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Cornell University Library 
 eoc Dc-7 -mnn 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 1924 077 144 123 
 
THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 A Summary Account of their Ethnographical, 
 Historical and Political Conditions 
 
 BIC 
 
 FERDINAND BLUMENTRITT 
 
 Professor of Ethnology , Scientific School, Leitmeritz, Bohemia. 
 
 WITH AN APPENDIX CONTAINING 
 
 The Constitution of the Philippine Republic 
 
 AUTHORIZED TRANSLATION FROM 
 
 Virchow's Sammlung Wissenschaftlicher Vortraege. 
 (Verlagsanstalt und Druckerei A. G., Hamburg, 1900.) 
 
 BY 
 
 DAVID J. DOHERTY, A. M., M. D.. 
 
 CHICAGO: 
 
 DONOHUE E|RqTH:pR.<J, , 
 
 1900, , 
 
COPYRIGHTED 1 900 BY 
 
 David J. Doherty, A. M., M. D. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Translator's Preface 4 
 
 Author's Letter 6 
 
 Note on the Author . 7-8 
 
 The Philippines . . . 9 
 
 I. Geography 9 
 
 II. Population . . 12 
 
 1. Negritos . . .... 13 
 
 2. Pagan Malays-. ... .... 15 
 
 3. Mohammedan Malays .... . 21 
 
 4. Christian or Civilized Malays .... 24 
 
 5. Spaniards, Chinese and Mixed Breeds . 31 
 
 III. History 34 
 
 1. Early Period 34 
 
 2. The Last Century of Spanish Rule . . 39 
 
 3. Recent Events ... ... 53 
 
 IV. American Blunders 58 
 
 Appendix 63 
 
 I The Constitution of the Philippine Re- 
 public 63 
 
 ■5 Clauses from the Protocol and the Treaty 
 
 of Peace; the Bacon Resolution . . 67 
 
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 It is'Onlv a few weeks since I received the author's per- 
 mission to translate this jjamphlet. Aly work is accurate, 
 though hurried. It was deemed necessary to give to my 
 countrymen before election day the opportunity of learn- 
 ing the opinions of a scholar who spent many years among 
 the Filipinos, and who, by reason of his standing as a 
 teacher of ethnolog}', is competent to speak about their 
 ripeness for independence. 
 
 A friend has said to me : "Why, the American people 
 won't stand for anything wrong." I know that the heart 
 of our people is right — but we must use our heads to sa^-e 
 the heart from too great strain. It is usually more easy 
 to get into trouble than to get out of it, and going blindly 
 ahead is, not the best way out. 
 
 The question of slavery could have been easily settled 
 at the foundation of our government. But vested inter- 
 ests and a fatuous laisscc-faire polic}^ stood in the way. 
 For a century that question frequentl}' startled the coun- 
 try "like a fire bell in the night" until finally it was settled 
 right at an immense cost of life and treasure, and to the 
 jeopard)' of our very government. 
 
 .Vozi' is the time to settle the question of dependent 
 colonies. \\'e wrong our children by leaving the trouble 
 to them and their children. 
 
 Lieutenant Gilmore, who spent eight months a captive 
 in the hands of the Filipinos, states in his Memoirs that 
 at every village and halting place he was asked by natives. 
 "W'hy are the Americans, our former friends, now fight- 
 ing us?" 
 
 That is a question which our citizens also have a duty 
 to ask. It is a question which history will ask. It is a 
 question which the Supreme Judge of Nations and of 
 
— 5— 
 
 men will ask ot "the soul of the great White Chief when 
 he stands at the bar of God." 
 
 Let every intellectually honest man who has read the 
 Declaration of Independence, and who understands the 
 spirit of this republican government, put the question to 
 his conscience ! The answer depends on the answer to 
 these questions : 
 
 Have we a right to tax an alien people without repre- 
 sentation ? 
 
 Have we a right to govern them without their consent? 
 
 Have we any more right to make a colony than to make 
 a king? 
 
 D. J. D. 
 
AUTHOR'S LETTER. 
 
 Leitmeritz, Bohemia, Sept. lo. 1900. 
 
 Dear Doctor: Many thanks for your kindness in the 
 matter of my brochure. I am still more pleased that you 
 are one of those Americans who cling to the noble tra- 
 ditions of Franklin and Washington to free peoples and 
 not to subjugate them. 
 
 If I had thought that my pamphlet would become 
 known and read in America I would have softened some 
 expressions which may perchance wound the Americans. 
 Fortiter in re et suavitcr in modo. 
 
 I have lived in intimacy with the political leaders of 
 the Filipino people and I know thoroughly Philippine 
 political conditions. I know how rock-fast was the faith 
 of the Filipinos in the nobility of the American people 
 whose mission it was, they thought, to free them from the 
 Spanish yoke. If they had had the faintest suspicion that 
 the United States meant to annex the archipelago they 
 would have taken the side of the Spaniards and would 
 have defended the Spanish flag. Not a single Filipino 
 musket would have been fired for the purpose of acquiring 
 the Philippines for America, thereby exchanging a Span- 
 ish for an American master. Sincerely yours, 
 
 F. Blumentritt. 
 
KOTE ON THE AUTHOB. 
 
 Ferdinand Blumentritt was born in Prague, Bohemia, 
 on September lo, 1853. He spent a number of years in 
 the Orient making special studies of the Malayan races. 
 He is a member of the Berliner Gesellschaft fuer Anthro- 
 pologic, Ethnologic and Urgeschichtc, in the proceedings 
 of which his name often appears. 
 
 During his long stay in the Philippines he became inti- 
 mately acquainted with the leading Filipinos. In par- 
 ticular Dr. Rizal was a close friend, and on the night 
 before execution wrote him this note : 
 
 "My brother! When you receive this I shall be dead. 
 I am to be shot to-morrow morning at 7 o'clock. I am 
 innocent of the crime of participating in the revolt. I die 
 with an easy conscience. Farewell, my best, my dearest 
 friend ! Think only good of me." 
 
 Prof. Blumentritt not only translated several of his 
 friend's works, but wrote an eulogy of him and published 
 Rizal's defense of the Filipinos in the International Archiv 
 fuer Ethnographic (vol. 10). 
 
 Blumentritt is at present professor of ethnology in the 
 Real-schule at Leitmeritz. The following are some of his 
 writings : 
 
 Translation of Dr. Rizal's Noli Me Tangere, 1889. 
 Consideraciones acerca de la actual Situacion Politica de 
 
 Filipinas, 1889. 
 Las Razas del Archipielago Filipino, 1890. 
 Filipinas — Problema Fundamental, 1892. 
 Translation of Dr. de Tavera's edition of an old MS. 
 (A. D. 1589) of Father de Placentia, entitled, "Die 
 Sitten und Gebraueche deralten Tagalen," published 
 
 ^n Ztschft fuer Ethnologic, Berlin, 1893. 
 
 —7— 
 
— 8— 
 
 Diccionario mitologico de Filipinas, 1890. 
 
 Edition of Katechismus der Katholischen Glaubenslehre 
 
 in der Ilongoten-sprache herausgegeben von P. Fray 
 
 Francisco de la Zurza, in Druck gelegt und mit 
 
 equivalenten des Ilongot-textes in Spanischer bezw. 
 
 tagal und magindanaischer Sprache. 1893. 
 An article in the Deutsche Rundschau, Berlin, July, 1898, 
 
 zur Geschichte des Separatismus der Spanischen Col- 
 
 onien. 
 An article (translated )in the Popular Science Monthly, 
 
 August, 1899, on Race Problems in the Philippine 
 
 Islands. 
 The article of the Encyclopedia Britannica on the Phil- 
 ippine' Islands uses Blumentritt's authority freely and 
 quotes his Versii.ch einenr JEthnograpJde der Philippiiieii 
 (1882), and his Bibliogi^aphie der Philippinen (1882). 
 Dr. D. G. Brinton, of Philadelphia, the most prominent 
 American ethnologist, calls Prof. Blumentritt "the great- 
 est living scientific authority on the Philippines." 
 Whilst clearly not an admirer of the Anglo-Saxon, Prof. 
 Blumentritt's scientific knowledge, his man3'^ years resi- 
 dence in the Philippines up to the fall of Manila, and 
 his intimate acquaintance with all classes of Filipinos, 
 entitle him to be heard on the question, Are the Filipinos 
 at this time ripe for independence? 
 
THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 I. GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 The Philippines form the northernmost part of the 
 Malayan archipelago. They consist of more than a 
 thousand large and small islands divided into several 
 groups, namely, Luzon with the Babuyan and Batan isl- 
 ands, which constitute a connection with Formosa; Min- 
 danao ; the Visayan islands, which lie between Luzon and 
 Mindanao; Palauan and the Sulu islands. These latter 
 seem to connect Mindanao with Borneo, just as Palauan 
 brings them into relation with the main part of the Philip- 
 pines. The Saragani islands, which lie before the south- 
 ern end of Mindanao, lead through the Talaut group 
 to the Moluccas and through the Sangir islands to the 
 Celebes. 
 
 In round numbers, the Philippines possess an area of 
 295,000 square kilometres (113,000 square miles), so 
 that they are somewhat larger than Italy. Luzon, the 
 largest island, contains 106,400 square kilometres (about 
 40,000 square miles) and is consequently larger than 
 Bavaria, Wurtemberg and Hesse together. In descend- 
 ing series are Mindanao with 89,700 sq. km. (35,000 
 square miles), or equal to Bavaria and Baden together; 
 Panay, containing 17,400 sq. km. (6,000 square 
 miles), about the size of Saxony and Saxon Meihingen; 
 Palauan, with 14,000 sq. km. (5,000 square miles).; 
 which equals Alsace and Lorraine ; Samar and the some- 
 what smaller Negros, each about 12,500 sq. km. 
 (over 4,000. square miles), being a little smaller than 
 Mecklenberg-Schwerin ; Mindoro, 10,000 sq.' km. (less 
 than- 4,000 square miles), equaling Carinthia; Leyte, 
 9,200 sq. km. (about 3,500 square miles), somewhat 
 
 —9— 
 
—10— 
 
 smaller than the Saxon-Ernestine country; Cebu, 4,200 
 sq. km. (about 1,500 square miles), equaling Saxony- 
 Coburg-Gotha and Saxony-Meiningen ; Bohol, 3,000 
 sq. km., which equals Mecklenburg-Strelitz,* etc. 
 
 All these islands are mountainous, there being only two 
 large plains, one on Luzon stretching from the gulf of 
 Lingayen to the bay of Manila, and the other on Mindanao 
 at the lower end of the Rio Grande. A part of the valley 
 of Agusan, which is also on Alindanao, might likewise be 
 counted among the great plains. The mountains rise to 
 considerable elevation, ranging from 2,000 to 3,000 
 metres. As far as reliance may be placed on surveys thus 
 far made and as far as the country has been well explored, 
 it seems that the volcano Apo on Mindanao is the highest 
 mountain on the archipelago, for its peak is 3,300 metres 
 above sea level. The mention of this mountain reminds us 
 that the Philippines contain many active as well as extin- 
 guished volcanoes, although the theory that the islands 
 are of volcanic origin is not substantiated, because the 
 evidences of volcanic action are not pronounced. Earth- 
 iquakes also are of frequent occurrence. 
 
 The rivers of the Philippines are noted for their navi- 
 gability. On Luzon the most important are the Rio 
 Grande de Cagayan with its confluents, the Rio Chico and 
 the Magat, the Rio del Abra, the Agno, the Rio Grande de 
 la Pampanga and the Pasig. The last named is small 
 but navigable for steamers. It flows out of the large lake 
 Laguna de Bay and at its mouth Manila, the chief city of 
 the archipelago, is situated. On Mindanao, the Rio 
 Grande de Mindanao (or the Pulangi), the Agusan and 
 the Tagum should be mentioned. The Pulangi receives 
 the waters of two large lakes, Liguasan and Buluan, 
 whilst the Agusan flows through a chain of lakes. Min- 
 danao well deserves its name, "Land of Lakes," because 
 besides these it also possesses Mainit lake and lake Lanao, 
 which empties its waters through the Agus into the sea. 
 On Luzon are found basins which contain water only 
 
 *The American reader will better grasp comparisons with our 
 own States. The area of the entire archipelago is about the size 
 of Arizona or New Mexico. Luzon is about the size of Kentucky, 
 Mindanao as large as Indiana, Panay somewhat smaller than New 
 Jersey, Samar and Negros each nearly as large as Connecticut, 
 Leyte larger and Cebu smaller than Delaware, etc. — Tr. 
 
—11— 
 
 during the rainy season. They are called Pinak, and the 
 most notable of them is the pinak of Candaba. 
 
 The Philippines lie in the region of the monsoon and 
 are often swept by typhoons. In general, their climate is 
 considered healthy and only the coast regions of the 
 southern islands have a bad reputation. Nevertheless 
 the Spanish military authorities believed the southern 
 parts to be healthier than Cuba. 
 
 The islands are rich in gold and other ores. Some 
 experts declare them to be very auriferous ; at any rate, 
 gold has been discovered in many places. Thus far the 
 richest finds have been the mines of Paracali and the 
 placers of the Igorrotes, all on Luzon; but Mindanao is 
 thought to have more numerous and richer districts, 
 though it has been very little prospected. The copper 
 mines of Mancayan and the iron' mines of Norzagaray and 
 Angat (Luzon) have been worked, whilst coal is dug on 
 Cebu. On the whole the mineral wealth of the country 
 was but little developed under the Spanish regime be- 
 cause that government did not encourage mining enter- 
 prises and, by its bureaucratic regulations and the ignor- 
 ance of its officials, even hindered foreign and domestic 
 capital from investing in such undertakings. Now that 
 these hindrances have been removed we shall soon learn 
 whether the wealth of the archipelago in metals and coal' 
 has been over estimated or not. 
 
 Be that as it may, the flora of the islands has much more 
 value for international commerce than the treasures which 
 may be extracted from beneath their surface. Especially 
 tobacco, sugar, hemp and coffee constitute and will con- 
 tinue to constitute their greatest wealth. Next to these 
 chief articles rank the valuable woods which the forests 
 supply. Dye and cabinet woods abound, and all that is 
 needed to cause a great development of the lumber busi- 
 ness is better roads from the interior to the coasts. The 
 perfume plants are also worthy of mention, the ilang- 
 ilang tree (Anonacea) being the best known. Whatever 
 grows in the Dutch East Indies can also be grown in the 
 Philippines, and if there is any difference in this respect 
 between the two countries it is due to the Spanish system 
 of government and not to the climate or soil or to any 
 peculiarity of the inhabitants. , . 
 
—12— 
 
 The fauna of the archipelago (especially the birds) 
 interests us here only so far as it concerns commerce. Wax 
 is the principal raw product of the animal kingdom, and 
 trepang is the chief article in the export trade to China. 
 Tortoise shells and pearls should also be mentioned, but 
 they are of much less importance than the articles just 
 named. 
 
 II. POPULATION. 
 
 When the Spaniards discovered the Philippines (A. D. 
 1 52 1 )and took possession of them (A. D. 1565-84 )they 
 distinguished three classes of inhabitants — negrillos, in- 
 dios and nioros. The negrillos were the black primitive 
 people whom to-day we call negritos. By indios and moras 
 were meant the coast Malays, the former name attaching 
 to the pagans and the latter to the Mohammedans. 
 
 At that time Islamism was making its triumphal marcli 
 through the archipelago. The chiefs and nobles on Min- 
 danao, the Visayas and southern Luzon had already ac- 
 cepted the teachings of Mahomet, and it was gaining a 
 foothold also among the common people. But the re- 
 ligious zeal of the Spaniards was soon able to win the 
 Indios to Christianity and to confine Mohammedanism 
 to the southern portion of the archipelago. Having sub- 
 dued the coast Malays, the Spaniards discovered the 
 mountain Malays, who, strong in barbaric power, refused 
 to submit themselves to Christ, the Catholic King of 
 Spain and European civilization, and who, even to this 
 day, for the most part maintain the belief and customs of 
 their forefathers. 
 
 As the, coast Malays quickly adopted Christian ideas 
 the name indio came to mean Christian and civilized 
 Malay, whilst the wild mountain Malays were called in- 
 Heles or pagans. This Spanish classification corresponds 
 with the actual three grades of civilization into which at 
 the present time the native population of Malayan origin 
 is divided — the Christian European Malays (indios), the 
 Mohammedan Malays {nioros) and the pagan or primi- 
 tive Malays (i/nfides). 
 
 The Spaniards also encountered Chinese merchant ves- 
 sels in Manila bay and among the Visayan islands, and 
 
—13— 
 
 Japanese corsairs in northern Luzon, and as soon as the 
 Spanish dominion was firmly established numerous trad- 
 ers of both these Asiatic peoples settled in the chief trad- 
 ing places, especially in Manila. The Japanese disap- 
 peared from the archipelago when Japan was closed to the 
 outside world, but the Chinese have remained to the 
 present day. Only men, however, migrated thither, and 
 the most of these returned to their native land after accu- 
 mulating a modest competence. Children born of the 
 marriages of Chinamen and Filipino women were for- 
 merly called mestizos de sangley* but to-day simply 
 Chinese mestizos. 
 
 Comparatively few Spaniards went to the archipelago, 
 so that there did not develop there that powerful and in- 
 fluential Creole caste which arose so rapidly in Spanish 
 America. The offspring of Spanish men and native 
 women were at first called mestizos privelegiados, but 
 now simply Spanish mestizos. Other elements of the 
 population, for example, Mexican and Peruvian Indians 
 (such as discharged soldiers who settled there), or indi- 
 vidual Arabs (in Sulu) may be disregarded. Having 
 thus viewed the population as a whole, we proceed to con- 
 sider more closely the different races that compose it. 
 
 I. NEGRITOS. 
 
 As already stated, the Negritos are the remnants of 
 the original inhabitants of the islands. Their woolly hair 
 even more than their dark skin distinguishes these smal} 
 people from the other races. Of their various native 
 names that of Aetas is the most widely spread. Their 
 social condition and roving habits remind us of the gypsies 
 scattered throughout Europe, although they are not so 
 homeless as the European wanderers. Their roving is 
 limited to a definite area, so that it may be said that, al- 
 though they have no fixed habitation, they still have a 
 home, or rather a hunting ground, within the limits -of 
 which they roam about seeking food. 
 
 These displaced owners of the archipelago have not 
 maintained themselves in all the islands, for they are not 
 found in the eastern Visayas, the Sulus or the Babuyanes 
 and Batan islands. Throughout the other islands they are 
 
 *Sangley is a Spanish name for Chinese traders in the Philip- 
 pines. — Tr. 
 
—14— 
 
 scattered in small tribes separated from one another b}- 
 other races. Only in two places do they occupy large, com- 
 pact areas, one on the northern part of the east coast of 
 Luzon (where they are called Dumagat or Dumagas) and 
 the other on Mindanao in the mountainous region south 
 of lake Mainit (where they are known as Mamanuas, i. e., 
 the people of the country, the autocthoni ) . The paucity 
 of their number even in these places may be seen by the 
 ;estimate of the strength of the Dumagat at between 2,000 
 and 3,000 individuals, and that of the Mamanuas at about 
 the same. According to several concordant estimates, 
 the total figure of all the Negritos cannot much exceed 
 20,000. 
 
 Though the clothing of the Negritos is limited to the 
 breech-clout much attention is paid to personal decoration, 
 which consists in tattooing and the use of bracelets and 
 earrings made of roots, kernels, rattan, etc. The men 
 wear a garter made of bristles of the wild boar. Their 
 principal weapon is the bow and arrow, but they also use ■ 
 the cutlass, which they obtain, by means of barter, from 
 the Christians. A simple screen or roof to protect from 
 the wind or storm serves as a house. But in regions where 
 they have been influenced by contact with Malay neigh- 
 bors they use poor huts and to some extent attempt the 
 cultivation of field produce. In general they live by 
 hunting and fishing and on wild fruits. They are not at 
 all. dainty in their choice of food, eating even the larvae 
 of the bees whose wax is their chief article of exchange. 
 
 Their small hordes are ruled by the elders, who arbi- 
 trate their quarrels. They are monogamous and enjoy 
 a good reputation for morality. Like our gypsies they 
 are considered to be untameable, but on this point a final 
 judgment is not justifiable. They are represented as good 
 natured but revengeful, and they are both feared and de- 
 spised by their Christian neighbors. They are pagans, 
 and only those hordes that have sunk both morally and 
 physically can be induced by means of gifts to be cate- 
 chized or baptized. However, on Mindanao the Jesuits 
 have demonstrated that earnest efiforts can accomplish 
 much for them, for they succeeded in converting a con- 
 siderable number of the Mamanuas and in inducing them 
 to settle in fixed habitations and to undertake agriculture. 
 
—15— 
 
 Scarcely an}i;hing is known about their religion, nor is 
 the question as to their language settled. The modern 
 Negritos speak idioms which are closely related to those 
 of their Malay neighbors, and it would seem that their 
 original language has been lost. To sum up, the Negritos 
 may be said to be a race destined to perish. 
 
 II. HEATHEN MALAYS. 
 
 Except Samar, Leyte, Bohol and the islands off the 
 east coast of Luzon all the larger islands are occupied in 
 their mountainous interior by Malay races which either 
 still preserve the beliefs of their pagan ancestors or have 
 only in recent times been partially won to Christianity. 
 
 On Luzon we find, first of all, the head hunting tribes 
 of the Igorrotes, Kianganes, Mayoyaos, Isinayas, Apoy- 
 aos, Ginaanes, Ibilaos and others who are settled in the 
 mountain districts of the north. The mongolian type 
 can be traced in their physique, and this has led to the 
 opinion that they are descendants of Chinese or Japanese 
 pirates — an opinion which though widely accepted is un- 
 founded. They are generally of stronger build than the 
 coast Malays. They live in small villages and sometimes, 
 like the ancient Germans or the modern Boers, on family 
 farms. 
 
 The Igorrotes who occupy the cooler highlands build 
 pine huts raised on posts. The interior is black with soot 
 and the exterior is decorated with hunting trophies such 
 as the skulls of wild beasts. The climate compels more 
 attention to clothing. The breech-cloth, the sarong and 
 the jacket are insufficient, and an additional "plaid-like 
 garment is worn as a protection against cold and wet. 
 For head covering a head band or a cap made from rattan 
 and woven differently in different tribes is worn. The 
 manner of dressing the hair is also different in different 
 tribes. The mountain Malay cannot be thought of with- 
 out his weapon, for he always carries at least a large 
 woodman's knife which sometimes (as among the Igor- 
 rotes) is hung from a finely decorated belt. Out of doors 
 the Igorrote is hardly ever without his spear, and the 
 shield and battle-axe complete his armament for the war- 
 path. The Ibilaos (or Ilongotes) are the only ones who 
 use the bow and arrow in battle. The tomahawk (called 
 Liua) used by the mountain tribes of northwestern Luzon 
 
—16— 
 
 has a projecting thorn for spitting the heads of fallen 
 enemies. As already said, most of these tribes are head- 
 hunters like the Dyaks of Borneo. In war and in blood 
 feuds the heads of the fallen foes are cut off and pre- 
 served as highly prized spoils. 
 
 The home bringing of enemies' heads is also part of 
 the celebration at weddings and funeral feasts. As far 
 as possible the Spaniards have checked this practice, but 
 only in small districts like Benguet have they been able to 
 entirely suppress it. In relief to this barbarous custom 
 these people have many fine traits of character. They 
 surpass all other races in the archipelago, even the sancti- 
 monious whites, in honor and veracity. Amongst most of 
 the tribes the chastity of maidens is carefully guarded, and 
 in some all the young girls are kept together till marriage 
 in a large house where, guarded by old women, the}' are 
 taught the industries of their sex, such as weaving, pleat- 
 ing, making cloth from the bark of trees, etc. The Kian- 
 ganes, Mayoyaos and other tribes in the interior show 
 marked industry in the cultivation of their fields. The 
 steepness of the country compels them with great labor 
 to build their rice fields in terraces — a task worthy of all 
 praise, ^^'here the climate does not favor the cultivation 
 of rice they grow maize, and certain tubers like Gabi 
 (Colocasii antiquoruin, Schott) or Ubi {Dioscorca aJata, 
 J^idal) or Camote {Convoknilus batatas, Blanco).* 
 
 Hunting and fishing occupy a secondary place after 
 agriculture, which is neglected only by such tribes as are 
 mixed with negro blood or such as have been forced by 
 circumstances away from their own habitats ; like, for 
 example, the Ilongotes of central Luzon or the various 
 Cimarrones tribes of the Camarines peninsula. Strano-e 
 to say, none of these tribes practice cattle breeding. Their 
 domestic animals are the hog, the hen and the dog, the 
 latter being used not only for hunting purposes, but also 
 as an article of food. They seldom possess caribou-buf- 
 faloes or cows. The horse is a rarity among them, but 
 is finally used as food. 
 
 Their religion is based on ancestral worship, which 
 also favors head-hunting. Their gods, the chief of whom 
 
 *These are esculent roots like the turnip and yam or sweet potato 
 — Tr. 
 
—17— 
 
 is Buni or Kabunian, are invisible. They have no idols, 
 but they honor old and tall trees (especially the Ficus 
 indica) as the dwelling place of the gods and spirits. In 
 this they resemble the ancient Germans, as also in the 
 fact that women are admitted to the priestly and seer 
 castes. These priestesses play an important part in the 
 treatment of diseases. Religious and profane feasts are 
 celebrated with gorging and drinking, buffalo meat and 
 a home-made brandy being the chief articles of the menu. 
 The drinking of brandy is a widespread evil among them. 
 It is not constantly indulged in, as among the whites, but 
 only on festive occasions. On such occasions, however, 
 it is used excessively, in unconscious compliance with the 
 saying, "Whoever has never had a spree is not a brave 
 man."*i 
 
 The Tingianes occupy a transition stage between these 
 defiant, warlike and "wild" mountain tribes, and the 
 manageable, pliant and good-natured coast Malays of 
 Luzon. Their habitat is between the civilized Ilocoans 
 on one side and the head-hunting Igorrotes, Ginaanes and 
 Apoyaos on the other. Their customs have many things 
 in common with their wild neighbors, but head-hunting 
 is not known among them and they quickly adopt the 
 Christian religion and the entire Hispano-Philippine civ- 
 ilization. 
 
 All these tribes are very musical, as indeed are the 
 Filipinos generally. The drum made from a hollowed-out 
 log and the gansa are their most distinctive instruments. 
 The gansa, which besides is found only among some tribes 
 of central Luzon, consists of a kind of cymbal fastened to 
 the jawbone of a slain enemy. Finally, it should be said, 
 that all these mountain tribes smoke pipes whereas in the 
 rest of the archipelago cigars and cigarettes are pre- 
 ferred. The practice of chewing betel*2 is widespread. 
 
 *2. Betel leaves are mixed with bonga fruit and lime, and the 
 mixture called bullo is much used by even the civilized natives. It 
 has been claimed that it is a preventive of tropical diarrhoeas. See 
 Medicine and Disease in the Philippines,, by David J. Doherty, M. D. 
 (Journal of Am. Med. Assoc, June l6, i90o).^Tlt.' 
 *l. This is a line from a German student song : 
 Wer niemals einen Rausch gehabt, 
 
 Der ist kein braver Mann ! 
 Wer seinen Durst mit Achtdn labt. 
 Fang' lieber gar nicht an ! etc. — Tr. 
 
—18— 
 
 The mountain pagans of Mindanao are lower in the 
 scale of civilization than those of Luzon. We find also 
 here types both of the warlike Igorrotes and of the pacific 
 Tingianes of Luzon, the former chiefly in the east and 
 south of Mindanao (such as Bagobos, Mandayas, Man- 
 obos, Tagakaolos, Giangas and others) and the latter in 
 the north and west (such as Subanos, Bukidnos, Tirurays 
 and others). In the matter of men's clothing we note the 
 short trousers worn by many tribes. Their weapons re- 
 call those of Luzon except that the head-hunting axe with 
 the thorn is missing and the bow and arrow are more 
 used. Head-hunting and slave seizure are considered the 
 most noble undertakings of the southern and eastern 
 ;tribes. The prevalence of the former is shown by a usage 
 .which exists among the Mandayas and Manobos, who 
 bestow a kind of uniform upon the lucky assassin accord- 
 ing to the number of heads he can show. For example, 
 the baganis or successful head hunters wear a garment 
 in which red predominates and on which the number of 
 their victims, is designated by special marks. Thus there 
 are baganis of the first, second and third class, much as 
 amongst us are found knights, commanders and grand 
 crosses of the orders of chivalry. Constant head and 
 slave hunting decimated these tribes frightfully. Only in 
 recent times have the Jesuit missionaries been able to 
 introduce, together with Christianity, a peaceable disposi- 
 tion into isolated tribes. Relapses, however, are frequent 
 and the greater part of these predatory head hunters still 
 live in complete freedom. The continuous feuds, the 
 never-ceasing dread of a sudden attack, in short the con- 
 stant excitement in which the head hunters of Mindanao 
 'naturally live, has had a most debasing influence on their 
 character. They are treacherous and untruthful and in 
 the low morality of their women are by no means superior 
 to those of Luzon. Their agriculture is wretched, the 
 forest is grubbed and burned over, the ground merely 
 scratched and then the seed is sown. After a few scant 
 harvests, the soil, being never fertilized or hardly if at 
 all cleaned from weeds, refuses to produce; They are 
 therefore compelled to clear other parts of the primeval 
 forests and to begin fresh again. 
 
 Their huts are much simpler than those of the Igorrotes 
 
—19— 
 
 of Luzon. Among some tribes in the region of the Rio 
 Agusan, Tagura and Hiho, these head hunters may be 
 said to live in the tops of the trees because, in order to 
 guard against sudden attacks, they construct their huts 
 in the broad branches of lofty and strong trees. Ascent to 
 the airy dwellings is had by means of ladders, which are 
 drawn up at night. 
 
 It is worthy of note that the horse is frequently used 
 for riding among some of these head hunters, notably the 
 Bagobos, and that they designate it by a Malayan name, 
 in contradistinction to the Luzon tribes who first received 
 the horse from the Spaniards and with it the name 
 caballo. Hence it would seem that the natives of Min- 
 danao knew the horse and used it for riding before the 
 advent of the Spaniards. 
 
 The religion of the pagan Mindanaons is based on the 
 same ancestral worship that we found among the moun- 
 tain heathen of Luzon, but their mythology seems richer 
 and more developed. However, future researches in 
 Luzon may lead to discoveries which will overcome that 
 seeming advantage. There is much that leads me to think 
 that more exact knowledge of the Luzon tribes will es- 
 tablish their superiority also in religious matters. On the 
 other hand the ceremonial of the south is more developed 
 than on Luzon. The sacrificial rites are more various and 
 bloodier, even men being sacrificed to many demons, 
 especially to the evil spirit that inhabits the volcano Apo. 
 Belief in bird augury is much cultivated, the cooing of 
 the wild dove (Phabotreron brevirostris) being consid- 
 ered an omen of good or bad fortune according as it is 
 heard from the right or left side. It should be added that 
 this belief formerly existed among the Visayans and that 
 it persists even yet, here and there, as a superstition. 
 
 The weapons of the Mindanaon pagans recall those of 
 the mountain tribes of Luzon. Lances and cutlasses are 
 the principal ones, but the bow and arrow are not so 
 secondary. On the other hand the more frequent use of 
 the blow-pipe, though limited to the hunting of small 
 birds, makes known the proximity of the Sunda islands. 
 The axe (liua) of the Igorrotes is not found on Min^ 
 danao, nor their peculiarly shaped shield. In musical 
 instruments also (except drums) there is no similarity 
 
—20— 
 
 between the north and the south. The gaiisa of the Luzon 
 head hunters is not known, but instead we find the agiins, 
 a sort of gong, which is much used by the Visayans and 
 the Mohammedan coast Malays, and very likely passed 
 from these to the mountain pagans. 
 
 Through the reception of Moslemism or Christianity 
 all these mountain tribes pass gradually upward into the 
 Moros or Visayans, and this surrender of nationality is 
 made easier by the scattered distribution and the small- 
 ness of the districts in which their dialects are spoken. 
 
 In the Visayan islands mountain pagans are found 
 only on Cebu, Negros and Panay. Little is known about 
 them. The Bukidnos of Panay are the most numerous 
 and may be counted among the warlike head-hunting 
 tribes. Spanish and English writers have erroneously 
 given the name of Igorrotes to the Bukidnos. 
 
 The whole interior of Mindoro is occupied by the Man- 
 gianes. The word "Mangian" means woodman, and it 
 is applied by the Tagal coast dwellers to all the mountain 
 tribes of the interior. When I speak here of the Man- 
 gianes I mean those mild mannered mountain Malays of 
 Mindoro, who, in spite of their degeneracy, possess a 
 written alphabet which is related to the alphabets in gen- 
 eral use among the coast Malays at the advent of the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 What I have said of the Mangianes of Mindoro is ex- 
 actly true of the mountain pagans of Palauan, who are 
 called Tagbanuas. They are degenerated and peaceable 
 and they also have a written alphabet. It must be left to 
 future researches to determine whether these Mangianes 
 and Tagbanuas, who know how to write but who occupy 
 a lower step of culture, were once at the same level of 
 civilization as the Tagals and Visayans, and whether 
 they were later crowded back by the Tagals (on IMindoro) 
 and the Borneans (on Palauan) into the forests, where 
 they degenerated and became wild. In other words, are 
 they really mountain pagans or do they represent dis- 
 placed coast races? At any rate they form as direct a 
 transition stage to these latter as do the Tingianes of 
 Luzon. 
 
 There is one thing peculiar and common to all these 
 mountain tribes, namely, their low degree of skill in 
 
—81— 
 
 navigation in spite of the fact that some live on large 
 navigable lakes or rivers, and others, breaking through 
 the zone of coast Malays, occupy the sea shore, as is the 
 case on Mindoro and Palauan. 
 
 It is very hard to estimate their numerical strength. 
 Though the dialects are numerous the number of indi- 
 viduals who use them is small. Many tribes number only 
 1,500 or 2,000 souls, and the total number according to 
 the lowest estimate is 600,000 and according to the high- 
 est 1,100,000. 
 
 3. THE MOHAMMEDAN MALAYS. 
 
 If we suppose that the Negritos are the original in- 
 habitants of the archipelago who were driven into the 
 mountains and dispersed in small tribes by invading 
 Malays we may, for several reasons not necessary to recite 
 here, also divide the immigration of these Malays into 
 stages.. First come the ancestors of the mountain tribes 
 who originally occupied merely the coasts. After a long 
 period came the progenitors of the modern Christian coast 
 races, the Tagals, Visayans, etc., and their invasion forced 
 the mountain pagans into the interior. Still later, at a 
 time when Islamism had already spread throughout the 
 Dutch archipelago, a third wave of Malays, the ances- 
 tors of the modern Moros, swept into the country. These 
 latter were able to gain a firm footing in the south, but 
 their invasion met with a speedy check from the Spaniards 
 in the Visayas and in south and middle Luzon, and it did 
 not extend into northern Luzon. 
 
 If we should follow the order of seniority in studying 
 the human strata of the archipelago it would now be in 
 order to speak of the Christian coast Malays. But I re- 
 serve the consideration of these to the last because they 
 furnish the easiest transition to the political history and 
 modern conditions of the country, while the Negritos, the 
 mountain pagans and the Moros have no part in the 
 Philippine question. We will therefore next study the 
 Moros. 
 
 These Malays may be divided into several race or 
 dialect groups, among whom the Sulus and the Magin- 
 danaos are the most prominent. The former inhabit the 
 Sulu sub-archipelago and the principal coast districts of 
 Palauan; the latter are settled at the mouth of the Rio 
 
—22— 
 
 Grande and on the southwest coast of Mindanao'. Closely- 
 related to these last named are the Illanos or llanos, who 
 inhabit the part of the island lying between Illana bay 
 and the chain of mountains that forms the water-shed 
 between lake Lanao and the Rio Grande. Smaller tribes 
 of Moros are found in western and southern Mindanao. 
 
 All these Moro tribes are mixed races. The ancestors 
 of the Sulus seem to have migrated from Borneo, and 
 those of Magindanaos from Molucca. Even those Malay 
 "gypsies" the Orang-laut (whom the Spaniards call 
 Lutaos) may be considered as a ferment among the 
 Moros, and especially is it plausible to suppose such a 
 mixture in the Illanos. The pagan natives of the districts 
 now occupied by the Moros were subdued and assimi- 
 lated* by the conquerors. The process has been continued 
 to the present day by means of slave raids among the 
 Tirurays, Bukidnos, Subanos and other pagan tribes of 
 Mindanao. Piracy, which the Sulus practiced in Philip- 
 pine waters up to thirty 3'ears ago, and the chief object 
 of which was the capture of slaves, also contributed to the 
 process. Consequently the Moros of to-da}' are a cross- 
 breed resulting from the intermixture of a number of 
 Philippine tribes and (like the Magyars of Europe) it is 
 only their speech which perpetuates them as a distinct 
 race. As to intermixture with non-Philippine races, the 
 Spanish theory that the Moros are mongrels of Arabs 
 and Malays is one of those creations of the southern 
 imagination which Daudet characterizes so acutely in 
 Bompard in Jiis Nitma Roumcstan. Naturally, it hap- 
 pened that individual Arabs settled there, but if that 
 suffices to make the Moros descendants of Arabs, with 
 much more reason could they be considered the mixed off- 
 spring of Malay and Spaniard or Mexican or Peruvian 
 Indians, for the slaves captured hj them from amono-st 
 the Spanish, Mexican and Peruvian regular soldiers far 
 outnumbered all the Arabs that ever came there. On the 
 other hand many natives were brought from Borneo 
 whose region of Saba belonged to Sulu up to twenty-five 
 years ago ; whilst in the sixteenth century the Moros fre- 
 quently had Macassares and Alfuros as mercenaries or 
 
 *The German word is au-fgesogen, i. e., sucked up or (like a 
 lemon) squeezed out. — Tr. 
 
—23— 
 
 slaves, and also to a less extent Papuan slaves from Ter- 
 nate and Tidore. During the middle ages Javanese may 
 well have settled there, at least in Sulu. 
 
 As to the costume of the Moros, the most noticeable 
 thing about it is that the long trousers of the men, which 
 extend down to the ankle, are tight. The sarong is worn 
 over the trousers, and a jacket with narrow sleeves, a 
 waistband and a turban wound in the manner of the 
 western Malays complete their national dress. Their 
 weapons are like those of the other Philippine Malays 
 with the exception of the kris, which may have either a 
 straight or a serpentine blade. Firearms are in general 
 use and they even cast small cannon called lantaka. The 
 helmet and coat of mail (made from chains or plates of 
 horn) are found only among the Illanos, and that but 
 rarely. 
 
 The Aloros live by agriculture and fishing and to a less 
 extent b}^ hunting. Rice and maize are chiefly cultivated, 
 and also sugarcane, coffee and tobacco. The cocoa palm 
 and the banana are of the same importance among them 
 as among the other coast Malays. The bamboo and the 
 rattan are indispensable in keeping house. Their indus- 
 tries are limited to weaving and the manufacture of 
 weapons and ornaments. Besides poultry and the carri- 
 bou-buffalo the horse is to be mentioned among their 
 domestic stock. 
 
 The social system of the Moros rests on feudalism and 
 slavery. Below the Sultan stand the great barons or 
 dattos, who in turn have vassals and slaves. Fortified 
 courts surrounded by stone walls and palisades and called 
 cottas, serve as residences for the sultans and dattos. 
 The above mentioned lantakas constitute the armament. 
 Powerful sultans and dattos possess several cottas. The 
 most prominent of the Moro princes is the Sultan of Sulu, 
 to whom the entire sub-archipelago of Sulu is subject. 
 Formerly the sultanate of Mindanao was as powerful 
 as that of Sulu, but its naturally feeble bonds were weak- 
 ened by strifes for succession, and the present sultan is 
 unimportant as compared with his ancestors. A large 
 number of dattos declared themselves independent and 
 some like those of Kudarangan, Talayan and others even 
 assumed the title of sultan. 
 
—Zi— 
 
 Since the introduction of gunboats (i86o-'63) piracy 
 has been extirpated and the dattos have lost their chief 
 source of income. The result is a notable economic and 
 political decline in all Moro regions. 
 
 Islam has indeed filled the Moros with religious fanat- 
 icism, but its teachings cling merely superficially, es- 
 pecially in southern Mindanao, where the people are 
 Mahommedans only in name. Since the pilgrimage to 
 Mecca has been rendered so easy by the steamship lines 
 the Sulus also visit the grave of the Prophet, but not 
 numerously. 
 
 The total number of Moros is estimated at between 
 350,000 and 800,000. The former figure is more reliable 
 and the latter absolutely incorrect, for according to my 
 statistical researches there can be at the outside not more 
 than 500,000 on Mindanao, Sulu, Balabak and Palauan. 
 
 4. THE CHRISTIAN AND LONG CIVILIZED MALAYS. 
 
 On the coasts of Luzon, the Visayas and north and 
 east Mindanao dwell those Malay races who had already 
 reached a considerable degree of civilization at the time of 
 the Spanish conquest, and who quickly accepted the Cath- 
 olic religion and adapted themselves to Spanish ideas and 
 culture. They do not form a single people but are divided 
 into the Tagals (middle Luzon and Mindoro), the Zam- 
 bales (west Luzon), the Pampangos (central Luzon), 
 Pangasinanes (west Luzon ),Ilocoans (northwest Luzon), 
 Kagayanes (north Luzon), Bikols (south Luzon), 
 Batanes (islands of same name), Visayans (island group 
 of same name and north and east coast of Mindanao) and 
 the Agutainos, Kalamianes and Koyuros — although these 
 three last are really christianized Tagabuanes and there- 
 fore strictly do not belong in this classification. The most 
 prominent representatives of this stage of civilization are 
 the Tagals, the Ilocoans and the Visayans; the former 
 on account of their general education, the second because 
 of their enterprise and push, and the third because they 
 are the most numerous race of the archipelago. 
 
 These long christianized Malays (the indios of the 
 Spaniards) are of smaller physique than the mountain 
 Malays. Two t)rpes of feature may be recognized in 
 them, one with small mongol-like eyes and the other with 
 large eyes. A resemblance to the Japanese type is also 
 
—as- 
 
 frequent, and it has even happened that Tagals, Ilocoans 
 and others of this race who traveled in Japan have been 
 mistaken by the Japanese themselves for fellow country- 
 men. At any rate, it is not wholly improper to describe 
 them as a transition stage between the Malays and the 
 Japanese, although only actual observation and not science 
 can establish the hypothesis. 
 
 The costume of the peasant consists of a trousers and 
 a shirt, which is worn like a jacket, that is, outside the 
 trousers. Such a costume is met not only in various 
 parts of Spanish America, but also in Hungary and 
 Roumania. The head is covered with the salakot, a 
 hemispherically shaped hat, often decorated with silver 
 and sometimes having a spike of the same metal. Other 
 forms of hat also occur, but less frequently. Shoes are 
 worn only oh feast days ; at other times the ordinary peas- 
 ant prefers to go barefooted. Women and girls of the 
 lower classes wear a short blouse, and over this the saya 
 (a kind of sarong), which takes the place of the dress, 
 and above all, worn transversely, a second sarong called 
 the tapis. They protect their heads by a salakot or a 
 kerchief, which is worn just as in many parts of Germany 
 and Austria. The kerchief is so placed that one corner 
 hangs down the back and the other two are tied beneath 
 the chin. The addition of a fichu such as Tyrolese 
 women wear (called the candonga) and slippers or shoes 
 makes their festal attire. Such is the dress of the common 
 people. 
 
 The higher we ascend the social scale the more the 
 costume resembles European modes, and since these 
 Malays include more cultured people than the Servians 
 and Bulgarians the percentage of persons who wear 
 European dress is larger than among those nations of the 
 Balkan peninsula which enjoy independence and self- 
 government. It is to be regretted that the illustrated 
 papers present in relation .to the political disturbances in 
 the Philippines only types of the lower classes because 
 the reading world, which is unacquainted with the con- 
 ditions of that country, must be led thereby to form the 
 same underestimate of its brave people that the Americans 
 have formed. 
 
 The usual Tagal house is the following : A one-story 
 
—26— 
 
 house made of wood, bamboo or rattan, according to the 
 
 owner's means and accessible material, rests on posts 
 about as high as a man ; its roof is covered with nipa palms 
 or cogon grass and in the huts of the poor classes the 
 walls also are made from woven palm leaves. Access 
 is by means of a ladder from outside. The windows have 
 shutters, which may be opened or shut as needed. On the 
 Batan islands even the poorest people live in stone houses, 
 which are calcimined a dazzling white, but on the other 
 islands only the well-to-do can afford such buildings. 
 However, many prefer the lightly built cane houses be- 
 cause they are less dangerous and better resist the fre- 
 quent earthquakes than stone ones. But on the other hand 
 frequent and destructive conflagrations occur in the dis- 
 tricts where bamboo and similar materials are used for 
 construction. All the better class of houses are adorned 
 with verandas. 
 
 The furniture of a day laborer or field hand consists 
 mostly of mats and cooking utensils, the mats serving as 
 beds, covering and pillows. Sacred pictures and petrol- 
 eum lamps give evidence of European influence. In the 
 dwellings of the better classes the furniture approaches 
 more nearly European fashions the higher one ascends 
 in the social scale. That of the most prominent Filipinos 
 can be distinguished from the furniture of the Spaniards 
 and other foreigners only by its greater luxury. 
 
 The Tagals and the Filipinos generally live by agricul^ 
 ture and fishery. Rice is their principal food, taking the 
 place of our bread, but it is not cultivated in sufficient 
 abundance and has to be imported from French Cochin 
 China. This is so because the natives devote themselves 
 to more profitable plants, principally sugarcane, hemp and 
 tobacco. The cultivation of indigo and coffee has notably 
 declined, but sufficient maize, gabe and ubi are grown for 
 home consumption. The cocoa palm and the banana are 
 important articles in Filipino housekeeping. 
 
 Up to the close of the Spanish-American war the culti- 
 vated land belonged for the most part to the Spanish 
 religious orders, the Dominicans, Augustinians and Fran- 
 ciscans. Especially the province of Cavite was almost a 
 
—27— 
 
 latifundium* of the monks. The rest of the land was 
 held mostly by the native aristocracy (the "principalia"), 
 some by Chinese and Spanish mestizos and a less portion 
 by Creoles and European Spaniards. Consequently there 
 are only a few small farmers, but many tenants and labor- 
 ers. In many provinces, particularly in the Ilocoan dis- 
 trict, the common people suffered from the oppression of 
 the landlords. Therein lies the principal explanation of 
 the migratory tendency of the Ilocoans who settle in other 
 provinces, much as Polish laborers do in Germany. A 
 marked migratory tendency is also noted among the Vis- 
 ayans, especially those of Bohol, and they locate on the 
 east and north coasts of Mindanao. The social status of 
 the small farmers is not particularly happy because they 
 are generally heavy in debt, but a judicious government 
 could easily improve them since there is an abundance of 
 cultivatable public land. 
 
 Much has been written about the labor question in the 
 Philippines. In general, experts agree that importation 
 of foreign labor will be necessary for a thorough cultiva- 
 tion of the land because the native with his few desires 
 does not feel the necessity of working hard like a coolie. 
 It remains to be seen whether opinions formed under the 
 monkish regime of the Spaniards, which crushed out all 
 desire to work, will be true of the changed conditions 
 now in existence. Dr. Rizal assured me that his people 
 are industrious workers if they may hope for sure profits. 
 This was not the case under the Spanish regime, because 
 the monks and officials exercised a very partial mastery 
 so that it was difficult for the poor to compete with their 
 rich favorites. The impartial justice of a good govern- 
 ment will certainly improve the conditions of the laboring 
 classes. 
 
 The food of the people consists chiefly of rice, bananas, 
 fish and crabs. The fare of the better classes contains 
 several dishes which resemble the Hungarian and Aus- 
 trian national dishes. 
 
 Besides the pig, their live stock consists of the caribou- 
 buffalo, cows, chickens and ducks. In some provinces 
 cattle and hog breeding is carried on, not only for do- 
 
 ♦Latifundium means a large landed property or estate. — Tr. 
 
—28— 
 
 mestic needs, but also for export to Manila and other 
 places. In some sections of Luzon horses are also raised. 
 They are of small build and are a cross between Spanish 
 and Chinese or Japanese animals. Poultry is raised not 
 only for the flesh and eggs, but also for the sake of breed- 
 ing fighting cocks, for the Filipinos are as much addicted 
 to cock-fighting as are the Spaniards to bull-fights. Aguin- 
 aldo, the president of the Philippine republic, has en- 
 deavored to repress this evil by prohibitory measures. 
 Another much-commented-oi-i vice of the natives, the 
 chewing of betel, is declining ; for the better classes began 
 to look upon it as "shocking." Although the drinking of 
 palm wine was widespread, one could still say of the en- 
 tire Philippine archipelago that it was free from the curse 
 of drunkenness; but to-day, wherever the American flag 
 has been raised, the use of whisky has followed, and this 
 seems to be the only real result which the Americans have 
 as yet achieved. 
 
 The national industries of the Filipinos occupied a 
 higher level at the time of the Spanish conquest than they 
 do to-day. Finely woven goods made from pineapple 
 fibres (piiia) and fine straw and bast textures (as for 
 mats, cigar cases, etc) are their specialties. The variety 
 of baskets which they are able to make from rattan, grass, 
 palm leaves, etc., is remarkable. 
 
 The ancient goldsmith's art has persisted to some ex- 
 tent, and the silversmiths of Manila in particular have a 
 high reputation. The tendency of all classes and castes 
 to decorate themselves with trinkets and jewelry favors 
 the continuance of this old Filipino trade, although speci- 
 mens of European handiwork are coming into more gen- 
 eral use. Many branches of trade, such as shoemaking, 
 are monopolized by the Chinese. 
 
 The Filipinos passionately pursue the study of music 
 and their musical gifts are generally recognized. The 
 harmonium, harp, violin and guitar are the favorite do- 
 mestic instruments. Every village possesses at least one 
 band. Their ancient national song and dance measures 
 such as the Kurdiman, Talindao, etc., still survive, and 
 alternate with Strauss waltzes and other productions of 
 European masters. The Filipino voice, however, is too 
 weak to make opera singers like those of European races. 
 
—29— 
 
 There are a fair number of native composers, whose 
 works, while not extraordinary, are, nevertheless, entirely 
 acceptable. 
 
 They likewise possess both taste and gifts for the crea- 
 tive arts. I mean not only for ordinary wood and ivory 
 carving, but for painting in the European manner, which 
 has found devotees among them. Of these I will mention 
 the Ilocoan Juan Luna, because his paintings aroused at- 
 tention in Europe, and were even reproduced in illustrated 
 papers like the Lcipz. Illustr. Zcituiig. Misled by the 
 name, people attributed them to a Spanish author. 
 
 The main features of Filipino character are quiet docil- 
 ity and ambition, which ranges through different degrees 
 from vanity to proud striving after recognition of the 
 Ego, and which is one of the most important psychical 
 factors in the Philippine question. This explains their 
 proneness to revenge, which (long-reined-in and mas- 
 tered) seeks satisfaction when opportunity offers. An- 
 other attribute of the Filipinos has shown itself for the 
 first time in the rebellion against the Spaniards and in the 
 war against the Americans — an attribute which there had 
 been no previous opportunity to observe. This is a self- 
 control which resembles that of northern peoples and 
 which manifests itself in this, that they restrained them- 
 selves, with few exceptions, from satisfying their ancient 
 thirst for revenge on the unfortunates who fell into their 
 hands, because they were mindful of "their reputation in 
 Europe." In fact, the Philippine revolution hap ot been 
 stained by such cruelties as have the revolutions of Eu- 
 ropean nations. There is still another thing which casts 
 a favorable light upon their national character, namely, 
 the discipline maintained by the former army of Rebellion, 
 now the army of Freedom of the Philippine republic. All 
 who have read the history of the revolts of the Spanish col- 
 onies in America will surely remember that the rebels were 
 always in discord and that their generals betrayed, de- 
 serted and, even in the very presence of the enemy, fought 
 each other. Yet, with few exceptions, those generals 
 belonged to the white race, the Creole nobility. In the 
 Philippine army, on the contrary, that was drawn to- 
 gether from so many provinces and whose generals were 
 chiefly Malays, all ran smooth, and, if we except the 
 
—so- 
 single case of General Luna (which has not yet been 
 cleared up), there ruled a spirit of subordination and 
 discipline which the Filipinos could not have learned from 
 their former Spanish masters. Germans who have lived 
 both in Japan and the Philippines assert that the Filipino 
 is the equal of the Japanese in many respects, and far his 
 superior in a sense of honesty and justice. The char- 
 acter of the Filipino as a host and friend is well known, 
 and I have so often experienced this that I cannot suf- 
 ficiently praise it. 
 
 In judging the Filipinos one should not accept the 
 opinion of the Spaniards nor form his own opinion from 
 contact with servants and such people ; neither should he 
 take the people of Manila as a standard, for the air of a 
 great city denationalizes and promotes degeneration. 
 Many travelers speak of their proclivity to lying and 
 hypocrisy, but they omit to state that, under the monkish 
 regime, lies and deceit were the only means the people 
 had to protect themselves against the aggression of their 
 all-powerful masters. Germans and Englishmen who are 
 not familiar with the polite phrases of the Spanish world 
 take as genuine what the Spaniards and people trained by 
 them consider to be merely non-committal words of 
 politeness, and then when undeceived, they complain of 
 falsehood, etc. But anyone who knows the abundant 
 wealth of phrases which Spanish politeness has at com- 
 mand, everyone who is at home in the Spanish world, 
 will easily distinguish the conventional from the genuine 
 falsehood. 
 
 Speaking of Spanish, we may state that it is the lan- 
 guage of the official and business world, but that it is 
 fluently spoken only by the educated. The larger the city, 
 the greater the number of those who speak it. The com- 
 mon people (except in Manila, Zamboanga and some 
 other places), and also the middle classes in remote dis- 
 tricts, speak their own language. The monks themselves 
 opposed, secretly but successfully, the spread of the Span- 
 ish language, in order that at each change of ministry the 
 incoming officials should be dependent upon them. The 
 law, indeed, prescribed that Spanish should be taught in 
 all schools, but the parish priest being school inspector 
 it happened to that law as to all other laws which the 
 
—31— 
 
 monks did not approve — it remained, more or less, merely 
 a written or printed paper. Consequently instruction was 
 given in the common schools only in the language of the 
 people. 
 
 Every parish had at least two parish schools, one for 
 -boys and one for girls. The attendance was in many 
 provinces larger and the percentage of illiteracy smaller 
 than in Italy, Hungary and Dalmatia, not to mention 
 other interesting counties of Eastern Europe. In the 
 secondary schools, which, under the Spanish rule, were 
 found only in Manila, and in the university, instruction 
 was given in Spanish. It was a frequent occurrence that 
 young men thirsting after knowledge would enter Span- 
 ish families as servants so as to learn enough Spanish to 
 attend those higher schools. The talent of the Filipino 
 for languages is very great. I have seen with astonish- 
 ment how quickly my friends learned European tongues. 
 In Barcelona, a young Bikol named Panganiban, learned 
 German so well in forty-five weeks that he spoke it more 
 correctly and more intelligibly than most of my Slav 
 countrymen do. In Pangansinan and Nueva Ecija many 
 people speak three dialects, Tagalog, Panganisanan and 
 Ilocoan. 
 
 At all events, we have in the Filipino coast Malays a 
 highly gifted and ambitious people, who deserve and will 
 continue to deserve the sympathy of civilized Europeans. 
 In number they run from six and a half to eight million 
 individuals, and some estimate them at still more. The 
 Tagals constitute less than one-third and more than one- 
 fourth, the Visayans nearly one-half, the Ilocoans three- 
 tenths, and then come in descending series the Bikols, 
 Panganisanes, Pampangos, Zambales, Kagayanes, Koy- 
 uvos, Kalamianes and Agutainos. 
 
 5. SPANISH, CHINESE AND MIXED BREEDS. 
 
 Leaving out the monks, officials and soldiers, the num- 
 ber of European Spaniards in the islands during the last 
 quarter of a century has hardly amounted to one one- 
 thousandth part of the population, and being devoid of 
 culture, knowledge and wealth, they have had but little 
 influence on the country. Those only were successful 
 who married rich Filipino, mestizo or Creole women and 
 
-33- 
 
 settled down permanently. Of the Creoles (or Spaniards 
 born in the Philippines) I shall speak when I come to con- 
 sider the mixed breeds, from which they cannot well be 
 separated. 
 
 The Chinese are by no means numerous, being only 
 about two and one-half per cent, of the total population, 
 but they are of the greatest economic importance. They 
 constitute the class of traders and agents, and many have 
 grown to be large merchants, having increased their 
 wealth by taking up government contracts. Besides, a 
 number of trades are actually monopolized by them. 
 Their successful competition has caused them to be hated 
 by all classes of the natives, but still they are frequently 
 considered to be indispensable. This remark bears also 
 on the future of the country. As is the case everywhere 
 in foreign parts, the Chinaman remains also in the Philip- 
 pines a nomad. His aim is to accumulate a modest capital 
 and with it return to his native land. Even those who 
 have married native women often desert wife and chil- 
 dren in order to pass the rest of their lives on their native 
 soil. The Spanish government made such marriages 
 difficult for the Chinese by a law that only Christians 
 could wed native women. Consequently the Chinese can- 
 didate for marriage had to get baptized. Such compulsion 
 is indeed not praiseworthy, but it worked for the benefit 
 of land and people, in so far that the children of such 
 mixed marriages remain Filipinos, while in Dutch India 
 and the Straits Settlement the offspring born of China- 
 men and native women keep the race, creed and speech 
 of their fathers. 
 
 In the Philippines two kinds of mixed breeds are dis- 
 tinguished, the Spanish and the Chinese mestizos. The 
 first is the result of crossing the Spanish and native races 
 the other the offspring of the Chinese and native women 
 The extensive nomenclature and classification of race 
 intermixtures used in Latin America are not adopted in 
 the Philippines. Thus the son of a white man and a Span- 
 ish mestizo and the child of a white man and a Chinese 
 mestizo are both called Spanish mestizos. In the veins of 
 many mestizos three bloods are commingled, Caucasian 
 Malayan and Mongolian. The Spanish mestizos of the 
 third generation (that is, those whose fathers and grand- 
 
—33— 
 
 fathers were white) count themselves as PhiHppine Span- 
 iards, or Creoles. Consequently the majority of the Cre- 
 oles are mixed with Malayan and Chinese blood, and that 
 is my reason for treating them and the Spanish mestizos 
 together. 
 
 The Philippine Spaniards and their hybrids have never 
 played an active and leading role in the country, as they 
 did in Spanish America. Not the climate, but rather en- 
 vironment, is the chief cause of this, because all Spanish 
 circles lived and still live, even to-day, more in the past 
 than in thinking about the future. Thus, besides the 
 duty of politeness and amiability, the Creoles and their 
 mestizos have, unfortunately, inherited from their Span- 
 ish fathers also their passivity towards everything which 
 is called Progress. In political matters the Creoles have 
 rather withdrawn timidly into the background than boldly 
 taken a stand at the footlights. They and their mixed 
 offspring are entirely devoid of backbone. This is per- 
 haps due to the fact that, up to the seventies, the Spanish 
 government rested its entire suspicion upon them and 
 considered them dangerous and unreliable. Thus con- 
 stantly spied upon and persecuted, they have naturally be- 
 come frightened and intimidated. To be sure, there were 
 and are exceptions enough. 
 
 The Creoles adopted Spanish manners and customs. 
 The mestizos, when rich, did the same, but when poof 
 led the same manner of life as Filipinos of like social rank 
 and means. 
 
 The- Chinese mestizos form an interesting class of the 
 Philippine population. Raised in the Catholic religion, 
 they are simply Filipinos. They are as prejudiced against 
 the race of their fathers as the other Filipinos, and the 
 circle of culture to which they belong and for which they 
 strive is the Christian European. They are the most 
 active and enterprising class in the islands. The mercan- 
 tile mind and the spirit of industry inherited from their 
 fathers are further developed in them. Unlike the Span- 
 ish mestizo, they do not push into the clerical, medical 
 and legal professions, but they are shrewd business men 
 and contractors. The business of lending money is largely 
 carried on by them in a thorough businesslike way. 
 
 The number of Philippine Spaniards, or Creoles^ 
 
—34— 
 
 amounts to about 0.03 per cent., and that of both Spanish 
 and Chinese mestizos to about 33^ per. cent, of the whole 
 population, the Chinese mestizos being the more numer- 
 ous. 
 
 III. HISTORY. 
 
 I. THE EAELIER PEKIOD. 
 
 On March 16, 1521, Fernando Magallanes discovered 
 the first' island of the archipelago now called the Philip- 
 pines. This was lomonjol island, one of the Surigao 
 group. He met his death on the little island of Mactan 
 as he was assisting the new vassal of Spain, the King of 
 Cebu, in battle against a hostile neighbor. Thereupon 
 the Spaniards left the archipelago, to which they had 
 given the name of St. Lazarus islands. However, they 
 sent out several other expeditions which visited the south- 
 ern islands, but without making a firm establishment. 
 On one of these expeditions (that of Villalobos) the 
 name Philippine was first given to one of the Visayan 
 islands; and afterwards extended to the whole archi- 
 pelago. 
 
 Possession of the Philippines was first taken in 1565 
 by Don Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who, aided by his 
 daring grandson, Don Juan de Salcedo, succeeded inside 
 of seven years in subjugating the coast regions of Luzon 
 and the Visayan islands, as well as some parts of the 
 north and east coasts of Mindanao. As far as the coast 
 region was concerned, little remained for his successors 
 to conquer — only the valley of Rio Grande de Cag- 
 ayan on Luzon and several places on the west coast of 
 Mindanao, which, however, had soon to be abandoned. 
 
 The Spaniards found large sultanates only in Sulu and 
 Mindanao, but since Islamism had there spread, not only 
 among the leaders, but also among the common people, 
 and since the Sultan of Sulu received help from Borneo 
 and the Sultan of Mindanao from Molucca (and later 
 from the Dutch), they were not able to make permanent 
 establishments in spite of repeated attempts to do so. 
 
 The conquest of Luzon and the Visayas progressed 
 much more smoothly because only the nobles had em- 
 
—35— 
 
 braced the doctrines of Mahomet, which, anyhow, never 
 penetrated north Luzon, and there was no single large 
 state with the power of the Sultans of Sulu and Min- 
 danao. Only a few princes ruled over more than a single 
 community or over a union of two or three communities. 
 These princes were hostile to one another, and offered 
 their services to the Spaniards against their neighbors. 
 Besides, the common people saw in Spanish rule an escape 
 from the perpetual feuds of their princes and from the 
 inroads of the southern pirates. All this made the con- 
 quest of these islands easy. Numerous eminent mis- 
 sionaries, monks of the Augustinian, Dominican and 
 Franciscan orders, and, finally, the Jesuits, speedily con- 
 verted the Filipinos to Christianity, and won their affec- 
 tion and good will by protecting them against the op- 
 pression of the conquerors. 
 
 The reign of Philip II was the golden age of Philippine 
 history. Also under the two following Philips, different 
 governors ( such as Morga, Dasmarinas, Tabora and Cor- 
 cuera) displayed great prowess, not only in resisting the 
 attacks of the Dutch and in temporarily occupying For- 
 mosa and the Sultanates of Mindanao and Sulu, but even 
 in sending daring invaders into Farther India, whilst at 
 home in Manila suppressing now Chinese and now Japan- 
 ese revolts. 
 
 After the establishment of the Spaniards, Chinese and 
 Japanese ghettos had grown up in Manila. The latter de- 
 cayed when Japan closed itself to the world, but the for- 
 mer held its ground in spite of occasional persecutions 
 because trade with China made the principal income of 
 the Spanish colony. It is not meant that China and the 
 Philippines exchanged products. The Filipinos, indeed, 
 sold deers' antlers, trepang, sharks' fins, etc., to the 
 Chinese, but the chief thing was that Manila was the 
 entrepot of Spanish and Chinese commercial intercourse. 
 Chinese goods were bartered in Manila for Mexican 
 silver, and even up to the present day the embroidered 
 mantillas, which are called "mantones de Manila," are 
 shipped through the Philippines. This commerce would 
 have made great advance if the shortsighted government 
 had not strictly regulated the size and value of cargoes 
 and the number of ships which would be permitted to sail 
 
—36 — 
 
 between Manila and Acapulco (Mexico). Even within 
 these narrow limits, it curtailed the opportunity of ship- 
 ments by individuals by the institution of bolctas* Cer- 
 tain dignitaries and corporations had claims on these 
 boletas, and it was difficult for private merchants to get 
 them. Usually only one galleon sailed each year, and in 
 time of war, even that was missing. Thus, instead of 
 building up an important mercantile class or diffusing 
 wealth in wide circles of the people, the shipping trade 
 served only to make incomes for privileged persons and 
 to hasten the corruption which soon developed in a re- 
 markable manner. This system of trade crushed all spirit 
 of enterprise in the people, brought the former industries 
 |Of the country to decay^ and resulted in the natives con- 
 ifining themselves to the cultivation of merely the rice 
 necessary for sustenance. While the Dutch in the Ma- 
 layan archipelago grew rich by the profits on natural pro- 
 ducts, the Spaniards and Filipinoe grew poorer to a piti- 
 able degree, even in the long period of peace after 1648. 
 
 Of the cities which Legazpi and his immediate suc- 
 cessors founded, endowed with Spanish rights and settled 
 with Spanish citizens, only Manila survived. The others 
 disappeared or sank into villages inhabited only by 
 natives. The Spaniards, except the monks and provincial 
 governors, withdrew into Manila because there only were 
 •they near the fountainhead,and there only could they hope, 
 by crafty or just acquisition of boletas, to earn money 
 by participating in the Acapulco trade. When the gal- 
 leons arrived or departed, the city was like a fair ; all the 
 rest of the year life was idle and had no other spice than 
 petty town gossip. 
 
 This decay aflfected all classes. The army and navy 
 were no longer able to protect southern Luzon and the 
 Visayas from attacks by the pirates of Sulu and Min- 
 danao. The natives were thrown upon their own re- 
 sources, and it was truly fortunate that many of the par- 
 ish priests had been soldiers before taking orders, for 
 
 *NoTE. — The boletas were licenses conceding the right of .ship- 
 ments. They applied to the surplus space in the ship after the offi- 
 cial cargo was loaded. As the demand was usually greater than the 
 surplus space, the boletas were very valuable and often commanded 
 high prices. — Tr. 
 
—37— 
 
 they were able to drill their parishioners and more or less 
 successfully protect them against piratical inroads by 
 fortifying the churches and church grounds. 
 
 In Manila itself the jealousy of the religious orders 
 against one another and against the Jesuits became fla- 
 grant, and at times produced disedifying scandals. These 
 regular clergy* were also engaged in a constant struggle 
 against the Episcopate. The Philippiiies being considered 
 a missionary country, its parishes were supplied by the 
 monks (or regular clergy) instead of by the seculars. 
 The former, declaring themselves subordinate only to 
 their provincials, were unwilling to recognize fully the 
 Episcopal right of visitation. The post of governor, or 
 captain-general, was a difficult one on account of the in- 
 fluence at court of the bishops and the religious orders. 
 
 Much tact and diplomacy were needed to avoid being 
 entangled in their quarrels. But woe to the captain- 
 general who incurred the displeasure of the entire clergy ! 
 Don Diego de Salcedo, captain-general from 1663 to 
 1668, a Belgian and quite a vehement and passionate 
 man, happened to become embroiled first with the Do- 
 minicans, next with the Archbishop and Cathedral Chap- 
 ter of Manila, then with the entire clergy, and, finally, 
 since each order had its adherents, with the citizens also. 
 Since he could not be reached in any other way he was 
 arrested in the name of the Holy Inquisition and sent to 
 Mexico for trial, there being in Manila no tribunal of the 
 Inquisition, but only a commissioner. He died on the 
 voyage; but the suit was carried on and terminated in 
 acquittal — the best proof that Salcedo had done nothing 
 against the faith. Much worse happened to Captain- 
 General Bustamente-Bustillo. This energetic man of- 
 fended all classes and conditions by his extensive reforms 
 and his inflexible safeguarding of the interest and author- 
 ity of the state. As a result, on October 19, 17 19, a revolt 
 led by monks of all the orders broke out in the streets of 
 Manila, and the captain-general and his son were slain. 
 
 *NoTE. — Catholic priests are divided into the regular and the sec- 
 ular clergy. The former are directly subject to their provincials 
 and the latter to the bishops. The former constitute the religious 
 orders and live in community; the latter live in the world — that is, 
 among the people of whom they have spiritual charge. — ^Tr. 
 
—se- 
 lf, however, a captain-general fell out with only one 
 order or only with the Episcopate, he could hope to en- 
 dure many storms on account of the backing he would 
 receive from the others. 
 
 Thus one year after another went by in fruitless 
 wrangling and in moral and material decadence, without 
 any great event requiring to be chronicled save the loss 
 of a rich galleon which was captured by Anson off the 
 Cape of Good Hope. Out of this worthless life the colony 
 was finally aroused by the consequences of the Bourbon 
 Family Pact. Shut off as the Philippines were from the 
 entire civilized world, and having communication with 
 Spain only through the Acapulco galleons, no one in 
 Manila had any idea of the outbreak of war between Eng- 
 land and Spain. In September, 1762, an English fleet 
 of thirteen ships and a land force of 6,800 men appeared 
 before the astonished city. As its defenses consisted only 
 of a weak battalion of regulars, no serious resistance was 
 to be thought of. Consequently, Captain-General Rojas, 
 who was also Archbishop of Manila, capitulated on Octo- 
 ber 5, 1762. The English meant to occupy the entire 
 country; but Lieutenant-Governor Anda, who had es- 
 caped from Manila, called the natives to arms, and, from 
 the same place as Aguinaldo has recently done, began an 
 apparently hopeless, struggle against the Anglo-Saxon 
 invaders. He improvised armies, erected munition and 
 weapon factories, and by continuous fighting drove the 
 English back to the walls of Manila. The Britons were 
 even considering the question of surrender (especially as 
 the news of the adoption of a protocol was known) when 
 the definitive treaty of peace gave Manila back to the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 After this war the archipelago began to gradually rise 
 from its decline. The great colonial reforms which 
 marked the reign of Charles III were especially felt in the 
 Philippines. The products of the country again received 
 attention. Most gratitude was due to Don Jose Basco y 
 Bargas (1778- 1787), who greatly aided the economic 
 development of the country by wise measures. Under 
 him the tobacco monopoly was created, and, although 
 in later years it proved oppressive, it was the means 
 which gave to Manila tobacco its world-wide reputation. 
 
—39— 
 
 The isolation of the archipelago was drawing to an end. 
 It is true that the galleon traffic with Acapulco continued 
 until the separation of Mexico from Spain, but long be- 
 fore that event ships were allowed to go around the Cape 
 of Good Hope to Manila and the privileged commercial 
 company which was established in Manila opened rela- 
 tions with neighboring countries, although they never be- 
 came flourishing on account of the impractical regulations 
 of the company. At the end of the eighteenth century 
 Manila was also thrown open to foreign (European) 
 commerce, and a new era began. 
 
 2. THE LAST CENTURY OF SPANISH RULE. 
 
 The revolt of the Spanish colonies in Central and South 
 America had no influence on the natives of the Philip- 
 pines, although it made the government suspicious. When 
 they become suspicious, absolute governments which rule 
 by sword and police behave like a jealous man, of whom 
 the poet says, "He looks like a good shot, but hits the tar- 
 get like a child." Thus it was here also. In 1819 cholera 
 broke out in Manila. The excited populace who had long 
 been warned by the priests against intercourse with here- 
 tical and free-thinking foreigners, and had already cast 
 suspicious eyes upon them, began to attack and slay the 
 foreigners in Manila, because (as was the case also in 
 cholera visitations in enlightened Europe) they thought 
 that the foreign botanists and zoologists had poisoned the 
 wells. Captain-General Folgueras made no earnest ef- 
 fort to suppress the revolt. In order to justify himself 
 later before the Court of Madrid he resorted to the ques- 
 tionable method of casting doubts upon his corps of offi- 
 cers by asserting that he could not use vigorous measures 
 because nearly all the garrison officers were Filipinos. 
 When, therefore. General Martinez went to Manila as 
 successor to Folgueras he took with him numerous staff 
 and higher officers, whose appointment on the rolls post- 
 poned the advancement of the Filipino officers for a long 
 time. This created discontent among the latter, and the 
 discontent was increased by the haughty demeanor of 
 their foreign comrades, which deeply wounded their self- 
 respect. The government learned of this discontent and 
 tried to help matters by transferring some of the most 
 
—40— 
 
 prominent Filipino officers, privates and officials to 
 Europe. 
 
 Shortly thereafter, as a punishment, the captain-gen- 
 eral transferred Captain Andres Novales to Mindanao. 
 This officer at once formed with Lieutenant Ruiz a con- 
 spiracy in which the subaltern officers of the King's regi- 
 ment also took part. The revolt broke forth on June 2, 
 1823, and threatened to become serious because there 
 were no European troops in Manila. The majority of 
 the soldiers, however, remained loyal, the populace was 
 neutral, and, so after a few hours the rebels were over- 
 come. On the same day Novales, who had been pro- 
 claimed Emperor of the Philippines, and some of his 
 principal followers were court-martialed and shot. In 
 1828, a second secession conspiracy was opportunely dis- 
 covered. At its head were two officers named Palmero, 
 from one of whom the present Spanish minister of war, 
 Azcarraja, is descended on the maternal side. The re- 
 sult was that a European regiment was permanently sta- 
 tioned in Manila and that preference was given, as far as 
 possible, to Europeans in filling up its corps of officers. 
 
 In the meanwhile the religious orders became a power- 
 ful factor in politics. When the Spanish government 
 suppressed the convents at home, the Philippines became 
 the refuge of all Spaniards who desired to take the habit, 
 because there the monks, being considered to be indispens- 
 able, retained all their privileges intact. 
 
 In order to strengthen this belief of their indispensabil- 
 ity in the government authorities, the monks began to 
 issue a series of writings with the view of showing that it 
 was they alone who kept the Filipinos loyal. The nearer 
 we approach the time when (even before the complete 
 collapse of the Spanish power) the power of the monks, 
 a Colossus with earthen feet, broke down, the more naive 
 and broader became these claims in the historical and 
 political press. The history of the Philippines back to the 
 time of the conquest was rewritten in a partisan spirit, as 
 if Spain was indebted alone and exclusively to the monks 
 for the possession of the archipelago. At length the 
 monks themselves believed it, and even the reddest of 
 republicans and the "most sacrilegious" of freemasons 
 who attained power and influence in the government 
 
—41— 
 
 from the time of Isabella II to the year of salvation, 1898, 
 did not dare to touch a hair of the monks' heads, "be- 
 cause the Spanish control of the archipelago depends on 
 them," "the millions of Filipinos do what the monks 
 say," etc. Such was the doctrine of the Spanish colonial 
 ministry. Thus in the government of the mother country 
 and of the colonies, the monks ascended to a height of 
 power which they had not possessed even in the days of 
 King Charles II. Their will was the law in Madrid, as 
 in Manila, and if in course of time some decrees and re- 
 forms were granted to the archipelago which they did not 
 approve of, it was done because in their obstinate blind- 
 ness they were unwilling to make the smallest concession 
 to the new era which the opening of the Suez canal 
 brought to the Philippines. They were even blinder than 
 the advisers of Charles X of France. 
 
 But whilst in Spain the belief in the irresistible influence 
 of the monks over the Filipinos grew into a political dog- 
 ma and daily took firmer form, this influence actually 
 began more and more to diminish with each year. It is the 
 irony of destiny and history that at the time when the 
 monks did not boast of their influence over the natives, 
 but, on the contrary, gave to Caesar what belongs to 
 Caesar, they really dominated the entire level country, and, 
 with some exceptions, even the cities ; whilst at the very 
 time that the}^ were thought in Spain to be defenders of 
 the red and yellow flag, and claimed, to be the masters 
 of the archipelago, the ground beneath their feet was 
 entirely undermined, and they themselves were rather 
 hated and feared than loved and respected. This change 
 was not effected at one stroke. Neither was it the work 
 of the Freemasons, as the monks charge, hoping thereby 
 to keep their Catholic people from the temptation to ex- 
 amine whether the monks themselves might not be to 
 blame. We shall see that a long series of factors grad- 
 ually changed the status of the monks. 
 
 In the first place, the monks committed the mistake of 
 refusing the natives admission into the orders, which 
 previously had been allowed. They accepted only 
 European novices. This already placed them in an awk- 
 ward relation to the Filipinos, and particularly to the 
 secular clergy. The latter being recruited only from 
 
-42- 
 
 natives, it thus came about that the regular clergy were 
 exclusively Europeans, whilst the secular clergy were 
 natives. In the beginning, secular priests were found 
 only in the Cathedrals; but after the suppression of the 
 Jesuits the parishes of these were given to the seculars. 
 But that was not all : Under the pretence that Spanish 
 authority would be better safeguarded if the monks had 
 charge of these parishes, they were gradually transferred 
 from the seculars to the religious orders. In every dio- 
 cese only a few parishes remained in the hands of secular 
 clergymen, and then usually ad iiitcriin only. In this 
 manner for the secular priest the prospect of getting a 
 parish was much diminished, while the chance of dying a 
 chaplain was so inuch the greater as the increasing pop- 
 ulation required that the regular parish priests should 
 have chaplains (or assistants). These had to be taken 
 from the secular clergy on account of the insufficient sup- 
 ply of monks. In this manner the number of the seculars 
 increased whilst the number of disposable parishes dim- 
 inished by their transfer to the religious orders so that 
 the disproportion between the candidates and the livings 
 constantly increased. Furthermore, the seculars received 
 only the less valuable livings; if the income of a parish 
 increased, one could feel sure that it would soon fall into 
 the hands of the monks. 
 
 Under such circumstances it is intelligible that the 
 secular clergy should feel hurt by these slights. Their ill 
 will was bound to become dangerous to Spanish authority 
 if the latter should indorse the aspirations of the monks 
 to monopolize all the parishes and to leave only the chap- 
 laincies to the seculars. This actually happened, for the 
 monks continued to represent themselves as the defenders 
 of the Spanish flag and to denounce the seculars as re- 
 belliously minded. And to curry favor with the Holy 
 See they represented the secular priests as inferior and in- 
 competent to undertake church affairs and appealed for 
 proof to the judgment of European travelers, who, to be 
 sure, sang no song of praise for the native parish priests. 
 But they forgot to add that all the bishops were monks, 
 that the seminaries were conducted by monks, and 
 ,that it was part of the policy of the religious orders 
 to fit out the native theologians with only absolutely 
 
—43— 
 
 fieeded knowledge, and that, if they themselves were 
 placed under the magnifying glass of the critics, there 
 .would be found also among them parish priests as ignor- 
 ant as among the seculars. About that also much can 
 ,be found written in the books of European travelers. 
 
 When a native left the seminary he was assigned as 
 chaplain to a regular parish priest, who all too often 
 ■treated him as a servant and wounded his personal dig- 
 nity by reflections on his race, or even (as a Spanish 
 apologist of the monks' pretensions regretfully admits) 
 beat him with a cane without regard to his priestly cas- 
 sock or his standing before the people. Besides this, the 
 chaplain had the hardest work to do. The burden of 
 caring for the parishioners who lived outside the city- 
 precincts or at a distance lay upon him alone. It may be 
 said that this last was a great error of policy, because the 
 feeling of sympathy for the lower classes was lost to the 
 Spanish pastors and grew in the native chaplains. 
 
 Notwithstanding the difficulties which lay in the way 
 of their education, the industrious among the secular 
 clergy were able to rise. The Belgian traveler, Man, 
 writes words full of admiration about the Tagalo pastor 
 of Calamba, the grey-haired Father Leoncio, who 
 shamed by his fine culture and rich historical knowledge 
 all his white compeers. To this class of seculars belonged 
 Pelaez, who had risen to be prebendary of the Cathedral 
 of Manila. He raised his voice loudly in favor of restor- 
 ing the cure of souls entirely to the secular priests, and 
 claimed that the monks should, in accordance with the 
 rules of their orders, either live in cloisters or work as 
 missionaries among the mountain heathen. The clarion 
 voice of this leader in the fra}- was stilled forever by the 
 earthquake of 1863 — he was crushed in the ruins of his 
 cathedral. But the seed sown by him began to grow, and 
 the secular clergy began to lift their heads. 
 
 At this time the dethronement of Isabella II occurred, 
 and the monks began to fear that the revolution of Sep- 
 tember would-also make an end of their privileges. Their 
 warning voices were raised anew in the press of the 
 mother country; every attack upon them meant an axe 
 laid at the root of the tree of Spanish dominion. As a 
 matter of fact, nothing was done to them. The "Free- 
 
masons," and even the short-lived republic, left them in 
 charge of the preservation of Spanish authority. 
 
 In the Philippines themselves there occurred an event 
 which served only to strengthen the power of the monks. 
 In 1872, the native garrison of Cavite revolted and pro- 
 claimed the independence of the Philippines. The 
 garrison of Manila, which was likewise native, was 
 hurried to the spot, and soon suppressed the revolt. 
 All the rich Creoles, mestizos and Filipinos of Manila 
 and all the prominent secular clergy who had held liberal 
 -views or had taken part in the movement of prebendary 
 Pelaez were imprisoned. The result of the inquiries 
 seemed to fully justify the warnings of the monks against 
 the secular clergy and the liberals. The leaders of the 
 Pelaez movement. Father Burgos and two other secular 
 priests, were condemned to death as instigators of the re- 
 volt, and the elite of the native Liberals were deported to 
 the Marianne islands. In vain Father Burgos and his 
 reverend conpanions asseverated their innocence; they 
 were executed. 
 
 If at this time the monks had yielded a little, a recon- 
 ciliation could perhaps have been efifected with the secular 
 clergy and the native reformers, but they triumphantly 
 held their heads erect and were more obstinate than ever. 
 This was so much the more an error as the opening of the 
 Suez canal had brought the Philippines" into the world's 
 commercial channels and the archipelago had begun a 
 rapid, unforeseen advance, not only in economic matters, 
 but in everything that men call progress. The land was 
 permeated b}' new ideas, its sons were sent to Europe and 
 other parts of the world to study, and foreigners settled 
 in it more numerously than ever before. 
 
 Up to this time the secular clergy had asked only their 
 rights, and only in Manila was there to be found a small 
 band of native politicians who strove, timidly and in 
 secret, after reforms; but now political life began to 
 awaken among the natives, and first among the educated 
 and wealthy. They began to find it unendurable that the 
 weal and woe of their families should depend upon the 
 humors and the favors of their monk-pastors and the 
 officials. The officials had no esteem in the country, for, 
 at every change of ministry at home, a change of officials 
 
—45- 
 
 occurred, and the new officials came without any knowl- 
 edge of the country and with the single aim of saving as 
 much money as they could in the probably short time of 
 their stay.* The monks exercised an unlimited influence 
 over the entire officialdom. This was so, first, because 
 owing to their ignorance of the country, the officials had 
 to rely upon the information of the pastors; second, be- 
 cause the monks were able to procure the discharge of any 
 official who proved intractable, for in Madrid they were 
 held to be "the only men who knew the country" and "the 
 only support of Spanish authority in the Philippines," 
 and, finally, because the home government strove to keep 
 on good terms with the monks lest their immense wealth 
 should be placed at the service of Don Carlos, the pre- 
 tender to the Spanish throne. 
 
 In spite of the fact that every Filipino who stood out 
 for reform might expect to be arrested any night and 
 sent to some penal settlement, there arose a party embrac- 
 ing a wide circle of notable men who called themselves 
 the Party of Assimilation. They declared for assimila- 
 tion, that is, for the extension of constitutional rights to 
 the archipelago, for representation in the Spanish parlia- 
 ment and for the exclusion- of the monks from parishes, 
 or even for their banishment from the country. Leaving 
 aside this last plank, the Filipinos demanded, in the first 
 place, the same measure of political rights that the mother 
 country had conceded to Cuba and Porto Rico after the 
 peace of Zanjon. Spain could the more easily have 
 granted these demands, as they were in part only a re- 
 establishment of previously canceled rights, for twice 
 under Ferdinand II and once under Isabella II the right 
 to elect deputies to the Cortes had been granted to the 
 Filipinos, but quickly taken away again. It is hard to 
 imagine why none of the many ministries of the republic 
 and the monarchy would satisfy these just demands. The 
 question of the monks was much harder to solve. It is 
 certainly -excusable if even liberal ministries would not 
 grant this" demand, since they were persuaded of the need- 
 fulness of the monks, and they feared that any underyalu- 
 
 *NoTE. — Can it be much different under American methods of 
 politics by which, in spite of civil service rules the victors manage to 
 get most of the spoils? — Tr. 
 
—46- 
 
 ation of the orders might indirectly help the Carlist cause. 
 If the monks themselves had been smart they would have 
 yielded a part of their parishes in order to save the rest 
 and perhaps also their real estate. But they grew more 
 unyielding than ever, and sought to keep themselves 
 above water by banishing their opponents. An epoch of 
 persecution began for the Assimilationists similar to the 
 unworthy persecution of the radicals in Germany during 
 the reaction of the early fifties. But it was the means of 
 increasing the hatred against the monks to a threatening 
 degree. 
 
 As a press censorship existed in the Philippines, and as 
 it seemed necessary tc make propaganda in the mother 
 country itself in behalf of Philippine interests, the Assim- 
 ilation party established in Madrid a weekly paper called 
 La Solidaridad, which bravely took up the cudgels in be- 
 half of Philippine rights and demands. The activity and 
 intellectual energy of the various Filipino castes are 
 shown by the fact that there was only -a single white 
 Filipino among the writers of the Solidaridad, viz., Don 
 Eduardo de Lete y Cornell. The others were Tagals, 
 such as the doctor of medicine and philosophy. Dr. Jose 
 Rizal, so well known by his martyrdom, and the lawyers 
 Marcelo H. del Pilar and Mariano Ponce; or Ilocoans, 
 like Antonio Luna, later general in the Filipino army; or 
 Visayans, like the journalist Graciano Lopez Jaena. The 
 expectation that the Spanish press would pay greater at- 
 tention to the Filipino organ was not realized. Only the 
 republicans and the Freemasons took any notice of the 
 undertaking, the former because they could use it as an 
 arsenal whence to draw weapons against the restoration, 
 and the latter because (although when in power they had 
 done nothing for the Filipinos) they thought that the 
 Filipino movement was entirely anti-clerical. The Span- 
 ish Freemasons did not even know that the secular clergy 
 were standing at the side of the Assimilationists, and that 
 all those orders which had no share in the political serf- 
 dom of the country or in the persecution of the Assimila- 
 tionists (such as the Jesuits, the Benedictines, the Broth- 
 ers of Mercy, etc.) enjoyed the greatest respect and love 
 of all Filipino classes, even of the liberals. Consequently 
 the sympathy of the republicans and Freemasons only 
 
—47— 
 
 hurt the PhiHppine cause, because the monarchial party 
 was thereby ahenated and the enemies of the movement 
 were able to denounce it in Rome as Masonic and hereti- 
 cal. However, in spite of strict prohibition, the Solidari- 
 dad was widely circulated in the Philippines. In order to 
 offset it, a weekly paper called La Politica de Espagna en 
 Filipinos was started in Madrid. Its purpose was to sup- 
 port the pretensions of the inonks, and it enjoyed the 
 abundant support of the religious orders. But this monks' 
 paper only poured oil on the fire by its malignant attacks 
 on the colored people, whom it represented as inferior 
 beings. This abuse of the Malay race and the mestizos 
 was translated by the Assimilationists into the vulgar 
 tongues of the archipelago and circulated in order that 
 the humblest classes, who knew no Spanish, might learn 
 what their rulers thought of them. 
 
 The persecution was intensified by a demonstration or- 
 ganized by the burgomasters of the towns and villages of 
 Manila province in order to petition the government for 
 the removal of the monks and their replacement by Span- 
 ish and Filipino secular priests. The hope of a lawful 
 settlement of the Philippine problem decreased more and 
 more, and its surrender was evident when the Solidaridad 
 had to be discontinued because . the wealthy classes in 
 Manila refused to longer make heavy pecuniarv sacri- 
 fices in a hopeless undertaking. 
 
 Whilst the upper classes thus gave up the struggle, 
 there was formed among the lower classes a secret society 
 called the Katipunan, the object of which was the ex- 
 pulsion of the monks, a result which, because the Spanish 
 rule was identified with the monks' privileges, must have, 
 in the event of victory, as a natural sequence the severing 
 of the archipelago from Spain. It was an association of 
 the common people, and it exhibited in its organization a 
 mixture of Masonic regulations with those of the secret 
 societies which the Chinese have in foreign lands, and 
 which can be best compared with the Mafia of the Sicil- 
 ians, the Camorra of the Neapolitans and the Mano Ne- 
 gra of the Andalusians. It does not appear to have ex- 
 tended over the entire archipelago, but only over the Ta- 
 gal provinces near Manila. , 
 
 The rise of this society was due to the pressure of social 
 
—48— 
 
 conditions. A large part of the landed property belongs 
 to the monks, so that the peasants there live only as ten- 
 ants, or, better said, as colonists. In recent years the 
 monks foolishly raised the rent, and this was all the 
 harder, as the sugar failure and the buffalo pest had al- 
 ready reduced the peasants to sad straits. Besides, in 
 many cases the titles were contested by the natives, who 
 daimed that many of these pieces of land had been the 
 free possession of their ancestors, who had paid volun- 
 tarily an annual fixed tithe to the parish priests in order 
 to maintain a pompous divine service. But there being no 
 recorder's office in the Philippines, and the original pur- 
 pose of the annual tithe becoming forgotton, the payment 
 came to be considered in later years as rent, and the land 
 was consequently held to be, not the possession of its culti- 
 vator, but a leasehold of the parish priest, or, rather, of 
 the religious order to which he belonged. 
 
 In fact, the district of Calamba filed a suit against the 
 Dominicans to recover a tract of land in the city which 
 was held apparently unlawfully by them. But the case 
 was lost in every court. Nevertheless, the belief that in 
 many, if not in most cases, the Latifundium possessions 
 of the monks were not held legally, was obstinately main- 
 tained. The more so as by levies the monks aroused the 
 feelings of the peasants more and more, and besides, one 
 willingly believes the worst of a hated opponent. At any 
 rate, it was remarkable that precisely in those circles 
 which had been counted as the support of the monks 
 against the "Liberal" upper classes, a conspiracy against 
 them should arise. 
 
 How these people meant to accomplish their aim is not 
 known, for the conspiracy was discovered on August 19, 
 1896, and if the rebellion was planned for the following 
 September, as the Spaniards assert, it seems odd that 
 neither weapons nor ammunition had been gathered and 
 stored. 
 
 A woman made the matter known to Father Gil, pastor 
 of Tondo, a suburb of Manila, and he naturally did not 
 delay to communicate with the authorities. The investi- 
 gations which weie at once made led to the surprising 
 discovery that in this conspiracy not merely dozens, but 
 hundreds, even thousands, of persons were involved, and 
 
—49— 
 
 that the Katipunan documents were printed in the office 
 of the Diario de Manila, that is, that even the publisher 
 and compositors of that journal, which was the most 
 zealous defender of the monks' privileges belonged to the 
 society. They endeavored at once to capture the intel- 
 lectual leaders of the conspiracy, whom they expected to 
 find amongf the educated natives; and since the monks 
 promptly declared that the affair was instigated by the 
 Freemasons, all educated persons who were suspected of 
 liberal or even merely reform sentiments were arrested 
 en masse. The prisons were filled with suspects of all 
 classes, and terror was brought into all circles. The 
 Spaniards were blind in their rage for persecution, espe- 
 cially when a wild rumor of an intended Sicilian Vespers 
 spread about. 
 
 Their rage was the greater because their condition 
 seemed desperate, the Manila garrison being absent on an 
 expedition to Mindanao. Nothing, however, happened, for 
 the natives had even greater dread of the Spaniards and 
 monks than these of them. Thus, by assembling the gen- 
 darmery scattered throughout the provinces, Captain- 
 General Blanco was able, at least' to secure the city. Im- 
 prisonments, however, went on apace, for, as in the days 
 of Sulla's proscriptions, every cowardly denunciation by 
 some miserable nobody found willing acceptance in Span- 
 ish circles, and a magnificent opportunity was given to get 
 rid, in the quickest way, of unpleasant competitors or op- 
 ponents. 
 
 It was said that persons initiated into the Katipunan 
 society had to make an incision in the leg in order to sign 
 with their own blood the required pledge. Consequently, 
 search was made for scars on the leg, and whoever had 
 one was sent to prison ; although on account of the vege- 
 tation of the country and the customs of the people, such 
 scars might well arise from any accidental scratch. 
 
 Since, then, every native who did not possess the com- 
 plete confidence of the parish priest or the Spaniards, saw 
 himself threatened in his personal safety (and imprison- 
 ment was equivalent to conviction), the people resolved 
 rather to die in battle than to suffocate in prison. Con- 
 sequently, at the end of August, the so-called Tagalo re- 
 bellion broke out. For the time being the Spaniards 
 
—50— 
 
 could undertake nothing, for, though the troops had re- 
 turned from Mindanao, they were hardly sufficient even 
 to protect the capital and Cavite from the dreaded sur- 
 prise and a threatened uprising in the city. The insur- 
 gents, therefore, gained time for their organization. At 
 their head appeared Emilio Aguinaldo, a Tagal, who, be- 
 cause he was one of the admirers of Dr. Rizal, was 
 searched after, but had escaped, and who since then, by 
 his great talent for organization and his statesmanlike 
 gifts, has given to the world a shining example of the 
 capability of the Philippine people. 
 
 Marshal Blanco, who first had to await the arrival of 
 reinforcements from Spain in order to deliver a greater 
 blow against the insurgents, attempted by mildness to 
 prevent a further spread of the revolt and to win back that 
 portion of the Tagals who had been driven to the rebels 
 only by terror of the police. However, this prudent policy 
 was defeated by the unanimous opposition of the Euro- 
 pean Spaniards living on the islands. At that juncture the 
 monks could have rehabilitated themselves even yet to 
 some extent, if they had acted as mediators between th^ 
 rebels and the government; or, if they had at least spoken 
 in behalf of the prisoners. Instead of doing so, they were 
 the very first to demand relentless measures against the 
 rebels and the prisoners, and that not only behind the 
 scenes, but publicly and in black on white. The arch- 
 bishop of Manila and the regular clergj' sent private dis- 
 patches from Hong Kong to Madrid, blaming Blanco foi] 
 showing too little energy, and thereby endangering the 
 Spanish cause. By "energy" the Spaniards of Manila 
 understood the execution of the actual and supposed 
 leaders of the Katipunan society. The Madrid govern- 
 ment yielded. General Polavieja succeeded Blanco, and 
 the Spaniards of Manila had reason to be satisfied, for the 
 court-martials furnished rich material to the firing squads. 
 All classes and castes of the Filipinos were represented 
 among these victims, the common people, doctors, law- 
 yers, merchants and secular clergy, among whom the 
 pastor of the Cathedral of Naga. None of these unfor- 
 tunates awakened so much sympathy as the noble Tagal, 
 Dr. Rizal, whose chief offense was that he had" written 
 
—51— 
 
 two novels, Noli Me Tangere* and El Filibusterismo, in 
 which he had thrown a searchhght upon the poHtical 
 conditions of his country. Rizal died innocent of the act 
 of rebelhon of which he had been convicted on the asser- 
 tion of a wretch. Before his own death the accuser with- 
 drew the accusation; Hke so many others, he had borne 
 false witness in the hope to save himself by delivering to 
 the executioner the man most hated by the rulers. 
 
 Polavieja was not able to end the rebellion itself, 
 though he had 40,000 men at his command, whilst the 
 rebels had only 6,000 guns. He won indeed much-cele- 
 brated victories, but he could not reconquer even the 
 province of Cavite. This was first accomplished by his 
 successors, General Lachambre and Marshal Primo de 
 Rivera. The last named had already been governor of 
 the archipelago, and had left a friendly memory among 
 its inhabitants. He attempted to disarm the rebels by 
 mildness and concession, and this time there was no oppo- 
 sition, either from the monks or the other Spaniards. 
 Even the above named paper, "La Politico," etc., con- 
 ceded that the severity of Polavieja and the bloody work 
 of his court-martials had an opposite effect from what 
 was desired. Hatred against the monks grew more in- 
 tense and extended to all Spaniards. A lawyer, Paterno, 
 a mestizo, who enjoyed great regard among the Filipinos, 
 and also stood well with the government, undertook to 
 mediate between the rebels and the authorities, and on 
 Christmas day, 1897, the rebellion was terminated by the 
 Peace of Biac-na-Bato. 
 
 Officially the only conditions were that complete am- 
 nestv should be granted the insurgents and that an in- 
 demnity should be paid to them. The existence of a 
 secret clause promising certain reforms within a definite 
 time has been sturdily denied by the Spaniards. It can, 
 however, be accepted as certain that 'such pledges were; 
 given, though perhaps not in documentary form, and that 
 
 *NoTE. — The French translation of this book can be easily had. 
 It is published by P. V. Stock, Paris, 1899, under the title "Au Pays 
 des Moines." The German translation is out of print The Nordisk 
 Tidskrift, .Stockholm, 1899, contains an excellent study of Dr. Rizal 
 as a novelist, a poet and a sculptor, illustrated by engravings of sev- 
 eral of his statues. — Tr. ' 
 
—52— 
 
 all Filipinos were convinced that a complete change would 
 be made in the prevailing system of government if the 
 rebellion would not again break out. 
 
 3. RECENT EVENTS. 
 
 The Spaniards, and especially the monks, learned noth- 
 ing from this rebellion. One apology may, however, be 
 made for the government. Carlism had again begun to 
 show threatening signs of life in Spain, and consequently 
 the government could concern itself only with such plans 
 of reform as would meet the approval, or, at least, the 
 toleration, of the monks. By "reform," however, the 
 monks understood the completest reaction and the with- 
 drawal of all those decrees by which the colonial min- 
 isters, Leon del Castillo, Balaguer, Becerra, Moret and 
 Maura, had met at least the most pressing requirements 
 of the new era. Thus week followed week, and distrust 
 of the Spaniards began to strongly increase in the Philip- 
 pines, whilst even the shadow of the approaching Spanish- 
 American war did not induce the monks to allow, by pru- 
 dent yielding, greater freedom to the Spanish govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Aguinaldo and his staff were in voluntary exile in 
 Hong Kong. He was exasperated because the Spaniards 
 despised him as one "bought," whereas he had deposited 
 the indemnity money in a Hong Kong bank as "a war 
 fund in case the Spaniards do not keep their pledges." And 
 these pledges were not kept, neither the moral nor the 
 material ones, for the payment of the instalments of the in- 
 demnity ceased. When the Spanish- American war was im- 
 minent, Aguinaldo, accompanied by several companions, 
 appeared in Singapore in order in the name of the united 
 Filipino classes ( Creoles, Filipinos, Spanish and Chinese 
 mestizos) to treat with the Americans. The American 
 Consul-General, Pratt, protests now that he did not make 
 the so-called agreement of Singapore with Aguinaldo in 
 Raffles' Hotel on April 28, 1898; and a year later an 
 English book which published its text was enjoined from 
 its further publication by the colonial authorities of Singa- 
 ,pore. But up to the outbreak of hostilities between the 
 Americans and the Filipinos, its existence was not contro- 
 
-53- 
 
 verted or doubted by any one.* As early as June, 1898, 
 I was shown several copies of it by influential Filipinos, 
 ^\'hol'n I had warned to remain true to the Spaniards, be- 
 cause the Americans, if aided by the natives, would in- 
 deed take the archipelago from the Spaniards, but would . 
 hold it for themselves. These people could not have in- 
 vented the agreement. Moreover, the French and Span- 
 ish papers, as well as several Spanish books treating of 
 the war, published literally the same text, and no Ameri- 
 can voice was raised in protest against it at that time. 
 If it is a fabrication, several points in it are so favorable 
 to the Americans, that they could not have been inserted 
 or accepted by Filipinos concerned only about their own 
 independence. When, therefore, Mr. Pratt denies that he 
 made such an agreement, he may refer to his personal 
 collaboration and to the form of the document. At an}' 
 rate, it suffices for us to consider the fact that during the 
 whole time of the American war and late into the winter 
 of 1898, the entire world had believed in the existence of 
 the agreement, and the more readily as its paragraphs 
 seemed to furnish internal evidences of authenticity. 
 Furthermore, it was said at that time that President Mc- 
 Kinley had refused the telegraphic approval of the agree- 
 ment which had been requested. It is also stated that the 
 agreement had been submitted to Admiral Dewey and 
 approved by him with the addition that the occupation 
 of Manila should be made by the American troops. 
 
 In order to judge the events following, it is immaterial 
 whether a formal agreement was made or not or whether 
 it merely definitely announced the actual mutual relations 
 that existed between the two parties. In the alleged agree- 
 ment the independence of the Philippines was declared, 
 an American protectorate over the new republic was rec- 
 ognized, and it was stipulated that, for the time being, 
 American and European commissioners to be named by 
 
 *NoTE. — A study of senate doc. No. 62 (which, however, unfor- 
 tunately omits dispatch No. 211) leads me to believe that Mr. Pratt 
 did not make the alleged agreement, though he was certainly very 
 friendly and encouraging toward the Filipino leaders. The Chinese 
 trouble has disclosed in Hong Kong a nest of Champion Liars who 
 are capable of inventing anything. Happily the right of the Filipinos 
 to independence rests upon a law higher than any pledge which cotild 
 be made by us or anybody else. — Tr. 
 
—54— 
 
 Rear Admiral Dewey should participate in the govern- 
 ment of the country. 
 
 It is know that on May i, 1898, Dewey completely de- 
 stroyed the Spanish fleet at Cavite and that he then was 
 condemned to inactivity because he had no land troops 
 and could spare only enough marines to hold Cavite, 
 which had surrendered. Now Captain-General Augusti 
 proclaimed reforms, summoned a colonial assembly and, 
 in short, did everything possible in order at the last mo- 
 ment to win the natives to his side ; but it was too late. 
 On May 19, Emilio Aguinaldo landed at Cavite under 
 the protection of Dewey and summoned his countrymen 
 to the war for independence. Already in April an appeal 
 had been published in Hong Kong over the signature of 
 La Junta Patriotica, in which the Filipinos were called 
 upon to put their trust in the Americans, and the assur- 
 ance was given that the protection of the United States 
 would help them to the attainment of their freedom and 
 rights. This proclamation closed with the characteristic 
 exclamations: "Hurrah for Freedom and Right! Hur- 
 rah for the great Republic of North America ! ! Hurrah 
 for President McKinley and Admiral Dewey ! ! !" An- 
 other pamphlet published at that time, instead of being 
 signed, ends with this sentence : "I do not sign my name 
 because it is too insignificant for you, but I call upon you 
 in the name of one of our most sublime victims of patriot- 
 ism, whose spirit must at this time hover at our side, in 
 the name of Jose Rizal." In this pamphlet, also, the Fili- 
 pinos were implored to place their trust in the Americans 
 and were invited thus : "Wherever you see an American 
 flag there gather together, for there you will find your 
 liberators." A third anonymous circular closes with these 
 words : "Destiny supports the Americans in their victo- 
 ries because the war they carry on is a just one and be- 
 cause they are the chosen nation which shall place us 
 as was' to be expected on our desired road to freedom. 
 Do not attempt to outrage these decrees of destiny or you 
 will perish. Therefore support the Americans." I pre- 
 serve, also, from those days, a small handbill (octavo 
 form) on which nothing else is said than : "Hurrah for 
 America and the Philippines ! Hurrah for Freedom and 
 Progress!! Death to the Monks! Down with Tyran- 
 
—55- 
 
 ny!!" It is singular that these proclamations were not 
 signed by any special name since in Hong Kong the exiles 
 had no reason for concealment and it might even be 
 thought by some that they were issued by the Americans 
 themselves; but'it is clear from the Philippinisms inter- 
 mingled with the Spanish that they were composed by 
 the Filipinos. 
 
 On May 24, 1898, Aguinaldo issued a manifesto over 
 his own name in which he first charges the Spaniards 
 with violation of the treaty of Biac-na-Bato, thereby jus- 
 tifying himself for taking up arms, and then points out 
 that the Americans would give their aid to the Filipinos 
 for the accomplishment of "our demands." He informs 
 the people that he has assumed the power of government 
 and has surrounded himself with a council of enlightened 
 men by whose aid he would conduct it until a legal con- 
 gress could be assembled. This proclamation was also 
 communicated to Dewey and no protest was made on the 
 part of the Americans. Nay, the Americans even trans- 
 ferred Cavite and their Spanish prisoners to the Filipino 
 general. 
 
 No wonder, then, that a Filipino friend whom I had 
 advised to stick to the Spanish flag and had warned 
 against trusting the Americans was able to write to me 
 on June 10, 1898; "I cannot of course say anything 
 definite about the real intentions of the Americans. Thus 
 far they have acted all right. They allow the Filipinos 
 to arm themselves and to undertake military operations 
 at their own risk and account. They do not interfere. 
 Surely if they had the secret design to take possession of 
 us they would not allow the insurgents to take up arms 
 which later could be turned against them." 
 
 Aguinaldo's appeal enkindled the people. Volunteers 
 streamed in in great crowds and the armed militia and 
 native soldiers of Spain began to flock to him with arms 
 and baggage. When he won his first victories over the 
 Spanish troops and forced a general and, his corps to sur- 
 render the cause of Spain was lost. At his headquarters 
 were now to be found those keen-scented people who are 
 wont to go over to the victor at just the right moment, 
 neither too early nor too late. Gradually his troops con- 
 
—56— 
 
 quered all Luzon and the revolution began to raise its 
 head also in the Visayas. 
 
 The understanding between Dewey and the Filipinos 
 was cordial. A coolness arose first when the American 
 troops arrived. It was due to General Merritt, who did 
 not know how to control his Anglo-Saxon haughtiness 
 towards "natives." However, he respected the Filipino 
 flag and (obeying indeed more his needs than his incli- 
 nations) accepted the help of the Filipinos in the last 
 assault on Manila, for without Aguinaldo's aid the Amer- 
 icans could only have bombarded the city. 
 
 No protest was made by the Americans against the 
 .proclamation of independence on June 12, 1898, nor 
 against the inauguration of the Philippine Republic on 
 Aug. I, 1898. Every impartial observer must say that 
 the Americans did not take a single step which could 
 suggest in the remotest degree that they harbored a de- 
 sign to annex the country. The confidence of the Fili- 
 pinos was unbounded, and even if the terms of the pro- 
 tocol of Washington did create a certain disquietude, 
 they consoled themselves with the thought that, should 
 its terms be repeated in the treaty, the Americans would 
 consent none the less to recognize or secretly aid the in- 
 dependence of the islands. The Filipinos had every rea- 
 son to expect this, for if the Americans meant it earnest- 
 ly with that protocol, why did they look on passively 
 while Aguinaldo sent reinforcements from Luzon to the 
 insurgents in Visaya against those very Spaniards with 
 whom the Americans had concluded a truce? This 
 strange proceeding, I claim, should strengthen the Fili- 
 pinos in the expectation that the great Americarj, nation*, 
 would remain true to its ancient traditions to ' promore 
 the independence of European colonies. Did not Dewey 
 accept without protest the solemn notification of the form- 
 al proclamation of the Philippine republic? Did not 
 the American authorities in Manila allow the delegates 
 from that city to the Philippine convention to go back 
 and forth in a special train to its sessions at Malolos? 
 On Sept. 22, 1898, a Filipino friend wrote to me: "The 
 relations which prevail between the Americans and the 
 Filipinos continue friendly as hitherto. The latter pass 
 ;in and out of Manila with uniforms and insignia, con- 
 
—57— 
 
 itinue unhindered the arming and drilling of their sol- 
 diers, and quietly organize all the branches of their gov- 
 'ernment." 
 
 The first acts of the Americans which could shake the 
 trust of. the Filipinos were a prohibition for Philippine 
 ships to carry the tri-color flag of the republic and the ■ 
 seizure of the little steamers belonging to the Philippine 
 government. But since the other, above described rela- 
 tions remained intact, and since Filipino troops were still 
 permitted to assist the Visayans in their fight against the 
 Spaniards (even after the signing of the official peace!) 
 the Filipinos became soon quieted. Even the signing of 
 the treaty of peace at Paris made no change in the con- 
 dition of things because they were persuaded that the 
 American congress would not accept its terms, but would 
 give freedom to the Philippines. So in all calmness the 
 Philippine congress at Malolos deliberated on the consti- 
 tution of the Philippine republic. This constitution, which 
 was modeled after European patterns, was solemnly pro- 
 claimed on Jan. 21, 1899, at Malolos. 
 
 The senate at Washington had decided to take a final 
 vote on the Paris treaty on Feb. 6, 1899, and the Filipinos 
 felt sure that the result would be favorable to them, eveji 
 if carried only by a few votes. The outbreak of hostili- 
 ties on Feb. 4 between the Filipinos and the Americans 
 produced such an impression on hesitating senators that 
 a majority decided unfavorably to the Filipino cause. 
 
 The Americans and Filipinos charge each other with 
 having begun hostilities. If the Americans are right, it 
 is certainly strange that just on Feb. 4 the Filipino gen- 
 erals of the corps near Manila should have been sum- 
 moned to Malolos for conference with Aguinaldo and 
 that the stafif officers should have gone to the theater at 
 Caloocan. Furthermore, the consideration of self-inter- 
 est (cui bono?) makes it seem much more probable that 
 the Filipinos would be careful not to arouse the chauvin- 
 ism of the Americans by precipitating a conflict, since 
 they had telegraphic information as to the condition of 
 affairs in Washington. 
 
—58— 
 
 IV. AMERICAN BLUNDERS. 
 
 Since that time war has raged in the Philippines with- 
 out the Americans, in spite of the aid of large reinforce- 
 ments, being able to gain a decisive result in the field. 
 They have been as little able to accomplish anything in 
 the domain of politics. By promising to grant autonomy 
 to the "colony" they have indeed succeeded in establish- 
 ing a native party, the so-called "Americanists," which, 
 however, exists only in the cities occupied by the Amer- 
 icans. This party has no hold on the people because it 
 is made up of those natives who, for the sake of peace, 
 would serve, and in fact, have served all masters who 
 possessed power in their homes, and of other natives 
 who consider it patriotic, until a definite decision as to 
 the fate of their country, to fill the offices intrusted to 
 them so that these might not entirely fall into the hands 
 of the Americans, or of those base souls among the na- 
 tives who can be bought for gold. Neither is it increas- 
 ing, but on the contrary it is crumbling away, because 
 confidence in the friendly intentions of the American gov- 
 ernment towards the Filipinos begins to disappear even 
 among its members. But the Americans need not com- 
 plain, because they alone are to blame. Up to the pro- 
 ceedings of the Peace Commission at Paris neither the 
 American government nor its representatives in the 
 archipelago did anything whatever to disturb the belief 
 of the Filipinos that their independence would remain 
 untouched. Even the explanation of the word "control"* 
 given by the American commissioners in the course of the 
 proceedings at Paris might with good right be under- 
 stood by the Filipinos as another expression for a pro- 
 tectorate. 
 
 *NoTE. — See Appendix No. 2. The phrase of the protocol, as first 
 proposed, was "control, possession and government." Finally the 
 word "disposition" was substituted for "possession." The word 
 "control" was rendered in French by "intervention," and in Spanish 
 by "inspeccion." — Tr. 
 
—59— 
 
 When the American government had once decided 
 upon annexation one would think that it had at its dis- 
 posal time enough to thoroughly study the Filipino ques- 
 tion and that it would then begin its work with a clear 
 program, which would be binding also upon itself. That, 
 however, was not done, for the program of the Schur- 
 man Commission was very vague and admitted even 
 more ambiguities than the word "control." Furthermore 
 it was not strictly binding on the Americans and had 
 only the character of a promise depending on incalcu- 
 lable factors. Reports from Washington concerning the 
 future of the Philippines deviate from the Schurman 
 plan. Often it is asserted that the "annexation" is to be 
 only temporary and that as soon as the Filipinos are 
 "ripe" enough they will be granted their freedom. Con- 
 sequently there are only doubtful promises for an 
 uncertain future, and the Filipinos are entirely 
 right under the circumstances in not allowing 
 themselves to be taken in. Again, it sounds very contra- 
 dictory to declare that the Filipinos are not ripe for free- 
 dom and in the very same breath to promise them au- 
 tonomy. A people should not be less ripe for autonomy 
 than for independence, because both mean self-govern- 
 ment, only the flag and the relationship to foreign powers 
 being different. 
 
 Even in Washington itself they seem not to know what 
 they want to do with the Philippines. If they meant to 
 bring them under the stars and stripes and honestly in- 
 tended to give them real self-government, they would 
 incorporate them as states or territories into the Union, 
 amending if necessary the American constitution for the 
 purpose. But they wish to hold the archipelago as a col- 
 ony, with its government conducted by imported Ameri- 
 can officials aided by native subalterns. That would be 
 much worse for the Filipinos than was the Spanish rule, 
 because the character of the Anglo-Saxons is such thai; 
 the first gift of the new foreign dominion to the country 
 would be a social proscription of the colored people, and 
 because the promise to allow or to give freedom to them 
 as soon as they are ripe for it is an empty phrase. For, 
 since it would rest with the Americans to determine when 
 the natives would be ripe, it is not conceivable (consider- 
 
—Go- 
 ing the American nature) that they would ever concede 
 to the natives, to colored men, a social and reat political 
 equality with the sanctimonious, white, English-speaking 
 race, or that they would ever give back again to the na- 
 tives the government if they had once obtained it from 
 them. 
 
 For the Filipinos, then, subjugation and annexation 
 both mean loss of nationality, social proscription and a 
 condition of helotism without any prospect of liberation 
 by legal methods from a debasing honor-dulling servi- 
 tude. 
 
 If considerations like these fail to estrange Filipinos 
 from the thought of American annexation, surel}' the sil- 
 liest among them must be awakened from their dreams 
 of resignation by a view of the ever more intimate rela- 
 tions which are growing up between the Americans and 
 the monks. These monks, whose latifundia were confis- 
 cated by the Philippine republic, can recover their lost 
 possessions only through the triumph of the Americans, 
 with whom they consequently place themselves on the 
 best footing. On the other hand, the Americans, who 
 know the country only from Spanish books and from in- 
 tercourse with the monks who surround them in Manila, 
 and who, as whites, are congenial to them, have been 
 induced to utilize these monks and hope by their influence 
 to win the lower classes. Therefore they restore to them 
 the churches which before the downfall of the Spanish 
 power were in charge of the religious orders, but since 
 had been given in charge to the native secular clergy. 
 
 Therefore numbers of monks, who, after the victories 
 or the Americans and Filipinos, had left the country and 
 had found refuge in Spain or eastern Asia, are returning 
 to the Philippines. Thus it is that the Filipinos have 
 sacrificed all their blood and means in order that instead 
 of the personally amiable Spaniard, the haughty Anglo- 
 Saxon of America who abhors dark skins may swing th'j 
 whip over them ! And, as if that were not enough, the 
 monks shall also come back to all their privileges! Every- 
 thing protests against such a result. But one need only 
 read the Dcmocracia, one of tlie best of the Americanist 
 organs, to see that their chief concern is that the old 
 monkish dominion shall return under the starry banner 
 
—el- 
 and revenge itself for all that the Filipinos actually or 
 putatively did against the political rights and material 
 welfare of the religious orders. The unfortunate hand of 
 the American politician is sho\yn here also. To support 
 oneself on a class which itself needs a support is a very 
 foolish undertaking. 
 
 Consequently there is no prospect that the Philippine 
 people will submit to the American flag, and only time 
 will show whether the Americans will be able to subdue 
 them by force of arms. If they do, the Philippines will 
 remain an uncertain possession, because there can be no 
 thought of reconciliation or fraternization between Amer- 
 ican and Filipino. The Anglo-Saxon cannot lay aside 
 his brutal domineering morality (Herrenmoral) towards 
 "natives," for it is not a garment, but an element of his 
 national character. 
 
 One cannot help asking why, true to their traditional 
 character of liberators, the Americans did not at least 
 make the attempt to establish an independent Philippine 
 republic under an American protectorate in order to sat- 
 isfy themselves as to the political ripeness of the Fili- 
 pinos. The excuse that they are not ripe for independ- 
 ence is not founded on facts. The Filipinos number more 
 educated people than the kingdom of Servia and the prin- 
 cipalities of Bulgaria and Montenegro. They have fewer 
 illiterates than the states of the Balkan peninsula, Russia, 
 many provinces of. Spain and Portugal, and the Latin 
 republics of America. There are provinces in which few 
 people can be found who do not at least read. They pay 
 more attention to education than Spain or the Balkan 
 states do. There is no lack of trained men fit to govern 
 their own country and indeed in every branch, because 
 under the Spanish rule the official business was entirely 
 transacted by native subalterns. The whole history of 
 the Katipunan revolt and of the war against Spain and 
 America serves to place in the best light the capability of 
 the Filipinos for self-government. For, even in Pola- 
 vieia's time, excesses occurred only exceptionally and 
 they were always punished. The history of the Philip- 
 pine revolution is not stained with a long series of cruel- 
 ties like those of the revolutions of the great civilized 
 nations of Europe. That their tendency is toward Euro- 
 
—63— 
 
 pean standards is evident from the respect which they 
 showed to the Hves and property of foreigners as well 
 during the Katipunan revolt as since. The existence of a 
 spirit of discipline and subordination and of respect for 
 authority is shown by the morale of the Philippine army 
 and its obedience to Aguinaldo's orders. Whoever is 
 familiar with the history of the revolt of the Spanish- 
 American colonies will remember how much discord there 
 was among the rebels, and how they betrayed, deserted 
 and even in the presence of the enemy fought one another. 
 But in the Filipino army all was harmonious just as in a 
 loyal and well disciplined European army. 
 
 Therefore no one can deny that the Filipinos have more 
 right to form an independent government than many 
 European and American countries. Likewise, every one 
 should admit that by recognizing an independent Philip- 
 pine republic and by declaring a protectorate over it, 
 America would acquire a better position in Eastern Asia 
 than it will if it must continually defend its banner against 
 rebels, and at every collision with foreign powers, must 
 assure itself that its Filipino subjects do not make com- 
 mon cause with the enemy. The great North American 
 union cannot lose prestige if it acknowledge the errors of 
 the imperialist party and go back to the propositions of 
 the alleged agreement of Singapore. If the obligations 
 of prestige are to be discussed, let it be said that American 
 prestige suffered most of all by allowing the Filipinos so 
 long to believe that America had nothing against their 
 independence. At any rate, a Philippine republic estab- 
 lished under the protection of America would prove far 
 more useful for American political interests than a colony 
 kept in subjection by soldiers and gallows. 
 
 May the dice fall as they will, one thing is certain. The 
 Filipinos have won the sympathy of all who reject the 
 principle that Might is Right and consider the sentiment 
 Dulce est pro patria mori as something more than a copy 
 set up for Latin students to translate. 
 
—OS- 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 SYNOPSIS OF THE PEINCIPAL ARTICLES OF THE CONSTI- 
 TUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE KEP0BLIC. 
 
 1. The political union of all Filipinos forms a nation 
 and their state is named The Philippine Republic. 
 
 2. The Philippine Republic is free and independent. 
 3- Sovereignty rests exclusively in the people. 
 
 4. The government of the Republic is popular, repre- 
 sentative, successive and responsible, and it will be carried 
 on by three different branches called the legislative, the 
 executive and the judicial. 
 
 5. The nation recognizes the freedom and equality of , 
 all religions and establishes the separation of church and 
 state. 
 
 6. Foreigners who are not naturalized may acquire 
 the right of citizenship by two years' continuous residence 
 in any part of the Philippines and by the payment of the 
 legal taxes. 
 
 7. No Filipino nor foreigner shall be arrested or im- 
 prisoned except for crime and in conformity with the 
 ■forms of the law. 
 
 8. Every person arrested must be either set free or 
 brought before a competent judge within twenty-four 
 hours after arrest. He must be either released or com- 
 mitted within 72 hours after appearance before such com- 
 petent judge. The final decision must be made known to 
 him within the same term. 
 
 9-17. A form of habeas corpus act and other pro- 
 visions for the protection of person and property are pro- 
 vided. 
 
 20. No Filipino shall be deprived of the right to freely 
 express his ideas and opinions either orally or in writing 
 or in the press ; nor of the right to hold meetings for all 
 purposes of human life, unless against public morals; nor 
 of the right to petition either individually or collectively 
 the public authorities and officials. Except that the right 
 of petition cannot be used by members of the regular 
 
 2X. Every Filipino has the right to found and endow' 
 
-64— 
 
 educational institutions, subject to regulations hereafter 
 to be provided. 
 
 Education is obligatory and shall be furnished in free 
 public schools. 
 
 24. Any foreigner may, subject to the regulations 
 regarding this matter, settle in any part of Philippine ter- 
 ritory according to his free judgment and therein practice 
 his trade or profession.* 
 
 25. No foreigner, who has not completed his naturali- 
 zation, may pursue any occupation that implies jurisdic- 
 tion or has the character of being'ofhcial. 
 
 26. Every Filipino is obliged to defend his fatherland 
 by arms when called upon by the law, and to pay taxes to 
 the state in proportion to his means. 
 
 31. Only offences against military discipline shall be 
 tried by army or navy tribunals. 
 
 33. The legislative power shall be exercised by a rep- 
 resentative assembly of the nation, which shall be organ- 
 ized in the manner and form prescribed by law. 
 
 34. The members of the National Assembly represent 
 the whole nation and not the electors only by whom they 
 are chosen. 
 
 35. No representative shall accept imperative' instruc- 
 tions from his electors. 
 
 36. The National Assembly shall meet every year. 
 The President shall have power to convoke it, to suspend 
 its sessions, and to close it, and this power shall be exer- 
 cised within th^ legal term and- in agreement with the 
 assembly or its permanent commission. 
 
 37. The National Assembly shall be in session at least 
 three months each year, exclusive of the time spent in 
 organization. 
 
 38. The President of the Republic shall convoke the 
 National Assembly not later than April 15. 
 
 '39. The President of the Republic shall be elected by 
 the National Assembly. 
 
 40. In case of death or resignation of the President, 
 his office shall be temporarily discharged by the Chief 
 Justice of the Supreme Court, and another member of 
 the Supreme Court shall be chosen as Chief Justice ad 
 interim. 
 
 ♦Note. — The regulations pertain to diplomas for doctors and 
 druggists, etc. 
 
— 6S— 
 
 48. No measure shall become law unless it has been 
 adopted by the National Assembly. In order to pass a 
 law at least one-quarter of the duly elected and sworn 
 deputies must be present. 
 
 51. The President and the National Assembly have 
 the right to propose bills. 
 
 53. The term of office shall be four years. 
 
 54. Before the close of its session the National As- 
 sembly shall choose seven members \\ho shall constitute a 
 Permanent Commission to serve during the adjournment 
 of the Assembly and who shall choose a chairman and a 
 secretar}^ 
 
 55. During the vacations of the National Assembly 
 the Permanent Commission shall exercise the following 
 rights : It shall determine whether in certain specified 
 cases the acts of the President and certain other high offi- 
 cials require investigation, and it shall have power, in 
 cases of impeachment or in grave emergenc}^ to summon 
 the Assembly in extraordinary session. 
 
 56. The executive power resides in the President, who 
 shall exercise it through his secretaries. 
 
 57. Special bureaus are provided for special interests 
 of districts, provinces and state, under regulations which 
 procure the broadest administrative decentralization and 
 local autonomy. 
 
 58. The President is elected by the National Assem- 
 bly by an absolute majority of votes and holds office for 4 
 years. 
 
 61. The President must promulgate all laws within 
 20 days after their definitive adoption by the National 
 Assembly. 
 
 62. A veto power is granted to the President and a 
 two-thirds majority of the Assembly is necessary to over- 
 come his veto. 
 
 63. This article deals. with cases of emergency. 
 
 65. The President is commander-in-chief of the army 
 and with the consent of the Assembly can declare war and 
 
 make peace. , ^ . . , , 
 
 66. A treaty of peace becomes definitive only when 
 
 ratified by the Assembly. 
 
 67-69. The President appoints his secretaries, ambas- 
 sadors and consuls, certain officers and officials. He can- 
 
—66— 
 
 not, without a special law made by the Assembly, leave 
 Philippine territory, or admit foreign troops, or annex 
 foreign territory, or grant general amnesty, or coin 
 money, or make political, military or commercial treaties^ 
 with foreign powers. 
 
 71. During his term of office the President is in- 
 violable except for high treason or violation of the consti- 
 tution. 
 
 7Z- The State Council consists of the President and 
 seven secretaries, namely: of Foreign Affairs; Interior; 
 Finance; War and Navy; Education; Public Works and 
 Posts ; Agriculture, Labor and Commerce. 
 
 74 All communications- of the President require the 
 countersign of the appropriate secretary in order to be 
 valid. 
 
 75. This article regulates the responsibility of the 
 whole ministry and the individual state secretaries. 
 
 82. Determines the authority of the District and Pro- 
 vincial representations. 
 
 83. A preliminary Budget must be submitted to the 
 Assembly each year. 
 
 84. All state debts are guaranteed by the nation and 
 no loans can be made unless provision is made at the same 
 time for meeting them. 
 
 88. The National Assembly shall each year, on the 
 proposal of the President, determine the force of the army 
 and navy. 
 
 93. Spanish shall be the official language, for the time 
 being. 
 
 Additional Article. All lands, buildings and other 
 property which the religious orders possessed in these 
 islands shall be considered as state property, dating from 
 May 24, 1898 — the day on which the provisional govern- 
 ment was established at Cavite. 
 
 Author's Note. — A later provisional article (100) suspended Art. 
 5 of the Constitution until the convening of a new national assembly, 
 and added that parishes under charge of Filipino pastors should pro- 
 vide for their support. Art. S had been inserted in the Constitution 
 to adapt it to Amercian ideas and to win American sympathy; but 
 .after the Americans had thrown off the mask the Filipinos repented 
 and_ adopted Art. 100, at the ^ame time referring to the Pope the 
 qtiestion whether Art. 5 should be reinstated or not. 
 
—67— 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 1. [From the Protocol.^ signed at Washington, Aug. 
 .12, 1898.] 
 
 Art. 3. The United States will occupy and hold the 
 ,city, bay and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of 
 a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, dis- 
 position and government of the Philippines. 
 
 2. [From the Treaty of Peace, signed at Paris, Dec. 
 10, 1898.] 
 
 Art. I. Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty 
 over and title to Cuba. 
 
 Art. 3. Spain cedes to the United States the archipel- 
 ago known as the Philippine Islands, etc. 
 
 Art. 9. The civil rights and political status of the 
 native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the 
 United States shall be determined by the Congress. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace was ratified by the.Senate on Feb. 
 6, 1899, by 61 affirmative votes against 29 negative, or 
 one vote more than the required two-thirds. The Vest 
 amendment, putting the Philippines on the same footing 
 as Cuba in the treaty, was rejected by 53 to 30 votes. 
 
 3. [The Bacon Resolution. 
 
 Resolved, That the United States hereby disclaim any 
 disposition or intention to exercise permanent sover- 
 eignty, jurisdiction or control over said islands and assert 
 their determination when a stable and independent gov- 
 ernment shall have been erected there, entitled in the 
 judgment of the United States to recognition as such, to 
 transfer to said government upon terms which shall be 
 ireasonable and just all right secured under the cession by 
 Spain and to thereupon leave the government and control 
 of the islands to their people 
 
 This wise and just resolution received 29 votes in the 
 affirmative and 29 in the negative. The presiding officer 
 of the Senate,' Vice-President Hobart, decided the tie in 
 the negative and defeated the resolution. A single vote 
 
—68— 
 
 would have placed this country in the same relation 
 toward the Philippines as it stands towards Cuba, would 
 have prevented the war, would have kept us consistent 
 with our record and our principles, would have won us 
 the friendship instead of the enmity of the Filipinos, and 
 would have been an act of simple justice to them. — Tr. 
 
 ADDENDUM. 
 
 The Macabebes, with whose name the American press 
 has made us familiar, are not mentioned by that name in 
 Blumentritt's or Cavada's classification. I am indebted 
 to Mr. John T. McCutcheon, of the Chicago Record, for 
 some data about them. They number about 25,000, and 
 inhabit a valley in the province of Bulacan, some forty 
 miles north of Manila. They were always loyal to the 
 Spaniards, and consequently at outs with their fellow 
 Filipinos. The reason therefor is not known. About 
 1,000 of them have been taken into the American service 
 as scouts, etc. 
 
 The coast Mala3's resemble each other so much that a 
 foreigner canriot tell whether one is a Tagal, Bikol, Pan- 
 gansino, etc. ; but the natives can recognize one another 
 by their provincialisms and turns of dialect. It is as unfair 
 to speak of them as "different tribes" as it would be to so 
 describe the inhabitants of the various shires in England 
 before the printing press and education made the English 
 language uniform. ' D. J. 1). 
 
—69— 
 
 In his Historia Estadistica de Filipinas (Manila, 
 1876), Cavada divides the 1200 islands of the Philippine 
 archipelago into the following groups: 
 
 I. The Luzon group, which includes Luzon, the Babu- 
 yan islands, the Batanes, Polillo, Alhabat, Cantan- 
 duanes, Marianas, Corregidor, Mindoro, Burias, 
 Masbate, Marinduque, Calamianes, Paragua (or 
 Palauan) and Babalac. 
 
 II. The Visayan group, comprising Cebu, Bohol, Samar, 
 Leyte, Negros, Panay, SLbu3'an, Banton, Tablas, 
 Simara, Maestre de Campo, Banta3'an, Danis, 
 Camote, Siquijor (or Fire Island). 
 
 III. The Mindanaon group, comprising Mindanao, Cam 
 inguing, Caburao, Dinagat, Argus, Oyarzal, Vivero, 
 Sibuanga, General, Buentua, Tong-quil, Balan- 
 guingui and the sub-archipelago of Jolo (or Sulu). 
 This sub-archipelago consists of about 112 islands, 
 the principal of which are Jolo, Pagaturang, 
 Tapul and Tawi-Tawi. 
 
 The larger islands are divided into provinces; for ex- 
 ample, Luzon has 22 provinces, Mindanao 7, Panay 3, 
 etc. The inhabitants are designated by the names of the 
 respective provinces, thus Ilocoans, Bulacanos, Pangasin- 
 anos, etc., which creates the impression that they are 
 "eighty or more tribes." The fact is that all the Chris- 
 - tian, civilized Malays are a homogenous people.— D. J. D. 
 
Longitude tast from Grccmvicli. 
 
"Ei>erybody knows what is becoming to his religion, 
 
 his honor and his country better than they tuho Judge of 
 
 these things from a distance. Attd, finally, what is life 
 
 without liberty?" 
 
 — Words of a Filipino leader, quoted by a Spanish 
 writer, Leonardo de Argensola (A. D. 1566-1631).