I076 
 
 K^^ GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 F. F/. K EL LETT 
 
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 the Great and his reiations 
 
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POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 
 
ILonBnn: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVBESITY PEESS WAREHOUSE, 
 
 Ave Mabia Lane. 
 
 damlirilJBe : DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. 
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Cmrihridge, TTrdveraity Press . 
 
 Stamford's GeofffxipliiEatab* 
 
Cambritiffe ?^isitorifaI esi^aps* Bo* H- 
 
 POPE GEEGORY THE GEEAT 
 
 AND 
 
 HIS EELATIONS WITH GAUL. 
 
 BY 
 
 F. W. KELLETT, M.A., 
 
 SIDNE1 SUSSEX COLLEGE, OAMBEIDGE. 
 
 PRINCE CONSORT DISSERTATION, 1888. 
 
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 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
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 [All Rights reserved.] 
 
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Cam&ctlige: 
 
 PBINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M,A. AND SONS 
 AT THE UNIVEKSIIY PRESS. 
 
EXTRACT FROM THE REGULATIONS FOR 
 THE PlftNCE CONSORT PRIZE. 
 
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LIST OF THE CHIEF WORKS QUOTED 
 AND CONSULTED. 
 
 Baxmann. Politik,der Papste. 
 
 Freeman. Historical Geography of Europe. 
 
 Giesebrecht. Qeschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit. 
 
 Gregorii Magni Opera. Migne, Patrologia Latina. 
 
 Gregorii Turonensis Opera. Migne T. lxxi. 
 
 Guizot. Histoire de la Civilisation en France. 
 
 Lau. Gregor I. der Groase nach seinem Leben. 
 
 Loening. Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenreohts. 
 
 Mabillon. Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Benedicti. 
 
 Mansi. Concilia. 
 
 Migne. Patrologia (esp. tt. 87—89 ; 97, 98). 
 
 Milman. Latin Christianity. 
 
 Montalembert. Les Moines de FOccident. 
 
 Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Gregorii Magni Epistolae 
 
 Libb. i — iv. Capitularia Eegum Francorum. Scriptores 
 
 Rerum Langobardicarum. 
 Neander. General History of the Christian Religion and 
 
 Church. 
 Ranke. Weltgeschiohte. 
 Schaff. History of the Christian Church. 
 Wattenbach. Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter. 
 Wisbaum. Die wichtigen Richtungen des Papstes Gregors 
 
 des Grossen. 
 
POPE GREGORY THE GREAT AND HIS 
 RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 
 
 Of the introduction of Christianity into Gaul we Origin of 
 have no immediate information. But in 177 A.D. anity in 
 there were already flourishing Churches at Lug- <^""'- 
 dunum and Vienna, called upon in that year to 
 yield many members to join 'the noble army of 
 martyrs'. The relations of intimacy in which they 
 stood to the Churches of Asia would seem to sug- 
 gest that they were founded from Asia, a surmise 
 greatly strengthened by the fact that the pecu- 
 liarities of ritual which distinguished the Asiatic 
 Churches from those of other provinces were ob- 
 served also in the Churches of Gaul. 
 
 The history of these Churches was not unworthy The 
 of their origin. Their first bishop, Pothinus, mar- ^''g™^^^* 
 tyred at the age of ninety, had upheld the traditions 
 of Polycarp and S. John\ His successor in the see 
 of Lugdunum, Irenaeus, was the first great cham- 
 pion of Christian orthodoxy. The first hymn-writer 
 of the Church, and, next to Athanasius, the chief 
 defender of the Catholic doctrines of the Trinity and 
 the Person of Christ, was Hilarius of Pictavium in 
 Gaul. The most devoted monk' of the West was the 
 1 See Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, i. 27 and 28. 
 K, 1 
 
2 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 soldier-bishop of Turones, S. Martinus, whose grave 
 became the most wonder-working shrine in Europe. 
 Hilarius of Arelate was surpassed by few preachers 
 in eloquence and few bishops in energy. It was 
 Avitus of Vienne and Caesarius of Aries that bore 
 the brunt of the struggle with Semi-Pelagianism. 
 And the most successful missionary enterprise of the 
 Church of the Empire was the conversion of the 
 unconquered Hibernia by the young Gallo-Roman, 
 Patricius'. 
 Civilisa- -^^^ nowhere had the civilisation of ancient 
 
 tionof Greece and Rome found a fairer field than in Gaul. 
 
 Gaul. 
 
 Rhetoric and philosophy flourished there as if in 
 native soil. Scholars like Jerome sought learning 
 in its schools, and in all that we call culture the 
 Gaul of the first centuries of our era had no equal. 
 The Teu- Such was the state of society and such the tra- 
 
 ^Conquest. ditions of the Church when the flood of Teutonic 
 invasion swept over the land. The first tribe to 
 settle in what had been Roman Gaul was that of 
 the Burgundians, who between the years 406 and 
 413 established themselves along the Rh6ne and 
 Sadne. During the next forty years the regions to 
 the west of the Rh6ne, between the Loire and the 
 Pyrenees, were occupied by the Visigoths. These 
 tribes were already partially Christianised", Arian 
 teachers having converted their chiefs. A more 
 terrible scourge was to fall on the country. In 
 
 ' But the nationality of 'S. Patrick' has long been disputed. 
 See Stokes's Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 36. 
 
 "^ For the conversion of the Burgundians see Socrates, Eocl. 
 Hist. vn. 30. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 3 
 
 486 A.D. Chlodwig led a band of barbarous and 
 heathen Franks across the Khine, defeated the Ro- 
 man praetor Syagrius, and founded between the 
 Seine and Rhine the Frankish kingdom. Ten years 
 later he professed his conversion to the Catholic 
 faith, and turned his arms against the Arian Visi- 
 goths*. These, as well as the Burgundians, were 
 compelled to submit to his successors, and by the 
 middle of the sixth century almost the whole of the 
 country between the Rhine and the Pyrenees was 
 in the hands of the Franks". 
 
 The conquest had at first a deteriorating effect Results of 
 on the character and institutions of the conquerors'. *''* '''"'■ 
 
 mi quest: 
 
 The strong human nature of the Franks, under the 
 influences of Roman civilisation and wealth, became 
 tainted and impure. To the old passionateness were 
 added a deceitfulness and treachery of which it knew on the con- 
 nothing before. The old system — the ideal of Tacitus S"*™*"* ' 
 — passed utterly out of mind. The Village Com- 
 mune might suit a tribe dependent on agriculture 
 and confined within narrow borders. But now with 
 a whole country before them, the families occupied 
 vast domains and dwelt far apart. The king, no 
 longer merely the father of the tribe, claims the 
 Imperial estates, and finds himself independent of 
 his comites. Round him there gather those free- 
 
 1 Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, ii. 37. 92 (Chlodwig loq.), 
 'Valde moleste fero quod hi Ariani partem teueant Galliarum: 
 eamus cum Dei adjutorio et superatis redigamus terram in ditionem 
 nostram.' 
 
 ^ The 'Provincia' was ceded to the Franks by an Imperial 
 decree in 536. Freeman, Historical Geography of Europe, i. 118. 
 
 ' See Guizot, Histoire de la Civilisation en France. 
 
 1—2 
 
conquered; 
 
 4 POPE GREGOEY THE GREAT 
 
 men who are too restless to settle down to till the 
 land, a band of warriors passing their time in social 
 idleness and war. These, as the power of the king 
 grew and his abode became fixed, inevitably became 
 vassals and courtiers. To attach them to his ser- 
 vice he would grant them ' fees ' and offices about 
 his person, while those who had settled on the 
 conquered lands held their estates from him as 
 ' allodia.' 
 
 Thus in process of time' arose the Feudal System, 
 the great product of the Frankish conquest of Gaul. 
 on the The conquered found the conquest not so de- 
 
 structive as we might have imagined. It is true 
 that in the north-east of Gaul, the region which 
 had been most exposed to the ferocity of the Huns 
 and pagan Franks, the Gallo-Romans had been al- 
 most exterminated. It is true that the barbarians,, 
 especially the Vandals, had utterly destroyed many 
 towns ; that land which had been under cultivation, 
 was abandoned to desolation and to thorns^; that 
 neglect of drainage turned many a pasture into bog; 
 that the forests were haunted by brigands^; and 
 that communication between the towns was almost 
 destroyed. Robbery and violence* were common 
 
 1 Three centuries passed before Feudalism took organised 
 form ; but tbe facts bere noted were phases of its development. 
 
 ' All the 'Lives of the Saints' speak of the thorns. Many 
 abbeys were named after them, e.g. Boncereium, Spinalium. 
 
 ' It was reported to St Seine that in the forest into which he 
 was entering there were brigands who 'bestiarum more, carnibus 
 humanis ao cruoribus depasountur.' Vita S. Sequani, 7. 8, quoted 
 by Montalembert, ii. 335. (Mabillon, Acta SS. i. 265.) 
 
 * The Salic Law is almost entirely directed against robbery 
 and violent assault. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 5 
 
 crimes, and the general insecurity and disorganisa- 
 tion paralysed agriculture and trade. 
 
 And yet, as a rule, the Gallo-Romans retained 
 all their rights. Their property was left to them 
 untouched. They were recognised as free-men and 
 admitted as 'antrustions' to the councils of the king. 
 The sole distinction in law between the Frankish 
 and the Gallo-Roman free-man was that the wer- 
 gild of the latte/ was but half that of the former. 
 
 As the habits and tastes of the Franks had made on the 
 them select the open country for their homes, so, pJJ^""' 
 accustomed to regard the city as the centre of civi- 
 lisation, the conquered sought security within the 
 walls of towns. Hence it was that while the Im- 
 perial officers disappeared at the conquest, the mu- 
 nicipal governments — one of Rome's best legacies 
 to the succeeding age — continued in undisturbed 
 action'. In this municipal government the bishop 
 discharged an important function. On a small scale, 
 the part of a Leo or Gregory was played by most of 
 the bishops of the countries overrun by Teutonic 
 invaders. The withdrawal of the Imperial officer, 
 with whom he had divided authority over the dis- 
 trict, left each prelate in sole charge of his flock. 
 Whether he would or not, he could not prevent the 
 citizens from turning to him for guidance, for judge- 
 ment, for commands. To the townsman he became 
 head and magistrate and protector; to the invader 
 he was the only official and responsible representative 
 of the town. 
 
 1 The monuments of this period, according to Montalembert, 
 abound in titles like duumvir and advocatus. 
 
6 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 Already in the name of their churches the bishops 
 held estates. Nor were the Frankish nobles and 
 kings slow to display their zeal for their new religion 
 by large endowments to various monasteries and 
 churches. Thus the bishops, becoming great land- 
 owners, were swept into the vortex of the Feudal 
 System*. The kings could find no counsellors to 
 rival them in intelligence and knowledge of men ; 
 and thus they became royal ministers, with courtly 
 and military duties'' differing little if at all from 
 those of laymen. 
 
 Nor was the fact that they were ' beneficiaries ' 
 the only claim the king had on the bishops. As in 
 the State, so in the Church, the Frankish king 
 found a vacancy which none but himself could fill. 
 We have seen how the municipal government of 
 cities remained the same under the Frankish king 
 as under the Koman Emperor, with the single change 
 that the supreihe power, abdicated by the Emperor, 
 Church now belonged to the king. Just so, the organisa- 
 and State, ^j^^ q£ ^j^^ Qhurch remained unaltered, for the au- 
 
 ^ Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, iv. 2. 141, 'Denique Chlotha- 
 charius rex indixerat ut omnes Eoolesiae regni sui tertiam fructuum 
 fisoo dissolverent.' Thus the kings attempted to treat all Church 
 lands as held feudally. 
 
 ^ Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, iv. 43. 183, 'Fueruntc[ue in hoc 
 proelio Salonius et Sagittarius, fratres atque episeopi qui non 
 cruce oaelesti muniti sed galea aut lorioa saeculari armati multos 
 manibus propriis quod pejus est interfeoisse referuntur.' Other 
 actions of these two bishops point to a general irregularity. (Greg, 
 of Tours. V. 21. 231, 'Assumto episoopatu, in proprium relati 
 arbitrium, ooeperunt in pervasionibus, oaedibus, homicidiis 
 adulteriisque diversisque in sceleribus insane furore grassari,' 
 &c.) 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 7 
 
 thority of the Emperor in matters ecclesiastical was 
 assumed by the king. 
 
 From the time of Constantine the Emperor had The Em- 
 been recognised by the Churches of the Empire asf^™''""'' 
 their supreme Head on earth. The first Christian Church. 
 Emperor had called himself 'the divinely-appointed 
 bishop of the external affairs of the Church.' His 
 son had delighted in the title ' Bishop of Bishops.' 
 Till almost thef end of the fourth century, the 
 Emperors retained the old heathen title, Pontifex 
 Maximus. An inviolable priesthood was recognised 
 by the Church as theirs by right divine*. The 
 supervision of the clergy, the nomination of the 
 chief bishops, the convocation of councils, the 
 administration of discipline, and the enforcement 
 of orthodoxy* were among the prerogatives they 
 claimed. 
 
 With the collapse of the Imperial power in Gaul The King 
 the place occupied hitherto by the Emperor became church. 
 vacant. The clergy were too weak, especially in the 
 confusion that followed the conquest, to dispense 
 with secular support. To the king then they turned 
 for help, and permitted him to assume all the power 
 of the old 'Imperial Papacy'. 
 
 Thus partly through the extension of Feudalism 
 to the possessions and officials of the Church and 
 partly through the supremacy held formerly by the 
 Emperor, now by the Frankish king, the connexion 
 of Church and State threatened to be ruinous to the 
 
 1 At the Council of Chaleedon, 451, the Emperor was addressed 
 as T<? d/JX'fp" ^affiXei. Mansi, yi. 734. 
 
 2 At the Council of Milan, 355, Constantius said, Sirep eyu 
 poi\oiiat, TOVTO Kavuv vo/uj^iaffo). 
 
a POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 former. The clergy — chiefly members of the Gallo- 
 Eoman society — soon saw with dismay the tendency 
 of the age. They resisted with success the claims of 
 
 Creed. the king to regulate their faith', but on other points 
 their weakness was only too manifest. 
 
 Patronage. Even under the rule of the Emperor, the bishops 
 had usually been chosen by the clergy and people of 
 the diocese. But in Erankish Gaul, since they were 
 to sit in his council and hold large fees at his hands, 
 the king claimed the right of nominating whom he 
 would for the episcopal sees. In many cases the 
 wealth of the bishopric made it a coveted prize, for 
 which many a Frankish noble was ready to bid high''. 
 Often it became the reward of faithful service or a 
 favourite's guerdon. Nor was this the full extent of 
 the abuse. Since in royal eyes the bishop was a 
 feudal vassal, why should these rich benefices be re- 
 served for the priests ? Why should not the Erank 
 layman be promoted to these posts equally with the 
 Gallo-Roman clerk ? Hence came the sudden' con- 
 secration of some warrior or counsellor or favourite 
 
 1 Greg, of Tours, v. 45. 257 and 258. Chilperich drew up a 
 creed and tried to impose it on the bishops, but they objected, on 
 which he ceased to interfere with doctrine. ' Scripsit indioulum ut 
 sancta Trinitas non in personarum distinctione sed tantum Deus 
 uorQinaretur...Sio,inquit, volout tu et reliqui dootores eoclesiarum 
 oredatis.' Gregory and Salvius, bishop of Albi, reject it : 'Et sic 
 rex ab hao iutentione quievit.' 
 
 ' Greg, of Tours, Vitae Patrum, VI. 3.1171, 'Jam tunc germen 
 illud iniquum coeperat puUulare ut saoerdotium aut veuderetur a 
 regibus aut compararetur a clericis. 
 
 ' Denounced by the Fifth Council of Orleans, 549, c. 9 (Mansi, 
 IX. 131), 'Nullus ex laicis absque anui conversione praemissa 
 episoopus ordinetur.' 
 
AND HIS EELATIONS WITH GAUL. 9 
 
 to fill the vacancy in one of these rich offices caused 
 by the death of the bishop. 
 
 It was in vain that some of the clergy manfully 
 resisted these evil influences. Though synod after 
 synod protested', though compromises between the 
 royal claims and the rights of the priesthood and 
 people were made, the king's power and the temp- 
 tation to use it were too great. The abuses con- 
 tinued; bishopribs were still bought and sold, or 
 bestowed upon men'' consecrated on purpose to be 
 qualified for them. 
 
 The authority over councils, exercised on Roman Councils. 
 soil by the Emperor, fell in Gaul to the Frankish 
 king. No council was allowed to meet without his 
 consent, nor had its decrees any binding force till 
 they had been confirmed by him. 
 
 But the increase of the royal power was not the Clerical 
 only danger to the Church. The standard of the ^'/„^'™' 
 priesthood was lowered. Since the clergy, as such, 
 were exempt from bearing arms, the king anxious 
 to maintain the strength of his armies, forbade the 
 ordination of freemen whether Franks or Gallo- 
 Romans, save with his consent. This veto the 
 Church was compelled to recognise by a formal 
 
 1 Synod of Auvergne, 535, c. 2, ' Episcopatum ergo deaiderans 
 eleotione olericorum vel ciyium consensu etiam metropolitani 
 ejusdem provinoiae pontifex ordinetur'(Maiisi,viii. 860). C.ofParia 
 555 (?) 0. 8, ' (NuUus) prinoipis imperio ... contra metropolitani 
 voluntatem' (Mansi, ix. 746). C. of Orleans 549, c. 10, 'Cumvolun- 
 tate Begis juxta electionem cleri ac plebis' (Mansi, ix. 131). 
 
 2 e.g. Emerius. (Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, xv. 26, 'Deoretum 
 euim regis Chlotaoharii habuerat, ut absque metropolitani consilio 
 benediceretur qui non erat praesens. ') 
 
10 
 
 POPE GEEGORT THE GREAT 
 
 Rivalries. 
 
 Archi- 
 
 episcopal 
 
 claims. 
 
 Bishops 
 
 V. 
 
 Priests. 
 
 canon^ thus narrowing down its recruiting-ground 
 to the ranks of slaves. It is clear that this, while it 
 did much to extend charity and break down slavery, 
 could not fail to diminish the respect felt for the 
 clergy and to lessen their influence. 
 
 Nor was any remedy to be found in concord in 
 the Church. On the contrary, the jealousies which 
 rankled in it were innumerable ^ It was not only 
 that Eome was looked at askance by many, and that 
 the metropolitans struggled with one another for 
 supremacy. The ambitious archbishops were not 
 content with their position and rights. To conse- 
 crate the bishops of the towns within their pro- 
 vince, to convoke the provincial synod and preside 
 at its sessions, to receive any charges against bishops 
 and lay them before the synod — all this was theirs 
 already. To dispense with the synod, to decide 
 themselves all charges against bishops, to depose 
 them at their pleasure, to rule their provinces un- 
 controlled — this was their constant aim. But, sup- 
 ported by Eome, the bishops successfully resisted, 
 though the struggles were fierce and incessant. 
 
 But the bishops had their own ambitions and 
 anxieties. They had to prevent the priests in their 
 sees from shaking off their dependence. In this also 
 
 1 Council of Orleans, 511, c. 4, ' Nullus saeeularium ad clericatus 
 officium praesumatur, nisi aut cum regia jussione aut cum judicis 
 voluntate.' (Mansi, viii. p. 352.) 
 
 " As early as 401 the rivalry of Aries and Vienne necessitated 
 the interference of a oouncU. Council of Turin, Canon 2, 'lUud 
 deinde inter episoopos urbium Arelatensis et Vienuensis qui de 
 primatus apud nos honore eertabant, a sancto synodo definitum 
 est, ut,' &c. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 11 
 
 they succeeded — the flowing tide was with them. 
 The increasing wealth of their benefices, the ad- 
 ministration of which was solely in their hands, gave 
 them a new source of power. Often strangers come 
 from the Court, they had no bond of communion 
 with the poor freedmen who were the priests of 
 their purchased sees. The growing infrequency' of 
 councils and synods practically freed them from 
 control and left* the priests with no appeal against 
 their oppression. Yet they offered a sharp resist- 
 ance and strained every nerve to carry their cause. 
 Again and again the bishops assembled in councils 
 denounced the ' conjurations ' of the clergy against 
 them, as they called the organised resistance to their 
 encroachments which they encountered^ 
 
 Two recent institutions added to the chaos. One Pnvate 
 of these was the introduction of private chaplains. 
 The kings, followed by their nobles, built their own 
 oratories or chapels, and chose their own priests. 
 The patron claimed full control of the services con- 
 ducted in his chapel, asserting his chaplain's in- 
 dependence of any ecclesiastical authority °. And 
 
 ^ In the whole pontificate of Gregory (590-604), only six synods 
 met in Gaul, and they were but local and poorly attended. 
 
 ' Council of Orleans, 538, o. 21, ' Si quis olericorum ut nuper 
 multis locis diabolo instigante actum fuisse perpatuit, rebelU 
 auctoritate se in unum conjuratione intercedente collegerint et aut 
 sacramenta inter se data, ' &o. (Mansi, ix. 17). Narbonne, 589, c. 5, 
 ' Conoiliabula vel oonjurationes non fiant olericorum,' &o. (Mansi, ix. 
 1015). Of. Eeims, 630, c. 2, 'De clericis si qui rebeUionis caussa 
 sacramentis se aut scripturae conjuratione constrinxerint atqne insi- 
 dias episcopo suo callida aUegatione confecerint.' (Mansi, x. 594.) 
 
 3 The rights of these chaplains with their limitations are laid 
 down in Canons 25 and 26 of the Fourth Council of Orleans, 541. 
 (Mansi, ix. 117, 118.) 
 
12 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 though council after council throughout the sixth 
 century declared these priests subject to the disci- 
 pline of the bishop, even as late as 650 A.D., the 
 Council of ChS,lons found it necessary to reassert 
 this claim with threats of excommunication against 
 offenders, by reason of the numerous complaints it 
 received on this point. 
 
 Monastic- The other institution of late growth which created 
 new groimds of quarrel was monasticism. The mona- 
 chism of the East, indeed, never gained a footing 
 among the inhabitants of Gaul. The colder climate 
 and the more practical and sociable western cha- 
 racter rendered it impossible, and it was zealously 
 warded off by the bishops. But the monasticism 
 brought to the West by Athanasius and naturalised 
 by Ambrose and Jerome was exactly suited to at- 
 tract the more enthusiastic of western Christians. 
 It was to avoid the temptations of the world, to seek 
 congenial society, and to find mutual support in 
 their religious life that men and women flocked to 
 the monasteries \ If they devoted much of their 
 time to worship and prayer, they gave much also 
 to study and manual toil. 
 
 in Gaul. Introduced into Gaul about the middle of the 
 
 fourth century by S. Martinus of Turones, the mo- 
 nastic life at once attracted a multitude of votaries. 
 When he died at the close of the century, two 
 thousand monks and many nuns were amongst the 
 crowds that followed his body to the grave. The 
 following century saw the establishment of eighty 
 
 1 Monastery was used originally to denote a House for either 
 men or women. 
 
AND HIS BELATIONS WITH GAUL. 13 
 
 new monasteries along the Rh6ne and Sa6ne, and 
 of twice that number in the rest of Gaul. 
 
 The invasion of the Franks brought new patrons 
 of the system. Chlodwig and Childebert I. founded 
 and endowed not a few houses, and their nobles vied 
 with one another in their imitation of the royal 
 example. Princesses were proud to be enrolled as 
 nuns, and gladly gave their wealth to convents'. 
 No district was* neglected. In the densest forest, 
 in the wildest desert rose the hymn and rang the 
 axe of the monk. Armorica, still unconquered by 
 the Frank, had its colony of monks from Britain. 
 No sooner has the fame of the new. rule of Benedict 
 far away upon the Apennines^ penetrated to the 
 north of Gaul, than Innocent, bishop of Le Mans, 
 sends to ask for its institution in his province". Maur 
 is sent, and, in the year of the death of his friend, 
 founds at Glanfeuil the first Benedictine monastery 
 in France. Thirty years later, Columban with his 
 band of Irish monks is traversing Gaul. Welcomed 
 by Gontran of Burgundy, he founds at Luxeuil, 
 under the rule he himself had composed, the largest 
 and most famous of the early monasteries. 
 
 In this multiplicity of rules there had been con- Abmes 
 fusion enough, but there were sources of mischief ^'^^'|"^ 
 beyond this. The new institution brought with it 
 
 ' e.g. Eadegund (Greg, of Tours, de Gloria Confessomm, c. 106, 
 Hist. Franc, ix. 2. 420). Chrodield and Basina (Hist. Franc, is. 
 39—40. 463-469). 
 
 ' Eule of Benedict established, 528. 
 
 ' A.D. 542. Innocent erected 40 monasteries in his diocese in 
 all. See Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Benedict., Vita S. 
 Mauri, 26, &c. Vol. i. p. 282. 
 
14 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 new abuses, rivalry between the leaders in the 
 same monastery, jealousies between different houses, 
 quarrels of princess-nuns that ended in war. Nor 
 were these all the evils that sprang from the growth 
 of monasticism. Technically laymen, the monks 
 Monks V. through their reputation for holiness soon acquired 
 Bishops, g^ semi-clerical authority. Hence the Church could 
 not suffer them to pass beyond her control. The 
 Council of Chalcedon decreed that monks and 
 monasteries should be under the authority of the 
 bishops^. The Gallic councils — in which the monks 
 were not directly represented — passed a series of 
 canons forbidding the foundation of monasteries 
 in any diocese without the bishop's consent, re- 
 quiring the abbot to meet his bishop at least once 
 a year, and declaring it illegal for a monk to form 
 a separate cell unless commissioned by the abbot 
 or bishop^ Similar regulations were made for the 
 conduct of nunneries'. 
 
 » Chalcedon, 451, c. 4 Hefele in. 389 (Eng. Trans.), ?So{e /iriSha 
 fiTldafiov oUodofietv fitjS^ avvuTTav fiovoffT'qpiov 97 eiiKTifpLov oXkov Trapa, 
 yvtbfi'qvTov T7}s TToXews eTUTKOTOW Toils dk Kad* ^KOffTtiv iraXiv kcU ^wpac 
 liom^ovTas inroTerdxflai Tif eirurKoirif. Cf. also Canons 7, 16, 24. 
 
 » Fifth CouncU of Aries, 554, c. 2 (Mansi, ix. p. 702): 'XJt 
 monasteria vel monaohorum diaciplina ad eum pertineant episco- 
 pum in oujus territorio conetituta.' (Cf. Epaon, 517, 0. 10. Mansi 
 vin. 560.) Second Council of Agde, 506, 0. 38, forbids making 
 separate ceUa (Mansi, vni. p. 331. Cf. Orleans, 511, 0. 22, p. 355); 
 and founding new monasteries, ' nisi episoopo aut permittente aut 
 probante' (0. 27, p. 329). First Council of Orleans, 511, c. 19 
 (Mansi, viii. p. 364), 'Abbates in episcoporum potestate oonsistant; 
 et si g.uid extra regulam fecerint ab episcopis corrigantur : qui semel 
 in anno in loco ubi episcopus elegerit, acoepta vocatione oouveniant.' 
 
 ' Fifth Council of Aries, u. 5, 'Ut episcopi de puellarum 
 monasteriis quae in sua civitate constituta sunt curam gerant,' &c. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 15 
 
 Such canons are clearly the birth of struggle. 
 The abbots were little likely to tamely submit to the 
 bishop, and monks would never without resistance 
 have surrendered the liberties of laymen. Indeed 
 the whole history of the early relations of monks and 
 clergy is the story of a bitter contest'. Even when 
 the bishops, to whom the decree of Chalcedon had 
 given an advantage not easily to be impaired, were 
 driven by the clamours of the monks and the in- 
 fluence of their patrons to make a show of granting 
 them privileges, they attempted to nullify them by 
 new claims. And though the kings themselves inter- 
 vened in behalf of their own foundations, the bishops 
 tried every means of still maintaining their usurped 
 powers, without incurring the royal displeasure. 
 
 Such then were some of the elements of con- The 
 fusion in the Church of Gaul after the Frankish tUe^Con- 
 Conquest. Struggles of bishop against archbishop, 2««»*- 
 of priest against prelate, of monk against cleric, 
 would have been disastrous at any time. But 
 these struggles when the Church was passing 
 through the crisis of the establishment of Feudal- 
 ism, when its supreme lord was the chief of a 
 half-civilised warrior-tribe, might seem to point to 
 its speedy ruin. Little indeed had it save the truth 
 
 1 Where a monastery was strong, the abbot compelled the 
 bishops to retrench their demands. Thus the Third Council of 
 Aries in 456 yielded the control of the monastery of Lirins to its 
 abbot. ' Monasterii vero omnis laioa multitude ad curam abbatis 
 pertineat : neque ex ea sibi episoopus quidquam viudicet.' (Mansi, 
 VII. 908.) So the Council of Carthage, 524, refers to the practice 
 of monasteries putting themselves under the control of the distant 
 see of Carthage to escape the interference of their own bishop. 
 (Mansi, viii. 633.) 
 
16 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 of its Gospel to support it. The higher clergy were 
 scarcely to be distinguished from the counsellors and 
 warriors with whom they mixed. The lower came 
 mostly from the despised order of slaves. All alike 
 were wanting in intellectual power, in uprightness, in 
 piety. Many cared for nothing but the chase' and 
 the carouse", and drunkenness was a vice amongst 
 them, alas, too common. 
 The Chris- Nor had the spirit of Christianity as yet firm 
 o/^tii/ hold upon the hearts and minds of the people. The 
 Franks, flrgt Catholic king accepted baptism because in a 
 desperate peril the Christians' God seemed to him 
 a mightier War-God than Woden or Thor. Nor 
 did his conversion prevent his murdering his nephew 
 and seizing his crown. Even in Neustria', where 
 the Franks were under greater Christian influences 
 than in Austrasia, a royal paramour could murder 
 the queen, marry the king, and slay an aged bishop 
 on the very altar of his church. Princesses who 
 had devoted their lives to God hired bravoes to 
 assault a council of bishops and dragged the whole 
 nation into strife. Kings had their half-dozen wives 
 and many concubines ; while a dowager-queen would 
 encourage their lust. 
 
 Nor were these the privileged vices of the 
 Court, where indeed Christianity found its most 
 
 Heathen- 
 ism. 
 
 ' Council of Epaon, 517, o. 4 (Mansi vni. p. 559), 'Episoopia, 
 presbyteris, atque diaconis canes ad veuandum et accipitres habere 
 non licet.' 
 
 2 Council of Agde, 506, o. 11 (Mansi viii. p. 332), 'Ante 
 omnia oleriois vitetur ebrietas. ' 
 
 8 Cf. Greg, of Tours, ix. 39. 463— ix. 43, 476; x. 15 and 16, 
 502-510. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 17 
 
 ready home. Elsewhere among the Franks, it was 
 either mingled with the old paganism or boldly re- 
 jected. In Neustria, Jesus and Thor were wor- 
 shipped side by side, and idols and images were 
 cherished and defended from the attacks of the 
 few enthusiastic priests. The worship of trees and 
 of springs was continued even by nominal Chris- 
 tians'. Witchcraft and sorcery were held in honour. 
 Bigamy and incestuous marriages were frequent. 
 
 In Austrasia, where communication with the 
 barbarians of Germany was more constant, and 
 where the invasion of the Huns had annihilated 
 Gallo-Roman Christianity long before, some bands 
 of Franks openly avowed their heathenism. In 
 forays of ravage they rode forth to carry off the 
 Christians of Burgundy and Auvergne and sell them 
 as slaves. Here banquets in honour of the old hea- 
 then deities were held. Here even human sacrifices 
 were not unknown. 
 
 If an ecclesiastic strove to stem the tide of vice,'* 
 it was but courting ruin. The steadfastness of a 
 Nicetius and a Columban was rewarded with exile. 
 Some of the best bishops, finding their endeavours 
 to secure reform foiled at every point, laid down 
 their croziers and turned as missionaries to the bar- 
 barians beyond the Rhine'. 
 
 All might have seemed lost. A hundred years 
 before the Franks had seemed the only light on the 
 
 1 Cf. Council of Agde, 506. Mansi, viii. 340. 
 
 ^ Nioetiua refused the sacrament to king Chlotar who had 
 been excommunicated. Greg, of Tours, Vitae Patrum, xvii. 2. 
 1236. Theodorich's licentiousness was reproved by Columban. 
 
 * Like Amandus, 647 a.d. 
 
 K. 2 
 
18 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 horizon amidst the darkness of heterodoxy and hea- 
 thenism*. Now their orthodox Christianity seemed 
 scarcely preferable to Paganism. 
 The And yet it was the Christianity of the Franks 
 
 "ofChristi- ^^^ ^^^ made Europe Christian. Not without rea- 
 anity. son did the East comprise all western Christians 
 under their name. Already, in the sixth century, 
 were they the arbiters of the West, and soon to be 
 its masters. Nominally Christians, they knew little 
 of religion. The work of making them Christians 
 indeed, of destroying the vestiges of heathenism 
 among them, of restoring the purity of the priest- 
 hood, was done by two powers — monasticism and 
 the Papacy. If we leave out of view the divine 
 spirit and life of Christianity, we may say that, 
 but for monk and Pope, the religion of Jesus would 
 have died out amongst the Franks, and that conse- 
 quently Europe would have sunk back into hea- 
 thenism. 
 
 While the monks laboriously and very slowly 
 taught the people what religion means, while they 
 gradually drew them from their vices and savagery, 
 the Papacy revealed to the Frankish nation her place 
 in Christendom and girded her for her work. Out of 
 chaos it developed order, out of crude barbarism 
 respect for sacred things, above the seat of earthly 
 power it reared the throne of Christ. It is with the 
 birth of its influence upon the Franks that we are 
 
 ^ Salvianus de Gubernatione Dei, iv. 'Duo enim genera in 
 omni gente barbarorum sunt, lA est aut haereticorum aut pagan- 
 orum.' For the baptism of Chlodwig see Greg, of Tours, Hist. 
 Franc, ii. 31. 83. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 19 
 
 concerned. But to enable us to realise what that 
 influence had to efifect, and to appreciate at its right 
 value the first intercourse of Frankish king and 
 Roman bishop, the preceding view of the state of 
 the Church and society of Gaul in the sixth century 
 was necessary. It will show us how true is the re- 
 mark of Milman in which he emphasises the critical 
 character of that age : — ' It is impossible to conceive 
 what had been the confusion, the lawlessness, the 
 chaotic state of the Middle Ages without the medi- 
 aeval Papacy; and of the mediaeval Papacy the real 
 father is Gregory the Great'.' 
 
 Perhaps at this point it will be well to attempt The Popes 
 to form an idea of the position secured by earlier ctj^^/^s 
 Popes with regard to Gaul, in order that we may of Gaul. 
 realise the starting-point of Gregory's influence upon 
 that country. We have already seen that the Church 
 of the Franks of the sixth century is but that of the 
 old Gallo-Romans, in the crisis of the conquest and 
 the development of feudalism, almost overborne, it 
 is true, yet surviving. It has already been stated 
 that this Church probably owed its foundation to 
 Asia. But, as time passed on, this was forgotten. 
 The Roman Church, proud of her home in the Im- 
 perial city, strong in the tradition of an Apostle- 
 bishop, added to her other pretensions the assertion 
 that she was the Mother of all the Churches «of the 
 West*. These, the Popes alleged, had all been 
 
 1 Milman, Hist, of Latin Christianity, Bk. iii. c. 7 (Vol. ii. 
 p. 102). 
 
 2 Thus Innocent I. wrote, ' Praesertim cum sit manifestum in 
 onmem Italiam, Gallias, Hispanias, Africam, atque SicUiam, et 
 insulas interjaoentes nullum instituisse eoolesias nisi eos quos 
 
 2—2 
 
20 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 founded by delegates of S. Peter or of his successors 
 in the bishopric of Eome. Since this claim met 
 with no refutation, at the end of the sixth century 
 Gregory' could call, without fear of dispute, the 
 Gallic Church the daughter of that which he ruled. 
 The claims But ' the Apostolic See ' could not be content 
 Roman with filial respect. It demanded more than this, 
 Church, and eagerly seized every chance of increasing its 
 power. The prestige of Rome as the Eternal City 
 of Empire, her almost unbroken fidelity to the ortho- 
 dox faith, her wealth, her position as the only Patri- 
 archate'' in the West, her missionary zeal, but above 
 all her claim to be the Apostolic See of S. Peter's 
 foundation gave her bishop a weight of influence 
 far exceeding that of the other patriarchs every- 
 where, but especially in the West. Add to this 
 that the presence of the Emperor made the Pope's 
 only competitor, the Patriarch of Constantinople, a 
 mere courtier, while his absence left the Bishop of 
 Rome the man of most mark in Italy', and we have 
 the sources of the Papal power. 
 
 The support of an influence so great was eagerly 
 sought by the bishops of Gaul in their resistance to 
 the encroachments of their metropolitans which we 
 have described. To gain it they were not likely to- 
 
 venerabilis apostolus Petrus aut ejus sucoessores oonstituerint 
 saeerdotes.' Mansi, iii. p. 1028. 
 
 ' Greg. Epp. v. 53, 'Quid aliud quam bona aoboles ad siuum 
 matris recurrit ? ' &c. 
 
 2 Originally the Patriarchate of Rome extended over only the 
 provinces under the civil jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbis, viz. 
 Upper Italy, Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica. 
 
 s Thus Gregory appoints generals (Greg. Epp. ii. 31), and 
 makes peace (ii. 46, v. 36). 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GATJL. 21 
 
 count the recognition of the claims of Rome too 
 high a price to pay. 
 
 The first successful interference of the Roman Papal in- 
 bishop in the affairs of Gaul seems to have been the t^GaUi^ 
 convocation at the suggestion of Pope Sylvester in afairs. 
 314 of a synod at Arelate. Moreover his authority 
 received a certain recognition from the bishops 
 there assembled, for they thought it necessary or 
 respectful to send him their decisions. 
 
 But it was the Council of Sardica' (343) which Sardica. 
 first formally announced the supremacy of the 
 Bishop of Rome over the Churches of the West. 
 Assembled in the very heat of the Arian contro- 
 versy, the western bishops, eager defenders of ortho- 
 doxy against the heterodox Emperor and patriarchs 
 of the East, conferred on Julius, bishop of Rome, un- 
 precedented rights of appellate jurisdiction through- 
 out the West. Though granted but temporarily, 
 the Church of Rome claimed these rights as her 
 inalienable possession, bestowed upon her by the 
 Universal Church, even ascribing the decrees by 
 which she had gained them to the Council of 
 Nicsea. Armed with this authority, she asserted 
 the extension of her patriarchate from the narrow 
 limits of the suburban districts to the utmost bounds 
 
 of Africa, Spain, and GauP. This spirit breathes in The right 
 
 of Appeal 
 to RoTiie. 
 1 Council of Sardioa, o. 3 (Mansi, ti. 1142), c. 7 (p. 1144), 
 
 &o. 
 
 '■' Thus in a Constitutio of Theodosius 11. date 541, the Bp of 
 Rome is termed d (d7iiiTaTos varpiapxri^) t^s iffireptas. Gregory 
 claims to decide all oases in which a bishop is concerned who has 
 no metropolitan or patriarch. E.g. Epp. xiii. 45, cap. 2, ' Si dictum 
 fuerit quia nee Metropolitam habuit nee Patriaroham, dieendum 
 
22 POPE GKEGORT THE GREAT 
 
 a letter of the date 404 A.D. from Pope Innocent I. to 
 Victricius, bishop of Eotomagus\ While he forbids 
 any question between ecclesiastics to be carried to 
 any court but the provincial synod, he expressly 
 excepts appeals to Rome, even in minor cases". And 
 all more important cases are to be referred to the 
 Apostolic See ' as the council has decided and a 
 holy custom demands'.' 
 
 The next interference of the Bishop of Rome in 
 the affairs of Gaul was not very effective, though the 
 occasion is suggestive. When the horde of Huns 
 swept over its frontier the prefect removed his 
 head-quarters from Augusta Treverorum to Arelate. 
 This created a source of constant dispute. Arelate 
 had hitherto been a diocese under the metropolitan 
 bishop of Vienna, but now the rule that the seat of 
 Imperial government must also be the see of the 
 archbishop of the province suddenly raised it to 
 supremacy. But, always jealous of their neigh- 
 bours, the bishops of the province were disinclined 
 to acknowledge the authority of the new metropolis. 
 Not only Vienna, but other Churches also resisted. 
 Unable to crush their opposition, Patroclus, arch- 
 est A Sede Apostolica quae omnium Eoolesiarum caput est causa 
 haec audienda et dirimenda est.' 
 
 ^ The authenticity of this letter has however been doubted, but 
 without convincing reason. Innocent I. Ep. ii. Migne, 20, p. 472. 
 
 " Cap. III. ' Secundum synodum Nieaenum congregatis ejusdem 
 provinciae episcopia jurgium terminetur neo alicui liceat (sine 
 praejudioio tamen Bomanae ecclesiae cui in omnibus causis debet 
 reverentia eustodiri)...ad alias convolare provincias.' 
 
 * ' Si majores causae in medium fuerint devolutae, ad sedem 
 apostolicam sieut synodus statuit et beata consuetudo exigit post 
 judicium episoopale referantur. ' 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 23 
 
 bishop of Arelate, appealed to Zosiraus, bishop of 
 the Apostolic See, to degrade one of his most recal- 
 citrant bishops, Proculus of Massilia. This he con- 
 sented to do. But Proculus boldly set his authority 
 at nought, and held on his way'. a.d. 417. 
 
 A few years later, in 428, Celestine of Rome 
 wrote to censure the priests of Gaul for abandoning 
 the common tunica and toga, and assuming as a 
 distinctive clerical garb the dress of the monks of 
 the East. 
 
 But it is clear that while the clergy of Gaul 
 were willing to invoke the authority of Rome in 
 their quarrels, the Bishops of Rome did not yet 
 consider that interference was a duty. As circum- 
 stances and their own natures prompted, they either 
 interfered or not. Thus Boniface, when the clergy 
 of Valentia appealed to him against their bishop, 
 referred them to the provincial synod. But Leo Leo the 
 the Great, always eager to extend the power of 
 Rome, when a chance of success offered, boldly 
 struck at the most powerful prelate of Gaul. His 
 conflict with Hilarius of Arelate, the meeting of 
 two ambitions in deadly strife, throws so strong a 
 light upon the state of the Gallic Church and its 
 relations with Rome, that we may be excused if we 
 
 ' Zosimus, Ep. v. (Migne, torn. 20, p. 664). Zosimus ap- 
 points Patroclus his vicar, and gives him metropolitan rights 
 over the provinces of Vienna, Narbonensis Prima, and Narbonensis 
 Secunda.Ep. i. (Migne, 20.). He and his correspondents attribute 
 Christianity in Gaul to the sending of Trophimus to that country 
 by Peter and the Apostles. This legend, so useful for the support 
 of the papal claims, seems to be due to the mission of a man of 
 that name from Fabian, bp of Eome, to Arelate, 250 a.d. 
 
24 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 give its story. Hilarius had arrogated to himself 
 the primacy of Gaul. Not content with the con- 
 trol of the province of which he was metropolitan, 
 he extended his visitations throughout the country, 
 No Pope ordaining bishops in all parts. In one of these 
 but the illegal visitations he deposed, on the ground of 
 Pope. irregularity of life, Chelidonius, bishop of Vesontio, 
 who at once appealed to Leo. He, recognising the 
 importance of preventing the organisation of the 
 Churches of Gaul under one primate, took up the 
 case. Hilarius came to Rome to protest in person 
 against any infringement of the ancient liberties of 
 the Gallic Church', but Leo, deaf to such remon- 
 strances, declared his sentence null, and summoned 
 him to answer before himself the charge of wrongful 
 deposition which the triumphant Chelidonius at once 
 set up. Hilarius refused to recognise the authority 
 of the Apostolic See over the Church of Gaul, re- 
 asserted his own rights, and then fled from Rome 
 to avoid assassination. Upon this Leo wrote to the 
 bishops of his province", declaring them free from 
 subjection to Arelate, putting them under the metro- 
 politan authority of Vienna, denouncing the conduct 
 of Hilarius as sacrilegious opposition to S. Peter, and 
 
 ' Vita Hilarii, xvn. (Migue, torn. 50), 'Se ad officia non ad 
 causam venisse: protestandi ordine, non aoousandi, quae sunt 
 acta suggerere.' 
 
 ^ Leonis Opera (Migne, t. 64, p. 628), Epistola x. c. 7, ' Suis 
 unaquaeque provincia sit oontenta coneiliis, neo ultra Hilarius 
 audeat oonventus indioere synodales et sacerdotum Domini judicia 
 se interserendo turbare. Qui non tantum noverit se ab alieno 
 jure depulsum sed etiam Viennensis provinoiae quam male usurpa- 
 verat potestate privatum... Non ergo intersit uUi ordinationi.' Cf. 
 Ep. LXVI. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 25 
 
 forbidding him to travel beyond his province or 
 assist at any ordination. It is uncertain' whether 
 Hilarius ever yielded in any degree to this storm 
 of opposition, but the most notable result of the 
 conflict was a step which Leo prevailed upon the 
 Emperor to take. This was the promulgation of the 
 famous 'Constitution of Valentinianl' It denounced 
 Hilarius, and proclaimed the consent of the Bishop 
 of Rome necesSkry for any changes in the Church 
 of Gaul, and his decrees binding. The responsi- 
 bility of bringing any recalcitrant to the papal bar 
 it laid upon the civil governor of the province. 
 
 The more vigorous successors of Leo, however, 
 were compelled to turn their energies in another 
 direction. To resist the encroachment of the Im- 
 perial power upon their rights gave them almost 
 sufficient occupation and anxiety, without their at- 
 tempting to carry out the ambitious designs of Leo 
 upon the liberties of the Gallic Church. Moreover, 
 the Frankish conquest deprived the decree of Valen- 
 tinian of its practical sanction. 
 
 Yet one custom dates from this period which The 
 
 Pallium. 
 
 ' Vita Hilarii, o. 17, says, 'In oivitatem regressua, licet oorporali 
 infirmitate fractuB, tamen...totum se ad placandum tunc animum 
 sancti Leonis inolinata humilitate convertit.' This may well be 
 doubted. 
 
 ^ In Leonis Opera (Migne, torn. 54, p. 636), Ep. xi., 'Hoc perenni 
 sanctions censemus ne quid tarn episcopis Gallicanis quam 
 aliarum provinciarum contra consuetudinem veterem liceat sine 
 viri venerabilis papae Urbis aeternae auctoritate tentare. Sed hoc 
 illis omnibusque pro lege sit quidquid sanxit vel sanxerit apostolioae 
 sedis auctoritas : ita ut quisquis episooporum ad judicium Eomani 
 antistitis evocatus venire neglexerit, per moderatorem ejusdem 
 provinoiae adesse cogatur.' 
 
26 POPE GREGOKY THE GREAT 
 
 gave the Bishop of Kome another hold upon the 
 prelates of the West. This was the granting by the 
 occupant of the Apostolic See to leading bishops of 
 the pallium, a white scarf with black spots, worn 
 only on occasions of special ceremony. As its use 
 was restricted to the very highest ranks of the 
 bishops, and originally was the concomitant of me- 
 tropolitan authority, it was eagerly sought after. 
 As far as the West was concerned, the gift lay with 
 the Bishop of Rome, though the consent of the 
 Emperor was also required. Thus Rome became 
 in a sense the fountain of honour in the Church, 
 and it is clear how easy this custom made it for 
 the Pope to secure the support of the most powerful 
 prelate in a province, and to centre the hopes of the 
 subordinate bishops in himself 
 
 During the greater part of the sixth century the 
 intercourse of the Apostolic See with the Churches 
 of Gaul was chiefly confined to the granting of the 
 pallium to the Archbishops of Aries'. But in 581 
 we find the first communication between the Bishop 
 of Rome and the Frankish court. In that year the 
 Pope, Pelagius II., induced the Franks to come to 
 the aid of Italy against its Lombard invaders. So 
 low had Rome fallen. 
 
 But in 590 was elected a Pope very different 
 from the weaklings who so long had held the 
 Bishopric of Rome, a Pope with the aims of Leo, 
 possessed of boundless courage and untiring energy, 
 
 ' Given 514 to Caesarius by Pope Symmaohus, Vita S. Cae- 
 sarii, I. 22 (Mabillou, Acta SS. i. p. 663) ; to Auxanius 545 
 (Migne, 69, p. 28) and Aurelianus (Migne, 69, p. 38) by Vigilius ; 
 to Sapaudus by Pelagius I. (Ep. xi. p. 405, Migne). 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 27 
 
 quick to observe and prompt to seize any oppor- 
 tunity of gaining his ends ; a skilled diplomatist, a 
 wise statesman, a born leader of men, a saintly 
 Christian. 
 
 Anicius Gregorius, as the scion of a wealthy Gregory 
 senatorial family, had been carefully trained from *^^J^""'^' 
 his birth for a political career. While still young 6*0 a.d. 
 he attained the highest office in Rome open to a 
 civilian, for in 574 he was made Prsefectus Urbis. 
 But the example of his mother, who on his father's His earlier 
 death had entered a convent and by her sanctity ^^^' 
 gained the honour of canonisation, seems to have 
 induced him, shortly after, to renounce politics, to 
 change his palace into a monastery, and himself to 
 become a monk. Such a man, however, could not 
 be allowed to bury himself in such seclusion and 
 waste his talents in a convent. On the first vacancy 
 in the diaconate of Rome he was chosen by the 
 Pope to fill it. Then an office which had fre- 
 quently been the stepping-stone to the Papacy 
 itself, an office requiring the utmost delicacy of 
 tact and yet the stoutest firmness of purpose, was 
 given to him. He was sent as the Pope's ' apo- 
 crisiarius' to the Imperial court. Here for six 
 years he remained, receiving a training in diplo- 
 macy and gaining an insight into politics which 
 must have contributed largely to his successful ad- 
 ministration in after years. On his return he was 
 appointed abbot of the monastery which he had 
 founded, where his strict asceticism, his fame as a 
 preacher, his talents, his position as one of the seven 
 deacons, and the weakness of the Pope gained him 
 
28 POPE GEEGOET THE GREAT 
 
 an influence second to none in Kome. When, in 
 Elected February, 590, the plague carried off Pope PeJagius', 
 °^'' there could be no two opinions as to the succession. 
 Senate, clergy and people elected Gregory without 
 a dissentient voice. It was in vain that he held 
 back. For the letter which he sent to the Emperor 
 begging him not to confirm the election, the prefect 
 of the city substituted a statement of the unani- 
 mous desire of all classes. Though, during the in- 
 terval before the Emperor's confirmation arrived, 
 the exigencies of the time compelled Gregory to 
 assume the guidance of the Church and the con- 
 trol of the city, yet, when it was received, his 
 feeling of unfitness for the post drove him to flee 
 from Rome. He was discovered, brought back, and 
 ordained Bishop of Rome at the beginning of Sep- 
 tember, 590. This reluctance to assume his charge 
 sprang from no cowardice or weakness''. Once in 
 the chair of S. Peter, if he looked back with wistful 
 glance upon the peace of his secluded years, if 'the 
 care of all the Churches' came 'daily upon' him, he 
 strove bravely to act up to his responsibilities. He 
 had weighed them from the beginning, and Provi- 
 dence had laid their burden upon him. As the 
 
 1 Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, i. 1. 
 
 2 For his reluctance see Epp. i. 5, 'Alta enim quietis meae 
 gaudia perdidi....Undique causarum fluctibus quatior ao tempes- 
 tatibus deprimor.' i. 31, 'Siout peccata mea merebantur non 
 Eomanorum sed Langobardorum episcopus factus sum. Gemo 
 quotidie oocupationibus pressus et respirare non valeo.' i. 43, 
 ' Flens reminiscor quod perdidi meae plaoidum littus quietis.' 
 VII. 4, ' Infirmitatis meae consoius secretiora loca petere aliquando 
 decreveram. ' Cf. i. 4, 6, 7, 30. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 29 
 
 servant of the Lord, lie could contemplate no 'gran 
 rifiuto" like a later pope. 
 
 His idea of his office was lofty. The four Patri- His view 
 archal sees he accounted the joint foundation aipapLy. 
 the Church, and of these the first and highest was 
 Rome. Over all for whom no other cared the 
 Roman bishop must extend his care. He recog- 
 nised the Emperor as his legal lord, yet could suffer 
 no encroachments on the rights of the Churches. 
 To hold the metropolitans in dependence on the 
 Roman see, to restore the rights of the bishops, 
 to crush heresy and schism, to revive the spiritual 
 life of the Church, to make monasticism an effective 
 instrument of good, to send the Gospel to the bar- 
 barous heathen, these were some of his aims, these 
 were some of the duties, he conceived, of the suc- 
 cessor of Peter. 
 
 The Roman bishop who in that age of disinte- Hisper- 
 gration should attain these aims must needs be a ^^^l^' 
 man of vigour and power. It is true that the au- 
 thority which bis predecessors had really or nomi- 
 nally gained gave him a foundation on which to work. 
 But in the midst of a crumbling civilisation, with 
 an Emperor disposed to jealously crush any revival 
 of the power of the Roman Patriarch, with a dis- 
 oi-ganised Church-system, Gregory must have felt 
 that his influence must depend upon his own per- 
 sonality. Whatever he achieved he achieved in 
 spite of circumstances. 
 
 Especially is this true of his relations with Gaul. 
 "Whether it be the results of his Papacy upon the 
 
 1 Dante, Inferno, in. 59. 
 
30 POPE GEKGORY THE GREAT 
 
 Church or the influence he exerted upon the Court 
 at which we look, we find that both were due 
 rather to the respect his character inspired and 
 the energy he threw into all that he did than to 
 the exercise of any questionable authority or the 
 assertion of any claims. 
 
 His corre- The only method which it is possible for us to 
 
 with Gaul fo^ow if we would understand the relations of this 
 many-sided man with Gaul is to examine the whole 
 of his correspondence with that country. In nearly 
 every letter which he sent to personages dwelling 
 in Gaul we shall find some point which we cannot 
 afford to neglect if we would gain a comprehensive 
 view of his activity and designs. 
 
 June, 591. His first communication' with Gaul we trace in 
 a letter in which, according to custom'', the newly- 
 elected Bishop of Rome announces his election to 
 the Archbishop of Aries. This was Virgilius, ori- 
 ginally a monk of Lerins, then abbot of the monas- 
 tery at Autun until 588, when he was raised to his 
 present dignity. But with the formal announce- 
 ment Gregory joined his remonstrance against an 
 all too- prevalent evil. 
 
 Gregory The zeal of the Christian Franks for their new 
 
 faith had often shown itself in the violence they 
 exhibited to its opponents. For the conversion of 
 unbelievers, especially of the Jews, rough means 
 
 1 Greg. Ep. i. 47. 
 
 2 So Gelasiua I. (Migne, torn. 59), Ep. i. ad Euphemianum 
 (patriarch of Constantinople), ' Apostolioam sedem institutum 
 aibi noviter saeerdotem praeeuntibua oportuisse dixisti litteris 
 indioare. Fuit quondam eoclesiastica vetus liaeo regula apud 
 patres nostros' (misquoted by Lau). 
 
 and the 
 Jews, 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 31 
 
 had been used, even with royal sanction'. Soon 
 after the accession of Gregory to the throne of 
 Peter complaints had been lodged with him by 
 some Roman merchants of the Jewish persuasion 
 that their co-religionists in Marseilles were sub- 
 jected to this treatment, and his intervention had 
 been sought. Accordingly he seizes this occasion of 
 his writing to Virgilius of Aries to interpose. His 
 letter is an illustration of the fine diplomatic tact 
 which we shall be forced so often to admire in 
 his conduct. The delicate compliment he pays to 
 Virgilius in insinuating that the persecution in 
 Marseilles is not beyond his province, the artful- 
 ness of joining the Bishop of Marseilles with the 
 Archbishop of Aries as one to whom his election 
 should be announced, smooth the difficulty of his 
 task of remonstrance. He praises the ardour of 
 the bishop, Theodore", yet urges that preaching, 
 not persecution', should be employed to win the 
 unbelieving. 
 
 Nor must we lose sight of these two facts, that 
 the Jews appealed against a Bishop of Marseilles 
 to one whom they understood to be his superior, 
 the Bishop of Rome, but that Gregory's reproof is 
 couched in words not of authority but of brotherly 
 counsel. 
 
 1 Cf. Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, vi. 17. 292, 'Eex vero 
 Chilpericus multos Judaeorum eo anno (582) baptizari praecepit. 
 NonnuUi tamen eorum corpora tantum, non oorde abluti, &o.' 
 
 (^ Cf . Joh. Diacon. iv. 42, ' Judaeorum perfidiam rationibua 
 'magis quam violentiis excutere Gregorius decertabat.' 
 "~~v> For Theodore cf. Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, vi. 11. 286; 
 VIII. 12. 384; ix. 22. 447. He was bishop from 580 to 591, and 
 incurred the displeasure of the king, Gontran, and his townsmen. 
 
32 POPE GEEGOEY THE GEEAT 
 
 No record of communication between Gregory 
 and Gaul during the next two years has reached 
 us, but in 593 the silence is broken. Of that date 
 we possess a letter' of the Pope to Dynamius, who 
 held the office of Prsefectus Galliarum, or Frankish 
 Gregory governor of the province of Aries. At the request 
 '^J^tat^of of the Bishop of Rome he had also acted as 'rector' 
 the Roman of an estate at Marseilles which formed part of the 
 so-called patrimony of S. Peter. This patrimony 
 consisted of lands acquired by the Roman see to 
 establish a revenue by which its multitudes of poor 
 might be supported. Even the smallest details of 
 the administration of other portions of it did not 
 escape the vigilance of Gregory", and we may well 
 believe that from the very first he interested him- 
 self in the working of the patrimony at Marseilles. 
 But the first letter we have bearing upon the sub- 
 ject is this to Dynamius, in which he acknowledges 
 the receipt of 400 Gallic solidi, the rent collected 
 and forwarded by the 'rector.' In recognition of 
 his faithfulness and care Gregory sends him a cross, 
 studded with relics of S. Peter's chains, and set in 
 portions of the gridiron of S. Lawrence. 
 
 Before we pass on to Gregory's next letter to 
 
 The poll- Gaul it will be necessary for us to glance at the 
 
 tical state political State of that country ^ Without tracing 
 
 the course of the struggles concerning the succes- 
 
 1 III. 33, dated April. 
 
 ^ 'Gregory I. was the reorganiser of the patrimonies of the 
 Church of Eome,' Wisbaum. Cf. i. 44, detailed instructions on the 
 management of the Sicilian estate. Other estates were in Etturia, 
 Campania, Corsica, Dalmatia and Africa. 
 
 2 See Greg, of Tours, BUst. Franc, passim. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 33 
 
 sion from the time of Chlodwig, it may suffice to 
 state that in 575 Gaul comprised three kingdoms', 
 Austrasia on the Ehine, Neustria in the North and 
 West, and Burgundy between the Rhine and the 
 Mediterranean, under the rule of three grandsons 
 of Chlodwig, Siegbert, Chilperich and Gontran re- 
 spectively. The first two had married two sisters, 
 Brunhild and Galsuinth, daughters of Athanagild, 
 the Visigoth king of Spain'. But Chilperich mur- 
 ders Galsuinth and makes Fredegond, his paramour, 
 who had instigated the crime, his queen in her 
 stead. Brunhild eagerly seeks vengeance and stirs 
 her husband Siegbert to attack his brother. Chil- 
 perich is utterly defeated and almost driven from 
 his kingdom when Fredegond procures the assassi- 
 nation of Siegbert. His young son Childebert, whose 
 death also was intended, is rescued and recognised 
 as king by many of the Austrasian nobles. Chil- 
 perich, however, succeeds in seizing the treasures 
 and most of the kingdom of Siegbert, and banishes 
 Brunhild. Hereupon Gontran espouses the cause of 
 Childebert, adopts him as his son, and, by rousing 
 the warriors of Austrasia against Chilperich, compels 
 him to make terms by also adopting Childebert. 
 
 In 584 Brunhild attained part of her vengeance 
 by the assassination of Chilperich. On this Frede- 
 gond fled to Gontran with her infant son. He 
 extended his protection to her, and took under his 
 
 ' It is quite impossible to accurately define the limits of thesa 
 kingdoms. Their boundaries were continually shifting, and the 
 relations of Western France, south of the Loire, and the coast of 
 the Mediterranean to the three Courts have never been fully realised. 
 
 2 Cf. Fortunatus, vi. 7. 
 
 K. 3 
 
34 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 control, as regent for the boy-king Chlotar, Neustria 
 and that part of Austrasia which Chilperich had 
 conquered — thus gaining the enmity of Childebert. 
 His severity produced an insurrection which com- 
 pelled him to seek the alliance of that king by 
 uniting Austrasia under him and naming him sole 
 heir to Burgundy. 
 
 Thus when Gregory became bishop of Rome, 
 Childebert was king of Austrasia and heir to Bur- 
 gundy; Gontran his uncle was king of Burgundy 
 and regent of Neustria in the name of Chlotar, the 
 son of his brother Chilperich. Brunhild was all- 
 powerful at the court of her son Childebert, whUe 
 Fredegond with her son Chlotar remained under the 
 care of Gontran. 
 
 But, in 593, Gontran died, and was succeeded 
 by Childebert, who thus combined in one kingdom 
 Austrasia and Burgundy. One of his first acts was 
 to remove Dynamius from his patriciate. In the 
 struggles arising out of the protection afforded to 
 Fredegond in Burgundy, Dynamius had abandoned 
 the cause of Brunhild and her son for that of 
 Gontran'. His office was too important to be en- 
 trusted to one on whom the new king could not 
 absolutely rely, and coveted by too many not to be 
 bestowed as a reward on one of his friends. 
 
 It therefore became necessary that another 'rec- 
 tor' of the patrimony of S. Peter should be ap- 
 pointed, and Gregory seems to have found no diffi- 
 
 1 Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, vi. 11. 288. 'At Dynamius 
 immemor fidei quam Childeberto regi promiserat, ad Guntramnum 
 regem nuntios dirigit,' &a. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 35 
 
 culty in obtaining the consent of Arigius', the new 
 patrician, to act in that capacity until one could be 
 sent from Rome. In 594 accordingly he wrote^ to 
 the tenants' on the estate, announcing that he had 
 determined to send them a rector from Rome, and 
 bidding them meanwhile diligently obey Arigius as 
 became the servants of S. Peter. Let them hand 
 over their rents to a body whom they should elect 
 themselves, who should retain them till the new 
 rector should arrive. They would select for this 
 trust, he was sure, only men on whose honesty he 
 could rely. 
 
 In the same year must be placed a visit paid to 594—595. 
 Rome by Gregory, bishop of Tours, the historian of -^ *""? 
 the first century of Frankish rule in Gaul*. The 
 fame of the Pope had reached him in his distant 
 see. When brought face to face with him he could 
 not refrain from expressing his surprise that one of 
 so grand an intellect and character should be so 
 small in stature. His admiration was rewarded by 
 the gift of a golden cathedra for the bishopric of 
 Tours. 
 
 With his accession to the Burgundian throne, 
 Childebert had become feudal lord of the southern 
 bishoprics. He had apparently urged Virgilius, 
 
 1 To this Arigius vi. 57 and ix. 118 are addressed. 
 
 ■' V. 31. 
 
 ' The conduetores to whom this epistle is addressed were not 
 really the tenants, who were called coloni, but a kind of agents or 
 over-tenants. 
 
 * See Life of Greg, of Tours, prefixed to his works. (Migne, 
 torn. 71, p. 126.) S. Gregorii Magni Vita (ex eius soriptis 
 adornata), in. 3. 7 and 8. In praise of him, Fortunatus, v. 3. 
 
 3—2 
 
36 
 
 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 Gregory's 
 Vicar in 
 Gaul. 
 
 A.D. 395. 
 Augxist. 
 
 archbishop of Aries, to apply to Gregory for the 
 pallium and the vicariate of Rome among the 
 Churches of Gaul. This Virgilius had done and 
 the king had joined in the request, which Gregory 
 was glad to grant. To have been first addressed by 
 the king, and to have laid him under an obligation, 
 had given him an opening such as he might long 
 have sought in vain. The application of Virgilius 
 too would seem to Gregory a voluntary submission 
 of the first prelate in Gaul, promising well for his 
 influence over all the bishops and Churches, and for 
 the success of his attempts to purify the religious 
 life of the nation. 
 
 Accordingly he announces' to Virgilius his con- 
 sent on the ground of old custom". He urges him 
 to exert his own utmost power, and also to stir up 
 the zeal of the king, for the eradication of simony 
 and of the ordination of laymen as bishops, which he 
 had learnt to be general in the Frankish kingdoms. 
 The letter concludes with a description of the privi- 
 leges thus conferred upon him. He is to be the 
 representative of the Bishop of Rome to all Churches 
 within the kingdom of Childebert. The pallium he 
 may now wear — but only at the celebration of 
 mass. No bishop was to leave his diocese without 
 his consent. To decide questions of faith and 
 disputes between bishops he must convoke a 
 court of twelve bishops. In any case which they 
 could not decide they were to ascertain the facts 
 
 1 V. 53. 
 
 " Of. XI, 64. 'Ab antiquispraedecessorum meorum temporibus 
 pallium Arelatensis Episeopua accepit.' See supra, p. 26, n. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 37 
 
 and refer the decision upon them to the Bishop of 
 Kome. 
 
 At the same time Gregory wrote to the bishops 
 of Child ebert's kingdom'. He reminds them that, 
 if there is to be general harmony in any system, 
 dififerences of rank are necessary. Even among 
 the angelic hosts of heaven there are archangels. 
 Therefore, to secure the integrity of the Catholic 
 faith, and for the settlement of disputes between 
 brother-priests among them, he had made Virgilius 
 his vicar, and would have them obey him. Yet no 
 important decision could be arrived at by Virgilius 
 alone. A competent number of bishops is to be 
 called in to decide difficult cases, while the Apostolic 
 See must be appealed to in regard to matters in- 
 volving much doubt or of very great importance. 
 He urges them to attend the synods, or, if unable 
 to do so, to send a representative. For absence can- 
 not excuse a prelate from the duty of carrying out 
 their decrees. Without the consent of Virgilius 
 they must undertake no long journey. He con- 
 cludes by exhorting them to solicitude about their 
 charge and announcing that he has bidden Virgilius 
 extirpate simony. 
 
 Accompanying these epistles he sent one to 
 Ohildebert himself ^ in which he thankfully ac- 
 knowledges the interest in the priesthood and the 
 devotion to Christianity of which his letter had 
 oiven proof, and announces his compliance with his 
 request. He takes the opportunity of beseeching Abuses in 
 him to lend his aid in the correction of various * "" ' 
 
 1 V. 54. " V. 55. 
 
38 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 abuses in the Churches of Gaul, lest the faults of 
 others should injure his kingdom or his soul. 
 
 Lay The first of these is that 'laymen receive the 
 
 IS ops. ^Qjjg^j.g g^jj^ mount to the bishopric at one head- 
 long leap.' How', asks Gregory, can one who has 
 never been a scholar be a competent teacher? 
 'How can he intercede for the sins of others who 
 has not first bewept his own?' Such a bishop is 
 not a shepherd, but a robber. The king would 
 never appoint a general whose valour and industry 
 and patience had not been tried. So 'it is dis- 
 graceful that men who know nothing of even the 
 elements of Christian soldiery should seize upon the 
 command.' 
 
 Simony. Another of these abuses was 'the heresy of si- 
 
 mony,' that 'the holy orders are granted for money '.^ 
 Let his excellency stamp out this detestable crime. 
 Every man that buys these sacred offices is, he pro- 
 nounces, ipso facto convicted of unfitness for them. 
 
 Finally, he begs the king to give all possible help 
 to Virgilius in the discharge of his new duties. 
 
 Sept. 595. It was apparently in the following month that 
 Gregory sent Candidus, a trusty servant from the 
 
 The eyes company of priests he was training at Kome, to 
 
 Papacv. assume the office of Rector of the estate of S. Peter 
 at Marseilles. This was in accordance with the 
 
 1 It seemed well to attempt to show the kind of arguments that 
 Gregory directed against these abuses. They have been given here 
 in connexion with the first letter in which they are used. They 
 often recur. 
 
 ^ Greg, attacks this evil everywhere, e.g. in lUyricum, u. 23; 
 I in Epirus,vi.8; in Corinth, v. 57 and 58; in Africa, iii. 48 and 49; 
 
 at Alexandria, xiii. 41 ; at Antiooh, ix. 49 ; at Jerusalem, xi. 46. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 39 
 
 policy which he had long adopted elsewhere'. His 
 predecessors had been coiatent to leave the control 
 of these estates to the bishop of the diocese or some 
 noble of the vicinity. But Gregory had seen how 
 useful it would be to have in different regions these 
 servants responsible to himself alone, gathering in- 
 formation and keeping watch for him upon the 
 conduct of the bishops. One of his biographers'* 
 speaks of him ih respect to this as 'an Argus with 
 a hundred eyes casting his glances over the length 
 and breadth of the whole world.' He even gave 
 these rectors commission to hear charges preferred 
 against bishops'. 
 
 His new relations with the Frankish Court opened Gregory 
 out to Gregory a field in which much might be done Prankish 
 for the Apostolic See and for Christianity. This C'""''- 
 connexion therefore he zealously cultivated. He 
 accordingly seizes the opportunity of the departure 
 of Candidus to improve his standing with Childe- 
 bert and to address the all-powerful queen-mother, 
 Brunhild*. 
 
 ^ Cf. IX. 65. 'Cavendum est...ne saeoularibus viris atque non 
 sub regula vestra degentibus res eeolesiasticae oommittantur sed 
 probatis de vestro officio clericis.' Joh. Diac. ii. 15. 'Nemo 
 laioorum quodlibet...ecolesiasticum patrimonium proourabat sed 
 omnia ecolesiastici juris munia eeolesiastioi viri subibant.' 
 
 2 Joh. Diao. ii. 55. ' Per proouratores eoolesiastioorum patrimo- 
 niorum velut Argus quidam luminosissimns per totius mundi 
 latitudinem suae pastoralis sollieitudinis ooulos circumtulerit.' 
 Cf. Epp. X. 24, 39, 67, &o. 
 
 ' XI. 37. 'Si quis vero clericus vel laicus contra episcopum 
 causam habuerit, tunc te interponere debes ut inter eos aut ipse 
 oognoscas aut certe te admonente sibi judices eligant,' 
 
 * The influence he had exerted through the Lombard queen 
 
40 POPE GREGOEY THE GREAT 
 
 Brunhild. And this brings us to deal with one of the 
 points at which Gregory's fair fame is most open 
 to attack. It is true that attempts have been made 
 to whitewash the character of Brunhild. It is true 
 that the contemporary Christian poet of Western 
 Gaul, Fortunatus, praises her as modest, kind, 
 talented, and pleasing to God:' but 'facts are stub- 
 born things', and facts condemn her. The history 
 of Gregory of Tours^ depicts her as a designing 
 and unscrupulous woman, passionate, treacherous, 
 revengeful and cruel. Fredegar, who continued his 
 history, calls her 'a second Jezebel',' and accuses her 
 of adultery. Her insatiable desire for vengeance on 
 Fredegond filled the land of the Franks with devasta- 
 tion and carnage. Her mad ambition again and again 
 roused the hostility of her subjects. Noble after 
 noble was swept from her path by murder. Her 
 brother-in-law was assassinated by her minions ; her 
 very grandson executed at her command*. To retain 
 
 Theodelinda no doubt gave him hopes of bringing about reform 
 through Brunhild. 
 
 ' Fortunatus, vi. 2, praises her beauty; vi. 3, he speaks of her 
 thus: 
 
 'Pulohra, modesta, deoens, solers, grata atque benigna 
 
 Ingenio vultu nobilitate potens : 
 Sed quamvis tantum meruisset sola deoorem 
 Ante tamen homini, nunc* placet ecoe Deo.' 
 (*by conversion to orthodoxy.) 
 2 Greg, of Tours, Hietoria Francorum, passim. 
 ' Fredegar Chronioum (Migne, tom. 71), xxxvi. 612. 'Seouuda 
 ut erat Jezabelis.' xxrv. 605. ' Brunichildis stupri gratia eum 
 (Protadium) veDet honoribus exaltare.' 
 ^ ^ Fredegar, xiiii. 622. 'Decern reges Francorum per ipsam 
 
 interfecti.' 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 41 
 
 her influence she led his brother into licentious sloth 
 and vice. Nothing was so sacred as to be secure 
 from her attack, no one so holy as to awe her violence. 
 Not groundless was the unutterable hatred of every 
 class in all three kingdoms that gloated over the 
 horrible tortures of her death. 
 
 And yet this is the woman addressed by Gregory Gregory's 
 in terms of the highest admiration. He praises heT/^^"^ 
 'illustrious goodness so pleasing to God,' shown aHke 
 by her ' prudent care ' in the government of the 
 kingdom and 'the admirable training' in the true 
 faith which she had given her son. He never 
 wearies of expressing his admiration for ' the Chris- 
 tian devotion'' and 'scrupulous sincerity"' of her 
 character; for her reverence for the priesthood' and 
 her zeal in the propagation of the faith*; for the 
 virtue, wisdom and justice of her government"; for 
 ' the uprightness of her heart '.° 
 
 What are we to saj' with regard to this flattery His one 
 of perhaps the worst queen that ever lived? Side-*"' "'^' 
 by side with it we must set also Gregory's adulation 
 of the Emperor Maurice during his life and his 
 exultation over his death, with his congratulation' 
 of the vulgar rebel Phocas, a 'Zimri who slew his 
 master.' Perhaps the burden may be somewhat 
 lightened by remembering that many of Brunhild's 
 
 1 VI. 59. ■■> VI. 50. " IX. 11. ■* XI. 62. 
 
 ^ iz. 117. As a Spanish princess she had entered somewhat 
 into the spirit of Eoman civilisation, and as ruler of Gaul executed 
 some works of engineering for the benefit of the country. See 
 Guizot, Hist, of France, i. 166. Trans, by Black. 
 
 8 VI. 50. ' XI. 38. 
 
42 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 most atrocious crimes were still to be committed 
 when Gregory first addressed her. Yet even then 
 he cannot fail to have known much of her ferocity 
 and maladministration, and must speedily have 
 learnt more. He claims in his first letter to speak 
 not without knowledge ; ignorance therefore cannot 
 be made his excuse. Nor is it sufficient justifica- 
 tion to say, as has been said, that these praises of 
 Gregory are bestowed upon her only as regarded 
 from the point of view of ecclesiasticism. We have 
 seen that this is not so. He praises her domestic 
 qualities, her administration of the kingdom, her 
 Christian example as well as her zeal for the carrying 
 out of his Church-policy. And even if it were true, 
 to employ such language to a woman so steeped in 
 crime, however useful an instrument she might be in 
 the execution of the best possible designs, ill became 
 a Christian prelate, much less one who laid such 
 stress upon spirituality and purity of life. 
 
 We cannot blind our eyes then to the fact that 
 this was unworthy of Gregory, yet perhaps not al- 
 together unnatural. He had been trained for a life 
 of politics. After he had become a monk, he had 
 been sent as papal ambassador to Constantinople. 
 In that atmosphere of intrigue he was compelled to 
 practise all the arts of a diplomatist. As Bishop of 
 Rome he found it necessary to be ' a man of the 
 world'. State-craft may result in craft; dj.plomacy 
 may lead to double-dealing. We have remarked 
 already the skilful tact with which Gregory could 
 rebuke abuses, judici9usly commingling commenda- 
 tion with reproof, praise with exhortation. Herein 
 
AND HIS EELATIONS WITH GAUL. 43 
 
 lay bis danger — in a prudence that avoided, at all 
 costs, offending the powerful, in a desire by all means 
 to gain the support of those who were able to give 
 effect to his designs. 
 
 Thus when his growing acquaintance with the 
 evil state of the Gallic Churches showed him the 
 need of bringing every possible influence to bear 
 upon it, if it were to be remedied, he determined to 
 appeal for help to Brunhild as well as to Childebert. 
 He felt that her good-will must be purchased at any 
 price ; his diplomatic habits prevailed over his sin- 
 cerity, and these unworthy flatteries were the result. 
 
 By Candidus, then, he sent two letters', one ad- Ss^jt. 595. 
 dressed to the queen-mother, the other to the king. 
 To the care of both he commends Candidus and the 
 patrimony of which he was to be ' rector', begging 
 that for any injury already done to it or any theft 
 of its property already committed, punishment may 
 be inflicted and reparation exacted. To the king he 
 sends an amulet to protect him from all ills, — a 
 model of S. Peter's keys made from S. Peter's chains. 
 
 Nevertheless in the course of the next year 596. 
 Childebert died, leaving Austrasia to his elder son 
 Theodebert and Burgundy to his younger, Theodorich. 
 Two dukes, Wentrio and Warnachar, were appointed 
 regents to the young kings, but Brunhild retained 
 her power. Fredegond thinking it an opportunity 
 not to be lost invaded Austrasia and claimed it for 
 her son Chlotar. But that dark designing life came 
 to an end the next year, and the young Chlotar 597. 
 deprived of the assistance of his mother's intrigues 
 
 ' VI. 5; VI. 6. 
 
44 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 was driven by the combined forces of the regents 
 back into his own kingdom of Neustria. 
 
 596—597. Meanwhile Gregory was renewing his communi- 
 cations with all parts of Gaul and preparing to send 
 at last his long-contemplated mission to England. 
 
 Gregory's To all his other advantages the Bishop of Rome 
 
 Belies. added this, that he was the largest possessor of relics 
 of the saints. Already we have found Gregory 
 sending relics to Dynamius and Childebert to mark 
 his gratitude or win their favour. And now once 
 more he uses this means of gaining influence in 
 Gaul. A presbyter of the diocese of Saintes, Leu- 
 parich by name, came to Rome, reporting that his 
 bishop Palladius', who had already built one mag- 
 nificent church, could not complete the consecration 
 of another for want of relics of Peter, Paul, Lawrence 
 and Pancratius. On his journey to Rome he had 
 visited the court of Brunhild, who had also sent by 
 him letters to Gregory begging for relics to give to 
 churches. A request so easy to grant, compliance 
 with which might gain him additional influence, was 
 
 July, 596. not to be refused. Leuparich was sent back with 
 relics and letters to the bishop^ and the queen*. 
 Gregory pays his usual compliments to the latter, 
 and exhorts her to see that the priests whose duty it 
 will be to take charge of the relics are freed from all 
 trouble and disquietude. 
 
 This journey of Leuparich, taken in connexion 
 
 1 Palladius is mentioned by Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, vii. 
 31. 356; VIII. 2. 377; vni. 7. 380; vm. 43. 414, and praised by 
 Fortunatus for building the Church of S. Stephen, Fortun. i. 3. 
 11. ' Haec sacra Palladius Levitae templa locavit.' 
 
 2 VI. 49. 3 vx. 60. 
 
AND HIS EELATIONS WITH GAUL. 45 
 
 with the visit of Gregory of Tours to Rome, serves 
 to show us that, even in the first half of Gregory's 
 rule, his relations with Gaul were not confined, as we 
 might perhaps have otherwise inferred, to the South- 
 east and to the Burgundian Court, but that the 
 ecclesiastics of Neustria at any rate looked upon 
 him as their superior, and accorded to him the 
 respect due to their Patriarch. 
 
 It is unnece^ary here to repeat the familiar story The 
 of the circumstances that awakened the interest of Sf^^'" 
 Gregory in England. That interest never diminished. 
 Forbidden by Pelagius to go thither himself, then 
 tied to Rome by his election to its bishopric, his 
 heart ever went out towards the Angles of Aelle's 
 realm. In 595 he gave special instructions to Can- 
 didus' to expend the rent of the patrimony of 
 S. Peter on young English slaves, to be sent to 
 Rome to be trained for God in monasteries, provision 
 being made for the baptism of any who should die 
 on the road. 
 
 But now he was able to act on a larger scale. 
 He selected thirty monks, appointed Augustine their 
 abbot, and sent them by way of Gaul to England. 
 By the hand of Augustine he addresses letters of 
 introduction to the bishops of the cities through 
 which they must pass^, commending to them not 
 only the monks but also Gandidus. 
 
 1 VI. 7. Sept. 595. 
 
 ^ VI. 52, 53, 54, 55. 'Virgilio Arelatensi. Protasio episcopo 
 de Aquis Galliae. Pelagio de Turinis, Sereno de Masailia, Deaiderio 
 Viennensi, Syagrio Augustodunensi. Bede i. 24 gives the same 
 letter addressed to 'Aetherius, bishop of Aries,' perhaps a mistake 
 for Lyons. 
 
46 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 From one of these letters', that to Protasius, 
 bishop of Aix, we learn how far he trusted his 
 representatives, and also somewhat of the character 
 of the leading prelates of Gaul. Sapaudus, the pre- 
 decessor of Virgilius, was currently reported to have 
 abused his trust as rector of the estate of the Roman 
 An em- Church at Marseilles, and to have embezzled 'the 
 arch- money of the poor.' Gregory demands of Virgilius 
 bishop. tiiat he should procure the restitution of the pur- 
 loined sums. To Protasius he writes, 'If Virgilius 
 attempt in any way to excuse himself, do you, who 
 know accurately the details as having been at that 
 time Vice-Chancellor in the Church, publish the 
 whole story, and, to prevent his keeping the money 
 of S. Peter and the poor, harass and threaten him.' 
 This from the Bishop of Rome, of a brother-bishop 
 whom not long before he had appointed his vicar, 
 after a eulogy on his charity ! 
 
 Finding that even before they could reach 
 England they were confronted with a land overrun 
 with war, the monks of the mission lost heart, and 
 Augustine was compelled to return from Aix to 
 Rome. By him, Stephen, the abbot of the mon- 
 astery at Lerins, sent a present of dishes and spoons 
 to the poor of the Roman Church. Augustine soon 
 Paving the returned, bringing Stephen a letter of thanks'* from 
 ^Hssim. ^" Gtregory, applauding the vigilance with which he 
 governed the monastery and the harmony which 
 ^ resulted therefrom ^ With him he also brought a 
 
 1 VI. 55. 
 
 2 yi. 56. July, 596. 
 
 ' Yet XI. 12, writing to his successor Conon, Gregory says, 
 ' Nob audita deeessoris tui ineauta remissio saepius contristavit. ' 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 47 
 
 letter to the patrician Arigius', thanking him for his 
 kindness to the monks of the Mission, entreating his 
 continued assistance and sympathy, and cordially 
 commending Candidus to his protection. Gregory 
 also bespoke for his Mission and for Candidus the 
 assistance and protection of Theodorich and Theo- 
 debert", the kings of Burgundy and Austrasia', and of 
 their mother Brunhild. An instance of the delicate 
 compliments by which he conciliated the great may 
 be seen in his description of the English in his letter 
 to the kings as 'your subjects.' 
 
 This time the missionaries persevered. The re- 
 commendation of Gregory won for them the sympathy 
 and help of all to whom he wrote, whilst protection 
 and substantial aid were also extended to them by 
 Chlotar, king of Neustria*, to whom Gregory seems 
 not to have written, perhaps fearing lest he should 
 excite the jealous anger of that monarch's enemy, 
 Brunhild. 
 
 The same year marked the opening of what is Gregory 
 perhaps the most important chapter in the relations X„y^ 
 of Gregory with Gaul — the exemptions he granted 
 to monasteries. We saw in our glance at the state 
 of the Gallic Church that one of the most fruitful 
 sources of confusion in it was the conflict between 
 the bishops and the monks. Though Bishop of 
 Rome, all Gregory's sympathies were with the latter. 
 The days he had passed in his own monastery 
 seemed to him the happiest of his life. As abbot 
 perhaps, moreover, he had felt the inconvenience of 
 
 1 VI. 57. " VI. 58. » VI. 59. 
 
 i Cf. XI. 61. 
 
48 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 being subject to the visitation of the bishop, and 
 had longed to preserve the seclusion and peace he 
 loved so well, unbroken by these irruptions from the 
 busy world. Councils had decreed that monks should 
 be under the authority of the bishops, but Gregory, 
 conscious of his own strength and of that of mon- 
 asticism, sweeps aside these resolutions of episcopal 
 assemblies, and proclaims the independence of the 
 monk. Earlier Popes, it is true, had not failed to 
 see that to support the monasteries against the 
 bishops must increase their own influence, but 
 Gregory, the first monk who presided over the 
 Apostolic See, was the first to grant exemptions 
 widely, and make this his settled policy'. 
 
 The first exemption ever thus granted in Gaul, 
 Oct. 596. Gregory proclaimed in the case of a convent dedi- 
 cated by Dynamius and a lady, Aureliana, probably 
 his sister'', to S. Cassian. In a letter to its abbess^ 
 Respecta, he gi-ants the following privileges to her 
 house for ever : — 
 The rights (1) ' On the death of an abbess of the afore- 
 Convent. ^^^^ monastery, a new abbess shall be ordained, not 
 a stranger, but she whom the nuns shall select from 
 their own body. The bishop of the diocese shall 
 ordain her, if she be judged fit for this service'. 
 
 (2) 'We decree that in regard to the property 
 and administration of the same monastery, neither 
 
 1 Cf. VIII. 15 and viii. 34, wMch contain the grant of privileges 
 to monasteries at Eavenna and Castellae respectively. But the 
 first exemptions he granted were to a monastery at Ariminum, 
 see II. 41 and 42. 
 
 2 His wife, with whom he was buried, was called Eucheria. 
 s VII. 12. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 49 
 
 the bishop nor any ecclesiastic shall have any 
 authority, but we command that these shall belong 
 to the anxious care of the abbess or her successors.' 
 
 (3) ' On the birthday of S. Cassian and the day 
 of the dedication of the said monastery, the bishop 
 shall visit it to celebrate a solemn mass. This duty 
 nevertheless must be discharged without his setting 
 up his throne there, except on the specified days 
 during the celebration of mass. When he departs, 
 his throne must also be removed from the chapel. 
 On other days a presbyter deputed by the bishop 
 shall perform the office of the celebration.' 
 
 The old canonical disciplinary power of the 
 bishop Gregory leaves undiminished. But the epis- 
 copal claim to control the administration of the 
 property of monasteries and to superintend their 
 worship received by this letter a sharp check. Be- 
 sides, it was the first interference of the Bishop 
 of Eome in the conflict between the monks and the 
 bishops of Gaul, and what might follow who could 
 tell ? It was a siga of the times, an indication that 
 Gregory's attention was being drawn towards Gaul, 
 and that he felt himself strong enough now to 
 interfere in its afifairs. His relations with the Court 
 and the prestige which the mission to England had 
 brought him had given him new power and boldness. 
 
 Three letters of the next few months were sent 
 to correspondents in Gaul. Though the first two 
 mark no development in his relations with that 
 country, they serve to show his watchful care and 
 broad charity, the influence for good which he 
 exerted upon individuals even so distant from Rome, 
 
 K. 4 
 
50 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 Ttoo and the manner in which he was regarded even by 
 
 Letters, inhabitants of Gaul as redresser of wrongs and de- 
 fender and champion of all Christians of the West. 
 
 A certain Dominicus had informed him that five 
 of his brothers who had fallen into captivity had 
 been bought by some Jews of Narbonne and were 
 being kept by them as slaves. Gregory, who held 
 that no Jew should be allowed to have a Christian 
 
 May, 597. slave, accordingly sent word by him to Candidus to 
 ascertain if the facts were as stated, and if so, to 
 pay their ransoms if they were unable to do so 
 themselves'. 
 
 Aug. 597. The second letter" was addressed to Dynamius 
 and Aurelia, who had written to ask him to send 
 them a manuscript. Unable to comply with their 
 request at once, he promises to do so shortly, and 
 exhorts them to give themselves to prayer, to reading 
 of the Scriptures, and to good works. 
 
 The other letter" sent by Gregory to Gaul in this 
 year was written in answer to a request addressed to 
 him from the Frankish Court for the bestowal of the 
 pallium upon one of its bishops. We have noticed 
 the causes which tended to make the prelates a- 
 mongst the most trusted councillors of the Franks^ 
 
 A Courtier In the interval between 595 and 597, Syagrius, 
 *" "^^ bishop of Autun, had apparently thus advanced to 
 the front rank, and especially had gained the favour 
 1 vn. 24. 2 y„. 36. 
 
 ' IX. 11. This letter belongs to Sept. 597, and should stand 
 fourth in Bk. viii. 
 
 * In Greg, of Tours, Hist. Franc, x. 28. 521, Aetherius of 
 Lyons and Syagrius of Autun are mentioned as trusted servants of 
 king Gontran. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 51 
 
 of Brunhild. She now sent to ask Gregory to bestow 
 the pallium upon this cherished bishop. His answer 597. 
 commences with the customary adulation. Then he 
 gives the reasons for his delay in acceding to her 
 request. Syagrius is entangled in heresy'. Before 
 the pallium can be conferred, the consent of the 
 Emperor must be obtained ^ Nor is it the custom 
 to grant it to any ecclesiastic who does not himself 
 urgently demand it. Let Syagrius therefore with 
 other bishops prefer the request, and Gregory will 
 commission Candidus to bestow it upon him with 
 fitting ceremony. The good report of Syagrius 
 which had reached Gregory, not only from Brunhild 
 but also from his regionary John, who had recently 
 visited GauP, and the kindness that bishop had 
 shown to Augustine and his companions make 
 Gregory, he professes, eager to comply with this 
 desire. 
 
 The abuses of the Frankish Church had scarcely 
 diminished since Gregory first was brought into 
 
 1 That of the Three Chapters. 
 
 2 So in 543 Vigilius deferred giving it to Auxanius of Aries till 
 he had the Emperor's consent, and grants it later when he has 
 that consent. See Migne, lxix. p. 27. 'Libenti hoc animo etiam 
 in praesenti facere sine dilatione potuimus, nisi ciim Christia- 
 nissimi domini filii nostri imperatoris hoc, sicut ratio postulat, 
 voluissemus perficere notitia.' In the next letter, p. 28, he writes, 
 ' Clementissimos prineipes Justinianum et Theodoram. , .qui pro his 
 yestrae charitati mandandis...pia praebuerunt devotione consen- 
 sum.' 
 
 ' The Eegionarii were the seven deacons of Eome. Each had 
 under his charge all the diaconates in an assigned region. That 
 one of them should hold a visitation of the diaconates of Gaul was 
 unprecedented, and is an indication that under Gregory the Boman 
 Church was extending its claims. 
 
 4—2 
 
52 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 Abuses, communication with it. He therefore endeavours to 
 enlist Brunhild's more energetic help in his attempts 
 to put an end to them. He entreats her to forbid 
 the consecration of laymen as bishops, and the be- 
 stowal of the episcopal office upon any for money, 
 or through patronage, or merely by hereditary suc- 
 cession. 
 
 Heresy. The schism of the Three Chapters^, which flour- 
 
 ished in Gaul, he would have her do all in her power 
 to uproot. Its adherents professed it, he asserts, 
 only to escape discipline, without any comprehension 
 of the dispute from which it arose. Let Brunhild 
 therefore strive to unite all the Christians under her 
 authority in the faith held by the Universal Church 
 and the Four Patriarchs. 
 
 Idolatry. Another great evil he urges her to put down ' by 
 
 the restraint of discipline.' This was the continued 
 idolatry and tree-worship' of many professed Christ- 
 ians. Their animal sacrifices and adoration of demons 
 it should be her care to suppress. And if she would 
 
 ' This aohism originated thus : To conciliate the Monophysites 
 the Emperor Justinian was prevailed upon to issue an edict con- 
 demning the Nestorianism still in the Church, 544. The test was 
 thus applied. ' Three chapters,' as they were called, were selected 
 for denunciation, (1) the writings of Theodore of Mopsueatia, (2) 
 those of Theodoret in defence of Nestorius, (3) a letter of Ibas. 
 Now Theodoret and Ibas had been expressly pronounced orthodox 
 by the CouncU of Chalcedon. The Western Churches long resisted 
 the condemnation of the Three Chapters; and even after the 
 Roman and African Churches had accepted the canon of the 
 Second Council of Constantinople confirming it, the Churches of 
 Northern Italy and Gaul held out. But during Gregory's ponti- 
 ficate the schism vanished. 
 
 " Cf. Council of Tours, ii. c. 22. 'Pontes vel arbores quos 
 saorivos voeant succidite. ' 
 
AND HIS EELATIONS WITH GAUL. 53 
 
 appease God's anger with the sins of her people, let 
 her hasten to punish violence, adultery, theft, and 
 depravity of any kind. 
 
 A year before, Brunhild, hearing that Palladius 
 was asking Gregory to send him some relics, had 
 asked the same for herself. Apparently the same 
 feminine characteristic which prompted that request 
 had prompted her now to beg for a manuscript 
 when she found that Dynamius had received one. 
 Her request was granted. Gregory informs her that 
 he has forwarded one to Candidus, who will present 
 it to her. 
 
 It would seem that the real condition of Christi- 
 anity in Gaul was at last becoming known to 
 Gregory, and that at last he was nerving himself for 
 a real struggle with its abuses. 
 
 Augustine on his return from Aix had brought 
 him disquieting news. Information much more 
 abundant and accurate than any earlier Pope had 
 received Gregory must have gained through the 
 residence of Candidus in Burgundy. Messengers 
 had gone to-and-fro between Gaul and Kome. And, 
 lastly, John, one of the seven deacons of Rome, 
 had made a visitation of the diaconates in Gaul*. 
 Thus it is that, added to the old complaints as to 
 simony and the appointment of laymen to bishop- 
 rics, we find Gregory writing to Brunhild of grosser The 
 inconsistencies of conduct and practice among the so- ^j^^g"^ *" 
 called Christian Franks, unmentioned by him before. 
 
 Hitherto the opportunity for energetic inter- 
 ference had been wanting. The earlier years of his 
 
 1 Of. IX. 11. 
 
54 POPE GREGOET THE GREAT 
 
 Papacy had been chiefly occupied with the affairs of 
 Italy, the mission to England, and resistance to the 
 claims of the Patriarch of Constantinople. And 
 even now for two years more he was hindered from 
 continuing his communications with the Church in 
 Gaul. At least no letter of this period is extant, 
 addressed to correspondents in that land. However 
 in 599 he is free to turn his attention to the abuses 
 of that Church. 
 
 Unable to leave his see himself, he sends one of 
 the foremost churchmen in Rome as his representa- 
 tive to strangle in its home this many-headed hydra 
 of godlessness. Cyriac, whom he selected for this 
 task, held the post he himself had held before he 
 became Pope, the abbacy of the Monastery of 
 A Mission S. Andrew. He was to obtain the authority of the 
 %ig„°™" Court and the cooperation of the episcopacy for the 
 suppression of these evils. A synod was to be held, 
 decrees to be passed condemning these abuses, to be 
 enforced by all the power and influence of eccle- 
 siastics', kings, and queen. Such was the plan of 
 Gregory. 
 
 In 599 Cyriac sailed, with letters of introduction 
 to the bishops, to the kings, and to Brunhild, 
 carrying also to Syagrius the promised pallium. 
 
 On his arrival at Marseilles he handed to its 
 July, 599. bishop, Serenus, the first of these letters^, — memor- 
 able on other grounds. Serenus had found that the 
 images and pictures in his churches had^ been 
 worshipped by many who were only too .prone to 
 
 1 IX. 105. Theodore (i. 47) had been succeeded by Serenus, 
 see Ti. 52. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 55 
 
 idolatry. An earlier iconoclast, he had hurled them icono- 
 down and destroyed them, jealous of this adoration <'^"'- 
 of things made with hands. This had come to the 
 ears of Gregory, who, though compelled to applaud 
 his zeal, could not refrain from condemning what he 
 deemed its intemperance. Set up for the instruction 
 of the illiterate, the statues and paintings should 
 have been preserved, he writes, and their ignorant 
 worshippers shdiild have been taught from them the 
 stories they illustrated'. 
 
 In his letter" to Brunhild, Gregory urges her to 
 crush out the evils against which he had so often 
 inveighed, simony and the appointment of laymen 
 to the Episcopate. In order once for all to extirpate 
 these abuses he begs her to convoke a synod at 
 which Cyriac might assist, to anathematize offenders 
 in these respects. He announces that in fulfilment a bid for 
 of her request he has sent a pallium to Syagrius, ]°i^ 
 whom he has chosen to preside at the synod, know- 
 ing his devotion to her excellency. He concludes 
 by expressing his surprise that in her dominions 
 Jews are allowed to have Christian slaves', and 
 begging her to exercise her authority to wipe out 
 this stain. 
 
 Practically the same letter he sent to the young 
 kings'*. One additional complaint however he makes, 
 
 1 Cf. IX. 52 (sent with a present of images to the monk 
 Secundinus), ' Scio quidem quod imaginem Salvatoris nostri non 
 ideo petiS ut quasi Deum colas sed ob reoordationem filii Dei in 
 ejus amore lecalesoas. ' 
 
 ' IX. 109. ' IX. 110. 
 
 « C£. vn. 24; of. Joh. Diao.iv. 43, ' Christianos (Judaeis) quoquo 
 modo subjici nullatenus permittebat.' Cf. Greg. Epp. in. 38 ; 
 IV. 21. 
 
56 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 that the estates of the Churches are now^ compelled 
 to pay tribute, a complaint which reminds us that 
 the Church was being drawn into the swirl of the 
 Feudal System. 
 The Bis- , To Syagrius, bishop of Autun, Aetherius of 
 vMned to Lyons, Virgilius of Aries, and Desiderius of Vienne, 
 Ms aid. Gregory sent by the hand of Cyriac an identical 
 letter". It sets out clearly, and denounces strongly, 
 the chief abuses existing in their midst — simony, 
 the consecration of laymen as bishops without any 
 priestly training, and the practice of priests living 
 with women. The celibacy of the clergy was not as 
 yet a universal custom ; in the lands under the sway 
 of the Teutonic races it was not encouraged. Still 
 Gregory would have the bishops and priests of Gaul 
 beware of exceeding the limits set by canonical law. 
 He exhorts them to revive the old parochial 
 councils, for the settlement of disputes and the 
 making of provision for contingencies. These he 
 would wish held at least once a year, and, if pos- 
 sible, twice. 
 
 To carry out these reforms he suggests the 
 assembly of a synod, in which Cyriac and Aregius, 
 bishop of Gap, would represent him, and at which 
 the glaring breaches of the canons which he has 
 mentioned should be condemned and anathematized. 
 Grants of To Aregius, who seems to have been a Frankish 
 noble of considerable influence, Gregory sent a se- 
 
 ' Eooleaiaimn praedia tributa nunc praebeaut.' If the reading 
 'non' for 'nunc' be adopted, Gregory is still attacking simony; 
 if tribute is not exacted, mucli less should these irregular extortions 
 be niade. 
 
 2 IX. 106. 
 
 Vestments. 
 
AND HIS BELATIONS WITH GAUL. 57 
 
 parate letter'. To gain his support he grants a 
 request preferred by him long before but then un- 
 noticed for a time by Gregory, that he and his 
 archdeacon might be allowed the use of the dalmatic'' 
 like the deacons of Rome. These robes the Pope 
 now sends to him by Cyriac. He also gives him to 
 feel his interest in the synod by selecting him to 
 acquaint him with its proceedings, and to confer the 
 pallium upon Syagrius on his pledging himself to 
 carry out the decrees which it might pass. 
 
 To Syagrius, in addition to the circular letter, 
 Gregory sent a letter of special instructions. He 
 begins by proclaiming his indebtedness to him for 
 his considerate attention to the mission of Augustine. 
 He feels himself able no longer to delay the con- 
 cession which Syagrius had asked. He had accord- 
 ingly sent a pallium for his use within his church at 
 the celebration of mass. But he has arranged that 
 it shall be conferred upon him only on his engagement 
 to correct by a synodal proclamation the abuses of 
 which Gregory had complained to the bishops. He 
 then proceeds to define the privileges the pallium 
 brought with it. Hitherto it had implied the 
 vicariate of Rome. Hitherto it had been bestowed 
 only on archbishops. But Syagrius was only a 
 bishop. Gregory therefore explains that this con- 
 ferment of it does not infringe on the rights and 
 privileges of the metropolitan. It raises the see of 
 Autun to the second rank in the province. First in 
 
 1 IX. 107. 
 
 2 Symmaohus when he sent the pallium to Oaesarius sent leave 
 to his deacons to wear the dalmaticae, like the deacons of Eome. 
 (Oaes. Vita, i. 22.) Cf. Joh. Diao. iii. 59. 
 
58 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 precedence in the provincial council should sit and 
 sign, as before, the Archbishop of Lyons ; then should 
 follow the Bishop of Autun, then the other bishops 
 according to the date of their ordination. 
 
 In return for this honour Gregory bids him show 
 increased zeal, and turn the favour with which he 
 was regarded by the Frankish kings to the best 
 account. 
 
 In a supplementary letter^ Gregory bids Syagrius 
 send back to Italy two recalcitrant bishops who 
 had fled to Gaul, if he would not be a partner in 
 their fault. 
 Vestments Desiderius, bishop of Vienne, had demanded the 
 refused, pallium for himself through the regionary John. 
 He had urged that the Apostolic See had in years 
 past granted many privileges to the Church of 
 Vienne, and that its bishops had received the 
 pallium. It is unquestionable that Vienne had, as 
 he asserted, received many privileges from the Popes, 
 who had dexterously contrived to play off the 
 Churches of Aries, Vienne and Lyons against one 
 another. It was undeniably an older and more 
 important see than that of Autun, whose bishop, 
 Syagrius, had also asked for the pallium. But 
 Gregory could not allow this dignity to become too 
 common. Had he been free to deal with these 
 demands apart from ulterior ends he would certainly 
 have refused both. To bestow the pallium upon 
 Syagrius was from one point of view a false step, 
 defensible only on the ground that if the synod 
 from which Gregory hoped so much were to prove 
 
 1 IX. 113. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 59 
 
 effective or even to meet at all, he must be con- 
 ciliated. But Desiderius had no such recommend- 
 ation. He was no courtier high in the favour of the 
 king; he was too manly to fawn upon Brunhild'. 
 And so Gregory is induced by the political influence 
 of Syagrius to pass by the superior claims of the see 
 of Vienne in favour of Autun. Taking advantage 
 of his inability to find any precedent for the bestowal 
 of the pallium 'upon a bishop of Vienne, he refuses 
 it to Desiderius", attempting to lessen the harshness 
 of his refusal by urging him to search for the record 
 of such a concession. Should one be found, let him 
 send it to Rome, and Gregory who had given the 
 pallium to one whose see had never thus been 
 honoured would most gladly grant it to a bishop 
 whose predecessors had worn it of old. 
 
 The bestowal of this dignity upon Syagrius was 
 a bold, almost a desperate, resource. Everywhere 
 neighbouring towns and bishops jealously watched 
 the growth of each other's influence and bitterly 
 resented the assumption of superiority by any of 
 their number. Gregory must have been well aware 
 that this preference given to Syagrius, restricted and 
 circumscribed though it was, could not fail to arouse 
 hostility in the minds of the other prelates of Gaul. 
 But he probably hoped that the dexterity with 
 which he had granted privileges to or laid duties 
 upon so many of them had linked them all to 
 himself, and that the advantage of gaining for the 
 
 ' He was banished by Brunliild for reproving her ; was deprived 
 in 603, and stoned later. 
 2 IX. 112. 
 
60 POPE GEEGOEY THE 6EEAT 
 
 synod the support of one whose influence at Court 
 was so great would completely counterbalance the 
 effects of any secret displeasure they might cherish. 
 
 But the next two letters show us that he realised 
 almost immediately that the agents whom he had 
 selected could not be relied upon. The first^ is 
 addressed to Virgilius. Childebert I. in the year 
 548 A.D. had founded and endowed a monastery at 
 But Vest- Aries and had obtained from Pope Vigilius the con- 
 not change firmation of the privileges he had bestowed upon it. 
 ^^^ That Pope had been glad by this formality to confer 
 
 a favour upon the barbarian king and had sent a 
 copy of the deed to Aurelius, bishop of Aries. Time 
 had gone by, and now Virgilius seems to have tres- 
 passed on the rights thus secured to the monastery, 
 by claiming to administer its property and to ex- 
 ercise his voice in the election of its abbot. Gregory 
 sends him a copy of the original charter of privileges 
 and bids him see that it is not infringed. 
 
 In the other letter'' he addresses to Virgilius and 
 Syagrius a strong denunciation of their negligence, 
 warning them of the account they will have to 
 render at the last. Then in God's sight he fears 
 they will seem to be but hirelings and not shepherds 
 of His sheep. The case which had provoked this 
 letter, that of a woman who having entered a convent 
 had been carried off by her husband, he bids them 
 take up. Let them see also that after due provision 
 has been made for her son, her wealth is, as she 
 desires, secured to her convent. 
 
 The tone of both these and later letters addressed 
 
 1 IX. 111. 2 IX. lU. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 61 
 
 to Virgilius is one of sharp reproof. Evidently 
 Gregory was disappointed in his vicar, who certainly 
 by no means gave him, by either his personal ex- 
 ample or public influence, the assistance in reforming 
 the Churches of Gaul which he had a right to expect 
 from him. 
 
 From this correspondence it is clear that the Gregorim 
 prospects of the assembling of the synod were ever Mundum. 
 becoming more* and more remote. Virgilius of Aries 
 would be glad to thwart the Pope's wish. The bishops 
 whom Gregory had offended by conferring the pal- 
 lium on Syagrius would probably be by no means 
 slow to put difiBculties in the way of a project by 
 which he was to be honoured. It is hardly to be 
 imagined that the Court would be anxious to con- 
 voke a synod for the passing of decrees which would 
 infringe upon the royal prerogatives. Brunhild was 
 little likely to do much to reform the lives of her 
 subjects. And Syagrius and Aregius, upon whose 
 help Gregory depended so much for the execution of 
 his project, were certainly not the men to risk much 
 in its behalf Probably they had both obtained 
 their bishoprics by methods the synod would be 
 asked to anathematize, and Syagrius at any rate 
 held heretical views which Cyriac was commissioned 
 to denounce. 
 
 Besides, war and political confusion had once 
 more broken over the unhappy land, drawing away 
 men's thoughts to other than Church affairs, and 
 suggesting a plausible excuse for neglect of Gregory's 
 wishes. The hatred of Brunhild for Fredegond had 
 survived the death of the latter. The invasion of 
 
62 POPE GREGOEY THE GREAT 
 
 Austrasia by the dead queen on the death of Chil- 
 debert II. she had not forgiven. Some opportunity of 
 revenge had now presented itself and she had hurled 
 the combined force of Austrasia and Burgundy upon 
 Neustria, the kingdom of Chlotar, Fredegond's son. 
 Unable to meet this overwhelming attack, he was 
 brought to bay in a corner of his realm. 
 
 Thus Gregory must speedily have recognised the 
 doom of his desires. The dream he had cherished 
 of a union of Pope, kings, bishops and monks 
 against the evils so prevalent in Gaul had vanished, 
 and the reformation he had so much at heart seemed 
 as distant as ever. 
 
 The other letters written at this time by Gregory 
 to Gaul testify to the reputation of his influence with 
 the Court and chiefs of the Franks. He intercedes 
 with these in one case for a foreign bishop, in the 
 other for a fugitive from Gaul. Both the prelate 
 and the subject seem to have turned to him with 
 confidence in the- power he exercised upon the king- 
 dom of the Franks. In the war which at the in- 
 stance of Pope Pelagius the Franks had waged 
 against the Lombards, Gontran, king of Burgundy, 
 had conquered and retained a tract of territory which 
 had been part of the diocese of Turin*. The parishes 
 of which it was comprised he had formed into a 
 new bishopric, that of Maurienne''. Ursicinus, 
 bishop of Turin, thinking that in the relations of 
 
 1 Greg, of Tours, De Gloria Martyrum, 1. 14. 739, ' ille Maurien- 
 nensis ad Tauriueusem quondam urbem pertinebat.' 
 
 ^ Canon law ordained that no bishop should be superseded in 
 his own diocese except for some proved fault. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 63 
 
 friendship now existing between Gregory and the 
 Frankish Court he saw a ground of hope for the re- 1^«™ »^- 
 estabhshment of his authority over this district, had 
 applied to Gregory to exert his influence to bring 
 about this end. He accordingly wrote to Syagrius', 
 begging his interest with the kings with regard to 
 this matter; and when this proved unavaihng, to 
 the kings themselves", urging them .to abolish the 
 bishopric of Maurienne and reunite that diocese 
 with that of Tuiin. 
 
 It was in vain. The Frankish kings were little 
 likely to consent to any part of their dominions 
 being ruled by a Lombard bishop, and the separate 
 diocese of Maurienne continues to this day. 
 
 The occasion of the other letters was as follows : — The 
 
 A certain Hilary, whom fear of his enemies seems Q^g^Z^L 
 to have driven from his native land, felt himself em- influence. 
 boldened to return by the possession of letters' from August 
 Gregory to Brunhild, an unknown Vantilonus, Arigius 
 who had been, and Asclepiadotus who was now, Pa- 
 tricius Galliarum, entreating them to shield him. 
 
 One very interesting letter* belongs to this time, Coiumban 
 written to Gregory by the Irish abbot of the great *'" '^'"'^'■* 
 monastery at Luxeuil, S. Coiumban. The pecu- 
 liarities of his costume and tonsure, the zeal with 
 which he strove to remind the bishops of their duty, 
 his celebration of Easter on the fourteenth day of 
 the month, when it was a Sunday, instead of on the 
 next Sunday, all this roused much opposition against 
 
 1 IX. 115. ■' IX. 116. = IX. 117, 118, 119. 
 
 ^ Migne, Columbani Epp. i. (Tom. lxxx. p. 259). Greg. Epp. 
 IX. 127. 
 
64 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 him among the Gallo-Frank clergy'. To meet this, 
 he tried to enlist the authority of the Pope, to whom 
 he looked up as 'the pastor of the pastors'". Ac- 
 cordingly he wrote to Gregory a letter marked by a 
 delightful* gentle humility and spirit of truthfulness. 
 With an apology for venturing to write, he endeavours 
 to gain him to his views on the question of Easter. 
 Against the authority of Vigilius, who had de- 
 nounced his custom, he sets that of Anatolius, of 
 whose learning Eusebius and Jerome had spoken 
 with respect. Other arguments he advances, begging 
 him to exercise his own judgement and not too blindly 
 follow the tradition held by the Popes since Leo's 
 time, since, as he punningly says, ' a living dog is 
 better than a dead lion.' 
 
 On two points he asks Gregory's advice. How 
 must he treat bishops who had acquired their sees 
 by simony — the number of whom he bewails, or 
 who, though as deacons they had proved false to 
 their trust, had yet attained to the higher degree? 
 What was Gregory's counsel as to the method in 
 which monks should be dealt with who left their 
 monasteries without their abbot's consent ? 
 
 ' Later, in 602, a council met to consider what action should 
 be taken in reference to him. To it he wrote a letter defending 
 his views and hegging to be allowed to remain in Gaul. Migne, 
 Tom. Lxsx. p. 264. In 610 he was assaulted and banished by 
 Brunhild for reproving the licentiousness of Theodorieh. 
 
 2 He thus speaks of the Bishop of Rome in his Epistle to 
 Boniface IV. But its genuineness is doubted. 
 
 3 Surely the writer of the article ' Columbanus ' in Smith's Die. 
 of Christian Biography can never have read this letter. It is 
 impossible to find in it ' the haughty bearing ' which he attributes 
 to 'the words and letters of Columbanus the Sinner'. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 65 
 
 These and other questions he would have come 
 to Rome to ask in person, if his bodily weakness and 
 the charge of his fellow-strangers had not prevented 
 him. 
 
 He then begs Gregory to send him part of his 
 commentary on Ezekiel, also elucidatory remarks on 
 the latter portion of the Song of Songs, such thirst 
 for more of Gregory's writings has his ' Pastoral Rule ' 
 created. • 
 
 Of the Pope's charity he entreats an answer. 
 ' Peace to thee and thine. I pray that in thy holy 
 prayers to our common Lord, thou wouldst even 
 once pray for me, the sinner of all the vilest.' Then 
 drawn irresistibly to that question on which he felt 
 so strongly and for which he suffered so much, he 
 thus concludes, ' If as I have heard from thy blessed 
 servant Candidus thou dost mean to answer that it 
 is impossible to alter what has been laid down firmly 
 by antiquity — doubtless the error is old but still 
 older is the truth which convicts it.' 
 
 Gregory's answer to this noble letter unfortunately 
 is not preserved. With the same ends in view, with 
 the same zeal, with the same 'common Lord', he 
 could not fail to honour the Irish saint, and though 
 he could not yield on the questions on which they 
 differed, at least we may hope that the reply was 
 not unworthy of the letter that called it forth. 
 
 The insults and banishment which Columban ex- 
 perienced at the hands of Brunhild are a sad com- 
 mentary on the relations of Gregory with both of 
 them. 
 
 In Gregory's correspondence there is nothing for 
 
 K. 5 
 
66 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 another year that relates to Gaul. Probably the ill- 
 success of his project for holding the synod deterred 
 him from attempting any large interference with the 
 affairs of the Church in that country. His en- 
 deavours to arouse individual bishops to a sense of 
 their duty had probably also failed. Nor was there 
 much to encourage him. Brunhild after murdering 
 Wentrio, the regent of Austrasia, had been com- 
 pelled to fly to the Burgundian court. War spread 
 over the land. Syagrius, to whom he looked for so 
 much support, died, and the other bishops probably 
 felt little kindness to Gregory. 
 October, A year elapses, and then Gregory renews his cor- 
 
 respondence with Gaul. He writes to rouse Conon, 
 abbot of the monastery of Lerins, to watchfulness 
 and energy^ 
 
 Serenus, bishop of Marseilles, whom Gregory had 
 rebuked for his iconoclasm, had written to the Pope 
 a letter in which, while he professes his respect for 
 him, he gives expression to his resentment of the 
 reproof, even pretending to doubt whether the letter 
 which contained it was not a forgery by Cyriac. 
 The use of This unworthy suspicion Gregory writes' to denounce, 
 ""'^^*' and once more explains his views on pictures and 
 images. No bishop had ever before destroyed them. 
 To break them was but to attempt to avoid the long 
 duty of teaching their right use. And now Gregory 
 has another ground of complaint against him. He 
 has heard that Serenus maintains a friendship with 
 a lapsed presbyter, despite the immoral life he was 
 
 ' XI. 12. 2 XI. 13. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 67 
 
 leading. This familiarity must be broken off, and 
 such vices everywhere reproved. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, rejoiced at the success of the The Se- 
 mission of Augustine, the Pope sent another band g°on to "' 
 of monks headed by Mellitus and Laurentius to England. 
 reinforce him. The necessary letters of introduction 
 to the bishops and kings and Brunhild' he turned to June 23, 
 account by once more attempting in them to prevail 
 upon these authorities to convoke the synod which 
 two years before he had eagerly wished for. He 
 singles out for denunciation the evil of simony", 
 and urges the duty of eradicating it upon all his 
 correspondents. 
 
 The additional names to which these letters are A new 
 addressed are noteworthy. For the first time f°^^^^_ 
 Gregory writes to Chlotar', king of Neustria. Pro- 
 bably peace had been made between the rival 
 monarchs. Probably also he had discovered how 
 much the power of Brunhild had diminished, and 
 saw clearly that now it was worth his while, even 
 at the risk of alienating her, to cultivate the friend- 
 ship of the Neustrian king. The attention he had 
 shown to Augustine, Gregory gratefully acknow- 
 ledges, begs him to extend the same favour to the 
 new mission, and bespeaks his assistance to crush 
 simony by the decrees of a synod. 
 
 Hitherto, moreover, the bishops with whom he New hopes 
 bad corresponded had been mainly those of the South- "^ "f"™^- 
 east. But now he extends his list, and commends 
 Mellitus and his companions to the sympathy and 
 
 ' XI. 54-62. = XI. 63. 
 
 3 XI. 61. 
 
 5—2 
 
68 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 help of the bishops of all the towns on their route, 
 including GhEllons, Metz, Paris and Rouen^ 
 Gregory One or two of these letters have also their pe- 
 
 Culture culiar points of interest. Thus, in that to Desi- 
 derius, bishop of Vienne^, he expresses the regret 
 with which he has heard that he is in the habit of 
 giving lessons in classical literature'. Candidus 
 had denied this 'execrable rumour', but the doubt 
 weighed heavily on Gregory, who would be sincerely 
 
 1 XI. 58. Mennae Telonae, Sereno Massiliae, Lupo Cabilloni, 
 Aigulfo Mettis, Simplioio Parisiis, Melautio Eotomo, et Lioinio. 
 
 2 XI. 54. 
 
 ' With this compare what he says in the dedicatory letter to his 
 'Moralia'. 'Unde et ipsam loquendi artem c^uam magisteria dis- 
 ciplinae exterioris insinuant, servare despexi....Indignmn vehe- 
 menter existimo ut verba caelestis oraculi restringam sub regulis 
 Donati.' (Migne, Tom. lxx¥. p. 516, Epistola, c. 5 :) Contrast the 
 account given in his Life by John the Deacon, n. 13 and 14 
 (Migne, lxxv. 92), of the flourishing condition of art and literature 
 at Rome during his rule. Also the character given him by Gregory 
 of Tours (Hist. Franc, x. 1). 'Litteris grammaticis, dialecticisque 
 ac rhetoricis ita erat iustitutus ut nuUi in urbe ipsa putaretur esse 
 seoundus.' Contrast also the comment given in his Exposition of 
 1 Kings XIII. 20 and 21. 'Quae profecto saecularium librorum 
 eruditio et si per semetipsam ad spiritalem sanctorum conflictum 
 non prodest, si divinae Scripturae soientia subtilius eruditur. Ad 
 hoc quidem tantum liberales artes discendae sunt ut per instruc- 
 tionem illarum divina eloquia subtilius intelligantur. A nonnul- 
 lorum oordibus discendi desiderium maligni spiritus toUunt : ut et 
 saecularia nesciant et ad sublimitatem spiritahum non pertingant. 
 ...Aperte quidem daemones sciunt quia dum saecularibus litteris 
 instruimur, in spiritaUbus adjuvamur.' Moses, Isaiah, and 
 Paul were all trained in secular knowledge. (Migne, lxxix. In 
 Primum Eegum Expos. Bk. v. 30, pp. 855,-6.) This passage 
 has been suspected. But we can only suppose that there were 
 special circumstances in the case of Desiderius that called for 
 rebuke. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 69 
 
 thankful to God were he sure that Desiderius did 
 not pursue this trifling study. 
 
 The letter to Virgilius' urges him, as metro- 
 politan of Serenus, to compel him to part company 
 with the lapsed presbyter and his other depraved 
 friends. 
 
 Aetherius, archbishop of Lyons, had evidently 
 written to ask for the pallium. Gregory" expresses 
 his delight at the sentiments touching Church order 
 contained in his letter, but can find in the papal 
 archives no documentary evidence of a precedent. 
 If Aetherius can find such proofs, let him forward 
 them. Probably in connexion with the same request, 
 as proving the antiquity of the Church at Lyons, 
 Aetherius had asked Gregory to send him a copy 
 of the 'Life of Irenaeus' or his writings. But none 
 could be found. 
 
 Amongst these letters' we find two commending 
 Candidus to the care and protection of Asclepiadotus*, 
 patrician of Gaul, and Aregius', bishop of Gap^ To 
 the former Gregory sends a key from S. Peter's chains. 
 He is encouraged, he asserts, to place Candidus and 
 the estate of the Roman Church under his guardian- 
 ship by the knowledge of his kindness to the poor. 
 
 ' XI. 55. 
 
 2 XI. 56. 
 
 ' The order according to mss is xi. 58, 57, 14, 15, and the date 
 is X ante Kal. Jul. The Benedictine editors connected these 
 letters with xi. 12 and 13, which date from the previous Oct. and 
 read x Kal. Nov. but without sufficient grounds for the change. 
 
 J XI. 14. 
 
 ' Thus the mss seem to read here. Elsewhere he is Aregius. 
 
 6 XI. 15. 
 
70 POPE GREGOKY THE GREAT 
 
 Despite all his efforts, he could get no synod 
 convoked. The kings were as averse as ever from 
 giving their sanction to any attack on the simony 
 which they found so lucrative. Nothing was done, 
 so once more he had to fall back upon private and 
 individual effort. Shortly after the mission of Mel- 
 litus, he seems to have anticipated that Augustine 
 would return with tidings of his success. He there- 
 fore wrote to Virgilius' begging him to cordially 
 welcome him and correct any abuse he might point 
 out, for strangers often see faults more plainly than 
 those to whom they are familiar. 
 Hope A letter to Brunhild^ of the same period is 
 
 cnishe . almost a wail of disappointment. ' So shameless and 
 evil is the life of some ecclesiastics in that region 
 that it shocks us to hear, and cuts us to the heart 
 to speak, of their conduct. But, since those whose 
 place it is to correct this have neither anxiety to 
 discover it nor zeal to punish it,' he bids her name 
 one whom he might send to reform these abuses 
 with their joint authority. 
 
 An illustration of the relations between Gregory 
 and Candidus is given us in a letter' in which the 
 Pope bids the rector find some post as presbyter 
 or abbot for a certain Aurelius who had come to 
 him from Gaul. This also throws some light on the 
 position of Candidus, who, though nominally only 
 rector of the patrimony of Peter, evidently possessed 
 considerable influence and authority over the sur- 
 rounding Churches. 
 
 1 XI. 68. 2 XI. 69. 
 
 ' XI. 70. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 71 
 
 Perhaps it was the same Aurelius' to whom 
 Gregory shortly afterwards sent a letter of condo- 
 lence upon the death of his brother, supposed by 
 some to be the ex-patrician Dynamius. Thus be- 
 reaved, he is exposed to the attacks of wicked men. 
 Let him however, remembering that this life is but 
 a pilgrimage, hold steadily on his way, devoting 
 himself more than ever to alms-giving, to hospitality, 
 and to prayer.* 
 
 As Brunhild gave no sign of acquiescence in the 
 convocation of a synod, Gregory's hopes died out. 
 He could do little more for Gaul now, it would seem, 
 than interfere when appealed to in isolated cases. 
 His efforts to reform the Gallic Church must be 
 circumscribed by his influence on individuals. Thus April 
 the only letter sent by him to Gaul for many months go™ ' 
 was one'' forbidding Desiderius to continue his 
 attempts to draw back into the ranks of the clergy 
 a deacon Pancratius who had entered a monastery. 
 
 But once more an overture from the Frankish Nov. 602. 
 Court seems for a moment to promise better things. 
 This was no other than a mission of two noble 
 Franks from Theodorich, king of Burgundy, en- Pope, Em- 
 treating bis good services for the establishment of^j™J" 
 a lasting peace between the Franks and the empire '. 
 To secure his mediation, it is probable that they 
 brought the royal promise that a synod should be 
 convoked. At least Gregory was asked to appoint 
 a delegate to represent him in it. The ambassadors 
 
 1 XI. 75. Another reading suggested is Aureliae, cf. vii. 36 
 and VII. 12, where an Aurelia or Aureliana joins with Dynamius , 
 in founding a monastery. See pp. 48 and 50. 
 
 '^ XII. 35. ' xni. 7. 
 
72 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 also laid before him the case of a bishop who had 
 become subject to attacks of insanity. Gregory 
 accordingly wrote to Aetherius, who was his metro- 
 politan, directing him how he might legally put 
 another in his place ; at the same time urging him 
 to scrupulously assert his rights in the ordination 
 of presbyters and deacons'. 
 
 Accompanying the missive of the king came a 
 letter from Brunhild, begging him, besides treating 
 for peace with the Emperor, to grant a charter to 
 a church, a monastery for women, and a hostel 
 which she had erected at Autun. 
 
 Gregory promises both Theodorich'' and Brunhild' 
 to exert his influence to bring about the desired 
 treaty, praises their zeal and good works, and con- 
 firms the privileges of their institutions as they had 
 wished. 
 BmnUid His letter to Brunhild also deals with two note- 
 Bishops. worthy points. Apparently she had sent to Rome 
 a bishop Menna* to defend himself against a charge 
 of heresy. Gregory announces that Menna has 
 successfully rebutted the accusation, and that he has 
 therefore sent him back to his post in honour. 
 
 She had also asked him whether she might raise 
 to the episcopate one who, following the not in- 
 frequent use of the Franks, had two wives. This 
 
 ^ So Eeccared, Visigoth king of Spain, had sought to make 
 Gregory his intermediary with the Emperor, ix. 122. Mihi vestra 
 excellentia...mandare curaverat ut piissimo imperatori scriberem, 
 &c. 
 
 ^ xm. 7, to Theodorich. 
 
 5 XIII. 6, to Brunhild. 
 
 * Bishop of Telo (see xi. 58) in Provence. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 73 
 
 of course Gregory forbade according to the canons, 
 deprecating her doing anything which might coun- 
 teract her many deeds of piety and religion. 
 
 But the most important documents that Gregory 
 ever sent to Gaul were the charters of privileges 
 which, at the request of Theodorich and Brunhild, 
 he granted to the hostel, monastery and church 
 founded by the latter at Autun\ So remarkable Nov. 602 
 are they that sdme have expressed doubts as to their *'"■ 
 genuineness, but without reason. 
 
 The charter of the hostel^ which with neces- Papal 
 sary alterations is the same as the other two, lays 
 down : that its endowments shall never be diverted 
 by anyone, even by the king, from the purposes for 
 which they were intended ; that on the death of the 
 abbot, his successor shall be appointed by the king, 
 the consent of the monks being necessary; that 
 money shall never be paid to anyone, even the king, 
 on account of the ordination of an abbot ; that the 
 abbot shall never be deprived or deposed, unless, 
 a definite charge of evil-doing having been laid 
 against him, the Bishop of Autun with six other 
 bishops shall, after examination held, declare it 
 proved. The abbot shall never hold a bishopric with 
 his abbacy. No monk shall ever be removed from the 
 hostel for promotion by a bishop without the abbot's 
 consent. These decrees shall be binding for ever. 
 
 The determined tone of the charter itself is 2'A« Papal 
 
 GUI'S G 
 
 sufficiently striking, but still more striking is the 
 conclusion which dontains the sanction of these 
 ordinances. It is the first instance we have on 
 
 1 XIII. 8, 9, 10. ^ XIII. 8. 
 
74 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 record of the registering of the Papal Curse upon 
 offenders against Papal decrees. This curse then 
 in its original form was as follows: 'If any king or 
 priest, or judge, or layman, recognising our ordi- 
 nance of this page^, attempts to contravene it, let 
 him lose the dignity of his power and estate, and 
 let him know that he thereby becomes a criminal 
 at the bar of God for the unrighteousness he has 
 committed. And if he does not restore what he has 
 sacrilegiously stolen, and bewail with due penitence 
 his unlawful deeds, let him become a stranger to the 
 most blessed body and blood of our God and Lord, 
 Jesus Christ our Redeemer, and in the eternal judge- 
 ment let him feel the weight of stern punishment.' 
 
 With this Papal Curse the Mediaeval Papacy 
 may be said to have been inaugurated. 
 
 The granting of these charters was the last act 
 in the relations of Gregory with Gaul of which we 
 have any record. The political confusion which the 
 feuds of Theodorich and Theodebert and the vio- 
 lence of Brunhild brought upon Austrasia and Bur- 
 gundy made the gathering of a synod impossible. 
 And Gregory's growing ailments might well render 
 him slow to once more attempt what he must have 
 felt to be the almost hopeless task of the reform of 
 the Gallo-Frankish Church. 
 
 Of the negotiations with the Emperor, which he 
 had pledged himself to Theodorich and Brunhild 
 to open, we know nothing, as to either their progress 
 or their result. 
 
 ' 'hano eonstitutionis nostrae paginam aguosoens.' 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 75 
 
 The correspondence of the last two years of 
 Gregory's life is immeasurably less voluminous than 
 that of the rest of his Papacy, and among his extant 
 letters of that period we find none relating to 
 Gaul. 
 
 We have therefore now examined the different Review of 
 chapters in the relations of Gregory with Gaul, Letfers. 
 endeavouring to suffer no detail to escape us that 
 might throw kny light upon his purposes and 
 methods. We have seen that his earliest letters 
 were formal, announcing his election or acknow- 
 ledging the receipt of moneys. We noted how 
 Childebert's request that he would grant the pallium 
 to Virgilius opened out to him a view of wider and 
 more beneficial influence. This influence he loses 
 no opportunity of increasing. The disgraced Prank- 
 ish rector of the Roman patrimony he replaces by a 
 Roman ecclesiastic of his 'familia', to whom he 
 grants unusual authority. He gains the friendship 
 of the all-powerful queen-mother, and fondly fancies 
 that a brighter day is dawning even now. Childe- 
 bert's death and the consequent confusion deferred 
 his hopes for a while. But the mission of Augustine 
 brought him into new and closer relations with the 
 bishops and the Frankish Court. And now the 
 royal request that Syagrius may receive the pallium 
 revives his hopes of effecting through him and the 
 Court which he swayed the reformation he desired 
 so earnestly. But his hopes are dashed once more, 
 Syagrius and the Court refuse to move. Two years 
 of hopelessness pass by, when the journey of Mellitus 
 once more brings him into contact with the Church 
 
motives. 
 
 76 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 and Court of Gaul ; but his entreaty for a synod to 
 deal with simony meets nowhere with response. 
 
 Yet once again, after a year of weary waiting, his 
 wishes seem about to be fulfilled, as once again the 
 Frankish Court is a suitor for his favours, and promises 
 that the long-wished synod shall assemble. And yet 
 once again the clouds of disappointment close over 
 his heaven, his desire apparently as far from satis- 
 faction as ever, the Church of Gaul no purer or more 
 orderly than when he first assailed its abuses. 
 Gregory's In all this we find no trace of what we may call 
 
 political motives. It has been said* that he de- 
 liberately turned to the Frankish Court as a coun- 
 terpoise to the Imperial power, that he sought in the 
 Teutonic races support against the encroachments of 
 Constantinople. We are asked to believe that with 
 prophetic insight he perceived that the Pontiff of 
 Rome needed external aid if he were to maintain his 
 rights against the Emperor, and that, like an earlier 
 Canning, he called a new world into political ex- 
 istence to redress the balance of the old. But is 
 there anything in the narrative of his relations with 
 Gaul to support this theory ? He never throws 
 himself upon the help of the Franks, never plays 
 
 1 Lau, p. 181. Wir glauben nioht zu irren wenn wir den 
 Hauptgrund (of his relations with Gaul) in dem Verhaltnisse 
 Gregors zu der grieohischen Eegierung und namentlioh zum 
 Kaiser Mauritius finden. 
 
 Lau, p. 54. Einen Damm gegen die Anmassungen des grie- 
 ohischen Hofes und grossere Selbstandigkeit der Kirche zu 
 erringen, cfec. 
 
 Lau, p. 54. Allein seinem Scharfblioke war es gegeben die vollige 
 Aenderung der Verhaltnisse der ocoidentalisohen Kirche duroh ein 
 naheres Anschliessen an das Frankenreioh einzuleiten. 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 77 
 
 them oiF against the Emperor, never hints in any of 
 his letters that they can be of any service to himself. 
 He even abandons the policy of his predecessor, 
 which pointed somewhat in this direction, preferring 
 to meet the Lombards unaided to calling in the half- 
 heathen Franks against them. The old Roman 
 spirit was too strong in him, and the pride of his 
 senatorial family was too high in his heart, for him 
 ever to forget* that the Emperor was a Roman and 
 the Frankish king a barbarian. An Anicius could 
 never harbour such a treasonable thought as the 
 plan of opposing Teutonic influence to the legal 
 authority of the Imperial 'High-priest of God'. 
 
 No, it was a far different motive we are convinced 
 that fired the heart and moulded the conduct of 
 Gregory. The repeated attempts, in the face of so 
 much opposition and despite so many disappoint- 
 ments, to reform the Gallic Church, — are they not 
 evidently sincere and whole-hearted ? Surely to per- 
 sist in his request for the convocation of a synod for 
 so many years was calculated rather to alienate than 
 to gain the royal favour. Such perseverance could 
 be prompted, not by human policy, but only by zeal 
 for the purity of the Church. 
 
 And this is borne out by the energy with which 
 he denounced what he considered evil in private 
 individuals. The smoothness of his earlier letters 
 gives way to fierce denunciations of negligence and 
 sin, not only in the general but also in the particular. 
 Everywhere he brings his personal influence to bear 
 on the side of the Good and the Pure and the True. 
 And if we cannot forget that he shrank from giving 
 
78 POPE GEEGOET THE GEEAT 
 
 offence to Brunhild and the kings of the Franks, let 
 us not forget also that he seized the first opportunity 
 they gave him of forging that mighty weapon of the 
 Papal Curse which should smite down royalty itself 
 when it presumed to lay hands on the rights of 
 religion. 
 
 Surely then what actuated him in his relations 
 with Gaul was no deep-laid, far-sighted, political 
 design, but a single-minded zeal for God, for the 
 purity of His Church, and for its efficiency in the 
 pulling down of the strongholds of sin. Next to 
 the conversion of England, what had he so much at 
 heart as the reformation of Gaul ? 
 His To accomplish these aims he turned for aid to 
 
 methods, ^jjg Qq^^^_ ^jj-jg ^ijg connexion of Church and 
 
 State remained as it was, he saw that without royal 
 help he could effect nothing. To gain this help 
 then he spared no effort. It was to secure it that 
 he incurred the displeasure of the bishops. It was 
 this that led him into his adulation of the passionate 
 queen and cruel kings. Never despairing utterly, 
 though cast down so frequently, he struggled and 
 wrestled on to obtain this. 
 
 Trained in the traditions of the Imperial Papacy 
 he could form no conception of a Church free from 
 the State. We cannot see in aught that he did 
 any attempt to destroy the connexion of the Church 
 with Royalty in GauP. The mission of Cyriac, in 
 
 ^ Lau, pp. 194, 195. Gregor freilich konnte...einsehen dass 
 jene Uebel...(nicht)...gelioben werden konnten, wenn nioht die 
 ganze Kirohe, was aber unmoglioh war, aus dem sehon bestehenden 
 Verbaltnisse zu dem Eegenten heraustrat... .Gregor und mit i hm 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 79 
 
 which such a design has been imagined, certainly 
 seems to bear out no such opinion. From first to 
 last, Cyriac and the synod were to rely upon the 
 authority of the king. There is no attempt here to 
 set the synod up against the royal power. No. 
 Leaning as he ever did upon that power, conscious 
 that if the Church were to be purged the king's 
 authority would alone be able to purge it, Gregory 
 was far less 4ikely to seek to injure the royal 
 headship of the Church than to confirm it, that the 
 king's intervention for which he ever hoped might 
 be still more effective. 
 
 What was the fruit of his work ? it may be His 
 asked. Very little directly it is true, but the ap- *"""***• 
 parent failure must not blind us to the fact that he 
 had much real success. 
 
 For the reformation on which he had set his 
 heart the land was not ready. The age was an age 
 of transition, and transition cannot be hurried. God's 
 work proceeds slowly, that it may be thoroughly 
 done. Two hundred years passed ere his dream 
 could be realised. But when Karl the Great was 
 crowned by Leo III., and the Frankish Emperor 
 went forth to be the strong arm of the guiding 
 Roman pontiff, then what Gregory had striven for 
 in vain had been evolved by the lapse of years. 
 
 Had he done nothing more than teach succeeding 
 Popes what the Papacy might be, his life had been 
 
 mehrere frankisohe Bischofe. . .beklagten die die Kirehe zerrutteuden 
 Folgen, welche jetzt schon die Verbindung der Kirehe mit dem 
 Staate durch das Lehnsverband hatte und Gregor besohloss einen 
 ernsten Sohritt zur Abschaffung derselben zu untemehmen, &c. 
 
80 POPE GREGORY THE GREAT 
 
 fruitful. If all that he had done had been to fix for 
 the Frankish Court a tradition of friendship with the 
 Apostolic See, he had not worked in vain. But he 
 had done more than this. He had cheered the 
 hearts of lonely toilers in the barbarous land. He 
 had brought Christian influences to bear upon godless 
 savages like Brunhild and Theodorich. In a land 
 where the name of bishop had been commonly as- 
 sociated with simony, or avarice, or ignorance, he 
 had made it respected. He had been a trumpet- 
 voice denouncing sin. To these fierce Franks and 
 degenerate Romans he had given an ideal. 
 
 But besides all this he had nourished and mar- 
 shalled the host that was to subdue the heathenism 
 and vice of the land. He had defended the monks 
 against the bishops ^ and had made the Papal Curse 
 their bulwark against royal oppression. But, what 
 perhaps did more than any of his other actions to 
 benefit the West, he had officially sanctioned the 
 rule of S. Benedict, and recommended its use through- 
 out his Patriarchate. Before he died, that rule was 
 followed by almost all the monasteries of Gaul. The 
 vigorous, united Monasticism, which from the bar- 
 barism and heathenism of the Teutonic race de- 
 veloped the Christianity of the Middle Ages, was 
 the product of this act of organisation". 
 
 Thus, though disappointments so frequent fell 
 upon him, though all his efforts seemed to have 
 
 1 In 601, by a decree of the Lateran Council, he exempted all 
 monasteries from episcopal control. 
 
 2 Montalembert, ii. 174 (Eng. Trans.), justly calls him 'The 
 protector, propagator, and legislator of the monks of the West. ' 
 
AND HIS RELATIONS WITH GAUL. 81 
 
 been made in vain, though his hopes vanished like 
 empty mockeries, all was not lost, his labour was 
 not in vain. 
 
 By work so persistent, by zeal so enthusiastic, by 
 patience in such trial triumphant, by hopes so grand 
 and aims so lofty, right well has he earned his 
 place amongst 
 
 ' The noble and great who are gone, 
 Pure 'souls honour'd and blest 
 By former ages,' 
 
 whose 
 
 'is the praise, if mankind 
 Hath not as yet in its march 
 Fainted, and fallen, and died ! ' 
 
 K. 
 
APPENDIX I. 
 
 A Sketch of the relations of the Franks with 
 THE Papacy from the Death of Gregory 
 THE Great a.t>. 604 to the Coronation of 
 Karl the Great a.d. 800. 
 
 Chaos. After the death, of Gregory I. communication between 
 
 the Popes and the kings and bishops of Gaul seems to 
 have practically ceased for many years. The failure of 
 this great Pope to effect any reformation in that country 
 appears to have deterred his feebler successors from 
 attempting it. The disorganisation of the Church of that 
 country became complete. After Virgilius no vicar of , 
 the Apostolic See was nominated for nearly a century 
 and a half. No metropolitans were appointed. Every 
 bishop became independent, and did what seemed right 
 in his own eyes. To add to the darkness of the outlook, 
 Columban and his monks were expelled by Brunhild, and 
 thus the clearest light of Christianity in Gaul was 
 quenched. 
 
 However, when Chlotar on Theodorich's death united 
 under himself all the conquests of the Franks, the court 
 returned to the example of Childebert I. and extended a 
 lavish patronage to monasticism. Dagobert I. who suc- 
 ceeded Chlotar, was still more famous for his piety and 
 benevolence, but neither of these monarchs seems to have 
 cultivated any connexion with Pome. 
 
APPENDIX I. 83 
 
 It is not until the reign of Siegbert that we find a 
 Pope endeavouring again to exercise the slightest in- 
 fluence on Gaul. In his reign, Amandus, bishop of 
 Utrecht, daunted in his work among the Frisians by the 
 trials and persecutions which he suffered, wrote to Pope Martin I. 
 Martin I. to announce his intention of laying down his 
 office. That unfortunate Pope, who was then engrossed 
 with the Monothelite controversy, which proved his ruin, 
 wrote to dissua(^e him from this step'. He proceeded to a.d. 649. 
 urge Amandus to persuade Siegbert to convoke a synod, 
 and to read before it the decrees which a Lateran council 
 had just carried, condemning Sergius and Paul, the Mo- 
 nothelite Patriarchs of Constantinople. He begged him 
 also to prevail on Siegbert to add some Prankish bishops 
 to the embassy he was about to send to remonstrate with 
 the Emperor on his support of their heresy. 
 
 Of the result of this letter we know nothing certain". 
 To this same Pope have been ascribed three charters to 
 Prankish monasteries. Two of these are certainly, the 
 other possibly, spurious. It purports to be a deed of 
 privileges granted by Martin to a monastery at Rebecq 
 consecrated by Amandus, and buUt by a certain Dado 
 who had come to Rome to beg for the charter in person". 
 The only article interesting to us is one forbidding ' any 
 of the Franks to usurp the power of selling it or giving it 
 in fee.' 
 
 The second half of the seventh century saw consider- Religious 
 
 able movement amongst the Churches of Gaul. Several ™'"'«"^"' 
 ° apart from 
 
 1 Martin. Ep. ii. Migne, Patrologia, t. 87, p. 133. *''« 
 
 2 Mansi, x. p. 863, on the authority of the BoUandist Hfe of S. ^'^P'^V- 
 Aadoneus, asserts that the king (Chlotar) did call a synod which 
 appointed Audoneus and Bligius to go on the embassy. The 
 BoUandist life of Eligius (Deo. 1) says that they were prevented 
 
 from going. 
 
 3 Migue, 87, p. 206. 
 
 6—2 
 
84! APPENDIX I. 
 
 councils were held, yet witt one doubtful exception, 
 without Papal sanction'. Desiderius, bishop of Cahors^ 
 exerted great influence over both Gaul and Spain. His 
 correspondence includes letters to the kings and many 
 of the bishops of these lands, but there is no trace in it 
 of communication with Rome. There is the same re- 
 markable feature in the copious writings of Eligius, Do- 
 natus, and other contemporary writers in Gaul. And in 
 the very numerous ' diplomata ' granted by the Frankish 
 kings ^ there is the same absence of reference to the 
 Popes. The only point of contact between the Apostolic 
 See and the Christians of Gaul during this half century 
 Pilgrim- would seem to have been the pilgrimages made to the 
 "S''^- city of Peter. The latter were not themselves at the pains 
 
 to enter upon these perilous journeys, but beyond them 
 lived Christians for whom Rome had an irresistible attrac- 
 tion. Nearly every English Christian of this period whose 
 story has been preserved to us made at least one journey 
 thither. Thus Wilfrid of York, Benedict Biscop, and 
 Boniface all traversed Gaul, the last in company -with 
 many other English pilgrims. The first, in returning. 
 About 654. on one occasion remained three years at Lyons, and on 
 About 679. another was welcomed as an honoured guest and adviser 
 at the court of Dagobert II. Every one of these pilgrims 
 was a devoted champion of the Papal claims, and their 
 intercourse with the Churches on their route could not 
 fail to increase their reverence for Home and its 
 bishops. 
 
 But the swift succession of feeble Popes, engrossed as 
 they were in their conflict with the Emperors, produced 
 none capable of taking advantage of this feeling until 
 
 1 See Mansi x. passim and Concilium Namnetense. 
 
 2 Migne, 87, p. 217, &o. 
 
 » See them in Migne, 88, p. 1078, ff. 
 
APPENDIX I. 85 
 
 the attention of Gregory TI. was forcibly drawn to the 
 Frankish kingdom and its dependencies. 
 
 The zeal of the English Christians early showed itself The Eng- 
 in missions to the Teutonic tribes who were still heathen, ^^g^^^ ^'J' 
 And thus the work of Gregory I. may be said to have Germany. 
 resulted in the conversion of Germany as well as of 
 England. For almost all the missionaries of the 7th and 
 8th centuries were English either by birth or training. 
 Of these the moit famous and the most important as far 
 as our subject is concerned was Winfried, better known 
 as Boniface, the apostle of Germany. To missionary Boniface, 
 zeal he added a deep-seated reverence for the authority 
 of the Apostolic See. In 718 accordingly he came to 
 Rome to beg for authority from the Pope for the evan- 
 gelization of the heathen beyond the Rhine. Fired per- 
 haps with the hope of becoming a worthy successor of 
 his namesake Gregory the Great by extending the bound- 
 aries of the Church, the Pope readily granted him all A Second 
 the powers he sought'. Boniface as readily took the '"^'"T/- 
 oath of allegiance to the Roman See which Gregory im- 
 posed. Thus satisfied, Gregory left nothing undone to 
 secure the success of the mission. He wrote to all the 
 bishops and to all the Churches of Gaul and Germany 
 urging them to give it their support". And he also com- 
 mended Boniface to the assistance of Karl, the all-powerful 
 Mayor of the Palace'. 
 
 It was the obvious policy of the Frankish leaders to 
 encourage the efforts of the English missionaries. For 
 though they claimed the rule over the Bavarians, Thurin- 
 gians and other heathen tribes they found them but 
 restless and ungovernable subjects. And even more 
 
 1 Greg. II. Ep. i. Migne, tom. 89, p. 495. 
 ^ Greg. Epp. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. 
 3 Ep. II. 
 
86 APPENDIX I. 
 
 trouble was caused to them by their unrestrained neigh- 
 The hours, the Saxons and Frisians. Any attempt therefore 
 
 g^^ to implant in these nations civilisation and organisation 
 
 Boniface, and order was sure to be welcomed by the statesmen at 
 the head of the Franks. Accordingly Karl wrote to the 
 Pope ', assuring him that Boniface should have his sup- 
 port, and his promise was kept* With the remarkable 
 success of the mission we are not here concerned, save in 
 as far as it brought Gregory and Boniface into closer 
 relations with Karl. To his protection and support both 
 gratefully attributed it to a very high degree. 
 
 Gregory felt himself able to interpose in the affairs of 
 Gaul as no Pope had done since his namesake. A quarrel 
 which had arisen between the bishops of Frejus and 
 Grasse he promptly decided", by forbidding the former 
 Gregory to encroach upon the see of his neighbour. And at the 
 Gaul. request of the abbot of a monastery at Trier he sent a 
 charter of immunities to it*. That an ecclesiastic of Gaul 
 should seek this from the Pope instead of from the 
 Prankish king is sufficient to show that the influence of 
 Rome was once more making itself powerfully felt. 
 
 This growing influence the Popes soon turned to 
 account in a very different way. In 729 Karl by his 
 victory over the Moors at Tours established his repu- 
 tation as the champion of Christianity. The Pope, who 
 had his own difficulties with the fleets of these infidels, 
 was by this victory drawn into closer accord with their 
 ' Hammer '. But, not content with looking to him for 
 aid against these common foes, Gregory endeavoured to 
 obtain his help against a Christian nation which had 
 
 1 Greg. Ep. ix. 
 
 5 Greg. Ep. viii. Boniface, Ep. xi. Migne, 89, p. 699. 
 
 * Epp. XV. and xvi. 
 
 * Ep. XIX. 
 
APPENDIX I. 87 
 
 been his ally in the contest with Islam. The bitter The Popes 
 
 hatred of the Lombards which the Popes entertained ""^ ^J^ , 
 
 ^ Lombards. 
 
 might seem almost unintelligible. For more than a cen- 
 tury they had been Catholic. Their kings at this period 
 seem to have been not merely able but virtuous, accord- 
 ing to the standard of the time. They had fought 
 bravely against the Moors. But their earlier Arianism 
 seems never to have been forgiven them. Their Churches 
 were loth to reocgnise the authority of the Pope. Next 
 to the exarchate, which was too weak to be a source of 
 fear, they were the nearest neighbours of Eome. They 
 had never lost their spirit and military ardour and skill. 
 The Popes then, with the hatred born out of conscious 
 weakness and constant apprehension, painted them as 
 wild and ruthless savages and children of the devil. 
 Their introduction of leprosy into Italy gave rise to the 
 rumour that they were a nation of lepers. Constant 
 border disputes with the exarch and the Pope bred a 
 spirit of hostility on both sides. Under circumstances 
 like these it is not strange that the policy of calling the 
 Franks into Italy to crush the Lombards which the pre- 
 decessors of Gregory I. had initiated should have been 
 adopted by Gregory II. and his successors. 
 
 The first return to this policy would seem to have a.d. 729. 
 been occasioned by the rising of his Italian subjects 
 against the iconoclastic decree of the Emperor Leo. 
 Liutprand, the Lombard king, gained possession of Ra- 
 venna as an ally of the insurgents. In the complications A sup- 
 which ensued Gregory would seem to have in vain be-v!^" 
 sought Karl Martel to interpose against that king, whose 
 alliance had been of service to him in his war with the 
 Moors. 
 
 Two years later Gregory II. died. One of the first a.d. 731. 
 acts of his successor Gregory III. was to bestow upon 
 
88 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Boniface Boniface the pallium'. Ten years before', his success 
 tishov ^^^ ^^^^ rewarded with the title of bishop, and now he 
 was raised to metropolitan rank. With these credentials, 
 Boniface soon acquired an influence over the chiefs of the 
 Franks which bore early fruit in their devotion to the 
 Apostolic See. The respect for the Pope which he would 
 inculcate may be gathered from portions of the oath 
 which he had taken on his ordination as bishop': ' I vow 
 to thee, blessed Peter, chief of the Apostles, and to thy 
 vicar, the holy Gregory, and to his successors... to prove 
 in all things... my entire devotion to thee,... to thy Church 
 . . .to thy said vicar and to his successors.' 
 
 Karl Martel gladly welcomed him to his court, and 
 though he was too much of a German to acknowledge all 
 the claims he made on behalf of the Pope, he readily 
 assisted him not merely in his mission to the tribes 
 beyond the Rhine but also in his efforts to reform the 
 Church of Gaul. And great need truly was there of 
 such efforts, if we may trust the letters of Boniface. 
 Tlie old For according to this authority the priests who had been 
 regularly ordained were outnumbered by the criminals 
 and runaway slaves who had assumed the tonsure and 
 the name of priest or even bishop without the slightest 
 right. Many a bishopric had been seized and held by 
 laymen without ordination for its wealth. And against 
 the bishops who had been regularly appointed he flings 
 charges of drunkenness, fornication, adultery, brawling 
 and joining in war thick and fast, but apparently with 
 only too much truth. 
 
 But his influence speedily told. It is true that his 
 
 » Greg. III. Ep. i. Migne, 89, p. 575. 
 
 2 722. 
 
 3 For this oath see Greg. n. Ep. i. Migne, 89, p. 497, and 
 appendix to Boniface's Letters, p. 803. 
 
 abuses. 
 
APPENDIX I. 89 
 
 advocacy of the Papal authority met with resistance from 
 many of the ecclesiastics whom he met at the court of 
 Karl Martel. But public opinion favoured continually 
 more and more his attempts to reform the lives of priests 
 and the disorganisation of the Church. And thus his 
 energy won for his Papal nomination as leading prelate 
 among the Franks the confirmation of the people and 
 chiefs. 
 
 It was probajbly the support which Karl had given Gregory 
 to his representative that encouraged Gregory to seek his j^' 
 aid in the straits to which he had brought himself by Lombards. 
 aiding the dispossessed Duke of Spoleto in an attempt to 
 regain his duchy from Liutprand, who had held it since 
 729. When the Lombard king marched upon Rome ^ German 
 Gregory wrote to beg Karl's help, addressing him as jjomc. 
 Roman consul and presenting to him as the badge of his 
 authority the keys of the sepulchre of S. Peter'. But 
 though the headship of the Roman Republic was thus 
 conferred upon him, Karl hesitated to break oflf his 
 alliance with the powerful Lombard king. Equally vain 
 was a more piteous appeal" from the Pope in the follow- 
 ing year, in which he asserted that the church of S. 
 Peter had been plundered of the gifts Karl and his 
 ancestors had sent to it. Karl contented himself with 
 a courteous reply. 
 
 The next year saw great changes, for in it both 741. 
 Gregory and Karl Martel died. The Pope was succeeded ^^"■^'^' 
 by the able and bold Zacharias, who contrived by his 
 courage and tact to keep the Lombards in awe without 
 invoking the intervention of the Franks. However he 
 left his impress upon the relations between them and the 
 Papacy. Close as had been the bond between Boniface 
 
 ' Ep. v. See also Tredegar on year 741. Migne, 71, p. 680. 
 2 Ep. VI. 
 
at last. 
 
 90 APPENDIX I. 
 
 and Rome, Zacharias made it closer yet, a policy whicli 
 ultimately resulted in a firm alliance between the Frank- 
 ish rulers and the Pope. For Karl Martel's sons, Karl- 
 mann and Pippin, between whom his power was now 
 divided, regarded Boniface with the utmost reverence. 
 Their interest in ecclesiastical affairs was deeper than 
 their father's, and their respect for religion more sincere. 
 Karlmann especially was a ready instrument in the 
 hands of Boniface. 
 
 Under his influence the two brothers took in hand 
 the reformation of the Church in Gaul, which upon his 
 principles necessarily involved fuller recognition of the 
 A Synod claims of Rome'. Zacharias had no difiiculty in obtain- 
 ing Karlmann's consent to the convocation of a synod to 
 inaugurate reform^ That ruler authorised Boniface to 
 call together the bishops in his territories, promising 
 
 742. him his support. At this council^, the first for eighty 
 years held in Gaul, Boniface's supremacy as representa- 
 tive of the Pope was acknowledged. Decrees were passed 
 for the reform of the priesthood and of the monasteries, 
 and it was decided that synods should be held yearly. 
 
 743. In the following year a similar council was held under 
 Pippin's authority in his realm, Boniface presiding as 
 before. The same decrees were passed and others added, 
 including some imposing fines on those who proved de- 
 linquents'. 
 
 The Me- At five such councUs Boniface presided; a fact which 
 
 under *"" shows that the reformation was not merely a spasmodic 
 Boniface, 
 
 1 See Vita S. Bonifaoii, § 29. Migne, 89, p. 623. 
 
 ^ Boniface, Ep. xlix. 
 
 ' Concilium Germanioum. Mansi, xii. p. 365. Capit. Eegum 
 Franc, i. 24. 
 
 * Concilium Liptinense. Mansi, xii. 370. The Cap. Eegum 
 Franc, (i. 26) assigns its decrees to Karlmann, not Pippin. 
 
APPENDIX I. 91 
 
 eflfort. His success at one of these he thus describes': 
 'We declared and professed that to the end of our lives 
 we will keep the Catholic faith, unity and obedience to 
 the Church of Rome, S. Peter, and his vicar.... And we 
 all consented and set our hands to that profession.' Each 
 bishop promised also to bring before the Pope any diffi- 
 culty he could not surmount in his attempt to reform 
 his diocese. At another of these councils Boniface nomi- The au- 
 nated three archbishops for North-east Gaul, for Rouen, ^^'g^^jf 
 Sens and Reims, the first for more than a century. His 
 influence was not sufficient, however, to persuade two 
 of these to recognise the authority of Rome so far as 
 to beg the pallium from the Pope". At another he 
 succeeded in procuring the suspension of two popular 
 priests, Clement and Adelbert, and the reference to the 
 Pope of the charges of heresy which he laidj against 
 them^. We cannot wonder that Zacharias rewarded 
 his zeal by appointing him his vicar over both Germany 
 and Gaul". Fixing his seat at Mainz he laboured from 
 that centre to carry on the reform in both countries to 
 which the Pope urged him'. 
 
 The crowning illustration of his influence is the abdi- ^ Royal 
 cation of Karlmann and his retreat into the monastery 
 of Monte Casino, a step which he is said to have taken 
 at the direct instigation of Boniface. 
 
 Pippin into whose hands the undivided sway of the 
 Franks thus fell, was none the less ready to aid the 
 projects of Zacharias. In this same year the Pope sent 
 
 1 See Letter of Boniface to Cuthbert, Ep. lxiii. Migne, 89, 
 p. 763. Mansi, xii. p. 379. 
 
 ' Of. Zacharias, Bpp. v. and vi. Migne, 89, p. 925. 
 
 ' Migne, 89, p. 830. Zach. Epp. ix. i. 
 
 * Zach. Bp. VI. 
 
 6 Zach. Epp. XI. XIV. 
 
92 APPENDIX I. 
 
 him a collection of canons' for the government of the 
 Church in his dominions. 
 The Pope Another letter" expressed his approval and thanks 
 
 supreme. ^^ ^j^g bishops of Gaul and Germany for their coopera- 
 tion with Boniface. His numerous letters to the latter 
 show with what sympathy he watched his work and 
 how clearly he realised its importance. He had his 
 reward. He saw the reverence for the Apostolic See 
 and the vicar of Peter which had always marked the 
 English Christians take firm root also amongst the 
 Franks'. Pilgrims thronged to Rome under the pa- 
 tronage and protection of the king. 
 
 Under the Pope's influence, too, metropolitan rule was 
 restored, not only in the North where Boniface's autho- 
 rity prevailed, but also in the South, where Austrobert, 
 archbishop of Vienna, became his representative*. And 
 he had the gratification of enlisting the aid of the whole 
 Gallo-Frank Church thus reorganised in the Christian 
 task of reconciling king Pippin and his slighted brother 
 Grifo". 
 The It was now the turn of the Franks to invoke aid. In 
 
 theFalt^e ^^^ two ecclesiastics came to Rome from Pippin to consult 
 Zacharias as to the legitimacy of dethroning the dynasty 
 which had so long nominally held the monarchy of the 
 Franks. Since Dagobert I. the Merovingian kings had 
 been weaklings to whom the name of Insensati has not 
 unreasonably been given. Under the earlier of these 
 the utter disorganisation had set in from which the 
 country was still sufi'ering. At length Pippin of Heristal, 
 a powerful Austrasian noble, had assumed the oflBce of 
 Mayor of the Palace to the helpless sovereign of the time, 
 
 1 Zach. Ep. vm. " Ep. iv. 
 
 ' Zach. Ep. XII. 4 See Zach. Ep. xix. 
 
 ^ See Zach. Ep. xvn. 
 
APPENDIX I. 93 
 
 and by force of arms had held the fitful realm in awe. 
 On his death, his son Karl had succeeded to his power 714. 
 after a severe contest. As we have seen, it had now 
 descended to Pippin, the son of Karl, the king, ChU- 
 derich III., being a nerveless puppet who was once a year 
 brought out from his royal sequestration and shown to 
 his subjects in a solemn procession. 
 
 But the farce was now played out. There was every 
 motive for bringing it to a close. The Franks might 
 naturally object to a monarch who could not lead them 
 in battle — the task par excellence of a German king. 
 Pippin might well desire to raise himself above the 
 jealousies of his fellow-nobles and to seat his family 
 firmly in hereditary power. The people in gratitude 
 to the family for the deliverance wrought for them at 
 Tours would gladly acquiesce. The Church would fall 
 in with the wishes of its liberal patron. And Boniface, 
 who is believed to have been one of the leaders in 
 this quiet revolution, would naturally desire to see 
 his staunch supporter rewarded with the supreme 
 majesty. 
 
 Zaoharias was not likely to hesitate long about his The Pope 
 answer, or to disappoint his powerful client. The mes- \/j£^!^ 
 sengers soon returned to Pippin with the Pope's sanction doms. 
 of his purpose. ChUderich was quietly set aside in a 
 monastery. An assembly at Soissons elected Pippin to 
 succeed him. But the inauguration of his reign was 
 not yet complete. Boniface came forward as the repre- 
 sentative of the Pope, and amidst the applause of the 
 Franks anointed him king. A memorable scene ! the 
 birth of a system which bound the West with fetters of 
 strife and disorder for centuries. 
 
 The mightiest king on earth receiving his crown as 
 the gift of Heaven, and the defenceless bishop of a 
 
94 APPENDIX I. 
 
 distant city claiming by his representative to interpret 
 the will and exercise the authority of Heaven ! 
 
 The Pope did not long survive this momentous act. 
 In the same year he died, nor did his chosen successor 
 live to complete the ceremonies of his ordination. 
 Pope Stephen II., the next Pope, was a man of very inferior 
 
 Stephenll. mj^j ^g Zacharias, but by his weakness the union be- 
 tween Prankish king and Roman bishop which the 
 strength of his predecessor had so effectively promoted 
 was still further cemented. He speedily became en- 
 tangled in war with the Lombards, and finding himself 
 unable to contend with Aistulf, Liutprand's able and 
 energetic successor, appealed to Pippin for aid. That 
 monarch, occupied at the time with an Aquitanian war, 
 sent two councillors to invite him to come to him. Pro- 
 tected by their companionship the Pope passed safely 
 through his Lombard foes. Beyond the Alps he was 
 His visit met by Pippin's elder son Karl, who led him to Pontyon, 
 Prankish '^lience the king himself escorted him to Paris. Here 
 Court. he appointed Pippin and his sons kings of the Franks, 
 laying under the ban of an interdict any who should 
 The Papal endeavour to deprive his posterity of the crown. This 
 again. denunciation marks a new stage in the development of 
 the claims of the Papacy. Not merely had the Popes 
 claimed the right of anointing the king of the Franks ; 
 not merely had they been consulted on his appointment j 
 they now defend the monarch of their choice with 
 spiritual arms. For the first time had they threatened 
 to punish with the interdict what was not an ecclesi- 
 astical offence. Or rather they had linked their fortunes 
 so closely with those of one Prankish house that attacks 
 upon it had become attacks on their own power. 
 
 The first use of the Papal Curse was, as we have 
 seen, in defence of sacred institutions against the Prankish 
 
APPENDIX I. 95 
 
 kings. It is remarkable that the next employment of 
 such powers in Gaul by a Pope should be in their 
 favour. 
 
 A dispute had meanwhile arisen between Boniface 
 and the Pope. Stephen had infringed Boniface's metro- 
 politan rights by ordaining a bishop of Metz. The 
 quarrel which ensued was with difficulty arranged by 
 Pippin, who besought them as being the head of the 
 Church not to set an evil example to its inferior 
 members. Shortly afterwards, Boniface handed over 
 his see to an English follower named Lull, and devoted 
 his last few months to mission-work beyond the Rhine, 
 where a martyr's death awaited him. His memorial The end of 
 was the Christianity of Germany, the reformation in •^ 
 Gaul, and the development of the Papal power. He 
 had taught the German and Gallic Churches to recognise 
 the Pope as their head; he had brought their monasteries 
 to follow the example of his own at S. Fulda and seek 
 the protection of the Pope'; he had taught the kings ijjs toorfc. 
 and people of the Franks to see in the Bishop of Rome 
 the vicar of S. Peter and the representative of God on 
 earth. 
 
 To counteract the influence of the Pope upon Pippin The 
 Aistulf prevailed on Karlmann to leave his retreat at f^^**,^ 
 Monte Casino and dissuade Pippin from championing his of the 
 cause. It was in vain. Stephen, who was detained by ^"P'^'^V- 
 illness at the Abbey of S. Denys, relegated him to 
 detention at Vienne for breaking his monastic vows — a 
 signal display of his authority in Prankish eyes. On his 754 a.d. 
 recovery, Pippin and his army marched south with him, 
 and on Aistulf's rejection of the offered terms entered 
 Italy and besieged Pa via ^ Aistulf immediately made 
 
 1 Bonif. Ep. xoi. Zach. Ep. xv. 
 
 a See Annales Veteres Francorum. Migne, t. 98, p. 1416. 
 
96 APPENDIX I. 
 
 peace for forty years, at the cost of all his conquests. 
 No sooner had Pippin withdrawn, however, than Aistulf 
 refused to comply with these conditions, cut off all 
 communication by land between the" Pope and Gaul, 
 and besieged Rome. But Stephen sent by sea to Pippin 
 a letter', demanding his return and threatening him with 
 the wrath of God and perdition if he did not keep his 
 promise to protect him. In a second letter^ he appealed 
 to his pity, at the same time promising as the reward of 
 speedy succour ' victory over all the barbarians and 
 A Papal eternal life.' As neither threats nor pathos nor promises 
 forgery. moved Pippin, Stephen wrote a third letter' to him in the 
 name of Peter himself. The Apostle is made to declare 
 that all the victories of the Franks who are first in his 
 favour of all the nations under heaven are due to his aid, 
 and to bid them march to the protection of his vicar. 
 Roused at last by this appeal, the Franks once more 
 crossed the Alps, besieged Pavia, and compelled Aistulf 
 to abandon all debated territory. 
 
 This, comprising as it did Ravenna and almost the 
 
 whole of the exarchate, should naturally have reverted 
 
 to the Emperor. But his envoys vainly demanded its 
 
 ' The Gift restoration. The victorious Frank conferred it upon the 
 
 stantine ' -P^P®" '^^® estates of the Roman Church were supposed 
 
 755 A.D. to provide for its poor, but the magnitude of this gift 
 
 entirely altered the nature of their tenure. It raised the 
 
 Pope from the trusteeship of a church possessing a few 
 
 farms to a temporal sovereignty of independence, wealth, 
 
 and power. 
 
 The changed position of the Pope is clearly marked 
 by the letter of thanks* which Stephen sent to Pippin. 
 
 1 Stephen II. Ep. iii. Migne, 89, p. 996. 
 
 2 Bp. IV. " Bp. V. 
 * Bp. vi. 
 
APPENDIX I. 97 
 
 Nominally still a subject of the Emperor, he has aflfronted 
 that ruler by occupying lands he claimed. Rome there- The Pope 
 fore needs protection not merely from the Lombard but ™ ''^**'" 
 also from its own Emperor. To secure it, the Pope 
 commits himself, his city and the church of S. Peter to 
 the care of the Frankish king, a complication which 
 requires no emphasis. At this time he seems to have 
 conferred upon Pippin the title 'Patrician of Rome' 
 an ambiguous term which might denote either first 
 citizen of the Rorban republic or, on the analogy of the 
 Imperial Patrician of Sicily and the Frankish Patricii 
 Galliarum, governor and magistrate of Rome. 
 
 Two years later Stephen died and was succeeded by The King 
 his brother Paul. The changed relations of the Papacy °i, , ,, 
 were now clearly seen, for, while earlier elections had suzerain of 
 required the sanction of the Emperor or his Exarch, for P^' 
 
 the first time since the days of Constantine this formality 
 was neglected. On the other hand, just as his pre- 
 decessors had apprised the Emperor of their election by 
 the clergy and people, Paul now announces his to Pippin'. 
 
 Under his rule, the old border quarrels with the 
 Lombards broke out again. Desiderius, however, Aistulf 's 
 successor, was careful not to carry his opposition to the 
 Pope so far as to bring the Franks into Italy to his 
 relief. In the midst of a victorious career, he stayed his 
 hand when the Pope's request for help gained Pippin's 
 ear^ Paul had however in his danger removed many Frankish 
 treasures and relics from the ojjen subui-bs of Rome into "^^^y-ii^^ 
 the city. The Franks took the opportunity of asking bards. 
 that the bodies of saints in whom they had a special 
 interest should be made over to them. The Pope com- 
 plied. On a later occasion' we find Paul seeking Pippin's 
 
 1 Paul I. Bp. I. 
 
 Migne, 89, p. 1175. 
 
 2 Epp. II. ni. IV. 
 
 3 Ep. TII. 
 
 
 
 K. 
 
 
 7 
 
98 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Sought 
 also 
 
 against the 
 Emperor. 
 
 Factions 
 at Rome. 
 
 768. 
 
 General 
 Conclave 
 for Elec- 
 tion of the 
 Pope. 
 
 protection even against the Emperor himself who was 
 planning an invasion of Italy with the object of regaining 
 Ravenna. But he never undertook it. The protection 
 of Pippin's name filled Paul with an unbounded gratitude 
 and no praise was too high to be lavished on him by the 
 befriended Pope who saw in him a new Moses or David. 
 
 Meanwhile three factions seem to have grown up in 
 Rome, one national, the others favoui-ing respectively the 
 Lombards and the Franks. On Paul's death, the nation- 
 al party hurriedly ordained a noble named Constantino 
 and set him in the Papal chair. Yet even he appealed 
 to Pippin to extend to him the protection he had afforded 
 his predecessors'. But after a year's reign, he was de- 
 posed by the other parties supported by Desiderius, and 
 a Lombard partisan, Stephen III., was appointed in his 
 place. 
 
 His first act was to announce his election to Pippin 
 in the hope of forestalling opposition from the Franks. 
 But before his messengers could reach the Prankish 
 court, Pippin's death had raised his sons Karl and Karl- 
 mann to the throne. They sent a deputation of twelve 
 bishops to Rome to act as their representatives. And 
 then for the first time was seen the spectacle of the 
 emissaries of a German nation settling the succession of 
 the Bishops of Rome. They gathered round them some 
 of the Italian bishops and formed themselves into a 
 Lateran Oouncil. Here they annulled the election and acts 
 of Constantine, confirmed the appointment of Stephen, 
 and vehemently denounced iconoclasm. 
 
 This Council, the first anticipation of the Conclave of 
 Cardinals, thus established that the Popes having claimed, 
 as Boniface III. had done in 607, the title of Universal 
 Bishop, and having assumed, as Zacharias and his succes- 
 
 ' See letters of Constantine, Migue, t. 98, p. 233. 
 
APPENDIX I. 99 
 
 sors had done, the supremacy of the Churches of England, 
 Germany and Gaul, could no longer be chosen merely by 
 the clergy and people of Rome. Supported as they were 
 by the Frankish Kings and ruling over the Churches of 
 the West, both Kings and clergy of the whole West 
 claimed a voice in their election. 
 
 The Roman adherents of the Frankish party could ill 
 brook that a nominee of the Lombard King should be 
 their Bishop. With the sanction of Dodo, one of Karl- 
 mann's envoys, they formed a plot against Stephen. But 
 it failed, and Desiderius came to Rome and executed 
 Christopher and Sergius, the Roman ecclesiastics who had 
 originated the conspiracy. In great wrath Karlmann 
 threatened to enter Italy and depose Stephen. The 
 Pope however wrote letters of explanation' to that 
 King's mother Bertha and his brother Karl and by their 
 intervention escaped the danger. 
 
 But Desiderius was anxious to free himself from Alliance of 
 apprehension of troubles with the Franks, and eagerly and!^Lom- 
 sought an alliance with their two kings. Foreseeing that bards. 
 the effect of this alliance would be to leave him defenceless 
 against the Lombards, and perhaps having already quar- 
 relled with them on the old questions of boundaries and 
 church rights, Stephen strained every effort to prevent 
 its being brought about ^ No denunciation of this sug- 
 gestion of the Devil was too strong, no curse too deep 
 for him to imprecate upon the two young princes if they 
 should yield to the Lombard's wish. All was Ln vain. 
 The negotiations ran their course. Karl divorced his 
 Frankish wife and married Hermingard, daughter of De- 
 siderius, whose son Adelchis was betrothed to the sister 
 of the two young kings. 
 
 1 Stephen III. Bp. n. Migne, 89, p. 1249. 
 
 2 Ep. IV. 
 
 7—2 
 
100 APPENDIX I. 
 
 772 A.D. Stephen did not long survive this dreaded alliance, 
 
 " but his successor the cool and astute Hadrian I. soon saw 
 it broken. After a year, Karl, whose cruel and head- 
 strong youth gave little promise of his greatness, dismissed 
 his Lombard wife and married a German princess. The 
 Pope, by no means sorry to see the dangerous connexion 
 dissolved, refused to interfere. The insult was not for- 
 gotten by Desiderius, though he was then too weak to 
 avenge it. 
 
 In 771 Karlmann died, and Karl at once seized upon 
 his kingdom. Aided by a few faithful nobles, Karl- 
 mann's children escaped to the court of Desiderius, who 
 appealed to the Pope to join him in demanding their 
 rights for them. Hadrian refused, and annihilated the 
 Lombard faction at Rome. At once Desiderius, thinking 
 that Karl was occupied with a Saxon war and troubles 
 in Gaul, marched against Rome. Hadrian gathered 
 troops, strengthened the fortifications of the city, sent 
 appeals to Karl for help, and prepared to stand a siege. 
 Envoys came from Karl to encourage the Pope and to 
 make known to the Lombards his conditions of peace, 
 involving the surrender of Karlmann's children. These 
 were rejected. Karl after a slight check forced the pas- 
 sage of the Alps and shut up Desiderius and Adelchis in 
 Pavia and Verona' The blockade lasted many months. 
 Karl at Jn the interval Karl spent Easter at Rome, being the 
 774. * first Prankish monarch who had entered the Eternal 
 City. Pope, Senate, populace welcomed him with all 
 ceremony and pomp. The zeal of the first was rewarded 
 by the confirmation of Pippin's donation to Stephen II. 
 The territory had been lost to the Lombards, from whom 
 once more the Prankish champion of S. Peter had re- 
 covered it. The diploma conferring this gift was laid on 
 
 1 Annales Vet. Franc- Migne, 98, p. 1418. 
 
APPENDIX I. 101 
 
 the altar of the church of S. Peter, as a grateful offering 
 by the king in person. 
 
 On Karl's return to his army Desiderius surrendered Fall of the 
 and retired into a monastery, his conqueror taking the ^^''^g^, 
 title King of the Lombards. By this title Hadrian 
 had already addressed him; whether as a suggestion that 
 he should assume it, or as claiming the right as God's 
 Vicar to bestow the kingdoms of the earth upon whom 
 he would, or merely in adulation, we cannot decide. 
 
 Into the possession of the territory Karl had conferred 
 upon him the Pope did not at once enter. Leo the 
 Archbishop of Ravenna' refused to recognise the right 
 of his fellow Archbishop to sovereignty over his See, 
 and held many of the noi'thern towns against him until 
 Karl interposed to give effect to his words. In return 
 for his services Hadrian later surrendered to Karl the 
 wonderful mosaics and statues of the imperial palace at 
 Ravenna". 
 
 Hadrian was not the man to bate his rights. Nomi- The claims 
 nally still a subject of the Emperor, and practically °L^T 
 dependent upon the Prankish king, acknowledging him 
 too as the Patrician of Rome, he yet asserted his position 
 as an independent prince, and refused to recognise any 
 authority but his own in the lands just ceded to him. 
 He claimed to have his own ambassadors; he appointed 
 his own magistrates, collected the revenues of his terri- 
 tory by his own servants, enlisted his own armies. If he 
 looked to Karl for protection, it was as a weak inde- 
 pendent state might expect help from a stronger ally 
 from whom gratitude and respect were due. 
 
 The presence of Karl was soon required again in The Pope 
 Italy. As King of the Lombards he too was drawn into 'xina ^ 
 
 1 Hadrian Epp. ii. and in (lii and Lin). Migne, 98, p. 283. 
 " Hadrian Ep. xxxn. (ljkxii.). 
 
102 APPENDIX I. 
 
 disputes with the Pope. For the old standing grievance 
 of the 'justices ' remained unsettled. Whether these -were 
 dues demanded from the Lombard communities by the 
 Pope, or estates asserted to be part of the patrimony of 
 Peter, or — is not this possible ? — the right to try ecclesi- 
 astical offenders by his own courts, the officers of Karl 
 refused, as the Lombard kings before them had done, to 
 recognise them, and Hadrian laid his remonstrances 
 before their lord' 
 The Pope Other difficulties too awaited his attention. The 
 
 L^milard -^OP®^ ^^^ go* ^^ °^ their troublesome Lombard neigh- 
 Dukes. hour in the North, but East and South still lay the 
 duchies of the same bitterly-hated race, and for their 
 destruction Hadrian left no means of instigating Karl 
 against them untried. He alleged^ that Karl had pro- 
 mised to surrender to him the Lombard Duchy of Spoleto, 
 and claimed that the promise should be kept. His 
 aggressiveness drove the Lombards to form a League for 
 776. self-defence, an act of which he bitterly complained to 
 
 Karl ^. They retaliated* by accusing the Pope to the 
 Prankish king of carrying on a traffic in slaves with the 
 778. Saracen corsairs of his coasts, a charge which, when the 
 
 king remonstrated, he retorted^ with perhaps equal jus- 
 tice on his accusers. The difference grew in bitterness 
 780. until Arichis Duke of Benevento, aided by the Neapoli- 
 
 tans and Imperial troops, attacked Terracina" within the 
 Papal dominions. Meanwhile Hildebrand Duke of Spo- 
 leto had gone in person to the Court of Karl, and urged 
 him to visit Italy. This suggestion he now adopted, and 
 after a stately progress through his dominions reached 
 
 1 Hadrian Ep. vi. (lvi.). 
 
 " Hadrian Ep. vii. (lvii.). 
 
 ' Ep. VIII. (lviii.). i Ep. XI. (lxi.). 
 
 " Ep. XIV. (Lxiv.). 6 Ep. XVI. (lxvi.). 
 
APPENDIX I. 103 
 
 Rome in 780. He succeeded in appeasing for the mo- 
 ment the quarrels that had arisen, but left the Lombard 
 Dukes in possession of their old power and territories to 
 the chagrin of the Pope. On this visit however the Pope 
 was allowed the privilege of becoming sponsor of one of 
 his sons. He also baptized Ludwig and Pippin the 
 young princes, and anointed them to the kingdoms of 
 Aquitaine and Lombardy respectively' 
 
 Each year brought the King and Pope into closer Friend- 
 friendship. It is needless here to give a detailed account jj^,.;a„ 
 of their correspondence. No previous Pope had found and Karl. 
 so many points of contact with a temporal sovereign. 
 The relations of Rome and the Lombard Dukes formed 
 but one of many subjects of common interest. Again and 
 again Hadrian writes asking for the cession of territory" 
 The organisation of the Church in Karl's domains occu- 
 pies his attention on other occasions^ The malpractices 
 of the priesthood of Gaul call forth his remonstrances*. 
 The building of churches in Rome depending upon the 
 promised supply of Northern timber, he writes to ask 
 for it'. But that he felt himself to be on terms of 
 real friendship with the King is shown by the letters 
 expressing his prayers and good wishes for him before he 
 opens his campaigns and his congratulations when they 
 close in victory °. 
 
 Moreover he had a near ally at the very court of 
 Karl. Just as Pippin and the contemporary Popes had 
 been linked together by the work of Boniface, so now the 
 
 1 Annals, p. 1420. 
 
 ' E.g. Epp. XVIII. (Lxvni.), XIX. (lxix.). 
 
 3 Ep. xxxvii. (lxxxvii.). 
 
 4 Epp. xxvni. (lxxviii.), xxx. (lxxx.). 
 " Ep. xxxviii. (lxxxvui.). 
 
 8 Epp. XI. (Lxi.), XXXV. (lxxxv.). 
 
104 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Alcuin. 
 
 Karl and 
 Culture. 
 
 The 
 Church 
 under 
 Karl. 
 
 influence of Alcuin, Karl's chief adviser, brought Karl 
 and Hadrian nearer together. To that influence perhaps 
 may be largely traced the king's patronage of literature 
 and ecclesiastical progress. To Alcuin, whom Karl met 
 at Pavia on his return from Rome in 780, are probably 
 due the steps which the King took to obtain the trans- 
 mission to Graul by the Pope of many ecclesiastical 
 writings', including some of the works of Gregory the 
 Great ^ This intercourse thus inaugurated did much to 
 instil a love of litei-ature and learning in the minds 
 of the Franks. The revolution in the worship of the 
 Church in his dominions which Karl effected after his 
 next visit to Rome may perhaps be suitably mentioned 
 here. He ordained that throughout his realms Gre- 
 gorian music should take the place of Ambrosian^, 
 obtaining from Hadrian the necessary manuscripts, in- 
 cluding a book of anthems written by the Pope's own 
 hand. Hadrian also sent to him two teachers of Gre- 
 gorian music, one of whom he settled at a school at Metz 
 which he designed to be the centre of instruction for his 
 whole realm, the other he carried about with his Court. 
 And this is but one instance of the development of arts 
 and literature which resulted from the connexion between 
 Karl and the Papal See. 
 
 Its result on the state of the Church in Gaul it is not 
 hard to see. That Alcuin was no less favourable to the 
 claims of Rome than Boniface had been is clear from 
 
 1 Hadiian is said to have sent to Karl copies of the decrees of 
 all the General Councils and a ' compendium Graecorum canonum '. 
 Migne, 98, p. 271. 
 
 " E.g. in 791 Hadrian sent Karl the Sacramentarium of Gregory. 
 Ep. xLix. (xcix.). See also Appendix II. 
 
 ^ Pippin had sent monks to Rome in the time of Paul I., to 
 learn church-singing, cf. Paul I. Ep. ix. 
 
APPENDIX I. 105 
 
 his addressing the Pope as ' Vicar of the Apostles ', ' Heir 
 to S. Peter's miraculous power', 'Prince of the Church'. 
 And though Karl himself kept the Papal authority in 
 control, he always treated the Bishop of Rome as far 
 above all other prelates. To the Church he always 
 gave his first care. In his assemblies its affairs always 
 took the precedence. The majority in these meetings 
 were ecclesiastics, and from them he always selected his 
 chief counsellors. And thus was the Church in his 
 dominions once more reorganised. Once more the bishops 
 were subjected to the control of Metropolitans and 
 all were knit into a compact body, the head of which was 
 the Pope. 
 
 That prelate took advantage of his growing influence The 
 upon Karl to indulge his hostility to the Lombards'. He jr°™„^J 
 seized upon Capua and Campania and, when in self- 786. 
 defence Arichis, Duke of Benevento, formed once more a 
 Lombard League^ and attacked Amalfi, summoned Karl 
 to his aid. That monarch immediately marched to Rome, 787. 
 whereupon Arichis submitted and consented to pay tribute. 
 Upon his death in the following year, Hadrian exerted all 
 his influence to persuade Karl to absorb his duchy in his 
 dominions", and thus make an end of the national ex- 
 istence of the Lombards. But the king's generosity and 788. 
 justice were proof against the suggestions of the Pope. 
 He restored Grimoald, the son of Arichis, who was a 
 hostage in his hands, to his people and set him in his 
 father's seat. 
 
 The last occasion also which brought Hadrian and 
 
 1 Milman seems not to have discerned clearly tlie order of the 
 quarrels of Hadrian with the Lombards nor to have noticed that 
 Arichis twice formed a League against him. 
 
 2 Hadrian Bp. xxxviii. (lxxxviii.). 
 
 ■'' Hadrian Ep. xl. (xC;), xliii. (xcra.). 
 
106 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Karl into contact showed that the King was able to hold 
 his own against the Pope, and not content to surrender 
 
 ^"^ his independence of mind. In 794 by pre-arrangement 
 
 Frankfort, with the Pope, Karl convoked a General Council of the 
 Church'. It is interesting to note that he thus usurped 
 this function of the Emperor while still but King of the 
 Franks and Lombards. Three hundred Bishops met at 
 Frankfort in answer to his summons, from Gaul, Italy, 
 Germany and Spain, and two legates were sent by the 
 Pope to preside in his stead. According to arrangement, 
 Karl and the Pope brought before the Council the heresy 
 
 Adoptian- of Adoptianism which Felix of Urgel and EUpand of 
 Toledo had been preaching in Spain ^, which was there- 
 upon condemned and anathematised by the assembled 
 Bishops. 
 
 But the Council's next proceedings were rather less 
 gratifying to the Pope. For his predecessors had fulmi- 
 
 Iviage- nated against Iconoclasm and excommunicated the Em- 
 W- perors for supporting it. Not ten years before, the breach 
 had been healed by a Council at Nicaea in which the 
 decrees of many a Roman Council ordering the adoration 
 of pictures and images had been confirmed. And now 
 with the approval of Karl, this great Western Council 
 denounced image- worship, and to Hadrian were sent the 
 Libri Carolini setting forth its views ^ 
 
 In this difficult position Hadrian contrived by dwelling 
 on slight differences in the phraseology in the decrees of 
 the two Councils to avoid accusing either of error, and 
 wisely left the dispute to the settlement of time'. 
 
 795. In the course of the following year he died, to the 
 
 1 Annals, p. 1424. Capit. Eegum Franc, i. 73. 
 ^ Cf. Hadrian Bp. xxxiii. (lxxxiii.). 
 8 See Capitulare de Imagiuibus. Migue, 98, p. 989. 
 * See Appendix to same, p. 1247. 
 
APPENDIX I. 107 
 
 grief of Karl who wept for him as for a son or brother 
 beloved. Despite the independent sovereignty which he 
 had claimed, his successor Leo III. was careful to recognise Poi^e Leo 
 to the full all Karl's rights. He immediately sent to him, ^^^' 
 as Patrician and protector of Rome, the keys of its gates 
 and of the sepulchre of S. Peter and the standard of the 
 city' He begged him to despatch nobles to Rome to 
 administer to the citizens an oath of fidelity and sub- 
 mission. Little jvonder is it that this strange obsequi- 
 ousness drew from Karl an expression of his pleasure ' at 
 the humility of your obedience and the promise of loyalty 
 to us^' To administer the new oath of allegiance to 
 him he sent the Abbot Engilbert. 
 
 But not all his cringing to Karl could avert from 
 Leo the dangers which he seems to have apprehended. 
 In the spring of 799 a conspiracy headed by two of Plot 
 Hadrian's nephews attempted to incapacitate him for his "i?'*""' 
 office by blinding him and cutting out his tongue. Their 
 outrageous design failed, but their party seems to have 
 had the support not only of many of the nobles of Rome 
 but also of the populace. The Pope was rescued from 
 the turbulent city by the Prankish Duke of Spoleto, and His flight 
 at once begged Karl to come to his support. Engrossed '" ■''^«'''- 
 in a war with the Saxons, the King suggested that Leo 
 should visit him until he was in a position to see justice 
 done to him. He at once set out, and was received with Hisretum. 
 great honour at Paderborn, notwithstanding that the 
 people of Rome lodged with Karl grave charges against 
 him. The investigation into these the King postponed 
 till he should arrive in Rome, but sent Leo back with a 
 large escort and a promise of amnesty. 
 
 Next year Karl entered Rome and proceeded to deal 800. 
 
 1 Migne, 98, p. 495. 
 
 ' Car. Mag. Ep. viii. Migne, 98, p. 907. 
 
108 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Corona- 
 tion of 
 Karl as 
 Emperor. 
 
 Gondii- 
 sion. 
 
 with the charges made against the Pope'. The clergy, 
 to whom he referred them, declared their incompetency 
 to sit in judgement upon their head, and Karl, when the 
 Pope had made a public profession of his innocence, dis- 
 missed the charges and imprisoned his accusers. One 
 account however asserts that Karl himself held a careful 
 judicial examination" of the charges without protest from 
 Leo whom he finally acquitted. 
 
 On the following Ohristmas-Day high festival was 
 held. Karl and all his Court attended mass at S. Peter's 
 Church. The Pope chanted the service, and at its con- 
 clusion to the surprise of Karl crowned him Emperor 
 with the old Roman title Caesar Augustus. The next 
 day he and his son Pippin were anointed to this new 
 dignity, and swore to maintain all the powers and privi- 
 leges of the Roman See. 
 
 Of the importance of this event as opening the era of 
 modern history we need not speak. It was also the 
 culmination of the history of Western Europe for the 
 four centuries preceding it. It was the natural com- 
 pletion of the developments we have traced. The bar- 
 barians who scarce two centuries before were heathen 
 now took part in the election of the Universal Bishop of 
 Christendom. The Prankish house which had been 
 raised by its connexion with Rome to the possession of 
 the kingdom of the Franks and that of the Lombards, 
 was now by the same connexion exalted to the Imperial 
 throne. The princes who had subjected to the Popes 
 the Churches of Gaul and Lombardy and Germany now 
 laid at their feet the "West and all their destined realms. 
 And the prelates who by their friendship had been saved 
 
 1 Annals, p. 1427. 
 
 2 Milman (ii. 269) thus interprets the phrase from the Annals 
 'In quibus vel maximum vel diffioillimum erat.' 
 
APPENDIX I. 109 
 
 from ruin had by that same friendship gained a province 
 for their own, and crushed mighty kings. The relations 
 ■which had begun in humble dependence were ending in 
 majesty. The Bishop who had granted the title Consul 
 of Rome to a foreign chief to save his people now assumed 
 the right to confer the kingly rank or Imperial title on 
 whom he would. 
 
APPENDIX II. 
 
 The Editions &c. of the Letters of Gregory 
 THE Great. 
 
 The late Paul Ewald whose untimely death at the 
 age of thirty-six has robbed Germany of one of her most 
 promising historical students had devoted himself to the 
 difficult task of editing the Letters of Gregory the Great 
 for the series Monumenta Germaniae Historica. At the 
 very outset he found himself confronted by the difficulty 
 of deciding the chronology of the different letters. The 
 accepted order he found to be insufficiently accredited. 
 His first endeavour was consequently to discover right 
 principles for their arrangement. 
 j/ss. His examination of the extant Mss. revealed the 
 
 existence of three collections. The largest of these 
 Ewald calls E. It consists of 686 letters divided into 
 Indictions, and is plausibly identified by Ewald with a 
 selection of Decretal letters made by Pope Hadrian I.'. 
 The collection would seem to owe its origin to the desire 
 of Karl the Great to possess copies of various ecclesi- 
 astical writings. John the Deacon (Vita Greg. ii. 9) 
 tells us of that King's efforts to introduce the Gregorian 
 
 ^ Of. Joh. Diao. Vita Gregorii n. 71. Ex quorum multitudine 
 primi Hadriani papae temporibus quaedam epistolae decretalea 
 per singulas iudictiones excerptae sunt et in duobus yolumiuibus 
 sicut modo cernitur oongregatae. 
 
APPENDIX II. Ill 
 
 Church-music into his dominions, and a letter of Ha- 
 drian's' refers to his request for a copy of Gregory's 
 Liber Sacramentorum. Not improbably the selection and 
 transmission of the letters of Gregory contained in R 
 resulted from the same interest of Karl in the works of 
 Gregory. 
 
 Some Mss. have been found containing only the 
 first 393 of these letters : others with only the remaining 
 293. These classes of Mss. Ewald calls r and p ; seeing 
 in them copies of the two volumes of which Hadrian's 
 Register was said by John the Deacon to be composed. 
 
 The earliest complete Ms. of R dates from the XI th 
 century though fragments of an earlier date are known. 
 One Ms. of r comes to us from century IX., one of p 
 from century X. 
 
 A second class of Mss. is based upon another col- 
 lection consisting of 200 letters, and this Ewald calls C. 
 The earlier Mas. have no division into either Indictions 
 or Books, though the letters are numbered. Various 
 signs point to its being earlier than R. It seems to have 
 had but a narrow range, though a Ms. of this class has 
 been found dating from the Vlllth century. A third 
 class of Mss., one of which also dates from century VIII., 
 gives evidence of the existence of a third collection con- 
 sisting of 53 letters. This Ewald identifies with a col- 
 lection sent by a certain Paul to Adalard Abbot of the 
 Monastery of Corbey in the time of Karl the Great^ 
 
 Naturally these collections were variously combined. Combina- 
 Mss. are extant of the combinations C -i- P, p -i- P, *"""*• 
 C + P -I- p, and R -I- P -I- 0. This last combination, which 
 Ewald calls 'the completed R', seems to have originated 
 in century XII. In it, the 21 letters contained in P 
 
 1 Jaff^ Bibl. rv. 274. 
 " MabiUon, r. 397. 
 
112 APPENDIX II. 
 
 but not in E, are added at the end of Indiction VII. 
 and the 144 letters peculiar to C are made to form an 
 Indiction VIII. 
 
 This first rough arrangement was followed by ' The 
 Milan Codification,' undertaken at the instigation of 
 Cardinal John Arcimbaldi, Archbishop of Milan 1485- 
 1488. The letters peculiar to P and C were scattered 
 in small groups through the last six Books. Though 
 the phrase ' ex Eegistro ' prefixed to the collection might 
 appear to give official sanction to the order, the arrange- 
 ment seems to have been quite arbitrary. And yet 
 until the Benedictine almost all editions followed this 
 codification. 
 Editions. The first printed Edition of Gregory's Letters (Augs- 
 
 burg about 1472) exactly followed a Ms. of 'the com- 
 pleted R' class. 
 
 The second a Venetian Edition of 1504 and the suc- 
 ceeding fourteen, all following the Milan order, call for 
 no remark. 
 
 In 1588—1593 an Edition of Gregory's works was 
 issued at Rome ' jussu Sixti V. emendata ' and of this 
 the next six editions were merely reprints. 
 
 At Paris in 1675 Peter Goussainville published an 
 edition of Gregory's Works based upon 35 Mss. mainly 
 French. The second volume contained the Letters with 
 explanatory notes, drawn largely from a book ' Notae 
 et observationes in XII. libros Epistolarum Gregorii 
 Magni,' published 1669 by Alteserra, a learned Pro- 
 fessor at Toulouse. 
 
 Thirty years later came the great Benedictine Edition 
 of Gregory's Works by the monks of St Maur. In 1697 
 one of them Dom Denis de S''' Marthe had written an 
 'Histoire de St Gregoire ,le Grand.' In 1699 with the 
 sanction of Pope Clement XL, he in collaboration with 
 
APPENDIX II. 113 
 
 another monk of the order, Dom GuiUaume Bessin, com- 
 menced an edition of Gregory's Works. Bessin under- 
 took the Letters, and made some alterations in their 
 order, though he did not satisfy 8*° Marthe. The result 
 may be regarded as a slight advance on all previous 
 editions. Though most of the letters peculiar to C, 
 which with one exception are undated, were left in the 
 order of the Milan Codification, alterations were made 
 where there seemed to be reasons for them. Though 
 the order of the letters in R, which have many marks 
 of time, was regarded as not fixed, the letters peculiar 
 to P, which also have many dates, were for the most part 
 inserted in their proper positions. The old division into 
 twelve books gave place to one into fourteen correspond- 
 ing to the Indictions. Goussainville's notes were re- 
 tained, and a few added. 
 
 This Edition was followed by a Venetian Edition 
 of Gregory's Works in 1768-1776 by GalliccioUi, who 
 erroneously described it as 'an enlarged and improved 
 Edition ' of the Benedictine, while the volume of the 
 Abbe Migne's Patrologia which contains Gregory's Let- 
 ters (Paris, 1851) is an exact reprint of the Edition of 
 1705. 
 
 With the knowledge of Mss. which he had gained, Ewald's 
 Ewald could not, like his predecessors, take as his ^i","!'^*'* 
 starting point the arbitrary arrangement of the Milan Classes of 
 Codification. He found himself compelled to go behind ■'"*'• 
 this and work from the Mss. themselves. His first aim 
 was to discover the origin of the three classes into which 
 they are divided. R we have already seen cause for 
 believing to be a collection of Hadrian I. at the request 
 of Karl the Great. 
 
 A. comparison of R and C gives us 55 letters com- 
 mon to both classes. The remarkable fact that the 
 
 K. 8 
 
114 APPENDIX II. 
 
 relative order of these letters is the same in both points 
 to a common source for the two classes. 
 
 A comparison of R and P gives 2 1 letters common 
 to both classes, falling into three groups, the letters of 
 which preserve the same relative order. Hence we may 
 gather that we have here two independent selections from 
 the same source. 
 
 Thus R, P and C seem to be derived from one large 
 collection of Gregory's Letters. 
 The Papal What then was this Collection? To answer this 
 Register, question it is necessary to remember that from the 
 middle of Century III. may be traced the existence of 
 ecclesiastical archives at Rome. From the time of Leo 
 the Great it seems probable that the correspondence of 
 the Bishop of Rome was formally arranged and officially 
 preserved there, while, not improbably, Gregory the 
 Great left upon the system the impress of his orderly 
 mind. Thus was formed what has been called the 
 Lateran Register. That a large number of Gregory's 
 Letters chronologically arranged were thus kept admits 
 of no doubt. Such a register under the Papal control 
 formed the chief authority for the biography of Gregory 
 written by John the Deacon. In his dedication of his 
 work to John VIII. ' he appeals to it against any charge 
 of inaccuracy, 'Si cui tamen, ut assolet, visum fuerit aliter, 
 ad plenitudinem scrinii vestri recurrens, tot charticios 
 libros epistolarum ejusdem patris quot annos probatur 
 vixisse revolvat.' In the biography" wishing to show 
 Gregory's diligence he writes : — Ab exponendis epistolis 
 quamdiu vivere potuit nunquam omnino cessavit: qua- 
 rum videlicet tot libros in scrinio dereliquit quot annos 
 advixit. Unde quartumdecimum epistolarum librum 
 
 1 Prologue. 2 IV. 71. 
 
APPENDIX II. 115 
 
 septimae indictionis imperfectum reliquit quoniam ad 
 eiusdem indictionis terminum non pertingit. 
 
 John wrote in the year 872, but that this Register 
 containing Gregoi'y's official letters existed a century 
 and a half before is clear from the Introduction to Bede's 
 History. He there speaks of the journey of Nothelm 
 a London priest to Rome, and of his discovery of some 
 letters of Gregory and other Popes, 'perscrutato ejusdem 
 sanctae ecclesiae Romanae scrinio, permissu ejus qui 
 nunc ipsi ecclesiae praeest, Gregorii pontificis.' In 735 
 Boniface writes to Nothelm asking for copies of the 
 questions addressed by Augustine to Gregory and the 
 Pope's answers, 'quia in scrinio Romanae ecclesiae ut 
 ddfirmant scriniarii, cum ceteris exemplaribus supra- 
 dicti pontificis quaesita non inveniebatur.' 
 
 That the selection of Hadrian was made from the 
 Lateran Register is almost indisputable. John says that 
 the letters 'ex librorum multitudine excerptae sunt'.' 
 If this be so and if Ewald's identification of R with 
 Hadrian's Register be correct, we have now discovered 
 the source of all the three collections. R would be a 
 selection of letters from every part of the Register. Can 
 we localise C and P 1 
 
 All the letters common to C and R belong in the Reeon- 
 latter to Indiction II., and the order warrants us i^gftj^g 
 assigning the rest of the 0-letters to the same indiction. Papal 
 
 Similarly with P. The letters common to P and R form i,y^^ald. 
 three groups belonging respectively to ludictions X. XIII. 
 and IV. The order of the remaining P-letters together 
 with the dates frequently preserved enables us without 
 improbability to assign them to the same indictions. 
 
 Thus though P and C are without division into books 
 or indictions and though only one letter in C is dated, 
 
 1 IV. 71. 
 
116 APPENDIX II. 
 
 we are able by comparison with R which is divided into 
 Indictions and which contains many dated letters to 
 obtain an approximate date for all the letters in the 
 three collections. Thus though Ewald's dream of a 
 reconstructed Lateran Register still remains a dream 
 because not all the letters it must have contained can 
 have reached us, a nearer approximation to its realisation 
 has been made than could have been conceived of before 
 his investigations. 
 Ewald's The principles of arrangement he had thus obtained, 
 
 Ewald intended to apply in his Edition. Unfortunately he 
 lived long enough to edit only the first four books, which 
 are comparatively but little afiected by his investigations. 
 Yet even here his careful study of Mss. has been of the 
 utmost importance, for no student of the Latinity of the 
 period can afibrd to neglect the light he has thrown upon 
 its orthography. 
 
 The first part of this great Edition was published 
 at Berlin in 1887, but the death of the Editor has left it 
 uncertain whether it can be completed. 
 
 Edition. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abuses in the Church of Gaul, 
 
 38, 52, 55, 88 
 Aetherius, 45 n. 50 n., 56, 69 
 Aistulf, 94, 95, 96 
 Aix, 46 
 Alouin, 104 
 Amandus, 83 
 Anatolius, 64 
 Aregius, 56, 69 
 Arigius, 35, 47, 63 
 Aries (Arelate), 2, 21, 22, 23, 23n., 
 
 26n. 
 Asclepiadutns, 63, 69 
 Augustine, 45, 53 
 Aurelia, 50; Aureliana, 48; Aure- 
 
 lius(?), 71 
 Austrasia, 17, 33 
 Autun, 50, 57, 73 
 Avitus, 2 
 
 Bigamy, 16, 72 
 
 Bishops, importance of, after the 
 Conquest, 5 ; struggles with arch- 
 bishops, 10; with priests, 11; 
 with monks, 14 
 
 Boniface, 85, 88, 90, 91, 93, 95, 
 115 
 
 Brunhild, 33 ; her character, 40, 
 61, 65, 66, 74, 82; Gregory's 
 letters to her, 41, 44, 47, 51, 55, 
 63, 70, 72 
 
 Burgundians, 2 
 
 Caesarius, 2, 26 n. 
 
 Candidus, 38, 39, 45, 47, 53, 69, 
 
 70 
 Cassian, S., Monastery of, 48, 49 
 Celibacy, 56 
 Childebert I., 13 
 Childebertn., 33,34,37,43 
 Childerich III., 93 
 Chilperioh I., 33 
 Chlodwig, 3, 13 
 Chlotar, 34, 43, 47, 62, 67, 82 
 Church and State. Under the 
 
 Empire, 6 ; under the Franks in 
 
 Gaul, 7 &c. ; under the Earlings, 
 
 93, 96, 108, 109 
 Columban, 13, 17, 63 &c., 82 
 Constantine, gift of, 96 
 Constitution of Valentinian, 25 
 Councils (Provincial), 37, 55, 84; 
 (Parochial), 56 
 
118 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Councils :Agde II., 14n., 16n.,17n. 
 
 Aries III., 15n. 
 
 Aries v., 14n. 
 
 Auvergne, 9n. 
 
 Carthage, 15 n. 
 
 Chaleedon, 7n., 14n. 
 
 Epaon, 14n., 16 n. 
 
 Frankfort, 106 
 
 Germanicum, 90 
 
 Liptinense, 90 
 
 Milan, 7n. 
 
 Narbonne, 11 n. 
 
 Namnetense, 84 n. 
 
 Orleans I., 10 n., 14 n. 
 
 Orleans III., 11 n. 
 
 Orleans IV., 11 n. 
 
 Orleans v., 8n., 9n. 
 
 Paris, 9 n. 
 
 Reims, 11 u. 
 
 Sardioa, 21 
 
 Tours II., 52 n. 
 
 Turin, 10 n. 
 Cyriao, 54—57 
 
 Dalmatic, 57 
 
 Desiderius, Bishop of Vienne, 45 n., 
 
 56, 59, 68 
 Desiderius, King of Lombards, 97, 
 
 99, 100 
 Dynamius, 32, 34, 48, 50 
 
 Easter, 64 
 
 Editions of Gregory's Letters, 110 
 
 &c. 
 England. Gregory's desire for its 
 
 conversion, 45 ; first Mission, 45, 
 
 46,47; second, 67 
 Ewald (Paul), 110 &o., 116 
 
 Feudal System, origin of, 4 
 
 Franks : invade Gaul, 3 
 
 their conquests, 33, 85, 
 101 
 Fredegond, 33, 43 
 Fr^jus, 86 
 
 Gontran, 33, 34, 62 
 
 Grasse, 86 
 
 Gregory the Great.: historical im- 
 portance of, 19 ; his character, 
 26; early days, 27 ; elected Pope, 
 28; his aims, 29; his relations 
 with Gaul, 30 &e. ; his flattery of 
 Brunhild, 41; his faults, 41, 42; 
 his relations with England, 45, 
 67 ; his support of monasticism, 
 47, 73, 80 ; his writings, 65 ; his 
 views on culture, 68; his re- 
 lations with the Emperor, 29, 
 72 ; the motives of his connexion 
 with Gaul, 76 ; methods he used 
 in Gaul, 78 ; results of his con- 
 nexion with Gaul, 79 ; Gregorian 
 music, 104 
 
 Gregory of Tours, 35 
 
 Heresy in Gaul, 52, 91, 106 
 Hilarius of Arelate, 2, 23 
 Hilarius of Pictavium, 1 
 Hilary, 68 
 
 Iconoclasm, 55, 87, 106 
 Idolatry, 52 
 Imperial Papacy, 7 
 Irenaeus, 1 
 
 Jerome, 2, 64 
 
 Jews, persecution of, 80 ; Christian 
 
 slaves of, 50, 55 
 John the deacon, 110, 114, 115 
 John the Eegionary, 51, 53 
 
INDEX. 
 
 119 
 
 Karl Martel, 85, 86, 87 
 Karlmann, his son, 90, 91, 95 
 Karl the Great, 94, 98, 99, 100, 
 
 102, 103, 107, 108 
 Karlmann, his brother, 98, 99, 100 
 
 Lau, 76 n., 78 n. 
 
 Lay Bishops, 8, 38 
 
 Lerins, 30, 46, 66 
 
 Liutprand, 87, 89 
 
 Lombard League, 102, ]flS 
 
 Lombards, 26, 62, 87, 89, 94, 97 
 
 Lyons (Lugdunum), 1, 56, 58 
 
 Manuscripts of Gregory's Letters, 
 
 111 
 Marseilles (Massilia), 23, 31, 47 
 Martinus of Turones, 2, 12 
 Maurienne, 62 
 Metropolitans, 10, 82, 91, 92 
 Monastioism, 12, 13, 14, 18, 83, 
 
 86 
 
 Nicetius, 17 
 Neuatria, 16, 17, 33 
 
 Palladius, 44 
 
 Pallium, 25, 36, 50, 57, 58, 69, 88 
 
 Papacy. Its influence on Chris- 
 tianity, 18; its relations with 
 Churches of Gaul before 590, 
 21 &o. ; sources of its power, 19 ; 
 respect for it, 88, 105, 108; its 
 temporal claims, 93, 97, 98, 99, 
 101, 109 
 
 Papal Curse, 73, 94 
 
 Patrimony of Peter, 32, 46, 69 
 
 Pilgrimages, 84, 92 
 
 Pippin of Heristal, 92 
 
 Pippin the Short, 90, 91, 93, 94, 
 96, 97, 98 
 
 Pippin, 103 
 
 Popes: — Boniface L, 23 
 
 Celestine I., 23 
 
 Constantine II., 98 
 
 Fabian, 23n. 
 
 Gregory I. passim 
 
 Gregory IL, 85,86,87 
 
 Gregory III., 87, 89 
 
 Hadrian I., 100, 101, 103, 
 106, 107, 111 
 
 Innocent I., 22 
 
 Julius I., 21 
 
 LeoL, 23 
 
 Leo ni., 107, 108 
 
 Martin I., 8S 
 
 Paul I., 97, 98 
 
 Pelagius I., 26n. 
 
 Pelagius II., 26, 28, 45 
 
 Stephen IL, 94, 95, 96, 
 97 
 
 Stephen III., 98, 100 
 
 Sylvester, 21 
 
 SymmaohuB, 26 n., 57 n. 
 
 Vigilius, 26 n., 64 
 
 Zacharias, 89, 94 
 
 Zosimus, 23 
 
 Eeotor, 32, 34, 39 
 Eeform, 38, 89, 104 
 Begionarii, 51ii. 
 Begister (Lateran), 114 
 EeUcs, 32, 44, 69, 97 
 Eevolution, 93 
 
 Saintes, 44 
 Sardica, 21 
 Serenus, 45n., 54, 66 
 Siegbert I., 33 
 Simony, 38, 52, 55, 67 
 Syagrius, 45n., 50, 51, 55, 56, 57, 
 66 
 
120 INDEX. 
 
 Synod, 54, 55, 67, 72 Ursioinus, 62 
 
 Theodebert, 43, 47 Valentia, 23 
 
 Theodore of Marseilles, 81 Vesontio, 24 
 
 Theodorich, 43, 47, 71, 74 Vienne (Vienna), 1, 22, 24, 59, 92 
 
 Trier, 22, 86 Virgilius, 30, 36, 45 n., 46, 56, 69 
 
 Turin, 62 
 
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