Cornell University Library JX 1255.K35 The influence of Christianity upon Inter 3 1924 007 462 595 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007462595 THE INFLUENCE OF CHEISTIANITY UPON INTEENATIONAL LAW. Cambtfijge: Pinteb at tfre ©ntbetsttg $Jrew, For MAOMILLAN & Co, aUnlHin: BELL AND DALDY. ffiifotD : J. H. AND JAS. PARKER. (DBlntutat : EDMONSTON AND DOUGLAS. ffluitln: WILLIAM ROBERTSON. ©lasgotD : JAMES MACLEHOSE. THE INFLUENCE OF CHEISTIANITY INTERNATIONAL LAW. IN THE UNIVEESITT OF CAMBRIDGE, FOK THE YEAR 1854. C. M. KENNEDY, B.A. of Gosrvima AND CAIUS COLLEGE, WHEWELL UMTVBBBITT PRIZEMAN, 1855. ©ambri&ge : MACMILLAN AND Co. 1856. TO THE REVEREND THE MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, THE VICE-CHANCELLOR; THE MASTER OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, THE MASTER OF TRINITY HALL, AND THE REVEREND THE MASTER OF ST JOHN'S COLLEGE, JtS &1WU1B IS MOST BESPECTFULLY DEDICATED THE AUTHOR. EDWIN GUEST, ESQ. IJj.D. P.E.S. THE MASTER, AND TO THE FELLOWS OF GONVILLE AND CAITTS COLLEGE, ©Sis dssag IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED WITH SENTIMENTS OF GRATITUDE AND ESTEEM THE AUTHOR. Clauses directed by the Founder to be always prefixed to the Hulsean Dissertation. CLAUSES from the WILL of the Rev. JOHN HULSE, late of Elworth, in the County of Chester, clerk, deceased : dated the twenty-first day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- dred and seventy-seven; expressed in the words of the Testator, as he, in order to prevent mistakes, thought proper to draw and write the same him- self, and directed that such clauses should every year be printed, to the intent that the several per- sons, whom it might concern and be of service to, might know that there were such special donations or endowments left for the encouragement of Piety and Learning, in an age so unfortunately addicted to Infidelity and Luxury, and that others might be invited to the like charitable, and, as he humbly hoped, seasonable and useful Benefactions. He directs that certain rents and profits (now amounting to about a hundred pounds yearly) be paid to such learned and ingenious person, in the University of Cambridge, under the degree of Master of Arts, as shall compose, for that year, the best Dissertation, in the English language, on the Evi- dences in general, or on the Prophecies or Miracles in particular, or any other particular Argument, whether the same be direct or collateral proofs of the Christian Religion, in order to evince its truth and excellence; the subject of which Dissertation shall be given out by. the Vice-Chancellor, and the Masters of Trinity and Saint John's, his Trustees, or by some of them, on New Year's Day annually; and that such Dissertation as shall be by them, or any two of them, on Christmas Day annually, the best approved, be also printed, and the expense defrayed out of the Author's income under his Will, and the remainder given to him on Saint John the Evangelist's Day following; and he who shall be so rewarded, shall not be admitted at any future time as a Candidate again in the same way, to the intent that others may be invited and encouraged to write on so sacred and sublime a subject. He also desires, that immediately following the last of the clauses relating to the prize Dissertation, this invocation may be added : " May the Divine Bless- ing for ever go along with all my benefactions ; and may the Greatest and the Best of Beings, by his all-wise Providence and gracious influence, make the same effectual to His own glory, and the good of my fellow-creatures !" Subject proposed by the Trustees for the Year 1854. " The Influence of Christianity wpon International Law." PREFACE. The object of the present Essay is to trace the influ- ence which Christianity has exercised in moulding and fashioning that particular form of International Law which now obtains between the different nations of the earth. As the writer was not treating of International Law generally, its rules have for the most part been re- ferred to in such a manner as presupposed on the part of the reader a knowledge of its elementary principles ; for to enter into details on these subjects would require more extended limits than usage has prescribed to the Hulsean Essay. The author has also endeavoured when referring to rules of International Law, to state them as they are now actually practised, or at least as the civilized part of mankind expects them to be observed, without letting any views of his own in re- gard to them affect the incidental notices he had been led to take. It was his wish to follow the example of Grotius in the spirit of his inquiries, though the work of the great publicist has been only occasionally quoted, inasmuch as the existing rules of International Law are no longer, in detail, the same as those that were Xll PREFACE. observed in his times, owing to the great advances in civilization which the European nations have made during the last two centuries. When compelled to discuss some disputed point, the author has aimed, like Grotius, at taking the higher side, and in doubtful cases to adopt that decision which seemed most in accordance with Christian principles. Since the subject of this Essay was given out, the peace of Christendom has been disturbed, and war has again spread desolation over Christian lands. To this altered state of circumstances no reference has been made in these pages. The writer would wish to discuss the question before him abstractedly; and those observations which may seem to bear on recent events, will, it is believed on further consideration, be found to rise natu- rally from the requirements of the subject. Perhaps* however, he may be allowed in this place to make one or two remarks bearing on questions of present inter- est, and which possibly may at no distant time force themselves upon the attention of the public. That improvement in the rules of war which Mack- intosh remarked 1 , as having taken place during the 1 " In the present century (eighteenth) a slow and silent, but very substantial mitigation has taken place in the practice of war: and in proportion as that mitigated practice has re- ceived the sanction of time, it is raised from the rank of mere usage, and becomes part of the law of nations.'' Law of Nature and Nations. PREFACE. Xlll last century, and in the recognition as forming part of the Law of Nations of what had hitherto been consi- dered mere usages of doubtful authority, has certainly been extended in the period which has elapsed since he wrote. It is much to be desired that the general feeling which now seems to prevail among all civilized nations against the practice of privateering, may ulti- mately lead to its condemnation being recognised as one of the principles of International Law. The peculiar character of the present war, which renders privateering on the one side unnecessary and on the other almost impossible, happily accustoms the world to the idea of dispensing with it altogether. Were this relic of the disorders of the barbarous epoch 1 de- nounced by civilized nations, its suppression would 1 hardly be considered henceforward as any violent de- parture from the laws of warfare, however justifiable it may have been regarded hitherto. But above all things every Government should reso- lutely determine not only to discountenance but also to 1 It would seem more correct to represent privateering as a form of the old system of letters of marque and reprisals, (origin- ally granted in cases of pillage of a state's subjects in time of peace, and denial of justice and redress for the same, Guidon, de la Mer, ch. x. § 1), and not as a mere result of the mercan- tile system, though extended by that system of policy. This is further shown by the official documents authorising the equipment of privateers. XIV PREFACE. suppress those piratical expeditions of political adven- turers which in the New World especially are so dis- graceful to the present age. The convention also, which it is said has been entered into between the Hudson's Bay Company and that of Russian America, to exempt from the opera- tions of war their respective territories, seems to be no less an improvement on the practice of former times. There are other circumstances connected with the con- duct of the present war which are deserving of praise, as tending to lessen in some degree those evils which a course of warfare must necessarily bring with it, more especially when it is carried on between the greater states. But the same praise cannot be extended to certain destructive missiles which have been lately brought under public notice. Their effect in increasing the mise- ries of war has hitherto been far better established, than any power they may possess of hastening its termination. Caiub College, I November, 1855. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. PAGE Preliminary remarks ...... 1 CHAPTER II. Christianity and War 9 PART I. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Christendom ...... 21 CHAPTER I. Divisions of the Subject ...... 21 CHAPTER II. The Nature of the Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Western Christendom . . 22 CHAPTER III. The Bise and Extension of the International Law of Christendom . . . . . . . .58 CHAPTER IV. The Influence of Christianity upon the other sources from whence the International Law of Ghristendom has been derived ....... 68 CHAPTER V. The extent of the Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Christendom in regard to the Pacific Relations of States . . . . .81 CHAPTER VI. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Rights of War . 90 XVI CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. PAGE The Influence of Christianity wpon the International Law of Christendom as regards International Trans- actions between Christian and non-Christian States . 104 CHAPTER VIII. The Influence of Christianity as regards International Regulations relative to the African Slave-trade . 122 CHAPTER IX. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Eastern Christendom ..... 126 CHAPTER X. The Influence of Christianity upon International Duties 136 PAET II. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of non-Christian Nations .... 139 Preliminary Observations . . . . . .139 CHAPTER I. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Mahometan Nations ..... 140 CHAPTER II. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of non-Christian Nations other than Mahometan 143 CONCLUSION. Summary of the- preceding Essay .... 150 APPENDIX. I. On the phrase International Jus . . . 151 II. On the Middle Ages 152 III. Turkish Firmans in regard to the Circassian Slave-trade 154 THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY UPON INTERNATIONAL LAW. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. Preliminary Observations. The importance which mankind, by the constitution of their nature, attach to the Religion they profess, neces- sarily causes it to produce a considerable and very im- portant influence on their general conduct ; and while all Religions tend to promote a kindly feeling among co- religionists, they all differ as regards the conduct they prescribe towards the rest of mankind. No belief contains such enlarged views in regard to the different nations of the earth as the Christian Faith ; in fact, the catholic spirit and enlarged benevolence which pervade the Christian Religion, and which particularly distinguish it from the erroneous Beliefs prevailing in many parts of the globe, afford one of the most 1 2 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. [CH. convincing proofs that it proceeds from Him who created and preserves this world and all its inhabitants. The universal nature of Christ's kingdom is expressly stated in many passages 1 ; as also that all nations are of one blood and kindred 2 . Christians are enjoined to render good to all 3 ; to love their enemies 4 ; to do unto others as they would have others do unto them 8 ; and to love their neighbours as themselves 6 ; the word "neighbour" being shown to be employed in its widest signifi- cation 7 . In all these respects the tendency of the Christian Faith is to unite all nations in friendship with one another. And its tenets thus differ widely, alike from those of the Eddas which taught that to the stern deities of Scandinavia a life of warfare and rapine ended by a warrior's death was the most acceptable 8 ; from the precepts of the Koran enjoining the followers of Islam to contract no real friendship with those not of their own faith 9 ; as well as from the intensely individualising 1 St Matth. viii. 11, xxviii, 19, 20; St Mark xvi. 16; St Luke xiii. 29, xxiv. 47 ; Acts ii. 14 ; Rev. xiv. 6. 2 Acts xvii. 26 ; Gen. ix. 19, x. 32. * St Matth. xii. 12; St Luke vi. 9 ; Gal. vi. 10; 1 Thess. v. 15. 4 St Matth. v. 43 — 48 ; St Luke vi. 27. 8 St Matth. vii. 12; St Luke vi. 31. 6 St Matth. xxii. 39 : St Mark xii. 31 ; St Luke a. 27. 1 St Luke x. 29 — 37. 8 Mallet's Northern Antiquities. 9 See Part I. Chap. vn. Sect. 1. I.J PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 3 tendency of Buddhism 1 ; and the beautiful theory of the ethical philosophy of Confucius, inapplicable in practice through the want of a sufficient authority to give it due weight, either in the person of its propounder or the subsequent great teachers of his school. When states profess to be Christian they must neces- sarily also profess to guide their actions by Christian principles in International questions as well as in those of a civil and domestic nature ; and though the influence of any particular religion is obviously more especially to be sought for amongst communities which profess that belief, yet under certain circumstances its influence may ex- tend to those that do not. Consequently the great influence which Christian States exert on non-Christian nations by means of their superior organisation of government, and by means of their extraordinary progress in all the higher stages of civilisation, has caused the International Law of Christendom to be partially adopted by all the non- Christian nations with whom they have, for any con- tinuous period of time, come in contact. In treating therefore of the influence of Christianity upon Inter- national Law the subject will naturally divide itself into two parts, in the first of which will be shown the influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Christen- dom ; in the second, its influence upon that of non- Christian nations. 1 An elaborate account of Buddhism is contained in No. 38 of the Calcutta Review. In No. 14 there is a similar account of the Writings and Philosophy of Confucius. 1—2 4 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. [CH. Before however proceeding to treat of the Influence of Christianity upon International Law, it will be neces- sary to explain the manner in which that influence is considered to have operated, and to state the signification which will be here attached to the term International Law. I. The Influence of Christianity upon International Law may be divided into direct and indirect : the former being that influence which Christianity has exerted, 1st, by means of considerations deduced from its express declarations and from the general tendency of its pre- cepts ; and 2ndly, by the agency of certain institutions, customs, usages, and other circumstances, owing their origin or existence to Christianity itself. The indirect influence of Christianity is derived through its previous influence on the other sources from whence International Law has been derived. II. By the term International Law will be meant that body of Rights and Obligations, Duties and Moral Claims, existing between the different nations of the world, by which their intercourse with each other in peace and in war is regulated and settled ; the develop- ment, in regard to them, of those universal and eternal principles of equity and justice which all men more or less clearly-raeognise as a law of their nature. It is of this Paw that Cicero speaks : " Est quidem vera lex recta ratio, naturae congruens, diffusa in omnes, constans, sempiterna ; quae vocet ad officium, jubendo, vetando a fraude deterreat, quae tamen neque probos frustra jubet I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 5 aut vetat, nee improbos jubendo aut vetando movet. Huic leges nee abrogari fas est, neque derogari ex hac aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest ; nee vero aut per senatum aut per populum solvi hac lege possumus : neque est quserendus explanator aut interpres ejus alius : nee erit alia lex Romse, alia Athenis : alia nunc, alia posthac ; sed et omnes gentes et omni tempore una lex et sempiterna et immutabilis continebit; unusque erit communis quasi magister et imperator omnium Deus ; ille legis hujus inventor, disceptator, lator, cui qui non parebit, ipse se fugiet, ac naturam hominis aspernatus, hoc ipso luet maximas poenas, etiam si cetera supplicia quse putantur effugerit 1 ." Its manner of application is determined by usage and custom, differing in different ages and countries ; and it is thus that the remark of Suarez 2 , that custom cannot affect Jus Naturale, but may affect Jus Gentium, is to be understood. And though it be true, as some writers have stated, that there is no universal Law of Nations 3 , "meaning by 1 De Republic*, Lib. in. 22. ed. Maii. 2 De Legibus, L. ch. 4. § 4. 3 Especially Ward. "It appeared to me, that we expected too much when we contended for the universality of the duties laid down by the codes of Law of Nations ; that, however de- sirable such an universality might be, the whole world were not susceptible of that intimacy and closeness of union, which many philosophers of high name are willing to suppose ; that it falls into different divisions or sets of nations, connected together under particular religions, moral systems, and local institutions, to the exclusion of other divisions or sets of nations; that these various divisions may indeed preserve an intimacy among one 6 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. [CH. this that there are no universal Laws of Nations recog- nised by all nations in every part of the globe, and in every stage of civilisation," " there is a universal law, a principle of equity, of which all special laws are develop- ments 1 ." Every people have their International law 2 , though that of some is extremely rude, and founded on principles extremely erroneous. The few tribes of degraded and isolated savages who have been found in different countries and in different ages living in woods and caves, in the so-called state of nature, are not to be styled com- munities, states, or nations, in the signification in which those terms are used in International Law. International Law, thus considered, includes not only another, and obey the same law ; but that they may bo contra- distinguished from others who may have different religious and moral systems, operated upon by very different local circum- stances : in fine, that what is commonly called the Law of Nations falls very far short of universality ; and that therefore the Law is not the Law of all Nations, but only of particular classes of them ; and thus there may be a different Law of Nations for different parts of the globe. Not only this, but even in the same part of the globe there may have been very different sorts of Law of Nations, according as revolutions have taken place in the religion, system of morality, and local insti- tutions of the nations which compose it." Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. I. pp. xiii, xiv, and 137 — 139. 1 Whewell's Lectures on SystematicJMorality, Lect. vn. p. 175. 2 "Toutes les nations ont un droit des gens; et les Iroquois mSmes qui mangent leur prisonniers, en ont un. lis envoient et recoivent des ambassades ; ils cpnnoissent des droits de la guerre et de la paix:- which the clergy exercised their influ- ence. In accordance with the principle which actuated the conduct of St Ambrose are, the letter of Pope Alexander the third to Henry the second of England, recommending peace with France 1 ; the efforts of the Cardinal of Perigord to prevent the battle of Poictiers, who obtained one day's truce, and endeavoured in vain to prevail on the French to offer reasonable terms 2 : and the intercession of the Cardi- nal of Albany, at the capture of Montpelier by the duke of Anjou, which obtained the reversal of the sentence pronounced against the inhabitants, by which six hundred had been condemned to death, and the rest to perpetual slavery 3 . All these interferences were expressly grounded on precepts prescribed by the Christian Eeligion. Slavery, though more strictly a question of polity, is perhaps not wholly out of place to be treated of here; especially as the slavery of the Middle Ages was not the effect of sensuality as among Mahometans, or of com- merce as in more modern times, but owed its origin to war. It was from the age of Gregory the Great that slavery l Dated from Viterbo, Sept. 1162. Rymer's Foedera,!. p. 21; the author regrets that its length prevents its being cited. It may be stated generally that this volume of Rymer contains many documents illustrative of the above remarks respecting the nature of the influence of the clergy. a Froissart, Vol. I. ch. 159. s Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. II. pp. 51 — 54. CH. II.] ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 41 began gradually to disappear in Europe 1 . Its disappear- ance is another of the blessings Europe owes to Chris- tianity 2 . In the words of Mr Ward, " the professed and assigned reasons for most of the charters of manumission, from the time of Gregory the Great till the thirteenth century, were the religious and pious considerations of the fraternity of men, the imitation of the example of Christ, the love of our Maker, and the hope of redemption. Enfranchisement was frequently given upon a death-bed as the most acceptable service that could be offered ; and when the sacred character of the priesthood came to obtain more universal veneration, to assume its functions was the immediate passport to freedom 3 ." It is the general tendency of the precepts of Christianity that is contrary to slavery, rather than any particular or positive expression. No distinction is allowed in them to exist between the bond and the free 4 , all men are declared to be equal in the sight of God 5 , and Christians are enjoined to look upon all mankind as members of one family, and i Ward's Law of Nations,Yo\. n. p. 26. 2 Whewell's Elements of Morality, Art. 427 ; Manning's Law of Nations, p. 156; Guizot, Civilisation en Europe, 6 eme Lecon ; Paley's Evidences, Part m. ch. 7 ; Hallam's Middle Ages, ch. 2, part ii ; Temporal Benefits of Christianity, pp. 170, 171 ; in Ap- pendix, Note C, mention is made of many councils which con- demned or decreed modifications of slavery. 3 Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. i. p. 229. * Coloss. iii. 11. 5 Acts x. 34. Rom. ii. 11. Ephes. vi. 9. 42 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. mutually to regard their fellow-Christians as brethren 1 . The Saxon laws prohibited, from Christian motives, the sale of Christians out of the country or to Pagans 2 : the third Lateran Council in 1179 declared that all Christians ought to be exempt from slavery 3 : and king Magnus Ericson of Sweden, in 1335, declared that in future, in his territories, no one born of Christian parents should be or be called a slave 4 . The nature of the influence of Christianity in mode- rating the calamities of war and their immediate effects having been now shown, its influence in preventing war may properly next be considered. This was principally derived from the Gospel precepts to regard all mankind as members of one family, from the stress laid on the love Christ's disciples were to bear to one another, it being expressly declared to be their distinguishing mark : " By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to another 5 ." This command is also expressly extended to their enemies, and numerous pas- sages teach Christians to do good at all times, without exception, to all men, though especially to those of the household of faith. In every age, notwithstanding the corruptions and abuses which crept into the Western Church, the Word 1 St Matt, xxiii. 8. 2 Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. n. pp. 28 — 31. 3 Ibid. 4 Geijer's History of the Swedes, ch. 4. 6 St John xiii. 35. CH. II.] ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 43 of God remained the same, and the constant study of it by a large body of men especially devoted to teaching the Christian religion and performing its sacred offices, neces- sarily caused its doctrines to produce a very considerable effect; more particularly as the learning of the Middle Ages was almost exclusively theological 1 : and this was extended further by the institution of the different orders of Eegular Clergy, who exerted in this respect a very beneficial influence 2 . The precepts of Christianity, and the considerations deduced from them, reduced the number of causes on account of which war would have been under- taken ; for, by introducing among the rude nations of the North more correct ideas of what was just and right than those which they had previously held, and by causing them to understand that mere might can in no case con- stitute either absolute or relative right, the slight and frivolous grounds on account of which war would have been engaged in, in former times, began to be looked upon as unlawful ; and the dread of punishment in a future life exercised a wholesome restraint on the minds of those who were regardless of what might befall them on earth. War was therefore not so eagerly or hastily entered upon as before ; and time was thus afforded for passion to cool, and the result of the conflict to be calmly calculated. This also allowed time for mediation to be either suggested by one of the contending parties, or offered by a neutral 1 Maitland's Dark Ages, p. 187. 2 Ibid. pp. iv. and y. Temporal Benefits of Christianity, pp. 102, 103. 44 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. power, at a period when its advantage would be more likely to be seen and the offer consequently accepted 1 . Christianity also indirectly tended to prevent wars by its general influence on the manners of the invading nations. An example of this may be seen in Adam of Bremen's account of the Danes after their conversion, where he states that laying aside their piratical manners they culti- vated their own country, and lived at home a quiet and contented life 2 . This description mutatis mutandis may be applied to the other nations after their conversion: and in our own days its accuracy has been strikingly shown by the similar change produced in the manners and customs of the native populations of many of the South Sea islands, and more particularly in New Zealand 3 . 1 Perhaps the earliest amicable settlement of difficulties by mediation in a regular manner is that of which an accouut is contained in Rymer's Fcedera, I. p. 43, to terminate certain differences between Castile and Navarre by reference to Henry 2nd of England, the agreement to make, and abide by, this reference, is regularly drawn up in 28 articles ; and Henry's decision, which is given at p. 48, is drawn up in a like regular manner, and signed by many of the most eminent persons of England. 2 " Ecce populus ille piraticus a quo totas olim Galliarum et Germanise provincias legimus depopulatas suis nunc finibus contentus est... Ecce patria ille horribilis semper inaccessa propter cultum Idolorum et Scythicae non mitior ara Diana;, deposito jam naturali furore prsedicatores ubique certatim ad- mittit, destructisque Docmonum aris Ecclesise passim eriguntur." De Situ Dan. ad fin. 3 " The first effect of Christianity was to lead the people to give up that system of warfare which had made every CH. II. J ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 45 The imperfect civilisation of the Roman world and the barbarous manners of the invading nations, after centuries of continuous wars and disorders, naturally caused strangers to be regarded as spies, and they were accordingly liable to be either put to death, or reduced to slavery. The influence of Christianity abrogated this barbarous custom, and enjoined hospitality to be shown them; this especially appears from various laws of the Bavarians, Hungarians and Saxons 1 . So great had been the depravity of manners in this respect, that the dreadful practice of robbing and pillaging shipwrecked persons was generally prevalent, and severe enactments had to be made against it. The third council of the Lateran, whose labours we have had often before to refer to, decreed as follows respecting this practice, and piracy : " Excommunicationis quoque poense subdantur, qui Romanos, aut alios Ohristianos, pro negotione vel tribe the enemy of its neighbours ;" they lived in fortified villages, and had no feeling of security : now it is quite otherwise, agriculture has been extended, and the principles of commerce made known : " this alteration had its beginning therefore in Christianity, which has introduced a state of peace before unknown, and the opportunity of giving the attention to quiet pursuits." Archdeacon Williams, in the Church Mis- sionary Record for 1852. 1 Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. II. pp. 12 — 14. "By a law of the Hungarians, the lateness of whose conversion (begun in the 10th and not completed until the ]3th century) gives us opportunity to mark more immediately the effect of the new religion, benevolence towards strangers is enjoined for the sake, and after the example, of Christ." 46 INFLUENCE OF CHKISTIANITY [PT. I. aliis causis honestis navigio veetos, aut capere, aut rebus suis spoliare prsesumunt. Illi etiam qui Christianos nau- fragia patientes, quibus secundum regulam fidei auxiliari tenentur damnanda cupiditate rebus suis spoliare prae- sumunt, nisi ablata reddiderint, excommunicatione se noverint subjacere 1 ." The Boles d'Oleron ordained severe punishments for so heinous an offence 2 , and as they were either copied into, or formed the basis and model of the maritime laws of Flanders, the cities of the Baltic, and other Northern Maritime States 3 , they were of con- siderable influence in gradually putting an end to this barbarous usage. By these means, and the extension of civilisation, Christianity laid the foundation of those facilities of international intercourse which now exist in civilised countries. Mention has already been made of the influence of the clergy ; it will now be more fully noticed. We need not trace minutely the manner in which the bishops of Borne obtained the direction of the Western Church, but their political influence requires to be fully treated of. The organisation of the clergy, a body of men taken from and associating with all ranks of the community 4 , and by means of a common head connected with foreign countries, together with the advantages of a regular education almost exclusively belonging to them, caused them to possess 1 Ch. 24. 2 Pardessus, LoisMaritimes, Vol. I. p. 346; Ward, Vol. n. p. 3S2. 3 Pardessus, Vol. I. ch. 8. 4 Guizot, Civilisation en Europe, 6 eme Lecon. CH. II.] ON INTEKNATIONAL LAW. 47 more enlightened views than those held by other classes. It also tended to dispel amongst them those prejudices in regard to foreigners then especially so generally enter- tained, at least on occasions when their own interest was not, or was not thought to be, concerned. The practice of auricular confession, by bringing before them the actions and even thoughts of all classes of the people, greatly augmented their previous influence. This was further increased by the gradual development of the new doctrines of faith introduced by the Eoman See in the course of the Middle Ages, and by the state of dependence on the pope into which the churches of Western Chris- tendom more or less fell : so that at length the spiritual despotism of the popes became complete, the occasional revolt against their authority of some sections of the people, as the Waldenses and Hussites, mainly showing the firmness and extent of their sway. In the mean time the papacy had become a temporal power, and this circumstance was productive of very im- portant results in after ages. The progress of events had early caused the pope to become temporal ruler of Home and its vicinity ; and the reciprocal services rendered by the popes and the great sovereigns of the house of Charles Martel, caused each to continue on good terms with the other, and augmented the power of both. But when the empire had been transferred to Germany, the tendency of events was to re-establish, in Western Europe at least, a paramount sovereign, as was especially the case under Conrad the second, Otho the Great, and Henry the third > 48 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. and the papacy had become under the latter merely the first bishopric in the emperor's gift 1 . This was a very different state of things from that which had existed two centuries and a half before, when pope Leo had proclaimed Charlemagne, Augustus and Emperor of the West. And Hildebrand, when, in 1073, he ascended the papal throne as Gregory the seventh, determined to adopt such mea- sures as should effectually prevent the restoration of a temporal universal empire ; and at the same time esta- blish the spiritual supremacy of the Roman see, as well as preserve for it a supervision in the domestic affairs of other countries 2 . Had the empire been re-established, evil results would probably have arisen from the papacy being in the emperor's uncontrolled gift, and if a variety of independent Christian powers were to coexist instead, greater evils would have resulted from the popes being mere subjects of any one of those states. But the views of the papacy after the accession of Hildebrand were by no means confined to a middle course. The times espe- cially favoured their enterprise of reducing secular powers to a state of dependence on them. The Canon Law pro- vided rules for every emergency of daily life ; and, in the twelfth century, every institution had become pervaded with the influence of the Church. The extreme violence with which it pleased the monarchs of the Middle Ages to carry out their wishes, and the ultra party spirit which prevailed in the free states, caused the suicidal policy of 1 Ranke's History of the Popes, Vol. I. ch. 1. § 3. 2 Hallam's Middle Ages, ch. 7, pt. 1. CH. II.J ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 49 invoking papal intervention to be the only course by which even temporary redress could be obtained ; and further, in the differences which arose between the popes and different sovereigns, the latter were almost invariably in the wrong. Things were in this state when Innocent the third was elected pope, in 1198. He was the greatest states- man of his age, of boundless capacity, and indefatiga- ble activity. His pontificate was the most successful period of that system "which held forth redress where the law could not protect, and punishment where it could not chastise ; " when there was "no interest so insignificant or isolated that it did not affect, nor any member of the body politic it did not attempt to direct." Innocent laid an interdict on France, and thus compelled Philip Au- gustus to receive again his queen, whom he had unjustly divorced. He ordered Richard the first of England to abandon a war in which he was engaged against France. The king of Navarre was directed to restore to Richard some castles he had improperly retained. The kings of Castile and Portugal were informed that his legate would preserve peace between them, " if necessary by excommu- nication and interdict." The king of Leon is compelled to acknowledge the invalidity of his marriage with his cousin ; and the king of Aragon is directed to restore the value of the coinage which he had debased ; and he as well as John of England surrendered his kingdom as a fief to the Roman See. In Norway, Swero is excommu- nicated for usurping the crown. Advantageous terms in regard to investitures and episcopal elections were obtained 4> 50 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. from Otho the fourth, of Germany; and the king of Hun- gary, who had detained a legate, is told that Innocent "might be compelled to prevent his son's accession to the throne." During Innocent's pontificate also a tempo- rary reunion was made with the Eastern Church, and the kings of Bulgaria and Armenia acknowledged his spiritual supremacy 1 . Such was the international conduct of this the great- est of the popes, carried out with the same high hand during his long reign of' twenty-eight years ; but his conduct was too arbitrary even for that age, and first decidedly attracted the attention of all Christian nations to the real tendency of papal pretensions. No one of his ability succeeded, and though the result of the quarrel between the Emperor Frederic the second and Innocent the fourth was favourable to the latter, a reaction was ensuing, which showed itself in the successful resistance made by Philip the Fair against Boniface the eighth. This was the more severe blow inasmuch as public opinion, which always prevails, then, probably for the first time, unequivocally declared against the papacy ; and similar instances of successful resistance occurred in other coun- tries. Time might have remedied this, and the real history of these transactions might have ceased to have been understood, but the great schism in 1378, which was not terminated till the election of Martin the fifth in 1417, and the opposition between the councils of Constance and 1 Hallam's Middle Ages, ch. 7, pt. 1. Temporal Benefits of Christianity, ch. 4. CH. II.] ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 51 Basle and the papacy, further weakened the latter. By this time also the Lollards and Hussites had caused views to be held and opinions discussed, which were subversive of the extreme authority of Rome. Ranke shows how many concessions had been made by that See in the fifteenth century, and how different its influence was then from what it had been two centuries previously 1 . A great change too had come over the older modes of thought and opinions of the middle ages. Secular views and objects were solely regarded 2 , and the rude violence and enthusiastic devotion of former times alike subsided into a cold and calculating spirit of selfishness. The popes themselves acquiesced in and followed out this new policy. They mixed themselves up with the petty in- trigues of Italian states and cities ; and each considering himself solely as an Italian temporal prince, employed alike his spiritual and temporal influence to further his personal designs, or to gratify his private resentments 3 . The policy of the papacy as originated by Gregory, and so completely carried out by Innocent, was no longer the only and ruling object of each succeeding pontiff. Sixtus the fourth and Alexander the sixth initiated the peculiar policy of endeavouring to found principalities for members of their own families. Julius the second gave this a different direction by his attempt, in some degree successful, to extend the papal states 4 : but as regards the i Ranke's History of the Popes, Vol. I. ch. 1, § 4. 2 Ibid. ch. 2, $ 2. 3 ibid. ch. 2, § 1. * Ibid. ch. 2, § 1. 4—2 52 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. papacy the result either way was ruinous; the popes, more than any one else, overthrew the independence of Italy; and their influence fell with its independence, and on being mixed up with local interests and intrigues. It is very important to observe that by these means the temporal and spiritual interests of the papacy became opposed, especially as this passion for territorial aggran- disement prevailed; and when popes, as Leo the tenth, and Clement the seventh, were connected with Italian sovereign houses 1 , the dissensions which this circum- stance gave rise to greatly facilitated the Reformation, and the emancipation thereby afforded as well from the spiritual as from the temporal despotism of modern Rome. The fact of one particular man 2 , who could be a native of any country, being chosen to fill the Roman see, and by that means becoming during a consider- able portion of the middle ages the de facto premier sovereign of Europe, is peculiar to Christendom. The Popes, before the Reformation, were not unfrequently natives of transalpine countries 3 ; they had often when 1 Ranke's History of the Popes, Vol. i. ch. 3. 2 " It was reserved for the Christian nations alone uni- formly to obey — though dissimilar in origin, character, and language, and often disunited by opposing interests — one par- ticular man, taken promiscuously from among them to expound their religious duties, and be their director in points of con- science." Ward, Law of Nations, Vol. n. p. 33, also pp. 37-50. 3 In the enumeration of the popes contained in the cele- brated Spanish work, Clave Historial, up to Leo the tenth, three- fourths had been natives of Italian states, and the rest of other parts of Christendom. CH. II.] ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 53 cardinals visited foreign courts in the capacity of legates, and thus acquired personal acquaintance with the manners and institutions of foreign countries. The high respect paid to the clergy in general, neces- sarily caused great reverence to be shown to their head. Disputed claims were laid before him, and his mediation and protection invoked ; and it is probable that from this circumstance arose the system of mediation so much resorted to in later times, and by which war has been so often averted. The custom of appealing to neutral na- tions, in regard to the justice of any cause in which a nation may be engaged, probably also derived its origin from the appeals and justificatory notes addressed to the popes 1 . Though in the earlier general councils of the Church (another institution entirely owing its origin to Christianity) only questions of doctrine and discipline were discussed and settled ; yet in the councils of the West, on the increase of the papal influence, temporal questions were also considered, and international disputes 1 "It is not improbable that the custom of appeal to neutral powers on the breaking out of war, arose from this influence of the pope in the Christian republic. Habituated to lay their grievances before him on all occasions, and to justify their conduct when it appeared to be necessary, the transition was easy from him to other princes, and the con- nexion between the various potentates growing closer and closer, they continued from a sense of its utility a custom which possibly would not have been thought of (or at least not so soon), had it not been for the deference they paid to him at a time when knowledge of one another was not so universal." Ward, Vol. n. p. 50. 54 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. arranged 1 . Perhaps the very origin of modern diplo- matic congresses may be attributed to the practice of holding these councils, in which representatives of inde- pendent nations met, and in which questions affecting one 3r more countries were treated of in common. The papacy was in reality the centre of the Christian jommonwealth ; at Rome alone could envoys of remote states meet, and there alone could distant nations keep up i slight acquaintance with each other 2 . The papacy, then, exerted its influence, 1st. By means of the habitual reverence paid to the pope. 2ndly. By means of councils. 3rdly. By appeals to Eome in cases of interna- tional disputes. 4thly. By means of legates or nuncios, generally resident at the more important courts (whence probably the origin of resident embassies) ; and, othly. By means of a regularly organised clergy and the influence they acquired, whether from their office, on account of the high posts they occupied, or from personal considerations. 1 Especially in the two councils of Lyons. Ward, Vol. n. >p. 60-73, and Manning's Law of Nations, p. 10. 2 " There was great advantage in having a common referee the pope) in all national controversies, who could never think if extending his own territorities, though he might make a aost improper use of his power." Barrington on the Statutes, i. 510. CH. II.] ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 55 This influence was exerted to preserve peace and enforce justice 1 , wherever the supremacy of Rome was not called in question or her doctrines and tenets made the subject of dispute : but as the barbarism of the middle ages passed away, the pretensions of Eome increased, and she thus furnished both occasion for dissensions and false causes for war. By branding with the name of heretics all who differed from her rule of faith, and by turning against them the arms of states yet remaining faithful to her, which till then had been directed against the common enemies of the Christian Church 2 , she kindled persecu- tions as severe as those which were directed against the Church in the first centuries of our era, and more continuous by means of a more regular organization to carry them out ; and encouraged religious wars, calamities even worse than the continued predatory inroads of bar- barians. But, providentially, at the time of the Reforma- tion, civilization had made considerable progress, and Rome could not undo what she had mainly contributed to bring about. Many of the most warlike, though not on that account least civilized portions of Europe, threw off her yoke, and the Peace of Westphalia restored har- mony; the previous wars having shown'the futility of the attempt to re-establish the spiritual dominion of Rome. 1 Ward, Vol. n. pp. 46-49, and the preceding pages. 2 The following is an instance, " Fontinus de la Valle, legate at Nuremberg, declared that 'it was the wish of the holy father that the army of the empire and a crusade should be employed rajther against the heretics (the Hussites) than the Turks.'" Krasinski, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations, p. 101. 56 INFLUENCE OP CHRISTIANITY [PT. I. In these struggles the opposition between the temporal and spiritual interests of the papacy, as well as the rivalry between the great catholic powers, again greatly assisted the Reformers, especially in Germany ; and after the immediate ill-feeling caused by these differences had passed away, a more catholic spirit pervaded Christen- dom. To recapitulate : Christianity laid the foundation of the international law of Western Christendom by means of the influence it exerted on the nations which conquered the Western Empire, and the form that influence consequently gave to European civilization. The nature of its influence may be briefly stated to have been 1st, to preserve and promote peace; 2ndly, to soften the severities of war 1 . 1 " War, which if Christianity were heartily and generally embraced, would be wholly unknown, has been, even as it is, much mitigated by the humanising influence." Whately*s 8th Lecture on Political Economy. " The Christian spirit has effected a complete change in the mode in which modern nations conduct both their peaceful and aggressive proceedings with each other. No matter how reck- less even belligerents may be, still they recognise the claims of general humanity. In the various modes of terminating national disputes peaceably, by compromise, mediation, arbitration, con- ferences, and congresses, we have striking manifestations of the wholesome rules of Christian morality and forbearance, and how the great interests of mankind are beneficially affected and promoted by them Though the extreme rights of war are rigorous and oppressive, Christianity nevertheless enforces the common duties of humanity No civilized country would, at the present day, enter into any matter touching its own or its CH. II. J ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. 57 Its efforts to preserve peace arose, 1st, from the regard it taught to be shown towards mankind in general as members of one family; 2ndly, by the institutions and usages it gave rise to, more especially of congresses, resident embassies, and the practice of mediation, and the influence it exerted on the writings of publicists 1 ; and 3rdly, by the kindness it enjoined to be shown to strangers, and the facilities thereby afforded to inter- national intercourse, by which the interests of the dif- ferent countries of Christendom have become so assimi- lated that they appear to be, as it were, members of one great federation. When war, from whatever causes, took place, Chris- tianity, by the tendency of its precepts and by its humanising effect on modern civilization, softened its severities by forbidding all wanton and unnecessary de- vastation of hostile countries, and by abolishing that slavery which originated from war. It also facilitated the return of peace by that decided expression of the Gospel, " Blessed are the peacemakers ; for they shall be called the children of God 2 ; 1 ' 1 and this title, in the hasty retrospect contained in the present chapter, we have seen could justly be applied to many who have therein been mentioned. neighbour's rights and privileges, without feeling it an impera- tive duty to make a formal declaration of its reverence for Christian justice, truth, honour, and humanity." Blakey's Temporal Benefits of Christianity, pp. 338 — 340. i See ch. 4. 2 St Matth. v. 9. CHAPTER III. The Rise and Extension of the International Law of Christendom. The notices contained in the preceding chapter, relative to the period immediately succeeding the establishment of the barbarian kingdoms, show a time when throughout the west of Europe ill-defined and ill-apprehended inter- national usages and maxims formed the international law of that part of the world. In this chapter it is intended to convey a general idea as to the manner in which the present international law of Christendom arose, to which will be added some observations in regard to its extension during the period that elapsed from the reign of Charlemagne to the Peace of Westphalia. In the earlier centuries of this period, throughout Europe nations had but limited intercourse even with their nearest neighbours, and the disorders of these times caused them not to feel the want or advantage of any further intercommunication. However, by degrees, and more immediately by means of the papacy and the empire, all Europe west of the Adriatic, and the coun- tries beyond Hungary and Poland, became subdivided into sets of states; differing more or less from each other, but united by various ties, and especially by their CH. HI. J RISE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 59 all professing a common form of the Christian religion. The various events and circumstances mentioned in the preceding chapter had caused the different nations of Christendom to acquire a general knowledge of each other, and had prepared the way by which, as soon as more favourable times came, they coalesced together into that closely connected system of states which they now form. Perhaps the earliest definition of international law to be found in a writer of the middle ages is that of Isidore : " Jus gentium est sedium occupatio, aedificatio, munitio, bella, captivitates, servitutes, postliminia, foedera, paces, inducise, legatorum non violandorum religio, con- nubia inter alienigenas prohibita : et inde jus gentium quod eo jure omnes fere gentes utuntur 1 ." The author must express his regret at not having been able to consult either what Mr Ward considers to have pro- bably been the first work on international law treated as a science, viz. the treatise of Succaria in proof of the unlawfulness of the execution of Conraddin 2 , or the work of Gerohus which was referred to in the Introduction ; but the various commercial codes, the compilation of which so distinguished the 13th and 14th centuries (the Consolato alone excepted) did not direct- ly contribute to the extension of principles of mari- time international law 3 . It was after the revival of ' Etyrnol. Lib. v. c. 6. 2 Vol. n. p. 259. 3 " The Consolato differs from other maritime codes of the middle ages, in being the only one where there are distinct 60 RISE AND EXTENSION OF THE [PT. I. learning, occasioned by the rise of the university of Bologna, that international law became studied in a scientific manner, and this was mainly as a result of the eagerness with which the Eoman and Canon laws were' then cultivated; but it was only incidentally studied in connexion with questions of civil law, and not as an entirely separate and distinct branch of jurisprudence. Many of the remarks contained in the preceding chapter will have corroborated what Grotius says on this point, that before his time no one had treated of the entire subject in a connected manner 1 ; and when he wrote, as Mr Ward observes towards the end of his valuable work, the law of nations " was a vague and indeterminate phrase in everybody's mouth, but with few precise ideas annexed to it. It consisted, as we have observed in the various discussions we have had occasion to review, of a string of undigested precedents; the facts even of which were but little understood, so that they might be made to bend almost every way that suited the purpose of those statesmen who affected to take them for their guide 2 ." The scattered international maxims of the middle ages had indeed been productive of much good. They had procured great relaxations of the severities of war, and had laid the foundation of the present system of national intercourse in time of peace, so that when regulations on points connected with the Law of nations." Man- ning's Law of Nations, p. 12. 1 De Jure Prolegomena. 2 Vol. ii. p. 606. Kent's Commentaries, Part I. J§ 1, 16. CH. III. J INTERNATIONAL LAW OF CHRISTENDOM. 61 Grotius had collected those maxims which were generally acknowledged, and established on a proper footing such as were then ill-apprehended or inaccurately laid down, he gave international law a distinct form, and one which it has since retained ; but he certainly did not promulgate a new set of principles, or originate an entirely new branch of moral science. Since the middle ages nothing new has been added to it. It has only been better arranged and laid down in a more comprehensive man- ner : and accordingly in this Essay illustrations have in preference been sought in that period when our inter- national law was first established, and its principles were fixed and determined. The wars of the long-disputed Neapolitan succession gradually drew together France, Spain, and Italy ; and towards the close of the 15th century there appeared six great powers in the western half of Europe ; the Papacy, the Empire, France, England, Spain, and Venice. The crowd of States which are found in the maps of the middle ages disappear in a great measure, and these six powers really decided all the important questions of the day. Changes soon affected these : the altered policy of Venice after the League of Oambray led her to disentangle herself from active participation in poli- tical transactions, and the influence of the papacy soon ceased to be such as to enable the popes to take an independent part in passing events. The reign of Charles the fifth, and the close union which afterwards subsisted between the two branches of the house of Hapsburg, 62 RISE AND EXTENSION OF THE [PT. I. caused remote nations of Europe to form intimate re- lations with each other, and consequently led to the extension of the international usages of the South and West of Europe to the North and East. This was greatly facilitated by the various great discoveries which took place in that age 1 . The British Isles, and especially England, had from ancient times an extensive commerce with the Low Coun- tries, the Hans Towns, and the Scandinavian kingdoms. The two last of these were connected with Livonia, Oour- land, Poland, and Russia. France had given sovereigns to Hungary, and the Thirty Years' war led to the formation of an alliance between France and Sweden ; and already a century earlier England had formed a commercial alliance with Russia. Thus were the different states of Christen- dom brought together, and thus about two centuries ago, especially after the Peace of Westphalia and the scarcely less important treaties of the Pyrenees, Oliva, and Copenhagen, they formed that system of states which they now constitute. France was the first country to enter into an alliance with Turkey 2 , and Sweden 3 also 1 See notices of progress of maritime international law in Azuni's Systeme du Droit Maritime de I'Europe, Tom. i. 2 "Les Francais sont les plus anciens allies des Turcs." Mably, Droit Public de VEurope, Lib. I. ch. 5. 3 "Les Suedois, occupes pendant long-temps a faire la guerre a la Pologne et a la Russie, ont senti l'importance d'en- tretenir a Constantinople des relations, qui donassent de la jalousie a leurs ennemis, et leur Assent toujours craindre quel- que diversion de la part des Turcs." Ibid. CH. III.] INTERNATIONAL LAW OF CHRISTENDOM. 63 during her long Polish and Russian wars formed amicable relations with that country. The connexions of Hungaiy and Poland with Turkey were brought about by war ; but at this early period Turkey had not made any advances towards the international law of Christendom. It has been already shown that the Crusades were the first event that brought the Christian nations of Europe in contact, and as friends. The Reformation was the second, but then two great divisions, those of the Catholic and Reformed faiths, divided Europe. As a general rule states of the same faith acted together, but with some exceptions: various circumstances caused France and Portugal with more or less of design and ability to aid the latter; while Denmark and Saxony afforded some assistance to the former. The Peace of Westphalia terminated these disputes and prepared the way for the exaltation of Prussia, " the child of the Reformation 1 ;" whose, power it has ever been the poli- tical aim of Protestantism to elevate, and of Roman Catholicism in various forms and ways to lessen. In the south of Europe, then, the maxims of inter- national law of the dark ages were first through the influence of Christianity developed and consolidated into the international usages of the middle ages. The peculiar constitution of the Empire and its widely extended rela- tions with European countries caused its influence to be effectually added to that of the papacy in extending and i "Wheaton's History of the Law of Nations, p. 70. 64 RISE AND EXTENSION OF THE [PT. I. developing those public principles which owing to the direct influence of Christianity and its indirect influence through chivalry, the feudal system, and the peculiar kind of learning which prevailed in all the Christian countries of western and central Europe, gradually during the period from the ninth to the seventeenth century established a uniform system of international usages in those countries 1 . In the North and East these circumstances did not so strongly operate or lead to such beneficial results. The Scandinavian kingdoms after their conversion were too much occupied with their own affairs to interfere in those of other countries ; and the independent states east of the Baltic, the remoter Hans Towns, and the great military Orders, derived much of their international law from the Empire, but did not possess sufficient power to be influen- tial abroad. The conversion of these territories was very late ; Prussia proper, which formed part of the dominions of the Teutonic knights, was only converted in the thir- teenth century 3 , and Lithuania still later 3 - Poland de- 1 Professor Ozonam, after showing how the national feeling of the different countries of western Europe successfully re- sisted Charlemagne's attempt to found a universal monarchy, says, " Mais le nom de l'empire, la doctrine de ses juris- consultes, la popularity meme de ses poetes, servirent a maintenir l'union des peuples occidentaux, a fonder parmi eux le droit inter- national, a y naturaliser le droit Roman, a former cette famille puissante qu'on appelait la Latinite, que fit les Croisades, le chevalerie, la scolastique, toutes les grandes chose du moyen age." Civilisation Chr&tienne des Francs, p. 371. 2 Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. I. pp. 164, 165. 8 Krasinski's Religious History of the Slavonic Nations, p. 199. CH. III.] INTERNATIONAL LAW OP CHRISTENDOM. 65 rived its adoption of the international law of western Christendom through its connexion with the empire and with Bohemia. And Eussia, which had derived hers from that of the eastern empire 1 , an almost perfect one, as we hope to show in a succeeding chapter, did not come under the beneficial influence of those peculiar institu- tions and circumstances which so materially aided the advancement of the international law of western Chris- tendom ; added to which, her long wars with Mahometan Tartars exercised a more prejudicial effect than even the barbarian conquest did in other parts of Europe. By these means it was not till after the Reformation that she formed any relations with the countries of the West. There is one other circumstance that should be mentioned. It must have been evident that the vast efforts, as recorded in the last chapter, made by the Church, especially in the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, to improve the public law of that period, were not attended with any great immediate result, and it would be useful as well as interesting briefly to inquire how this occurred. We shall find that it was mainly owing to the peculiar character of the wars that then ensued from which few good results followed, though the Crusades had been attended with many advantages. The English wars with France, of one hundred and twenty years duration, were productive of very great evils 2 , and the contemporary events or those immediately i Ward, Vol. I. p. 164. 2 " It was a struggle of 120 years, interrupted but once by 5 66 RISE AND EXTENSION OF THE [PT. I. preceding them, in Spain, Germany, and Italy had the like result, especially the Papal pretensions which occasioned the long struggle between the Guelfs and the Ghibelins, and the Hussite wars. In the East the progress of the Tartars and Turks had even a worse effect, and the kingdoms of the North were taken up with the troubles consequent on the dissolution of the union of Oalmar. This is the brief explanation of the retrograde movement which took place, and which post- poned any decided improvement in international law until the time of Grotius. Christendom had then become set- tled down into its present form, and the ill-defined maxims of preceding times were then generally though vaguely known and recognised, so that when Grotius published his great work i he exactly fulfilled the requirements of a regular pacification, where the most ancient and extensive dominion in the civilized world was the prize." The war of Edward "was like a great tournament, where the combatants fought indeed & outrance, but with all the courtesy and fair play of such an entertainment If we could forget, what never should be forgotten, the wretchedness and devastation that fell upon a great kingdom, too dear a price for the display of any heroism, we might count these English wars in Prance among the brightest periods in history." In the war of Henry " we find little left of that generous feeling which had, in general, distinguished the contemporaries of Edward III. The very virtues which a state of hostility promotes, are not proof against its long continuance, and sink at last into brutal fierceness." Hallam's Middle Ages, ch. 1, pt. 2. 1 " The book may be considered as nearly original, in its general platform, as any work of man in an advanced stage of civilization and learning can be. It is more so, perhaps, than CH. III.] INTERNATIONAL LAW OF CHRISTENDOM. 67 his age. Much of what he wrote, as might be expected, is now no longer applicable ; but no writer in a position similar to that which he occupied in regard to his sub- ject can be called his equal. those of Montesquieu and [Adam] Smith." Hallam's Literature of Europe, Part 3, ch. 4. " A work which we now, indeed, justly deem imperfect, but which is perhaps the most complete that the world has yet owed, at so early a stage in the progress of any science, to the genius and learning of one man." Mackintosh, Law of Nature and Nations. 5—2 CHAPTER IV. The Influence of Christianity upon the other sources from whence the International Law of Christendom has been derived. The nature of the influence of Christianity itself, and of the institutions immediately derived from it, on the international law of Christendom having been now dis- cussed, before proceeding to trace its extent, it will be necessary to examine into both the nature and extent of the influence it has also exerted on the other sources from whence that law has been derived, as well as to offer a few incidental remarks respecting them. We shall therefore make some observations on : I. The Roman law 1 and certain international decisions of antiquity. 1 " We may venture to say that a large part of international law grew out of the Roman law. For the Roman law was the law of the whole civilized world, after the establishment of the empire, and was studied by a great body of lawyers in every country; and was by them accepted and represented as the genuine dictates of natural justice. When therefore the empire was again divided into separate states, it was natural that in all transactions between states the jurists should be referred to, and should decide the matters in question by the application CH. IV.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY, &C. 69 II. The feudal system. III. Chivalry. IV. Stipulations of treaties, conventions, and de- clarations. V. Disputes relative to national rank and claims of precedence 1 . VI. The extension of commercial relations. VII. The influence of the writings of publicists : and VIII. The general progress of civilization. These have in different ways and in different ages severally exerted a very powerful influence upon inter- national law, and their combined effect has produced that particular form of it now observed in Europe and the countries of the New World. I. The principles of the Eoman law were esta- blished before the promulgation of Christianity, and the of the principles and maxims of the Eoman law. It was an immense step towards a code of international law, really con- sistent and just, to have, already formed and current, a body of fundamental maxims, and a fixed technical phraseology, in which they could be applied and discussed. And it has, I think, continued to be true up to the present time that, with regard to a large portion of international law, those persons have reasoned most clearly and conclusively who have been jurists in the usual sense, and have made the study of the Koman jus the basis of their scheme of international jus." Whewell's Lectures on Systematic Morality, pp. 169, 160. i These four last are taken from Mr Ward, Vol. I. ch. 11, On the Influence of Particular Institutions. 70 INFLUENCE ON OTHER SOURCES [PT. I. writings of the eminent Jurists who lived in the first centuries of our era, Gains, Ulpianus, Julianus, Paulus and Modestinus, were probably in no way influenced by the Christian code of morals. The improvements Christianity effected in course of time in Roman juris- prudence, did not extend to that portion of it which has contributed so largely to international law, and which in reality was susceptible of but little improve- ment. The new ecclesiastical laws necessarily changed all older legislation of that nature, and the other altera- tions brought about by the influence of Christianity, though even more extensive than these, were indirect and exclusive in regard to the personal law of ancient Rome. "Its influence is even more remarkable in the changes which were suggested by its spirit, rather than introduced as a necessary part of its system. To the community which citizenship had bound together, suc- ceeded another bound by the ties of a common religion. The tendency of the change was to remove the barriers which had formed part of the older condition of society. If we compare the Institutes of Justinian with those of Gaius, we find changes in the law of marriage, in that of succession, and in many other branches of law, in which it is not difficult to recognise the spirit of hu- manity and reverence for natural ties, which Christianity had inspired 1 ." The Roman law, as well as other re- mains of Roman civilization in the West, owes its pre- i Sandar's edition of the Institutes, p. 29. CH. IV. J OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 71 serration to the influence of Christianity on the nations which conquered the western empire; who by means of the more humane views they acquired on their con- version, permitted the conquered to retain their laws and customs. In this manner a knowledge of the civil law was preserved though obscurely through the dark ages 1 , and when international law became a subject of study, many of the earlier publicists were men well acquainted with the former, who (as will be pointed out hereafter) incorporated into their works many of its maxims, and also adopted many decisions of anti- quity, thus making them to form part of modern in- ternational law. " The professors of the famous school of Bologna were not only civilians, but were employed in public offices, and especially in diplomatic missions, and as arbiters in the disputes between the different states of Italy 2 :" and, as Mr Wheaton further remarks, whatever opinion may be formed of the conduct of the four doctors of that University who, in 1158, were arbiters between the emperor Frederic and the cities of Lom- bardy, in regard to that monarch's claims to be the successor of Augustus and Charlemagne, and as such to possess their powers, yet "the fact of their being consulted as judges and arbiters of sovereign rights, shows the growing influence and authority of the civilians 1 Savigny's Account of the Soman Law during the Middle s. 2 Wheaton's History of the Law of Nations, p. 32. 72 INFLUENCE ON OTHER SOURCES [PT. I. as the interpreters of the only science of universal jurisprudence then known i." II. The feudal system 2 , which was founded on the national usages of the invading nations, and which was the natural development of their political organisation, became, in the course of the 10th century, gradually and nearly simultaneously adopted throughout western Eu- rope; and probably obtained and preserved the great ascendancy it acquired, on account of the political and ecclesiastical divisions of the government being on their conversion kept quite distinct. The influence of their newly adopted faith was always in opposition to the feudal system 3 , but operated at different times in different ways, at one period by seeking to invest its ceremonies with a religious sanction, at others, by con- stant efforts to ameliorate the social condition of the people, and to inspire the temporal authorities with milder sentiments*. The crusades also, by diminishing the number of fiefs, greatly assisted the breaking up of 1 Ibid. p. 33. 2 Guizot, Civilisation en Ewrope, 3 eme et 4 eme Legons. 3 " Ce qui etonne dans les origines de la feodalite, c'est de n'y trouver rien de Chretien. Le Christianisme sacrait les rois, il affranchissait les peuples ; on ne voit pas qu'il ait rien fait pour affermir le pouvoir des nobles. Sans doute il flnit par benir la chevalerie, par lui ouvrir la lice des croisades et les cloitures guerriers du Temple et de l'Hopital ; mais il ne pou- vait consacrer le principe paien de l'inegalite des races." Oza- nam, p. 374. * Guizot, 6 eme Le § on. CH. IV.] OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 73 the system 1 , which at length passed away; its prin- cipal effect having been to give a certain degree of regu- larity to the almost indiscriminate hostilities which had prevailed before its rise. III. The influence of Christianity, and of the other causes which led to the amelioration of the evils caused by the disorders of the feudal times, showed themselves more especially in the institution of chivalry, " one of those grand institutions of the middle ages, which has subsequently received the almost unqualified praise of all men irrespective of their political opinions, and which has left us imperishable monuments of its happy influence and power 2 ." We may accept Mr Digby's definition of chivalry, " that general spirit or state of mind which disposes men to heroic and generous actions, and keeps them conversant with all that is beautiful and sublime in the intellectual and moral world 3 ." As such chivalry must always exist, and its age can never be said to be gone for ever; traces of it are thus to be found in every coun- try and age, though owing to peculiar circumstances it may be found in a more prominent form and manner at one period than at another. The feudal system espe- cially gave rise in a great measure to what is now gene- rally known by us as the age of chivalry 4 . The good i Ibid. 8 eme Lecon. 2 Temporal Benefits of Christianity, p. 255. 3 Godefridus, p. 89. * " Chivalry owed its peculiar development ffl western Europe to the feudal system, and the various circumstances 74 INFLUENCE ON OTHER SOURCES [PT. I. point in that system was the development it gave to domestic and family life, and this led to the general rise and extension of chivalrous sentiments and manners. Christianity exerted a great influence upon chivalry. "A knight, whenever present at mass, held the point of his sword before him, while the gospel was read, to signify his readiness to support it. Writers of the middle ages compared the knightly to the priestly character in an elaborate parallel, and the investiture of the one was supposed analogous to the ordination of the other. The ceremonies upon this occasion were almost wholly reli- gious. The candidate passed nights in prayer among priests in a church ; he received the sacraments ; he entered into a bath, and was clad with a white robe, in allusion to the presumed purification of his life; his sword was solemnly blessed ; every thing in short was contriv- ed to identify his new condition with the defence of religion, or at least of the Church i." This is further shown by the oath taken when the rank of esquire was conferred. " I swear to fear, revere, and serve God religiously, to combat for the true faith; to suffer death rather than renounce Christianity; to serve my Lord faithfully; to maintain the rights of the feeble, the widows, and the orphans ; to offer no wilful or deliberate offence to any one ; never to be engaged in any transaction for the pure love of sordid gain; and to guard inviolably and incidents connected with it." Bishop Hurd's Second Letter on Chivalry. 1 Hallam's Middle Ages, ch. 9, pt. 2. CH. IV.] OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 75 the received faith of society 1 ," It is thus seen how es- sential a part of any development of chivalry Christianity was. Its general principles doubtless could exist and have existed, apart from any intermixture of the Christian religion, from the very nature of man 2 , but never except when associated with that religion has chivalry assumed a permanent or settled form. IV. From the age of Charlemagne 3 , treaties, which in modern times have been so numerous, began to be headed with the invocation of the Trinity, and thus a religious obligation to their observance was added to the moral duty of truthfulness ; which the Church not unfre- quently increased, by holding out the penalty of excom- munication against those who refused to comply with the terms of the treaties they had entered into. And some 1 Temporal Benefits of Christianity, p. 256. 2 This is exemplified in the conduct even of Mahomet of Ghuzne on the occasion of his war with the Bowides, when he declined to take advantage of a minority and female regency to carry on the war he intended to wage against that dynasty. Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. 57. s Du Mont, Treatises, fyc. from, the age of Charlemagne, T. I. This applies also to other of the public documents of his reign. His declaration of protection to the papacy commences " In nomine Christi." A rescript to the emperor Nicephorus re- specting the peace between the two empires, begins, " Cum in omni humanae actionis initio Domini sit auxilium invocandum, maxime in hoc, quod modo inter nos Deo mediante agitur, negotio, Domini et Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi omni modo sunt imploranda suffragia, ut qui nomine illius signati sumus," &c, and the decree for the division of his territories, " In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti." 76 INFLUENCE ON OTHER SOURCES [PT. I. of the Border conventions between England and Scotland commence with greeting "To all Christian people to whom these may come 1 ." V. When, in the course of the middle ages, states began to have more frequent intercourse with each other, questions of mutual rank naturally arose 2 . The empire claimed to be the representative of ancient Borne, and consequently asserted supremacy over, and required pre- cedence of, all other powers. The papacy likewise ad- vanced its claims to universal precedence, and other states had their disputes on this subject ; but amongst the latter, priority of conversion to Christianity was the circumstance which had most weight in determining these questions 3 . VI. The insecurity which everywhere prevailed in the dark ages destroyed commerce, and led to the decay of all branches of manufactures ; but when order became somewhat restored, and liberty revived in the Italian cities, commerce again sprang up, and manufactures again flourished 4 . It is beyond the limits of this disserta- tion to make further mention of the great commercial cities and marts of the middle ages, which gradually extended from Italy and the shores of the Mediterranean 1 Nicholson's Border Laws. 2 Ward's Law of Nations, cli. 16. 3 "With respect to the priority of conversion to Christi- anity, almost all the writers concur in acknowledging it as a very weighty reason for precedency." Ibid. "Vol. n. pp. 371, 372. * Robertson's Charles the Fifth, § 1, Introductory, CH. IV.J OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 77 to Flanders and the Baltic, than to state that the im- provement in the social condition to which they owed their origin is to be attributed to the beneficent influence of Christianity. This has therefore afforded the basis on which has been founded the enormous extension of com- merce and the improved facilities of communication discovered or invented in modern times. This extension of international intercourse was greatly facilitated by the pilgrimages so much observed in the middle ages, as well as by the zeal of pious missionaries, which led them to visit all regions of the earth 1 for the holy purpose of promulgating the Christian faith among the heathen. They and the clergy in general were the best defenders of the rights of the inhabitants of newly discovered countries, and often the pioneers of civilization : whilst their exem- plary conduct obtained for them a considerable influence with the natives, and restrained in some measure their own countrymen, who by their conduct too often reflected but little credit either on the religion they professed, or on the enlightenment and civilization of which they were so ready to boast. VII. The general authority which the writings of publicists have obtained, and the great influence they have had on the international law of Christendom, will properly cause them to be here regarded as one of the distinct sources from whence that law has been derived. So important did this influence appear to Mr Ward, that 1 Spanish America, the Pacific Islands, Africa, and Green- land, are more particularly referred to here. 78 INFLUENCE ON OTHER SOURCES [PT. I. he considers it to be decisive of states being under the government of the same law of nations, if they search "for the rule of their duty in the same codes of Juris- prudence" and, "pay respect to the opinions of the same writers 1 ." The Christian religion has exerted a powerful influence on these treatises, for the earlier writers on international law, the publicists who drew up many of its rules, were persons especially susceptible of and most likely to write under its influence. Bonnor, Victoria, Soto, and Suarez were eminent members of the Eoman clergy 2 ; and above all it must be remembered that Gro- tius was one of those learned men who after examining the evidences of the Christian revelation have been con- vinced of its truth. He had composed his treatise De Veritate in Dutch verse, as well as a commentary on the New Testament, some years before he wrote his great work De Jure Belli ac Pads 3 , which everywhere shows the Christian principles of him, who, in an age when the most extreme party spirit prevailed, wrote with candour and truth of his bitterest opponents, and in his life illus- trated the precepts of the religion he professed. Subsidiary to the influence of publicists, may be placed that of those eminent Christian philanthropists who have 1 Vol. i. p. 161. 2 An account of Bonnor's Arbre des Eatailles has already been given, the works of the three last are mentioned in Hal- lam's Literature, Part 2, ch. 4, and in the Introduction to Wheaton's History of the Law of Nations. 3 Butler's Life of Hugo Orotius. CH. IV.J OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 79 visited the different nations of the earth, and have en- deavoured to alleviate misery and succour the distressed. Among the most distinguished of these is John Howard, whose labours first caused the name of his native land to be known to the inhabitants of the distant regions of the Mseotis, and caused all the nations of Europe to honour the country of which he was a subject. The actions of such persons as Howard show that internationally as well as in social and domestic life, to follow out unhesi- tatingly the precepts of Christianity would produce better results than the victories of any conqueror, and be at- tended with better fame and truer glory to the person himself. VIII. M. Guizot states 1 that civilization consists, 1st, in the development of man himself as an individual, and, 2nd, in the development of the visible condition of mankind, or of society. It is of the latter, so far as it concerns the subject of this Essay, that a few observations will be made here. Modern European civilization owes its present form principally to the impress which the influence of Chris- tianity gave to the manners and customs of the nations which subverted the western empire. The precepts of Christianity gradually obtained a general influence over all their actions, and thus were often even unconsciously 1 It consists, " d'une part, dans le developpement de l'homme hii-meme, de l'individu, de 1 humanite ; de l'autre, dans celui de sa condition visible, de la societe." Civilisation en Europe, 4 eme Lc90n. 80 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY, &C. [PT. I. applied to the ordinary transactions they engaged in. Owing to this influence they certainly displayed a greater degree of regularity, equity, and benevolence than is generally to be found in the conduct of other communi- ties, whether of ancient or of modern times 1 . 1 The Christian religion has had so powerful an influence upon the law of nations, "that wherever it has existed, it has gone the farthest of all causes to introduce notions of humanity and true justice into the maxims of the world. The great proof of which is, that if we compare the conduct of Christian nations with that of nations professing any other religion, (whatever may he their stages of improvement, or in whatever era of their glory,) the result I believe will be uniform and universal, that the one will be eminent over the other for regularity, equity, and benevolence." "Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. II. p. 2, illustrated by the conduct of the Greeks, Romans, •Carthaginians, Mahometans, and Chinese. People " who may yet be denominated savage," are purposely left out of consi- deration. CHAPTEK V. The extent of the Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Christendom in regard to the Pacific Relations of States. In order to show fully the extent of the influence of Christianity upon the international law of Christendom, it is necessary to treat of the several divisions of interna- tional law ; and, for the better elucidation of this part of the subject, to state whence those portions of it are derived which do not owe their origin to its influence. Nations, as such, possess certain rights; in other words, there are certain rights which belong to them in their capacity of nations. Some of these are entirely and exclusively international rights, others belong also in a greater or less degree to another branch of morality, Polity ; but, for the sake of clearness, as well as to render this Essay more complete, they will all be treated of here, and will be considered to be four, viz. the rights of Independence, of Equality, of Property, and of Inter- course. The modifications they undergo during war, and the rights which war itself gives rise to, will form the subject of the next chapter. 6 82 EXTENT OF THE [PT.I. I. The International Rights of Independence^. These rights may be classed under two subdivisions, those of security and of jurisdiction. The first comprises those which every independent nation possesses, of choosing its form of government and civil institutions, of developing its resources, and settling all questions re- specting its military and naval forces, without any inter- ference or intervention on the part of other states. This is only limited by those of other nations, whether they are such as immediately arise from their own rights of independence, or from treaty stipulations ; it not being lawful for any nation, under pretext of merely exercising its own rights, to injure other states, or to pursue a line of conduct calculated to affect injuriously their corre- sponding rights. The influence of Christianity upon this subdivision of the rights of independence has arisen from the respect it specifically enjoins for the rights of others, whereby the frequency of active interferences in the affairs of other countries has been much diminished; for, by comparing the conduct of Christian European states, notwithstanding the constant and intimate rela- tions they maintain with each other, with that of other nations, the Greeks and Eomans 2 for example, it is easy to perceive the different effects of the maxims i Wheaton's International Law, Vol. I. p. 131. 2 Ward's Law of Nations, ch. 6. Montesquieu, Grandeur et Decadence des Romains. CH. V.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 83 which in this respect influence their conduct. The frivolous and unjust grounds on which they would inter- fere, stand in strong contrast to the conduct of modern states ; for though these may often evince an equally strong desire for interfering, they are restrained by the necessity now felt of having at least a plausible excuse for so doing. The wars for the maintenance of the balance of power, which are in a great measure peculiar to the system of modern European policy 1 , owe nevertheless, as will be shown hereafter, the mildness with which they, as well as other European wars have been carried on, to the influence of Christianity upon the international rights of war. The right of jurisdiction has for its basis the general rule that every independent nation is supreme within its own territories, and that its laws not only bind its own subjects or citizens, but also aliens so long as they remain there ; the exceptions to this force of national laws as regards aliens, whether as to those exempted from their operation by maxims of international law, or by treaty, are primarily derived from the sovereign power of the state itself. An 2 important part of this right has reference to those questions which arise respecting transactions that have taken place in foreign countries, (especially 1 The conduct of the Greek states in the Peloponnesian and Theban wars seems to indicate that they were acquainted with what has since been called the balance of power. 2 Storey's Conflict of Laws, ch. 1. 6—2 84 EXTENT OP THE [PT. I. between subjects of different nations,) when the validity of such transactions is called in question, or when the laws of the country in which they are sought to be enforced, differ from those of the country where they took place. How these " Conflicts of Laws" were settled in the Roman Empire, there is now no means of deciding; but on the conquest of the different countries of Western Europe by the nations which subverted the Western Empire, the vanquished were in a great measure per- mitted to retain their respective laws and customs ; so that rules had at length to be devised to meet the difficulties occasioned by the divergences of the different codes of laws which in this manner simulta- neously prevailed in many countries, and these rules were, in course of time, extended in application to cases of international conflicts of laws. The influence of Christianity, as regards the former portion of this subdivision, is to be traced through its previous influence on the progress of civilization, the extension of commerce and international intercourse, and the rules on this point laid down by jurists and publi- cists. Its influence, as regards the latter portion, is derived from its having afforded the basis from whence that has since been developed, viz. the consideration Christianity caused in most parts of Europe, on the fall of the Western Empire, to be shown to the vanquished nations, and the results to which this led. The extent of the influence of Christianity upon the international right of jurisdiction has thus been ; first, to afford the basis from CH. V.J INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 85 whence it has arisen; and secondly, by its influence on civilization, and the facilities it caused to be afforded to commerce, to occasion the extension of this right to international questions. II. The International Right of Equality 1 . Sovereign states being independent of each other, further reasoning showed that they must also be con- sidered equal to each other. " Puisque les hommes sont naturellement egaux, et que leurs droits et leurs obligations sont les memes, comme venant egalement de la nature, les nations, composees d'hommes, et con- sidered comme autant de personnes libres qui vivent ensemble dans l'e'tat de nature, sont naturellement egales et tiennent de la nature les memes obligations et les memes droits. La puissance ou la foiblesse ne prb- duisent a cet egard aucune difference. Un nain est aussi bien un homme qu'un geant : une petite republique n'est pas moins un e"tat souverain que le plus puissant royaume 2 ." This international right has often been modified either by treaty or usage, but the importance of those pretensions in respect to national rank, &c. which have so often been the subject of dispute has now in a great measure passed away, and the equality of nations is becoming more clearly recognised. This is i Vattel, Law of Nations, Tom. i. Liv. ii. ch. 3. Wheaton, Vol. i. Part 2, ch. 3. 2 Vattel, Preliminary Observations, § IS. 86 EXTENT OF THE [PT. I. especially shown in the use of the alternat in diplomatic documents, which is now almost universally adopted. The influence of Christianity on this right has mainly operated by means of its influence on the writings of those publicists who have investigated and given de- cisions respecting the principal questions of international law. III. Tlie International Bight of Property 1 . This right, as regards states, comprises their right to the national territories, and all questions arising from it, including those relative to the dominion of rivers, lakes, and portions of seas 2 . This part of international law is the one which has been least affected by the direct influence of Christian- ity : most of, and all its justest rules, having been derived from the clear and equitable maxims of the Roman law 3 . The extent of the influence of Christianity upon this part of the subject has been from the preservation it obtained for the Roman law. The international right i Wheaton, Vol. i. pt. 2, ch. 4. 2 Grotius, Lib. n. esp. chs. 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, and 9. Puffendorf, Law of Nature and Nations, Lib. rv. chs. 3 — 9. 3 Whewell's Lectures on Systematic Morality, p. 160, after the passage before quoted respecting the influence of the Roman law, " This may be said more particularly of certain parts of international law, especially those parts which refer to international rights of property and treaty." CH. V.J INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 87 of property as regards individuals domiciled, or possess- ing property in foreign countries, owes its present form to the progress of civilization, by which aliens have acquired the liberty of possessing property in foreign countries and great facilities for employing their capital or labour there, in industrial undertakings or commer- cial speculations, as well as considerable freedom of access to foreign navigation. The existence of these rights necessarily presupposes a considerable previous extension of international inter- course; yet after that has taken place these may be long withheld. IV. The International Bight of Intercourse 1 . This right will be treated of in the same manner as the last, viz. 1 st, as regards the relations of states with each other ; and 2dly, as regards individual members of different communities. Its first branch comprises the regulations under which the ceremonial and etiquette attending the inter- course, and especially the diplomatic intercourse, between different states is carried on, including what are some- times called rights of legation ; and all questions respect- ing the powers, credentials, and privileges of public envoys, and the manner in which they transact the business entrusted to them. Treaties are the most i Whewell's Elements of Morality, Vol. II. arts. 1117-1125. Wheaton, Vol. I. pt. 3. 88 EXTENT OF THE [PT. I. important part of this branch of international right of intercourse. The constitution of each nation determines in whom the power of concluding treaties on its behalf is vested, and every foreign nation each for itself must pay due regard to this part of the institutions of other states, and act in accordance therewith. The extent of the influence of Christianity upon this international right, as it has already been observed, probably led to the introduction of resident embassies, and diplomatic congresses. The ceremonial attending their action necessarily has for its ultimate basis the influence which gave rise to these : its proximate origin, however, is to be attributed partly to convenience and partly to the rival claims of states for pre-eminence of rank, and all the questions occasioned by disputes relative to those claims. The nature of the influence of Christianity on treaties has already been mentioned : the rules for their interpre- tation have been in a great measure derived from the Eoman law 1 . We now have to consider that branch of it which relates to cases concerning individuals, members of differ- ent communities. It is unnecessary here to discuss the rules which probably regulated the intercourse of the different nations of antiquity, because their civilization and the state of things which then existed, almost entirely disappeared amidst the disorders which attended the 1 Whewell's Lectures on Systematic Morality, p. 160, quoted above. These rules may be found at length in Vattel, Tom. I. Liv. ii. ch. 17. CH. V.J INFLUENCE OF CHEISTIANITY. 89 downfall of the western empire. The influence of Chris- tianity as regards the treatment of strangers has enabled them to visit foreign countries with safety ; the facilities and privileges they have acquired there, whether to be classed under this or any other international right, are proximately derived from the influence of civilization, of treaties, and the extension of commerce ; the influence of Christianity upon all of which has already been mentioned. It must be observed, in conclusion, that a great part of this right, as developed in modern times, is to be derived from the love of personal liberty characteristic of many of the northern nations 1 ; a principle, the existence of which as modified by Christianity, is essential to the real pro- gress and advancement of nations in the higher stages of civilization. 1 Guizot, Civilisation en Europe, 2 eme Lecon. CHAPTEE VI. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Rights of War. It has been already shown, how the degree of regularity which the feudal system first gave to the warfare of modern Europe was increased by the influence of the Church, When international law became in the sixteenth century 1 to be more scientifically studied, it was to this portion of it that the earlier treatises were principally directed 2 . 1 Hallam's Literature of Europe, Pt. 2, ch. 4, § 6. 2 The following are the treatises relating to international law contained in the sixteenth volume of the collection entitled Traetatus Tractatuum. B. Capolla of Verona, De Imperatore Militwm delegando. Joan. Lupus of Segovia, De Bello de Bellatoribus. Martinus Laudensis, Be Bello. F. Arias, De Bello et ejus Justitia. P. Bellini of Alba (Piedmont), De re Militari et de Bello. Joan de Lignana of Milan, De Bello. Paris a Puteo, De re Militari. Claudius Catereas of Turin, De Jure et PriviUgio Militum. In the eleventh volume, part 1, of this collection, are two treatises, in which some questions of international law are dis- cussed, but much mixed up with municipal law ; their titles are : De Treuga et Pace, Octaviano Velpelli. De Fide Treuga et Pace, Nicolai Moroni Gualdensis. It may be repeated that the title of Bonnor's work was L'Arbre des Batailles. Victoria wrote a " Relectio," quoted in CH. VI.] EXTENT OF THE INFLUENCE, &C. 91 The international maxims of the middle ages were naturally very different from those of the present day, and any nation which should revert to practices regarded as blameless by the imperfect law of those times, but which the juster views of more enlightened ages has condemned, would offend against public mo- rality, as much "in kind" if not "in degree,'" as one which should revert to practices sanctioned by the inter- national law of Assyria or of Eome. For international law gradually improves by the adoption of progressive standards of morality and by the progress of civilization ; and every nation is morally bound to further that im- provement, especially as regards the rights of war, by every means in its power 1 . Grentili's definition of war will be the one adopted here, " Bellum est contentio publica armata justa. 1 ' The class of cases in which alone war can be termed " con- tentio justa " may be best stated in the eloquent words of a late distinguished English jurist ; " War is just only to those by whom it is unavoidable ; and every this Essay, De Jure Belli. Ayala termed his treatise De Jure et OffuAis Bellicis et disciplina Militari. Gentili's great work was De Jure Belli, and the rights of war are discussed at consider- able length by Grotius. 1 Nations " may, and ought not only themselves to observe, but to enforce, all the moderation practicable, and particularly abstinence from all hostilities, which are not necessary for the attainment of the object of the war, and particularly from those which have no other tendency than to gratify animosity." Reddie, Maritime International Law, p. xviii. 92 EXTENT OP THE [PT. I. appeal to arms is unrighteous, except that of a nation which has no other resource for the maintenance of its security or the assertion of its honour 1 ." Or as Victoria says, " Unica est, et sola caussa justa inferendi bellum, injuria accepta 2 ." The object of all wars is to procure peace 3 , and in war especially it is necessary to be mindful of, and to act upon those two great principles which Montesquieu so correctly and concisely states : " Les diverses nations doivent se faire dans la paix le plus de bien, et dans la guerre le moins de mal qu^l est possible, sans nuire a leur veritable interets. L'object de la guerre, c'est la victoire ; celui de la victoire, la conquete ; celui de la conquete, la conservation. De ce principe et du precedent doivent deriver toutes les lois qui forment le droit des gens 4 ." Only those rights which truly follow from these principles are really rights of war : all others, howsoever and by whomsoever advanced, are in reality nothing more than the unwarranted pretensions of abused power, or the dictates of ill-informed writers, or of the unscrupu- lous adherents of a party cause. The influence of Christi- anity on the causes which give rise to wars has already been explained. In this chapter, after showing the modifica- 1 Mackintosh, Reasons against French War of 1793, p. 1. 2 Relectio vi. De Jure Belli, §13. 3 " Omnis enim homo etiam belligerando pacem requiret : nemo autem bellum pacificando." St Augustine, de. Civitate Dei, Lib. xix. ch. 12. 4 Esprit des Lois, Lib. I. ch. 3. The third chapter of the tenth book is also very important. CH.VI.J INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 93 tions caused by war in regard to the four international rights of states in their pacific relations, the extent of its influence on the manner in which war is conducted will be next considered ; and in so doing we shall treat first of land warfare, secondly of maritime warfare, and thirdly of the rights of neutrals. Section I. Modifications caused by war in regard to the International Rights of States in their Pacific Relations. I. In regard to the international rights of indepen- dence. The first portion of this right, included under the term right of security, is entirely removed from the consideration of belligerents, so far as may be neces- sary for carrying on the war in which they are engaged. But it is only exceptional circumstances, cases of neces- sity, the detailed discussion of which does not properly come within the scope either of this, or of any other treatise on any portion of moral philosophy, that can justify any steps being taken, which shall permanently injure the right of security belonging to every state. In maritime warfare the right of jurisdiction assumes a peculiar form, as regards neutrals, which will be noticed when that part of the subject is discussed; but there appears no reason why, in cases where the conduct of the war is not concerned, the authority of the courts of the enemy's country should not continue the same as it was in time of peace. 94 EXTENT OP THE [PT. I. II. In regard to the international right of equality. This international right does not, properly speaking, undergo any modification from war, although the victo- rious state may sometimes be induced by its success to overstep, especially as regards this right, the strict limits of justice and moderation. III. In regard to the international rights of pro- perty. These, as concerning states, have another added to them, viz. that derived from conquest, but are otherwise unaltered. So far as they relate to foreigners they will be noticed in the next paragraph. IV. In regard to the international right of inter- course. This right, as observed in time of peace, ceases in a great measure between belligerent nations : but those subjects of each who may be domiciled in the enemy's country, except of course officials of the hostile govern- ment, by the present system of international law are allowed perfect security both of person and property, should they wish to remain there, and perfect liberty to depart, should they prefer adopting that course. In no case would it be allowable now to expel them indiscrimi- nately; for such as offended against the laws of the country where they resided, would (unless it was other- wise provided for by treaty) be amenable to them. In the negociations which take place during war between the governments of the belligerent nations, the same faithfulness is to be observed as in those entered into in time of peace. " Private demands accruing before or during war may be recovered in time of peace ; for war CH. VI.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 95 does not extinguish the right, but only suspends the remedy 1 ." War however does not in the least affect the possessors (subjects of hostile states) of " property which is under the protection of the public faith 2 ;" though such property must either have been acquired before the declaration of war, or in those countries where its acqui- sition is prohibited, consequent on that declaration, before such prohibition takes effect. But during war, subjects of hostile powers resident in neutral states may carry on the same intercourse with each other as in peace, and those having commercial domicile in neutral states may trade with the enemy in the same manner as neutrals may. Section II. The International Rights of War 3 . I. As regards land warfare. The essential charac- teristic of modern warfare, the distinction now made between the combatant and non-combatant portions of the community 4 , suggests that we should first consider the rights of war as they exist between combatants, and 1 Wildman's International Law, Vol. I. p. 143. 2 Ibid. p. 188. 3 Wheaton, Vol. n. ch. 2. * "In ancient Greece and Rome, every citizen was con- sidered as a soldier ; but in modern times, the combatant is distinguished from the non-combatant part of the nation, and there are different classes of rights of -war applicable to these different classes of persons." Whewell's Elements of Morality, Vol. ii. art. 1060. 96 EXTENT OF THE [PT. I. afterwards those which obtain between combatants and non-combatants. 1st. The international rights of war between com- batants. The practice of modern warfare agrees with that of ancient Rome 1 , in not allowing any persons un- provided with commissions, or not otherwise duly autho- rised, to engage with the enemy, by which means the number of combatants is determined. Limitations have been fixed to the weapons to be used in war, some being prohibited on account of the inhumanity which attends their use, such as disfigured balls, or the loading of cannon with nails and small pieces of iron 2 ; others by the term " publica " in the definition above given, which excludes all clandestine methods of destruction, such as by assassination or by poison, but not those carried on by a portion of an army, and only temporarily concealed, as mines or ambuscades 3 . Quarter is now always to be given to those that ask it ; and since the peace of West- phalia, Christian powers have, at the conclusion of peace, mutually restored the prisoners they may have made during the war ; the custom of reducing them to slavery had ceased before that period 4 . 2nd. The international rights of war between com- 1 " No Roman could fight even for his country without a commission; which in all respects is similar to the modern notions, that those who so fight may be punished as robbers." Ward, Vol. I. p. 187. Wheaton, Vol. u. p. 85. 2 Marten's Law of Nations, Book vm. ch. 3, § 3. 3 Whewell's Elements of Morality, Vol. n. arts. 1662, 1663. 4 Manning's Law of Nations, p. 162. CH. VI. J INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 97 batants and non-combatants. As regards the non- combatant portion of the belligerent communities, pro- vided they strictly maintain that character 1 , the land warfare of the present day exempts them from all mo- lestation or injury of any kind further than is strictly necessary to the prosecution of the war ; it has hitherto been the custom, however, to subject them in many cases to contributions, generally pecuniary. It sometimes hap- pens that their fate is bound up with that of the com- batants, as in besieged cities, but in these cases all cruelty is forbidden and condemned ; and an eminent military historian has expressed an opinion on this point which can be entirely adopted by publicists, viz. that "the plunder of a town after an assault should be ex- pressly made criminal by the articles of war, with a due punishment attached 2 ." The wasting of the country, and the destruction of towns, or of property not contraband of war, whenever 1 "In order that countries which are the seat of war may enjoy the advantage of the laws of civilized warfare, it is neces- sary that they themselves should attend strictly to the distinc- tion of combatants and non-combatants. If the inhabitants of an invaded country carry on what is called a guerilla or parti- san warfare against the invaders; the inhabitants, individually destroying them and their means of action, in any way that they can ; such a country cannot be treated according to the more humane laws of war; for the inhabitants themselves destroy the foundation of such laws, the distinction of com- batants and non-combatants." Whewell's Elements of Morality, Vol. II. art. 1071. 2 Napier's Peninsular War, Vol. vi. p. 216. 7 98 EXTENT OF THE [PT. I. it cannot reasonably be expected to bring about an immediate peace, or be justified by extraordinary cir- cumstances, is also condemned 1 , To the influence of Christianity on the manner in which land warfare is carried on, is to be ascribed the abolition of the custom which reduced captives to slavery, and the accurate and liberal distinction now made in Christendom between the combatant and non-combatant portions of communities. This distinction arose in western Europe from religious grounds, and owed its extension to the teaching of the Church, as has been shown in the first chapter. The author is well aware that a like distinction is to be found in many ancient eastern codes and systems of belief, but their precepts do not appear to have been generally observed, and at all events it is not from them that the international law of Christendom has in any way derived its classification of combatants and non-combatants. The great change to be observed in international usage, as regards the former, owes its proximate origin to the customs introduced by chivalry; from which insti- tution the modern practice of releasing prisoners on parole, as well as exchanges of prisoners, is probably derived 2 . But the usages of chivalry, like the modern code of honour, regarded only a class, namely, knights, and its obligations were in a great measure, if not entirely, binding only between them ; and thus made no 1 Wheaton's International Law, Vol. n. p. 82, § 6. 2 Ward's Law of Nations, Vol. II. p. 179. CH. VI.J INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 99 effort to alleviate the condition of the great mass of prisoners who consist of the lower ranks of armies. Christianity however, by means of certain of its precepts, at length caused to be extended to all ranks those relaxations of the older and stricter rules of warfare, which chivalry had partially introduced 1 . The limita- tions of the weapons used in modern warfare is to be ascribed to the progressive adoption of more enlightened views of humanity incident on an improved civilization. The declaration on express Christian grounds of the greatest of English statesmen against the employment of Indian auxiliaries in the American war of inde- pendence, is certainly based on Christian principles. It may be remembered that in the debate which arose in the house of Lords on the address to the throne, on the 18th of November, 1777, Lord Chatham in moving an amendment, reviewed the conduct of the war, and inquired who had " dared to authorise and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? 1 " The influence of chivalry introduced some mitigation of the cruelties of war, but the occasional massacre of prisoners, and other gratuitous ferocities, show how slightly the under- standing of humanity was as yet removed from barbarism. The laws of chivalry regarding usages in warfare were rather points of honour customary among knights, than precepts en- joined by morality and held obligatory as duties. Like the modern code of honour, they were mandatory between equals ; when a noble knight was to be dealt with, all was exalted courtesy; but when the multitude was in question, it was a begrudged mercy that was in use towards the 'rascal rout.'" Manning's Law of Nations, p. 8. 7-2 100 EXTENT OP THE [PT, I. To call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman in- habitant of the woods, to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights ; and to wage the horrors of this barbarous warfare against our brethren." Lord Suffolk in reply defended their employment, and asserted that, besides '•' its policy and necessity, the measure was also allowable on principle ; for that it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that God and nature put into our hands." Lord Chatham thereupon immediately rose again and expressed his astonishment "to hear such principles confessed, to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country : principles equally unconstitu- tional, inhuman, and unchristian." " My lords, I did not intend to have encroached again upon )'our attention : but I cannot repress my indignation — I feel myself impelled by every duty. My lords, we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as Christian men, to protest against such notions standing near the throne, polluting the ear of majesty. 'That God and nature put into our hands.' I know not what ideas that lord may entertain of God and nature ; but I know that such abominable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What ! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife, to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, roasting, and eating; literally, my lords, eating the mangled victims of his barbarous battles! Such horrible notions shock every precept of religion, divine or natural, and every gene- CH. VI.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 101 rous feeling of humanity 1 ." These remarks are every way proper to be adopted into international law, and apply in like manner against the direct employment in war, in any capacity whatever, of races in any con- siderable degree inferior in civilization to the people or government to whom they are opposed, especially in cases where they are employed in taking part in inva- sions. This is a line of conduct which cannot be pursued by any government, least of all by that of a Christian country, without its incurring the utmost moral guilt. II. As regards maritime warfare 2 . Maritime war- fare has hitherto retained much of the harshness which characterised the land warfare of less civilized times, all vessels of the enemy being liable to capture and confisca- tion, together with at least all the property of an enemy found on board. The remarks made above respecting the manner in which land warfare should be carried on, apply also, so far as applicable, to maritime warfare. The bombardment of towns on the coast and destruction of fishing villages, or undertaking expeditions and enter- prises which may lead to these without any other de- terminate and commensurate object, showing but the animosity and imperfect civilization of the attacking power. It is not necessary here to treat of the various 1 Life of the Earl of Chatham, Vol. n. under date of Nor. 18, 1777. 2 The foundation of the modern rules of maritime war is to be found in the Consolato del Mar, capitols clxxxvi., vu. and CCiMII. — LV. 102 EXTENT OF THE [PT. I. questions which have heen raised respecting the rights of maritime warfare, hut the liberty of departure now accorded to hostile vessels on the breaking out of war, is one of those relaxations of the strict rules of war ob- served in former times, to be attributed to the influence of modern civilization, and on which Christianity has consequently exerted an indirect but important influence. The same cessation of the barbarous practices that once held in regard to captives, which has taken place in land warfare, has likewise taken place here ; but the severity of the rules still in force seems in a great measure necessary, especially as regards the detention of merchant seamen who are already qualified for the naval service of their respective states, standing much in the same relation to those in the latter as militiamen do to regular soldiers. 3. As regards the international rights of neutrals 1 . In treating of these there are few points where the direct influence of Christianity can be expected to have operated. These rights in their present form became gradually recognised in western Europe, as greater regularity began to be observed in the international transactions of that part of the world, and are principally deduced from con- siderations of natural justice. The right of search is the most important belligerent right as regards neutrals, the object of which is to prevent the supplying of articles contraband of war to the enemy of the state enforcing that right, or to prevent the evading a blockade. And this constitutes a species of international maritime juris- 1 Wheaton, Vol. n. ch. 3. Azuni, Tom. n. pp. 35 — 49. CH.VI.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 103 diction peculiar to times of war. A neutral state is bound to take care that in this respect especially its just freedom of action essential to the maintenance of the character it assumes is not interfered with by either of the belligerent powers ; neutrals must of course take equal care that they conduct themselves as really such, acting with perfect impartiality, and affording succours to neither party, excepting so far as they may be bound by treaties concluded before the commencement of any particular war. The English rule of the "war of 1756 " is generally acquiesced in, which declares that neutrals can- not lawfully avail themselves during a war of any branch of commerce which was not in like manner open to them during the preceding time of peace. Geographical position may occasion any particular country to profit by an extension of commerce with another country, during a war in which either of them may be engaged ; but this does not come under the former category, and is not a breach of neutrality. The extent of the influence of Christianity in regard to these rights, is the basis it afforded for their observance by the spread of the Christian religion, and its consequent influence on civilization ; by means of the advancement of which and the extension of international commercial relations they have attained their present form 1 . 1 Vattel, Book in. ch. 7, gives most of the present rules in regard to neutral states and neutrality. CHAPTER VII. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Christendom as regards International Trans- actions between Christian and Non- Christian States. The transactions which Christian states have had, in different ages, with nations not professing the Christian religion, have produced effects that have — especially in former times — had considerable influence upon the inter- national law of Christendom. It is therefore necessary that some observations should be made here respecting these transactions ; which may be conveniently done by first treating of those between Christian and Mahometan communities, and second of those between the former and other non-Christian nations. Section I. The Influence of Christianity upon International Trans- actions between Christian and Mahometan Nations. When the Roman empire became Christian, the Church internationally exerted herself to convert the northern nations, and to ameliorate the condition of the Christians in Persia. It has been already shown that the first of these undertakings was eventually attended CH. VII.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY. 105 with complete success ; but the second was only partially accomplished — though the victories of Heraclius seemed to promise a long rest to the Eastern Churches 1 — when Mahometanism arose. It is beyond the limits of this Essay to trace the progress of Mahometanism, or to enter into any discussion of its doctrines further than is strictly necessary to the subject of this and of a following chapter. For this purpose the Koran must be referred to, in order to ascertain its precise injunctions in regard to international law, and especially in regard to war ; for however great respect different sects of Mahometans may pay to other works, this book is that which they alike consider to be their revelation, and is the one which a person of another creed is bound to consult as the reposi- tory of their faith. It is also essential to remark, that it is extremely difficult to discover what the doctrine of the Koran on many points really is, for the very convenient doctrines of abrogation and peculiar application render the meaning of contrary passages to be understood in opposite senses by different readers; and the manner in which Abu Bekr arranged the Koran, placing the chap- ters as a general rule according to length, increased the confusion 2 . The following are the passages which bear upon this subject, Mr Sale's translation being used as one that cannot be accused of unfairness towards Mahometans : — " Fight therefore for the religion of God, and oblige not 1 Gibbon, ch. 46. 2 Sale's Koran, Preliminary Discourse, § 3. 106 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. any to what is difficult, except thyself ; however, excite the faithful to war, perhaps God will restrain the courage of the unbelievers, for God is stronger than they, and more able to punish. He who intercedeth between men, with a good intercession, shall have a portion thereof; and he who intercedeth with an evil intercession shall have a portion thereof; for God overlooketh all things 1 ." " true believers ! take not the Jews or Christians for your friends ; they are friends the one to the other : but whoso among you taketh them for his friends, he is surely one of them 2 ." " Prophet ! stir up the faithful to war : if twenty of you persevere with constancy, they shall overcome two hundred; and if there be one hun- dred of you, they shall overcome one thousand of those who believe not, because they are a people which do not understand. Now hath God eased you, for he knew that ye were weak. If there be one hundred of you who per- severe with constancy, they shall overcome two hundred ; and if there be one thousand of you, they shall overcome two thousand, by the permission of God ; for God is with those who persevere. It hath not been granted to any prophet that he should possess captives until he had made a great slaughter of the infidels in the earth 3 ." " We have not sent thee, Mohammed, but as a mercy unto all creatures. Say, No other hath been revealed unto me than that your God is one God: will ye therefore be resigned unto him ? But if they turn their 1 Sale's Koran, ch. 4. 2 Ibid. ch. 8. 3 ibid. ch. 5. CH.VII.J AND NON-CHRISTIAN STATES. 107 backs to the confession of God's unity, say, I proclaim war against you all equally; but I know not whether that which ye are threatened with be nigh, or whether it be far distant 1 ." " When ye encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads, until ye have made a great slaughter among them, and bind them in bonds ; and either give them a free dismission afterwards, or exact a ransom, until the war shall have laid down its arms. This shall ye do. Verily, if God pleased, He could take vengeance on them without your assistance; but He commanded you to fight His battles, that He might prove the one of you by the other. And as to those who fight in defence of God's true religion, God will not suffer their works to perish ; He will guide them, and will dispose their heart aright; and He will lead them into Paradise, of which He hath told them. true believers, if ye assist God, by fighting for His religion, He will assist you against your enemies, and will set your feet fast ; but as for the infidels, let them perish, and their works shall God render vain. This shall befall them because they have rejected with abhorrence that which God hath revealed ; where- fore their works shall be of no avail."..." The true be- lievers say, Hath not a sura (chapter) been revealed, commanding war against the infidels? but when a sura without any ambiguity is revealed, and war is mentioned therein, thou mayest see those in whose hearts is an infirmity look towards thee with the eye of one whom i Ibid. ch. 21. 108 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. death overshadoweth 1 ." Such are the precepts of Maho- metanism in regard to war. While we consider it neces- sary, in passing, to differ from those nominal Christians who admire Mahometans and their religion, we also con- sider it a great error to represent Islamism as wholly made up of evil principles ; such a creed would be pro- ductive of but transient mischief, and could not last a generation. Mahometanism is, however, much worse; inasmuch as it, more than any other false system of belief, unites in an eminent degree sufficient religion to satisfy an unawakened and unenlightened conscience, while sanctioning almost every gratification the passions can desire. Its triumph broke down the barrier against permanent barbarian conquest which the firm rule of the Roman empire had up to that time maintained in the East, and let in upon the eastern provinces tribes similar in manners to those which for centuries continued to inundate the West 2 . Mahometanism, further, by its positive precepts preserved everywhere in their utmost harshness and strictness the old distinction between the vanquished and their conquerors, and can afford therefore no real means for the amelioration of the condition of slavery to which the former are reduced ; for where a 1 Sale's Koran, oh. 47. In a note Mr Sale states that the Hanisites consider the first paragraph of the quotation from this chapter to be no longer in force. 2 There is but little difference in Gibbon's description of the manners of the Tartar and Turkish tribes which invaded the Asiastic provinces and those of the Huns, Avars, and Lombards. CH. VII.] AND NON-CHRISTIAN STATES. 109 nation's system of polity is interwoven with its religion, as in the case of Mahometan nations, they must stand or fall together, as an alteration of the former must lead to the dissolution of "the nation 1 . A religion also, like that of Mahomet, which positively enjoins the use of the sword as the means of its propagation, and which thereby affords its votaries what they, in accordance with their faith, must always really consider a constant and ever- ready supreme occasion for a lawful war, must neces^ sarily — at least so long as such maxims are acted upon — be regarded as the common enemy of mankind. The unfortunate position of the eastern world at the rise of Mahometanism favoured its great and rapid extension rather than those wide-spread corruptions in the Chris- tian Church respecting which succeeding writers have re-echoed statements based on vague generalities and doubtful authorities. Though in its first years probably it did not attack Christianity with any particular or extraordinary virulence, yet the states of Christendom soon became the only foes worthy of the name which remained to oppose the triumphant progress of Islamism ; and, in the course of time, from the heart of France to the Caucasus the conflict between the two religions was carried on with the utmost violence; Mahometanism being invariably the assailant, and Christianity in some places even losing ground or defending itself with difii- 1 White's Bampton Lecture. 2 Bacon's Essays, 29, " Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates." 110 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. culty. Prudential and financial considerations at length induced the caliphs to relieve their Christian subjects from actual persecution, and to grant certain facilities and privileges to Christians visiting the Holy Land ; but the conquest of Syria by the Turks brought forward a different policy, and the persecutions to which the pil- grims as well as the eastern Christians were subject, led to the Crusades 1 . These wars formed the great crisis of the conflict between Christianity and Mahometanism, and though originating in motives of piety, they were worthy of the most consummate policy; inasmuch as they hindered the progress of the latter, and delayed the fall of the eastern empire, and by this means were probably the real cause of the check finally given to Mahom etanism 2 . 1 " Depuis la An du 7 eme siecle, le christianisme luttait con- tre le mahomStisme ; il l'avait vaincu en Europe apr£s en avoir ete dangereusement menace^; il etait parvenu a le conflner en Espagne. La encore, il travaillait constamment a l'expulser. On a presents les croisades comme une espece d'accident, comme un evenement imprevu, inoui, ne des recits que faisaient les pelerins au retour de Jerusalem, et des predications de Pierre l'Ermite. II n'en est rien. Les croisades, Messieurs, ont ete la continuation, la zenith de la grande lutte engages depuis 4 siecles entre le christianisme et le mahometisme Les croisades en ont etfi la principale crise. C'est la leur caractere historique, le lien qui les attache a l'ensemble des faits." Guizot, 8th Lecture. Though much of these observations is very true, yet Peter the Hermit's preaching was certainly the proximate cause of the crusades. 2 " The world has been so long accustomed to hear the crusades considered as the height of frenzy and injustice, that CH. VII.] AND NON-pHEISTIAN STATES. 1 1 1 Many actions of the crusaders were undoubtedly disgraceful to their religion as well as to the sacred character they assumed 1 , but still the crusades were no aggression, persecution of Christians, as such, being al- ways considered a casus belli by Christian powers 2 , and we must remember that distributive justice requires that, "like each individual, each nation should be judged of according to its conduct to other nations, compared with the reciprocal conduct of these other states 3 .' 1 After Constantinople had fallen into the hands of the Moslems, and when they had been driven from western Europe, the plains of Hungary became the battlefield of the two to undertake their defence might be perhaps a hazardous task. We must, however, recollect, that had it not been for these extraordinary exertions of generous courage, the whole of Europe would perhaps have fallen, and Christianity been buried in the ruins. It was not as Voltaire has falsely or weakly asserted, a conspiracy of robbers, it was not an Un- provoked attack on a distant and inoffensive nation: it was a blow aimed at the heart of a most powerful and active enemy. Had not the Christian kingdoms of Asia been established as a check to the Mahometans, Italy, and the scanty remnant of Christianity in Spain, must again have fallen into their power; and Prance herself have needed all the heroism and good fortune of a Charles Martel to deliver her from subjugation." Note 41 to Heber's Palestine. i Ward, Vol. I. pp. 138, 9. " At the same time it must be remarked that historians generally omit to state such cir- cumstances as Tancred's efforts to stop the massacre on the storming of Jerusalem, and his sorrow for his imperfect suc- cess." Orderici Vitalis Ecc. Hist. Lib. ix. ad fin. 2 Grotius, Lib. n. ch. 20, § 49. 3 Keddie, Maritime International Law, p. ix. 112 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. religions ; twice 1 even Vienna nearly yielded to the ad- vancing forces of the Ottomans, and on the last occasion, when to all human probability that city, then the bulwark of Christendom towards the East, was lost, all Christian Europe acknowledged the appropriateness of the text chosen by the preacher on returning thanks to heaven for their unexpected deliverance, " There came a man from God whose name was John 2 ." During these wars in eastern Europe, thousands of Christians were swept away to hopeless slavery on every inroad of the Moslems, and the coasts of every Christian country bordering on the Mediterranean, as well as the peaceful merchant vessel pursuing its course on that sea, were for centuries exposed to their ravages and attacks 3 . These injuries necessarily caused to be di- rected against them, and especially against the Barbary states, those efforts which every government is bound to make for the defence of its subjects, and caused the French alliances with Turkey 4 to be regarded with astonishment and abhorrence. It was on this account 1 In 1529 and 1683. 2 Coyer, Histoire de Jean Sobieski, Tom. n. p. 334. 3 The Mahometans " used to descend upon the shores of the Mediterranean for the purpose of procuring slaves; and scarcely at present can any one form an adequate estimate of the horrors and desolation which they produced in Sicily, in Campania, Calabria, and generally along the coasts of Italy and Spain." Digby's Mores Catliolici, Vol. vn. p. 138, where refer- ence is made to many original authorities. 4 Especially those of Francis the first and Louis the four- teenth. CH. VII.] AND NON-CHRISTIAN STATES. 113 also that the earlier publicists laid down the rule that Christian powers could, without incurring moral guilt, only in cases of the utmost emergency, employ those who were not Christians, even in their strict defence 1 , to the enforcing of which decision public opinion then annexed no inconsiderable sanction. Grotius assents to this doctrine when he adopts the language of the rebuke given by the archbishop of Eheims to his sovereign, " Nihil enim distat utrum quis se paganis societ, an aboegato Deo idola colat ; " and condemns any course whatever being adopted which may increase the power of the infidel, the lessening of which, he says, all Christian states are bound to pursue, by furnishing either men or money 2 ; and in England the legal text writer of greatest authority expressly declares it to be contrary to common law to conclude a treaty mutui auxilii with a non-Christian power 3 . The influence of Christianity, properly speaking, though perhaps perverted in Spain*, has not led Christian nations to the persecution of 1 Arias, de Bello et ejus Justitia, § 192, and M. Landensis, Tractatus de Bello, Questio 3, both in the 16th vol. of Tractatus Traetatuum. 2 Lib. II. ch. 15, §§ II, 12, this last remark related more immediately to a different state of things than that which has existed in Europe for the last 150 years. 3 Coke's 4th Institute, p. 155. 4 It would be interesting to trace, in the earlier records of the Spanish proceedings against the Morescoes, how far their severity was the consequence, and not the cause, of the constant seditions of the latter, and of the information they furnished the Barbary pirates. 8 114 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. Mahometans, as such, but simply to reduce them to a state which disables them from harassing Christendom, and their treatment at the hands of Christian states, consider- ing the provocation and injury these latter have received, has been characterised by a considerable degree of for- bearance and moderation. The following extract from the Assises of Jerusalem, in regard to those who should assist the enemy (the Saracens), is exactly the same as any similar ordinance of the present day would be : " Ce il avient que un marenier ou un marchant, quy que il soit, porte avoir devee en tere des Sarazins, si com est se il porte armeures, haubers, chauses de fer, lanses et bales- tres, heaumes ou verges d'asier ou de fer, et il en pevent estre atent en la court de la mer par les mareniers ou par les marchans qui la estoient, que seuiront que il vendi et porta as Sarazins selui avoir devee, et ce que il porta monta plus de un marc d'argent, tout quan qui il avoit doit estre don seignor de la tere, et doit estre ingie par la court des boujois a pendre par la goule, puis que les iurez de la mer averont resen devant eaus les guarens de ceste choze ; et ce est droit et raison par Tassize 1 ." Of a similar nature is the following decree of the third council of the Lateran. " Ita quorumdam animos occupavit saeva cupiditas, ut cum glorientur nomine Christiano, Saracenis arma, ferrum, et lignamina galearum deferant, et pares eis, aut etiam superiores in malitia fiant, dum ad impug- nandos Christianos, arma eis et necessaria subministrant. Sunt etiam, qui pro sua cupiditate in galeis et piraticis 1 Ch. xliv. CH. VII.] AND NON-CHRISTIAN STATES. 115 Saraeenorum navibus regimen et curam gubernationis exercent. Tales igitur a communione ecclesise prsecisos, et excommunicationi pro sua iniquitate subjectos, et re- rum suarum, per sseculi principes catholicos et consules civitatum, privatione mulctari, et capientium servos, si capti fuerint, fore censemus. Prsecipimus etiam ut per ecclesias maritimarum urbium crebra et solemnis excom- municatio proferatur in eos 1 ." Nor is this extract from the Consulate, providing, that when vessels were sold in territories of the Saracens, Christian sailors should be afforded the means to convey themselves to a Christian land, dictated by any feelings of bigotry or evincive of any ill will towards Mahometans. " Si nau b leny se vendia en terra de Sarrains, lo senyor del leny deu donar leny 6 vianda als mariners entro que sien en terra de Crestians onpugnen haver recobre 2 ." National manners change but slowly, and ages are required to eradicate long-established customs and inveterate habits. The cruelties in Servia, in 1815, the awful massacre at Scio, and the atrocities committed on the Christians in almost every city of the Turkish empire at the time of the Greek revolution, prove that the old Turkish mode of treating Christians is not forgotten, and time alone can show the sincerity of any other line of conduct which may be pursued towards them. The Crusades afforded further examples of the right of waging war to prevent persecution of Christians, and 1 Ch. xxiv : in Sacrosancta concilia sub ann. 1179. 2 Capitol evil. 8—2 116 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. eventually produced a more catholic spirit in Christendom. In after times such powers as obtained any extra- ordinary concessions, extended them to Christians irre- spective of nationality or difference of creed. But these powers by no means either sought or seek to injure Mahometans, as such, and can of course, conclude treaties with them, whenever by so doing they do not injure the cause of Christianity, and have the means of benefiting the Mahometans themselves; or, above, all, their own Christian brethren of the eastern Churches, it being their duty to take advantage of every oppor- tunity of doing good to all, " especially to those of the household of faith." Section II. The Influence of Christianity upon International Trans- actions between Christian and non- Christian States other than Mahometan. The first instances of which it will be necessary to make mention here, will be the Saxon wars of Charle- magne, and the wars of the Teutonic knights. As regards the former, it is essential to remark, that they were not fresh wars then first commenced, but the conclusion of a long contest between two races of in- vading nations. Hostilities had been going on between the Franks and Saxons for many years previous 1 , and it would be alike difficult and unprofitable to determine 1 Ozanam, Civilisation Chritienne des Francs, p. 227. CH. VII. J AND NON-CHRISTI AN STATES. 117 which people were the first aggressors. The proximate causes of Charlemagne's campaigns were an insult offered to a Christian missionary, and the persecution of native Christians 1 , which, considering the peculiar nature of the age, rendered it probably a necessity, as well as a duty, for him to take vigorous measures to anticipate and counteract the attacks of paganism. The wars of the Teutonic knights in Ermeland, Prussia, Samogitia, Courland, Liefland, and Esthonia, those of the Poles in Prussia and Lithuania, and of the Swedes in the modern duchy of Finland, arose in a similar manner. The accounts given by Adam of Bre- men of the inhabitants of Courland and Estland 2 , that of the Carelians and Finns in Geijer's history of the Swedes 3 , and that of the Livonians and Lithuanians in Digby's Mores Catholici 4 , show, what can readily be conceded, that their manners were similar to those of the worst classes of the invading nations ; that they were always ready to attack their neighbours, and persecute such of their own countrymen as became Christians; and that the establishment of the Teutonic and Sword- bearing Orders was a step necessary for the defence of 1 Ibid. pp. 241 — 254. Sismondi, Histoire des Franpais, Tom. n. pp. 234, 235. Schmidt, Histoire des Allemamds, Tom. n. chs. 1,2. 2 In his short treatise, Be Situ Danicce, which contains descriptions of the different tribes bordering on the Baltic, whose manners were very similar. s Chapter 3. * Vol. vil. pp. 255 — 260. 118 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. the north-eastern outposts of Christendom. Whatever cruelties and oppressions these Orders may have com- mitted, are certainly unjustifiable ; but in the course of the wars in which they were engaged, they had an undoubted right to plan and make conquests, and govern the countries they conquered. The conquest of many countries held by pagans, and the assent of the popes having been generally in the first instance sought, on account of the assistance their sanction afforded, gave rise to the notions that Christians had a right to pagan countries, and that the popes could bestow them on whom they pleased. But these very erroneous views found opponents among the ablest writers of the middle ages; Bonnor declared that war could not be lawfully made against Saracens as such 1 ; and Paul Voladimir, rector of the university of Cracow, denied, before the council of Constance, " that Christians were permitted to convert infidels by force of arms, and that the lands of the infidels lawfully belonged to Chris- tians 2 ;" and later, Victoria and many others made simi- lar declarations. Victoria's opinion is entitled to the more consideration, inasmuch as he attributed great influence to the papacy, for while holding " Papa nullam potesta- tem temporalem habet in barbaros Indos, neque in alios infideles s ," and again, " Principes Christiani, non possunt etiam authoritate papae,coercere barbaros a peccatis contra 1 L'Arbre des Batailhs, oh. 35. 2 Krasinski, Religious History of the Slavonic Nations, p. 124. 3 Relectio v. Be Indes, Sec. 2, $ 6. CH. VII.] AND NON-CHRISTIAN STATES. 119 legem naturae nee ratione illorum eos punire'," he also states, " Papa potuit negotium conversionis Indorum bar- barorum solis Hispanis demandare, et omnibus aliis non solum prsedicationem, sed etiam commercium interdicere : Si ita expediret ad Christianse religionis propagationem 2 ." But the contrary opinions were too favourable to papal pretensions not to be strenuously asserted by the popes, and it is here that their claim to dispose of the sovereignty of kingdoms appeared in its most extravagant form. Not content with the authority they had obtained over most Christian nations, they asserted an exclusive power of bestowing heathen countries on the Christian state, whose subjects first attacked or discovered them 3 : and those nations which disregarded this pretended right of making these grants, nevertheless adopted the princi- ple on which they were founded 4 , Tiz. that the rights of property of the old inhabitants yielded to the claims of discovery of the first Christian power whose subjects arrived on their coasts, and that these claims barred those of all subsequent comers. It thus became a ques- tion of mere force, on which the fate of newly discovered countries rested. Those in which firm governments were established were treated with some degree of considera- tion, but others were at once seized. Spain 6 and Portugal 1 Ibid. § 16. a ibid. Sec. 3, § 10. 3 Especially in the grants to Spain and Portugal. * Conf. patents of Henry the Seventh and Elizabeth. Ward, Vol. ii. pp. 114, 115. 6 See Eaynal's Account of the Proceeding of European Nations in the East and West Indies. 120 TRANSACTIONS BETWEEN CHRISTIAN [PT. I. share the infamy of setting the example of this utter disregard of the rights of the original inhabitants ; but it must be also stated that the other European nations, whenever opportunities offered, unhappily showed an equal disposition to follow in their footsteps. On the great maritime discoveries which distinguished the last ten years of the 15th century, in the east the smaller islands were almost immediately subdued by the Portuguese, and Africa owed its escape from the same fate to its extent and its best ally its climate. The desolation of America and of the West India islands by the Spaniards, in a compara- tively enlightened age, is one of the most awful events recorded in history. The pretence for most of these brigandages, on the largest scale, was to compel the un- happy inhabitants to relinquish certain practices to which they were supposed to be addicted, to profess Christianity, and to become subject to the authority of the See of Eome, and of the power to whom it had given their country. In case of refusal they were to be treated as enemies. But the contemporary writers on international law justly condemned such proceedings, and clearly showed, that though Christianity might be often their pretence, it really had nothing to do with them ; and further, that those general maxims of equity and justice, which are the basis of every system of international law, are to be observed by nations to each other irrespective of the religions they profess 1 . 1 Victoria's opinion has been already quoted. Mackintosh, Progress of Ethical Philosophy, § 3. CH. VII.] AND NON-CHEISTIAN STATES. 121 The territories which the several European nations seized in different parts of the world as above described, have now generally been acknowledged as theirs in differ- ent kinds of international compacts. But to this day Christian powers, where they are not restrained by the fear of exciting the jealousy and opposition of other nations, seem still to consider themselves justified in dis- regarding the rights of the original inhabitants of any places they may choose to seize 1 . It would be out of place here to discuss at length what constitues a right for any nation to occupy thinly populated districts, further than to observe that for Christian nations entirely to overlook the rights of others, as in this respect, especially, they have but too often done, is utterly at variance with the gospel precepts in regard to the respect with which they should be treated. 1 The most recent examples are those furnished by the conduct of the French in Tahiti, the Marquesas, and New Caledonia; and that of the Russians in Manchuria. CHAPTER VIII. The Influence of Christianity as regards International Regulations relative to the African Slave-trade. The state of slavery in western Europe during the mid- dle ages, so far as it pertains to this subject, has already been treated of, as well as the causes which led to its decline and cessation, the principal of which, as was then stated, was the influence of Christianity, whether exerted directly or indirectly. But, at the time when slavery had very nearly disappeared in western Europe, and when in those countries where it still partially remained, it was assuming the milder form of serfdom or villeinage, a new species arose. For on the settlement of the new world, the Spanish colonists in America, having by their oppres- sions exterminated in many places the native inhabitants, and being themselves unable or unwilling to perform agricultural or mining labours, adopted the expedient of importing slaves from Africa, and thus the African slave- trade, of which traces are found in the earliest times, received a fresh impulse, and took a new direction. The observations to be made here respecting it will be confined to showing the influence of Christianity upon the portion of international law to which it belongs. At the time that the West India branch of the African slave-trade arose, clear ideas respecting the real rights of war and the treatment of prisoners were not CH. VIII.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY, &C. 123 generally entertained ; and though Soto, the arbiter in the case of the Indians, argued between Sepulveda and the good Las Casas, was the first who condemned the African slave-trade, it would appear that his condemnation was rather of the means by which it was carried on than of the traffic itself, inasmuch as he seems to have recognised the rules of warfare then observed 1 , and Las Casas, in order to put an end to the sufferings of the Indians, assented to the plan of providing negro slaves in their place, which had been put into practice on a small scale so early as the year 1505 2 . This form of slavery thus commenced was, for many years, of very limited extent. The development of the resources of the new world led to its gradual increase, until a participation in its unhal- lowed profits was sought with eagerness by most Euro- pean nations. But Christianity which had centuries before combatted and overthrown the slave institutions of the nations which ruled in western Europe in the middle ages, in like manner combatted, and is still employed in overthrowing, the same institutions which have appeared in a worse form in the various countries of the new world : and there is every reason to expect* that, in course of time, the remaining Christian slave-holding states will seek to do away with institutions which are practical contradictions to the sincerity of their belief in the reli- gion they profess. Yet an international jurist who 1 Wheaton's History of the Law of Nations, p. 34. 2 Quintana, Vida de Fr. Bartoloml de las Casas, more par- ticularly Appendix 7. ] 24 INFLUENCE RELATIVE TO [PT. I. considers that the present condition of the different classes of society in modern Europe is owing in a great measure to the gradual cessation of slavery, and who further con- siders the ill effects of sudden manumissions for which no classes of communities are prepared, cannot but come to the conclusion that as national manners change but slowly, the gradual relaxation and abolition of slavery by measures adapted respectively to each different country, and drawn up with due regard to the circumstances of the state, is the course he is bound to urge both internation- ally and also in the case of each particular country. Especially when remembering that nothing produces more pernicious effects than an ill-regulated benevolence, and that slavery, more than any other evil result of a vicious system of polity, requires from its very nature the aid of time to remove the consequences to which it of necessity leads. Towards the end of the last century many persons, in this country especially, being convinced of the insufficiency of the grounds upon which Negro slavery was defended, began to exert their influence to procure its abolition, and their efforts have been attended with success 1 . It is extremely gratifying to consider that it was the subject of a prize Essay, given out by the Eev. Peter Peckard, Master of Magdalene, one of those who from Christian principles were decidedly opposed to this traffic, when i Observations and notices respecting the early abolition- ists may be found in Clarkson's Strictures on the Life of Wilber- foree by his sons. CH. VIII.] THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE. 125 Vice-Chancellor of this University in the year 1784, that first induced Clarkson ' to turn his attention to this sub- ject, and led him to those zealous exertions for its sup- pression which brought the iniquities of the traffic so prominently into notice. Great Britain, it may be stated with a just feeling of pride, first made this question one of international import- ance, and at Paris in 1814, and at the congresses of Vienna and Verona in 1815 and 1822, obtained declara- tions condemnatory of this traffic from the principal Euro- pean powers there represented. She has since entered into various treaties for its suppression with almost all the nations of the earth, by which all rights necessary for this object are mutually conceded, and especially the right of search. The African slave-trade has thus become internation- ally condemned 3 : many nations have also declared it to be piracy, and with more or less sincerity sought oppor- tunities of recording their detestation of it. These efforts now seem in a fair way of being attended with general success by means of the adoption of Christian principles of action, operating through the agency of the more enlightened ideas of humanity now entertained, and of the progressive advancement of civilization. 1 The Members' prize for 1784. Clarkson was the first prizeman among the middle Bachelors. 2 Mention is made of several early American anti-slavery writers, and the whole subject is treated at length in Wheaton's History of the Law of Nations, pp. 585 — 698. It is impossible however to concur in all his opinions and conclusions. CHAPTER IX. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Eastern Christendom. The Christian countries of the East, in respect of their international relations, form two distinct sets of commu- nities. The first comprises those which formed part of the Roman empire, and those European nations which owed their conversion to the eastern empire, and have now become part of the great Christian commonwealth of states. The second comprises the Christian provinces of Abyssinia which have never formed any such intimate connexion with the nations of Europe. In accordance with this division the observations to be here made, rela- tive to the international law of eastern Christendom, will be treated of separately, in the manner thus indicated. Section I. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of the Eastern Empire. The influence of Christianity in the eastern empire, considering the great variety of untoward circumstances which afflicted those countries, was very great, and yet it is extremely difficult to be traced step by step 1 . In the 1 Many interesting observations respecting the eastern empire are contained in M. Biot's Abolition de Vesclavage en CH. IX.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY, &C. 127 corruption of manners which everywhere prevailed, conse- quent on the wars which overthrew the Eoman rule in the West, the barbarous custom of pillaging shipwrecked persons even crept into the eastern empire 1 , but was rigorously condemned in theBasilicon 2 , Basilicon Minor 3 , the so-called maritime laws of Rhodes 4 , as well as in some other compilations of laws. The legislation on this point appears to be all that can be attributed to the influence of Christianity in the maritime codes in force in the eastern empire, but in respect of the inter- national rights of war, as there observed, the influence of Christianity is very apparent. An early example of this is afforded in the conduct of Heraclius in his Persian war, especially in the language of his address to the Eoman army . on descending into the plains of Media, as well as in his repeated offers of peace to Chosroes, when, after the fall of Dastargard, he pursued through the heart of Persia, through realms where the legions of Rome had never before penetrated, the then vanquished monarch, who as a conqueror had for a quarter of a century harassed the eastern empire 5 . In the wars of that empire with the different races of barbarians, as these latter reduced to slavery the captives whose lives they spared, the former in retaliation followed Occident, a treatise which obtained the medal of the French Academy of Sciences. 1 Pardessus, Lois Maritimes, Vol. I. p. 143. 2 Ibid. p. 189. 3 Ibid. p. 199. 4 Ibid. p. 257. '•> Gibbon, ch. 46. 128 INFLUENCE ON INTERNATIONAL LAW [PT. I. their example 1 , provided always that these prisoners were not Christians ; for, mindful of the teaching of the Gospel, they did not reduce to slavery their captive Christian brethren, whatever form of Christianity they might profess. Great indeed is the contrast between the conduct of that Government in regard to this portion of the international rights of war as observed in the middle ages, and that of the different nations of western Chris- tendom, as well in respect to their wars between them- selves as to those between them and the eastern empire 2 : and Grotius also bears witness to a feeling and disposition of the same nature, viz. that desire to avoid destruction of human life which renders the history of the empire so remarkable. " Certe apud Grsecos Christianissimum pro- fessos diu observatus est canon quo sacris ad tempus arcebantur qui hostem in qualicumque bello interfecis- sent 8 ." 1 " Une certaine durete dans les moeurs devait etre entre- tenue par les invasions des peuples barbares, accompagnees de tous les exces de la force brutale. Oomme ils eramenaient en esclavage, les Grecs prisonniers, il etait naturel que, par une sorte de talion, les barbares, prisonniers des Grecs, fussent aussi rendus esclaves." Biot, De I'abolition de I'esclavage ancien en Occident, p. 229. 2 Ibid. pp. 233 — 237. * Grotius, Lib. n. ch. 24, ad fin. It is somowhat strange that in the work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus de Adminis- trando Imperio, the only use made of Christianity in regard to international transactions is, to render it the supposed authority for certain tales to be told neighbouring nations as to the reasons why royal alliances should not be formed with them, or Greek fire and regal ornaments given to them. CH. IX.] ON EASTERN CHRISTENDOM. 129 Supplementary to the remarks which have already been made in this Essay respecting slavery, it may be here stated, that besides the limitations of slavery in the Eastern empire — by reason of circumstances above men- tioned, and the legislative enactments of the emperors to facilitate manumissions, and by this means to lead to the general and gradual abolition of slavery — there were not wanting persons who on Christian grounds condemned all slavery whatever 1 , and ably and successfully followed out the teaching of St Ohrysostom 2 . It is unnecessary here to treat at length of the causes which led to the fall of the Eastern empire, any more than was before done in the case of the Western. Some of these sprang from internal dissensions, but the greater part were derived from the effects of the continuous attacks of races far inferior in civilization to the people they con- quered, aggravated and aided by the treacherous assistance or open hostility of the papacy and its adherents 3 . The feigned disapproval which the legates alleged as their 1 " Simeon le jeune, qu'on presume conteroporain de Manuel Comnene, nous dit, dans son 10 e Discours, que la servitude n'a jamais &t& gtablie par le Createur, qu'elle est nee de la perver- sity mutuelle de ceux qui etaient du meme sang." Biot, p. 237. 2 "Now should any one ask whence is slavery, and why it has found entrance into human life, (and many I know are both glad to ask such questions, and desirous to be informed of them,) I will tell you, slavery is the fruit of covetousness, of extravagance, of insatiable greediness." Homily XXII. on Epistle to Ephesiam, (ch. vi. 8, 9.) 3 See more especially the extraordinary conduct of the Western powers and the Genoese auxiliaries, in Gibbon, ch. 68. 9 130 INFLUENCE ON INTERNATIONAL LAW [PT. I. motive in leaving the fourth crusade, when to gratify pri- vate resentment it was turned against a Christian empire 1 , was too much assumed to be long observed ; and the con- duct ever since pursued towards the Greeks by most of the nations of Christendom cannot be too severely or unequivocally condemned. Those European countries which owe their conversion to Christianity — and consequently their civilization — to the Eastern empire, with the exception of those now com- prised in the Russian dominions, have long since ceased to exist as independent states. It is therefore of Russia alone as their representative that we have now to speak. It was England that first as it were introduced Russia to the West, in the middle of the sixteenth century; but it was not until the commencement of the last century, and especially after the Treaty of Nystadt in 1721, that she formed any intimate relation with western Europe. The long wars she was engaged in with Tartar tribes, and the ravages which necessarily accompany the Tartar mode of warfare, greatly retarded her progress in civilization; added to which it is very important to observe, that she never came under the power of those circumstances to the influence of which the present state of society and civilization, so far as regards international law, in western and central Europe, is mainly to be ascribed ; and slavery still exists there under the form of serfdom. These are the principal causes that have hitherto 1 Sismondi's Italian Republics, Vol. n. p. 372, CH. IX.] ON EASTERN CHRISTENDOM. 131 prevented Russia from being on the same footing as the other states of Europe, and they have produced their necessary effects upon her international transactions. Similarity of religion has naturally often caused her to interfere on behalf of the Christians in Turkey ; but these interferences have too often partaken more of political than of religious grounds of action. The well-known story of the fall of Poland shows, by the eagerness with which Russia acquiesced in and followed up the scheme for the partition of that unhappy country, emanating from the courts of Berlin and Vienna 1 , that the actions of her government were then guided by no considerations of natural justice. The manner in which her wars have always been conducted, the reckless disregard for human life and human suffering which has characterised them, evince both the effects of an imperfect civilization, and the little influence which Christian principles have hitherto exerted over her national policy. It is very pleasing, on the other hand, to observe the efforts Russia has made, at great sacrifice of life and at vast expense, to suppress the slave-trade carried on by the barbarous tribes of Circassia. She has there with great singleness of purpose strenuously endeavoured to put an end to a species of slavery resulting from the teaching of the Koran, which has sprung up in those regions in a form the most debasing and demoralising that even slavery has ever assumed. 1 Mackintosh, Account of the Partition of Poland. 9—2 132 INFLUENCE ON INTERNATIONAL LAW [PT. I, Russia has long since come under the international law which regulates the transactions of the rest of Christ^ endom. The above observations are intended to show that the unhappy events of her early history have left traces which — principally from the absence of those counteract- ing circumstances that urged forward the civilization of the West — are not yet obliterated, and are more or less observable in all her international transactions. Section II. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of Abyssinia. Christianity was introduced into Abyssinia in a corrupted form 1 , and has been mixed up with many Jew- ish superstitions 2 , which have been perpetuated in a great measure by the rise of Islamism, about eighty years after the conversion of that country, having cut off from it all permanent or secure communication with the rest of Christendom. When this intercourse was renewed it proved of evil effect ; for the Portuguese, on their arrival on the coast of the Red Sea, by introducing Jesuits, and endeavouring to convert the people to the Romish faith, caused dissensions prejudicial to Christianity 3 ; 1 The Monophysite errors were introduced by the first missions, and kept up by ecclesiastical dependence on the Coptic Church. 2 Bishop Russell's Nubia and Abyssinia, p. 265. 3 For a brief account of these transactions see Nubia and Abyssinia, chs. 3, 5 and 6, and Gibbon, ch. 47, § 6. OH. IX.J ON EASTERN CHRISTENDOM. 133 which, together with the long-continued predatory inroads of various barbarous tribes, caused the rapid decline of Abyssinia. Christianity has thus never had an opportu- nity of producing its real effects, or exerting its proper influence in that country; and accordingly frequent in- stances of its influence, especially internationally, cannot reasonably be expected. One remarkable instance how- ever may be cited which exhibits a spirit of toleration well worthy of a Christian state. It was to the tolerant Christian land of Abyssinia that a great part of Maho- met's disciples withdrew on the commencement of the per- secution against them at Mecca 1 . There are other circumstances which will further explain the little influence Christianity has been able to exert there. The church indeed did not wholly neglect to teach true Christian doctrines. The ninth section of the Ethiopic version of the Apostolic Constitu- tions declares that Christians ought to forgive the tres- passes of their neighbours, and not let revenge dwell in their hearts nor think evil ; and bishops are enjoined to enforce this : and in the tenth section it is expressly declared to be their special duty to be peacemakers 2 . But the very peculiar policy pursued in regard to the election of the abuna or patriarch, impaired alike the authority and usefulness of the Church 3 . The abuna is by a canon directed to be chosen by the patriarch of i Sale's Koran, Preliminary Discourse, J 2. 2 Piatt's Vidascalia. 3 Jowett's Christian Researclies, pp. 174, 5. 134 INFLUENCE ON INTERNATIONAL LAW [PT. I. Alexandria, and not to be a native of Abyssinia. By not being permitted to consecrate suffragans he becomes the only bishop of the country, and being quite a stranger to the people, their language and institutions, he has ever been incapable of exerting his power in any effective beneficial manner 1 . Legrand shows how this further prejudicially affects the usefulness of the clergy, on ac- count of the abuna's inability to judge of the fitness of those whom he ordains : " II est meme tres difficile qu'il puisse juger de la capacity de ceux qu'il ordonne: la langue dans laquelle on celebre l'office et on administre les sacremens est l'ancienne langue du pais, qu'on n'entend plus, a moins qu'on ne l'apprenne comme nous apprenons les langues etrangeres ; et l'abuna ne S9ait ordinairement non plus la langue sijavante que la vul- gaire 2 ." And thus "from the want of an independ- ent power to give force to humanizing tendencies, the religion which has struck its roots deep into the heart of this singular people assumes rather a passive than an active character 3 . 1 ' The sincerity of the attachment of the Abyssinians to Christianity, by which means they stand an oasis amidst the heathen, has indeed been rewarded by the continued independent existence of their native country through more calamities than perhaps ever afflicted any other land ; and while Christianity remains there is hope for a revived i Legrand, 9th dissertation, at the end of his edition of Lobo's Relation Historique. 2 Ibid. p. 287. 3 Eastern Churches, p. 108. CH. IX.] ON EASTERN CHRISTENDOM. 135 national Church, as well as for a return of all the bless- ings to which it would again give rise. Under other conditions, the Christianity of this land would probably acquire a more active influence, and effectively co-operate as well in the evangelization of eastern Africa, as in the extension in that part of the continent of the international usages of the rest of Chris- tendom. CHAPTER X. The Influence of Christianity upon International Duties. These, like some of the international rights above men- tioned, belong in part to polity as well as to international law. For the sake of completeness, however, they will, so far as they relate to the latter, be briefly stated here. States, in their capacity of moral agents as well as individuals, have their several duties. It is of their higher or moral duties 1 that mention will now be made, the primary of which are those of humanity, justice, truth, purity, and order; and the duties of moral and intellectual progress, including of course in these that of religious belief. These are in a great measure inter- national duties; they are prescribed by morality, and are enforced with fresh and increased authority by the Christian revelation. And inasmuch as Christians are under stricter moral obligations than those imposed by natural religion, of which their religion is a " republication and external institution 2 ," the conduct of states profess- ing to guide their actions by Christian principles must of necessity be stricter than that of nations who from igno- rance, or a perverse attachment to an infidel faith, have not yet acknowledged the truth of the Christian creed. 1 Whe well's Elements of Morality, Polity, ch. 3. 2 Butler's Analogy, Part 2, ch. 1. CH. X.] INFLUENCE OF CHEISTIANITY, &C. 137 The duties of Christians are of course to be deduced from the volume which contains their faith : the precepts laid down in it inculcate the most universal and enlarged benevolence 1 , a strict regard for the rights of others 2 , as well as a due performance of our own engagements 3 . In the New Testament there are also injunctions to civil obedience by which, internationally, governments are strengthened, and thus enabled to act with greater promp- titude and effect 4 ; and its encouragements to industry 5 tend to dispel that restlessness to which so many national calamities owe their origin. Bacon strikingly points out the teaching of Chris- tianity in regard to the general duty of humanity : " We do not read that ever He (our Saviour) vouchsafed to do any miracle about honour or money, save that one for giving tribute to Csesar : but only about the preserving, sustaining, or healing the body of man 6 ." The numerous hospitals that exist in Christian coun- tries, the first establishment of which is to be traced to the influence of the precepts of Christianity 7 , show the favourable result that has attended its teaching on this point, as the benefits to be derived from these institutions i 1 Cor. xiii. ; 1 Tim. i. 5 ; 1 Pet. iv. 8. 2 St Matth. yii. 12. 8 More especially as shown by St Paul's directions in his epistles to all orders and classes of Christians to do their re- spective duties. * Rom. xiii. 1 — 7. 6 Ephes. iv. 28. 6 Advancement of Learning, Book n. Medicine. 1 Digby's Mores Catholici, Vol. vn. p. 408. 138 INFLUENCE OP CHRISTIANITY, &C. [PT. I. have been extended indifferently to the natives of every part of the globe, and to the professors of every creed. It is also owing to the influence exerted by the Christian religion on the manners of the nations of Christendom that those international duties owe their origin, to the observance of which, as now customary, no state is posi- tively bound e. g. the extreme kindness and attention which all Christian nations show to the shipwrecked. Yet these have now so become part at least of international duties, that a departure from them would be justly con- sidered reasonable ground for complaint. Two instances may be cited in illustration of the foregoing remarks, taken, on account of general acquaint- ance with the circumstances connected with them, from the history of our own land. When the tidings of the earthquake at Lisbon, in 1755, reached this country, parliament unanimously voted £100,000 in aid of the distressed Portuguese, and sent a large portion of the amount in the shape of provisions, though considerable scarcity was prevalent at the time in the British Islands 1 : and the generous manner in which relief was raised in foreign countries on behalf of the Irish, during the late famine, is fresh in the recollection of all. 1 Smollett's History of England, Book ni. chs. 4, 36. PART II. THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY UPON THE IN- TERNATIONAL LAW OF NON-CHRISTIAN NATIONS. Preliminary Observations. In considering this part of our subject we shall treat only of those non-Christian nations that have come in contact with Christian states, among whom alone the influence of Christianity can be expected to have operated, and among them only in an indirect manner by means of the changes wrought in their international usages by intercommunica- tion with the latter: and we shall consider, first, the influence of Christianity upon the international law of Mahometan, and then, its influence upon that of other non-Christian nations. CHAPTER I. The Influence, of Christianity upon the International Law of Mahometan Nations. The long-continued hostilities which existed between Christian and Mahometan nations, consequent upon the religious precepts of the latter, which inculcate war against those not of their own creed, and command that they should take neither a Christian nor a Jew for a friend, necessarily prevented the Christian religion, for several centuries, from exerting any important influence upon Mahometan international law. In the course of these wars, however, it was impossible but that the Chris- tian religion should beneficially affect the Mahometans in an indirect manner; and we find accordingly that chivalry produced some corresponding effects among them. Nureddin, for example, in a spirit worthy of Christian chivalry, refused to take advantage of the death of Baldwin the Third to attack the Christians, and paid a generous homage to the worth of his deceased opponent 1 . But it must be remembered, that their more usual practice was to put to death all prisoners who refused to become renegades 2 , and the religion which gave rise to 1 Digby's TancreSus, p. 29. 2 Ibid. pp. 16 and 17 ; Ward, Vol. n. p. 142. CH. I.] INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY, &C. 141 that state of things, which enabled it to be said that '•moral feeling of responsibility, and even moral percep- tion of right and wrong, appear to be well nigh extinct among them 1 ," is not one which, while it remains, can admit of the coexistence in any great degree of the bene- ficial results of Christianity. Even those who went to redeem captives were not exempt from their cruelties 2 ; and every account of shipwreck on Moslem coasts, in all their territories until very recently, and in several up to the present time, presents the same unvarying tale of slavery or death. When nations have so far retrograded as to fall into the state of barbarism which prevailed among the fol- lowers of Mahomet, the first improvement as regards international law is to be sought in the rights of war. It may not be too much to say that most Moslem na- tions have now adopted those more enlightened views regarding these rights held in Christendom, although they are in a great measure strangers to the views which so beneficially regulate the pacific international relations of modern states. This has been owing chiefly to the circumstance that when foreigners first began to reside in Moslem countries they were specially and of necessity exempted by treaty from being under the jurisdiction of the native tribunals. The improvement in the international rights of war among Mahometans derived from their intercourse with 1 Jowett's Christian Researches, p. 251. * Digby's Mores Catholici, Vol. XI. p. 114, &c 142 INFLUENCE OP CHRISTIANITY, &C. [PT. II. Christian nations, has only been comparatively recent and gradual 1 ; but it may be hoped that it will not be the less permanent. At the present time they have given up, in actual practice at least, the strict letter of the Koran, that infidel, i.e. non-Mahometan powers are to be made war upon on account of their religion ; and in commenc- ing war have so far improved as not to begin, as was their custom in former times, by imprisoning the ambas- sadors of the nations with whom they go to war, or by seizing as slaves all their subjects then within their terri- tories. On the contrary, they not unfrequently allow these latter a reasonable time for departure. In carrying on war, Mahometans have also ceased as a general rule to reduce their prisoners to slavery, but otherwise carry it on with much of the ferocity which characterizes its rudest stages. These nations however are now considered to be under the same obligations as those of Christendom to observe the international law of the latter so far as it is applica- ble to them. These latter remarks of course do not apply to the Moslem tribes of the Sahara, who appear to be not at all, or at most very slightly raised above the condition of barbarism into which nearly all African tribes have fallen, 1 "It was not till the year 1828 that Turkey and Persia regularly agreed respecting exchanges, &c. of prisoners." Man- ning's Law of Nations, p. 162. CHAPTEE II. The Influence of Christianity upon the International Law of non- Christian Nations other than Mahometan. The Pagan tribes of Africa can only be said to possess the merest rudiments of an international law, the influence of Christianity upon which has been scarcely perceptible. European Christian nations would only interfere, as a general rule, under circumstances requiring them to pro- tect their own subjects from actual ill-usage, or to punish any violent departure from the more ordinary rules of war- fare. Its influence has thus been very slight and indirect through its previous influence upon the international law of those European nations that have entered into any commercial or other transactions with them. The transactions of Christian states with the inde- pendent Pagan nations of the east of Asia have led to the opening of those countries to their subjects (in a greater or less degree), as well as to obtaining security for them while resident there. These nations have now come under the more ordinary rules of the international law of Christendom; and on account of their religion, with the happiest prospects for their future progress. " For centuries there has been less war in south-eastern Asia than in any other part of the world. The terrible struggles which have disgraced and devastated not only 144 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. II. Africa, America, and western Asia, but even civilized and professedly Christian Europe, have no parallel in the furthest east 1 .'" Continued peace has not, nor is it to be expected that it had, been always preserved in these dif- ferent and numerous Buddhist nations, but the sacredness with which Sakya Muni taught that every form of life was to be regarded has tended greatly to prevent the frequency of wars. The jealousy with which they have regarded Europeans must be attributed to and is justified by the improper and unscrupulous conduct of many of the repre- sentatives and subjects of the nations of Europe. But it is to be hoped that these now entertain more correct views as to the conduct they should pursue, and that the limited opening of the countries now referred to may by proper means lead to further and beneficial international communications. It does not come within the limits of this Essay to treat of the probable results of the present civil war in China, whether as depending on its Christian cha- racter, or on the accession of that nation to the common- wealth of states connected together by the international law of Christendom. Still less as to the possible conse- quences of the driving out of such a large proportion of the population of that country as the Tartar element consists of, with reference to the consequences of former similar revolutions, and the rolling forward thereby caused of Tartar tribes on the countries of the West, further than 1 Calcutta Review, No. 38. Buddhism. CH. II. J ON NON-CHRISTIAN NATIONS. 145 to remark, that every opportunity should be taken of call- ing attention to the danger it may give rise to of a Tartar invasion of other nations, as exemplified by the events which have always hitherto followed consequent upon troubles in central Asia or northern China, viz. the entrance of the Juts into India, the final fall of the whole race of northern barbarians on the declining empire of Rome, and the rise of the monarchies of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane 1 . The peculiar circumstances which caused Japan to adopt a strict policy of non-intercourse with almost all the rest of the world has of necessity hitherto prevented Christianity from exerting any lasting influence on the institutions or usages of that empire. It would be ex- traneous to the subject of this Essay to enter into any discussion respecting the events which led to the adop- tion of this system of policy, but it would appear that the time is not far distant when it will be partially relaxed. It is indeed to be hoped that governments, calling themselves Christian, will prevent any recurrence 1 Estimating the number of the Tartar population of China at 50,000,000, at least 15,000,000 would survive to cross the frontier, and such an increase to the population of Tartary could not fail to produce serious consequences in central Asia. Any conquest of a civilized country by a Tartar invasion is now of course out of the question, yet a Tartar army would en- counter no opposition worth mentioning either in Persia or Asiatic Turkey, and could do a great deal of mischief in an inroad into south-eastern Russia or northern India. (Sept. 1854.) 10 146 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. II. of conduct similar to that which in that country, two centuries ago, reflected such discredit on the subjects of European Nations, as well as on Christian Missionaries and their converts. Little need be said respecting the Tartar tribes. The influence of Christianity as connected with the famous Prester John will not be investigated here ; for if such a person existed as an independent Tartar sovereign, the influence which his conversion may have produced was not permanent ; nor does there appear to be any inter- national transaction in the annals of Tartary which can be ascribed to the influence of Christianity as brought about by Nestorian or other Missionaries. When these tribes have left their native deserts, they have always exhibited the same barbarity of manners. The independent islands of the Pacific Ocean which have made any progress in civilization, owe that progress entirely to their conversion to Christianity, and have adopted, so far as it is applicable to them, the interna- tional law of Christendom. The islands which yet remain pagan are becoming gradually converted, and the differ- ence produced by the influence of Christianity with regard to the international usages observed by their inhabitants may be perceived by contrasting their present with their former conduct towards other people. The influence of Christianity upon the international law of the aboriginal nations of America may be thus stated: The semi-civilized empires of the Mexicans, CH. II.] ON NON-CHRISTIAN NATIONS. 147 Muycas and Peruvians, had no means of deriving any advantages from this source while they remained independent. The corrupted form in which Christianity was introduced among them by the Spaniards, and the flagrant disregard evinced by that people of the precepts of the religion they nominally professed, could not but have had a prejudicial effect ; and the general conduct of the Peruvians was more in accordance with the teaching of the Gospel than that of the con- querors. These remarks likewise apply to the inhabit- ants of most of the West India islands. The Cherokees, Creeks, and Choctaws, who have, for the most part, embraced the religion of Christendom, have also with their conversion adopted, in a great measure, its civilization. But though the mode of warfare of the non- Christian Indian tribes of North America has been in some slight degree modified by their connexion with Christian nations, its improvement was considerably re- tarded by the circumstance of their being employed as allies and auxiliaries by European nations in their wars on that continent, and having thus had their barbarous customs encouraged. Lord Chatham's reprobation of the conduct of the English Government during the American war has been already referred to. In regard to the South American nations, not hitherto mentioned, there is no circumstance which calls for observation here, because the chief event that has oc- curred in respect to them, the change produced in the manners of the tribes on the Paraguay, by the Jesuit 10—2 148 INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY [PT. II. missions 1 , though a matter of considerable interest, is not one of any international importance. In conclusion, it may be observed generally, that the progress of all these non-Christian nations was greatly impeded on account of their but too often coming in contact with the outcasts of Christendom, and by reason of the distrust the conduct of these strangers very naturally produced. Christian governments also showed a reckless disregard of the unhappy and deplorable events to which the unprincipled conduct of these their subjects too frequently led. The influence of Christianity as regards the inter- national law of these non-Christian states is to be deduced from its previous influence on that of the European na- tions which have had transactions with them, as well as on the general manners of the latter, who, though they have in their dealings with these nations too often neg- lected and disregarded the precepts of the religion they profess, yet by means of their civilization, which is con- stantly progressive, have to a certain extent indirectly introduced the influence of Christian principles. Of the foregoing nations those that were formerly and those that are now .much advanced in material civiliza- tion may be also described as being stationary, and not progressive. Their manners towards strangers and in war were mild, and they were acquainted with, and more or less observant of, those general maxims of international law 1 Southey's History of Brazil, ch. 23, 24. CH. II.] ON NON-CHRISTIAN NATIONS. 149 which are found practised by every community not sunk into utter barbarism. But at the same time these maxims contained no principles from whence future improvement might be deduced. This want their intercourse with Christian powers has supplied ; and though in many cases the conduct of Europeans has been productive of evil results, these have been of transient effect, and their worst consequence has been the retarding of this improve- ment. As regards the more barbarous nations, they have, in their dealings with European powers, been in some degree taught or constrained to abandon their ordinary cruel mode of warfare, and to treat strangers with kind- ness ; and a basis has thus been afforded by which they may eventually have extended among them the advan- tages and benefits occasioned by the international law of Christendom. Though it is true that, without the religion the civilization of Europe, in its entirety, cannot be received by heathen nations 1 , yet our international law may be in- troduced among them in many and very essential points. By thus extending its benefits even to those who reject its truth, Christianity manifests both its evidence and excellence; and by its influence upon this important branch of jurisprudence, shows the valuable assistance which it has rendered and continues to render in pro- moting the happiness and progress of the human race. 1 Heeren's Political System of Europe, Vol. n. p. 391. CONCLUSION. We have seen how western Europe gradually emerged from the confusion caused by the barbarian conquest, mainly through the influence of Christianity; how its international law became settled in the seventeenth cen- tury after the publication of the work of Grotius; and how great has been the influence of Christianity, both on the sources from whence that international law has been derived, and on the circumstances which determined its precise form and character. We have seen that the other nations of the world have more or less adopted the rules of the international law of western Christendom, which has, therefore, in a greater degree than any pre- vious system, become that of the world. The improve- ment thus wrought in international law is one, and certainly not the least, of those many blessings which Christianity has conferred upon mankind, and is, indeed, the necessary result of its principles. For, in the language of the first of English philosophers, there never was "any philosophy, religion, or other discipline which did so plainly and highly exalt the good which is communicative, and depress the good which is private and particular, as the Holy Faith 1 ." 1 Bacon's Advancement of Learning, Book u. Action and Contemplation. APPENDIX. I. On the phrase " International Jus." The phrase by which the subject-matter of this Essay- can be designated, whether the law of nations or the more appropriate modern one of international law, must have appeared in several instances as not express- ing what was intended. This is the case with all treatises on this subject, and arises from the word "law," often con- veying a different meaning from that which is sought to be expressed. Law has the signification of a rule of action fixed and determinate ; whereas international law is in a great measure made up of unsettled and disputed points and arbitrary usages, differing widely in different parts of the earth. And though it is the tendency of increasing civilization to render it more and more deter- minate, yet the world consists of " sets of nations," many of which are not far advanced in material civilization, to whose ill-defined international law the word can scarcely be applied. Jus Feciale, while it could hardly have expressed all that would be meant by such a phrase in imperial Rome, 152 APPENDIX. would be far from doing so now, while the law of nature and of nations is ambiguous, being vague, as well as not expressing the subject. Dr Zouch appears first to have suggested the more proper designation, the title of his work being " Juris et Judicii fecialis sive Juris inter Gentes; " and this was probably borrowed by a person of the legal learning of the chancellor D'Aguesseau, and afterwards adopted from him by Bentham 1 . But the phrase is neverthe- less open to objection, the signification of the term "international law" not being coextensive with the branch of jurisprudence of which it is the title, nor does it state the exact meaning intended. It may indeed be admitted that this phrase is preferable to the term " law of nations," and well adapted for the present for popular use ; but for purposes of philosophical accu- racy the author would much prefer another phrase, which an eminent living writer has suggested, namely, " international jus 2 ." II. On the Middle Ages. To prevent misapprehension the following observa- tions are offered respecting the light in which the middle ages have been regarded. The disorders and 1 Wheaton's History of the Lam of Nations, p. 101. 2 Whewell's Elements of Morality, Book vi. ch. i. 1049. APPENDIX. 153 confusions of those times have been considered as the continuation of those of preceding ages : the vast efforts for amelioration which then took place, as the peculiar characteristic of the time. Cruel and grievous oppres- sions prevailed, but not such as are to be found in the history of the barbarian conquest, as well as an enthu- siasm for all that is good, and a deep-seated religious feeling, though often misplaced, to which the world had before been a stranger, and which has never been since revived on so grand a scale. What may now be the case with individuals was then the general rule of action : openly avowed by all and practised by the great majo- rity. All the institutions of the 13th and 14th centuries tended to this direction. The causes which led to their failure to produce permanent commensurate results have been touched upon so far as the subject of this Essay required ; and it is unnecessary to enter into further details here. But though the middle ages were thus distinguished, and they in this manner so completely supplied what was then wanted, there can be nothing more fallacious than to attempt to revive mediaeval cus- toms, institutions, or usages. These were so connected together that they cannot be separately revived or restored ; and the vast changes that have taken place in society during the last three centuries would, even if such were possible, render them wholly unsuited to the pre- sent time. Excellent as the great institutions of the middle ages were, they were incapable of preserving 154 APPENDIX. their original form, and in many cases degenerated into systems of polity which were decidedly mischievous. The spirit which gave rise to them is all that we could wish to see revived in the present day. III. Turkish Firmans in regard to the Circassian Slave-trade. With reference to the remarks and observations con- tained in the first part of this Essay (Chapters toi, and ix. sec. 1) respecting the encouragement of slavery by the Koran, and especially the Circassian slave-trade, the author avails himself of this opportunity to subjoin copies of the French version of two Turkish firmans relative to this traffic, which have been lately published. Firman. (Traduction.) Firman adresse* a Moustafa Pacha, Commandant de l'Armee Imperiale de Batoum, charge' aussi de la defense des cotes de Sohoum, et decore de l'Ordre Imperial de Medjidiy6 de la premiere classe. A toi mon Vizir, L'on vient d'apprendre et de constater qu'il y a des gens qui prennent de la Georgie des enfants et des femmes, et les vendent en disant que ce sont des esclaves. APPENDIX. 155 Je n'ai pas besoin de dire que ce procfide' est tres blamable et abominable. Independamment de cela, c'est aussi une chose contre le point d'honneur et contre l'hu- manit£, et c'est pourquoi j'ai donn€ des ordres que desor- mais ce proced6 soit rigoureusement prohib6 dans ces pays la, et que tout individu qui aura eu l'audace de faire une chose pareille soit sur le champ severement puni. En consequence, le present commandement Im- perial est eman6 de mon Divan Imperial et exp6di6 pour publier mes ordres souverains. Inform*; que tu seras de ce dont il s'agit tu porteras a la connaissance de tous ceux qu'il faudra dans ce pays la mes ordres souverains, et dorenavant, comme il a ei6 dit plus haut, si un cas pareil se produit le vendeur ainsi que l'acheteur soit imm6diatement puni de la nuuiir.ro la plus rigoureuse. Tu prendras done les mesures les plus energiques afin que chacun sachant avec quelle rigueur l'achat et la vente d'esclaves sont prohibes, personne n'aye l'audace de faire cette chose abominable ; tu feras, done, tout ton possible en faisant les recherches necessaires de decouvrir les femmes et les enfants qui se trouvent au pouvoir de tel ou de tel autre individu, et de les faire consigner a leurs families. Des lettres Vizirielles ont 6t6 expedites au Pacha de Trebizonde et aux Gouvernements des Districts de Djanih et de Lazistan contenant des instructions a 1'efFet que les femmes et les enfants ainsi enleves ne puissent pas passer par terre dans l'interieur de l'Anatolie ou 156 APPENDIX. d6barquer dans aucune partie, et vous serez constam- ment en communication avec ces fonctionnaires sur cette matiere importante. Tu ajouteras foi au noble chiffre dont est d6cor6 le present commandement Imperial, donn6 dans la premiere dizaine du mois de Moharrem, l'an 1271 (le 1 Octobre, 1854). Firman. (Traduction.) Firman adresse a Moustafa Pacha, Commandant de l'Armee Imperiale de Batoum, charge 1 aussi de la defense des c6tes de Sohoum, et decora de l'Ordre Imperial de Medjidiye" de la premiere classe. A toi mon Vizir, L'homme est la plus noble de toutes les creatures sorties des mains de Dieu, qui l'a destine a e"tre heureux, en lui accordant la gr&ce de naitre naturellement libre. Mais, contrairement a sa destination primitive et for- tunee, les Circassiens se sont fait une 6trange habitude de vendre les enfants et leurs parents en qualite d'esclaves, et m^me, ce qui se pratique parmi quelques Circassiens, de voler les uns les enfants des autres, et de les vendre comme des animaux et des merchandises. Or ces process, vraiment incompatibles avec la dignity de l'homme et contraires a la volont6 du Souve- rain Createur, sont extrgmement mauvais et blamables, et je les condamne aussi completement. C'est pour- APPENDIX. 157 quoi je viens d'ordonner, qu'a l'effet d'empgcher cet 6tat de choses, on donne des conseils efficaces et les ordres necessaires et analogues aux Circassiens; qu'en meme temps on prenne des mesures pour empgcher l'em- barquement d'esclaves dans les Schelles qu'il faut pour cela ; et qu'on fasse savoir ce dont il s'agit a toutes les autorit^s militaires et civiles de ces environs la. En consequence, le present illustre firman est 6mane" expres de mon Divan Imperial pour publier mes ordres souverains a cet egard. Toi, done, Mouchir susmentionn£, inform^ que tu seras de ce que j'ordonne, tu proc6deras avec ce zele qui te caracterise, et cette grande intelligence qui te distingue, a porter ma volont6 souveraine a la connais- sance des Circassiens, et de tous ceux qu'il faudra, en la publiant de la maniere la plus detaillee ; tu feras tout ce que ton savoir-faire et ta sagacity te suggereront pour mettre fin, en donnant et faisant exeeuter les ordres neces- saires, a l'usage illegal et abominable de vendre les enfants et leurs parents ; tu prendras les mesures necessaires pour empe"cher le passage d'esclaves et leur embarquement dans les 6chelles qu'il faut pour cela ; et en outre, comme il est necessaire de punir ceux qui, en contraven- tion a ces ordres, sont coupables de la vente de leurs parents, ou du vol des parents et des enfants d'autrui, ou qui d^sirent les exporter au dehors apres les avoir achates, vous ne negligerez en aucune maniere ce point ; enfin, tu mettras tous tes soins a faire tout ce que 158 APPENDIX. ci-dessus, et tu ajouteras foi au noble chiffre dont est decor6 le present commandement Imperial, donn6 dans la seconde dizaine du mois de Moukharem, l'an 1271 (commencement d'Octobre, 1854). — Slave-Trade Papers (laid before Parliament), Vol. B. pp. 610, 611. 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