritans, 107, 108; of Judah, 
 137-140, 158-162, 177-181. 
 
 Bevolution of Jehu, 65-69. 
 
 Eezon, 39, 99, 100, 116, 127, 130, 132. 
 
 Biblah, 185, 198, 200. 
 
 Borne, 29. 
 
 Samaria, 38, 40, 42, 48, 59, 67, 68, 
 
 73, 100, 103-107, 115, 116, 118, 119, 
 
 132, 141, 156. 
 Samaritans, 58, 106-108. 
 Samuel, the prophet, 18, 62, 64. 
 Samuel, First Book of, 3, 109, 181. 
 Sargon, 59, 104-107, 115, 141, 143- 
 
 145. 
 Saul, 18, 26. 
 
 Scvthians, 167, 168, 173, 183. 
 Soia, 123, 134. 
 Sennacherib, 113, 115, 116, 118, 145- 
 
 150, 154, 158. 
 Sepharvaim, 106. 
 Shabaka, 141. 
 filial lum, 98. 
 
 Shalmaneser II., 14, 41, 59, 70, 71. 
 Shalmaneser III., 76. 
 Shalmaneser IV., 69, 102-104. 
 Shamshi-Bamman II., 71, 75. 
 
 Shaphan, 177, 187, 190, 199. 
 
 Sheva, 23. 
 
 Shechem, 35, 38, 107. 
 
 Shishak II., 11, 15, 36. 
 
 Shiloh, 31, 186. 
 
 Sidon, 71,75, 144,145. 
 
 Siloam, 141. 
 
 Simeon, tribe of, 29. 
 
 Society, in Israel, 86-89; in Judah, 
 
 134-137, 201. 
 Solomon, 19-24, 30-33, 36, 39, 46, 48, 
 
 76, 87, 121, 134, 157, 175, 177, 185. 
 Song of Songs, 108, 109. 
 Sons of the prophets, 63-65. 
 Syria, 101, 105, 106, 133, 142. 
 
 Tekoa, 79. 
 
 Teman, 123. 
 
 Temple, building of, 19, 121; influence 
 of, 29, 34, 46, 119, 180; precincts of, 
 177, 192; equipment of, 32, 36, 133, 
 198; treasure of, 122; plunder of, 
 36, 124, 148, 193-198; guard of, 120; 
 cleansing of, 177; service of, 160, 
 161, 186; repair of, 113, 121, 122, 
 126, 139, 176. 
 
 Tibni, 37. 
 
 Tiglath-Pileser III., 59, 60, 98-102, 
 117, 132, 133, 153. 
 
 Tigris, 99, 106, 123. 
 
 Tirhakah, 144, 145, 149. 
 
 Tirzah, 4, 35, 37, 38, 98. 
 
 Tophet, 177. 
 
 Tyre, 39, 48, 71, 76, 99, 194, 196. 
 
 Uriah, the prophet, 187. 
 
 Uzziah (Azariah), 13, 114, 124-126. 
 
 Virgin's Fount, 130, 141. 
 
 Wizards, 63, 132, 178. 
 Worship, 131. 
 
 Zechakiah, the king, 98. 
 Zechariah, the prophet, 13. 
 Zedekiah, 169, 194, 197, 198. 
 Zephaniah, the prophet, 167, 173-177. 
 Zephaniah, Book of, 167, 168. 
 Zerah, 43. 
 Zimri, 4, 37, 67. 
 
 15 
 
INDEX OF EEFERENCES 
 
 TO 
 
 BIBLICAL AND EXTRA-BIBLICAL SOURCES 
 
 Page 
 
 xix. 2 152 
 
 IX. 7, 26 162 
 
 Dkvtebokoht, 
 Tii. 6 179 
 
 X. 12 163 
 
 xu 158 
 
 liv. 2, 21 179 
 
 XV. 12, 13 196 
 
 xvili. 9 15 63 
 
 xviii. 9-22 139 
 
 xxiv. 16 123 
 
 ixvi 163 
 
 xxvi. 1, 9 179 
 
 xxTiii 1G3 
 
 ixviii. 9. 179 
 
 ixiiu. 17 32 
 
 Jnsass. 
 
 i. 2, 4, 8, 28 17 
 
 v. 2, tS, 5, 7-9, 11 17 
 
 iviii. 30 32 
 
 lix 90 
 
 Joshua. 
 tU. 24-20 123 
 
 I. Sauuel. 
 
 i. 3, 9 31 
 
 viii 164 
 
 xi. 8 17 
 
 ivii. 52 17 
 
 II. 6AMin:!i. 
 
 li. n 17 
 
 xii. 8 17 
 
 xvi. 1 14 26 
 
 xix. 16, 20 26 
 
 XX. 1 23 
 
 xxi 123 
 
 xxi. 1-22 26 
 
 xxi. 2 17 
 
 xxiv. 15, 16 150 
 
 Z. EiNos. Page 
 
 i.-xi 3 
 
 i. 35 17 
 
 iv. 3 B 
 
 iv. 20, 25. 17 
 
 iv. 33, 41 62 
 
 vi. 1-7 62 
 
 xi. 29-39 20 
 
 xii. 1-31 6 
 
 xii.-II. Kingaiii 3 
 
 xii. 20 26 
 
 xii. 22-24 20 
 
 xii. 26-31 5 
 
 xii. 31 6 
 
 xii. 32-xiii. 32 5 
 
 xiL2S 32 
 
 xiii. 33, 34 6 
 
 xiT. 1-17 47 
 
 xiv. 1-18 6 
 
 xlT. 17 35 
 
 XV. 1-4 10 
 
 XV. 17-22 27 
 
 XV. 33 35 
 
 xvi. 1-4 6,47 
 
 xvl. 33,34 39 
 
 xvii.-xix 6 
 
 xviii 49 
 
 xviii. 19, 22 62 
 
 xU. 16-21 61 
 
 XX 6,7,38,50 
 
 XX. 34 38 
 
 XX. 35-43 6,64 
 
 xxi 6 
 
 xxii 6,7,49,57,64 
 
 xxii. 1-38 6 
 
 xxii. 6 49 
 
 xxiL 43 46 
 
 n. Erasa. 
 
 i. 2 15 
 
 i. l-17b 6 
 
 i. 17b, 18 6 
 
 ii 7 
 
 ii. 3 62 
 
 ii. 5 62 
 
 iii 57 
 
 iii. 1-3. 7 
 
 iU. 4 11 
 
 Page 
 
 iu. 11 61 
 
 iv 57 
 
 iv.-xvii 57 
 
 V. 1 62 
 
 iv. 1-viii. 15 57 
 
 iv. 1-7, 38, 41 64 
 
 iv. 38 62 
 
 v. 22 63,64 
 
 V. 27 67 
 
 vi. 1-7 57,64 
 
 vi. 23, 24 67 
 
 vi. 23 73 
 
 vi. 24-vii. 20. 73 
 
 viii. 1 73 
 
 viii. 1-6 67 
 
 viii. 4, 5 67 
 
 viii. 12 72 
 
 viii. 10-29 7 
 
 ix. 1-x. 27 57 
 
 ix. 11,12 64 
 
 ix. 20 123 
 
 X. 15-23 51 
 
 X. 15-24 191 
 
 X. 17-23 : 68 
 
 X. 32, 33 72 
 
 xi.-xvii 113 
 
 xi.1-20 113 
 
 xi. 1-xii. 21 113 
 
 xii. 4-16 113 
 
 xii. 17, 18 113 
 
 xiii. 3 73 
 
 xiii. 5 74 
 
 xiii. 14-21 67 
 
 xiii. 17-19 25,76 
 
 xiii. 20,21 72 
 
 xiv. 1-14, 17-22 113 
 
 xiv. 6 123 
 
 xiv. 8-14 68 
 
 xiv. 8-14, 19, 20, 22 113 
 
 xiv. 19 117 
 
 xiv. 22 123 
 
 xiv. 25 76,79 
 
 IV. 1-7,32-38 113 
 
 XV. 5 113,117 
 
 XV. 16 98 
 
 XV. 19 60 
 
 IV. 19, 26 98 
 
INDEX OF REFERENCES 
 
 227 
 
 XT. 29. 101 
 
 IT. 30 101 
 
 iTi. 1-20 113 
 
 XTi. 3 139 
 
 XTi.&-9 113 
 
 ITi. 7^1 68 
 
 iTi.9 102 
 
 ITi. 10 119 
 
 iTl. 10-18 113 
 
 iTii. 4 103 
 
 iTii. 6 106 
 
 ITii. 24 106 
 
 iTiii 113 
 
 lTiii.'4 138, 140, 157 
 
 ITiii. 8 141 
 
 ITiii. 9-12 113 
 
 ITiii. 10 113 
 
 iTiu. 13 lis 
 
 XTiii. 13-16 lis 
 
 ITiii. 14 148 
 
 ITiii. 17-iii. 37 113 
 
 lii. 20-31 149 
 
 jii. 3S 130 
 
 IX. 1-6 118 
 
 XX. 12 118 
 
 XX. 12-21 143 
 
 II. 13 141 
 
 11.20 141 
 
 Hi. 3, 4 IGl 
 
 ixi. 6 100 
 
 xxi. 16 160 
 
 xxi. 18, 26 125 
 
 Hi. 21 172 
 
 iiii.-ixT. 107 
 
 ixiii 104 
 
 xxiil. 7 ICO 
 
 xxlii. 9 178 
 
 iiiii. 10 160 
 
 ixiii. 11, 12 161 
 
 ixiii. 13 157 
 
 xiiii. 29-iiiT. 1 167 
 
 xiiT. 7 193 
 
 1. CHBOHICIiES. 
 
 iii.13 124 
 
 n. Chronicles. 
 
 xiii. 1-22 10 
 
 xiT. 43 
 
 XTi. 11 9 
 
 xrii 43 
 
 xiiii.-xxiiii. 114 
 
 iiiT. 27 9 
 
 IXT. 26 9 
 
 lxTiL7 9 
 
 ixTiiL 6-18 127 
 
 iiTiiL26 9 
 
 Hiii 147 
 
 miii. IS 9 
 
 HIT. 27 9 
 
 ziXTl. 8 9 
 
 Ezra. 
 It. 2, 9, 10 107 
 
 Fbotubbs. 
 
 L-ii 182 
 
 x.-iiii 182 
 
 IXT.-Ilil. , 142 
 
 XXT. 1 142 
 
 Isaiah. 
 
 L 115 
 
 i. 6 137 
 
 i. 7, 8 128 
 
 i. 10-17 139 
 
 i. 23 137 
 
 i. 29 138 
 
 ii. 1,2 136 
 
 ii. 5-iT. 1 114 
 
 ii. 6 119,140 
 
 ii. 8 137,138 
 
 ii. 9 137 
 
 ii. 20 138 
 
 iii. 2 139 
 
 iii.2, 3 137 
 
 iii. 2, 3 139 
 
 iii. 11 137 
 
 iii. 12 114 
 
 iii. 14, 15 137 
 
 iii. 16, 17 137 
 
 T 135 
 
 T. 1-25 114 
 
 T. 22, 23 130 
 
 T. 26,30 .....114 
 
 Ti 114 
 
 vi. 1 129 
 
 Tii.-ii. 7 114 
 
 Tii. 2 128 
 
 Tiii. 4 132 
 
 Tiii. 6 127 
 
 Tiii. 12 132 
 
 Tiii. 16 133,156 
 
 Tiii. 17, 18 133 
 
 Tiii. 19 132,139 
 
 ix. 1-7 153 
 
 ix. 8-x. 4 114 
 
 I. 5-xi. 9 115, 146 
 
 xi. 1-9 154 
 
 xiT. 24-27 115, 146 
 
 liT. 27 146 
 
 liT. 29 143 
 
 liT. 29-32 115 
 
 xiT. 29-31 144 
 
 XT 79 
 
 XTi 79 
 
 XTi. 1-11 114 
 
 XTii. 12-14 115, 146 
 
 xTiiL 17-iii. 37 114 
 
 xix 155 
 
 xix. 21-31 114 
 
 XX 115 
 
 XI. 1-19 114 
 
 XX. 3 142 
 
 xxi 114 
 
 xxii. 1-5 148 
 
 ixu. 1-14 115, 147 
 
 ixU. 3 147 
 
 xxii. 7 147 
 
 xxii. 10 147 
 
 xxii. 13 148 
 
 xxii. 15-25 115 
 
 iiTiii 115 
 
 ixTiii. 1-6 115 
 
 xxTiii. 1-13 91 
 
 HTiU. 7 143 
 
 Page 
 
 ixriii. 7-xxix. 24. 115 
 
 ixTiii. 9-13 144 
 
 xxTiii. 14, 15 143 
 
 xxii. 4 139 
 
 nix. 5-8 145 
 
 xxix. 9-14 143 
 
 xxii. 15 144 
 
 ixx.-xxiii 115 
 
 XXX. 1-4 144 
 
 XXX. 7 144 
 
 XXX. 9 143 
 
 XIX. 15 143 
 
 XXX. 22 157 
 
 xxxi. 1 144 
 
 xxxL 3 144 
 
 xxii. 4-9 145 
 
 ixxi. 7 157 
 
 xxxii 154 
 
 xxxTi 113, 115 
 
 xxxTii 113, 115 
 
 xxxTiii 115 
 
 ixxix 115, 143 
 
 luix. 1 lis 
 
 Jeeehiah. 
 
 i. 5 175 
 
 i. 11-19 175 
 
 i. 14 178 
 
 ii.-Ti 168 
 
 ii. 30 100 
 
 ui. 16 203 
 
 iT. 1 176 
 
 T. 1 170 
 
 Tii.-ix 169 
 
 Tii. 3-15 186 
 
 Tii. 4 186 
 
 Tii. 8 187 
 
 Tiu. 8,11 187 
 
 I. 17-25 1C9 
 
 X. 21 185 
 
 xi. 1-8 169,181 
 
 xi. 9-iiL6 169 
 
 xi. 10 186 
 
 li. 13 186 
 
 li. 18-23 187 
 
 iii. 7-xiii. 27 169 
 
 liii. 18, 19 193 
 
 xiT.-xi 169 
 
 XTii. 2 186 
 
 XTU. 6, 7 191 
 
 ITiii. 3-12 155 
 
 ITiii. 6,11 191 
 
 ITiii. 12 191 
 
 lii 192 
 
 II 192 
 
 XX. 9 192 
 
 XX. 12 192 
 
 xxi. 1-10 1C9 
 
 xxii. 10-12 169 
 
 ixU. 13 15 185 
 
 xxii. 13-30 169 
 
 xxii. 15, 16 181 
 
 xiii. 17 185 
 
 xxii. 24 192 
 
 xxii. 26 192 
 
 ixiT. 169 
 
 XXT. 169, 188 
 
 HT. 12 189 
 
228 
 
 INDEX OF EEFERENCES 
 
 Page 
 
 xivi 169, 187 
 
 xxvL-ixix 169 
 
 Jtxvi. 18 119 
 
 xivi. 18, 19 167 
 
 livii 195 
 
 xxvii. 16 193 
 
 xxviii 195 
 
 xxx.-xxxiii 169 
 
 xxxi. 29, 30 ; 203 
 
 xxxi. 31-S4 203 
 
 xxxi7. 169,196 
 
 xxxT 51, 169 
 
 xxxvi 190 
 
 xxxvi. 1-8 169 
 
 xxxvi. 32 170 
 
 xxxvi 108,190 
 
 xxxvi. 9-32 169 
 
 xxxvii 169, 197 
 
 xxxvii. 5 196 
 
 xxxviil 169 
 
 xxxiv.-xliv. 170 
 
 xl. 1 199,200 
 
 xlv. 1-ilix. 33 169 
 
 xivi 188 
 
 xl?i 188 
 
 xUx. 34-39 169 
 
 1 169 
 
 11 109 
 
 11.59 169 
 
 HI 170 
 
 111.30 201 
 
 lU. 31 34 193 
 
 LAMSHTATIONa. 
 
 li. 19-22 198 
 
 iv. 10 198 
 
 iv. 20 193 
 
 EZBEIliL. 
 
 1.2 193 
 
 1.3 193 
 
 I.-vii 170 
 
 Tiii 194 
 
 viii.-xix 170 
 
 Till. 12 194 
 
 ix. 9 194 
 
 xvii. 15 198 
 
 xx.-xxlli 170 
 
 xxiv 170 
 
 xxlv. 21 193 
 
 zxv.-xxxii 170 
 
 Daniel. 
 
 i. 2 193 
 
 V. 2 193 
 
 HosxA. 
 
 i.-iii 68 
 
 i. 4 68,83 
 
 i. 4-9 132 
 
 U. 9-23 90 
 
 U. 10-23 97 
 
 iii. 3,4 91 
 
 iii. 4, 6 97 
 
 iv.-xiv 58 
 
 It. 1,2 89 
 
 Page 
 
 iv.B-9 94 
 
 iv. 6 90 
 
 iv. 11-14 94 
 
 iv. 11-15 90 
 
 v. 1 31,90, 100 
 
 V. 13 69 
 
 vi. 9 90, 94 
 
 vii. 1 90 
 
 vii. 3-7, 16 69 
 
 vli. 5 83 
 
 vii. 6-7 90 
 
 vli. 8 69 
 
 vii. 8-16 100 
 
 vii. 11 69,99, 100 
 
 viii. 2 93 
 
 vill. 5 96 
 
 viu. 9 59 
 
 viii. 14 83 
 
 ix. 1-5 94 
 
 ix. 7 86 
 
 ix. 8 86 
 
 ix. 9 90 
 
 X. 4 90 
 
 1.5 96 
 
 X. 6, 9, 10 83 
 
 X. 9 90 
 
 X. IS B9 
 
 xi. 1 83 
 
 xl. 1-4 97 
 
 xi. 8, 9 97 
 
 xi. 9 162 
 
 xi. 12 90 
 
 xii. 1 100 
 
 xii. 11 59 
 
 xii. 12 83 
 
 xill. 2, 3 96 
 
 xili. 4 83 
 
 xiii. 16 91 
 
 liv. 3, 4 86 
 
 Auoa. 
 
 1 79,94 
 
 i.-iii 88 
 
 i. 1 79 
 
 i. 3, 4 72 
 
 i. 6-16 72 
 
 i. 12 123 
 
 ii 80, 94 
 
 11. 6,7 88 
 
 11. 7 90 
 
 U. 8 33 
 
 in. 2 95 
 
 iii. 3-8 81 
 
 ill. 9 90 
 
 iii. 9, 10 80 
 
 iii. 10 89 
 
 m. 11, 12 88 
 
 iv. 2 152 
 
 iv. 4 31 
 
 iv. 4, 6 83, 95 
 
 Iv. 6-11 72,92 
 
 iv. 12 91 
 
 V. 2 90 
 
 v. 11 88 
 
 V. 12 89 
 
 Y. 18 93 
 
 Page 
 
 T. 21-24 33 
 
 v. 21-25 95 
 
 vi. 1-7 88 
 
 vi. 4 70,88 
 
 vi. 6 88 
 
 vi. 14 91,95 
 
 vu. 9 68,82 
 
 vii. 10-13 82 
 
 vii. 12,13 82,93 
 
 vii. 14 60 
 
 vii. 14, 15 82 
 
 vii. 15 80 
 
 viii. 1-3 80 
 
 viii. 4 88 
 
 viii 3 90 
 
 ix. 7 95 
 
 ix. 8-15 90 
 
 ix. 9, 10 157 
 
 MlCAH. 
 
 i.-iii 116 
 
 i. 1 7 116 
 
 i. 1, 14 126 
 
 i. 2-7 91 
 
 i. 10-16 123 
 
 i. 13 140 
 
 11. 12, IS 116 
 
 iii. 5 .82,139 
 
 iii. 7 139 
 
 iii. 11 139 
 
 iu. 12 156,187 
 
 iv 116 
 
 V 116,159 
 
 V. 3-6 164 
 
 vi. 1-vii. 6 116 
 
 vl. 6,7 ICO 
 
 vi. 6-8 139 
 
 vi. 8 161 
 
 vii lie 
 
 Habakedk. 
 
 ii. 4 189 
 
 ii. 8 189 
 
 Zefhaniah. 
 
 i. 4-6 174 
 
 1.12 174 
 
 ii 174 
 
 ii. 3 174 
 
 iii. 3, 4 174 
 
 iii. 13, 20 176 
 
 Zbchabiah. 
 xiv. 6 13 
 
 MOABITB BtONE. 
 
 4-6 88 
 
 SABGOH CtIJHDBB iNSCBIP. 
 TION. 
 
 29 143 
 
 Tatlob Pbibh Insobiptioh. 
 
 11. 44-57 145 
 
 iii. S2 147 
 
A HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE HEBREW PEOPLE. 
 
 By CHARLES FOSTER KENT, Ph.D. 
 
 Professor of Biblical Literature and History 
 in Brown University. 
 
 t'ol. I. THE UNITED KINGDOM. From the Settlement in 
 Canaan to the Division of the Kingdom. $1.25 net. 
 Vol. U. THE DIVIDED KINGDOM. $1.25 net. 
 
 PERSONAL AND PRESS NOTICES. 
 
 Warren H. Langdon, Professor of Practical Theology, 
 San Francisco Theological Seminary. — " This is a learned 
 and ably written work. To those who adopt the conclusions of 
 the Higher Criticism it will be a very acceptable history o£ the 
 Hebrew People from their settlement in Canaan to the close of 
 the united kingdom. It is written in an interesting, vigorous, 
 and lucid style, easily grasped by the ordinary student." 
 
 George S. Goodspeed, Professor of Semitics, Univer- 
 sity of Chicago. — "I believe that the book, on account of 
 the excellence of its contents and the vividness and simplicity 
 of its style, is by far the best history of the Hebrew People in 
 English for Colleges and Bible teachers. I am persuaded that 
 it will do a real service in broadening the mind and clarifying 
 the knowledge of all into whose hands it may fall." 
 
 Irving F. Wood, Professor of Biblical Literature, Smith 
 College. — " The book, with its brief chapters and popular style, 
 is exactly what is needed now. The criticism, called new, 
 though it is a generation old to the scholars, has made the Bible 
 so much riclier, and more valuable, that it needs to be reopened 
 
to the people. This reopening, such books as this of Professor 
 Kent will do. It is very cautious in the statement of contro- 
 verted points, but at the same time very clear where the results 
 of scholarship are positive. Its study of the sources of Hebrew 
 History and of the period of the Judges seems to me to be veiy 
 valuable." 
 
 The Outlook. — "It is conceived and executed in the 
 spirit of modern criticism : treats the history and literature of 
 Israel as history and literature, but is wliolly reverent in its tone 
 and constructive in its purpose ; an excellent text-book for the 
 study of Old Testament history." 
 
 The Christian Advocate. — "The whole volume pre- 
 sents a rare combination of graphic delineation and careful 
 accuracy in regard to historic fact. Used in connection with 
 the Bible only, it must prove most valuable to the ordinary 
 reader, while if studied with a use of the authorities named in 
 the appendix, it will be a firm and solid stepping-stone into a 
 vast and important region of knowledge not yet fully explored 
 or bounded." 
 
 The Congregationalist. — " It purposely avoids argu- 
 ment, and gives a clear picture of the development of the 
 Hebrew Nation in accordance with the views of the modern 
 critics. The author closely follows their results, and any criti- 
 cism of the book would necessarily involve that of the whole 
 school. The great body of modern scholars now hold this 
 position, and instruction therein is provided for in many of our 
 colleges. This book is especially fitted for a reference and 
 text-book for such classes." 
 
 Methodist Review. — " We have seldom read a small 
 book which has so much of clearly stated, well-wrought, 
 and inspiring matter packed into its pages. Whether an 
 instructor should accept or reject its methods and conclusions, 
 we doubt if a better book could be found for the instruction of 
 college classes. 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, 
 
 153-157 Fifth Avenue, - - - NEW YORK. 
 
%\)t ^es0age8 of tbe ISibte 
 
 EDITED BY 
 Professor FRANK K. SANDERS, of YcUe University, 
 
 AND 
 
 Professor CHARLES F. KENT, of Brown University. 
 
 1 < — _ 
 
 ANEW SERIES, in which emphasis is placed upon the concise, 
 forcible, and realistic interpretation of the Bible. The books of the 
 Bible are grouped according to a natural classification, their contents 
 arranged in the order of appearance, and a scholarly yet popular para- 
 phrase of their distinctive thought given in plain and expressive English. 
 The purpose of this series is to enable any reader of the Bible to under- 
 stand its meaning as a reverent scholar of to-day does, and in particular 
 to receive the exact impression which the words as originally heard or 
 read must have made upon those for whom they were delivered. 
 
 This series is not a substitute for the Bible, but an aid to the rev- 
 erent, appreciative, and enthusiastic reading of the Scriptures ; in fact, 
 it will serve the purpose of an 
 
 ORIGINAL AND POPULAR COMMENTARY. 
 
 Technicalities and unsettled questions will be, as far as possible, 
 ignored. Each volume will be prepared by a leading specialist, and will 
 contain such brief introductions as serve to put the reader into intelli- 
 gent relation to the general theme treated. The editorial rearrangement 
 of the order of the biblical books or sections will represent the definite 
 results of sober scholarship. 
 
 Arrangement of Solumect. 
 
 I. The Messages of the Earlier Prophets. (Now ready.) 
 
 II. The Messages of the Later Prophets. (Now ready.) 
 
 III. The Messages of the Lavtr Givers. 
 
 IV. The Messages of the Prophetical and Priestly Historians. 
 V. The Messages of the Psalmists. 
 
 VI. The Messages of the Sages. 
 
 VII. The Messages of the Dramatic Poets. 
 
 VIII. The Messages of the Apocalyptic Writers. 
 
 IX. The Messages of Jesus according to the SynoptisfS. 
 
 X. The Messages of Jesus according to John. 
 
 XI. The Messages of Paul. 
 
 XII. The Messages of the Apostles. 
 
 Specimen Pages and Full Descriptive Circular sent free on request. 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, 
 
 153-157 Fifth Avenue; New York. 
 
THE MESSAGES OF THE BIBLE 
 
 ^tvgoml anD ^ttea Notices of isolunte i. 
 
 Irving F. Wood, Professor of Biblical Literature, Smith College. 
 
 It is, I think, the most valuable popularization of the prophetic 
 books that has ever been made in any language. 
 
 The Independent. 
 
 This is a really delightful version of the older prophetic messages. 
 The student will recover from this version many a lost gem, many a fine 
 thought, and many a point more or less obscure in the common versions. 
 
 Western Christian Advocate. 
 
 In all its aspects it is an ideal introduction, not only to ancient books, 
 but also to the science of an effective, reformative, and alert ministry in 
 the modern age. 
 
 Auburn Seminary Review. 
 
 To the minister who is not an expert Hebrew scholar the book will 
 be almost indispensable, as it will supply something which he can hardly 
 obtain even from a commentary ; while for the ordinary reader it will open 
 a part of the Old Testament of which he has known little before. 
 
 A. F. Schauffler, D. D. 
 
 The prophets have been dull reading to many, only because they did 
 not understand them and their message. This book will help in just the 
 line where help is needed. 
 
 The Outlook. 
 
 The requirements of historical interest are here met by a rearrange- 
 ment of the prophetical writings in due chronological order, and the 
 needs of the ordinary reader are supplied by paraphrasing them in mod- 
 em language. This is so necessary in Old Testament prophecy that few 
 except Hebrew scholars can dispense with the help of paraphrase to 
 intelligent reading. We therefore deem the work of Professors Sanders 
 and Kent one of the most important among those recently undertaken 
 for the popularizing of biblical study. 
 
 Bishop John H. Vincent, D.D., LL.D. 
 
 I regard it as a book of great value. Its power is in its simplicity, 
 vividness, interpretative paraphrase, marginal outline ; and there is a cer- 
 tain tone of authority, a certain weirdness in the style, which makes one 
 feel as if he heard the prophet crying out in his protest and appeaL 
 Somehow the eloquence of the prophet bums in its pages. The book is 
 one which an unschooled layman may read with profit. What a lecture 
 class or senior class might be organized for the critical study of the 
 prophecies, with the aid of this volume I 
 
'' '■'■':' '^:'''' 
 
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