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THE 
 
 MASTER, WARDENS, AND ASSISTANTS 
 
 OF THE WORSHIPFUL 
 
 COMPANY OF DRAPERS 
 1913-1914 
 
 Master. 
 Colonel Starling Meux Benson, LL.D. 
 
 Wardens. 
 
 Lieut.-Col.JohnLewisRutley,V.D. Arthur George Ashby. 
 Webster Glynes. Sir John Aird, Bart. 
 
 Assistants. 
 
 Frederick William flarris. John Barrow. 
 
 Rev. Henry Boyd, D.D. His Hon. Judge William Denman 
 Charles Hales. Benson, LL.D. 
 
 Sir Cornelius Neale Dalton, Bernard Francis Harris. 
 
 K.C.M.G., C.B., D.C.L. Arthur Stewart Daniell. 
 
 Ernest Gardner, M.P. Gerald Walton Williams. 
 
 Charles Fellows Pearson. George Gardner. 
 
 Henry Hayne. Sydney Shorter. 
 
 Sebastian Edward Shorter. The Rt. Hon. Sir William Grey 
 Henry Trood Mason. Ellison Macartney, K.C.M.G. 
 
 Arthur Warren Williams. Rev. JohnNeale Dalton, K.C.V.O., 
 Walter Silvester Gardner. C.M.G. 
 
 Clerk. 
 Ernest Henry Pooley. 
 
^HE History of The 
 
 JWbrshipful Company 
 
 of the Drapers of 
 
 London : preceded by 
 an Introduction on London 
 and her Gilds up to the close of the XVth 
 Century. By the Rev. A. H. Johnson, 
 Fellow and Chaplain of All Souls College 
 
 Initial from Charter No. I 
 
 Vol. I 
 
 Oxford 
 At the Clarendon Press 
 
 1914 
 
A.a^'/^iia 
 
 Oxford University Press 
 
 London Edinburgh Glasgow New York 
 Toronto Melbourne Bombay 
 
 Humphrey Milford M.A. 
 
 Publisher to the University 
 
PREFACE 
 
 T is the play of economic interests 
 and social forces which chiefly deter- 
 mines the movements of history and 
 gives it its true meanings and of all 
 the outward forms, which these in- 
 terests and forces assumed, few are 
 more important than the mediaeval 
 Gilds. 
 
 The Gild belongs to the period 
 which has been called that of ' Town 
 Economy ',^ when each city and its 
 neighbourliood was looked upon as 
 a self-containing and economical unit, based on a jealous 
 protective spirit. As long as this lasted the influence of 
 the Gilds was all-pervading. They did not confine them- 
 selves exclusively to their industrial functions. They 
 influenced the social environment and the civic structure 
 of the town to which they belonged ; they formed as it 
 were the warp of its social and economic structure. They 
 took part in its public burdens, they shared in its civic 
 joys and griefs, in its fortunes good and evil. 
 
 ■ The initial comes from the Ordinance Book, p. 75. 
 
 = The classification is that of BUcher, Die Entstehnng der Volkswirtschaft ; 
 cf translation by Wickett, especially pp. 114 if. 
 
 A3 
 
iv Treface 
 
 But by the close of the fifteenth century the wider 
 system of *■ national Economy ' began to be developed, 
 to be followed by that of an * international ' or * world 
 Economy ', and the industrial conditions grew too complex 
 to be satisfactorily organized by the Gild system. The 
 market now became far wider than that of the town, 
 while the capitalist entrepreneur who rose to meet the new 
 developments refused to submit to the old Gild restrictions. 
 
 From that moment the usefulness of the Gilds declined, 
 and by the end of the seventeenth century they had 
 altogether ceased to control the industrial world. Never- 
 theless they still remained as interesting relics of the past, 
 and, of late, by their renewed activities in the promotion 
 of philanthropic work, and of education, both theoretical 
 and technical, have gone far to satisfy all but the most 
 extravagant. 
 
 Of the Gilds of London, that of the Worshipful 
 Company of Drapers is one of the most important. 
 I have been entrusted with the valued privilege of writing 
 its history, which is long overdue. 
 
 Although Herbert in his work on the Livery Companies 
 of London has already seized on the more salient points, 
 his account is based on a somewhat superficial study of 
 the original documents in the possession of the Company, 
 and is unfortunately very inaccurate. And no other 
 history of the Drapers has been attempted. 
 
 If the interest taken by the author in his work were 
 the measure of his success, I should feel no qualms. 
 Unfortunately much more is required. It is therefore 
 with some trepidation that I face my readers. 
 
Treface v 
 
 Whatever success I may have attained is certainly 
 largely due to the generous assistance I have received on 
 all hands. 
 
 The earlier part of my work, up to the end of the 
 reign of Elizabeth, has been much facilitated by the 
 transcripts of the Company's Documents, which had been 
 already executed by Mr. Welch and his son. 
 
 I owe my thanks to Mr. Pooley, the Clerk of the 
 Worshipful Company, and to Miss Greenwood for help 
 most ungrudgingly and generously given. I have also 
 to thank Miss Greenwood for the Index. Without the 
 loyal co-operation of Miss Watkins, my Secretary, and 
 the assiduous attention of Mr. Whitaker, the Sub- 
 Librarian of All Souls College, and his staff, the 
 publication of this first instalment would have been 
 long delayed. 
 
 Bodley's Librarian as well as the staff have often 
 helped me in elucidating difficult questions. M. Pirenne, the 
 eminent Historian of the Low Countries, has generously 
 given me much valuable information on the early history 
 of the cloth industry in its original home. 
 
 Among others, I owe to Miss M. Sellers and Mr. Heaton 
 much instruction with regard to the Yorkshire cloth in- 
 dustry; to Professor Oman, assistance in heraldry; and 
 to the Rev. Dr. P. H. Aitken, great help with regard 
 to the earliest paper used for the Drapers' documents. 
 
 Finally I have to thank Mr. Leys, of University College, 
 Oxford, and Professor Unwin, of the Victoria University, 
 Manchester, for their careful reading of the proofs, and 
 the latter for many invaluable criticisms and suggestions. 
 
vi Treface 
 
 The first two volumes, which are now offered to the 
 public, bring the History of the Drapers' Company up to 
 the close of the reign of Elizabeth. How many more 
 volumes may be required to complete the work, I am not 
 as yet in a position to state. The material in the possession 
 of the Company is very voluminous and has been as yet 
 untouched by me. But the Court has kindly acceded to 
 my wish that I should no longer delay to publish the 
 History of the Company during the period when, in 
 common with the other Gilds of London, it most pro- 
 foundly influenced not only the industrial but the civic 
 life of our metropolis. 
 
 I have prefaced the history of the Company by an 
 Introduction on the relations of the Gilds to the govern- 
 ment of the City up to the close of the fifteenth century, 
 in the hope that the exact position of the Company in 
 the development of London would thereby be made more 
 clear. 
 
 All Souls College, 
 Oxford, 
 
 July I914. 
 
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 London and her Gilds from the Norman Conquest to the 
 
 Close of the Middle Ages i 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The Early History of the Cloth Trade up to the End of the 
 Thirteenth Century. The first appearance of the 
 Draper 6i 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The History of the Drapers from the Opening of the Four- 
 teenth Century to the Letters Patent of Edward III, 
 1364 81 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The History of the Gild or Fraternity of the Drapers from 
 the Letters Patent of Edward III (1354) to the 
 year 14.7^ pp 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Relations of the Drapers' Gild or Fraternity to the 
 Political Events of the Reigns of Henry V, Henry VI, 
 Edward rV, Richard III, and Henry VII . . .127 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Changes in the Organization of the Fellowship of Drapers 
 
 between 1441 and i^op 147 
 
viii Contents 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. An Account of the chief original Documents up to 
 
 1603 in the possession of the Drapers' Company . 173 
 
 II A. Drapers in the Thirteenth Century . . .182 
 
 II B. Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the 
 
 Thirteenth Century . . . . .184 
 
 III A. Drapers in the Fourteenth Century up to the date 
 
 of the first Charter, 1354. 185- 
 
 III B. Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the 
 
 Fourteenth Century . . . .151 
 
 IV. Ordinances of the Brotherhood of Our Lady of 
 
 Bethlehem, 1371 , . . , . . ip5 
 
 V. Stat. 3 7 Edward III, cc. s-> ^- That Merchants and 
 Artificers shall keep to their own Merchandise 
 and Mystery. Stat. 3 8 Edward III, c. 2, repeal- 
 ing same ........ 202 
 
 VI. Letters Patent of July ij-, 38 Edward III, 13^4 . 204 
 
 VII. Petition of the Mystery of Drapers against the 
 
 election of Nicholas Brembre as Mayor in 1384 . 208 
 
 VIII. Grant of a Quit-rent by Fitzalwyn, paid by the 
 Drapers' Fraternity. September 30, 7 Henry VI, 
 142-8 211 
 
 IX. Letters Patent of Henry VI. Charter of Incor- 
 poration. November 30, 17 Henry VI, 1438 . 214 
 
 X. The Grant of the Farm of Aulnage. February i5, 
 
 17 Henry VI, 1439, new style .... 2i5 
 
 XL Grant of Arms. March 10, 17 Henry VI, 1439, 
 
 new style 221 
 
Contents ix 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XII. Inspeximus Charter of July id', 6 Edward IV 
 (14.66), confirming and expanding that of 
 17 Henry VI 2,29 
 
 XIII. Confirmation of the Drapers' Right of Search. 
 
 October 6, i5 Henry VI, 1447 . . .232 
 
 XIV. Ordinance of the Mayor confirming the Right of 
 
 Search of WooUen Cloths, October 5, 26 
 Henry VI, 144.7 233 
 
 XV. Letters Patent of Edward IV, promising that 
 shearmen shall have no Corporation. April p, 
 ip Edward IV, 147P . . . . 235- 
 
 XVI. Letters Patent of Richard III releasing the Drapers 
 from all forfeitures for oflFences committed before 
 February 21, 1484. May 21, i Richard III, 1484 236 
 
 XVII. The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances, originally 
 drawn up in 1405- and entered in the book in 
 1460, with later additions up to I J3 1 . , 242 
 
 XVIII. Transcript of the earliest Wardens' Accounts from 
 
 1414 to 144.2 . ..... 282 
 
 XIX. The First Drapers' Hall. Grant of site . .348 
 
 XX A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 
 
 1481-2 3^1 
 
 XX B. Transcript of the earliest Renters' Accounts for 
 
 the year 14.8 1-2 ...... 35-6 
 
 XXL List of Members of the Drapers' Company in 1493 364 
 
 XXII A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 
 
 i;'o8-p ........ 367 
 
 XXIIb. Transcript of the Renters' Accounts for the year 
 
 1708-P 374 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 IN VOLUME I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Original Arms of the Drapers, 14.3P . . facing page -lix 
 Seal of 143P. From a cast in the British Museum . . 2,2^ 
 Sacramental Pyx ........ 226 
 
 The Arms of July 1 5-5 1 facing page 11.6 
 
 The Arms of 16^13 ........ 227 
 
 Present-day Seal .228 
 
 Arms of To-day 228 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 LONDON AND HER GILDS FROM THE NORMAN 
 CONQUEST TO THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE 
 AGES 
 
 HE theory that the civic struc- London at 
 ture of London grew out of, or the date of 
 was originally based on the Gild, ^°"", . 
 
 1 111 11 quest and m 
 
 has now been abandoned by most ^^^^ ^^■^ ^f 
 historians. Gilds, indeed, as we Henry I. 
 shall see, existed in London be- 
 fore the Norman Conquest. But 
 it was not till much later that 
 the voluntary association of the 
 Gild and municipal Government 
 began to influence one another 
 and to coalesce.^ 
 
 From the scanty Charter ^ of 
 the Conqueror to London we 
 learn little except that the City 
 
 ' The initial comes from Charter No. I. 
 
 ^ The suggestion of Mr. Loftie that the Cnighten Gild formed a part of the 
 government of the City in Anglo-Saxon or Norman times is refuted by 
 Mr. Round. Loftie, London, i. 98; Round, Commune of London, pp. 105, 
 12 1. Mr. Loftie makes much of the fact that Leofstan, who had been Portreeve 
 in the Confessor's day, was head of the Cnighten Gild in the reign of Henry I. 
 But this proves nothing ; the same man might be Portreeve and head of the 
 Gild at the same time, without there being any connexion between these two 
 offices, just as we know that several of the members of the Gild were Aldermen 
 at the time of its dissolution. Nor again had London then or at any time 
 a Merchant Gild. Gross, Gild Merchant, i. lof. For an account of the 
 Cnighten Gild and Merchant Gilds cf. pp. if, 16 of this volume. Cf. also Petit 
 Dutaillis, Studies Supplementary to Stubbs, p. 67 ; Maitland, Township and 
 Borough ; Bateson, Mediaeval England, Borough Customs. So too, abroad, the 
 origin of the civic government is to be looked for not in the Gild system but in 
 the rural organization of the Manor. The Merchant Gild abroad had even less 
 
 3 Cf. Stubbs, Charters, 8th ed., p. 108. 
 
 1603-1 B 
 
z Introduction 
 
 had 'a certain unity under its portreeve and its Bishop', and that the 
 
 The Charter burghers were to be held ' Law worthy '. The Charter of Henry I 
 
 of Henry I. jg much more exphcit, but, although it makes some changes, it 
 
 probably did not alter materially the basis of the civic constitution. 
 
 The City at that date is organized on the analogy of a rural 
 
 shire. It is independent of any other county ; and Middlesex, 
 
 the county in which it lies, is held of the Crown at a ' ferm ' 
 
 of 300 pounds. It is given the privilege of electing a Sheriff and 
 
 a Justiciar of its own, who have the sole jurisdiction over the 
 
 burghers. The folkmoot of London, answering to the shiremoot 
 
 of a shire, is recognized as well as the ' Husting Court ', which was 
 
 a general meeting of the citizens for judicial purposes.^ 
 
 Although the charter does not appear to mention the Ward's,^ 
 there can be little doubt that they already existed.^ 
 
 connexion with the municipal organization than in England ; and the Craft 
 Gilds, although they seriously modified the later development and in some cases, 
 as in London, became subsequently an integral part of the town administration, 
 were not so at first. On the Foreign Gilds generally, cf. Gross, Gild Merchant, 
 282 ; Pirenne, Belgique, i. \6^ S., 2JJ fF., ^66 ff. ; Revue historique, f 3, 1893, 
 57, 1895, Les Origines des institutions urbaines ; Lavisse, Histoire de France,iv. 
 341 if., v. 397 if., vi. /(?; Luchaire, Communes franpises; Giry, (a) Histoire 
 de la ville St. Omer, (6) Etudes sur les origines de la commune de St. Quentin ; 
 Flach, Origines de I'ancienne France ; Lecaron, Les Origines de la manicipalit6 
 parisienne (MSmoires de la Soci^tl de I'histoire de Paris, vii, viii, 1 880-1); 
 Fagniez, Etudes sur I'industrie a Paris aux xiii^ et xiv^ si^cles ; Hegel, Stadte und 
 Gilden der germanischen Volker im Mittelalter; Gierke, Das deutsche 
 Genossenschaftsrecht ; Below und Keutgen, Urkunden zur stadtischen Verfassungs- 
 geschichte ; Schanz, Gesellenvetbande. For the Hanseatic League cf. article 
 m Encyclopaedia Brit, and authorities quoted ; Doren, Entwickelung und Organisa- 
 tion der florentiner Ziinfte im xiii.-xiv. Jahrhundert, in SchmoUer, Forschungen, 
 p. 59. Ashley, Surveys Historic and Economic, p. 67, gives a useful survey of 
 the most important writers on the subject. 
 
 ' On the Hustings Court, c£ Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i, p. rr. 
 
 = The word ' wardemotum ' in the passage should probably be read 'vadi- 
 monium ' (debts owing). Cf. Round, Commune of London, Appendix P, 
 p. 370. He shows that the word ^' vadimonium ' occurs in the Charter of 
 Henry II, which was framed on the model of that of Henry I, and points out that 
 the singular, ' wardemotum ', is meaningless, since there were many Wardmoots, 
 not one Wardmoot. 
 
 ^ The most ancient list of the Wards that has been found is in Liber L MSS., 
 Library of St. Paul's, and is probably of the date of A. D. 1 1 1 J or thereabouts. 
 The number there recorded is twenty. Of these one is called the Bishop's 
 Ward. Three have local names— Warda Fori (Cheap), Alegate (Aldgate), 
 
London and her Gilds 3 
 
 Thus the municipal unity granted by the Charter is ' of the 
 same sort as that ot the county and hundred '. But, as in the 
 shire, the churches, the barons, the citizens, retain their ' sokes ' 
 or jurisdictions and their privileges ; and the City is only as yet 
 ' a bundle of communities, townships or villages, parishes and 
 lordships '.' 
 
 Brocesgange (Walbrook or Dowgate). Sixteen are called by the names of 
 citizens who, though not yet called Aldermen, evidently enjoy that position. 
 Two at least of these are among the fifteen members of the Anglo-Saxon 
 Cnighten Gild who surrendered their lands and their soke of Portsoken to the 
 Prior of Holy Trinity in iizj (cf. p. i6). This would make twenty-one. 
 Three more were added at some date previous to 1127-8, when we find twenty- 
 four Wards. In 1393 Farringdon Ward, previously called Warde de Lodgate 
 et Neugate, was divided into two, Within and Without. This brought up the 
 number to twenty-five. No further increase was made till the middle of the 
 seventeenth century, when Cripplegate was divided, although the same Alderman 
 to this day presides over the two Wards. 
 
 The heads of the Ward, who become known as Aldermen in the thirteenth 
 century, in all probability originally held their position by hereditary right as 
 being the possessors of estates and courts, like the rural manorial courts m the 
 City. They held views of frankpledge in their Wardmoots, set the watch and 
 kept the gates of the City, and their jurisdictions were specially safeguarded in 
 the Charter of Henry I, which promised that ' all churches, barons, and citizens 
 should enjoy. their "sokes " and customs in peace '. 
 
 This hereditary position was, however, soon changed for an elective one. The 
 first notice of an Alderman being elected is in 1299, when Alexander Le Ferrun 
 was chosen by the Ward of Walbrook. By the close of the thirteenth century 
 the Wards are all known by local names. See Beaven, Aldermen, i. ^6^, ii. 
 p. XV ; Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 2135 Letter Book A, p. 209 ; C, 
 pp. II, 12; Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, ii. 286. Pirenne, Belgique, i. 284, 
 ii. 44, note, shows the same change with regard to the Echevins. 
 
 ' C£ Select Charters, 8th ed., p. 108; Stubbs, Constitutional History, ed. 
 1874, i. 40J. Three points have been much disputed : 
 (ij The grant of the 'ferm ' of Middlesex. 
 (1) The relation of the Sheriff to the earlier Portreeve. 
 (3) The meaning of the Justiciar. 
 Mr. Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 41, holds that the grant made the shire 
 subject to the City. But Mr. Round (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 140, and 
 Appendix F, p. 347) argues with great force that Middlesex included London as 
 it had befijre. They had been held by Geoffrey de Mandeville.. Henry granted 
 them to the citizens of London. But Stephen revoked this grant and bestowed 
 the 'ferm ' of Middlesex and London on the grandson of Geoffrey. It was not till 
 1 1 ^^ that London regained the ' ferm ' as well as the right of appointing the 
 Sheriff. Henceforth Middlesex and London are united and the ' ferm ' paid to the 
 King is sometimes called that of London, sometimes of Middlesex, sometimes of 
 
4- Introduction 
 
 Nevertheless the privileges which the City had obtained by the 
 
 Charter of Henry I were great, and on his death we find them 
 
 Thereignsof even claiming the special right of electing the new King.' At 
 
 Stephen and ^ later date in Stephen's reign, according to some authorities, they 
 
 Henry II. ^^^^ arrogated to themselves the corporate unity of a French 
 
 ' commune '. 
 
 But the fortunes of the day were against them. Their nominee 
 Stephen was but the shuttlecock of rival factions ; Geoffrey de 
 Mandeville, who was Constable of the Tower and had been 
 created Earl of Essex by Stephen, proved faithless, and only 
 returned to his allegiance when bribed by being appointed to the 
 offices of Sheriff and Justiciar of London and of Middlesex, the 
 'ferm ' of which was also granted to him. Though de Mandeville 
 died in 1 145, Henry II did not restore the right of election to the 
 citizens,'' but nominated the Sheriff himself Such exceptional 
 powers as had been granted by Henry I were distasteful to the 
 first Angevin King, and the same policy was at first continued by 
 Richard I. 
 
 Grant of the When, however, that knight-errant King had gone on his 
 Commune 
 
 by Jonn, both. Mr. Round also maintains that the Sheriff represents the Portreeve, a title 
 "9'" which henceforth disappears. The number of the Sheriffs varied from time to 
 
 time, until finally in the reign of Richard I two became the regular number. 
 Though the Charter of Henry I allowed them to be elected by the citizens, they 
 were nominated by the King during the reigns of Henry II and Richard I. 
 John in 1199 restored the right of election to the citizens. By that date, 
 however, London had its Mayor and the Sheriffs had become subordinate officers. 
 The grant of the Justiciar, whether new or not, may be compared to the policy 
 adopted by Norman kings of sometimes allowing the Sheriff to be justice in his 
 own county. 'It represents ', says Mr. Round, ' the transitional stage between 
 the localization of justice under the sheriff and the centralization under the future 
 justices of the central Court.' During the reign of Stephen the ofHce was granted 
 to Geoffrey de Mandeville. But with the more centralizing policy of Henry II, 
 who forbad Sheriffs to be justices in their own county, the London Justiciar 
 disappears. It may be, as is stated by the Liber Albus (p. 12), that the future 
 Mayor represents the Justiciar, as well as the Portreeve, and that it was in 
 virtue of this and not by royal commission that he was one of the Justices for 
 gaol delivery in London. 
 
 ' Gesta Stephani, Rolls Series, iii. j— 5. 
 
 '^ Most writers say that Henry II confirmed the Charter of Henry I. But 
 Mr. Round has shown that the clause with regard to the Sheriff finds no place 
 in Henry II's Charter. Round, Mandeville, p. 368. 
 
London and her Gilds s 
 
 Crusade, and William Longchamp Bishop of Ely, and the King's 
 brother John, were rivals for the control of the Government, the 
 Londoners once more had their opportunity. John, having suc- 
 ceeded in driving the Bishop from power, and being anxious to obtain 
 the support of the Londoners, granted them, with the consent of 
 the other Bishops, Earls, and Barons, ' their "Communa" and swore 
 to preserve it and all other dignities of the City as long as it should 
 please the King ; the citizens on their part declaring their willing- 
 ness to recognize John as King should his brother die childless'.' 
 
 The exact meaning of the word ' Communa ' has indeed been 
 disputed. But the best authorities agree that, whether the grant 
 was a new one, or the confirmation of an old claim, made as early 
 as the reign of Stephen,^ or whether again the idea was borrowed 
 from Rouen or some other foreign town,^ it at least gave to 
 London a 'communal unity ', ' a corporate unity of the munici- 
 pality ', which took the place of the previous shire organization. •• 
 Further, there is every probability that the concession was accom- 
 panied by the establishment of the Mayoralty ,= while Mr. Round 
 
 ' Benedictus Abbas, ii. 113. 
 
 ^ As mentioned above. In 1141 the Londoners, when demanding the 
 release of Stephen, then in the hands of the Empress Matilda, declared that 
 they were sent ' a communione quam vocant Londoniarium ' (Malmesbury, Hist. 
 Nov., iii. s. 46). This, according to some, shows that they had then formed 
 a ' communa ', and even the cautious Bishop Stubbs allows that, if the municipal 
 organization represented by the French ' Commune ' did not yet exist in London, 
 the ' commimal idea ' seems to have been there. Constit. Hist., i. 407 j Sharpe, 
 London and the Kingdom, i. 49. 
 
 ^ Round, Commune of London, pp. 215 ff., argues that the idea of the 
 commune was borrowed directly from Rouen and other French towns. This is, 
 however, disputed by Miss Bateson, and is very questionable. Cf. Adams, 
 London and the Commune, Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 702 ; Bateson, Eng. Hist. 
 Review, xvi. (1902), 480, 707 j Petit Dutaillis, Studies Supplementary to Stubbs, 
 p. 98. 
 
 ■* It should, however, be understood that this grant of a commune did not go 
 so far as to recognize the City as a legal ' persona '. This only came with 
 Edward IV's Charter. 
 
 ^ The Liber de Antiquis Legibus says that Fitzaylwin was the first Mayor of 
 London in 11 89. In the Chronicles of London, 1205 is given as the date of the 
 first Mayor. It seems, however, more probable that the office originated with 
 the grant of the Communa. A Mayor is first mentioned in an official document 
 in 1 194, when he was treasurer for Richard I's ransom. Cf Sharpe, London 
 and the Kingdom, i. 66 ; Archaeol. Journal, i. 2 ^9. 
 
Introduction 
 
 quotes a document to show that the Mayor was assisted by 
 ' echevins ' who were probably Aldermen.' 
 
 The establishment of the Communa must not, however, be 
 looked upon as a move in the direction of democracy. The 
 government was evidently in the hands of the powerful and the 
 rich. The majority of the Aldermen of the Wards were still in 
 all probability men of old descent, who held their Wards as 
 private franchises.^ That the lower classes were not benefited 
 by this concession of autonomous rule is indicated by the rebellion 
 of William Fitzosbert five years subsequently ; a rebellion caused 
 by the heavy and unequal taxation imposed upon the citizens by 
 those in authority, taxation necessary to raise the ransom for 
 King Richard.3 
 
 Nevertheless, London had in iipi made a very distinct ad- 
 vance in the direction of self government, and it seemed as if 
 she was going to rival some of the great towns of Germany or of 
 Flanders in establishing a very large measure of municipal indepen- 
 dence. This, however, was prevented by the might of the 
 English Crown, and by the strong centralization which had 
 already been established by earlier Kings, notably by Henry I 
 and Henry II. 
 
 The ministerial opinion as to the danger of this communal 
 organization is well expressed by the royalist chronicler who 
 declares that a commune ' puffs up the people, threatens the 
 kingdom, and enervates the priesthood ', and that ' neither 
 Richard I nor his father Henry II would ever have conceded 
 it, even for a million marks of silver '. ■» 
 
 John had made the concession to win support, but after the 
 return of Richard we hear no more of the Communa, although 
 Londoners"' apparently Henry Fitzaylwin remained Mayor for the rest of 
 
 allowed to i Round, Commune, p. ijj^, contrary to the general opinion, would have us 
 
 elect their believe that the Skivini were borrowed from the ' fichevins ' of Rouen. Cf. 
 Mayors. Petit Dutaillis, p. 99. 
 
 ^ The first mention of Aldermen being elected is in 1293, Letter Book C, 
 pp. II, 12. 
 
 ^ ' Imponebantur eis auxilia non modica, et divites, propriis parcentes marsupiis, 
 volebant ut pauperes solverent universa.* Hoveden, iv. j. Cf. Stubbs, Charters, 
 ed. Davis, 1913, p. 247, 
 
 ■* Ric. Divis., p. J3. Cf. Stubbs, Charters, p. 2J2. 
 
 The Com- 
 mune dis- 
 
London and her Gilds 7 
 
 his life. John, however, after his brother's death, restored to 
 the citizens the ' ferm ' of Middlesex and London and the right 
 of electing their Sheriff at the price of 3,000 marks,' and finally 
 in 1115- the King, in his vain endeavours to win their support 
 against his rebellious Barons, granted them the right of annually 
 electing their Mayor. 
 
 Meanwhile, shortly after the accession of King John we hear 
 of two bodies, one of twenty-five (i 200-1) and another of twenty- 
 four (1205- -6), which have been by some considered to be the 
 origin of the Court of Aldermen and of the Common Council." 
 
 ^ English Hist. Review, July 1901, p. jo8. 
 
 ^ The Liber de Antiquis Legibus mentions a body of twenty-five elected in 
 lioo-i "^de discretioribus civitatis ', and sworn to take counsel on behalf of the 
 City with the Mayor. In the Additional MS. British Museum, 142.52, fo. no, 
 we find under date l2of-^ an oath taken by a body of twenty- four that they 
 will exercise justice impartially and honestly. Mr. Sharpe (London and the 
 Kingdom, i. 7 2), neglecting the second body of twenty-four, holds that the 
 twenty-five are the origin of the Court of Aldermen. Mr. Round (Commune 
 of London, p. 239), apparently neglecting the twenty-five, holds that the body 
 of twenty-four are the origin of the Court of Common Council. He shows 
 that at Rouen there was a similar body of twenty-four who acted as the 
 Mayor's Council, and points out that ' the powers possessed by the Mayor and his 
 Council ' over the whole town 'were quite distinct from the local power of each 
 Alderman in his district or ward '. 
 
 The difficulty of coming to a decision on the matter is considerable. 
 
 1. The body of twenty-five can scarcely be the Court of the Aldermen of 
 Wards, since there were at that time certainly not twenty-five Wards. 
 
 2. The actual writ ordering the election of the twenty-four is to be found 
 in the Close Rolls, Feb. 4, 120^-6, p. ^4. They are to be elected to 
 amend the evils caused by the misgovernment of those in power 
 whereby the City has suffered damage and the King has lost his proper 
 tallages and forfeitures. The passage, which has been pointed out to me 
 by Mr. Unwin, seems to dispose of Mr. Round's suggestion that they 
 were borrowed from Rouen in 11 91, when the Commune was started. 
 Moreover, the twenty-four evidently have to exercise judicial functions 
 which were enjoyed by the future Court of Aldermen, not by the Common 
 Council. 
 
 A possible explanation might be found in considering the elected twenty-five 
 with their deliberative functions as the origin of the Common Council, and the 
 twenty-four with their judicial functions as being a recognition of the Court of 
 Aldermen, since we know that it was somewhere about this date that the 
 number of Wards was twenty-four. Cf. on the whole question Round, Commune 
 of London, p. 239; Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 72; Bateson, Hist. 
 Review, 1902, p. J07 ; Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 137; Beaven, 
 
8 Introduction 
 
 London sup- These concessions of John did not pacify the Londoners. They 
 
 pom the still supported the Barons. Fitzwalter, the owner ' of Baynard's 
 
 ^^'?"* Castle and its soke or Ward, was one of the most prominent 
 
 Tohn^^iiij^ leaders of the rebellious Barons, and the importance of London 
 
 is conclusively proved by the fact that the Mayor (Serlo le 
 
 Mercer) stands on the list of the twenty-five Guardians of the 
 
 Great Charter. 
 
 So violent, indeed, was the hostility of the City to the King 
 that, when supported by the Pope he annulled the Great Charter, 
 they joined the extremists in calling in the French Prince Louis, 
 and only tardily came to terms with the young King Henry on 
 condition that their liberties should be acknowledged, and that 
 citizens captured in the late hostilities should be set at liberty.'' 
 
 Henry III, however, did not keep his promises. He interfered 
 with their right to elect their Sheriffs ; he extorted money from 
 them ; he bid for the support of the lower classes against the City 
 magnates, depriving the Aldermen of their Wards, though offer- 
 ing to restore some of them if they were elected by the Common 
 Council, and on more than one occasion ' took the City into his 
 own hands '? 
 London and It is not, therefore, surprising that, when the quarrel finally 
 the Barons' broke out between Henry and Simon de Montfbrt, the Londoners 
 War, 1258. ^ej-e found on the side of the Barons. At first, however, as 
 in the reign of Richard I, the City was not of one mind. All 
 were indeed united in resisting the exactions of the King, but in 
 many ways the interests of the ruling aldermanic class were not 
 those of the lower. ■• The King had attempted to take advantage 
 
 Aldermen, ii, p. xi ; Petit Dutaillis, Studies, 99. Cf. also the Curia Scawageriomm 
 of Edward I's reign, the meaning of which is disputed. Letter Book C, pp. 151, 
 196; English Hist. Review, 1902, p. J 1 1. 
 
 ' On Fitzwalter cf. Sharpe, London, i. 74, and authorities quoted there. 
 
 ^ Treaty of Lambeth. 
 
 ^ The authority for part of the reign of John and for the struggle under 
 Henry III is Fitz Thedmar, an Alderman, author of the Chronicles of Mayors 
 and Sheriffs of London. He himself had suffered from the royal tyranny in 
 1258, but nevertheless became a violent royalist partisan. Much is to be leamt 
 from his account, but it is unfortunate that the popular party has no chronicler. 
 Cfi Beaven, Aldermen, p. 368. 
 
 ■* An attempt has been made to trace the conflict between the two parties in 
 
London and her Gilds 9 
 
 of these divisions with some success, and in ii5i, shortly before 
 the outbreak of the Barons' War, Fitz Thomas was elected Mayor, 
 apparently with the temporary approval of the King, against 
 Fitz Richard, the representative of the aristocratic burghers. 
 In any case Fitz Thomas soon broke with the King and voiced 
 the cause of the lower people. To the indignation of the Alder- 
 man chronicler Fitz Thedmar, Fitz Thomas encouraged them to 
 style themselves the commons of the people, and followed their 
 will without consulting the Aldermen or chief citizens. He 
 acquiesced in an attack made on the French merchants, to whom 
 Henry III had shown favour, and in stUl more questionable deeds. 
 ' The people leagued themselves together by oath by the hundred 
 and by the thousand under colour of keeping the peace, and went 
 about reclaiming public land and rights of way which had been 
 encroached upon.' ^ 
 
 In \n.6\ Fitz Thomas was again elected by popular vote, 
 the votes of the Aldermen being excluded, but in i "X^a^s the 
 King refused to confirm his third election, an act to which 
 F'itz Thomas responded by siding with de Montfort on the 
 outbreak of war." 
 
 The victory of Lewes (May 1 154.) made Fitz Thomas and his 
 party complete masters of London.^ Nevertheless, according to 
 Fitz Thedmar, instead of strengthening the City government 
 against the King, as the Aldermen would have done, he ' told 
 the men of each Craft to make such provision as should be to 
 their own advantage, and that he himself would have the same 
 proclaimed and observed '. Accordingly, ' individuals of every 
 Craft made new statutes and provisions, or rather what might be 
 styled abominations, and that solely for their own advantage, and 
 
 London from the accession of Henry III from the names of the Mayors and 
 Sheriffs. Loftie, i. 129. 
 
 ' Riley, Chronicles of Mayors, p. 59. 
 
 ^ Cf. Beaven, Aldermen, p. 3^9. On the King's side there were two 
 ex-Mayors, six Aldermen, one of them Fitz Thedmar, and two who became 
 Aldermen shortly after. On the side of de Montfort were three Aldermen and 
 the Mayor Fitz Thomas. 
 
 3 It should be remembered that in \^6% two burghers from each town were 
 for the first time summoned to attend Parliament. Unfortunately the names of 
 the representatives for London are not given. 
 
 1603.1 C 
 
lO 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Right of 
 electing the 
 Mayor re- 
 stored to the 
 citizens, 
 1270. 
 A disputed 
 election, 
 127Z. 
 
 The Mayor 
 Hervi sup- 
 ports the 
 Crafts, but 
 his policy is 
 reversed by 
 his successor. 
 
 to the intolerable loss of all merchants coming to London and 
 visiting the fairs of England, and the exceeding injury of all 
 persons in the realm '. ' 
 
 The death of Simon de Montfort at the fatal battle of Evesham, 
 on August 4, 1265-, was followed by the immediate overthrow of 
 Fitz Thomas, only just in time to prevent a massacre of the best 
 and foremost of the City which, if we may believe Fitz Thedmar, 
 was being prepared by the revolutionary Mayor. That Fitz 
 Thomas, however, found some support among the upper classes is 
 proved by the fact that among those proscribed after his fall are 
 found two or three of the oldest names in the City. The truth is 
 that the old oligarchy was breaking up, and the City, deprived of 
 its head, was once more taken into the King's hands. 
 
 Five years afterwards, in the year 1270, owing to the good 
 offices of the young Prince Edward, the aged King restored to the 
 Londoners their right of electing their Mayor and their Sheriffs 
 and confirmed their privileges, although, as usual, the King's 
 favour had to be bought with money. The first two elections 
 following this concession appear to have passed quietly, but in 
 ii^i, when the ex-Mayor, Walter Hervi, sought re-election, the 
 old contentions between the more ' discreet ' citizens and the 
 commoners broke out once more. The more 'discreet' were in 
 favour of Philip le Tailleur, but the ' commons ' or mob of the 
 City cried out, ' Nay, nay, we will have no one for Mayor than 
 Walter Hervi '." The Aldermen at first asked for arbitration,' 
 but as the King died at this moment they gave way and Hervi 
 was elected. 
 
 Hervi pursued the policy of Fitz Thomas. Fresh ordinances 
 for various crafts were drawn up, and the position of the Craft 
 
 ' Liber de Antiquis Legibus, translated Riley, pp. y8, 60, 6j. 
 
 ^ Fitz Thedmar, Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, in Riley, p. 1J3. 
 
 ' On the side of Hervi we find: Robert Gratefige, Robert Hauteyn, 
 a Mercer (?), AUand le Hurer (Cap-maker), Bartholomew le Spicer (Grocer =), 
 Henry de Wyncestre. Two apparently were members of Craft Gilds, and all, 
 except perhaps the last, men apparently of the middle class 5 while those on the 
 side of the Aldermen were apparently men of higher standing — John Adrian, 
 late Mayor ; Henry le Waleys, subsequently Mayor ; Walter le Poter ; Henry 
 de Coventre 5 Thomas de Basinge. Riley, Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, 
 p. 1J7. 
 
London and her Gilds ii 
 
 Gilds was improved. Yet Hervi did not succeed in getting 
 re-elected again, and no sooner was his successor in power than 
 the Charters he had granted were revoked as being solely for the 
 benefit of the wealthy men of the trades to which they were 
 granted, as also to the loss and undoing of all the other citizens, 
 and the members of the crafts were ordered to pursue their crafts 
 as before.' 
 
 It is unfortunate that the actual trades to which Charters had 
 been given are not mentioned, and it is somewhat confusing to 
 find that Hervi was accused of favouring the wealthy men of the 
 trades. We must, however, remember that the only account we 
 have is from an avowed enemy, FitzThedmar, and his own 
 statement that Hervi ' had, when accused, appealed ' to a great 
 multitude of those trades to which he had granted Charters and to 
 the populace,^ as well as the popular support which he evidently 
 secured, furnishes the best answer to the charge that he favoured 
 the rich.3 
 
 From the date of Edward I's return to England till the year 
 1285- we know nothing of the internal politics of London. Our 
 interesting though partial chronicler, Fitz Thedmar, fails us, and 
 there is no one to take his place adequately.** 
 
 In that year, however, owing to the refosal of the then Mayor, TheGovern- 
 Gregory de Rokesly, to appear, as Mayor, before the King's ™ent of 
 Justices,^ then sitting at the Tower, he was deposed, and for T*"l°"j'^ r 
 
 a Gustos, 
 
 ' Riley, Chronicles of Mayors, pp. 170, 171. i28<-g8. 
 
 = Ibid., p. 170. 
 
 ^ Hervi declared that his object in becoming Mayor had been that he might 
 support the poor against the rich, who wished to oppress them in the matter of 
 tallages and expenditure of the City. Cf. Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, 
 p. 156. 
 
 * Our authorities now are mainly: I. The Chronicles of Ed. I-II, Rolls 
 Series, ed. W. Stubbs. 2. The series of Letter Books, now published under the 
 title Letter Books, A to K : these are of especial value. 3 . Sharpe, Calendar of 
 Wills in the Court of Husting. 4. Liber Albus, translated by Riley, j. Liber 
 Custumarum, Rolls Series. 
 
 5 Rokesly held that he was not bound to appear for judgement beyond the 
 Liberties of the City, unless he had received fully forty days' notice. Apparently 
 the City wall passed through the precincts of the Tower, and all the part which 
 lay to the west of the wall was therefore in Tower Ward, all to the east belonged 
 to the special jurisdiction of the King. The Ward of Portsoken, however, lay 
 
IX 
 
 Introduction 
 
 True mean- 
 ing of the 
 past con- 
 troversy. 
 
 thirteen years the City was in tlie hands of a ' Gustos ', ' whilst the 
 Sheriffs were sometimes appointed by the Exchequer, sometimes 
 chosen by the citizens.'' It was not till lapS that the right 
 of election was again restored to the City, when ilenry de 
 Waleys was chosen Mayor by the Aldermen and twelve men 
 selected by them from each Ward "— ' an important departure from 
 the old close system,' says Dr. Stubbs, although, since the selection 
 of the twelve lay in the hands of the Aldermen, this can scarcely 
 be called a triumph of the elective principle. 
 
 The exact meaning of the struggle that had been going on 
 in London since the reign of Richard I is difficult to unravel. 
 Some would represent it merely as one between the richer and 
 
 outside the Tower to the east, and thus was also part of the City. Cf. Map in 
 Kingsford's ed. of Stow, vol. ii; Coke, Institutes, iii. 13 f. 
 
 It should, however, be understood that the privileges of Londoners to be tried 
 in their own courts did not, since the disappearance of the ' Justiciar ', extend to 
 criminal cases. The Charter of 1 2 Edward II promised that the King should 
 not, except in cases of grave emergency, assign Justices to sit in any part of the 
 Liberty of the City, except the Justices Itinerant who sat in the Tower, the 
 Justices for gaol delivery who sat at Newgate, and for correction of errors at 
 St. Martin's le Grand. By the Charter of Edward III the Mayor was constituted, 
 cA- offi,ch, one of the Justices of gaol delivery at Newgate. In criminal cases the 
 preliminary inquest of recognition was held before the Sheriffs or Coroner by 
 a Jury of the Ward in which the offence had been committed, and the accused 
 was either acquitted or presented for final trial to the Justices sitting in the 
 Tower. Felons arrested in the City were committed to Newgate by the Sheriff 
 to await the next gaol delivery at Newgate. 
 
 No freeman could be arrested or punished except by the ofHcers of the City, 
 and no freeman could be impleaded before the King's Marshal. 
 
 Of civil cases the Sheriffs also had cognizance in their court. Appeals 'in 
 error ' were returnable from that court to the Hustings Court of Common Pleas, 
 and thence to the Justices or Commissioners sitting at St. Martin's le Grand. 
 (This was a liberty originally belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, 
 who in early days possessed a Court of Record, distinct from the City of London.) 
 From these Justices the final appeal lay to the House of Lords. Since Henry VIII 
 the Justices have sat at the Guildhall. 
 
 No citizens could plead outside the City walls except in pleas of outside tenure. 
 Pleas of escheats' of tenements within the City were to be pleaded before the 
 Justices Itinerant at the Tower. Cf Pulling, Laws and Customs of the City of 
 London, pp. 1 70 fF. ; Norton, Commentaries; Liber Albus, translated Riley,i. 44 ff.; 
 Letter Books, ed. Sharpe, D, p. iv, 290 ; E, 41, 5^, 202, 244, 340 ; F, xxxv, 64. 
 
 ' Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 122 ; Riley, Liber Albus, pp. ij ff. 
 
 ^ Norton, Commentaries, p. 87 ; Letter Book B, ii i. 
 
London and her Gilds 13 
 
 poorer citizens, or of the members of the Wards against their 
 aristocratic Aldermen, who by this time often held some of the 
 minor royal offices, such as Chamberlain, farmer of taxes, and the 
 like ; ' others look upon it as the first move on the part of 
 the Craft Gilds to gain control of the municipal government. It 
 is not without significance that it is about this time that the 
 Wards are no longer called by the names of their Aldermen, and 
 that the Aldermen become in all cases, except in the case of 
 Portsoken, where the office was held by the Prior of Holy Trinity, 
 elected officers. Further, it is in 1285^ that we find the Aldermen 
 acting with the aid of an elected council in each Ward, and, as just 
 mentioned, twelve men selected by the Aldermen from each 
 of their Wards taking part in the election of the Mayor in I2p8.'' 
 All these indications might lead one to infer that the quarrel 
 was nothing more than one between the ' magnates and the com- 
 moners ', as Bishop Stubbs is inclined to think.^ Yet, on the 
 other hand, the frequent mention of the Craft Gilds as the 
 supporters of Fitz Thomas and of Hervi leads one to the con- 
 clusion that these two men were attempting to organize the 
 Crafts more thoroughly against the patrician party as represented 
 by the Aldermen of the Wards, and, if so, we here see the begin- 
 ning of the movement which before the end of the fourteenth 
 century was to end in the triumph of the Gilds. Mr. Loftie,"* 
 indeed, would have us believe that Henry, by his policy of grant- 
 ing charters to the Gilds, first gave them the idea of corporate 
 unity, which many of them were eventually to gain from the 
 Crown. In any case it must be remembered that, though the 
 distinction between the masters and the journeymen was not 
 as yet so marked as it became in the fifteenth century, yet 
 the real control of the Crafts always lay in the hands of the 
 masters, and that the journeymen and apprentices had little 
 power. 
 
 ' Cf. note on Wards, p. 2, note 3. 
 
 ^ It is of course trae that, as the Aldermen selected the twelve, they can 
 scarcely be called elected. \ . . 
 
 3 Stubbs, Constitutional History, iii. j/i ; Unwin, Gilds and Companies of 
 London, p. 6j. 
 
 * Loftie, London, i. 60. 
 
1^ Introduction 
 
 Probably the real solution of the controversy is that we have 
 here two aspects of the same question. The members of the 
 Craft Gilds, whether rich or poor, were perforce residents in the 
 Wards. They would therefore be equally interested in wresting 
 the control of their Wards from the hands of the Aldermen, and 
 at the same time of having a voice in the election of the Mayor, 
 the Sheriffs, and the Common Council, while there are many 
 indications which show that the Crafts were increasing in power. 
 Dr. Stubbs says 'that municipal independence so far as it was 
 based on the Gild must be regarded as the result of a series of 
 infringements on the ancient rights of the free inhabitants '. 
 This, though no doubt true of later times, would scarcely apply to 
 this date. Even if the Craft Gilds were really at this time in the 
 hands of the more well to do, they would at least represent more 
 popular interests than the Aldermen, and the struggle may be 
 called one of the mercantile and industrial against the aristocratic 
 element. Moreover, the Gilds were then in the stage when, 
 as Dr. Stubbs himself says in the same sentence, ' they stood 
 for the protection of the weak '.' 
 EarlyHistory It is upon the Gilds that we must now concentrate our atten- 
 of the Gilds, tion. Here, therefore, will be a good opportunity for a brief 
 review of their previous history and of the position they now 
 held in London. 
 
 The Gild was a universal institution in Mediaeval Western 
 Europe, and indeed, under different forms, is to be found even 
 in the East.^ It is, in fact, a natural social development in 
 the direction of association, which followed or accompanied the 
 weakening of the family tie, and was rendered all the more neces- 
 sary because of the absence of a strong central government and of 
 a uniform system of justice at that early date. 
 
 In no country is the history of these Gilds more interesting 
 and more enduring than in England, based as they w^ere on the 
 
 ' Stubbs, Constitutional History, i. 419. We find an interesting parallel in 
 the struggle in Flanders between the rich "■ poorters ' (' viri hereditarii ', ' ledi- 
 gangers^, who had abandoned trade, and the smaller craftsmen, especially those 
 of the woollen trade. C£ Pirenne, Belgique, i. 284. 
 
 ^ For Eastern forms of Gilds, cf. Unwm, The Gilds and Companies of London, 
 p. 2, and authorities there quoted. 
 
London and her Gilds if 
 
 English love of local association, of self-government and self-help, 
 and yet 'the English dislike to abrupt constitutional change 
 obscures their rise and fall, while on the Continent the rule of 
 the Crafts frequently corresponds to a definite period in the con- 
 stitutional history of the towns '.' 
 
 When we meet with the Gild in the twelfth century it has 
 many aspects, social, religious, and economical, and it is unwise to 
 look for any single origin for so complex an institution. 
 
 The earliest Gilds of which we have any knowledge in England 
 are the so-called Frith Gilds, of which one existed in London in 
 the reign of Athelstane. This was an association partly for the 
 purpose of maintaining the peace and for the suppression of theft, 
 partly for mutual help, to which was attached the duty of pro- 
 viding masses for the departed members of the Fraternity. 
 Although its ordinances were enforced by the public authorities, 
 it was probably not the creation of law, but was originally 
 a voluntary association which came to be used as a part of the police 
 organization,"" and in this respect it resembles the later Gilds 
 which are constantly, often unconsciously, ' crossing the line 
 which separates public from private functions, compulsory from 
 voluntary association '. 
 
 As no more is heard of this London Frith Gild it can scarcely 
 have had any lasting influence on the municipal constitution. 
 The same may be said of the Cnighten Gilds, of which the most 
 interesting is that of London. This Gild, which held a charter 
 from Edward the Confessor and claimed to have existed as early 
 as the days of Cnut, was partly a religious and partly a social 
 Gild. It was granted land and the soke of what became subse- 
 quently the Ward of Portsoken, and was apparently composed of 
 lesser Thanes, although at the time of its dissolution most of 
 its fifteen members were Aldermen or relations of Aldermen. 
 Possibly the Gild undertook the duty of defending the City, but 
 there is no evidence to show that it formed any part of the 
 
 ' Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 15. 
 
 = Cf. Stubbs's Charters, Judicia Civitatis Lundonne, p. 67; Liebermann, 
 Geschichte der Angelsachsen, i. 173 ; Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 178 ; Unwin, 
 Gilds and Companies of London, p. 19. For other Anglo-Saxon Gilds, which 
 were piostly voluntary religious Fraternities, cf. Stubbs, Constit. Hist., i. 413. 
 
1(5 Introduction 
 
 government of the town, as Mr. Loftie would have us believe. 
 
 It received Charters from William I, William II, and Henry I, 
 
 and then in iii:r, with his consent, surrendered its land, its soke, 
 
 and the church of St. Botolph to the Prior of Holy Trinity. 
 
 Henceforth the Prior became the ex officio Alderman of the Ward 
 
 and remained so until the Reformation.' 
 
 Earliest The idea, therefore, of association in Fraternities or Gilds was 
 
 Merchant ^gjl known in London, as elsewhere, before the Norman Con- 
 
 c'^'f r\A <l"^st. But the Anglo-Saxon Gild had not extended its functions 
 
 much beyond the sphere of mutual help and protection. Of 
 
 trading Gilds or Craft Gilds we have no mention = until the 
 
 ' Cf. Letter Book C, xviii, and pp. ii/fF. ; Round, Commune, p. 104; 
 Geoffrey de Mandeville, Appendices K, P ; Loftie, i. 98. 
 
 ^ We have already stated that there is no evidence to show that London ever 
 had a Gild Merchant. This, which in other towns was a department of the town 
 organization, more or less connected with the municipal government, was perhaps 
 unnecessary in London, where the more rapid extension of Crafts and of trade 
 led to an earlier development of Craft Gilds than elsewhere, and where the more 
 highly developed constitution could do all that the Gild Merchant did elsewhere. 
 Nor had the Cinque Ports any such Gild, possibly because, owing to their 
 dependence on foreign trade, they were less exclusive. 
 
 The Gild Merchant, of which the earliest mentioned are those of Burfbrd and 
 Canterbury at the close of the eleventh century, was probably of foreign origin. 
 The number of towns in England, which had such a Gild in the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries, was very large. Although not originally, at least, a definite 
 part of the municipal constitution, but rather an association of the chief traders 
 and business men of the City, it soon became ' an important, if subsidiary 
 part of the municipal machinery subordinated to the civic magistrates, though 
 with greater autonomy than any department of the town government enjoys 
 to-day '. The Gild concerned itself mainly with the regulation of trade. Its 
 judicial authority was at first very limited. It formed a tribunal before which 
 brethren were expected to appear before carrying their quarrels to the ordinary 
 Courts, and in some cases in the thirteenth century also exercised jurisdiction in 
 pleas relating to trade matters. Thus, while the Gild Merchant was not the 
 origin of municipal government, it influenced its development. The Gild 
 Merchant was not definitely confined to the wealthy, although the entrance or 
 initiation fee, which in many cases was high, would be a serious bar in the way 
 of the poor. Craftsmen were admitted, but in those days the distinction between 
 a Merchant and a Craftsman was not strongly emphasized, since most traders 
 made the goods they sold. Nor, in spite of much jealousy between the richer 
 and poorer traders and masters, is there evidence for Brentano's theory, that 
 those jealousies took the form of a struggle between the Gild Merchant and the 
 Craft Gilds, ending in the victory of the latter. When, however, the Crafts 
 
London and her Gilds 17 
 
 twelfth century, if we accept the doubtftil case of the Saddlers, 
 whose claim rests upon tradition alone." 
 
 In the year 115-^, however, the Bakers of London are recorded 
 in the Pipe Roll of the Exchequer as paying £6 a. year for the 
 privilege of having a Gild, and are subsequently found holding 
 their HaU-moots,° while the Fishmongers claim a very early 
 origin as well as the right to have their Hall-moot.^ But the 
 earliest and by fer the most important Charter is that of Henry I 
 to the Weavers, which gave them the control of their trade and 
 thereby, as was subsequently maintained, the right to hold a court 
 with jurisdiction over their members ' in a plea of debt, contract 
 or small transgression '-* 
 
 Perhaps the success of those Crafts in gaining privileges may 
 have excited others to organize themselves, especially during the 
 weakness of Stephen's rule, since we learn that in ii7p-8p 
 eighteen Gilds were declared to be ' adulterine "* and fined because 
 
 increased in number, and organized themselves under their separate Gilds, there 
 was no fiirther use for the Gild Merchant. It therefore disappeared, or, in the few 
 cases where it survived, it had in the fifteenth century either been transformed 
 into a simple religious Fraternity, or had become completely merged in the 
 municipal organization. Borough and Gild, Burgess and Gildsman oecame, as 
 they had not been before, identical terms, and the head of the town was the 
 head of the Gild. 
 
 Abroad the Merchant Gilds are not mentioned before the middle of the 
 eleventh century, and when, in the twelfth century, they became important, 
 they are less connected with the" civic government than they are in England. 
 The concession of a Gild Merchant, or rather of a Merchant Gild, is rarely 
 mentioned among the privileges granted to a town. More often these Gilds 
 receive Charters of their own, and resemble the later English mercantile Gilds 
 or Companies, such as the Merchants of the Staple, the Merchant Adventurers, 
 and the Mercers' Company, organized either for foreign trade or to regulate 
 some part of a local monopoly. In some cases Craftsmen were still admitted as 
 members, and in a few cases the Merchant Gilds controlled the Crafts. Cf. 
 Gross, GUd Merchant; Ashley, Surveys Historic and Economic, p. zij ; Maitland, 
 Collected Papers, ii. 222. 
 
 ' This is made in a document which is certainly not earlier than the reign of 
 John, and at that date they seem to have been only a religious Fraternity. 
 Loftie, London, i. 173 ; Unwin, Gilds, p. J 3. 
 
 ^ Liber Cnstum., Rolls Series, i. 420-2. 
 
 ^ Liber Albus, p. 323. 
 
 ■• Unwin, p. 44. The Charter itself does not exist, but it is recited in one of 
 Henry II. 
 
i8 Introduction 
 
 they had not obtained the royal licence.^ It should, however, be 
 noted that only four of those are connected with the names of trades 
 or Crafts, the Goldsmiths, the Pepperers, the Cloth-finishers, and 
 the Butchers." The others appear to have been either religious 
 or social Gilds, and Mr. Unwin is inclined to believe that even 
 those connected with the names of trades or Crafts were rather 
 religious or social Fraternities than trade Gilds in the strict sense, 
 and that the Goldsmiths' Gild of 1 1 80 is very possibly the same as 
 ' the Fraternity of St. Dunstan ' which we find in existence in 
 iz7a, and which supplied the basis for the later Livery Company. 
 It is also possible that some, if not all, of these adulterine Gilds, 
 more especially those bearing the name of their Aldermen,^ as 
 well as the richer Gilds of the Goldsmiths and Pepperers, whose 
 fine is very high, represented the political aims which had ap- 
 peared in the attempted organization of the Commune in Stephen's 
 reign and were to triumph in the grant of the Commune and the 
 Mayor in the reign of Richard I ; aims which we know were 
 distasteful to Henry II. However that may be, there can be no doubt 
 that the number of religious Fraternities increased rapidly* and that, 
 whether the Fraternity was the original association or not, all the 
 greater and most of the lesser Gilds were finally connected with one.^ 
 
 ' Cf. Pipe Roll of 1 179-89. Subsequently the City authorities had the power 
 to authorize the formation of Gilds. 
 
 ^ Of the other fourteen : seven are alluded to by the name of their Aldermen ; 
 five are called Gilds of Bridge, which may mean that the levying of contributions 
 for the rebuilding of London Bridge, which was going on at that time, was part 
 of the objects of the Gilds ; two are called the Gild of St. Lazarus and the Gild 
 of Haliwell (Holywell ?) respectively. 
 
 5 N.B. The Alderman of the Gild must be distinguished from the Alderman 
 of a Ward. 
 
 ■* From the evidence to be derived from the Wills in Sharpe's Calendar of Wills 
 and from the Gild Certificates of 1389, it is pretty clear that the majority of the 
 Gilds of London up to the end of the fourteenth century were solely religious 
 and social, and not connected with any particular trade. 
 
 ^ Thus the Saddlers* Fraternity was connected with St. Martin's le Grand ; the 
 Fraternity of St. Dunstan, which may be the same as the Goldsmiths' adulterine 
 Gild of 1 1 80, was connected with the Goldsmiths' Company; the Skinners' 
 Company with the Fraternity of Corpus Christi ; the Grocers' Company with the 
 Fraternity of St. Antonin ; the Taylors' Company with the Fraternity of St. John 
 the Baptist ; the Drapers' Company with the Fraternity of St. Mary of 
 Bethlehem. 
 
 Mr. Unwin holds that in most cases the religious Fraternity was the earlier 
 
London and her Gilds 19 
 
 One motive at least for thus connecting Crafts with religious 
 Fraternities was that they thereby gained' not only the senti- 
 mental bond which religion gave, but also a religious sanction for 
 the enforcement of the oaths administered to the members before 
 they had obtained the legal authority so to do. They thereby ob- 
 tained the support of the Church, and some were in the habit of 
 registering their ordinances in the Court of the Commissary of 
 London in order to secure the assistance of the Spiritual arm, 
 since those who broke the rules could be summoned before the 
 Spiritual Courts.' 
 
 The thirteenth century is marked by the rise of what has been The rise of 
 called the system of Town Economy." It is the period when the Town 
 earlier family or Manorial system is breaking down ; when Economy, 
 industry is no longer a mere by-employment subservient to agri- 
 culture, but has become more specialized, and when each town 
 with its surrounding country was looked upon as a self supporting 
 economic unit. The principles on which this system was worked 
 were, that everything that could be produced within the town or 
 its district should be there produced, and should be sold directly 
 by the producer without any intermediary or any ' forestalling ' 
 or ' regrating ', while the imported goods should only be offered 
 in the open market and sold in gross not by retail. These were 
 the essential principles of the Gilds, whose aims, moreover, were to 
 meet at a 'just price' the wants of the home consumers, while 
 full satisfection was given to foreign customers of local industries.^ 
 
 association, and that it was the cohesion of the Fraternities, and the religious 
 element in them, which gave them influence in the City, and enabled them to 
 secure their trading privileges from the Crown. The reason, he thinks, why we 
 hear so little of them before is to be found in the secrecy which is a characteristic 
 of all religious societies. C£ Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London. 
 
 In Flanders we find religious brotherhoods — ' confrgries ' — being formed 
 among craftsmen in the twelfirh century, while in the thirteenth century they 
 become 'Metiers' or Mysteries. Pirenne, Belgique, i. 372 ; and so in Paris, 
 Lavisse, Histoire de France, v. 401. 
 
 A good many of the customs of the Gilds with regard to Feasts, elections, and 
 religious observances seem to have been borrowed from those of the Society of 
 Le Puy, of which there were branches in England. C£ Liber Cust., Rolls 
 Series, lii. 21^. ' Unwin, Gilds of London, p. 108. 
 
 " Bucher, Industrial Evolution, English translation, Wickett, p. 114. 
 
 ^ C£ Liber Albus, Rolls Series, i. 273. 
 
lO 
 
 Introduction 
 
 It is not surprising, therefore, to find that, as the century 
 advanced, the Craft Gilds were organizing themselves for the 
 purpose of local industry or trade, and that the first Pageant in 
 which every citizen took part according to his Craft, belongs to 
 the early years of Edward 1/ 
 
 The Gild system was, however, closely protective. Not only 
 was the 'foreigner' vigorously excluded, but no one within the 
 town was allowed to work at any trade or Craft unless he belonged 
 to the Gild that controlled his particular industry. Their rise, 
 therefore, was not only viewed with jealousy by those who were 
 excluded, but led to quarrels between Gild and Gild. 
 
 Already in the year iao2 we find the Mayor and the citizens 
 paying King John sixty marks to suppress the Gild of the 
 Weavers.^ Fitz Thomas was accused of urging the various trades 
 to organize themselves in Craft Gilds, and Hervi of actually giving 
 them Charters when he was Mayor,^ while in ia58 the Gold- 
 smiths and Taylors had a violent quarrel in which the Cloth- 
 workers and the Cordwainers joined. Over j-oo persons are said 
 to have taken part in it, and many to have been killed.* 
 Relation of Nevertheless the fourteenth century saw a remarkable advance 
 the Gilds of in the position and powers of the Gilds. In dealing with this 
 period we must, as Mr. Unwin has reminded us, distinguish between 
 two different aspects of the Gild. ' It is one of the main agencies 
 in the transformation of the civic constitution ' and yet ' exercises 
 a subordinate authority delegated to it ' by that constitution.^ 
 Thus, on the one hand, we find the reforming Mayor, Richer de 
 Reffham, (1310-11) granting powers of self-regulation to many 
 Crafts with the support of the Aldermen,^ and in igai the City 
 authorities claiming, and in 1328 exercising, the right to authorize 
 
 ' Herbert, Livery Companies, quoting Stow. 
 
 ^ They gave him sixty marks ' pro gilda telaria delenda et quod de cetero 
 non suscitetur'. Letter Book C, p. J 5. The attempt was repeated in ijzi, 
 when the Weavers produced their Charter, and though the Gild was not 
 dissolved, it was held that they had gone beyond their Charter. Riley, Lib. 
 Cast., i. 416. 
 
 ^ C£ pp. 9, II. * Riley, Chronicle of Mayors, p. ^5:. 
 
 ^ Unwin, Gilds of London, p. 5 J. 
 
 ^ The Tanners, Dyers, Whittawyers, Ironmongers, Cappers, and others. Cf. 
 Unwin, p. 68. 
 
 the four- 
 teenth cen- 
 tury to the 
 Municipal 
 Govern- 
 ment. 
 
London and her Gilds ii 
 
 their government." On the other hand, under the next Mayor, 
 John de Gisors (1511-15), the good men of the commonalty of 
 every Mystery demanded that, 'since the City ought to be governed 
 by aid of the men engaged in trades and handicrafts, no stranger, 
 native or foreign,' be admitted to the freedom of the City until 
 the merchants and craftsmen, whose business he wished to enter, 
 had certified the Mayor and Alderman of his condition and trust- 
 worthiness, and prayed that such observance may be strictly kept 
 for the fiiture as regards the wholesale trades and the handicrafts ' 
 (' grossiora officia et operabilia ').3 Finally, in the Charter which 
 the City obtained from Edward II in 1 3 ip, it was ordained ' that 
 no man of English birth, and especially no English merchant, 
 who followed any Craft or Mystery, should be admitted to the 
 freedom of the City, except on security of six reputable men of 
 that Mystery V while a complementary article, which each 
 Craft subsequently got inserted in its own ordinances, ordered 
 that no one should exercise his Craft unless he were free of 
 the City. 
 
 By the same Charter of Edward II it was also enacted that the 
 Mayor and Aldermen should be annually elected, and should not 
 hold office ft)r two years running. By an ordinance of 1345 
 it was, indeed, ordered that the Common Council should be 
 elected by the Wards, each Ward sending from four to eight 
 representatives according to its size, but, inasmuch as the 
 freedom of the City was a qualification for membership, and 
 freedom could only be enjoyed by those who belonged to some 
 
 " Letter Book E, p. 143. In 1328 the names of those sworn to govern 
 twenty-four Mysteries are approved by the Mayor. Ibid. 231. 
 
 ^ The ' foreigner ' who was not an alien meant one who was not a London man. 
 
 ^ Letter Book E, p. 134. John Simeon — a 'foreign' Draper, who had been 
 admitted to the freedom by favour of certain great men without the goodwill of 
 the Drapers — and his valet were accordingly ousted from the freedom. 
 
 "* Liber Albns, i. 127. Of course, this would not refer to exceptional cases 
 where the freedom was conferred as an honour, though in many cases the 
 recipient of the freedom became the member of a Gild. Stubbs, Qinst. Hist., 
 ed. 18783 p. f73, says : ' This may mean either that trades were gaining a hold 
 on the City or that the governing body were so jealous of admitting any 
 tradesman to the freedom that it required six sureties for his good behaviour.' 
 Taken, however, with the other evidences there can be little doubt that Stubbs's 
 first interpretation is the true one. 
 
IX 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Craft, this ordinance practically secured that Gildsmen alone 
 should compose the Common Council. 
 
 We are here dealing no longer with a struggle between the 
 commons of the City, represented by the Crafts, as yet ill- 
 organized, and the old semi-hereditary Aldermen of the Wards, 
 but with a movement of well-organized Crafts, who, with the 
 support of the Aldermen, now for the most part members of 
 the more important Gilds, are seeking to wrest the municipal 
 government from the hands of the Wards, as well as to gain 
 control of those pursuing their respective industries.' 
 
 Mr. Sharpe holds this to be a triumph of the Craft and manu- 
 facturing element over the mercantile ; '' but the evidence seems 
 scarcely to support this view. The trading Gilds seem to have 
 taken at least an equal interest in the question. The movement 
 was led by wealthy merchants like John de Gisors, a Pepperer, 
 and Hamo de Chigwell, a Fishmonger, who frequently filled the 
 office of Mayor in the early part of the fourteenth century,^ and 
 by the richer traders and employers. The truth seems to be, as 
 Mr. Unwin says, that the victory was not one 'of one class over 
 another, but of a new form of social and political organization 
 (that of the Gilds) over an old one, and one of the main causes of 
 the victory was that the ruling class (the Aldermen) had gradually 
 u^ansferred itself from the old form to the new'.* 
 Divisions Nevertheless, the interests of the various classes which had 
 
 within the thus won the victory were not identical, and, the victory once 
 " ■ won, divisions arose. The organization of a Craft under the 
 
 Gild would always benefit the master rather than the journeyman 
 or apprentice, but in earlier days, when little capital was required, 
 the master himself worked at his Craft, and the journeyman who 
 had passed his apprenticeship could rapidly become a master. But 
 with the widening of the market more capital was required ; the 
 
 '^ Cf. Unwin, Gilds, p. 70; Lofiie, London, i. ii8; Beaven, Aldermen of 
 London, p. 242. After 1340 almost all the Mayors and Sheriffs and Aldermen 
 belong to some Craft. 
 
 ^ Sharpe, London, i. no. 
 
 ^ John de Gisors was Mayor in 13 11, 13 12, 13 14; Chigwell in 1319, 1311, 
 1322, 1324, 1325, 1327. 
 
 "* Unwin, Gilds, p. 75. 
 
London and her Gilds xg 
 
 industry became more specialized, and the business of management 
 more elaborate. Thus the dividing line between master and 
 journeyman was more clearly defined and less easy to cross, 
 and the master began, like the modern entrepreneur, to be 
 a wealthy employer of labour if not a trader. Already in the 
 time of Hervi complaint had been made that the charters he 
 had granted had benefited the wealthy men of the trade to the 
 loss of the poor. As the fourteenth century advanced, this 
 cleavage of classes within the Gilds became daily wider, and the 
 Crafi:smen proper, under the name of Bachelors or Yeomen, fell into 
 a position of independence, or broke away and organized another 
 Gild of Craftsmen, although this was often forbidden by the Mayor.' 
 
 This, added to the specialization of industry, led to a great increase in 
 increase in the number of the Crafts, while the widening of the the numbei- 
 market gave growing importance to the trading as against the of Crafts, 
 handicraft Gilds, or to those Gilds in which the trading element ^.3^1° 
 was predominant.^ eWmand 
 
 Thus, during the reign of Edward III, the number of Crafts struggle 
 which obtained the right from the Mayor and Common Council ^° secure 
 to elect oiEcers and to publish ordinances increased from twenty- f"^.*'^'^''^"? 
 five to eighty-eight, and most of them represented the humbler 
 trades,^ and in 14.2,2 the number of the Crafts is given as one 
 hundred and eleven, although not all had received powers of 
 self-government . 
 
 ' Cf. Riley, Memorials, p. ^41, where in 139(5 the Saddlers complain that 
 their serving men have influenced the journeymen under colour of sanctity to 
 form a Fraternity with the object of raising their wages. C£ also Letter Book H, 
 p. 431. 
 
 In 141 J. The Yeomen taylors attempt to consort together in various houses, 
 and become insolent. The^Mayor and Aldermen, on being appealed to, enjoin them 
 to submit to the rule of their wardens and forbid them to live together or to 
 wear a livery. Letter Book I, p. 136. 
 
 ^ Cf. Liber Albus, p. 49 J, where Gilds are already in the reign of Edward II 
 divided into ' Officia mercatoria ' and ' Officia manuoperaUa '. C£ the struggle 
 abroad — the Arti Maggiori and Minori in Florence ; the privileged Corps de 
 Metiers in Paris ; the lower and higher Ziinfte in Germany and in Ghent. The 
 reason why the conflict between the trading and handicraft interest came at 
 a later date in England than abroad is because England was in early days an 
 agricultural not a manufacturing country, and its chief export was wool. C£ 
 Unwin, Industrial Organization, pp. 1 7 fF. 
 
 3 For a list cf. Unwin, Gilds, p. 88 ; Letter Book E, p. 131. 
 
1^ Introduction 
 
 Meanwhile a tendency appears for the smaller handicrafts to 
 fall into groups under the leadership, or rather the tutelage, of 
 the more powerful Gild, that is, the Gild which represented those 
 who finished the article and sold it. Thus the Cutlers take the 
 lead over the Bladesmiths and the Sheathers, the Skinners over 
 the Whittawyers and the Curriers. In other cases there was 
 a struggle between the several Gilds connected with a particular 
 industry to secure the profitable trading business. This was the 
 case, as we shall see, with the Drapers, the Tailors, the Fullers 
 and others, while again some, like the Grocers, were attempting 
 to deal in all vendible kinds of merchandise. To prevent this the 
 Stat. 37 Ed. Ill, c. s-, ordained that, whereas, by the consequent 
 engrossing the price was enhanced, all artificers and people of 
 Mysteries were in future to choose their own Mystery and abide 
 by it, and the subsequent increase in the number of Craft Gilds 
 was probably a result of this Statute. 
 The demand But the more successful Gilds were not content with the some- 
 for Royal what limited powers of autonomy which they could obtain from 
 Charters. ^^ Mayor. They wished for royal authorization and for those 
 more extensive privileges which the Crown alone could give, more 
 especially that monopoly of their business which the Statute just 
 mentioned granted. 
 
 In 1327 four Gilds or Crafts, those of the Goldsmiths, the 
 Skinners, the Taylors, and the Girdlers, succeeded in their aim, to 
 be followed by three others in 1353-4, the Drapers, the Vintners, 
 and the Fishmongers.^ 
 
 Although these earlier Royal Charters did not grant full in- 
 corporation, they gave the monopoly of the Craft or trade, and 
 with it the right to see that the proper standards or measures 
 were adhered to, a duty which hitherto had been discharged by 
 the Mayors and Sheriffs by fits and starts ; '^ as well as the power 
 to punish any infraction of their privileges, and complete authority 
 
 ^ These Charters, as well as those granted at later dates, must not be con- 
 sidered as the origin of the Gilds. They are, in most cases, obviously founded 
 on the ' ordinances ' which the Gilds had already drawn up with the consent of 
 the Mayor, and in any case they recognize the Gilds as existing organizations. 
 Indeed, the ordinances themselves are generally confirmations of an organization 
 which had previously existed. 
 
 = C£ Letters Patent, 3 8 Edward III, to the Drapers. 
 
London and her Gilds iy 
 
 over their members. Thereby the chartered Gilds gained a posi- 
 tion of supremacy and prestige which every other Craft envied 
 and tried to win. Hence the constant jealousy between Gild and 
 Gild, which on occasion broke out in violent conflicts. 
 
 At the same time the growing importance of the Gilds is 
 illustrated by the fact that kings and nobles became Honorary 
 Members. Thus of the Skinners six Kings (Edward III, 
 Richard II, Henry IV, V, VI, and Edward IV), nine Dukes, 
 two Earls, and one Baron were members before the time of 
 Elizabeth, while the Merchant Taylors in the reign of Richard II 
 counted four Dukes, ten Earls, ten Barons, and five Bishops 
 among their Fraternity.' 
 
 All this was accompanied by increased antagonism to the 
 ' foreigner '. The smaller craftsmen had always been jealous of 
 foreign workers, whether they were Englishmen who were not 
 Londoners, or men of alien race. Hitherto, however, there had 
 been little English capital and many of the Crafts, more espe- 
 cially the mercantile ones, had been largely dependent on the 
 foreign capitalist. But from the middle of the fourteenth century 
 English began to replace foreign capital, and as a result the 
 members of the mercantile Crafts, the Drapers, the Grocers, the 
 Vintners, and others, began to engage in foreign trade with their 
 own capital and therefore wished to exclude the foreign merchant.'' 
 
 ' Stow, ed. Kingsford, i. 130 ; Herbert, Livery Companies, i. 29, note. 
 
 ^ No stranger was allowed to stay more than forty days in the City. No 
 stranger was allowed to sell by retail. They were to sell in gross within forty 
 days after their arrival and to sell all before they left. They were to sell in 
 London itself, and no fi-eeman was allowed to go to meet merchandise coming 
 to the City by land or water. They were neither to buy from nor sell to 
 foreigners except at fairs on certain market days. Sometimes, as by J Henry IV, 
 they were ordered to expend the money they gained by sale on commodities of the 
 realm. They paid ' Scavage ', a duty payable on ' showing ' their goods to official 
 examiners (Scavagers, Scavageators). No stranger was to exercise any calling 
 ' to citizens pertaining '. 
 
 Exceptions to these regulations were from time to time made by the Crown in 
 favour of certain merchants, as for instance to the Hanse of Almaine or Teutonic 
 Hanse, the Hanse of London, the merchants of Gascony then in English hands, 
 and others. Cf. Letter Book B, p. 77. In the reign of Edward III a long 
 struggle began, in which the City opposed the free-trade proclivities of the King, 
 who was generally supported by Parliament, representing as it did the interests 
 of the consumer and of the landed classes. In 133 J the Statute passed at York 
 
z6 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Complex These new features mark the commencement of that evolution 
 
 nature of which was eventually to overthrow the mediaeval organization 
 
 the coihtro- pf industry based on the Gilds, and at the same time help us to 
 
 Londdn"t unravel the complicated and confused events which close the 
 
 the close of reign of Edward III and embrace that of Richard II. Not that 
 
 Edward Ill's the issues were solely municipal. The rural revolution which 
 
 '■"8"- had been accompanying the industrial changes in the towns, both 
 
 of which were affected by the Great Plague;' the religious stir 
 
 caused by the Wyclifhte controversy ; " the political crisis which 
 
 was eventually to lead to the fall of Richard II and the accession 
 
 of the Lancastrian house under Henry IV;— all play their part. 
 
 Even in the reigns of John and Henry III London had felt the 
 
 influence of the wider national questions. But now she was really 
 
 the Capital of England, and, as it were, the very storm-centre. 
 
 It cannot, therefore, be a matter of surprise that the civic 
 
 allowed Merchant Strangers to trade freely throughout the realm. Two years 
 later, 1337, Letters Patent were issued confirming the City's rights notwithstand- 
 ing the Act. From the year 1337 to 1383 the whole question of Strangers 
 became involved in the struggle between the Victualling and non- Victualling 
 Gilds. Cf. p. 31, note i. In 13 J i the Statute of 133 J was again confirmed. 
 
 But finally the towns were victorious. In 1393 by 16 Ric. II, c. 1, the old 
 restrictionswere confirmed. No alien was allowed to deal with another,or to engage 
 in retail trade, except in common victuals. These restrictions continued till the 
 close of the Middle Ages. 
 
 The Hanse of London was a union of various Gilds started in Flemish towns 
 in the twelfth century. To this Hansa Bruges furnished the Hansgrave. It 
 subsequently became, like the Hanseatic League, a federation of towns. It 
 disappeared at the close of the thirteenth century. The Teutonic Hanse 
 originated in a Gild of merchants of Cologne who received privileges from 
 Henry II and Richard I, and expanded into the Hanseatic League with its 
 Steelyard in London. The members of both these Hansas imported foreign cloth 
 to England and bought English wool. Cf British Museum, Additional MSS. 
 142 J2, fo. g() b, loi, lof a ; Liebermann, Leges Ang., saec. xiii ineunte Lond. 
 collectae ; Liber Custum., Rolls Series, xxxiv. 61, 63; Liber Albus, Riley's 
 translation; Charters of Edward I, II, III, pp. 126, 128, 131, 5 85, 587; Letter 
 Books— Cjp.ixj D, pp. 282,283; IjJOjSS, 39540jf4; Fjiii, I4> 1 1 1, 190, ii9j 
 241, 242, 248; G, iv; H, xiii, J3; K, 167, 174; Ashley, Economic History, 
 Bfe. I. ii, pp. 104 ff., II. i, p. 13 ; Stow, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, ii. 3 19 ; 
 Pil'cnne, Belgique, i. 2^7 ; La Hanse de Londres, Bruxelles, 1899. 
 
 ' C£ Johnson, Disappearance of Small Landowner, p. 17, and authorities 
 quoted there. 
 
 = Trevelyan, Age of Wyclif. 
 
London and her Gilds 
 
 X7 
 
 history during this troubled period should be difficult to explain. 
 The notable advance in the position of the Gilds or Mysteries 
 during the reign of Edward III, and the fact that the Mayors, 
 the Sheriffs, and the Aldermen were now practically, though not 
 necessarily, members of the more important Mysteries, had in- 
 creased the pretensions of the Gilds. 
 
 Accordingly, they now make an attempt to wrest from the 
 Wards the right to elect the Common Council,' a body which by 
 this time had definitely assumed the legislative and executive 
 authority over the City. 
 
 Thus in 135-1 and again in 135-1 the thirteen greater Mysteries 
 were summoned to elect members of their Crafts to act as a Com- 
 mon Council.'' The attempt was premature. In 135-3 the right 
 of electing the Common Council was temporarily restored to the 
 Wards, a triumph which was very possibly due to the increase in 
 the number of the parish Fraternities not connected with any 
 Craft.3 The claim of the Gilds to elect the Common Council 
 was, however, soon to be renewed. 
 
 ' The first list of Common Council men that exists is that of 1347. They 
 were then 133 in number. Riley, Memorials, p. liii. 
 ' Letter Book F, pp. 237, 238. 
 
 The Grocers 
 
 The Mercers • elect six Representatives each. 
 
 The Fishmongers (Pessoners) 
 
 The Drapers 
 
 The Goldsmiths 
 
 The Woolmongers (Laners) 
 
 The Vintners 
 
 The Skinners (Pelleters) 
 
 The Saddlers (Celers) 
 
 The Taylors 
 
 The Cbrdwainers 
 
 The Butchers 
 
 The Ironmongers (Ismongers) two Representatives. 
 Of these, three (the Goldmiths, the Skinners, the Tailors) had obtained Royal 
 Charters, three (the Drapers, the Vintners, the Fishmongers) were shortly to 
 obtain them, and nine were subsequently counted among the twelve Greater Livery 
 Companies. 
 
 3 On Parish Fraternities c£ Unwin. The struggle of the Gilds to get the 
 election of the municipal officers and the Common Council is paralleled by that 
 which was going on about this time in Flanders, Brabant, and Lilge, only with 
 these differences: (i) Abroad, the richer Merchants appear to have been 
 
 *-elect four Representatives each. 
 
 Premature 
 attempt on 
 the part of 
 the Crafts 
 to elect the 
 Common 
 Council of 
 the City. 
 
i8 Introduction 
 
 London in- At this moment the municipal history of London became 
 
 volyed in involved in the wider political history of England. The dis- 
 
 political content, which had been gaining strength during the declining 
 
 wsues o t e ^^^^^ of Edward III, came to a climax in the ' Good Parliament ' 
 
 of 1375. Lord Latimer and three Aldermen' were impeached 
 
 for malversation of the finances ; and one of them. Alderman 
 
 Peche, was also accused of obtaining, with the connivance of the 
 
 Mayor and other Aldermen, a monopoly in sweet wines.'' This 
 
 Renewed at- gave an excuse for attacking the system under which the members 
 
 tempt of the of the Common Council were elected by the Wards, and for 
 
 Crafts to demanding that they should once more be elected by the Crafts as 
 
 Common ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^" in 135-1 and i^j-z. 
 
 Council. The Mayor, John Warde, a Grocer, in virtue of the powers 
 
 given to the citizens by the late charter to remedy 'hard or 
 defective customs V acceded to the demand. At a gathering 
 of the representatives of forty-one Crafts, which met on August i, 
 1 375, it was decided that in fiiture the Common Council should be 
 formed of six, four, or two representatives elected for a year from 
 the ' sufficient ' Mysteries according to their size ; that the Mayor 
 and Sheriffs should be elected by this Council; and that no 
 member of the Common Council should hold the office of collector 
 or assessor of talliages. In accordance with this resolution, on 
 August % 1 376, a Council was forthwith formed of 15-7 members, 
 returned by forty-seven Mysteries, who bound themselves by 
 oath to preserve for each Mystery its reasonable customs. The 
 King also confirmed the rule of 131^ insisting on the annual 
 election of Aldermen.* 
 
 Mr. Unwin is of opinion that John of Northampton and the 
 
 organized in a Gild Merchant. In London there was no Gild Merchant, (x) 
 The distinction between the trading Gilds and artisan Gilds is not so marked in 
 England as abroad. Indeed, many of the English Gilds included men who were 
 at once traders and makers of goods. Cf. Pirenne, Belgique, ii. 43, 5 i fF. 
 
 ' Richard Lyons, a Vintner, Adam de Bury, a Skinner (he had been removed 
 from the Mayoralty ten years before by the King's orders. Letter Book G, 
 p. 199), and John Peche, a Fishmonger. 
 
 = Letter Book, p. 318. 3 j ^ Edward IIL 
 
 * Letter Book H, p. v and pp. 39, 41, j8. For the number of the members 
 of the Common Council from this time until 1838, c£ Printed Minutes, Common 
 Council, Jan. 23, 1840. 
 
London and her Gilds 19 
 
 non-Victualling Gilds were the chief movers in this change, 
 which gave the election of the Common Council to the Mysteries. 
 No doubt he was subsequently accused of it, but the evidence 
 seems scarcely to bear out the charge. John of Northampton 
 was not Mayor at this moment as his accusers alleged, but John 
 Warde the Grocer, while Walworth and Brembre, both of them 
 also members of the Victualling Gilds, were among the deputation 
 who informed the King that the change had been decided upon 
 ' to prevent the tumult arising from large gatherings'.' It is true 
 that the subsequent restoration of the right of electing the 
 Common Council to the Wards in 1384 was effected when 
 Brembre was Mayor; but there was good reason for a return 
 to the old custom, since it was found that, as long as the election 
 was in the hands of the Mysteries, their quarrels had been intensi- 
 fied. Nor again does it seem likely that the system of election by 
 the Gilds was more fevourable to the popular party. No doubt 
 a number of the smaller Mysteries shared the privilege, yet it 
 must be remembered that the situation had changed since the 
 thirteenth century. In the Gilds themselves the real power had 
 now fallen to the richer masters or employers, and the journeymen 
 and apprentices had no voice in the election, while, on the other 
 hand, the Aldermen were no longer semi-hereditary magnates 
 but the elected representatives of their Wards. It may, indeed, 
 be said that, inasmuch as membership of a Gild was now a neces- 
 sary condition of ' freedom of the City ', all the members of 
 the Wardmoots would be Gildsmen, but the excuse given for 
 taking the right of election from the Wards, that it led 'to 
 tumults arising from large gatherings ', would seem to show that 
 the meetings of the Wards for the purpose were not confined to 
 the rich, which would be practically the case when only the 
 representatives of the Gilds attended. Dr. Stubbs would there- 
 fore seem to be right when he says that the change excluded 
 
 ^ Unwin, Gilds, p. 131 ; Sharpe, Letter Book H, xxviii, p. 3^. Mr. Unwin 
 has, however, kindly pointed out to me that, although Northampton was not 
 Mayor, yet his party may have been strong enough to get the alteration made, 
 especially as his ' Jubile Book ' of Reform seems to have appeared at this time. 
 The parties were evidently pretty evenly balanced. Thus Warde was succeeded 
 as Mayor by Adam Stable, a Mercer, in 137^, and Northampton was Sheriff in 
 that year. 
 
go 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Wyclif and 
 Lancaster. 
 
 Quarrel be- 
 tween the 
 Victualling 
 and other 
 Crafts. 
 
 a considerable body of citizens from municipal power,' and that 
 the growth of the Gilds, from this date onwards at least, was 
 accompanied by an invasion of the rights of the free citizen. 
 If this be so, it seems unlikely that Northampton, who posed 
 as a reformer, would have specially associated himself with their 
 cause. All these arguments tend to show that all the Gilds, 
 though they were jealous enough of each other, were interested 
 in controlling the election to the Common Council as well as that 
 of the Mayor and Sheriffs. Finally, there is some reason to 
 beheve that the quarrel between Northampton and his rivals did 
 not arise on this question, and that the close association of John 
 of Northampton and the non-Victualling Gilds with John of 
 Gaunt had not been formed in 1376^- 
 
 In the spring of 1 3 77, however, the peace of the City was 
 disturbed by the controversy concerning Wyclif Lancaster, who 
 had now regained power, had, owing to his opposition to William 
 of Wykeham, made himself the champion of the reformer, and 
 when, in February, Wyclif appeared in St. Paul's to answer 
 his accusers, the Duke, accompanied by Earl Percy the Marshal, 
 stood by him. The matter ended in a riot, which was increased 
 by the rumour that a Bill had been, or was about to be, introduced 
 into Parliament to place the government of the City in the 
 Marshal's hands, and that he had imprisoned a citizen. In 
 consequence of this riot the Mayor, Adam Staple, a Mercer, was 
 deposed and Brembre, a Grocer, was elected in his place, apparently 
 atjhe instigation of John of Gaum (March 1377). 
 
 So far the City appears to have been of one mind. All the 
 Crafts, it would seem, had been concerned in getting the election 
 of the Common Council into their hands ; the majority of the 
 citizens were on the side of the Church against Wyclif, probably 
 because of their hostility to Lancaster ; and all were indignant at 
 the attempted infringement of their rights of self-government. 
 
 But now a question arose which divided the City into two 
 camps. Edward III had by Letters Patent (December 1 376), in 
 answer to a petition of the City, confirmed its privileges and 
 forbidden strangers to sell goods to other foreigners to be sold 
 again, until the question had been settled by the next Parliament, 
 ' Stubbsj Const. Hist., iii. J75. 
 
London and her Gilds gi 
 
 saving always that Lords of the realm might buy wholesale of 
 any one for their own use, and saving the liberties of the 
 merchants of the Hanse.' 
 
 Though all the Crafts were more or less interested in securing 
 the monopoly of their own particular trade," that of the Victualling 
 Gilds, which supplied the City with its daily food, was more 
 severely and generally felt by the consumer. Especially was this 
 the case with regard to fish, which, either fresh or salted, was the 
 ordinary food or the poor throughout the year, and of all classes 
 during Lent.^ Thus there arose a party representing the non- 
 
 ' Liber Albus, i. 492—3. The changes with regard to Merchant Strangers 
 from this date to the fall of Richard II are so frequent that for clearness' sake 
 I tabulate them here. 
 
 In December 1377, during the Mayoralty of Brembre, Richard II confirmed 
 the Charter of his father and forbade strangers to sell to other foreigners 
 or by retail. 
 The Parliament of October 1378, Stat, of Gloucester, z Ric. II, c. i, 
 annulled this Charter and gave strangers the right to sell by wholesale or 
 retail. 
 In 1381, during the Mayoralty of Northampton, Parliament by the Stat. 6, 
 Ric. II, cc. ix, X, forbade Victuallers to hold judicial office if another fit 
 person could be foimd, and allowed foreign Victuallers to sell by wholesale 
 or retail. 
 In 1383, during the third Mayoralty of Brembre, the Stat. 7 Ric. II, c. xi, 
 repealed the former Statute, and Richard II issued an inspeximus Charter 
 restricting the trade of Merchant Strangers. 
 In 1388 the Merciless Parliament, under the control of the Lords Appellant, 
 
 declared free trade throughout the Kingdom. 
 In May 1389 Richard, in his attempt to gain the support of the Victuallers, 
 confirmed the privileges of the Fishmongers. 
 It will be thus seen that Richard was generally on the side of the Victualling 
 Gilds, while the non- Victualling Gilds were supported by Parliament. 
 
 " The conduct of the non- Victuallers is certainly contradictory, for while 
 objecting to the monopoly of the Victuallers they are protecting their own. C£ 
 petition of Drapers and Weavers, Letter Book H, pp. 91, 94. 
 
 ^ The 'surveying of victuals ' had always been a chief concern of the municipal 
 authorities, who had, by their Assizes of Bread, Ale, Wine, and regulations with 
 regard to other victuals, especially those of flesh and fish, attempted to maintain 
 ' a reasonable price ', as well as to ensure that the quality was good. For this 
 purpose the victualling Crafts had been subjected to more interference than was 
 the case with regard to the other Gilds, and to prevent the Mayor or other 
 officer of the City from abusing his authority they were especially forbidden to 
 deal in victuals by gross or retail. Cf. Assize of the Mayor, 1177. 'No retail 
 dealer of com, fish, poultry or victuals shall buy victuals before the hour of 
 
gx Introduction 
 
 Victualling Crafts, who, with little consistency, voiced the popular 
 discontent ; and hence a violent dispute which was to disturb the 
 City for several years. 
 
 The leader of this so-called Reforming party was the Draper, 
 John of Northampton, Alderman of Cordwainer Street Ward and 
 subsequently of Dowgate. Of his immediate followers one William 
 Essex was, like himself, a Draper, two were Mercers, and two 
 more hailed from the Taylors' and Goldsmiths' Gilds respectively, 
 while he found much support from the Saddlers, the Cordwainers, 
 the Haberdashers, and members of other lesser Crafts. John 
 of Northampton accused the Victualling Gilds, and more especially 
 the Fishmongers and the Grocers,' of enhancing the prices of 
 their imported food-stuffs.'' 
 
 At once the hostility of the Victualling Gilds was aroused. 
 Led by Nicholas Brembre, a Grocer, the newly appointed Mayor, 
 William Walworth, a Fishmonger,^ and John Philpot, a Grocer, 
 they were at this moment attempting still further to increase 
 the area of their monopoly by bringing the vill of South- 
 wark, which had just been granted to the City by the King, 
 under the closer jurisdiction of the municipal authorities, because 
 there was a market at the Southwark end of London Bridge 
 ' where many bakers and other foreign victuallers and false 
 
 Prime, nor before the reputable men of the city have bought.' Letter £ook A, 
 p. 217. Ashley, Econ. History, Bk. II, c. i, p. 30. 
 
 In the reign of Edward II a long controversy had arisen as to whether the 
 Fishmongers might sell by retail on any quay even at Fishmongers' Wharf, or in 
 their shops, their opponents urging that fish should be sold wholesale in the boats 
 of those who brought them, and not at any quay, and that the markets (Brugger- 
 strete, Olde fishe Street and Le Stokkes) were the only proper place for sale by 
 retail. They also disputed the legality of their Hallmoot. The Mayor, Hamo de 
 Chigwell, found against the Fishmongers, but the Justices decided that they 
 might sell by retail as well as wholesale in their shops. Liber Cust., pp. 38 j fF. 
 
 ' The Grocers or ' Grossers ', i. e. those who engrossed (buying wholesale to 
 keep and sell at a higher price) had just formed themselves into a Fraternity and 
 the Fishmongers hadjust obtained a Royal Charter. 
 
 ° For a somewhat similar struggle over the privileges of the Victualling Gilds 
 in Florence, cf. Doren, Florentiner Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. \\6. 
 
 ^ These Fishmongers were divided into Fishmongers and Stock Fishmongers, 
 each with their Hall-moot. They were not united till i Jjtf. Stow, Survey, ed. 
 Kingsford, i. 31^. 
 
London and her Gilds 3 g 
 
 workers at divers trades repair, who eschew the punishment of 
 the City '.' 
 
 Thus London became divided between those who favoured the 
 Victuallers and their opponents. John of Northampton, who 
 was a supporter of Wyclif, joined the cause of Lancaster and 
 raised the cry that the price of the people's food was in danger of 
 being enhanced owing to the monopohes of the Victuallers, while 
 the leaders of the Victualling Gilds placed themselves on the side 
 of orthodoxy, and declared that the trading privileges of Lon- 
 doners were being threatened by foreign merchants, and their 
 freedom attacked by the Duke.'' 
 
 If the lower classes could have had their say, possibly the 
 party of Northampton might have won. For Wyclif probably 
 would find his supporters among them, and the rise in the price of 
 victuals, and more especially of fish, would touch them closely. 
 But in the counsels of the Gilds they had little part. All the 
 trading masters cared much more for the monopoly of their own 
 business than for the price of commodities ; and the cry that the 
 privileges of the City were being endangered by the hated John 
 of Gaunt and by the ' stranger ' found even wider support. 
 
 When, therefore, the elections came on in October 1 377, the 
 Victuallers swept the board. In the previous March eight 
 Fishmongers, one Grocer, and one Vintner, that is ten belonging 
 to the Victualling Gilds, had been elected to the Common Council, 
 a large proportion considering that the number of Gilds was 
 at this date certainly above fifi:y. Now, in October, Nicholas Nicholas 
 Brembre, the Grocer, was re-elected Mayor. At the same time, ^''^""^r^ ^^- 
 Walworth and Sibylle two Fishmongers, Philpot a Grocer, and Mayor Oc- 
 
 ' Petition, Rolls of Pari., ii. -^66. It was only the ' vill ' or Gildable Manor tober 1377. 
 of Sonthwark that was thus granted by Edward III. Edward IV amplified this 
 by allowing the citizens to hold a fair there with a Couit of ' Pie Powder '. But 
 it was not till l JJo that the other two Manors, the King's Manor and the Great 
 Liberty Manor, and the Borough were bought by the City, and formed into the 
 Ward of Bridge Without. Sharpe, London and Kingdom, i. 443. 
 
 ^ The first notice of the quarrel is in May i J77, when five Common Council- 
 men, of whom two were Mercers and three were severally a Draper, a Goldsmith, 
 and a Taylor, were removed for betraying the secrets of the Council and for 
 being remiss in their duties. The two Mercers, More and Norbury, were subse- 
 quently the stanch supporters of Northampton. Letter Book H, p. 6^. 
 Richard II succeeded his father June i377. 
 
34 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Carlille a ' Spicer ', all of them supporters of Brembre, were 
 returned as Members of Parliament. Their opponents, indeed, 
 succeeded in getting Nicholas Twyford, a Goldsmith, elected as 
 Sheriff, but when, in the following March, he attempted to 
 protect one of his party, who had been concerned in a quarrel 
 between the Pepperers and the Goldsmiths, he was removed from 
 office till he had made submission to the Mayor and had promised 
 to find sureties of indemnity.' 
 
 For four years the Victuallers ruled the City." The richer 
 members secured the support of the young King by lavish loans,^ 
 
 ' Letter Book H, pp. j8, 61, 77. It is noticeable that when Northampton 
 becanke Mayor he was relieved from this recognizance. Ibid. <)^. 
 
 ^ John Philpot, a Grocer, succeeded Brembre in October 1378 ; John Hadley, 
 a Pepperer, was elected October 1379; William Walworth, a Fishmonger, in 
 13 80. The majority of the Aldermen during Brembre's mle also belonged to 
 the Victiialling Gilds^ but the number of those belonging to the Grocers has been 
 exaggerated owing to a mistake of Herbert in his History of the Livery Com- 
 pames. The actual numbers of the Aldermen during these years of strife 
 belortging to the chief Victualling and non- Victualling Gilds are as follows : 
 
 Mayor. 
 
 Aldermen. 
 
 Aldermen. 
 
 1377 Brembre, Grocer 
 
 9 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 1378 Philpot, Grocer 
 
 12 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 1379 Had ey, Pepperer 
 
 II 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 1380 Walworth, Fishmonger 
 
 13 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 138 1 Northampton, Draper 
 
 11 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 1382 Northampton 
 
 10 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 1383 Brembre, Grocer 
 
 8 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 1384 Brembre 
 
 12 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 138 J Brembre 
 
 12 
 
 Fishmongers, 
 
 7 
 
 Drapers, Mercers, 
 
 138^ Exton, Goldsmith 
 
 12 
 
 Grocers, or 
 
 8 
 
 or Goldsmiths. 
 
 1387 Exton 
 
 12 
 
 Vintners. 
 
 7 
 
 
 1388 Twyford, Goldsmith 
 
 10 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 1389 Venour, Grocer 
 
 9 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 1390 Bamme, Goldsmith 
 
 10 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 1 39 1 Hende, Draper 
 
 10 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 1392 William Standen, Grocer 
 
 9 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 1393 Hadley, Grocer 
 
 9 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 1394 Fresshe 
 
 9 
 
 
 12, 
 
 
 Cf Beaven, Aldermen, vol. i, p. 360. 
 
 ' Brembre, Walworth, Phil{)6t, and Hadley lent £10,000 between them. 
 Letter Book H, xii. 
 
London and her Gilds 3 5* 
 
 and Walworth and Philpot were made ' treasurers ' for the sums 
 voted in Parliament. In return the young King confirmed the 
 Charter of his father against the aliens, excepting, however, the 
 merchants of the English Province of Aquitaine (Dec. ini)? ^'^^ 
 declared the citizens free firom the Marshal's jurisdiction. 
 
 Armed with this Charter the Mayor issued a precept to eight 
 of the principal Gilds, the Grocers, Mercers, Drapers, fish- 
 mongers. Goldsmiths, Skinners, Ironmongers, and Vintners, bid- 
 ding them elect searchers to see that no merchant strangers sold 
 their goods by retail within the City and suburbs, that they sold 
 by wholesale only to those of the franchise, and that they lodged 
 with some citizen. Restrictions were also imposed on the sale 
 of cloth by foreigners, and they were forbidden to meddle 
 with the Craft of firee Weavers. At the same time the privi- 
 leges of the German Steelyard were suspended.' This policy 
 of monopoly was, however, difficult to carry out in the divided 
 condition of public opinion; and the difficulty is well illus- 
 trated in the question of the Weavers which arose at this 
 moment. 
 
 The Weavers had been much annoyed by the privileges 
 accorded by Edward III to the Flemings and Brabanters, and 
 their grievances had just been answered. Accordingly, in 
 August 1378, they sent a petition to a Committee of the Council 
 asking that the aliens, 'being for the most part exiled from 
 their own country as notorious malefactors \ should be com- 
 pelled to place themselves under the rule of the English 
 Weavers, who should regulate the price of their labour. As* 
 however, it was not to the interest of the Drapers or Cloth- 
 workers to allow the Weavers to control the aliens, since they 
 too employed them, and it might forfeit the King's support if 
 the privileges granted by his &her to the Flemings and Bra- 
 banters were withdrawn, the City authorities contented them- 
 selves with advising the Weavers to wait till ' some deceit ' on 
 the part of the foreigners should furnish an excuse for further 
 measures. In July 1380 the question was finally settled by 
 the foreign Weavers agreeing to make common search as to 
 the number of looms belonging to either party and to pay their 
 
 ' Letter Book H, pp. 90, 91, 94, 9f . 
 
36 
 
 Introduction 
 
 share of the ' ferni ' of twenty marks two shillings which the 
 English Weavers owed to the King/ 
 
 But the dominant party had yet to deal with John of Gaunt. 
 In October 1378 a Parliament was summoned at Gloucester, 
 probably to remove it from the influence of the rich merchants 
 who had lent so much money to the King. The Charter 
 against the ' strangers ' was then revoked, and the management 
 of the subsidy was taken from the hands of Walworth and 
 Philpot. In the same month, however, Philpot succeeded 
 Walworth in the Mayoralty, and the Victualling party, fearing 
 the loss of trade which would result from the absence of Par- 
 liament from the City, succeeded, by bribing influential people,^ 
 in getting the next Parliament summoned to Westminster in 
 I37P- 111 ^hfi following year the Parliament of 1380 imposed 
 the fatal Poll Tax which was the occasion for the Peasants' 
 The Revolt. The part which London took in that revolt has never 
 
 Peasants been cleared up. No doubt, as is usual in such cases, a host 
 of rufiians seized the opportunity to wreak their vengeance on 
 Society, and there were plenty of smaller journeymen and 
 apprentices, always a turbulent class, who had personal or other 
 grievances to avenge. Yet it is remarkable that there was little 
 pilfering, and that in most cases the destruction and the murders 
 may be assigned to a definite motive. Amongst these may 
 especially be noted the hatred of Lancaster, the dislike of the 
 Marshalsea, and the hatred of the foreign Fleming. ^ Now 
 these were the principles more especially represented by the 
 Victualling Gilds who were at this moment in power under 
 Walworth, the Fishmonger Mayor.- There is no reason to 
 believe that Walworth himself had any dealings with the rebels, 
 but it must be admitted that the conduct of three Aldermen, all 
 of his party, is highly suspicious. John Horn, the Fishmonger, 
 gave the rebels a royal standard to unfurl on their march; 
 Alderman SybiUe, another Fishmonger, opened London Bridge 
 to them; and Tonge, a Vintner, admitted them to Aldgate. 
 
 ^ Letter Book H, pp. 94, pj, iji. 
 ^ Ibid., pp. 113, 124; Stat. Gloucester, 2 Ric. TI. c. i. 
 
 ^ For an account of the attack on London, cf. Oman, The Great Revolt ; 
 Reville, Soulevement des Travailleurs en 138 t. 
 
London and her Gilds 37 
 
 Yet these men after a long trial were finally acquitted, when 
 in 1384 their party was once more in power: and Tonge, who 
 was one of the City's representatives in Parliament at the time, 
 was re-elected in 1388.' 
 
 The conduct of these prominent members of the Victualling 
 party has puzzled historians." It has been left to Mr. Unwin 
 to suggest that the true explanation of their conduct is to be 
 found in ' the relation of parties within London ' during the 
 six preceding years.^ He reminds us that at the moment ' the 
 hated foreigner had been reinstated in all his privileges and 
 the monopoly of the City retailer withdrawn . . . and that John 
 of Gaunt, the author of these calamities, had still the lea,ding 
 influence in the national councils. If they could use the force of 
 popular discontent ... to strike a decisive blow at the Duke, 
 to settle old scores with the Marshalsea, to make an end of 
 the foreigner, and to place their leaders in the position they were 
 naturally qualified to occupy of confidential advisers to the King, 
 a little interval of disturbance would be a small matter to pay for 
 so many advantages.' 
 
 But they had overshot their mark. Although Walworth was Fall of the 
 knighted for his prompt action in striking down Wat Tyler and Victuallers, 
 in suppressing the revolt, his party were fiitally compromised f^o^ij°„p. 
 by the conduct of Sybille, Tonge, and Horn, and by the atro- ton, a 
 cities of the rebels. In the foUowing autumn, October 13 81, Draper, 
 John of Northampton, the Draper and representative of the elected 
 non- Victualling Gilds, was elected Mayor and remained in office ^ Y^*^' 
 two years, iuthough he never had a majority of his party 
 among the Aldermen, he proceeded at once to take vigorous 
 measures against his opponents. Many of the charges subse- 
 quently brought against Northampton are obviously false. It 
 is therefore difiicult to discriminate. But it is certain from 
 the terms of a petition sent to Parliament that he was princi- 
 pally concerned in attacking the privileges of the Victualling 
 Gilds, more especially those of the Fishmongers and stock 
 Fishmongers, and in spite of the opposition of Exton, one of 
 
 ' Rgville, Soulevement des Travailleurs, p. 199 5 Letter Book H,pp. 319, 334. 
 ^ Cf. Oman, The Great Revolt, p. 18, note i. 
 ^ Unwin, Gilds, p. 142. 
 
3 8 Introduction 
 
 the members of Parliament for the City, who, though a Gold- 
 smith, was a personal enemy of Northampton, an Act was pssed 
 which allowed foreign Victuallers to sell their wares in the 
 City by wholesale or retail, forbad members of Victualling 
 Gilds to hold a judicial office in London and other towns if 
 another fit person could be found,' and ordered them to 
 abandon all trade while holding such oiEce. Northampton also 
 bade the Fishmongers bring their Charters to the Guildhall to 
 be inspected; he exacted from them the admission that their 
 trade was no Craft, and consequently not entitled to rank as 
 a ' Mystery ' at all, and thus ' brought it about that those who 
 were before superiors were now scarcely admitted amongst the 
 inferiors '. 
 
 The new Mayor also compiled a 'Jubile' Book'' with the 
 object of annulling those ordinances of the City to which he 
 objected. The views of the Fishmongers as to this policy are 
 well illustrated by the language of the Alderman Carlille, a Grocer. 
 He cursed the strangers and said it was a mockery that such rebels 
 should be selling fish within the City and that he would be better 
 pleased that a City Fishmonger should make ;^2o, than such 
 a rebel i.od? 
 
 Northampton also posed as a reformer of morals. He not only 
 took proceedings against usurers, a measure peculiarly distastefiil 
 to the rich members of the Victualling Gilds, but proceeded to 
 call the other trades to account. Brewers and Bakers were 
 ordered to sell farthing-worths of beer and bread. Priests were 
 only to charge one farthing for a Mass, and a special issue of 
 ferthings was made so that they should have no excuse for not 
 giving change, and if a priest made this excuse the fee need not 
 be paid.* Fortune-teUers and quacks were sent to the pillory 
 together with those who dared slander the Mayor.' Nor were his 
 opponents spared. Philpot was removed from his aldermanry, 
 
 ' Stat. 6 Ric. II. cc. ix, x (1382). 
 
 == The book was so called because it appeared in 137^-7, the Jubilee of 
 Edward Ill's accession. 
 
 ' Letter Book H, xxviii-xxxi, xli. 198-100, no; Powell and Trevelyan, 
 p. 30 ; Riley, Memorials, p. 468. 
 
 ■• Letter Book H, pp. 176, 183, 189. = Riley, Memorials, pp. 4JJ ff. 
 
London and her Gilds 59 
 
 and Strode, the Common Serjeant, was deprived of certain apart- 
 ments which had been granted him for life by Brembre.' 
 
 Such violent measures as these, however desirable, not un- Fall of 
 naturally made the reforming Mayor unpopular, especially as his Northamp- 
 election for two years in succession was contrary to regulations ^°?*- "^^^ 
 lately established, and caused a reaction. At the next election his ^tu'i^ "o" 
 opponent, Brembre, was again successful (October 1383), while power, Oct. 
 Walworth and Philpot and two other Victuallers were returned 1383. 
 to Parliament. Northampton and his party, declaring that 
 Brembre had gained his election by force, unwisely betook 
 themselves to riot and conspiracy, which gave their enemies an 
 opportunity to strike. John Constantyn, a Cordwainer, was tried 
 and beheaded, and Northampton, foolishly demanding that his 
 trial should be postponed in the absence of John of Gaunt, was 
 condemned to death, although by the intervention of the ' good 
 Queen Anne ' of Bohemia, the wife of Richard II, his sentence 
 was commuted fcr imprisonment in Tintagel Castle.^ The 
 Victuallers had won once more and for the next five years re- 
 tained their supremacy .^ 
 
 Forthwith the policy of Northampton was reversed. Victuallers 
 were to be allowed to hold judicial office ; the King in an ' In- 
 speximus ' Charter again restricted the trade of the merchant 
 strangers, and in 1388 the ' Jubile' Book was burnt.* 
 
 It is, however, to be noted that one of the measures of Brembre 's Election of 
 second Mayoralty was the restoration of the right of electing the the Common 
 Common Council to the Wards (1384.). It seems not unlikely s^o^jto'^jh 
 that the question as to the electoral basis of the Common Council wards, 
 was connected with the growth of religious and social Fraternities 
 not connected with any particular trade. That the number of 
 such Gilds was great is proved by the Gild certificate of 1 3 op. 
 
 ' Letter Book H, xxxii, xxxiii. 
 
 ^ There are many references to John of Northampton in the Patent Rolls ; 
 cf. 1371, pp. 312, 4^4, 470, H. 2. Northampton was no low demagogue, but 
 a wealthy man. Besides the Manor of Shoreditch he held much property in 
 the City. Cf. Patent Rolls, 1384, pp. 462, 4^3, 472, 474, ^16, J24, J31, 
 
 ^ Brembre was re-elected in 1384 and 138J, and Nicolas Exton, a supporter of 
 Brembre though a Goldsmith, in 1385 and 1387. 
 
 ♦ Stat. 6 Ric. II. c.ix (1383) ; Letter Book H, p. 222. 
 
40 
 
 Introduction 
 
 The Alder- 
 men elected 
 by the 
 Wards. 
 
 The Mayor 
 is to be 
 elected by 
 the Common 
 Council and 
 other ' suf- 
 ficient men'. 
 
 In any case the system of election by the Craft Gilds, established 
 in 137'^j ^ati "o^ worked well. It had only exaggerated the 
 jealousy and strife between the Crafts, and for some years at- 
 tempts had been made to find some remedy. Accordingly, in 
 July 1384, a Common Council of 267 members decided that 
 a return should be made to the old system of election by the 
 Wards. Each Ward was to send from six to two members ac- 
 cording to its size. To prevent any Mystery having too great 
 a weight in the Common Council it was further enacted that no 
 Mystery should have more than eight of its members on the 
 Council at the same time.' Thus the constitution of the Common 
 Council was finally settled in the form in which it has since 
 remained.^ 
 
 It may be questioned whether the importance of the con- 
 troversy has not been exaggerated. As stated above, no one could 
 be a member of a Ward unless he were a Gildsman, and although 
 it is true that journeymen would, as members of their Wardmoot, 
 have a voice in the election of the Common Council, as a matter 
 of feet the Common Council has S'ince that date usually been 
 composed of the leading members of the more important Gilds. 
 
 No alteration was made as to the election of Aldermen.^ They 
 continued to be elected, as by the Charters of Edward II and 
 Edward III (1315, 1376), by the Wards, and, until the year 
 13P4, they were to be elected annually and not to be eligible for 
 re-election. Since that date, however, they have held their 
 oiBce for life, if not removed for some reasonable excuse-^ 
 
 Meanwhile the election of the Mayor and the Sheriffs, as well 
 as of the Parliamentary representatives for the City, remained in 
 
 ' Letter BookH, p. 227 ; Lib. Albus, translated by Riley, p. 37. 
 
 ^ In 1389 it is true the Mayor and Aldermen (without the Common Council) 
 resolved that they should themselves elect a certain number from each Ward. 
 But it is doubtful whether the resolution was ever put into effect. 
 
 ^ As to the qualification for Aldermen, till 1430 they had to be honest and 
 discreet men. In that year they had to be freemen by birth, apprenticeship, or 
 patrimony. In 1434, since admission by patrimony had become very lax, it was 
 ordered that strangers were no longer to be admined to the freedom by 
 patrimony. 
 
 ■* Rot. Pari., iii. 317. 
 
London and her Gilds 41 
 
 the hands of the Common Council ' with as many other sufficient 
 men of the city as they might think necessary '.' It is usually 
 said that this ordinance left the election of the City officials and 
 Parliamentary representatives in the hands of the Gilds. But 
 though it is true that henceforth the Gilds did enjoy considerable 
 influence, and that, until the year 1^49, there is no instance of 
 a Mayor being elected who was not a member of one of the more 
 powerful Gilds, yet it is to be noted that the ordinance makes no 
 specific mention of the Gilds or of Gildsmen.^ 
 
 The long controversy, therefore, which had lasted for some 
 eight years, did not seriously modify the civic constitution. Its 
 importance lies chiefly in the graphic illustrations which it gives 
 us of the internal life of the City, and of the relations of the Gilds 
 to one another and to the political parties of the day. 
 The quarrels which had rent the City did not end with the Survival of 
 
 the quarrel 
 
 ' Letter Book, p. vii. ^V^^^" ^^^ 
 
 ^ It is curious that when in 1376 the Common Council was elected by the Victualling 
 Mysteries, it alone was summoned to the election of the Mayor, but that from ^. "°,?~ 
 the date when the Common Council was to be elected by the Wards, we often ^ic uaiung 
 hear of an ' immense commonalty ' being summoned as well as the Common *' 
 
 Council and the discreet men. In the year 1404 an ordinance commanded 
 that, ' because of the tumult caused by apprentices and servants, no one was to 
 enter the Guildhall at the time of election, and no one was to be summoned, 
 except they be of the Common Council or of the more sufficient men of the 
 city '. The rule was apparently not kept, since we often hear again of an 
 immense commonalty being summoned, and sometimes, as in 1441, there is not 
 even a specific mention of the Common Council or of the discreet men being 
 summoned at all. Thus apparently the question as to who should be summoned 
 lay with the Mayor for the time being. 
 
 It is also to be remembered that in 140^ the Aldermen for the first time 
 asserted that the right of the Commoners (whether they were members of the 
 Common Council or no) was limited to the nomination of two fit persons, who 
 had served as Aldermen and Sheriffs, and that the final selection between these 
 two lay with the Mayor and Aldermen alone. This eventually became the rule, 
 while, by the ordinances of the Common Council in the seventh and fifteenth 
 years of Edward IV, the discretionary power of the Mayor in the matter of 
 summons was put an end to, it being then enacted that, besides the Common 
 Council, only the Masters and Wardens of the greater Companies and honest 
 men of the Mysteries coming in their best liveries (i. e. of the livery) were to be 
 present, Cf. Letter Book I, p. Jj ; Liber Albus, p. 19 ; Letter Book K, pp. 27 j 
 note, 288; Norton's Commentaries, pp. ii6, 117. For earlier regulations. 
 Letter Book F, p. 304 ; G, p. 2^j. 
 
 1603 ■! G 
 
4^ 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Richard 
 gradually 
 alienates 
 the support 
 of the 
 Londoners. 
 
 Mayoralty of Brembre in \i%6. In the year 1387 Brembre was 
 violently accused by the Mercers, the Drapers,' and others of the 
 non- Victualling Gilds of securing the election ' through debate 
 and stronger partie ', and of accroaching the royal authority by 
 using force to overawe the citizens. As the reign proceeded the 
 Victualling Gilds, who had always been favoured by the King, 
 now became more definitely a royalist party, while their oppo- 
 nents supported the 'Lords Appellant'. In 1388 the Merci- 
 less Parliament, then under the control of the Appellants, 
 condemned Brembre to execution for treason, and to please the 
 non-Victualling Gilds, who then held the Mayoralty in the 
 person of Twyford a Goldsmith, once more declared free trade 
 throughout the kingdom.'' Even after this date traces of the old 
 contest may be seen in the disputed election in 1 3 8p between 
 WiUiam Venour, a Grocer, who was elected, and Adam Bamme, 
 a Goldsmith, and also in the succession of Mayors till the close of 
 the reign who were members now of one group now of another.^ 
 In May igSp Richard II took the Government into his own 
 hands. The King and the Lords Appellant were nominally 
 reconciled, and for eight years Richard ruled with astounding 
 consideration. Yet in 1392, when John Hende, a Draper, was 
 Mayor, a dispute arose with the King, either over the demand for 
 a sum of money, or over a City riot. The Mayor and Sheriffs 
 were imprisoned, the City was deprived of its liberties, and the 
 wrath of the King was only assuaged by the payment of a fine of 
 ^10. By this high-handed act Richard alienated even his sup- 
 porters, and when, in 135)7, he, who had been called 'the 
 Londoner's King ', made his bold attempt at absolutism, the fevour 
 of the Londoners was finally lost by his renewed extortions. In 
 vain the King at the last moment tried to win the support of his 
 old allies, the Fishmongers, by restoring to them their privilege 
 of monopoly.* They did not move ; perhaps they dared not. For 
 a Goldsmith, Drew Barantyn, was Mayor, and he it was who 
 welcomed Henry of Lancaster when he approached the City.^ 
 
 ' Cf. Petition of the MercerSj Herbert, i. 39 ; Petition of the Drapers, Appendix, 
 Rot. Pari., iii. zi^-6, 
 
 ' 1 1 Ric. II. c. vii. 3 Letter Book H, Introd. liii. 
 
 * Letter Book H, pp. 447-8. = Letter Book H, Introd. liii-lvii. 
 
London and her Gilds 43 
 
 The close connexion between current politics and the quarrels 
 among the Gilds finds an interesting parallel in the history of 
 Flanders under the Arteveldts.' But whereas abroad this is no 
 uncommon feature, in England it is exceptional. As a rule the 
 English Gilds took little part in rival politics and were rarely- 
 divided on such issues, and to this difference in a great measure 
 may be attributed the long life of the English Gild. 
 
 The condition of the towns, and more especially of London, The Inquiry 
 throughout the reign of Richard II had, however, been so full of of 1388. 
 turbulence, ' rumours, co vines, congregations, and affrays ', that all 
 parties were convinced of the necessity, if possible, of controlling, 
 if not reducing the number of the Gilds. Accordingly, the 
 Merciless Parliament had demanded an inquiry. In November 
 1388 ^ writs were issued to the Sheriffs of Counties and of London 
 ordering 'all Masters and Wardens of Mysteries and Crafts to 
 bring their charters and letters patent into Chancery, and all other 
 Masters of Gilds and Fraternities to make return as to the nature 
 of their foundation and particulars of their customs, privileges and 
 property '. This action on the part of Parliament and the central 
 authorities was but one part of the movement in the direction of 
 greater central control, whether municipal or national, over the 
 various smaller communities which found its climax in the Tudor 
 period.3 
 
 The first Writ applied to those Gilds which, beyond their 
 social and religious aims, controlled the various trades and crafts 
 of the City; the second referred to unchartered associations 
 formed solely for religious or social purposes. No returns to the 
 first Writ survive (if they were ever made) and only thirty-one 
 to the second.* These pleaded that their objects were purely 
 
 ' Cf. Ashley, J., The Arteveldts. = Letter Book G, p. 3 3 (J. 
 
 ^ Unwin, p. i j J. It is in the reign of Richard II that we also meet with the 
 earliest attempts of journeymen or yeomen to form Fraternities of their own, 
 which became a serious question in the fifteenth century. Cf. Riley, Memorials, 
 49 J, the Cordwainers, 1387 ; ^42, the Saddlers, 1396. 
 
 * The total number of returns for the whole of England was 4^2. Cf. 
 Toulmin Smith, Gilds j Clare Market Review, published by the London School of 
 Economics, i. 67. Cf. the return made by the Religious Fraternity of the 
 Drapers, Appendix, Vol. I^ iv. The majority of these Gilds had no connexion with 
 any particular trade. In the wills of this date, to be found in Sharpe's Calendar of 
 
44 
 
 Introduction 
 
 The Gilds 
 press for 
 Charters 
 from the 
 Crown. 
 
 social and religious and had no political meaning, whicli appears 
 to have been the case, since their ordinances refer to the govern- 
 ment of the Society, and for the rest are concerned with the 
 relief of poor members and with the singing of dirges or masses 
 for the departed. In any case the inquiry was not followed by 
 any definite action, except that in ijpi a statute forbad any Gild 
 to acquire property in mortmain, as they had before, without the 
 royal licence.' Nevertheless the Gilds were not unnaturally 
 alarmed, especially since in the same Parliament petitions had been 
 brought forward asking that not only the giving of ' livery ' by 
 an individual to his retainers, but also the giving of ' livery ''^ 
 under colour of fraternity, or any other association, should be 
 forbidden under severe penalties. In the Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, 
 which was finally passed and which forbad the giving of liveries, 
 'the Gilds, Fraternities, and people of Mysteries of cities and 
 boroughs that be founded to a good intent' were exempted. 
 Nevertheless, for fiarther security the Gilds in future generally 
 obtained a licence from the Crown.^ 
 
 Meanwhile several Gilds strove to gain a fiiller confirmation of 
 their privileges. During the remaining years of Richard II four 
 
 Wills, we find members of different trades making bequests to the same religious 
 Gild. But the Fraternity of the Drapers is one of the few interesting exceptions. 
 The others are the Barbers, the Cutters, the Glovers, and the Whittawyers. 
 After this date the bequests are more often made to Craft Gilds, such as the 
 Grocers, Haberdashers, Taylors, and Skinners, as well as to the Drapers. 
 
 ' This restriction was probably due to the jealousy of the City, which had no 
 such privilege. Letter Book H, xlix. 
 
 = Ashley, Econ. History, i. 127. The giving of livery, that is, of a distinctive 
 dress or badge, was a common custom of the time. It was considered dangerous, 
 because power&l men in this way organized their retainers into a semi-military 
 force and often by their assistance not only endangered the peace, but overawed 
 the Law Courts. The Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, forbad Lords to grant liveries to 
 any but their actual servants and to persons indentured to them for life, and 
 forbad the practice altogether to persons below the rank of banneret. 
 
 The wearing of a distinctive dress by the Gilds became common in the 
 fourteenth century and hence the term ' Livery Companies ' applied to the Gilds 
 of London. The attempt to include the Gilds in the statute against liveries was 
 probably due to the dislike for their growing power. 
 
 ^ Stow, ed. Kingsford, ii. 192, doubts whether the Gilds thought it necessary 
 to apply for licences. But certainly we have a pardon granted Dy Richard III 
 to the Drapers for all offences, including the wearing of livery. Cf. Appendix, 
 vol. i. No. XVI. 
 
London and her Gilds 4-5" 
 
 more Crafts, the Taylors, the Skinners, the Mercers, and the 
 Saddlers, obtained Royal Charters (igpo, 1393, 13P4, and igpj-), 
 while the Goldsmiths obtained a renewal of those which had been 
 granted in 1327. Henceforth this becomes the aim of every 
 Craft. It should be observed that most of the Charters Peculiarities 
 thus gained differ in several important respects from the earlier of these new 
 ones. In the earher Charters of the reign of Edward II Charters, 
 and Edward III the Gilds are generally spoken of as Mysteries,' 
 and the main object of the Charters is to grant more or 
 less exclusive privileges of trade. Although there can be little 
 doubt that in most cases the social and religious ' Fraternity ' 
 existed, and that it was by means of the religious sanction, thus 
 gained, that the Gilds were able to enforce the regulations on 
 their members, the earlier Charters do not mention or give legal 
 sanction to the ' Fraternity '. When we pass to the later Charters, 
 although the term ' Mystery ' is still retained and trade privileges 
 are generally though not universally mentioned, it is the religious 
 aspect of the Societies to which prominence is generally given 
 They are empowered to establisn their Gild and ' Fraternity '. 
 The ' Fraternity ' is often connected with the name of the Saviour 
 or of some Saint," and the ' benefit ' or charitable work of the 
 Gild is generally mentioned, even where it is not given as the 
 reason for granting the Charter,^ while the religious aspect is 
 often enforced by imposing the duty of maintaining chaplains. 
 Finally, by the later Charters, the Gilds are for the first time 
 constituted ' in name and fact one perpetual body and one com- 
 munity, with perpetual succession and a common seal ', and it 
 is on the ' Gild ' and ' Fraternity ', not on the Mystery, that the 
 legal personality is conferred. They are given the right to hold 
 property, and to sue and be sued in their common name. In 
 
 ' The word Mysterie, French mysthe^ is certainly derived from mestera (Italian 
 mestiere), a Trade or Craft, and this from ministtrium, not from mysterium, a secret. 
 
 = The Drapers were in honour of the Virgin Maty, Mother of the Holy Lamb. 
 The Taylors called themselves the Fraternity of St. John the Baptist. The Fish- 
 mongers adopt St. Peter as their Patron. The Patron of the Goldsmiths was 
 St. Dunstan. The Skinners were in honour of Corpus Christi. Cf. Charters given 
 by Herbert. 
 
 ^ e. g. Goldsmiths undertake to relieve those who by fire and smoke of quick- 
 silver have lost their sight ; the Mercers to provide a chaplain and relieve those 
 who have suffered from shipwreck. Cf. Herbert, Livery Companies. 
 
4-6 
 
 Introduction 
 
 other words, the Gilds thereby become for the first time a ' persona', 
 a legal collective personality, a perpetual corporate Fraternity 
 recognized by the State. 
 
 No doubt the corporate spirit had existed long before ; indeed; 
 as Gierke ' has shown, the metaphysical conception of the organic 
 unity of any group of individuals, acting together for some common 
 end, with a common will, existed everywhere in the Middle 
 Ages, and the Charters rather confirm privileges which had been 
 founded on custom, and which had already been granted by the 
 Mayor if not by the King, than create anything new. But 
 whereas before the strength of this corporate spirit lay in the 
 moral sanction of the Church, it now gains the more practical 
 and definite support of the Law. The State steps in and adds its 
 secular sanction.'' 
 
 By these Charters the Gilds secured a greater independence 
 from the control of the municipal authorities. They no longer 
 enjoyed their privileges by the authority of the Mayor alone, but 
 
 ' Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages, translated by Maitland, 
 pp. xxvifT. and 98; Maitland, Collected Papers, iiL 210, Corporations Legal 
 and Moral. 
 
 '^ The following extracts from the Charters of the Drapers will illustrate these 
 differences : 
 
 The Charter of 38 Edward III. The Charter of 17 Henry VI. 
 
 The Members of the Mystery of Empowers the men of the Mystery 
 Drapers are granted the monopoly of Drapers ' to erect, found, and estab- 
 of making, buying, selling, cloth and lish their Gild and Fraternity of the 
 drapery in retail, with some exceptions. Blessed Virgin Mary and to hold and 
 They are authorized ' to elect four of enjoy the same and their perpetual 
 their Mystery to rule and govern ' the successors for all times to come '. It 
 said Mystery, who are to be sworn empowers them to elect four Wardens 
 before the Mayor to oversee that no and a Master to support the burthen 
 fault or deceit be used or committed and business of the Fraternity, and to 
 in the said Mystery, and are to punish govern the same ; and constitutes the 
 such as shall offend according to the Master, Wardens, brothers and sisters 
 advice and by the aid of the Mayor of the said Fraternity in deed and 
 and Sheriffs. name one body and pei-petual Commu- 
 
 nity with perpetual succession and a 
 common seal ; grants them legal power 
 to purchase lands, tenements, rents, &c. 
 in perpetuity, and in their common 
 name to plead and be impleaded. 
 
London and her Gilds 
 
 47 
 
 by that of the Crown, and accordingly it became henceforth the 
 aim of every GUd to secure incorporation. In the reign of 
 Henry VI four of the leading Victualling and five of the most 
 important non-Victualling Gilds attain their end. But in most of 
 these later Charters the industrial aspect, rather than the social 
 or religious, is again more strongly emphasized.' 
 
 With the accession of Edward IV, and the adoption of a policy 
 of protecting home industries, the number of Charters of Incorpora- 
 tion increases. No less than nine are granted by that King, and 
 one by Richard III. Thus by the end of the Middle Ages 
 twenty-five Gilds had been recognized as Collective Personalities, 
 and shortly after five more were added.'' 
 
 ' Cf. Unwin, Gilds, pp. i6i, 163. The Charters of the Armourers and 
 Haberdashers are, however, granted to the Fraternities, and there is no reference 
 to the trade regulations. 
 
 =* The Goldsmiths 
 
 1393 
 
 The Barbers 
 
 14^2 
 
 Skinners 
 
 
 Ironmongers 
 
 1453 
 
 Mercers 
 
 1394 
 
 Pewterers 
 
 I4($8 
 
 Saddlers 
 
 1395 
 
 Dyers 
 
 1471 
 
 Taylors 
 
 1408 
 
 Musicians 
 
 1472 
 
 Grocers 
 
 1428 
 
 Parish Clerks 
 
 147J 
 
 Fishmongers 
 
 1433 
 
 Carpenters 
 
 1477 
 
 Vintners 
 
 1436 
 
 Fullers 
 
 1480 
 
 Brewers 
 
 1437 
 
 Cooks 
 
 1482 
 
 Drapers 
 
 1438 
 
 Wax-chandlers 
 
 1484 
 
 Cordwainers 
 
 1349 
 
 Plasterers 
 
 1 JOI 
 
 Leather-sellers 
 
 1444 
 
 Coopers 
 
 IJOI 
 
 Haberdashers 
 
 1447 
 
 Poulterers 
 
 1J04 
 
 Armourers 
 
 I4f3 
 
 Bakers 
 
 1J09 
 
 Tallow-chandlers 1462 
 
 Irmholders 
 
 1J15 
 
 Of these only eleven eventually gained the peculiar privilege of being called 
 a Greater Livery Company. The twelfth was that of the Clothworkers, a union 
 of the Fullers and Shearmen, who were incorporated in i J28. 
 
 In some cases, as in those of the Skinners, the Goldsmiths, and the Parish 
 Clerks, there is some doubt as to when exactly full incorporation was granted. 
 The Parish Clerks were not clerics. Apparently they were often employed 
 to sing in dirges and at feasts, and to act Miracle Plays. Arundel, City 
 Companies, p. 217. 
 
 The distinction between the Greater and Lesser Livery Companies may be 
 
48 
 
 Introduction 
 
 The Mayor The municipal authorities were not unnaturally jealous of this 
 insists on his increased independence on the part of the more successful com- 
 authomy. ponies. They had always claimed that the Gilds could only 
 exercise their powers of self-government and issue ordinances 
 by their leave. Even during the factious times of Richard II, the 
 Mayor for the time being had often insisted that the opposing 
 Gilds should submit their Charters to him for confirmation, and in 
 14.37 the right was recognized by Parliament. On the grounds 
 that many ' Gilds and Fraternities and other companies corporate, 
 by colour of rule and governance and other terms in general 
 words to them granted ... by charters of divers kings, made many 
 unlawful . . . and unreasonable ordinances for their own singular 
 
 traced as early as the reign of Edward III, and it was hastened by the Act of 
 13^4 which ordered all artisans to choose and adhere to the Company proper 
 to their own Mystery, but the right of being counted among the Greater was 
 one of prescription only, and fell to those Companies which were composed of 
 traders rather than handicraftsmen, and who therefore represented the capitalists. 
 In I JO J, at the burial of Elizabeth of York, only nine are ordered to stand in 
 Chepe, though others were permitted. Finally, in the seventh year of Henry VIII, 
 a precept of the Mayor which settled the dispute between the Clothworkers and 
 the Dyers fixed the order thus : 
 
 1. Mercers j. Goldsmiths 9. Salters 
 
 2. Grocers 6. Skinners 10. Ironmongers 
 
 3. Drapers 7. Taylors 11. Vintners 
 
 4. Fishmongers 8. Haberdashers 12. Shearmen 
 
 In the reign of Edward VI there were some fifty Lesser Livery Companies 
 in London. The Privileges of these Greater Companies were as follows : 
 
 1. They alone had the honour of enrolling the Sovereign among their 
 
 members. 
 
 2. They alone took part in the elections of the Mayor. 
 
 3. They took precedence in all civic pageants, sending 'assistants ' to attend 
 
 on the Mayor. 
 
 4. Their Masters and Wardens had the exclusive right of attending the Lord 
 
 Mayor when he waited on the Chief Butler at the Coronations. 
 J. Until 1742, with only one break in 1649, the Mayor was by custom always 
 a member of one of these Greater Companies. 
 The Privileges were accompanied by certain special burdens : 
 
 1. They alone contributed to the repair of the City walls. 
 
 2. The loans raised by the Government or the City were chiefly subscribed 
 
 by them, and, owing to the wealth, their contribution to the subsidies 
 was considerable. Herbert, i. 37, 135 j Arundel, 343 fF. j Letter 
 Book L, xlii. 
 
London and her Gilds 49 
 
 profit and to the damage of the people, as well as many of such 
 things whereof the cognisance and punishment only pertaineth to 
 the King, lords of franchises and other persons, whereby the 
 King and others be disinherited of their profits ', the Act i j- 
 Henry VI, c. 6, orders all to bring their Charters to be registered 
 and their ordinances confirmed by the Justices of the Peace or the 
 chief Governors of cities, boroughs, and towns.' 
 
 The City forthwith put the Act into operation, and disputes 
 about the validity of Charters ' are the main staple of city politics 
 at this period '.° In cases where the Charter was proved to 
 be authentic the Mayor did not indeed venture to annul it. Thus 
 the Chartered Companies derived their privileges from the Crown, 
 but exercised them under the sanction of the Mayor, who claimed 
 the right to revise their ordinances. The Mayor issued his pre- 
 cepts on matters of municipal government, and the regulation 
 of trade by his own authority or by that of the Common Council, 
 and, besides that, conveyed, through other precepts, the com- 
 mands of the Crown. The jurisdiction of the Gilds was limited 
 to their authority over their own members. Their functions 
 were inquisitorial rather than judicial, and in the last resort, 
 against a recalcitrant member, or in disputes between rival com- 
 panies, appeal had to be made to the Mayor.^ 
 
 After all, it was only the richer Gilds who could obtain Charters 
 from the Crown, since the royal favour was not to be gained 
 without the payment of heavy fees, and accordingly, of the 
 112 GUds existing in 141 1, fifty at least subsequently dis- 
 appeared, or became merged in the larger incorporated Gilds, 
 or became subordinate to them.'' The rest still remained under 
 the exclusive authority of the Mayor, who, as in the days 
 before incorporation, authorized their ordinances and allowed 
 
 ' Cf. Liber Albns, Riley^s translation, p 4J i ; Letter Book K, xli. 
 
 = Unwin, Gilds, pp. i6z, 2 j6; Letter Book L, pp. xvi fF. From the beginning 
 of the seventeenth century the licence of the Mayor was necessary before a Charter, 
 whether of incorporation or not, was sued for. 
 
 ^ Cf. Herbert, Livery Companies, i. J5 ; Unwin, Gilds, p. 231. 
 
 * See Hazlitt, Gilds, pp. vi, 103 ff. ; Unwin, Gilds, p. 166. Thus the Leather- 
 sellers absorb the Tawyers, Pursers, Glovers, and Pouch-makers ; the Armourers 
 absorb the Bladesmiths and Braziers ; the Blacksmiths absorb the Spurriers ; 
 the Hatters and Cappers fall under the control of the Haberdashers. 
 
TO 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Relation of 
 the Gilds 
 to the Muni- 
 eipal Autho- 
 rities at the 
 close of the 
 fifteenth 
 century. 
 
 them to organize themselves with some of the powers enjoyed 
 by their more successful rivals." 
 
 Thus at the close of the fifteenth century the Gilds fall into 
 two classes. First stood those that had obtained a Royal Charter, 
 among which eleven held the prestige of being counted as among 
 the Greater , Livery Companies. Next came the inferior ones, 
 who, without any Royal Charter, enjoyed less extensive powers 
 of self-government granted them by the municipal authority. 
 
 Meanwhile, the number of the Parish Fraternities, once so 
 numerous, steadily declined. Some of them had become con- 
 nected with a Craft Gild, and the growing connexion of these 
 Gilds and the Parish Churches tended to the same end. That 
 xheir number cannot have been very great in ij-^-l is shown 
 by the fact that only eighteen were then disendowed. 
 
 And yet while the Mayor and the Common Council insisted 
 on their supremacy over the Gilds, the Gilds were practically 
 monopolizing the government of the City. It is true that the 
 Alderman of a "Ward was selected by the Mayor and the exist- 
 ing Aldermen out of four candidates elected by the freemen of 
 his Ward," and that the members of the Common Council were 
 
 ' Those powers were generally confined to the right of electing Masters or 
 Wardens, of ruling the Mystery, and punishing disobedient members. Cf. 
 Goldbeaters, Letter Book I, p. 9 ; Joynours, Letter Book I, p. 13 ; Steynours, 
 Letter Book I, p. 14. For other instances in the reign of Henry IV, cf. Letter 
 Book I, pp. zf, Jo, ^j, 68, 144, 147. Twenty-nine Crafts in all obtained this 
 confirmation from the Mayor. Of these seven got Charters of Incorporation in 
 the fifteenth century ; two in the sixteenth, four in the seventeenth, and sixteen 
 never. Besant, Med. London, ii. 119. Of sixty Crafts who took part in a Mayor's 
 Feast in IJ31, not more than half were incorporated. 
 
 ^ The change in the position of the Aldermen from hereditary possessors of 
 sokes to that of elected heads of their Wards, appears to have been gradual 
 during the latter part of the thirteenth century, and to have been finally settled 
 in 1377, when it was ordained that they should be elected directly by the Wards 
 for one year, and should not be eligible for two years in succession. So things 
 remained for twenty years, but by the Stat. 17 Richard II, A. D. 13 94, they were to 
 hold office for life, and the right of the Wards was confined to the presentation 
 of two candidates, from whom the Mayor and Aldermen chose one. The Court 
 of Aldermen even claimed the right of rejecting the candidates and ordering 
 a fresh nomination, and also of appointing without such nomination. This, 
 with variations as to the number of candidates to be presented by the Ward, 
 remained the system till 1714, when, by the Statute 13 Anne, the right of free 
 
London and her Gilds yi 
 
 also elected by the Mayor and Aldermen from the "Wards, 
 according to their size. But to be a freeman of a ward it was 
 necessary ' to be a Gildsman who had passed his apprenticeship 
 or had been admitted by redemption. The elections were there- 
 fore really in the hands of members of some Gild or other, 
 while most of the elected Common Council men were, whether 
 Aldermen or no, important members of some Gild and generally 
 members of the greater Gilds. In the elections of the Sheriffs 
 and Mayors the influence of the Gilds was still more direct. 
 The Mayor indeed had the privilege of nominating one Sheriff, 
 ' the King's Sheriff'. But the other, or both, if the Mayor did 
 not exercise his prerogative, was elected by the Common Council, 
 assisted by the Masters and Wardens of the twelve great Livery 
 Companies, who were ' to associate with themselves the honest 
 men of their Mysteries, that is the livery men, coming in their 
 best liveries'.'' 
 
 The same body elected the Mayor and also the members of 
 Parliament for the City, but in the case of the Mayor the powers 
 of the electoral body were confined to the presenting the names 
 of two persons, who had already served as Aldermen and Sheriffs, 
 from which the Mayor of the past year and the Court of Alder- 
 men selected one. How completely the government of the City 
 was now in the hands of the greater Gilds is shown by the fact 
 
 election was restored to the Wards. Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, 
 pp. 1 56 ff. ; Beaven, Aldermen, p. 142. 
 
 .' Cf. Riley, Liber Albus, p, 140; Charter of Richard II — 'Every person 
 admitted to the freedom of the City shall be of a certain Mystery or Craft, and, 
 if a stranger, shall be admitted by apprenticeship only and not by redemption ' 
 (Letter Book I, p. 63). This remained so till 1835. Since then the freedom 
 of a Gild, though one qualification for the freedom of the City, is no longer 
 necessary. 
 
 = This custom was not relaxed oil the middle of the sixteenth century. 
 Norton's Commentaries, pp. 12^, 127 ; Ordinances of Common Council, 
 .7 Edward IV and i j Edward IV, as confirmed later by Act of Parliament, 
 2 George I. By this ordinance the discretionary power of the Mayor to summon 
 whom he would was abolished. By an ordinance of 1402, owing to the tumult 
 caused by apprentices and serving men at elections, it had been enacted that 
 none are to enter the Guildhall except those summoned by the Mayor. No one 
 was to be summoned except they be of the Common Council or ' of the more 
 sufficient men of the City '. Letter Book I, p. 34. 
 
5"! Introduction 
 
 that most of the Aldermen and Sheriffs, and all the Mayors for 
 many years, were members of one of the Greater Livery Com- 
 panies. Thus by the close of the fifteenth century the Gild 
 organization and that of the City had become amalgamated. The 
 Crafts had triumphed, and the real power lay in the hands of the 
 Greater Livery Companies. 
 
 The reign of Edward IV also marks the date when the City 
 itself, as many of the Gilds had before, becomes a complete 
 Corporate unity. No doubt it had practically secured this position 
 before, partly by prescription, partly by Charter. It had long 
 possessed a common seal; it had made by-laws; it had held 
 corporate property ; its power of filling up vacancies by election 
 had implied the right of perpetual succession ; it had enjoyed the 
 privilege of suing and being sued in its corporate capacity. The 
 Charter of Edward IV only gave the final sanction when it 
 definitely allowed the City to acquire lands by purchase and 
 in mortmain.' 
 
 Henceforth the relations between the City and the Greater 
 Livery Companies resembled very closely those between the 
 University of Oxford and the Colleges. Just as at Oxford no 
 person could become a member of the University without being 
 a member of a College, and the Vice-Chancellor was chosen from 
 the Heads of the Colleges, yet the University exercised a general 
 control over the studies of the students (though not over the 
 internal government of the Colleges) and granted the degrees ; 
 so in London every citizen was under a double allegiance : first, as 
 a Gildsman to obey the Masters and Wardens, and to comply with 
 the ordinances of their Gild ; secondly, to obey the Mayor and the 
 other civic authorities and to pay scot and lot. 
 
 No sooner, however, had the Tudor mounted the throne than 
 the authority of the Mayor in the matter of confirming the 
 
 ' Stubbs, Constit. Hist.jcd. 1 878, iii. 577; GommCjThe Governance of England, 
 pp. 273, 35' (5; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, i. 675; Gierke, 
 Political Theories of Middle Ages, translated by Maitland. The gradual growth 
 of the civic Corporation and the comparatively late date at which it received 
 its final legal incorporation, as compared with many of the Gilds, are curious, but 
 have their parallel in the history of Oxford, where many of the Colleges received 
 formal Charters of Incorporation before the University. Cf Case, The Proposed 
 Statute concerning Finance, Pamphlet, Feb. 10, ijiz, p. 8. 
 
London and her Gilds 5-5 
 
 ordinances of the Gilds was transferred to the Chancellor, the 
 Lord Treasurer, and the Chief Justices of either Bench.' This 
 measure may be said to sound the passing beU of the system 
 of ' Town economy ' and of the Craft system which was its 
 outcome, and to herald the rise of the new National economy 
 which was henceforth to prevail. 
 
 "The Government of London at the beginning of the 
 Sixteenth Century" 
 
 The Freedom of the City could originally be obtained either by Freedom of 
 birth or by redemption,^ that is by paying a fee. At some date, the City, 
 probably in the reign of Henry III or Edward I, the system of 
 apprenticeship in the Gilds was introduced, and thus became a third 
 avenue to citizenship. At the master's death the apprentice con- 
 tinued to serve his widow or executors for the residue of his term, 
 which was never to be less than seven years.* In 1368 it was de- 
 cided that if an apprentice at the end of his term could not pay the 
 fee of doj. for admission to freedom, he should continue to serve as 
 an apprentice or hired servant.' Strangers could only be admitted 
 
 • 19 Henry VII, c. 7, 1503-4; Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. y6j 
 Busch, England tinder the Tudors, p. 257. 
 
 ^ For a longer description cf. Clode, Merchant Taylors, Part I, ch. i ; Beaven, 
 Aldermen, vol. ii. Introduction. 
 
 ^ The keeping of a roll of apprentices and others admitted to the Freedom 
 appears to have been begun in 12,75. Chron. Ed. I, II, Rolls Series, i. 85, 86. 
 The earliest list of those admitted by redemption to any Gild, with occasional 
 notices of those admitted by apprenticeship, is in the third year of Ed. 11(1309). 
 It continued till 1 3 1 2. The fees vary from nothing, in case of royal officials 
 and other exceptional persons, to 100/. Letter Book D, pp. 35 fF. The Mayor 
 also had originally the privilege of making six men free of the City. But this 
 privilege was abolished in 1434 in return for an annual gift of four casks of wine. 
 Some exceptional rights of creating Freemen existed till iSffJ. Letter Book K, 
 XXXV. In the fifteenth century we find complaints that too many are admitted 
 both by redemption and apprenticeship, and attempts were made to stop this 
 abuse by limiting the number to be so admitted, attempts which were not very 
 successful, e. g. No one to put his son or daughter as an apprentice unless 
 he had 20/. a year in land, 9 Henry IV, repealed 8 Henry VI. Letter 
 Book K, XXXV. 
 
 ■• Letter Book D, ii, vi ; E, p. 1 3, and authorities quoted there. 
 
 ' Letter Book G, p. 180. 
 
5*4 Introduction 
 
 in the fourteenth century either by the assent of the ' Commonalty 
 in the Husting ', or presentation by six of his Craft or Mystery, 
 who should stand surety for him. And as the Crafts increased 
 in importance this became the ordinary way of admission. The 
 Charter of Richard II enacted that every person admitted to the 
 freedom of the City should be of a certain Mystery or Craft. 
 
 The privileges of a freeman included the right to reside within 
 the City walls/ to engage in wholesale trade throughout the 
 realm, and by retail in the goods of the Mystery to which he 
 belonged, to enter any town without payment of toll, to be 
 exempt from the jurisdiction of courts without the City except in 
 certain specified cases. By the Charter of Edward III he was 
 also to be exempted from military service outside the City," 
 though this privilege was not retained. 
 
 Foreigners. Strangers, whether of English nationality or no, suffered under 
 serious disabilities. They could not deal by retail, nor buy 
 merchandise in the City for re-sale, nor deal with each other 
 in the City .3 
 
 The Wards. The Wards, twenty-four in number, were composed of all other 
 than villeins who, besides paying scot and lot or being householders, 
 had to be members of some Gild, and if strangers to be admitted 
 by apprenticeship and not by redemption.'' This continued tiU 
 iSjjf, when all those who enjoyed the Parliamentary franchise 
 were held to be Freemen. 
 
 Aldermen. • The Aldermen, since the ordinance of 140a, were nominated 
 for life by the Mayor and existing Aldermen out of four eligible 
 candidates elected by the Wards ; the Mayor and existing Alder- 
 men claiming the right to refuse to nominate, and to demand 
 another election, and even to appoint without election. In 171 1 
 the number to be returned was fixed at two, and by 13 Anne 
 (17 14) direct election was restored to the Wards. To be eligible 
 the candidate must be ' good and discreet ', and have goods to the 
 
 ' Originally tiiey were obliged to reside continuously, but by an ordinance of 
 i3(Jy this was no longer necessary, if they paid scot and lot. Letter Book G, 
 p. 203. 
 
 ^ Letter Book D, iii j E, xx, and authorities quoted. 
 
 ^ Letter Book E, pp. 42, z6x. 
 
 * Stat, of Richard II j Lib. Albus, 140 ; Letter Book I, p. 63.. 
 
London and her Gilds SS 
 
 value of;^i,ooo (p Ed. IV). By Stat, p Anne (1710) the qualifi- 
 cation was raised to ;^i 5^,000, and to ;^5 0,000 by 5-2 George III 
 (1812). In 183 1 the Mayor and Aldermen refused to admit 
 Michael Scales. A long process ensued which was ended in iSjp 
 by the aiErmation of the House of Lords of the right of the Mayor 
 and Aldermen to reject unsuitable candidates, and after three 
 rejections to nominate themselves. 
 
 Until the latter half of the sixteenth century the Aldermen 
 were always members of one of the twelve Greater Livery 
 Companies and if not so at the time of election, were transferred 
 to one. After that date they often belonged to the Lesser Com- 
 panies, especially in the eighteenth century.' 
 
 The Aldermen presided over the moot of their Wards. They 
 tried weights and measures ; regulated the Inns ; superintended the 
 cleansing of highways and watercourses in their Wards ; kept 
 the peace and the gates of the City ; held views of frank-pledge ; 
 saw that the members of their Wards were assessed to arms, 
 stt the watch, and, on the precept of the Mayor, levied the 
 Trained Bands of their Wards, these levies being independent of 
 those raised by the Companies. In the reign of Henry VI they 
 are sometimes, and more often under the Tudors, Justices of the 
 Peace, and, as Justices, fixed wages under the Act of Apprentices. 
 Finally, by the Stat, of 1741 all Aldermen were to be appointed 
 Justices of the Peace. They were obliged to reside in the City, 
 unless they got leave of absence from the Court, and were obliged 
 to serve, unless they could prove that they had not the necessary 
 property qualification or were especially excused.^ 
 
 The Court of Aldermen was composed of the Mayor and Alder- The Court 
 men of the year. Of this Court there were two sessions. of Alder- 
 
 I. That of the Inner Chamber, which claimed a right of control ""*"• 
 over the acts of the Common Council and of vetoing measures 
 passed there. This right was forbidden during the Commonwealth, 
 
 ' Letter Book H, p. 43^ ; I, p. 18 ; Beaven, Aldermen, vol. i, p. 143. 
 
 ^ The instances of Stephen Fabyan and John Gedney, Drapers. Letter 
 Books I— 157; Baddeley, Aldermen, p. 178; Riley's Memorials, p. ^03. In 
 ijoi Sir Lawrence Aylmer was dismissed because he was in prison for debt. 
 Baddeley, p. 183. In 1J46 John Sadler was allowed to give up his office on 
 account of sickness. Baddeley, p. 190. 
 
S6 
 
 Introduction 
 
 The Court 
 of Common 
 Council. 
 
 Hustings 
 Court. 
 
 Feb. 1 549. But it was again claimed after the Restoration, and' 
 decided in favour of the Aldermen.' It also had power to punish 
 City officers by fines. 
 
 II. That of the Outer Chamber, or Lord Mayor's Court. 
 Though nominally presided over by the Lord Mayor and Alder- 
 men, the Recorder acted as Judge. It had cognizance of all mixed 
 actions, and enjoyed peculiar jurisdiction in cases arising out of 
 the customs of London. It controlled the lower tribunals of the 
 City, and punished by fine, deprivation offreedom, or imprisonment. 
 
 The Court of Common Council consisted of Aldermen, elected 
 as above, and of Commoners. The Commoners were, by the ordi- 
 nance of Richard II (1384), to be elected by the Wards, six, four, 
 or two from each Ward according to their size, so long as not 
 more than eight of any one Mystery should be presented. In 
 1383 ninety-six were elected.'' The first list we have of a 
 Common Council is in 1437. But it is very imperfect.^ 
 
 The elections to the Common Council, however, during the 
 fifteenth century were very loosely conducted, and it appears 
 that at times the Alderman of each Ward exercised the right 
 of nominating the members from his Ward. It was not till the 
 end of the sixteenth century that the Wardmoots gained the right 
 of direct election. The elections even then were very irregularly 
 conducted. The numbers of the Common Council varied very 
 much. There were 187 in Edward VI's reign, ao8 in ij^pS. 
 Finally, the Act of 1840 fixed the numbers at 206^.'* 
 
 The Common Council supervised the general administration 
 of the City, authorized the issue of ordinances by the Mayor (its 
 legislative powers were confirmed by ly Edward III), looked after 
 the public health and education, and managed the estates of the 
 Corporation.' 
 
 The Hustings Court was the County Court of London. It was 
 presided over by the Mayor and Sheriffs.* 
 
 ' Loftie, London, ii. 304, 448. 
 
 ^ Riley, Lib. Albus, p. 398 ; Letter Book H, p. 173. 
 
 ^ Riley, Memorials, p. liii. 
 
 '* Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, pp. 209 fF. ; Letter Book, p. 23 j. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 210. 
 
 * C£ Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i-ii. 
 
London and her Gilds si 
 
 1 . It heard pleas of land and ' Common Pleas, and appeals 
 
 on a writ of error were returnable to the Justices sitting 
 at the Court of St. Martin's le Grand.' 
 
 2. Judgement of outlawry was also pronounced in this 
 
 Court.'' 
 
 3 . Deeds and wills were proved and enrolled there. 
 
 Members of Parliament were also elected there.' 
 
 There were originally two Chamberlains : The Cham- 
 
 I. The King's Chamberlain, who was the King's Butler, beilain. 
 and also the City Coroner. 
 
 a. The City's Chamberlain. 
 
 After 131P the King's Butler and City Coroner dropped the 
 title of Chamberlain, and there is only one Chamberlain of 
 the City or Guildhall, who is chosen by the Mayor and the 
 Commonalty of the City, as well as the Town Clerk and the 
 Common Serjeants. The Coroner continued to be nominated by 
 the King, till Edward IV granted to the Commonalty the privilege 
 of electing their own Coroner in return for a sum of ^{7,000. 
 The duties of the Chamberlain were chiefly financial, to look after 
 municipal revenues and expenditure. He also admitted persons to 
 the freedom of the City. 
 
 The Sheriffs, two in number, are, says Stow, ' the Mayor's eyes. The Sheriffs, 
 seeing and supporting part of the care which the person of the 
 Mayor is not alone sufficient to bear '.** One was nominated by the 
 Mayor, the other elected by the Common Council, assisted by the 
 Masters and Wardens of the Livery Companies and honest men 
 of their Mysteries.' In their Courts they had cognizance of civil 
 pleas with appeal to the Hustings Court, and were Sheriffs of 
 Middlesex as well as of the City. 
 
 They exercised police authority in the City ; held the prelimi- 
 nary inquest of recognition with a jury from the Ward in which 
 the offence had been committed, and, if the offender were not 
 acquitted, presented him for final trial to the Justices sitting 
 
 ' Cf. Pulling, Laws and Customs of London, p. 173. 
 
 "^ Pollock and Maitland, i. y 54 5 Bateson, Borough Custom, pp. 7»j 73. 
 
 3 Letter Book I, p. J7 note. 
 
 * Strype's Stow, ed. 1755, V, c. v. ' Letter Book I, pp. 33, J9, 
 
 1603-1 I 
 
yS Introduction 
 
 in the Tower. They arrested offenders and committed them 
 to Newgate to await the next gaol delivery.' 
 The Re- The Recorder, who must be a lawyer, acted as Assistant to the 
 
 colder. Mayor, presided over the Mayor's Court, and delivered its sentences. 
 
 The Mayor. The Mayor = was elected ^ annually by the Mayor of the past 
 year and the Aldermen from two persons, who had already served 
 as Alderman and Sheriff,'' presented by the Common Council and 
 the Masters and Wardens of the Greater Livery Companies 
 assisted by men of the Livery of their several companies.^ By 
 custom the Mayor was always a member of one of the twelve 
 Greater Livery Companies, and if he were not, he was translated 
 to one. Thus in 1616 C. Hackett, a Dyer, in i55p Sir S. Star- 
 ling, a Brewer, in i6^s Sir J. Sheldon, a Tallow Chandler, in 
 i(57p Sir R. Clayton, a Scrivener, were translated to the Drapers. 
 In i(S4P Andrews, a Leatherseller, was Mayor, but these were 
 revolutionary times. When in I74X R. Wilmott, a Cooper, was 
 elected, counsel gave opinion that the custom of translation had no 
 legal authority, and since then it has been no longer necessarily 
 observed. The title ' Lord Mayor ' is said to date from the Charter 
 of Edward III. But it rests on no official creation, and may 
 be a mistranslation of ' dominus ', which often meant no more 
 than ' Sir '. In 1440 we find a mention of ' Domine Mayor ' 
 without any name. The earliest instance of the use of the title 
 Lord Mayor is by John Shaw in 15-02.^ 
 
 The Mayor claimed the right to assist the Chief Butler at 
 coronations.' The first instance of his acting in this capacity was 
 
 ' Letter Book B, vii j D, iv ; Riley, Lib. Albus, p. 42. 
 
 ° For a list of the Mayors to 1 5'48, cf. Letter Book F, p. 27^. It should be 
 compared with the list in Lib. de Antiq. Leg., ii, pt. I , p. 2 3 9, and that in Gregory's 
 Chronicle, Camden Society. 
 
 ^ The date of election was altered a good many times, but was finally fixed 
 in If 4^ for Michaelmas Day, Sept. 29. 
 
 * The rule that the Mayor must be an Alderman dates from 143 j, and that 
 he must have previously served as Sheriff from 1385;. In 167% the Common 
 Council decided that not more than one member of any Craft should be 
 presented. 
 
 ^ Riley, Lib. Albus, p. 19 ; Letter Book I, 34 ; K, 243, 361. 
 
 * Letter Book G, xxiv. The first use of the title in the Drapers' Books is in 
 IJ21. C£ Rep. 7. 170. It did not become common till somewhat later. 
 Beaven, Aldermen, ii, p. xxviii. ' Letter Book K, xii, note, and p. 104. 
 
London and her Gilds S9 
 
 at the coronation of King John,' and since the year 1444 he was 
 a Justice of the Peace for the City. The office of Mayor, hke 
 all the unpaid ones, had to be accepted, and refusal to do so 
 entailed a fine. But by an ordinance of 143^ no one was to 
 be called to the office more than twice. By an ordinance of the 
 reign of Edward I no Mayor, Sheriff, or Alderman or other City 
 officer was allowed to brew or keep oven or wine tavern, or 
 to carry on any trade to which a low estimate was attached,'' or to 
 be a victualler or sell such victuals by retail during his time 
 of office.3 The Mayor's Court was presided over by the Recorder. 
 But the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and Sheriffs might sit as 
 Judges with him. The Court tried all manner of actions. 
 
 In spite of fluctuations the authority of the Mayor grew from Powers of 
 the fourteenth century onwards until the reign of James I, when the Mayor 
 the Mayor claimed to be the Master of all the Companies. °^^'' ^^^. 
 
 I. He and the Common Council had extensive authority ™P*n*^*- 
 
 over the regulation of trade and over matters of civic 
 
 administration. 
 1. In cases of disputes between the rival companies the final 
 
 appeal lay with him. 
 
 3. He claimed the right to revise their ordinances until the 
 
 Act ip Hen. VIII, c. 7 (15-03), which transformed this 
 right to the Chancellor, the Treasurer, and the Chief 
 Justices of either Branch. Even then his licence had 
 to be obtained before a Royal Charter could be sued for. 
 
 4. Recalcitrant members were in the last resort handed over to 
 
 him for imprisonment in the Counter and other City 
 
 prisons. 
 S- His regulations and orders were enforced by precepts, which 
 
 were of two kinds : 
 (r) Precepts issued on his own authority for civic purposes, 
 (a) Precepts issued by order of the Crown. These became 
 
 more common in Tudor times, when the Mayor became 
 
 the agent of the royal autocracy and dealt especially with 
 
 the demands for loans and for military levies, and provided 
 
 work for the poor. 
 
 ' Sharpe, London, i. 69. "" Letter Book K, p. 237. 
 
 ^ Ordinance of 1399, Liber Cust., fo. cciv ; Liber Albus, i. 272. 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CLOTH TRADE UP 
 TO THE END OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 
 THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE DRAPER. 
 
 Trade. 
 
 S for your original,' says Elkanah Early im- 
 Settle in the Preface to his portance of 
 Pageant for Sir Thomas Stamp, ^^^ ^°°^ 
 a Draper, who was Lord Mayor 
 in i5pi, 'drapery is unquestion- 
 ably so ancient as to have the 
 honour of being the immediate 
 successor of the fig leaves. And 
 though we are not quite certain 
 that our great first iather began 
 it within his fair Eden, yet we 
 are assured that Eve's spinstrey 
 and Adam's spade set to work 
 together.' " 
 
 Although the Leathersellers 
 or Skinners might dispute this claim, since our first parents used 
 skins to hide their nakedness before Eve had learnt to spin, and 
 the Drapers were, as we shall see, a somewhat late development, 
 at least in England, there is no doubt that the spinning and 
 weaving of wool were two of the most primitive industries. In 
 
 ' The initial comes from Charter No. VI. 
 
 " Elkanah Settle, Triumphs of London, 1^91. Many other Gilds claim 
 a scriptural origin. Thus the Founders claim to descend from Tubal-cain, the 
 first artificer in brass and iron ; the Weavers from Naamah his sister ; while the 
 Taylors or Linen Armourers declare that their original founders drove Pride and 
 the Devil himself from Birchin Lane with their needles. Hazlitt, Livery Com- 
 panies, pp. 2^3, 660. 
 
6x Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 England, as in Western Europe, they were of equal importance. 
 With that of baking' the weaving industry was one of the 
 earliest to take the form of the Gild. It also was one of the 
 earliest to break through its limits and supplies ' the most striking 
 and detailed example of the influence of economic development 
 on the mutual relations of handicraft organizations '.^ 
 The From the Great Roll of the Exchequer of 1130 we learn that 
 
 Weavers. there existed Gilds of Weavers in Lincoln and London as early 
 as the reign of Henry I. They made an annual payment in 
 return for royal recognition, and there are evidences of their 
 existence in the twelfth century at Winchester, at Marlborough, 
 at York, and at Oxford.^ 
 
 In the reign of Henry II the Cloth-finishers'' were among the 
 adulterine Gilds, which were condemned because they had re- 
 ceived no royal authorization. In the same reign, however, the 
 Weavers of London' received their first Charter, in which they 
 were confirmed in the liberties which they had enjoyed under 
 Henry I. They were granted a Court of their own, and no one 
 was allowed to engage in their handicraft in the City, Southwark, 
 or other suburbs, unless they belonged to their Gild. These privi- 
 leges were, however, much disliked, partly we may guess by 
 those who pursued weaving as a by-industry in their homes, 
 
 ' The Bakers' Gild is mentioned in the Great Roll of the Exchequer, 1 1 J J ; 
 Madox, Exchequer, Z3 i. Their first Charter is of the date of Edward II. 
 
 ^ Ashley, Econ. History, Book II, c. iii, p. 191 ; Unwin, Industrial Organiza- 
 tion, p. 26. 
 
 ' A. D. 1 180. Liber Custum.j Ixi. 131, 131; Pipe Roll Society Publications, 
 1 1 Hen. II, &c. 
 
 * Gilda PararioiTim. This may mean Shearmen. Cf. Liber Cust., Rolls Series, 
 pp. 33, 418 If. Henry II also granted a Charter to the Weavers of York, 1154. 
 This is the earliest Charter to a Craft Gild that is known. In i i7f the Cord* 
 wainers of Oxford obtained one. Ballard, British Borough Charters, p. io8. 
 
 ' From a notice in Letter Book K, fos. 119, 119b of the date of 1432 (or there- 
 abouts), we learn that there ' had always been ' three distinct Mysteries of native 
 clothworkers, viz. native weavers of woollen cloth for tapestry, native weavers of 
 woollen cloth for drapery, native weavers of woollen cloth for napeiy, and that 
 of these three only the second had always had a Gild of their own. We find, 
 however, notices of the Tapicers as having a Mystery by the licence of the Mayor 
 in the fourteenth century. Letter Book E, fo. 210; G, fo. i68b. Stow speaks 
 of weavers of draperie or taperie and naperie existing in the time of Edward III. 
 Ed. Kingsford, i. 218. 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6^ 
 
 partly by other Crafts interested in the cloth trade, especially as 
 these Weavers were originally many of them foreigners. So un- 
 popular were they that the Londoners paid sixty marks to King 
 John on condition that he would abolish the Gild.' John, how- 
 ever, soon after reinstated it. The Charter was renewed by 
 Edward I, and in the reign of Edward II the privileges were con- 
 firmed, although the Weavers were condemned for exceeding the 
 terms of their Charter in some respects, more especially in their 
 treatment of the Burellers. The position of the Weavers from 
 the twelfth to the fourteenth century is a perplexing one. On 
 the one hand, the feet that they were one of the earliest to 
 obtain a Charter and that their ' ferm ' of ;^i 2, was double that of 
 the Bakers would lead one to beheve that they were men of some 
 influence and wealth ; on the other hand, the language of the 
 Charter of Henry II, which forbade any one to do them injury, 
 or treat them with contumely, as they were certainly treated in 
 other towns, seems to support the view that the industry was con- 
 sidered a very humble one, and that they were at once disliked and 
 despised. The probable explanation of this apparent contradiction 
 is that the original Craft was composed of foreigners.'' 
 
 The cloth trade was, however, as yet in its infancy. England 
 was an agricultural country ; wool, the raw material, not cloth, 
 was her chief export.^ The better kinds of cloth came to her 
 from abroad, more especially from the Low Countries, which 
 looked to England for her wool, then considered of superior 
 excellence, and where the manufecture of cloth was an established 
 industry as early as the eleventh century.'' If England provided 
 
 ^ Madox, Exchequer. ' Gives Londoniae debent LX marcas pro Gilda Telaria 
 delenda.' Liber Cust., p. 3 3 . 
 
 ^ Liber Cust., Ixv. 416— Z4. For position of Weavers in York and Beverley, 
 cf. Leach, Selden Soc, vol. xiv, pp. xliv, 134; Engl. Hist. Review, xvi. f6j ; 
 Victoria County Hist., Yorks. 
 
 ^ The value of wool exported in one year, 1173, was about ;f 1,000,000. Die 
 WoUaus&hrEnglands; Vierteljahr-Schrift f. Soc- und Wirthschaftsgeschichte, vi. 
 176—85 cf. Cunningham, i9lo,i. 6zS. Some 100 monasteries were sending wool 
 to Flanders in 1184. Cf. also Patent Rolls, ii73j P- i3j which tells us of foreign 
 merchants from Paris, Arras, Amiens, Bee, Rouen, St. Omer, Brabant, Brussels, 
 Louvain, Lubeck, Cologne, Florence, Lucca, Placentia, and Spain, who are ex- 
 porting wool. 
 
 * Cf Pirenne, 'Draps de Frise, draps de Flandre,' Siffer, Gand, 1909. 
 
Condition 
 of the cloth 
 industry in 
 the later 
 thirteenth 
 century. 
 
 64. Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 herself with the commonest kinds, much of this was still woven 
 at home by men, or women, not yet organized in any Gild, who 
 worked directly for the consumer or for the owner of the wool or 
 yarn. In any case the market was a restricted one, and there was 
 little room for the trader or the middleman. Thus the Assize 
 of 1275 forbade any cloth to be woven for sale except within the 
 franchise of the City.' 
 
 When, however, we reach the later decades of the thirteenth 
 century the industry has gained a wider sphere. Specialization 
 has increased ; a greater variety of cloth is made,' and we hear of 
 various Crafts concerned in its production, such as the Dyers, the 
 Fullers, the Shearmen, the Burellers, and the Drapers. 
 
 The importance of the rising industry had been realized as early 
 as 125^8. The Barons, who under the lead of Simon de Montfort 
 were then endeavouring to restrain the bad government of 
 Henry III, had in the ' Mad Parliament ' prohibited the export 
 of wool, and were apparently supported in their policy by Fitz 
 Thomas and the party who were interested in organizing the 
 Crafts.3 Englishmen were also enjoined not to seek over-precious 
 raiment, but to clothe themselves in homely cloth of English 
 make/ Edward I, too, intermittently adopted a policy of protec- 
 
 Ashley, Economic Hist. Florence also was famous for its cloth industry. Cf. 
 Doren, Studien aus der Florentiner Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Bd. i. 
 
 ' Letter Book A, iiy. 
 
 ' e. g. Cloth of Candlewick Street, Borel, Bissets, Black cloth. Rayed cloths, 
 Hawes, Says, Kerseys, Poreies, Memist, Wadmell, &c. Cf. Liber Cust. 549 and 
 Glossary} Letter Book E, J3 ; Herbert, Livery Companies, i. 3 95. Bluettos, 
 Blankettos which came from Marlborough. Close Rolls, I2i8,p. 8i. Blanchette 
 of Stamford and Northampton, Blues, Pers Cloth and Burnette of Beverley, 
 Pannivirides, Scarlette of Beverley and York, and Tela Missete of Lincoln, Tela 
 Missete of Leicester, Cloth of Canterbury. Close Rolls, 123J, p. 73 j 1136, 
 pp. 301, 37J, 517; 1237, p. 422; Poulson, 'Bevelac', p. 58; Close Rolls, 
 A.D. 1236, p. 301 ; 1319, p. 1^4; Victoria County Hist., ii. 2. Some other 
 cloths are given in Close Rolls, 1237, p. J27, and in the Wardrobe Accounts of 
 the reign of Edward I ; but whether they were home-made is uncertain. 
 
 ^ C£ Introduction, vol. i, p. 9. Even before that, Henry III had in 1244 
 prohibited the export of wool. But this was ' in odium Francorum et Ordinis 
 Cysterciensis (Cistercians) ', Annales de Dunstable, Annales Mon., Rolls Series, 
 iii. 1^3. 
 
 '' Close Rolls, Ed. I, 1274, pp. 70, 74. Patent Rolls, Ed. I, 1273, p. 13 ; 1274, 
 pp. 50, 71- 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 65- 
 
 tion, although he was influenced rather by political and financial 
 than economical reasons. When his relations with the Countess 
 of Flanders were strained, he forbade any one, under peril of life 
 and limb and loss of all his goods, to take any wool out of the 
 realm, until it be otherwise ordained. But the customs on the 
 export of wool were too valuable to be lost and licences to export 
 were continually granted." Again, in 1325, when Edward II was 
 under the guidance of Hugh le Despenser, a policy of protection 
 was resorted to. The staple was withdrawn from Bruges to 
 towns in England, Ireland, and Wales, and the export of teazles, 
 fuller's earth, madder, woad, butter, and other things necessary for 
 making cloth was forbidden ; '^ while at the very close of the 
 reign all ' commons ' who resided outside cities were to use home- 
 made cloth, always excepting the Royal family, nobles, prelates, 
 or those who had lands to the annual value of 40X 
 
 The policy of prohibition, however, had not been consistently Policy of 
 maintained ; exceptions were frequently made, and it had but little Edward, 
 effect. Edward III added to these measures of prohibition the 
 more fruitful method of encouraging foreign, and especially 
 Flemish, Weavers to transfer their industry to England. In 
 1330 the King issued a letter of protection to John Kemp, 
 a Flemish Weaver, ' coming to England to exercise his art and 
 to teach it to such of our people as shall be inclined to learn ', 
 and to all others of his occupation, as also to Dyers and Fullers.^ 
 In \\is the Parliament at York allowed strangers as well as 
 denizens to traffic freely in all cities, though Edward III specially 
 exempted London by Letters Patent of i^n-* This policy 
 reached its climax in the Act of 1 3 3 7,^ which forbade, on pain of 
 
 ' Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iii. 194, quoting Walter de Hemingburgh. 
 
 == Riley, Memorials, 150; Close Rolls, 1316, p. jfif ; Patent Rolls, 
 1327, p. 98. 
 
 5 Rymer, Foedera, II. iv. 495. Cf. also Patent Rolls, 1343, p. iij ; 1335, 
 p. 341 ; 1337, pp. 431, Joo, where protection is given to certain Weavers of 
 Brabant, to a burgher of Ghent ' makuig woollen cloth ', to ' workers of wools and 
 cloths from Seland, and to certain Dyers and Fullers who have lately come into 
 the realm '. 
 
 ■♦ The Statute was confirmed in 13 Jo, and again by the Statute of Cloths, 
 13 J I, notwithstanding any Charter to the contrary. Cf. Statutes at Large, 
 Letter Book F, fb. f b ; note, pp. 14, 229. 
 
 5 Stat. II Ed. Ill, cc. 1-3, 5. 
 
 leos'i K 
 
66 Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 heavy punishment, the export of wool and the importation of 
 foreign cloth or the wearing of it, except by the members of the 
 Royal family, and at the same time promised security to foreign 
 cloth workers and ' franchises as many as may suffice them to the 
 intent that they shall the greater will to come'. Finally, in 
 TlSl Edward removed the staple from abroad to certain towns in 
 England, Wales, and Ireland." 
 
 Edward III also promised protection to all foreign clothworkers 
 and released them from the old restrictions hitherto enforced by 
 the Aulnager as to the length of cloth to be made." The disturbed 
 
 ' The Staple Towns. The system of naming staple towns where English 
 exports, chiefly wool, woolfells, leather and tin, could alone be sold was primarily 
 established to facilitate the levying of the customs, no articles being allowed to 
 be sold until such customs had been paid and they had been sealed with the 
 ' cocket '. Sometimes the staple towns were confined to England, at others 
 foreign cities were granted the privilege, and the constant shifting of the staple 
 was chiefly due to diplomatic reasons. The system dates definitely from the 
 reign of Edward I, when Antwerp was for a time fixed as the staple town. In 
 the reign of Edward II Bruges was at first made the foreign staple town, but in 
 
 1327 the King, then under the influence of Hugh le Despenser, confined it to 
 certain towns in England, Wales, and Ireland. Edward III frequently shifted 
 the foreign staple according to the exigencies of the political situation, and in 
 
 1328 temporarily granted to all merchants freedom to purchase with or without 
 the staple in return for a loan for the Scottish war. But in the year 13J3 (27 
 Ed. Ill) the staple was again removed from abroad. In 1360 Calais, then 
 just ceded to Edward III, was made the foreign staple town, but in 1 3 69 the Stat. 43 
 Ed. Ill, c. I, confined the staple to the following towns : — In England : Boston, 
 Bristol, Chichester, Exeter, Hull, Newcastle, Queenborough, Westminster, 
 Winchester, Yarmouth. In Wales : Carmarthen. In Ireland : Cork, Drogheda, 
 Dublin, Waterford. All transactions at these markets were placed under the 
 jurisdiction of a Mayor and Constable of the Staple, who judged according to the 
 Law Merchant with natives and aliens as assessors, and every inducement 
 was offered to aliens to frequent them. The wisdom of establishing these staple 
 towns in England was doubtful. It was apparently hoped that thereby the 
 market would be improved, but the free flow of trade was hampered, while the 
 English merchant was jealous of the foreigner who visited the staple towns. 
 Partly owing to this jealousy Calais was again made the foreign staple town by 
 Richard II, and remained so without excitmg much opposition till it was lost by 
 England in ijj8. C£ Cunningham, EngUsh Industry, Early and Middle Ages, 
 Jth edition, pp. 311, 31^; Riley, Calendar of Letters, vi ; Close Rolls, 1320, 
 p. 234; 1328, p. 2fi; 1332, p. 52y; 1333, p. 13; Patent Rolls, 1313, p. ij; 
 132^, pp. 269-74; Stat. Staple 27 Ed. Ill; 36 Ed. Ill, c. 7. 
 
 ^ The Aulnager visited the fairs, enforced the measures of cloth which had 
 been fixed by the Assize of Cloth, and levied the aulnage or duty. See Magna 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6y 
 
 condition of the Netherlands, and more especially of Flanders, 
 where the burghers were fighting against their Count Louis, who 
 was supported by Philip, King of France, led many to respond to 
 the tempting offers,' and Edward III, who was then negotiating an 
 alliance with James van Arteveldt, the famous burgher of Ghent, 
 justified his policy on the ground that the refugees had been driven 
 from their homes by their Count owing ' to their adhesion to our 
 cause '. His aggrieved subjects, the English clothworkers, how- 
 ever, thought otherwise. They declared that they were for the 
 most part malefectors exiled for their misdeeds." The treatment 
 of the foreigners was so bad that a royal proclamation had to be 
 issued threatening dire penalties against those who dared assault 
 them.3 Meanwhile, the Weavers' Gild, which had by this time 
 forgotten its foreign origin, protested. It demanded that it should 
 at least have jurisdiction over the foreign Weavers, or be freed 
 from the ' ferm ' it owed the King.* The quarrel was for the 
 present ended by the formation of an association of ' Weavers 
 alien '. In 1380 we find this association agreeing to pay its pro- 
 portion of the ' ferm ' and joining with the ' Free (or English) 
 Weavers ' in an annual scrutiny of looms belonging to either 
 party.s 
 
 Carta, c. ij; z Ed. Ill, c. 14 (1318). Perot le Tailleur in the reign of 
 Edward I is the first Aulnager mentioned. Ashley, Econ. Hist., I. iii. 180. Cf. 
 Record Office, 48. 9 Ed. Ill, Bundle 340, no. iiff. For the future history of 
 the aulnage see p. 116, note, of this volume. 
 
 ' Cf. W. Cunningham, Alien Immigrants to England, p. 100. 
 
 ' Letter Book H, fo. 89 j Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iii. 197- 
 
 ^ Letter Book F, fo. 92. 
 
 * Madox, Firma Burgi, 284, n. col. 2. Quoted, Ashley, II. iii. 24^ ; Rymer, 
 Foedera, iii. 23. 
 
 ^ Letter Book H, fo. 124. Of these 'Weavers alien' the most important were 
 the Flemings and those of Brabant. Both of these were allowed to elect 
 •bailiffs' to supervise their Mystery (cf. Letter Book G, fos. 137, 173 b, 187; 
 Riley, Memorials, pp. 306, 331). The relations of the Brabanters and the 
 Flemings were not always very friendly. In 1370 the Flemish Weavers petitioned 
 the Mayor that they, and the Weavers of Brabant, might hold their meeting for 
 hiring servants apart, the one in the Churchyard of St. Laurence Pountney, 
 and the other in that of St. Mary Somerset as heretofore ; although they wish 
 that their serving men shall serve under the Weavers of either nation (Letter 
 Book G, fo. 2^4 ; Riley, Memorials, 345, 346). As late as 1428 we find mentioil 
 of a Mystery of foreign woollen Weavers which had its Masters, and in 1433 
 
6S Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 Motives of 
 this Policy 
 diplomatic 
 rather than 
 economical. 
 
 It Is no doubt a mistake to attribute this policy of Edward 
 solely to a fer-seeing desire to promote the cloth industry in 
 England and thus to make her a manufacturing country. That 
 the King and his counsellors had, like others before them, some 
 vague ideas of the kind may be true, but a careful attention to 
 chronology will show that the actual measures taken at the 
 moment were really caused by the exigencies of diplomacy, and by 
 dilEculties with his Parliament arising out of the war with 
 France. 
 
 In the year 1336", just before the outbreak of war, Edward was 
 eager to obtain the alliance of Louis of Nevers, Count of Flanders, 
 and of John, Duke of Brabant. Louis of Flanders, however, 
 had of late been supported by the King of France against his sub- 
 jects, and therefore not only rejected Edward's advances, but 
 prohibited commercial intercourse with England and seized the 
 English merchants in his country. Edward at once procured the 
 famous Act of February 1337, which forbade the export of wool, 
 ordered all, except the King, the Queen, and the Royal children, 
 to wear home-made cloth, and encouraged foreign clothworkers. 
 
 That the chief motive for this measure was retaliation is proved 
 by the saving clause that it should stand ' till by the King and his 
 Council it be otherwise provided ',' and by the fact that at that 
 very moment Edward was offering privileges to the Duke of 
 Brabant, the enemy and commercial rival of the Count of Flanders, 
 and granting fevours to his subjects.'' When, in July 1338, 
 
 a royal writ is addressed to the Mayor ordering him to allow foreign ' cloth- 
 workers ' to exercise their trade without belongmg to the (English) Weavers' 
 Gild (Letter Book K, fos. 66, 119, 119 b, 127). Meanwhile the foreign 
 Weavers evaded the payment of their share of the ' ferm ', as we see from 
 petitions of the English Weavers of 1406 and 1414. In the reign of Edward IV 
 'foreigners ', whether members of the Gild or not, were compelled to contribute, 
 and at some later date, before the reign of Anne, the native Weavers regained 
 control over the foreigners. Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iii. 102. 
 
 ' Licences were granted to persons to export to other places besides Flanders, 
 e. g. to John Molas of Aragon to export wool to other places than Flanders. 
 Close Rolls, 1338, p. 318. 
 
 ^ In February i 337, Edward Illjin answer to the Duke's request,had established 
 the staple at Brussels, Louvain and Mechlin, which were in Brabant. Rymer, 
 Foedera, ii. i)%<). In March and August 1338, the cloth of certain merchants of 
 Brabant, which had been seized under the Statute of 1337, is restored to them. 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 69 
 
 Edward was granted the right of pre-emption of 20,000 sacks of 
 wool in England, he forthwith had them exported to Antwerp 
 in Brabant, which was made the staple town. The Duke was 
 thus prevailed upon to ally himself with England. 
 
 Meanwhile, Edward turned to the Flemish rebels, offering 
 to renew their privileges of sending their cloth to England, 
 and to make Bruges once more a staple town. In January 1340 
 a treaty on these terms was made with Arteveldt, and Count 
 Louis fled to the protection of the French King. 
 
 In the same year Edward, having received a grant of customs 
 on the export of English wool, hides and woolfells, and wishing 
 to conciliate the powerful wool industry at home, allowed the 
 export of wool on the condition that silver, of which moreover 
 he was in some need, should be imported in return, the same ' to 
 be taken to the King's exchange and there to receive his money ', 
 which was then much debased.' Finally, in 134.1, a further 
 subsidy in the form of wool having been granted to the 
 King, it was ordered that no merchant should export wool till 
 the Michaelmas next ensuing, to the intent that ' the King may 
 be served of that to him granted '.' 
 
 It would thus appear that the royal policy cannot be adequately 
 explained on any definite economic principle. The protection 
 of the cloth industry was partial, and it was not consistently main- 
 tained. At one time the export of the raw material was for- 
 bidden ; at another it was encouraged, or made use of for the 
 financial needs of the Crown, and, above all, the royal policy was 
 altered in the interests of diplomacy. 
 
 Nevertheless we may well believe that even this partial pro- 
 tection, and more especially the introduction through foreign 
 craftsmen of more skilled workmanship, had its effect. Of this 
 at least we may be certain : it is from the reign of Edward III 
 that we can trace a remarkable development in the manufacture 
 
 In March certain merchants of Brabant are allowed to export wool. In 1340 
 merchants of Brabant are allowed to sell foreign cloth in England ' in considera- 
 tion of their good deeds to the King'. Close Rolls, 1538, pp. 318, 339, 353; 
 1340, p. 393. In 1338 Edward granted trading privileges in England to the 
 burgesses of Dort, Brussels, Mechlm, and Louvain. Rymer, Foedera, ii. 1058. 
 C£ also the Treaty of 1339, Voisin, p. 19. 
 
 ' J4 Ed. Ill, Stat. I, c. n. = ij Ed. Ill, c. j. 
 
Competition 
 among the 
 Crafts for 
 the trading 
 monopoly. 
 
 70 Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 and in the export trade of cloth.' Hence a growing connexion 
 with the Continent and a widening of the market which at once 
 gave new importance to the function of the trader. 
 
 There were several classes of men concerned in the wool trade, 
 any one of which might have availed themselves of this oppor- 
 tunity of earning the profits which have always fellen to the 
 dealer : those who dealt in wool, those who spun the yarn, and 
 those who made or finished the cloth. In the earlier days, when 
 the chief trade was in the export of wool, the dealers in wool had 
 no doubt the chief monopoly, but, although in the later fifteenth 
 and early sixteenth centuries men, like the famous Jack of Newbury 
 or John Winchcombe the clothier, united in their own persons the 
 functions of the grower and buyer of wool with those of the great 
 modern entrepreneur who employs the artisans to make up the 
 raw material and exposes it for sale, at the period with which we 
 are now dealing, when the industry was for the most part confined 
 to the towns, it was among those who made up the wool that the 
 competition arose." 
 
 There are some indications that the Dyers, the Fullers, and the 
 Weavers did attempt to become the employers of others and to sell 
 the finished article. In 1 3 jy, as we shall see directly, the Weavers 
 were allowed to sell cloths which they had made themselves to 
 London merchants,^ but a regulation of 1362 forbade Weavers 
 and Dyers ' to be so daring as to prepare any manner of cloth on 
 pain of forfeiture of the cloths so made '.'* In the Charter granted 
 
 ^ The increase in the export of cloth is shown by the fact that it was thought 
 worth while to impose new customs on such export. According to one authority 
 the exports of cloth in 1354 amounted to 4,774^ pieces of cloth, and 8,o5ii 
 pieces of worsted stuff. The finest kinds of cloth were, however, still imported. 
 Ashley, Econ. Hist. i. 204. 
 
 The question how far this improvement in cloth-making, so far as Yorkshire is 
 concerned, was due to Edward's measures is discussed in the Victoria County 
 History, Yorks., iii. 43 8 fF. C£ also Heaton, The Cloth Trade in Yorkshire, to be 
 published shortly. 
 
 ^ Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 3 o fF., shows that the same struggle was 
 going on abroad, especially in Paris and Strassburg. Cf. also Vierteljahrschrift 
 fur Social- und Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. 64, 65, for the same struggle in the 
 Low Countries ; and Doren, Florentiner WoUentuch-Industrie, for Florence. 
 
 ^ Liber Cust., Rolls Series, II, i. 130, 423. 
 
 ■* Riley, Memorials, p. 309. 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 71 
 
 to the Drapers in 1 364., Weavers, Dyers, and Fullers were allowed 
 to sell to Drapers and to Lords and Commoners for their own use 
 in gross, and we shall see that at a later date these craftsmen made 
 some further attempts to retain the right to trade. But their proper 
 flmction was to weave, full, and dye the wool entrusted to them by 
 others,' and they never seriously competed for the trading business. 
 Of the Dyers or the Fullers attempting to do so we have no other 
 instance, and if the Weavers did do a little selhng in 1335-, it 
 was apparently confined to such cloths as they wove themselves, 
 and did not include any which they had put out to be woven by 
 others. Nor were they allowed to finish the cloth by fulling, or 
 dyeing, or shearing. The offences of which they are charged in 
 1 3 3 J-, and to which we shall return, are the offences of those who 
 work for others rather than those of employers, and, as the process 
 of speciahzation advanced, they dropped back into the position of 
 Weavers only, and were engaged in constant quarrels with the 
 newly imported foreign Weavers.'' Although in 1318 they 
 formed a religious Fraternity, their Gild had then sunk to the 
 ninth place among the Mysteries. It was perpetually in arrears 
 with its payments to the King, and at the close of the fifteenth 
 century it is evidently composed of poor artificers.^ 
 
 It has been generally assumed that the first London Craft to The 
 establish an important cloth industry in London was that of BuieHers. 
 the Burellers, and that they were the predecessors of the Drapers. 
 Herbert derived the word Bureller from the old rule that the 
 width of cloth should be two ells, such pieces being termed 
 Burells.* Mr. Unwin suggested that Bureller is another name for 
 ' Burler ', one who ' burls ' or picks the burrs or burls from the 
 surfece of the cloth.^ It seems to me far more probable, as 
 Mr. Sharpe thinks, that the Burellers were so called from Borel, 
 a coarse kind of cloth, which was originally made in Normandy, 
 and which with some certainty can be identified with cloth of 
 
 ' Liber Cnst., pp. 130, 423. 
 
 = Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London, p. 139. 
 
 3 Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iu. 101. * Herbert, Livery Companies, i. (J45:. 
 
 5 Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 28. On personal reference to him, 
 Mr. Unwin has withdrawn this explanation and says that he now agrees writh me. 
 In the later thirteenth century the Fullers did this burling. Letter Book L, p. 26 1, 
 note to fo. 26$ b. 
 
71 Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 Candelwick Street.' We hear of London Borel as early as iai8, 
 when it was specially exempted from the Assize of Cloth which 
 had fixed the lengths of certain kinds of cloth,'' but the first 
 notice of a Bureller that T have come across is of the year 1277, 
 when we hear of Alfred Le Bureller.' Two years later we meet 
 with a Bureller of Candelwick Street," and another in 1280,5 
 while in i28p another Bureller, Fulk de St. Edmund, was a Sheriff 
 of London.* In the early fourteenth century the notices of the 
 Burellers are frequent,' and three documents of the dates of 1300, 
 1 320, and 1335- seem to be conclusive as to their fiinctions at that 
 date. In 1300^ seven Burellers, seven Weavers, and four Alder- 
 men were appointed to draw up ordinances defining the relations 
 of the two Crafts of Burellers and Weavers. 
 
 In 1320 the Weavers presented the following claims before 
 a Jury : that if any one made ' pannos de Candelwyke Street ' 
 he ought to be supervised by the Weavers' Gild and that 
 no one should make such a 'pannum ' in less than one day; that 
 all yarn used should be inspected ; that if members of their own 
 Gild brought bad yarn they should be punished by the Craft, but 
 if it w^ere brought by a Bureller he should be fined by the Mayor 
 on their information. The Jury, while supporting the claim of the 
 Weavers to view the yarn brought to them by Burellers, as well 
 as their general demand that no one should interfere with their 
 Mystery in London or in the suburbs, condemned their policy of 
 calling ' canny ' and of limiting the number of their members and 
 their looms, measures which were maliciously adopted for the 
 purpose of enhancing the price.' 
 
 ' Letter Book A, p. 37, note to fo. 19. 'Pannos de Candelwickestrete.' 
 Liber Cust., Rolls Series, IL ii. 417. It was also made at Marlborough. Close 
 Rolls, 1107, p. 82 ; Patent Rolls, 1218, p. 164. In 1280 a Bureller is also 
 called a chaloner, or maker of coverlets and blankets. He also buys yarn. Letter 
 Book A, fos. 1 9, J I . 
 
 ^ Patent Rolls, 1 2 1 8, pp. ifj, lyj; ibid., 122J, p. ^23. 
 
 ' Letter Book A, fo. 135 b. ■* Calendar of Wills, i. 39. 
 
 ^ Letter Book A, fo. 19. * Ibid., fo. 102. 
 
 ' Letter Book D, fos. 41 b,4?, 84 b ; E, fos. 9, 24 b, p. 172, note to fo. 139b, 
 fos. 236, 260, 29^. Calendar of Wills, i. 424, 458. 
 
 * Liber Cust., Rolls Series, II. i. 121. 
 
 ' In 13 3 J the Weavers, on the indictment of the Wards of Candelwick Street 
 
to Cbse of the Thirteenth Century 73 
 
 The matter, however, did not end there. In ins the 
 Weavers accused the Burellers of interfering with their Craft by 
 weaving without becoming members of their Gild. The question 
 having been brought before the Mayor and the SheritFs, the 
 Burellers answered that though they were not Weavers they were 
 at liberty, as freemen of the City, to engage in any trade or 
 Mystery, and further that they had servants who were apprentices 
 and members of the Weavers' Gild. At the second hearing of the 
 case the Weavers did not appear, and were declared to be 'in 
 mercy ' for a false claim, while the demand of the Burellers, 
 and indeed of all freemen, to have looms was confirmed." 
 
 From these documents it appears that the Burellers made 
 some at least of the yarn for the cloth of Candelwick Street ; that 
 they sometimes wove it or had it woven at home, sometimes 
 sent it to the Weavers to be woven, and then they, rather than 
 the Weavers, were the employers."" In 13 3 j- we also hear of 
 a Bureller buying woad, which looks as if they sometimes dyed it 
 themselves,^ while it is noticeable that there is no mention at all 
 of their ' burling ' the cloth. On the other hand, the Burellers 
 claimed the right of having looms themselves because of their 
 privileges as freemen.* That the Burellers did sell ' cloth of 
 Candelwyke Strete ' we learn from a reference to certain members 
 of the Craft who had sold sixty pieces to the King.^ All this, 
 however, does not prove that the Burellers had a monopoly either 
 of the making or selling cloth in London, since at the same time 
 the Weavers are also mentioned as being allowed to sell.* The 
 truth of the matter seems to be that there were several 
 Grafts, then as at a later date, which did some selling, and 
 
 and of Wallbrook, were condemned for conspiring together in the Church of 
 St. Margaret de Patyns to raise the price of their labour. Liber Cust., II. 
 i. 415. 
 
 ' Letter Book E, fos. 243, 147, 147 b, 148. By the so-called custom of 
 London, any citizen who was free of a Gild could carry on the trade of any 
 other Gild. 
 
 ^ C£ 421, 'Burellarius qui fecit filum'j 423, 'Si aliquis Burellarius detulerit 
 filum aliquod texendum '. 
 
 ^ Letter Book A, fo. 135 b. ■• Letter Book E, fos. 247, 247 b, 248. 
 
 ^ Letter Book E, fo. 139 b. ^ Liber Cust., i. 423. 
 
 1603- 1 L 
 
74 Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 that the differentiation between the trading and manufacturing 
 Gilds had not yet been clearly emphasized. 
 
 The dilEculty of deciding the question whether the Drapers 
 succeeded to the position of the Burellers lies in the absence 
 of any direct evidence. It is true that the Burellers disappear 
 just as the Drapers are becoming powerful. There is no notice 
 of the Burellers in the Letter Books after ins-, nor in the Close 
 or Patent Rolls. The last mention of them that I have found is 
 of the date i3J-<5, when two Burellers make a bequest to the 
 Fraternity of tbe Blessed Virgin Mary of St. Mary Abchurch 
 in Candlewick Street.' In 1361, indeed, Richard de Essex, 
 a Draper, mentions the Fraternity in Candlewick Street," and this 
 may be the Fraternity of the Burellers, which also appears in the 
 Will of John de Aylesham, a Mercer in 134^-^ Again, the 
 absence of all mention of the Burellers in the Drapers' Charter of 
 1363 shows that they were not, then at least, their rivals. 
 Moreover, Candelwick Street, where the Burellers did mostly 
 congregate, became subsequently the chief home of the Drapers.'* 
 
 In any case, the fact that the Burellers and the Drapers existed 
 at the same time in London, and that the numbers of the members 
 of both Crafts were numerous in the early fourteenth century, 
 proves that at least the transition was gradual. It may be true 
 that as the century wore on the Drapers absorbed or were 
 recruited from the Burellers, who had apparently developed 
 the function of employers, but the Burellers who are found in 
 other towns, such as Marlborough, seem to have confined them- 
 selves to the making of their special kind of rough cloth and 
 of selling it, and it appears fer more probable to me that the dis- 
 appearance of the name Bureller is to be explained by the feet 
 that the cloth itself ceased to be made. At all events the original 
 
 ' S harpe J Calendar of Wills, i. 69 J. ^ Ibid., ii. 301. 
 
 3 Ibid., i. 484. 
 
 '' Lydgate in his London Lickpenny, published some time in the fifteenth 
 century, says : 
 
 ' Then went I forth by London stone 
 Throughout all Canwyke Street 
 Drapers much cloth me offered anone.* 
 For , the meaning of ' London stone ', which is now built into the wall of 
 St. Swithin's Church, c£ Lethaby, London before the Conquest, p. 179. 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 75- 
 
 function of the Drapers was, as we shall see, a wider and 
 a different one. 
 
 The tradition that Fitzalwyn, the first Mayor of London, The earliest 
 Ii8p-i2i2, was a Draper, rests on no solid evidence, and though. Drapers, 
 according to some authorities, the Drapers may claim William 
 Hardel, the Mayor of 125-2, as of their Craft, this also is doubtful.' 
 
 With the questionable exception of Fitzalwyn I have not been 
 able to discover any notice of a Draper earlier than that of 
 Pentecost Le Draper of the date of 1222 given by Mr. Ashley.' 
 But as the centihry advanced they grew rapidly both in numbers 
 and in importance. I have come across no less than forty-one 
 Drapers of London between this date and the year 1300, and 
 a district in Westcheap became known as the Drapery.^ 
 
 ' Cf. Herbert, i. 399. Stow says Fitzalwyn was a Goldsmith. In a deed of 
 1 1 96 he is called a grandson of Leofstan, and one of the nobles of the City. 
 Very possibly he was one of the hereditary Aldermen of London. The Company 
 has, indeed, a certificate of William, Clarencieux King of Arms, of the date 1613, 
 certifying the arms borne by Fitzalwyn, and that he was free of the Drapers' 
 Company; c£ Book of Evidences, A, v. 290; but even heralds and Kings of 
 Arms sometimes blunder. There is, however, a notice of his burial-place in the 
 Ordinances Book (given in Appendix, vol. i, No. VIII) which says that he lies buried 
 in the porch of St. Mary Bothaw ' sub lana marmorea'. This is the proper abbrevia- 
 tion for lanura, which is an unknown word. If we could read linura for lanura, the 
 words might be translated ' under a marble woolpack ', for linura is found in con- 
 temporary documents in the sense of woollen tippets, and this would support the 
 tradition that he was a Draper, but unfortunately the a. in ' lana ' is very clearly 
 written. Most probably we should read ' sub lamina marmorea ' (a marble slab). 
 The only other scrap of evidence in favour of Fitzalwyn being a Draper lies in 
 the fact that he did possess a ' tenter ground ' or place for stretching cloths after 
 the fulling process, but this does not prove that he used the ' tenter ground ' 
 himself. Fitzalwyn's house and his property passed to Sir R. Aguylon, whose 
 mother was Fitzalwyn's granddaughter. Aguylon left his house and garden, 
 with the exception of a ' tenter ground ', to the Prior of Tortington. In 1 5 3 9 it 
 was granted to John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and in 1 64 1 it was purchased of 
 its then owner, Capt. G. Smith, by the Salters' Company to become the Sakers' 
 Hall. The ' tenter ground ', however, passed eventually to Eburton, a Draper, 
 who left the tenements called Drapers' Hall in St. Swithin's Lane to his Com- 
 pany (1490). It is therefore clear that the first Drapers' Hall was not Fitzalwyn's 
 House, although probably it was built on the ' tenter ground which had belonged 
 to him *. Cf. Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, ii. 3 1 5 ; Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, 
 ii. 586 note, ^01. 
 
 ' Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iii. 249, note 74. 
 Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i. 49. 
 
The 
 
 Drapert 
 
 Function 
 
 in the 
 
 thirteenth 
 
 century. 
 
 ^6 Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 That these Drapers were men of weight in the City itself- 
 is sufficiently attested by the fact that, before the century closed, 
 four, excluding Hardel and Fitzalwyn, were Mayors, all of whom 
 had previously been Sheriffs, and three of whom had served 
 as Aldermen. Further eight were Aldermen and Sheriffs, while 
 one, Joseph L'Acatur, added to his aldermanry the position 
 of member for the City in the Parliament of 1183.' 
 
 Two Drapers also, Reginald de Frowyk and Richard de 
 Gloucester, were on a Committee elected to approach Edward I, 
 after his quarrel with Mayor Rokesly, with a petition that the 
 privileges of the City should be restored.'' 
 
 Nor was their influence confined to London, since two of 
 them, Ivo de Linge and Robert Bernard, took part in the great 
 political movement led by Simon de Montfort in laj-S.^ 
 
 The word Draper is derived from the French word Draperie or 
 cloth work, and ' to drape ' is generally interpreted to mean the 
 ' making ' of cloth,* though Ducange gives various uses of the 
 word. M. Pirenne, the great authority on the mediaeval history 
 of the Low Countries, has personally informed me that in the 
 twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Flemish Drapers, while they 
 did not make cloth in the sense of weaving it, did superintend the 
 whole process of its fabrication through its various stages of being 
 woven, fulled, sheared and dyed, and that they then pressed it, 
 folded it, and prepared it for the market. In France, as in 
 Flanders, they are found in the fourteenth century employing the 
 Weavers and the Dyers,= and at the close of the previous century 
 we hear of a certain jean Boine Broke, Draper and Sheriff of 
 Douai, who was a great merchant entrepreneur. He bought the 
 raw material and placed it out to be made up by the various 
 
 ■ Cf. Appendix, vol, i. No. II. I cannot find any evidence to prove that William 
 Fitz Richard, who was twice Mayor (1159-60, 1 260-1), had previously been 
 Alderman. But probably he had, since that was, at a later date at least, the 
 invariable custom. 
 
 = Letter Book B, fo. 34. 
 
 3 Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, Camden Soc, pj 110. 
 
 ^ Cf. the various uses of the word in Ducange. 
 
 ^ Lavisse, Hist, de France, viii. 145; Lespinasse, Les Metiers de Paris, iii. 145 ; 
 Pirenne, La Belgique, i. 170. Mr. Ashley thinks the Fullers were originally the 
 employers in France. Econ. Hist., II. iii. 1 1 1. 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 77 
 
 craftsmen, or rather he sold the wool to them and bought it back 
 from them as cloth. Some dyeing and washing he apparently 
 did in his own house. For the rest he prepared for the market 
 and sold. His house was not a manufactory, but a d6p6t of 
 raw material and of cloth and a place of business, where he sold 
 not only the cloth thus made but other cloth.' Mons. Broke, 
 in feet, like the Jack of Newbury of the time of Henry VIII, 
 resembled a great modern entrepreneur, except that the actual 
 industry was carried on in the homes of the workers instead of in 
 a factory. He had reduced his employees to a condition of help 
 less dependence. They were most of them in debt to him, 
 many lodged in houses rented of him, and he had established 
 a kind of truck system. 
 
 In England of the thirteenth century, however, the cloth 
 industry was only in its early stages, and I can find no Drapers 
 who at all occupy the same position as that of Mons. Broke. 
 I can discover no evidence of their superintending the manu- 
 facture of cloth or of having anything to do with it. It is true 
 that Fitzalwyn, the first Mayor of London, did possess a ' tenter 
 ground ', or place for stretching cloth ; but, as we have just seen, 
 it is doubtful whether he was a Draper. They do not appear to 
 be buying wool or yarn or woad, although the Burellers do this,'' 
 and, curiously enough, a Mercer, William Hauteyn, both buys 
 wool and sells cloth at the fairs of St. Ives and St. Botolph and 
 at Winchester.3 
 
 Nor indeed do we hear much of any London-made cloth other 
 than Borel, which seems to disappear with the Burellers ; although 
 the existence of the Weavers, the Shearers, the Fullers, and the 
 Dyers in the City proves that the industry must have been 
 established.'' It is true that the evidence I have collected only 
 
 ' Vierteljahrschrift fiir Social- und Wirthschaftsgeschichte, iii. 3 f : Jean Boine 
 Broke, Drapier de Douai, Espinas. 
 
 ^ Letter Book A, ios. 19, 1 3 J b (William de Bristol, also called a ' chaloner ', 
 fo.31). 
 
 3 Letter Book A, fos. 7, i6b. 
 
 * In 1297 Fullers and Dyers are accused of sending cloths to be fulled at mills 
 outside the City, instead of fulling them by the feet of men of their Craft or their 
 servants in their houses within the City, and certain Dyers, Burellers, Weavers, 
 
78 Early History of the Cloth Trade 
 
 refers to a very limited number of persons, some eight, and these 
 evidently rich merchants. It may be that the smaller Drapers 
 were superintending the making of London-made cloth, though 
 I am inclined to think that they were chiefly, if not exclusively, . 
 engaged in the retail sale of foreign cloth ; but I am convinced 
 that the more wealthy members, most of whom were Aldermen or 
 Sheriffs, were at the time devoting themselves almost exclusively 
 to the sale of cloth, and especially to the importation and sale of 
 foreign cloth, which would be the more profitable business on 
 account of its greater volume.' For the rest they appear to have 
 been general merchants dealing in various wares and selling 
 especially to the King.'' Nor is a reason wanting for this differ- 
 ence. In the Netherlands the industry of making cloth was 
 a very large one ; in England it was as yet not very important, 
 and in London at least would be chiefly in the hands of the 
 Burellers. The Drapers of London then, if not of England, were 
 in all probability originally merchants like the Grocers, and not 
 manufacturers; and if this is so, it is evident that their most 
 formidable rivals must have been not so much the other makers of 
 cloth in England, as the foreign merchants who had the start 
 
 Fullers, and Taylors are summoned to make better provision for the Craft of 
 Fullers. Letter Book C, fo. 37 ; D, fo. 1 12. 
 
 It must be remembered that the Taylors were at that time called Linen 
 armourers, and worked with linen, not with wool, devoting themselves more 
 especially to making the linen linings for armour. They received a licence 
 from Edward I, and their books go back to 1 1()<). 
 
 ' The evidence for this statement has been collected from the following 
 authorities : the Letter Books of the City, the Close Rolls, the Patent Rolls, and 
 the Accounts of the Great Wardrobe. By far the most valuable of these 
 evidences are the recognizances of debt, made either before the City or State 
 officials, which are to be found in the Letter Books and Close Rolls. It is 
 unfortunate that in the majority of cases we are only given the names of the 
 debtors and creditors and the amount of the debt, not the cause of the debt. 
 Probably in some — though not in all — cases the Draper had been lending money 
 on credit. 
 
 The other evidence is found in notices of seizures of goods by pirates and 
 others, while in the Patent Rolls we here and there get some assistance from the 
 records of those fined, or where their property has been confiscated. The most 
 pertinent cases, arranged under heads, will be found in Appendix, vol. i, No. 11 B. 
 
 ^ e. g. Linen, canvas, bed furniture, wax, furs, groceiy, wine. Cf. Close 
 Rolls, 1 11 1, p. 483 5 1191, p. 480; 130O3P. 531. 
 
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 79 
 
 of them/ and who, even if they were Drapers, were dealing like 
 the English Draper in other goods as well. But time was on the 
 side of the Englishman. The foreign merchant was jealously 
 watched," and could only sell his wares by wholesale, and then 
 under severe restrictions. Before long the English Draper 
 threatened to displace his rival not only in the English, but in the 
 foreign markets. It is also most probable that many of these 
 more opulent Drapers were money-lenders as well, like their 
 contemporary Mons. Broke of Douai. 
 
 ' The number of foreigners dealing in England in wool, cloth, cloth of gold, 
 and other commodities, and also lending money on credit, more especially in the 
 latter part of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century, was very 
 large. Amongst others, we hear of: 
 
 The Societies of the Bardi, Bianchi, Cerchi-Bianchi, Frescobaldi, Mozi, 
 Peruzzi, Scali, Spina of Florence, Veluti, the Spinelh of Genoa 5 the Societies of 
 Puici and Rambertini of Florence and Perugia ; the Bellardi and Ricardi of 
 Lucca ; the Bonsignori and Galerani of Siena ; the Chiarenti ; the Portinari ; 
 the Rustigath of Placentia ; the Amenetti of Pistoia ; also numerous merchants 
 from the Low Countries, especially from Antwerp, Amiens, Arras, Douai, 
 Malines, St. Omer, also from Abbeville. Cf. Close Rolls, Indexes ; Dehaisnes, 
 Essai sur les relations commercials de Douai avec I'Angleterre (Mdmoires 
 lus i la Sorbonne, Paris, 1866); Letter Book A, fbs. 4*?, 71b; Close Rolls, 
 1188-95, pp. 204, 2J5, 382, 383, 384,647; I29(J-I302, pp. 259, 271,487; 
 1302-7, pp. J, 34, 87, 171, 290, 319, 343, 3J7, S^Oj 42.^, 483; 13*7, 
 PP- 43j 495 2^3 ; 13293 PP- 44f, 4^3 5 i33°-i3 PP- i4j 7^, 267, 373, 385 ; 
 133^3 P- 4J9; 13333 P- 7; 1337, p. 2o5; 1338, pp. J48, J68; 1339, p. 225 ; 
 1346, p. 17 J ; Archaeologia, xxviii. 206 ; Owens Coll. Historical Essays, p. 137, 
 ' Italian Bankers and their loans.' 
 
 ^ On Merchant Strangers, cf. p. 2j, note 2, of this vol. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE DRAPERS FROM THE OPEN- 
 ING OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY TO THE 
 LETTERS PATENT OF EDWARD III, 1354. 
 
 NTERESTING and startling changes The work of 
 in the activities of the Drapers meet us the Drapers 
 as we enter the fourteenth century. They JP ^^^ ^^^'^ 
 import but little foreign cloth,^ and are c°nmiy 
 deeply engaged in the export of English 
 wool. The causes of this change before 
 the year 1337 are not very clear. It is 
 possible that the explanation is to be 
 found partly in the more active competition 
 of the foreign merchant, partly in the in- 
 crease of the home cloth industry. We 
 know that there were many foreigners 
 still engaged in the import trade, while 
 there is good evidence to show that the 
 (') home industry was advancing. Posssibly 
 
 also the Drapers were during these years the agents of the Crown 
 in the export of wool, as they certainly were subsequently. How- 
 ever that may be, with the year 1338 we come to surer ground. 
 
 ' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book, p. ^6. 
 
 ^ I have only come across three definite notices of the purchase of foreign 
 cloth by a London Draper between 1300 and 13^3. In 1304 Stephen de 
 Abyngdon buys cloth and other merchandise to the value of ^f 1,100 in Antwerp 
 and Malines for the King's Wardrobe. Close Rolls, 1304, p. 143. Again, in 
 13 10, he buys cloth at Lans in Artois. Close Rolls, 1307-13, p. 145. In 1338 
 John Blakeneye loads ' Le Paternoster ' of London with salt, wine, and cloth in 
 Normandy for England. Ibid., 1338, p. 4Jf. But there are plenty of instances of 
 the Drapers selling cloth in England, and some of this was probably of foreign 
 origin before the Statute of 1 3 3 7, which prohibited its import. 
 
 1603-1 M 
 
8x History of the Drapers from the 
 
 It will be remembered that in the previous year an Act of 
 Parliament had been passed forbidding the import of cloth, and 
 insisting that all, except the King and the royal family, should 
 clothe themselves in homespun. The export of wool was also for- 
 bidden, ' until the king and his council provided otherwise '. Of 
 this proviso Edward III took advantage, when in 1338 Parlia- 
 ment granted him the right of the pre-emption of ao,ooo' sacks 
 of wool at his own price/ The chronicler Knighton tells us 
 that he, or his agents, bought it at £6 the sack and sold it abroad 
 for ;^2o.° Again, in 1 341, a grant of wool was made to the King, 
 no one being allowed to export until the King was 'served of that 
 granted to him '.^ Thus the King during these years had a large 
 amount of wool to export, and he accordingly made use of 
 the larger merchants for this purpose, and, among them, of some 
 of the more wealthy Drapers, who, owing to their earlier dealings 
 in foreign cloth, had the necessary knowledge and equipment. 
 But here arose another complication. Since he was unable to get 
 all the wool which he had been allowed to buy, or which had 
 been granted, as speedily as his necessities demanded, he borrowed 
 money on the wool from the merchants,* transferring to them his 
 right to buy or to seize the wool, and gave them licences to 
 export, often reducing, and in some cases surrendering to them, 
 the customs payable. Finally, when the King was heavily in- 
 debted to foreigners = for loans, the merchants would export the 
 wool for the King and hand it over to his creditors, although in 
 some cases the foreign merchants who had lent money were 
 allowed to export on their own account.^ 
 
 ' Cf. Order to Sheriff of York, 1338, Rymer, ii. lozz. 
 
 ^ Knighton Coll. 2570. Ramsay, however, gives evidence to show that he 
 did not on this occasion ever pay the purchase money, and that much of the 
 wool was seized. Genesis of Lancaster, i. zy6, 
 
 ^ ij Ed. III. iii, cc. 1, 3, f. The grant was of 30,000 sacks, of which 20,000 
 had been apparently raised in the previous year. Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster, 
 i, p. 291. 
 
 * C£ Evidences in Appendix, vol. i. No. Ill B, and especially the cases of John 
 de Lincoln, Darcy, Pulteney, and Botiller. In r3'5'o Edward even pledges his 
 ' great crown ' to Thomas Swanlond and others. 
 
 ' e.g. the Bardi and Peruzzi. Close Rolls, 1330-1, pp. 14-72, 267-373, 
 38?; 1338, p. 421 ; Merchants of Malines, 1338, p. j<J8. 
 
 « C£ Patent Rolls, 1337, pp. 537, 543, 5^4.' 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1^64. 83 
 
 In August 1 345- we find some of these merchants, including the 
 Draper John Swanlond, petitioning that, whereas the King, in 
 return for ;^5-o,ooo a year lent to him, had, in 1343, granted to 
 them all the customs for three years, and whereas the war had, by 
 checking the export of wool, seriously reduced the customs and 
 otherwise injured them, they should be released from their bond 
 from Midsummer last. Their petition was conceded, and ;^'7,ooo 
 was granted to them in recompense for their losses, to be paid by 
 the third penny of the customs; the merchants on their part 
 promising to find another 10,000 marks, for which the tenth and 
 fifteenth, just voted by Parliament, should be pledged. In the 
 following year the same John Swanlond takes the ' ferm ' of all 
 the customs with a few exceptions.^ Thus the character of the 
 Drapers' work was temporarily altered. Checked in one of their 
 most important functions, that of importing foreign cloth, they 
 became the agents of the King for the export of his wool, and 
 meanwhile supplied him with loans upon the customs for his 
 wars.° This also is the probable explanation of the frequent 
 appointment at this time of Drapers to the post of Collector of 
 Customs on wool, woolfells, and hides, since they would then have 
 the regulation of the customs under their control.^ So too we find 
 that in ij^i Edward III farmed to Richard de Oxenford, 
 a Draper of London, the subsidy which had been granted to the 
 King in return for his having remitted his share of the forfeitures 
 or fines arising from the aulnage of London.* 
 
 Meanwhile, there is good evidence to prove that the home 
 cloth industry is growing. We hear of a much greater variety of 
 English-made cloths,^ while the appointment of a Broker in 
 
 ' Close Rolls, 1343-^, P- ^49 5 i34^-9> PP- 7^, 733 185, 557- _ 
 
 ^ Cf. Rymer, ii. 988, 989, 1022, 105 1, 10J4, and references given in the 
 Appendix. 
 
 ^ Between 1311 and 1339 four Drapers held the office. Cf. Appendix, vol. i. 
 No. Ill B. ■• Rymer, Foedera, Pars II, p. 67S. 
 
 ' Thus cloth of half grain (scarlet) and whole grain : Andley, Hawes, Haydok, 
 Kersey, Lumbard, Marbury de flur de vesz, Mendeps, Menuet, Porreye, Rayed 
 cloths. Russet, Says of Causton, Louthe, Norwich, Worstede, and other places, 
 Verten Veyr, Wadmol or Wadynell. Lo'ndon-made cloth : Rye and green 
 cloth of Candelwickstrete. Cloths of Beverley, Bristol, Cornwall, Devon, Essex, 
 Kent, Lincoln, Norfolk (worsted cloth of), S. Osyth, Stamford, Suffolk, Win- 
 chester, York. Letter Book E,pp. J3, 54; C,p. 1^3 j Close Rolls, 134^, p. ii^; 
 
84- History of the Drapers from the 
 
 1 345-' and the notable increase in the excise on cloth during the 
 later years of Edward III ' prove that the trade in cloth was ad- 
 vancing. That in this development the Drapers had a large 
 share may perhaps be best gathered from a petition of theirs of 
 the year 133^, which asserts that it is the manner of Drapers to 
 make their purchases of cloth at home and abroad about Michael- 
 mas for the fairs ensuing.^ Although we have not much positive 
 evidence of their selling cloth except to the King and the Great 
 Wardrobe, the majority of the debts owed to them by influential 
 persons could not well have been for anything else,* and most of 
 the cloth must have been home-made as long as the Act of 1337, 
 which forbade the import of foreign cloth, was enforced. 
 
 Nor again have we met with any definite instance of Drapers 
 exporting cloth ; yet, inasmuch as denizens were charged a lower 
 duty on such export than aliens,^ the Drapers, we may be sure, 
 would take advantage of this preference. 
 
 That some London Drapers were at this time engaged in 
 superintending the manufacture of cloth does indeed gain some 
 support from the statement that John Swanlond, who was also 
 actively engaged as agent of the King in the export of wool, did 
 in 1338' buy wool at Lincoln to make cloth for magnates and 
 others of the realm ' ; ® while from a petition of the Merchant 
 
 Patent Rolls, 1347, p- 4*5 ; 1348, pp. 27, 287 ; 13 JJ, p. 471 ; Liber Cust., II. 
 i. 1 2 J. Cf. Glossary for explanation of the terms, ibid., II. ii. ^93. 
 
 ^ Letter Book F, fo. 108. The duty of the Broker was to assist in making 
 a fair bargain between buyer and seller. He was allowed to charge a fixed fee. 
 He might traffic on his own account. He was appointed by the Mysteries who 
 represented the trade, and was sworn before the Mayor and Aldermen. At one 
 time the office was suppressed because the Broker was accused of the ' orrible 
 crime- of false chevisauns ' (bargaining). Liber Albus, ed. Riley, pp. 23^*273 ; 
 Letter Book I, fos. 8, 66 b; Arnold's Chronicle, ed. i8ii, p. 73. 
 
 ^ Before the year 1347 the receipts from the excise on cloth never rose 
 higher than ;f 23 6s. 6d. ; after that date it is never less than ^^47, and in one year 
 (1358) it rose to af 1,061 i6s. ^^d. C£ Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster, ii. loi, 
 Table II. 
 
 ' Letter Book F, fo. 197. 
 
 * C£ Appendix, vol. i. No. Ill B. Possibly the Drapers were also acting as 
 money-lenders to great men, as they certainly did to the King. 
 
 ' Patent Rolls, 1347, p. 424. 
 
 ^ Close Rolls, 1338, p. 226. 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1^64. 85- 
 
 Drapers in 135-0, already mentioned, it appears that they even 
 made liveries.^ 
 
 But it is not definitely stated that Swanlond did himself super- 
 intend the making of the cloth, and it is significant that the 
 Drapers who ' made ' the liveries are definitely stated to have 
 bought the cloth. In any case it is difficult to believe that, if the 
 more important Drapers of London were at this time seriously 
 devoting themselves to making, or superintending the making 
 of cloth, or to finishing it, the notices would be so scanty. In 
 my opinion this fiinction was still being performed by the 
 Burellers, of whom, as shown before, we have many notices in the 
 early fourteenth century.' 
 
 Here once more, however, we must bear in mind that our 
 evidence bears only upon the fortunes of the Drapers of London, 
 and of a small number, the wealthier, of these. As to the work of 
 the more numerous and less wealthy members of the Craft our 
 authorities are silent. We shall not, however, probably be wrong 
 in concluding that the smaller Drapers were as before chiefly 
 engaged in selling cloth by retail in their shops. 
 
 The last item of interest which is to be gathered from these 
 evidences is that many of these Drapers were engaging in other 
 trades besides their own. Between 1 3 10 and 1345 four Drapers 
 are also called Hosiers, one is called a Woolmonger, one a Clothier, 
 and one a Cordwainer ; some, as stated above, are making liveries, 
 while of Richard de WeUeford it is recorded in 1 3 1 8, that he 
 sold ' divers victuals and garnistures ' to H. Nazard, another 
 Draper, for the King's use.^ It wiU be seen that this practice was 
 forbidden by Statute in 1^6^.* 
 
 Thus the evolution of the functions of the Drapers of London The gradual 
 up to this date would seem to be as follows. They first appear as evolution of 
 general merchants like the Grocers and the Goldsmiths, dealing the functions 
 originally in foreign cloth and other articles. When the importa- Drapers 
 
 ^ ' The manner of drapers is to make their purchases of cloth at home and abroad 
 . . . and to make liveries for great lords and others of the Commons,' 1350. Letter 
 Book F, fb. 197 ; Rot. P*:l., ii. 230. Note also that in 1361 a royal proclama- 
 tion dealing more especially with London makes a distinction betvireen ' pannarii ' 
 and 'factores pannorum '. Foedera, IIL ii. 67S. 
 
 ° Cf. p. 72 of this volume. 
 
 ^ Calendar of Close Rolls, 1313-18, p. J49. * 37 Ed. III., cc. f, 6. 
 
S6 History of the Drapers from the 
 
 tion of foreign cloth is forbidden, they for a time turn to the 
 export of home-grown wool. As the home cloth industry de- 
 velops, and as' the various trades become more specialized, they 
 devote themselves especially to the purchase and sale both at home 
 and abroad of cloth, and that chiefly home-made. It is possible 
 that at the same time they began tentatively to engage in the 
 superintendence of the making of the article or of finishing it by 
 shearing and dyeing, and even in making liveries, a business 
 which to-day would be that of a tailor. But in any case they 
 had not developed this side of their business to any great extent at 
 the date when their Charter was granted, nor, as we shall see, 
 does the manufacture of cloth ever become one of their important 
 activities. As merchants they first appeared, and merchants the 
 most prosperous of them chiefly remained, while the less opulent 
 of their craft turned to the retail trade and served their customers 
 in their shops. 
 
 An interesting parallel to the evolution of the London Drapers 
 is to be found in the history of the Florentine Arte de Calimala.' 
 The members of this Florentine Gild were dealers in foreign, 
 chiefly Flemish and French, cloth, which they bought in the 
 fairs of Champagne. This cloth, though of fine texture, was 
 generally bought by them in the rough. They then dyed and 
 finished it in Florence, and exported it more especially to the 
 East, while the humbler members of the Gild were retail dealers 
 in the City itself The cloth was highly esteemed on account of 
 the brilliancy of its colour. The climax of the prosperity of the 
 Arte de Calimala was in the last half of the thirteenth century. It 
 then somewhat declined, more especially owing to the French and 
 English wars which closed the fairs of Champagne. It was now the 
 turn of the Arte di Lana. The members of this Gild had hitherto 
 only worked with Italian wool which was inferior. They now 
 began to import better wool from England and from Spain, and to 
 compete with their rivals of the Arte de Calimala. 
 
 ' Doren, Florentine!- Wirthschaftsgeschichte, especially i. 10-56, 102,108-60, 
 130; ii. 9, 6q6 ; Dixon, Trans. R. Hist. Soc, New Series, xii. 182. It is 
 interesting to note that the English wool was sent by sea to Bordeaux and hence 
 transported partly by water carriage to the Mediterranean, partly overland to the 
 Rhone, and thence across the Alps. 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 87 
 
 As we should expect, the number of Drapers increases very Increase in 
 materially in the fourteenth century. Thus between the first number of 
 year of the century and the granting of the Letters Patent in f**^ Drapers 
 1364, we have met with no less than 130 ; of whom seven were fourte^enth 
 Mayors (five of whom had been Sheriffs and Aldermen), eight century, 
 more were Sheriffs and Aldermen, and five more Aldermen only. 
 
 During this period also ten Drapers were representatives of the 
 City in Parliament,^ while in 1329 we find three Drapers among 
 the twenty-four chosen to attend on the young King, Edward III, 
 to answer whether the City would punish the partisans of Henry 
 Duke of Lancaster, who had just made his unsuccessfiil attempt to 
 overthrow the rule of the hated Mortimer, the paramour of the 
 Queen-Dowager.^ 
 
 That the Drapers were men of considerable substance may 
 be gathered, not only from the numerous bequests made by them 
 to churches, chantries, and charitable objects,^ but by the place 
 several of them take in the Subsidy Rolls of ijip* and 1322, and 
 by their grants and loans to Edward III for his French Wars. 
 
 The first notice of a Draper lending money to the King in the 
 fourteenth century which we have come across is in 13 op, when 
 John de Lincoln is recorded as having lent ;^i^2 ipj-. to the late 
 King Edward I for his French Wars. Under Edward III the 
 
 ' For list cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. Ill A. It is curious that some Mayors and some 
 members of Parliament had neither been Sheriffs nor Aldermen. We should 
 expect members of Parliament to have been at least Aldermen, and subsequently 
 it became a rule that the Mayor should have previously served as SheriiF and 
 Alderman. It may be that the list of Aldermen and Sheriffs is not quite 
 complete, since our authorities are not always as clear, or as full, as we could 
 wish. We have generally followed Beaven, Aldermen of the City of London, 
 for the Aldermen; and Mr. Kingsford in his edition of Stow, ii. ijo ff., for the 
 Sheriffs, except where we have round additional evidence. 
 
 ^ Cf Rolls Series, Chronicles of Ed. I and Ed. II., i. 241. They were Simon 
 de Swanlond, John de Pulteney, Stephen de Abyngdon. Lancaster finally 
 overthrew Mortimer in the following year, 1330. 
 
 ' Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i. 413, ii. 57, J 8. 
 
 * Thus in 1 3 19 Stephen de Abingdon and Henry Nazard are assessed at ;f 100, 
 Simon de Swandlond at £zo and Richard Constantin ten marks. Cf also the 
 subsidy of 1331, when Thos. de Swandlond pays z6s. id., John de Weston 6s. M., 
 and Will, de Macchyng 4/. Subsidy Rolls, Record Office, London, 144/2, 
 144/3, antl 144/4- 
 
88 History of the Drapers from the 
 
 loans and grants become much more frequent. The most important 
 of these are to be found in the Appendix, vol. i, No. Ill b. Here 
 it will suffice to say that in 1 3 ^5 two Drapers, Richard Constantyn 
 and Richard Kyselyngbery, lend 60s. each for ships sent to sea, 
 while twelve Drapers contribute a further ;i^3 o to a loan ; that in 
 1 3 39 eighteen Drapers contribute sums varying from ;^4o to 
 £s each towards a loan of ;^5-,ooo; that in 13^0 the 'great 
 Crown' is pledged to Thos. Swanlond and others for ;^4,ooo, 
 and in the same year Swanlond and others lend as much as 
 ;^ao,ooo on the customs, while in 1365 the 'Mystery of the 
 Drapers ' in its corporate capacity makes a present of £^0 to the 
 King, a sum which is not exceeded by that of any other 
 Company.' Finally, in the following year, the date of their 
 Charter, they give 10 marks probably towards the ransom of the 
 French King John, who had been taken prisoner at Poitiers; 
 though whether this was in their corporate capacity or as 
 individuals is uncertain.' 
 John Among the Drapers who play a part in the history of London 
 
 Pulteney, ^nd of England during this period, one man, John Pulteney, 
 the Draper, g^^j^^jg pre-eminent. Born at the village of Pontenei or Putton- 
 heath in Leicestershire, in which county we find him subse- 
 quently holding property at Newton Heath, he came to London 
 and rapidly rose. We do not know when or how he joined the 
 Society of Drapers, but in 1 3 1(5 he was wealthy enough to stand 
 ' mainpenor ' or surety for certain merchants. In 1328 he became 
 Alderman of Coleman Street Ward, and in the following year was 
 appointed by the Mayor and Commonalty of London to be one 
 of the Wardens for the City at Winchester Fair.^ He was of 
 
 ^ Twenty-seven other Mysteries subscribe : the Mercers, /40 ; Fishmongers, 
 if40 ; Skinners, ^40 , the rest, varying sums down to zoj-. which is contributed 
 by the Glovers. The total sum presented by all the Gilds was 3^428 9/. /^d. 
 Letter Book G, £0. 133. Cf. 'English Nouveaux-Riches in the fourteenth 
 century ' ; the writer, in Transactions Royal Hist. Society, New Series, xv. (J3, 
 shows the inaccuracy of Mrs. A. S. Green's statement that it was loans of 
 Florentine merchants which alone enabled Edward III to carry on the French 
 War. Town Life, i. 79. 
 
 ^ Letter Book G, fo. 133. 
 
 ' Drapers often held this office, e. g. Ralph Upton and Richard de Berkynge 
 in 1334. Letter Book E, fo. 137 b. 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 13(^4 89 
 
 such importance that in the next year he was appointed one 
 of the twenty-four citizens chosen to wait on the young King, 
 Edward III. He evidently fulfilled his task to the satisfaction 
 of his fellow citizens, for in the following year (1330) they 
 elected him Mayor, an office which he held four times (13 30-1, 
 1331-2, 1333-4, i3 3^~'7)5 ^i^d, although he was never 
 Sheriff, he was appointed several times Escheator of the King 
 in the City, Commissioner of Oyer and Terminer in Essex, 
 Middlesex, and Surrey, and in 1332 was on a commission to 
 inquire into the establishment of a staple of wool at Bruges in 
 defiance of the Statute which had removed the staple from that 
 city. 
 
 He had by this time placed his wealth at the disposal of royal 
 personages, for in 1 3 3 1 he was granted lands in recompense for 
 debts owed him by Edmund, Earl of Kent, the unfortunate uncle 
 of the young King, who had suffered on the block the year before 
 for his complicity inLancaster's plot against Mortimer. These lands 
 were probably the Manors of Ditton Camoys in Cambridgeshire, 
 and of Sheriley in Hertfordshire. In the year 1334 he was 
 elected Alderman of Candelwick Ward, and in the same year 
 Nicholas de Farndon devised to him the aldermanry of Farringdon 
 within Ludgate and Newgate Without, though whether he ever 
 held it is uncertain.' Meanwhile, he was employed in the nego- 
 tiations with Flanders which preceded the outbreak of war with 
 France. On his return, in 1 3 3 y, he was deputed by the City to 
 arrange with the Crown for the supply of loo ' hobelours ' 
 (light armed horse soldiery) at the cost of the City, for 100 days 
 to serve in the Scotch War, and was appointed one of the leaders 
 of the Londoners in case of invasion. In 1 3 3 6 he became Alder- 
 man of Vintry Ward. In 1331 he was knighted and received 
 a grant of 100 marks in tail for the better support thereof In 
 the following year, however, he was imprisoned in Somerton 
 Castle because, having been appointed to certain offices during the 
 King's absence beyond the sea, he was with others accused ' of 
 
 ' This devise of an aldermanry is interesting as showing that at that date the 
 aldermanry of Farringdon was still an hereditary one. Richard Lacer seems to 
 have been Alderman of the Ward till 13^7, and then John de Chichester was 
 elected. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i. 398, 609 ; ii. 59. 
 
 1603-1 N 
 
90 History of the Drapers from the 
 
 having borne himself fraudulently and unfaithfully '.' He was, 
 however, soon released. In 1 340 he was on a Commission to 
 discuss 'le chevaunce de BrusseP with merchants', and in 1J41 
 he was given permission to send 160 sacks of wool free of custom 
 to Bruges to pay for the ransom of William de Montacute, Earl of 
 Salisbury, who had been taken prisoner in the French "War. 
 
 In 134.7 he received from the Bigods the Manor of Poplar and 
 the messuage of Cold Harbour in the parish of St. Laurence 
 Pountney, and there he built a great house. He also held the 
 Manors of Southall Murray and Woolwich, and a house called the 
 Manor of the Rose or Poultney's Inn, in Downegate Ward. Two 
 years later he died (134.5). 
 
 The extent of his wealth may be gathered from his numerous 
 loans to the King,^ and his munificent gifts made during his life 
 and under his will,* while his social position may be guessed from 
 
 ' Patent Rolls, 1341, p. no. 
 
 ° ' Chevaunce de Brussel.' The Agreement of Brussels. This was the Treaty 
 of November or December 1339 made with the Duke of Brabant, by which 
 commerce between the two countries was to be encouraged. Voisin, p. 19. 
 
 ' In 133 1 he lent :f47i. In 1333 he went shares with another Draper, 
 Geoffrey le Bottelur to farm the King's debt of jfijJiS 9/. zd. to the Gascon 
 cities. Transactions Royal Hist. Soc, New Series, ix. 59. 
 
 * His benefactions during his lifetime were : 
 
 1330. Grant of certain shops at St. Nicholas at Shambles to the master and 
 brethren of the hospital of St. Bartholomew for the purpose of endowing 
 a chantry. 
 
 1332. A chantry in honour of Corpus Christi at the Church of St. Laurence 
 in Candelwick Street, which was subsequently enlarged to form a college for 
 a master, thirteen priests, and four choristers. The church henceforth became 
 known as that of St. Laurence Pountney. Further, he gave 10 marks for repair 
 of the Guildhall. He also built the church of All Hallows the Less in Thames 
 Street, a church for Carmelite friars at Coventry, and a chapel in St. Paul's 
 where he was buried. 
 
 Under his will he made the following bequests : 
 
 I. To a chantry for three priests in St. Paul's. 
 
 z. To the collegiate chapel of Corpus Christi 6s. Sd., and all his tenements 
 and rents in London, except Poultney's Inn, his tenement of Cold Harbour and 
 his other tenements in the parish of All Hallows the Great, subject to certain 
 payments to the Almoner of St. Paul's and the poor of Newgate. 
 
 3 . His principal mansion, Poultney's Inn, he left to his wife and his son, as well 
 as the 100 marks settled on him to support his knighthood. This subsequently 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 13^4. 91 
 
 the feet that the Bishop of London and the Earl of Huntingdon, to 
 whom he left valuable legacies, were two of his executors. In the 
 year 1742 his lineal descendant was created the Earl of Bath. 
 
 Following the usual custom of trades to concentrate in certain Cornhill 
 
 localities we find these Drapers of London mostly collected in or and then 
 
 about Cornhill, especially in Burcheour (Birchin) Lane. By the Candlewick 
 
 time of Henry V, however, they had partly removed to Candle- chief abode 
 
 wick Street (Cannon Street), which had been the chief resort, first of the 
 
 of the foreign Weavers and then of the Burellers.' Drapers. 
 
 became the site of Merchant Taylors' School. Clode, ii. 160. Cold Harbour was * 
 
 to be sold. 
 
 To the supervisors of his executors, Sir Ralph de Stratford, Bishop of London, 
 a ring with a iniby ; the Earl of Huntingdon, a ring with two diamonds, two silver 
 flagons enamelled, a cup and spoon and a salt cellar to match. 
 
 For the life of Sir John Pulteney, c£ Diet, of National Biography and 
 authorities quoted there. Also Beaven, Aldermen, vol. ii, index ; Riley, Memorials, 
 Index; Rymer, Foedera, iii. 1139; Stow, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, 
 i. 106, 2j6 ; ii. 321, 322 ; Fabyan, Chron., ed. ElUs, 1811, p. 422 ; Sharpe, Calen- 
 dar of Wills, i. 609 ; and references under his name in Appendix, vol. i, No. Ill a. 
 
 ' Herbert, i. 401, says this is proved by the number of their notices of inter- 
 ment still to be found in the churches thereabouts. Unfortunately on inquiry 
 I can find no such evidence. The tower and steeple of the second church of 
 St. Swithin's appears to have been built by John Hende the Draper, and twice 
 Mayor, 1391, 1404 : White, History of the Ward of Walbrook, 1904, p. 407 ; 
 and there are several Drapers' wills referring to churches in these Wards in the 
 fifteenth century. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 319, 387, 554, 584, ^31. 
 Cf also the ordinance in Guildhall MSS., No. 142, which speaks of Drapers of 
 Cornhill. From the accounts of 1429 they appear to have been at that date 
 about equally divided between Cornhill and Candlewick Street. It is curious 
 that only one Draper, Rich, de Gloucester, was Alderman of Cornhill Ward in 
 the fourteenth century, and he in the first year of that century (1301), while 
 there were five who were Aldermen of Candlewick Ward : 
 Simon de Swanlond 1327 
 John de Pulteney 1334 
 
 John Keende 
 
 John Walcote 
 
 Thomas Noket 
 On the other hand, in the fifteenth century there were four Drapers who were 
 Aldermen in each Ward. Beaven, Aldermen. 
 
 For localization of other trades, cf Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. i. 57, note 4 ; Stow, 
 ed. Kingsford, i. 79. He quotes Fitzstephen, who noticed this as early as the 
 
Early in- 
 stances of 
 semi-corpo- 
 rate action 
 on the part 
 of the 
 Drapers. 
 
 92 History of the Drapers from the 
 
 As to the date when they first became organized in a Gild or 
 Fraternity it is diiEcult to speak with certainty. In the preamble 
 to their ordinances, which were drawn up in the sixth year of 
 Henry IV (1405-), they assert that the Fraternity was founded 
 in 1532.' They might have made an earlier claim. As early as 
 1 5 1 2, at the celebration of the birth of Edward III, they, with 
 the Mercers and Vintners, are mentioned as wearing a special 
 livery,'' and in the same year we find that John Simeon, a foreign 
 Draper, was forced to renounce the freedom of the City because he 
 had not been admitted with the consent of the Mystery of 
 Drapers. These evidences show that they were then recognized 
 as a Craft. 3 Sixteen years later (1328) an entry in the Letter 
 Books tells us that six men were in that year elected and sworn 
 before the Mayor for the government and instruction of the 
 Drapers.'* This was also done with respect to twenty-four other 
 Crafts, and may be taken as a proof that, by that time at least, the 
 Drapers had obtained recognition as a Society from the Mayor. 
 Eleven years later (13 yi) there is clear evidence of their acting 
 in their corporate capacity. It was in this year, when the 
 Common Council was for the first time elected by the Mysteries 
 instead of the Wards, that the Drapers, together with twelve 
 
 reign of Henry II. For a similar phenomenon m Florence, cf. Doren, Florentiner 
 Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. 616. 
 
 ' Book of Ordinances. C£ Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII. 
 
 ^ Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 1 3 9. ^ Letter Book E, fo. 4. 
 
 ^ Letter Book E, fo. 190. The Drapers selected were : Simon de Swanlond ; 
 Thomas de Blakeneye ; Geoffrey Le Botteler ; John de Wrytele ; Richard de 
 Berkynge ; Richard de Welleford. 
 
 The other Gilds whose officers were sworn were : 
 
 The Goldsmiths 
 
 The Fishmongers 
 
 The Grocers 
 
 The Mercers 
 
 The Vintners 
 
 The Skinners 
 
 The Taylors or Linen Armourers 
 
 The Apothecaries 
 
 The Ironmongers 
 
 The Saddlers 
 
 The Woolmongers 
 
 The Beaders 
 
 The Cordwainers 
 The Girdlers 
 The Butchers 
 The Cutlers 
 The Cappers 
 The Cofferers 
 The Corders 
 The Haberdashers 
 The Hosiers 
 The Fusters 
 The Painters 
 The Cheesemongers 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 13^4 93 
 
 other Gilds, are authorized to elect four members. Their position 
 among the other Gilds may be gathered from the number of 
 representatives given to each Gild. The Grocers, the ^'ish- 
 mongers, and the Mercers have six; the Drapers, the Gold- 
 smiths, the Woollen Workers, the Skinners, the Vintners, the 
 Saddlers, the Taylors, the Cordwainers, the Butchers, four each ; 
 the Ironmongers, two.' 
 
 In the same year the Drapers take corporate action in petition- 
 ing against the Statute of Cloth.^ ' Whereas ', they say, ' it has 
 been ordained in the last Parliament that all manner of cloth sold 
 after Sep. i should be of a certain assize, and the manner of 
 Drapers is to purchase cloth both at home and abroad about 
 Michaelmas for the fairs ensuing, and to make liveries for great 
 lords and others of the commons ; and whereas these have not 
 bought any liveries of importance this year, the cloth remains 
 unsold, they pray therefore that the King and his Council will 
 order the King's aulnager (launeor),^ or some one else, to market 
 all the cloth so left on their hands, so that they may sell the cloth 
 as it is (pur tieus come ils sont) ; . . . and what they buy in 
 future shall be of the assize ordained.' 
 
 It is somewhat curious that, though there are several earlier First 
 bequests to Fraternities by Drapers, there is no mention of any religious 
 'Fraternity' of Drapers earlier than ix6i, unless indeed the F"'^fJ^'"'y °* 
 Fraternity in Candlewick Street, to which Richard de Essex made ,,^j ' 
 
 a bequest, was one connected with his trade.* The Drapers, at 
 
 ' Letter Book F, fos. zo6, zjS ; Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. iiy. 
 The five representatives of the Drapers were William Welde, John de Bures, 
 Simon de Bedyngton, John de Kelyngworthe, Stephen Cavendisshe, William de 
 Holbech. Next year the election was given back to the Wards. In 1376 the 
 Mysteries regained the right and retained it till 1384, when it was finally restored 
 to the Wards (cf. Introd., pp. 28, 39). 
 
 ^ Letter Book F, Introd. p. xxvi, fos. 197, 199-201 b ; Statute of Cloth, 13 Ji, 
 2 J Ed. Ill, St. 4. 
 
 ^ For the Aulnager seep. 116^ of this volume. 
 
 ♦ It would seem that the earliest Gilds were almost always religious, and that 
 at first they were not connected with any particular trade. Thus among the 
 Gild certificates of 1389 there are few except this one of the Drapers that is so 
 connected, while to the Fraternity of St. Giles, Cripplegate, a Blader (Corn- 
 monger), two Brewers, a Saddler, two Painters, a Poulterer and a Currier, all 
 make bequests between 13^1 and 1410. C£ Toulmin Smith, Gild Certificates of 
 
94 History of the Drapers from the 
 
 all events in that year (i3(5i), founded at the church and hospital 
 of St. ' Bethlem ' the Brotherhood of our Lady of Bethlehem for the 
 amendment of their lives, ' in the honour of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and his Sweet Mother Saint Mary of Bethlehem, in which 
 most Holy Place our Lord Jesus Christ was born for the salvation 
 of all his people. In which place of Bethlehem the star appeared 
 to the shepherds, and gave and showed light to the three kings of 
 Cologne, who offered in the said place of Bethlehem three gifts, to 
 wit gold, myrrh and incense.' 
 
 The ordinances which were then drawn up for the government 
 of the Brotherhood are of the greatest interest.' We learn from 
 them that women as well as brothers could be members ; that no 
 one of ill feme could become or remain a member ; that all were 
 to pay 20J-. for entry and 6d. a quarter (or "xs. a year) for 
 quarterage; that all brothers and sisters were to be clothed in 
 a prescribed dress on public occasions at their own expense ; that 
 all the members were to meet four times a year; that the 
 revenues of the Brotherhood should be in the hands of three 
 Wardens, who were to be elected annually, and that after the 
 election, held on the Day of the Purification, a feast should be 
 given in the Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlem ', which should not 
 cost the brethren more than 2.0 d. a head. They have a Beadle 
 and a Chaplain who receive payments and a livery fi-om the 
 members, and the fraternal and religious aspects of the association 
 are also strongly emphasized. 
 
 All improper or gambling games were forbidden on pain of 
 a fine. Any brother having a grievance against another was to 
 complain to the Brotherhood and not elsewhere, and any one not 
 
 1389; Clare Market Review, i. 6j. Cf. also the Drapers of Beverley who 
 paid special reverence to the Virgin, the Baptist, St. Michael the Archangel, and 
 acted a miracle play of ' The Dooming Pilate * on the Feast of Coi-pus Christi. 
 Leach, Beverley Town Documents, Selden Society, p. 99. So, too, the Drapers of 
 Shrewsbury were incorporated under the name of the Gild of the Holy 
 Trinity and Fraternity of Drapers. Rope, Earliest Book of Drapers of 
 Shrewsbury. 
 
 ' These ordinances are said to have been drawn up between 1351 and 1370 
 and then finally read and confirmed. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. IV. They were 
 among the Gild certificates demanded of the Gilds in 1389, and are found 
 in the Guildhall MS. 142, fos. 1^4-74. 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century toi'^6^ 95- 
 
 submitting to the decision of the Fraternity, as well as any one 
 who practised deceit on the common people, in slander of the 
 Brotherhood, was to be ousted. Any one falling into misfortune 
 should be helped by the Brotherhood, and a dirge and masses 
 should be said for every departed brother in the church of the 
 Hospital of ' St. Mary of Bethlem V where ' a brother may be 
 buried if he will ' ; for the which purpose and for the amendment 
 of the Brotherhood the members were urged to leave a portion of 
 silver, each according to his power. 
 
 Thus by the year 13 5 3 the Drapers were a strong and in- Position of 
 fluential body of men. They had been recognized by the Mayor f '^^ Drapers 
 as a Craft with its governors, and also had formed a religious '" '^ ^' 
 Fraternity which at once gave them a bond of union and supplied 
 a religious sanction for the enforcement of their regulations. But 
 their position was not yet secure. Their monopoly of selling, and 
 certainly of finishing, cloth and thereby obtaining the profits, 
 which fall to the trader, was disputed by many Mysteries, especially 
 by the Dyers, the Weavers, and the Fullers.^ This struggle was 
 not confined to the wool trade nor to England. In France it was 
 the Fullers who originally finished the cloth and sold it to the 
 public,^ and in England the complaint that all Mysteries were 
 engaging in the selling of other articles than those of their 
 peculiar trade, and generally interfering with the handicraft of 
 others, was so loud that in 1^61 a Statute was passed which, on 
 the ground that merchants ' called grossers do ingross all manner 
 of merchandise vendible, and suddenly do enhance that price of 
 such merchandise within the realm ', enacted ' that no English 
 merchant shall use no ware nor merchandise . . . but only one 
 
 ' The Hospital of St. Mary of Bethlehem without Bishopsgate was founded 
 in 1147 by Simon Fitzmary, Sheriff of London. Cf Stow, ed. Kingsford, i. 51, 
 1(^4, 297-8. The hospital was an appropriate place, considering that the con- 
 fraternity was dedicated to the Virgin of Bethlehem 5 c£ The Story of Bethlehem, 
 by E. G. O'Donoghue (Unwin & Co.). The Skinners also had a Brother- 
 hood at the Hospital. Stow, i. 230. 
 
 ^ The mention of John Lovekyn in 1342, who had transferred himself from 
 the Shearmen to the Drapers, looks as if the Shearmen had also been unsuccess- 
 fiilly competing for the trade in cloth. Letter Book F, p. 2, fly-leaf 
 
 ^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., Bk. 11, c. iii, p. 212. 
 
9^ History of the Drapers from the 
 
 which he shall choose - . . and that artificers, handicraft people 
 hold them every one to one Mystery '.' 
 
 Fortified by this Statute the Drapers renewed their efforts. 
 Already in 1362 it had been ordained that no Dyer or Weaver 
 should ' make ' cloth, and finally in 1353 the Drapers succeeded 
 in obtaining their first definite recognition fiom the Crown." 
 Their first The Charter or Letters Patent of 38 Ed. Ill, after citing 
 Charter. jjig Act of 1353, proceeds to state ' that because people belonging 
 to divers Mysteries, who had not been apprenticed to, nor had 
 been sufficiently instructed in the Mystery of the business of 
 Drapery, . . . engage in the same trade, one can scarcely find any 
 shop in the City in which there is not some Drapery offered for 
 common sale ', and that whereas such people, ' not having suf 
 ficient knowledge of the price of goods belonging to the mer- 
 chandise of the Mystery of Drapery (i. e. the selling price of 
 Drapery), by their ignorance and by the great " engrossment " 
 which they make of all kinds of cloth, have enhanced the price, 
 and further that whereas dyers, weavers, and fullers have not 
 confined themselves to their proper handicraft, but have engaged 
 in the " making of cloth " and have refused to work at their own 
 trades except at excessive wages, and have even perpetrated 
 various frauds in the making, frauds which cannot be well detected 
 unless the Drapers only have full knowledge of such work, and 
 have also bought other cloth by way of forestalling, so that it was 
 twice sold before coming to common sale ; the which things are 
 the chief cause of the excessive dearness of cloth '. Therefore for 
 the ftiture none shall use the said Mystery of Drapery in the 
 city of London or its suburbs, unless he has been apprenticed 
 in the said Mystery, or in other due manner received by the 
 common assent of the same Mystery; that Dyers, Weavers, and 
 Fullers shall keep to their proper craft and ' in no way meddle 
 with the making, buying or selling of any manner of cloth 
 
 ' 3 8 Ed. Ill, cc. J, 6. Qi. Appendix, vol. i, No. I. It is noticeable that women 
 were exempted from the provisions of the Statute : ' All women, that use and work 
 all handyworks, may freely use and work as they have done before.' 
 
 ^ Letter Book G, fo. loi : 'Nos commandons de par notre Seignieur le Roi 
 que nul teyntor ne teler soit si hardi de faire nul maner de drap sur peine de 
 forfaire tut le drap issint par eux fait.' 
 
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 13^4 97 
 
 or drapery ' on pain of forfeiture, and that no one who has cloth 
 to sell shall sell it except to the Drapers, unless it be to the lords 
 and others of the commons who wish to buy it for their own 
 use, and even then it shall be sold in gross and not in retail. 
 
 The Letters Patent authorize the Drapers to elect four persons ' 
 'to oversee that no deceit or fraud be used in the Mystery of 
 Drapers ', to rule and govern the Mystery, and to punish those in 
 whom default shall be found, by the aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs 
 if need be. The franchises and free customs of the Prior of 
 St. Bartholomew, of Smithfield, and of lords who have fairs in the 
 suburbs, and the franchises granted to the Merchant Vintners 
 of England and Gascony are, however, to remain in force, anything 
 in this Statute notwithstanding." 
 
 ' They have as yet no Master. " C£ Appendix, vol. i, No. VI. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE GILD OR FRATERNITY OF 
 THE DRAPERS FROM THE LETTERS PATENT 
 OF EDWARD III (1364) TO THE YEAR 1475. 
 
 EFINITE authority from the 
 Crown to organize and govern 
 their Mystery had now been 
 obtained by the Drapers. With 
 the exception of the Weavers, 
 who had obtained a Royal Charter 
 as early as the reign of Henry II, 
 only four Gilds, the Goldsmiths, 
 the Skinners, the Taylors, and 
 the Girdlers, had secured this 
 privilege, some thirty-six years 
 before, while two others, the 
 Fishmongers and the Vintners, 
 obtained their Charter in the same 
 year as the Drapers. 
 The Fellowship had also for the moment secured the coveted The struggle 
 monopoly of the retail sale of cloth in London, so far as the law f°'' ^^^ '"o- 
 could give it. But their monopoly did not last, nor was it ever "op°'yoff"e 
 complete. The Statute 38 Ed. Ill, c. 11 (1364), repealed the dotj, 
 clause of the previous year, and in il6s an ordinance of the 
 Mayor again allowed a member of one Mystery to pursue another 
 Mystery and to trade in all kinds of merchandise.^ The Statute 
 17 Ric. II, c. a (13P3-4), allowed every man of the realm to put 
 
 ' The initial letter comes from Charter No. XI. 
 
 " This ordinance, which reasserted what was called the ' Custom of London ', 
 was, however, generally resented, and hence the numerous translations from Gild 
 to Gild in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 
 
loo History of the Gild ofDrapers 
 
 to sale cloths as well as kerseys of his own making, while that of 
 7 Henry IV, c. p (1405-), allowed all ' Drapers and sellers of 
 Drapery of whatsoever place of the realm ' to sell in London 
 by gross. Evidence also exists to prove that there was much 
 evasion of the monopoly of the London Drapers. From a petition 
 of the Fullers in 1 3 5p it appears that they did some selling 
 of their own goods.' In 1375- we find two Fullers sharing 
 the right to examine cloth with two Drapers,'' and in igpo the 
 Fullers were allowed to expose their own cloth for sale in their 
 houses or elsewhere ^ (although this may have been by wholesale 
 only, as had been allowed by the Charter), so long as the buyers 
 used the cloth for their own use. The privileges of the Merchant 
 Vintners of England and Gascony had been especially reserved in 
 the Letters Patent, and no doubt the Drapers also met with com- 
 petition from the Taylors or Linen Armourers, with whom, 
 as we shall see, they had, in the fifteenth century, a serious 
 quarrel with regard to the right of search. In the recitals of the 
 Charter of i^oz, which incorporated the Taylors under the new 
 title of the Merchant Taylors, they claim to ' have occupied and 
 used of old the buying and selling of aU and every merchandise 
 whatsoever, and especially woollen cloths as well wholesale and 
 retail throughout the whole realm of England and particularly 
 within our city aforesaid and the suburbs thereof'.* Nevertheless, 
 in the fourteenth century the business of the Taylors was chiefly 
 in making linen apparel, more especially linen lining for armour, 
 and in making up cloth,s and it was not till their later incorpora- 
 
 ' Letter Book G, fo. 240 j Riley, Memorials, p. 341. 
 
 =" Letter Book H, fo. 23. 
 
 ^ Letter Book G, fo. 1 16. 
 
 ■* Clode, Merchant Tailors, i. 198. 
 
 ' Cf. Regulations for Armourers, Riley, Mem., 14^. The quarrel for the 
 possession of the retail trade was not confined to London or to England. ' In 
 several English towns the Drapers and Tailors were united in the same company. 
 In Coventry the place of the Drapers was taken by the Shearmen, and the 
 Mystery play was presented by the company of Shearmen and Tailors.' Ashley, 
 Econ. Hist., ii. 213. In Paris the Fullers secured the privilege of selling to the 
 public, though they were often called Drapers, till in the middle of the fourteenth 
 century Royal Letters divided the Drapers into two classes, the Manufacturers 
 and the Traders. Ashley, Econ. Hist., ii, 212 ; Unwin, Industrial Organization, 
 p. 30. 
 
from 13(^4 to 1479 loi 
 
 tion as Merchant Taylors, in i/oi, that they definitely devoted 
 themselves to the business of buying and selling. 
 
 Nor, again, did the Mercers or Haberdashers as yet seriously 
 compete. It may be held, therefore, that in spite of some excep- 
 tions, the Drapers really enjoyed by fer the most considerable part 
 of the trade of cloth in London both in gross and in retail. 
 Of the other Crafts concerned in the making of cloth, the Weavers, 
 the Dyers, the Fullers, and the Shearmen abandoned the retail 
 trade of cloth and fell into a subordinate position to the Drapers. 
 Thus we are told that in 1385- Brembre, in pursuance of his 
 policy of attempting to keep people to their proper Craft, dis- 
 franchised William Southbrook ' free of the Weavers, as well as a 
 Taylor for that they occupied Drapery V while in the early part of 
 the fifteenth century we hear of one Shearman being fined, after 
 the search of his measure by the Drapers, of another who was 
 apprenticed to the Drapers, and later of Shearmen and Fullers 
 entering the Drapers' Fellowship and having apprentices.'' 
 
 The Dyers, indeed, gained a Charter of Incorporation in 1471, 
 but the Fullers and the Shearmen not till later.' 
 
 Meanwhile the Letters Patent of igdj had especially reserved The Three 
 the rights of those who enjoyed the privilege of holding &rs ^'^^^'^ ^^vl%. 
 in the suburbs. The great Fairs were three in number : one 
 at Westminster, belonging to the Abbot ; another at Smithfield, 
 which belonged to the Prior of St. Bartholomew ; the third at 
 Southwark, belonging to the Prior of St. Mary Overy. Of these, 
 the first was the most important and lasted thirty days, while the 
 other two lasted but three. Cloth was sold at aU these feirs, but 
 more especially at that of St. Bartholomew, where the cloth 
 market was entered by the great Cloth Gate. All the Clothiers 
 and Drapers of England attended, as well as others concerned in 
 
 ^ Strype, Stow, ed. I7yf, p. 339, mentions other cases, but he gives no 
 authority, and as he calls the Taylor a Merchant Taylor, a name by which they 
 were not known till 1J02, his accuracy may be doubted. 
 
 =" Ordinances, Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII; Accounts, 1413-42, Appendix, 
 vol. i. No. XVIII. 
 
 ^ Hazlitt, Livery Companies, 112. 34. The Shearmen sheared the fustian and 
 levelled the nap of the cloth. The Fullers worked in the loose fibres of the 
 wool. The Dyers originally dyed the wool and not the cloth, but by this time 
 the process of dyeing and of fulling was often done by the same man. As to the 
 fiiture history of the Fullers and Shearmen, see p. 1 1 9 of this volume. 
 
loi History of the Gild ofDrapers 
 
 the cloth trade, and here the Drapers shared with the Taylors 
 the right to search all cloth exposed for sale, and to mark it 
 according to its width and length, the Drapers using the Drapers' 
 ell or standard, the Taylors their silver yard.^ 
 
 The fairs, however, lasted only for a short time, and, as the 
 cloth trade increased in the provincial towns of England, the 
 number of country Clothiers and Drapers, as well as of aliens, 
 who wished to sell their cloth in London increased. To meet 
 the difficulty the Mayor, Whityngton, and the commonalty 
 Bakewell of London purchased in 1 3P5^-(5 Bakewell Hall or Blackwellhall, in 
 ^^"- Basinghall Street, once belonging to Sir Richard Clifford " and 
 
 then to the family of Banquell or Bakewell, from whence it 
 derived its name. The Mayor in the ordinances of I3p8 ordered 
 that to prevent the secret sale of wooUen cloths and disorderly 
 and deceitfiil bargains of ' foreign ' Drapers ^ in divers hostelries, 
 aUsuch should sell their cloths at Bakewell Hall only, and at fixed 
 days and hours in the week, on pain of forfeiture ; that no 
 Merchant Stranger should sell to Merchant Stranger, and that 
 the cloth so sold should be cloths and half cloths listed at both 
 ends.'* The Statute s Henry IV (1403) further enacted that 
 Merchant Strangers should expend the proceeds of their sales 
 
 ' Cf. Herbert, i. 47, 427. For the later quarrel of Drapers and Taylors over 
 the right of search, cf. p. 116 of this volume. 
 
 " Not to the Basings as Stow says. Sir Roger de Clifford sold Bakewelhall to 
 the City in 1180. Cf. Memorandum to Ordinances of 1405 ; Letter Book A, 
 fo. 13?, p. 2Z7 note; Wardens' Accounts, if 21-1, fo. 2b; Rep. 7, 197. In 
 1286 and 1293 the City transferred it to John de Banquell and repurchased it in 
 1395-^. Cf. Stow, ed. Kingsford, i. z%6, 288, 290, ii. 33^. The position of the 
 Hall in Basinghall Street may be seen in Mr. Kingsford's Map. It is now the site 
 of the Law Courts. 
 
 ' By foreign is meant Englishmen not resident in London. Aliens could not 
 purchase at the Hall, nor of any one except a citizen of London. Cf. ' Memoire du 
 traitement des Fran9oys', Schanz, Handelspolitik, ii. 525. 
 
 "* Riley, Memorials, p. jjo, quoting Letter Book H, fo. 327. Cf also 
 Ordinancesof 1 40 f, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII. In Letter Book K, fo. 2jjb,there 
 is an interesting petition of date 145 1 which complains of secret sale of woollen 
 cloths, leather, and other goods ' between foreign and foreign to the great deroga- 
 c'on and prejudice ot the franchise of the City and the grete hurte of the trewe 
 franchised people of the same City '. The lieges of the King, merchants of 
 Guyenne, were, however, allowed to sell to each other. Cf. Ordinances 
 of 140J. 
 
from 1364 to 1479 103 
 
 on commodities of the realm, the lieges of Guyenne alone excepted ; 
 a statute which was enforced by the Mayor on the petition of the 
 Drapers.' 
 
 To carry out these ordinances a Keeper was appointed, to whom 
 an oath was administered that he would duly observe them.'' In 
 1404 the Drapers were conciliated by being allowed to appoint 
 the Keeper, though he was to be admitted, and could be dismissed, 
 by the Mayor and Aldermen, while the Drapers were made 
 responsible ror any damage to the Hall by fire.^ Attempts were 
 evidently made to stop all sale by wholesale by 'foreigners' 
 (i.e. any but citizens) except at the Hall, but the Act of 7 Henry IV, 
 c. p (1405-), as before stated, confirmed the right of Country 
 Drapers and sellers of cloth to sell their wares wholesale not- 
 withstanding any franchises, and declared in its preamble that 
 this had always been allowed.* 
 
 Shortly after the Drapers had secured the royal confirmation of The Drapers 
 their Mystery, the City of London was convulsed by the social, and the 
 religious, and political upheaval which began with the Good "^"^^"^^'^ 
 Parliament of 1375 and ended with the fall of Richard II. We ^ 
 
 have already dealt with this episode in the Introduction.^ Whether 
 the Drapers took part in the actual struggle concerning John 
 of Northampton in their corporate capacity, or only as individuals, 
 
 ' Letter Book I, fos. 30, 37 b, 39 b, 40, f 7-9 b. 
 
 = Herbert, L 411 ; Letter BookD, fo. 87 b ; Ordinances of 1405, Appendix, 
 vol. i, No. XVII, p. 359 of this volume. 
 
 ^ Letter Book I, fo. 39b ; Ordinances of 140J, p. zJ9 of this volume. The 
 Master of the Mistery of Drapers to elect an able, wise and sufficient person to see 
 that all kinds of woollen cloth brought to Bakewellhall by Merchant Strangers 
 be sold as by Law. The office of Keeper was an honourable and remunerative 
 one. In 1471 Rich. Norman granted a house called the Gote in Chepe, the rent 
 of which, if 10, was to furnish a salary for the Keeper. To this Olney added 
 another tenement carrying a rent of £6, on condition that he should succeed 
 Norman. Norman also bequeathed plate and jewels worth :f 40 to the Keeper. 
 403, fo. I a, A. viii. 337. Again, in 1493 Maister Isaac, Alderman and five 
 times Master (1488-9, 1491-3, 1497-8, ijoo-i, ijio-ii), pays iio for rent 
 of Blackwellhall, and in ijoj-6 Maister Calley (Galley) gives 200 marks 
 (£133 6s. %d.) for the office. 403, fo. J7 a, 80 a. 
 
 * Herbert, i. 397. See also Writ to Mayor and Sheriffs, 1429, to allow 
 Clothworkers (oferarii pannorum) from foreign parts to enjoy their liberties as they 
 have been accustomed, under their Charter, Letter Book K, fo. ^4 b. 
 
 5 Cf. p. 30 ff. 
 
Fortunes of 
 the Drapers 
 during the 
 reigns of 
 Richard II 
 and Henry 
 IV. 
 
 Internal 
 Condition of 
 the Drapers* 
 Gild or Fra- 
 ternity at 
 the begin- 
 ning of the 
 fifteenth 
 century. 
 
 T04- History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 we have no positive evidence to show. Besides John of 
 Northampton only one other Draper, William Essex, is men- 
 tioned, but an interesting petition from the Mystery of Drapers 
 of the year 1387 against the election of Nicholas Brembre, as 
 Mayor in 1 3 84, which has been discovered at the Record Office, 
 looks as if they acted as a body, and conclusively proves at least 
 that the Drapers were jealous of the victualling Gilds.' 
 
 During the reigns of Richard II and Henry IV the Drapers 
 share the fortunes of the Greater Livery Companies, amongst 
 whom they are now taking their place, and are gaining a part in 
 the control of the municipal government. All this has been 
 treated of in the Introductory Chapter.'' Meanwhile, the impor- 
 tance of the cloth trade, both for home consumption and for 
 foreign export, was increasing, and with it the influence of the 
 Drapers. We are not therefore surprised to find that between the 
 accession of Henry IV and the year 1438, the date of their second 
 Charter, six Drapers held the position of Mayor, of whom three had 
 been Sheriffs and three had represented the City in Parliament. 
 
 Besides these there were sixteen more Drapers who were either 
 Sheriffs, Aldermen, or Members of Parliament.^ This notable rise 
 in the influence of the Drapers on the Municipal Government of 
 London was continued after that date, and was not confined to 
 the political sphere. Indeed the fifteenth century may be said 
 to have been the hey-day of the Gild as a controlling force on 
 the cloth trade within the City. 
 
 It is therefore most fortunate that with the opening of the fifteenth 
 century we at last reach some definite evidence with regard to 
 the internal condition of the Fraternity. This is found in the ordi- 
 nances of 140^ and 1418, and in the earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 that have been preserved. The accounts, which deal with ten years 
 between 141 3-14 and i44i-z, are, however, only fragmentary.* 
 
 ' Cf Appendix, vol. i. No. VII. =" Cf. Introduction. 
 
 ' Cf. Lists of Mayors, Sheriffs, Aldermen, and M.P.'s who were Drapers. 
 Appendix, vol. ii. No. XXXI (j). 
 
 * They exist for the years 1413-14 to 142^-^5 1428-9 to 1429-30 ; 1433-4 
 to 1434-J ; 1439-40 to 1441-2. The accounts are printed fully, as well as 
 a description and abstract of the ordinances, in Appendices, vol. i, Nos. XVII and 
 XVIII. The ordinances should be compared with those of the religious brother- 
 hood of 137 1, Appendix, vol. i. No. IV. 
 
from 1364 /^<? 1479 loy 
 
 In the Ordinances the society style themselves as ' the Assem- 
 blage of the FeUyship of the Gild or Fraternity of our blessed Lady 
 of Drapers '. 
 
 The number of members who have obtained their freedom and The num- 
 pay or owe quarterage, which is ^d. a quarter or x'i.d. a year, bersof the 
 was, in the year 141 3-14, p5. In 1413-4 it had risen to io5, j^^^^j 
 in 1424-5- to 114 or ii;-, and to ii5 in 1441-2. As, however, 
 the quarterage is by no means always paid and the arrears are not 
 always given, we cannot trust this evidence, and must look else- 
 where. In 141 3— 14 we find 127 paying 4^. each towards the 
 expense of riding with the Sheriff, and in 1424-j- i5p paying the 
 same contribution to the cost of riding with the Mayor in his 
 procession, and since it is improbable that apprentices would pay 
 this contribution, these may be taken as the approximate numbers 
 of the Freemen at the given dates. From the subscriptions made 
 by members towards the building of their new Hall, it is evident 
 that some of them were men of some substance. One gives £,1 o, 
 two ;^2o, one ;^io, five £,s each, and the majority of the rest £1..^ 
 Moreover, out of the list of the subscribers we find five men who 
 were Mayors, of whom four were also members for the City, and 
 four others who were Sheriffs, one of whom again represented the 
 City in Parliament, while during the period covered by these 
 accounts five Parsons and two men of Law are members of the 
 Fraternity.'' 
 
 Sisters are mentioned as before, but how they were to be 
 admitted we are not told till 14/5^, when provision is made for 
 admitting them by Redemption. ^ 
 
 Since, as with the quarterage, the fees for apprenticeship TheAppien- 
 are irregularly paid, it is again impossible to be certain as to "<^^*- 
 the numbers of apprentices annually enrolled, but the number 
 appears to have varied considerably. In 141 3-14 forty appren- 
 tices were admitted. In 1423-4 the number of admissions fell to 
 
 ' These sums should be multiplied by 10 at least to represent present 
 values. 
 
 ^ The Parsons were the two chaplains of St. Mary Le Bowe and the Parsons of 
 St. Martin's Orgar, St. Swithin's, St. Edmund's, and St. Mary Woolnove (Woolnoth). 
 
 ^ Sisters are also mentioned in the ordinances of the Religious Brotherhood 
 of 1371, and also in the Charter of 1438, and in the Grant of Arms, 1439 (New 
 Style). Cf Appendix, vol. i, Nos. IV, IX, XI. 
 
io6 History of the Gild of 'Drapers 
 
 Origin of 
 Distinction 
 between 
 those in the 
 Livery and 
 the Free- 
 men. 
 
 about fourteen and never rose above twenty-four till the year 
 14.33-4, when it reached thirty-one, to end, in 1441-2, with 
 fifty-five. 
 
 It was not often that a master apprenticed more than one in any 
 one year, but there are a few instances of persons enrolling as 
 many as three, while in the year 1413-14. we meet with one 
 Draper, John Vyne, who apprentices his son, and with another, 
 who apprentices a Shearman. The fee for apprenticeship, which 
 was paid by the master, fluctuated. In T4.13-14 it was 20J. with 
 the exception of one who paid ' de veylle dette '. This looks as 
 if the fee was raised in that year. It remained at 20^. till the 
 year 1434.-^, with the exception of the year 14.28-5, when a man 
 pays 10 J. for two apprentices. In 14.34.-5- we again meet with 
 one who pays los. In 143P-4.0 the payment is 13 J. 4^. for each 
 apprentice, and in 1442 loj. is paid for fifteen apprentices, and 
 1 3 J-. 4</. for forty. It may be that the smaller sums are balances 
 due on old apprenticeships, although they are not so entered. In 
 any case it is clear that whereas in 141 3—14 the usual fee was 2oj-., 
 it had by 1440-1 fallen to 13 J". ^. 
 
 The best clue to this reduction will be found if we can prove 
 that just at this moment those in the Livery were beginning to be 
 distinguished from the ordinary freemen. Before this distinction 
 arose the fee of 2oj-. included the fee for entrance into the full 
 fellowship. At a later date, when the ' Livery ' had been fully 
 established, the fee for entry into the Livery was 6s. %d., which 
 together with the fee for apprenticeship on the new scale, 1 3 j. 4^^., 
 amounts to the old sum of^20J'. 
 
 This concession in the matter of the fee for apprenticeship 
 was, however, made to the master, who paid the fee for enrolment 
 of his apprentice, rather than to the apprentice himself, who 
 found that to obtain his freedom he had to pay jx 4^/., and even 
 then was excluded from the Livery unless he was subsequently 
 admitted, and at a further cost of 6s. %d. 
 
 The wording of the ordinance concerning admission to the 
 Livery confirms this suggestion. In its altered form, which 
 belongs to some date after 1460, it runs ' ordained is that e very- 
 man, that shall be abyled and amytted by the whole body of the 
 Fellowship {being in the Livery) to wear the Livery and hath 
 
from \i6Af^to 14.79 107 
 
 been Prentys, shall pay at the leetle (least) at his entry Ss. M., to 
 the clerk ixdl, and the beadle %d! ' 
 
 By the introduction of the words in italics, ''being in the 
 Livery ', the whole sense of the ordinance is changed. As it 
 stood originally it left the power to grant the Livery to all the 
 freemen, and agrees with a previous ordinance to the effect that 
 ' all the company of the Fellowship every year or second 
 year . . . shall be clothed in a sute and livery ' (an ordinance 
 which curiously enough remained). But in its altered form 
 a distinction is clearly made between those in the ' Livery ' 
 and the ordinary freeman. Meanwhile, during the period of 
 change a concession seems to have been made. All those who 
 have served their apprenticeship, and are admitted at all, except 
 one, are admitted, not into the ordinary freedom, but into the 
 clothing, paying 6s. %d.\' and that one may have been a redemp- 
 tioner, as was the case in 1439-4.0. By the year 147^, when the 
 Wardens' Accounts are once more to hand, the change has been 
 finally completed. The fee for apprenticeship is ijj. 4<^. ; for 
 admission into the freedom gj. 4^^., and for admission into the 
 Livery 6s. 8^., with fees to Clerk and Beadle. 
 
 By this date the numbers of those admitted into the ordinary 
 freedom has risen to twenty-three, while there is only one admission 
 to the Livery, and in the next year the numbers are, fourteen 
 admitted into freedom, three only to the Livery .^ 
 
 ' The words in italics are evident alterations made after 1460 (cf. Ordinances, 
 Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII), since the clerk does not appear till that date. 
 ^ Apprentices admitted : 
 
 In 14 1 3-14 None. 
 
 33 
 
 1423-4 
 
 4 
 
 mto 
 
 Livery, none 11 
 
 nto t 
 
 ie 
 
 Fr 
 
 5edom 
 
 33 
 
 1424-y 
 
 % 
 
 
 33 33 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 1418-9 
 
 8 
 
 
 )3 33 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 1429-30 
 
 2 
 
 
 33 I 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 1433-4 
 
 6 
 
 
 „ none 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 3) 
 
 33 
 
 I434-J 
 1439-40 
 
 I44I-2 
 
 6 
 
 None 
 (I by 
 None 
 
 33 33 J3 
 )3 33 _ 33 
 
 Redemption paying 6s 
 into Livery, none mto 
 
 I 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 ; Freedom. 
 
 5 The earliest instances of the distinction between the Livery and the Yeomen 
 or Freemen is in the case of the Cordwainers, 1387, and the Saddlers, 1391J. 
 C£ Riley's Memorials, pp. 49f, ^42. In the Taylors or Linen Armourers it is 
 
Admission 
 by Redemp- 
 
 tion. 
 
 Place of 
 Abode and 
 Corporate 
 Revenues. 
 
 io8 History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 It would also appear that it was during these critical years that 
 the system of admitting members by redemption, that is to say, 
 without their having previously served an apprenticeship, was 
 introduced. The first mention of such admission, which was 
 originally granted by the Master and the Wardens, with the 
 assent of the Fraternity,' is in 14.14-5-, when one redemptioner 
 was admitted into the Livery ; in the following year two were 
 admitted by redemption into the Livery, and four more, apparently 
 by redemption, into the freedom only; in 1435-40 three more 
 entered the clothing by redemption. The fees were settled 
 by agreement and varied from £1 to £6 i^s. ^. plus a fee to the 
 beadle, and later to the clerk. We have no notice of a translation 
 from another Gild in the accounts, but from the Letter Books we 
 learn that in 1425- a Linen Armourer, in 1433 a Weaver, in 
 143P a Taylor, in 144/ another Taylor, and in i4;'a a Dyer, 
 joined the Drapers' Gild because, as is explained in one case, 
 he had been long using the Mystery of a Draper.^ 
 
 From the accounts of 1424-f we gather that these Drapers 
 were dispersed about equally in Cornhill and Candlewick Street, 
 while a few lived in Chepe and St. Swithin's Lane.^ The 
 Corporate Revenues of the Gild were not very great, except 
 in the years 1424-6, when they were increased by the sub- 
 scription for their new Hall in St. Swithin's Lane, In 141 3-14 
 they only reached the modest sum of £1'-] jfs. 6d. In 1441-2 
 
 found as early as 1411. Clode, p. 60. It became general among the Greater 
 Companies at a later date. Unwin, Gilds, p. \66. 
 
 ' C£ Ordinance X (i). Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII. In i J04-J the assent of 
 the Fellowship was dispensed with. 
 
 ^ Letter Book Kj fo. 19 b, 135 b, 174, 127, ij^b. Stow says that Simon 
 Eyre the Draper, Mayor in 1446, was translated from the Upholders 
 (ed. Kingsford, i. 15:3). The play by Dekker, who wrote in Elizabeth's reign, 
 makes him a Cordwainer or Shoemaker. 
 
 ^ The numbers are : 3 1 in Cornhill ; 30 in Candlewick Street ; 17 in Chepe 
 Lane ; 6 in St. Swithun's Lane. Four Drapers were Aldermen of Cornhill in 
 the fifteenth century — ^John Gedney, 1435 ; Simon Eyre, 1449 ; Ralph Joscelyn, 
 14J6; R. Drope, 1478. And four of Candlewick Street: William Crowmere, 
 i4»o; JohnBrockle, 1433 ; Nicholas Yoo, 1438; John Derby, 1444. Cornhill 
 in the reign of Henry VI was the home of Fripperers and Upholders, who sold 
 old apparel and household stuff (cf. Liber Albus, ed. Riley, p. xcii), and this was 
 the case in Stow's day (c£ Stow, ed. Kingsford, i. 81, 199, 217, 218, 306). 
 
from 1364-/0 1479 109 
 
 they rose to £sj; \is. \\d.^ Of this income ^t^ i^s. ^, was, 
 in 141 3-14, derived from rents of houses, and paid by nine 
 tenants: in 1441-2 it was £2.^ jj. 4^^.,° paid by ten tenants. 
 Their other receipts were chiefly composed of quarterage, fees for 
 apprenticeship and entries into the freedom, fees for the election 
 dinner, fines for offences committed by members, which were 
 very rare, and for breach of regulations with regard to cloth, 
 enforced by their search at fairs and elsewhere, and imposed 
 on others besides members.^ 
 
 In 1414 we hear of only one account, that of the Box de Dieu The Spirit- 
 or Spiritual Box. Subsequently a Temporal Box was also estab- «al and 
 lished. Into the Spiritual Box were paid the Rents, the quarter- Temporal 
 age, and the fees for apprenticeship ; into the Temporal, the fees 
 for entry in the Freedom and the Livery, fines, and subscriptions. 
 
 The expenses are varyingly distributed between the two boxes 
 till 142^-5. In 1428-9 they are clubbed together. From 1430 
 the balance of the previous year is paid into the Spiritual Box 
 which bears all expenses, and from 143P to 1442, we hear again of 
 only one Common Box. 
 
 The Disbursements, except for the building of the Hall, are very Disbmse- 
 modest. They include alms. Chaplain's fees, fees for maintaining ments. 
 lights in Bowe Church, the Bedell's fees and those of servants, 
 food, drink, banners, and minstrels on public occasions. The 
 amount given in alms is absurdly small. In 1424-5' it amounted 
 to £8 15- J", ud., after which it steadily declined, as the old 
 recipients died out. In 1425^-6 there were only two almsmen, 
 in 1428 and 1429-30 only one, a certain Walter Honyspell who 
 had been a recipient of charity since 142-4. But in 1433-4 he 
 
 ' Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII. 
 
 = The actual annual rental amounted to £z^ ^s. Sd. But there was one 
 arrear paid and one rent was only for half a year. From a return made to the 
 Crown in 141 2 it appears that the Drapers stood fourth among the Livery 
 Companies as owners of City property. The Goldsmiths' rental amounted to 
 £46 los. o^d., the Taylors' to £44 ^s. 7d.,the Skinners' to jf 18 izs. Sd.,the 
 Mercers' to £1$ iSs. ^d. Cf. Archaeological Journal, vol. xlv, pp. J5-82. 
 
 ^ Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII. A Hosier, a Kerseyman : Accounts No. 1 40, 
 1413-14. Men of Essex at St. Bartholomew's Fair j a man of Calais : Accounts, 
 1424-J. They pay a Serjeant for searching the measure of Adam Gerney, 
 a Shearman: Accounts, 1433-4. 
 
The 
 
 Wardens, 
 Master, and 
 Council. 
 
 The Bedell 
 and Clerk. 
 
 Church of 
 St. Mary at 
 Bowe and 
 their Chap- 
 lains. 
 
 iio History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 was apparently dead, and no one took his place till 1434.-^, 
 when there were four almsmen who received in all £^ 13 J. 4^. 
 Between 1440 and 1457 nothing was given in alms." The 
 expenditure on the election feasts and for processions is small 
 as compared with the extravagance of later years. 
 
 The Drapers were evidently careful men of business. In spite of 
 arrears, especially for the payment of quarterage, which were often 
 heavy, rising in 1441-2 to over £^0, they always had a balance, 
 though in i425'-5, owing to the expenses over the Hall,it fell to xd. 
 
 Up to the year 1439-40 the Gild had no Master, or rather 
 it had four Masters who represent the later Wardens. In that 
 year John Gedney became the first Master.'' Although the later 
 Court of Assistants does not appear by name, its functions were 
 exercised by a body termed the Council. 
 
 The only other important officer we hear of in the accounts is 
 the Bedell, or Common Clerk as he is called in the Ordinances. 
 He was evidently an official of some dignity, and probably united 
 in his person the later offices of Bedell and Clerk.^ He had to be 
 free or the Company ; his salary was nearly the same as that 
 of the Chaplains (;^4 to their £s) ; he represented the Company 
 at ridings and processions, when he was provided with a horse 
 and with his dress at the Company's expense. 
 
 The earlier connexion of the Drapers with the Hospital and 
 Church of St. Mary of Bethlehem seems not to have lasted long, and 
 certainly had been severed by the time their records begin.* At 
 that date their chief church was that of St. Mary at Bowe,' where 
 
 ^ Alms were only given to those who had been admitted to the Freedom, and 
 had worn the clothing for seven years. It amounted to four marks yearly, unless 
 the almsman had been a Warden, when it was to be 14^. a week. 
 
 ^ John Gedney had been imprisoned for refusing the Aldermanic gown, but 
 was M.P. for the City in 1414. In 1427-8 he was Mayor, and again in 1447-8. 
 In 1444 he married the widow of Robert Large, Mayor in 1439. But as she had 
 taken the veil, Gedney and his wife had to do penance. Stow, ed. Kingsford, i. ii6. 
 
 ^ The Clerk as a separate officer does not appear till after 14^0. The Grocers 
 also had a Beadle before they had a Clerk. Heath, Grocers, p. J 3. 
 
 * The Chaplain of the Hospital of Bethlem, which was turned into a Poor House 
 after the Dissolution of the Monasteries, tells me that the Drapers used to send 
 a present of buns to the Hospital as late as 1820. 
 
 ' In 1505 St. Michael's Cornhill took the place of that at Bowe, while in 
 I J 03 they also had a Chapel in St. Mary of Avon. 
 
from \'i^6/\f.to 1479 iii 
 
 they maintained a light, and endowed two Chaplains at a salary 
 of £,S each, who were to be free of the Company and admitted to 
 the Livery, receiving their gowns as a present. The Chaplains 
 conducted the masses and the dirges for departed brothers and 
 sisters, and the requiem on the day following, as well as the 
 services on election days, at which all members were to attend. 
 
 The impression gathered from these early accounts is that 
 of a body of men who, with a few notable exceptions, are of 
 middle estate and moderate incomes, of businesslike habits, care- 
 ful administrators, orderly and pious people. All these points are 
 emphasized in their ordinances. 
 
 On the Day of the Assumption if it be a Sunday, or on the The Oidi- 
 Sunday after the Assumption, all the Fellowship except the nances, 
 apprentices shall attend Mass in the morning at their church 
 of St. Mary at Bowe, and offer a silver penny on the altar. 
 In the evening they shall attend a Dirge. On the Monday, after 
 a Requiem, and sometimes a Collation (sermon), they are to pro- 
 ceed to the Election Dinner, after which the Wardens for the 
 ensuing year, previously elected by the Aldermen and certain 
 of the Council, are to be presented for confirmation by the 
 whole Fellowship. Those elected to the post of Warden must 
 serve under penalty of a fine, but having served once they need 
 not serve again for five years. 
 
 Apart from regulations concerning Blackwellhall which have 
 already been given,' these ordinances are chiefly concerned with 
 the internal government of the Company. Thus the Wardens 
 are to render a yearly account at or before Halloween (Nov. i). 
 Quarterage, or die yearly fee, is to be la^. The charge for 
 dinner is to be ax. when a new livery is ordered, 3 J. when it, is 
 not. The livery is to be worn on aU public occasions. When 
 the Mayor is entertained ioj. is to be allowed for his dinner 
 if he be not a Draper, 40 j. if he is. 
 
 The choice of the new livery, which is to be at the cost of the 
 members themselves, and the times when the colour of it is to be 
 changed are to be at the discretion of the Wardens and the 
 Council. When the livery is of one colour a hood is to be worn, 
 
 ' C£ p. 102. 
 
iix History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 but not when it is ' party ', i. e. of more than one colour.' All 
 apprentices are to be enrolled. An apprentice who cannot agree 
 with his master, and apprentices and journeymen after their 
 term, are to serve none but members of the Fellowship. All 
 complaints against brethren are to be made first to the Wardens 
 before going to law. No brother is to betray anything said 
 in Council, or any secrets as to the selling or price of cloth. No 
 brother is to act as a go-between or broker between Merchant 
 Strangers, or to set a Foreigner to work, or to take a servant 
 or shop from his brother. All misbehaviour is to be punished 
 at the discretion of the Wardens, and any one who is recalcitrant 
 is to be presented to the Mayor as a ' rebel '. That this was no 
 empty threat is proved by many instances of actual punishment 
 by the Wardens, and in i^si we find two Drapers, James 
 Falaron and Aungill de Pettis, put out of the Fraternity.^ 
 
 The most important of these ordinances are to be read to 
 the whole company assembled at the Quarter Day Courts and are 
 noted with the word * Lege ' (To be read). In 1436 the Com- 
 mons petitioned that, whereas Masters, Wardens, &c., of several 
 Gilds, Fraternities, and Companies had, under colour of rule and 
 government and other terms in general words granted to them by 
 Charters, made among themselves several disloyal and little 
 reasonable ordinances, as well as corrected offences solely apper- 
 taining to the King, the lords of liberties and others. His Majesty 
 would ordain that all such ordinances should be approved and 
 registered before the Justices of the Peace or Governors of 
 cities, burghs, and towns in which such Gilds were situated, 
 and the Statute is Henry VI, cc. 6, 7 (1435), embodied this 
 petition. 
 Building of In 1425- we learn from their accounts that the Drapers are 
 the First beginning to build their first hall in St. Swithin's Lane. The 
 ' ^'^^^' ground on which it was built they appear to have secured in 
 1 1 8 j-, although it was held in trust for the Company by individual 
 
 ^ The colour was varied many times till the reign of James I, when permanent 
 colours were adopted according to the style settled by the Heralds' College. 
 
 " Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII ; Ordinances of 1408-18, p. iZ. Herbert, 
 i. 429, reads this 'aniez felaron and avictgett of pettis ', and translates it, 'any 
 felon or convict ' ! ! 
 
from 1364/0 1479 113 
 
 members, probably because of the difficulty of holding land 
 in mortmain.' It would have been interesting to know what 
 it cost. Unfortunately the accounts are not complete, several 
 years being omitted. All that we can say is that in the first two 
 years, 142^-^, some £i6s was expended, and that little more 
 than the stonework and roof had then been completed. Some 
 idea, however, may be formed of its interior from the various 
 accounts we have of its building, and of later repairs. It con- 
 tained a spacious refectory or dining hall painted green, with 
 a large fireplace, a large Chamber or Court Room, a ' Chequer ' 
 Chamber for the financial business, and a Ladies' Chamber. The 
 HaU had the usual raised dais (haut-pas) for the High Table, which 
 was at one time hung round with blue buckram, nine forms 
 surrounding the table, a buffet, and a great cupboard. The Hall 
 was strewn with rushes. But the Ladies* Chamber and the 
 ' Chequer ' Chamber were laid with mats and ornamented with 
 hangings on festal days. Besides these the offices consisted of 
 a kitchen, a pantry, a buttery, a store-room, and a scalding yard. 
 Special mention is made of the chimneys, three in number, 
 which were at that time somewhat of a novelty. The Hall 
 chimney was so large that a slip of ground had to be bought 
 to give it room. The windows were most if not all of them 
 glazed. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Drapers had received a firesh confirmation Charter of 
 of their privileges. The Charter of 17 Henry VI, 143 8-p, 17 Henry 
 differs in some material points from the Letters Patent of ' '43 8-9. 
 Edward III. In the first place, whereas in the earlier grant 
 there is no mention of a religious Fraternity, and the privileges 
 conceded are solely concerned with trade, the Charter of 
 Henry VI, while giving them authority to elect a Master and 
 four Wardens ' to support the burden of business touching the 
 Mystery, Gild and Fraternity ', insists especially on the religious 
 aspect. 'Because of the special honour which we bear to the 
 Glorious Mother of God,' it runs, 'we grant to our beloved 
 lieges, the men of the Mystery of Drapers, that they found " one 
 Gild or Fraternity " in the honom" of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
 mother of the Holy Lamb/ Moreover, the Charter of Henry VI 
 ' Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. XIX. 
 
114 History of the Gild ofl)rapers 
 
 definitely gives them a legal corporate unity. They are con- 
 stituted ' in name and fact one perpetual Body and one Community 
 with perpetual succession and a Common Seal '. They and their 
 successors 'are empowered lawfully to purchase in fee and 
 perpetuity lands, tenements, rents and other possessions from 
 any one ', and their representatives are to be allowed ' to plead 
 and be impleaded ' in the name of the Fraternity. No doubt, 
 as has been noticed in the Introduction,' neither the religious 
 bond nor the idea of the corporate unity had been absent before, 
 but now the State steps in. It replaces or reinforces the moral 
 sanction of the Church and gives to the Society a definite legal 
 incorporation. 
 
 It would appear that the result of this grant was to empower 
 the Fraternity of the Drapers to hold lands in mortmain, since 
 they were allowed to ' purchase lands of any one ', and this privi- 
 Inspeximus lege was further confirmed in the Inspeximus Charter of 6 Ed- 
 Charter of ward IV,' which at the same time insists still more strongly 
 \v^^^66- '^^ ^^ religious functions of the Fraternity. This Charter 
 ' '''■ ■ empowers the Company to acquire tenements, rents, and other 
 possessions whatsoever to the value of ;^2o per annum towards the 
 sustenance of their two Chaplains and for the celebration of 
 divine offices and other necessary burdens, while the Company 
 engages that the Chaplains pray for the good estate of the King 
 Edward and his Queen ; for the wholesome government of the 
 said Fraternity of Drapers, and the brothers and sisters thereof 
 whilst living, and for their souls when dead, as also for the 
 souls of the King's late father Richard, Duke of York, Edmund, 
 Earl of Rutland, brother to the King, the Earl of Salisbury 
 the King's kinsman, and Sir Thomas Neville, son to the said 
 Earl.3 
 
 Three minor points in the Charter of Henry VI may be noted. 
 
 ' Introd., p. 46. 
 
 = Appendix, vol. i, Nos. IX, XII. 
 
 ^ All of these had fought in the Yorkist cause, and all had died on the 
 battle-field or on the block. Richard, Duke of York, had been killed in the 
 battle of Wakefield (146^0) ; Edmund, Earl of Rutland, younger brother of 
 Edward IV, also fell at Wakefield (1460) at the age of 16; the Earl of 
 Salisbury, uncle of Edward IV, had been taken prisoner at the battle of Wake- 
 field (14^0) and was executed ; Sir Thomas Neville was also killed at Wakefield, 
 
from 1364 to \\ri^ 115- 
 
 The office of Master is mentioned in addition to the four "Wardens, 
 as well as Sisters of the Fraternity.' 
 
 The Drapers had now placed themselves alongside the nine 
 other Companies that had previously obtained Charters of In- 
 corporation.'' Fifteen more followed before the end of the 
 fifteenth century. But all of these do not ever attain to the 
 position of the twelve Greater Livery Companies,^ among which 
 the Drapers were soon to win the third place. 
 
 The issue of the Charter by Henry VI was followed in the The Grant 
 same year by a grant to bear arms. The terms of this grant are of Arms, 
 as follows: 'It having pleased the King to grant by Letters M39 (New 
 Patent to his humble and faithful lieges of the Mystery of ^^ ^'' 
 Drapers the right to form a Corporation, and the said Drapers 
 having requested me to devise a coat of arms which they may 
 represent on their Common Seal, I, William Brugess, Garter King 
 of^Arms, to please John Gedney their Master, their four Wardens 
 and other notables of the Fraternity and Company, have devised 
 as a coat of arms for a perpetual remembrance and in honour of 
 the most glorious Virgin and Mother, Mary, who is in the shadow 
 of the sun and yet shines with all clearness and purity, three 
 sunbeams issuing from three clouds of flame, crowned with three 
 imperial crowns of gold ort a shield of azure, and, as appears 
 in the demonscrance of the said blazon, painted in their proper 
 colours in the margin of the present letter as the true blazoning 
 of the coat of arms.'* This was a distinction as yet conferred on 
 two other of the London Companies only.' 
 
 ' Sisters. It was an old rule of the City that apprentices were to continue to 
 serre the widow of a brother for the residue of his time. Letter Book D, 
 fos. 42 b, 43. Sisters are also mentioned in the ordinance of the Religious 
 Fraternity of 1371. By an ordinance of 14^ j they were to be admitted by 
 Redemption ; cf Ordinances, Appendix^ vol. i, No. XV. 
 
 ^ The Skinners, 1393 ; the Mercers, 1394; the Saddlers, 139? ; the Gold- 
 smiths, 13985 the Taylors, 1408 ; the Grocers, 1429 ; the Fishmongers, 1433 j 
 the Vintners, 143^; the Brewers, 1437- Cf. Introduction, p. 47. 
 
 ^ On the Greater Livery Companies, cf. Introduction, p. 47, note. 
 
 ■* The most extraordinary explanations have been given of these Crowns. By 
 some they have been held to represent the Crowns of England and France and 
 the Lordship of Ireland, then held by the English kings. Others have called them 
 the three Crowns on the Pope's Tiara. Doubtless, however, they are the Triple 
 Crowns of the Deity. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. XI, for a further note on them. 
 
 ' The Goldsmiths, in 1395, and the Mercers, whose earliest arms were a repre- 
 
II 6 History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 Grant of the Nor did the royal favour stop here. In the same year (17 
 Farm of the Henry VI) a grant of the Farm of the Aulnage of cloth was 
 Aulnage, given to two Drapers, R. Sherborne and J. Derby.' 
 1439 (New Shortly after a controversy arose between the Drapers and the 
 oLtroversy Taylors or Linen Armourers over the right of search. These 
 with the rivals, whose Craft had been declared separate from that of the 
 Taylors over Drapers by Brembre in 1385-, had received a Charter of Incor- 
 the Right of pgration from Henry IV in 1408. They had long shared with 
 14^9-47 ^^^ Drapers the right of search at the Fair of St. Bartholomew, 
 and of searching the stalls and houses belonging to their own 
 Fraternity. In 143^) they succeeded in obtaining ftirther Letters 
 Patent at the 'grete cost of ^^71 ss. id.' These Letters gave 
 them authority 'to make fuU search in and concerning the 
 Mysteries of tailoring and linen armouring within the City and 
 its Suburbs, and concerning all those persons that may be privi- 
 leged with the Taylors, and concerning such Mysteries, which 
 they, or any of them use '. It ftirther empowered them ' to 
 
 sentation of Richard II, though they were subsequently altered. The Vintners 
 received a grant in 1427. Two others, the Ironmongers (i4jy) ^^ the 
 Merchant Taylors (1480), secured the same privilege before the close of the 
 century. None, however, of these Companies have preserved their grant, nor 
 does the Heralds' College possess them. This grant to the Drapers is therefore 
 the earliest document ot its kind. 
 
 ' Aulnage. All cloth before it could be sold had to be viewed by the 
 Aulnager, who saw that the cloth was of the legal lengths and sealed it, 
 charging for the same. The lengths of the different kinds of cloths varied 
 according to the various Assizes, which present a perfectly bewildering mass of 
 legislation running from Magna Carta to the reign of James I. Neglect of this 
 rule led to forfeiture of the cloth, one-half of which went to the King and 
 one-half to the informer. In the reign of Edward III the Crown remitted its 
 share of the fines for a subsidy, and subsequently farmed out the subsidy and the 
 aulnage to individuals, who paid an aimual sum and recouped themselves by the 
 fees and fines ; in other words they became Aulnagers. By the Statute 4 
 Henry IV, c. 14 (1401), the Aulnager was to be an expert in the making of 
 cloth, and of the sufficiency of jf roo at least. Thomas Wotton had been 
 appointed in 1407. See on Aulnaging, Rastall, Statutes on Cloth under head 
 Draperie; Statutes if Ed. Ill, 4. cc. l,^^, 27 Ed. Ill, r. c, 4; 7Ric. II, c. 9j 
 4 Hen. IV, c. 24 ; 4 Ed. IV, cc. i, 3, J ; 17 Ed. IV, c. j ; i Ric. Ill, c. 8; 
 Letter Book E, fos. 43, 47 ; G, fo. ^9 ; I, fo. y j b ; Ashley, Econ. Hist., Book II, 
 c. iii, p. 223 J Record Office, Exchequer Accounts, 1376-80, ^^ff. 
 
 The office lasted till the reign of William III. 
 
from 1^64. to 1479 117 
 
 correct and reform all defects found among them according to 
 their discretions by the survey of the Mayor ', and ordered that 
 * no other person should make any search, but only the aforesaid 
 Mayor or his deputies, privileged of the aforesaid Taylors, and to 
 be elected (in default) by the Master and Wardens of the 
 Taylors '.' The Taylors had long enjoyed the right to make 
 searches of made-up cloth in the hands of their members, but 
 apparently they now extended it to others and to unmade cloth. 
 The Charter therefore roused the opposition of the Drapers. In 
 August 144.1 they complained to the Mayor, John Pattesley, ' that, 
 whereas in times past, the Master and Wardens of their Mystery, 
 in conjunction with a serjeant-at-mace of the Chamber of the 
 Guildhall, were accustomed to have the search of all woollen 
 cloth, and of the measures called metyerdes brought to the city for 
 sale, they had recently been prevented in such search by men of 
 the Mystery of Taylors, on the ground that the right had been 
 vested in them by die Mayor ', and prayed a remedy. The Mayor 
 and Aldermen, 'taking into consideration that the science and 
 knowledge of measures and the defect and sufficiency of cloths 
 appertains to Drapers, but the fitting and sewing of cloth are best 
 known to the Taylors, the two sciences being essentially different, 
 decreed that the Master and Wardens of Drapers should con- 
 tinue their search as before ' ; but for the purpose of peace, until 
 the Taylors shall have come and put in their reply, the Mayor 
 took again into his own hands the search of woollen cloth ex- 
 posed for sale by Taylors at St. Bartholomew's Fair, and appointed, 
 as his deputies, the Chamberlain, in conjunction with two sworn 
 men from the Mysteries of the Shearmen and the Fullers to assist 
 as experts. The King, however, in a subsequent writ, bade the 
 Mayor allow the Taylors to pursue their search pursuant to the 
 Letters Patent previously issued (August 14, 144-1).'' 
 
 The confirmation of this privilege to the Taylors caused great 
 discontent not only among the Drapers, but in the City generally. 
 Accordingly, when, at the next election to the Mayoralty in 
 October, Ralph Holland, a Taylor, presented himself as a candi- 
 date, he was rejected in favour of Robert Clopton, a Draper 
 (October 1441). The Taylors received the news with the cry 
 
 ' Clode, Merchant Taylors, 1^6. ' Letter Book K, fo. 196 b. 
 
ii8 History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 ' Nay, nay, we will have Ralph Holland ', and induced those of 
 the baser trades to take their part. As they refused 'to cease 
 their misrule for all the Mayor could saie', the Mayor ordered 
 the Sheriffs to commit twelve or sixteen of the rioters to 
 Newgate.' 
 
 No sooner wa§ the Draper Clopton in power than he .obtained 
 Letters Patent from the Crown confirming to him for the time 
 present the right of search in respect of all Mysteries in the City, 
 notwithstanding the opposition of certain men of the Mystery of 
 Taylors and others (August 21, 1441). On the nth of the 
 October following, another Draper, John Norman, was elected 
 Mayor ; and on the 20th, the Recorder of the City was dispatched 
 to the King to ask for the repeal of the Charter granted to the 
 Taylors, as prejudicial to the Liberties of the City.'' 
 
 In 1447 the Taylors retaliated by disputing the Drapers' claim 
 to search the houses of Taylors for meteyards and woollen cloths. 
 But on the matter being referred to the Mayor, he, in accordance 
 with an order from the King, confirmed the Drapers' right to 
 search, under the authority of the Mayor and a Serjeant-at-mace 
 assigned to them, the said meteyards and all woollen cloths put 
 t;o sale by retail throughout the City according to custom.' 
 
 In Letter Book K, p. J2i, fo. 237, we are told that this 
 ordinance of the Mayor had been surreptitiously cut out and 
 taken away, but that in 15-10 the Master and Wardens of the 
 Drapers' Company showed a copy of the ordinance in a certain 
 black book belonging to their Mystery and prayed that it should 
 be again inscribed in the City book, and that this was done.'' 
 
 The controversy is interesting as illustrating the rivalry of the 
 
 ' Clode, i. ijy, quoting from Holinshed, iii. 104. It was probably this riot 
 which led to the rule that no one should come to the election of the Mayor but 
 the Aldermen and more discreet persons (October 10, 1441), Letter Book K, 
 fo. 20 J ; and to the subsequent restriction of the right of voting to the members 
 of the Common Council and the Livery Men of the Greater Companies. Cf. 
 Introd., p. 41. 
 
 ^ Letter Book K, fos. 197, 198. 
 
 ^ Book of Evidences, A, fos. 1J3 b, 160, 161. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, Nos. XIII, 
 
 A-i. V. 
 
 ■* Letter Book K, fo. 237 ; Book of Evidences, fo. i5y ; Appendix, vol. i, 
 No. XIV, note. 
 
from 1^64. fo 14.79 119 
 
 two Companies, but the net result was that the old custom was 
 renewed, and that, while the Drapers continued to exercise their 
 right of search at the three fairs at Westminster, St. Bartholomew's, 
 and at Southwark, and in the shops of the City, over unmade cloth, 
 the Taylors secured their right of searching Taylors at the fairs 
 and in their houses with regard to made-up cloths/ 
 
 But if the Drapers and the Taylors were ready to quarrel over Opposition 
 their respective rights, they could at least make common cause of Drapers 
 against all others, and this they did when, shortly after, the ^^^^^^^°" 
 Shearmen sought for a Charter of Incorporation, and attempted to shearmen, 
 extend their right of search over those who were not of their 
 Craft. 
 
 The Wardens' Accounts for the year 1477-8 illustrate very 
 forcibly the determination with which the Drapers protected their 
 privileges, and the serious expense which they incurred.'' They 
 took counsel with ' Maister Pygot, Serjeaunt-at-Law ', at a cost 
 of 5- J. ; they called in the Recorder, whose fee was ioj., and hurried 
 off to see the Chancellor. But the Mayor appears to have been 
 against them, for at his commandment John Beauchamp and 
 William Shuckleburg, two of the Wardens, were kept ' in New- 
 gate Prison by the space of two days and a night ', and this cost 
 another 14/. Meanwhile, the Master, Edward Brampton, and 
 another Warden, William Spark, were riding hard to seek the 
 King (expenses £9 ^j. oJ.). Eventually, at the further cost of 
 the good round sum of £so. King Edward IV listened to their 
 remonstrances and those of the Taylors. In the nineteenth year 
 of his reign he issued Letters Patent ^ promising not to grant incor- The Shear- 
 poration to the Shearmen, and further restricting their right of J"^" refused 
 search. The Shearmen were only to exercise their customary |?™'T°''^" 
 right of searching ' aU manner of workmanshm of shearing ' over 
 the members of their own Craft. If they found any cloth or 
 clothes unduly shorn in the hands of Shearmen which belonged 
 
 ' Clode, Merchant Taylors, i. 129. 
 
 ^ The total expense of ' stopping the grete sewte and laboure of the Shearmen ' 
 amounted to £60 ijr. jd., with a result that the balance of ;fi i 7s. iid. on the 
 last year was turned into a deficit of £iy jj-. id. C£ Wardens' Accounts, 403, 
 fb. I ^ a, b. 
 
 3 Appendix, vol. i. No. XV. 
 
ixo History of the Gild of "Drapers 
 
 to members of the Tailors' or Drapers' Crafts, or of other Crafts, 
 they were not to seize it, as they had been doing of late, but to 
 punish the offender ' according to reason '. The Shearmen sub- 
 mitted, and friendly relations seem to have been restored between 
 the two Companies, for in 1482 we find the Drapers sending 
 a present of gj, 4</. to a Shearman for 'presenting to them of 
 three clothis sette in Southwerk '.' 
 
 Thus the supremacy of the Taylors and Drapers over the cloth 
 and clothing trade was for the time secured. The Shearmen, as 
 well as the Fullers, fell into a subordinate position. The Fullers 
 indeed obtained a Charter of Incorporation in 1480 and the 
 Shearmen in 15^07—8, but it was not till 15^28 that the two 
 Crafts, united and finally incorporated under the common name of 
 the Clothworkers, entered into a period of greater prosperity, 
 and of rivalry, more especially with the Merchant Taylors.' 
 Meanwhile we learn from the ordinances of 1^12 that Shearmen 
 as well as Fullers sometimes joined the Drapers' Gild and enrolled 
 apprentices.^ The Drapers had therefore now secured the mono- 
 poly of the right of buying and selling cloth with some exceptions, 
 as well as of the right of search of cloth, within the City. 
 
 The more difficult question to decide is how far the Drapers of 
 London did, in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, develop 
 the manufecturing side of their Craft, in the sense of superintending 
 the various processes and employing workmen of other Crafts. 
 
 The answer to this question turns partly upon the interpretation 
 we put upon the words 'feisours de Draps' (the makers of cloth) and 
 the ' Mystery of Drapery ' in the Charter of Edward III.* It is 
 possible that the meaning of' making cloth ' may be the pressing, 
 
 ' Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. i6 b. 
 
 ' Hazlitt, Livery Companies, pp. 112, 134. 
 
 ^ Ordinances of ijiz. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII. xi. 13. Herbert wrongly 
 represents this as if these men had to pay a fee on the indenture of their appren- 
 tices when they were not members of the Drapers. Vol. i, p. 42^. 
 
 * The Charters of Henry VI and Edward IV to the Drapers unfortunately 
 give us no assistance. The first gives power to the Drapers to elect a Master 
 and four Wardens to superintend the business touching their 'Mystery', but 
 does not tell us what that Mystery was. The second deals exclusively with their 
 right to hold in mortmain and to establish a Chant ty. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, 
 Nos. IX, XII. 
 
from \i6\to 14.79 ixi 
 
 folding, or otherwise preparing it for the market. But this seems 
 unlikely.' Again,it might be held that a distinction is made between 
 the Clothmaker and the Draper, since the Charter, while it forbids 
 Weavers, Dyers, and Fullers to engage in the making of cloth, 
 does not in actual words confer the privilege of making on 
 the Drapers, but only that which appertains to 'the Mystery 
 of Drapery '. And, if there had been a Gild of Clothmakers 
 in London at that time, I should have been strongly inclined to 
 adopt that interpretation. As, however, there was no such Gild, 
 or any other Gild, which was exercising the function of cloth- 
 making in London at the time,'' it must, I think, be taken that 
 the ' making of cloth ', in the sense of superintending its manu- 
 facture, was part of the ' Mystery of Drapery '. The term 
 ' faisour de draps ' is often used in the Statutes of the period, 
 apparently as a synonym for the Draper. ^ In those of 1 4(54.-5- 
 and 1483 [4. Ed. IV, c. i ; i Ric. Ill, c. 8], which make no men- 
 tion of the Draper, the ' faisour de draps ' is d€;scribed as super- 
 intending the fabrication of cloth. It is he who delivers the 
 wool to the Carders, the Spinsters, the Fullers, the Shearmen, and 
 the Dyers. So, again, in the Libel of English Policy, which -was 
 also written about this date, we again hear of Clothmakers but not 
 of Drapers.* It must, however, be remembered that these evi- 
 dences deal with the Draper generally, and though they may be 
 taken to prove that the Drapers outside London did develop the 
 industrial side of their cran; as well as that of seUing,^ it seems 
 
 ' C£ p. 76 of this vol. Monsieur Pirenne says that without doubt the phrase 
 was used abroad to mean the superintending of the processes of making from 
 first to last. 
 
 ^ The Clothworker was a different person. He was originally a Shearman. 
 As a Gild the Clothworkers do not exist till iyi8, when they were united with 
 the Fullers. Hazlitt, p. 332. The Clothier, who was certainly an entrepreneur, 
 does not appear till later, and the term is generally applied to those in the 
 country. 
 
 ^ The Sumptuary Act 37 Ed. Ill, c. if (13^3), however, seems to make 
 a distinction between the ' faisour de draps ' and the Draper : ' Est ordeine que 
 les fesonrs des draps se conferment de faire leurs draps solonc le pris limite par 
 ceste ordinance, et que tous les drapers acatent et pourvoient leurs sortes accor- 
 dantz a mesme le pris.' See also the Proclamation of Edward III concerning 
 aulnage whicl speaks of 'pannarii sive factores pannorum', Foedera, III. i. 678. 
 
 * Wright, Political Songs, Rolls Series, ii. ^%%. 
 
 ^ Of course the country Draper dealt at least in the cloth which he made. 
 
IIX 
 
 History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 pretty certain that the London Draper actually did little in the 
 way of superintending the manufacture of cloth, and that trading 
 was by far the more important of his functions. In their petition 
 of 1 35-0 against the Statute of Cloth, which I have already quoted,' 
 they distinctly say that ' the manner of Drapers is to purchase 
 Cloth both at home and abroad, and to make liveries for great 
 lords and others of the Commons '. 
 
 The Charter of Edward III itself lays most emphasis on the 
 trading side of the business ; on the excessive price caused by 
 others ' engrossing ' cloth, who are moreover ignorant of the 
 proper price of goods belonging to the Mystery or Drapery, while 
 the use of the word ' Merchant Draper ' in the Charter seems to 
 imply that the Mystery is that of buying and selling. 
 
 So, again, the privilege of appointing the Aulnager, and the 
 Keeper of BlackwellhaU, and of having the right of search of all 
 cloths within the City and its suburbs, and of appointing attorneys 
 at Winchester Fair, privileges of which the Drapers were so 
 tenacious, all bear upon the trading rather than on the manu- 
 fecturing function, and were claimed for the purpose of checking 
 those faults and deceits which were mentioned in the Charter. 
 The ordinances, as they were submitted to writing in 1460, with 
 the subsequent alterations up to 15-00, tell the same tale. They 
 forbid any one of the Fraternity to take any servant, house, 
 or ground belonging to another brother without leave, or any 
 journeyman to open a shop tiU he be sworn a freeman. No one 
 is to inform a stranger as to the ' feytz ' (i. e. secrets) of Drapery, of 
 
 Thus in Coventry the members of the Trinity Gild, which was mainly composed 
 of Mercers and Drapers, are generally described as ' Mercatores ', while the Cloth 
 Mart was called Drapery Hall. Green, Town Life Fifteenth Century, ii, 204-7. 
 At Worcester an ordinance runs : 
 
 ' If any person occupying cloth makyng sell or alter any cloth ' (beyond 
 a certain .amount) 'then (he is) to be contributing to the Drapers' crafte.' 
 Valentine Green, Worcester, ii. Appendix, p. xlvii. 
 
 So, too, the Stat. 7 Henry IV, c. ix (1405), protects the country ' Drapers et 
 vendours de draps ' against the London Drapers who were trying to prevent their 
 celling cloth in gross. 
 
 ' Letter Book F, fo. 197; p. 8y of this vol. The statement that Drapers 
 make liveries reminds one of the later work of the Kytters and Hosiers who 
 are then members of the Drapers* Company. 
 
from i'^6^ to 1479 113 
 
 the price or measure of cloths, nor of the countries whence they 
 come, nor take such strangers to any place where they may have 
 knowledge of bargain-making or of price " or of any point 
 belonging to Drapery. There is not a word about their manu- 
 factories, of their buying wool, of their making cloth, or of 
 * setting persons to work V or of the secrets of making, unless 
 they be included in the term, the ' feyts of drapery '. 
 
 Once more William Langland, the contemporary author of The 
 Vision of Piers the Plowman ', speaks of Avarice learning from 
 Drapers false measures, and how to fasten pieces of cloth together 
 and press them out till they seemed longer, frauds which are 
 those not of the manufecturer, but of those who prepare the cloth 
 for sale. In another passage he clubs the Mercers and Drapers 
 together, which would seem to show that he considered the 
 Drapers to be merchants, as we know the Mercers were.^ Lang- 
 land apparently for some time resided in London, and therefore 
 may be taken as an authority for the City Drapers. It is true 
 that the notice of a Dye ♦ house belonging to John of Northamp- 
 ton, the Draper Mayor, who was the opponent of Brembre in the 
 reign of Richard 11,^ and the feet that he and some few Drapers 
 are mentioned in the Exchequer Accounts of 1375 to 1380 
 as paying the aulnage and the subsidy on cloth, lead to the 
 
 ' Ordinances, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII, ix. 16, xi. i. 
 ^ The alteration in the Ordinances, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII, ix. 24, xi. i, 
 which first forbade the employing of ' Kytters ' not apprenticed in the Fellow- 
 ship, and the ' setting of foreigners to work ' is certainly later than 14^0 and 
 probably not earlier than ijoi. Moreover Kytters had nothing to do with 
 the making or finishing of cloth. They are described as makers of gowns, 
 donblets, jackets, kyrtells, and petticoats, App., vol. i. No. XVII, xi. 13. 
 
 ^ Piers the Plowman, ed. Skeat, 190J (modernized text), Pass. V, line 109; 
 'Then I drew me to drapers my lesson to learn 
 To stretch out the stuff till it looked the longer; 
 One lesson I learnt as to long striped clothes. 
 To pierce them with a needle and piece them together,. 
 Put them in a press and press them thereunder 
 Till ten yards or twelve were turned to thirteen/ 
 Pass. V, line ijf, 'Mercer and Draper.' 
 
 * 'Le Dig House," Patent Rolls, 1384, p. 461. But we are not told that he 
 used it himself. It may have been part of his property which he let to others. 
 = Cf. pp. 3 iff. 
 
114 History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 conclusion that a few of them were conducting at least the 
 final processes of shearing, dyeing, fulling, and stretching.' 
 But there is at least no definite mention of their conducting 
 or superintending the early process of weaving as the foreign 
 Draper did. And if John of Northampton had a Dye house, his 
 chief residence was close to the Steelyard," which would be con- 
 veniently situated for conducting business as a general merchant 
 with the men of the Hanse. 
 
 Now all this evidence seems to me to prove conclusively that 
 the London Drapers did not in the later fourteenth and fifteenth 
 centuries take a serious part in superintending the making of 
 cloth. It may be that, at the date of the Charter, the exact 
 
 ' Cf. Record Office, Exchequer Accounts, 137^-80, ^' fF. A very large 
 number of persons are named as paying the subsidy which Edward III had been 
 granted in return for a remission of the fine arising out of aulnage, and also for 
 some years of the aulnage fee. The professions of the payers are not given, but 
 I have found four, who were certainly important Drapers, besides John of North- 
 ampton, namely, John Bures, who was Sheriff in 1 3 j 8-9 ; John Hende, who 
 was Mayor twice, in 1391-2 and 1404-f ; John Gedney, the first Master, 1439, 
 and twice Mayor ; and John Fisshe. 
 
 The question is whether it was the maker or the seller who had to get his 
 cloth measured and sealed by the Aulnager. On this point we may gain some 
 information from the Petition of 13J0-1, given in Rot. Pari. ii. 230, 40 ; the 
 Statute of Cloth of ij Ed. III. 4, c. i (i3yi-z); and the Proclamation of 
 13^9, Cal. Close Rolls, I3<J9, p. 87. 
 
 The petition demands that aulnage should be insisted upon because of frauds 
 as to the length and breadth of cloths made in England and elsewhere. The 
 statute orders that 'a.\l cloths vendible in whose hands of the merchants of England or 
 others of the realm they be found' shall be measured. The Proclamation of 13^9 
 ordains that no Draper or Clothworker shall deUver any cloths out of their 
 keeping till the subsidy be paid. Now from this it would appear that where the 
 cloth was offered for sale by the maker in its finished state he would have to 
 submit it to the Aulnager and pay the subsidy. But that where a merchant or 
 a Draper bought it in an unfinished condition and had it dressed, sheared, fulled, 
 and stretched (and dyed, if that was to be done), he would be the person to 
 have it sealed and pay the subsidy, more especially as the length and breadth 
 might be fraudulently extended in stretching on the tenter, which is a necessary 
 process after fiilling. If this conclusion is correct we may take it that the 
 Drapers mentioned above had bought unfinished cloth, and having finished it, 
 had to have it aulnaged and sealed, and paid the subsidy, and would do the same 
 with regard to foreign cloth which they imported. See York Memorandum Book, 
 Surtees Soc, no, p. xxix. 
 
 = Patent Rolls, 138^, p. j8i. 
 
from \i6^to 1479 iiy 
 
 functions of the Clothmakers and the Drapers had not yet been 
 differentiated. But in any case it is incredible that, if the 
 Drapers had been engaging to any extent in the manufacture 
 of cloth, there would be no definite mention of it in their 
 records, nor any notice of any quarrels of the Drapers with the 
 handicraft Gilds on any question concerning the making of cloth, 
 whUe there are many concerning their privileges of buying 
 and selling and the right of search. The Drapers of London 
 then were for the most part exclusively traders. The more 
 opulent of them bought home-made cloth at Blackwellhall and 
 at the fairs, and, when it was permitted, foreign cloth. Probably 
 some of them bought the cloth unsheared and undyed, and super- 
 intended those processes. They prepared it for the market and 
 then sold it by wholesale abroad, and by wholesale and retail 
 at home. 
 
 But they did not confine themselves to the trade in cloth. 
 Not only did they make liveries, and subsequently enrol Kytters 
 and Hosiers in their Fellowship, but they dealt at times in other 
 goods and were also money-lenders.' When, therefore, at the 
 close of the fifteenth century there was a remarkable expansion 
 in the export trade of English-made cloth, the ' Merchant Draper ' 
 was ready to engage as ' a Merchant Adventurer ' in this profitable 
 business. To this point we shall return later. 
 
 Meanwhile, the more humble members of the Craft dealt more 
 especially by retail in their shops. As the division between those 
 in the livery and the ordinary freeman arose, those in the cloth- 
 ing would mostly be Merchant Drapers, those out of the livery 
 smaller shopkeepers. It is just possible that some few Drapers 
 may have employed members of other Crafts engaged in the 
 various processes of clothmaking. But the admissions to the 
 Drapers' Gild of Weavers, Dyers, Shearmen, and Fullers with 
 which we meet in the fifteenth century should not be taken 
 
 ^ e. g. in 1468 Henry Waver is given licence to export wools, woolfells, and 
 other goods quit of customs to recoup himself for a debt of i^QO owed him by 
 the King. Patent Rolls, 1468, p. %%. In 147^ W. Henryot and Wm. Stocker 
 have licence to export wools, woollen cloths without grain, and other merchan- 
 dise. Ibid., 1476, p- I. In 148 1 Ed. Brampton exports wool. Ibid., 148 1, 
 p. 148. 
 
lid History of the Gild of Drapers 
 
 as any proof of this.' The translations are not confined to mem- 
 bers of these Gilds, but include Taylors and others. Far more 
 probably these men wished to become members of the Drapers' 
 Gild because they preferred the more profitable business of trading 
 to that of making. 
 
 ' The earliest instance of a translation is that of 1415' — a Linen Armourer. 
 Between 142 J and 1452 a Weaver, two Taylors, one Dyer are translated. Letter 
 Book K, fos. 19b, 13J b, 174, 227, z$6h. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE RELATIONS OF THE DRAPERS' GILD OR FRA- 
 TERNITY TO THE POLITICAL EVENTS OF THE 
 REIGNS OF HENRY V, HENRY VI, EDWARD IV, 
 RICHARD III, AND HENRY VII. 
 
 OR the sake of clearness we have 
 followed the internal history of 
 the Drapers up to the reign of 
 Edward IV. We must now re- 
 trace our steps. 
 
 On the relations of the Drapers 
 to the stirring events of Henry V, 
 Henry VI, and Edward IV, the 
 scanty records which we have 
 give us very little light. The 
 ordinances naturally are not con- 
 cerned with these national affairs, 
 while the accounts for some of 
 the years between 141 3 and 
 ^'^ 1442' are not much more help- 
 
 ful. This may at first sight appear strange, yet, after all, if we 
 were to take the accounts of any friendly society or commercial 
 company to-day, we should only expect to find notices that bear 
 on the special business in hand. Any other matters would only 
 be mentioned incidentally, as they affected the receipts and dis- 
 bursements or other interests of the society. Again, it should be 
 remembered that these early accounts are fragmentary and often 
 desert us in critical years. To public events accordingly we 
 have only two references. We hear of ridings to meet the King, 
 
 ' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book of the Bachelors. 
 
ii8 Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 
 
 Henry V, and the Queen-Mother in 14.13, and of three expedi- 
 tions by water to take the oath to the young King Henry VI, 
 before, and when he was crowned in November 142^,' and 
 that is all. 
 Taxation of We must therefore go elsewhere for our information. In 
 the property j^j ^ ^he necessities of the French War led Henry V to follow 
 in land be- ^^ precedent of Henry IV in 1403-4. and to impose another tax 
 the^Live^^ on land. Henry IV had only levied it at the rate of is. on the 
 Companies pound's worth of land, Henry V demanded 6s. ^d. An Exchequer 
 by Henry IV Roll at the Guildhall gives a return of the owners of landed 
 and Henry property in the City. The return is of great interest as inform- 
 ing us of the relative wealth of the leading Livery Companies. 
 The Goldsmiths are returned as possessing the largest rental, 
 £^6 I ox o\d. The Taylors stand next with a rental of £44 3 s. 7«'., 
 the Saddlers next with £ig 6s. Sd., while the Mercers, now one 
 of the wealthiest, had only £1^ Ss. 4*/. These are strange 
 figures as compared with their rentals to-day, it has been well 
 pointed out, although no doubt there were many wealthy men 
 who held no freehold or leasehold property. 
 
 No return is given of the rental of the Drapers, but 
 we have the names of ten Drapers recorded on the Exchequer 
 Eoll,'' and fortunately the accounts of 141 3-14 inform us that the 
 rentals of the Drapers in that year stood at £xi 13 J. 6d. They 
 were therefore the third richest in City property. Again, 
 
 ' Earliest Wardens' Accounts, Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII. The word is written 
 'terment* (internment) on pp. 3 rj, 3 lo. But it should probably be ' cerment ' or 
 ' serment ' (oath), as it is on p. 301. 
 
 
 £ 
 
 J. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 
 Job's Alfeld . . . . 
 
 18 
 
 z 
 
 10 
 
 per annum 
 
 Thorn' Wotton . . . 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 3, 
 
 33 
 
 Joh'es Bokenham . . 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 3, 
 
 33 
 
 Rob's Dymmok . . 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Will' Weston . . . 
 
 103 
 
 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Walteras Redeler . . 
 
 1J5 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Henr' Hert (Pannarius) 
 
 z6 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Joh'es Boston . . . 
 
 105 
 
 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Joh' Prentot .... 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Joh'es Gedeney . . . 
 
 108 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 Cf. Letter Book I, (Introd.) xv, fos. 27, io8b, 112 b. Notes; Exchequer Lay 
 Subsidy3 in Archaeolog. Journal, xliv. jtf. 
 
"Political Events from Henry V to VII 119 
 
 when in 14.17 Henry V had recourse to a loan levied by voluntary 
 contributions from individuals, as security for which the King 
 pledged a Spanish sword mounted with gold and enriched with 
 jewels of the estimated value of ;{2,ooo, we find six Drapers con- 
 spicuous among the contributors.^ The sword was surrendered 
 to the King in return for a custom on wool given to those who 
 subscribed. 
 
 During the first half of the century the Drapers almost The Drapers 
 monopolized the office of Mayor, five Drapers holding the '^^'^^ F';'^ "* 
 office and two of them twice.'' Nor were they absent from tli^Ridings 
 the great festal and fiineral processions of which that age was geants of 
 so fond. Thus, on October 2-8, i^i^-, the Mayor, Nicholas the Day. 
 Wotton a Draper, the Aldermen, and an immense number of the 
 community went on foot like pilgrims to "Westminster to return 
 thanks for the joyous news of the victory at Agincourt.^ In 
 14.22 the Livery Companies provided 211 torches at the burial of 
 Henry V, the Chamberlain presenting to each torchbearer a gown 
 and a hood of ' blanket ' (a white cloth) at the cost of the 
 Commonalty, and the Drapers and Mercers went to Westminster 
 in barges instead of riding as had hitherto been the custom.* In 
 14.32 Henry VI, on returning from being crowned King of 
 France, was met by the Mayor and more than 1,200 citizens, 
 who rode to Blackheath to meet the King, and brought him 
 to Westminster, where he was received in London with great 
 pageants.^ 
 
 Gregory's Chronicle thus teUs the tale ot this, one of the 
 earliest pageants described : ^ 
 
 ' And whenne the kynge come to Londyn Brygge there was made 
 a towre, and there yn stondynge a gyaunte welle arayde and welle 
 
 ' Nicholas Wotton subscribed £200, one of the highest; William Crowmer 
 iioo; John Gedney and William Norton izo each; Thomas Fauconer 40 
 marks ; Thomas Pyke l-^o. Cf Letter Book I, fo. 218 b. 
 
 == William Crowmer, 1413-14, 1423-4; Nicholas Wotton, 141J-15, 
 1430-1; John Gedney, 1427-8; John Brokeley, 1433-4; Robert Clopton, 
 1441-2. 
 
 3 Letter Book I, fo. 159. * Letter Book K, fo. 1 b ; Herbert, i. 98. 
 
 5 Letter Book K, fos. 103 b, 104 b. 
 
 ^ Gregoiy's Chronicle, ed. Gairdner, 1876, p. 173. Cf also Fabyan, 
 ed. 1811, p. ^03. 
 
 leos-i S 
 
igo Relations of the 'Drapers^ Gild to the 
 
 be-sene, whythe a swerde holdynge uppe on hye, sayyngc thys reson in 
 Latyn, " Inimicos ejus induam confusione ". And on every syde of hym 
 stode an antiloppe, that one holdynge the armys of Ingelond and that 
 othyr the armys of Fraunce. Ande at the drawe brygge there was 
 a nothyr ryalle toure, there yn stondynge III empryssys ryally arayde, 
 whythe crownys on hyr heddys, the whyche namys folowyn here : iyrste, 
 Nature; the secunde, Grace; the thyrde, Fortune, presentyng hym 
 whythe gyftys of grace. The fyrste gaffe hym Scyence and Cunnynge, 
 and the secunde gaffe hym Prosperyte and Ryches. And on the right 
 syde of the emperyssys stode VII fayre maydyns clothyde alle in whyte, 
 i-powderyde whythe sonnys of golde, presentyage the kyng whythe N\l 
 gyftys of the Holy Goste in the lykenys of Vll whyte dovys by fygure 
 outwarde, whythe thys resonys: "Impleat te Dominus spiritu sapiencie- 
 et intellectus, spiritu consilii et fortitudinis, sciencie et pietatys, spiritu 
 timorys Domini." And on the lyfte syde of thes emperysse stode VII 
 othyr fayre maydyns in whythe, powderyde whythe sterrys of golde, 
 presentynge the kyng whythe VII gyftys of worschyppe. The fyrste was 
 a crowne of glorye, the seconde with a cepter of clennysse, the III whythe 
 a swyrde of ryght and vyctorye, the IIII whythe a mantelle of prudence, 
 the V whythe a schylde of faythe, the VI an helme of helme, the VII 
 a gyrdylle of love and of parfyte pes. And thys maydens song an 
 hevynly songe unto the Kynge of praysynge and of his vyctorye and 
 welle comynge home. And whenne he come unto Cornehylle, thereyn the 
 
 VII scyence, and every scyence schewynge hys propyr comyng wondyrly 
 i-wroughte. 
 
 And whenne he come to the Condyte of Cornhylle there was a taber- 
 nacule, and there yn syttynge a kynge whythe a ryalle aparayJe. And 
 on the ryght syde sate the lady of Mercy, ande on the lyfte syde sate the 
 lady of Troughthe, and the lady of Clennysse hem imbrasyng with 
 Reson. And by-fore the kyng stode II jugys of grete worthynys, whythe 
 
 VIII sergauntys of lawe ther presente for the comyn profy e repre- 
 sentynge of dome and of rightuysnysse, with thys scryptura, 
 
 " Honowre of kyngs in every mannys syght 
 Of comyn custome lovythe equyte and ryghtc." 
 
 And so the kyng rode forthe an esy passe tylle he come unto the Grete 
 Condyte, ande there was made a ryalle syghte lyke unto Paradys, whythe 
 all maner of frontys of delys. And there were vyrgynnys there, drawyng 
 waterys and wynys of joye, and of plesaunce and comforte, the whyche 
 ranne to every mannys comforte and helthe. Thes maydyns were 
 namyd : Mercy, Grace, and Pytte. And in this Paradys stode II o!de 
 men lyke hevynly folke, the whyche were Ennocke and Ely, saluynge 
 the kynge whythe wordys of grace and vertu. 
 
Tolitkal Events from Henry V to VII 131 
 
 And soo rode he forthe unto the Crosse in Cheppe. There stode 
 a ryalle castelle of jasper grene, and there yn ii grene treys stondyng uppe 
 ryght, shewing the ryght tytyllys of the Kyngof Inglond and of Fraunce, 
 convaying fro Synt Edwarde and Synt Lowys be kyngys unto the tyme of 
 Kyng Harry Vlth, every kynge stondynge why the hys cote armowre, sum 
 Jyberdys and sum flourdeiysse 5 and on that othyr syde was made the 
 Jesse of owre Lorde ascendyng uppewarde from Davyd unto Jesu. And 
 so rode he forthe unto the Lytylle Condyte. And there was a ryalle 
 mageste of the Trynyte, fulJe of angelys syngyng hevynly songys, 
 blessynge ande halowynge the kyngys whythe thes resonys in Latyn 
 wrytyn : " Angelis suis mandavit de te ut custodiant te, &c. Longi- 
 tudinem dierum replebo in eum et ostendam illi salutare meum." And 
 thenne went he forthe unto Poulys, and there he was ressayvyd whythe 
 many byschoppys and prelatys whythe the dene and the quere, and 
 whythe devoute songe, as hyt longythe to a kynge. Ande so he 
 oflferryd there and thankyd God of hys goode speede and of hys welfare. 
 And thenne he rode to Westemystcr, and there he rested hym • and on 
 the nexte day folowynge the Mayre and the Aldyrmen whythe certayne 
 comeners that were worthy men, and they presentyde the kynge whythe 
 an hampyr of sylvyr and gylte, whythe a Ml" (;^iooo) there yn of 
 nobellys, &c.' 
 
 In 14-4.1 the Mayor, Clopton, again a Draper, and members of 
 the Livery Companies were present at a very different spectacle. 
 When the unfortunate Eleanor Cobham, the wife of Humphrey 
 Duke of Gloucester, had to make her three days' walk of penance 
 for her supposed treacherous designs against the King Henry VI 
 and his Queen, they showed their sympathy by attending her.' 
 
 With the year 1442. the earliest Wardens' Accounts come to an 
 end, and no private records of the Fellowship have survived till 
 we come to the accounts of i^^S- Nothing, however, of impor- 
 tance to the Fellowship or to the City appears to have happened 
 until the outbreak of the Wars of the Roses in 145'^, except 
 the inauguration of the custom that the Mayor should go 
 by water to Westminster on his election procession. This is 
 attributed to John Norman, the Draper who was Mayor in 145-3. 
 It is said that the reason for this change was that the worthy 
 Draper was lame. But the practice was confirmed by an order of 
 the Common Council in the same year, and was henceforth 
 followed by the Mayors in going to Westminster, although later 
 
 ' Nicolas, Chion. of London, p. 129. 
 
igx Relations of the "Drapers' Gild to the 
 
 Mayors at least returned by land, and, as the State Barges of the 
 Gilds contributed to the future magnificence of the Mayors' 
 election processions and gave good employment to the water- 
 men, the memory of Norman was recorded in a doggerel 
 rhyme.' 
 
 It does not, however, appear that the procession of i^si was 
 peculiarly magnificent. Nor had the City much cause for rejoic- 
 ing. In the previous July the unfortunate King Henry VI had 
 lost his reason, and, if there was at the moment a brief reconcilia- 
 tion between the rival parties of Somerset and York, they were to 
 appeal to arms before two years were out. 
 London dur- Of the attitude of the Drapers during the "Wars of the Roses we 
 ing the know hardly anything. Their accounts stop in 1441, and we 
 
 Wars of the j^^^g ^^ authority till 1^'^S- But in aU probability they followed 
 °'^*' the temporizing policy of the City. Until 1450 it adhered to 
 
 Henry VI, but then wavered in its allegiance. 'Then come 
 tydyngs of the comyng of the Erie of Marche (Ed. IV) unto 
 London ; thenn alle the cytte were fayne, and thonkyd God and 
 sayde that " He that had London forsake wold no more to them 
 take ", and sayde " Lette us walke in a new wyne yerde and lette 
 us make us a gay garden in the monythe of Marche with this 
 fayre white rose and herbe, the Erie of Marche ".' ^ 
 Edward IV, Edward IV depended on the commercial classes. He is said to 
 the City, and have obtained the loans and other financial assistance he received 
 the Gilds. from the burgesses by the kisses he bestowed upon their wives, 
 and his alliance ^ with Charles the Bold, the powerfiil Duke 
 of Burgundy, was popular owing to the trade with the Nether- 
 lands, which formed part of the Duke's dominions. His reign 
 
 ' Strype, Stow, ed. 17JJ, ii. 221. John Norman 'caused a barge to be 
 made at his own Charge, and every Company had several Barges, well decked 
 and trimmed, to pass along with him. For Joy whereof, the Watermen 
 made a Song in his Praise, beginning " Row thy Boat, Norman, &c." ' This 
 was not, however, the first time that the Gilds used barges. The Drapers 
 went in a barge to the funeral of Henry V. They hired a barge for the 
 Sheriff's procession as early as 1425. Nor again had the Drapers a barge of 
 their own till the sixteenth century. Cf Letter Book E, p. xii. Rep. 403, 
 fos. 233, 47 a. 
 
 = Gregory, Chronicle, ed. Gairdner, p. 21J. 
 
 ' Charles the Bold married his sister Margaret. 
 
'Political Eiients from Henry V to VII igg 
 
 is marked by Charters to ten other Gflds ' besides that of the 
 Drapers. He also confirmed Henry IV's grants to the City 
 of the tolls of Billingsgate and Smithfield and the weighing 
 of the wool at the Tron, as well as the right to hold a yearly 
 Fair and a Court of Pie Powder in the vill of Southwark/ 
 which had originally been granted to London by Edward III.3 
 Finally, by his protective policy he nursed the manufacture of 
 cloth, as well as of other articles, and he favoured the Gilds, 
 whose whole history is based on the exclusion of the foreigner.'' 
 
 ^ They were : 
 
 The Tallow Chandlers ) The Musicians 1471 
 
 The Barbers / '^^^ x^e -f^^^}^ Qg^ks 1475 
 
 The Ironmongers 1463 The Carpenters 1477 
 
 The Pewterers 1468 The Fullers 1480 
 
 The Dyers 1471 The Cooks 1482 
 
 ^ Sharpe, i. jo8. The Borough of Southwark consisted of three Manors : the 
 Gildable Manor or Vill, the King's Manor, and the Great Liberty Manor. It 
 was the first of these that had been granted by Edward III. It was not till 
 I J 50 that all the royal franchises were sold to the City, and that it became one 
 of the Wards, under the name of the Ward of Bridge Without. Sharpe, London, 
 i. 442 J Beaven, Aldermen, II. xv. 
 
 ^ Sharpe, London, i. 308. This was in return for a loan. 
 
 The King's Beam, Tron, or Balance was used for weighing all heavy articles 
 of merchandise sold by weight in the City, for the purpose of estimating the 
 dues. Whereas by ancient custom the buyer had been allowed a ' draft ' or bonus 
 on his purchase, in 1257 this bonus was fixed at 4 lb. in each cwt. Edward I 
 in the Statute de Nova Custnma gave offence to the citizens by further changing 
 the method of weighing goods at the King's Beam. In 1309 the bonus was 
 abolished, and fairness alike for buyer and seller was ordained. Besides the 
 King's or Great Beam there was in the City a small Beam for weighing silks, 
 drugs, and groceries. 
 
 Smce the reign of Henry IV the City enjoyed the privilege of farming out the 
 Beams. But the Grocers soon secured the right of electing the weigher of the 
 Great Beam and the Mercers that of the Small Beam. C£ Liber Albus, ed. 
 Riley, p. 199; Letter Book B, Introduction, p. v; C, Introduction, p. xv; D, 
 Introduction, p. xvi, and fos. <)T, 228-97 ; F, xxxiii, Arnold's Chron., ed. 18 11, 
 p. 100. 
 
 * The policy was not entirely new, but it became more systematized under 
 Edward IV. 3 Ed. IV, c. i, limited the export of wool to denizens ; 3 Ed. IV, c. 4, 
 and 4 Ed. IV, c. 7, prohibited the importation of a long list of foreign manu- 
 factures including cloth ; 7 Ed. IV, c. 3, forbad the exportation of cloth not 
 finished and iiilled. The policy was continued by Henry VII and Henry VIII ; 
 e. g. 3 Hen. VII, c. 1 1, No cloth to be taken out of the country till it be 
 ' barbed, rowed and shorn '. C£ Rastall, Stats. Draperie. 
 
134 Relations of the Drapers* Gild to the 
 
 On the other hand, Edward was licentious and tyrannical. 
 There were many who pitied the unfortunate King Henry ; the 
 blood feuds caused by the late battles were deep, and many of the 
 nobility were openly or secretly hostile. 
 Changeable The reign, therefore, was fuU of trouble, and it was not till 
 policy of the i^'yi that Edward really secured his throne. The politics of the 
 City during qj^.^. ]jet;ween i^6o and 147 1 were again neither consistent nor 
 EdwTrflV honourable, but they generally leant to the winning side. Un- 
 fortunately the accounts of the Drapers between 1441 and 1475- 
 have perished. The Charters which they obtained from the King 
 show that they succeeded in winning the royal favour, and yet 
 we learn enough from other authorities to prove that they 
 followed the shifting policy of the City, though probably rather 
 as individuals than in their corporate capacity. Thus, at the 
 accession of Edward IV, Thomas Cooke, a wealthy Draper, was 
 Mayor. He was succeeded by Ralph Joscelyne, another Draper. 
 Both these men, as well as another Draper, Henry Wavyr or 
 Whafyr, were knighted by the King at the coronation of the 
 Queen (Elizabeth WydeviUe) in i^6s-^ No sooner, however, 
 did Warwick the King-maker quarrel with Edward (146^9) than 
 Sir Thomas Cooke began to waver. He was arrested and 
 charged with treason, and though only found guilty of misprision 
 of treason, scarce regained his liberty at the price of the heavy 
 fine of ;^8,ooo to the King, as well as 800 marks to the Queen, and 
 the loss of his Aldermanry, while some of his lands were seized by 
 Rivers, the father of the Queen.' 
 
 On the flight of Edward IV in 1470, Sir Thomas Cooke 
 seemed likely to regain his position. He was returned to Parlia- 
 ment. He undertook the duties of the Mayoralty in the place of 
 John Stockton, who wisely feigned sickness, and put in a bill for 
 the restoration of the lands he had lost, and according to Fabyan, 
 who was himself a Draper, 'had good comfort to have been 
 aUowyd since he was a man of great boldness of speke and well 
 spoken and singularly witted and well reasoned'. His hopes, 
 
 ' Gregory, Chronicle, p. 218; Fabyan, ed. i8ii,p. 655. 
 
 ° Fabyan, pp. 6^ $-6. The fine to the Queen was according to the old 
 custom of Aurum Reginae or Queen's gold, i. e. one hundred marks for every 
 thousand pounds due to the King. 
 
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 135- 
 
 however, were short-lived. Edward IV returned, and Cooke, 
 falling in an attempt to escape to France, was again imprisoned. 
 He once more regained his liberty and, though probably fined 
 once more, lived for seven years afi:erwards, to die a wealthy man 
 and become the ancestor of Chancellor Bacon. 
 
 The Lancastrian party declared that Cooke was unjustly 
 accused, or that his only offence was that he had failed to inform 
 the King of an approach made to him (Cooke) by the Lancastrian 
 partisans. For this he was found guilty of ' misprision of treason '. 
 Certainly Edward appeared very vindictive, for Markham the 
 judge was dismissed from his office for having determined that 
 Cooke's offence was not treason. It was evidently a 'cause 
 celebre \ Fortescue, the Lancastrian writer, alludes to it in his 
 ' De laudibus legum Angliae ', and the Duke of Buckingham, when 
 speaking in favour of Richard Ill's claims to the throne in 1483, 
 referred to this case as a notable example of the tyranny of 
 Edward IV.^ It is difficult, if not impossible, to come to 
 a decision on the matter. But in those days, when the fortunes 
 of the two parties were constantly changing, it was no easy 
 matter for any man of prominence to save his head, and one 
 cannot wonder at some trimming.' 
 
 When Edward had finally secured his throne by the defeat 
 and death of Warwick at Barnet (April 1 471) and the overthrow 
 of Margaret at Tewkesbury (May 147 1), the City definitely 
 returned to his allegiance and proved their loyalty at the time ot 
 the expiring effort of the Bastard of Falconberg^ (May 147 1). 
 Headed by Sir Ralph Joscelyne, the late Draper Mayor, the City 
 levies repulsed the Bastard's attack on the City and twelve Alder- 
 men, of whom three were Drapers, were knighted on the field.^ 
 
 ' Gregory, Chronicle, Introd. p. xxxiii and pp. 236-7 ; Fabyan, pp. 6^yj-6; 
 Fortescue, De landibus, ed. Amos, p. 7 1 ; Orridge, Citizens of London and their 
 Rulers, pp. 26 fF., 222. 
 
 ^ He was the illegitimate son of the Earl of Kent. He had abandoned his 
 father's party probably when Warwick quarrelled with Edward IV. 
 
 ^ Fabyan, p. 66i ; Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, quoting Guildhall 
 Journals, v, fos. 152-75. The Drapers were William Stokker, Thomas Stallbrooke, 
 Bartholomew James. Bartholomew James and Will. Stokker were subsequently 
 Mayors in 1479-80 and 1484 respectively. Sir Ralph Joscelyne took a prominent 
 part in rebuilding the City walls. The Drapers defrayed the expense for the 
 
New- 
 material 
 furnished 
 by the 
 Drapers' 
 Documents. 
 
 Nature of 
 the Evi- 
 dence. 
 
 13 d Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 
 
 Although, as said above, it would be rash to decide from the 
 scanty information we have that the Company had, during these 
 troublous times, any very definite policy, the part which some of 
 the members took at least reminds us forcibly of the influential 
 position which the Drapers had attained. 
 
 In the year 146^0 we welcome once more the appearance of 
 definite evidence. Hitherto, with the exception of the years 
 between 141 3 and 1441, we have had no actual records of the 
 Company to guide us, beyond that of their Charters and their 
 earliest ordinances of 1405^-18. Henceforth our difficulty wiU 
 rather consist in co-ordinating and arranging the increasing 
 volume of facts which are recorded in the Books of the Company. 
 
 These commence with the ordinances which were finally com- 
 mitted to writing in 1460, and are supplemented from time to 
 time.' In 1475- the Wardens' Accounts again begin, to continue 
 henceforth without a break. In 1481 they are supplemented by 
 the Renters' Accounts, while the Minutes or Repertories com- 
 mence in the year i^-iy.'" 
 
 As mentioned before, we must remember the nature of the 
 evidence which we have before us. The ordinances only help 
 us to understand the internal government of the Company, while 
 in the accounts the importance of every event is measured from 
 the financial standpoint, that is to say, with a regard to its effect 
 on the receipts or disbursements of the Company. 
 
 Thus the election of Mr. Ralph Joscelyne the Draper as Mayor 
 in 1476-7 looms largely in their accounts because of the expense 
 (over £9) they then incurred in honour of their brother,^ and 
 the repairs of the wall of the City are entered on account of the 
 share (;^4i 16s. od.) they had to take in the cost thereof 
 
 Meanwhile, the public events of this period, many of which 
 formed a crisis in the history of our country, are noticed, if at all, 
 in cold impartial terms. Thus in 1476 the return of Edward IV 
 from his French expedition appears in the accounts because the 
 
 wall between Bishopsgate and Moorgate. The other Gilds helped with other 
 parts. The rest was paid for by an assessment of 6d. per head on the citizens. 
 
 ' Cf. Ordinances, Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII. 
 
 ° For an account of these, cf Appendix, vol. i, Nos. XX, XXII. 
 
 ^ Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. 9 a. 
 
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 137 
 
 Craft was cessed for forty persons to ride to meet the King at 
 the cost of £yo, and in the same year the Drapers took an im- 
 portant part in the Midsummer Watch of that year since a Draper, 
 Sir Ralph Joscelyne, was Mayor.' In 1483 the entry of young 
 Edward V is mentioned because they were cessed for thirty 
 persons to ride and meet him, but the Wardens are more con- 
 cerned with the fact that, though the assessment amounted to 
 £xs 6s. lod., they had only received £1^ is. xd. from the 
 members. And so it is with the reign of Richard III. His 
 seizure of the crown is only alluded to because ' the crafte was 
 assessed ' for twenty-four persons, the same to be paid for, ' though 
 the crafte received not all of it', while the pardon, which 
 Richard III graciously bestowed on them for having shown 
 honour to the unfortunate Prince Edward, would have found no 
 place in the accounts if it had not been that ;^i lu. j^d. was paid 
 for the writing and sealing thereof =" So again in the Accounts of 
 1484.-^ the ftineral of Queen Anne is noticed because of the cost 
 of ' bote hire ' to Westminster, which however was only $d., and 
 therefore receives less attention than the death of Richard Chester, 
 one of the Sheriffs, who was a Draper. Finally, the momentous 
 Batde of Bosworth is not referred to, though the triumphal entry 
 of Henry VII into London takes up some space in the accounts 
 because of the thirty livery men who were selected to ' ride and 
 fetch the King ' clad in bright murrey (crimson) at a cost of 7^15-, 
 and because there were twenty-seven defaulters in paying the 
 assessment which was made on members. The Company also 
 took barge to meet the King beyond Battersea at a cost of au. 
 for barge hire, and 6s. %d. for two ' taboretts ' in the barge. The 
 refreshments consisted of a kilderkin of ale ax. i^., bread 4</., 
 3 ribs of beef ix, pepyns 6d., and a botell of wine i \\d.^ 
 
 ^ The expenses of this Watch were only ;f j ijj. lorf. As this might be 
 compared with the far greater cost of later Midsummer Watches, especially that 
 of If 41, I give it in the Appendix, vol. ii. No. VII. 
 
 ^ Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. ztf a, 29 b, 30 a. 
 
 ^ Wardens' Accounts, 403, 33 a, 35;b. 'The Mair's commission for this 
 sessing, sealed with the seale of his mairalty ' was as follows : 
 
 ' Drapers, Purveith xxx persones honestly and cleanly arrayed in bright 
 murrey after the patron (pattern) here inclosed to mete with the King on hors- 
 bak on Satterday next commyng.' 
 
ig8 Relations of the T)rapers' Gild to the 
 
 Significant These are all the references that we have to the tragic reign of 
 omissions Richard, and it is significant that we hear nothing of the loan 
 of events in granted to the King by the City in return for a general pardon, 
 lufhard III ^^^cause presumably the Drapers did not subscribe to it as a Com- 
 pany. Of the Letters Patent of 1484., in which Richard III, 
 evidently with a desire to gain their support, released the Company 
 from all forfeitures incurred on any grounds before the first year 
 of his reign, we are only told of the foe paid to H. Woodcock for 
 writing and sealing the document. But this omission at least 
 proves that Richard did not, as was usual, demand any pecuniary 
 return. In these letters Richard promises remission of all for- 
 feiture incurred for all possible offences committed before the 
 beginning of his reign; The pardon with regard to the wearing of 
 livery was, according to Stow (ed. Kingsford, ii. ipa), unnecessary 
 since the Act '7 Henry IV, c. 14, which finally forbad the 
 giving of liveries by lords, specially exempted 'gilds, fraternities 
 and people of mysteries that be founded of good intent '. The 
 other remissions were no doubt intended to cover any doubtful 
 actions on their part previous to his seizing the throne, as for 
 instance their riding to meet the unfortunate Edward V just 
 before. The list of misdeeds is indeed comprehensive enough, and 
 by their implication might have caused offence to a more sensitive 
 generation. Thus, not only are deceits, extortions, frauds on the 
 list, but murder and rape." Still more curious is the absence ot 
 any notice of the great hunt given by the King, by way of thanks, 
 in "Waltham Forest in the next year, and the feast at Drapers' 
 Hall which followed, although the Mayor in that year, William 
 Harriot, was one of the Fellowship. As, however, the King 
 provided two harts, six bucks, and a tun of wine, the call on the 
 Company's larder and cellars was not heavy, and the expense 
 presumably slight.'' 
 The reign of To the events of national importance during the reign of 
 Henry Vll. Henry VII the references are again of the briefest description. 
 There are notices of the Fellowship being assessed to supply 
 soldiers for the King's wars, of ridings to meet the King, of 
 pageants by land and water on state occasions, with the significant 
 
 ' Cf Appendix, vol. i. No. XVI. On Liveries cf vol. i, p. 44. 
 ^ Fabyan, Chronicle, ed. 181 1, p. 677. 
 
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 139 
 
 memorandum that, owing to frequent pageants, the banners of the 
 ' Fellyship ' have to be renewed." 
 
 These facts are chronicled because they touched the revenues 
 of the Fellowship. But other equally important events are either 
 not noticed at all or noticed so cursorily that, had we no other 
 information, we should not appreciate the leading part which the 
 Drapers took in the vicissitudes of the City, though once more 
 rather as individuals than in their corporate capacity.. For- 
 tunately the chroniclers Holinshed and Fabyan, who was himself 
 a Draper,^' and more especially the Journals of the City at the 
 Guildhall, come to our rescue.^ 
 
 ' Wardens' Accounts, 403 , fo. 48 a, a banner and two ' stremers ' cost l/^ 1 3 j-. 6d. 
 The most important notices are : 
 
 1. Coronation of Elizabeth of York, Nov. 1487. 403, fo. 41 a. 
 
 2. Fetching the King after the capture of Lambert Simnel, 1487. The 
 Drapers sent 30 horsemen. The cost, i^ij 6s. zd., was raised by an assessment 
 on members of the Fellowship. The Mercers, the Grocers, the Fishmongers, and 
 the Taylors sent the same number of horsemen, and the other Livery Com- 
 panies' contingents varied from 24 to i. Sharpe, London and Kingdom, i. 329, 
 quoting from the Journals. 
 
 3. 'Creadon of Arthur, Prince of Wales.' 403, fo. 48 a. 
 
 4. 80 stand in Livery in Chepe ' at comyng of Princess Dame Kateryn oute 
 of Spayn ', the betrothed wife of Prince Arthur (i joi). 403, fo. 72 a. 
 
 J. ' Standing in Poulys in our lady's chapel ' at the requiem Mass for Prince 
 Arthur (1502). 403, fo. 72 a. 
 
 6. Attendance at Queen Elizabeth's funeral (1503), ib. 74 b, expenses 
 ;fii 6s. ^d. 'The manner of receiving the corps of the most noble Princess' 
 is given in Archaeologia, xxxii. iz6, fi-om the City Journal. 
 
 7. 1507-8. Fellowship sessed 40/. towards the 300 soldiers demanded from 
 the City to go to France. 403, fo. 88 a. 
 
 ^ Robert Fabyan entered the Fraternity by apprenticeship in 147^. He was 
 Alderman of Farringdon Without. In 1493 ^^ ^^ Sheriff, Warden for the first 
 time in 148 j-6, and twice Master in 149J-6, IJ01-2. In 1502 he surrendered 
 his Aldermanry on the ground of poverty, because he did not wish to become 
 Mayor. Ellis, Introd. to Fabyan^s Chronicle ; Letter Book L, fos. 235b, 304 b ; 
 Wardens' Accounts for years 1476, 1 501-2 ; Stow, ed. Kingsford, ii. 179. 
 
 ^ The Journals are the continuation of the Letter Books which have been 
 published up to 1498 (Letter Book L) by the late Mr. Sharpe. The Journals are 
 still in manuscript at the Guildhall, and in 149J 'The Repertories' containing 
 the Minutes of the proceedings of the Court of Aldermen, as distinct from those 
 of the Common Council, also commence. Neither of these have been published. 
 My references to them are chiefly taken from Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, 
 although I have occasionally consulted the MS. 
 
I4-0 Relations of the ^Drapers' Gild to the 
 
 From these authorities we learn that when, in September 1485-, 
 that terrible scourge of Tudor times, the sweating sickness, first 
 fell on the City, William Stokker, the Draper, was appointed to 
 fill the place of the previous Mayor, Sir Thomas Hille, who had 
 succumbed to the plague. Within four days Stokker himself fell 
 a victim, and another person, John Warde, was elected for the 
 short period which remained till the next election-day on 
 October 28. Thus John Stokker enjoys the unenviable fame 
 of having held the office for the shortest time recorded in history.' 
 
 To the various loans and benevolences which Henry VII 
 demanded of the City the Drapers contributed largely. Yet 
 inasmuch as they did it as individuals, there is no record of it in 
 the Accounts. To the loan of ;^2,ooo, which was granted in 
 14.85-, the Mercers, the Grocers, and the Drapers contributed 
 ;^P37 6s. od. When, in 1487, a fiirther loan of ;^4,ooo was 
 asked for, the same companies lent £;i,6\6\ and to the benevo- 
 lence of 14P1, the Drapers, according to Fabyan, 'granted more 
 than any other Fellyship '.^ Nor were these the only exactions 
 which the members of the Company suffered at the hands of the 
 notorious Empson and Dudley, the financial agents of the King. 
 Sir William Capell was first heavily fined under an obsolete 
 statute in 14P4 and again in 15^07 ' by the sute of the King for 
 things done in the tyme of his Mayoralty', 15^03-4.3 On his 
 refiisal to pay the second fine, he was thrown into prison, where, 
 with Sir Lawrence Aylmer, the Mayor of 15-07-8, who had also 
 been the victim of Henry's tyranny, he remained until the acces- 
 sion of Henry VIII.* 
 
 The hand of Henry VII was indeed a heavy one, but at least 
 the money he extorted was not idly spent. The troubles caused 
 by the pretenders to his throne entailed much, expense. He gave 
 
 ' Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. 573. Six Aldermen as well died within a week. 
 Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 327. 
 
 ^ Fabyan, pp. 683, 684; Holinshed, iii. 481, 483. 
 
 ^ Fabyan, pp. 68J-9 ; Holinshed, ed. ij8<J, iii. 79J, 1. 70. He was accused 
 of not duly punishing a person charged with false coining. Empson and 
 Dudley lived in two houses in Walbrook close to the Diapers' Hall in 
 St. Swithin's Lane. They were therefore near neighbours. 
 
 ■* Fabyan, ed. i8ii, p. 6%6. Immediately after the death of Henry VII, 
 Capell was re-elected Mayor (Jan. ryop — Oct. iji°)- 
 
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 141 
 
 the country rest after a long period of disturbance and adopted 
 a protective policy which favoured the industries of the City.' 
 The citizens were not unmindfiil of the benefits which resulted 
 from his masterful rule, and during the time of the conspiracy of 
 Perkin Warbeck, when the Cornishmen thought of marching on 
 London, they not only volunteered a further loan of ;^4,ooo but 
 prepared to defend the City (November 1496). In this action 
 the Drapers took part with the other Livery Companies, and 
 John Stokker, the Draper, who held the office of ' Common Hunt ' 
 or master of the City pack of hounds,'' was ordered to act as 
 a messenger between the City and the King, while Robert Fabyan 
 the Chronicler, also a Draper, was one of those entrusted with 
 the guardianship of the gates of Ludgate and Newgate and the 
 Temple.5 The only reference in the accounts to this affair is 
 ' Item for brede and ale when the Fellyship mustered at Drapers' 
 Hall for Blackheath Field ',♦ where the rebels were finally de- 
 feated in June 1497. The Drapers, it is evident, were something 
 more than mere traders or manufecturers. They took their share 
 in the politics of their City and their Country ; they contributed 
 to its annals and they shared in the pastimes of the day. 
 
 The reference in the Wardens' Accounts to the ' watche after The Riot at 
 the Ryot at the StyUard ' requires some explanation.^ Henry VII, the Steel- 
 to avenge himself on the Archduke Philip for supporting the y^''!- 
 pretender Perkin Warbeck, had, in 1493, forbidden all exports to 
 Flanders and removed the mart kept by the Merchant Adven- 
 turers in Antwerp to Calais. The Archduke retaliated by closing 
 the Low Countries to English merchants, and forbidding the 
 importation of English cloth.* The English merchants ' being 
 
 ' The export duties were so arranged as to encourage the export of cloth 
 rather than of wool. Schanz, Handelspolitik, i. 441, and Statutes quoted there. 
 
 ^ The citizens of London had rights of hunting in Middlesex, Herts, the 
 Chilterns, and in Kent as far as the River Cray; cf Charter of Henry I. The 
 kennels were on the site of the present Finsbury Charity School in Tabernacle 
 Row, E.C. The 'Common Hunt" received ^ro and the office lasted till 1807. 
 Cf Riley, Memorials, p. 427 ; Allen, London, ii. 288. 
 
 3 Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 332; Ellis, Introduction to Fabyan, 
 Chronicle, p. ii, Preface. 
 
 "• 403, fb, 61 a. 
 
 ^ Wardens' Accounts, 1493-4, 403, fo. 58 a. 
 
 * The Archduke Philip was the son of Mary of Burgundy and the Emperor 
 
I4-X Relations of the "Drapers' Gild to the 
 
 destitute of sale and traffique, neyther reteyned so many covenant 
 servants and apprentices as they were before accustomed, and 
 in especiall, mercers, haberdashers, and cloth workers, nor yet 
 gave to their servants so great stipend and salarie as before that 
 restraynt they were used to do. For this cause the sayde servants 
 entending to worke their malice on the Easterlyngs, the Tuesday 
 before Saint Edwardes day,, came to the Stiliard (Steelyard)' in 
 London, and began to rifle and spoyle such Chambers and Ware- 
 houses as they could get into ; so that the Easterlyngs had much 
 ado to withstand and repulse them out of their gates, and when 
 their gates were shut and made fast, the multitude rushed and 
 beate at the gates with clubbes and leavers to have entered.' ' 
 The journeymen and the apprentices of the Drapers took no part 
 in the riot probably because they were extensive buyers of Flemish 
 cloth, the import of which by the Easterlings had not been 
 forbidden. They accordingly gave the Mayor substantial assis- 
 tance in putting down the riot, and subsequently sent a force 
 to guard the Steelyard for the seventeen following days.^ The 
 riot being thus quieted, the King exacted a monetary guarantee 
 from the Easterlings that they would not carry on any trade 
 between England and the Netherlands until the dispute with the 
 Archduke had been settled. The interruption of the trade with 
 the Netherlands was, however, too serious a matter to be neglected 
 either by Henry VII or the Archduke, and shortly after, negotia- 
 tions began which led to the treaty of February 1^96. By this 
 treaty Philip undertook to abandon the cause of the pretender, 
 and the commercial relations of the two countries were placed on 
 their old footing. No further burdens beyond the customary 
 ones were to be laid on the merchants of either country ; traders 
 
 Maximilian, and therefore grandson of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. 
 Margaret, the second wife of Charles, was sister of Edward IV. That lady and 
 her stepson, the Archduke, were the chief supporters of the Yorkist claimants 
 and pretenders. 
 
 ' The Steelyard was the London house of the members of the Hanseatic 
 League. Cf. Pauli, Pictures of Old London, and Encyclopaedia Brit., articles 
 on Hanseatic League and Steelyard and authorities quoted there. 
 
 ^ Herbert, i. 406, quoting from Grafton's Chronicle. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. j8a: 'Payd for cresset stuf and bere and bred ale and candyll 
 during XVII days the watche after the Ryot at the Styllard 12/9.' 
 
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 143 
 
 were to enjoy mutual protection, and piracy was to be suppressed 
 as hx as possible.' 
 
 In spite of this treaty, the Archduke shortly after imposed the 
 duty of a florin on English cloth landed at Antwerp. Henry 
 forthwith removed the market to Calais and levied a special duty 
 on English wool at the staple at Calais. 
 
 This brought the Archduke to terms. He promised to abandon 
 the duty at Antwerp though not in Flanders," while Henry con- 
 sented to consider the question as to the duty on the wool 
 at Calais. Finally, in May 14.^9, Henry reduced the duty 
 on the wool, while the Archduke removed the duty on English 
 cloth at Bruges and further allowed English merchants to export 
 coin and worked gold and silver.^ 
 
 In aU these negotiations the Drapers, as we should expect, took 
 part. In 1 4.^4.-5- we are told of a deputation consisting of 
 Warden Hawkins and others going to the King in the West 
 Country, probably on this matter. In i^pj-^ we read of ' a BUI 
 made and considerations engrossed against the Archduke of Bur- 
 goyne ', and of a payment of ;^(5 towards ' Ambassador's charges to 
 Archduchess by the Maire's commandment ', while in September 
 I4P(5 Robert Fabyan, the Chronicler, was one of a Committee 
 appointed to ride to the King for redress of the new impositions 
 levied on English cloths in the Archduke's lands."* 
 
 The aim or Henry VII throughout these transactions had been 
 to encourage the English cloth industry. He had already, in 
 1487, renewed an Act of Edward IV (i4<^7) which had forbidden 
 foreigners to export wool, except to Venice, unwoven worsted 
 or unfulled cloth,' and at the same time ordered shearing and 
 
 ' The name of 'The Intercursus Magnus ' given to this treaty by Bacon in 
 his Histoiy of Henry VII is a creation of the writer. It appears in no con- 
 temporary authority. On the whole question of the relations of Henry VII with 
 the Netherlands, cf. Busch, England under the Tudors, English translation, 
 pp. 88, ii5, 148 ; Rymer, Foedera, xii. J79, j8i, 6yf, 714-18. 
 
 ^ Rymer, Foedera, xii. 6^%. The towns of Flanders were the centres of the 
 cloth industry and were jealous of the English cloth, while Antwerp in Brabant 
 depended on its trade, and welcomed the. English cloth. The protective policy 
 adopted by Flanders was one cause of the declme of Bruges at this time. 
 
 ^ Rymer, xii. 714-18. 
 
 ■* 403, fbs. J9 b, tfi b, 77 a ; Ellis, Chronicle of Fabyan, Preface, p. n . 
 
 ' The policy was continued in later reigns, e.g. 33 H. VIII, c. 19; 8 Eliz., 
 
14-4 Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the 
 
 carding to be done in England. He also encouraged the 
 settlement of foreign clothworkers in England and forbad the 
 importation of silken goods, hoping thus to encourage the 
 weaving of silk.' The Hanse towns, annoyed at this restric- 
 tion of their trade as well as at the duties imposed on English 
 wool at Calais, threatened to retire from the staple at Calais, 
 but Henry VII was immovable. 
 
 While thus attempting to encourage the cloth and silk in- 
 dustries by these measures of protection, the royal policy was 
 one of discrimination. In those industries in which England 
 had little hopes of competing with the Continent, the King 
 considered the interests of the consumer by removing the re- 
 straints on importation passed by Edward IV and Richard III, 
 and allowing foreign competition. Whatever may be thought 
 as to the wisdom of a policy of protection, it must be allowed 
 that Henry was at least no blind advocate,^ and that he 
 was supported by a considerable body of genuine if mistaken 
 opinion.3 Jt may be that these protective laws were largely due 
 to the vested interests of those who manufactured cloth and other 
 articles, and that, as the free trader would argue to-day, the rapid 
 rise of our cloth industry during the later decades of the fifteenth 
 and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries was really due, not 
 to the protective policy of the English kings, but to the 
 superiority of our wool and the advantages of the English 
 climate, and to the fact that our Flemish rivals were even under 
 greater restraint and were persisting in antiquated grooves.* 
 
 r. 6; though limited by licences. Price, Monopolies, Boston, pp. ii, 141, 
 
 147, 149- 
 
 ' Materials for reign of Henry VII, Rolls Series, ii. 134. Grant to John de 
 Salvo and Anthony Spynile, natives of England, to introduce foreign clothmakers 
 and employ them in the art in one or more parts of the kingdom. 
 
 ^ On Henry VII's protective policy, cf. Busch, England under the Tudors, 
 English translation, p. 154. 
 
 " Cf. e. g. Discourse on Commonwealth, Cambridge Press, 1 893, p. 63 , 'As for 
 some things (e. g. cloth) the strangers make it out of ourown commodities and send 
 it us again ; whereby they set their people on work and do exhaust much treasure 
 out of the realm.' p. ^5 : 'It were better for us to pay more to our own people for 
 wares than less to strangers.' Cf. also Pauli, Drei volkswirthschaftliche Denk- 
 schriften, pp. 32, 36. 
 
 ■* C£ Pirenne, Une crise industrielle au XVI^i"^ siecle, p. 49 j. 
 
'Political Events from Henry V to VII 145- 
 
 Mr. Unwin is indeed of opinion that unfinished cloth was still 
 our chief export, and that by forbidding the export of this a serious 
 blow was dealt at what was then our most important industry. 
 
 In any case we must admit that clothmaking increased in 
 volume. The author of ' The Commodities of England ', writing 
 somewhere about 145 o, speaks of ' the woUen cloth ready made 
 at all times to serve the merchants of any two kingdoms '.' The 
 Commons in a petition of 145^4. declare that 'the making of 
 cloth had become the greatest occupation and living of the poor 
 people of the land '." And we have good evidence to show that 
 in the sixteenth century there was a great advance not only 
 in the quantity but the quality of our cloth.^ Possibly the 
 true conclusion to be derived from these facts is that the influence 
 of a Protective tariff either for good or evil is often very much 
 exaggerated. 
 
 ' The anthor was possibly Fortescue ; cf. Fortescue, Governance of England, 
 p. 81, ed. Plummer. 
 
 ^ Rot. Pari., V. 274. ' We shall return to this later. 
 
 U 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 CHANGES IN THE ORGANIZATION OF THE FELLOW- 
 SHIP OF DRAPERS BETWEEN 1441 AND ijfop 
 
 N the internal affairs of the Fellowship, 
 however, the accounts naturally give 
 much more information — though again 
 only incidentally — and by the help of later 
 ordinances which we possess we can gain 
 some idea of the changes which have taken 
 place since 1441. 
 
 As we have a full list of the Members 
 recorded for the year 1493, it will be 
 well to take that as our first date, and 
 then summarize any changes or events of 
 interest which took place between 14P3 
 and IS09, the year when Henry VII died. 
 
 In the year 1453 the total numbers of Numbers of 
 the Craft' were 143, of whom 124 were Members in 
 in the Clothing or Livery and i ip out of '+93- 
 the Livery, or Bachelors. Thus since the year 1424-5- the 
 numbers have increased by 74 at least.^ Not for many years did 
 the numbers of those in the Clothing and of the total membership 
 of the Gild touch these figures. 
 
 (0 
 
 ' The initial comes from Charter No. V. 
 
 " They term themselves the Craft, Fraternity, or Brotherhood. 
 
 ^ Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. XXI. One name has been crossed out in the list of 
 the Livery and four in the list of the Bachelors. These have not been counted. 
 Herbert's numbers, 1,40^, are wrong. He also makes a meaningless distinction 
 between the Bachelors and the Freemen. 
 
148 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 Mention of In the list of 14P3 no Sister is mentioned, but in 1480-1 
 Sisters. Elynore Sampton pays quarterage.' If the Christian name be 
 
 that of a woman (and she may have been the widow of Thomas 
 Sampton, who was one of the Wardens in 1477-8), this is the 
 first recorded mention of a female member by name, though 
 Sisters are mentioned in earlier accounts of 1414-40, while 
 in 1487 Lady Drope is in arrears for two apprentices. This last 
 entry, unless indeed the arrears were owing on her husband's 
 account, who died in 148 _f, shows that widows were at that date, 
 as they certainly were afterwards, allowed to carry on the 
 business of their husbands, and to have apprentices. In any case 
 an ordinance of i5"04 allows women to be admitted by Redemp- 
 tion, and one of 1^05^ definitely recognizes the right of Sisters 
 ' freed in the FeUyship ' to take apprentices.' 
 The Livery. The admissions to the Livery or Clothing, which were made 
 by the Master, Wardens, and Council, varied very much. The 
 highest number was reached in i4p2-3, when it was 21. In 
 four other years it was 14, 13, 11, and 10. In five other 
 years from ^ to i were admitted, in two years only one, 
 and in seven years none. As a consequence the numbers of 
 those in the Livery declined. They fell suddenly in 1484-^ 
 from py to 75", and they never recovered till 17^3-4, when 
 they rose to lao.' With the exception of some of the oEcials 
 of the Company, such as the Chaplain and the Bedell or Clerk, 
 those in the Livery alone enjoyed the right of wearing the 
 clothing, the colour of which was continually changed. All 
 
 ' 403, fo. 19 a. 
 
 ° 403, £0.423. Ordinances, Appendix, vol. ij No. XVII. For widows retaining 
 the apprentices of their husbands cf. p. 1 1 J, note i, of this volume j for Sisters of 
 the Taylors' Co., Clode, I. ii, p. 41. 
 
 ^ In lyoi-i we have a list of the Companies that have the Livery and the 
 numbers. Thus : 
 
 Merchant Taylors ) o 
 Grocers J ■* 
 
 Drapers 80 
 
 Fishmongers 76 
 
 Mercers 66 
 
 Skinners 54 
 
 Goldsmiths 5 1 
 
 City Records. Quoted Jupp, Carpenters, p. 190. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers, 1441-15-09 149 
 
 except the officials paid for the Livery themselves, unless 
 a special present was made;' and any one refiising to take up 
 his Livery when called to it was fined 6s. SJ.' All those in the 
 Livery paid a quarterage of iit/. a year, as well as a fee of 8</. 
 for dinner,^ and is. a year when a new Livery was ordered, 
 3 J. when it was not. 
 
 During the years i^-jS'-6 to T487-8 it was customary, as 
 before, to make a selection from those out of the Clothing of 
 persons who, without reaching the Livery, paid quarterage and 
 dined at the Election dinner. In 1487-8 as many as 6q were 
 thus selected. This was probably a concession to the Bachelors, 
 but the numbers of those thus selected feU to 14. in 148^-6, and 
 in 1488 the custom was abandoned. 
 
 It is about this time that a more complete organization of the The 
 Bachelors was effected, and in the list of 14^3 they are definitely Bachelors or 
 arranged under their four Wardens.* Yeomen. 
 
 But it is not only in the matter of the Bachelors that the 
 years before us are years of change. The number of those Admissions 
 admitted into the Freedom through Apprenticeship varies in *° ^'^^^'^^^^ 
 a very remarkable manner. In 1475--5 we find 23 ; in 1476-7, ^"""^g ^j"^ 
 14. Between that date and 148 1-2 the numbers fall to 6 ship, Re- 
 and are never higher than p. In 148 1-2 they rise again to 2p. demption, 
 But they then Ml once more and vary between 15- and 5, and by 
 to close in 1493-4 with 22.= All those thus admitted pay 3 J. 4*/. Pat""'^"/- 
 as ' spoon silver ' on admission. 
 
 It is, however, in the admissions by Redemption that the most 
 significant innovations are to be noted. They are not, indeed, 
 numerous. There are only twenty-seven admissions during the 
 nineteen years from 1475-6 to 14P3— 4, and the number never 
 exceeds three in any one year, but among them there are at least 
 
 ' Thus in 1477-8 Master Rygby is given 3^ yards of 'violet engrayne' at 
 JOS. ^d. the yard, as well as a hogshead of wine, by the advice of the Council for 
 his labour and counsel ' for the wele of the fellyship '. Similar gifts of smaller 
 amount were given to ' Sir Alysaunder ', their chaplain, and others, 403, 
 fo. lib. 
 
 " 403, fb. 66 a. ^ Ordinance of 1 47 J. 
 
 * Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XXI, List of Members. 
 
 ^ In 1489-90 we find one entering into the Freedom through apprenticeship 
 with his father. 403, fo. 47 a. 
 
Number of 
 Apprentices 
 bound. 
 
 15-0 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 four who are evidently not Drapers by trade at all, and one 
 is a Draper of Coventry.' 
 
 It is also during this period that we meet with the first instance 
 of an admission by patrimony in the case of Wm. Haryot, son of 
 Wm. Haryot the Mayor in 148 1-2/ and of the grant of an 
 honorary freedom in the case of Lord Lisle.^ Most of those 
 admitted by redemption or patrimony paid the usual 'spoon 
 silver' of jj. ^. Some, however, paid additional fees, varying 
 from £n 13 J. 4.</. to ;^io, while a few were admitted gratis. 
 
 Once more there is considerable fluctuation in the number 
 of Apprentices bound. In 14.78-p, i.!|.85-7, 14.51-2, there are 
 exceptionally few (4, St 2- respectively) ; in 14.52-3 there are si- 
 But the average is somewhere about 24 a year. These fluctua- 
 tions are probably partly due to the variations in the amount 
 of the fee, which was paid by the masters. In 1488-5 it was 
 reduced from 13J. 4^. to 6s. %d. It was raised again in 1451-2, to 
 be once more reduced to 6s. ^d. in 1452. The other explanation 
 is to be found in political circumstances of the day. We should 
 expect that the business of the Craft, and therefore the demand for 
 Apprentices, would be adversely affected by the troubles of the 
 reign of Richard III, and that it would improve when Henry VII 
 had securely established himself on the throne. As stated above, 
 the Livery itself seems to have been affected in the same way. 
 
 We have no statement in the accounts as to the exact number 
 of apprentices or of journeymen employed by one master, but, 
 judging from the enrolments of new apprentices, few had many. 
 Thus in the year 1488-5 of thirty -four masters who enter appren- 
 tices, thirty-one enter only one each, two enter 2 each, and only 
 one, J. Stokker, who had been Master in 1480-1, is responsible 
 for 6. In the following year Alderman Isaac, who had been 
 
 ' 1480. A country Draper of Coventry. 403,fo. i8b. Fee, 53/. 4(i. 
 1485. John Skot, a gentilman. 403, fo. 38 a. Fee, ;f 3 6s. Sd. 
 1487-8. Richard Cornyssh, a gentleman. 403, 27, fo. 40 b. Fee, 40J. 
 1491-3. J. Ricroft, Gentylman, pays 3J. ^d., but zos. next year. 403, fos. 
 J4b, 57 a. 
 
 1491-3. W. Corteman. 403,35, fo. 54b. Vee, £1 ros. 
 
 N.B.— Ricroft and Corteman were admitted to the Livery the same year. 
 
 ^ 1480-1. 403, fo. 18 a. 
 
 ^ 1490-1. 403, fo. Jib. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers, 1441-15-09 15-1 
 
 Master in the preceding year, and was to be Master five times 
 subsequently, enrolls 4; one enrolls 3 ; four, 2 ; and twenty-five, 
 but one each. 
 
 This of course does not help us to decide how many apprentices 
 each man had. Apprenticeship lasted for seven years, and if 
 a master entered apprentices every year, that would multiply the 
 number by seven. 
 
 On the whole it would seem probable that most of the masters 
 were in a small line of business, but that a few of the more impor- 
 tant were running large concerns. Thus we learn that Sir 
 Thomas Cooke, the victim of Edward IV's suspicions, was ' a man 
 of mark and of large possessions ',' and William Haryot,' the 
 Mayor of 1481-2,, was, according to Fabyan, 'a merchant of 
 wondrous adventures into many and sundry countries, whereof 
 the King had yearly of him notable summes of money for his 
 customs '.3 
 
 The Craft have now, since the Charter of Henry VI, a Master The Master 
 as well as four Wardens and a Renter or Renters.* The Master and War- 
 and Wardens were elected every year on the first Monday after "*• 
 the Assumption (August 15^). On the Assumption all the Livery 
 had to attend at Mass, offering a silver penny on the Altar, and 
 again at Evensong, when a Dirge was sung for deceased members. 
 On the next day they were to hear the Mass of Requiem and offer 
 another silver penny, and then walk two and two to the place 
 ordained for the Election Feast and the Election. The Master 
 and Wardens were originally elected by the whole body of the 
 Freemen, but by the ordinance of 145-4-5- the new Master and 
 Wardens were to be nominated by the outgoing Wardens, the 
 Aldermen, and the Council, and were only presented to the 
 Freemen for approval. 
 
 ' Cf. Orridge, Citizens of London and their Rulers, pp. z6 ff. 
 
 = He is sometimes called Marryat. 
 
 3 Fabyan, p. 667. These men were probably 'Merchant Adventurers'. Cf. 
 vol. ii, p. 41. 
 
 * We first hear of Renters in 14^9-70. There were then two. They were 
 to be elected annually, one every year. Cf. Ordinance of 1469-70, Appendix, 
 vol. i. No. XVII, X. 4. In 149 j there is only one, Ed. Leveson, who dies in 1505. 
 40J, fo. 81 a. Then there were two again. Between 1510 and 1520 the fourth 
 Warden is the Renter with an under-Renter, 
 
Wardens. 
 
 1S1 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 In the accounts for the year 148 1-2 we have a reference 
 to the election ' Garlands ' or caps which were worn by the 
 incoming Wardens at their election.' 
 
 Refusal to serve as Master or Warden or to take the Livery 
 when admitted entailed a fine unless the person was specially 
 exempted.'' 
 Duties of The oiEce of the Master was almost entirely an honorary one. 
 
 Masters and and except that he presided at all the functions of the Fellowship, 
 as well as at the meetings of the Council or Court of Assistants, 
 he had no special duties to perform. 
 
 Those of the Wardens, however, were fer more onerous. They 
 had to make all arrangements with regard to the Dinners, the 
 Elections, and other functions of the Fraternity. They decided 
 on the colour of the Livery and superintended the granting 
 thereof They controlled the admissions to apprenticeship and 
 to the Freedom through apprenticeship, and although the entries 
 by patrimony or by redemption were originally in the hands 
 of the whole Fraternity, these subsequently were decided by the 
 Master and the Wardens,^ and if admission to the Livery and to the 
 Court were in the hands of the Assistants, they were important 
 members of that Court. It was the Wardens who read the 
 ordinances at stated times, who conducted the searches, adjudi- 
 
 ' The election ' garlands ' were apparently at that time only worn by the 
 Wardens. They were velvet caps, decorated with the arms of the Company, 
 roses, and emblems of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. The entrance 
 in the account is as follows : ' Item paide to the Goldsmyth for xix oz. save 
 a peny weight of silver for the iiii Garlands Pris the once iii/. vaxd. Sumtna 
 iii/>. iiij-. iirf. Item for the facion and geldyng of xxiiii peces, that is to %vj viii 
 scocheons, viii assumpcions and viii Reosis. Summa xlviiir. Item for setting 
 
 on of the same uppon the garlands ii tymys ii/.' 403, fo. 20 a. 
 
 Garlands or circlets are still worn by the Master as well as the Wardens at the 
 elections. They are now of red velvet, with badges of the Company's arms, the 
 fleur-de-lis, and the Rose enamelled on metal. It is not known how old these 
 existing garlands are, but we know that in 1569-70 the original garlands were 
 altered to the present pattern. Wardens' Accounts, 1569-70, No. 176, 
 fo. 9 a. 
 
 Illustrations of the garlands of the Grocers may be found in Heath. 
 
 ° Thus in 1483-4 'John Wodechirch pays {,6 13J. 4</. for a fine unto the 
 Fellowship to be discharged of all maner of offices apperteynyng unto the 
 Fellowship for evermore '. 403, fo. 19 b. Cf 66 z.. 
 
 ^ For Redemptions cf Ordinance x. i, with its alterations of the year 1504-5. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers ^ 1441-15-09 lyg 
 
 cated disputes between the brethren of the Fraternity, punished 
 the refractory, and distributed the alms to the almsmen. Finally, 
 as we shall see directly, they, with the Renters, looked after the 
 financial affairs of the Fellowship.' In a word, so numerous 
 were their duties that they were not allowed to reside outside the 
 City except by special licence. 
 
 The chief subordinate officers were, as before, the Bedell or Subordinate 
 Clerk '' and the Scrivener, who were nominated by the Master, Officers, 
 the Wardens, and the Council. 
 
 The first list given of this body,^ which subsequently became The Coun- 
 known as the Court of Assistants, is of the date 14.72,. ' M"* that the "'- 
 XVP daye of Septembyre in the XIP yer of kinge Edward the 
 iiii'= was sodanly come to Drapers Hall all my maysters the 
 Aldermen, the Wardens, and the Councell of the Crafte, and ther 
 was at that the same semele the sayd daye and the said yer these 
 persons as ther namys appeyr here aftyr wrytyn, that is to saye : 
 
 My mayster William Haryot, mayster of the Felychypp. 
 
 Wardens — WiUiam Braye, Richard Langton, John Becham, 
 
 My mayster Sir Bartylmewe Jamys. 
 
 My mayster Robert Drooppe. 
 
 My mayster Sir William Stokker. 
 
 The Councell of the Crafi:e — 
 Thomas Barnwey. 
 William Wauntyngffeld, 
 John Potter. 
 Thomas Thorndon, 
 
 ' For the fees of the Wardens, cf vol. ii, p. •;6. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. 7 a, 61. The Scrivener is also called Secondary. In 1489-90 
 Henry Wodecocke held the office. 403, fo. 48 b. He appears to have been 
 the solicitor and conveyancer to the Company. He received no salary, but was 
 paid fees. He was a member of the Company and sometimes received his 
 Livery. There is also the Serjeant, who apprehended offenders against the 
 ordinances. He was retained by an annual fee and received a Livery. 
 Ibid., 61 A. 
 
 ^ Introduction to the Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. i a. The reason why we 
 have no earlier list of the Council n-ay be because it would not necessarily 
 appear in the accounts, while the Minutes or Repertories do not begin till 15 15. 
 The members of the Council are called Assistants first in ijkJ. Rep. 7, p. 48. 
 The Grocers had a Court of Assistants as early as 1379. Heath, Grocers, 
 
 P- J 7. 
 
 1603- r X 
 
I5"4' Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 Thomas Wells. 
 Harry Ebarton. 
 William Butstrone.' 
 Only three Wardens are given. There was a fourth, John 
 Worsop, who is not mentioned presumably because he was absent. 
 The Council was probably then, as it was subsequently, a self- 
 elected body, and consisted of some five to seven members who 
 with the Master and Wardens controlled the affairs of the Craft, 
 and as time went on became its government. 
 Fines. The authority of the Fellowship over its members was enforced 
 
 by fines, the scale of which is of some interest. 
 
 The use of ungodly words entailed a fine of ijj. 4^., while 
 misbehaviour against one of the Wardens was mulcted only 
 at IS. 4</., *and misbehaviour both in words and deed' at %d. 
 The same fine of jj. 4.^. was imposed on one who bought cloth at 
 Blackwellhall on a Thursday before noon, contrary to the ordi- 
 nances. Another for ' setting ' (i. e. putting to sale) a short yard 
 had to pay 6s. Sd-., while another, who ' had sette fforeins (i. e. 
 strangers) awark and left freemen of the company ', got off with 
 I ai/. We are also reminded that in the case of an offender being 
 recalcitrant he would be pursued before the Mayor.' 
 The The receipts of the Wardens' Accounts included fees for Quar- 
 
 Wardens' terage, enrolment of apprentices, admission to the Freedom, and 
 Accounts. |j^^.Q jj^g Clothing, as well as fines, bequests, and gifts. Among 
 the disbursements we find presents to the Mayor; costs of 
 ' ridings ' and barges ; the Marching Watch ; potations for those 
 who conducted the search for cloths at Our Lady Fair in South- 
 >vark and at St. Bartholomew's, and on other occasions ; election 
 dinners and the Mayor's Mess ; payments to the Chaplains and 
 the Bedell ; pensions to the almsmen ; mending of the plate and 
 other property at the Hall ; expenses incurred in lawsuits and 
 other matters concerning the Company's interests, and costs of 
 repairing the City wall. 
 
 There were four keys of the Wardens' Box, two of which were 
 in the hands of the Master for the time being, and the other two 
 in the keeping of two of the Wardens." 
 
 ' 403, fos. 27 a, 57 a, ^3 a, 6j a. 
 
 " 403, fo. 52 a. There were also three keys of the plate, one in the hands of 
 
Fellowship of Drapers 3 1441-15-09 iss 
 
 The Renters' Accounts were kept in a separate box, and con- The 
 tained the receipts of the ' ly vehode ', i. e. of the rents derived Renters' 
 from the property of the Company.' Accounts. 
 
 Their disbursements consisted of quit-rents for lands or houses 
 rented by the Company ; building and reparations ; allowances to 
 tenants; expenses of obits and some salaries. Any deficit in the 
 Renters' accounts was made good by the Wardens, and the 
 balance, if any, of the Renters' Accounts was, after 1494, paid 
 to the Wardens at the annual audit," The balance on the 
 Wardens' Accounts was usually handed on to the incoming 
 Wardens, but occasionally was kept back owing to arrears in 
 payments. 
 
 The four Wardens and the Renters presented their accounts for Auditing of 
 the past year a short time before the day of election, the accounts Accounts, 
 having been previously submitted to auditors, who are first men- 
 tioned in 14.^5. For the auditing, which was done in a separate 
 ' Chekker Chamber ', counters were apparently used, as was the 
 old practice in the Royal Exchequer.^ 
 
 From the accounts of the Wardens and the Renters we are Financial 
 able to judge of the financial position of the Craft. In the year Position. 
 144.1-i their rents, paid by ten tenants, had amounted to 
 £1.^ IS. 4</.* In 148 1 they had twenty-four tenants, who paid 
 ;^4P 10 J., as well as an unlet house, which was valued at 40 J. 
 a year.s The receipts of the Renters in 1481 amounted to 
 £4^9 10s., their expenses to £is^ 4J. ii|</., leaving a balance 
 of;^i4:yj. o\d. 
 
 the Master and the other two in those of two Wardens ; and two of the 
 ' Evidences ', one kept by the Master, one by a Warden. It is curious that they took 
 more care of their accounts and their plate than of their evidences or title-deeds. 
 
 " By ordinance of 1469-70 the Renters were also to receive fines and fees for 
 apprenticeship and entry into the Freedom. But from 148 1 they only receive 
 the rents. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII, x, 4. 
 
 = Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. y8 a. 
 
 3 For the Ludus Scaccarii c£ Hall, Antiquities of the Exchequer ; Dialogus de 
 Scaccario; Stubbs, Charters, ed. 1890, p. 168} Poole, Ford Lecture, The 
 Exchequer. 
 
 * Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII. 
 
 5 London, twelve tenants paying £z7 4s. and the empty house at Bowe 40/. ; 
 Southwark, ten tenants paying ^lo 6f. ; Whitecrosstrete, two tenants paying 40J. 
 Renters' Accounts, 148 1-2, Appendix, vol. i. No. XX B. 
 
15'^ Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 In tlie first year (1441-a) for whicli we have the Wardens' 
 Accounts, the receipts had showed a substantial balance over 
 the disbursements. But the expensive controversy with the 
 Shearmen ' turned their balance into a deficit of ;^i7 s^- "^d. for 
 the year 14.77-8. 
 
 By the year 1480- 1 their position had materially improved. 
 In that year the Wardens handed over to their successors a 
 balance of ;^8o lu. 6d.^ which was increased to ^^85- 7^. \\d. by 
 the end of the year, not including debts owed to them to the 
 amount of ;fii 6s. 8^." 
 
 During the years 1481-4 the Company were rebuilding and 
 repairing houses in Southwark, more especially ' The BeU '? 
 Towards this H. Eburton lends £1.00 on ' grete ' annuities.* But 
 the Renters' Accounts prove that this sum was not sufficient, for 
 whereas in 1480-1 there was, as above stated, a balance of over 
 ;^85- excluding debts owing, in 1482-3 the balance had fallen to 
 £^14 5" J. o|<?, and in 1483-4 this balance was turned into 
 a deficit of ;^i8 17 j. 6d., while for the next three-quarters of 
 a year the deficit is £,1 14J. s\d? 
 
 In 148:^-6 the receipts again exceeded the disbursements by 
 ^8 \ss. 7«'., but in the next three years the alterations and 
 repairs at their Hall in St. Swithin's Lane, and, in 1488, the 
 building of a water stair for their river processions, which cost 
 something like ;^ioo, once more reduced the balance to 6s. 9</.,* 
 although ;^4o was contributed to the water stair by Sir Wm. 
 Parker.' By the year 1493-4 they had, however, completely 
 
 ^ Cf. p. 119, note 2. 
 
 = As the Renters' Accounts appear for the first time in 1481-2, I have 
 printed them, as well as those of the Wardens, in Appendix, vol. i. No. XX. 
 
 ^ The fact that the house was called * The Bell ' and had a sign did not 
 necessarily imply that it was a tavern. Indeed, all the eleven houses they were 
 now building had signs. 
 
 ■* Renters' Accounts, 141, for years 148 1-5 ; Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. 33 b. 
 Among the items is ' Paving stone from Spain '. 403, fo. 39 a. 
 
 ^ Renters' Accounts, 1481-f (141). 
 
 * We have not, unfortunately, the Renters' Accounts for this year, nor for the 
 years between 148^-150^. 
 
 ' 403, fos. 38 a, 41 a, 43 b. The repairs in 1488 were chiefly to the windows 
 and roof. The work took two months and two days. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers, 1441-15-09 15-7 
 
 recovered their position. The Wardens of that year handed over 
 to their successors a substantial balance of over ;^i oz.' 
 
 As in 14.1^-^ we are reminded that the carpenter, now 
 Richard Banaster, who had come out of Essex, took the work on 
 contract. The way in which the work was done is of some 
 interest. The Senior Warden bought the materials and paid the 
 unskilled labour. The carpenter prepared the plans and pro- 
 vided the skilled workmen on contract. He had apparently 
 made a bad bargain, for in 14.85-7 he declared that he was 
 ' on don ' (undone) by the transaction, and the Company consented 
 to increase the sum." The Clerk or Bedell acted as Clerk of the 
 works. 
 
 Owing to the increased expense of the Elections and of the 
 Election dinners, an alteration in the sums allowed to the Wardens 
 for those purposes was made in 14.75^. Hitherto they had only 
 received the 2,j. payable when a new Livery was ordered, and is. 
 when there was no new Livery ,3 and a sum of loj. when the 
 Mayor not being a Draper dined, and 4.0J-. when he was a 
 Draper. In that and following years several changes were made ; 
 at first they were to have the fee for apprenticeship ijj. 4./., but 
 finally in 1477-8 it was decided that all members should pay 
 a fee of 8^. to the Wardens and that, besides that, the Wardens 
 should have the Quarterage and half of the Livery money, 
 as well as an allowance oi £6 13J. ^. for guests at the Mayor's 
 Mess, for the players and minstrels, for garnishing the High 
 Table, and for rushes to strew the HaU withal.* 
 
 When the Mayor or Sheriff was a Draper, the ' Fellyship ' did 
 
 ' Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. J7 a, j8 a. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. z6h, 38 a. Cf. also Randolph Banks, Carpenter, 1484-y, 
 ibid., fo. 33 b. 
 
 The following prices of materials used in the work may be of interest : 
 Bricks 3/. /^d. per 1,000, Lime jx. per cwt., ' sixpenny ' nails at ^d. per 100, 
 'fivepenny' nails at 41^. per 100, 'fourpenny ' nails at -^d. per 100, oaken boards 
 at zs. 3<i. per 100, 'plaunche ' boards at is. ^d. per 100, 'hert ' laths at ioj. Sd. 
 per 1 00, ' sappe ' laths at 8s. ^d. per load, oaken quarters at 8j-. Sd. per load, 
 Raggestone at 14^. a ton, and a wheelbarrow at iid. 
 
 3 The reason of this difference was that the Livery men had to pay for their 
 Livery. This sum was originally levied on all members. It was now only 
 evied from the Liverymen. 
 
 * Ordinance of 1477—8. 
 
Changes 
 between 
 1493 and 
 1509. 
 
 Admissions 
 through 
 apprentice- 
 ship, by re- 
 demption, 
 and by 
 patrimony. 
 
 I5'8 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 him special honour. They spent larger sums on the civic pro- 
 cession, which followed the election.' They also gave the Mayor 
 a tun of wine " and lent the Sheriff some of the Company's plate 
 for his term of office. ^ 
 
 It is during the reign of Henry VII that the pageants increase 
 in splendour, but as they do not touch the magnificence of 
 the more spacious days of his son, or of Elizabeth, we shall 
 reserve our account of them till later. 
 
 During the fifteen years which elapsed between 1.4.P3-4 and 
 the death of Henry VII there are a few changes worth 
 noticing. We have no definite evidence by which we can 
 decide whether the total number of the members increased or 
 fell.* All that we know is the nurnber of admissions. The 
 number of those admitted through apprenticeship was -xs^ 
 during these fifteen years, which was not much above the 
 numbers of the preceding eighteen years (when it was 2,47). But 
 it is in the admissions through Patrimony and through Redemp- 
 tion that the most significant changes took place. For whereas 
 during the nineteen years from 147^-5 to 14.93-4 only two 
 were admitted by Patrimony, in the fifteen succeeding years 
 no less than eighteen were granted this privilege,' while between 
 
 ' Thus in 147^, the pageant for Ralph Joscelyne, Draper and Mayor, cost 
 jfjf ifx. lorf. 403, fos. 9 a, 9 b. This is one of the earliest of which there is 
 much detail in the accounts. We hear of 70 archers, of minstrels and morrice 
 dancers, gold and silver paper for the Pageant, and of fourteen men who bore 
 the Pageant. 
 
 In 1488, when Will. Isaac was Master and Senior Sheriff, 37 (just half) of 
 the Clothing accompanied him in his barge to Westminster. 403, fo. 43 a. 
 
 In 1489, when two Drapers, the Master Wm. White and Sir Wm. Capel, 
 were Mayor and Sheriff, they hire a barge of Lorde Nottynghame to attend 
 Capel, and his feast eclipsed that of the Mayor. Ibid., fo. 47 a. Cf. also if 01, 
 Sir Lawrence Aylmer, Sheriff; 403, fo. 72 a. 
 
 1503. When Sir Wm. Capel was Mayor and Robert Watts, Sheriff. The 
 Drapers presented 1 3 Pageants at the Midsummer Watch, and the cost came to 
 
 ^38 13^- loi''- 403j77a. 
 
 ^ e. g. 403, fo. 85 b. The value of a tun of wine was about {^6 los. 
 
 ^ e. g. 403, fo. I a. 
 
 * Because the Bachelors are now paying their Quarterage into the Bachelors' 
 Box, and no account survives. 
 
 ' One of these was Thomas Wrytheleys (Wriothesly), son of John Wrytheleys, 
 Draper and Garter King of Arms to Henry VII. 403, io. 78 a. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers^ 1441-15-09 15-9 
 
 1493 and 15-07 seventeen sons of Drapers were also admitted 
 through apprenticeship.' This evidence goes to show that the 
 Fellowship was to some extent falling under the influence of 
 certain families. The change is still more remarkable in the 
 admissions through Redemption. Here the numbers for the two 
 periods are respectively 27 and 117." This starthng variation 
 will prepare us for the next point, the change in the character of 
 those adjnitted. Up to the year 14P3-4, as before mentioned, 
 there were only five of whom.it can be affirmed that they were 
 not Drapers by trade. But in the following years the number of 
 persons who are evidently not connected in any way with the 
 Drapers' trade steadily increases, and was certainly not less than 
 forty. Thus between 14P4 and i^pS-p out of nineteen who were 
 admitted, one was a gentleman of Maldon, one came from Boston, 
 one was the Common Serjeant of the City. During the same 
 period one was translated from the Goldsmiths, this being the 
 first recorded instance of translation. Of these none were ad- 
 mitted gratis, except the Common Serjeant, and all but one paid 
 varying sums from ^^4. to ;^i in addition to the usual fee of 3 j. 4^. 
 
 In the year 1498 an inquiry was made into the regulations for 
 admission by Redemption, apparently with the aim of reducing 
 the fees and allowing greater laxity with regard to the qualifica- 
 tion for admission, since in the following years the change in 
 those directions is still more strongly marked. 
 
 Thus in 14.^9-15-00 of the five admitted, John Cope obtained 
 the privilege through the request of the King's mother, and 
 Thomas Dowes at that of Sir Wm. Capel,^ while another was 
 admitted by the consent of the Council of the Craft, and all these 
 paid no fees. In the following seven years, 15-00-1 to 15-08-9, 
 the admissions by Redemption are still more loose. Out of 
 a total number of 103, thirty-one at least had no connexion with 
 the trade. One was a knight ; one a squire ; one a yeoman ; 
 two, Guyllam de Rivera, and ' a Gascon born ', were foreigners. 
 Seven came from outside London ; thirteen were gentlemen, one 
 being of Lincoln's Inn ; one was the son, another the cousin, 
 
 ' Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. 57 a to 84 a. 
 " Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. 58 b to 84 b. 
 ^ 403, fo. 6Z a. 
 
i6o Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 of a Draper ; one was a servant of Master Dudley, the King's 
 financial agent; and two were 'Doctors', probably of Law. 
 
 The list also includes the following officials : a squire of the 
 King's Council ; the clerk of the Spycery with the King ; the 
 Chamberlain of London ; the under Sheriff of Middlesex ; the 
 Bailhe of South wark ; the Steward of St. Giles in the Fields ; the 
 Attorney of the Guildhall ; the Prior of Marton, and the Mayor's 
 Serjeant. No better proof could be found that the Drapers were 
 passing through a period of transition and that they were ceasing 
 to become a purely business society. Meanwhile the number 
 of admissions without any fee increased, and where a fee was paid, 
 it was generally lower than formerly.' In two cases, that of 
 William Mylborti Chamberlain of London and John Wilkinson, 
 admission to the Livery was accompanied by admission to the 
 Freedom, and in both cases without any fee. 
 
 Nevertheless, the J&ct that the number of the apprentices bound 
 every year somewhat increases '^ reminds one that there were many 
 who were still devoting themselves to the lucrative business of 
 trading in, if not of making, cloth ; while the number of trans- 
 lations from other Gilds is a proof that they were still insisting 
 that those who pursued their Craft should be enrolled as members. 
 Seven were thus translated : two from the Weavers, and one 
 each from the Salters, the Sheremen, the Glasyers, the Scriveners, 
 and the Woolpackers.^ 
 
 ' Eighteen were admitted without any fee, thirty were only charged the 
 clerk's fee, and only twenty-three paid anything beyond the usual ' spoon silver ' 
 of jj. 4^. There is a curious entry in 1498-9 : John Gibson, entered by 
 Redemption, who after taking the oath refuses it. He pays jj. 4^., and subse- 
 quently 40/. He is dischai^ed of his oath ' for dyvers considerations toching 
 his grete avauntage and profeyt, as he and his ffrendes said ', but he is ' to pay 
 his Quarterage and to obey his somens at all times and other acustumable 
 charges '. 403, fos. 68 a, 7 1 b, 73 a, 7^ a, 78 b, 80 b, 8z b, 84 b, %6 b. 
 
 ^ In the eighteen years between i/^y'^-^j, about 361 were bound; in the 
 fifteen following years, 419. 
 
 ^ There were two reasons for these translations: (i) To obtain the Freedom 
 of the City, some were admitted into a Gild, which was in no way connected 
 with the trade they subsequently adopted; (2) some might enter one Gild by 
 Patrimony and yet work at another trade, and though, by the Stat. 38 Ed. HI, 
 c. i, which repealed Stat. 37 Ed. IH, c. v, a member of any Gild could, by the 
 
Fellowship of Drapers, 14.41-15-09 161 
 
 Meanwhile the notice of Kytters admitted by Redemption, the 
 first instance of which occurs in i^oi, seems to indicate that the 
 Drapers were invading the province of the Tailors, since Kytters 
 are described as makers of garments, that is to say, ' gownys, 
 doublets, jakkets, kyrtyls, peticots ', and such-like.' 
 
 This loosening of the character of the Company is also accom- Admissions 
 panied by a restriction of the numbers admitted to the Cloth- ^°}^^ 
 ing '^ and a consequent reduction in the number. Between ''^^' 
 14.93-4 and ijoS-p the total number of the members in the 
 Livery never reached higher than 80, and then steadily fell, 
 to end with s^-^ It was customary for some of those in the 
 livery to dine in the Guildhall at the Mayor's Feast. In ij-04. 
 those who could not be accommodated in the Guildhall were 
 given a dinner at Drapers' Hall, and this was continued in the 
 following years.* 
 
 As we should expect, with this closing of the Livery, the Increase in 
 power of the Council is evidently increasing, and in every way Pf wer of the 
 the Company is becoming somewhat more oligarchical. Thus by 
 an alteration in the ordinance of the date of i J-04.-5-, the Master 
 and Wardens were given authority to admit by Redemption with- 
 out the approval of the rest of the Fellowship,5 and by an altera- 
 tion of another ordinance, with regard to the election of the 
 
 custom of London, work at any trade, this was always objected to by the Gilds. 
 Letter Book K, xxxvi, p. 203. There are a few instances of Drapers being 
 translated to other Gilds, e. g. John Wynne, translated to the Goldsmiths, 141(5. 
 Letter Book K, fo. 38 b. 
 
 ' Five Kytters were admitted in 1501-z. Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. 71b. 
 This is the first notice; between this date and 1509 twenty-four are admitted. 
 Cf. Ordinance of i j i z. Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII, x, 1 5 . 
 
 ^ In I year . o 
 
 In 6 years . 
 In 2 „ . z 
 In I year . 3 
 In I „ .7 
 In I „ .9 
 In 2 years . 13 
 In I year . ij 
 In I „ . 17 
 In I „ . 18 
 
 1 Total 
 toy. 
 
 3 C£ Statistics, i. Appendix, vol. ii, No. XXXI. ■• 403, fos. 81 a, 83 a, 87 a. 
 ^ Cf. Ordinance of 1 4 j j-^ (x. i) as altered in i j 04- y, Appendix, vol. i. No. X VIL 
 
Position. 
 
 16% Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 Master and Wardens of about the same date, it is expressly stated 
 that the choice of the Aldermen, old Wardens, and members 
 of the Council shall be accepted by the Fraternity.' 
 Financial The annual balance was subject to considerable fluctuations. 
 
 In 14P3-4 it was ;^ioz \s. qd.; in ijfoo-i it had risen to 
 £%o9 lis. q\(/. In the very next year it suddenly fell to 
 £lS ^^- T-o^d., then in 15-04-^ to £s i^--*"- I'^-y and in the follow- 
 ing year to is. ^d., which in i j-o8-p was turned into a deficit of 
 £x 12.S. %\d.^ This sudden fall in the balance in and after 15-02 
 is sufficiently explained by the purchases they made in those 
 years,3 and by the rebuilding of the house called the ' Gote in 
 Chepe ', which had been devised to them by Richard Norman 
 in 14.72.* On the other hand they receive some ;^ioo in gifts 
 from brethren during the years i4.75--i5-op, most of which is 
 spent in plate. For some reason there was an increase in the 
 number of the brethren who fell into poverty at the close of the 
 period under review. In 1485-7 there was only one almsman, 
 Blackborne, who received 23 j-. 4//. But in 15-08-p there were 
 five, who were receiving £1 05 4J. 6d. a year between them. Two, 
 however, died that year. Almshouses are also mentioned at that 
 date. The contribution to the poor who were not members was 
 small enough. In 15-08-p it only amounted to i^-j. 7</., and in 
 15-03 one ' Ffader Pend' was given the sorry pittance of 4^/. 
 in his sickness.5 
 
 ' Ordinance of 14J4-J as altered. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII. 
 
 " Cf. 403 under the respective years. It must be remembered that from 
 1493 the balance of the Renters' Accounts was paid to the Wardens. 
 
 ^ In ijoi they bought tenements of Sir Lawrence Aylmer, cost /i 14. In 
 1507 a little house in St. Lawrence Lane of Richard Hartvvell, £28, and a little 
 house in Chepe of the Master and Brethren of St. Giles, ^^31. On the other 
 hand they sold to the Prior of Elsyn Spytyll a house in Lawrence Lane for ;f<Jj. 
 403, fos. 72 a, 8 J a, 86 a, 87 a. 
 
 * Note. — The first entry of Expenses for building is amusing. It runs : 
 ' Item to Thomas Smart (their carpenter) in arnest for making of our hous in 
 Chepe newe, called the Gote and for making of vni newe kechinges in Southwark 
 and for potacion ^d.' The work was evidently done by contract and cost some 
 ;f 20. 403, fo. 87 a. The carpenter was admitted into the Freedom gratis in the 
 year 1^06-7. Ibid., fo. 82 b; Wardens* Accounts, 403, fos. 38 b,77 a, 8j a, 87 b ; 
 Renters' Accounts, 142, 1508-9, Appendix, vol. i. No. XXII b. 
 
 ' The pensioners were : (i) Robert Brygges, who had probably been a Warden, 
 
Fellowship of Drapers , 1441-15-09 idg 
 
 The other items of interest alluded to in the accounts must Incidental 
 be briefly summarized. In i4P/-5 flirther additions are being '^}^^^ »* 
 made to the Hall. These necessitated the building of a new '""'■"'^• 
 chimney on the ground adjoining, which belonged to St. Mary 
 Abchurch, and for which a quit- rent of i^d. a year had to be paid. 
 They also now made a ' haJpase ' (haut-pas or dais), and we are 
 incidentally reminded that there was a Lady's Chamber.' But 
 the Drapers had not only to spend money on their own Hall, In 
 common with members of the other companies, they were assessed 
 in 1^01-2 for the building of a new kitchen at the Guildhall, the 
 total contribution coming to over £11..'' 
 
 The fines during this period of sixteen years are somewhat Fines, 
 numerous and are illustrative of the general conduct of the 
 members. These include misbehaviour against a brother both in 
 words and deeds, 2d. ; giving false measure to a stranger, is. ; 
 keeping an apprentice two years without presenting him, and then 
 selling his terms to one not of the Fellyship without licence, ij. ; 
 Mr. Rysse for keeping a shop in partnership with a Taylor and 
 using his apprentices with the said Taylor, 6s. Sd. The same man 
 Rysse was also fined 6s. 8</. for refiising to take his livery when 
 admitted. These are comparatively small sums, but when Sir 
 Wm. Capel, a powerful man, was judged of misbehaviour against 
 
 since his pension is at the rate of i^d. a. week, which was the rate for one who 
 had been Warden. But we have not a complete list of Wardens so early as this. 
 (1) Will. Aithorp, ijj-. 4(i. a quarter, the pension for a liveryman. (3) Richard 
 Stukeley. He is probably a pensioner, as he is paid the same as Aithorp, although 
 the sum is entered as 'wages'. (4) Geoffrey Kent does not receive his iuU 
 pension, apparently because of his death, (j and 6) The other two, Thomas 
 Payne and Thomas Hayward, receive only 6s. Sd. and ioj. a quarter respectively. 
 As they do not appear to have been in the Livery and are receiving a lower 
 pension, this looks as if the freemen at this time could be pensioners. It is 
 not likely that ' Ffeder Pend ' was a member, although a John Pend was 
 apprenticed in ijoi. Cf. 403, fo. 71. 
 
 ' 403, fos. 61 a, 83 a. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. 7J b. In 1483 they had contributed £s towards building the 
 Guildhall, a somewhat niggardly contribution, since the Mercers gave 1^40, the 
 Goldsmiths £io, and even the Shearmen if 10. Herbert, i. 103. In 1491-2 
 they contributed another £4 for the same purpose, 403, fo. f 3 b; while in 1J03 
 they paid 6d. for a lock and key for a bastard door to receive meat at the Mayor's 
 Feast, 403, fo. 77 a. 
 
Settlement 
 of Disputes. 
 
 1^4 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 Maister Skipwith ' by most part of all the council ', he had to 
 pay 40J.' 
 
 Capel, who had been Warden three times and was to be Warden 
 several times subsequently, appears to have been a troublesome 
 man. In \so-\ he had an action against one of the Wardens, 
 which he however withdrew,'' and we know that, whether justly 
 or no, he had, in 14P4. and 15-07, fallen out with the King. 
 
 The final appeal in case the offender was recalcitrant lay tO the 
 City authorities as befbre,^ and in the year 14(^8 we have an amusing 
 case of a Draper, Wetherley, who had to pay damages for felsely 
 accusing the Sheriff of having imprisoned him in the Counter and 
 of so binding him and treating him that he despaired of his life.'' 
 
 The settlement of disputes, however, they still attempted to 
 keep in their own hands. Thus in 1494 William Brasebrig and 
 William Clerke submitted a complicated case about some mer- 
 chandise to arbiters chosen by themselves, who heard the case in 
 the presence of the Wardens. The arbitrators not only settle the 
 matter in dispute but ' ordayn that either party shall deliver to the 
 other a general acquitance of all manner of actions personall from 
 the beginning of the world '. And, on the plaintiff demurring, 
 they command that he shall not ' attempt accion in the spiritual 
 law or temporall ' on pain of a fine of £ap to be paid to the 
 Temporal Box. 
 
 The Statute of 15-03-4 altered all this. It forbade any Gilds 
 to restrain their members from appealing to the King's courts, and 
 accordingly an ordinance of 15^43 allowed any member to ' pleyne 
 where him liketh '. 
 
 In the year lyoy-^ the Drapers secured the advowson ot 
 St. Michael's, CornhUl. This had been a complicated affair. In 
 s M' h r ^^^ ^^^^ i5'o3-4 they had, by the favour of the Bishop of London 
 Cornhiir ^' "^^^^ Chancellor, which was refreshed by a gifi; of four hogsheads 
 
 Acquisition 
 of the Ad- 
 vowson of 
 
 ' 403, fos. jy a, 663.. Even the members of the Court appear to have been 
 unruly, since in 1497-8 they buy a hammer, irf., to knock on the table and keep 
 order. Ibid., fo. 6 f b. 
 
 = 1504-J. 403, fo. 79 a. 
 
 ^ Cf. Expenses with the Recorder and Counsell of the Citie for Thomas 
 Hertes reformacion, 1507-8. 403, fo. 8j b. 
 
 "* Letter Book L, fo. J9 b. 
 
Fellowship of "Drapers, i^^i-iSO() 165- 
 
 of wine of the value of over £s,'^ prevailed upon the Abbot of 
 Evesham to come to terms. Accordingly, in the March of the 
 year 15-03-4 an indenture was made between the Abbot of 
 Evesham " on the one part and of Simon Hogan, Thomas Cremer, 
 and other members of the Company on the other part, whereby, 
 in return for an annual rent charge of £s 6s. 2d., issuing out of 
 tenements in London, the Abbot, with the consent of the Pope 
 Alexander VI, granted the advowson to the said persons.^ The 
 grant to the members of the Company was in accordance with 
 the usual practice, and was probably so framed to avoid any 
 troubles with regard to the Mortmain Laws. Shortly after 
 Thomas Cremer and the other grantees released their share in the 
 right to the advowson to Simon Hogan,'* who, in return for the 
 enjoyment of the patronage for the present, gave to the Fellow- 
 ship a tun of wine and six chased gilt cups weighing iip| oz., 
 and the promise of a burial-cloth on his death.s On his decease, 
 15^04, he left the patronage to the Company.^ The advowson 
 was, however, subsequently disputed by the Abbot of Evesham, 
 and it was not till the year isos that he gave way and that the 
 patronage was confirmed to them ' by the assent of the Pope, the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and other well 
 learned and mighty men ', at a cost of over ;^4o.' In iso6 the 
 Parson, Master John "Wardroper, Bachelor of both Laws, was 
 admitted a member of the Fellowship.^ Henceforth St. Michael's 
 became their special place of worship instead of the Church at 
 Bowe. In 15-00-3 they had, however, received 7^113 6s. 8d. 
 from Mistress Peak in return for the right of presentation, pre- 
 sumably after the death of Hogan, and she finally surrenders the 
 patronage to the Company some time before 151 8.' 
 
 ' 4 hogsheads of wine, value £^ ^s. 41/., given to the Bishop ' to have his favour 
 towards the patrimony of St. MichaePs '. 403, fo. 74 b. 
 
 ° The Abbot appears to have been in debt to the Company, since in the 
 previous December he had executed a bond for ;f 300 to the Drapers. 
 
 ^ These documents are in the possession of the Company. Cf. Q^ 14, 
 ly, 22. 
 
 ■* 0^13. 5 403, fo. 7yb. 
 
 * Q^2o J Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. ^07. 
 
 ' 403, fo. 81 a. Cf. also Book of Evidences A, 198 b. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. 82 b. 
 
 ' 403, fos. 71a, 73 a; Stow, ed. Kingsford, i. 195. Such seems to be the 
 
Position of 
 the Drapers 
 among the 
 Livery Com- 
 panies. 
 
 Relations 
 between the 
 Drapers and 
 the Taylors. 
 
 166 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 By the end of the reign of Henry VII the precedence of the 
 Livery Companies, in all pageants and other civic ceremonials, 
 had been practically settled. The decision lay in the hands of 
 the Mayor and the Court of Aldermen, but the question had been 
 the cause of much dispute, and the order had varied. Neverthe- 
 less since the reign of Richard III the Drapers had gradually 
 established their claim to stand third, after the Mercers and the 
 Grocers, and this order was finally confirmed by the Court of 
 Aldermen in the fourth year of Henry VIII, it being understood 
 that the Company of which the Mayor was a member for the 
 time being should always lead the way.' Their position was well 
 deserved, for since the year 1474 seven Drapers had held the 
 position of Mayor, eight had been Sheriffs, and six members for 
 the City. And yet it was just at this time that their control of 
 the cloth trade was being threatened by the Taylors and others. 
 
 The relations between the Drapers and the Taylors, their old 
 rivals, had during this period been at first friendly. In 1493-4 
 the Masters and the Wardens of the Taylors met at Drapers' 
 Hall ' for the graining of cloths and to have a potacion '.=" This 
 was no doubt for the purpose of taking measures to carry out the 
 Statute 4 Henry VII, c. 8 (1488-p), which, while fixing the 
 prices of many kinds of cloth, forbade the retail sale of ' grained ' ^ 
 cloth at a price beyond \6s. the broad yard. 
 
 Again in 1497 we find the two Companies acting in common. 
 In the year 1483-4, in answer to a petition of the Drapers and 
 Taylors, an Act of Richard III (i, c. viii) had been passed, 
 which ' for the eschewing of great falsetie and fraud which had 
 grown of late' fixed the lengths of certain cloths and forbade the 
 fraudulent drawing out of the length and breadth thereof and 
 fraudulent dyeing of the same. No cloth was to be sold by retail 
 or exported until it had been sealed 'in every county, citie, 
 
 meaning of two rather obscure passages : ' Received of Maistress Peak ' £66 ^s. ^d. 
 and £4? 1 3/. 4^. ' towards her good will ' for the patrimony of St. Michael's, i. e. 
 towards ;f zoo, the total sum to be paid by her. When the balance was paid does 
 not appear. 
 
 ' Cf. Herbert, i. loi and note. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. j8 a. Cf. Rastall, Statutes, p. iij, 36. 
 
 ^ Grained cloth originally meant scarlet dyed, but later was used for any fast 
 dyed cloth. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers, 1441-15-09 167 
 
 borough and towne ', and none was to be sealed except that made 
 after the Feast of St. Michael next following.' This left a great 
 deal of ' old made ' cloth on the hands of Drapers, Taylors, and 
 others. Accordingly the Drapers and Taylors pressed for the 
 ' Reformation ' of the Act ; the cost to the two Companies ' for 
 vitelles, supplications and learned counsell' amounting to 
 £1 I4J-. 4^.= They succeeded in their suit and the said Act 
 of Richard III was suspended.^ In i5"04 the Drapers ask for 
 a ' placard ' of the Crown allowing the sale of the ' old made 
 cloth ', and in i yo'j-S a placard to the same effect is purchased 
 by the Drapers, the Taylors, the Mercers, and the Sheremen.'* 
 Nevertheless cause for disagreement with their old rivals still 
 existed. In the year 1^02 the Taylors or Linen Armourers, who 
 had up to this time chiefly confined themselves to the making of 
 cloth and of linen doublets for armour, obtained from the Crown 
 a Charter of Incorporation under the new title of the Merchant 
 Taylors.5 Although in this Charter they are still spoken of as 
 makers and cutters of men's apparel, they claim in the recital of 
 the Charter to have exercised of old every kind of merchandises 
 and of buying and selling them, especially woollen cloths, as well 
 wholesale as retail. The Charter confirmed their claim and 
 fiirther authorized them to ' augment and increase the Fraternity ' 
 and to receive into it ' whatsoever persons, natives ', they may 
 wish, ' without hindrance or disturbance of any other Art or 
 Mystery of the Citie '.* It also confirmed their right of search, 
 
 ^ Rastall, Statutes, p. 114 b, 34. Cf. the original petition. Letter Book L, 
 fos. 179-80. The grievances complained of were ' Deceite in the makyng, 
 fiillyng, drawyng or settyng of lengeth in the Teyntours, Sheryng and 
 powderyng with Flokkes of woollen cloth in biyng and sellyng of the same ', in 
 London and in England. The petition goes into considerable details. 
 
 ^ 403, fo. 53 a. Cf. also 403, z6 a, fos. z6 b. 
 
 ^12, Hen. VII, c. 4 ; Rastall, Statutes, p. iij, 37. 
 
 * 403, fos. 79 a, 87 b. - 
 ' Clode, Merchant Taylors, vol. i, p. 198. 
 
 * The Stat. 37 Ed. Ill, c. f, had forbidden a member of a Craft to work at 
 any other craft, but this was repealed in the following year, 3 8 Ed. Ill, c. i, and 
 henceforth, according to the custom of London, a member of any Gild could work 
 at any trade. The difficulty was met by ' translations ', which of late had 
 become very frequent. Letter Book K, fos. 29 b, 13 J b, 174, 217, 2j6b; 
 Introduction, xxxvi. 
 
1 68 Changes in the Organization of the 
 
 governance, and correction of all men of their Fraternity, and also 
 of natives, strangers, and foreigners, using the said Mysteries of 
 Merchant Taylors and Linen Armourers, or anything apper- 
 taining to the said Mysteries in the City and its suburbs. 
 
 The Charter, which was evidently intended to grant to the 
 Taylors the privileges of trading as well as making, and by which 
 right of search was definitely confirmed, at once aroused the 
 hostility of the Drapers, more especially since of late the 
 Merchant Taylors had been admitting into their Fraternity men 
 of other trades.' With little consistency, considering the way in 
 which the Drapers themselves had of late been admitting persons 
 of other trades to their own Fraternity, they proceeded to dispute 
 the same right to the Taylors. They moved for a return or the 
 ' redemcioners Taylors ' since the reign of Edward III, and even 
 suggested that the Taylors were admitting, or at all events em- 
 ploying. Frenchmen.'' They consulted counsel ; they paid fees to 
 the Recorder, and to the King's attorney ; they drew up a suppli- 
 cation to the King's Council against the said ' redemcioners ' and 
 against the incorporation of the Merchant Taylors. But their 
 efforts, which cost them £,%^ 8 j. 41/., besides certain ' potacions ' 
 which they had with their opponents, as well as with Haber- 
 dashers and others, were all in vain. The Merchant Taylors 
 were a powerful body. Besides a great number of influential 
 persons, five kings at least had worn their livery. Henry VII him- 
 self was a member, and, according to Strype, sat in their Common 
 Hall at the elections of their Master and Wardens in a gown of 
 crimson and a citizen's hood.^ From henceforth, therefore, 
 the Merchant Taylors became formidable rivals in the trade 
 of cloth.* 
 
 ' e. g. a Brewer, a Tallow-chandler, a Vintner, a Grocer, a Shereman, 
 a Dyer. 
 
 ^ Cf. 403, fos. 71 b, 74 a, 74 b. 
 
 ' Clode, Pt. I, pp. 131 and 193. 
 
 * That the Merchant Taylors appreciated the value of royal support is shown 
 by their refusal to join some of the other Crafts in the petition to Parliament of 
 I J I ^^ to have the Stat. 1 9 Hen. VII, c. 7, rescinded. This Act had revoked the 
 Stat. I J Hen. VI, cc. 6, 7, which had given the authority to confirm Gild 
 ordinances to the Justices of the Peace and to governors of cities, towns, and 
 boroughs. See next page. Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 337. 
 
Fellowship of Drapers, 1^^1-iSo^ 169 
 
 Nor was this all : two other Companies began to compete in Rivalry of 
 the trading business. In the year 15-00 the Haberdashers, who ^^^ Haber- 
 had been dealers in Haberdashery, with an industrial element, Q^^f " ^^^ 
 receive the title of Merchant Haberdashers and absorb the workers. 
 Cappers and the Hatters.' In is"^! the Shearmen and the Fullers, 
 united under the title of the Clothworkers, find the last place 
 among the twelve Greater Livery Companies. They obtain the 
 right of search over denizens and aliens in all matters pertaining 
 to their two Mysteries, to woollen cloths and fustians and all 
 other goods used in the same, and for restraint of foreign workmen 
 not of the Freedom, and rapidly extend the trading part of their 
 business.^ 
 
 Finally, it should be remembered that in the year 15-03-43 
 the authority of the Crown over all Fellowships of Crafts or 
 Mysteries was enforced by the Act which ordered that in future 
 all ordinances of such Fraternities should be examined and ap- 
 proved, no longer by the Mayor as hitherto, but by the Chan- 
 cellor, the Treasurer, and Chief Justices of either Bench or three 
 of them, or by both the Justices of Assize, and further forbade 
 Gilds to restrain their members from appealing to the King's 
 Courts. 
 
 By this Act the Crown definitely asserted its intention to control 
 the trade and industries of the country and thereby rang the 
 death-knell of that system of Town Economy which had been 
 the chief feature of the Middle Age and the true foster-mother of 
 the Gild System. 
 
 ' Herbert, ii. f 37. 
 
 ^ In I y I y a Shearman, having prospered in his business, got translated to the 
 Drapers, to the indignation of his old Craft. This and other cases of translation 
 were no doubt one reason for the desire of the Shearmen to obtain the Charter. 
 Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 44. The Merchant Taylors also quarrelled 
 with the Haberdashers and Clothworkers on the question of apprentices, on the 
 right of search, and the limits of their respective trades. Clode, L 202-4. The 
 whole question as to the right of powerful Companies to admit persons of other 
 Crafts was raised again in the reign of Elizabeth ; but though a Bill passed the 
 Commons in 1J7J forbidding translations, it was challenged in the House of 
 Lords and never received the Royal Assent. Clode, i. 20^. 
 
 3 19 Hen. VII, c. 7. 
 
APPENDICES TO VOL. I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I. An Account of the chief original Documents up to 160^ 
 
 in the possession of the Drapers' Company . • ^7? 
 
 II A. Drapers in the Thirteenth Century . . . i8i 
 
 II B, Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the 
 
 Thirteenth Century 184. 
 
 Ill A. Drapers in the Fourteenth Century up to the date of 
 
 the first Charter, 13(^4. 185: 
 
 III B. Evidences as to the fijnctions of the Drapers in the 
 
 Fourteentli Century i^i 
 
 IV. Ordinances of the Brotherhood of Our Lady of Bethlehem, 
 
 1371 19^ 
 
 V. Stat. 37 Edward III, c. 5, 6. That merchants and artificers 
 shall keep to their own merchandise and Mystery. 
 Stat. 38 Edward III, c. z, repealing same . . zox 
 
 VI. Letters Patent of July ij, 38 Edward III, 13^4. . zo4. 
 
 Vn. Petition of the Mystery of Drapers against the election 
 
 of Nicholas Brembre as Mayor in 1384. . . . xo8 
 VIII. Grant of a Quit-rent by Fitzalwyn, paid by the Drapers' 
 
 Fraternity. September 30, 7 Henry VI, 1418 . . iii 
 IX. Letters Patent of Henry VI. Charter of Incorporation. 
 
 November 30, 17 Henry VI, 14.38 .... zi^. 
 X. The Grant of the Farm of Aulnage. February id, 
 
 17 Henry VI, 1435), New Style zi6 
 
 XL Grant of Arms. March 10, 17 Henry VI, 1439, New 
 
 Style Ill 
 
 XII. Inspeximus Charter of July a(?, 6 Edward IV {1^6), con- 
 firming and expanding that of 1 7 Henry VI . . zz^ 
 
 XIII. Coniirmation of the Drapers' Right of Search. October 6, 
 
 16 Henry VT, 1447 13% 
 
 XIV. Ordinance of the Mayor confirming the Right of Search 
 
 of Woollen Cloths. October <J, 2(J Henry VI, 1447 . 233 
 
I7X Appendices to Vol. 1 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XV. Letters Patent of Edward IV, promising that Shearmen 
 shall have no Corporation. April ^, ip Edward IV, 
 
 1+751 ^35 
 
 XVI. Letters Patent of Richard III releasing the Drapers from 
 all forfeitures for ofiences committed before Feb- 
 ruary ai, 14.84.. May zi, i Richard III, 14.84. . . 1.16 
 XVII. The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances, originally drawn 
 up in 14.05' and entered in the book in 14.^0, with 
 
 later additions up to 1 5 3 1 24.2 
 
 XVIII. Transcript of the earliest Wardens' Accounts from 14.14. 
 
 to 1442 a8i 
 
 XIX. The First Drapers' HaU. Grant of site. . . .34.8 
 XX A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 
 
 i4-8i-a 3fi 
 
 XX B. Transcript of the earliest Renters' Accounts for the 
 
 year 1481-2 35^^ 
 
 XXI. List of Members of the Drapers' Company in 14.^3 . . 36^4. 
 XXII A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year 
 
 1508-^ 3<f7 
 
 XXII B. Transcript of the Renters' Accounts for the year 
 
 iyo8-^ 37+ 
 
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CHIEF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 
 UP TO 1^03 IN THE POSSESSION OF THE DRAPERS' 
 COMPANY 
 
 charters. 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 IX. Letters Patent of 38 Ed. Ill, July ly, 136^4.. On vellum 
 
 with seal. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. VI. There is 
 also a copy of this at the Gutldhall. Herbert's copy, i. ^80, 
 comes from the recital in the mandate commanding publica- 
 tion by the Sheriffs, which differs slightly from the Drapers' 
 Patent, especially in saying that the four Wardens elected 
 are to be sworn twice a year instead of once as in the original 
 Patent. 
 
 A. V. aSj. Charter of Incorporation, Nov. 30, 17 Hen. VI, 14.38. 
 On vellum with seal, which is broken. Transcribed in 
 Appendix, vol. i. No. IX. 
 
 A. V. 288. Grant of the farm of the aulnage of cloth, 17 Hen. VI, 
 February iff, 1439 (New Style). On vellum with seal. 
 Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. X. 
 
 Ch. XXI. Grant of Arms, March 10, 17 Hen. VI, 1435^ (New Style). 
 
 Transaibed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XI. 
 
 Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 16^0 a. 
 
 Confirmation of Drapers' Right of Search, z6 and ij 
 Hen. VI, 1447. Transcribed in Appendix, vol, i. No. XIII. 
 
 Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 160 a. 
 
 Order of Court of Aldermen concerning Meteyards, 
 October 6, t.6 Hen. VI, 1^6. 
 
 Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 16^0 a. 
 
 Inspeximus Charter, 6 Ed. IV, 1^66. On vellum with 
 illuminated initial letter E and border, in good preservation, 
 seal attached. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XII. 
 
 Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 15:7 b. 
 
 Letters Patent of April 9, 19 Ed. IV, 1479, promising 
 that Shearmen shall not have incorporation. Transcribed in 
 Appendix, vol. i, No. XV. 
 
174 Chief Original ^Documents in Tossession of 
 
 No. In Catalogue. 
 
 Book of Evidences A, No, 388, fo. iff) b. 
 
 Licence to hold in mortmain. Edward IV. 
 
 A. V. 285. Letters Patent of i Ric. Ill, May ai, 1484, releasing 
 Drapers from Forfeitures. On vellum with seal. Transcribed 
 in Appendix, vol. i, No. XVL 
 
 Ch. X. Bargain and Sale of Cromwell's House and garden by 
 
 Henry VIII to the Drapers. On vellum, seal attached. 
 
 Ch. V, Grant of Cromwell's House, if^^-^, Jf Hen. VIII, for 
 
 consideration of 1,800 marks. On vellum, with initial 
 enclosing figure of Henry VIII, and elaborate head-line. 
 Seal attached. 
 
 Ch. XX. May 21, i()ii, 6 James I. Letters Patent reconfirming 
 grant of Cromwell's House. 
 
 Ch, III. Juneiz, I Eliz., iffp. Exemplification of a Memorandum 
 
 in the Exchequer of a Judgement in Michaelmas Term, 
 f and 6 Philip and Mary, releasing the Drapers' Company from 
 the royal claim for £\ 52 6s, %d. representing eight years' 
 arrears on the annual sum of ^\^ os. lod. arising out of 
 obits under the Chantries Act, i Ed, VI, c, 14. On vellum, 
 with initial enclosing figure of the Queen, and elaborate 
 head-line. Seal attached. A copy of the same, A. III. 131. 
 
 Ch. XI. Inspeximus Charter, April 12, z Eliz., If ()0. On vellum, 
 
 with an initial letter enclosing figure of the Queen. Seal 
 attached. Transcribed in Appendix, vol, ii, 
 
 Ch, XVII. July f , I '^61 . Confirmation by William Hervy, Clarencieux 
 King of Arms, of the Arms granted to the Drapers' Com- 
 pany by William Bruges, Garter, on March 10, 1439, with 
 an additional grant of crest and supporters. Framed at 
 Drapers' Hall. Transcribed in Appendix, vol, ii, 
 
 Ch. XII, Decree of Chancery re Howell's legacy, September 4, 
 
 6 Eliz,, i5<)3-4, with pedigree attached. On vellum, with 
 seal. 
 
 C. (^4. Exemplification of a Decree in Chancery, made June 24, 
 
 I Eliz,, 15:5:8-5), in case of Cysely Thomas and others, kin of 
 Thomas Howell, plaintiiFs against Sir W, Chester and other 
 Masters and Wardens of the Drapers' Company. On vellum, 
 with seal. 
 
 Ch. df. 17 Eliz., May 30, if 75:, 
 
 Decree in Chancery ratifying order of Master of Rolls, 
 discharging Master and Wardens from payment to one of the 
 plaintiffs, in whose favour a decree had been made, she not 
 being found in the Herbal or Pedigree of Howell. 
 
the Drapers' Company up to i6og 175- 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 Ch. XVI. January 2, 1^94, 3 (J Eliz. 
 
 Exemplification of a Bill in suit ot Kath. Phyllyp and 
 others of kin of Thos. Howell, plaintiff, and Benedict Barnham 
 and others, against the Master and Wardens, defendants. 
 Also of answer, and orders certifying pedigree made June n, 
 f Eliz. 
 
 Ch. VI. February (J, 1598, 40 Eliz. 
 
 Confirmation of the grant of The Herber to the Drapers. 
 On vellum, with initial enclosing figure of the Queen, and 
 elaborate head-line. Seal attached. 
 
 Ch. I. Promulgation of Ordinances by the Chancellor, Nic. 
 
 Bacon and others, November 18, 19 Eliz., i'^-j6-j. On 
 vellum, with elaborate initial letter and head-line. Seal 
 attached. 
 
 A. V. ajo. Certificate of Will. Camden, Clarencieux King ot Arms, as 
 to arms borne by H. Fitzalwyn, First Mayor of London, and 
 that he was free of the Drapers' Company. October jo, 161 j, 
 James I. 
 
 A. III. iz^. Certificate of obits presented to the King's Commissioners, 
 1 5-47. Transcribed, Appendix, vol. ii. 
 
 A. 5:^5. Quaint Schedule of Obits. 34 Hen. VIII, 1541-3. 
 
 140 Wardens^ Accounts. The earliest that we have begin in 
 
 1413, and are continued with some gaps to the year 1441-2. 
 They are written in Norman French. These have been fully 
 transcribed in the Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII, with a brief 
 description. 
 + 795 From the year 1442 to 1475' we are left without any 
 authorities except that of the Book of Ordinances, which 
 contains the ordinances originally drawn up in 1405- but 
 only committed to writing and added to in the year \i^o. 
 This is followed by fiirther ordinances as revised in 1 5^0. This 
 book is described and partly transcribed, partly abstracted, 
 in the Appendices, vol. i. No. XVII ; vol. ii. 
 
 We have also an Ordinance Book for the Bachelors as 
 revised in ifdo. This book is bound very much like the 
 other Ordinance Book. But the ordinances only take up 
 four pages written on both sides. The rest of the pages are 
 blank. Appendix, vol. ii. 
 
 With the year 1475 the Wardens' Accounts again become 
 our most important authority, and from henceforth are 
 continuous. In the year 148 1 they are supplemented by the 
 Renters' Accounts, which are also continuous, except for 
 the interval between 1485' and ifcff. 
 
1^6 Chief Original 'Documents in Possession of 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 These accounts are found in the following volumes : 
 
 403 I. Wardens' Accounts, i475'-(f to lyoS-^. This is a 
 
 folio volume measuring i6Jxii inches, in its original 
 leather binding on stout wooden boards, with an impressed 
 diagonal pattern. The first leaf is of vellum, the rest paper. 
 The vellum leaf and the three following leaves are filled 
 with miscellaneous entries, one of i^jz—^, the rest of a later 
 date than the first account, headed with the name Ihesus, or 
 the names Jhesus, Maria. Among these entries is a list of 
 the plate owned by the Fellowship in 14.^3. 
 
 The accounts occupy eighty-four leaves. The accounts 
 are in English, but till 14,77-8 the headings are in Latin. 
 ' In tempore '. In the following year the English heading is 
 added, and in 14.5)5 ^^^ Latin disappears. The writing, 
 which is in court hand, is good up to the year i4.<)i and 
 embellished with ornamental initials, but after that date the 
 ink is bad and the handwriting poor. The eight last leaves 
 are again filled with miscellaneous entries, and with an inven- 
 tory of the plate in 1524.. Cf. Appendix. The book is in 
 excellent preservation. 
 
 143 1. Wardens' Accounts, 15:08-9 to 15:4^-7. This and the 
 
 following volume are wrongly labelled * Renters' Accounts ' 
 and numbered in that series. The accounts are not in book 
 form, but each consists of a separate section, written on 
 paper, the whole being enclosed in a vellum cover. After 
 lyif they contain only casual items not included in the 
 Repertories. The volume is much begrimed with dirt. 
 140 A. Rough Minutes, i^z')-6. Loose sheets in very bad con- 
 dition. These were found unfastened, in an old cover of 
 vellum. The cover also contained the earliest Wardens' 
 Accounts, which are now printed. Appendix, vol. i. 
 No. XVIII. 
 
 148 3. Wardens' Accounts, 15-47-8 to 15- <)i-2. A continua- 
 
 tion of the volume immediately above, bound in vellum. 
 The paper is very much torn in parts, and in a filthy con- 
 dition. The volume is much larger than its predecessor, 
 the vellum cover having been made to fit one of the 
 accounts, which is larger than the rest, and is greatly torn and 
 mutilated. 
 
 ij6 4. Wardens' Accounts, i^fJi-S to i^o4-5'. Unbound j 
 in a bad condition. 
 
 Renters' Accounts. These deal more especially with the 
 rents of property, chiefly house property, belonging to the 
 
the Drapers' Company up to 1603 177 
 
 No, in Catalogue, 
 
 Fellowship, the expenses of building and reparations, and the 
 quit rents due by the Fellowship. There are four volumes 
 of these accounts up to the year i yifo, all of them on paper 
 loosely stitched in stout vellum covers. 
 
 141 Vol. I. 14.81-5. 
 
 i+z Vol. II. i5ro6^-z4. 
 
 144, Vol. III. lyiy-jS. 
 
 14.5 Vol. IV. 15-39-6^0. 
 
 4(^4. Vol. V. ifei-idoy. 
 
 The accounts for the years 148(^-1505' have disappeared. 
 Until the year 1494 the accounts of the Renters were kept 
 quite separate from those of the Wardens. After that date 
 the balance of the Renters' Account was paid over to the 
 Wardens' Account for the year. 
 
 i4(f Renters' Accounts of Thomas Howell's Lands. 1540-5^. 
 
 43 J Leases of Howell's Lands. A thin paper folio with 
 
 tattered parchment cover ; only seven leaves are written on. 
 It also contains a brief list of the title-deeds of his property. 
 In Accounts, 1547-^1 (148), fo. 11 b, will be found 'a tryall 
 of all the several payments of Howell's orphans throughout 
 all the Repertories and Journals ', 
 
 404 Thomas Howell's Ledger. Giving an account of his 
 property and commercial transactions from 15 19 to 15x7. 
 A large volume on paper in vellum binding, much worm- 
 eaten, with his initials both on the outside and on the first 
 page. Appendix, vol. ii. 
 
 147 Rental, 1580-4. This book was compiled by John Brooke, 
 
 who was elected Renter November ai, 1580. It contains 
 a list of the tenants of the Company's lands, and of Howell's 
 lands arranged under localities, followed by an account of 
 the payments of each tenant at the quarterly terms from 
 1580 to 1584. An alphabetical index of tenants is prefixed 
 to the volume. Bound in leather with stamped diamond 
 pattern, but decayed and in need of repair. At the end of 
 this book are found the following documents : 
 
 I. A receipt given by the widow of Antony Hussy e for certain 
 moneys repaid her by the Society of Merchants of 
 Russia. 
 z. A Bill of Exchange paid on account of the Merchants 
 of Russia. 
 
 3. A Petition to the Lord Treasurer to be allowed to 
 
 re-export certain goods brought from Russia. 
 
 4. A Bill of lading of cargoes of goods, belonging to 
 
 leos.i A a 
 
±78 Chief Original Documents in Tossession of 
 
 No, in Cataloffte. 
 
 members of the Eastland Company, Appendix, 
 vol. ii. 
 The Repertories. These are the minutes of the Fellow- 
 ship, which were probably read at the Quarter Day Meetings 
 of the Court. 
 
 The main subjects treated of are : 
 
 I. Notices of Public Events in which the Fellowship was 
 
 concerned. 
 %. Precepts of the Mayor. 
 
 3. Admissions to the Council or Court of Assistants, the 
 
 Livery, the Freedom, and to apprenticeship. 
 
 4. Elections, election feasts, and civic pageants. 
 5". Adjudication of disputes, fines, punishments. 
 
 6. Particulars of obits, chantries, charities, gifts. 
 
 7. Ordinances framed by the Council or Court of 
 
 Assistants. 
 
 8. Purchases of property. 
 
 9. After i5ri5' they contain many of the Wardens' 
 
 Accounts. 
 In short, they supply us with information as to the public 
 events with which the Fellowship were concerned, and on 
 the internal government of the Gild. 
 130 The first of these Repertories commence, as we find stated, 
 
 ' in the time of John Mylborn Alderman and Master of the 
 Guild or Fraternity of St. Mary of Drapers of London, 
 Peter Starkey, John Hasylwood, William Dolphyn and 
 Anthony Burgh, Wardens of the same Guild or Fraternity ' 
 ... in the year of our Lord if 15"'. It runs from if 15: to 
 Iff?. As this series is numbered 7 it seems probable that 
 there were earlier series which have been lost. It is written 
 in court hand on paper, and bound in rough calf. The 
 handwriting varies, but it is sometimes excellent and always 
 legible, except on the four last pages which are stained and 
 injured by damp. 
 
 Besides this Repertory 7, ifif-fj, we have two addi- 
 tional Rough Minutes or Accounts which cover the same 
 period : 
 
 140 A. I. Iflf-(f. 
 
 xfz 2. If 31-^. The last leaf of this volume contains 
 
 an extract from the Husting Pleas of Land of the date 
 I Ric. in. 
 
 ' Rep. 7, p. I. 
 
the Drapers^ Company up to idog 179 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 In the minutes of Repertory 7 for December 3, lyj^, we 
 meet with the following memorandum : ' AH the rest of 
 Mr. Monmouth's tyme (i.e, when he was Master, ij3(J-7) 
 fblloweth consequently in Libro Octavo, and here not 
 written as well for lacke of Paper, as also for that the tyme 
 of Sir Wyllyam Bowyar Knight (Master from 1^37-8) bothe 
 worthie of fame and memory should not be here lefte owte 
 containing matters of greater consequents than Mr. Mon- 
 mouth's tyme, and yet paper skant suffycient left, therefore 
 as yt appeareth following.' This memorandum shows that 
 the minutes between December if 3 (J and September IJ38, 
 which Repertory 7 contains, were entered from the rough 
 minutes, and probably at some later time. They only 
 occupy two pages and four lines of a third, although they 
 are followed by twenty-five blank pages. Unfortunately 
 Liber Octavus is missing. The records, therefore, between 
 December 15-^6^ and September 15-38 are very fragmentary. 
 Perhaps the unsatisfactory condition of the records is due to 
 the clerk, Wm. Hartwell, who was apparently not a satis- 
 factory person. He got into debt and pledged some of the 
 Company's plate. Rep. 7, p. 5'9i. 
 
 In the Renters' Accounts for 154.0-7, too, there is some 
 of the quaintest spelling that we have come across. Thus 
 ' yengke ' for ink ; ' pottashen ' for potation j ' Hosse ' for 
 house ; ' chobbs ' for a carpenter's ' job '. 
 
 ii8 For the five years between i5'47 and ij^i we have an addi- 
 
 tional Repertory, described as 'Repertorium 1 5:47-1 y^z', 
 which is often referred to in Repertory 7. The minutes in 
 this ' Repertorium ' are more detailed than in Repertory 7. 
 They deal with Precepts of the Mayor, adjudications of 
 disputes set out at length and signed by the parties, and 
 other matters which it was thought fit to enter at greater 
 length j whereas in Repertory 7 we find a shorter and at 
 the same time a more comprehensive record, which was 
 apparently the one read at the Quarterly Meetings of the 
 Court. Sometimes, however, the entries in both are 
 identical. 
 
 Z54. Then follows Repertory B. This commences in lyfx 
 and continues til! 15' 5^7. The Repertory ends with the 
 following note : ' Here ended William Bere his tyme, and 
 Edward Messenger, admytted Gierke in his roome, proceeded 
 his doings in a new Repertory, signed with the letter C on 
 the forrell and backside of the saide Booke.' The last ninety- 
 
i8o Chief Original 'Documents in Tossession of 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 five pages are blank with the exception of an entry of 
 October i^, IJ^S. 
 a5r3 From the year iff j when Repertory 7 ends, Repertory B 
 
 is accompanied by another Repertory or Journal which runs 
 to February ifff. The book is a large one bound in 
 vellum, with straps ^ but the Repertory occupies only ninety 
 pages, many being blank. It probably bears the same 
 relation to Repertory B as did Nos, afx and 140 a to 
 Repertory 7. It contains many references to Repertory B, 
 and many of the notices in the two Repertories are identical. 
 At the reverse end of this Repertory (xfj) there is a 
 register of payments to pensioners under various trusts from 
 
 If^f to I^If. 
 
 xff Repertory C then follows, running from June 30, 155:7, to 
 
 April II, if(fi. This is in a very bad condition. The 
 greater part is almost illegible from stains, and in some 
 parts the writing is entirely obliterated, while several pages 
 at the end are decayed. 
 
 z5r(J We find in Repertory 9, p. zo^, a reference to a 
 
 Repertory D, which presumably covered the period between 
 i'^6i-j. But it has been lost, and it is not till the year 
 if(f7 that Repertory E commences and runs to the year 
 1 5" 74. Then follow in succession : 
 
 25-7 Repertory F, which covers the period between i f 74and i f 84. 
 
 iz^ Repertory G, which runs from 15-84. to ifc)^. 
 
 ifS Repertory H, which is divided into two parts : {a) the acts 
 
 and proceedings of the Wardens from ifp^- to i()Oj, and 
 {t) those of the Court during the same period. 
 All these Repertories are in a fair condition. 
 Besides these the following documents up to the year Kfoj 
 are to be found at Drapers' Hall : 
 
 388 Book of Evidences A. This is a large vellum book bound 
 in strong leather with a flap and clasps. The original 
 binding shows a stamped panel or border, which has been 
 covered with fresh leather highly decorated with a diamond 
 pattern. It was probably compiled in ifoi-a, since in that 
 year we find a sum of ^3 6s. %d. paid to Maister Wodcock, 
 a scrivener, ' lor devising and making of all our evidences '. 
 Cf. 4.03, fo. 72 a. 
 
 The evidences consist of copies of the various Charters 
 granted to the GUd, with translations which are very inac- 
 curate, and transcripts of the legal deeds and wills, or extracts 
 from wills, which constitute the title to the Company's most 
 
the "Bracers' Company up to idog i8i 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 ancient properties, with some additions of a later date. For 
 the purpose of readily finding the separate sections, small pro- 
 jecting balls of vellum, termed « labells ', are used, and a list is 
 given of the documents to be found under the several 'labells'. 
 
 389 Book of Evidences B. A large folio paper volume j 
 
 originally compiled in the later half of the sixteenth century, 
 with later additions. It contains brief descriptions of the 
 title-deeds of various properties belonging to the Company, 
 beginning with Drapers' Hall. It is well written and in 
 fairly good condition, but has lost one of its covers and 
 greatly needs rebinding. 
 
 4.18 Bequests lyfS^z-KjdS ] 
 
 434 „ ifdy— c)o > in foolscap unbound. 
 
 43<f „ i5'a-i^74J 
 
 415) Schedule of Trust Estates, i49o-i(fof. Small folio volume, 
 
 unbound, compiled at the beginning of the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 35^ Ordinances and Statutes by William Lambard, founder 
 
 of the College of the Poor of Queen Elizabeth, at Green- 
 wich, for the regulation of the College. A folio paper volume 
 written in 15" 7 8, in contemporary calf binding with two 
 clasps, and a large stamped design of the Company's arms 
 on each cover. The book contains a licence granted by 
 Queen Elizabeth on November xy, i^ryf, for the establish- 
 ment of the College J the regulations for its government 
 devised by William Lambard, the founder, and signed by 
 him with the date 'Aug. if/S'; a description of the 
 College buildings and lands, and of the property belonging 
 to it, including the Manor of Brenchesley alias Criells ; 
 various deeds relating to the estates j and extracts from the 
 Court Rolls of the Manor of Brenchesley alias Criells, from 
 38 Hen, VIII to i() James I. 
 
 See also Charter XIV. The same orders republished in 
 1849. 
 + 253. Poor Rolls, i5'5)f-i6'i5),found in theMinutes Book, i5'5'3-5'. 
 + 385". Poor Rolls, i6oi-6%. 
 
 + 279. Freeman's Admission Book, 1 5'(J7-i<J5'8. Bound in paper, 
 outer leaf torn. Compiled about 1617, with subsequent 
 additions. Many addresses and occupations of Freemen 
 given. Names arranged alphabetically. 
 + ayS. Freeman's Admission Book, 1 5'd^7-i(Jf^. Bound in vellum 
 on cardboard. A companion to +179. Written about 
 i(Ji8, with later additions. Arrangement chronological. 
 
i8x 'Documents of Draper i Company to 1^03 
 
 No. in Catalogue. 
 
 + aoo. Dinner Book, iy()4-i(foz. A folio paper volume in its 
 original vellum binding of the middle of the sixteenth 
 century. The book is well written and in good condition. 
 A minute account of the cost and management of the 
 Quarter Day Feasts and Great Election Feasts is given, 
 including the incidence of the charges. This supplements 
 in many important particulars the facts which may be 
 gleaned from the Repertories. 
 ifao. Book of legal precedents. Sixteenth century. On the 
 reverse of folio 6% there is a receipt for making ink, and a 
 memorandum dated September 7, 15:^1, concerning a Robert 
 Howell of London. The book is without covers, and its 
 first three leaves are missing. 
 
 II A 
 
 DRAPERS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 41, including Hardel but not Fitzalwyn, of whom 5 were Mayors 
 (4 of whom had previously been Aldermen and Sheriffs), 8 were Alder- 
 men and Sheriffs, i Alderman and M.P. for the City. 
 
 Note. — To the best of my belief, all these were Drapers of London, 
 but in one or two cases the evidence is not quite conclusive. The 
 dates given are those found in the authorities. 
 
 Pentecost le Draper, izii. Hist. MSS. Com., Rep. IX. i b, quoted 
 by Ashley, Economic Hist., II. iii. a^cj. 
 
 Lawrence Fitzalan, laxy. Pays 10 marks. Pipe Roll, 1227 ; Guild- 
 hall Transcripts, iv. 66^. 
 
 John Tolesan. Pays 5 marks to King. Pipe Roll, 1227; Guildhall 
 Transcripts, iv. 66<). Alderman of Candlewick Street and Cripple- 
 gate j Sheriff, 1237-8, 124.^-50; Mayor, i25'2-3. Letter Book F, 
 to. 231 bj Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 3+5 j Beaven, Alder- 
 men, vol. i, pp. 341 note, 373. 
 
 Ralph or Richard Hardel. Alderman of Aldersgate, 1241J Sheriff, 
 i24()-5'o ; Mayor, 1253-8 or 125:4—5). Beaven, Aldermen, vol. i, pp. 341 
 note, 372 ; Letter Book F, fb. 231 b. 
 
 John Adrian . Alderman of Bassishaw, 1 248 ; of Walbrook, i i<fo— 85: ; 
 Sheriff, 1258-^ or i25-(j-tfo, \-i.66-i or i26'7-8 ; Mayor, 1270-1. 
 Beaven, vol. i, pp. 373, 405: ; Calendar of Wills, i. 70; Letter Book F, 
 fo. 23 1 b ; Letter Book A, fo. 7. 
 
T>rapers in the Thirteenth Century 183 
 
 William Ashwy or Eswy. Alderman of Coleman Street, 11+4.; Sheriff, 
 ia5'4.-5', iaj(f— 7. Collections of a London Citizen, cd. Gairdner, 
 1 87(j, pp. 14.7-8 ; Beaven, Aldermen of London, vol, i, p. j jr. According 
 to Gairdner, a Draper; according to Beaven, a Mercer, 
 
 William Fitz Richards, Sheriff, izyo-i ; Mayor, iif^-lfo, ixd'o-i 
 (according to best authorities). Letter Book F, fo. xj^ ; Beaven, p. 34.1 ; 
 Fabyan, ed. Ellis, i8ii,p, 3(^1 ; Stow, Survey of London, ed, Kingsford, 
 ii. i5(f, 15-7, 
 
 Ivo de Linge, iz^:^. Fitz Thedmar, Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs 
 in Lib, de Antiq. Legibus, Camden Society, p. no; Riley, Chronicles 
 of London, p. 1x5", 
 
 Robertus Barnard, ii5'5. Fitz Thedmar, Chronicles of Mayors and 
 Sheriffs in Lib. de Antiq. Legibus, Camden Society, p. izo; Riley, 
 Chronicles of London, p. i%<^. 
 
 Edward le Blund, Alderman of Bassishaw, I^(f(f, ii/i ; Sheriff, 
 1x6^—6. Beaven, p. 374.; Letter Book F, fo. 231 b, 
 
 Gervase le Draper. Some date at close of reign of Henry IIL Hist. 
 MSS. Com., Rep. V. jyp, quoted by Ashley, Economic Hist., II. iii. 
 Z45). 
 
 Peter de Edelmeton. Alderman of Castle Baynard, 1172-80. Beaven, 
 pp. 88, 37f ; Letter Book B, fos. 31, loi b j C, fo. 88. 
 
 Copyn de Troys, ii'j'^. Letter Book A, fos. a b, 8 b. 
 
 Joseph le Acatur, ix7f-(f. Member of Parliament, 1283 or 1284.; 
 Alderman of Bridge Ward, 1283—5)0. Letter Book A, fos. i, 24. b, 
 44 b; Beaven, pp. ff, 26'3, 37(J. 
 
 Roger Beyvin, draper, 1276^. Letter Book A, fo. 4. 
 
 William de Bosco, i27(J. Letter Book A, fo. y b, (> b ; Patent Rolls, 
 I225--32, p. 234. 
 
 William Bukerel. Alderman of Broad Street, i27<)-8. Patent Rolls, 
 1273, pp. 25:, x6 ; Beaven, pp. 70, 375 ; Letter Book A, fos. 2, 13. 
 
 William Viel, i27<f. Letter Book A, fo. 4. 
 
 James de Troys, ixjS. Letter Book A, fo. (Jb; Close Rolls, 1272-^, 
 p. 8(5". 
 
 John Adrian, junior (probably son of the Mayor of 1270-1). Sheriff, 
 1277-8. Letter Book A, fo. d; B, fo. ii8b; Beaven, Aldermen, 
 
 PP- 3735+oT5 4o^- 
 
 Robert Renaume, 1278, probably a Draper. Letter Book A, fo. 11. 
 
 Stephen Young, 1278. Calendar of Wills, i. 34. 
 
 Thomas Fitz Thomas. Sheriff;, i%6x-i. Letter Book A, fo. 25: b. 
 
 John Lincoln, 1282. Patent Rolls, 1273, p. 38; Catalogue Drapers' 
 
 Company, vol. ii, A. vii. 245. 
 
 Joyce de Eynsham, 1282. Letter Book A, fo. 27. 
 
 John de Stowe, 1283. Calendar of Wills, i. (ff. 
 
 Anketin de Betevile. Alderman of Bread Street, 1283-5)1 ; Sheriff, 
 
184 Drapers in the Thirteenth Century 
 
 iz8i-5. Letter Book F, fo. z3z; Letter Book A, fbs. 71, lyif, 15-7; 
 Beaven, vol. i, pp. 45', 37^, 
 
 John de Abindon, n.%^-^%. Letter Book A, fo. 5-2 ; B, fo. 31b. 
 
 Rothard le Draper, 1189. Hist. MSS. Com., Rep. V. jzd, quoted by 
 Ashley, Economic Hist., IL iii. 14.5). 
 
 William de Winton, circ. izcjo. Paysao/. Subsidy Roll, circ. iz^c. 
 
 Will, le Huver, lapi. Letter Book, fo. 6\. 
 
 John le Blund. Alderman of Bread Street, izpi-S; Alderman of 
 Cheap Ward, 1x5)8-1309. Letter Book C, fos. 37 b, 5'7b, 71 b, 73, 83, 
 85,, 514. b; Beaven, pp. 4^, p?, 377- 
 
 Elias Russell. Sheriff, 1291-3 ; Alderman of Coleman Street, 1293- 
 8^ Alderman of Billingsgate, 1198-1303 ; Mayor, 1299-130 1. Patent 
 Rolls, 1299, p. 480; 1300, p. 532 J Letter Book C, fos. 8, ^2b; B, 
 fo. 41 • Beaven, pp. 22, 107, 377. 
 
 John Cole, 1 295'— 1300. Letter Book B, fos. 27 b, 43 j Calendar of 
 Wills, i. i^rf. 
 
 Reginald de Frowick, 1295'. Letter Book A, fo. 92 b. 
 
 Richard de Gloucester. Alderman of Bassishaw, i295:-i3oi ; Sheriff, 
 I194-5'. Letter Book B, fo. 34; F, fo. 232. 
 
 Richard de Berkyng, 1298. Letter Book C, fo., 37. 
 
 Henry Costentin, 1298. Letter Book B, fo. 32. 
 
 Mark le Draper, 1298. Letter Book C, fos. 2f b, 128 b. 
 
 Johnde Armentiers. Sheriff, 1299-13 00. Letter Book C, fo. 47 bj 
 Beaven, p. 16^6'. 
 
 James le Botiller, 1299. Letter Book C, fo. 36^. 
 
 II B 
 
 EVIDENCES AS TO THE FUNCTIONS OF DRAPERS IN 
 THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 (i) Instances of Drapers dealing in foreign cloth. 
 
 1275-. Copyn de Troys owes jTxS to a burgess of Louvain for cloth. 
 Letter Book A, fo. 2 b. 
 
 Will. Bukerell owes a merchant of Brabant ^20 (probably for cloth). 
 Ibid., fo. 2. 
 
 His executors owe ^20 ^s. \d. to John Dunden and his partners, 
 merchants of Cahors. Ibid., fo. 13. 
 
 Licensed to export wool. Patent Rolls, 1273, pp. 2^, x6. 
 
 iz-]6--ij. Will, de Bosco owes ^28 for cloth bought of a merchant 
 of Douai, and ^^30 to John de Soils and his partners, for cloth. Letter 
 
Drapers in the Thirteenth Century i8j 
 
 Book A, fbs. 5 b, 6' b. John de Solis was apparently a general merchant 
 of Bordeaux. We find him selling wine and wool as well. Cf. Patent 
 Rolls, iza^-jz, p. Z34.. 
 
 James de Troys owes ^38 to the same John de Solis and another 
 (probably for doth). He is to pay the debt at the fairs of St. Ives, 
 Stamford, and St. Botolphs. Letter Book A, fo. 6 b. He also exports 
 wool. Close Rolls, izya-p, p. %6. 
 
 1178. Robt. Renaume buys cloth from merchants of Douai. Letter 
 Book A, fo. II. 
 
 ii.%6. Joseph L'Acatur owes Baranchin de Luca £i ; but this 
 perhaps for merceries. Ibid., fos. 31, 4.+ b.. 
 
 1198. Peter de Eddmeton and H. Constantyn owe a merchant of 
 Deest in Brabant ^ay (probably for cloth). Letter Book B, fo. jz. 
 
 (a) Drapers selling cloth. Of this there are numerous instances. 
 
 ixjS. John Adrian sdls £^ worth of cloth to a Mercer, and ^35: 
 worth to Sir Rob. de Montfort. Letter Book A, fos. 6, 7. 
 
 Will. Viel sells 38^. worth of cloth. Ibid., fo. 4.. 
 
 1x^8. John de Lincoln sells cloth to the value oi £i1 los. to Sir 
 Hugh Le Spencer. Ibid., fo. 3 1. 
 
 lac)^. James le Botiler. Letter Book C, fo. ^6. 
 
 (3) Drapers being general merchants and buying and selling other 
 goods. 
 
 1255-1300. Elias Russell appointed to purvey wax, furs, linen, 
 canvas, and grocery for the Great Wardrobe. Patent Rolls, 1x59, 
 p. 480; 1300, p. f3a. 
 
 (4) Drapers exporting wool. 
 
 1*73. John de Lincoln has licence to export wool. Patent Rolls, 
 1273, p. 38. 
 
 Ill A 
 
 DRAPERS IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY UP TO 
 THE DATE OF THE FIRST CHARTER, 1^6^ 
 
 Number 130. Out of these 7 were Mayors (of whom f had been 
 Sheriffs and Aldermen), 9 more were Sheriffs and Aldermen, f more 
 were Aldermen only. During the period also 1 1 Drapers were Members 
 of Parliament for the City. 
 
 Marc le Draper, 1300. Subsidy Roll, Record Office, IfS; Letter 
 Book C, fos. ay b, ia8 b. 
 
 John de Lincoln, 1300. Sheriff, 1304.-5: j Alderman of Bassishaw, 
 
 1603-1 B b 
 
iS6 Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 
 
 1310. Close Rolls, I30(>, p. iia; 1311, PP- J", 3<>o; 13x3, p. 15)3 j 
 Letter Book C, fo. 7*? b^ Beaven, Aldermen of London, vol. i, p. 380; 
 Catalogue Drapers' Company, vol. ii, S. Laurence Pounthey. 
 
 Richard de Gloucestre. Alderman of Bassishaw, ii95'-i30i ; Alder- 
 man of Cornhill, ijoi-x^; SheriiF, 1x5)4-5'. Letter Book B, fo. ^jbj 
 F, fo. a3x ; D, fo. 1x3 b ; Beaven, p. 378. 
 
 John Cole, 1300. Calendar of Wills, i. 15-^; Letter Book B, fo. 43. 
 
 Walter de Cantebrige, 1300. Letter Book B, fo. 46^. 
 
 Elias Russell, 13 01. Letter Book C, fo. (fxb j Beaven, p. xz. 
 
 John le Blund. Alderman of Cheap Ward, 1x5)8-1309-; Mayor, 
 1 301-8. Letter Book C, fos. 37 b, 5-7 b, 71 b, 73, 83, 8p, 5»4b j Beaven, 
 p. 95). 
 
 Walter Swan, 13 01. Letter Book B, fb. 49 b. 
 
 Matthew de Christchirche, 1301. Letter Book B, fb. 4*?. 
 
 John de Armentiers, Alderman of Langbourn, I300-(J'. Letter 
 Book C, fo. 76^ b; Beaven, pp. \66, 379. 
 
 Roger de Lincoln, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8xb. 
 
 Gregory le Bokeler, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8x b. 
 
 Peter le Rey, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8x b. 
 
 Thomas de Kidemenstre, 1304. Letter Book B, fo. ^4b. 
 
 Ralph de Abenhale, 1304. Letter Book B, fo. ^4. 
 
 Richard de Wyrhale. Alderman of Aldersgate, i305'-i(). Beaven, 
 Aldermen, p. 379. 
 
 Ralph the Tailor, 1305. Letter Book C, fo. 88, 
 
 Peter de Edelmetone, 1305:. Letter Book C, fo. 88. 
 
 Walter de Harlested, 1305'. Letter Book C, fo! 1x7 b. 
 
 John Bonde, 13 of. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b. 
 
 Mark de Christchurch, 1305^. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b. 
 
 William de Wyndessore, 1305:. Letter Book B, fo. (^7. 
 
 John le Mire, 1307. Letter Book B, fo. 74. 
 
 Ralph de Abeale, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 130b. 
 
 Henry Nasard, 1308. Alderman of Broad Street, 1318-xo, i3xi-x. 
 Close Rolls, 1308, p. 5-5'7; 1315-, p. 1^4; 1317, p.409; 1318, p.tfif; 
 13x0, pp. X3f, X5'3, x8i ; i3x(J, p. 5:^4; 1338, p. 4(^4; Letter Book B, 
 fo. 91 ; Beaven, pp. 70, 381. 
 
 Walter de Saunford, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 13. 
 
 John ' of the Nonnes ' de Norhamptone, 1 3 09.' Letter Book D, fo. 1 1 . 
 
 Robert 'o' the Nonnes % 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 11. 
 
 Roger Harold, 1309. Letter Book B, fo. 98 b. 
 
 Richard Ingayn de Hereford, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 13. 
 
 James de Coyn, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 11 b. 
 
 Reginald de Frowick, 13 10. Letter Book D, fo. lox b. 
 
 John Adrian, junior, 13 10. Bailiff (in the place of Sheriff). Letter 
 Book D, fo, 135: b. 
 
up to the Date of the Charter, 1364 187 
 
 William de Paris, 13 lo. Letter Book B, fo. aj. 
 
 Thomas de Abindone, 13 11. Letter Book B, fo. 19 ; Close Rolls, 
 1318, p.jpj 1^39, p. 3T- 
 
 Henry Costentin, 1311. Letter Book D, fo. 123 b. 
 
 James Le BotiUer. SheriflF, 1308-9, Letter Book D, fo. ^3 ^ F, 
 fo. 231. 
 
 William de Welleford, 1312. Letter Book D, fo. 66. 
 
 Hugh Trip, 1312. Letter Book D, fo. 3 y b. 
 
 Robert Le Tamier de Abyngdone, 1312. Letter Book D, fo. 70. 
 
 Thomas Le Spicer de Abyngdone, 1312. Letter Book D, fo. 70. 
 
 John Simeon, 131a. Letter Book E, fo. 4. 
 
 Stephen de Abyndon, 1312. Sheriff, 1314.-15'; Mayor, 1315; Alder- 
 man ofDowgate, 1311-21 j Member of Parliament, 13 13, 1318, 1330; 
 Coroner, King's Butler, Chamberlain. Letter Book D, fo. 4.J E, 
 fo. 4.3 ; Beaven, pp. zd^j, ■2.6^, 380; Close Rolls, 1304, p. 143. 
 
 Simon de Abyndon. Member of Parliament, 131^; Alderman of 
 Broad Street, 1116-1%; Alderman of the Tower, 1318-12; Sheriff, 
 1319-20. Letter Book D, fo. 5" b ; E, fo.9b; Close Rolls, 13 18, p. 5-5:2; 
 Beaven, vol. i, pp. 70, 197, ■2.6^ 381. 
 
 Ralph de Walcote. Member of Parliament, i'^\6. Close Rolls, 
 1318, p. ^5-2; Beaven, Aldermen, p. 2(^4. 
 
 Henry de Stowe, 13 17. Letter Book £, fo. 93 ; Close Rolls, 1337, 
 p. 138; Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, i. 237. 
 
 William de Winton, 13 18. Record Office, 1|4; Subsidy Roll, 
 13 18-19. 
 
 John de Pulteney. Sheriff, 13 18-19; Alderman of Coleman Street, 
 1327-34; of Candlewick Street, 1334-5'; of Vintry, 133(^-8; Mayor, 
 November 1 3 3 o to November 1 3 3 1 , November 1 3 3 1 to November 1332, 
 November 1333 to November 1334, November 1-^16 to November 1337 ; 
 Knighted, 1337. For his life cf. text, p. 8 8 . Beaven, Aldermen, pp. 80, 
 205:, 383 ; Letter Book E, fos. 4, lod b, 233 ; F, fos. 32 b, 34, 61 note, 
 132b, 232b; CloseRoUs,i334,p.2y(J; 1337,?. 24; 1338, pp. 2^4,46^4, 
 504-; i335'5 PP- TO5 fi, 104, 307, (J19, d2o; 1340, pp. 41, 55-3, 619, 
 ^20; 1341, p. 288; 1345', pp. doi, 6^28; Patent Rolls, 1332, pp. 338, 
 34f ; 1337, p. 4i<Ji 1338, p. 125'; 1341, p. no; Sharpe, Calendar of 
 Wills, i. 398, f 54, 60^. 
 
 Thomas Cok, 13 19. Letter Book E, fo. ^^; Close Rolls, 1318, 
 p. ^15-; 1320, pp. 228, 235:; 1338, p. 4(^4. 
 
 Simon Godard, 13 19. Letter Book E, fo. 92. 
 
 Richard Costantyn. Alderman of Bassish aw, 13 19-32 ;Sheriff,i32i-2; 
 
 Alderman of Cripplegate, I33d(?). Beaven, vol. i, pp. 16, 128, 381; 
 
 Calendar of Wills, i. 374, note. 
 
 Roger le Draper, 1322. Subsidy Roll, 1322, p. 3 ; Record Office, 
 14* 
 
i88 "Drapers in the fourteenth Century 
 
 Morice Turgis, ijxif. Letter Book D, fo. 44. b; E, fo. i(ff bj F, 
 fos. 4.b, 34; Close Rolls, 1338, pp. 4^4,43^. 
 
 Henry Darci. Sheriff, i^zy-Sj Alderman of Walbrook, 13 30-49 j 
 Mayor, 1337-5). Letter Book E, fo. 181 b; F,fos.4b, ix, 33 b j Beaven, 
 Aldermen, vol. i, pp. ai(f, 384; Close Rolls, 13x0, p. Z35; 13x7, 
 p. 57^ J 132.8, p. 3x8. 
 
 Simon de Swanlond. Alderman of Candlewick, 13x7-34; Mayor, 
 13x9-30; Member of Parliament, 1340, I344- Letter Book E, fo. 6^z; 
 Beaven, pp. 80, 384; Close Rolls, 13 ly, pp. 170,49^; 13x0, p. 135"; 
 13x7, pp. 8f, i5)i. 
 
 Richard de Welleford, 1318. Letter Book E, fo. 190; F, fo. 4b; 
 Close Rolls, 1318, p. 549; 132^8, p. 3oz; 1338, p. (^13. 
 
 Geoffrey Le Boteler, 13x8. Letter Book E, fo. 190; F, fos. 4 b, 33 ; 
 Close Rolls, 13x0, p. 135:; Patent Rolls, 1331, pp. 338, 345. 
 
 Thomas de Blakeneye, 13x8. Letter Book E, fo. 178 ; Close Rolls, 
 
 1338, p. 455-. 
 
 Thomas le Benere^ 13x9. Calendar of Wills, i. 348. 
 
 John de Writele, 1330. Letter Book E, fos. X17, X17 b. 
 
 Ralph de Uptone. Alderman of Coleman Street, 13 34^41 ; Sheriff, 
 i335:-(f; Member of Parliament, 1338. Letter Book E, fo. 137 b; F, 
 fos. 4 b, 33, yx ; Calendar of Wills, i. 4f 3 ; Close Rolls, i33(J,p. 5-^4; 
 Beaven, pp. 107, 1.66^ 384. 
 
 Richard de Berkynge. Alderman of Aldgate, 133^-?^? Sheriff, 
 1341-x; Member of Parliament, 1340-8. Letter Book E, fo. X37b; 
 F, fos. 4b, 33, 6o-^ Close Rolls, 1348, p. 611; Calendar of Wills, i. 
 ^87 ; Beaven, Aldermen, pp. 9, x(J^, 384. 
 
 John Someresham, 13 3(1. Letter Book F, fo. 4 b. 
 
 Thomas de Swanlond, i33<J. Letter Book F, fo. 4b; Close Rolls, 
 
 1339, pp. 10, 198; 1340, p. yoi ; 1345', pp. doi, 6x8; I34(f, pp. 170, 
 174, 406^, 4i(J; 13485 p. 611; 13495 P- 80; 1350, p. if9; Patent 
 Rolls, 1338, p. 5dy ; 1348, pp. fo, ^^, 104, 145; 135:0, p. 548; 1351, 
 p. 98. 
 
 Hugh de Dedham, 133d. Letter Book F, fo. 4 b. 
 
 Hugh le Marberer, i33(J. Sheriff", 1338-9. Letter Book F, fos. 4 b, 
 XI7. 
 
 John Joye the elder, 1338. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1338, p. ^34. 
 
 John de Westone, 1338. Letter Book F, fos. 16^ b, 33 b; Calendar 
 of Letters, p. xx ; Calendar of Wills, i. 413 ; Close Rolls, 1335, p. 484. 
 
 John Pecche, 1339. Member of Parliament, 136^1. Letter Book F, 
 fos. 33 b, 1 80 b; Beaven, p. xC"]. 
 
 Thomas de Canterbury, 1339. Letter Book F, fo. 34. 
 
 Thomas de Northampton, 1339. Letter Book F, fo. 33. 
 
 John de Kilingworthe, 1339. Letter Book F, fos. X3, xo6; Close 
 Rolls, 1339, p. 113 ; Calendar of Wills, i. 700. 
 
up to the Date of the Charter , 13(^4- 189 
 
 John Levelyf, i^jp. Letter Book F, fo. 54.; Calendar of Wills, i; 5'pi. 
 
 John de Kiselyngbery, 1335). Letter Book F, fos. 4. b, 33; Close 
 Rolls, 1338, pp. 4x4, 4.3a. 
 
 Geoffrey de Westone, 1340. Letter Book F, fo. jy b; Close Rolls, 
 13x8, p. 3oz; 1337, p. 130. 
 
 Richard de Kyslingbury. Sheriff, I34.^-3 ; Alderman of Queenhithe, 
 i34^-fx; Mayor, 135-0-1. Letter Book F, fo. 33 ; Close Rolls, 135:4., 
 p. 60 ; Beaven, vol. i, pp. 1 85), 3 8(J. 
 
 John Lovekyn(once a Shearman), 1340. Letter Book F, fly-leaf, p. ^. 
 
 Walter de Freston, 1343. Close Rolls, 1343, p. 15:1. 
 
 Richard atte Valeye, 1346^. Letter Book F, fo. 1x3. 
 
 John Somer, i34<J. Letter Book F, fo. lax. 
 
 John de Northburgh, i34<f. Letter Book F, fo. i%6 •, Close Rolls, 
 I339j PP- TIj 9^5 2.ad; Patent Rolls, 1334, p. 539 j 1341, p. 480. 
 
 William Holbech, i34<J. Alderman of Cheap Ward, i35'8 ; Sheriff, 
 i3(Ji-a; Member of Parliament, I3<f3. Letter Book F, fos. 133 b, 149, 
 133 i Beaven, pp. cjp, %6-j ; Close Rolls, i34(J, p. 6^. 
 
 John de Hatfeld, 1347. Letter Book F, fo. if i j Close Rolls, 1346^, 
 p. iz(Jj Calendar of Wills, i. ^45'. 
 
 William Pycot, i345>. Letter Book F, fo. i66h. 
 
 Hugh de Stouwe, 1349. Letter Book F, fos. 166, 166 b. 
 
 Thomas Pyeke, 1349. Calendar of Letters, p. 41. 
 
 William de Macchyng, 1345). Calendar of Wills, ii. 5-7. 
 
 John de Sellyngc, 1349. Letter Book F, fo. iiJf b. 
 
 Thomas de Kent, 1349. Letter Book F, fo. 175. 
 
 William de Welde. Alderman of Coleman Street, 1349— ya; Sheriff, 
 1353-4; Member of Parliament, 1358. Letter Book F, fo. az3 ; G, 
 fo. izb; Beaven, pp. 107, i.6j, 387. 
 
 John de Essex, 13 50. Letter Book F, fo. 15)3 b ; Calendar of Wills, 
 ii. ^6. 
 
 John Costantyn. Alderman of Castle Baynard, 1 3451-58. Beaven, 
 pp. 88, 230, 387. 
 
 Thomas de Uptone, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. 198 b; Patent Rolls, 
 
 Thomas atte Noket, 13 5-1. Letter Book F, fo. 103 b. 
 
 William de Aras, 13 5-1. Letter Book F, fo. 104. 
 
 Richard de Essex, 1351. Calendar of Letters, x^; Calendar of 
 Wills, ii. 30. 
 
 Roger de Flete^ 1352. Calendar of Letters, p. 31. 
 
 Simon de Bedyngtone. Member of Parliament, 1351, 1355-, 135-7, 
 13(^1, 13(^3; Sheriff, i35'9-(Jo. Letter Book F, fo. a33; G, fo. 785 
 Beaven, 26^7. 
 
 Walter de Baumbton, 135-3. Letter Book G, fos. (J b, 33; Close 
 Rolls, 1340, p. 6^13. 
 
190 Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 
 
 William atte Dyk, 135:3. Letter Book G, fo, 11. 
 
 Richard de Cayendishe, 135-3. Letter Book G, fo. ii. 
 
 Thomas Motte, i35'4.. Calendar of Close Rolls, i-^<^j^6o, p. 60. 
 
 Richard Dyk, 1 3 5-4.. Letter Book G, fo» %% b. 
 
 Andrew Godyn, 135:6'. Letter Book G, fo. 5:8 b. 
 
 Hugh de Bermoundeseye, I35:(j. Letter Book F, fo. xj. 
 
 Nicholas Rous, 1357. Calendar of Close Rolls, i35'-f-6o, p. ^z<;. 
 
 John Penne, 1357. Calendar of Letters, p. t)i. 
 
 Henry Welwes, 13 5- 7. Calendar of Letters, p. pi. 
 
 Richard de Oxon, 13^7. Letter Book F, fo, aixb; Calendar of 
 Wills, ii. f I ; Rymer, Foedera, IIL ii. 678. 
 
 John Botiller, 135:7-8. Letter Book F, fo. azib^ Calendar of Wills, 
 ii. 5:1. 
 
 Stephen Caundysshe. Sheriff, 1357-8; Alderman of Bread Street, 
 1 3 5- 8; Member of Parliament, 13 60; Mayor, 1361-3. Letter Book F, 
 fos. 1 70, XZ2 b, 23 3 ; Beaven, vol. i, pp, 46, x6-j ; Patent Rolls, 3 5:4.. 
 
 Henry Galeys, 1358. Letter Book G, fo. 68 ; Close Rolls, 1341, p. 5'64, 
 
 John Bures. Sheriff", 135:8-9. Letter Book F, fo. 233; G, fo. 69; 
 Calendar of Letters, p. ■2.^; Close Rolls, 134.5:, p. 5:75:; iJTi?, P* 6^1 ■, 
 Patent Rolls, 1342., p. 55:4.. 
 
 Adam de Seint Ive, I35'p. Letter Book G, fo. 79 b. 
 
 Thomas de Cavendish, 135:9. Letter Book F, fo. 33 ; G, fo. 83, 
 
 William de Oysterle, 1 360. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 360-4., p. 115:. 
 
 John Utlicote, 1361. Calendar of Wills, ii. 5:8. 
 
 Richard Atte Moure, 1361. Calendar of Wills, ii. x6. 
 
 Philip de Irlaund, 1361. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1360-.4, p. z8x. 
 
 Robert de Guldeford, 1361. Letter Book G, fo. 97 b. 
 
 John Cory, 1361. Calendar of Wills, ii. 5'i. 
 
 James Andrew. Sheriff, 1362-3; Alderman of Bassishaw, 1363. 
 Letter Book F, fos. 172, 186, 233 ; Close Rolls, 1338, pp. 4.24,4.31; 
 134-0, pp. T34> f 38 ; Beaven, pp. 16, 389. 
 
 John Chaumpeneys, 1362. Calendar of Close Rolls, 136^0-4, p. 396. 
 
 John Bonmarche, 1363. Letter Book G, fo. nob. 
 
 John Burgeys, 1363. Letter Book G, fo. nob; Close Rolls, 1338, 
 pp. 424, 432; 1335), pp. 50, 307. 
 
 William de Draycote, 1363. Letter Book G, fo. nob. 
 
 Thomas de Swafham, 1364. Letter Book G, fo. 137 b. 
 
 John Fyshe, 1364. Letter Book G, fos. 138 b, i3(>. 
 
 Walter de Iweyn, 1364. Letter Book G, fo. 137 b. 
 
 Richard de Claveryng, 1364. Letter Book G, fo. 137 b. 
 
Functions of Drapers 191 
 
 IIIb 
 
 EVIDENCES AS TO THE FUNCTIONS OF DRAPERS IN 
 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY UP TO THE DATE 
 OF THE FIRST CHARTER, i^^T^ 
 
 (i) Drapers. Buying luool. 
 
 We hear of wool of Oxfordshire, Cotswold, Berkshire, Boston. 
 Of bad luooly Peltewolle, LambwoUe, Cobbewool, Malemort. Patent 
 Rolls, 1 341, pp. 2.12, 3 (Jo, 45-3. 
 
 1305. Will, de Wyndesore buys wool of woolmen. Letter Book B, 
 fo. (fy. 
 
 1308. H. Nazard owes Hugh le Despenser £io, probably for wool. 
 Close Rolls, 1308, p. 5-57. 
 
 1318. H. Nazard, Thos. Cok, and others, owe Earl of Arundel 
 £,';66 13X. 4//., probably for wool, since in 1338 we find the Earl lending 
 wool to the King. Qose Rolls, i3i8,p. di^: ; 1338, p. 4.(^4.. 
 
 13*0. Thos. Cok owed 100 sacks of wool (worth i,ioo marks) by 
 lohn. Abbot of Abingdon. Close Rolls, 1320, p. 228. 
 
 1323. John de Lincoln owes King money for wool from Manors 
 formerly belonging to the Knights Templars. Close Rolls, 1323, p. 193. 
 
 1327. H. Darcy owes Abbot of Netley ^100, probably for wool. 
 Close Rolls, 1327, p. 57 f. 
 
 1339. John de Northbury buys wool from John Pulteney. Close 
 Rolls, 1335), p. 5 1. 
 
 134.5'. John Bures owes Prior of St. Mary's, Southwark, ^22, 
 probably for wool. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1345', p. 5'7y. 
 
 1346^. Thomas Swanlond and others owe Earl of Arundel 
 ^1,198 13^. 4//., probably for wool. Close Rolls, 134^, p. 170. Also 
 the Abbot of Canterbury, ^8co, p. 174^ the Earl of Suffolk, ^300, 
 p. 40^; Walter de Many, ^3,000, p. 41^. 
 
 1348. Thomas de Swanlond, draper, buys wool. Accused, together 
 with others, of oppressions in collecting of wool and increment of same. 
 Patent Rolls, 1348, p. 104. 
 
 1348. Thomas Swanlond and Richard de Berkyng owe the Prior of 
 the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem ^410, probably for wool. Close 
 Rolls, 1348, p. <Jii. 
 
 1 349. Thomas Swanlond owes Earl of Arundel ^500, probably for 
 wool. Close Rolls, 1349, p. 80. 
 
 135-4. Richard de Kiselynbury owes Abbot of Battle ^30, probably 
 for wool. Close Rolls, 1354, p. 60. 
 
19 '2' Evidences as to the Functions of 
 
 (z) Drapers exporting luool and other goods. 
 
 13 17. H. Nazard to have wool to value of ^100 out ot port of 
 London without paying customs. Close Rolls, 15 17, p. 40c;. 
 
 1 3 18. Ralph de Walcote, Simon de Abyngdon, Thomas de 
 Abyngdon, and others, send their ship ' La Petite Bayard ' to Antwerp, 
 laden with wool and other goods, which is seized by men of Calais. 
 Close Rolls, 13 18, p. y5'z. 
 
 13x0. Thomas Cok, H. Darcy, H. Nazard, Simon de Swanlond, 
 and GeoflFrey Le Boteller, appear, among native merchants, before the 
 Council against merchants of Brabant and Flanders, who claim to be 
 allowed to export wool to other places than staple towns. Close Rolls, 
 ijzo, p. 135-. 
 
 1320. H. Nazard accused of exporting wool to Flanders and not to 
 staple towns. Close Rolls, 13x0, p. z^3. 
 
 i3z(j. H. Nazard deputed with others to get full information as to 
 Staples of Wools. Close Rolls, 13*^, p. ')6^. 
 
 1334. Licence for John de Northburgh to take 4.00 quarters of 
 wheat to Aquitaine, and elsewhere beyond the seas — to make his profit 
 of, notwithstanding any prohibition of the export of corn. Pateiit 
 Rolls, 1334., p. ^3c>. 
 
 1334. John de Pulteney exports 58 sacks and 21 cloves ot wool from 
 London. Close Rolls, 13 34, p. xfif. 
 
 1337. John de Weston exports wools, hides, wooltells. Close 
 Rolls, 1335-, p. 484, 
 
 1338. John, de Pulteney sells wool to the King, and sends it across 
 the sea for the King's use. Close Rolls, 1338, pp. 4(^4, 504. 
 
 1338. James Andrew, Maurice Turgys, John Burgeys, and John de 
 Kesyngbery, export wool to Holland and Seland. Close Rolls, 1338, 
 pp. 424, 43 z. 
 
 1335). John de Pulteney and John Burgeys sell wool to one, who 
 sends it across the sea for the King's use. Close Rolls, 1339, pp. fo, 307. 
 
 Pulteney is also owed £3,000 by a merchant of the Society of 
 Peruzzi and others, probably for wool. Ibid,, p. 104. 
 
 1335). John Bures exports wool to Antwerp. Close Rolls, 1339, 
 p. 7. 
 
 1340, John de Pulteney exports wool to Bruges. Close Rolls, 
 1340, p. 41. 
 
 1342. Henry Galeys, as attorney for Robert of Artois, is allowed 
 to use the King's Right of Pre-emption in Suffolk, and to buy wool at 
 6 marks the sack, and export to Flanders, paying only | a mark customs, 
 because R, de Artois was about to set out to Brittany at King's wages 
 with troops. Close Rolls, 1 342, p, 'j6^. 
 
 (3) Drapers acting as Collectors of Customs on tuoolj -woolfellsy and 
 hides. 
 
"Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 193 
 
 ijii. John de Lincoln. Close Rolls, ijii, pp. jxi, 390. 
 
 131^. H. Nazard in port of London. Ibid., i?i5', p. i(J+. 
 
 I ja^. John Pulteney Warden for the City at Winchester Fair. 
 
 1334. Ralph de Weston and Rich, de Berkyng appointed attorneys 
 of the City at Winchester Fair. Letter Book E, p. %i^. 
 
 1339-40. Thos. Swanlond in port of London. Close Rolls, 1339, 
 p. 198; 1340, p. 5'oi. 
 
 Thomas de Abyngdon at Southampton to see that all the King's 
 wool is sent thence to Antwerp. Ibid., 1339, p. 35. 
 
 1339. Thomas de Upton appointed to be controller of customs of 
 wines, wools, hides, and woolfells in Caernarvon. PatentRolls, 1 3 39,p. 32.*. 
 
 1341. John de Northburgh, with others, to hasten the collection, 
 and supervise the quality of the 173^ sacks out of the 30,000 sacks of 
 wool assigned by the King to Master Paul de Monte Florum. Patent 
 Rolls, 1 34a, p. 480. 
 
 1341. John de Bures, associated with others, to hear and determine 
 complaints against the collectors and receivers of wool granted to the 
 King in Surrey. Patent Rolls, 1 341, p. 5:44. 
 
 1348. Thomas de Swanland. One of those to whom the King has 
 committed the custody of aU customs and subsidies in England for a 
 time, excepting wine. Patent Rolls, 1348, pp. 50, ^^y 145-. 
 
 Richard de Oxenford. Farms the subsidy due to the King in return 
 for remission of fine and forfeitures of cloth under the aulnage. Rymer, 
 Foedera, III, pars, ii, p. ^78. 
 
 (4) Drapers lending money to the King. 
 
 There are many instances of this, but the following are the most 
 interesting : 
 
 1309. John de Lincoln, and others, to be paid ^ifx 19J. out of 
 customs on wool, woolfells, and hides, for money lent to the late King 
 for his French wars. Close Rolls, 1309, p. ua. 
 
 1318. Henry Darcy lends the King ^9 6s. %d. on wool. Close Rolls, 
 1318, p. 3x8. 
 
 In 1 3 3x John de Pulteney and Geoffrey Le Botiller are assigned 
 ^1,518 ^s. xd. on the customs at the ports of Southampton and London, 
 in return for money paid by them to certain merchants of Aquitaine, 
 creditors of the King. Patent Rolls, 133a, pp. 338, 345-. 
 
 In 1340 Will, de La Pole had lent large sums to the King. In 
 return the King makes large grants of wool ; and whereas Pulteney has 
 paid the merchants, to whom Pole is in debt, Pulteney is allowed to 
 have ' a leaf of the court ' at various ports ; which means that Pulteney 
 can export wool, &c., without paying customs. Close Rolls, 1340, 
 pp. ^19-20; 
 
 1336^. Rich. Constantyn and Rich. Kyselyngbery lend 60s. each, 
 for ships sent to sea. Letter Book F, fo. 3. 
 
 1603-1 C C 
 
194 Evidences as to the Functions of 
 
 In February 133(^-7 12, Drapers lend ^fjo between them to the 
 King, the Queen, and other magnates. H. Darci, Hugh Le Maberer, 
 ^5' each ; Hugh de Dedham, Thomas de Swanlonde, £1 each ; Rich. 
 Constantyn, Ric. de Berkynge, Ric. de Welleford, Maurice Turgys, 
 John de Keselyngbury, {% each ; Ralph de Upton, John Someresham, 
 ^i \os. each; GeoflFrey Le Botiller, £1. Letter Book F, fo. 4.b. 
 
 1337. Orders to collectors of the New Custom in the City to pay 
 aoo marks to John de Pulteneye, as the King is bound to him in 100 
 marks, which he paid to G. de Say, admiral of the King's fleet, and 
 also 100 marks which he delivered to the King. Close Rolls, 1337, 
 p. i.if. 
 
 March 1339-4.0. The following 18 Drapers contribute to a loan 
 of iCfjOoo j P^rt of it being paid to James de Arteveldt, the Flemish 
 burgher, and ally of Edward III : Thomas de Cavendish, {^%o ; Ralph 
 de Upton, £ip-^ H. Darci, ^40; John Lovekyn, ^30; Rich, de 
 Kyselyngbury, ^fzf j John Peche and his partner, j^if ; Rich, de Berk- 
 ynge, ^lo ; Hugh Le Marbrer, {p.o ; Rich. Costantyn, John de 
 Kyselyngbery, Thomas de Northampton, John de Weston, Maurice 
 de Turgeys, ^10 each; Walter de Bampton, John Kelyngworth, 
 Geoflfirey Le Botiller, John Levelif, Thomas de Canterbury, ^f y each. 
 Letter Book F, fos. 33, 33 b. 
 
 1 34.0. The pre-emption of ao,ooo sacks of wool having been granted 
 to Edward III, he sells it to James Andrew and others not Drapers. 
 They undertake to pay part of the purchase money to the King's wardrobe 
 beyond the sea. Close Rolls, 1340, pp. 5'34., 538. 
 
 134.1. Order to Sheriff of Norfolk to pay John de Pulteneye 1,000 
 marks, in part satisfaction of ^1,100, which John lately paid for the 
 King at his request to certain merchants of London, who lent an equal 
 sum to the King in parts beyond the sea. Close Rolls, 134.1, p. x88. 
 
 Order to the same SheriiFto pay another 1,000 marks to Pulteneye, 
 which he promises to pay to the Bardi and Peruzzi creditors of the King. 
 Ibid., p. 194.. 
 
 134.5. Thomas Swanlond and J, Pulteney are granted the 3*/. 
 out of the customs in return for a loan. Close Rolls, 134.5:, pp. 5oi, 
 6t.%. 
 
 1350. Thomas de Swanlond, and others, allowed i mark out of 
 the customs due by them, in return for ^zo,ooo lent by them to the 
 King. Close Rolls, 1350, p. 15-9. 
 
 1 3 50. Lands of Thomas de Swanlond and of others seized for great 
 sums due to the King ; as well of the time when they were farmers of 
 his customs as for other causes. N.B. Swanlond and others had 
 received the ' Great Crown' in pledge for ^4.,ooo. Patent Rolls, 135:0, 
 p. 5'4.8. 
 
 135:1. Swanlond is detained in prison for money owed the King. 
 
Drapers in the Fourteenth Century ipf 
 
 His licence to go to divers parts for evidences relating to this, and to 
 recover money due to him. Patent Rolls, 13^1, p. 98. 
 (5-) Drapers importing cloth. 
 
 1304. Stephen de Abyngdon buys cloth and other necessaries worth 
 j(|i,ioc at Antwerp and Malines, for the King's Wardrobe. Close 
 Rolls, 1304., p. 143. 
 
 1338. Thomas Blakeney lades 'La Paternoster', of London, with 
 salt, wine, and cloth, in Normandy for England. Close Rolls, 1338, 
 
 P- +Tf. 
 
 13^8. John De Bures allowed to import a bale of striped cloths of 
 Ghent, which the servants of John Bures had bought in Flanders. 
 Ibid., 13^8, p, 410. 
 
 (d) 'Drapers buying and selling cloth and other articles. 
 
 There are many instances of Drapers being owed large sums of 
 money by influential persons, which was probably for cloth, and of selling 
 doth to the King's Wardrobe. 
 
 1315:. Simon de Swanlond buys cloth at Boston Fair and elsewhere. 
 Close Rolls, 1 3 If, pp. 170, 496^. 
 
 13x0. H. Nazard sells cloth to King's Wardrobe, to the Queen, 
 and for men-at-arms at garrisons of King's Castles in Scotland. Close 
 Rolls, i3ao, p. x8i. 
 
 1327. Simon de Swanlond owed ^300 for cloth, and Simon de 
 Abingdon xf marks for cloth, by the King. CloseRolls, 1327, pp. 85:, 192. 
 
 1328. Richard de Welleford and Geof&ey de Weston are robbed 
 near Stowe of cloth of various colours, coverlets, dorsers, canvas, and 
 other chattels value ^^130. Close Rolls, 1328, p. 302. 
 
 I33(f. Ralph de Upton sells cloth (^i% ^s. \d.) to the King. Close 
 Rolls, 1335, p. 5^4. 
 
 1337. John de Pultney is assigned ^60 lys. zd. for cloth and horse- 
 shoes bought by the King's order for the Earl of Salisbury. Also is paid 
 other sums for various articles, as cups, ewer, and palfreys. Patent 
 Rolls, 1337, p. 41 <f. 
 
 1338. John de Pulteney had sold yi tuns of Gascon wine to the 
 King for ^221. Patent Rolls, 1338, p. 125. 
 
 1339. Thomas Swanlond sells ^200 worth of clpth for King's use. 
 Close Rolls, 1339, p. 10. 
 
 1345. John de Hatfield sells London-made clpth tofermor of the 
 Archdeaconry of Craven. Close Rolls, i34<?, p. iz6. 
 
 1351. Licence for the Drapers of the City of London to sell all such 
 cloths as they had at the time of the holding of the last Parliament, 
 which they cannot sell before September ist, notwithstanding that it is 
 provided that all cloth found by the King's aulnager to measure less by 
 I ell than the assize ordained by the Statute of Northampton shall be 
 forfeited to the King. Patent. Rolls, 1351, p. 131- 
 
1^6 Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 
 
 (7) Drapers exporting cloth. 
 
 Of tMs we have no instance. But in all probability they were doing 
 this, since a higher duty was imposed on aliens exporting their own 
 denizens. Patent Rolls, 154.7, p. 4.24. 
 
 (8) Drapers making cloth, 
 
 1338. Protection until Easter for servants sent by Thomas de 
 Swanlond, citizen and merchant of London, to bring 10 sacks of wool, 
 bought by him from Master John de Ayleston to make cloth of, from the 
 parts of Lincoln to London. Patent Rolls, 1338, p. ^(Jf. 
 
 1384. John of Northampton has a Dighouse (Dyehouse) with 2 
 adjacent tenements in Wendegooselane, near the Great Hall of 
 Estandia (i.e. The Steelyard). Patent Rolls, 1384, p. 581. 
 
 (9) Drapers follo-wing other trades. 
 
 1304. Thos. de Kyderminster, Draper and Hosier. Letter Book 
 B, fo. <^4 b. 
 
 1 3 10. Morice Turgys, Draper and Woolmonger. Letter Book D, 
 fo. 44 b ; E, fo. 16^ b. 
 
 1 3 12. Will, de Welleford, Draper and Hosier. Letter Book D, 
 fo. 66. 
 
 13 18. R. de Welleford (probably a Draper) sells divers victuals 
 and garnitures to H. Nazard for King's use. Close Rolls, 1 3 1 8, p. 5-49, 
 
 1339. John de Northbury, a Clothier and Draper. Close Rolls, 
 
 John de Kelingworth, Draper and Hosier. Close Rolls, 1339, 
 p. 113. 
 
 1340. Walter de Baumpton, Draper and Hosier. Close Rolls, 
 1340, p. 6^13 ; Letter Book G, fo. 6h. 
 
 i34(f. Will, de Holbech, Draper and Cordwainer. Close Rolls, 
 1345, p. 6^. 
 
 IV 
 
 ORDINANCES OF THE BROTHERHOOD OF OUR LADY 
 OF BETHLEHEM, 1371 
 
 Record Office — Chancery Miscellanea ■^. 
 
 En hono' nfe S° Jhu Crist & sa In Honour of our Lord Jesus 
 
 douce miere Seinte Marie nfe dame Christ and his Sweet Mother Saint 
 
 de Bethlem en quele Psseinte lieu Mary of Bethlehem, in which most 
 
 nre dit S° J&u Crist eslyt estre nees holy place our said Lord Jesus 
 
 en salvacion de toute sa poeple en Christ elected to be born for the 
 
Our Lady of Bethlehem, 13 71 197 
 
 quel lieu de Bethlem lesteylle appust 
 a lez Paste's & dona & monstra 
 lumere a lez trois Roys de Coloyne 
 q ofiirerent en le dit lieu de Bethlem 
 trois dons cestassa? or mirre & 
 ensens. Une f rite est comonce p' 
 mesme hontf en amendement de 
 lo' vies p assent iffrer Will^m Tytte 
 flFrere de Hospital nfe Dame de 
 Bethlem de Loun3)es qest une 
 celle de la lieu de Bethlem & p au?s 
 boas gentz Draps de Cornhult et 
 auts boiis homes & femes q voloient 
 estr freres & suers & le mesme 
 ffra?nite meynteigii) a ?ms de lour 
 vies en touz lez poins que ensuount 
 cestassa? le dit ifra^nite comense 
 Ian de G*ce Mill ccc Ixj° en le feste 
 de le Pu? nre Dame. 
 
 Adesomes q chescun q soit ou 
 Sra entree en la dite flffite soit il de 
 bon loos & de bons condicions & 
 de bon port issint q pniy sa defaulte 
 null de la dite flS-ite soit esclaundre 
 ne deshoS)e, Et in cas q null face 
 a lencountre ap)s son entree qU soit 
 reconsaille des au?s luy amender. 
 Et sil ne se voet amender ne est? 
 adresse p sa dite iFftee & p lo' bon 
 consaill qadonq soit U oustee de la 
 dite ffrite tanq il se voet amender 
 de son) mal porte et si il ne se voet 
 amender de son mal porte qadonq 
 sbit il ouste de la dite flPrite as touz 
 jo's. 
 
 Auxint soient ils accordez q 
 
 Salvation of all his people, in which 
 place of Bethlehem the Star ap- 
 peared to the Shepherds and gave 
 and showed light to the three 
 Kings of Cologne, who oiFered in 
 the said place of Bethlehem three 
 Gifts, that is to say. Gold, Myrrh 
 and Incense, and a Brotherhood 
 was begun in honour of the same, 
 for the amendment of their lives 
 by the assent of Brother Wm. 
 Tytte, Brother of the said Hos- 
 pital of our Lady of Bethlehem of 
 London, which is a Cell of the 
 Place of Bethlehem, and by other 
 good people Drapers of Cornhill 
 and other good men and women 
 who would be Brethren and sisters 
 and maintain the same Brother- 
 hood for the term of their lives 
 in all points which follow, that 
 is to say, the said Brotherhood 
 began in the year of Grace 13^1, 
 on the Feast of the Purification 
 of Our Lady. 
 
 Further, it was agreed that every 
 one who is or shall enter into the 
 said Brotherhood shall be of good 
 feme and good condition and be- 
 haviour, so that no one of the said 
 Brotherhood may be slandered or 
 dishonoured by his default. And 
 in case that any one do the con- 
 trary after his entry, that he be 
 counselled by the others to amend 
 himself. And if he will not amend 
 nor reform himself according to 
 the advice of the said Brotherhood, 
 that then he shall be ousted from 
 the said Brotherhood until he is 
 willing to amend; and if. he will 
 not amend then, he shall be ousted 
 for ever. 
 
 Also they have agreed that every 
 
198 Ordinances of the Brotherhood of 
 
 chescun decy en avant q se voille 
 entre? dest? en la dite fFHte paiera 
 po' son entree a meyns xx» & ches- 
 cun aan ap)s son entree il paiera ij» 
 cestassa? chescun quar? vj^ queux 
 deniers Sronnt receux gardez & 
 ministres p eux q serront gardeyns 
 ordeynez p tote la dite fffite & p 
 lo' coffie eleccion & issint dan en 
 an. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils assentuz q iiij 
 foitz p an qu"nt ils soient garnys 
 qils vendront p' eux assembler ou 
 qils Sront assignez p lo' gardeyns 
 p' paier \cf quarterages & po'parler 
 & entrats dez busoignes touchantz 
 a la dite fFftee. Et si ascun se 
 absente ou soit en ville & ne voille 
 venir sil ne soit en ivice du Roi ou 
 malades qil pale a la dite firite 
 a chescun foitz qil se eist absente 
 vj*". 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils assentuz q touz 
 les flFreres & soers de la dite fffite 
 serront chescun an vestur dune 
 soute & ces §ra encount? la feste 
 de la Purifi9 nre Dame & q chescun 
 paiera p' sa vestu? demene come 
 affert de paier lendemayn ap)s la 
 feste tenu sanz delay & q chescun 
 garde sa vesture p deux anz sanz 
 doner a nully. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils accordez q si 
 ascun de la dite f rite defaille de sa 
 paiement p' sa dite vestu? a dit yf 
 limite & de son quarterage qil est 
 tenuz de paier de droit il serra 
 oustee de la dite f rite tanq il aula 
 fait gree de sa dite vesture & de 
 son quarterage & sil ne voet paier 
 & est de poer qadonq il paiera 
 
 one before he will enter the said- 
 Brotherhood shall pay for his entry 
 at the least zo^., and every year 
 after his entry lie shall pay zj,, 
 that is to say, every quarter 6d.^ 
 which moneys shall be received, 
 guarded, and administered by those 
 who are Wardens ordained by all 
 the said Brotherhood and by their 
 common election, and so from 
 year to year. 
 
 Also they are agreed that four 
 times a year, when they shall be 
 warned that they will be assembled, 
 or that they shall be enjoyned by 
 their Wardens to pay their Quar- 
 terages and to speak and treat of 
 business touching the said Brother- 
 hood, if any one absent himself 
 or be in the City and will not 
 come, if unless he be in the King's 
 service or sick, that he shall pay to 
 the said Brotherhood each time 
 that he absent himself, 6d. 
 
 Also thejr are agreed that all the 
 Brethren and Sisters of the said 
 Brotherhood shall be every year 
 clothed in a suit, and this shall 
 be on the Feast of the Purification 
 of Our Lady, and that each shall 
 pay for his vesture as belongs to 
 him to pay on the Morrow after the 
 Feast held without delay : and that 
 each one keep his vesture by two 
 years without giving it to any one. 
 
 Also they are agreed that tf any 
 of the said Brotherhood fail in his 
 payment for the said vesture at the 
 said day appointed and of his 
 quarterage that he is bound to pay 
 of right, he shall be ousted from 
 the said Brotherhood until he shall 
 have made satisfaction for his said 
 vesture and his quarterage, and 
 
Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 1371 199 
 
 double soloiic ces q serra taxe p la 
 dite f ritee. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils accordez & as- 
 sentuz q touz ceux de la dit fra- 
 tnite tendront lour festes assembles 
 la ou ils voillount comenent assentir 
 & le dit jour de lour fest ils Sronnt 
 illoeqs & pus touz irronnt ensemble 
 la ou lour place ira ordeigne p lo' 
 Go?no' de la dite ffrlte q serra p' 
 le temps paiant chescun ces qapp- 
 tiant a paier a sa porcon et de- 
 vant manger lis choyseront trois 
 Gardeins p Itf cone assent p' goVner 
 la dite ffnte Ian ensuant. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils assentuz q si 
 ascune de la dite f Hte mene avesque 
 luy autr q de la dite f ritie amang 
 qant ils teignent lo^ feste adonq il 
 paiera p' luy come p* luy mesmes 
 solonc ces q affiert chescun a sa 
 porcon & ces serra lendemayn de 
 10* feste. 
 
 Auxint lendemayn al hoeure de 
 tierce ap)s le jo' de lo' dite feste ils 
 assembleront touz ensemble la ou 
 ils a?ont maungez p' accomp? & 
 paier qanq afSert chescun a sa 
 porcon. Et si ascun se absente 
 sanz resonable cause 11 paiera 
 a la dite frite la double q auts 
 paient. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils accordez q si 
 ascun de la dite frite deveignent 
 a meschief p fortune qil nad donnt 
 de vi9e il serra ayde de la dite 
 Jfrite resoaablament dormt il puisse 
 vivr pnant de la cone boist p la 
 semaign xvj*^ ob tanq il soit releve 
 siqil prie p' touz mortz & vifs 
 
 if he will not pay and has the 
 power, then he shall pay double 
 according to that which shall be 
 fined by the said Brotherhood. 
 
 Also they are agreed that all 
 those of the said Brotherhood shall 
 hold their feasts wheresoever they 
 shall agree in common, and the 
 said day of their feast they shall be 
 there, and then they shall all go 
 together to the place which shall 
 be ordained by their Governor or 
 the said Brotherhood and each one 
 shall pay that which is his due to 
 pay for his portion, and before eat- 
 ing they shall choose three Wardens 
 by their common assent to govern 
 the said Brotherhood in the ensuing 
 year. 
 
 Also they have agreed that if any 
 one of the said Brotherhood bring 
 with him any one not of the said 
 Brotherhood to eat when they shall 
 hold their Feast, then he shall pay 
 for him as for himself each accord- 
 ing to his portion: and this shall 
 be on the Morrow of their Feast. 
 
 Also on the Morrow at the hour 
 of Tierce after the day of their said 
 Feast, they shall all assemble where 
 they have eaten, to account for 
 and pay each as much as belongs to 
 his portion. And if any one absent 
 himself without reasonable cause 
 he shall pay to the said Brotherhood 
 double that the others pay. 
 
 Also they are agreed that if any 
 one fall into trouble by misfortune 
 so that he have not wherewithal 
 to live, he shall be helped by the 
 said Brotherhood reasonably where- 
 with he may live, taking from the 
 Common Box by the week i6^d?., 
 until he be relieved, so that he pray 
 
loo Ordinances of the Brotherhood of 
 
 de la di? f nte durant son dit mes- 
 chief. 
 
 Et si null de la dite f rite devye 
 q touz ses confrers & soers si nulls 
 y soient sPont a 1'' dirige ove Ic 
 vestur vestue sil ne soit p resonable 
 cause qil ne poet venir & offrer 
 a iiij messes et q nuUy departe de 
 illocqs tanq le corps soit ensevely 
 s' peyne de vj"* a la coiie boist. 
 
 Auxint si null de la dite f rite 
 devye & il nad de quoi estr en- 
 sevely adonq il §ra ensevely a 
 Bethlem sil le coveyte si non il §ra 
 ensevely la ou il desir as costages 
 de la dite frlte. 
 
 Auxint q chescun de la dite flFrite 
 sil voille devyse en son) Testament 
 ou a son) darrein volente al dite 
 fFrite une porcon dargent solonc 
 son poer en amendement de la f rite 
 & de p)er devoutement p' luy. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils accordez & as- 
 sentuz q si ascun desbut soit moeve 
 p entre ascuns de la dite frite q 
 celuy q conte greve se doit pleynd? 
 al dite trite siq le trespace poet 
 est? redresse ent? les pties sannz 
 Ryate faire & null pleyne en aut? 
 place p Sif ne p au? mafDe. Et si 
 null de eux soit rebell & ne voet 
 est? redresse p la dite fFrite qil soit 
 oustee de la compaignie as touz 
 jo^s. 
 
 Auxint si null de la dite frite 
 soit trove fesant faux o?age en 
 desceit de la coiie poeple & en 
 desclaund? de la dite frite qadonq 
 
 for all the living and dead of the 
 said Brotherhood during his said 
 mischance. 
 
 And if any ofthe said Brotherhood 
 die, that all his Brethren and sisters, 
 if any there be, shall be at their Dir- 
 ige clothed in their livery unless 
 there be reasonable cause for their 
 not coming to ofFer at four Masses, 
 and that no one depart from thence 
 until the body be buried on pain of 
 paying 6d. to the Common Box. 
 
 Also if any of the said Brother- 
 hood die and have not wherewith 
 to be buried, then he shall be 
 buried at [the Hospital of] Bethle- 
 hem if he will, and if not he 
 shall be buried where he shall desire 
 at the costs ofthe said Brotherhood. 
 
 Also that each of the Brotherhood 
 may, if he will, devise in his Testae 
 ment or his last will to the said 
 Brotherhood a portion of silver 
 according to his power for the 
 good of the Brotherhood, and that 
 they shall pray devoutly for him. 
 
 Also they are agreed that if any 
 dispute arise between any of the 
 said Brotherhood, that he who 
 feels himself aggrieved shall com- 
 plain to the said Brotherhood so 
 that the trespass may be redressed 
 between the parties without making 
 a disturbance, and that no one 
 shall ^complain in any other place 
 nor in any other manner ; and if 
 any one be a rebel and will not be 
 reformed by the said Brotherhood, 
 that he be ousted from the Com- 
 pany for ever. 
 
 Also if any of the said Brother- 
 hood be found doing bad work 
 to the detriment of the Common 
 people and to the dishonour of the 
 
Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 13 71 loi 
 
 il serra il ouste de la f nte avantdit 
 as touz jo's. 
 
 Auxint si ascun de la f rite jewe 
 en autr jeu q convenable & ad 
 vestu la li?e il paiera al pffDe foitz 
 j lb de cire la scde sil trespace ij lb 
 de ci? & al tierce foitz sil ne se 
 voet amender soit il ous? de la f rite 
 p' touz jo's. 
 
 Et si ascun jewe a lez Tables ou 
 a le Jew appelle Mounne ou au? 
 maffle de Jewe de dees vestu la li?e 
 qil pale al cone boist vj' viij''. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils accordez q touz 
 lez ffriers & soers q paient quarte- 
 rages al chapeleyn ou que p)ignent 
 li9ee ou nofi) paieronnt p' la vestur 
 de le chapeleyn & Ku & Bedell 
 chescun solonc son por con qil §ra 
 taxe. 
 
 Auxint sonnt ils assentuz & 
 accordez q touz lez fifrers & soers 
 de la dite ff rite q voilJount venir 
 al feste ne paieronnt plus p' lour 
 manger q xx*^ quele constitucon fii 
 trete examine & conferme en le 
 temps Simond atte more & Will^m 
 Waryn Ian xliiij°. 
 
 Item la q la dite compaignie 
 avoit en mayn entour trois anz 
 passez une certeigne some dargent 
 p ceyvantz ou un certeign rente 
 fijist a vend? le quel nest q de la 
 value de vj m^rcz p an ils bargayne- 
 rent le dit rente & p tant q lo' dite 
 some ne sufBsoit certeins gentz 
 app)sterent la remenant & sont 
 
 said Brotherhood, that then he 
 shall be ousted from the Brother- 
 hood aforesaid for ever. 
 
 Also if any of the Brotherhood 
 play at any improper game being 
 clothed in the Livery he shall pay 
 the first time i lb. of wax, the 
 second time if he trespass x lb., 
 and the third time, if he will not 
 amend, he shall be ousted from the 
 said Brotherhood for ever. 
 
 And if any one play at tables or 
 at the game called Mounne or other 
 manner of game at Dice dressed 
 in the Livery, that he pay to the 
 Common Box 6s. %d. 
 
 Also they are agreed that all the 
 Brethren and sisters who pay quar- 
 terages to the Chaplain, or who 
 take the Livery and do not pay for 
 the vesture of the Chaplain and 
 ' Ku ■" [quarterage ?] and the Beadle, 
 every one according to his shar£, 
 shall be fined. 
 
 Also they are agreed and ac- 
 corded that all the Brothers of the 
 said Brotherhood who will come to 
 the Feast shall not pay more for 
 their eating than zod. This con- 
 stitution was treated, examined, 
 and confirmed in the time of 
 Simon atte More and William 
 Waryn in the 44th year.' 
 
 Item that the said Company had 
 in hand about three years past a 
 certain sum of money, and know- 
 ing of a certain tenement which 
 was for sale, which is of the value 
 of 6 marks by the year, they pur- 
 chased it, and forasmuch as the 
 said sum was not sufficient, certain 
 people lent the remainder and are 
 
 ' This seems to mean the forty-fourth year of Edward III, i.e. A.D. 1370-1. 
 
 160S-1 D d 
 
lox Our Lady of Bethlehem , 13 71 
 
 enfeffez en le dit rente tanque ils enfeoffed of the said tenement 
 eyent levez IC argent app)stee qeL until they shall have recovered 
 del dit rente q de lez p fitz p their money lent, as well from the 
 venantz a la dite companie queux said quit-rent as from the profits 
 sont [illegible] paiez as ditz enfeifez proceeding to the said |Company, 
 p onnt q ne rest null monoie de9s which are . . , paid to the said 
 eux. Et fuist lentente del dit p)chas feoiFees, so that there remains no 
 tiel davoir p'suy au Roi de le avoir money due to them. And it was 
 amorteise en eyde de trd? un chape- the intent of the said Purchaser to 
 leyn en la dite meson sil p)roit est?, have prayed the King to have it 
 Et si non q lez enfeofFez le denssent mortmained for the purpose of 
 avoir vendu arer & levez ces q 16' finding a Chaplain in the said 
 fuisse due & restore a' la dite com- House, if so it can be ; and if not, 
 paignie lo' some. that the feoffees should sell it and 
 
 take that which was due to them 
 and restore to the said Company 
 the sum it had paid. 
 
 37 Edward III, Cap. f, 6, i^'ifg-^. 
 
 Translated (^Statutes at Large) 
 
 THAT MERCHANTS AND ARTIFICERS SHALL KEEP TO 
 THEIR OWN MERCHANDISE AND MYSTERY 
 
 c. V. Item, For the great mischiefs which have happened, as well to 
 the King, as to the great men and commons, of that that the merchants, 
 called Grocers, do ingross all manner of merchandise vendible ^ and 
 suddenly do enhance the price of such merchandise within the realm, 
 putting to sale by covin and ordinance made betwixt them, called the 
 Fraternity and Gild of Merchants, the merchandises which be most dear, 
 and keep in store the other till the time that dearth or scarcity be of 
 the same : [The Parliament hath] ordained. That no English merchant 
 shall use no ware nor merchandise, by him nor by other, nor by no 
 manner of Covin, but only one, which he shaU choose betwixt this and 
 the Feast of Candlemas next coming. And such as have other wares or 
 merchandises in their hands, than those that they have chosen, may set 
 them to sale before the Feast of the Nativity of Saint John next ensuing ; 
 and if any do to the contrary of this ordinance in any point and be 
 thereof attainted, in the manner as hereafter foUoweth, he shall forfeit 
 against the King the merchandise, which he hath so used against this 
 ordinance ; and moreover, shall make a fine to the King, according to 
 
Statute 37 Edward III log 
 
 the quantity of the trespass : And how this ordinance shall be put in 
 execution, It is ordained, that good people and lawful of every mer- 
 chandise shall be chosen and sworn, to survey that this ordinance be 
 holden and executed; that is to say, two merchants [in] every mer- 
 chandise in every town and burgh, and two merchants of every county, 
 and redress the defaults, and of that that they may not redress, they 
 shall certify the Chancellor, and the King's Council j and commissions 
 shall be made to certain people, to whom and when it shall please the 
 King to assign, to enquire in cities, burghs, and counties, where need 
 shall be, as well of trespassers in this behalf, as of surveyors, in case that 
 they be negligent, or of Covin with the trespassers, by the oath of six 
 men sworn \ and moreover to make process [for to hear and determine] 
 daily, [and to punish] the trespassers and surveyors; that is to say, the 
 trespassers according as is above, ordained^ and the surveyors according 
 to the discretion of the justices, and that by the jury of xii, in case they 
 will put themselves upon the country of their accusement ; and whoso- 
 ever will sue for the King in such case, shall be thereto received, and 
 shall have the fourth peny of the forfeiture of him that so shall be 
 attainted at his suit. 
 
 c. vi. Item, it is ordained, that artificers, handicraft people, hold them 
 every one to one mystery, which he will choose betwixt this and the said 
 feast of Candlemas. And two of every craft shall be chosen to survey, 
 that none use other craft than the same which he hath chosen, and that 
 justices be assigned to enquire by process, to hear and determine in this 
 article, as is ordained in the article beforesaid, saving that the trespassers 
 in this article shall be punished by imprisonment of half a year, and 
 moreover to make fine and ransom, according to the quantity of the 
 trespass. And the surveyors by the discretion of the justices, as before. 
 'But the intent of the King and of his Council is^ that luomen, that is to say, 
 tretuerSy takers, carders and spinners, and "workers as "well of "wool, as of 
 linen cloth and of silk, hra-wdesters, and breakers of "wool, and all other that 
 do use and "work all handy -works, may freely use and -work as they have done 
 before this time, -without any impeachment, or being restrained by this ordinance. 
 
 c. V was however repealed by 3 8 Ed. Ill, c. i, which enacted ' That 
 all people shall be as free as they were at all times before the said ordi- 
 nance ; . . . and that all merchants as well aliens may sell and buy all 
 manner of merchandises and freely carry them out of the realm, paying 
 the customs and subsidies thereof due. Except that English merchants 
 shall not pass out of the realm with wools or woolfells ; and that none 
 carry gold nor silver in plate nor in money saving victuallers that fish, 
 and that they bring fish within the realm in small vessels which meddle not 
 with other merchandises ' ; and the words in italics in c. vi were repealed 
 by 5" Eliz. c. 4. 
 
X04 Letters Tatent of '^S Edward III 
 
 VI 
 
 LETTERS PATENT 38 Edward III [July if, 136^4.] 
 Letter Book G, fb. 112 b,' also at Drapers' Hall, Charter No. IX. 
 
 Carta p \ 
 Pannarijs. ) 
 
 Edward p la gee de 
 Dieu Roi DengletPe 
 Seign' Dirlande Q: Daquitaigne As 
 tous ceux as queux cestes Ires ven- 
 dront salutz Sachiez q come entre 
 autres choses ordenez A iire darrein 
 plement si estoit p' 9teines causes 
 p'poses en mesme le plement ordene 
 q nul Marchant Engleys ne vse 
 Si)ces ne marchandie p> lui ne p< 
 autre p nulle man© de couine forsqj 
 vne soulement quel il vorroit elire 
 deuant la feste de la Chandeleure 
 darrein passe grceux qauoient entre- 
 meins autres marchandises q celles 
 qils issint esliroient les porroient 
 mettre a vente deuant la feste del 
 Natiuite de Seint Johan le Baptistre 
 pchein ensuant come en les dites 
 ordenances est contenuz plus au 
 plein Et ia soit monstre a nous ^ 
 a lire conseil q p' cause q, gentz de 
 diQses mestiers qonqes nestoient 
 app)ntices ne sufficiantment apris 
 en le mestier de marchandie de 
 draperie solonc les bones aunciens 
 vsages de la Citee de Londres se 
 mellent du dit mestier si qja peine 
 home troSa shope en la dite Citee 
 
 Edward, by Grace of God, King 
 of England, Lord of Ireland and of 
 Aquitaine, to all to whom these 
 present Letters shall come, greet- 
 ing. Know that whereas amongst 
 other matters ordained at our last 
 Parliament it was for certain 
 reasons in the said Parliament or- 
 dained * that no English merchant 
 should use no ware nor merchandise 
 by himself, or another by any man- 
 ner of covine [fraud], except that 
 one only, which he had chosen 
 before the Feast of Candlemas last 
 past, and that those who had en- 
 gaged in merchandise other than 
 that they then chose could put 
 them to sale before the Feast of 
 the Nativity of St. John the Baptist 
 next ensuing, as in the said ordi- 
 nances is more fully contained. 
 And now it has been shown to us 
 and our Council that because 
 people of divers mysteries, whohave 
 neither been apprenticed to, nor 
 sufficiently instructed in, the mys- 
 tery of the dealing in Drapery 
 according to the good ancient 
 usages of the City of London, 
 engage in the said mystery, one 
 can scarcely find any shop in the 
 
 ' The copy in the Company's Book of Evidences, + 589, fo. I5'4, is here and 
 there illegible. It is preceded by the following note : ' Ista Carta am Regis 
 lecta & irrotulata q sunt in Cain)a gyhalde London in libro cum tra G, fo. cxxii. 
 tempe Ade de Bary maioris & loftis de Cauntebrugg came? videlt anno Regis 
 Edwardi tercii pos conqm tricesimo octavo.' — Lucas. The copy in Herbert, 
 i. 480, taken from the recital in the mandate commanding its publication differs 
 in the wording. =37 Ed. ftlj c. j. 
 
Letters Tatent of i% Edward III lof 
 
 daucune mestier en quele ne soit 
 aucun draperie ou meins ou plus 
 mis ^ monstre a coe vente queux 
 gentz nount souffisante conissance 
 en le pris de darrees de marchandie 
 du mestier de draperie ^ p lour 
 nounsachantie ^ auxint p les grosses 
 embracementz qils fount meins 
 sagement de totes maneres de draps 
 si est la chierte de draperie deuenuz 
 si gnt qele ne purra legerement estre 
 amenuse ^ auxint pluseurs deceites 
 sont faites en la fesance ^ vente de 
 draps come p fauses moillieurs (J 
 toundours (J drap de demy grein 
 vendu pur escarlet et les Teinturers 
 Tistrers Q: Fullers q soleient assi- 
 duelement faire lour labour f)pre 
 sont deuenuz fesours de draps (J ne 
 voillent laborer sur le drap dautri 
 sil ne soit p' trop excessiue salarie 
 ^ nientmeins fount plusures fraudes 
 en lour oQaignes queux ne poent 
 bien estre appceus sinoun p drapers 
 soulement qont de tiels oQaignes 
 pleSe conissance Q; q pys est souent 
 les teinturers chaungeont les leines 
 les Tisters la file ^ les Fullers tout 
 le drap queux Teinturers Tistours 
 (J Fullers auxint p colour qils sont 
 fesours des draps achatent autri 
 draps p voie de forstallarie (| puis 
 les vendent as drapers ^ issint est 
 le drap deux foitz achate auant qil 
 viegne a comune vente (J le drap 
 qest si souent achate (J vendue p 
 
 said City of any mystery in which 
 there is not some drapery more or 
 less offered for common sale, which 
 people have not sufficient know- 
 ledge of the price of goods belong, 
 ing to the merchandise of the Mys- 
 tery of Drapery (the selling price of 
 Drapery). And on account of their 
 ignorance, and because of the great 
 (embracementz) engrossment which 
 they make unwisely of all manner 
 of cloth, the dearness of cloth has 
 become so great that it cannot be 
 easily reduced, and also various 
 frauds have been practised iii the 
 making and sale of cloth, such as 
 by false dampers ' and shearmen, 
 and cloth of demy grein sold for 
 scarlet; and the Dyers, Weavers, 
 and Fullers, who should confine 
 themselves to their own proper 
 work, have become makers of 
 cloths, and will not work on the 
 cloths of others except at an exces- 
 sive wage, and also perpetrate many 
 frauds in their work which cannot 
 be well detected except by Drapers 
 who have full knowledge of such 
 work, and what is worse, the 
 Dyers often change the wool and 
 the Weavers the yarn, and the 
 Fullers the whole cloth, the which 
 Dyers, Weavers and Fullers also, 
 on the ground that they are makers 
 of clothj, buy other cloths by way 
 of forestalling and then sell them 
 to Drapers, and thus the cloth is 
 twice bought before it comes to 
 open sale, and being thus so often 
 bought and sold by divers hands 
 
 ' ' Moillienr.' The damping or soaking of the cloth probably in the process 
 of falling or dyeing. Mr. Pirenne tells me that he has never met with the word 
 in French or Low Country documents. 
 
io6 Letters Tatent qf^S Edward III 
 
 diQses mains couient a forte estre 
 de molt le plus chier q drap q nest 
 vendu q vne foitz p Marchant 
 draper queles choses entre autres 
 sont les greindres causes de lex- 
 cessiue chierte de marchandise de 
 draperie Q: issint de tieux deceites 
 Q: defautes t§gnt damage i^ pert 
 sont aduenuz deuant ces heures 
 sibien a nous come a tout le poeple 
 de nre roialme 5 plusgntz auendront 
 q dieu defende si remedie k plustost 
 ny soit mys Nous entendantz les 
 dites choses issint a nous monstretz 
 estre tout contfiantz au dite ordi- 
 nance duplement ^voillantz mesme 
 lordinance garder ^ meintenir en 
 touz pointz (i de tout ouster les 
 fraudes ^ deceites susditz si auons 
 p assent des gntz ^ autres de iire 
 consail ordene 5 gnte q nuUy ne vse 
 le mestier de draperie en la Citee 
 de Londres non les suburbes dycelle 
 sil neist este app)ntice en icelle 
 mestier ou p autre dune manle receu 
 p coe assent de mesme le mestier 
 et q chescun des ditz mestiers des 
 Teinturers Tisters (J Fullers se 
 tiegne a son office ppre ^ de rien 
 ne se melle de fesure achate ne de 
 vente de nul marOe drap ne de 
 draperie sur peine demprisonement 
 5 de pdre tout le drap issint p eux 
 feit achate ou vendue ou la value 
 deQs nous et q nul q eit drap 
 a vendre en la dite Citee ou en les 
 suburbes ne les vende forsqj as 
 drapers enfranchiez en la dite 
 mestier de drapie sil ne soit en 
 
 becomes much more dear than 
 cloth which is only sold once by 
 a Merchant Draper. The which 
 things amongst others are the chief 
 cause of the excessive dearness of 
 the merchandise of cloth, and also 
 because of the like frauds and de- 
 faults great damage and loss have 
 of late accrued to us and all the 
 people of our realm, and greater 
 will befall us, which God forbid, 
 if a remedy be not speedily applied. 
 We, understanding that the said 
 things as above shown to us are 
 entirely contrary to the said ordi- 
 nance of Parliament, and wishing 
 to maintain and enforce in all 
 points the said ordinance and to 
 remove the above-mentioned frauds 
 and deceits, have, with the assent 
 of the lords and others of our 
 Council, ordained and granted that 
 none shall use the said Mystery of 
 Drapery in the City of London, 
 norin the suburbsof the same, unless 
 he has been apprenticed in the said 
 Mystery or in other due manner 
 been received by the common as- 
 sent of the same Mystery, and that 
 each of the Mysteries of Dyers, 
 Weavers, and Fullers shall keep 
 themselves to their own Mystery, 
 and in no way meddle with the 
 * making', buying, or selling of 
 any manner of cloth or drapery 
 on pain of imprisonment, and of 
 forfeiture to us of all the cloth so 
 by them made, bought or sold, or 
 of the value thereof. And that no 
 one who has cloths to sell in the 
 said City or in the suburbs shall 
 sell them except to Drapers en- 
 franchised in the said Mystery of 
 Drapery, unless it be in gross to 
 
Letters Tatent of i^ Edward III 107 
 
 gros as Seign's ^ autres du coe qi 
 
 les voillent achatre pour lour oeps 
 
 demesne (i nemie a retaille sur 
 
 mesme la peine Et q les Drapers 
 
 enfranchiez en la mestere dedraperie 
 
 en la dite Citee puissent elire ches- 
 
 cun an quatre psones de lour mes- 
 
 tier ppre q soient iurrez vne foitz 
 
 p an en p)sence du Mair de suruere 
 
 q nul defaute ne deceite soit vse ne 
 
 teit en les mestiers auantditz ^ de 
 
 reuler (J gou)ner le dit mestier de 
 
 draperie en mesme la Citee au coe 
 
 ^fit du poeple ^ de due punissement 
 
 ent faire de ceux en queux defaut 
 
 §ra troue selonc lauis (J discrecion 
 
 des ditz quatre psones p laide du 
 
 Mair ^ des viscontz qnt il embu- 
 
 soignera les queux Mair (J viscontz 
 
 nous volons qils soient entendantz 
 
 as ditz quatre psones qant ils §ront 
 
 a ce p eux requis. Et volons auxint 
 
 ^ donons poair as ditz quatre psones 
 
 qi iront issint eslieux ^ iurrez de 
 
 p)ndre §ement de toux ceux qi 
 
 Iront receux au dit mestier de 
 
 draperie en mesme la Citee de vsir 
 
 g: faire ce qapptient a mesme le 
 
 mestier bien ^ loialment sanz fraude 
 
 mal engin ou subtil compassement 
 
 faire encontre les pointz (J orde- 
 
 nances auantditz Sauue touz io's 
 
 a nre chier en dieu le Priour de 
 
 Smythfeld ^ autres seign's qont 
 
 feires en les dites suburbes p gntes 
 
 de noz pgenito's ^ de nous lour 
 
 feires franchises 5 franches custumes 
 
 the lords and others of the com- 
 mons who wish to buy them for 
 their own use, and by no means by 
 retail under the same penalty. And 
 that the Drapers enfranchised in 
 the Mystery of Drapery in the said 
 City may elect each year four of 
 their own Mystery, who shall be 
 sworn once a year ' in the presence 
 of the Mayor, to oversee that no 
 default nor deceit be used or done 
 in the Mystery aforesaid ; and to 
 rule and govern the said Mystery 
 of Drapery in the same City to 
 the common profit of the people, 
 and to duly punish those in whom 
 default shall be found, according to 
 the advice and discretion of the 
 said four persons by the aid of the 
 Mayor and the Sheriflfs if need be • 
 the which Mayor and SheriflFs shall 
 listen to the said four persons 
 when they shall be requested by 
 them. 
 
 And we also will and give power 
 to the said four persons who shall 
 be elected and sworn, to take an 
 oath of all those who shall be re- 
 ceived into the said Mystery of 
 Drapery in the same City, that they 
 will and do whatever appertains to 
 the same Mystery well and law- 
 fully without fraud, evil design, or 
 subtle compassing contrary to the 
 points and ordinances aforesaid. 
 
 Saving always to our beloved in 
 God, the Prior of Smithfield, and 
 other lords, who have fairs in the 
 said suburbs by grant of our pro- 
 genitors, or of us, their fairs, fran- 
 chises, and free customs which they 
 
 '^ In the mandate ordering the publication of the Charter they are to be sworn 
 twice a year. C£ Herbert, Livery Companies, i. 482. 
 
io8 Letters Tatent of 1% Edward III 
 
 queux ils ont vsez en leur ditz feires 
 du temps des dites gates encea as 
 queux p colour de ceste nre gate ^ 
 ordenance nous ne volons pjiudice 
 ne damage estre fait en aucun man)e 
 et sauue les franchises p nous gntez 
 as Marchantz Vineters Dengle^re 
 (J de Gascoigne queux nous volons 
 demorer en lour force en touz pointz 
 En tesmoignaace de quele chose 
 nous avons fait faire cestes noz Ires 
 patentes Doii A Westmoustier le 
 quinzisme iour de luyl Ian de nre 
 regne trent oetisme. 
 
 p ipm Regem Q: cons. 
 
 have exercised in their said fairs 
 from the date of the said grants, 
 with regard to whom we do not 
 wish that any prejudice or damage 
 shall be done to them in any way 
 under pretext of this our grant 
 and ordinance} and saving the 
 franchises by us granted to the 
 Merchant Vintners of England 
 and Gascony, which we will shall 
 remain in force in all points. In 
 testimony of which we have caused 
 to be written these our Letters 
 Patent. Given at Westminster 
 the ifth day of July in the 38th 
 year of our reign. 
 
 By the King and his Council. 
 
 vn 
 
 PETITION OF THE MYSTERY OF DRAPERS AGAINST 
 THE ELECTION OF NICHOLAS BREMBRE AS MAYOR 
 IN 138+ 
 
 Ancient Petitions, File 94, No. 45^4, Public Record Office, London. 
 
 A ? sexcellent & ? spuissant s' 
 nre s' le Roy & ? snobles & sages 
 s's de cest p)3ent plement . . . . nt 
 hublement ses po9es liges Drapers 
 de sa Citee de Loundres & se pley- 
 nent ^s s Nichol Brembre Chlr 
 & sez acomplices & autres de 
 son assent de ce q le dit s Nichol 
 ove lassent de lez qux fiirent de 
 son assent accrocha s' lui roiale 
 poair de ce q encontre lo' chartre 
 dez Roys g'^unte & conferme de lo' 
 fraunchise de la dite Citee & en 
 
 mayntenance de sa mondre 
 
 fist Steins gentz q furent de son 
 assent al Gyhall du dite Citee en 
 
 To the most Excellent and Puis- 
 sant Lord the King and the very 
 noble and wise lords of the present 
 Parliament their poor lieges the 
 Drapers of the City of London 
 humbly [address themselves] and 
 complain against Sir Nicholas 
 Brembre knight, and his accom- 
 plices and others of his faction, that 
 the said Sir Nicholas,withthe assent 
 of those who were of his faction, 
 accroached to himself the royal 
 power, in that, contrary to the 
 Royal Charters granted and con- 
 firmed concerning their privileges 
 in the said City of London, and 
 
Tet'ition against Nicholas Brembre 109 
 
 le feste de seint Edward Ian le Roy 
 qorest viij"* pur eslire un mair Et 
 
 k dit s Nichol p assent z lez 
 
 autres qux furent de son assent fist 
 crier en di9ses pties du dite Citee 
 & charger chescun home du dite 
 Citee s' peyne denprisonement & 
 s' la peyne de qu'^qils p'oient faire 
 de?s le Roy q nul ne §roit si hardy 
 destre al dite eleccione fors ceux q 
 furent somonez & ceux qi furent 
 somonus furent somonus p lo' assent 
 Et mesme le jour a cele eleccion . . . 
 feust fait encontre lo' fraunchise le 
 dit s Nichol & lez autres de son 
 assent ordeynerent 9teins gentz 
 sibien fbreins come autres a g"unt 
 nombre lez qux fiirent armez al 
 . . . hall de Loundres p' faire cele 
 eleccion p qe pleise a iire dit ? le 
 Roi & lez fenobles & sages s's en 
 ceste p)sent plement de ceste hor- 
 rible chose faite encontre la corone 
 . . . faire due remedy p' Dieu Sic en 
 eovre de charitee 
 
 Itm lez ditz suppliantz se pley- 
 nent 9s le dit s Nichol de ceo qil 
 ove lassent des autres ses acom- 
 pUces accrocha s' lui Roiale poair 
 en ceo qil venoit en Chepe ove 
 g'^unt mititude dez gentz armez 
 a g'^unt affray & doute de touz bons 
 gentz du dite Citee Et ap)s p' 
 malice prist di?ses gentz du dit 
 mistier & eux mis en p'sone a g^'nt 
 doute de IC vies & pde de lo' biens 
 sanz respouns ou ley Issent qil & 
 lez autres deson assent accrocherent 
 
 for the maintenance of its citizens, 
 collected certain folk who^were of 
 his party to the Guildhall on the 
 Feast of S. Edward in the 8th year 
 of the King now reigning to elect 
 a Mayor; and the said Sir Nicholas, 
 by consent of those who were of 
 his faction, caused proclamation to 
 be made in various parts of the 
 City, and charged every man of the 
 said City, on pain of imprisonment 
 and of what might happen to them 
 from the King, that no -one should 
 be so daring as to be at the said 
 election except those summoned, 
 and those who were summoned 
 were summoned by their consent. 
 And on the day of election, which 
 was fixed in violation of their [the 
 citizens'] privileges, the said Sir 
 Nicholas and others of his faction 
 ordered to the Guildhall of London 
 certain persons, ' foreigns ' and 
 others in great numbers, who were 
 armed, to make the election. For 
 the which horrid deed done against 
 the Crown may it please the said 
 lord the King and the noble and 
 wise lords in this present Parlia- 
 ment to find a remedy, for the sake 
 of God and as a deed of charity. 
 
 The said petitioners also com- 
 plain against the said Sir Nicholas 
 that he, with consent of others his 
 accomplices, accroached to himself 
 the Royal authority in that he came 
 into Chepe with a great multitude 
 of armed folk, to the great terror 
 and dismay of all good citizens 
 of the said City, and after ma- 
 liciously seizing several of the said 
 Mystery put them in prison, to the 
 danger of their lives and the loss of 
 their goods, without giving them 
 
 1603-1 
 
 E e 
 
110 ^Petition of the 'Drapers against the 
 
 fe^eux Roial poairencontre la corone 
 nre dit s' le Roi q pleise a iire dit 
 fif le Roi & lez s's avant ditz de ceste 
 chose fait encontre la corone & ley 
 de Jre ent faire solonc ce qils ont 
 delvifdieu & eneovre de charitee 
 
 Itm lez dits suppliantz se pleynent 
 ?s le dit s Nicol de ceo qil ove 
 lassent des autres avantditz de sa 
 covyne accrocha s"^ lui Roiale poair 
 de ceo qils conspirerent & yma- 
 ginerent p» avoir mis a mort pluso'^s 
 bons gentz de Loundres et p^ ce qils 
 ne p*roient faire celle chose sanz 
 ascune cause ils conspirerent de 
 eux enditer de felonie & treson & 
 mistrent s"^ lez enquestes de eux 
 enditer ceux qi fiirent del afSnitee 
 & assent le dit s Nichol & qux 
 iurent de male fame come o?tement 
 §ra |)vez si lez enditemcntz furent 
 devant vous q pleise a iire dit s"^ le 
 Roi & lez s's avantditz de ceste 
 horrible Jtnatiere ent faire due re- 
 medie & charger Nichol Extoii ore 
 Meir de Loundres de faire venir 
 devant vous touz lez enditementz 
 ove lez enditots qux sont en sa 
 garde en avauntage du Roy p' Dieu 
 & en eovre de charitee 
 
 Km lez ditz suppliantz se pley- 
 nent ?s le dit s Nichol & ses acom- 
 plices q come estatut fuit fait au 
 plement tenuz a Westm Ian du 
 regne iire dit s le Roi sisme q 
 comence en cestes ^oles 
 
 any right of answering or of Law. 
 Inasmuch then as he and those 
 of his party accroached to them- 
 selves the Royal authority against 
 the Crown of our said lord the 
 King, may it please the said lord 
 our King and the aforesaid lords to 
 do to them for this act against the 
 Crown and the Law of the Land 
 as they deserve, for God's sake and 
 as a deed of charity. 
 
 Also the said petitioners com- 
 plain against the said Sir Nicholas 
 that he, with the consent of the 
 aforesaid persons of his faction, 
 accroached to himself the Royal 
 power by conspiring and imagining 
 the death of several good men of 
 London ; and because they could 
 not do this without any reason, 
 they conspired to indite them of 
 felony and treason, and placed on 
 the panel of those who accused 
 them men who were connected 
 with and of the party of the said 
 Sir Nicholas, and who were of evil 
 fame, as can be openly proved if 
 the indictments were before you. 
 May it therefore please our lord 
 the King and the above-mentioned 
 lords to give remedy for this hor- 
 rible affair, and to charge Nicholas 
 Exton, our Mayor of London, to 
 cause all the indictments and the 
 accusers who are in his hands to 
 be brought before you, to the ad- 
 vantage of the King, for God's 
 sake and as an act of charity. 
 
 Also the said petitioners com- 
 plain against the said Sir Nicholas 
 and his accomplices that, whereas a 
 Statute was made at the Parliament 
 held at Westminster in the tfth 
 year of the said our lord the King 
 
Election of Nicholas Bremhre as Mayor xii 
 
 Itm ordiatu est & statutu qd nee 
 in civitate London nee in aliis 
 civitatibus burgis villis vel portubz 
 maris p totu regnu pdcm aliquis 
 vitallarius ofSciu judiciale dece?o 
 Beat d^ceat neqj occupet quovis- 
 modo in villis ubi alia psona suf- 
 ficiens ad huj' statu Rend repiri non 
 pofet du tamen idem Judex p tempe 
 quo in officio illo ste?it ab e2cicio 
 vitallaf sub pena forisfactuf victua- 
 liu suoijL sic venditoif peni? cesset 
 & se abstineat j> se & suis [w] 
 omlno ab eod lui quel s Nichol & 
 ses acomplices lestatut avantdit ont 
 confriez a g^'unde damage de touz 
 les Comes du dite Citee q pleise 
 a nre dit s' le Roi & les s's avant- 
 ditz g^'unter q le dit estatut soit 
 tenuz sibn en la dite Citee come 
 aillo's & mayntenant mis en exccu- 
 cioun nient encontre esteant ascun 
 estatut ou ordinance fait en le 
 countr depuis encea. 
 
 which begins with these words : 
 ' Also it is ordained and established 
 that neither in the City of Lon- 
 don, nor in any other cities, bor- 
 oughs, towns, or sea-ports through- 
 out the realm aforesaid shall any 
 victualler have exercise or in any 
 wise occupy any judicial office, 
 except in such towns where no 
 other person sufficient to have the 
 office may be found j in the which 
 case the judge during the time that 
 he shall continue in the same office 
 shall utterly omit and abstain him- 
 self and his from the exercise ot 
 victualling upon pain of forfeiture 
 of his victuals so sold ' — the which 
 Statute the said Sir Nicholas and his 
 accomplices have disobeyed, to the 
 great damage of all the commonalty 
 of this City. May it therefore 
 please our said lord the King and 
 the lords aforesaid to grant that this 
 Statute be eufbrced, as well in the 
 City as elsewhere, and forthwith 
 be put into execution, notwith- 
 standing any Statute or ordinance 
 made subsequently to the contrary. 
 
 VIII 
 
 QUIT-RENT OF FIVE SHILLINGS GRANTED BY FITZAL- 
 WYN OUT OF LAND IN THE PARISH OF ST. MARY 
 BOTHAW, PAID BY THE DRAPERS' FRATERNITY, 
 
 September 30, 7 Henry VI, 1418 ^ 
 
 Ordinance Book, Drapers' Hall, No. 79J, p. 4. 
 
 IsTE Henricusj^/V Major Primus 
 London obiit 13* Kal. Oc'. videlicet 
 anno decimo Regis Johannis et sepul- 
 
 This Henry was the first Mayor 
 of London ; he died on the 19th ot 
 September in the tenth year of King 
 
Ill 
 
 §imt-Rent hy Fitzalwyn 
 
 tus est intra introitum capellae in 
 medio sub lanura [lamina ?] ' mar- 
 morea. 
 
 - Sciant presentes et futuri quod 
 ego H. Filius Alwini de London) 
 dedi et concessi et hac presenti 
 Carta mea confirmavi Deo et Ecde- 
 siae Sanctae Trinitatis London) 
 Et Canonicis ibidem Deo servienti- 
 bus pro salute animae Regis Henrici 
 et animae meae et antecessorum et 
 successorum meorum et omnium 
 fidelium defunctorum in puram et 
 perpetuam ekmosinam quinque 
 solidos quieti reditus de terra quam 
 Henricus Toltrych tenuit de me, 
 inter terram quam AUwinus Dubbur 
 tenuit versus orientem et terram 
 quam Laurentius Plumbarius tenuit 
 versus occidentem habendum et te- 
 nendum predictae Ecclesiae Sanctae 
 Trinitatis et Canonicis ibidem Deo 
 servientibus in perpetuum libere 
 quiete integre et finabiliter ad fa- 
 ciendum servicium pro anima prae- 
 dicti Regis Henrici et pro anima 
 mea, et animabus omnium fidelium 
 defunctorum in die anniversarii 
 obitus mei annuatim quando eve- 
 nerit ut autem haec mea donatio et 
 concessio perpetua firmitate con- 
 sistat, presentem paginam sigilli 
 mei munimine roboravi. 
 
 Et haec nomina solventium : 
 
 H. Toltrych, Dubber, relicta 
 Toltrjch. 
 
 John and was buried in the centre 
 of the porch of the Chapel under 
 a marble slab(?). 
 
 Let all present and future know 
 that I, H. Fitzalwyn of London, 
 have granted and conferred and con- 
 firmed by this Deed to God and to 
 the Church of the Holy Trinity in 
 London and to the Canons serving 
 God therein, for the weal of the soul 
 of King Henry and of mine and of 
 my ancestors and successors and 
 of aU the faithful dead, in perpetual 
 frankalmoign five shillings quit-rent 
 from the land which Henry Tol- 
 trych held of me, lying between the 
 ground to the East which Allwyn 
 Dubbur held and the ground to 
 the West which Lawrence the 
 Plumber held, to be had and to be 
 held by the said Church of the 
 Holy Trinity and by the Canoas 
 serving God therein, in perpetuity 
 freely, quietly, fiiUy and finally, in 
 order that they may do service for 
 the soul of the aforesaid King 
 Henry, and for my soul and for the 
 souls of all the faithful dead every 
 year on the anniversary of my 
 death when that shall happen. And 
 that this, my gift and concession, 
 may stand fast for ever I have con- 
 firmed this document with the 
 guarantee of my seal. 
 
 These are the names of those 
 who have paid (the quit-rent) : 
 
 H. Toltrych, Dubber, the widow 
 of Toltrych. 
 
 ' The word ' lanura ' is not known. Linura is used to mean ' a woollen tippet ', 
 and if this were read, it would give some authority for the tradition that 
 Fitzalwyn was a draper, or connected with the wool trade. But the word is very 
 distinctly written * lana ' in the original. Probably the word should be read 
 ' lamna *, a contraction for ' lamina ' j this would mean a ' marble slab ', which 
 makes good sense. 
 
paid by the Drapers^ Fraternity 113 
 
 R. Scott, G. Wolfe, anno 44 
 H. III. 
 
 John Kimesynge pistor, 1 Ed. II. 
 
 Relicta ejusdem, 5 Ed. IL 
 
 H. Aumener, 19 Ed. II. 
 
 John Kimesinge aurifaber, i 
 Ed. Ill, qui concessit dictum 
 tenementum J. Hamond, quod 
 in parochia B. Mariae situm 
 est. 
 
 R. Scott, G. Wolfe, in the 44th 
 year of H. III. 
 
 John Kimesynge, baker, i Ed. II. 
 
 His widow, y Ed. II 
 
 H. Aumener, 19 Ed. II. 
 
 John Kimesinge, goldsmith, 
 I Ed. Ill, who granted the 
 said tenement which lies in 
 the parish of B. Mary to 
 J. Hamond. 
 
 John Hamond, 1 1 Ed. Ill, 
 
 Relicta ejusdem, 30 Ed. III. 
 
 Dominus Thos. Salisbury, jf 
 Ed. UI. 
 
 Paulus Salisbury, 8 Ric. II — 11 
 Ric. IL 
 
 Modo fratemitas Pannariorum 
 et sic Magistri dictae artis — ^vid: 
 W. Crowmer, J. Gedney, W.Wes- 
 ton, J. Hygham, R. Att Lee, visa 
 carta prescripta, de consensu om- 
 nium artis predictae bene 
 
 solverunt. Acquietantia inde re- 
 cq>t^ cujus data est in crastino 
 S. Michaelis, 7 Henry VL Et in- 
 super copiam dictae cartae habue- 
 xunt, et in papyro suo inscribi 
 fecerunt. 
 
 The aforesaid writing in all this 
 side contained is only for a quit- 
 rent of 5^x. yearly to be paid at 
 Michaelmas to Crkherche out of our 
 lands in S' Mary Bothaw Parish. 
 
 John Hamond, 1 1 Ed. III. 
 
 His widow, 30 Ed. III. 
 
 Lord Thos. Salisbury, 3 5- Ed. 
 III. 
 
 Paul Salisbury, 8 Ric. II— 11 
 Ric. II. 
 
 Now the Fraternity of the Dra- 
 pers, that is to say, the Maisters 
 of the said Mystery, namely, W. 
 Crowmer, T. Gedney, W. Weston, 
 I. Hygham, R. Att Lee, having seen 
 the aforementioned deed, have fiilly 
 paid (the said quit-rent) and re- 
 ceived an acquittance, dated the 
 day after St. Michael's day 7 Henry 
 VI, and have received a copy of 
 the said Deed and have had it in- 
 scribed in their book. 
 
114- Letters Tatent of 17 Henry VI 
 
 IX 
 
 LETTERS PATENT OF KYNG HENRY THE VF= TO THE 
 MYSTERY OF DRAPERS CONSTITUTING THEM ONE 
 BODY AND PERPETUAL COMMUNITY, 17 Henry VI, 
 November 30, 1458. 
 
 Drapers' Hall; Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. if^a. a; Charter A.V. 287. 
 
 Letters Patent 
 Henry by the grace of God 
 king of England and France and 
 Lord of Ireland, To all to whom 
 these present Letters shall come. 
 Greeting : Know ye that we of our 
 especial grace and charitable intent 
 and on account of the especial 
 devotion which we bear to the 
 glorious Mother of God the Virgin 
 Mary, Have granted for us our 
 heirs and successors as much as 
 lieth in us to our well beloved 
 liegemen of the Mystery of Drapers 
 within our City of London that 
 they may unite, found, create, erect 
 and establish in the City aforesaid 
 one Gild or Fraternity in honour 
 of the blessed Virgin Mary from 
 among the men of the Mystery 
 aforesaid and others, and that they 
 may have and hold such Gild or 
 Fraternity so united, founded, cre- 
 ated, erected and established, and 
 the same enjoy to them and their 
 successors to all future times. And 
 that they may increase and augment 
 the same Gild and Fraternity as 
 often and when to them it shall 
 seem necessary and fit. And that 
 the men of the said Gild or Fra- 
 ternity may in every year elect and 
 make from among themselves one 
 Master and four Wardens, who at 
 
 Ires patents 
 Henricus Dei grg) Rex Anglie 
 5 fFrancie ^ Dominus Hibnie 
 Omnibj ad quos p)sentes Ire pue- 
 rDint saltm Sciatis qd de gra) nra) 
 speciali (J caritatis intuitu ac ob 
 specialem deuocoem quam ad 
 gliosam dei genitricem ^ virginem 
 mariam nrS mentis intuitu gerim^ 
 5 hemus concessim' p nob hereS) 
 5 Successorib3 nri§ quantum in 
 nobis est dittis ligeis nri§ hominibj 
 mistere Pannarioij infra Ciuitatem 
 nram london) qd ipi in Ciuitate 
 p)dca) vnam Gildam siue ffra?nita- 
 tem in honore bte marie uirginis 
 de hominibj mistere p)dc9 ^ aliis 
 vnire fundare creare erigere 5 sta- 
 bilire Gildamqj siue ffra?nitatem 
 illam sic unitam fundatam creatam 
 erectam (J stabilitam here ^ tenere 
 eademqj gaudere possint sibi ^ 
 Successoribj suis ppetuis futuris 
 temporibus duraturis Et qd ipi 
 eandtm Gildam siue ffra?nitatem 
 augere (J augmentare valeant quo- 
 ciens ^ quando eis videbitur nece- 
 safm (J oportunum Et qd homines 
 Gilde siue ffra?nitatis illius quoit 
 Anno eligere (J facere possint de 
 seipis vnum Magistrum ^ quatuor 
 Custodes qui tempore eleccois eoij 
 
Charter of Incorporation 
 
 ns 
 
 faint pannarij ^ libi Roies Civi- 
 tatis p)dc9 ad supportanS) onera 
 negociojj tarn misteram p)dcain q*in 
 Gildam siue flFra?iutatem illam tan- 
 gencia (J concernenciQ Necnoa 
 ad supintenS) regenS) ^ gubnanS) 
 easdem misteram Gildam (J ffra- 
 ternitatem (J omnes homines ^ 
 negocia eojjdem imppm Et qd 
 dcS Magister (J Custodes ac ffratres 
 (J Sorores Gilde siue ffra?nitatis 
 predce sint in re ^ noie vnum 
 Corpus 5 vna Comunitas perpetua 
 lieantqj Successione ppetuam ^ 
 Coe Sigillum y negociis tarn mis- 
 tere p)dce q»m Gilde 5 ffra?nitat§ 
 p)dcajj §uitu? Et qd ipl (J Succes- 
 sores sui imppm sint psone habiles 
 5 capaces in lege ad pquirenS) in 
 feo3) 5 ppetuitate terras tenta red- 
 ditus ^ alias possessiones quascQqj 
 de quibuscaq3 psonis Et qd ijdem 
 magister ^ Custodes ^ eojj Suc- 
 cessores imppm p nomen Magistri 
 5 Custodum Gilde siue ffra?nitat§ 
 bte marie Pannarioij london plitare 
 possint ^ implitari Coram quibus- 
 cuq3 ludicibj in Cu? ^ Accionibj 
 quibuscuq5 In cuius rei testimoniQ 
 has Iras nras fieri fecimus patentes 
 Teste meipo apud Warrewyk tri- 
 cesimo die Nouembris Anno regni 
 nfi decimo septimo. Sturgeon. 
 
 p bre de priuato sigillo (J p 
 quadraginta libris solu? in Hanapio. 
 
 the time of their election shall be 
 Drapers and freemen of the City 
 aforesaid, to support the burden of 
 business touching and concerning 
 as well the Mystery aforesaid as 
 the Gild or Fraternity ; as also to 
 overlook, rule and govern the same 
 Mystery, Gild and Fraternity, and 
 all the men and business of the 
 same for ever. And that the said 
 Master and Wardens and brothers 
 and sisters of the Gild or Fraternity 
 aforesaid may be in fact and name 
 One Body and one perpetual com- 
 munity, and that they may have 
 perpetual succession and a common 
 Seal to serve as well for the business 
 of the Mystery aforesaid as of the 
 Gild and Fraternity aforesaid. And 
 that they and their successors may 
 be fit persons and capable in law to 
 purchase in fee and perpetuity lands, 
 tenements, rents and other pos- 
 sessions whatsoever, from whom- 
 soever persons. And that the same 
 Master and Wardens and their 
 successors for ever by the name of 
 the Master and Wardens of the 
 Gild or Fraternity of the Blessed 
 Mary of Drapers of London may 
 plead and be impleaded before 
 whomsoever judges in Court, and 
 in whatsoever actions. In Witness 
 whereof we have caused these our 
 Letters Patent to be made. Wit- 
 ness myself at Warwick the thirtieth 
 day of November in the seventeenth 
 year of our reign. Sturgeon. 
 
 By letter under the Privy Seal 
 in return for ^4.0 paid into the 
 Hanaper. 
 
zi6 Grant of the Farm of Aulnage 
 
 X 
 
 GRANT OF THE FARM OF AULNAGE TO THE DRAPERS, 
 17 Henry VI, February \6^ 1439 (New Style) 
 
 Drapers' Hall; Charter A. V. z88. 
 
 Henricus Dei gratia Rex Anglie 
 5 Francie Q; Dominus Hibnie Om- 
 nibj ad quos S)sentes Ire putiSint 
 sattm Sciatis qd) cum Dili Magnates 
 ^ Coitates regni nostri Angl in 
 magno Consilio DnD E. nup Regis 
 Angl pgenitoris nrD apud WestiS) 
 nup tento p remissione quam ad re- 
 quisicoem eo:;dem fecit de forisfcuris 
 ad ipum de vlnagio pannoij venaliffl 
 infra idem regnO) nrin) ptinentib^ 
 concesserint eidem pgenitori nro 
 quoddamsubsidiu) de singulis pannis 
 venalibj tam vnius coloris q^m a!- 
 ?ius infra idem regnQ nruii^ Angt 
 vlt* custumas inde debitas de ven- 
 ditore capienS vidett de quoit panno 
 de assisa in quo gr^ii) non fui? quatuor 
 denarios^dedimiSlhuiu'pannoduos 
 denarios de quoit panno de Scarleta 
 de assisa sex denarios ^ de dimi8| 
 hui' panno tres denarios (J de quoit 
 panno de dimiSj g^no de assisa 
 quinqj denarios (J de dimiS] hui^ 
 panno duos denarios ^ vnQ obolum 
 d de quoit panno dimidiQ pannu de 
 assisa p tres ulnuas (J amplius exce- 
 dente qui pannus de assisa integ 
 non fiiit, Et etiam de quoit panno 
 pann3 integrum de assisa ptres vlnas 
 5 amplius excedente iuxta ratam 
 subsidij de panno integro de eadem 
 sorte sic soluenD] ad opus nrm) 
 capiat?. Ita q8| quicq^m de codem 
 
 Henry by the grace of God King 
 of England and France and Lord 
 of Ireland, To all to whom these 
 present Lettersmay come,Greeting : 
 Know ye that, whereas the lords 
 and commons of our kingdom of 
 England in the Great Council of 
 the Lord Edward late King of Eng- 
 land our progenitor, of late held at 
 Westminster, did, in return for a 
 remission of forfeitures due to him 
 from theaulnageof cloth sold within 
 our kingdom which he made at their 
 request, grant to the said ancestor 
 of ours a certain subsidy from every 
 cloth as well of one colour as another 
 sold in our said kingdom of England, 
 besides the customs thence due from 
 the seller of the same, that is to 
 say, that, on whatsoever cloth of 
 assize (of legal measure) wherein 
 there is no grain four pence shall be 
 taken, and on every half such cloth 
 two pence, and on every c'oth of 
 assize of scarlet sixpence, and on 
 every half such cloth three pence, 
 and on every cloth half grain of 
 assize five pence, and on every half 
 such cloth two pence half penny; 
 and on every cloth exceeding the 
 half cloth of assize by three yards 
 or more, which is no whole cloth 
 of assize, and also on every cloth 
 exceeding the whole cloth of assize 
 by three yards or more, after the 
 rate of the subsidy which is to be 
 paid on the whole cloth of the same 
 sort ; provided always that on cloths 
 
to the Drapers' Fraternity 117 
 
 Subsidio de aliquibj pannis quos 
 
 aliquis ^ vestura sua ^ femilie sue 
 
 fieri fecit aut de pannis sigillo col- 
 
 lectoris subsidij p)dcD ac signatis de 
 
 quibj subsidiu) p)dciii) scmel p vendi- 
 
 torem solutum fui? ad quorumcumqj 
 
 manus panni illi sic signati deue- 
 
 Bint ad venden8| vel alio modo non 
 
 exiga? vel vlna? ^ q8i omes panni 
 
 antequa sigillo p)dcd sic signati 
 
 fu8int vendicoi expositi nob sint 
 
 forisfic. ^ in manQ nrani) p dcu. 
 
 collectorem vel vlnatorem aut eoj; 
 
 affius deputatum vel baUiuos ville 
 
 vbi huiusmodi pannos venales non 
 
 sigillatos inveniri contigit capian?. 
 
 Acetiam in eodem Consilio ordi- 
 
 natum fuisset q8| ulnator Regis 
 
 pannos venales vlnare fa9 ^ signare 
 
 p quod signu) homo cognosSe po?it 
 
 quantum huiusmodipannus continet 
 
 in se et q8| ulnator capiat de quoit 
 
 panno integro sic signato videlt de 
 
 venditore vnu) obolum ^ de dimi8| 
 
 panno vnu) quadrantem (J qBj idem 
 
 vlnator se de vlnacoe aliojj pannojj 
 
 q»m venaliu in aliquo non intro- 
 
 mittat £t insuper in diQsis statutis 
 
 continea? q8| pannus de Ray sit 
 
 longitudinis viginti ^ octo vlnajj 
 
 mensuratus p listam ^ quinqj quar- 
 
 fio]^ latitudinis ^ pannus de colore 
 
 longitudinis viginti ^ sex vlnajj 
 
 mensuratus p dorsum (J latitudinis 
 
 sex quarfio]^ ad minus et q8] dimi8] 
 
 pannus sive sit deRay sive de colore 
 
 teneat longitudinem ^ latitudinem 
 
 p)d3as juxta ratam Ac in statute 
 
 which a man maketh to clothe him- 
 self and his family, and on cloths 
 sealed with the seal of the Collector 
 of the said subsidy on which the 
 said subsidy shall have been once 
 paid by the seller, into whosoever's 
 hands such cloths thus sealed shall 
 have come for the purpose of being 
 sold or in any other manner, no 
 subsidy should be demanded or 
 paid : and that all manner of cloths 
 which be put to sale before they be 
 sealed with the said seal, shall be 
 forfeited to us, and be taken into 
 our hands by the said Collector or 
 aulnager, or by the deputy of either 
 of them, or else by the bailiffs of 
 the town where such cloths for sale 
 not sealed shall be found. And 
 also in the same Council it was 
 ordained that the king's aulnager of 
 cloth shall measure the cloth and 
 mark the same, by which mark 
 a man may know how much the 
 said cloth containeth, and how 
 much the ulnager takes on each 
 whole cloth thus sealed, namely 
 from the seller one halfpenny, and 
 on each half cloth one farthing, 
 and that the said aulnager shall 
 not interfere in the aulnage of any 
 other cloths except those exposed 
 for sale. And moreover in divers 
 statutes it is contained that cloth 
 of ray should be of the length of 
 eight and twenty yards measured 
 from the list, and of the breadth of 
 five quarters ; and cloth of colour 
 of the length of six and twenty 
 yards measured by the back, and of 
 the breadth of six quarters at least j 
 and that a half cloth either of ray or 
 of colour shall have the aforesaid 
 length and breadth according to 
 scale. And in the statute of the 
 
 Ff 
 
ii8 Grant of the Farm of ^ulnage 
 
 in parliamento diii R. nup Regis 
 Angl scdi post Conquestum anno 
 regni sui decimo septimo tento or- 
 dinatum existat q8| quilt homo regni 
 sui fa9e possit tam pannos de Ker- 
 seys q^m alios talis latitudinis g: 
 longitudinis f ut sibi placuerit (J 
 eosdem pannos vendicoi expone) 
 (J vendere solvendo vlnagiu ^ 
 subsidiu ^ alia denPa videlt de 
 quoit panno ^qualtpecia pannijuxta 
 ratam Aliquo statuto ordinacoe pro- 
 clamacoe restriccoe sive defensione 
 incontrariQ fcis non obstante Et 
 q8| nuUus aliquos pannos vendat 
 aut vendicoi exponat anteq^m pan- 
 ni illi p ulnatorem nrm vlnenl? ^ 
 sigillo ad hoc ordinato sigillent' sub 
 peniscontentisinStatutisindeeditis 
 £t insup in Parliamento DnD H. nup 
 Regis Angl aui nrD apud Westin) 
 primo die Marcij aimo regni sui 
 septimo tento ordinatum fuisset (J 
 stabilitum qS] pannus de colore con- 
 tineat in longitudine viginti ^ octo 
 ulnas mensuratus p dorsum absq5 
 conculcacoe pannoij ^ in latitudine 
 sex qua?io)j ^ dimi3) ^ si factores pan- 
 nojj pannos suos minoris latitudinis 
 vel longitudinis extunc feSrintijdem 
 factores pannos illosqui pvlnatorem 
 minoris longitudinis vel latitudinis 
 inuenti fQint forisfaB £t q8| idem 
 vlnator dcos pannos capiat (J eos ad 
 Garderobam nraifi) ad opus nrifD 
 libet. Ac in statuto in Parliamento 
 dcD aui nrD anno regni sui vndecimo 
 tento in? ce?a ordinatum sit Q; sta- 
 
 Parliament of the Lord Richard 
 late King of England the Second 
 held in the seventeenth year of his 
 reign, it was ordained that every 
 man of his realm might make and 
 put to sale and sell cloths, as well 
 Kerseys as others, of such length 
 and breadth as him pleased, paying 
 the aulnage, subsidy, and the other 
 duties, that is to say, on every 
 cloth and every piece of cloth after 
 the rate, notwithstanding any 
 statute, ordinance, proclamation, 
 restriction or order to the contrary j 
 and that none should sell or put to 
 sale any cloths before that they 
 were measured by the King's aul- 
 nager, and sealed with the seal 
 ordered for that purpose under the 
 penalties contained in the Statutes 
 published in this matter. And 
 moreover in the Parliament of the 
 Lord Henry late King of England 
 our grandfather, held at Westmin- 
 ster thie first day of March in the 
 seventh year of his reign, it was 
 ordained and established, that cloth 
 of colour should contain in length 
 twenty-eight yards measured by the 
 back without any crushing of the 
 cloth, and in breadth six quarters 
 and a half, and if the Clothmakers 
 from thenceforth should make their 
 cloths of less length and breadth, 
 that then the same makers should 
 forfeit the cloths, which by the 
 aulnager should be found of less 
 length or breadth ; and that the! 
 said aulnager should seize the same 
 and deliver them to our wardrobe 
 to our use. And in the Statute of 
 the Parliament held in the eleventh 
 year of the reign of our said grand- 
 father, it was amongst other things 
 ordained and established that open 
 
to the Drapers^ Fraternity 119 
 
 bilitum q8| j)cIamacio apte fieret in 
 
 partib3 occidentalibj ^ alibi p totum 
 
 regnu nrm) pdcffi q8| nulla psona 
 
 ft.ciens huiusmodi pannos ^ duo- 
 
 denas in partibj occidentalibj pdcii 
 
 aut alibi infra dcm regnu) nrni) 
 
 eosdem pannos ^ duodenas non 
 
 takket aut simul plicet priusq^m 
 
 pdcus vlnator scrutiniu ^ supvism 
 
 sua dcbite fe9it de huiusmodi 
 
 pannis ^ duodenis q8] ipi longitu- 
 
 dinem ^ latitudinem suas p statu- 
 
 tum pdcQ vltimo ordinatas teneant 
 
 sub pena forisfture eojjdem. Nos p 
 
 jnanucapcoemloliis Stoker Almarici 
 
 matany Willi Northampton cium 
 
 <J pannarioij Ciuitatis London) c6- 
 
 misim^RobtoShirborn (J loBiDerby 
 
 civibj civitatis London) firmam sub- 
 
 5idij ^ vlnagij pannojj venaliu in 
 
 ■civitatepdca)ac insuburbiis eiusdem 
 
 una cummedietate forisfture eojjdem 
 
 pannojj venaliu a festo Scl Mic&is 
 
 $2 futu) vsq3 ad finem decern annojj 
 
 extunc p2 sequen) ^ plenarie com- 
 
 pletojj Reddendo inde nob p annu 
 
 triginta (J quinqj ILbrassex solidos 
 
 ^ octo denarios |)u? Willus Cressy 
 
 Robtus Forset ^ lofies Ruddok 
 
 firmarij ibidem nob reddent ^ qua- 
 
 tuor libras tresdecim solidos Q 
 
 quatuor denarios vl? de incremento 
 
 ad festa Pasche ^ Scl Mic&is p 
 
 equales porcoes. Ita semp q8| de 
 
 ai?a medietate forisfture pdcc nob 
 
 respondeant ad sc^m nriS). Pro- 
 
 uiso semp q3) si aUquis alius dare 
 
 plus volui? de incremento p annQ 
 
 ^ firma pica sine fraude vel malo 
 
 ingenio qBj extunc 3)ci Robtus ^ 
 
 proclamation should be made in the 
 western and other parts of our 
 aforesaid kingdom that no person 
 making such sort of cloth whether 
 singly or in dozens, in the western 
 parts aforesaid or elsewhere within 
 our said kingdom, should tuck 
 [takket, sew together ?] or fold such 
 kinds of cloths before that the said 
 aulnager had duly made his due 
 search and survey of the same 
 cloths and had seen that their 
 length and breadth was according 
 to the aforesaid Statute upon pain 
 of forfeiture of the same. We, John 
 Stokker, Almaric Matany, William 
 Northampton, citizens and drapers 
 of the City of London standing 
 sureties, have granted to Robert 
 Shirborne and John Derby, citizens 
 of the City of London, the farm 
 of the subsidy and aulnage of cloth 
 offered for sale in the City afore- 
 said and the suburbs, together with 
 one half of the cloth forfeited, from 
 the feast of St. Michael next en- 
 suing for the term of full ten years 
 from that date ; They on their 
 part paying to us yearly thirty and 
 five pounds six shillings and eight 
 pence, in like manner as William 
 Cressy, Robert Forset, and John 
 Ruddock, farmers of the same, now 
 pay us, and four pounds thirteen 
 shiOings and four pence besides, at 
 the feasts of Easter and of St. 
 Michael by equal portions. So 
 always that for the other half of 
 the aforesaid forfeiture they shall 
 be responsible to our Exchequer. 
 Provided always that if any other 
 will give more a year for the farm 
 aforesaid without fraud or evil 
 design, that from thenceforth the 
 said Robert and John shall pay so 
 
zzo Grant of the Farm of Aulnage 
 
 lofies tanta ^ eadem solu3 teneant 
 si custodiam here volueint sup- 
 dcaffi. Et insup assignauims ip5s 
 Robtum Shirborn ^ lohem Derby 
 tam ad omes ^ singulos pannos (J 
 pecias panni venales in civitate 5 
 suburbiis pdcis anteq^m vendiSoi 
 exponan? aut ext* diet civitatem ^ 
 suburbia ducantur p se ^ sufficientes 
 deputatos suos ulnanS) || sigillo ad 
 hoc ordinate consignanS) q^m ad 
 denarios de huiusmodi vinagio pue- 
 nientes ac subsidiu pdcm in eisdem 
 Civitate (jSuburbiis de omib35!singu- 
 lis pannis ^ pedis panni sic vinatis 
 ^ sigillo vlnatoris sigilla? ad opus 
 nrin) de venditore levan8| colligen8| 
 ^ pcipien8| et ad omes domos shopas 
 5 alia loca in civitate ^ suburbiis 
 pdcis vbi huiusmodi panni ^ pecie 
 panni inveniri po?untperscrutan3) ^ 
 ad omes huiusmodi pannos ^ pecias 
 panni vendicoi expositos (J sigillis 
 pdcis minima sigillatos in manu 
 nrin) tanq^m forisfcoS capienS) ^ 
 medietatemforisfre eoijdem pannoij 
 Q: peciaij panni penes ipos Robtum 
 Shirborii ^ lohem Derby retinenBj 
 5 nob de al?a medietatc eiusdem 
 forisfure vt p)mitti? respondenSj ^ 
 ad omia (J singula in Statutis p)dcii 
 contenta iuxta formam eoijdem 
 facien8i gt exequen8| In cuius rei 
 testimoniQ has Iras nras fieri fecim' 
 patentes. T. me ip5 apud Westm 
 xvj die Februa? anno ? nrD decimo 
 septimo. 
 
 John Gladwyn attornatus dictm 
 firmaP. p Billam The§. Bate. 
 
 Irrotulatur in mem^'^ Scacc" vid' 
 inter Recorda de termino SSi 
 Mictiis anno decimo octavo Reg'' 
 H' sexti Rotulo secundo ex parte 
 Rememoratoris Regis. 
 
 much as shall be offered, if they 
 wish to continue in the holding 
 thereof. And moreover we do ap- 
 point the said Robert Shirborne 
 and John Derby by themselves or 
 their suiBcient deputies to measure 
 all and singular cloths and pieces 
 of cloth offered for sale in the said 
 City and suburbs before the same is 
 offered for sale or taken out of the 
 said City and suburbs, to seal with 
 the seal appointed for the purpose, 
 and to levy, collect, and receive 
 from the vendor the money arising 
 from such aulnage and the afore- 
 said subsidy in the said City and 
 suburbs on all and single cloths and 
 pieces of cloth thus aulnaged and 
 sealed with the seal of the aulnager, 
 and to search all houses, shops, 
 and other places within the City 
 and suburbs aforesaid where cloths 
 and pieces of cloth may be found, 
 and to seize as forfeited to us all 
 such cloths and pieces of cloth ex- 
 posed to sale not being sealed by the 
 aforesaid seal, and that the said 
 Robert Shirborne and John Derby 
 shall retain the half of the cloths so 
 forfeited and answer to us for the 
 other half as stated above, and to 
 do all and singular in the same 
 Statutes contained. In testimony 
 whereof we have caused these our 
 Letters Patent to be made. Wit- 
 ness myself at Westminster the i(fth 
 day of February in the seventeenth 
 year of our reign. 
 
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Grant of the 'Drapers' Arms xii 
 
 XI 
 
 THE GRAUNT OF THE DRAPERS ARMES, March io, 
 17 Hen. VI, 14.39 (New Style) 
 
 Drapers* Hall J Book of Evidences A, fo. iJ9a; Ch. XXI. 
 
 A TouTZ nobles qui cestes pntes 
 verront ou ocrount humble re- 
 comendacoa premise pour moy 
 Guilliam Brugges autrement dit 
 Jarretier Roy Darmes dez Englois 
 le primier • diceluy nonn [nom] et 
 humble Suiture Darmes a tout la 
 gentiless. 
 
 II a pleu a nre soQaia s' le tres- 
 hault trepuissant et tresexcellent 
 prince le tresxpien Roy Henry le 
 Sysine diceluy nom Roy DengletS 
 & de flfraunce & s' dyreland de sa 
 benigne grace et habundaunce p 
 sez tres patentes ottroier grauntier 
 et accordier a sez humbles et 
 fbiaulx lieges lez gentz du mestier 
 dez Drapiers fraunchisez en sa tres- 
 noble tresfamouse & renomee Citee 
 de loundres fraunchise & libertee 
 dauoir corporacion entre eux du 
 dit mestier et en faire vne meister 
 et quatre gardeins pour regiminer 
 goQnier et auoir survien sur la dit 
 mestier et dan en an renouelier 
 chaungier et eslier entre eux meister 
 et gardeins pour tout dys entretenir 
 
 To all nobles who shall see or 
 hear these presents, I, William 
 Brugges, otherwise Garter King of 
 Arms of the English, the first of 
 the said title and humble servant 
 of arms to all gentles, offer my 
 humble respects. It hath pleased 
 our sovereign Lord the most high 
 puissant and excellent Prince the 
 most Christian King Henry the 
 Vlth of that name King of England 
 and France and Lord of Ireland, 
 of his benign grace and generosity, 
 by his letters patent to concede, 
 grant and accord to his humble 
 and ^ithfiil lieges, the men of the 
 Mystery of Drapers freemen in his 
 very noble, &mous, and renowned 
 City of London the right and liberty 
 to form a corporation among them- 
 selves of this said Mystery, and to 
 appoint a Master and four Wardens 
 to rule, govern, and have survey 
 over the said Mystery, and to 
 change and elect them year by 
 year, in order to maintain for ever 
 the governance of the said corpora- 
 tion. 
 
 ' The office Garter King of Arms was created by Henry Vin 1^x7. 
 Bruges was the first Garter j cf. The Book of Dignities, p. 327. 
 
 SirWm. 
 
IIX 
 
 Grant of the 'Drapers' Arms 
 
 le conduyt de lour dit corporacion 
 les notables du mestier foundees 
 en tresgraunde honeur et ?tue onnt 
 fbndez entre eux de solempnisier 
 lour dit corporacion vne foitz c&un 
 an Cestassavoire le lundi pschein 
 ensuiant la feste de lassompcion de 
 pluis benoit vierge Dame mere et 
 emperisse de tout celestiel et terre- 
 steer nre tresglorious Dame seint 
 Marie du quel nasquist le celestiel 
 & Imperial soleile le pluis glorious 
 Roy et sire de tout Justice nre 
 benoit s'^Jfiu Crist et en lonneure 
 dicelle pluis benoit vierge et de sa 
 tresglorious feste suisdit lez ditz du 
 mestier rasieses dune comune as- 
 sentment entre eux de cliun au dit 
 iour estre ensemble a compaignies 
 de freres & soers du dit fra?nitee et 
 en yceluy iour renouelier chaungier 
 eslier et instituer nouelx meistre et 
 gardeins auxi come le cas requerera 
 pour lonneure et valitce du dit 
 mestier lez notables du dit mestier 
 contendans daugmentier tout dys 
 ce que poet estre a lonneure du dit 
 mestier onnt fait faire requeste 
 a moy le suysdit jarretiere Roy 
 Darmes dez Englois de lez vouillier 
 aviser et deuiser enseingne en forme 
 de blason soloirD le quel lis pour- 
 roient faire priente* en vne seal 
 comon tant souUement au dit 
 mestier seruier pour soubz ycel seal 
 passer affermer verefier et signefier 
 tout ceo que a lour dit mestier entre 
 eux du mestier pient doit ou pour- 
 
 The notables of the Mystery 
 founded in very great honour have 
 decided amongst themselves to 
 commemorate their said corpora- 
 tion once a year. That is to say, 
 on the Monday next after the Feast 
 of the Assumption of the most 
 blessed Virgin Lady Mother, and 
 Empress of all things in Heaven 
 and Earth, our very glorious Lady 
 Saint Mary of whom was born the 
 heavenly and Imperial Sun the 
 most glorious King and Lord of 
 all Justice our Blessed Saviour 
 Jesus Christ, and in honour of the 
 said most blessed Virgin and of 
 her very glorious festival aforesaid, 
 the said members of the Mystery 
 have, of common agreement, de- 
 cided to meet every year on the 
 said day, accompanied by the bre- 
 thren and sisters of the said Fra- 
 ternity, and on the said day to 
 renew, change, elect, and institute 
 a new Master and new Wardens 
 as the circumstances may demand, 
 for the honour and welfare of the 
 said Mystery. The notables of 
 the said Mystery, striving ever to 
 increase all that may conduce to the 
 honour of the said Mystery, have 
 made request to me, the aforesaid 
 Garter King of Arms of England, 
 that I would suggest and devise 
 a coat of arms of the form of a 
 blazon, in conformity with which 
 they might have the impress made 
 on a common seal,' to be used 
 only by the said Mystery for pass- 
 ing, affirming, verifying, and attest, 
 ing all that can, ought, or may 
 appertain to their said Mystery 
 
 For the original seal see p. "J of this volume. 
 
Grant of the 'Draper i Arms xig 
 
 roit apgteignier et auxi pour envser 
 du dit blason en tout autre cas come 
 honeur le requerra & pient & doit 
 requerer, 
 
 je le suit dit Jarretier Roy Darmes 
 veiant le gu^nt honneure que nre dit 
 soQain s' le tresxplen Roy leur a fait 
 p son noble ottroye et graunt suisdit 
 et auxi pour complier a honurable 
 home Johan Gedney le primer 
 Meistre eslue au commencement 
 de suisdit corporacion p bon meure 
 delibacon et consentment entiere 
 de sa dit compaignie encorporees 
 au dit mestier des Drapiers et auxi 
 pour complier tant as quatre Gar- 
 deins Johan Wotton Johan Derby 
 Robert Bertyn et Thomas Cook 
 que as autres notables de la dit 
 fra?nitee et compaignie. 
 
 Je lez ay deuisez enseigne en 
 fo'me de blason pour demourer au 
 dit notable mestier pour memoire 
 ppetuell Cestassauoir en lonneur 
 du tresgloriouse vierge et meer 
 Marie le quel est en ovmbre du 
 soleyll et replendisant en tout 
 claritee et nestete leur ay devisez 
 en lour blason troys Royes de 
 soleille issantz hors de troys nves 
 de flambe coronnez de troys corons 
 imperiale* dore assisez sus vne 
 escue dasure et come pient appoire 
 p la demonstraunce du dit blason 
 assise en peinture et en ces drois 
 colo'es en le merge de ceste p)sent 
 Ire et pour veritablement blasonier 
 le dit armorie II covient due 11 
 porte dasure troys soleilles issantz 
 de troys nves de geullez coronnes 
 de troys Imperiale corons dore le 
 
 ' See note on 
 
 amongst themselves, and also to 
 use the said blazon on all other 
 occasions as their dignity requires 
 and can and may require. 
 
 I, the said Garter King of Arms, 
 seeing the great honour that our 
 said Sovereign lord the most Chris- 
 tian King has done them by his 
 aforesaid noble concession and 
 grant, and also to please the honour- 
 able man John Gedney the first 
 Master elected after the creation of 
 the said Corporation by the good 
 and ripe deliberation and unani- 
 mous consent of the said his Com- 
 pany incorporated in the said Mys- 
 tery of Drapers, and also to please 
 the four Wardens John Wotton, 
 John Derby, Robert Bertyn, and 
 Thomas Cook, as well as the other 
 notables of the said Fraternity and 
 Company, have devised a coat of 
 arms under the form of a blazon to 
 remain to the said honourable 
 Mystery as a perpetual memorial. 
 That is to say, in honour of the 
 very glorious Virgin and Mother 
 Mary who is in the shadow of the 
 sun and yet shines with all clear- 
 ness and purity 1 have devised in 
 their Blazon three sunbeams issu- 
 ing from three flaming clouds 
 crowned with three" Imperial 
 Crowns of gold on a shield of 
 azure and as appears in the de- 
 monstrance of the said blazon 
 painted in their proper colours in 
 the margin of the present letter. 
 And for the true blazoning of the 
 said coat of arms it behoves that 
 it should carry on azure three sun- 
 beams issuing from three clouds 
 gules, crowned with three Imperial 
 
 the next page. 
 
X14 Grant of the 'Drapers' Arms 
 
 quelle dit blason je le dit Jarretier 
 Roy Darmes certi£e nul auter pson 
 queconque de lisle de la graund 
 Bretaigne le portre ycelle dit blason 
 le dit mestier de le processer pour 
 ppetuell memoire et le mestier dez 
 Drapiers delusier a lonneur du dit 
 mestier en toutz cas licites con- 
 veniens & honourables et come de 
 droit le dit mestier le requerrera 
 Et pour apisaunce a toutz nobles 
 que je le suisdit Roy Darmes ay 
 devise le suisdit blason au dit 
 notable mestier des Drapiers en 
 loundres Jay sealle ceste ^sent Ire 
 de mon seal le disme iour de Mars 
 en Ian du grace mil quatre centz 
 trent et neof et en Ian dyoeptisme 
 du Reigne nfe soQain s' le tresxpjen 
 Roy suisdit. 
 
 golden crowns; the which blazon 
 I, the said Garter King of Arms, 
 certify that no other person what- 
 soever of the island of Great Britain 
 bears the same blazon, and that 
 the said Mystery shall hold it in 
 perpetual remembrance; and that 
 the said Mystery of Drapers shall 
 use it to the honour of the said 
 Mystery on all lawful, convenient, 
 and honourable occasions, and as 
 the right of the said Mystery shall 
 require. And, as a testimony to 
 all the nobility that I, the afore- 
 said King of Arms, have devised 
 the above-mentioned blazon for the 
 said honourable Mystery of the 
 Drapers in London, I have sealed 
 this present letter with my seal on 
 the tenth day of March in the year 
 of grace one thousand four hundred 
 and thirty-nine and in the seven- 
 teenth year of the reign of our 
 Sovereign the aforesaid most Chris- 
 tian King. 
 
 The subscription of a Notary, John Daunt, in the presence of William 
 Brugges, the Garter King of Arms, and of four witnesses, Nicholas Wyfold, 
 Grocer, Matthew Ffoucher, Mercer, William Brampton, Court Secretary, 
 and William Parker, Armurarius, follows in Latin, which is thus dated: In 
 the year anno domini 1439 according to the computation of the Church 
 of England, 'indiccione tercia pontificatus Sassimi' [In the 3 rd indictional 
 year of the most Sacred Papacy.]' In the tenth year of our father and 
 lord in Christ Eugenius IV by divine grace Pope. On the eleventh day 
 of March. 
 
 Unfortunately part of the parchment upon which the Grant is written 
 has been destroyed by fire. 
 
 Note — The three Imperial Crowns are no doubt the Triple Crown of 
 the Deity, and probably represent Supreme Dominion in Heaven, on 
 
 ^ For the Indictional Year cf. Bond's Handy Book for verifying Dates, p. iJJ j 
 Art de verifier les dates, i Ed. 3, vol. i, p. 19. 
 
Grant of the Drapers' Arms iit 
 
 Earth, and in the Nether World.' The initial A of the Letters Patent is 
 formed of a representation of the Virgin standing between the Father and 
 the Son, both of whom are wearing the Triple Crown and are crowning 
 the Virgin herself with another Triple Crown, A number of small 
 figures, probably representing the Drapers, stand under the protection of 
 the Virgin's skirts. Above, the Holy Spirit hovers in the form of a dove, 
 over whom again the Triple Crown is seen.^ 
 
 With these Arms the following seal of the same date should be 
 compared. The original no longer exists, but there is a cast of it in 
 the British Museum, No. 5111. 
 
 ' Some will have it that the Triple Crown symbolizes the Trinity, but eren in 
 the fifteenth century they would scarcely have given this attribute to the Virgin. 
 There are several representations to be found in mediaeval art of the Virgin 
 being crowned with a single crown ; cf. Jameson, Legends of the Madonna, 
 pp. 14, \6, 19, 13, 2j ; but none, so far as I am aware, of her receiving the 
 Triple Crown. 
 
 ^ For the initial A, see Frontispiece to vol. i oi the edition de luxe. 
 
 itos.i G g 
 
zx6 Grant of the 'Drapers' Arms 
 
 The close similarity between it and the Arms on the grant will be 
 observed. On it is found the Virgin, standing three-quarters length, 
 with the Triple Crown of the Deity on her head. In her right hand 
 a sceptre ; in her left a palm-branch. Under her cloak a group of 
 persons, probably representing the Drapers. The Virgin is surrounded 
 by a radiance which is supported by four Angels with wings expanded. 
 Over her head the Almighty, half-length, lifting His right hand in bene- 
 diction : with the left placing the Crown on the Virgin's head. Above, 
 the Holy Spirit represented as a Dove with apparently the Triple Crown, 
 though the impression is not clear. In the base a shield with the Drapers' 
 Arms J three clouds radiated and each surmounted with the Triple Crown. 
 Round the seal runs the inscription ' Sigillu + + Comune Fraternitat' 
 Be' Marie Mistere Pannarior' London '. 
 
 I add a representation of a Sacramental Pyx surmounted by the Triple 
 Crown and surrounded by veils,' which was often hung over the altar 
 in churches, and whence very probably came the suggestion of the Triple 
 Crown. 
 
 :===- c'..^-- 
 
 Then follow the Arms in the Confirmation of the Grant of lyifi, with 
 supporters which are new. 
 
 Here, the initial letter with the picture of the Virgin is omitted, 
 no doubt because it was held to be superstitious j but the crowns are still 
 those of the Deity. 
 
 ' British Museum, Harleian MS. 2178, (. %%^. I owe information of this to 
 Canon Dalton, a member of the Drapers' Court. See Hope, English Altars, 1899) 
 PI. X, Fig. i; Rochj Church of our Fathers, ed. 1904, iv. 134-42. 
 
Arms of July ij^i 
 
Grant of the Th-apers" Arms ^z^ 
 
 We then come to the Arms in the Second Confirmation of the Grant 
 in idij. 
 
 Here the Crowns are given four arches, which those in the original 
 grant have not, and this alteration has caused much misapprehension 
 subsequently. Thus Sir Albert Woods, Garter King of Arms from 
 i8(Jc) to 15)04, who presumably only saw the Crowns in the later grant, gave 
 an opinion that they were royal crowns, but that, to distinguish them 
 from the royal diadem, strawberry leaves were substituted for the fleur-de- 
 lis and cross patee on the band. 
 
 Ggi 
 
2i8 Grant of the 'Drapers' Arms 
 
 Finally comes the existing seal of the Company of the date 1771, and 
 the Arms of to-day. 
 
 Present-day Seal. 
 
 Arms of To-day. 
 
 The seal, it will be seen, resembles the old seal closely. Nevertheless 
 a shield with the Drapers' Arms takes the place of the figures under the 
 Virgin's skirts, the radiance is supported by two angels only, and the 
 crown worn by the Virgin and on the shield resembles that of the Papal 
 Tiara. This crown also appears in the present Arms, but the supporters 
 differ from those on the Arms of lyfji and 1^13. 
 
Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV zz^ 
 
 XII 
 
 INSPEXIMUS CHARTER of July %6, 6 Edward IV {1^66), 
 
 CONFIRMING AND EXPANDING THAT OF 1 7 HeNRY VI 
 
 Drapers' Hallj Book of Evidences, No. 388, fo. i^6h; Charter XIII 
 
 Ires patenti 
 Edwardus Dei gr5) Rex Anglic 
 & ffrancie & Dominus Hibnie 
 Omibj ad quos pJsentes Ire pueri)int 
 sattm Inspeximus Iras patentes 
 H. sexti nup de facto & non de 
 iure Regis Anglie fcas in hec verba 
 Henricus Dei gracia Rex &9 vt 
 patet ex al?a pte huius folij Jamqj 
 ex parte dilcoij ligeojj nroij Henrici 
 Waver Militis nunc Magistri & 
 Thome Eyre Thome Salle Johis 
 Brokford & Willi White nunc 
 Custodum Gilde slue flra?nitatis 
 p)dce nob est fimli? supplica? vt 
 cum ipi ^ exhibicoe & sustentacoe 
 duoij Capellanoij p bono statu 
 nostro ac p)diltissime Consortis 
 nre Elizabeth Regine Anglie & 
 Sano Regimine Gilde seu ffra?ni- 
 tatis p)dce ac p bono & salubri 
 sanitate flfratiQ & soroij eiusdem 
 dum viSim* necnon ^ animabj nri§ 
 cum ab hac luce migravDm^ & p 
 
 Letters Patent 
 
 Edward by the Grace of God 
 King of England and France and 
 Lord of Ireland. To all to whom 
 these present Letters shall come, 
 greeting. We have seen the Let- 
 ters Patent of Henry Vlth, late in 
 fact but not by right King of Eng- 
 land and France and Lord of Ire- 
 land, in these words : ' Henry by 
 Grace of God, &c.' as appears in 
 the other part of this folio. 
 
 And now we are humbly peti- 
 tioned by our beloved liegemen 
 Henry Waver, Knight, now Master, 
 and Thomas Eyre, Thomas Salle, 
 John Brockford,and William White, 
 now Wardens of the aforesaid Gild 
 or Fraternity, that they may, in 
 virtue of our licence, possess and 
 apply lands, tenements, rents, and 
 other possessions, to be held as 
 follows hereafter, to the purpose of 
 providing for the maintenance and 
 sustenance of two chaplains to pray 
 and celebrate divine service for our 
 good estate, and for that of our 
 most dear Consort Elizabeth, Queen 
 of England, and for the wholesome 
 governance of the aforesaid Gild or 
 Fraternity, as well as for the good 
 and sound health of the brothers 
 and sisters of the same, while we 
 live, also for our souls when we de- 
 part from this life, and for the souls of 
 
xgo Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 
 
 aiibj illustrissimi principis RicD 
 nuper Ducis Eboij patris nrD Ed- 
 mundi nup Comitis RotelP ffratris 
 nfi ac nup carissimi Consanguinei 
 nri RicD nup Comitis Saij & nup 
 dilci & fideJis Consanguinei nri 
 Thome Nevill Milit§ fit eiusdem 
 Comitis Sajj Acetiam ^ animabj 
 ffratram & soro^j Gilde siue fFrater- 
 nitatis illius defunctcjj exoratu? & 
 diuina celebratu? terras teiita & 
 redditus ac alias possessiones in 
 forma subsequenti lienS) licencia 
 nra mediante pquirere afFectent & 
 disponant'' velimus sibi in hac parte 
 munificenciam nf am regiam graciose 
 exhibere Nos hmoi sanam afFec- 
 coem & piam disposicoem merito 
 contemplantes cupientes qj fimoi 
 laudabile ppositum multum & spe- 
 ramus deo gratum quantum ad nos 
 attinet felici? promoueri 
 
 De gra) nra speciali Iras p)dcas 
 ac oinia & singula in eisdem con- 
 tenta rata Bentes & grata ea ^ 
 nobis & heredP nris quantum in 
 nobis est acceptamus approbamus 
 & ratificamus ac eisdem nunc 
 Magistro & CustodJb5 & Suc- 
 cessoribj suis tenore p)sentium con- 
 cedim' & confirmamus prout Ire 
 predce racionabiliter testant' Et 
 vl?ius de vbiori gra nra concessim^ 
 & licenciam dedimus & p pJsentes 
 concedimus & licenciam damus j) 
 nobis & hereS] nris quantum in 
 nobis est pfatis nunc Magro & 
 Custodib3 qd ipi & Successores sui 
 ter? ten) & redditus ac alias posses- 
 siones quascumqj cum ptin ad 
 valorem viginti librai^L p annu licet 
 de nobis in capite seu aliter seu de 
 aliis psonis quibuscffiqj p quod- 
 cumqj §uicium teneant"- a quibus- 
 
 the most illustrious prince Richard 
 late Duke of York, our father; Ed- 
 mund late Earl of Rutland our 
 brother; our most dear kinsman 
 Richard late Earl of Salisbury ; our 
 late beloved and faithful cousin, 
 Thomas Neville, Knight, £on of the 
 said Earl of Salisbury, and also for 
 the souls of the brethren and sis- 
 ters of the Gild or Fraternity 
 when deceased. We wishing to 
 graciously show our royal munifi- 
 cence, and approving such a healthy 
 affection and pious intention, ana 
 desiring to promote, as far as in us 
 lies, such a laudable proposal and 
 pleasing, as we hope, to God, do, 
 of our special favour, accept, ap- 
 prove, and ratify the aforesaid 
 letters, and every thing general 
 and particular in them contained 
 for us and for our heirs so far as 
 lieth in us, and concede and con- 
 firm to the present Master and 
 Wardens and their successors by 
 the tenor of these presents, as the 
 aforesaid letters reasonably witness. 
 And further of the abundance of 
 our Grace we have granted and 
 given licence, and by these presents 
 do grant and give licence, for us 
 and our heirs so far as in us lies to 
 the aforesaid present Master and 
 Wardens and their successors to 
 acquire and receive lands, tene- 
 ments, rents, and other possessions 
 whatsoever, with their appurten- 
 ances to the value of £t.o per 
 annum, from any persons or person 
 whomsoever, who may be willing 
 to grant and give such lands, tene- 
 
Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV xgi 
 
 cu)q5 psonis siue a quacQqj psona 
 hmoi ter? ten & redditus ac alias 
 possessiones cum ptin eis dare & 
 concedere volentibj seu volente ad- 
 quirere & recipe possint liendP & 
 tenendP eisdem nunc Magro & Cus- 
 todibj & Successoribus suis p)dci§ 
 impgm Et eisdem psonis siue psofD 
 qdP ipe vel ipa timoi ter? ten) & red- 
 ditus ac alias possessioes cum ptiii 
 ad dcm annuum valorem p)fatis nunc 
 Magfo & Custodibj & successoribj 
 suis dare possint vel possit ac con- 
 cedere & assignare &en3) & tcnendP 
 sibi vt p)dcm est imppm tenore 
 psenciu simili? licenciam dedimus 
 specialem tam in exhibicoem & sus- 
 tentacoem capellanojj p)dc6:j sicut 
 pkiciii est exoratu? & diuina cele- 
 bratu? imppm q^malioijoiiiumGilde 
 siue £Fra?natati p)dce incumbenciu 
 absq3 impeticoe vel impedimento 
 nfi vel heredum nroiji lustiS Escae- 
 toij VicecomitQ Balliuoij seu aliojj 
 ministroij nroij vel heredum nrojj 
 quojjcQq3 & absqj aliquo bri de ad 
 quod Dampnum siue aliquo alio 
 mandate nfo vel heredum nro:; in 
 hac parte impetrandP seu psequendP 
 & absqj aliqua Inquisicoe inde vir- 
 tute bris siue mandati hmoicapiendP 
 ac absqj aliquo fine seu ftodo p 
 pjsentibj ad opus nfm quouis modo 
 petendP soluendP seu capiendP Sta- 
 tute de ter? & teii) ad manum mor- 
 tuam non ponendP edito aut aliquo 
 alio statute actu siue ordinacione 
 incontrariu) fac? ordina? siue puis 
 non obstan? In cuius rei testi- 
 moniu has Iras nras fieri fecimus 
 
 ments, rents, and other possessions, 
 whether they are held of us in chief 
 or otherwise, or of other persons 
 whomsoever and by whatsoever 
 services, to be owned and held by 
 the present Master and Wardens 
 and their aforesaid heirs for ever. 
 And we allow the said persons or 
 person that he, or she, may give, 
 grant, and assign the like lands, 
 tenements, rents, and other posses- 
 sions, with their appurtenances to 
 the value of ^20 per annum, to the 
 said present Master and Wardens 
 and their successors, to be had and 
 possessed for ever as above said, 
 according to the tenor of these 
 presents. And likewise we have 
 granted special licence as well for 
 the maintenance and sustenance 
 of the two chaplains aforesaid to 
 pray and celebrate divine service 
 for ever, as for all the other burdens 
 of the said Gild or Fraternity, 
 without let or hindrance on our 
 part or on the part of our heirs, 
 justices, escheators, sheriffs, bailiffs, 
 or other of our officials, or of our 
 heirs whatsoever, and without any 
 writ of ' ad quod damnum ', or 
 other mandate of us or our heirs in 
 this behalf, being issued or prose- 
 cuted or any inquisition being 
 taken by virtue of any such writ or 
 mandate, or any fine or fee being 
 in any way demanded at our need 
 forthese presents : notwithstanding 
 the Statute against lands and tene- 
 ments being put into mortmain, or 
 any other Statute, act, or ordi- 
 nance made, ordained, or provided 
 to the contrary. In testimony 
 whereof we have caused these our 
 Letters Patent to be made. Wit- 
 
x^x Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 
 
 patentes teste me ipo apud Westm) ness myself at Westminster the 
 
 vicesimo sexto Die Julij anno regni afJth day of July in the sixth year of 
 
 nri sexto our reign, 
 ^a j)„j Bagot. By the King himself and the 
 
 1456. p ipm Regem & de data pdca autliority of parliament of the afore- 
 
 auctoritate pliamenti. said date. 
 
 Bagot. 
 
 XIII 
 
 CONFIRMATION OF THE DRAPERS' RIGHT OF SEARCH, 
 
 1.6 Henry VI, 1447 
 
 Drapers* Hallj Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. \6o a. 
 
 Rex &ct Maiori & Aldermannis &ct And where the Maister & 
 Wardeyns of the mystere of Taillours in our Citie of london and John 
 lokok John Copmyll John langwith & Thomas Raymond Citezeins & 
 Taillors within our said Citie haue compleyned to vs ayenst Piers 
 Calcote Henry Bray Henry Kent & William Russell Wardeyns of the 
 mystere of Drapers of our said Citie of that, that they of their owne 
 wrong with outen matier or cause resonable now late came to the hous 
 of the said John John John & Thomas within the iFraunchise of our said 
 Citie wrongfully and, ayenst our lawes Claymyng & pretendyng to make 
 serche of mete yerdes and wollenclothes by the same John John John & 
 Thomas put to sale within their houses within our said Citie to the gret 
 trouble hurt & grevaunce of the said playntifes and of the said mystere 
 of Taillours And vpon the which compleynt to vs thus made It was 
 commaunded by vs vnto our Chaunceller and other of our lordes of our 
 Counsell to Doo come before theym aswell the said Playntiffes as the 
 said Piers Henry Henry & William And thervpon taking vnto theym 
 our Chief Jugge & other of our Juges in the presence of the said parties 
 Such ma tiers & difference bitwixt the said mystere of Drapers & Taillours 
 within the said Citie for the Serche of mette yerdes & wollencloth vsed 
 & put to sale to retaille by the said Taillors to ende and determyne for 
 a conclusion of such difierens to endure perpetuell, And for asmoch as 
 by our Chaunceller & other of our said lords of our said counsell taking 
 vnto theym our chief Juge & other of our Juges according to our said 
 commaundment at diuers tymes haue doon come before theym the said 
 parties and herde their compleynts answeres & replicacions with all the 
 circumstaunces therto belonging touching the said difference of serche 
 And for asmoche as we been acerteyned that such differences that haue 
 fallen before tyme bitwene Crafts of london haue be accustumed to be 
 
Confirmation of Right of Sear ch, 144-7 '2133 
 
 only reformed by the Meyre & Aldremen of the said Citie & none other 
 We willing the laufiill Rules & custumes to be contynued & had and not 
 to be abrigged nor hurte in no manner woUe & charge you that first 
 serched & seen by theym in all haist goodly all our recordes of our said 
 Citie concernyng the said difference of serche & other lyke to theym 
 And this doon & vnderstonde that ye so Demeane this matier that the 
 said wardeyns of Drapers haue their serche of metyerds & Wollencloth 
 vsed & put to sale to retaille according to the customes acts & orde- 
 nances enacted & ordeyned of record before you in the Chambre of our 
 said Citie in semblabe manner & forme as other Crafts within our said 
 Citie vse & haue been accustumed to doo that is to sey to serche all 
 thing belonging & concernyng to their Craft openly thorough oute our 
 said Citie &ct And this we charge you streytly eny writing or com- 
 maundment writen or made vnto you by vs tofore this tyme to the 
 contrary notwithstonding. 
 
 This matier before reherced is in the Guyldehall vnder the kings 
 scale ensealed. 
 
 XIV 
 
 ORDINANCE OF THE MAYOR CONFIRMING THE RIGHT 
 OF SEARCH OF WOOLLEN CLOTHS, Oct. (J, x6 Henry VI, 
 1447 
 
 Drapers' Hall; Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 161 z. 
 
 MemoraneP qdP Die veii)is sexto Be it noted that on Friday, the 
 
 die Octob? Anno ri§ Henrici sexti sixth day of October in the zdth 
 
 post conqin) vicesimo sexto vene- year of King Henry the Vlth's 
 
 runt hie in in?iori Cain)e Guihalde reign, there came, here in the inner 
 
 ciuitatis london coram lofie Olney chamber of the Guildhall of the City 
 
 Maiore & Aldermannis ciuitatS of London, before John Olney the 
 
 p)dce Magister et Gardiani mistere Mayor, and the Aldermen of the 
 
 Panna? eiusdem ciuitatis necnon aforesaid City the Master and War- 
 
 q^m plures alij probi holes eiusdem dens of the Mystery of Drapers of 
 
 Mistere declarantes quomodo re- the said City together with several 
 
 troact§ temporibj Magis? & Gar- other good men of the same Mystery 
 
 diani mistere p)dce cum vno iuiente who declared that, in times past, the 
 
 Cain)e GuihaldP p)dce qui p) tempe Master and Wardens of the afore- 
 
 fu)at deputa? cu) dn§ Maior talem said Mystery, togetherwith one ser- 
 
 §uien? ad hoc deputaQ voliJit hue- jeant of the Guildhall Chamber, who 
 
 was deputed for the occasion when- 
 ever the lord Mayor chose so to do, 
 
 i«A..i H n 
 
X34 Confirmation of the 'Drapers' 
 
 runt & Bere consueuerut scrutinia 
 oim & singlojj pannojj laneorjjL & 
 virgarjj voca? metyerds oim & sin- 
 glorjj CiuiS Ciuitatis p)dce pannos 
 laneos infra libtatem eiusdem Qui'' 
 vendenciu) ad retalliam intime sup- 
 plicantes eisdem Maiori & Alder- 
 mannis quatenus ipi nunc Mags? 
 & Gardiani Mistere p)dce Ac 
 omes illi Magistri & Gardiani eius- 
 dem Mistere qui infutu? hmoi scru- 
 tiniu) suu) dece?o eScere valeant & 
 here p)ut eScere & feere solebant. 
 Et quia equitai vsu puenit & con- 
 censit iusticia qdP adiuncta peticio 
 racioni mansuetos inueniat audi- 
 tores Ideo p die? Maiorem & Alder- 
 mannos consideratum fuit & fui- 
 sum qd pfa? nunc Magister & 
 Gardiani Mistere p)dce ac Succes- 
 sores sui MagrD & Gardiani qui ^ 
 tempe fQlnt scrutiniu) here debeant 
 & Scere oim & singuloj; Ciuiu) 
 Ciuita?s p)dce pannos laneos infra 
 libtatem eiusdem Ciuitati venden- 
 ci3 ad retalliani sub Maioris dee 
 CiuitatS autoritate qui p tempe 
 fu)it vnacu) §uiente Caiiie p)dce ad 
 Clauam eis assignandP prout hacte- 
 nus here & 2cere consueuerut Et 
 defectus si quos infutu? hmoi scru- 
 tinio faciendP inueniri contigit bn 
 & fideli? absq3 aliquo inde concela- 
 mento CanDario Ciuitatis p)dce qui 
 |) tempe fu)it prout moris est 
 p)sentandP et9. 
 
 Presentibj ad tunc ibm lohe Ol- 
 ney Maiore, Robto Danvers Re- 
 
 held and were accustomed to hold a 
 search of all and several woollen 
 cloths and yards termed 'met- 
 yards ' belonging to all and several 
 citizens of the aforesaid City, who 
 sold woollen cloths by retail within 
 the liberty of the said City, and 
 prayed the said Mayor and Alder- 
 men that they, the present Master 
 and Wardens of the aforesaid Mys- 
 tery, and all future Masters and 
 Wardens, should have authority to 
 exercise hereafter the search, as 
 they have hitherto enjoyed and 
 exercised it. 
 
 And whereas it seemed equitable 
 and just that this petition should 
 receive favourable hearing, it was, 
 after consideration, decided by the 
 said Mayor and Aldermen that the 
 aforesaid Master and Wardens of 
 the aforesaid Mystery, and all future 
 Masters and Wardens and their 
 successors, should have and exercise 
 the right of search over all and 
 several, citizens of the aforesaid 
 City selling woollen cloths by retail 
 within the liberty of the said City, 
 under the authority of the Mayor 
 of the said City for the time being, 
 together with a serjeant at Mace 
 of the aforesaid Chamber to be 
 assigned to them, as they have been 
 accustomed hitherto to have and 
 exercise. And all defects, if any 
 shall be found in making the said 
 search, shall be presented to the 
 Chamberlain for the time being 
 without concealment as is the 
 custom. 
 
 Entered in the Book marked 
 with the letter K folio ccxxxvii in 
 the presence of John OIney, Mayor, 
 Robert Danvers the Recorder, Si- 
 
Right of Search t^s 
 
 cordatore, Simone Eyre, WiHino mon Eyre, William Coumbes, John 
 Coumbes, lohe Norman, loRe Sut- Norman, John Sutton, William 
 ton, Wiltmo Gregory, Nicho Wy- Gregory, Nicholas Wyfold, Ste- 
 fold, Stepfio flbrster, Galfrido phen Fforster, Geoffrey Ffeldyng, 
 ffeldyng, lohe Derby, Willo Cant- John Derby, William Cantlowe, 
 lowe, Thoma Scott & Wiltmo Thomas Scott, and William Abra- 
 Abrah»m Aldris. ham Aldfis. 
 
 Intrat* in libro signato cQ tra K 
 folio ccxxxvij". 
 Note. This is entered in the new booke 
 that M' Woodcocke made A» 1 5:00 
 and yt is cutt owte off the same 
 booke of K wUn the Guyldehall. 
 
 XV 
 
 THE DRAPERS AND THE SHEARMEN 
 Drapers* Hall ; Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 15:7 b. 
 
 A patent graunted by Kyng Edward the fourth to the feliship of 
 Drapers that the Shermen shall haue no Corporacion graunted 
 to theym nor any correccion of the Drapers or Taylors. — 
 April p, ip Edward IV, 14.7^. 
 
 Ires patents. 
 Edward by the grace of god Kyng of Englond and of ffraunce and lord 
 of Irlande To our trusty and welbelouid the Maisters Wardeyns and hole 
 ffelaships of the two Crafts or Mistiers of Drapers and Taillours of our 
 Citee of london that now be and that hereafter for the tyme shall be 
 gretyng. Where as certeyn persones now late haue sued vnto vs vpon 
 diners subiecdons & surmyses that we by our lettres patents vnder our 
 great Scale shuld incorporate the men of the ffeliship of Shermen of our 
 said Citee, And that we shuld graunte vnto theym therupon certeyn 
 liberties conteyned in a bill of their desire and petition therupon to vs 
 putte. We seyng the many & great Inconueniences which by all likly- 
 hode wull ensue of the said corporacion and graunt yf it shuld passe vs, 
 of our mere mocion graunte by thise our present lettres vnto the said 
 maisters wardeyns and ffelaships of the said ij Crafts or mistiers of 
 Drapers and Taillors of our said Citee that we shall nat at any tyme 
 hereafter by our lettres patents or otherwise of auctorite graunte vnto the 
 
x^6 The Drapers and the Shearmen 
 
 said ffeliship of Shermen that now be or hereafter shall be in our said 
 Citee of london any Corporacion or any other privilege or Auctorite 
 touching to their said Craft of Shermen nor we woll that in any wise the 
 said felaship of Shermen that now be or that hereafter shall be haue from- 
 hensforth exercise nor vse vpon eny Craft of the said Citie and euspeciall 
 vpon any of the said ij Crafts of Drapers and Taillors any maner serche 
 correccion or auctorite other than by the maire of our Citie for the tyme 
 beyng and his Brethern shall be lefully commytted vnto theym. And 
 where as the Wardeyns of the said fFelaship of Shermen according to the 
 laudable custume of our said Citee haue serche of all manner werkmanship 
 of sheryng of wollen Clotheswithin their owne Craft lyke as the Wardeyns 
 of other Crafts there haue. We woll that whan the Wardeyns of the 
 said Craft of Shermen by their serche made within their owne Craft 
 fynde eny Clothe or clothes vnduely shorne apperteynyng to eny parsone 
 of either of the said ij Crafts of Drapers and Taillours or to any other 
 parsone of any other Craft of our said Citee That than the same 
 Wardeyns of Shermen in nowise therfore attache cease nor bere awey the 
 Qoth so vnduely shorne lyke as they haue doon in tyme past as we be 
 enformed but that they therfore punysshe & correct the werkmen of the 
 same Clothe or Clothes for his defaute in that partie according to reason. 
 In witnesse wherof we haue made thise our lettres patents. Witnessyng 
 our self at Bukden the ix Day of Aprell the xix yere of our Reigne 
 
 MORLAND. 
 
 p ipm Regem. 
 
 XVI 
 
 LETTERS PATENT RELEASING THE FRATERNITY OR 
 GILD OF DRAPERS FROM ALL FORFEITURES 
 BEFORE FEB. ir, 1484. 
 
 May a I, I Richard III, 1484, 
 
 Drapers* Hall ; MS. Charters A. V. zSp. 
 
 RiCARDUs Dei gra Rex Anglie Richard by the grace of God 
 ^ Francie ^ Dominus Hibnie King of England and of France and 
 Omibj Ballivis ^ Fidelibj suis ad lord of Ireland to all his bailiflfs and 
 quos p)3entes Ire peruSint Saltm liegemen to whom these presents 
 Sciatis qO] de gra) nra) spali ac ex ci^a shall come, greeting. 
 
 We give you to know, that of 
 our special grace, with full know- 
 ledge and of our own free will we 
 
Letters "Patent of Richard III xg7 
 
 scienciaet meromotunrispdonauiiSi 
 remisiiS) et relaxauimus Magf o Gilde 
 siue Fraternitatis be Marie Panna- 
 rioij ciuitatis London) ac Custodibj 
 siue Gardianis gilde siue Fraterni- 
 tatis pidic? alias dels nunc Magfo 
 gilde siue fra^nitatis be Marie Pan- 
 narioij; Ciuitatis LondofD necnon 
 nunc Custodibj siue Gardianis gilde 
 siue fra?nitatis pdic? ^ successoribj 
 suis magroac Custodibj siue Gardia- 
 nis d9e gilde siue fra?nitatis p tem- 
 pore existeii) seu quibuscunqj aliis 
 noibj censean? om°mo3) tr^nsgres- 
 siones fbrisfacturas penas debi?niis- 
 prisiones contemptus ^ impeticoes p 
 i^os magrin) ^ custodes siue gardia- 
 nos ante vicesim) priin) diem Feb- 
 ruary anno regni nrD primo cont* 
 formam Statuto)jL de Signis libatis 
 pannoij ac capiciojj ac retencoibj 
 quibuscumqj fac? siue ppetra? unde 
 puniciocaderet in demanB] debi? seu 
 in finem et redempcion aut in alias 
 penas pecuniarias seu imprisonamen- 
 ta Statutis p)dc5s, non obstantibj. 
 Et insup ex gra) ^ sciencia ac motu 
 nris p)dcis pdonaviin) remisiirD ^ 
 relaxaviin) eisdem magro (J custodibj 
 siue gardianis Sectam pacis nr9 que 
 ad nos 9sus i^os ptinet ^ omimo8| 
 j)dicoIbj murdris raptibj muliejj 
 rebellionibj insurrecionibj feloniis 
 conspiracioibj cambipartiis manute- 
 nentiis confederacionibj riotis routis 
 conventiculis illicitis imbraciariis 
 (J aliis transgressionibj ofFencis 
 negligenciis extorcionibj mespri- 
 
 have pardoned, remitted, and con- 
 doned to the Master of the Gild or 
 Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin of 
 Drapers of the City of London, 
 and to the Wardens or Guardians 
 of the said Gild or Fraternity as 
 they were called at other times, but 
 now to the Master of the Gild or 
 Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin of 
 Drapers of the City of London, as 
 well as the Wardens or Guardians 
 of the said Gild or Fraternity and 
 to their successors, the Master and 
 Wardens or Guardians of the said 
 Gild or Fraternity for the time 
 being, or under whatever other 
 names they may be known, all man- 
 ner of transgressions, forfeitures, 
 penalties, debts, misprisions, con- 
 tempts, or exactions done or per- 
 petrated by the said Master and 
 Wardens or Guardians, before the 
 a 1st day of February in the first 
 year of our reign, against the tenor 
 of the Statutes concerning livery ot 
 cloth and of hoods and mainte- 
 nance, for which acts punishment 
 might fall in the form of fine, re- 
 demption, or any other penalty in 
 money or imprisonment, notwith-. 
 standing the said Statutes, And 
 moreover of our said grace, know- 
 ledge, and free will we have par- 
 doned, remitted, and condoned to 
 the said Master and Wardens or 
 Guardians all criminal proceedings 
 which lie with us against them for 
 every kind of treason, murders, 
 rapes, rebellions, insurrection, 
 felonies, conspiracies, champerties, 
 maintenances, confederacies, riots, 
 routs, unlawful assemblies, judicial 
 corruptions, and for all other trans- 
 gressions, offences, negligences, ex- 
 
xgS Letters Tatent of Richard III 
 
 sionibj ignoranciis contemptibj con- 
 cealamentis forisfacturis Q; decep- 
 coibj p ip)os magrm Q: custodes siue 
 gardianos ante dcQ vicesiifD priffi) 
 diem Februarij qualiJcunqj fcis siue 
 ppetra? Aceciam vtlaga? si que in 
 ipos magrffD (J custodes siue gar- 
 dianos hiis occDonibj seu ea]^ aliqua 
 fuin? |)mulga? ^ firmam pacem 
 nram eis inde concedim) Ita tamen 
 q8] stent recto in Cu? nra) si quis 
 93US eos loqui volui? de pmissis vel 
 aliquo pmissojj £t insup pdonaviSi) 
 remisiifD (J relaxaviin) eisdem magro 
 d Custodib3 siue Gardianis catalla 
 felonin) ^ fugitiuojjL catalla vtlagatoij 
 Q: felonQ de se deodan9] thesaurum 
 inventum vasta ^ impeticoes ac 
 omnimoB] articulos itiiBis destru9es 
 d ?nsgressionesde viridivel venaSoe 
 vendiciones boscoi; infra fbrestas ^ 
 ext" g: aliaij rcij quaijumcqj ante dcm) 
 vicesiffi) prim) diem Februarij infra 
 regnifD nrffi) Angt <^ March wall 
 emer§ ^ euen? unde punicio caderet 
 in demanB] debitam seu in finem Q: 
 redempcoem aut in alias penas pecu- 
 niarias seu in forisfcuram bono:; (J 
 catallo^j aut imprisonamenta seu 
 amciamenta Comitatum villaij vel 
 singularia psonaij vel in ona)coem 
 tibi ten) eoiji qui nunquam ?ngressi 
 flierint vl heredum executojj vel ?re 
 
 tortions, delicts, ignorances, con- 
 tempts, concealments, forfeitures, 
 and deceits done or committed by 
 the said Master and Wardens or 
 Guardians in any way whatsoever 
 before the said aist day of Feb- 
 ruary. Moreover if any sentences 
 of outlawry were passed against 
 the Master and Guardians or War- 
 dens on these counts, or on any 
 one of them, we also grant to them 
 our assured peace therefrom. Pro- 
 vided, however, that they appear 
 in our Court, in case any man 
 desire to witness against them con- 
 cerning these or any one of them. 
 And moreover we have pardoned, 
 remitted, and released to the said 
 Master and Wardens or Guardians 
 the goods of felons and runaways, 
 of outlaws and of those who have 
 committed suicide, all deodands,' 
 treasure trove, waste, exactions, 
 and every kind of destruction of 
 roads, transgressions against vert 
 and venison, sales of wood within 
 and without the forests, and of 
 everything else whatsoever which 
 occurred or happened within our 
 kingdom of England and the 
 Marches of Wales before the said 
 a I St day of February, for which 
 punishment might all in the form 
 of fine or redemption or other 
 punishment in money, or forfeiture 
 of goods and chattels or imprison- 
 ment, or in amercement of coun- 
 ties, towns, or individuals, or in 
 the burdening of freeholders of 
 them who have never transgressed, 
 or of heirs, executors or those who 
 
 ' Drodand ; any object of property that had been the cause of the death of 
 a man was originally forfeited to the Crown. 
 
releasing the "Drapers from Forfeitures 139 
 
 tenenciu) Escaetoij vicecomi? Coro- 
 nato^j Q: aliojj huiusmodi ^ omeidq8| 
 ad nos v'sus ip)os magrm) ^ custodes 
 sive gardianos ptinet seu ptinere 
 posset ex causis sup»d9is ac eciam 
 pdonauiin)remisim)g: relaxauiffi) eis- 
 dem magro ^ custodibj siue gardia- 
 nis omimoB] doaa9oes aIiena9oes ^ 
 pquisicoes p ipos de ?ris et ttn) de 
 nob vel pgeiiitorib3 nris quondam 
 Regibj Angl seu aliis nu^ de f 9o ^ 
 non de iure Regibj Angt seu eo^j 
 aliquo in capite tentis Ac oin'imo8| 
 alieacoes pquisicoes ad manu mor- 
 tuam fcas ^ hitas absqj licencia re- 
 gia necnon omnimodi intrusiones ^ 
 ingressus in temporalia archicpatus 
 epatus abbie prioratus collegij hos- 
 pital seu al?ius domus pie religiose 
 seu ecclesiastice cuiuscunqj et in 
 hereditatem suam in parte vcl in to- 
 to post mortem pdecessoij suoij. (J an- 
 tecessojj suojj absqj debita psecucoe 
 libacoe seu restitu9oe eoijdem ext* 
 manu regiam ante eundem vicessim) 
 priin) diem Februarij fac? vna cum 
 exitibj et pficuisinde medio tempore 
 pceptis Et insuppdonauifn) remisim) 
 5 relaxauiffi) eisdem magf o ^ custo- 
 dibj siue gardianis omimoBj penas 
 ante diciS vicesiffi) priffi) diem 
 Februarij forisfcas coram nob aut 
 jjgenitoribj pdcis aut aliis nup vt 
 pmitti? Regibj seu eojj aliquo aut 
 consilio nro Caticellario The§ seu 
 aliquibj siue aliquo judicum nroij 
 vel ^genitojf pdcojj seu alio^ nup vt 
 pmitti?RegumveI eorum alicuius p 
 
 hold lands of escheators, sheriffs, 
 coroners, and the like, and all such 
 matters as refer or may refer to 
 our dealings with the said Master 
 and Guardians or Wardens rising 
 out of the aforesaid matters. We 
 also have pardoned, remitted, and 
 released to the said Master and Guar- 
 dians or Wardens all manner of 
 grants, alienations, or receipts of 
 lands and tenements held inchief 
 of us or of our ancestors once Kings 
 of England or of other lately in fact, 
 though not by right, Kings of Eng- 
 land or of any one of them, and all 
 manner of alienations and receipts 
 of lands in mortmain without the 
 royal licence, as well as all intru- 
 sions and entries before the said 
 zist day of February into the tem- 
 poralities of archbishop, bishop, 
 abbot, prior, college, hospital, or of 
 any other house, religious, pious, or 
 ecclesiastical whatsoever, and into 
 the lands inherited by them in part 
 or whole after the death of their 
 predecessors and ancestors, not 
 being in the hands of the King, 
 without due prosecution, release or 
 restitution, together with all pro- 
 ceeds and profits meanwhile re- 
 ceived for them. And we also have 
 pardoned, remitted, and released 
 to the said Master and Wardens or 
 Guardians all manner of penalties 
 forfeited for any cause to us or to 
 our aforesaid progenitors or to 
 other late Kings as mentioned 
 above or any of them, and to our 
 Council, our chancellor, treasurer, 
 or to any one of them or to any of 
 our judges or the judges of the 
 aforesaid our progenitors or of 
 other Kings as above mentioned or 
 
z^o Letters Tatent of Richard III 
 
 aliqua causa @; omes alias penas p 
 ip)os magrin) (J custodes siue gar- 
 dianos j) aliqua causa ante dcmvice- 
 simu) primO diem Februarij nob vel 
 ^genitoribj pdci§ aut aliis nup ut 
 pmittiJRegibj seu eojj: alicui forisfcas 
 ^ ad opus nrm leuan8| Ac omimo8| 
 securitates pacis ante eundem vice- 
 sim) primu diem Februarij siml? 
 forisfcas necnon omimo8| escapia (J 
 evasiones quojjcumqj felonum ^ cli- 
 coj; conuictojj seu attinctojj ante 
 eundem vicessiirD primu diem Feb- 
 ruarij Aceciam ?cias ^ fcia^j ?cias 
 omimodo^j prisonariojj. in guerra 
 captoj^ nob vel pgenitoribj p)dci§ 
 aut aliis^nup vt p^mitti? Regibj seu 
 eojj alicui dc5 vicesimo primo die 
 Februarij qualiJcunqj debi? pti- 
 nentes siue spectaiD p eosdem 
 magrifD Q: Custodes siue gardia- 
 nos necnon omimo8| deman&| tr^- 
 gressiones ofFensas contemptus me- 
 sprisiones ^ impeticoes f) ipos 
 magrifD ^ custodes siue gardianos 
 ante vicesiin) primu diem Februarij 
 cont* formam tam quoijcunqj sta- 
 tutojj. ordiiiacionu 5 pvisionu f Dtojj 
 siue editojj de pquisiBbj accepta- 
 cioibj leccoibj publicacoibj notifi- 
 caciobj (J execuciobj quibuscumqj 
 quajjicunqj Irajj Q: bidla^jL aplicaij (J 
 omim alioj^L statutojj ordinaconum 
 5 puision) pJtextu quojj aliqua secta 
 v'sus eosdem magiS) ^ custodes 
 siue gardianos p billam vel p bre 
 de p'munire fac? seu alio modo quo- 
 cunq5 p aliqua mat'ia ante d9m vices- 
 simu primu diem februarij fac? lieri 
 
 any of them for any cause, and all 
 other penalties to be levied at our 
 need forfeited by the said Master 
 and Guardians or Wardens for any 
 cause before the said xist day of 
 February to us or to our progenitors 
 aforesaid or other late Kings as 
 above mentioned or to any of them, 
 and allmannerof securities of peace 
 similarly forfeited before the said 
 iist day of February, as well as all 
 manner of escapes and evasions of 
 any felons and convicted or attaint- 
 ed clerics before the said xist day 
 of February. Also the thirds and 
 ninths'of all prisoners taken in war, 
 owing to us or to the aforesaid our 
 ancestors or to other late Kings as 
 mentioned above, which were owing 
 by the said Master and Guardians 
 or Wardens. Also all manner of 
 demands, transgressions, offences, 
 contempts, misprisions, and exac- 
 tions made by the said Master and 
 Guardians or Wardens before the 
 xist day of February, against the 
 tenure of any Statute, ordinance, 
 and provision made or published, 
 whether concerning receipts, ac- 
 ceptances, readings, pubUcations, 
 notifications or execution of any 
 manner of letters and bulls aposto- 
 lical, or (against the tenure of) any 
 other Statutes or ordinances or 
 provisions by pretext of which any 
 suit had been made against the said 
 Master and Guardians or Wardens 
 by bill or writ de praemunire or by 
 any other action brought or whioi 
 may be brought for any act done 
 before the ust day of February, as 
 
 ' A third of a man's money value, estimated according to his rank, was the usual 
 fee paid for his ransom. 
 
releasing the Drapers from Forfeitures z^^i 
 
 valea? q^m quo:jLcunq3 alioij statutoij 
 fee? siue ppetra? ante 3)cm vicesimu 
 primudiemfebruarijStatutisordina- 
 cioibj ^ p''visionib3 illis non obstan- 
 tib3 Ac eciam pdonaviin) ^ remisiifD 
 ^relaxauiin) eisdem magro custodibj 
 siue gardianis omimo&j fines adiu- 
 dicatos ainlciamenta exi? forisfcos 
 releuia scutagia ac omimoda debita 
 compota pstita arreragia firmajj ^ 
 compotoij nob vel pgenitorib3 
 p)dci§ aut aliis nup vt p)mitti? Re- 
 gibj seueorum alicui ante festum Sci 
 Michis anno regni Regis Edwardi 
 quarti vicesimo s9d3 quali^cumqj 
 debi? siue ptinen) necnon ominio£>| 
 accoes execucoes impeticoes que- 
 relas 5 deman8| quas nos eojus vel 
 nos conjunctim cu aliis psonis vel 
 alia psona hcni seu Bere po?iin) 
 v§us ipos magim ^ custodes siue 
 gardianos p aliquib5 huiusmodi 
 finibj amciamentis exi? reJeviis scu- 
 tagiis debitis compotis pstitis ^ 
 arreragiis ante dcm) festum sci 
 micfeis nob vel pgenitoribj p)dcls 
 aut aliis nup vt p)mitti? Regibj seu 
 ecjj alicui debi? aceciam vtlaga? in 
 ip)os magin) Q: custodes siue gar- 
 dianos pmulga? p aliqua causajjL 
 supdcajj Proviso semp quod presens 
 pdonacio nra) se non extendat ad 
 aliquos magnos computantes qui 
 nunc sunt vel qui nup fiierunt videlt 
 ad maiorem ^ societatem Stapule 
 ville nfe Cales aut maiorem Con- 
 stabulariQ ^ Societatem Stapule 
 nfe pdce Thes^ Cales^ ^ hospicij 
 nri vel pgenitojj nfojj aut 
 alioij nuper vt p)mitti? Regum seu 
 eoijL alicuius vitella? Cales Cama? 
 
 well as any other suit brought in 
 virtue of any other Statute before 
 the said 21st day of February, any 
 Statute or ordinances notwithstand- 
 ing. We also have pardoned and 
 remitted and released to the said 
 Master and Wardens or Guardians 
 all fines adjudged, amercements, 
 profits, forfeitures, reliefs, scutages 
 and all manner of debts, composi- 
 tions, payments, arrears of ferms 
 and compositions due to us or our 
 predecessors aforesaid or to other 
 late Kings as mentioned above or to 
 any one of them before the Feast 
 of St. Michael in the zznd year of 
 King Edward IV in any way due 
 or pertaining, and also all manner 
 of actions, executions, suits, claims 
 and demands that we alone or con- 
 jointly with other persons or other 
 person have or may have against the 
 said Master and Guardians or War- 
 dens for any such above-mentioned 
 fines, amercements, payments, re- 
 liefs, scutages, dues, compositions 
 and arrears due to us or our aforesaid 
 progenitors or other late Kings as 
 mentioned above. Also outlawries 
 pronounced against the said Master 
 and Wardens or Guardians for any of 
 the above-mentioned causes. Pro- 
 vided always that our present par- 
 don does not extend to any great 
 Renders of Account which are or 
 have been of"late, viz. to the Mayor 
 and Society of the Staple of 
 our town of Calais, or the Mayor, 
 Constable, and Society of oiu- above- 
 named Staple the Treasurers of 
 Calais and of our Court as of our 
 progenitors or other late Kings as 
 mentioned above or any one of 
 them ; to the Victualler of Calais, 
 
 1 1 
 
142, Letters Tatent of Richard III 
 
 nfos Cest? North Wall Q: Suth 
 
 WaH Custodes Garderobe hospicij 
 
 nri vel pgenitoiji nrojj aut aliojj nup 
 
 vt p)mitti? Regum seu eojj alicuius 
 
 aut Custodes siue clicos magne 
 
 Garderobe nfe vel pgenitojj nrojji 
 
 aut alio)j nup vt p)mittif Regum seu 
 
 eojjL alicuius clicos siue Custodes 
 
 Hanapij Cancella? nfe qui nunc 
 
 sunt aut nup fuerunt vel executores 
 
 vel administratores bonojjL (| cattal- 
 
 lojj eojjdem clicoiji siue Custodum 
 
 vel eojj alicuius clicos operacionu 
 
 nraajL vel |)genito)ji nroi^ aut alioij 
 
 nup vt p)mitti? Regum vel eojjL 
 
 alicuius The§ ?re nfe Hibnie Q: 
 
 Receptores ducatus nfi Lancast? 
 
 ^ ducatus nri Cornub tarn gerSales 
 
 qm particulares quo ad aliqua huius- 
 
 modi ofEcia sua seu huiusmodi oc- 
 
 cupacoes suas aut alicuius eo!j,dem 
 
 tangencia In cuius rei testimoniu 
 
 has Iras nras fieri feci in) patentes 
 
 Teste me ipo apud Westin) vicesimo 
 
 primo die Maij anno regni nfi 
 
 primo. 
 
 p ip)m Regem 
 Sharp. 
 
 our Chamberlains of Chester, North 
 and South Wales, the keepers of 
 the wardrobe of our Court or those 
 of our progenitors or late Kings as 
 before mentioned or any one of 
 them i to the keepers or clerks of our 
 great wardrobe or that of our pro- 
 genitors or of the other late Kings 
 as above mentioned or of any one of 
 them j to the present or late keepers 
 of the hanaper of our chancery or 
 executors or administrators of the 
 goods and chattels of the said clerks 
 or keepers or any one of them, or 
 clerks of our works or of our pro- 
 genitors or of others of the late 
 Kings as above mentioned ; to the 
 treasurer of our lands of Ireland 
 and the receivers of our Duchy of 
 Lancaster and the receivers of our 
 Duchy of Cornwall as well general 
 as particular so far as concerns any 
 oflSce of theirs, or of any of them, 
 of this kind. In testimony whereof 
 we have caused these our letters 
 patent to be made, witness myself 
 at Westminster the xist day of 
 May in the first year of our reign. 
 By the King himself. 
 
 Sharp. 
 
 XVII 
 
 THE OATH BOOK OR BOOK OF ORDINANCES, NO. y^y. 
 
 The Oath Book, or Book of Ordinances, was written in the year r4(fo, 
 and added to subsequently. It contains the earliest ordinances of 1407, 
 drawn up in the reign of Henry IV ; those of the sixth year of Henry V, 
 14.18, with additions made in the reigns of Henry VI, Edward IV, 
 Henry VII, and Henry VIII ; accompanied by a few alterations made up 
 *° t'^e year iy5o. It is a folio volume 14^ inches high and ic^ inches 
 wide, bound in wooden boards ^ of an inch thick, covered with brown 
 
Book of Ordinances 245 
 
 leather, each cover being protected by four iron corner pieces with 
 bosses • the book was once fitted with metal clasps, the hasps of which 
 remain. The decoration consists of a plain border one inch wide formed 
 by blind tooled lines, and within it an inner border of a stamped pattern, 
 on which, and on the lines immediately enclosing it, traces of original 
 gilding still remain. In the centre of the cover is a stamped panel 
 a J inches high by i.| inches wide, consisting of a hatched border within 
 which is a design, also hatched, resembling a knot, with two upper and 
 two lower loops j there is no trace of gilding on the panel. The 
 decoration of the back cover is the same as that of the front. The 
 volume has in recent years been very clumsily rebacked in calf which is 
 already perishing. 
 
 The interior of the book is for the most part in good preservation, con- 
 sidering its constant use in the past for swearing in new officials, reading 
 ordinances to the Company at the Quarter Day Courts, and general 
 reference. It contains 6% leaves of vellum, and appears from the following i 
 note by the Clerk at the top of the first page to have possessed at one time 
 IX more leaves: — 'the xxj*'> daye of October anno regni regis Henrici 
 viij xxxviij° I pervsed this boke agaynste my fErst quarter daye I kept, 
 & I fFownd lackyng which wez (was) cutt out of thys boke before I cam 
 in offyce xij levys of parchement, per me William Bere.' On the same 
 page are the Arms of the Company without crest or supporters, and some 
 notes in Latin of the dates of the deaths and accessions of the Tudor 
 sovereigns. The Arms are evidently a later insertion, because the crowns 
 are represented with arches as if they were royal crowns as they are 
 found in the grant of James I.^ Pages a-j contain a list of fourteen 
 obits commencing with that of Henry V, the others being those of 
 Drapers, with the dates when they were held and the obligations for the 
 attendance of the Company. On page 4. are particulars of the quit-rent 
 due from property in the parish of St, Mary Bothaw given to the Com- 
 pany .'by Henry Fitz Ailwin the first "Lord mayor" of London'.'' 
 Then, following six blank pages, comes the following Calendar jj 
 which is printed in black and red with illuminated initial letters : 
 
 ^ Cf. Appendix, Grant of Arms, vol. i. No. XI. 
 
 = As to the claim of Fitzalwyn to have been a Draper, cf. p. 7 J, and Appendix, 
 vol. i, No, VIII. He certainly was not Lord Mayor. This is a later title. 
 
244 "^^^ Oath Book or 
 
 KIL 
 
 llj 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 b 
 
 iiii N' 
 
 xj 
 
 c 
 
 iii N' 
 
 
 d 
 
 ii N' 
 
 xix 
 
 e 
 
 Nonas 
 
 viij 
 
 f 
 
 viii Id' 
 
 
 g 
 
 vii Id' 
 
 xvj 
 
 A 
 
 vi Id' 
 
 V 
 
 b 
 
 v Id' 
 
 
 c 
 
 iiii Id' 
 
 xiij 
 
 d 
 
 iii Id' 
 
 ij 
 
 e 
 
 ii Id' 
 
 
 f 
 
 Idus 
 
 X 
 
 g 
 
 xix Kl' 
 
 
 A 
 
 xviij Kl' 
 
 xviij 
 
 b 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 
 vij 
 
 c 
 
 xvj Kl' 
 
 
 d 
 
 XV Kl' 
 
 XV 
 
 e 
 
 xiiii Kl' 
 
 iiij 
 
 f 
 
 xiii Kl' 
 
 
 g 
 
 xij Kl' 
 
 xij 
 
 A 
 
 xj Kl' 
 
 i 
 
 b 
 
 x Kl' 
 
 
 c 
 
 ix Kl' 
 
 ix 
 
 d 
 
 viij KP 
 
 
 e 
 
 vij Kl' 
 
 xvij 
 
 f 
 
 vi Kl' 
 
 vi 
 
 g 
 
 V Kl' 
 
 
 A 
 
 iiii Kl' 
 
 xiiij 
 
 b 
 
 iii Kl' 
 
 iij 
 
 c 
 
 ii Kl' 
 
 Prima dies mensis : et septima truncat ut ensis. 
 lanuarius habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxx. 
 Circumcisio domini. Mynus duplex. .ix. lee. 
 
 Octaua sancti stephani. .iij. lee. 
 
 Octaua sancti iohannis apostoli et euangeliste. .iij. lee. 
 Octaua sanctorum Innocencium martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 Octaua sancti thome martyrh et Sjrased\ sancti edwardi 
 
 regis. 
 Epyphania domini. Principale duplex. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti luciani presbiteri sociorumque eius martyrum. 
 
 Octaua epyphanie. ix. lec. med. lec. de sancto 
 
 hylario. 
 Februarij. Sancti felicis presbiteri et martyris. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 Sancti mauri abbatis. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti marcelli fape [erased^ et martiris. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti sulpicij episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancte prisce uirginis et martiris. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti Wlstani episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sanctorum fabiani et sebastiani martyrum. .ix. lec. 
 Sancte agnetis uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti vincentij martyris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Conuersio sancti pauli. Memoria de sancto preiecto 
 martyre. inuit. triplex. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti luliani episcopi et confessoris. .iii. lec. 
 
 Sancte agnetis secundo, .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancte batildis regine uirginis non martyris. .iij. lec. 
 
 ^ Nox habet boras .xvj. dies uero .viij. 
 
Book of Ordinances 
 
 145- 
 
 KjL 
 
 d 
 
 
 xi e 
 xix f 
 
 iiij N' 
 
 iii N' 
 
 viii g 
 A 
 
 ii N' 
 Nonas 
 
 xvi b 
 
 viij Id' 
 
 V c 
 
 d 
 
 xiij e 
 
 ii f 
 
 g 
 x A 
 
 b 
 
 vij Id' 
 
 vj Id' 
 
 V Id' 
 
 iiij Id' 
 
 iij Id' 
 
 ij Id' 
 
 Id us 
 
 sviij c 
 
 vij d 
 
 e 
 
 XV f 
 
 iiij g 
 A 
 
 xvij ^ Kl' 
 
 xvj - Kl' 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 
 xiij Kl' 
 
 xij Kl' 
 
 xi Kl' 
 
 xij b 
 i c 
 
 X Kl' 
 ix Kl' 
 
 d 
 ix e 
 
 f 
 
 viij Kl' 
 
 vij Kl' 
 
 vj Kl' 
 
 xvii g 
 
 vi A 
 b 
 
 V Kl' 
 iiij Kl' 
 iii Kl' 
 
 xiiij c 
 
 ii Kl' 
 
 
 ' Miaginal 
 == sk MS. 
 
 Quarta subit mortem prosternit tercia fortem. 
 Februarius habet dies .xxviij. luna .xxix. 
 Sancte brigide uirginis non martyris.' .iii. lee. 
 
 Purificacio beate marie, maius duplex. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancti blasij episcopi et martiris. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 
 Sancte agathe uirginis et martyris. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanetorum uedasti et amandi episeoporum et con- 
 
 fessorum. .iij. lee. 
 
 Sancte scolastiee uirginis non martyris. .iii. lee. 
 
 Sancti ualentini martyris. Marcij. .iij. lee. 
 
 luliane uirginis et martyris. Inuit. duplex, .iij. lee. 
 
 \ yemps finitur. Ultima septuagesime. 
 Cathedra sancti petti. Inuit. triplex. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sedit yemps retro : cathedrato symone petro. 
 Mathie apostoli. Inferius duplex, locus bysexti. 
 
 .ix. lee. 
 Si bisextus fuerit : quarta die a cathedra. 
 Sancti petri fiat festum mathie et .f. littera. 
 ^ bis numeretur. 
 
 •ff Nox habet horas .xiiij. dies uero .x. 
 note in a. later hand : Incepcio regni regis E. vj''. 
 
z^6 The Oath Book or 
 
 "TT'T? Primus mandentem disrumpit quarta bibentem. 
 | \ 1 ^ Martius habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxx. 
 iij d iSi' Sancti dau'tt episcofi et confessoris. padded in another 
 
 handX 
 e vj N' Sancti Cedde episcopi et confessoris. \added in another 
 
 xi f V N' 
 
 g iiij N' 
 
 xix A iii N' 
 
 viij b ii N' 
 
 c Nonas Sanctaram perpetue et felicitatis uirginum et mar- 
 tyrum. .iij. lee. 
 
 xvj d viij Id' 
 
 V e vij Id' 
 
 f vj Id' 
 
 xiij g V Id' Sancti Gregorij pape. ^erasedj 
 
 ij A iiij Id' Sancti Gregorij pape. [erased] 
 
 h iii Id' 
 
 x c ii Id' ^ Post istum locum non potest esse iniciutn 
 
 quadragesime. 
 
 d Idus 
 
 xviij e xvij Kl' Aprilis. ^ Claues pasche. 
 
 vii f xvj Kl' 
 
 g XV Kl' Sancti edwardi regis et martyris. Sol in ariete. 
 
 .ix. lee. 
 
 XV A xiiij Kl' 
 
 iiij b xiij Kl' Sancti Cuthberti et confessoris. .ix. lee. 
 
 c xij Kl' Sancti benedieti abbatis. .ix. lee. Equinoceium 
 ymale. 
 
 xij d xi Kl' ^ Primum paseha. 
 
 i e x Kl' 
 
 f ix Kl' 
 
 ix g viij Kl' Annunciacio dominica.' 
 
 A vij Kl' [some -word erased here] 
 
 xvij b vi Kl' Resureccio domini. 
 
 vj c V Kl' 
 
 d iiii Kl' 
 
 xiiij e iii Kl' 
 
 iii f ii Kl' 
 
 \ Nox habet horas .xij. dies uero .xij. 
 
 ' Marg. note In a later hand : Memorandum. Incepcio ab Incarnacione domini 
 nostri Ihesu christi. 
 

 w 
 
 
 JXl -f 
 
 g 
 
 xi A 
 
 iiii N' 
 
 b 
 
 iii N' 
 
 xix c 
 
 ii N' 
 
 viij d 
 
 Nonas 
 
 xvj e 
 V f 
 
 g 
 xiij A 
 
 ij b 
 
 viij Id' 
 
 vij Id' 
 
 vj Id' 
 
 V Id' 
 
 iiii Id' 
 
 c 
 
 iii Id' 
 
 X d 
 
 ii Id' 
 
 e 
 
 Idus 
 
 xviij f 
 
 vij g 
 
 A 
 
 XV b 
 
 xviij Kl' 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 
 xvj Kl' 
 
 XV Kl' 
 
 iui c 
 
 d 
 
 xij e 
 
 i f 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 xiij Kl' 
 xij Kl' 
 xj Kl" 
 
 g 
 
 X Kl'= 
 
 ix A 
 
 ix Kl' 
 
 b 
 xvij c 
 
 viij Kl' 
 vij Kl' 
 
 vj d 
 e 
 
 vj Kl' 
 V Kl' 
 
 xiiij f 
 
 iij g 
 A 
 
 iiij Kl' 
 
 iii Kl' 
 
 ii Kl' 
 
 Book of Ordinances 247 
 
 Denus et undenus : est mortis uulnere plenus. 
 Aprilis habet dies .xxx. luna .xxx. 
 
 Sancti ricardi episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancti ambrosij episcopi et confessoris. Inferius 
 
 duplex. .ix. lee. 
 
 ^ .iij. lec. 
 Maij. Sanctorum tiburcij et ualeriani martyrum. 
 ^ Claues rogacionum. 
 
 ^ Sol in tauro. 
 
 Sancti alphegi episcopi et martyris. .iij. Jec. 
 
 Sancti georgij martyris. cum regi[mi]ne chori. 
 
 .iij. lec, 
 
 Marci euangeliste. Inferius duplex. letania maior. 
 Ultimum pascha. 
 
 Uitalis martyris. cum regimine chori. .iij. lec. 
 
 Saxai Erkenwaldi episcopi et confessoris. \added in 
 another hand^ 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .x. dies uero .xiiij. 
 
 ' Note in a later hand : H. vij. obijt 21° huius mensis. 
 
 ^ Marg. note, in a later hand, but not same as the (receding note : Incepcio regni 
 regis H. viij"'. 
 
14.8 The Oath Book or 
 
 
 KF, 
 
 xj b 
 
 N' 
 
 c 
 
 vj N' 
 
 xix d 
 
 V N' 
 
 viij e 
 
 iiii N' 
 
 f 
 
 iii N' 
 
 xvj g 
 
 ii N' 
 
 V A 
 
 Nonas 
 
 b 
 
 viij Id' 
 
 xiij c 
 
 vii Id' 
 
 ii d 
 
 vj Id' 
 
 e 
 
 V Id' 
 
 X f 
 
 iiii Id' 
 
 g 
 
 iii Id' 
 
 xviij A 
 
 ii Id' 
 
 vij b 
 
 Idus 
 
 c 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 
 XV d 
 
 xvj Kl' 
 
 iiij e 
 
 XV Kl' 
 
 f 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 
 xij g 
 
 xiii Kl' 
 
 i A 
 
 xij Kl' 
 
 b 
 
 xi Kl' 
 
 ix c 
 
 X Kl' 
 
 d 
 
 ix Kl' 
 
 xvij e 
 
 viij Kl' 
 
 vi f 
 
 vij Kl' 
 
 g 
 
 vj Kl' 
 
 xiiij A 
 
 V Kl' 
 
 iii b 
 
 iiii Kl' 
 
 c 
 
 iii Kl' 
 
 xj d 
 
 ii Kl' 
 
 Tercius occidit et Septimus ora relidit. 
 
 Maius habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxx. 
 
 Apostolorum philippi et lacobi. Inferius duplex. 
 
 •ix. lee. 
 
 Inuencio sancte crucis. Memoria de sancto alexandro. 
 
 Sancti lohannis ante portam latinam. inuit. triplex. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 Sancti lohannis episcopi de beuerlaco. 
 
 Sanctorum gordiani et epimachi martyrum. .iij. lee. 
 
 Sanctorum nerei achillei atque pancracij martyrum. 
 
 .iij. kc. 
 
 lunij. 
 
 ^ Sol in geminis. 
 Sancti dunstani archiepiscopi confessoris. Memoria 
 de sancta potentiana. .ix. lee. 
 
 Ver finitur. Uer fugit urbanus estatem simphorianus. 
 
 Sancti aldelmi episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee. med. 
 
 lee. de sancto urbano. 
 Sancti augustini primi anglorum. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancti germani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 
 
 Sancte petronelle uirginis. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .viij. dies uero .xvj. 
 
Book of Ordinances 249 
 
 TV^T? Denus psallescit : quindenus federa nescit. 
 
 J^J J lunius habet dies .xxx. luna .xxix. 
 
 e Sancti nichomedis martyris. .iij. lee. 
 
 xix f iiii N' Sanctorum marcellimi et petri martyrum. Inuit. 
 duplex. .iij. lee. 
 
 viij g iii N' 
 xvj A ii N' 
 V b Nonas Sancti bonefacij sociorutnque eius martyrum. lee. 
 Inuit duplex. 
 c viij Id'' 
 xiij d vii Id' ^ .iij. lee. 
 
 ii e vi Id' Sanctorum medardi et gildardi episcoporum et con- 
 fessorum. 
 f V Id' Translacio sancti edmundi. .ix. lee. Memoria et 
 med. lee. ^ de martyribus primo et felieiano. 
 X g iiii Id' 
 
 A iii Id' Sancti bemabe apostoli. .ix. lee. 
 
 xviij b ii Id' Sanctorum basilidiseirininaborisetna[zarii]. .iij. lee. 
 vij c Idus 
 
 d xviij IQ' Sancti basilij episcopi et eonfessoris. lulij. .iij. lee. 
 XV e xvij Kl' Sanctorum uiti et modesti et crescencie martyrum. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 iiij f xvj Kl' Translacio sancti riuci [x/V ilf5.jp/oyricardi] episcopi. 
 .ix. lee. Med. lee. de saneto cirico. 
 g XV Kl' ^ Sol in cancro. 
 
 xij A xiiij Kl' Sanctorum marei et marcelliani martyrum. Inuit. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 
 i b xiij Kl' Sanctorum geruasii et prothasij martyrum. Inuit. 
 
 duplex. .iij. lee. 
 
 e xii Kl' Translacio sancti edwardi regis et martyris. .ix. lee. 
 
 ix d xi Kl' 
 
 e X Kl' Sancti albini martyris. .ix. lee. 
 
 xvij f ix KJ' Sancte ethe[l]drede uirginis non martyris. .iij. lee. 
 Uigilia. 
 vi g viij Kl' Natiuitas sancti iohannis baptiste.'^ .ix. lec, 
 
 A vij Kl' 
 xiiii b vi Kl' Sanctorum Iohannis et pauli martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 
 iii e V Kl' 
 
 d iiii Kl' Sancti leonis pa^e [erased] et eonfessoris. Uigilia. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 xi e iii Kl' Apostolorum Petri et pauli. .ix. lec. 
 
 f ii Kl' Commemoracio sancti pauli. .ix. lee. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .vj. dies uero .xviij. 
 
 ' Mote In a /ater hand: Rex E. vj"^ moriebatur anno regni sui 7°. 
 ^ Marginal note in later hand : coronacio H. Regis viij'. Anno I J 09. 
 
 ifinq. 1 K K 
 
zfo The Oath Book or 
 
 Tresdecimus mactat. lulij denus labefecta. 
 
 lulius habet dies .xxxj. luna ,xxx. 
 
 Octaua sancti iohannis baptiste. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iii. lee. 
 Sanctorum processi et martiniani. .iij. lee. Inuit. 
 duplex. Memoria de sancto swithuno. 
 
 translacio et ordinacio sancti martini episcopi et con- 
 fessoris. ^ .ix. lee. medie lee. de apostolis. 
 
 Octaua apostolorum petri et pauli. .ix. lee. 
 
 .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanctorum septem fratrum martyrum. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 translacio sancti benedicti abbatis. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanete mildrede virginis non martyris. 
 
 ^ Dies caniculares incipiunt. 
 translacio sancti swithuni episcopi sociorumque eius. 
 con. \s'tc\ .ix. lee. 
 
 Augusti.i 
 Sancti kenelmi regis et martyris. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 Saneti arnulphi episcopi et martyris. ^ Sol in leone. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 
 Sanete margarete uirginis et martyris.' 
 Sanete praxedis uirginis non martyris. 
 Sanete marie magdalene. Inuit. triplex. 
 
 memoria sancti wandregesili. 
 Sanete appollinaris episcopi et martyris. 
 Sanete ehristine uirginis et martyris. 
 
 Uigilia. 
 Sancti iacobi apostoli.^ .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanete anne matris marie. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanctorum septem dormiencium martyrum. .iij. lee. 
 Sancti sampsonis episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 Sanctorum feliei simplieij faustini et beatricis mar- 
 tyrum. .iij. lee. 
 Sanctorum abdon et sennes martyrum. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 Saneti germani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .viij. dies uero .xvj. 
 
 _' Marginal note added In a different hand: iJJJ- Inceptio Regine Marie Anno 
 prirao. 
 
 " Marginal note added in a different hand: 15^4. Philippus nuptus fuit Regine 
 Marie et ideo scriptum postea annis regnorum j". et z". et deinde similiter etc. 
 quia fiiit in anno ij° regine supradicte. 
 
 xix g 
 
 KT', 
 
 N' 
 
 viij A 
 
 vj N' 
 
 b 
 
 xvj c 
 
 V N' 
 iiii N' 
 
 V d 
 
 e 
 xiii f 
 
 ij g 
 A 
 
 X b 
 
 iii N' 
 ii N' 
 Nonas 
 viij Id' 
 vij Id' 
 vi Id' 
 
 c 
 
 xviij d 
 
 vij e 
 
 f 
 
 XV g 
 
 V Id' 
 uij Id' 
 iii Id' 
 
 ij Id' 
 Idus 
 
 iiii A 
 b 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 xvj Kl' 
 
 xij c 
 
 XV Kl' 
 
 i d 
 
 e 
 
 ix f 
 
 g 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 
 xiij Kl' 
 
 xij Kl' 
 
 xj Kl' 
 
 xvij A 
 vj b 
 
 X Kl' 
 ix Kl' 
 
 c 
 
 xiiij d 
 
 iii e 
 
 f 
 
 viij Kl' 
 
 vij Kl' 
 
 vj Kl' 
 
 V Kl' 
 
 xi g 
 
 iiii Kl' 
 
 xix A 
 
 iii Kl' 
 
 b 
 
 ii Kl' 
 
 .ix. 
 
 lee. 
 
 .iij. 
 .ix. 
 
 lee, 
 lee, 
 
 .iij. 
 •iij- 
 
 lee, 
 lee. 
 
Book of Ordinances 
 
 %S^ 
 
 KT 
 
 viu,e 
 
 xvjj d iiij N' 
 
 V e iii N' 
 
 f ii N' 
 
 xiii g Nonas 
 
 ij A viii Id' 
 
 b vij Id' 
 
 X c vi Id' 
 
 d 
 
 xviij e 
 
 vij f 
 
 g 
 XV A 
 
 iiij b 
 
 V Id' 
 iiij Id' 
 iij Id' 
 
 ii Id' 
 
 Idus 
 
 xix Kl' 
 
 c xviii Kl' 
 
 xij d xvij Kl' 
 
 i e xvj Kl' 
 
 f XV Kl' 
 
 ix g xiiij Kl' 
 
 A xiij Kl' 
 
 xvij b xij Kl' 
 
 vj e xi Kl' 
 
 d x Kl' 
 
 xiiij e ix Kl' 
 
 iij f viij Kl' 
 
 g vii Kl' 
 
 xj A vi Kl' 
 
 xix b V Kl' 
 
 e iiii Kl' 
 
 viij d iii Kl' 
 
 e ii Kl' 
 
 Prima neeat fbrtem perditque secunda cohortem. 
 Augustus habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxix. 
 Ad vincula sancti petri. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti stephani pape [erased] et martyris. Inuit. 
 duplex. .iij. lec. 
 
 Inuencio sancti stephani prothomartyris. .ix. lec. 
 
 lec. 
 
 Sancti oswaldi regis et martyris. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iij 
 Sanctorum sixti felicissimi et agapiti martyrum. 
 
 •iii. lec 
 Sancti donati episcopi et martyris. 
 Sancti ciriaci sociorumque eius martyrum 
 
 duplex. 
 Sancti romani martyris. iij. lec. Uigilia. 
 Sancti laurencij martyris. 
 Sancti tyburcij martiris. 
 
 Sancti ypoliti sanctorumque eius martyrum. 
 Septembris. Sancti eusebij eonfessoris. 
 Uigilia. 
 
 .iij. lee. 
 
 Inuit. 
 
 .iii. lec. 
 
 .ix. 
 .iij. 
 
 lec. 
 lec. 
 
 .iii. 
 iij. 
 
 lec. 
 lec. 
 
 Assumpcio beate marie uirginis. 
 
 .ix. lec. 
 
 Octaua sancti laurencij. 
 Sancti agapiti martyris. 
 Sancti magni martyris. 
 
 ^ Sol in uirgine. 
 
 Octaua Assumpcionis beate marie virginis.* .ix. lec. 
 Sanctorum timothei et appollinaris martyrum, .iij. 
 
 lec. Uigilia. 
 Sancti bertholomei. apostoli. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti ruphi martyris. Inuit. duplex. 
 Sancti augustini episcopi et doctoris. 
 Decollacio sancti lohannis baptiste. 
 Sanctorum felicis et adaucti martyrum. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 .ix. lec. 
 .ix. lec. 
 Inuit. duplex, 
 .iij. lec. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .x. dies uero .xiiij. 
 
 Margmal note in a later hand : Anno primo Hentici vij. 
 
x^-x The Oath Book or 
 
 KIL 
 
 Tercia septembris : et denus fert mala membris. 
 
 September habet dies .xxx, luna .xxx. 
 
 Sancti egidij abbatis. .ix. lee. 
 
 translacio sancti cuthberti [episcopi] et confessoris. 
 
 .ix. lec. 
 Sancti bertini abbatis. .iii. lec. 
 
 Natiuitas beate marie uirginis. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti gorgonij martyris. 
 
 Sanctorum prothi et iacincti martyrum. memoria 
 tantum. 
 
 ^ cornelio et cypriano. 
 Octobris. Exaltacio sancte crucis .ix. lec. 
 
 Octaua natiuitatis beate marie. .ix. lec. 
 
 \ Medie lec. de sancto luciano. 
 Sancti lamberti episcopi et martyris. sol in libra. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 
 ^ Equinoccium auctumnale. Uigilia. 
 Sancti mathei apostoli. et euangeliste.'' .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti mauricij sociorumque eius. martyrum. .ix. lec. 
 Sancte tecle uirginis. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti firmini episcopi et martyris. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti cipriani episcopi et iustine uirginis et martyris. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 Sanctorum cosme et damiani martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti michaelis archangeli. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti leromini presbiteri et doctoris. .ix. lec. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .xij. dies uero .xij. 
 
 ' Marginal note in a different hand : Eleccio vicecomitis londoniensis. 
 
 ^ Marginal note : Eleccio vicecomitis londoniensis, written -very faintly^ frobably 
 has been erased. 
 
 ' Marginal note in a different hand : luracio vicecomitis londoniensis. Eleccio 
 Maioris presenti vicecomite londoniensi. 
 
 xvi f 
 
 N' 
 
 V g 
 
 iiij N" 
 
 A 
 
 iii N' 
 
 xiii b 
 
 ii N' 
 
 ij c 
 
 nonas 
 
 d 
 
 viij Id' 
 
 X e 
 
 vij Id' 
 
 f 
 
 vj Id' 
 
 xviij g 
 
 V Id' 
 
 vij A 
 
 iiij Id' 
 
 b 
 
 iii Id' 
 
 XV c 
 
 ii Id' 
 
 iiij d 
 
 Idus 
 
 e 
 
 xviij Kl' 
 
 xij f 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 
 i g 
 
 xvj Kl' 
 
 A 
 
 XV Kl' 
 
 ix b 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 
 c 
 
 xiij Kl' 
 
 xvij d 
 
 xij Kl' 
 
 vi e 
 
 xi Kl' 
 
 f 
 
 X Kl' 
 
 xiiij g 
 
 ix Kl' 
 
 iij A 
 
 viij Kl' 
 
 b 
 
 vij Kl' 
 
 xi c 
 
 vi Kl' 
 
 xix d 
 
 V Kl' 
 
 e 
 
 iiii Kl'' 
 
 viij f 
 
 iii Kl' 
 
 g 
 
 ii Kl' 
 
KL 
 
 Book of Ordinances 15-3 
 
 Tercius et denus est : sicut mors alienus. 
 October habet dies .xxxi. luna .xxix. 
 Sancti remigij. g[ermani] episcoporum. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancti leodegarij episcopi et martyris. .iii. lec. 
 
 Sancte fidis uirginis et martyris. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sanctorum marci marcelli et apulei martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sanctorum dionisij. rustici et eleutherii martyrum. 
 
 .ix. lec. 
 Sancti gereonis sociorumque eius martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 Sancti nigasij sociorumque eius martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 Sancte alburge uirginis. 
 Translacio sancti edwardi regis et confessoris.' 
 
 .ix. lec. 
 Sancti kalixti/a/'e [erased^ et martyris. Inuit. duplex. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 Sancti wlfrarmi episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Nouembris. Sancti michaelis in monte tumba. 
 
 .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti luce euangeliste. ix. lec. ^ Sol in scorpione. 
 
 Sanctarum undecim milia uirginum. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti romani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sanctorum crispini et crispiniani martyrum. .iij. lec. 
 
 Uigilia. 
 
 Apostolorum symonis et lude. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti Quintini martyris. Uigilia. .iij. lec. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .xiiij. dies uero .x. 
 
 ' Atarpnal note in a later hand, and crossed out : Eleccio Maioris. 
 ^ Marginal note in a later hand : luracio Maioris londoniensis present' Maioris 
 lond'. 
 
 xvj 
 
 V 
 
 xiij 
 ij 
 
 A 
 b 
 c 
 
 d 
 
 vj N' 
 
 V N' 
 
 iiii N' 
 
 
 e 
 
 iii N' 
 
 X 
 
 f 
 
 ii N' 
 
 
 g 
 
 nonas 
 
 xviij 
 vii 
 
 A 
 
 b 
 
 viij Id' 
 vij Id' 
 
 XV 
 
 c 
 
 d 
 
 vj Id' 
 V Id' 
 
 iiii 
 
 e 
 f 
 
 iiij Id' 
 iii Id' 
 
 xij 
 
 g 
 
 ii Id' 
 
 i 
 
 A 
 
 Idus 
 
 
 b 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 
 ix 
 
 c 
 d 
 
 xvj Kl' 
 XV Kl' 
 
 xvij 
 vi 
 
 e 
 
 f 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 xiii Kl' 
 
 
 g 
 
 xii Kl' 
 
 xiiij 
 
 A 
 
 xi Kl' 
 
 iij 
 
 b 
 c 
 
 X Kl' 
 ix Kl' 
 
 xi 
 
 d 
 
 viii Kl' 
 
 xix 
 
 e 
 f 
 
 vij Kl' 
 vi Kl' 
 
 viij 
 
 i 
 
 V Kl' 
 iiii Kl'^ 
 
 xvj 
 
 V 
 
 b 
 c 
 
 iii Kl' 
 ii Kl' 
 
zf/\. The Oath Book or 
 
 KL 
 
 Scorpius est quintus : et tercius est nece cinctus. 
 Nouember habet dies .3cxx. luna .xxx, 
 Festiuitas omnium sanctorum. Maius duplex, .ix. lee. 
 Commemoracio omnium fidelium defunctorum. 
 
 .ix. lee. 
 Sancte wenefride virginis et martyris. 
 
 Sancti leonardi abbatis. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanctorum quatuor coronatorum martyrum. Inuit. 
 
 duplex. .iij. lee. 
 
 Sancti theodori martyris. .iij, lee. 
 
 Sancti martini episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti bricij episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lee. 
 
 Sancti Erkenwaldi.' 
 
 Sancti machuti episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Deposicio sancti edmundi archiepiscopi et confessoris. 
 
 .ix. lec. 
 Sancti hugonis episcopi et confessoris.^ .ix. lec. 
 
 Octaua sancti martini. Inuit. duplex. .iij. lec. 
 
 Sancti edmundi regis et martyris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancte cecilie uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti dementis /^/le \erased'\ et martyris. .ix. lec. 
 Sancti grisogoni martyris. yemps incipit. 
 Sancte katerine uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec. 
 
 Sancti lini pape [erased"] et martyris. .iii. lee. 
 
 ^ Primus dies aduentus domini. 
 
 Sanctorum saturnini et sisinnij martyrum. vigilia. 
 
 .iij. lec. 
 V e ii Kl' Sancti andree apostoli. inferius duplex. .ix. lee. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .xvj. dies uero .viij. 
 
 ' Marginal note in a later hand : episcopi et confessoris. 
 
 '' Marginal note in a later hand : Regina maria moriebatur eodem [die] incepit 
 domina Elizabetha regnare. 
 
 Marginal note in a later hand : I J 57. this day sir The. Cuiteys made Knight. 
 
 d 
 
 N' 
 
 xiij e 
 
 iiii N' 
 
 ij f 
 
 iii N' 
 
 g 
 
 ii N' 
 
 X A 
 
 nonas 
 
 b 
 
 xviij c 
 
 vij d 
 
 viij Id' 
 vij Id' 
 vi Id' 
 
 e 
 
 V Id' 
 
 XV f 
 
 iiii Id' 
 
 iiij g 
 A 
 
 iii Id' 
 ii Id' 
 
 xii b 
 
 Idus 
 
 i c 
 
 xviii Kl' 
 
 d 
 ix e 
 
 xvij Kl' 
 xvj Kl' 
 
 f 
 
 XV Kl' 
 
 xvij g 
 
 vi A 
 
 b 
 
 xiiij c 
 
 iij d 
 
 e 
 
 xiiij Kl' 
 
 xiij Kl' 
 
 xij Kl' 
 
 xj Kl' 
 
 X Kl' 
 
 ix Kl' 
 
 xi f 
 
 xix g 
 
 A 
 
 viij Kl' 
 vij Kl' 
 vi Kl' 
 
 viii b 
 
 V Kl' 
 
 c 
 
 iiii Kl'3 
 
 xvj d 
 
 iii Kl' 
 
 3 
 
KT 
 
 Xllj 
 
 Book of Ordinances zys 
 
 Septimus exanguis : uirosus denus ut anguis. 
 December, habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxix. 
 
 Sancte barbare virginis et martyris.' 
 
 Sancti nicholai episcopi et confessoris, .ix. lee. 
 
 Octaua sancti andree apostoli. Inuit. duplex. ,iij. lee. 
 Concepcio sancte marie. Minus duplex. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancte lucie uirginis. et martiris. .ix. lee. 
 
 lanuarij. 
 
 O sapiencia. Nulle deinceps fiant preces ad 
 vesperas. 
 
 ^ Sol in capricormo [«V]. 
 
 UigiJia. 
 Sancti thome apostoli. .ix. lee. 
 
 Uigilia. 
 Natiuitas domini nostri ihesu christi. principale. 
 
 .ix. Jec. 
 Sancti stephani prothomartyris. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancti lohannis apostoli et euangeliste. .ix. lee. 
 
 Sanctorum Innocencium martyrum. .ix. lee. 
 
 XSancti Thome arch'tephcopi et martyris erased] .ix. lee. 
 
 Sancti siluestri episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee. 
 
 ^ Nox habet horas .xviij. dies uero .vj. 
 
 ' Sancti osmundi. Samm : added in a later hand, but not the same as that of the marginal 
 notes. 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 N' 
 
 ij 
 
 g 
 
 iiij 
 
 N' 
 
 
 A 
 
 iii 
 
 N' 
 
 X 
 
 b 
 
 ii 
 
 N' 
 
 
 c 
 
 nonas 
 
 xviij 
 
 d 
 
 viij 
 
 Id' 
 
 vij 
 
 e 
 
 vij 
 
 Id' 
 
 
 f 
 
 vi 
 
 Id' 
 
 XV 
 
 g 
 
 V 
 
 Id' 
 
 iiij 
 
 A 
 
 iiij 
 
 Id' 
 
 
 b 
 
 iij 
 
 Id' 
 
 xij 
 
 c 
 
 ii 
 
 Id' 
 
 i 
 
 d 
 
 Idus 
 
 
 e 
 
 xix 
 
 Kl' 
 
 ix 
 
 f 
 
 xviij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 
 g 
 
 xvij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 xvii 
 
 A 
 
 xvj 
 
 Kl' 
 
 vi 
 
 b 
 
 XV 
 
 Kl' 
 
 
 c 
 
 xiiij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 xiiij 
 
 d 
 
 xiij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 iii 
 
 e 
 
 xij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 
 f 
 
 xj 
 
 Kl' 
 
 xi 
 
 g 
 
 X 
 
 Kl' 
 
 xix 
 
 A 
 
 ix 
 
 Kl' 
 
 
 b 
 
 viij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 viij 
 
 c 
 
 vij 
 
 Kl' 
 
 
 d 
 
 vi 
 
 Kl' 
 
 xvj 
 
 e 
 
 V 
 
 Kl' 
 
 V 
 
 f 
 
 iiii 
 
 Kl' 
 
 
 g 
 
 iii 
 
 Kl' 
 
 xiii 
 
 A 
 
 ii 
 
 Kl' 
 
xy6 The Oath Booh or 
 
 The Calendar is an ordinary Sarum Calendar adapted to the use of 
 London by the subsequent insertion of the feasts of St. Erconwald 
 (April 30 and November 14.) and St. Mildred (July 13).' Its date can be 
 approximately determined, from internal evidence, as lying somewhere 
 between 1389 and 141 y. In the first place we find the festival of St. Anne 
 (July 1.6) mentioned, and she was rarely inserted in the Sarum Calendar 
 before 1389. On the other hand, the names of St. David (March i), 
 St. Chad (March a), and St. Winifred (November 3) are added in a different 
 and later hand, and these were not always inserted in the Sarum Calendar 
 after 141 5. Inasmuch, however, as on the first leaf of the book the obit 
 of Henry V, who died in 1422., is given, it seems most probable that the 
 Calendar was written after the death of Henry IV, 141 3. This would 
 fix its date somewhere between 141 3 and 141 5:. There is, however, no 
 proof that the first four leaves were originally connected with the 
 Calendar, and if not, the date of the latter may be some time not earlier 
 than 1389. 
 Ill The two next pages, which face each other, have beautiful illuminated 
 borders with a delicate floral design. 
 
 Within these borders there are two pictures. On the left-hand page 
 the Virgin stands surrounded with a golden halo and crowned with the 
 Triple Crown of the Trinity. At her feet are a group of persons 
 probably representing the Drapers. On each side of her there are two 
 angels. Above her, two figures apparently representing the Almighty 
 and the Virgin, possibly to indicate the Assumption. 
 
 In the upper corners on either side are the Royal Arms and the Arms 
 of the Company. 
 
 The Triple Crown should be compared with those on the Grant of 
 Arms, 143 9. Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XI. 
 
 Under the Virgin is found — 
 
 The Oath of a Brother. 
 
 ' Ye schal swere and be hete that Duryng your lyve to be good and 
 Treiu lelgman vnto our souerayne lord the king & his successours kings " and 
 fethfuU & loueyng to the fraternite of our lady & to the feliship of 
 Draperes of london. Ye shal paye & be Contributarye to almaner 
 somances of the Mayster & Wardens therof now beyng & her successours 
 Maysters & Wardens that for the tyme to com shal be or ellis pay the 
 
 ^ St. Erconwald is also an East Anglian saint, and St. Mildred was honoured 
 at Canterbury. 
 
 ^^ The words printed in italics are inserted as additions in the original manu- 
 script. The words in brackets are the original words which have oeen subse- 
 quently struck out. 
 
Booh of Ordinances 15-7 
 
 peynis & mercementes thereoute. Ye shal be comparcioner and to your 
 power bere al maner Costis & chargis of the said fraternite or feliship. 
 Ye shal enplete no brother of the seyd fraternite or . . . (standyng) free 
 in the seid feliship beyng suffisaunt & abydyng And standyng vnder 
 (Rule theiof) for Any Cause in any Corte sperytual or Temporal but yf 
 ye have leue of the Mayster or Wardens or her successors Maysters or 
 Wardens that for the tyme to Com shul be The conseyles of the seyd 
 ffelishipp Onest and leful ye shall Conseyll and kepe preve to alle Causes 
 & maters for the Wele and Worschipp of the seyd fFraternite When ye 
 be called ther to ye shuU shewe you' Good avys & Connyng And yf ye 
 knowe at Any tyme (any)thing which shuld be preyudice slavnder or 
 Comon hurte to The ffelishipp be you' Power ye shall lette yt or ellis 
 anoon the Mayster or oon of the Wardens ye shul Warne or do be 
 Warnyd ye shal also hile and kepe the Conseill of youre Maister And all 
 other Ruh's and ordinances made or in tyme comyng to be made among 
 the seid ffraternite and ffelishippe ye shal observe And kepe So helpe you 
 God and Halidom And be This Bcoke.' 
 
 The right-hand page contains a picture of Christ on the cross with 
 the Virgin and St. John standing on each side, and at the four corners the 
 four Evangelists represented by their symbols, the Lion, the Calf, the 
 Face of a Man, and the Flying Eagle. In the floral border on either 
 side are the Royal Arms and the Arms of the Company. The extracts 
 from the Four Gospels which should follow the illuminations are wanting, 
 and probably formed a portion of the ' xij levys ' noted by William Bere 
 as missing in 1 54.(f . These tw o beautiful pages have unfortunately been 
 seriously injured by damp, which has caused the colours on either side to 
 come ott on the other, thus spoiling each picture.' 
 
 Following the illuminated leaves are ' The othe of the Master and IV 
 Wardens ioyntely' inserted on a fly-leaf, and other regulations con- 
 cerning those officers, written by various hands, apparently between 
 lyoo and 1^60.'' Against the Oath and the order respecting leases the 
 instruction is 'Lege'.^ Then follow two abrogated orders which are 
 ciossed through with the pen, having the direction in the margin 'ne 
 legas quia vacat '. They are as follows : 
 
 (i) (Also yt ys Enacted that the Rentor Wardeyn Electyd which ys 
 the thyrde Warden Shall yerely put in Swerties for hys Accompt within 
 one moneth after he Taketh hys othe. 
 
 (z) Also yt is Enacted that the yongest m' waideyn shalbe Rentor or 
 m* Howells lands and thereof accomptable half-yerely accordyng to the 
 Acte thereof lately Made.) 
 
 ' The illuminations are too seriously damaged by damp to be repioduced. 
 
 ^ For these see p. 281 of this vol. 
 
 ^ This indicates that this oath was to be read at the Quarter-day Meetings. 
 
 1603-1 L 1 
 
The Oath Book or 
 
 V 
 
 Earliest 
 
 Ordinances, 
 
 I40f. 
 
 (i) Regula- 
 tions with 
 regard to 
 Merchant 
 Strangers. 
 
 (2) Forfeit, 
 tures to be 
 divided be- 
 tween the 
 Masters and 
 the City. 
 
 ( 3 ) Appoint- 
 ment of 
 Custos at 
 Blakwelhall. 
 
 (3) Next is ' A charge for the m' Wardens oneJy' dated 30 June 15-^7, 
 forbidding aay Warden to ' departe from hens into the parties of beyonde 
 the Seas ' without 5 lycence of the Master and assistence fyrst obteyned ', 
 under a penalty of £^\o. Both this order and the next are marked 
 ' Lege '. 
 
 (4,) The last order, dated a6' June, iffS'o, requires the Wardens to give 
 a 'Juste perfect and true accompte of all the presentment money, Spoone 
 silver, casuall Fynes' and other moneys which shall come into their 
 hands. 
 
 (f) The Renter Warden's Oath, temp. Philip and Mary, occupies the 
 next page. (See Appendix, vol. ii.) 
 
 , Then follow the ordinances of the Society' made in 14.05 and entered 
 into this book in 14.^0, as is stated in the Latin heading, the ordinances 
 being in English with illuminated initials. ' In tempore Johannis Walsha 
 Magistri Artis Panariorum Bartholomei James Thome Welles Johannis 
 Pake et Willielmi Brogreve Gardianorum xix° die mensis ffebruarii 
 Anno regni Regis Edwardi quarti Primo. Iste ordinaciones flfiierunt 
 scripte in libro isto.' 
 
 The preamble is addressed to the Mayor and Aldermen by the 
 Commons of the City, who pray and require that the ordinances which 
 follow may be established and confirmed 'and also set in record by 
 assente and consent of the Comon Counsell of the same Cite^^ 
 
 No merchant stranger shall sell or buy to or from another merchant 
 stranger within the City on pain of forfeiting such merchandise, ' The 
 privileges of the lieges of oure redouted lord the kyng of Guyen saved 
 and except so always that such buying and selling be made between 
 merchant and merchant '. 
 
 One fourth part of any forfeiture taken by the Masters of any Craft or 
 Mistery shall be retained by them for their trouble, and ' the remaynent 
 of the seid fyne ' shall be paid ' to the Chambir of the Guyhall to the use 
 of the Cominalte'. 
 
 Of Blakwellhall. 
 
 ' Also the maistres and the Crafte of drapers of London and their 
 successours have Power to Chese a persone able wyse and Sufficient such 
 as they wyll answere fore to kepe and oueresee that all maner woUen 
 
 , ' N.B. In the ordinances which follow, the passages m brackets are those parts 
 of the original form which have been altered ; those in italics have been added 
 at a later date. 
 
 ^ By the Stat, i j Henry VI, 145^-7, all ordinances of Gilds were to be con- 
 firmed by governors of cities, burghs, or towns in which the Gilds were situated. 
 This looks as if the preamble was later than that date. 
 
Book of Ordinances ifcj 
 
 clothes by marchantcz floreyns or strangers brouht led or caried to the 
 seld of Blakwelhall there to be sold And saufely ther kept sold and 
 bought after the franchise and libertee of the Cite aforseid.' The Crafte 
 shall present the same person to the Mayor and Aldermen to be by them 
 accepted and sworn well and truly to keep his oath, and he shall so abide 
 therein at the will of the said Mayor and Aldermen. If he ' doo not 
 duely nor Ryghtfully his ofRce or yf any notable cause or offence be 
 duely proved vpon hym', then he shall be put out from his office of 
 Warden of Blackwell Hall by the Mayor and Aldermen, and the Craft of 
 Drapers shall elect and chose another person for that office and present 
 him to the Mayor and Aldermen to be by them accepted and sworn. 
 * So that theleccion & presentacion of such person Wardein of Blakwel- 
 hall forseid alwey shall be made by the Maistres and Crafte of Drapers 
 forseid and their successours And thamyssion confirmacyon and 
 Remocyon of the said person be in the power and disposicion of the 
 Meire and Aldermen of the Cite forseid.' The above articles approved 
 by the Mayor Aldermen Sheriffs and Common Council and ordered to 
 be entered. 
 
 Jure Custodis De Blakwelhalle. 
 
 Ye shal swere that ye shal wel and lawfully serve the Cite of London ^4) Oath of 
 In the office of the seld of Blakwelhall of the same Cite of London And the Gustos 
 saufely and suerly ye shal kepe the Clothes that thider shal be brouht to of Blakwel- 
 selle And ye shal not suffre no merchant estranger fro the liberte of halle. 
 the seid Citee to selle no maner of Wollen Cloth within the seid seld to 
 an othir merchant stranger And yf they doo Anoon ye arieste yt As 
 forfeite to the Chambir of the yeldhall to the behofe of the Cominaltie 
 And ye shal not suffie no merchant stranger bryngyng wollen cloth 
 thedyr, to selle No tyme of the Wyke savyng onely fro j of the clok at 
 After Noone on the thursday on to xj« of the Qok by fore none of the 
 Saturday than next suyng vpon peyn of fForfaiture aforeseid And ye 
 shal not denye the sight of the Clothes brought to the seid Selde to selle 
 to no freman of this Citee (And of al that ye Resceyve or may Resceyve 
 of marchantz straungers comyng with cloth to the seid Selde to selle for 
 the ferme of the Chambris Almaires or hucchus leten to theym by the 
 Chambirleyn for the yeer half yere quarter moneth weke or day good and 
 lawfuU Accompte without any Concelment to the Chabirleyn of the 
 Guyldehall whane and what time ye be Required aad' ye shal yeve) 
 And in almaner thynges that to the office of the Keper of the seid Selde 
 Apperteyne to do well and laufully ye shal be haue you so God you helpe 
 and Holydome and by this Book. 
 
 ' The word is crossed through to make sense. 
 
 ^ The words between the brackets are underlined by a later hand. 
 
^6o The Oath Book or 
 
 ' Also ye shall dwell and kepe your houshold idth'tn the place of Blakiuelhall 
 and left it not to ferm to eny other person And that your keper or kepers 
 otherwise callyd Clerks onder you there he able men and drapers suche as he 
 luele knoiiien luyse and of good condicions and they to he admytted sworn and 
 chosen hy the Maister and Wardens of the Drapers for the tyme heing afore 
 eny of them shalhe putt into eny rewell^ in that place of Blakwelhall And 
 that non other person or persones except yourself shall occupy or take any maner 
 governaunce or rewell in that place. Saving onely the persones whiche he so 
 ahled sworn and admytted hy the Maister and Wardens in maner and form 
 aforesaid And as often as it shall happen your under keper or kepers hy any 
 maner wise to depart e fro that office than an other keper or kepers to he ahled 
 sworn & admytted hy this place in maner & form as is ahouesaid. And in 
 almaner things ^cc ut patet in alio late prox" sequen' in superiori parte, 
 
 Proclama- Proclamasio facta ex assensu Maioris Aldermannorum Et Communis 
 
 tion of consilii super Ordinaciones Predictas. 
 
 ^^ ' Let it be Proclaymed that no persone fforeyn Nor Estraunger bryngyng 
 
 Cloth to the Citee of london for to selle shewe nor selle yt in no partie 
 wyth In the Citee nother in the Subbarbis of the same but all onely at 
 Blakwelhall the which is specyaly deputed and Assigned be the meir 
 Aldermen and Cominaltie therefore vpon the peyne of forfeiture to the 
 vse of the Cominaltie of all such Cloth so shewed and sold And that no 
 foreyn Estraunger selle or put to selle at Blakwelhall any maner of 
 wollen cloth eny tyme of the weke but aloonly from j of the Clok at 
 after Noone vpon the Thursday on to xj» of the Clok afore noon vpon the 
 Satirday next suyng vpon peyne of forfaiture of all clothis sold on to the 
 Contrary And that all maner Drapers foreyns and Estraungers bryng to 
 Blakwelhall noon Cloth for to selle but alonely hole Qothis And half 
 Clothis lysted at bothe endis vpon peyne of forfeiture of all Clothis 
 founden on to the Contrary to the vse of the Cominaltie. 
 
 Also that no Person enfraunchessed within the Citee of London 
 Kouer ^ be the vertu of his fraunchesse no Goodis nor merchandises of 
 any foreyn or eny estraunger. Nother by no maner of marchandises 
 within the fraunchesse of this Citee of London to the use and profit of 
 eny foreyn or estraunger upon the peyne of forfaiture of all Goodis and 
 marchandises so kouered and bouht And be side this the same person 
 so kouyring and byeng Goodis And marchandises shal lese his 
 ffraunchise 
 
 ' This addition was probably added in consequence of the trouble about 
 Cremor. Cf. vol. ii, p. 17. 
 ^ Rule. 
 
 ^ Cover. 
 
Book of Ordinances z6i 
 
 Omnes iste Ordinaciones fuerunt edite anno regni Regis Henrici 
 Quarti post conquestum vj° Johanne hende existente Maiore. 
 
 ^ntto Domini 140^, A c & xxiiij^^ yeres past sens "we first enjoyed 
 Blakvjell Hall.-^ 
 
 These Ordinances are followed on the next page by a bond in VI 
 
 Latin of the same date entered into by the Drapers, under a penalty of The Drapers 
 jfiooo payable to John Proflyt, Chamberlain of the City of London, to to make 
 make good any damage which might befall Blakwell Hall through fire, good any 
 quod absit, theft, or robbery, by complete rebuilding and full restoration damage as 
 of loss and depredation. This bond was executed in the presence of the blakwell 
 Mayor and Aldermen on the x/th March, 6 Henry IV (i+oy), by the "^"• 
 following members of the Drapers' Company : — Henry Hert, William 
 Crowmer, William Norton, Philip Bangor, Richard Elton, Thomas 
 Coleworth, John Sotner, Robert Twyer, Roger Colney, Thomas Symond, 
 Richard Coroner, Robert Bamburgh, John Lougele, John Davy, John 
 Wyot and Stephen Bugg. 
 
 Another order inserted of a later date is as follows :^ Tempore Radulphi 14^4-^ or 
 yosselyn maioris inter alia continetur sic. Also that no man goo in to nygh 1476-7. 
 places of the ffraunchises of this Cite that is to say in to Southwark Westmynster No one to 
 Saynt Johnsstrete and other places nere adjoynaunt to the said Citie to mete buy of 
 laith foreyns and straungers the tuhiche if they were not encountred^ tuold hring strangers ni 
 clothe layne tuoll hydes oxen kyne shepe and other merchandises and vitale to the suburbs. 
 tye and forstall as they come to the said Citie and there in places therefore 
 assingned he put to sale vpon payn of grevous imprisonment of his body and 
 forfeitour of all suche merchandises or vitale that he soo hyeth etc. 
 
 Then follows the 'othe of the kepers seruants or Clerks under the vil 
 Warden of Blakwelhall ' of the date of 1405-. 140J. 
 
 ' Ye shall swere that ye shall be trewe and of good abering and Regulations 
 demeanour vnto your maister warden of Blakwelhall, And ye shall nether as to Black- 
 bye nor sell nor non other person in your behalf for you, eny maner well Hall, 
 wollen cloth, nor non other wayre nor merchandise that shalbe brought Oath of ser- 
 to Blakwelhall to be sold vppon payn of xl^ sterlings to be levied of you ^ants of the 
 as often tymes as it may be vnderstoud and founden by sufficient profe Custos. 
 that ye so oflFend to be levied vnto the profeit & behouf of the craft of No servant 
 drapers of London, provided alweys that ye or any of you shall bye ? *-istos to 
 asmuche clothe as shall suffice you for your own werings and households, r^^ii^'^ * ^ 
 
 ' This note is in a much later hand. Sir Roger Clifford sold Blackwell Hall 
 to the City inuSi. In 1293 the City transferred it to John de Banquell and 
 repurchased it in 139J-6, and in 1404 or 140J the Drapers obtained the 
 privilege of appointing the Keeper. Cf. pp. 101-3 of this vol. 
 
 ^ This is of the date of 1464-^ or 1476-7, since Ralph Josselyn was Mayor 
 in those years. The order has been evidently inserted later, as the ink shows, but 
 apparently by the same scribe. It therefore probably is of the earlier date. 
 
 for his own 
 
i6z 
 
 The Oath Book or 
 
 And also for your seuerall occupyings onely within your own howses'or 
 sboppys, that is to say for to kytt make or sowe hossen or garments for 
 the encreas of your levings in that behalf, and not otherwyse vppon the 
 payn aboue reherced, More ouer ye shall not by your weting or knowlege 
 sufFre to be bought any maner wollen cloth nor other wayres or mer- 
 To -watch chandise that shalbe brought vnto Blakwelhall to the vse or profeit of 
 and report ^1^7 foren or straunger vppon the payn aforesaid, ye shall also kepe the 
 all violations due tymes & hours ordeyned & assingned vnto you for the markett to be 
 of regula- kept, that is to say from one of the clok at after nown on the thursday, 
 tions. vnto xj of the clok before nown on the Satterday next ensuyng, Also 
 
 if ye knowe that eny foren or straynger bring cloth to the Cite of London 
 to sell and he make any shewe or sale therof in any ports of the Cite or 
 in the suburbs of the same but onely at Blakwelhall whiche is deputed 
 & assigned by the Mair Aldermen & Cominaltie therefore, ye shall anone 
 yeve warnyng vnto the Maister of Blakwelhalle to the Maister or 
 Wardens of drapers of london aforesaid or to one of them, and thus to 
 doo ye endeuour yourself dayly with due serche and specially in suche 
 places which ye thynk moste suspect and in all other places. All whiche 
 articles and other good ReuUs & Ordinaunces apperteynyng to the said 
 service or office to your power ye shall wele and truely observe and kepe 
 soo help you Godd & Halydom and by this Booke.' 
 VIII Next follows the Oath of the Clerk, evidently a later insertion, 
 
 Oath of the of the i<)th century.' On the opposite page is a minute dated -lG Novem- 
 Clerk. ber 1543 recording a meeting held 'in this our new hall late purchesyd 
 
 of our sayd soueraigne Lord the Kyng to here and pervse our ordenaunces 
 of olde tyme made by our predecessours which began in the year of grace 
 I J3Z (<J Edward III) for the purpose of confirming those that be profitable, 
 and of abolishing those not good and of adding thereto new, such as 
 they by their wise discretion shall judge to stand with the Honour of 
 God and the King and to the profit of the Fellyship '. The assemblage 
 of the Fellowship of the Gild or Fraternity of our Blessed Lady of 
 Drapers at this Quarter Day Court was composed as follows: The 
 Right Hon. Sir "William Bowyer then Mayor, the Right Worshipful 
 Sir William Roche, Mr. John Sadler, Mr. Wardens, the Assistants, 
 Livery and Bachelors, with the Yeomanry ' as most in nomber '. 
 IX Then follow the Ordinances of 141 8, € Henry V. These occupy 
 
 Ordinances eighteen pages in the same handwriting as those of 14,04. and were there- 
 of 1 4 1 8. fore probably written down in i\6o, with illuminated initials, the headings 
 being in red and blue alternately. They contain many alterations and 
 additions, including attempts here and there to modernize the archaic 
 spelling and forms of expression. Those orders which it was customary 
 to read to the whole Company assembled at the Quarter Day courts are 
 
 ' This oath will be found at p. 281. 
 
Book of Ordinances z6^ 
 
 denoted by the word 'Lege' in the margin. In most cases only an 
 abstract of the. ordinances is here given, but the preamble is transcribed 
 in full, as follows : 
 
 'In the worschipp of God and his blessid moder And off all the holy 
 Company of heuyn, for to abate Rancor and more lyghtly to Encrece 
 charite and to manteyne ioue. All the worshipful ffelishipp of the Drapers 
 of the cite of london Gadered and assembled in John Hendes hall' in 
 Seynt Swythynes lane of london the xj^ Day of Juyn the yer of Grace 
 mVccc and xviij= & in the regne of Kyng Henry the flyfthe after the 
 Conquest the syxt In tyme of John Gedney John iremyll Walter 
 fFrebarne and William fjorster Maysters and Wardens of the same 
 ffelishipp to Ouersye the Poyntcs and Articles ordeyned of old tyme of Claim of 
 ther iFraternite which be Gan in the yer of Grace m'ccc xxxij'', and wyth Fraternity 
 Good Deliberacion avysed on hem so that thei that thought hem to have 
 Resonabil and Profitable Confermed, the whiche Poyntes wyth othir ben started in 
 wretyn in this Booke Prayng all tho that aftyr them schall come in the '33^- 
 forseid felishcpp the same poyntes and artycles to Examyne And zyt 
 thei thinke By her wyttes that any poynt may be amended that they lyke 
 to do there to her Good diligens In amendynge of the Olde wyth Puttyng 
 to of Newe such as they schall thinke to encrece wurshypp to God and 
 Profyht (and helpe) to aU the fbrseyd ffelyshyppe.' 
 
 The Articles which follow have each a separate heading written 
 alternately in red and bJue: ink. Over the majority of these ordinances 
 the word ' Intratur ' is written in a later hand. This is evidently a note 
 signifying the ordinances which are to be included in the revised 
 ordinances of 15+3, for which see Appendix, vol. ii. 
 
 I. For the fEndyng off oure Prystys. 
 
 Two priests are to be found and maintained to sing for all the Duties and 
 Fraternity for the quick and the dead in the church of our Lady of (the payments of 
 Bowe in Westcheap) St. Michael in Cornhill.^ Their salary is to come the two 
 from the rents of the Fellowship, the deeds and muniments of which Priests, 
 shall be kept by the Wardens, who are to shew them every year openly to 
 all the Company, if ' it so lyke the ffelyschipe to be Don '. 
 
 t. For the mantenyng off oure lyght. 
 
 There shall be five tapers of wax of reasonable weight set in a candle- Main- 
 stick of latten ordained of old time at Bow Church in the worship of the tenance of 
 
 Lights. 
 
 ' This is not the Drapers' Hall, as Hazlitt suggested, for it was not built till 
 1 41 J, but John Heende's own house, which, however, abutted on the site of the 
 later Hall. Cf. npte on Drapers' Hall, Appendix, vol. i, No. XIX. 
 
 ^ The advowson of St. Michael's, Cornhill, was obtained in ijoj-^, when it 
 became the Drapers' principal church. Cf p. 16^4 of this vol. 
 
1^4 
 
 The Oath Book or 
 
 Of the 
 Clothing. 
 Over this 
 ordinance 
 is written in 
 a later hand, 
 ' Lege prout 
 in folio 
 primo '. 
 
 Lege. 
 
 Attendance 
 at Mass and 
 Dirges. 
 
 Assumption of our Lady to burn at due times as the custom is, which 
 light shall be well and honestly contained and maintained. 
 
 3. To be clothed euery (yer or euery second) {third) fourth^ yer. 
 
 All the Company of the Fellowship every (year or every second) {third) 
 fourth year after the advice cf the said Fellowship shall be clothed in 
 a sute and livery (that is to say. In that year that the livery is party then 
 to have no hoods, and if the Clothing be of a colour then to have hoods 
 such as shall be assigned by all the whole Fellowship). And that no 
 person, of what degree he be, put or give away his livery six years 
 following, (that is to say, if they have livery every year then to keep it 
 two years, and if they have clothing but every second year then to keep 
 it four years), upon pain of 4.0^. to be paid to the Temporall box without 
 any forgiveness. 
 
 4.. That no Brothir do make ne selle no such Liuere. 
 
 No manner man of the Fellowship to make nor selle such livery till 
 new livery of the Fellowship be made and worn upon pain of 100s. to be 
 paid to the Temporal Box. 
 
 <j. For to Com euery yer to (Bowchirche) Seinte Mighells in Cornhill 
 In her newest lyuere. 
 
 Also ordained is that the whole Body of the Fellowship in their whole 
 newest livery Aldermen and others every year the Sunday next after the 
 Day of the Assumption of our Lady or else upon our Lady day if it fall on 
 the Sunday he at Saint Michael's " Ana there to hear the Mass of our Lady 
 ordained for the Fellowship And to abide till it be done And every man 
 to offer a penny of silver upon pain of a pound of wax to be paid to the 
 maintaining of their aforesaid light and then depart every man at his 
 pleasure. And on the same Sunday at After Evensong they shall come 
 all in the said livery to the same Church again to abide at the Dirige 
 ordaintd for all the souls of them that be passed to God of the said 
 Fraternity. And on the morrow in the same livery and the Aldermen in 
 scarlet to come again to the same church to hear and to abide there until 
 the divine service and collation ^ he done if any he at the Mass of Requiem. 
 
 ' The changes were : (a) for every year or second year, every third year was 
 substituted j (is) for every third year, every fourth was substituted. The last 
 change was in 1549. R^P- 4393 P- 9^5- The date of the first change I have 
 lost, but I think it was about 1 5 1 J. 
 
 " Saint Michael's is inserted over the word 'Bowchirch', which has been 
 erased. 
 
 ^ A Sermon. 
 
Book of Ordinances i6s 
 
 And every man to oflfer a penny upon pain of another pound of wax to 
 be paid to the maintaining the aforesaid light tuiiicii offering shall he put 
 m the hox of the poor. And that same day (or another day as the Wardens 
 will assign and set) all the whole Fellowship in their last livery shall go 
 honestly two and two together from Saint Michael's to the place where 
 their feast or dinner shall be ordained And if any be absent at these 
 (two masses or Dirige) times^ he shall pay to the Temporall box two 
 pounds "Wax but he may find a reasonable excuse that the Wardens will 
 hold them pleased and agreed "with. And that every brother shall abide at 
 Saint Michael's Church till the said Sarvys Messes and Dirige be full done 
 upon pain o^a pound wax And not to void without licence of the said 
 Wardens or one of them there being present. And he that doth the 
 contrary shall pay the pain above said. 
 
 A later addition " to this ordinance provides that after Dirige they shall Dinner at 
 go to Drapers' Hall and there take such recreation as shall please the said Drapers' 
 Wardens to give unto them, jind so there -within the said Drapers' Hall Hall. 
 every brother to pay forth-with to the said Wardens for his dinner and quarterage 
 that is to say luhen no livery is pven ^s.^ and when livery is given iij s., and Quarterage 
 if ye have no dinner izd^ f providing always that the I2d yearly of every and other 
 person goes to the hox of God ' and the overplus to the Wardens). And also Payments. 
 every person shall pay in case like, in the said hall the same time for his livery 
 gown when clothing is made and given fand these to go clearly to the said 
 Wardens). And these duties duly (honestly) and truly to he paid as is afore 
 rehearsed upon pain of 40^ of him that doth the contrary, 
 
 6. Anno domini 1515. Anno regni regis H. VIII. 7th. 
 
 (And also that when x mark is allowed for the Mayor's mess then that Additional 
 year the Wardens shall have, if no livery be given, ins. of every man clause added 
 And if livery be given iis. of every man. And also when livery is given M i J- 
 the Wardens shall have no x mark allowed them, but only the profit of Annulled 
 the livery that year though ye have a mayor or none & the iis. of the '^'9- 
 livery above written. And when ye have no mayor at dinner the 
 Wardens that year shall have but iiif. of every quarterage and no 
 x mark.) 
 
 The iiii day of August Anno Dom. lyic) this act was dissolved and 
 annulled. 
 
 7. For to Chese newe Wardens (i45'4-5'5'). 
 
 At the same dinner or feast shall be chosen a Master ' and iiij Wardens Election ,of - 
 
 , , _ ^ . , . Master and 
 
 ' A post-Reformation alteration. w -A 
 
 ^ This addition is probably not later than 1439, because after that date the 
 Spiritual Box is no longer heard of. 
 
 ^ This ordinance, as stated in the text, belongs to the year 14^4-^. There 
 was certainly no Master till 1439. The ordinances that follow are in all probability 
 of the same date. 
 
 1603-1 M m 
 
%66 The Oath Booh or 
 
 for the year following and if any man refiise the choice he shall pay to 
 the box xli without forgiveness. And those Master and iiij Wardens 
 shall be chosen of all the City as well of one place as of another. And 
 the persons -which be appointed and concluded to he Wardens for the year 
 folio-wing in the Hall parlour or else-where by the Aldermen Wardens and 
 Counsell thereunto assembled not to be altered after neither in their persons 
 nor in their rooms as the Eldest Warden the Second the Third the fourth. 
 And -what person or persons of -what degree or condition he be that presumeth 
 to break this ordinance shall immediately pay to the box of this house -without 
 any forgi-veness £xx sterling. And there shall none be chosen Warden 
 again v years after that he hath once been except he -willingly -will receive 
 it And if any Warden choose any man that hath been Warden till 
 V years be done contrary to the form aforesaid he that so doth shall be still 
 Warden the same year instead of him that he chooseth so against the 
 tenour of this article. And the Wardens for the time being shall do call 
 the Aldermen and viij persons at the least of the Counsell of the Fellow- 
 ship within iij or iiij days afore the day of our dinner or feast to appoint 
 by their advice the Wardens for the year following. And the seyd viij 
 persons to be sworn to keep secret and not to discover any of those that 
 so shall be chosen till that they be openly chosen in the Hall upon pain 
 of xly. without forgiveness. And if any of the said persons come not at 
 his summons he shall pay xx'^ without forgiveness. Also it is ordained 
 and new established by the whole Fellowship the vij* day of August in 
 the year of the reign of King Henry the vj'= the xxxiij that the Wardens 
 that shall be chosen for the year following shall stand in full power and 
 receive the office with all charges pertaining to the Wardens the same 
 day that they are so openly chosen. Provided alway that at all times 
 lawfully required the master and they shall assist the old Wardens to 
 make levy of all such things as is grown to them or to the craft of duty 
 in the time of the said old Wardens or in any time before and shall avow 
 and affirm all such suits and actions as the said old Wardens or any of 
 them in the names of the said new Master and new Wardens shall take 
 and attain for levying of any such duty upon pain that the same new 
 Maister and Wardens shall forfeit and pay such duty as so oweth to be 
 recouered. 
 
 8. For the fleeste what Euery Brother shall Paye. 
 
 Payments of Also that euery Brother whether that he be in Town or noon ' shall pay 
 
 Quarterage, his aferant for the Dinner or feast that is to say that year that they have 
 
 '&c. Clothing ijy. And that year no Clothing is iijj-. And every Brother 
 
 shall pay for his Quarterage xij* a year. (And though he be wedded he 
 
 shall pay for him and for his wife but xij^. And dso the Wardens as 
 
 ' 'not.' 
 
Book of Ordinances z6j 
 
 for the year being shall have to their allowance as for Risches' Minstrels 
 Players and other petty costs xxx. and no more. Also if it so be that 
 there be a Mayor at the Dinner, and he be of the said Fellowship, the When 
 Wardens to be allowed for his mess x\s. And if it like the Wardens to Mayor is a 
 have at the Dinner a Mayor of another Craft without the assent of the Draper 40J. 
 Fellowship then they to have noon allowance as for the Mayor's mess.) " «• ^^ paid 
 
 for his Mess. 
 5. For chesing off Newe lyuere. 
 
 Also in that year that Qothing shall be made the Wardens as for the Lege, 
 year being shall do call to them the Counsel of the Fellowship for to Choosing 
 choose and appoint what Clothing they shall have as for the year by the Livery. 
 Saint Thomas day to fore Christmas and that they by that day be full 
 appointed and accorded upon their Colours for their livery. And they so 
 accorded the said Wardens shall make ready and porvey for the said 
 Clothing that it be full ready by Midsummer next following. And then 
 the said Wardens for to do call to them the whole Counsel of the Fellow- 
 ship And they to choose viij persons to value all the said cloth. And 
 the said viij persons to set their seals to the said Cloths so being valued. 
 And the price of every Cloth to be by himself in a bill tacked to every 
 of the said Qoths under their viij seals by the day of the Translation of 
 St. Thomas next following: And if any man be so advised to take of his 
 own Cloth then he that so doth shall pay to the Wardens vj d. for every 
 yard grained^ or not grained. And what Wardens that doth the contrary 
 of any of these points shall pay to the box xli. without forgiveness. 
 
 ^nd this aforesaid Act to serve from henceforth as -well for them that shall 
 netuly come into the livery as for them that be noiv in the livery and none 
 other-wise. Patet anno septimo H. viii in lihro Domus,' March 12. 
 
 10. For them that (byth) shall he Amyttid to have the lyuere & Suche 
 as Come in by redempcyon. 
 
 Also ordained is that any man that shalbe Abyld and amyttyd by the Lege, 
 whole body of the Fellowship being in the livery for to wear the livery Payments at 
 And bath been Prentys of the said Fellowship shall pay at the leeste at entry into 
 his Entry vjj. viij^. And to the Clerk xijd. and* Beadle vn]d. And Livery, 
 other that desire to have the livery shall pay at their Entry like as the 
 Wardens and they can a^ee^ And vj other of the Felowship asocyed to 
 them. And all those that come in by Redemption shall pay to the clerk 
 xld. at their Entry into their Freedom and to the Beadle xij*/. 
 
 ' rushes. 
 
 /^ In the years 142 j-9, 1434, 143^. 1440, we certainly find 40/. paid 
 when Mayor is not a Draper. Cf. Accounts. ^ Dyed scarlet. 
 
 * These words are written over an erasure. There was no Clerk till after the 
 year 1 460. ^ Written over an erasure. 
 
xd8 
 
 The Oath Book or 
 
 Of Brethren 
 falling into 
 Poverty or 
 Sickness. 
 
 Lege. Of 
 Dirges for 
 Brethren 
 deceased. 
 
 II. For hem Tiiat flfklle In Poverty. 
 
 Also ordained is that if any of this Fraternity which hath been 
 a brother thereof and weryd the Clothing by the space of vij year full 
 And hath been of Good name and feme fall in Poverty Impotency or 
 Sickness And by the whole body of the Fellowship be admitted to the 
 Alms, if he were never Warden Then the Wardens shall pay him yearly 
 iiij marks, he to be paid quarterly a mark a quarter. And if he have 
 been a Warden then he for to have full/ xiiij d. a week for to be paid of 
 the box of God In to the time that God will increase them otherwise. 
 
 Provided always that the person so admitted shall dwell vaithin the place 
 and use htm always as an almsman. And that such stuff as he shall bring in 
 with him and left after his death shall rest to the house for his successour after 
 the discretion of this place ^ except he have wife or child that then they after 
 his death to receive the goods and immediately to avoid the place, ^ Anno JJOJ. 
 
 iz. For to Come to Deryges (for Brethren that dyscese of the 
 
 ffellishipp). 
 Also if any Brother of this Fraternity and at the Day of His death is 
 in the Clothing the Wardens shall assign to Summon the Fellowship 
 to come to the Dirige of the terment " of the said Brother. At which 
 Dirige they shall abide till it be done, if it so like the Wardens. 
 And that no man depart without licence of the said Wardens or one of 
 them upon pain of iiijaf. without forgiveness. And upon the morrow 
 they shall be at the (mass of Requiem) divine service if thereto they be 
 required? And every of them shall offer as the Wardens will assign 
 them. And they shall at each such summons do gather them together in 
 such a place as shall be assigned by the Wardens. And in such Clothing 
 as shall be limited by the said Wardens. And from thence to go honestly 
 ij and ij together to the Church that they be assigned or summoned to go 
 to. And if any be absent except he be out of the City and Suburbs 
 without fraud, at any time that he faileth unless he have licence of the 
 Wardens or of one of them. And if he be present and offer less at 
 the Mass than he shall be assigned by his Wardens he shall pay to the 
 Temporal Box ii\]d. without any forgiveness. Also if any Sister of this 
 Fraternity Die, if it be thought by the Wardens to assemble the Fellow- 
 ship to come to the Dirige then they to Come upon pain aforesaid. Also 
 if any Brother die that hath been Warden then the whole Fellowship 
 shall bring him to Church In such Clothing as the Wardens will assign 
 
 ' The words 'pro Aydrop ' are written in the margin^ the meaning of which 
 does not appear, but he was probably an almsman. Possibly this refers to 
 Will Aydrop, who was an almsman in i J08-9. Cf. Wardens' Accounts, 1 508-9, 
 Appendix, vol. i. No. XXII a, p. 372. 
 - ^ BuriaL 
 ^ Evidently a post-Reformation alteration. 
 
Book of Ordinances z6^ 
 
 or one of them upoa pain aforesaid. (And also what Brother or Sister 
 that dieth the Wardens shall take the names of them And to charge our 
 Priests of our Fraternity to Remember the Souls of them in especial an 
 whole year after their Decease.) 
 
 13. For AUe Maner off Somavnces. 
 
 Also in General ordained is that when Summonses is made by the Lege. 
 Cierk or Beadle to all the Fellowship to be at any certain Place at any Summons to 
 certain hour if he come not an hour after he shall pay mjd. And if he be obeyed, 
 come not of all that day then he shall pay viijW. except he can leefully 
 excuse him to the Wardens or one of them if he be in hele and in town. 
 (And if they be summoned to go approcessyon whoso faUeth but if have 
 excuse reasonable he shall pay as often as he faileth iiij^.) And these 
 pains of summonses the C/erk or Beadle shall gather, and if it so be that 
 any man at the first coming of the Clerk or Beadle will not pay the pain 
 ordained the second time of the Clerk or Beadle's coming he shall pay the 
 Double, And the iij"'^ time treble, And if he will not pay then he shall be 
 hold for Rebel and stand at the Grace of the said Wardens. 
 
 14. For hem that ben in Mys Rule. 
 
 Also if any of this Fraternity be of misrule or misbehaviour either in Lege. Mis- 
 "word or In deed or be of Evil Fame or Condition or -will not obey the master behavioui-. 
 and -wardens whereby the Fellowship is slandered or therethrough may 
 have velony, he shall be sent for to Come afore his Wardens. And by 
 them to be Corrected as their discretions giveth them. And if he be 
 rebel and will not obey the Correction of his said Wardens, Then the 
 Wardens shall call to them the Counsel of the Felowship And they to 
 Correct him after their Discretions. And if he will not obey their Rule 
 and Correction Than they to present him to the Mayor as Rebel. 
 
 If. lyffany bargayn or bye with other to paye at the quarter day. 
 Also if any Brother of our Fellowship bargain or buy with another Payment of 
 brother of the said Fellowship and no special Comenant' be made the sun^s owed 
 seller shall not ask his money till the Quarter Day if the Buyer be ^o * brother 
 sufficient and abiding And in case be that the seller find him aggrieved J° °^ ^' 
 for the fault of his payment at the Quarter day Then may the seller Quartet- 
 Complain him to the Wardens, And they after Their Good Discretions ^^* 
 to set a Rule therein. 
 
 \6. That no brother Take no servant hous ne shoppe fro his Brother. 
 
 Also that none of this Fraternity take no servant hous ground nor shop Lege, 
 from his Brother (within this City or without) without leave and free 
 will of the same Brother upon Pain of x li, without forgiveness. And if 
 he be Rebel to stand at the Rule and Grace of the said Wardens. 
 
 ' Probably the word should be * covenant '. 
 
X70 
 
 The Oath Booh or 
 
 Ridings by 
 land or 
 water. 
 
 Lege. Com- 
 plaints 
 against 
 brethren to 
 be made 
 first to the 
 Wardens. 
 
 Of times of 
 selling at 
 Fairs. 
 
 Lege. 
 
 No Betray- 
 
 ingofThings 
 
 said in 
 
 Counsell, 
 
 17. For all maner off Rydyngis be lond & he Water, 
 
 Also if the Felowship of our Fraternity hap to Ryde by Land or by 
 Water against the King Mayor or Sheriff or against any other lord or 
 estate the Wardens shall do assemble the Felowship to Gather, And 
 then to ordain in what manner and how they shall Govern them in that 
 Riding or Going by water. And he that is Rebel against this Ordinance 
 either in his Riding by land or by water he shall pay to the Temporal 
 Box iijy. iiiji^. without any forgiveness. And all costs of Minstrels and 
 other things needful and honest to the same Riding or Going by water 
 shall be Reryd of the Brethren as well of them that Ride not by land nor 
 go by water as of them that so do. And nothing there fore to be taken 
 out of the Box. And also ordained is that for the King's dlrige that the 
 luhole hody of the Fellowship he summoned there to and he that faileth without 
 a reasonable excusation he shall pay to the Temporal Box iij s. and iiij d. 
 without forgiveness, 
 
 18. lyff any brother fSnde him Grevid with other that he pleyn hym 
 fHrst to the Wardens. 
 
 Also if any Brother of this Fraternity find him Grieved with any other 
 Brother of the said Fellowship he shall tell his Grievance to his Wardens 
 first or that he Complain him owzher ellys.^ And than the Wardens to 
 do come afore them both parties. And they to do their diligence to 
 make an end. And if they cannot then may he that findeth him Grieved 
 Pleyne where him liketh. And the Wardens at all times shall be 
 ready to witness the sothe In whom the Default is. And that none 
 of this fraternity do succour or help the Party feulty. And who 
 that doth the (Contrarye) shall pay to the Temporal Box x li. without 
 forgiveness. 
 
 I p. For the ffeyres off Bertholomeu and Ouerey. 
 
 Also that none of this Fraternity stand with merchandise at Fairs ot 
 Westminster nor of Saint Bartholomew over the time of the franchise 
 Granted that is to say xxx days at Westminster and iij days at 
 Bartholomew's upon pain of x li. without forgiveness. Also that it shall 
 be lawful to Every Brother to go as well to the fair of St. Mary Overey's 
 as to the fair of St. Bartholomew and under the same Manner form. 
 
 ao. That no brother bewreye litill or meche seid In the Companye, 
 
 Also that none of this Fraternity bewray little thing or much said in 
 Counsell among the Fellowship or Part of them. And if any of them do 
 if it may be proved on him by the Wardens and vj other good men he 
 shall pay to the Temporal Box x li sterling without forgiveness. 
 
 ' Elsewhere. 
 
Book of Ordinances X7i 
 
 11. That no brother be Brocour betwen fForeyn and fforeyne. No Draper 
 
 Also ordiined is that none of this Fiaternity be no Broker betwixt ^"j^'gg^" ^^ 
 Foreign and foreign upon pain of an Cs. to be Reryd without forgiveness. po[.pj„„grs 
 
 22. That noon Apprentis ne lowes AfFter her terme serue with noon 
 
 other man. 
 Also that no Apprentice of this Fellowship nor lowys ' after their terms Lege, 
 end and before he be s-worn in this place shall open any shop or serve with 
 any other man of Crafte but only with a Draper in Cace he may reason- 
 able salary have. And if he may no service get within the Fellowship 
 then he to go to the Wardens praying them to help him to service. And 
 if they cannot help him thereunto within the said Fellowship then he to 
 take his advantage. And else not upon pain of x li. without forgiveness. 
 
 23. That no brother enflforme no stranger. 
 
 Also that no man of this Fellowship of Drapers shall inform no strange No Brother 
 man in no manner point longing to this Occupation neither of knowing to inform 
 of cloth of price of measure nor of the country that they come from upon any 
 pain of an Cs. to pay as often times as he is found faulty in any of these Stranger, 
 points. 
 
 24. For to kepe no servant (longer than a yer) but he be apprenticed 
 or freman of Drapers. 
 
 Also that no man of the Fellowship keep no servant in his house or Lege. As 
 shop as a Kytter or a lowes -without licence of the Wardens had longer than to keeping 
 a year but if he be prentice or freed in the same Fellowship upoa pain of Servant or 
 X li. nor set no foreign! a "work upon payment of v li. -whereof iij li to this Journey- 
 house XX s. to y' presenter & xx s. to master -wardens for y time being.'' And man, 
 that no man of this Fellowship take no servant to serve him in Drapery 
 but if he have been prentice with a man freed of the same Fellowship 
 upon paia of other x li. to be paid to the Temporal Box without forgive- 
 ness. Neither inform no stranger in no maner point belonging to this occupa- 
 cion as of kno-wing of cloth of price measure nor of the contrys that they come 
 frOy upon paying off to be paid as oftentimes as he is found fauty in any of 
 these points. 
 
 25:. Iff the Mayster and the prentice mowe not Acorde, 
 
 Also if any brother of this Fellowship and his prentice mowe not Lege. And 
 accord and his master will give him leave to go where he will or give of employ- 
 him a general acquittance that none other man of this Fellowship receive ing those 
 none such in to his service as alowes till he hath fulfilled the term of his who cannot 
 
 ' 1. e. journeyman. 
 
 " We first hear of Kytters being admitted in r jor. 
 are probably not earlier than that. 
 
 These additions therefore 
 
 agree with 
 his master 
 
171 
 
 The Oath Book or 
 
 Apprenticehood with his first master or with some other man brother of 
 this Fellowship by the accord of his first Master upon pain of lo li. to 
 pay to the Temporal Box without forgiveness. 
 
 ■i.6. To bryng Euery Apprentice affbre the Wardens or he be Enrolled. 
 
 Enrolling o A.'so that no man of this Fellowship of what degree that he be take 
 
 Apprentice none Apprentice but that he bring him first afore his Wardens ar he 
 
 and payment enroll him And then the Wardens shall write in (this) a Book the 
 
 of 1 3 J. /^d. names of the Master and of the Apprentice and the years that he is 
 
 bound. And then the Master of the Apprentice shall pay forthwith to 
 
 the Wardens xiijj-. \\\)d. The which shall be put in a Box ordained 
 
 therefore And he that doth the contrary shall pay an O. without 
 
 forgiveness. 
 
 27. To presente aflore the Wardens Euery Apprentice affter his 
 
 terme do.' 
 
 Also that all manner of Apprentice of this Fellowship at the end of 
 their term fulfilled or they be made free in the Chamber shall be presented 
 by their Masters to the Wardens to the intent that every Apprentice 
 shall swear upon a book to keep and hele all the counsel and leful ordi- 
 nances of the said Fellowship made or to be made during their lives. 
 And also to keep and hele the leful counsel of his Master that he served. 
 And he to pay at his Entry to the Wardens iijy. \\\]d. and to the Clerk 
 viij d. and the Beadle iu.\d. 
 
 a8. That the Wardens Euery yer yeld vpp ther Acountes. 
 
 Also ordained is that as •well the old Wardens as the renters for the 
 house — also of Mr. HovieWs fffts every year shall yield up their account 
 justly and truly before all the Fellowship or certain of them assigned by 
 the Fellowship within the viij^ day after All haleyn day^ without any 
 tarrying in pain of an Ci-. the piece to the Temporal Box without forgive- 
 ness. And then the Auditors -which he therefore chosen shall afterioard 
 finish and determine their audits yearly hy the Feast of Christmas upon pain of 
 X s. the piece to he paid^ etc? 
 
 aj). For the salarye off the Bedill. 
 
 Also ordained is and fully assented that the Common clerk and (the) 
 Beadle of this Fraternity be a man freed of this Fraternity and a man 
 freed of this said Fellowship and of good name And good fame and he 
 shall have for his salary v li. a year for to be paid of the box of God. 
 
 ' done. 
 
 ^ All Hallows or All Saints' Day,November i. Howell died in 1537 or IJ38. 
 ' Renters and Auditors come later. Renters not till 14^9-70, Auditors 
 1496. 
 
 Lege. 
 
 Apprentices 
 made free of 
 the Fellow- 
 ship to be 
 first pre- 
 sented to the 
 Wardens. 
 
 Lege. 
 
 Wardens' 
 
 Accounts. 
 
 Of the 
 Beadle and 
 his Salary, 
 and the 
 Clerk. 
 
Book of Ordinances 
 
 173 
 
 Also it is accorded by all the Fellowship that the said common derk and 
 beadle shall have his livery of the same cloth that the livery of the Fellow- 
 ship is after the discretions, of the Wardens as for the time being, and 
 what brother that deceaseth & hath borne state that is to say Alderman 
 Master or Warden of the said Fellowship shall leave to the clerk and 
 Beadle his gown & hood of his last livery save one with the fur therein 
 or else xl i. in money therefore And what Brother common of the said 
 Fellowship that deceaseth shall leave to the Clerk and Beadle his second 
 livery gown and hood with the fur therein or else xx s. in money for his 
 rewards 
 
 30. That no Wardens wryte nor do wryte In this book but ordinances. 
 
 Also Ordained is that in this book the Wardens shall not write nor do Ordinances 
 write no manner accounts nor reckonings nor none other things but only only to be 
 Ordinances made by assent of all the Fellowship and the names of the written in 
 Apprentices received as it is to fore declared upon pain of x li, to be the Book- 
 Rered of him that doth the contrary without any forgiveness. And it is 
 accorded by all the Fellowship that the names of the Apprentices shall be 
 registered in the old Book of the Old Ordinances. 
 
 91. That Euery Wardens do Rede this book afFore All the Company, 
 
 Also Ordained is and fully assented that the Wardens for the year Lege, 
 
 being shall read or do to read all the Ordinances afore or after this Ordinances 
 
 written that it to say iij or iiij times in the year openly afore all the said ^o be read 
 
 Fellowship upon pain of x li. to be rered of them that doth the contrary ^° ^^^ 
 
 without any forgiveness. Fellyship. 
 
 jz, That no Wardens here oute nor Delyuere no bookes ofFordynances. 
 
 Also it is Ordained and Enact by all the Worshipful Fellowship that No Book of 
 from this day forth that no Warden bear out nor deliver out of this Ordinances 
 Worshipfiil Place any Bokes longing to this said Fellowship that is to to be taken 
 say of Ordinances or of any Rules without grant and assent of the away. 
 Council of the said Fellowship upon pain of x li. And also that the said 
 Wardens neither bear out nor deliver any evidence or monuments of any 
 rents or tenements longing to the said Fellowship without grant and 
 consent of the Council of the said Fellowship upon pain of an C li. to 
 pay the Temporal Box without any forgiveness. 
 
 33. The ordinans Made to Exchewe pres oflFmenis men ' In the halle 
 the day off the fteeste. 
 
 Also Ordained is by all the whole Fellowship of this Fraternity that 
 forasmuch as heretofore this time at the Feast or Dinner of this foresaid 
 
 ^ ' avoid pressure of many men.' 
 N n 
 
X74 
 
 The Oath Book or 
 
 No one, 
 except past 
 Masters, 
 Watdens, 
 Aldermen^ 
 and those 
 who have 
 borne city 
 offices to 
 bring 
 Strangers 
 to the 
 dinner. 
 
 Order of 
 sitting at 
 table. 
 
 X. 
 
 Lege. 
 
 Wardens to 
 admit men 
 
 Fraternity hath been great press and multitude of young men in great 
 dishonour of ail the Brethren and principally to the Master and Wardens 
 for the time being, for they might have no room nor space to serve nor 
 to do their business in saving of their worship and of all the Brethren. 
 And principally that the States nor the Brethren might not see nor 
 behold plays and other divers sports for that time ordained. Therefore 
 ordained is by the advice of all the Brethren that no man of the Fraternity 
 except Aldermen and they that have borne States in the City shall bring 
 no man with him nor child to the Feast or Dinner whether it be save 
 only they that have been Master or Wardens to fore, the which shall 
 bring with them but only one man at the most, the which man shall be 
 honest and able to do his service to the Fraternity and Fellowship afore- 
 said at the commandment of the Master and Wardens for the time being 
 upon pain of xl s. to pay to the Temporal Box without any redemption. 
 
 54. A Rule ordeynd fFor the Syttyng In the halle. 
 
 Also it is Ordained and assented by all the whole Fellowship of this 
 Worshipful Fraternity of Drapers that from this day forward at every 
 General feast or Dinner of the foresaid Fraternity that all those that 
 have been Master (and) or Wardens shall sit at meat at the table next 
 the cupboard in the Drapers hall out take those that be ' the Aviis * and 
 the Assignment of the Master and Wardens for the time being be chosen 
 and assigned to sit at the high Table upon pain of ij s. to be paid to the 
 Temporal Box without any manner forgiveness. And that no brother of 
 the Fraternity presume to sit at any table in the Hall till the Mayor and 
 the States have wash and be set at the high Table upon pain of iij s, and 
 iiij d. to be paid to the Temporal Box without any forgiveness. 
 
 Also ordained is and provided that (always) at the table next the 
 Parlour door shall (begin) he set ij or iij mess ^ with such as hath been 
 (Masters and) Wardens overmost (and strangers) after the discretions of 
 the Wardens for the time being. 
 
 The Ordinances that follow are of the year 14^ f-d'.* 
 
 I . ' That the Maister or Wardens may make freemen by redemption 
 or freeixiomen. 
 
 Also it is ordained and assented by all the whole body of this 
 Worshipful Fraternity that from this day forward the Master and Wardens 
 shall admit and receive almaner of men or luomen by way of redemption 
 
 ^ i.e. by. ^ advice. 
 
 ^ A mess vi^as a portion for four persons. 
 
 ■* The omissions and additions are of the date of 2 z Henry VII (i 504-j), as is 
 stated in the margin. They are important as illustrating the increasing powers 
 of the Master and Wardens. 
 
Book of Ordinances 
 
 175- 
 
 Two persons 
 evicted from 
 the Frater- 
 nity. 
 
 for to be (no) brother sister or freeman of this said Fraternity or Fellow- and 
 ship without assent or avise of any other person of the said Fellowship women by 
 (or the moste part of them according always that the whole body of the Redemption. 
 Fellowship be summoned thereto . . . and whatsoever Master or Wardens 
 that doth the contrary against this rule and ordinance thus made shall 
 pay to The Temporal Box ^20 without any forgiveness) and for such sums 
 of money or otheriuise that is to say gratis after the discretion of the said Master 
 or Wardens for the time ieing.^ 
 
 2. Also it is fully condescended and accorded the first day of June in 
 the year of the reign of King Henry the vj'« the xxxiiij' by my master 
 Norman and all the Worshipful Fellowship of Drapers of london That 
 from this day forward that these persons James Ffalaron and Aungill de 
 Pettis shall not be summoned nor called to this Fraternity ^ and Fellow- 
 ship at no time nor to have no livery thereof nother to pay nother 
 quarterage nor none other duties that belongeth thereto. And the said 
 persons to be utterly discharged and put out of this Fraternity and 
 Fellowship.' 
 
 Then follow ordinances written in different hands and in plain ink, of 
 tlie reign of Edward IV and later. 
 
 ' I. That no brother of this Fellowship inform any stranger the 
 
 Feytz of Drapery. 
 
 i^66-6j. 
 
 Also it is fully condescended and utterly concluded and agreed the 
 
 iiii"^ day of the month of Janiver the v year of King Edward iiii by all 
 
 the Aldermen of this Fraternity and Fellowship and by all the whole Body 
 
 of the same Fellowship That (if any) ^ no maner sj^ person of this Fraternity 
 
 and Fellowship from this day forward of what condicion or degree that 
 
 ever he be take upon him in any maner wise to sett any foreign aiuarke or 
 
 inform any straunge man or to take with him at any time or season any 
 
 (maner of) person of any maner of (craft) occupation or Fellowship but that 
 
 ' The alterations in this ordinance are interesting : (a) We have heard in 
 previous ordinances of dirges for Sisters of the Fraternity (p. 2^8), and Sisters 
 are even mentioned in the earliest ordinance of the Religious Fraternity, but this 
 is the first notice as to how they were to be admitted. (y8) According to the 
 original draft Redemptioners were to be admitted in the presence and with the 
 consent of the Fellowship. By the alteration this was dispensed with. 
 
 ^ N.B. — Herbert's translation of this passage is strangely incorrect, i. 429 : 
 'Any felon or one convicted of treason.' There is an erasure before the name 
 of James Ffalaron as if another name had once been there. 
 
 ^ I have reproduced the exact words of the original, but as it stands it does 
 not make sense. Possibly this is the reason for the substitution of the words "^no 
 manner of for ' if any '. 
 
 No brother 
 to have 
 dealings 
 with a 
 Stranger, 
 
X7<^ 
 
 The Oath Booh or 
 
 Attendance 
 at Dirges. 
 Quarterage 
 and other 
 payments. 
 
 he be only of his own Fellowship freed (of the same) or prentis Other to 
 ride or to go to any (maner of) place othir in town or out of town 
 Whereas any cloth shall be bought by any (maner of) draper of this 
 Fraternity and Fellowship othir by any othir man of what (Craft) Company 
 Knowledge or fellowship that ever he be By the which they might or may have any 
 of bargain- manner of knowledge of any Bargain making or of knowledge of cloth or 
 making or of of price or measure or countries or of any point longing on to Drapery in 
 knowledge, no manner of condition & -what manner of person of this Fraternity 
 & Fellowship that doth the contrary against this Rule and ordinance 
 thus made shall pay to the Temporal Box without any manner of forgive- 
 ness as often times as he ofFendeth in any way of these points aforesaid 
 by due proof against him jf-fo sterling. 
 
 a. To come to the dirige on Sunday after our Lady day 
 Assumption yearly. 
 
 Also it is fully condescended and concluded the xvii day of the mouth 
 of December in the sixth year of King Edward the IV by all masters the 
 aldermen and by all the whole body of this Fraternity and Fellowship 
 that every brother being in town or in the suburbs of the same and in 
 health shall come to (Bowchurch) Saint Michael in his last livery the 
 Sunday next after our Lady day the Assumption to the derige of the 
 brethren and sisterin of the Fraternity of our Lady and Brotherhood of 
 the Drapers of this city of London at which derige they shall abide till it 
 be full done withouten that he have leave of the Wardens for the time 
 being or one of them And wher derige is done they shall honestly come 
 two and two together to the Drapers Hall And there to take such 
 recreation as shall please the said Wardens to give «»to them And so 
 thereforth within the said Drapers Hall every brother to pay unto the 
 said Wardens for his dinner and quarterage And also in like wise for 
 his livery gown when the clothing is made and given And all these 
 duties aforesaid duly and truly all only at the Drapers Hall to be there 
 paid upon pain of 40"^ of him that doth the contrary and this to be paid 
 to the Wardens for the time being toward their costs and charges 
 withouten any forgiveness. Providing that of the said yearly quarterage 
 the said Wardens shall fay for every person so paying to the box of this 
 place 12^. 
 
 3. Also it is fully condescended and agreed the a 8th day of June the 
 pth year of King Edward iv by my Master Sir RaufFe Josselyn Master 
 Stalbroke Master Bartylmew Jamys Master Drope the W ardens for the 
 time being William Borgreve William Stokker Thomas Harward and 
 John Hungerford. Also Thomas Gernwey John Porter John Pake 
 William Lightwood John Stokker William White William Bulstrode 
 William Braysbryg Richard Norman Michael Harris Thomas Bass 
 
 Fines for 
 
 disobeying 
 
 Summons. 
 
Book of Ordinances x^i^j 
 
 William Gardiner John Ashwell Symond Stevynson John Ferlee William 
 Sybson John Heynes Pers Johnson Pers Clement John Tutsam William 
 Sugborh Harry Skelton and William Clodewell That what person being 
 at any time summoned to the Drapers Hall or to any other place And 
 he come not he shall pay at every time that he faileth ix^ without a leful 
 cause and a cause reasonable And he that will not pay his mercyment at 
 the first time of asking at the second time of asking he shall pay is. and 
 else to take of him afters and to be brought to the Drapers Hall withoa? 
 any forgiveness. 
 
 Renters. 
 
 4-. Also they have fully appointed and chosen the same day' ii Renters Of the 
 for all the whole livelihood of all the Craft that is to say Richard Renters. 
 Foote and William Sybsone and they so to stand by a whole year 
 And they to begin at our Lady Day the Assumption next coming 
 and they shall as well receive merciaments fines Prenticehoods and 
 Freedoms as the Rents and shall yearly justly and truly give up their 
 accounts to the Fellowship by Saint Andrews day next following by the 
 space of a year And at the day of their Account given up the toone of 
 the said Renters to be changed and the todyr to stand still in the said 
 office for ij years And he that has been once Renter and so changed he 
 shall not be Renter again vij years after that. This was fully agreed and 
 concluded by all the persons before rehearsed the day and the time above 
 said, ^ho moreover lue will that the said Renters for the year being and 
 their successors have full power at all times to stress distrain and late to ferme 
 for all such charges as they he charged luith in their time that is to say for 
 Rents merciaments fines prenticehoods and freedoms.' 
 
 The substance only is given of most of the ordinances that follow. 
 
 14.75-. 
 
 f. On J August 13 Edward 4 (i+y^) an ordinance was passed to relieve Wardens 
 the Wardens of part of their heavy charges in connexion with the annual allowed to 
 feast which it was their duty to provide for the whole of the Fellowship, charge iees. 
 It was agreed that the Wardens should henceforth receive for their own 
 use the fee of 13J. 4^. for every apprentice of the Drapers enrolled at the 
 Guildhall or in the Craft and also all the amercements of viija?. each paid 
 by the brethren of the Fellowship. If the latter fee were not paid upon 
 the first demand the Wardens could exact a fine of like amount, and if 
 on the second demand the fee and fine were not paid the Wardens had 
 power to distrain upon the goods of the offender. 
 
 ^ 28 June, 9 Edward W, 146^9-70. This is the first mention of Renters. 
 
X78 
 
 The Oath Booh or 
 
 Wardens to 
 have no 
 allowance 
 for the 
 Mayor's 
 Mess. 
 
 Indentures 
 of Appren- 
 tices to be 
 enrolled and 
 fee of M. 
 paid. 
 
 Allowances 
 to Wardens. 
 
 Apprentices 
 to be pre- 
 sented 
 within 
 eleven 
 months. 
 Election of 
 Master and 
 Wardens. 
 Fine for re- 
 fusing to 
 
 147^. 
 
 6. On the i6 August 14. Edward IV (i+yff) it was further agreed that 
 the wardens shall have no allowance for the dinner of the mayor's mess 
 though he, the mayor, be there, nor for none of those Straungers which 
 shall be boden to the dyner for garnysshyng of the high table nor for 
 russhes mynstrells nor players. Altered by 18 Ed. IV. 
 
 14514. 
 
 7. It was ordered on \6 July ^ Henry VII, 145)4, by Master Aldermen 
 Wardens Counsell & whole Body of the Fellyship, that every brother 
 shall enrol all indentures of his apprentices at Drapers' Hall and pay 
 a fee of viij d. for each pair of indentures, under a penalty of vj s. viij d. 
 for neglect. 
 
 1477-8. 
 
 8. What is allowyd to my maisters the Wardeyns yerely. 
 
 It was ordained on 14 August 18 Edward IV (1477-8) by the Master 
 Aldermen Wardens & by whole fellyship that the Wardens ' shall have 
 for their allowance yearly for the mayor's mess and for such as shall be 
 appointed by my Masters the Aldermen and by the Wardens for the time 
 being for the garnishing of the high table, also for players minstrels and 
 rushes the sum oi £6 13 J. 4^.' Also that they shall have all the ' amerce- 
 ments of %d. a piece growing and due by the brethren of the said fraternity 
 within the year of their occupying '. (Moreover every brother shajl on 
 the Sunday next before our Feast pay at Drapers' Hall to the Wardens 
 for his dinner and quarterage, and also for his livery gown when clothing 
 is made and given ; on pain of 5^. \d. one half of which shall belong to 
 the Wardens and the other half to the profit of the Craft. Also agreed 
 that the Wardens shall have the duties of i ^x. 4^/. arising from apprentice- 
 hoods to the profit of the Crafte any former ordinance to the contrary 
 notwithstanding.) 
 
 14512. 
 
 5). On the 19 July 1492 it was ordered that every Apprentice shall be 
 presented by his master to the Wardens within eleven months after the 
 day of his bond, under a penalty of 20J. to the Temporal Box. 
 
 10. Also ordeigned is that at the same dyner or ffeest shalbe chosen 
 a maister & iiij wardeyns for the yere folowyng And if enyman Refuse 
 that Choyse he shalle pay to the Boxe x'' witouten foryevenesse And 
 theke Maister & iiij Wardeins shalbe chosen of all the Citie aswele of 
 one place as of another And ther shalle none be chosen wardeyn ayen of 
 V yeres after that he hath ones been And if eny wardeyn chose eny man 
 that hath been Wardeyn till v yere be doon, he that soo dothe shalbe 
 stille Wardeyn the same yere in stede of hym that he choseth soo ayenst 
 
Book of Ordinances X79 
 
 the tenure ot this Article. And the Wardens for the tyme beyng Shall serve. No 
 doo calk Thaldermen and viij persones at the leste of the Counsell of the Warden to 
 fFelauship withyn iij or iiij daies afore the day of our Dyner or fFeest to ^^ chosen 
 appoynte by their Aduise the Wardeins for the yere folowyng And the ^g^i" within 
 saide viij persones to be sworne to kepe secrete and not to discouer eny "^^ years. 
 of thoo that soo shulbe chosen till they been openly chosen in the halle Aldermen 
 vpon payne of xl= withouten foryevenesse. And tho persones whiche and eight 
 been appoynted and concluded to be Wardeyns for the yere folowyng in persons 
 the halle Parlour orelles where by the Aldermen Wardeyns and the chosen by 
 Counsell therto Assembled not to be altred after at eny season nouther the Council 
 in their persones nor in their Rowmes as the eldest Wardeyn the second ^'^ ?°^^ 
 the thirde & the fiburth And what persone or persones of what degree or ^^ 5".^. 
 condicion that euer he be that presumeth to breke this ordinaunce shalle , • _ 
 
 Immediatly pay to the Boxe of our lady Withoute eny foryevencs xx'' g^^gj ],„ 
 And if eny of the said persones come not at this Assomaunce he shalle ^■^^ whole 
 pay xx^ withouten foryevenesse Also It is ordeigned and newe estab- body, 
 lisshed by the hole flfelauship the vij"" Day of August in the yere of the 
 Reigne of kynge henry the vj'« the xxxiij* that the Wardeins that shall 
 be chosen for the yere folowyng shalle stonde in fulle power and Restey ve 
 the Office with all Charges perteynyng to the Wardeyns the same day 
 that they ar soo openly chosen Provided alweies that at all tymes liefully 
 required the raaister & they shalle assiste the olde Wardeyns to make 
 levie of all such thyngs as er growen to them or to the Crafte of duetie 
 in the tyme of the said olde Wardeins or in eny tyme before And shall 
 advowe & afferme all suche sutes and accions as the saide olde Wardeins 
 or eny of them in the names of the said newe maister & newe Wardeins 
 shall take & attaine for levying of eny suche duetie upon payne that the 
 same newe maister & newe Wardens shalle forfeite & pay suche duetie 
 as Soo oweth to be Recouercd. 
 
 ifoy. 1J05. 
 
 11. On f August ifoy it was ordered that each Warden should receive ^° Henry 
 the apprenticeship fees only of such as were bound within the period of ^^^- . -^fT 
 his year of office. prenticeship 
 
 ifiz. *"''• 
 
 12. On zo April 1512 it was further ordered that ifn. 
 the fee payable on presenting an apprentice and en- ti^^^If/.J^ltou'^Z 
 rolling his indentures should be 6s. 8«. mstead oi and paid to the House, not to 
 ijf. 4^. as heretofore, and that the fee should be paid the Wardens. 
 
 to the House. 
 
 13. Also the same day and yere (zo April 15 12) yt was enacted that Fullers, 
 all pourmen ffijllers Sheremen ffreed in this ffeliship, kytters & makers Sheremen, 
 of garments that is to say gownys dublets jakkets kyrtylls peticots & such Kytters 
 lyke garments vulgarly called kytters of garments shall pay for euery fieed in this 
 
x8o 
 
 The Oath Book or 
 
 fellowship to 
 pay for is. 
 indenture of 
 their appren- 
 tices. But 
 hosiers 
 6s. Sd. 
 
 Duties of 
 4th War- 
 den. 
 
 Limitation 
 on number 
 of Appren- 
 tices. 
 
 Fees for 
 Apprentice- 
 ship. 
 
 Fees for 
 Apprentice- 
 ship and 
 entry into 
 Freedom. 
 
 Apprentice from this day fbrth at the ensealing of his endenture within 
 the Drapers Hall ij s. during the term of vij yers next ensuyng. And this 
 in lykwys the Clerk shall receyve for the vse only of this place. And all 
 hosyers that occupys corsets shall pay aftir the rate above wrytten that is 
 to say vj s. viij «^. for euery Apprentice. And who that doeth contrary to 
 any of thes ordinaunces shall forfeit & pay to this place xl s. as oft as yt 
 can be proved ayenst hym etc. 
 
 15:17. 
 
 14. An ordinance made 20 July I'yij regulated the duties of the 4th 
 Warden as follows. The 4th Warden to make a Rental in parchment 
 containing the names of all the Company's tenants and the amount of 
 their rents. To oversee all the property, its repairs, and * vacations '. 
 To receive rents and pay all outgoings. 
 
 15'. Then follows an account of the gift by John Milborn of a burial 
 cloth, and orders as to the way in which the dirges for the soul of John 
 Chester should be conducted. 
 
 Of Apprentices. 
 Jan. II. 15x4. 
 
 16. Here assembled Master Monoux Sir John Brugge Sir John 
 Milborne Master Rudstone & Master Askew Aldermen The Wardens 
 The Council The Livery and all the whole Fellowship moste in number. 
 And the said Assembly it was enacted and agreed that from henceforth 
 (it shall not be lawful unto any brother or sister freed in this fellyship to 
 take mo apprentices than may stand in good order for their degree and 
 that one of The Wardens at the least have the sight of every such 
 apprentice before he be bound upon pain of 40^. to The Box . . . ) that 
 every brother being in the Master's livery shall pay from this day forth 
 for every apprentice that he shall take at the ensealing of his indentures 
 within the Drapers HaU to the Clerk ... to the use of this place 6s. id. 
 and every Sister whose husband has been of the aforesaid livery shall pay 
 for every apprentice 6s. id. and every other brother or sister not being of 
 the Master's livery shall pay for every apprentice jr. 4*/. . . . 
 
 17. 19th June Z5 Henry VIII (153 1). It was enacted by the whole 
 fraternity that no person or persons shall pay for the entry of any 
 apprentice into their fellyship above zs. 6d. nor for his entry when he 
 shall be made free after the term of his years shall be ended above ^s. 4^. 
 only for Spoone silver, and the officers fee according to the Act of Parlia- 
 ment last made before the year & day above written.' 
 
 The next ordinances are of the date 3 3 Henry VIII. They will be 
 found in the Appendix to vol. ii. 
 
 ' II Hen. VIII, c. 24. 
 
Book of Ordinances x8i 
 
 I. Oath of The Master & Wardens Jointly from Page 17 of ' Book xil 
 
 of Ordinances \ 
 
 ' Ye shall swear that ye shall well and truly oversee the (crafte) occupa- Lege. 
 cion or Mystery of Drapers whereof ye be chosen Master and Wardens for 
 the year. And all the good rules and ordinances of the same Mystery 
 that ben approved here and enacted by the Aldermen & Councell of the 
 same fellowship and none other — ^ye shall kepe and do to be kepte. (And 
 all the defaultes of that we shall find in the same crafte done to The 
 Chamberlain of the Cy tee of London for the time being ye shall well and 
 truly present sparing no man for iavour ne grieving no person for hate.) 
 And, for all the defaultes that ye shall find in the same mystery done ye shall 
 spare no man for favour nor grieve any person for hate — extorcion ne wrong 
 under colour of your office— ye shall none do neither to anything that 
 shall be against tiie state peace & profit of Our Sovereign' (lord the King) 
 lady the ^ueen or to this Cytie ye shall not consente but for the tyme 
 that ye shall be in office in all things that shall be longing unto the same 
 mystery after the Laws and franchises of the said Cytie well and lawfully 
 ye shall behave you (as God you helpe) &c.' ' 
 
 Sequence. 
 
 ' Also ye shall understond that it is enacted that neither of you (being Lege. 
 Master or Wardens for the time of your year ensuing and being in office) 
 shall move nor none othir for you to this house any matter for yourselves 
 or any of yours concerning any lease or other benefit for that year by this 
 house to be granted upon paine of £zo, to be levied on him that so doth 
 labour to the contrary.' 
 
 a. Oath of the Clerk of the XVI Century. From Ordinance Book, p. 14, 
 Evidently a later insertion, probably date of Hen. VIH. 
 
 ' You shall swear that during your life you shall be good & true liege- 
 man to our Sovereign Lord the King that now is and to his heirs Kings 
 always faithful & loving to the Gild or Fraternity of our (Blessed Lady) 
 Saint Mary of Drapers of London. You shall not implead any person or 
 persons free of the said Gild or Fraternity being sufficient and remaining 
 under the rule thereof for any cause in any court spiritual or temporal 
 unless you have license of the Master or one of the Wardens for the time 
 being and during your continuance in your office you shall conceal & keep 
 
 ^ The omission of the Master in the original oath shows that it belongs to 
 some period previous to 1439, because no Master existed till that date. The 
 other alterations are either of the reign of Mary or of Elizabeth. It should be 
 compared with the oath of that date in vol. ii. Appendix. The omission of the 
 reference to the Chamberlain is interesting. It looks as if the Company weie 
 resenting his interference. 
 
 1603-1 o o 
 
x8x The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances 
 
 secret all such matters counsells and communications as the Master, 
 Master Wardens and the Assistants of this Worshipful Fellowship at all 
 and every their Court Days Assemblies & Quarter Days in their Common 
 Hall to be holden and kept, shall condescend and agree upon for the 
 o-ood governance & continuance of the said Fellowship in worship and 
 prosperity and for the avoiding of all inconveniences to the contrary 
 which or else perchance might come or happen to or amongst the same 
 Fellowship or some of them. Also you shall not open or disclose any 
 word or words which any brother of the said Company perchance in heat 
 of blood or unadvisedly shall speak in your presence to the rebuke 
 reproach disproof check or in derision of any other brother being absent. 
 Also you shall not convey nor carry nor suffer or cause to be conveyed 
 or carried out of this House any book or books evidences writings or 
 muniments pertaining to the same or any copies thereof to shew or read 
 or to be shewed or read to any person or persons, nor deliver out of this 
 House any abstract or copy of any Ordinance Act or Decree without 
 license of the Master or one of the Wardens for the time being and all 
 other matters as concerning the Corporation of this Fellowship or their 
 lands rents evidences muniments money jewels plate or napery for the 
 profit of the same Fellowship you shall conceal and keep secret and in all 
 and singular the premises when ye be demanded you shall give the best 
 counsel that you can and all the lawful rules and ordinances made or in 
 time coming to be made by the discreet counsel of this worshipful Fellow- 
 ship you shall well and truly to your power hold observe and keep so help 
 you God and by This Book.' 
 
 XVIII 
 
 TRANSCRIPT OF THE EARLIEST WARDENS' 
 ACCOUNTS, NO. 140 
 
 The earliest Wardens' accounts are on paper i \\ inches high by from 
 8 to 8^ inches wide, each account forming a separate section by itself. 
 It is doubtful if they have ever formed part of a bound volume, although 
 some were loosely placed in the covers of a vellum book from which the 
 contents had at some time been torn. There are ten of these ancient 
 documents extending from 14.14. to 1441, being the accounts for the 
 following years a Henry V, and 3, 4, f, 8, 9, 13, 14, 19, zo Henry VI. 
 There is a gap of thirty-four years between these and the first bound 
 volume of Wardens' Accounts, which begins with the year 1475: and 
 is the earliest record consulted by Herbert. The accounts were kept in 
 
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts x8g 
 
 French down to those of 14. Henry VI, which are the last in that 
 language, the next — those for the 19 Henry VI — and those for the year 
 following being in English. As to the years for which these accounts 
 are made it should be remembered that most of them are dated by 
 the regnal year. 
 
 Now, the first regnal year of Henry V is March 14.13 to March 14.14, 
 the second regnal year is March 1414. to March 14.15. The Wardens 
 were elected on the Assumption, Aug. 15-, for the following year. On 
 or a few days before the following All Saints' Day, Nov. i, the old 
 Wardens presented their accounts for the past year. 
 
 Thus liie account presented in the second year of Henry V will 
 be the account presented in Nov. 1414. for the year Aug. 14.13 to 
 Aug. 14.14., 
 
 The dates given in the Report of the Commission of 1884. are many 
 of them wrong. They were evidently taken from the work of a 
 transcriber without any verification ! So much for the accuracy of 
 Commission Reports ! 
 
 Note. — The Utters in italics are either omitted in the original manuscript or appear 
 there in a contracted form. Incomplete words are printed with an apostrophe after the 
 last letter. 
 
 Ceux sonnt les resseytez queux William Weston John Benet Thomas Account pi e- 
 Ccok & John Glyn onnt rescieux en le»r temps po«r le Miestier sented in 
 de Drapers Ian du Roy Henri quynt ij^ [14.14.] Nov. 14 14 
 
 En p/m resc' en le box de dieu ^ p<7r les mayns a Robert Tatersall p^ ^ 
 John lynge Thomas Hardyng & J lobenh«m veyll maistrez '' xxvj= ix^ jq au2. 
 resc' de John Prentout draper po«r un Schoppe en la paroche del Bowe 1414. 
 
 pour un an entyere iiij" 
 
 resc' de Nicho/«s Bakere po»r rente en Candelwykestrete iiij'' xiiij^ 
 
 resc' de Benet Scherman po»r rente en Westchepe xx= 
 
 resc' de Jankyn Hynton taylor po»r un quarter rent x^ 
 
 resc' de leycestre miller po«r rente xx^ 
 
 resc' de Byllyngey Scherman po«r rente xx^ 
 
 resc' de Harry Coton is man pwr rente du an entyere xxvj= viij'* 
 
 resc' de Badcok Carpen/w po«r rente du an entyere xviij^ 
 
 resc' de Stephen Skynner po«r rente vj= viij'^ 
 
 resc' de vj^'vij personez chescn a iiijd. pour chiuacher ouesq»e le vicounte 
 
 xlij5 iiij'^ 
 
 ' There is only one Box, Le Box de dieu. In later accounts there are two, 
 Le Box de dieu and Le Temporall Box. 
 
 ^ The four Wardens are here called Maistrez. There is no Master till 
 1439- 
 
Id 
 
 
 x84 The Earliest Wardens'' Accounts 
 
 resc' de hugh Byrche po«r vn ffyne xviij 
 
 resc' de vn Hosyere in Dowgate ^our vn ffyne ' xx' 
 
 resc' de vn kerseyman po«r vn ffyne * ij; 
 
 resc' de hugh Byrche po»r vn fl^ne xx' 
 
 resc' de vn kerseyman po«r vn ffyne xij' 
 
 resc' de Scanys po»r processiouns iij^ iiij' 
 
 resc' de Brandon po»y vn ffyne xxiij' 
 
 resc' de Wa/ter Thorpe po«r vn ffyne xij' 
 
 resc' de Gamelyn po«r vn ffyne ij^ 
 
 resc' de Bowrere p<?»y vn ffyne ij^ 
 
 resc' de iiij'^iij personez pour quartfragez iiij'' iij^ 
 
 resc' de bequeste de Robert Beufr xx= 
 
 Summa xxiiij'' v* vj'^ 
 
 Les resseytez del Apprenticialtez 
 
 En pwm' resc' de ffarnh^jm po«r vn Apprentice de veyll dette ^ x= 
 
 resc' de leget pour vn apprentice ^ xx^ 
 
 resc' de Saykyn pour vn apprentice xx^ 
 
 resc' de Otfforde po«r vn apprentice xx= 
 
 resc' de Clauerynge po»r vn apprentice xx^ 
 
 resc' de Riciiard atte lee po»r vn apprentice xx= 
 
 resc' de John Botiller po«r ij apprenticez xl^ 
 
 resc' de John Elvys po«r vn apprentice xx^ 
 
 resc' de Elys Twyer po«r vn apprentice xx^ 
 
 resc' de Swaff^ham po«r vn apprentice xx'' 
 
 resc' de Will. Warde po»r vn apprentice xx^ 
 
 resc' de Benet Harlewynd po«r vn apprentice xx' 
 
 resc' de Grasele po«r vn apprentice xx' 
 
 Summa xiij'' x' 
 Summa totalis de toutz man/ers resseytez amount' xxxvij'' xv' vj"^ 
 
 Ceux sonnt lez dettez & q»«rteragez duez al Box de dieu 
 
 En prim' John Smyth de Brangtre doit de veyll dette & notrc temps viij' 
 
 Harry Hert doit de veill dette & norre temps iiij' 
 
 ' These fines are for breaches of regulation with regard to cloth discovered 
 by the search which Drapers held. N.B. — A Hosier and a Kerseyman are 
 fined. 
 
 ^ This is the balance of an old apprenticeship. 
 
 ^ Apparently the fee for apprenticeship was raised in this year, unless the ioj-. 
 fee is for balance for a previous year. xos. is certainly higher than it was in 
 1441, when it was ijj. 4^., the usual fee for some time after. 
 
TJoe Earliest Wardens' Accounts x85' 
 
 Riciiard Baynard doit de viell dette & no^re temps iiij^ 
 
 Hoby doit de veill q«^rterage xij'^ 
 
 John Wode de Epyswyche doit de veyll dette & none temps iiij^ 
 
 Besyan Bernard de Dancastre doit de veill dette ij^ 
 
 Thomas Eyre drapers doit pour vn Schermaw de veil! dette ' x^ 
 
 Richard Elton doit pour le fFerme de vn gardyn pour dV an viij^ iiij'' 
 
 Harry Grene & John leycetur xxj'' 
 
 Benet Scherman doit pour rente de veyll dette xxv= vj'^ 
 Item Benet Schermaw doit pour rente de no^re temps xxxiij^ iiij^ ij scherys.' 
 
 William Thornam Chalkma» de Grenewyche doit vj^ viij'* 
 
 William Dale doit de veyll dette xxviij^ 
 
 Nicho/as Hay Baker doit pour rente de no?re temps xxv= x<^ 
 
 leycester fFulIere doit pour rente de no^re temps xiij= iiij'' 
 
 Billyngey Scherman doit pour rente de notre temps xxvj^ viij^ 
 
 Stephen Skynnsr doit pour rente de noire temps xiij= iiij"^ 
 
 William Crowmere doit pour quarterage de no^re temps xij^ 
 
 John P«rues doit pour quarterige de notre temps xij'' 
 
 William Breton doit pour quarterage de no^re temps xij'' 
 
 Thomas lsilh<zm doit pour q«<irterage de veill dette & no^re temps ij^ 
 
 Raaff Volentyn pour q«<jrterage de notre temps xij*^ 
 
 Walter Gawtron doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij"^ 
 
 John Walpool pour quarterage de notre temps xij** 
 
 sir Riciiard Coton parson de Seynt Martynys orgar doit pour quarterage 
 
 de no^re temps ^ xij"^ 
 
 Southcote doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij"* 
 
 Stephen HuUe doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij"^ 
 
 Walter Hunspell doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij"^ 
 
 John Alcote doit pour quarterage de no^re temps xij"* 
 
 RaafF Holond doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij"^ 
 Summa de dettez & quarterage amount x" xv^ v^ 
 
 Ceux sonnt lez payements de W". Weston J. Benet T. Cook & 
 J. Glyn 
 
 En prim' paye a deux Chapeleyns al Bowe * x^' 
 
 Item paye al Wexchaundeler xiiij^ x'^ 
 
 ' N.B. — A Shearman is here apparently apprenticed to a Draper, as he pays 
 the same arrears, ioj., as Farnham does above. 
 
 ^ Two Shears. Probably the sign of the House. 
 
 ^ N.B. — A priest, a member of the Company. 
 
 * At the Church at Bowe the Drapers maintained two chaplains, and there 
 
 their Masses, Dirges, and RequieraSj which all had to attend, were celebrated. 
 They subsequently removed to St. Michael's, Cornhill. 
 
d 
 
 zS6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 hem paye al Clerk del Bowe pour ChauntmVs & son labor pour tout 
 
 le an ^^ 
 
 Item paye al Prestez & Belryngers pour le Dirige ij^ 
 
 Item paye pour vn Chaperon^ pour le bedel de verttt [pars] pour *e 
 
 vicounte lij^ 
 
 Item paye a Southcote pour quyt rente xx^ 
 
 Item paye pour pavyngf del tenement en Candelwyke strete que le Bakere 
 
 tient iiij' 
 
 Item paye pour ij Cartsfull gr^jvell pour le mesme tene/»f»t ix'^ 
 
 Item paye po«r Sergeaunt p<?«/- le fFayre de S. Bartholow^tu ^ ij^ 
 
 Item en mangt & boyre le mesme iour vlij"* 
 
 Item en batelage a Westmynster fFayre ij' 
 
 Item paye a vj mynstMs pour le vicounte xlj* viij' 
 
 Item paye pour Chaperonns pour lez mynstrels de vij verges & di. vert 
 
 & rouge a xxd xij^ vj-^ 
 
 Item pour fFacon del mesme iour Chaperons xx"* 
 
 Item paye pour mange & boyre pour lez mynstrels xv^ 
 
 Item paye pour vn Chiual pour le bedel pour Chiuacher a Broxham pour 
 
 Crowmer quaunt sa ffeme ffuist mort xxij"^ 
 
 Item paye pour ij chiuals pour le bedel pour chiuacher oue le mayr & lez 
 
 vicountes ^^ 
 
 Item paye pour ij chiualx pour le bedel pour chiuacher encountre le Roy & 
 
 le Reygne ^ ij^ 
 
 Item pour le bedel iiij verges de blank a xviijd pour vn chuno«r pour 
 
 chiuachere encontre le Roy vj= 
 
 Item pour xxiiij elln de lynew drap a ixd ob' le elln po«r ij bord cloths & 
 
 ij cupbord cloths xix' 
 
 Item paye al Bedel pour son Salary * iiij'' 
 
 Item pour allowaunce del mayr is messe ' xl* 
 
 Item pour fFacon de Chapeletts ij^ 
 
 Item paye pour vn bill del Apprenticialtez iiij"^ 
 
 Item allowaunce de Harry Hert ys dynwer ii/ 
 
 Summa xxiij" xij^ vf. Remaynt en mayn clear xiiij'' iij^ 
 
 ' Chaperon, Hood. 
 
 ^ The great Cloth Fair was held there, and the Drapers appoint the Keeper, 
 and pay the Serjeant. 
 
 ^ Henry V and the Queen dowager, Joan. 
 
 ■* The Bedel is called The Bedel or Common Clerk in the ordinances; apparently 
 he performed the duties of both. He is paid nearly as much as the Chaplains, 
 £^ to their £5, and is evidently an important officer. 
 
 ' William Crowmere was Mayor this year. It is noticeable that in all the 
 years covered by these accounts they pay 40j-., whether the Mayor is a Draper or 
 not, whereas subseijuently /^os. is only paid when the Mayor is a Draper. 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 187 
 
 Ceux sonnt lez dettoars duez de lez Apprenticialtez 
 
 En prim' John Abboot p»«r vn Apprent/« Tho»««s Jeve 
 
 Nicho/<is Nevyle doit po«r vn Apprent/V* John Blakbourne 
 
 Raaff lobenham doit po«r vn Apprf»t/Vf Thowziars Middilton 
 
 Jenete Gleflfyan doit po«r Jamys Oioldesey 
 
 Will Vuyet doit po«r ThoTwas Wynter 
 
 John Vyne doit po»r John Vyne son ffitz ' 
 
 John Sextsteyn doit po«r John Colchester & J. Pole 
 
 Richard Turnw doit po«r Will Chamber 
 
 John Massy doit po»r John Harry 
 
 Will Sewale doit po«r Riofear^ Sewale 
 
 Will Blaak doit ^our Will Dysbolt 
 
 John Clare doit po«r J. Pery J. Warwyk & J. Parker 
 
 Will Bonere doit po«r Mathew Rischeton & J. Donmow 
 
 Jamys Ouerton doit p<»«r J. Barneby 
 
 Robert ffytz Andrew doit po«r Thozw^is Malt 
 
 Raaff Holond doit po«r Tho/was Holme 
 
 Namkelley oue Wyot doit p<»«r John Prynce 
 
 John Tokevile doit pwr Ric' Smethecote & Hug' Bamburgh 
 
 le p<7rson del Bowe doit ^ 
 
 Thowas Hardyng doit poar Ric' Beawmond 
 
 RaafF Bentle doit po«r George Benyngton 
 
 John Gedeney doit pc«r V<f'iMam Squyry 
 
 Robert Tatersall doit po«r Willi«w? Camvyle 
 
 Summa de lez Apprenticialtez amount' xxviij'' 
 
 Summa totalis dez dettez & qiwrteragez & Apprenticialtez 
 
 xxxviij^' xvj* V^ 
 
 xx= 
 xx= 
 xx^ 
 xx^ 
 xx^ 
 xx^ 
 xl= 
 xx^ 
 xx= 
 xx^ 
 xx^ 
 
 llj 
 
 li 
 
 xls 
 xx^ 
 xx^ 
 xx= 
 xx^ 
 
 xl= 
 xx^ 
 xx= 
 xx^ 
 xx^ 
 xx= 
 
 Accompt of the wardens in Anno iij'=''' Henr' vj'' 
 Anno iij Henr' vj' [14x4], on front cover 
 
 Ceux sont les Resseitz quex John Brokkeley Wyllyam Botreaux 
 Clement Lyffyn & Rawlyn Valentyn 
 
 En pr/mez Ressu en le Box de dieu par lez maynz de Thomas Pyke 
 Walter Chertesey John Somer & Edmond Salle vj" vij^ ob' 
 
 I^em rec' de Rankyn ducheman po»r iij quarters a Paske xxij^ vj"* 
 
 Item rec' de Thomas Halman Sherman pour j an a Seynt John xlvj^ viij^ 
 Item rec' de John Bothawe ffuller pour j an a Seynt John xxx^ 
 
 Item rec' de Richard Cler po»r j an A Seynt John xxvj= viij'^ 
 
 Item rec' de Henr' Barton pe«r j an A Seynt John xxv^ 
 
 Account pre- 
 sented in 
 Nov. 1414, 
 for year Aug. 
 to Aug. 
 1413-4- 
 
 N.B. — A Draper apprentices his son. 
 
 The chaplains at Bowe church were always Members of the Gild. 
 
x88 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item rec' de Richard Corona- pour j an A Seynt John xxvj* viij"* 
 
 Item rec' de Phelypp Boteler vj« wlif 
 
 Item rec' de Reygnald Welh^m en Chepe po«r j an A Seynt John vij'' 
 Item rec' de Nicholas Hay powr j pety meson en Candellwykestrete po«?- 
 
 di' an xv^ 
 
 Item rec' de dit Nicholas Hay en p«rtye de payement de son meson ^mr 
 
 ceste an xxxif 
 
 Item, rec' de dit Nicholas po«y veile dette iij>' 
 
 Item rec' de Bernard Bosyan de dancastre de veile quartera.gc ij= 
 
 Item rec' de C & j persones pour quarterage de ceste an v^' xij"* 
 
 Item rec' dez executo«rz de John Prentout xl^ 
 
 Summa dez rec' xxxv" xiiij"^ ob' 
 
 Item rec' de Ric' Baynard de veile quarterage & no^re temps vij' 
 
 Summa en cler dez rec' xxxv'' viij= ij'^ ob' 
 
 lez Payementz del Box de dieu 
 
 En pr/micz paye a Sir John Nicholl p<?rson salerye pour j an a le ffeste de 
 Seynt John Baptiste vj" xiij^ iiij<i 
 
 Item a Sir John Lowes pour son Salerie pour j an a Seynt John 
 
 iijit vj' viij'i 
 
 Item a Ric' Coroner en Almes pour j quarter de veile xii/ iiij"* 
 
 Item a dit Ric' en almes po»r j an a Seynt John liij^ iiij<i 
 
 Item a John Longley en almes po«r j an a Seynt John 3d' 
 
 Item a Colchestre en almes po»r j an a Seynt John xxvp viij"^ 
 
 Item a Robert Dymok en almes pour j an a Seynt John xxvj' viij"^ 
 
 Item a Walter Honyspell en almez pour j quarter a Seynt John xv' ij'' 
 
 Item a Sowthcote po«r qwiterente po«r j an a Seynt John xx' 
 
 Item po»r qwiterente a seynt matthews po»r j an a Seynt John xx' 
 
 Item a h«nte Clerk del Bowe po«r son labour po«r tout Ian pour le chan- 
 
 to»rs & Dyrige & ry»ggynge xij' 
 
 Item po«r le repar^cion de lez taperz & peticandelz & rollez & talow 
 
 candyllz po«r lez presterz xvj' vj"* 
 
 Item po«r viij verges Sangweyn ' po«r deux presterz a iiij^ Summa xxxij' 
 
 Item po»r John Brekevile po«r j gowne del rydyng del meire ix= ij'^ 
 
 Item po»r j cheuall po«r le dit John a Westmynstire xij"* 
 
 Item pour son salerye po«r j an a Seynt John iiij'' 
 
 Summa dez payementz del Box de dieu xxviij'' v^ x"* 
 
 Summa qui reste en le Box de dieu vij'' ij= iiij'^ ob'. 
 
 lez detto»rz del Box de dieu 
 En pr/rr.ez John Smyth de Brangtre de veile dette & notre temps xij' 
 
 • Blood-red. 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xSp 
 
 Thomas Eire de veile dette pwr j Sherman x= 
 
 Henr' Grene & John leicestre doient de veile dette xxj"^ 
 
 Thomas Thornton Chalkman de veile dette vj= viij"* 
 
 Thomas Islam de veile quarterage & no/re temps v^ 
 
 Richard laudisdale de veile dette x^ 
 
 Benett Sherman de veile dette pleg' ij p/i/r sheris ' xxv^ vj^ 
 
 Henr' Hert de veile quarterage & no?re temps ij^ 
 
 Andrew Trott po«r j an a Seynt John po«r rente en Seynt Swethynslane 
 
 xxvj^ viij^ 
 Nicholas Hay po»r rente a seynt John en no^re temps Iviij^ 
 
 John Elvish po«r qu-arrterage en no^re temps xij'^ 
 
 Sir Willy«m Gervers parson del Bowe po«r quarterage en no/re temps 
 
 S«/»ma de lez detto«rs del Box de dieu vij'> xix' v'f 
 
 xij"^ 
 
 les Resseitz del Temporal Box ^ per John Brokley Wyllyam Botreaux 
 Clement lyfiyn & Rauf Valentyn 
 
 En pr/mez ressu en le dit Boxe par lez maynz de Thomas Pyke Walter 
 Chertesseye John Somer & Edmond Salle veilez meisterz en veile ore 
 
 xxxvj'' v^ 
 
 Item rec' en le dit Boxe le mesme temps en bon ore viij'" v^ 
 
 Item rec' en le dit Boxe ea bon ore xxxij'" xvj^ j"^ 
 
 Summa tota.]is dez rec' en le temporal Boxe de veile ore 
 
 & novell Ixxvij^' vj= j'^ ^ 
 
 Item rec' de Ric' Sutton po»r John Wotton veile apprentice xx= 
 
 Item rec' de Robert Swaftham pour William Grene veile apprentice xx= 
 Item rec' de Thomas Hampton pour Thomas Halsham veile apprent/Ve 
 
 xx^ 
 Item rec' de John Tokevile po«r j veile apprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de John lynche pe«r son entre liij= iuj^ 
 
 Item rec' de sir Dauy fFedyan pour lentre de John Benett liij= iiij'> 
 
 Item rec' de Robert fBtzandrew po«r Thomas Malter veile apprentice xx^ 
 Item rec' de Willyam Mette po«r John Standropp novell apprentice xx= 
 Item rec' de John Saykyn po«r Roger Hulse novell apprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de John Higham po»r Roger Bamborwh novell apprent/Ve xx^ 
 Item rec' de John Boteler po»r Elyevan Andernak novell apprentice xx^ 
 Item rec' de William \Veston po»r Henr' Bray novell apprent/Ve xx= 
 
 Item rec' de William Herre pour John Berell novell apprentice xx= 
 
 I Shears. 
 
 = The Temporal Box is here mentioned and continues to be so. 
 3 Old Gold and new Gold. The old Gold was depreciated about i per cent. 
 Cf. p. 297 of this vol. 
 
 leos'i P p 
 
xpo The Earliest TFardens' Accounts 
 
 Item rec' de John legett po»r Henr' kent novell apprentice xx« 
 
 Item rec' de Thomas Baker pour John Hill novell apprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de Ric' Hersey pour John Sergeant novell a,pprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de John Wyott pour laurens Bown novell apprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de Willy^rm Botreaux pour Thomas Barstaple novell 2,pprentice 
 
 xx« 
 Item rec' de Robert Tatersale pour Thomas Canyngis novell apprentice 
 
 xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de Regnold Mariott alias diet' Welham pour Ric' Pratt noveil 
 apprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de William Raper pour John Bryan veile apprentice xx= 
 
 Item rec' de John Brokley pour John Salekyld nouell apprentice xx^ 
 
 Item rec' de viij^ &c ix persones pour le rydyng de le meyr de chescon 
 howzme iiij"* ' 
 
 Item de John Gladwyn pour son entre 
 
 Item de Robert Chambre pour son entre 
 
 Item de Willy <?m Herre pour son entre 
 
 Item de John Otteforde pour son entre 
 
 Item de GefFrey zernemowhthe pour son entre 
 
 Item de hommez de Essex pour fynyz al Bartilmews ' 
 
 Item de John Gasborwgh de SufF' pour j fyn 
 
 Item de John Grisle 
 
 Item de Thomas Cook 
 
 Item de Thomas Eyre 
 
 Item de John Elvish 
 
 Item de John Brekelis 
 
 Item de Robert Coton 
 
 Item de John Saykyn 
 
 Item de Ric' atte lee 
 
 Item de John Norman 
 
 Summa dez Resseitz en no^re temps xxxij" xviij' 
 Summa Totalis dez rec' del Temporall Box Cx" iiif j'' 
 
 Item rec' Thomas Stanys po«r j ffyn xx'^ 
 
 Summa Totalis dez rec' en cler del Tempwall Boxe Cx'" v= ix'^ 
 
 lez Payementz del Temporall Boxe 
 En pr/mez pour le Costage de lez Weres one le meire Waldern ^ en le 
 
 mois de Septembre Ian if^ de roy Henr' vj'= 1' 
 
 Item pour batillage a Westmynstire pour diuerse temps en dit an iij^ iiij"^ 
 
 ^ For breach of regulations as to cloth at St. Bartholomew fair, where Drapers 
 held a search, and had a Serjeant. 
 ^ Waldern was Mayor in 1413. 
 
 Iv'f iiijiJ 
 
 vjs viijii 
 
 Vjs viijd 
 
 vjs viij'i 
 
 vjs viijd 
 
 liij' iiij'^ 
 
 ys 
 
 yS 
 
 iiij* 
 
 viijd 
 
 viij'' 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 viif 
 
 iiij'i 
 
 viij'' 
 
 iiij"^ 
 
 viij"^ 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xpi 
 
 Itfm a XV mynstrellz pear son hire po»r le meire ridyng v" 
 
 It«m po»r j dosse» mell & j dosse» blank le dossfw xxij^ Swwma xliiij^ 
 
 Item po«r facion de xv chaperons le peche iij^ iij' ix"^ 
 
 Item po«r lour dynwer de ditz mynstrellz & boyre vj^ x'^ 
 
 Item po«r le betyng de xiiij banerz pour chescon baner iij* iiij'^ xlvj' viij'^ 
 Item poar le frenge de le ditz banerz xx^ 
 
 Item po«r ij vergey bloy bokeram a vij"* xiiij^ 
 
 Item po»r facion dez ditz banerz & frengyng le peche vj^ vij^ 
 
 Item po»r iij dosse» poyntis po«r le ditz banerz ix"^ 
 
 Item po«r reward po»r le messe del maire x? 
 
 Item po«r Denyngton Sergeant po«r Je feire de Seynt Bart' iij'' iiij** 
 
 Item po»r j bill de apprent/Ve horse de Gyldehalle xx'^ 
 
 Item po»r j chaperon po»r Alisandire Anne & son dyner xviij= iiij'^, 
 
 Item po»r Je dynerz po»r John Carpenter & Ric' Osberne ' viij^. 
 
 Item -^our j coifyn po«r banerz auantdiz xij"^ 
 
 Item po«r portage du grant chiste iiij'^ 
 
 Swzwma de lez payementz del Temporall Boxe xvij'' xij= j"* 
 S«wma qw Rest cler en le Temporal box de notre accompte en bon or 
 
 xv" ix^ xj^ = 
 S»j»ma TotaMs reste en le Temporal! Box de veile ore & novel], 
 iiij"^ xij" xvjs 3 
 
 Lez detto»rz del Temporall Boxe 
 
 En primez Rauf lobenharm po»r Thomas Middilton veile apprent/Ve xx= Pleg j drap 
 
 Item John lobenham po«r Adam Derbi veile apprent/Ve xx= de bley mell. 
 
 Item John Massy pour John Henry veile apprent/Ve xx^ 
 
 Item Will/<7»? Sowale po»r John Sowale vefle apprent/ce xx' 
 
 Item Wil]/i2«? Blake po«r William Dybworthe veile apprent/Ve xx= 
 
 Item le parson de le Bowe q«/ morte est xx^ 
 
 Item John Wyn po«r John Werston veile apprent/Ve xx= , 
 
 Item John Nankelly de veile dette. Pleg' John Wyott xiij^ iiijd g" john ° 
 
 Thomas Jugelond po»r John Jugelond veile apprent/Ve xx^ ' ■' 
 Item John Newelyn po»r reste du obligacion iiij" xiij= iiij"* pci- saynt 
 
 Item John Tokevile de veile dette xx= moyns' iij'' xv^ J° "• 
 
 Item Willyam Godewyn ^our reste du apprent/Ve Joh» lynton xiij= iiij'' 
 
 Item Nicholas Walsh pour Will/^w? HaseJey Novell apprent/Ve xx^ 
 
 Item. Henr' Wotton poar William Hallehede novell apprent/Ve xx= 
 
 ' This entry crossed through in original. 
 
 ^ Altered in original from xv' vij^ vii''. 
 
 ^ Altered in original from iiij^^ xij'' xij^ viij"'. 
 
 * This entry ana the marginal note are crossed out in the original. 
 
 ' Crossed through in origmal. 
 
x^x The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item Gamelyn Gaweyn po»r Johw Spenser novell apprentice 
 Item Wil]y«m Herde pour John Dene novell apprentice 
 
 Summa de lez dettez de la T«wpwall Box xx'' ' 
 Dont rec' de John lanklley Xiij' iiij'' 
 
 [xxs] 
 xx^ 
 
 lez somez dargent grauntez par lez honorablez gentz del mistere dez 
 drapers pour leur rente " en Seynt Swytthyns lane & Ressieux par John 
 High«m Richard atte lee & William porker Gardeyns de dit mistier 
 dez draperz Ian roy Henr' v'^ vij""* 
 
 Willy^m Crowmer xxx" 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 x« 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 vj'' xiijs iiij'' 
 
 Thomas Pike 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 x'! 
 
 John Gcdeney xx" 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 Vjli3 
 
 Robert Whetyngh<jfm xx^' 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 XU3 
 
 Willy am Norton x marks 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 xl^ 
 
 Nicholas Wotton v'' 
 
 dont ressu 
 Candelwykstrete * 
 
 1^ 
 
 Walter Gawtron v" 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 > 
 
 S John Botiller x« 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 vu 
 
 
 dount ressu 1^ 
 
 ressu 1= 
 
 S Walter Chertesey xx marcs dont ressu 
 
 X marcs 
 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 iijii vjs viijd 
 
 S Robert Tatersale x m«rcs 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 V marcs 
 
 
 de ces Ressu 
 
 xxxiij^ iiij'' 
 
 John Brokley xx marcs 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 x" 
 
 
 de ces ressu 
 
 xxxiij^ iiij"* 
 
 S John Beterenden v" 
 
 dont ressu 
 
 1' 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 xxys 
 
 S John Brekelez iiij" 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 xl^ 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 XX' 
 
 S Robert Cristendom v" 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 xl= 
 
 
 dount ressu xx^ & 
 
 pris Ressu xx' 
 
 Thomas Islam liij^ iiij'J 
 
 dount n/1 
 
 
 S John Higham x marcs 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 V marcs 
 
 
 de ces ressu 
 
 xxxiij' iiij'i 
 
 ' Amount altered from xxji'. 
 
 '^ Their ffouse where they are building their Hall. Some 1 1 j subscribe in all j 
 cf. later lists ; and lo journeymen 'doone a le Hall ', cf. p. 309 of this vol. 
 ^ Altered in the original to viijl*. 
 * N.B.— 30 reside in Candlewick Street, 17 in Chepe, 31 in Cornhill. 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xpg 
 
 S John ffennell x m«rcs 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 V marcs 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 xxxiij^ iiij'^ 
 
 Walter ffrebarn v" 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 xxxiij* iiij"^ 
 xxxii/ iiij"' 
 
 Richard Waldegraue liij^ iiij'^ 
 
 & v" dount n/1 
 
 
 
 Robert Cotton liij^ ixif 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 S Thomas Hardyng xl« 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 de CCS reu 
 
 
 XX' fFol paiyd 
 
 John Bokenham xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 S Robert Banburgh xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 Y? 
 
 Ressu X' 
 
 S Richard Chamberlayn x? 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 X' 
 
 Nicholas Walsh xx= 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 X' 
 
 John Browode xx^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 vjs viij"* 
 
 S John Saykyn xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 de ces ressu 
 
 
 X' 
 
 S John Glyn xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 x^ 
 
 Ressu X' 
 
 Herre Wotton xl= 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 X^ 
 
 S Emery Matany xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 dont ressu in 
 
 felip 
 
 arin xx' 
 
 Piers Wymondam xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 S Thom-isCook xl^ 
 
 dount ressu xl^ & 
 
 q«/et«s est 
 
 S Robert Clopton xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 Walter Rideler xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 S John Seynt John xl' 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 X' 
 
 ' s/r Ric' Thorpe p^rrson de s. 
 
 Swytthyns xl^ dount 
 
 Chepe 
 vf viij"^ 
 
 ress 
 
 X' 
 
 S John Wyott v marcs 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 Robert Beuere iiij" 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 xl' 
 
 S Ric' atte lee liij^ iiij'^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 xxvj' viij"^ 
 
 S John Prentout xl= 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 John Spenser xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 John lobenlwm xl^ 
 
 dount ressu 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 ^ A priest a member. 
 
 
 
294 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 S Willy«m Bernez xl= 
 S John Enote x'^ 
 
 S Richard Hersey xl^ 
 Robert Colney xl^ 
 Hewe Byrche xl^ 
 
 S Willy^m Botreaux xl^ 
 Nichok/ Waldern xl= 
 
 Thomas Stanys iij" 
 
 Rauf Holand xl^ 
 Thoin<a:s mongomery iij'" 
 John Haddon xx= 
 
 dount ressu 
 de ces ressu 
 dount ressu 
 recu ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount nil 
 
 xx^ 
 x^ 
 
 XX' 
 
 xx' 
 xx^ 
 xx« 
 
 XX' 
 
 XX' 
 
 XX' 
 
 X' 
 
 XXX' 
 XV' 
 XX' 
 
 XXX' 
 
 Cornhill 
 
 XX" 
 
 lllj" 
 
 Willy/im Weston 
 
 John Somw v'» 
 
 John Claueryng 
 S Thomas Eyre v'" 
 S John Benett iiiji" 
 
 Willy/7m ffbster v 
 S Alisandire Childe 
 
 Thomas Baker x'" 
 
 John Cake xl' 
 S Walter claueryng 
 S Willy^jm P«rkere 
 
 John Goldhawke 
 
 Symond Copshep 
 
 Willy/7m Twyer 
 
 Roger kelsey xl' 
 
 Thomas Clement 
 S Symond Eyr xl' 
 S John lynge iij" 
 
 Richard Stryke x> 
 
 Willyam Chervell xl' 
 S Thomas Partre xl' 
 S Phelipp Malpas xl' 
 
 Willyam Warde 
 S Benett Harlewyn 
 S John Willyam xl' 
 
 John ffarnham xx' 
 
 marcs 
 V marcs 
 
 iij" 
 
 liij' nxf 
 xl' 
 
 xl' 
 liij' iiij<J 
 
 xl' 
 
 liij' iiij<^ 
 
 xl' 
 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dont ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 dount ressu 
 
 1' 
 
 xl' 
 
 xl' 
 
 xxxiij' iiij<^ 
 
 xxxiij' iiij'^ 
 
 xxxiij' iiij'' 
 
 XX' 
 XXX' 
 
 xxvj' viij'' 
 
 XX' 
 V' 
 XX' 
 XX' 
 XX' 
 XX' 
 XXX' 
 XX' 
 XX' 
 XX', 
 XX' 
 
 xxvj' viij'' 
 
 XX' 
 
 XUJ' lllJ' 
 
 id 
 
The Earliest JVardens* Accounts xpy 
 
 S Ric' Sutton xl^ dountressu xx= 
 
 S John Spenser &] , , 
 
 S Clement lyffyn [ ^^" '^°"''* ""^^su xx« 
 
 Thomas Ive xl^ dount ressu nil 
 
 John Maydiston oue Sutton vj= viij'' dount n/1 
 
 Swwma Totals del gr-s^unt CCC Ivj" vj^ viij'^ 
 
 Dount ressu C Ixij'' v^ 
 Sarama reste due del dit Graunt C iiij'"= xiiij" 
 
 [On the back cover.] 
 Proscow xiijs iiijd 
 Ressu de Rafe flfalandyne xx^ 
 Re de Willwm Creke & John Standon xx' 
 Ressu de John legat xx^ 
 
 [On inside of front cover.] 
 
 Water Chirchesey ^ 
 
 John Warden c 
 
 John Hiham +j g 
 
 John ffenell > ^ 
 
 Robard Bamvour CJ «3 
 
 John Wyon <(j ^ 
 
 Qement lyffyn ^ l; 
 
 John lyngge j3 .= 
 
 Wilie Parker ^"^ 
 
 Thoniizs Eyre ^ o 
 
 Thom<7s Cooke fe^ ^ 
 
 John Seykyn ^ ^ 
 
 Robard Coton n ^ 
 
 John Glyn ^ ^ 
 
 Niclas Walderne = 
 
 Will/^m Beverell ^ 
 
 Aw«o iiij° Henrici vj Accounts 
 
 Cest la Conte de John Seint John Simond Eyr John Wotton & William presented 
 
 Bernes flfait le xxviij iour Octobre Ian du gr«ce m' iiij'= xxv Nov. 141 y. 
 
 En p/mes Ressu in la Box de dev ^ar les mains de John Brokle Clement for the year 
 
 lyffyn William Botreaux & Raff Valentyn S»wma vij" ij^ iiij"! -^"g- '4^4 
 
 Item Ressu de Thomas Alman Scherman po«7- Rent dun an a le ffeste de *° ■'^"S- 
 
 Seint John Baptyst xjvj^ viij<i ''^^^• 
 
 Item Ressu de John Bothawe po»r j an a Se?W John 
 Item Rec' de John Wolffale po«r iij charters a S. John 
 Item Rec' de Andrev Trotte de veil dette 
 Item Rec' de luy po»r j Quarter in na/re te/wps 
 
 xjvj» 
 
 ' viij"* 
 
 
 xxx^ 
 
 
 xv^ 
 
 xxvf 
 
 viij"* 
 
 Vjs 
 
 viij"* 
 
xp^ The Earliest JVardens' Accounts 
 
 Item Rec' de John Hynton po»r di' an a S John xiij= iiij"' 
 
 Item Rec' de Henr' Barton po«r vn an a S John xx^ 
 
 Item Rec' de Ric' Croner pour j aw a S John xxvj= viij"* 
 
 Item Rec' de Reynold Welh<arm pour j a S John vij'' 
 
 Item Rec' de Nicholl Hay de veil dette Iviij^ 
 
 Item Rec' de luy de no/re tewps in part xxxij^ 
 
 Item Rec' de Elizabeth Alffeld po«r j an a S John xiij^ iiij<J 
 
 Item Rec' de byquest de Ric' Waldegave per iFrebarn iiij'> 
 
 Item Rec' de q««rterages de C & ij perssones v'' ij' 
 
 Item Rec' de John Kelly de veil dette xiij^ iiij'i 
 
 Item Rec' de John Elvassh de veil quarterage xif 
 Item Rec' de Clement lyfEn pour payer la rerage de quyte rent a Sent 
 
 mathus x^ 
 S»wma totalis de Receyts de Box de dev amo«te xxxviij'' xvij^ 
 
 les payments de la Box de dev 
 
 En primes paye a sir John Nicholl prest poar j quarter xxxiij^ iiij'^ 
 Item paye a sir John lewys po«r j an outre po«r dj Salerye & pur Reward 
 de la messe de no^re dame iiij" xvj= viij"! 
 
 Item paye a Ric' Croner de Amesse xl= 
 
 Item paye a John Colchester in plen Almesse vj^ viij"^ 
 
 Item paye a Robert Dyminck de Almesse xiij^ iiij^ 
 
 Item paye a Water Honyspell de Almesse j an iij'' viij"* 
 
 Item paye a Se»t Mathus po«r quyt re»t j an xx^ 
 
 Item paye a Suthcote quyt re»t po»r j an xx= 
 
 Item paye po«r Reparac/on de tapers a le bowe xvj^ 
 
 Item paye po«r amending de la branche vj^ viij^ 
 
 Item paye a le Clerk de bowe pour son labo»r vj^ viij'* 
 
 Item paye a John Brykeville po«r j an iiij'' 
 Summa de payme»ts amoute xx'' 
 
 les detto»rs de Box de dev 
 
 Ric' Bamard doit pour q»«rterage de no^re tewzps xij"* 
 
 Water Gavtron doit po«r q««rterage de no^re tewps xij"^ 
 
 John Bokinham doit po»r q»/?rterage de no^re tewps xij"* 
 
 John Elvyssh po»r quarterage in n.otre tezwps xij"^ 
 
 Stephen Hulle po»r quarterage de no?re te»?ps xij"^ 
 
 Thomas Dowe po«r quarterage de notre temps xij"^ 
 
 Thomas Roche po»r quarterage de no^re te;wps Xij"* 
 
 John Tokevyle p«>»r quarterage de notre te>wps xij"* 
 
 Ric' Bokeland po»r quarterage de notre temps xij"* 
 
 Water Redeler quarterage de notre tewps xij"^ 
 
 Allexandir Anne de quarterage de notre tewps xij"* 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts X97 
 
 John Smyth de branktre de veil & notre tewps xiij= 
 
 Thomas Eyr de veil dette po«r j Scherma» x= 
 
 Henri Grene & John Leyceter de veil dette xxj'^ 
 
 Thomas thorndon Chalkmaw de veil dette vj= viij'' 
 
 Thomas Isselham de veil dette & notre te/wps vj^ 
 
 Ric' londisdale de veil dette x= 
 
 Benet Scherma» de veil dette pF ij peyre Scheres xxv^ vj'^ 
 
 Henri Hert de veil q«art»-age & notre teraps iij^ 
 
 Andrev Trotte doit po«r iij q««rters rewt a S John xx^ 
 
 Nicholas Hay doit po»r re»t a S. John Bap' Iviij^ 
 la S«/wma de detto»rs de Box de dev viij'' iiij« xj"* 
 
 Ceux sont les receyts de temporall Box 
 
 En primes Ressu in la dit Box de Nowell & veyll ore S««?ma 
 
 iiij^^xij" xvj' 
 dont perdu in la Change de la veil Ore ' vij^ vij<* 
 
 et ensi rest cler in bon Ore S«wma iiij'^x'' iij^ iiij"* 
 
 Item Ressu de Willham Russell po«r Thomas Cranffeld son Apprentys 
 
 xx^ 
 Item Ressu de Willham Russell po»r Willy am Dissher son Apprentys xx^ 
 It«w Ressu de Water Thorp powr Thomas Dyer xx^ 
 
 lUm Ressu de John Wotton pour Robert Byfflete xx^ 
 
 Itew Ressu de Henri Wotton po«r Wilham Hallehed xx^ 
 
 Item Ressu de Thomas Akers po»r Robert Akers xx^ 
 
 Ite»? de John Gladwyn powr Robert Baylly xx= 
 
 Item de Simond Eyr po«r Robert Spe»sser xx= 
 
 Item de Wilham Ayllyff po«r Ric' Grafton xx= 
 
 Ite»« de John Norman po«r Thomas Nevnam xx^ 
 
 Item de Wilham Bernalby po«r John Mellyn xx^ 
 
 Item de Wilham Botreux po»r John Strange xx= 
 
 Itew de John Bryklys po«r John Paynell xx= 
 
 Itewi? de John Ottesford po«r John Sebarn xx= 
 
 Item de John Wyot po«r Ric' Mo»gomery xx« 
 
 Item de Robert Banburh po«r Wilham Seint PouU Thomas Golde & John 
 iFramton iij" 
 
 Itewi? de John Stanton po«r John Barmsby xx^ 
 
 Item de John Saykin po»r Ric' Wynne xx^ 
 
 Item de Water Chirchessey po«r Robert Marton xx= 
 
 Item de John Tokevylle po»r ij veil aprewtys xl= 
 
 Item de Wilham Herde pour John dene xx^ 
 
 Item de Wilham Twyer po«r Robert Jacob xx= 
 
 Itewz de Hans Wyssewyller po«r son ffraunchys & son entre iij'' xiij' iiij<i 
 
 ' i. e. about i per cent. 
 1603-1 Q q 
 
xpS The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 \tem de ffortesku po»r son entre 
 
 \tem de j Ho/wme de Galleys po»r vn fFyn ' 
 
 \\.em de John Hatttr ^^our vn ffin 
 
 Itffw Thom^rs Eyr ^our John mascall apre»tys 
 
 Item de diuers ffines a Bertylmes ffeyr 
 
 ]es premyssys = 
 
 Ressu de Wilh<jm Crowmer in -^art 
 
 Item de John Gedney in part 
 
 It^m Ressu de Robert Tatyssalle in plen 
 
 Item de John Botyller in plan 
 
 Item de Water Chirchessey in plen 
 
 Item de John Bitterdene in plen 
 
 Item de John Brokle in plen 
 
 Item de John Brykelys in plen 
 
 Item de Thomas Hardin in plen 
 
 Item de Thomas Banberh in plen 
 
 Item de Ric' Chambirlein in plen 
 
 Item de John Glyn in plen 
 
 Item de Henre Wotton in part 
 
 Item de John Seint John in plen 
 
 Item de Hans Wyssewyller in plen 
 
 Item de sir Ric" Coton parsson de S Martins ^ 
 
 Item de John Nevlyn in plen 
 
 Item de John Wyot in plen 
 
 Item de John Saylcin in plen 
 
 Item de Robert Crystindom in plen 
 
 Item de ffortsku in plen 
 
 Item de Nicholl Walderne 
 
 Item de John lynge in plen 
 
 Item de John Hyh«m in plen 
 
 Item Ressu de Simond Copssheff in part 
 
 Item Ressu de Edmond Salle in plen 
 
 Item Ressu de Geffrey Zernmowthe in part 
 
 Item de Saundir Child in plen 
 
 Item de John ffemell in plen 
 
 Item de John prentofte in plen 
 
 Item de Emarl Matein in plen 
 
 Item de RafF Valentin in plen 
 
 Item de John Stanton & Wilham Crele in part 
 
 Item de John leget in part 
 
 " N.B. — A man of Calais fined. ^ The promises, or gifts. 
 
 ^ A priest a member. 
 
 xiij 
 
 ' viij'' 
 
 = iiij'J 
 
 viij'* 
 
 xx^ 
 
 "J 
 
 ^iiijd 
 
 
 xi 
 xl^ 
 
 iijli yjS 
 
 viij"* 
 vii 
 
 vji' xiij' 
 
 1^ 
 
 iijli vjs 
 
 viij"! 
 xl= 
 
 xl= 
 
 
 xx= 
 
 
 xx' 
 
 
 xx= 
 
 
 x= 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 Xls 
 
 vj= 
 iiiji' xiijs 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 iiij'i 
 
 xl= 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 xl^ 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij"^ 
 xx^ 
 
 
 xxx^ 
 
 iijli vjs 
 
 xxvj= 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 viij'' 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 xxxiij^ 
 
 iijli vjs 
 
 iiij"! 
 viij'i 
 
 XX? 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts xpp 
 
 It*m de Robert Coton in ^art xy? 
 
 Item de Wilham Bernes in plen xx* 
 
 Item de Ric' iFardell in plen xx^ 
 
 Item de Qemewt lyffyn in plen xx^ 
 
 Item de John Benet in plen xx^ 
 
 Item de Water Qaverings in plen xxx^ 
 
 Item de Thomas Stains in plen xxx= 
 
 Item de John Wilh/nn in plen xx= 
 
 Item de Thomas Partre in plen xx^ 
 
 Item de Ric' Herssy in plen xx^ 
 Item de Ric' atte lee in plen xxvj= viij'^ 
 
 Item de Wilham Botreux in plen xx^ 
 
 Item de Reynold Wilham in part xx= 
 
 Item de Wilham Cherwell in part x= 
 
 Item de John Gladwyn & Robert Chamber pi xl^ 
 
 Item de John Knyzth in part ' xx^ 
 
 Item de Thomas Qemewt in part yf 
 
 Item de Phylip Malpas in plen xx' 
 
 \X£m Rec' de John Otflbrd in part xx^ 
 
 \\.em Rec' de Thomas Eyr in plen iij'' 
 
 Ite/» Rec' de John Somer in plen 1' 
 
 \Xem Rec' de John Evote in plen xx= 
 
 Itew? Rec' de Wilham Herry in plen xx^ 
 
 Item Rec' de John Normaw in part xx= 
 
 \\.em Rec' de Wilham AyllyflFin part xx^ 
 
 \Xem Rec' de Benet Harlewyn in part xx^ 
 Itew Rec' de Wilham parker in plen xxvj* vii/ 
 
 Ite/w Rec' de John Hylle in part xx= 
 
 Ite»« Rec' de John Grylle in plen xx* 
 
 Itew Rec' de John Tokevyle in part xx= 
 \tem Rec' de Water ffiebarn in part xxxiij= iiij"* 
 
 Item Rec' de Robert Cloptow in plen xl^ 
 
 \tem Rec' de Thomas averey in plen xx^ 
 Itezw Rec' de Wilham Awyer in part vj* viij^ 
 
 Item Rec' de John Kyrkeby in part xx^ 
 S»z«ma totah'i de Receyts si bien de sp/r/tuall box come 
 de Ttm^orzW ij'^lxxiiij^' iiij* iiij"* ' 
 
 les detto«rs de Temporall Box 
 
 En pr/mes John Massy po»r John Herry veil xx^ 
 
 Item Wilham Sewale po»r John Sewale veil xx^ 
 
 ' This large sum is accounted for by the payment of some of the money 
 promised in the previous year. 
 
500 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item Wilham blake pour Wilham Dylleworth veil xx« 
 
 Item John Wynne pour John Merston veil xx^ 
 
 Item Thom/srs Ingelond pour John Ingelond veil xx^ 
 
 Gamelin Gawairi pour John Spensser veil xx^ 
 
 S»zwma vj'" 
 
 les detto«rs de premys 
 
 En primes Wilham Crowmer de xxx'" doit ' x" sol. 
 
 John Gedney de promys de xx'' doit x" sol. 
 
 Robert Whetinghijm de xx" doit 
 
 Wilh<jm Norton de x marcs doit 
 
 Nicholl. Wotton de v" doit 
 
 Water Savtron de v'' doit 
 
 Thomas Isselham doit tout son promys 
 
 Robert Coton de iiij marcs doit 
 
 Pers Wymondham de xl^ doit 
 
 Water Redeler de xl^ doit 
 
 Robert Colney de xl^ doit 
 
 Huchon Birche de xl^ doit 
 
 Nicholl ' Walderne de xl^ doit 
 
 RafF Holond de xl^ doit 
 
 Thomas ' Mongomeri de iij" doit 
 John Haddon doit tout son promys 
 
 Water fFrebarn de v" doit 
 
 Ric' ' Walgrave doit tout son promys 
 
 sir Ric' Thorp parsson de Sdfit Swethins de xl^ ' 
 
 Wilham Weston de xx'' doit 
 
 John Clavering de iiij" doit 
 
 Wilham ifoster de v marcs doit 
 
 Thomas Baker de x'' doit 
 
 John Cake de xl^ doit 
 
 John Goldhawke de xl* doit 
 
 Simond ' Gopssheff de xl^ doit 
 
 John Ottesforde de xl^ doit 
 
 Wilham Ayllyff de xl^ doit 
 
 Wilham Twyer de xl^ doit 
 
 Roger Kelssey de xl^ doit 
 
 Thomas = Clemc»t de xl^ doit 
 
 Ric' Stryk de xl^ doit 
 
 Wilham Chervell de x> doit 
 
 Wilham Warde de iiij marcs doit 
 
 ' A clergyman a member. 
 
 ' This entry is crossed out in the original. 
 
 Xlj" 
 
 soIiij''vjsviij' 
 
 vij marcs 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 1= 
 
 sol. 
 
 iiij marcs 
 
 
 xiijs iiij<i 
 
 sol. 
 
 xx^ 
 
 sol. 
 
 XX' 
 
 sol. 
 
 xx= 
 
 sol. 
 
 XXS 
 
 sol. 
 
 xx' 
 
 
 XXX' 
 
 Rec' fer 
 
 XX' 
 
 lobenhitm. 
 
 xxxiij' iiij^ 
 
 sol. 
 
 iiij marcs 
 
 
 XXX' 
 
 vj' viijd sol. 
 
 vj' xvj' vj"^ 
 
 sol lij' iij'' 
 
 xl' 
 
 
 xxxiij' iiij'i 
 
 
 vii 
 
 
 X' 
 
 sol. 
 
 XX' 
 
 
 viij' iiij"* 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 sol. 
 
 XX' 
 
 sol. 
 
 xxij' viij^ 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 sol. 
 
 X' 
 
 
 XX' 
 
 sol. 
 
 X? 
 
 sol. 
 
 vi' viii'^ 
 
 sol. 
 
Accounts 
 
 301 
 
 
 vj^ viij^ 
 
 
 xl= 
 
 
 vj= viij"* 
 
 
 xx^ sol. 
 
 
 xx= sol. 
 
 
 xx^ sol. 
 
 
 xx^ sol, 
 
 
 xx= sol. 
 
 
 xx= sol, 
 
 
 xx= sol. 
 
 
 xvj'' xys 
 
 iviij" xviij'i 
 
 
 The Earliest Wardens 
 
 John ffarnh<mi de xx^ doit 
 
 Thom<«s Eve doit tout son promys 
 
 John Marston auesqe Ric' Sutton doit tut 
 
 Robert Bever de iiij'' doit 
 
 John leget de xl» doit 
 
 John Kyrkeby de xl^ doit 
 
 John Hylle de xl^ doit 
 
 Geffrey zernmowthe de xl^ doit 
 
 John Knyzth de xl^ doit 
 
 John Norman de xl^ doit 
 
 SwTwma detto«rs de promis iiij''- 
 
 les paiments Si b;>n de SpwVuall box come de temporall 
 
 £n primes poar batyllage a le fl^eyr de Westmewster xvj<^ 
 
 Item po»r Reward de la meyris messe xl= 
 
 Item po«r doynton Sergawt a la ffeyr de B xl"* 
 
 Item po«r Barges al Cermewt de Roy ' ij= viij"* 
 
 \tem pur Barges a les Schereves ij^ vj^ 
 
 Itezc pur exspenses aler a Schene p9«r veyer la plase de les Selestrins ^ 
 
 ys ijd 
 
 Item in vin po«r Master Mapylton & autres ad veyer la Sale de vesq»e de 
 Bathe ^ viiji^ 
 
 Item in vin p»«r diuissing ^ de no^re Sale in prese»s de les Aldermans & 
 autres gens xv^ 
 
 Item po«r j peyre endentoars par entre Salisbuii & nous de no^re Sale* 
 
 ijs vjd 
 
 Item poar expewses aler a Croydon poar veyer no/re la fframe auesqae 
 
 ffaukysweil iiij^ vj"* 
 
 Itew? done a flFaukyswell poar Son Reward vj= viij^ 
 
 Itew? done a Maister Mapylton poar son Reward xiij^ iiij"* 
 
 Itew poar iij whell barwes iij^ vj^ 
 
 ' Cerment, probably ' Serment 'j the oath taken to the young King. In 
 April 1425 the young King Henry VI appeared at St. Paul's and was thence led 
 through the City, although he was only three years old. Cf. Fabyan, Concordance 
 of Histories, ed. 1811, p. 594. 
 
 =' The Company were now erecting their Hall and apparently were sending 
 persons to visit important Halls. 
 
 * devising. 
 
 '' Salisbury was the Master Carpenter employed by the Company ; cf. Unwin, 
 Industrial Organization, p. 6%, for peculiar position of Building Trades. 
 
3 ox The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 
 
 Item pour amewdin dun veil whell barwe ' vj'' 
 
 Item pour vn seve V^ 
 
 Item pour vn rop pour la well iiij' iiij'^ 
 
 \tem pour vj treyes xx<i 
 
 Item pour ij Rames vj"* 
 
 \tem pour ij iFats & bindings a diuers flfoys iij' 
 
 \tem pour ij quayers de p%per V\f 
 
 Item pour viij laborers iij cema»s " c1mcu» le iour vd ob' iij" vj^ 
 
 Item pour iiij laborers j ceman apres Pask xj= 
 
 Item pour vij laborers j a.utre cemaw a vd ob' xix= iij'* 
 
 Item pour ij laborers iij io»rs meme cema» ij^ ix"^ 
 
 Item pour j laborer ij io«rs xj'* 
 
 Item pour j autre cemaw iij Carpinters pour la well xij' ix'^ 
 
 Item pour ij Carpinters iij io«rs iiij^ 
 
 Item pour vj laborers vj io»rs xvj^ vj"* 
 
 Item V laborers iiij io«rs a vd ob' chamn le io«r ix= iiij"" 
 
 Item pour v laborers iij io«ys vj^ viij'^ 
 
 Item pour iij laborers ij io«rs a v"* ij^ vj"^ 
 
 Item pour j autre cemaw pour lodings de Erthe iiij io»rs v= iiij"* 
 
 Item vij laborers po«r iij io«rs ix'' ij"^ 
 
 Item ij laborers ij io»rs xxij'' 
 
 Item pour Cariage de Erthe iiij io«rs & di' j Car' vj* viij"* 
 
 Item j autre cemaw vij laborers xix^ iij'' 
 
 Item j laborer v io»rs ij^ ij** 
 
 Item j laborer ij io»rj x^ 
 
 Item a Duke Carter po«r viij io«rs lodings a xv'f iour x= viij** 
 
 Itewz a Baldewin Carter po«r ij io»rs lodings a xviij"* iij^ 
 
 Itewz j autre cemaw vj laborers xv* vj"* 
 
 Item meme cemaw j labore iij io«rs xv)"* 
 
 Ite?w vn laborer v io«rs ij^ ij"* 
 
 Item vn autre cemaw v laborers ij io»rs & di' v^ viij"* 
 
 Item vn laborer vn iour V ob' 
 
 Item vn autre cemaw vij laborers v iowrs xiij^ iij"* 
 Itezw vn autre cemaw viij laborers iiij ioars xiij^ viij"* 
 
 Itew vj laborers v io«rs x= vj"* 
 
 Itezw vn autre cemaw v laborers vj io»rs xiij^ ix"" 
 
 Ite»? vn autre cemaw vj laborers iiij io»rs x' viij"* 
 
 Itew vn autre cemaw ij laborers v io«rs iiij^ vj"* 
 
 IteTw vn autre cemaw ij laborers vj io«rs v^ iiij"* 
 
 Itew? vn autre cemaw vn laborer iiij io«rs xxij^ 
 
 ' These details as to cost of making a well and of building the Hall are 
 interesting as giving prices and wages. 
 ^ Weeks : Semaines. 
 
iiijs ijd 
 
 iiijs vj"i 
 
 xvj'i 
 
 ij^ iij"* 
 
 xxij'' 
 
 yS iiijd 
 
 iiij= vj<^ 
 
 ij= 11]"^ 
 
 ij^ viij"* 
 
 ij^ viij"! 
 
 T^^e* Earliest Wardens' Accounts 303 
 
 It«w ij laborers v io»rs 
 
 \tem vn autr^ cemaw ij laborers v io«rs 
 
 Itew vn laborer po«y iij io«rs 
 
 \tem un autre cemaw vn laborer v io«rs 
 
 ]X.em vn laborer iiij io«rs 
 
 \\.em vn autre cerna» ij laborers vj io»rs 
 
 \\.em ij laborers v io«rs 
 
 \\.em vn autre cemaw vn laborer v io»rs 
 
 \tem vn autre cemaw vn laborer vj io«rs 
 
 S«7«ma de laborers & Cariage de Erthe & expenses 
 de la well xxj" xvij= v'^ 
 
 Item paye a vn masson pour iiij io«rs a viij'^ 
 
 Item a iij Carpinters pour iij io»rs a viij'^ vj^ iij'^ 
 [Thirty-five similar entries follow, the wages of the masons being 
 6d.^ jd., 2d., and 8|^.] 
 
 Item pour baterings des massons coll xx"* 
 S«wma de payments a les massons xvij" xj= v"* 
 
 Item vn Corve po«r vn well vj* viij"* 
 
 Item V dussin herdles a ij* vj"' xij* vj"* 
 
 Item xvj Rafftres a iiij^ le pese v* iiij'' 
 
 Item ij Schelles a vj'' le pese xij^ 
 
 Item vn pece Tymbir viij^ 
 
 Item po»r C weches viij'' 
 
 Item po»r Cariage de herdles & autre tymbre vj'' 
 
 Item po«r ij Eres de iFerr poar vn tyne vlj"* 
 
 Item po«r vn betyll ij'' 
 
 Item po«r vn hok de fferre & me»ding dun Scovell xj'' 
 
 Item po»r nayll a le wyndasse xiij'' 
 
 Item po»r vn Treye vj'' 
 
 Item po«r vn Hering barell viij'' 
 
 Item po»r mosse a le well vij'' 
 
 Item po«r gres a le wyndasse iiij'' ob' 
 
 Item po»r vn scope & pakthred vij'' 
 
 Item p<7»r Cariage a iij ffoys de diuers tymbir xi"* 
 
 Item pouri] Schoflfeles ix'' 
 
 Item po«r vn pekoys vj'' 
 
 Item pwr ffessur dun Sched sous la morter v' 
 
 Item pwr vn Nomnete a no^re Carpinters massons & laborers iiij* 
 
 Item pour iiij'= v'' nayll a le Schedde xx'' 
 
 Item pour vn keye & Crochets vij'' 
 
 Itezw a lyon masson pour la Seler dore xij* 
 
 Item pour ij hokes de ilerre po»r la dit dore xj^ 
 
304 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 It^m vn Carpintfy pw^ j io«r viij'' 
 
 Item po»r vn avger Staffe po«r la well V\\f 
 
 Item po»r drinldng Sylver a yong mew p<?«r fyllyng de la well cuwz Erthe xx'^ 
 Item poay vn ladder xx<^ 
 
 Item paye a John Carter de Ayllysford in Kent pour C°iiij'" xvij Tons 
 
 tyzth rag a xv"! xij" w'f vif 
 
 Item a luy po»r xlvj ffbte Coynys a iij'' le ffot xj^ vj^ 
 
 Item a luy pour iiij"= t' [? d'] ffbte vrnall po»r le C° x^ xl^ 
 
 Item a luy po»r 1 ftbte legemewt tabyll a iiij<* xvj^ viij^ 
 
 Item a luy po»r v grosse bassys de Rag xvj^ \]xf 
 
 Item a luy po»r v petyt bassys de Rag xij= 
 
 Item a Miller Chalkmaw po«r v botys de pendant Chalk a xiij^ iiij"* le bot 
 
 iijii vjs viij<^ 
 Item a Webbe Chalkmaw p<?»r iiij bots pendant Chalk a xiij^ iiiji^ le bot 
 
 liij« iiij"i 
 Item a Role Chalkmaw po«r ij bots Chalk a xij= xxiiif 
 
 Ite/w a Wolkschyr Chalkmaw po«r vn bot Chalk xij^ 
 
 \\.em ^our Cariage de la dit Rag & Chalk iij^lxxiiij lodes a iij le lode 
 
 Summi. iiij" xiij^ w'f 
 
 Item po«y WhariFage de xx bots Rag & Chalk xiij^ iiij<* 
 
 Item paye a Wilham Broker Sclacter de Horsh/?m in ^art de paymewt de 
 
 noire sclatte viij" xiij^ iiij'' 
 
 Item paye a Halle lym man po»r xx"= lyme a vj* le C° Summa vj'' 
 
 Item paye a Baldewyn Sondman pour C° xxxiij lodes Sond a xxvj^ viij'^ le 
 
 C° xxxv^ viij'^ 
 
 Item a luy vn Chaperon in Reward ij^ viij'^ 
 
 Item paye a John Salusbury Carpinter ]par les mains de John Seint John 
 
 S««zma C" vjs viij'^ 
 
 Item a luy par les mains de Simond Eyr pour les jo«rnes de les Carpinters 
 
 come apert par les parcels par diuers Semains Summa. xliiij" xiij' ij"* 
 Item paye a luy par les mains de dit Simon a Robert Ayllewyn Summz 
 
 xxvj^ viij'J 
 Item a luy par le dit Simond pour brassys po«r la Sale achate de Wilhum 
 
 Clerk Carpinter xxij* iiij'' 
 
 Item po«r Cariage de meme brasis de la boys Jekys a Croydon Summa par 
 
 Ayllewyn ix^ iiij'' 
 
 Item pour Cariage de ij lodes de meme brasis de Croydon Jekys a loundres 
 
 Item paye a luy par fFrebarn in kent come apert par vn bylle p<irentre eux 
 
 x" xj= 
 
 Item a luy po«r fFreyt dun Neff cum merime la non de la maistre John 
 
 Schipmaw xxvj^ viij'' 
 
 Item a luy po»r ffreyt dun autre Neff la Nome del maistre Robert Justin 
 
 xxxiij^ iiij"' 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts goy 
 
 Item a luy po»r wharffage de les dits Nefs xx"* 
 
 Item a luy p<ir Thom«s Eyr po«r merime achate a Huntone in Kent 
 
 iiijii vjs viij^ 
 %uma\a de paymewts paye a John Salusbury amo»t 
 viijxxvj" ij* vf- 
 
 S«»«m« \.otJi}s de tous notre paymewfr si bien de Sp/Wmall box 
 come de Tempwall amowte cler ij"= Ixxvj" ij» ix^ ' 
 
 Ceux sont les paiments flfait ^ar Simond Eyr a les Carpintws de no^re 
 Sale par la («V) coma»deme»t de John Salusburi Comenssant le ix io«r 
 Juillef Ian m' iiij" xxv 
 
 Thom«s Berne Carpinter 
 
 Geffrey Walton 
 
 John Brayle 
 
 John Bry^e 
 
 Thomas Sturgon 
 
 John Sly 
 
 John Wellys 
 
 John Breton 
 
 John ffrenssh 
 
 Water Ayllewyn 
 
 Thonws Garlond 
 
 Thomas Herry 
 
 Thomas Spere 
 
 Robert Ayllewyn 
 
 Swjwma v" xj* iiij"! 
 
 le xiiij io«r Juille? 
 
 [Thirteen of the above names are repeated, each being paid iiij* iij"*.] 
 
 Item a ij Sawyers "" ' '' 
 
 Sawma iij" xiiij* 
 
 le xxj io«r Juille* 
 [Thirteen names j same payment, except in three cases, iiij» iij"* each.] 
 Item a ij Sawyers iijs 
 
 Summa liij» 
 
 le xxviij io«r de Juille? 
 [Thirteen names; payment iij* v]^ ob', but to Robert Ayllewyn 
 iiij" yj*.] 
 Item a ij Sawyers ij* 
 
 Summa xlix* 
 
 ^ The large expenditure in this and the following year is parti/ caused by the 
 building of the Hall, a bakehouse, and a well. 
 1603-1 R r 
 
 vij^ 
 
 iij"* 
 
 vijs 
 
 iij-i 
 
 iiij» iiij^ 
 
 ob' 
 
 v» 
 
 vij"^ 
 
 
 vijs 
 
 viij' x^ 
 
 ob' 
 
 x= 
 
 xjd 
 
 viijs 
 
 i vjd 
 
 viij= 
 
 1 VJd 
 
 viij' 
 
 1 vjd 
 
 viij' 
 
 1 vj<l 
 
 viij* 
 
 1 vjd 
 
 viij* 
 
 : vjd 
 
 viij= 
 
 i vjd 
 
 d iiij* iij' 
 
 '•■1. 
 
 vj' \ 
 
 /lljd 
 
3o6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 le yj iour de Auguste 
 
 [Twelve names j payment iiij" iij^, but to Robert Ayllewyn iiij« vj<J.] 
 
 It^m a ij Sawyers viij» viij-l 
 
 Summa lix* xj<' 
 
 le xj io»r August 
 
 [Twelve names ; payment at rate of 8|V. per day as before. Three 
 men not working the full week.] 
 
 Summa juix' x"* 
 
 le xviij io«r August 
 
 [Thirteen names, including Roger Gyfforde; same rate o5 payment.]' 
 
 Summa lv» vj<* 
 
 le XXV iour August 
 
 [Thirteen names j same payments.] 
 Itf m a ij Sawyers vij* j<* 
 
 Summa iij'» ij" vij"* 
 
 le primer io»r Septembre 
 
 [Twelve names j same rate of payment.] 
 Itfm a ij Sawyers vij! x"* 
 
 Summa lvj» xj"" ob' 
 
 le viij ioxr Septembre 
 
 [Twelve names j same rate of payment.] 
 Item ij Sawyers iij« vj* 
 
 Summa Ij" xj"* 
 
 le xxix io«r Septembre 
 
 Geffrey Walton iij cemains xij^ ix** 
 
 [Nine other names follow at the same rate of payment.] 
 Item a ij Sawyers xix» 
 
 Summa vj'' xvj» 
 
 le xiij ioar Octobre 
 
 [Eight names ; periods varying from one to two weeks.] 
 
 Summa Ivij' ij"" 
 
 le XX io«r Octobre 
 [Six nameSj including Thomas Godffrey.] 
 Summa xxij* ij'' ob* 
 
The Earliest JVardens' Accounts 307 
 
 le xxvij io«r Octobre 
 [Four names J same rate of payment.] 
 \\eva. a ij Sawyers 
 
 S«»wm« xxj» vj"^ 
 
 iiij' iij** 
 
 le iij vQur Nouembre 
 
 [Four names j same rate of payment.] 
 
 S«7wm<i xvij* iij"* 
 
 le X vour Nouembre 
 
 [Seven names ; same rate of payment.] 
 
 S«wm« xxvij" x"* 
 
 Summa totalis paye par Simond Eyr a les Carpinters ^ar la Suvergneme«t 
 de John Salisburi amonte xliiij" xiij' ij"* 
 
 Aw»o v° Henrici yj 
 
 Ceux sonnt lez ressettis qeux Phelippe Malpas John Brykles Harr' 
 Wotton & Richard Hercy onnt rcscieux lour temps pour lez Meistres 
 de Drapers in le Box de Dieu 
 
 Emprim/x Rec' en le Box de Dieu par lez maynx de John Wotton John 
 
 Seynt John Symound Eyr & Will/«m Bernys veyll Maisterys 
 Rec' de Reynold Willwm de le Rent in Chepe pour j Anne 
 Rec' de le ffemme de Necolas Haye pour iij quarters de Rent 
 
 id 
 
 vij" 
 
 iijli vijs 
 
 Rec' de Thomas Halman pour le dit Rent pour j Anne 
 Rec' de John Bothawe pour le dit Rent pour j Anne 
 Rec' de Andrew Trotte pour le dit Rent pour j Anne 
 Rec' de John Hyndon pour le dit Rent pour j Anne 
 Rec' de Harr' Barton pour le dit Rent pour j Anne 
 Richard Coorner & ij tenements voyde 
 Rec' de lez quartaragM de iiij'" & iij pwsones 
 Rec' de le queste de John Haddon 
 Rec' de le schoppe apres le Bakhouse pour di' Anne 
 
 Summz xxvij" viij» v^ 
 
 xlvj' 
 
 xxvj' 
 
 xxvj' 
 
 Rec' de Robard Ergh^m 
 Rec' de Thom/ats Pyke Junyor 
 Rec' de John Belisdon 
 Rec' de Roger Talbotte 
 Rec' de Robard Cristemas 
 
 pour son Entres 
 
 XXXUJ» lUJ' 
 
 Accounts 
 presented 
 Nov. 141^, 
 for year 
 Aug. to Aug. 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 Rec' de John Wolffall de le Rent in seyntswetonslane pour j anne xx^ 
 
 viij^ 
 
 XXX' 
 
 ' viij** 
 viij^ 
 xx= 
 
 iiij'' iij* 
 
 XX' 
 X' 
 
 iid 
 
3o8 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 lez Rec«Vx de le Tempoyall Box a totz q«/ appertent de dit Box 
 de Temporall 
 
 Empw'mis Rec' de Symound Eyr & son companes in le Box j"* 
 
 Rec' de vj'" & xviij persons ^our lez mynstrall xlvj' 
 
 Rec' de Roger Talbotte de Hadle po«r son ffredom vj" xiij^ iiij^ 
 
 Rec' de John Belisdon po»r son Entre -^ar Redemption v" 
 
 Rec' de Robard Crystemas po»r son Redemption iij" vj* viij^ 
 
 Rec' de Thom<7S Gameley de Colchester po«r son Entre x'" 
 
 Rec' de Richard Bryan po»r son ffredom iij^' vj* viij"* 
 
 Rec' de John floostere po»r son ffredom xl^ 
 
 Rec' de John Chambirleyn po»r son ffredom v" 
 Rec' de Willwm Crowmer prest a la Craflfte Ixyj" xiij^ iiij'> 
 
 Rec' de Will/<«m Crowmer po«r son promys v" 
 
 Rec' de John Gedney po»r son promys x"" 
 
 Rec' de William Weston po«r son promys lij^ iij'' 
 
 Rec' de Water Gawtron po«r son promys 1' 
 
 Rec' de Pers Wymondh^m po»r son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de John Otteforde po«r son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de Richard Stryke po»r son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de John Knyzt pwr son promys xx« 
 
 Rec' de John Norman p«»r son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de Robard Cotton pwr son promys xiij* iiij"^ 
 
 Rec' de John Hylle po«r son promys xx* 
 
 Rec' de John legette po»r son promys xx' 
 
 Rec' de John kyrkeby poar son promys xx^ 
 
 Rec' de Willwm Ayliffe pear son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de Wiliy<im Warde po«r son promys vj' viij"* 
 
 Rec' de Robard Colney po»r son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de le ffemme de Hochin Byrche pour son promys xx= 
 
 Rec' de le femme de Robard Bever pour son promys xx^ 
 
 Rec' de le parson de seynt Swethenys de son promys ' y'f vi\f 
 
 Rec' de Willwm Chervell po«r son promys x^ 
 
 Rec' de John Haddon p<?«r son promys xx* 
 
 Rec' de Water Redder po«r son promys xx' 
 
 Rec' de Roger Kelsey po«r son promys xx* 
 
 Rec' de Symond Coopersheff po»r son promys viij" iiij^ 
 
 Rec' de John Seynt John de son promys vj'' xiij= iiij^ 
 
 Rec' de John Cake p»»r son promys x* 
 
 Rec' de le ffemme de Robard Chambir doone a le Hall ' xx'' 
 
 Rec' de Robard Cristemas doone a le Hall ' xiij= iiij'' 
 
 Rec' de Richard ffoorther po«r j ffyn xx^ 
 
 Rec' de Emory Amatony pwr j ffyn vj* viij'^ 
 
 ' Cf. next page, note. 
 
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 309 
 
 Rec' de Robard Whetyngh/zm de soa promys 
 Rec' de Gyfferey Zermowth paw son promys 
 Rec' de John Roddogg ptr Will/^im Weston 
 
 S»»s>ma Xatalis clvij'' xj^ j'^ 
 
 lez Rec' de lez lowes ^ doone a le Hall 
 
 Rec' -de John Boys 
 Rec' de Thomas Scotte 
 Rec' de Thomas Eswell 
 Rec' de John Whitehoode 
 Rec' de Will/am Mette 
 Rec' de Richard Screyth 
 Rec' de Water Thorppe 
 Rec' de John Stystede 
 Rec' de Willi<7m Strotibrde 
 Rec' de Waren 
 
 Summa. liij^ iiij^ 
 
 lez Rec' de lez Prentices 
 
 Item de John Pereire pour John Diuinesby 
 Item de John lyngle pour Thonws £lde 
 Item de Harr' longspe pour Will/«m Gierke 
 Item de Will/«m Weston pour Thomas Cooke 
 Item de Will/am Weston pour John Sayere 
 Item de ThonMS Cooke pour Willidrm Marwe 
 Item de Robard Ergham pour John kyrkeby 
 Item de Amery Matany pour Adam Wyntrugham 
 Item de John Wyot pour Robard Derby 
 Item de Will/am Parker pour Robard Thorcote 
 Item de William Warde pour John Herteley 
 Item de Will/am Harre pour Richard lyon 
 Item de Richard Screyth pour Richard Sadersall 
 Item de John Brykles pour John Stokker 
 Item de John Wotton pour Thoniirs de Brunne 
 Item de Reynold WiUJam pour Peter Calcote 
 Item de Alexander Childe pour John Fowlere 
 Item de Will/«m Creke pour Water langrysh 
 Item de Thonws Rydell pour Emound Bendish 
 Item de Robard Tadirsall pour Water Morton 
 
 * The workmen or jonmeymen, but whether thejr are Drapers is doubtful, 
 apparently subscribe to building of the Hall. Cf. also previous page, where a wife 
 of one ' doone a le Hall ' subscribes. 
 
 iijU vjs 
 
 viij^ 
 
 
 xx* 
 
 xxvij 
 
 sixd 
 
 jciij" 
 
 iiij*' 
 
 iij= 
 
 iiijd 
 
 iij= 
 
 iiij'i 
 
 iij^ 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 Vjs 
 
 viij^ 
 
 iij^ 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 iij= 
 
 iiij'^ 
 
 iij» 
 
 iiijd 
 
 vj- 
 
 viij"* 
 
 vjs 
 
 vLLj"! 
 
 
 xx* 
 
 
 xx» 
 
 
 xx* 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 xx* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
 
 XX* 
 
gio The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 
 
 Item de Thomas Ynglond pour John Ynglond xx» 
 
 Itffwz de Robard Clopton pour son preatice xx» 
 
 Summi xxiji' 
 
 lez payments de le Box de Dieu 
 
 Empr/m;V paie a sir William Sawgere pour j anne yj" xiij» iiij"* 
 
 Item paie a sir John Walsman po«r j anne di' paymewt iij" vj* viij'' 
 
 Item paie a dit sir John p<?«r ij Roll de wex xvj"" 
 
 Item paie a dit s/V John po«r ij preketts de wcx xyj"* 
 
 Item paie a dit s;> John pour iiij" de Candill vj"" 
 
 Item paie a le chaundeler pour le Braunche iij ffoys xiij» x"* 
 Item paie a lez Chaunters & lez prests pour le derge & le Gierke xj» viij<* 
 Itew paie pour quyte Rent po«r le tenement in Chepe a seynt matheus 
 
 pour j anne a Seynt John Baptiste xx» 
 Item paie poa?* quyte Rent pour le tenement in Candewykstrete a Sowth- 
 
 cote po«r j anne a Seynt John Baptiste xx» 
 
 Item paie a John longle in almys vj' viij^* 
 
 Item paie a Water hounspell in almys xiij» iiij"* 
 
 Item paie a Brekelvyle pour j anne pour son Saler' iiij" 
 
 Item paie po»r j Chaperon pour Breklvyle iij» 
 
 Item paie pour j Chevawe po«r le dit Brekelvyle iij ffoys iij* 
 
 Summa xviij^' xiiij* viij"* 
 
 lez payments de le schoppe apres le Bakhous 
 
 Emprimis j laborer iij io»rs le io»r vd ob' Summa xvj<' ob' 
 
 Item pour iiij quarters po«r j Benche le quarter ij"* ob' x"* 
 
 Item pour ij Boordis po«r le Benche ps' xij'^ 
 
 Item pour ij Peesis pour le Staier ps' xij'' 
 
 Item pour ij Boordis po«r j doore ps' viij"* 
 
 Item pour Schelly & le flfete pour ij fformys ps' viij"* 
 
 Item pour j c de Beche latthis ps' v"* 
 
 Item pour Naylis & White Nayle pour le latys ps' xvj"' 
 
 Item pour j Ryng Crompe & j lacche po«r le door ij"* 
 
 Item pour j Payr hengys po«r le doore iiij'' 
 
 Item pour j Carpenter vj iours le io«r viij<i ob' Summa iiij' iij'' 
 
 Item pour vj Cartful! Robys le Cart iij"* Summa xviij'': 
 
 Summa xiij' vj^ ob' 
 
 lez Coostis de le Bakhous 
 
 Item j dawber vj iours le ioar viij'' ob' Summa iiij" iij'' 
 
 Item j laboorer vj iours le iour \^ ob' Summa ij' ix'' 
 
 Item pour v loodis lombe le loode iiij"^ Summa xx'' 
 
 Item pour j loode lymbe ps' xj"" 
 
|S 
 
 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 311 
 
 \\jem pour j loode schonde ps v"" 
 
 Item pour j mason iij iours le ioxr viij"* ob' Summa ij* j** ob' 
 
 Item pour j laboarer iij ioars le iour v"* ob' Summa xv'f 
 
 Item pour j dawber iiij iours le io«r viij* ob' Summa ij* x'^ 
 
 Item pour j laboorer iiij iours le io«r v^ ob' Summa xxij^ 
 
 Item pour ij m' Tyle ps le m' v* Summa x« 
 
 Item pour iiij Tylers vj io«rx le io»r chekon viij^ ob' Summa xvijs 
 
 Item pour iij laboores vj iours le io«r v"* ob' Summa viij' iij"* 
 
 Item pour v Tylers vj iours le io«r viij"* ob' Summa xxj' iij"* 
 
 Item pour iiij laborers vj iours le iour v^ ob' Summa xj' 
 
 Item pour iij loodis schonde le loode V* Summa xV 
 
 Item pour ij Bosshell Tyle pynnys ps' xij^ 
 
 Item pour Ixij Coorner tylis le ps'checon ob' q' Summa iij' xj"* 
 
 Item pour m' Tyle & le Cariage v v"* 
 Item paie a j Carpenter pour le Tymbir & lez Tynnys iij"* vj' viij"* 
 
 Item pour j laborer v iours le io»r v"* ob' Summa ij' iij"* ob' 
 
 Item pour Crochetis pour lez pewes j** 
 
 Item pour ij pees/x & ij pasis de tymbir pour le Steyer ps' ij' iiij"* 
 
 Item pour ij Carponters iiij iours le iour viij^ ob' Summa V viij"* 
 
 Item pour iij masoas j iour le iour viij^ ob' Summa ij' j** ob' 
 
 Item pour ij labores j iour le iour vj"* ob' Summa xiij"* 
 
 Item pour m' de Tyle ps' V 
 
 Item pour iij Tylers vj iours le io»r viij^ ob' Summa xij' ix"* 
 
 Item pour iij laboores vj iours le io»r vj^ ob' Summa ix' ix"* 
 
 Item pour viij Roff tylis ps' vj'' 
 
 Item pour j dawber vj iours le io«r viij^ ob' Summa iiij* iij"* 
 
 Item pour j laboorer vj iours le io»r vj"* ob' Summa iij' iij** 
 
 Item pour iij Cartys de lombe ps' xij'* 
 
 Item pour ij Cartys de schonde ps' x"* 
 
 Item pour C ij loodis & ij schalekys de lymbe ps' vij' iiij"* 
 
 Item pour ij 11 de Sawdor pour le Gooter ps' xij^ 
 
 Item pour ffermyng de le Rrevy xxij tons le ton iij* Summa iij"* vj' 
 
 Item paie a Roger kelsey po«r latthis & Nayle xxj' iLj"* 
 
 Item pour Cariag de x loodis de Robys ps' ij° vj"* 
 Item pour Plankys Borde & Nayle & le Carponter pour le koueryng le 
 
 prevy x' iij^ 
 
 Summa xvj'' iij' ij"* 
 
 lez Payments & lez Costis de le Halle ' 
 
 Item pour viij m* Tyle le m' V Summa xl' 
 
 Item pour j q««rtron de Roff tyle ps' xv"* 
 
 ' For the New Hall which is being roofed. 
 
3 IX The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item ]pour ij Bosshell & ij<J de tyle pynnys ps' xiiij^ 
 
 Item Tpottr ij tylers vj iours le io«r viij'' ob' Summa viij* vj"* 
 
 Item pour ij laboorers vj iours le io»r v^ ob' Summa v» v}^ 
 
 Item pour xj m^ & vC de Rofif nayle le m' xij"* Summa xj^ vj"* 
 
 Item pour m' de hert latthis ps' vj* viij'' 
 
 Item pour Nayle x"* 
 
 Item pour j loode lymbe ps' xj'' 
 
 Item pour j loode schonde ps' v^ 
 Item doone a lez Carponters par le comaundement de lez Aldermen xx"' 
 Item paie a Robard Alwyn ' & six de son companons vj iours le iour viij^ 
 
 ob' & le Wardeyn ix'' Summa xxx' 
 Item le dit cemeyne iij Carponters v iours le io«r viij^ ob' Summa 
 
 x» vij^ ob' 
 
 Item paie a Cooper & Ceerle pour Preysyng de Ic tremer vj' viij^ 
 
 Item paie le mesme temps pour vyne ix'' 
 
 Item paie pour xiiij 11 de Candill le 11 j^ ob' Summa xxj"* 
 
 Item paie pour Cariage de viij loodis de tymbir xx* 
 Item paie a Robard Alwyn & ix de son companons v io»rs le io«r viij"* 
 
 ob' Summa xxxv' v"* 
 
 Item pour ij masons vj iours le iour viij^ ob' Summa viij' vj"* 
 
 Item pour ij labooreris vj iours le io«r V* ob' Summa \' v'f 
 
 Item pour vj masons vj iours le iour viij^ ob' Summa xxv' vj"* 
 
 Item pour iiij laboores vj iours le iour v* ob' Summa xj' 
 
 Item pour j Boote de Chalke ps' xiiij' 
 
 Item pour vij masons vj iours le iour vii** ob' Summa xxix' ix^ 
 
 Item pour v laboorers vj iours le io»r v'' ob' Summa xiij' ix'' 
 
 Item pour Cariage de xvij loodis Chalke ps' iij' iiij'' 
 
 Item pour wharflfage de dit Chalke viij'' 
 
 Item pour di' C loodis schonde ps' xiij' iiij'' 
 
 Item pour iij laboorers vj iours le io«r V* ob' Summa viij' iij^ 
 
 Item pour meddyng de lez pykes iiijiJ 
 
 Item pour Bydyng de ij water tubbys viij'' 
 
 Item j stone pour whettyng de lez axis de lez masons iiij'' 
 
 Item pour j loode Chalk & le Cariage ij' ]^ 
 
 Item pour di' m' de Brek & le Cariage iij' ix^ 
 
 Item pour iij hopis po«r le water tyne ij'' 
 
 Item pour j laboorer vj iours le io«r vj'' ob' Summa iij' iij'' 
 
 Item pour iij masons ij iours le io«r viij^ ob' Summa iiij' iij'' 
 
 Item pour iiij laboores ij iours le io»r vj^ ob' Summa iiij' iiij^ 
 
 Item pour ij laboores v iours le io«r vj'' ob' Summa v' V' 
 
 Item pour ij labooreres v iours le io»r vj"* ob' Summa vj' v'f 
 
 Item pour j laboorer iiij iours le io»r vj'' ob' Summa ij' ij'' 
 
 ' Probably the Foreman. 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 513 
 
 Viem pour Boothir a Grenewiche & autre choste xyj** 
 
 hem pour xij w} Brek le m' v" vj^ Summa iij'« vj» 
 
 Item paie a Warlow mason pour le viwe iiij'' xiij» iiij"* 
 
 Item pour iij laboorers vj iours le ioar vj"* ob' Summa ix» ix^ 
 
 Item pour Cariage de xxiiij loodis Breke vj» 
 
 Item pour WharfFage de dit Breke xij'' 
 
 Item pour j laboorer v iours le io«r vj'^ ob' Summa ij' viij* ob' 
 
 Item paie a le Smyzt in apechirchelane xi^ x^ 
 Item paie a diuws ffoys a lez Carponters & masons done pour Bever 
 
 iiij» viij* 
 
 Item paie pour vj^ & vj loodys lymbe xxxvij' 
 
 Summa xxviij" V' viij"* 
 
 Paie a Symond Eyre C^ 
 
 lez payments a lez Costis de Temporall Box 
 Item paie a Thom« Donyngton pour le fFair de Bartilmewe iij' iiij^ 
 
 Item paie pour j Barge pour le terment de le Roy * iiij*' 
 
 Item paie pour j homme pour achevacher pour lez mynstrall V' 
 
 It«w paie pour vj mynstrall & a le person vj' viij'^ Summa xliij' iiij'^ 
 
 It«w paie pour vj verge & di' pour Chaperons le verge xix^ Summa x' iiij'' 
 Item paie po«r le ffacion de lez Chaperons ij' ij^ 
 
 Item paie po«r le fiayr a Westemoster po«r warnyng ij' 
 
 Item paie po«r Boothir a Westmoster a Mons/e«r de Bedford xij^ 
 
 Item paie a Claydis po«r j noote de ij endentours iij obligaciows j quetaunce 
 
 j noote j le condicion ij» viij^ 
 
 Item paie a Robard Streuener po»r le entr' in le grand paper lez ordo- 
 
 nauncez ffetz ouesk totz le company xi]^ 
 
 Item paie a le Clerke de Richard Osborne po«r j Bille de lez prent/r es xx^ 
 Itezw paie a Richard Colman Clerke po«r lez comaundemewt de totz le 
 
 company xx' 
 
 Itew2 paie a dit Richard j verge & di' pour j chaperon le verge ix' Summa 
 
 xiij' vj'^ 
 Ite»» paie a Scheriaunts pour Symond Eyr & John Seynt John xvj'^ 
 
 Item paie a j Scheriaunt po«r John leget xij^ 
 
 Item paie pour le dener po«r lez mynstrall vj» iiij'^ 
 
 Item pour alewer pour le mayer messe xl» 
 
 Summa vij'' xviij' viij^ 
 Paie a WHUam Crowmer Ixvj" xiij' iiij-J 
 
 lez dettours de lez Promys 
 Robard WhittynL«m doit pour son promys viij" xiij' iiij"! Sol x marcj 
 
 ^ Terment, probably ' cerment ', oath, as on p. 30 1. The young King Henry, 
 though still very young, did, we are told, keep his royal state during this year j 
 Fabyanj Concordance of HistorieSj ed. 18 11, p. J94. 
 
 1603-I S S 
 
314 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Wili;«m Norton doit po«r son promys iiij" xiij> 'i\if 
 
 Necolas Wotton doit po«r son promys ]' 
 
 Thom<»s Isselh^m doit po«r son promys liij' iuj^ 
 
 Raffe Holland doit po«r son promys xx» 
 
 Richard Waldgraue doit po«r son promys Iiij» iiij'' 
 Sir John Thorpe parson de seynt Swethenys doit po«r son promys xxiij' iiij^ 
 
 Will/am Weston doit po»r son promys lv» v^ 
 
 John ' Rodogge dettour po»r Will/am Weston xxvij' ix'' 
 
 John Claverynge doit po»r son promys x> Sol 
 William ffooster doit po«r son promys xxxiij» iiij'i 
 
 Thomas Baker doit po«r son promys v'' Sol i^ 
 
 John Gooldhawke doit powr son promys xx= 
 
 Will//7m Twyer doit p»«r son promys xxvj» viij"^ 
 
 Thomi7S Clement doit po«r son promys x' 
 
 John flamhtfm doit po»r son promys vj' viij"* 
 
 Thomas Yve doit po«r son promys xl' 
 
 John Mayston doit po«r son promys vj* viij"> 
 
 Reynold Will/«m doit po«r son promys xx» 
 
 Summa xlij" xiij' ij'^ ' 
 
 lez dettours de lez Prentis 
 
 John Massy doit ■pour John Harry son prentw xx^ 
 
 John Wynne doit pour John Merston son prentice xx« 
 
 William Sewale doit pour John Sewale son prentice xx' 
 
 John Blake doit pour WillZ/jm Delwoorth son prentice xx' 
 
 Gameley Gawen doit pour John Spenser son prentice xx» 
 
 Galfrydus Zermowth doit pour Will/«m Scheriaunt son prentice xx» 
 
 Hugonys ffeliotte doit pour John Warde son prentw xx' 
 
 John Gedney doit pour y/il\iam Peryngton son prentice xx' 
 
 John lubenham doit pour Jacobus mortemer son prentice xx» 
 
 Symond Eyre pour Robard Spenser doit pour son prent/V xx» 
 
 Will/am Twyer doit pour Robard Jacobbe son prentis xx= 
 
 Summa xj" 
 
 lez Dettours de Quartrage 
 
 le parson de Bawe John Tukfelde 
 
 Will/am Crowmer Will/am Breton 
 
 Necolas Wotton Thomas Downe 
 
 Water Gawtron Steuene Hull 
 
 Richard Baynard Thomas Aueray 
 
 ' This entry is crossed through in the original. 
 ^ Corrected to xlj'' v' v^ in the original. 
 
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 315- 
 
 Alexaunder Anne John ffarnh«m 
 
 Thomas Isselh<»m John Buknam 
 
 John Somer John Elvysh 
 
 Water Redder John Woode 
 
 John Bowoode Richard Bokeloiid 
 
 Raff HoUond Harr' Herte 
 Richard Clere 
 
 Rest' in cler a phylyp malpas & son compaynouns xxvij" ij" x"* 
 
 viij yer of Kyng Haf-ry the vj^ Accounts 
 
 Ceste la Compte de Willwrn Crowmez-e Will/^m Weston John Heygh^m presented 
 & Ric' atte lee ffait le xxvj io«r dottobre Ian de gr<?ce m'iiif xxix & Ian Nov. 1429, 
 de notxe Seigneur le Roy Herr' Sisme puis le conquest viij* for the year 
 
 Aug. 1428- 
 
 lez Rest de box de dieu •'^"S- ^29- 
 
 £n primez rescu de John Gedneye John Betfronden Alisaundw Chyld 
 & John Norman en le box de dieu iiij'' xix« i]^ 
 
 Item rescu de Reynold Will/<«:m po»r la rente en Chepe p»»r j an vij'' 
 Item rescu de John Glowcester po«r la rente en Candewykstr' vj" 
 
 Item resc' de Will/«m Stokdale po»r la rente en S. Swythunez lane po«r 
 j an xxv» 
 
 \tevt resc' de harr' Barton deme»r«unte en le mesm rente po»r j an 
 
 xxvjs viij"^ 
 Item rescu de Andrew Trot demewr^unt en le mesm rent po»r j an xx^ 
 Item resc' de John Bothawe deme«r«unt en la mesm rente pour j an xxx^ 
 Item resc' de Thomas Halman demewraunt en la mesm rente po«r j an 
 
 xlvj= viij^ 
 Item resc' de John Wolfale demear^unt en la mesm rente po«r j an xx* 
 \.tem resc' de Alson Algar AGmeuraunt en la mesm re.it po«r j quarter v= 
 Item resc' de iiij'^xyj personez po«r lo»r quaitemge iiij'' xvj= 
 
 Item resc' de viij personez pour lour entre liij' iiij"* 
 
 Summa xxxiiij'' xxij'^ prob' 
 
 lez Rest de la temporal Box 
 
 cy ben de fynez come dez altrez chosez ' 
 En pr/mez Rescu de diuers gentz pe«r fynez a la fieyre de Seynt Barthoil 
 
 xj» viij"^ 
 Itez» rescu de Edmond Salle po«r j fyne p^reutr' luy & Gallaran xx* 
 
 Item resc' de Benet Harlewene pour j fyne encontre lez maisterez xx' 
 
 ' In this year, as in 1430 and 1434, there is no balance paid into the Temporal 
 Box from previous year, but only one to Le Box de dieu. 
 
^i6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item rescu de NichoU' Wotton en pleyn payement de son promys 1' 
 
 Item resc' de Thom<?s Islh^tn en pleyn paeme»t de son promys xl* 
 
 Item resc* de Wilh^m Myddylton demeuraunt auesq' Clopton pour son 
 
 frminchyse xl' 
 
 Item rescu de Croxton mason pour Ixij feet leggement table ps le foote iij^ 
 
 xv» vj"* 
 It*in rescu de Jane Eyre po»r Will/<s:m Wodehous son apprentys xx'' 
 
 item resc' de TkoiiMS Vartre pour NichoU' Waller son apprentys xx» 
 Item resc' de Aumery Mataney pour laurence ffrauncez son apprentys xx* 
 Item resc' de Thomas Aylisby pour Rankyn Josselyn son zppreatys xx' 
 Item resc' de John Goldhauk pour Jamys Newborugh son appr* nt^s xx^ 
 Item resc' de Scher' Salman pour Thomas Qwyk son appr^nt^j xx^ 
 
 Item resc' de William Russell pour John Dayn & John Wecherley son 
 
 zppreatys xl' 
 
 Item resc' de Will/<zm Waryn pour Willwm Waldeby son a.pprentys xx* 
 Item resc' de Willfam Parker po«r John ffrench son zpprentyt xx= 
 
 Item resc' de Will/am Chervell pour William Terry son apprent^f xx' 
 Item resc' de Robert Coton po»r Michell Hewet son apprentys xx' 
 
 Item resc' de John Nankelly pour John Marchall son zppreatys xx» 
 
 Item resc' de John Whythood po»r John Wyndysley & Robert Whichad 
 
 son apprent^j x» 
 
 Item resc' de Robert Bamborgh pour Robert Schelley son apprentyf xx» 
 
 Item resc' de John Will/am pwr Thomas langeley son apprentyj xx» 
 
 Summa xxvj'' xvij= ij* pr«b' 
 
 Summa totalis Rest* amonte Ix" xix' prob' 
 
 Lez payements cy bien de le Box de dieu come de le Tew^porall Box 
 
 Prime paie a lez Prestis de Bowe po»r Io«r salerie x" 
 
 Item paie a le Waxchaundell' po«r reparacion de le Branch a le Bowe 
 
 & pour viij lib' de Roll wax & ij przketts ps' tut xvj* 
 
 Item paie pff«r iiij lib' talwe Candell pour le quer ps' vf 
 
 Item paie po«r j Chevall po»r le Bedell po«r Chevach' ouesq' le mayr ps' xij^ 
 Item paye a le Friour de Cristcherche po»r quytrent de le Bakhous v^ 
 Itezw paie a lez Wardayne de lesglyse de S. Math' de quit rent po«r j an xx= 
 Itew paie a John Suthcote po«r quytrente po«r Geilrye zernemowthe xx« 
 Item paie a John Brykoyle Bedell po«r son salerie pour j an iiij'" 
 
 Item paie lez Clerkys de la Bowe p««r lo«r labor po«r tout Ian vj' viij"* 
 Item paie a Water Hounspell en almesse pour iij temps liij» iiij"* 
 
 Item paie po«r viij verges murte pour lez Prestes ps' le verg iiij' xxxij'' 
 Item paie pour j Chaperon pour le Bedell de none leuere ps' v' viij"^ 
 
 Ite»!! paie pe«r j verge & di' nwrr' & russ' po«r j Chaperon po»r Alisaundr* 
 
 Anne ps' xij' v^ 
 
 Item paie po»r alowunse de le Mayr messe xl" 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 317 
 
 \\.em paie po«r j nove boket ligate auesq' ferr & ij lynkys po«r le Cheyne 
 de le dyt Boket ps* tout iiij^ x^ 
 
 \\.em paie po«r iiij grauntz perys po«r le ovene en le Bakhous ps' x^ 
 
 Itf/w paye p»«r le faccion de le mesme perys vj^ viij'' 
 
 \X.em paye psar iiij'''' ij lib' yryn po«r le dyt Ouvtne a j"' ob' quarter xj' viij^ 
 Item paye pour iiij oyletts Tpour le panterie & boterie ps' Vj"^ 
 
 Item paie po»r j loade lyme & j loade sande pour le dit Ovene ps' xviil'' 
 Item paie pour j labo«rer pour vj io«rs le io«r v'^ ob' ij' ix* 
 
 Item paie pour Candell & servoyse pour lez masons vj"^ 
 
 Item paie pour amendement de le pentys en Chepe xij^ 
 
 Item paie a Will/«m Plomwe pour le ledyng de lez bataylement & le 
 hautpas en le suthp<»rt de la sale ps' tout. xxiij" vj' viij"^ 
 
 Item paie a luy pour ij pypis de nove plomb en le hautpas & poisent ij<= di' 
 viij lib' ps' le C viij' Summa xx' vij"^ 
 
 Item paie a luy pour xxj lib' soudo«r pour lez ditz pipis ps' le lib' [? vj"^] 
 
 XS vj3 
 
 Item paie a luy pour xxviij lib' de nove plomb pour Cou«yng de le 
 
 Resonpece vers le gardyn de Rankyn Valentyn ps' ij= 
 
 Item paie a maist^r NichoU pour amendemewt de j sam desuth le pantere 
 
 & le nove gistyng de le hautpas de le suth part de le sale x' 
 
 Item paye a luy pour le feste de le trape dor & le rebatyng de le bay 
 
 wyndowe v^ 
 
 Item paie pour bose & leggis pour le dit trappe dor ij» vj^ 
 
 Item paie pour di' =x peny nayle ps' V* 
 
 Item paye pour di' 'vj peny nayle ps' iij^ 
 
 Item paie pour iiij<= \^ nayle pour lez fenestres de le swelerie & altr' 
 
 chosez xx"* 
 
 Item paie pour ij payr garnetts pour le trappe dore oncsque lez clowys ps' 
 
 xviij<i 
 Item paie pour j payr garnett pour le prevy dor en le Chambre ps' iiij"* 
 Item paie pour j look & j ryng pour le mesme dor ps' ix<* 
 
 Item paie pour sowdeletts de lez fenestra de Water Gavtron xx^ 
 
 Item paie pour sowdeletts de lez fenestra de John Brokkele iij' iiij<* 
 
 Item paie pour sowdelett lez fenestra de John Hyh^im xx"* 
 
 Item paie pour sowdeletts pour lez fenestrez Baynard Basse & Bangor 
 
 iij' iiij"* 
 Item paie pour ledyng de glas a le fenestre al N/bying-plase xij"* 
 
 Item paie pour latisyng de lez fenestrez de panterie Boterie & lardesh^m 
 
 Vjs 
 
 Item paie pour xvj= ij^ nayle pour lez ditz latysez ij* viij"* 
 
 Item paie pour v<= transon nayle pour le Glas qe iiij*^ ob' 
 
 Item paie pour amendement de le look de le parlour dor iij"* 
 
 Item paye pour v payr hengis & iiij payr hokys pour le swelerie ps' cw'ez 
 
 ij' iiij<* 
 
3i8 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item paye iiij<= iiij^ nayle pour le mesmt swelerie ps' xvj^ 
 
 Item paie a Willi-^m Osberne pour le scripte de lez nomez dez apprentys 
 
 xx'^ 
 item paie a Dony»gton sergant pour le scher' de S. Barthol fteyr iij* iiij^ 
 Item expn' en payne & vyne par Crowmfr Gedneye Tatersalle Whetyng- 
 ham & altrez gentz de notre craft a le popis hed pour no/re liuere 
 
 iijs jd 
 Itfw paie po«r Batylage a le feyr de S. Bartholl viij'^ 
 
 Item paie po«r j Barge pour le zertyd de notre sieur le Roy en notre tempz 
 
 iij' viij* 
 
 Item paie pour j Barge & pour Batyllege pour la ffeyre de Westm' ij^ 
 
 Item paie pour Whassyng de kz mperey x'' 
 
 Itew? paie a John Wotton de veyl dette xiij» iiij^ 
 
 Item paie pour iiij Chapelletts ij' 
 
 Summa totalis Paie amont' Iv" viij» viij"" ob' 
 
 [Altered from Iv'' ix= vj^ ob'] 
 
 Lt ency Rest clr v'' xvj* x]^ ob' 
 
 [Altered from v" x^ iij"^ ob'] 
 
 Ceux sonnt lez detto«rs de q«^rterage & des apprtntys 
 
 pnmez Richard Baynard > xij^ 
 
 Wat^r Gavtron xij'' 
 
 John Enotte xij^ 
 
 Ric' Swanesseye xij^ 
 
 Alysaundre Anne xij'' 
 
 Symond CopstheflF xij^ 
 
 Thomas Gameley de veyle & nouell ij' 
 
 Stephew Hulle de veyl & novell ij' 
 
 Thomas Averay xij'' 
 
 Thomas Pyke Junior xij^ 
 
 Johne Gedney ' doit pour Robert Clerk son zpprentys xx» 
 
 Item doit pour John Dowbele son ^pprentys xx" 
 
 John Grisley doit pour John Budley son apprentjyr xx' 
 
 Robert fiytz Andrew doit pour Willwm Dyxson son ^pprentys xx» 
 
 John Stanton doit po«r Thom«s Salle son apprifntp xx' 
 
 Deliufre a Robert Cristendom & a John flemyll in parti de paymewt de 
 vijU vj^ j'' a eux par le mist' de dr^jperzpwr plumb' duez lez v le doz 
 aprentis au/»nt ditz a notre acompt le xxvj io»>* doct' Ian viij'* le 
 Ri H. vj« 
 
 lez Nowmez de novell gentz 
 
 Sir John Peche John Whythone 
 
 ' This and four following entries are crossed through in the original. 
 
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 319 
 
 Stfphs» Dalman Geffry Chytcok 
 
 Will/<*m Rapere Will»rfm North<*mpton 
 
 WillMin Russell Hugh Asthull 
 Thomas Thorndon 
 
 Knno ix° Henrici vj' Accounts 
 
 Ceux sonat lez Resseits quex Robert Tetersale John lyng Will/«m piesented 
 Creke & Will/<«m Ayloff onnt Rescieux lour tempz p««r lez meistrs Nov. 1430, 
 de drapws in le Box de dieu ^"^ y^^'' 
 
 Enprimez Re?c' en le Box de dieu par lez maynez de Will/am Crowmer ^"S* '4*9~ 
 William Weston John Heyham & Ric' Att ley veylez maystrs de 8" ''^^°' 
 drapers v" xvj' xj"! ob' 
 
 Resc' de Reynold Will/am po«r la Rent in Schepe po»r j Ane vij'' 
 
 Resc. de John Qowsettw po«r la Rent in Candwykstrede po«r j Awne 
 
 Vjli 
 
 Resc' de John Wolfale p««r la Rent in Swythenr lane po«r j A»ne xx* 
 Resc' de Alyson Algar po«r la Rent in swythens lane po«r j A»ne xx^ 
 Resc' de Thomas Halman po»r la Rent in swythens lane po«r iij quarters 
 
 xvj* viij^ 
 Resc' de Will/am Stobdale po«r la Rent in swythenx lane poar iij q«artery 
 
 xxiijs ix"! 
 Resc' de Henry Barton pwr la Rent in Swythens lane po«r iij quarters 
 
 XX' 
 
 Resc' de Andrew Trot po«r la Rent en swythe»r lane pour iij quarters xv' 
 Resc' de John Bothaw po«r la Rent en swytheny lane p««r iij quarters 
 
 xxij' vj'^ 
 Resc' de lez quartwagez de iiij'" vij personez iiij'' vij« 
 
 Summa xxxj'* vj' x"* 
 
 lez Resseits de la temporal Box 
 
 Resc' de Baron de Resset de le Roy po«r son ffredam vj' viij* 
 
 Resc' de John Bitterden p»«r ffredam de son howme xx= 
 
 Resc' de Symkyn Walter pour son ffredam iiij" 
 
 Resc' de WiU/am Cvrtenale de Covyntre po«r son ffredam viij" 
 
 Resc' de Barnard Beke po«r son entre Vj» viij"^ 
 
 Resc' de Stokuz de Abyndon po»r j Brodur xx" 
 
 Resc' de John Tetwsale pwr son entre vj' viij"^ 
 
 Summa xiiij" xiij' iiij"^ 
 
 Resc' de ffynez A le ffayr^ de Seynt Barthelmew Kntres tempz de dyuerz 
 
 gentez xxxj« iiij"! 
 
 Resc' de Phylyp Sate po«r lez wyrbez de Salle xx« 
 
 Resc' de Ric' Sutton po«r lez wyrbez de Sail xx' 
 
3 10 The Earliest Wardens* Accounts 
 
 Resc' de John Billysdon po«r j fyne vj» viij^ 
 
 Resc' de Will/^m Pap po«r j ^ne xx"* 
 
 Resc' de Robert Ergh^m p»»r j ffyne de ij obytes xiiij^ 
 
 Resc' de dyu^^-ez gentez po«r le drape de Arraz yj'' xv' 
 
 Resc' de dyuerez gentez po«r le stvllyng de Prcnteshodez xlv* iiij* 
 
 S«»?ma xiij'' xviij"* 
 
 lez Resseits de "^evAices 
 
 Resc' de John Knyght po«r John Sayere son Appr^nt/V xx» 
 
 Resc' de John Bilysdon poar John ffynchyngfeld xx* 
 
 Resc' de Symkyn Rowel po«r John Gylmer & John Alyn son Aprentez 
 
 xl» 
 Resc' de John Brokeley p<7«r Ric' Venton & Water Walgr«ve son 
 Aprentez xl' 
 
 Resc' de Ric' Scharp po«r Thomas Rodok son apprent/V xx» 
 
 Resc' de Hew Hasthool po«r Crystofur Banastur son Apprent/V xx» 
 
 Resc' de John Daberam po«r John Bryte son ApprenbV xx* 
 
 Resc' de John Browne po«r Will/<»m Nichol son Apprent/V xx' 
 
 Resc' de John Spensar po«r Will/<ini Stokmede son Apprent»V xx* 
 
 Resc' de Thomas Ardyng John Julyan son Apprent/x xx* 
 
 Resc' de John Nankelley pe»r Ric' Gybbon son Apprent/J xx* 
 
 Resc' de Will/'am Botreux po«r Thomas Rede son Apprent/V xx* 
 
 Resc' de Will/am Scherwell po«r Remond Podewyn son Apprent/x xx* 
 Resc' de Will/am Edy p<7«r Thomas Bill son Apprent/V xx* 
 
 Resc' de Roger Kelsay po«r Ric' Tymerden soa Apprent;V xx* 
 
 Summi xvij" 
 S»wma totalif de lez toutez Resceitx Amout' Ixxvj^ xx* 
 
 lez payments de le Box de dieu 
 
 Enprimez pay A lez prestez de Bow pour lour salar x"* 
 
 Item pay A le waxchauwdeler pour Reparac/on de le Branch A bow 
 
 xvj* vij* 
 Item pay a Donyngton Sariant po»r son labour in Barthelmew fair 
 
 iij* iiij"^ 
 Item pay A Seynt Barthelmew fayre po»r expensez ij' 
 
 Item pay A Water Honyspel pwr son Almez de notre tempz liij* iiij'' 
 Item pay po«r lez Bargez pour le terment ' de le Roy iij* viij* 
 
 Item pay j Barge & pour Batelage A Seynt Edward fayr ij* 
 
 Item pay pour ij Chywallez pour le Bedel A ij foiz ij' 
 
 Item pay A le pryowre de Crychirch po«r quite Rente de Bachowz v* 
 
 ' Read ' serment ' as on pp. 301 and 313; Nov. 6, 1419, the young Heniy VI 
 was crowned at Westminster. 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts gxi 
 
 Item pay A John Sowthcote po«r quite Rent de Bachowz xx' 
 Item pay A lez Wardenz de Seynt Mathew Chirch po»r q«/te Rent en 
 
 chepe XX* 
 
 Item pay A Crystendome & a ffemale de veyl dett xlvj^ 'f 
 
 Item pay po«r le drape de Arras in le parlar x'' xv' 
 
 Item pay A le Mayr po«r le stvllyng de Apprenteshedez iij" vj^ viij^ 
 Item pay A Sowthcote po«r quite Rent po»r le postoarne in Schirbo«rne 
 
 lane V 
 
 Item pay A lez prestez de Bowchirch po«r de dirige iiij* 
 Item pay A lez Schavntterz & lez clerkez de Bow pwr tout A»ne x* vij^ 
 
 Item pay po»r playerz A no/re ffeste viij= 
 
 Item pay A lex mynstrellz po«r no/re ffeste v'f \f 
 Item pay A Will»«m Hosbome po»r cope de lez nomez de pprenteshodez 
 
 xx"! 
 
 Item pay po«r iiij Chapletts ij* 
 
 Item pay pwr Alowans de le Mayrs Messe xl* 
 
 Item pay A Brykfeld Bedel po«r son salare iiij" 
 
 Item pay po«r iiij"" tyle po«r Reparadon de no^re rent xix* iij^ 
 Item pay pwr j tyler & ij ho»?mes pour ix ioarez xiiij^ vij"* ob' 
 
 Item pay po«r j laborer pour vj io«rez ij* ix** 
 
 Item pay po«r ij tylerz po»r vij iourez le iour viij^ ob' ix* xj"* 
 
 Item pay po«r ij laborers pour vij io«rez le io»r v"* ob' vj* v^ 
 
 Item pay pour viij'' Sowde A le Plumare pour le Bachouz iiij* 
 
 Item pay A j tyler pour vj io»rez le io«r viij** ob' iiij* iij"* 
 
 Item pay a j laborer pour yj iourez ij* viij^ 
 
 Item pay a j tylar pour v io«rez le io»r viij'^ ob' iij* v}^ ob' 
 
 Item pay pour ij laborers pour v iourez iiij* 
 
 Item pay pour vij lodez lyme vj* viij"* 
 
 Item pay pour iiij lodez Sande xx"* 
 
 Item pay pour ij lodez lome viij"* 
 
 Item pay pour j mason pour ij iourez xvij"* 
 
 Item pay pour j laborer pour ij iourez xj'' 
 
 Item pay pour j petit tabul vj peyr trestelez viij"* 
 
 Item pay pour iij<= j quatteron pavyng tyle pour le salle a vij* xxix* ix<* 
 
 Item pay pour j m' & quarteroa pavyng tyle pour le tresanz xxix* ix^ 
 
 Item pay pour cariage de lez tylez viij"^ 
 
 Item pay pour j mason pour viij io«rez pavyng de la Salle y* viij'' 
 
 Item pay pour j laborer pour viij io«rez iij^ viij*^ 
 
 Item pay pour iiij lodez lyme le lode xij* iiij^ 
 
 Item pay pour j laborer pour vj io«rez le io«r v^ ob' • ij* ix'^ 
 
 Item pay pour vj Davbare pour j ioarez le io»r viij^ ob' iiij* iij<^ 
 
 Item pay pour iij lodez lome le lode iiij^ xij"* 
 
 Item pay po»r iij lodez Sande le lode v"" xy"* 
 
 Item pour iiij'' Bech lathez le c vij*' ij' iiij** 
 isoso T t 
 
gxx The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item po»7- ij' & di' de davbyng naill le m' ix<i xxij'' 
 
 It^m ^our le Davbar po«r parchettyng de le kychon iiijs 
 
 Item po«r le iij lodez lyme le lode xij'^ nf 
 
 Item po«r ij lodez Sande le lode V^ x"* 
 
 Item po«r j laborer "^our iij io^^-ez le iour V^ ob' xvj'^ ob' 
 
 Item po»r lokez keyez & hoping po«r toubbuz iij^ x<^ 
 
 Item pay A Thomas Wynchecowbe carpewter pour le tabul in le salle 
 
 trestellez A wyndyng stayr Avnsyng de hey deyz & powr j Dowr 
 
 iij'' v'f yiijd 
 Item pay A Wynchecowbe carpenter po»>- j latez in le parlar viij' 
 
 Item pay A Thomas Wynchecowbe & A son co/wpayn po«r le fesang de 
 
 lez iiij Stolez & iiij Popeyz xvjs iij-i 
 
 Item pay pwr carvyng de ij popeez ouek iiij Augellez v' 
 
 Item pay po»r ix Estrysch Berduz le borde yj"* po«r lez stolez iiij^ vj* 
 
 Item pay po«r cariage de lez Borduz po»r Naylez & glew ij* j^ 
 
 Item pay A le paynter po«r payntteng de le tabul trestelez & po«r 
 
 iiij Popez & gylten de iiij Aungeliz xv* 
 
 Item pay p<»«r iiij elmen Borduz poa^- le sper' in le kichon po»r legs 
 
 & naill iij' 
 
 Item pay a Wynchecowbe carpenter po«r son labowr de le sper xx'' 
 
 Item pay poar j laborer po«r vj iourez ij* ix"* 
 
 Item pay pour Barrz de hyrn pour iij Wyndowz in le Salle vij* 
 
 Item pay pour glasyng de j wyndow & di' xxx* 
 
 Item pay a Brykefeld pour j carteful Sande & lode lyme & j sac xix"* 
 
 Item pay a Brykefeld pour m' tylez v= vj^ 
 
 Item pay pour le wassyng de Napere viij"* 
 
 Item pay pour iij" Sowde A le plumware Xviij"* 
 
 Summa ix" viij* v"* ob' 
 Summa totalis de lez payments Amout' Iviij'' vij* viij^ ob' 
 
 Et Ency Rest cler' in or Summa xvij'' xiij* xj"* ob' 
 
 lez dettorez de la Rent 
 
 Brykfeld William Stocdale doit pour j qaarte?- de midsomer vj* iij"* 
 
 pleg*. Henry Barton doit pour j quarter de midsomer vj* viij"^ 
 
 Andrew Trot doit pour j quarter de midsomer v* 
 
 John Bothhaw doit pour j quarter de midsomer vij* vj^ 
 
 lez detttfrez de Apprent/Vey 
 
 Benet Arllewyn doit pour Jacob Waldeby son Apprent/V xx* 
 
 John Reynold doit pour Will/<a:m Roper son Apprentw xx* 
 
 Henry Wotton doit pour John carter son Apprent/V xx» 
 
 John Wardewyk doit pour John Wyndesour son Apprentis xx* 
 
 Ric' Stone doit pour Ric' Nevel son Apprent»V xx* 
 
 Summa v" 
 
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 3x3 
 
 lez dettorez de q«<?rterage 
 
 le Parson de Bow xij^ John Adsale xij*" 
 
 Ric' Hersy xij^ John Tvkvyle xij"' 
 
 Thomas Coke xij^ Alysander Anne po«r ij A;i«nez ij= 
 
 Symond Copchese xij'^ Stevyn Hwl po«r iij A»nez iij^ 
 
 Thom«s Pyke junior x\]^ Thom<is Avery po«r ij Anntz \f 
 
 Thomas Gameley po«r iij Ric' Wantengfeld xij"* 
 
 Awnez iij* 
 Thomas Hyslam pour ij 
 
 A»nez ijs 
 Summa de dettorez de Rent Prentcshodez & de q«^rtfrage de Bredorne 
 
 Vijli yS V^ 
 
 Summa totalis de ore & de lez toutez dettez xxiiij^' xix' iiij'^ ob' 
 
 Aw»' xiij° Henr' vj' Accounts 
 
 Ceux sonnt lez resseitys q«ex Nicholas yoo Thomas Skot John knyght F^semed 
 & Nicholas Barton onnt resseux de Walter Cherteseye Symound Eyre £^^'J^^l^„ 
 Richard fibrdell & John Gladwyn en lour temps po«r lez maisterys dez ^^ ''^ °' 
 drapers en le Box de deu 1435-^. 
 
 Cestassavoir en le mesme Box v'^ ix^ j'^ 
 
 Item ressu de Robert Thorp powr vn Anne xx^ 
 
 Item ressu de Henr' Barton powr vn Anne xxiij^ iiij"* 
 
 Item ressu de William Guyke po«r vn Anne xx= 
 
 Item ressu de Raynold Welham po»r vn Anne vj" xiij= iiij'J 
 
 Item ressu de Thomas Halman po«r vn Anne iij" vj= viij'' 
 
 Item ressu de John Bywater po«r vn Anne vj" 
 
 Item ressu de Will/'/zm Varson pour vn Anne xxvj' viij"* 
 
 Item ressu de Andrew Trot po«r vn Anne xxviij* 
 
 Item ressu pour le q«arterage de iiij=" & x persones iiij'' x^ 
 
 Item ressu de lez executours de Will/am Crowmer pour sonn byquest a le 
 Craft x« 
 
 Item ressu dez le executours del parson de Saynt Edmundys pour sonn 
 Biquest ale Craft vj^ viij^ 
 
 Summa xlij" iij' ix<i 
 
 lez resseitis de lez prentisehodis 
 
 Item ressu de WiUwm Edy poar Will/am Wolffe xx« 
 
 Item ressu de Hew Astull pour Will/am West xx' 
 
 Item ressu de Will/am parchemener po«r Raft Radish xx» 
 
 Item ressu de dit Will/am po«r Nich' Knyfeton xx" 
 
 Item ressu de Richard Streth pour Thomas Gylys xx» 
 
 Item ressu de Richard Chaundeler pour Rogger Haywardc xx» 
 
3^4 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item ressu de Robert Cristemasse ^our Richard Sprever xx= 
 
 Item ressu del dit Robert po»r John Burmdy xx' 
 
 Item ressu de John Knyght po»y John Martyn xx^ 
 
 Item ressu de John leget po«r John fltorster xx= 
 
 Item ressu de Thow/^s Baker po«r Tho«?«s Baker xx^ 
 
 Item ressu de Symound Rowell pwr William Tolasse xx^ 
 
 Item ressu de Richard Onhand po»r Water Malton xx^ 
 
 Item ressu de Robert Bamburgh po«r Tho»z«s Rows xx= 
 
 Item ressu de Will/Vm Warde po»r Will/<zm Holme xx« 
 
 Item ressu de Henr' longespe po«r "Vaamas, Briggewater xx' 
 
 Item ressu de WUl/i^m Middelton po«r Tho»w<zs Badger xx^ 
 
 Item ressu de Robert Clopton po«r Willwm Hayward xx* 
 
 S«««m<z xviij'» 
 
 Lez resseitis del Temporall Box 
 Item ressu de John kocke po»r sonn Entr' iiij" 
 
 Item ressu de Richard Smythecote po«r sonn Entr' vj^ viij'^ 
 
 * Item ressu del P/^rson de Saynt Edmundys po»r sonn Entr' vj' viij"* 
 
 ' Item ressu del person de Saynt Mary Woolnove po»r sonn Entr' vj^ viij^ 
 Item ressu de Cxxxviij persones po»r lez mynstrellys po»r le rydynge 
 
 de lez Shirevys xlvj* 
 
 Item ressu de Cxliij persones po«r lez mynstrellys po«r le rydynge del 
 
 mayre xlvij» viij'^ 
 
 Summa ix^' xiij= viij^ 
 
 lez resseitys del Temporall Boxe pour lez fEnys 
 Item ressu a le ffair de Saynt Barth' po»r diuers flfynys iiij^ viij'^ 
 
 Item ressu de William kyrton pour le faute del rydyng de lez Shirevys 
 
 iij' iiij"* 
 Item ressu de William parch emener po«r le mesme faute iij= iiij'* 
 
 Item ressu de Richard streth po»r le mesme faute xi]^ 
 
 Item ressu de John Derby pour le mesme faute xij"^ 
 
 Sufnma xuj= iiij"^ 
 Summa totalis de lez reseitys Amount en toute Ixx^J x' ix'* 
 
 lez paiementis del Box de dieu 
 En primez paie pour bothir & batilage a le terment del Roy iij' iij"' 
 
 Item paie a John Woode S«rgeaunt pour le Serche del ffair de Saynt 
 
 Barth iij* iiij"* 
 
 Item paie a John Malham Sargeaunt pour le Serche del mcsow ^ de 
 
 Bosworth & del mesow de Adm' Semy et po»r vyn po«r diuers huwmez 
 
 del Craft iij^s vj"* 
 
 ' Two clergymen entered, paying only 6s. Sd. 
 ' The measare. 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts gxj- 
 
 Item paie po«r vyn a le Sale dez drapers pour la fac' del panell del dit 
 
 Bosworth xvj"i ob' 
 
 Item paie po«r la fac' de iij polys de verre po«r le hallyng xij'^ 
 
 Item paie pwr Bothir a Westmyster & zniere po«r le Chesyng del lyverey 
 
 del mair ijs iiijd 
 
 Item paie a le Bedell po»r vn Cheuaul pour le rydyng de lez Shirevys xij"* 
 
 Item paie a le Stayno«r po«r le takyngdowne de lez draperz Steyne & pwr 
 
 le rollyng del mesmez xij'' 
 
 Summa xvjs ix"* ob' 
 
 Item paie a viij minstrellys pour le rydyng dez shirevys liijs iiij'^ 
 
 Item paie pour boyr de lez ditz miwstrellys iiijs jd 
 
 Item paie pour viij Chaprons pour lez ditz minstrellys & pour di' Chapron 
 
 pour Thomas oue le Trumpe p's xxj' iij"* 
 
 Item paie pe«r xvj minstrellys pour le rydyng del mair v'' vj* viij"* 
 
 Item paie pour xyj Chaprons pour lez ditz minstrellys & pour vn Chapron 
 
 pour le dit Thomas xxxix^ viij'' 
 
 Item paie pour boyr de lez ditz minstrellys vij' ij"^ 
 
 Item paie a le Bedell ppur vn Cheuaul pour le rydyng del mair xij** 
 
 Item paie a Hungate & a Aston pour le mater Bosworth xiij^ iiij'' 
 
 Item paie a Thow^^s Bassat pour le dit mater de Bosworth vj' viij"* 
 
 Item paie a deux autrez hu/smez de Greysyn po»r le dit mater vj' viij"* 
 Item paie a Holgr^rve sergeaunt pour le somnyng del ynquest ij foiez v^ 
 Item paie a vn autre sergeaunt pour le Serche del mason de Adam Semy 
 
 Sherman ij= 
 
 Item paie a John Carpinter po«r vn Copy de vn bille de mortisement & 
 
 pour le mater de Bosworth xl' 
 
 Item paie po«r vn dyner a John Gedney Robert Whityngham & autrez de 
 
 none Conseill pour le dit mater de Bosworth xxxiiij= vj"* 
 
 Item paie a Alisaunder Anne ij vergez sanguayn engrayn a ix^ la verge & 
 
 ij verges mell a v^ x^ la verge xxix" viij^ 
 
 Item paie pour writyng de diuers dedys de Thowiz<7S Pyke a Hern' Hert a 
 
 Richard Claidich iij' vj'* 
 
 Item paie po«r bothire & Batilage po»r le warmyng vp del ffaire de Saynt 
 
 Edward a Westm' ij' iiij"* 
 
 Item paie a Asche vn huw?me de lawe po«r le mater de Bosworth vj' viij** 
 Item paie pour ij verges de blanket pour Chaux & po»r la faco» del mesmez 
 
 po»r lez polys pour le hallyng ij' vj'^ 
 
 Summa xix'' vj' 
 
 Item paie po»r la facon de vn Chest & pour yron Staplys po«r lez draperz 
 
 Steyne p's iij^ 
 
 Item paie a lez prestis del Bowe pour vn Anne x" 
 
^x6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item paie a lez prestis & a lez Clerkys del Bowe poar le dirige p's 
 
 iiij' iiij*' 
 Item paie a lez Clerics del Bowe po«/* vn Anne vj^ viij"* 
 
 Item paie a lez ditz Clerkys po«r le ringyng del dirige & sewoise xvj^ 
 Item paie a Waltyngflfeld Almesman po»r vn Anne liiij^ iiij'' 
 
 Item paie a le Bedell pour sonn Salary po«r vn Anne iiij" 
 
 Item paie a le Waxchaundeler po«y Tapris & Syngyng candels poar 
 
 vn Anne xvj= v^ 
 
 Item a lez Syngers del messe de no?re dame a Bowcherch vj^ viij^ 
 
 Item paie a le Cherchewardeins de Saynt Mathews po«r quite rent pawr vn 
 
 Anne p's xx^ 
 
 Item paie a Sowthecote pour quite rent po«r vn Anne p's v= 
 
 Item paie a le person de Saynt Swytheyns po«r sonn Offryng po»r vn 
 
 Anne po«r le place dez drapers vj= viij"^ 
 
 Item paie a Will//«m Osborne poar vn bille de prentishodys de vn Anne 
 
 p's xx'^ 
 
 Item paie a holg^-^ive sergeaunt po»r le Serclie de lez yerdis de tailo»rs xx^ 
 Item paie a le Bedell po«r bromys & pennys powr vn Anne v'f 
 
 Item paie ^our vn ton vyn po«?" le mair p's vj" 
 
 Item paie po«r Alowaunce del messe del dit mair * xi* 
 
 Item paie po«r wasshyng de diuei-s Napry for th= meyrs table "^ 'rif 
 
 Item paie a lez players minstrellys & po»r Russhis xxvj^ viij'^ 
 
 Item paie a le Bedell po«r iiij verger del meyrysrydynglyvrey viij' 
 
 Item paie pear takyng de possession de no/re meson en Chep'p/ir Tho7w<zs 
 
 Hardyng iij^ vij'' 
 
 Summa xxx'' viij= vj"* 
 
 Item paie a John Carpinter po«r le Rollyng de vn dede powr le Bake- 
 hows p's ijs vj"' 
 
 Item paie po«r expens' a le fFair de Saynt Barth' xij^ 
 
 Item paie po«r Bothir deux foicz a Westm/»rfer cu/w le mair po«r le 
 Custum' p's xvj'^ 
 
 Item paie a John Bederenden & autrez pwr le Endemakyng entre le 
 Craft & Symound Eyr viij^ iiij^ 
 
 Item po«r j key po«r le parlour dore iiij"^ 
 
 Summa xiij^ vj"* 
 
 la reparacion de diuers placis 
 
 Item paie po«r lamendyng del flowr del Ovyn en le bakehows vj^ viij"* 
 Item paie po»r lamendyng de Stairys en la dit Bakehows xij"* 
 
 Item paie pwr pavyng del mesme Bakehows vij" 
 
 ^ John Brokly, a Draper, was Mayor this year. 
 ' The last four words added in another hand. 
 
The Earliest JVardens^ Accounts 3x7 
 
 ftem paie po»r pavyng de xx teys le Teys viij<i S»wm<« xiij^ iiij^ 
 
 Itffm paie po«r xij ibote de playn Ston po«r castyng de wat^r iij^ 
 
 Item paie po«r iij Carteffull de pavyngston ouesq«ez ]e Cariage viij^ 
 
 Item paie po«r xj lodys de Gravaile le lode a v^ S»wma iiij^ vij^ 
 
 Item paie po»r vn lokke en vn plate pwr le halle dore towarde le kechyn 
 
 & pour ij Rennyng staplis a le vtterhalJe dore &po»r ij Clampis & vn 
 
 plate po«r vn fourme en le Sale p's vj" 
 
 Item paie poor lamendyng de vn lokke del graunde Chest & vn bolt po«r 
 
 le Seler dore p's xiij"* 
 
 S«w»m<sr 1^ viij'J 
 ^umma de lez paymentis en tout Amount liij" xv^ v^ ob' 
 
 lez detto«rs de veile q«/«rterage 
 
 Symound Coppesheve iiijs 
 
 John Gameleye de Colchestre vj^ 
 
 John Edsale de Saynt Edmundhisbury ys 
 
 John Towkevyle v^ 
 
 Alisaunder Anne v' 
 
 Thomas Emery v^ 
 
 Henry Hert viij^ 
 
 Edniunde Salle ijs 
 
 ?>umma xl* 
 
 lez dettoars de lez apprentishodis 
 
 Henrj Wotton po«r John Carpinter xx' 
 Thowas Hardyng po«r Willzam de lahaye q«/ fiiist le apprentise de John 
 
 Glyn xx' 
 
 John Briklys po»r Thow^zs Bri' Northeflolke xx' 
 
 John Wardewyke po«r Will/<jm Hytchyn xx' 
 
 ThoOT^s Acris po«r Nich' Tetersale xx' 
 
 John Brockele po«r Robert Marchaunt & Henry tenterden xl' 
 
 Symound ' Eyre po»r Henry Ber' & John Dryffeld xl' 
 
 John Sebam po»r John Beredog xx' 
 
 Willwm Risseby po»r '^'AXiam. Edwyn xx' 
 
 Richard Smythcote po»r John kynge xx' 
 
 Robert Shirborn po»r John Eyrlyngton xx' 
 
 Summa xiij'' 
 Summa totalis de dettors xv'' 
 
 This entry is crossed through in the original. 
 
giS The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 
 
 Rest en Ore & Argent deliuere a Nich' yoo Thomas Skot John knyght 
 
 & a Nich' Barton xvj« xv» iij'' 
 
 Item Rest en diuers Dettowrs xv'' 
 
 Summa totalis & Rest en Ore Argent et en diuers 
 
 Detto«rs amount en toute xxxj'' xv^ iij** 
 
 La' acompte de Water Cherteseye Symound Eyr' Richard flfbrdell 
 & John Gladwyn Acompte en le vigill de Sayntz Symound & Jude Ian 
 du reigne le Roy Henr' Sisme puis le conquest treszysme 
 
 La^ Accompte de Nicholas yoo John knyght Thomas Scot & Nicholas 
 Barton fait le iiij'= io«r de Nouembre Ian du Regne le Roy Henr' Sisme 
 puis le Conquest xiiij' 
 
 Accounts Ian xiiij de Roy Henr' vj' 
 
 Aug. 14; f Ceux sonnt lez Resseitz queux Will/um Parchemener Will/'/im Kyrton 
 
 for year ' Benet Harlewyn & Ric' Sharpe onnt Resseux de Nich' yoo John 
 
 Aug. to Aug. Knyght Thom«s Scot & Nich' Barton en lo«r temps po«r lez maistres 
 
 1434-J. dez drapers en le Box de Dieu 
 
 Cestassauoir en le mesme box xvj'" xv^ iij"* 
 
 Item Ressu de Robert Thorp po«r vn Anne xx^ 
 
 Item Ressu de Henr' Barton po«r vn Anne xxiij^ iLij"' 
 
 Item Ressu de John Ruddok p<7«r vn Anne xxvj' viij^ 
 
 Item Ressu de Reynold Welh<im po«r vn Anne vj'' xiij^ iiij^ 
 
 Item Ressu de Thomas Halman po«r vn Anne iij" vj= viij^ 
 
 Item Ressu de John Bythewater po»r vn Anne vj'' 
 
 Ite«z Ressu de Will/am Parson po«r vn Anne xx^ 
 
 Item Ressu de iiij'''' xij persones po«r Io»r quarterage iiij'* xij" 
 
 Summa xlj" xvij^ iij"* 
 
 lez Resseitz de lez Apprentyshodes 
 
 Ite»» Ressu de John Byllesdon po«r John Aleyn xx" 
 
 Item Ressu de Ric' langton pour Henr^ Eburton xx= 
 
 ltez» Ressu de John Hylle po»r Thomas Court xx* 
 
 Item Ressu de Will/am Cornewyke po«r John Poynnter xx= 
 
 Item Ressu de John Shirbourne po«r John Tyrlyngton xx* 
 
 Item Ressu de John Bekyngham pour Thomas Emind xx= 
 
 Itew Ressu de John Brokle pour Robert Marchaunt xx^ 
 
 Item Ressu de luy po«r Henr' Tenterden xx= 
 
 Item Ressu de Will/am Reresby po«r William Edwyn xx» 
 
 ' Endorsement on the outer page of the last leaf. 
 ^ Endorsement on the outer page of the first leaf. 
 
Vjs 
 
 viij'' 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij"* 
 
 Vjs 
 
 viij"' 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij'' 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij"! 
 
 xlvj= 
 
 viif 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij'' 
 
 The Earliest Wardens'' Accounts 5x9 
 
 item Ressu de Thomas Sebeme en p«rtie de paiemtwr po«r John Bcr- 
 
 dogge x« 
 
 It«w Ressu de John Will/«m po«r John Howet xx' 
 
 Swwma x'i X* 
 
 lez Resseitz del Temporall Box 
 
 Itew? Ressu de Ric' Onehand po«^r son entre 
 
 Ite»i? Ressu de Robert Bertyn po«r son entre 
 
 \\.em Ressu de Stephene Marchaunt po»r son entree 
 
 \X.em Ressu de Roger Haysand po»r son entre 
 
 \\.em Ressu de John Stokker po«r son entre 
 
 \\.em Ressu de Will/'«m Home po«r son entre 
 
 \Xem Ressu de John Anntrus po«r entre 
 
 \X.em Ressu de Barth' lathe pwr son entree xi= 
 
 \\.em Ressu de Cxlj persones powr lez minstrell po«r le Rydynge de Jes 
 
 viscountz xlvij^ 
 
 \X.em Ressu del Argent de les pouerez dones p^rr diuerez persones del 
 
 mistier p<ir lez mains de Will' Edy 8c Stephene Grene Collettowrz 
 
 del dit argent Cestassauo/r pwr le terme de seint Michcll Ian xiij« 
 
 iij'' xij= v'f- 
 Item Ressu en mesme le fourme del Argent de les pouerez par lez ditz 
 
 Will' Edy & Stephew Grene le veill' de pask Ian xiij« xxx' 
 
 Item Ressu de Alisaunder Anne de veil dette xij"* 
 
 Summa xiij'' xvij^ ij^ 
 
 les Resseitez del Temporell box pour lez fynes 
 
 Item Ressu de John Derby po«r le ffaute del Rydynge oue le mayre viij'' 
 
 Summa viij"' 
 Summa totalis de toutz les Resseitz amou»te Ixvj'" v» 
 
 lez paiements del Box de dieu 
 
 En p/mez paie a Wode smeaunt pour le Serche del feir' de s' Barth' 
 
 iij* iiij'' 
 Item paie pour boier a le feir' de s' Barth' vij'' 
 
 Item pa/e pour Batellage & botehir' a Westm' al terment del Roy iij« iiij'' 
 Item paie a viij mynstrell pour le Rydynge dez viscountz liij' iiij^ 
 
 Item paie pour Boier pour lez ditz mynstrell le mesme iour iij* x"* 
 
 Item paie pour viij Chaperonz pour lez ditz mynstrell & pour di' Chaperon 
 po«r Thomas oue le Trompe xix= vij^ 
 
 Item paie a Thomas Bedell pour vn Chiuall pour Rydynge ou' lez viscountz 
 
 xif 
 Item paie a lay pour vn Chiuall pour Rydynge ou' le maire xij'' 
 
 1603-X U U 
 
330 The Earliest IF ar dens' Accounts 
 
 Item pate a lez prestys del Bowe Cestassauoir a s;V John Walker pour vn 
 
 Anne iij" vj= viij'i 
 
 Item paie a luy en Reward en la vacacion del autre preste Cestassauoir 
 
 pour ij termez vf viij^ 
 
 Item paie a lautre preste pour demy Anne iiji' vj* viij"* 
 
 Item paie a lez prestys & Clerkys del Bowe pour le Dirige iiij^ iiij'i 
 
 Item paie a lez Clerkys del Bowe pour vn Anne vj= viij"* 
 
 Item paie a lez Clerks del Bowe pour Ryngyng & boier al dirige xv]^ 
 
 Item paie a lez Syngers de masse de notie dame a Bowe vj= viij"* 
 
 Item paie a le Chaundeler pour lez lyghtys and syngynge Candell pour vn 
 
 Anne a Bowechirche xv= f ob' 
 
 Item paie a Ric' Waldyngfeld almesman pour vn Anne liij« iiij"" 
 
 Item paie a Ric' Stryke almesman pour iij quarters dun Anne xl* 
 
 Item paie a lez Chirchewardyens de s' Mathewes pour quyte Rent pour vn 
 
 Anne xx" 
 
 Item paie a WUUam Sowthecote pour quyte rente pour vn Anne v' 
 
 Item paie a luy de Rerages del dit quyte Rent pour ij Aimes x" 
 
 Item pme a le p^^rson de Seint Swythynes pour son offryng pour vn Anne 
 
 pour lez place dez drapers vj" viij'' 
 
 Item paie a Thomas Bedell pour son Salar' pour vn Anne iiiji» 
 
 Summa xxiij^' xv" j^ ob' 
 
 Item paie a Nich' Southecote pour quyte Rent pour vn Anne poar le 
 
 Bakhous par le vicar de Croydon xx» 
 
 Ite»!» p«/e a Will/zsim Osbarne po«r vn bille de apprentyshodes pour vn 
 
 Anne xx.^ 
 
 Item paie pour Alowaunce del messe del mayre xl" 
 
 Item paie pour wasshynge de diuerz naperye ij' vj"* 
 
 Item paie a lez pleyers mynstrell & pour Russhes xxiiij' 
 
 Item paie pour vn copye del Charter de lez Tayloars xix* iiij^ 
 
 Item paie a John veysy almesman pour di' Anne xiij* iiij* 
 
 Item paie a William Bono«r almesman pour j q«arter dun Anne v'f viij"* 
 Item paie pour payn & vyn pour mons' Ponyngs & Madame oue lowr 
 
 gentz ij» 
 
 Item paie pour ffewell & hangynge vppe del Hallynge & pour takynge 
 
 doun del Hallynge arer' pour mons' xv"* 
 
 Item paie pour botehir' pour le present' del maire a le Roy viij"* 
 
 Item paie a Thomas Bedill pour vn Tubbe. viij* 
 
 Item paie a John Carpenter iiij verger di' & di' q»i»rter sang' eng' a ix' viij"* 
 
 Sumtaa xliiij^ viij"* ob' 
 
 Item paie a Alisaundre Anne ij vergex sang' eng' a ix* viij'^ & ij vergM 
 
 scarlet le verge a xij' Sumvaa xlilj* iiij** 
 
 Item paie a lez ij prestys viij vergM sang' eng' le verge a vj* Summa xlviij' 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 531 
 
 \Um pate a Thomas Clement Btdell di' verge & di' quarter scarlet & di' 
 verge & di' quarter sang' eng' pris toutz x^ 
 
 Item pale a John Reynewell demy verge & di' quarter sang' engrain le 
 verge a ix» viij-i xiij» vjd ob' 
 
 Itew paie pour hangynge vppe takynge doun & fbldynge vppe del hallynge 
 a le feste xvi'^ 
 
 Item pak pour Amendynge dun lok j keye & j bolt po«r le hautpas dore 
 
 VJd 
 
 Summa xiiij" xiij^ vj<J 
 
 lez Reparacions de diuerez placez 
 
 Itew paie pour vn lokke oue j keye po«r le meison de Ruddok vj"* 
 
 Itew paie pour vn borde oue le werkemanshipp po»r amender le hautepas 
 
 del parlo«r tang' a le kechene ijd 
 
 Item paie a vn mason po»r iiij io«rz & di' po»r amendynge de lez herthes 
 
 en lez Rentez & en le Bakhous parurent cheson io«r viij^ ob. iij» ij"* 
 Item paie a vn seruant laborer a dit mason po«r le mesme temps xxij"* 
 Item paie p»«r ij lodez lyme po«r le dit werke ijs 
 
 Item paie po«r vn lode sonde po«r lez ditz werkes v* 
 
 Itew! paie pour j lib' Candell p«»r le dit werke ]<* ob' 
 
 Itew paie pour Cariage de ij lodez Robous vj'' 
 
 Itew? paie a vn Tyler pour Tylynge del Bakhous & lez Chamber so»x le 
 
 parloar po«r ix io«rz vj* vij"* ob' 
 
 Item paie a vn laborer seruant a dit Tyler poar le dit werke & po»r Tyle 
 
 pynnez iij» vj^ ob' 
 
 Ite»? paie pour vn m' Tyles & po«r certeyns Rofe tyles v' x'^ 
 
 Item paie pour lyme & sande pour le dit werke iij* viij^ 
 
 Item paie pour Cariage de Robows & po«r boier xxij'^ 
 
 Ite«8 paie pour naylez po»r le Goter a le Bakhous xvj'* 
 
 Itew paie pour feisare de notre parte dun Goter partable parentre John 
 
 Weliys & nous a le Bakhous vij' 
 
 Ite»z paie a vn plomer po«r Sowdynge dun Goter sous le Chamber del 
 
 parlour iij= x^ 
 
 Item paie pour vn Cartefull Stonys pour le Bakhous xvj^ 
 
 Item paie pour feisure dun Chemeney en le hostiell de Reynold Welham 
 
 en Chepe xxj= viij"* 
 
 Item paie pour vn Sak lyme po«r le fourneys en le Squelerye ij"^ 
 
 Item paie pour freston po»r le fb«rneys en le Squelerye xij"* 
 
 Item paie pour j barre de ferre po«r le dit fo»rneys pois vij" x<* ob' 
 
 Item paie pour herthelome pour amendyng del Ovene en le kechene ij"^ 
 
 Summa i'j" vij^ vij"^ 
 
3 3 '2' The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Item paie po«r werkemanshippe del dit fo«rneys & amendyng del mesme 
 Ovene xx<J 
 
 Item paie a vn Tyler pour v iourz pour poyntynge del Sale & pour Closynge 
 del Chemeney en lostiell de Reynold Welh^m paraant le iour viij"* 
 
 Summa iij= iiij"^ 
 
 Item paie a vn laborer seruaat a dit Tyler pour v io«rz ij* vj'' 
 
 Item paie pour vn pekke de Tyle pynnes pour le Sale j"* ob' 
 
 Item paie pour vj'= Roffenayles & demy C latthes & vn borde pour le Botine 
 
 del Goter en le meison en Chepe xiij"* ob' 
 
 Item paie pour demy m' Tyles pour loftiell de Reynold Welh<s:m ij^ ix'^ 
 Item paie pour demy c Tylez pour le Sale iij^ ob' 
 
 Item paie pour cc Solatte Stoaes pour le Sale xyj"* 
 
 Item paie pour iij Sakks lyme & vn lode sande pour le Sale & loftiell de 
 
 Reynold Welh/?m xj^ 
 
 Summa xiiij= ob' 
 Summa totalis de toutz les paiementz Amounte xlij'' x» iij'' 
 
 lez Detto«rz de veill quarterage 
 
 Symond Coppesheve iiij° 
 
 John Gameleye vj' 
 
 John Edsale de Seint Edmundes Bury v= 
 
 John Towkevyle v* 
 
 Alisaundre Anne iiij* 
 
 Thomas Emerye V 
 
 Hcnr' Hert viij^ 
 
 Emund Salle ij' 
 
 Summa xxxix' 
 
 lez Detto»rs de lez Apprentyshodes 
 
 Henr' Wotton pour John Carter xx^ 
 Thomas Hardynge pour Will/«m de lahay qui fuist apprentys de John 
 
 Glyn xx« 
 
 John Brikkelys pour Thomas Northefolk xx' 
 
 John Wardewyke pour William Hytchyn xx*! 
 
 Thom<?s Acrys pour Nich' TatersaJe xx» 
 
 John Seberne pour John Beredogge x= 
 
 Ric' Smythecote pour John kynge xx" 
 
 John Pake pour John Pake Jun' xx^ 
 
 John Wotton pour Robert Borwyke xx* 
 
 Emery Matany po«r Thomas Moreton xx' 
 
 Will?4fm ' Russell pour John Wase • xx' 
 
 ' Against this entry is a note in the margin, 'Ressu pa*- farch.emaier\ 
 
 s 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 333 
 
 Thomas Brembill po«r John Pekerynge xx» 
 
 Robwt ^ Cristemasse po«r Thom<»s Nesse xx^ 
 
 Ric' Hyght po«r John Hychecok xx^ 
 
 Will»«m Raper po»r Thomas Joyous xx' 
 Roger Talbot po»r WiII/<jm Wolryche Barth' Cowper & John lyon iij" 
 
 John Gedney po«r Thomas Garwardeby & Robert Whitehill xl^ 
 
 Nicholas yoo po«r Nich' Warde & Edmund Rusby xl« 
 
 Ric' ' Onehand po*r Will/am Twyvill xx^ 
 
 Water ^ Thorpe po«r Thomas Elys xx' 
 
 John ' Wyot po»r Thomas Mongomery xx^ 
 
 Benet Harlewyn po»r Thomas frenwyk xx= 
 
 Roger ' Haysand p««r Alisaundre Haysand xx* 
 
 Ric' Sharpe po«r philip kery & John knyght xl^ 
 
 John « Cok pour John Holder xx^ 
 
 S«wma xxix'* X* 
 
 les Detto«rs po«r Rent 
 
 It«w Andrew Trotte Taylo»r po«r vn Anne entier xxviij* 
 
 Summa xxviij* 
 Summa totaUs de toutz les Dettoarez Amonte xxxij" xvij* 
 
 Rest en Ore & Argent deliuere a William parchemener William kyrton 
 
 Benet Harlewyn & Ric' Sharpe xxiij'' xiiij* x^ ' 
 
 Item Rest en Diuerz Detto«rz xxxij" xvij« 
 
 Summa to/atV q»/ Resten Ore Argent & en Diuerz Detto«rz Amount en 
 
 tout Ivj" xj= x"^ 
 
 Thys accompt y made the ix day of Nouembre the xix'^^ yer' of kyng Accounts 
 Harry the vj*s by John Gedney ^ maister John Wotton John Derby presented 
 Robert Bertyn & Thomas Cook Wardeynes of the craft of draperes for Nov. 1440, 
 the yer last past ffurst resceyued by the accompt of the olde Wardeynes f°r y^^r 
 in the box xvf x« Aug. to Aug. 
 
 Also resceyued of diuers personys for fynys y mad for the feyr of seynt 
 mary overey as hit enseweth 
 
 Of Richard Thomebery xx-J 
 
 Of Edmund Miles iiij^ 
 
 OfWylliawComewyk viij-i 
 
 Of John Hille iiij^ 
 
 Of Robert Awnell iiij'' 
 
 ' Against each of these entries s a note in the margin, ' Ressu par parche- 
 mener '. 
 
 " The balance is id. too much. 
 
 ^ John Gadney was the first Master. 
 
 1439-40. 
 
334 ^^^ Earliest Wardens* Accounts 
 
 OfWylliaOTThyrston iiij" 
 
 Of Wyllia/w Warde v\\f 
 
 Of Wylliaw Mewe iiij'' 
 
 Of John Dowbyll iiij'' 
 
 Of Robert fly tz Andrew iiij"* 
 
 Of Thomas Bracy nif 
 
 Of Wylliazw Waltyngfeld ivif 
 
 Of Thomas Peretre viij"' 
 
 Of John Pake iiij'' 
 
 Of Taomas Salman iiij'' 
 
 Of John Crappyng iiij"* 
 
 vij' viij'^ 
 
 Also resceyued of duers personys for mercements for diuers causis 
 
 Of parchemener iiij'* 
 
 Of Northampton iiij'' 
 
 Of Harry longespee iiij'' 
 
 Of John Whyt iiij'i 
 
 Of Thom.«s Wellys xx^ 
 
 Of John parkcr iiij^ 
 
 nij' \.\xf 
 
 iid 
 
 [Summa totalis] xvij'' xiiij' 
 
 Also resceyued for fynys of hem tha/ fayled at the mayris rydynge 
 
 Of Emery Matany ij' 
 
 Of Thomas Cook the elder xx^ 
 
 Of John Stystede xx<» 
 
 Of Stephen March<iunt viij^ 
 
 Of Ric' Onhand xx^ 
 
 Of John Wykys xx'^ 
 
 Of Ric' Thornberye xvj"^ 
 
 Of Roger Hayzand xij^ 
 
 Of Thom/7S Thornton xvf 
 
 Of Thomas Bernewey xvj* 
 
 Of John Hygh/j:m xij"* 
 
 Of John Norman xij"" 
 
 xvj» iiij^ 
 
 Also resceyued of diuers personys for the schrevys mynstrallys that is to 
 
 seye of eche persone iiij"* whiche amounteth xlix» iiij"* 
 
 Also resceyued of Robert Derby for a fyn vj» viij"' 
 
 Also resceyued of Rauf Asteley for his entre by rewpc/on xl' 
 Also resceyued of Richard Bayly for his entre by redempc/on vj" xiij» iiij^ 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 335- 
 
 Also resceyued of Thomas Crosse for his entre vj' viij<i 
 
 Also resceyued for newe quarteragys of iiij=™ iij p^rsonys iiij" iiijs 
 
 xvjK xv» iiij* 
 
 xij* 
 xij^ 
 
 Also resceyued of Old • .... her yer' dewe 
 
 OfWyll/tfmEdy 
 
 Of Wyllwm Cherv . . . 
 
 Of WylHam Par . . . 
 
 Of John D . . . "-"xllj' 
 
 Of John ff . . . xijd 
 
 OfThom . . . xijd 
 
 Of John , . . xijd 
 
 Of [xif] 
 
 O [xijd 
 
 O [xijd= 
 
 O [xijd' 
 
 O [xijd= 
 
 xij» 
 
 Also resceyued of r[e]ntys to th^ craft belongynge 
 
 Of Tho»w<« Halman .... for an hool yer iiiji» xiij' iiij^ 
 
 Of Harry Barton for .... ol yer xxiij^ iiij'' 
 
 Of Thomas Scott for an hool yer xx* 
 
 Of John Ruddok for an hool yer xlvj' viiji^ 
 
 Of John Derby for an Hool yer iiju 
 
 Of Aldonce Scherman for an hool yer liijs iiijd 
 
 Of Wylliaw Broughton for an hool yer xx* 
 
 xyii xvj« viij"! 
 [Summa totalis] xvj'' viij» viij<* 
 
 Also resceyued for dyu^rs is to seye 
 
 Of John lynge for Joj&» 
 
 Of John Bryklys for Ri 
 
 OfWyll//»maerkforJoh» 
 
 Of Thom/«s Hardyng for 
 
 Of Stephen^Mtfrchifljnt forWy . . . 
 
 Of Roger Kelseye for John 
 
 Of John Stokker for R 
 
 Of John Stokker for 
 
 Of Thom<«s Malter for 
 
 Of Thomas Aylesby 
 
 ' The marks of omission indicate a lacuna in the manuscript. 
 
33^ The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Of Stephen Salm<7w 
 
 Of W///;«w? Russell for John 
 
 Of Will/«m Russell for 
 
 OfWillZ-^m Russell for 
 
 Of John Cristemasse for 
 
 Of Harry Braye for Joh» 
 
 Of Robert Scherbo»rne for 
 
 OfWyllidm Anveldfor 
 
 Of Wylli^m Sampole for 
 
 Of John NankelJy for Nug 
 
 The Sowme of alle resceitz aforeseid Ix'' v' ij"* 
 
 These ben the parcellx payd at diuers tymes for the vse of the Craft of 
 drapers 
 
 ffor a barge to Westmynster at the mynde of the kyng ij dayes vj' 
 
 ffor an elle of Spynall to wrappe ynne the baneris iiij"* 
 
 ffor mynstrallys ior the schrevys liij' iiij'' 
 
 ffor the mynstrallys hodys and drynkyng xix^ 
 
 ffor a barge to Westmynster for the Craft v' 
 
 ffor boot hire diuers tymes yn & owt for the aulnage xj^ 
 
 ffor oure cou»seil & for deuysynge of a bille to the mair & drynkynge v' 
 ffor huyre of iiij hors for botell of sdet wyn & our costys to Carpewter 
 
 xiijs iiij'' 
 ffor a wrytt to discharge Ruddok xij"* 
 
 ffor a Copy of the oth of the aulnage xij"* 
 
 yeven to leuysh<7m for dispewsadon of the oth for the leden seel 
 
 xxvj' viij"" 
 ffor a peir endenturs be twene Ruddok & vs mad by leuysh^m clerkr ij' 
 ffor a lyne & an banier paid to Ruddok vj' viij'' 
 
 ffor drynkynge with levesham diuers tymes & with his clerkis xij'' 
 
 ffor endenturs be twene Gladwyn and vs xij"* 
 
 ffor a box for oure patent ' iij"* 
 
 ffor iij yerdis and an half musturells for maister Ric' Barnet xvij' vf 
 ffor the bedellys hors at the mayris rydynge xij"* 
 
 ffor wyn at the cardinallis hatt in presence of o»r maister & our cou»seil 
 
 xiiij* 
 
 ffor bred and wyn & colys in presence of our maister & o«r souereyns 
 
 aldermew & Garto»r in Drapers Hall ^ ij= ij^ 
 
 ffor peyntyng of viij scochons ij' viij"* 
 
 ffor reward to Gartour ^ iij"* vj' viij"* 
 
 ' The Charter of 17 Hen. VI. 
 
 ^ First mention of the Drapers' Hall. 
 
 ^ For their Grant of Arms. Granted March 1439. 
 
The Earliest Wardens* Accounts 357 
 
 ffor a yerd & half scarlet & musturels for an hood to Garter xij^ 
 
 yeven to Garteris ij men iij^ iiij"^ 
 
 ffor Gartour is dyner in the presence of the Wardeynys vj^ viij*^ 
 
 flfor portreyyng in diuers wysis of our comune seel xij"* 
 
 ffor devysyng and for wryting of our dede of Arrays & for a notaries 
 
 signe ' v'f v\xf 
 
 ffor lymnynge of the same dede v^ 
 
 ffor Gravinge of the comune seal ^ xxiij^ iiij"^ 
 ffor xij vncey & iij q«arterons siluer therto the vnce ijs vij"* xxxij' xj"* ob' 
 [total of page] xvp iiij^ vij"* ob' 
 
 ffor a payre endenturs vndur the comune seel for Carter is hood viij"* 
 
 ffor a purs to the seal and a keye to the box viij"* 
 
 ffor a Copy in the chau»cery of the newe article in the tayloars charter^ ij= 
 
 ffor ij billes devysing & writing to the meir for the same article ij^ 
 
 ffor Haydok man of lawe xx^ 
 
 ffor boot hire to Westmynstre & hom diuers tymes vj"^ 
 
 ffor setting of our Armys in Glas wyndowys in drapers halle vj= viij"' 
 
 ffor iiij lib' talow candel for our prestis at the lowe churche V* 
 
 ffor peynting of scochou»s with our Armys in the parlour iij^ 
 
 ffor xj lode & iij sakkis of lym xj' 
 
 ffor ij tyleris xij dayes the day viij"^ xvj= 
 
 ffor ij laboreris as many daies a day v"^ x* 
 
 ffor iiij buschell of tyle pynnys ij^ 
 
 ffor a Goter * of tre in the kechen & the werkmanschipe vj^ 
 
 ffor X lode of sand iiij= ij"* 
 
 ffor iiij lode and iiij sak of lym iiij^ viij-i 
 
 ffor v-"!' of large tylys the ml' vj= iiij^ xxxj= viij<i 
 
 ffor ij"^' tylys the thousand v^ vf- ylf 
 
 for iij buschellys of tyle pynnys xviij<i 
 
 ffor vij evys bordis ij' iiij'^ 
 
 ffor m' & half roof nayl xvj<J ob' 
 
 ffor carryynge of tyles to the halle xyf 
 
 ffor ij tyleris vj dayes the day viij<i viij' 
 
 ffor ij laboreris vj dayes the day v* y^ 
 
 ffor ij tyleris viiij dayes the day viij-i x^ viij^ 
 
 ffor ij laboreris as longe the day v<i yj^ yiif 
 
 ffor caryyng awey of xiiij lodis robus iiijs iiij' 
 
 ffor a Carpenter a day viij ob' 
 
 ffor ledgis and bordys x 
 
 ffor a Clasp and a bolt to the wyndowe ij"* 
 
 I For their Grant of Arms. Granted March 1439. 
 
 = They were given the right to have a Common Seal by Patent 17 Hen. VI. 
 
 3 Charter to Taylors^ cf. Clode, Merchant Taylors, pt. i, p. 3^. * Gutter. 
 
 1603.1 XX 
 
 id 
 
338 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 ffbr naylis iiij* ob' 
 
 ffor a boUe ij"* 
 
 fFor a peyre of garnettf and hokis thfrto vj^ 
 
 ffor ij staphs ij^ 
 
 ffor pych and rosyn and workmanschip to th^ goter iiij"^ 
 [total of page] viij" xvj' x<J ob' 
 
 ffor loder to the Goter in the stret j^ 
 
 ffor makyng of a tynde v'f 
 
 ffor nuncions among werkmen \f if 
 
 ffbr iij^ latthis if 
 
 ffor a lode of lomb hSxf 
 
 fJor a dawber and his man xiij'^ 
 
 ffor a mason ij dayes xvij<> 
 
 ffor his laborer ij dayes -xf 
 
 ffor traunsom nayl iij^ 
 
 ffor a trestel foot j"^ 
 
 ffor bord in the gable ende of the halle iiij'' 
 
 ffor naylis f- 
 
 ffor the werkmanschip therof iiij"* 
 
 ffor refresching of the cotidyan hallyng xxiJ 
 
 ffor bromys and for a schovele iiij"* 
 
 ffor a keye to derby is schoppe dore iiij'^ 
 
 ffor hopis to the olde tubbis iij'' 
 
 ffor a lokk to the lede & for a bolt & me»ding of a lok in chepe x* 
 
 ffor vj burdons of ruschen & the berynge xviij'' 
 
 ffor hanging vp & taking don of the hallyng Jisf 
 
 ffor a quarton of roof tyle xviij'^ 
 
 ffor ij<= tylys xiij^ 
 
 ffor oure ij prestis singinge at bowe Churche x" 
 
 ffor Ric' Waldyngfeld liij^ iiij"* 
 
 ffor Thom/js Qement iiij" 
 
 ffor our wax for the yere at bowe Churche xvij' 
 ffor mynstrallis and pleyeris at your feste xvj= viij<* 
 
 ftbr wasching of naperie ij^ 
 
 ffor the clerkis of the bowe for alle the yere vj" viij'^ 
 
 ffor the singeris at our masse v^ 
 
 ffor piirson and clerkis at our dirige & masse iiij'^ 
 
 ffbr ringeris at bowe churche & drinking xij^ 
 
 ffor allowaunce of the meiris messe jd' 
 ffor allowaunce of aldermen of other craftis by alle the company nempned 
 
 and assigned xl^ 
 
 ffor lym & werkmanschip at bowe corner vj^ 
 [total of page] xxiiij'' xvij^ xj'' 
 
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 339 
 
 for ij garnettis for a Gapyas yf- 
 
 fFor quarter bordis & ledgis viij^ 
 
 fFor half an hundred of yj peny nayl iij<* 
 
 ffor planke borers and fyletts V* 
 
 fFor a Carpenter a day viij"i ob' 
 
 fFor quit rente to seynt mathewe for a yere xx^ 
 
 ffbr taking dou» & setting on of glas wyndows at yo»y feste viij'' 
 
 fFor led to the Goter in the kechen and thoruz the larder xxxix^ iij"* 
 
 ffor quyt rente of the bakhous ' xx' 
 
 fFor quyt rente of the posterne v^ 
 
 fFor the persun of Seynt swythyns vj^ viij"* 
 
 flFor a bylle owt of the Chambre for apprentys hodis xx^ 
 
 ffor an obligacon and defesauncez to Derby and for wax xiiij<^ 
 [total of page] iiij" xvj^ xj"* ob' 
 
 The somwe of all the expencM aforeseid liiij" xvj= 111]"^ ob' 
 The Som/we in money in the box is v^' viij^ ix^ ob' 
 
 These ben the detours to the craft dewe by the sessing of th/V = o»r yere 
 
 Robert Clopton iij 
 
 Symond Eyre 
 
 Robert Cristendom and Staundon 
 
 John ffabyan 
 
 Harry loilgespee 
 
 John Whyt 
 
 Wyll/<arni Horn 
 
 Raynold Welam 
 
 John Wyot 
 
 Ric' ffordel 
 
 Wili;<?m Alyf 
 
 Benet Harlewyn 
 
 John Ryngefeld 
 
 Nicho/«s Barton 
 
 John Bridges 
 
 Thomas Cook the elder 
 
 John HUle of ComhUle 
 
 John Cristemasse of Cornhille 
 
 John Wottun 
 
 Middelam of Suffolk 
 
 Summa xxx" y? 
 
 ' Amount altered in original from v=. 
 
 == First notice 6f assessing. Probably for a ' riding ' on some pubhc occasion. 
 
 i» vj= 
 
 viij"i 
 
 v" 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 xx' 
 
 Vjs 
 iij= 
 
 viij'i 
 
 ■iiij'^ 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 xxs 
 
 
 xxs 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 xxvjs 
 xiij' 
 
 viij"^ 
 
 iij" 
 
 iiiijd 
 
 xxs 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij'i 
 xls 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij'i 
 xxs 
 xls 
 
 
 XXS 
 
34-0 The Earliest Wardens Accounts 
 
 These ben the dettours of olde quarterage 
 
 Robert Whitingh^m xij<J 
 
 Rauf Holand xij'^ 
 
 S/V Wyll/<«in Gerveys xij^ 
 
 Thom<«s Haseley xij'' 
 
 John Bytterden xij"* 
 
 Ric* Swayneseye xij'^ 
 
 Thomas Pyk vij^ xij^ 
 
 [total of page] xxx'> xvij^ 
 
 Wylliam Surcotys yiif 
 
 Wyll/ia:m Baron xij^ 
 
 Thomi«s Burgon yv^ 
 
 Wyllwm Mund xij^ 
 
 iiij' 
 
 These ben the dettours of Apprentyshodys ^ 
 
 my maister Brokley for Robe?*t Seyken xiij^ iiij'^ 
 
 my maister Brokley for Walter xiij= iiij"^ 
 
 my maistere Brokley for Thom/«s Hapthorp xiij= iiij^ 
 
 Symond Eyre for Robert ffyscher xiij^ iiij'' 
 
 Wyll«<zm £dy for evbod £dy xiij= iiij'' 
 
 Wyllz'/zm Norhampton for Thomas Dou xiij* iiij"* 
 
 Wyll/am Norhampton for Thomas yonge xiij= iiij"* 
 
 Wyll/am Parchemener for Ric' ffoot xiij^ iiij'^ 
 
 Wyll/«m Chervel for John Richer xiij^ 111]"^ 
 
 Thomas Pyke for John Marven xiij= iiij^ 
 
 Thomas Pyke for Robert Stowke xiij^ iiij'' 
 
 Raynold Welam for Thomas Maryot xiij= iiij^ 
 
 John Cokke for Harry Elderton xiij^ iiij"* 
 
 John Wyot for John Brandon xiij^ iiij"i 
 
 Edmund Pountvyne for Robert Rewel xiij'' iLij"* 
 
 John Ruddok for Jamys Compe xiij^ iLij'' 
 
 John Ruddok for John beauchampe xiij^ iiij'* 
 
 John Dene for Thomas Crosse xiij= iiij'^ 
 
 Nicho/as Mason for Ric' Danscombe xiij= iiij'' 
 
 John Wardewyk for John Corbett xiji» iiij'' 
 
 John Norman for John Dale xiij= iiij^ 
 
 John Norman for Harry Cunstable xiij^ iiij"* 
 
 ' Fee for apprenticeship ijx. 4^. So it was in 1475. 
 
xvj" 
 
 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 541 
 
 Thomas Salman for John ffrebam xiij^ iiij"^ 
 
 Robert Hawnel for Harry Aleyne xiij= iiij"* 
 
 [total of page xvj" iiij=] 
 
 These ben the quarteragis owynge by diuers personis so 
 
 Of my maister Nicho/<js Wotton xij^ 
 
 Of my maister John Brokley xij'^ 
 
 Of my maister Robert Whitingham xij^ 
 
 Of my maister John Raynwelle xij^ 
 
 Of my maister Rauf Holand xij'^ 
 
 s/V Ric' Thorp xij"^ 
 
 s/r Wyll/-«m Gerveys xij"* 
 
 Thom<is Haseley xij'^ 
 
 John Bytterden xij-^ 
 
 John Tatersale xij^ 
 
 Thomas Hardyng ^f 
 
 John Kyrkely xijd 
 
 GefFray yermowthe xij"* 
 
 Wyll/am Northampton xij-i 
 
 Wyll/am Parchemener xij'^ 
 
 John Ramsede ^^t 
 
 Thomas Stanus xij'' 
 
 John Dyer xij<J 
 
 Ric' Swaneseye xy' 
 
 lS 
 
 Alexaner Child xij 
 
 d 
 d 
 
 Nicho/as Barton xif 
 
 John Spenser ^^ 
 
 Thomas Pyke ^j 
 
 John Wode xijj 
 
 Wylliam Sybson ^^ 
 
 Thomas Brou» ^J 
 
 John Style xij^ 
 
 John Elvysch ^IJ^ 
 
 Thomas Goodhynde ^ 
 
 Ric' Hersy ^ij^ 
 
 WylUe Baron ^% 
 
 John Cokke ^^ 
 
 xxxij" 
 
 Somwe of all the dettys is xlviij^' x 
 
ffor thayr Entreys xxvj^ viij'^ 
 
 34X The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 
 
 Accounts Thys Accompt y made the vij day of Noumbr^ the xx^" yere of Kyng 
 
 presented Harry the vj'« ' By John Brokley mayster John Stoker and Roger Haysand 
 
 Nov. 1442, Wardens of the Crafte of Drapers ffor the yere last past fiyrst resceyued 
 
 for year by the accompt of the olde Wardens in the Box yi'" viij^ ix^ ob' 
 
 f°^il°''^"^' Allso Resceyued off Will/^im Rysby flbr a fFyne that he made at the 
 ''■^ ~ ■ mayrys rydyng xij^ 
 
 Allso Resceyued of Richard Payne. 
 Rec' off William Wantyngffeld % 
 Rec' off" Thomas Bracy 
 Rec' off Robert Mylnere ) 
 
 Allso Resceyued ffbr newe qwartyrage off iij'™ and viij personys iij" viij^ 
 
 Summa x^' iiij= v"^ ob' 
 
 Allso Resceyued off Olde qwartyrage of th-sr^ othyr yere dewe Off Thomas 
 Hardyng yif 
 
 Allso Resceyuyd off the revenewys to the Crafte belongyng 
 Off Thom^y Halman ffor a hole yere for ij tenementys iiij'' xiij= iiij'^ 
 
 Off Harry Barton ffbr a hole yere xxiij^ iiij-^ 
 
 Off Thomas Cotton ffor a hole yere xx« 
 
 Off John Ruddoke ffor di' yere xiij^ iiij-i 
 
 Off John Darby ffor a hole yere iij" 
 
 Off" John Aldowce Scherma» for a hole yere liij' iiij'* 
 
 Off Will/am Botter for a hole yere xx= 
 
 Off Thomas Cowper ffbr a hole yere iiij'' xiij^ iiij<i 
 
 Off" Richard Robert Skynner ffor a hole yere xx^ 
 
 Off Thomas Cowper ffor the terme of ij yere & di' of owre tenyment 
 
 ix'' vjs viij^ 
 xxix'' iij5 iiij"^ 
 
 Allso Resceyued ffor dyuers Apprenticialees that ys to Sey 
 
 Off" my maistet Brokley ffbr Robert Seykyn x^ ' 
 
 Off my Taaister Brokley ffor Walter x= 
 
 Off my maistet Brokley ffor Thomas Hapthorpe x« 
 
 Off my mahtev Brokley ffor Thomas Halbroke x= 
 
 Off my maister Brokley ffor Edmund Bykbysworthe x^ 
 
 1^ 
 Summa xxxj" xiiij^ iiij*' 
 
 Allso Rec' off my ma?V^er Nycoloz ys for John Adam x* 
 
 Rec' off Davy Selly ff"or Ric' Huberdy x= 
 
 ^ R. Clopton, a Draperj was Mayor this year. 
 
 ^ The fee for apprenticeship is varying between 13/. /^d. and ioj-., unless indeed 
 those paying i ox. are paying the balance of a previous year which had been unpaid j 
 cf. account of 1413-14. 
 
xiijs 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 
 xs 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij<J 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij"! 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij<' 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij<^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'J 
 
 
 xs 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij'^ 
 
 
 x^ 
 
 
 x= 
 
 
 x« 
 
 
 x^ 
 
 
 x" 
 
 
 x^ 
 
 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 343 
 
 Rs' of Thomas Portre for Thomas Gooderyche xiij^ iiij'^ 
 
 Rec' off Thomas Portre ffor John Wenflrey 
 
 Rec' ofFWill/am Waldyngffeld ffor John Morton 
 Rec' oft Benet Harwyn ffor Geffrey Gernon 
 Rec' off Will/am Rysby ffor Ric' Seman 
 Rec' off Wilkam Thurston ftor Will/a;w Holtham 
 Rec' off Symond Knell ffor John Rumbold 
 Rec' off John Willyam ffor Ric' Mason 
 Rec' off John Willyam ffbr Will/am Hyde 
 Rec' off Ric' Skrey ftbr John Eston 
 Rec' off Robert Edolffe ftor Robert Osbom 
 Rec' off John Dawe ftbr Hewe Page 
 Rec' oft Thomas Salman ffor John ftrebarn 
 Rec' off John Pake ftor Thomas Basse 
 Rec' off William Parchmener ftor Ric' ftbte 
 Rec' oft Robert Hawnell ffor Harry Aleyn 
 Rec' off" John Stoker ftbr Alexander Swynborn 
 Rec' oft Emery Mateny ftor Ric' Barnardeston 
 
 xj" xiijs iiij'J 
 
 The Som«?e of all the resseyts a ffore Seyd liij" xij^ j'^ ob' 
 
 Ress' off the Executoars off Thomas Aylysby at hys beqwest xP 
 
 Thez be the parcells payd at dyuers tymez ftor the vse oft" the crafte of 
 draperye 
 
 ffyrst ffor a Barge to Westmy»styr to the mynde off the kyng ij dayes v^ 
 All so ftor a Barge to Wcstmynstyr wyth the Scheryffys ftbr the Crafte v^ 
 Itew? ftor bote hyre to Westmynstyr ftbr my lord off Salysbery dyuers 
 tymes vj"^ 
 
 \\em ffor the Bedylls hors at the mayrs rydyng xij"* 
 
 Viem ffor a qware off papyr iij'^ 
 
 \\.em ftbr iiij lb. talow candyll ffor yowr prystys at the Bowe Vf- 
 
 Item ffor vj Byrthyn off ryshen for your Hall xviij"* 
 
 Item ftor havyng vp & takyng downe of the hallyng xvj<^ 
 
 Item to the ij prystys oft the Bowe ffor the yere x" 
 
 Item to Ric' Waldyngffeld liij^ iiif 
 
 Item to Watkyn ffrebarne liij= iiij"^ 
 
 kern to Thomas Clement Bedyll iiij" 
 
 Item ffor wax to the Bowe chyrche for the yere xvij^ vj^ 
 
 Item ftor mynstrylls & players at owr ftest xyj^ viij'' 
 
 Item ffor waschyng off napery ij® 
 
 Item to the Clerk of Bowe ffor all the yere vjs viij<J 
 
 Itew ffor Syngers at owre masse v= 
 
344 'T^^^ Earliest U^ardens^ Accounts 
 
 Item ffor Prystys & Clerkys at owre dyryge iiijs 
 
 Itfw ffbr ryngers & drynke xij"^ 
 
 Item flfor a lowans off the mayrys mese xl^ 
 
 Item ffor a lowans off alldyrme»s mess off odyr Craftys xl^ 
 [total of page] xxvj'' xiiij' vij^ 
 
 Vaid ffbr the qwyte rente to Seynt Matheus for a yere xx= 
 
 ffor qwyte rente off the Bakhouce xx= 
 
 ffor qwyte rente off the postren v^ 
 
 To the person off Seynt Swythyns ffor offeryng vj^ viij<^ 
 
 ffbr a Garnet to John Darby Schop in chepe iiij^ 
 
 To John Darby ffor wrytyng off a copy for the crafte viij'' 
 
 To the Glasyer ffor takyng off & Settywg on of a wy»dow viij'' 
 
 ffor a byll owte off the Chambyr for p^-entyshodys xx"^ 
 
 ffor hokys & naylys ffor the chambyr ]^ ob' 
 
 ffor Sawdyng off' goters off^ Cowpers howse iij* iij<i 
 
 ffor vj yerdys off'vyolet at xij= the yerde ffbr my lorde of Salysbery 
 
 iij'' xijs 
 ffbr mahter Adam Molens vj yerds of vyolet at xij^ summa iiji" xij^ 
 
 ffor John Carpentyr a yerde & di' off vyolet at xij= summa xviij^ 
 
 ffor Mahter Ric' Barnet a yerde & j quarter vyolet price x^ v"* 
 
 ffbr Will/am Chadworth a yerde & j quarter Scarlet & vyolet price 
 
 xiij' iiij'* 
 ffor Burgeyn maw off^ lawe a yerde & j quarter Scarlet & vyolet price 
 
 xiijs uij"^ 
 
 ffor vylton ma» off lawe a yerde & j quarter Scarlet & vyolet pw'ce 
 
 xiij^ iiij'^ 
 ffor viij yerdys of vyolet ffor the prestis gownez xlviij^ 
 
 ffor the Bedylls hodc jyerde & j quarter Scarlet & vyolet pw'ce xij^ viij'^ 
 To Thomas Cowper ffor certeyn reparac/bns done viij" xix' xj<^ 
 
 paid to maister Ric' Barnat ffor a Entryng & ij copyes iij^ iiij'' 
 
 [total of page] xxv" xiij= [viij"^ ob'] 
 
 The So^wme off all the expences a ffore Sayd lij'' viij' iij'^ ob' 
 The Som«?e in the Box ys iij" iij^ x<' 
 
 Thez bene the Detto«rs to the Craft by the sessing off the yerys be ffore 
 Seyd 
 
 My maister Clopton iiji' vj= viij'' 
 
 Symond Eyre v'» 
 
 Robert Crystyndom & Staunton iiij" 
 
 John ffabyan xx= 
 
 Harry longespee vj' viij'' 
 
iijs 
 
 iiijd 
 
 
 xx* 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 xx« 
 
 xxvjs 
 xiij^ 
 
 viij'' 
 iij'' 
 
 XX' 
 
 vj» 
 
 xl= 
 
 vjs 
 
 viij"^ 
 xxs 
 
 x> 
 
 
 xx* 
 
 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 345- 
 
 John Whyte 
 
 Willwm Home 
 
 Reynolde Welham 
 
 John Wyot 
 
 Richard fFordell 
 
 WiUiam AlyfFe 
 
 Benet Harlwyn 
 
 John RyngfFeld 
 
 Nycho/i/s Barton 
 
 John Bryges 
 
 Thomas Coke ye Elder 
 
 John Hyll in Cornhyll 
 
 John Crystmas in Cornhyll 
 
 John Wotton 
 
 Myddylton in Suffblke 
 
 [total of page] xxx" x= 
 
 Thes bene the Detto«ys off olde qa^rteragw wych ware gyfyn to vs 
 
 My v£Mstex Brokley xij*^ 
 
 Robert Whyttyngh^m ij* 
 
 Raffe Holand ij= 
 
 S/r Will//«ni Gervyse ij* 
 
 Thomas Hasley ij* 
 
 John Byttysden 'if 
 
 Richard Swaynseye ij* 
 
 Thomas Pyke ij' 
 
 Will/am Surcotys xij<^ 
 
 Will/am Baron ij^ 
 
 Thomas Burgone xij"* 
 
 Will/am Mounde xif 
 
 My maistei Nycho/as Wotton xij'^ 
 
 My mahter John Raynwell xij<^ 
 
 John Tatyrsall xij^ 
 
 John Kyrkeby xif 
 
 Geffiray yermowthe xij"^ 
 
 Will/am norhamton xij"^ 
 
 Will/am Parchmener xij<i 
 
 John Ramsed xif 
 
 Thomas Stanns xij^ 
 
 John Dyer xij^ 
 
 Alysaundyr Chylde xif 
 
 Nycho/as Barton xij"^ 
 
 John Spenser xij<i 
 1603-1 Y y 
 
34^ The Earliest JVar dens' Accounts 
 
 Thomas Browne 
 John Dodde 
 Will;^m Sybson 
 John Style 
 John Elvyche 
 Thomas Godehynde 
 Richard Hersy 
 John Cokke 
 SzV Richard Thorpe 
 
 xlij= 
 
 Thes bene the DettoKrs of appretityshodys 
 
 My m.aistet Norman flfor John Dale 
 My m-oistex norman ffor Herry Cunstabyll 
 Symonde Eyre ffor Robert ffycher 
 Will/i?m Edy ffor Ewbot Edy 
 Will/am Norhamton ffor Thomas Donwe 
 Will/am Chervell ffor John Rycher 
 Thomas Pyke ffor John marven 
 Thomas Pyke ffor Robert Stowke 
 Reynolde Welham for Thomas maryot 
 John Cokke ffor Herry Eldyrton 
 John Wyot ffbr John Brandon 
 E</monde poyntvyne ffor Robert Rewell 
 John Ruddoke ffor Jamys Compe 
 John Ruddoke ffor John Beauchampe 
 John Dene ffor Thomas Crosse 
 Nycho/as mason ffor Richard Danscombe 
 John Wardewyke ffor John Corbet 
 Thomas Goold ffor Herry Rote 
 My ma/rfer Gedney ffbr John wynche 
 My mahter Gedney ffor Thomas Bothe 
 Davy Selly ffor Nycolas Goldyng 
 Thomas Wynslow ffor Waltyr Qwyke 
 John Awntrus ffor Robert Braddele 
 John Walshaw ffor Robert Beanforde 
 Roger Beauchamp ffor John Beauchamp 
 
 [total of page] xvij"* vj^ viij'' 
 
 Richard Thornbery ffor Ric' Thorpe 
 Richard Thornbery ffor Will/am Knyght 
 Riclbard Thornbery ffor John Owyn 
 Will/am Home ffor Thomas Webbe 
 
 
 xi}^ 
 
 
 xif 
 
 
 xij-i 
 
 
 xi]^ 
 
 
 xij<* 
 
 
 xif 
 
 
 xif 
 
 
 xi}^ 
 
 
 xif 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij"^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
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 xiij= 
 
 iiij"* 
 
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 iiij"* 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'i 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij<i 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 xiij' 
 
 iiij<^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 111]"^ 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij'J 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij'i 
 
 xiij^ 
 
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 xiijs 
 
 iiij"^ 
 
 xiij= 
 
 iiij'^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iuj<i 
 
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The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 547 
 
 Emery ' mateny ffor '9S.chard Bernardeston 
 Eda' Petevyn ftor Roger mathewe 
 
 [total of page] iij" vj* viij"^ 
 
 Thes bene the Quartyragys owyng by Dyuers personz thys yer 
 
 My laahtei Nycho/<7S Wotton 
 
 My matstev Robert Whyttyngh^m 
 
 My maister John Raynwell 
 
 Mahter Raffe Holand 
 
 S/> William Gervys 
 
 Thomas Hasley 
 
 John Hygh«m 
 
 John ffemall 
 
 John Byttyrden 
 
 John Tatyrsall 
 
 John Kyrkby 
 
 Geffray yermowthe 
 
 John Ramsede 
 
 Thom/?s Stanus 
 
 John Dyer 
 
 Alysaundyr Chylde 
 
 Nycoles Barton 
 
 John Spenser 
 
 Thom<JS Pyke 
 
 John Woode 
 
 Wdliam Sybson 
 
 Thomas Browne 
 
 John Style 
 
 John Elwyche 
 
 Thom^rs Goodehynde 
 
 Richard Hersy 
 
 WilUam Baron 
 
 [total of page] xxvij^ 
 
 Will/«m Sampowle 
 John Awntrus 
 Parkar the yonger 
 Willi/?m Brakley 
 WiJlwm Wyxetys 
 Thomas Goolde 
 Bartylmewe Plumer 
 lasy Dyer 
 
 ' This entry is crossed through in original. 
 
 xiij' iiij"^ 
 xiijs iiij<i 
 
 xij'^ 
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 xij'' per lay sand. 
 
34-8 The Earliest JVardens Accounts 
 
 Brambyll Dyer 
 
 Gylyam de loynes 
 
 John Grysley 
 
 Reynold Welham 
 
 Robert Scherborne 
 
 Will/«m Benet 
 
 John Whyte 
 
 Robert Crystmas 
 
 Thomas Bakere 
 
 Jeffrey Chyttok 
 
 Harry longespy 
 pe>- Haysand. Thomas Burgoyne ma» off'lawe ' 
 
 Aspley ma» off lawe ' 
 per thursto«. [total of page] xviij^' 
 
 The Some off" all the detts ys Iv" x= iiij"! 
 All to John Ruddoke owyth ffbr di' a yer rent xiij^ iiij^ 
 
 xij"* 
 xij"* 
 xij^ 
 xij"* 
 xif 
 
 yi\f 
 
 yXf 
 
 xij"J 
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 XIX 
 
 NOTE ON GRANT OF THE SITE OF THE FIRST 
 DRAPERS' HALL 
 
 In the reign of Edward I, Robert Ayguylon left a ' tenter ground ', 
 i. e. a plot where clothes are stretched after fUlIing or dyeing, which had 
 apparently once belonged to Fitzalwyn, first Mayor of London, to the 
 Chapel of Watton atte Stone in frankalmoigne.^ This Chapel granted 
 the site in the same reign to Fulk St. Edmund at the rent of 5: marks to 
 the Chapel and 6s. %d. to the King, and his descendants held it till the 
 reign of Richard II. It was then declared forfeited as having been 
 devised in mortmain by Robert Ayguylon and first given by the King 
 into the custody of John Hende, a Draper, and then granted to Sir John 
 Beauchamp (1384.) with a rent of 5 marks payable to the Chapel. It had 
 then certain shops built on part of it. 
 
 In 1 385: Sir John granted it to Richard Forster, Thomas Charleton, 
 and two others for 6 score marks. But Hende continued to occupy 
 a piece of the ground 3 8 ft. by 8 ft. abutting on his own house.^ 
 
 In 14.08 Richard Forster and Thomas Charleton granted the plot 
 to the following joint tenants : Elias Bockyng, John Botiller, Walter 
 
 ' N.B. — Two lawyers, members. 
 ^ Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 6o\. 
 ^ A. viii. 177. 
 
Thejirst 'Drapers' Hall 54.9 
 
 Gawtron, William Denardeston, William Weston, Richard Coroner, 
 John Gedney, Robert Luton, and John Prentout, reserving a yearly 
 rent of ^y for Forster's life and the Livery of the Company.^ 
 
 In \i,x6 (5' Henry VI) John Gedney, William Weston, and 
 Walter Gawtron released their share to John Botiller and Richard 
 Coroner.^ 
 
 In the same year John Botiller and Richard Coroner granted it to 
 William Crowmer,John Gedney, Robert Tattersall, Sir Thomas Cooke, 
 and thirty-six others. 
 
 In 1483 (i Richard III) by the death of the other joint tenants the land 
 was in the hands of Philip Cooke, son of Sir Thomas, and he granted it 
 under the name of 'Drapers' Hall' to Sir William Stokker, Harry 
 Eburton, and others. Cf. 40^, fo. 33b, ' Greatdede with letter of attorney 
 of Philip Cook to Sir Wm. Stokker and other ofthe crafte '. 
 
 In 14.89 (5: Henry VII) the others released their share to Eburton, and 
 in 14.90 Eburton devised it to the Fraternity, as well as other tenements. 
 This will is referred to in the Accounts of 1489-90, ' Item paid to Harry 
 Wodecock scrivener for making a testament and other devises to put 
 Drapers' Hall and other tenements into mortmayn and other expenses 
 ^2 loj. ifd' Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. doi. 
 
 Now it is to be observed that, of the grantees in 1408, the names 
 of all, with the exception of Elias Bockyng, Robert Luton, and William 
 Denardeston, appear in the Accounts of 1413-14 and 1423-4, while of 
 the grantees of i^x'^S all appear in the Accounts between 1413-25. 
 
 As we have no Accounts between 1408-13, it is no wild supposition 
 to make that the three, whose names do not appear in or after 141 f, had 
 died between i4o8-i5'. And if so all the grantees in joint tenancy were 
 Drapers. It is also noticeable that the terms on which Forster granted 
 the land was that he should be granted the Livery of the Brotherhood, 
 which shows that he was, or became, a member. Thus it appears that 
 from 13 8f the land belonged entirely to members ofthe Fraternity, and 
 was no doubt held in trust for it. Further, the Accounts ofthe year \iip.6 
 mention a sum oi £66 131-. 4^. paid to William Crowmer. We are not 
 told why, yet as the land had been valued in 1385' at 6^ score marks (^80), 
 it seems most probable that the sum paid to Crowmer was for the land or 
 for a balance yet unpaid. This is rendered all the more likely by the 
 iact that in that year, as is proved by the Accounts, the Brotherhood begin 
 to build their Hall, which is called Drapers' Hall in 1440. There 
 is also notice of a quit-rent of 6s. %d. paid to the Parsons of St. Swithin's 
 for the Hall in 143 3-4 and in the following years, which probably repre- 
 sents the 6s. id. originally owing to the Crown. Cf. the Documents 
 quoted and abstracted in Catalogue, vol. ii, p. 38f, Drapers' Hall. 
 
 ' A. viii. II J. ^ A. viii. iz6. 
 
35*0 N.ote on Grant of the Site of 
 
 The explanation of this curious and complicated transaction appears to 
 be this : 
 
 By the Charter of Henry VI (144.1) the Fraternity had been authorized 
 to purchase lands, tenements, rents, and other possessions, while that of 
 Edward IV had given them licence to hold lands, tenements, and rents 
 up to the value of {p.o per annum, for the payment of their two chap- 
 lains and other purposes. But beyond this, by the custom of London, 
 citizens enjoyed the peculiar privilege of devising or leaving by will 
 (though not by grant inter vivos) ' lands and tenements within the City 
 in mortmain up to any value and without any licence. It appears that 
 this custom was disputed at this date, since Elyas Bokkyng, a Draper, 
 when devising a tenement to the Rector of St. Swithin's in 1410, espe- 
 cially provided 'that if at the time of his death the citizens were 
 prevented from devising on mortmain as of old they were accustomed ', 
 the tenement should be sold by the Rector to four trusty parishioners for 
 the time being and the proceeds devoted to charitable uses.^ The original 
 intention, therefore, of the co-tenants in 14.08 had probably been that the 
 survivor of them should devise the land in question to the Fraternity and 
 so evade the mortmain laws. In the year 1434. (15 Henry VI), however, 
 an Act of the Common Council forbad the enrolment of any testament 
 of lands which had come to the devisor by a side or fraudulent testa- 
 ment for this purpose. The Company were therefore unable to complete 
 the transaction. As it was not proposed to attach any burdens on the 
 possessors of the land in question, it was doubtful whether a grant of it 
 would be covered by the terms of Edward IV's licence. Moreover, 
 a general licence to hold in mortmain did not supersede the necessity of 
 a special licence to the grantor to grant lands in mortmain in each case. 
 They were therefore unable or unwilling to receive the land in that way, 
 while a devise would have been contrary to the Act of the Common 
 Council of 1434.. They were therefore obliged to wait, and the system 
 of repeated re-grants was continued till 1490. In that year, however. 
 Justice Brian ruled that citizens being freemen could devise lands to 
 Gilds or Corporations within the City,^ and as the said lands were at 
 that moment in the possession of one man, Eburton, they seized the 
 opportunity to have the devise executed. 
 
 The same kind of transaction was also completed at the same time 
 
 ^ Stat. ly Ric. II. c. y. Apparently before that statute Gilds were allowed to 
 receive lands by grant. 
 
 ^ Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 387. 
 
 ^ Roll. Abr. 555. Brian decided that this privilege only extended to citizens 
 being freemen, not to ' foreigners ', and in Elizabeth's reign it was more plainly 
 stated that it only referred to lands within the City. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of 
 WillSj i, p. xxxvii. 
 
thejirst 'Bracers' Hall 35-1 
 
 with regard to a piece of land in Candelwick Street in the parish of 
 St. Mary Bothaw, which curiously enough had also been the property of 
 Fitzalwyn, and for which a quit-rent of fr. was owing to the Prior 
 of Christchurch. This site in 14.28-9 was in the hands of W. Cromer, 
 T. Gedney, W. Weston, and Sir Thos. Cook, who were also the nominal 
 owners of the site of Drapers' Hall. With that site it eventually and by 
 the same process passed into Eburton's hands, who left the two properties 
 to the Fraternity.' 
 
 There are other instances of similar transactions. Thus in 1^15: 
 Maister Cally gives lands to the Company. Maister Carter takes them 
 over on their behalf, promising to devise them to the Company.^ 
 
 In If 22 Aydrop, a Draper, devises to the Company a house which 
 they had previously bought of Will. Haryot. Rep. 7, pp. 229, 279. 
 
 Another method by which Civic companies obtained lands in mortmain 
 was by having lands conveyed to trustees in trust to convey the same to 
 the Company ; cf. Wm. Dammer's grant of tenements to certain persons, 
 on trust to pay the rents to the Rentor for distribution among poor 
 Drapers, with a proviso that, when the Company by their learned counsel 
 are advised that they are capable by Law, the feoftees or their survivors 
 shall transfer the estate to the Company.^ 
 
 XX A 
 
 THE WARDENS' ACCOUNTS. Anno dm 14.8 1-2, No. 403. ^ 
 
 In tempore Thome Stalbroke Militis Magistri artis PannariorS, 
 Johannis flfynkell, Johannis Tutsm^, Willi Isac Et Ricardi Batte 
 Gardianoij anno xxj° Regis E<^' iiij'' a ilesto assump? bte marie virginis 
 An° dni vt sup^ vsqj ad idm) ffestiB tuc p2 sequea sil? in An° DnD 14.82 
 Et an° regis pdcD xxij° 
 
 This is thaccompt of John ffynkell John Tutsi^n Will^m Isac and Ric 
 Batte Wardeins of the crafte of Drapers of London begynnyng at the 
 ffeste of thassumpcion of oure Lady in the xxj yere of kyng Edward iiij'^" 
 And endyng at the same ffeste of thassumpcon the xxij ycre of the same 
 
 ^ Catalogue, u. 303, A. viii. 317 ; p. 392, A. viii. 121. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, 
 No. VIII, Grant of quit-rent by Fitzalwyn. 
 
 ^ Rep. 7j pp- 333 34- 
 
 3 Book of Ordinances, p. 133 ; Devise, No. 19 ; Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, 
 i, p. xxxvii ; Livery Companies Commission, i. 13. 
 
 21 a. 
 
35"^ The Wardens' Accounts, I48i-x 
 
 kyng Which is by an hoole yere that is to say of alle their receipts and 
 payments by reason of their office by alle the same yere. 
 
 Receipts. 
 fFyrste the seyde Wardeins chargen them to haue resseyued of Mighell 
 Harryes John Hawkyn Ric Hawkyns and Thomas Wynham their pre- 
 decessours Wardeins for the yere laste paste of the fFoote of their 
 accompte Sm^ Ixxx" xj^ y'f- 
 
 Spone siluer. 
 Receiued of Ric Ryse apprentice of maister John Stocker Alderman 
 
 Itm of Thomas Puppelot apprentice of Willm Peryn 
 Itffi of Harold Stavnte apprentice of Rye Langton 
 Itm of John Martyn apprentice of John Worsop 
 Itm of John Dawson apprentice of Will^^m White 
 I? of Robt Helgey apprentice of ffi) Willm Heryst Alderman 
 Itm of Martyn Thwyng apprentice of Thomas Rysby 
 Itm of Percevale Wodehows apprentice of Will^m Wodehows 
 Itm of Will^m Walgrave Apprentice of Willm White 
 Itm of Will^m Heende apprentice of Will^m White 
 Itm of John Nychavele apprentice of Herf Eburton 
 Itm of Waf Maykyn apprentice of John Bartelot 
 Itm of Thomas Aleyn apprentice of Maister Drope Alderman 
 Itm of Antony Wardolf apprentice of Will^m Browne 
 Itm of J hn Hille apprentice of John Hille 
 Itm of Will'^m Couper apprentice of m) § WUlm Stocker 
 Itm of Thomas Rakon Apprentice of Will^m Sibson 
 Itm of John Prentyce apprentice of Thomas Peende 
 Itm of Willm Mawncett apprentice of John Jakes 
 Itm of John Squyer Apprentice of John flynkett 
 Itm of Her? Maldon apprentice of John ffynkett 
 Itm of Ric Andrewe apprentice of Thomas Bronn 
 Itm of John Halle apprentice of Petre Johnson 
 Itm of John Townesend apprentice of Will'^m Isac 
 Itm of Ric fFullebury Apprentice of Will^^m kendatt 
 Itm of Piers Lewys apprentice of Rauf Genet 
 Itm of Thomas Samptan Apprentice of Thomas Sampton 
 Itm of WiH Shingylton apprentice of Rauf Costantyn 
 Itm of Robt ffynkett apprentice of Willm Sibson 
 
 Summa iiij'' xvj^ viij<^ 
 
 Apprentyshodys. 
 Receiued of Ric Hawkyns for Thomas Wymark 
 
 iij= 
 
 iiif 
 
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 iiijd 
 
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 ' iiif 
 
 xiij' 
 
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The Wardens' Accounts^ I48i-x 35-3 
 
 Receiued of Maister White for Edmond GrevyH 
 Receiued of Maister White for Thomas Grawicte 
 Rec of Robt Godewyn for John Daldy 
 Rec of Robt Godewyn for Thomas Hamerton 
 Rec of Thomas Langrych for John Wytewang 
 Rec of Symond Stevinson for Edmond Hayes 
 Rec of Will^m Isac for John Wodecok 
 Rec of Ric Isac for Thomas Wodecok 
 Receiued of Thomas Wattys for Thomas Adam 
 Rec of Hugh Bilby for William Sherman 
 Receiued of John Brampston tor Robt Este 
 Rec of John Wodechirche for Ric Harryson 
 Rec of Kateryn Thorndon for Launceley Thirkytt 
 Rec of Nycholas Bachiller for Thomas London 
 Receyued of Piers Joye for Robt Walden 
 Receyued of Thomas Dixon for Robt Massett 
 Receiued of William Gierke for Will^m Bronn 
 Rec of John Beauch^mp for John Steward 
 Rec of Will^m Peende for Edward Lane 
 Rec of Ric Chapett for Roger Melys 
 Rec of John HiUs Chelder for John leveson 
 Rec of Jamys Hoope for John Coo 
 Rec of Thomas Notson for Thomas Everard 
 
 Summa xvj" 
 
 Receiued of John Brampston admitted by Redempcioa fo 
 
 Summa iiij'" xvj^ viij"* 
 Receiued of Raynold Ruttur for a ffyn vj^ viij"i ) „ ^ 
 
 Receiued of John Bartelot for a ffyn , iij= iiij"^ ) 
 
 Receiued certein personys for mynstrells money xviij^ iiij'^ 
 
 Rectiued of iiij and xij personys beyng in the clothing for q^rtage 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 xiij^ 
 
 'u\f- 
 
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 'i\\f- 
 
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 nif- 
 
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 xiij= 
 
 ' iiij'' 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij'' 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 ' iiij'' 
 
 Receiued of xlj personys oute of the clothmg for q^rterages 
 
 Receiued of Thomas Notson 
 
 It of John Tiler 
 
 It of Nye Bachiller 
 
 It of Ric Wotton 
 
 fi of Willm Wotton 
 
 It of Thom^ Hunte 
 
 It of John Ilee 
 
 It of John Betts 
 
 It of Will»m Cowper 
 
 It of John Middelton 
 
 It of Willm Lewys 
 
 1603-1 Z Z 
 
 iiij" xij' 
 
55'4 ^^^ TFar dens' Accounts^ i^Si-x 
 
 It of Wilt Ekyngton 
 ItofWillmColkyn 
 It ofTBroughton 
 Itm of John Theer 
 ItofRic Whitehed 
 It of Ric Andrewe 
 It of Thomas Cave 
 It of Her? fFawnte 
 It of James Hope 
 It of Thomas Stanys 
 It of Ric Knollys 
 It of Petre Watson 
 It of Rauf Genet 
 It of Thomas Aylward 
 It of Will^m Clerk 
 It of Thomas Hiot 
 It of John Banaster 
 It of Kateryn Thorndon 
 It of Ric Chapell 
 It of John Ante}cnap 
 It of Edmond Clerke 
 It of Wa? Mower 
 It ofWillmStryng 
 It of Robt Smyth 
 It of Willm Hobson 
 It of John Cowper 
 It of Jamys framlode 
 ItofWillmWellys 
 It of Jamys Nesfeld 
 It of Rauf Costantyn 
 
 Summa xlj» 
 
 Receiued of certein personys for the? entre into the clotliing 
 
 Rec of Thomas Langriche vj» viij"* 
 
 It of John Bartelot vj» viij^ 
 
 It of John Colred. vj» viij"5 
 
 It of John Bayle vj^ \\xf 
 
 It ofWill^mBremong vj" viij* 
 
 Itm of Rauf foderyngey vj^ viij"! 
 
 Itm of Raynold Ruttur vj^ viij^ 
 
 Itm of Robt Rowchester vj= viij"* 
 
 Itm of John Skypw* vj^ viij* 
 
 Summa iij" 
 
The Wardens* Accounts, i^Si-x i^") 
 
 Receyued Of Robt Godewyn in fulle payment of A Bille of foure pounde fo, 23 a. 
 
 for the dette of Thomas Strotyng xl' 
 
 Receiued of Robt Manzore of A Rerage of his accompt of the tyme of 
 
 John Pake and his ffelawship xxxj^ viij"! 
 
 Receiued of George Bulstrede for his appntP John Wethipott xiij' iiij^ 
 Summa totalis of alle oure Receipt? jcxxj" xj^ 'if 
 
 Payments and discharges 
 
 ffyrste payde to the mynstrellis for the may re Sr Will^m Heriot knyght 
 
 to Westminster Iv^ iiijd 
 
 Itm payde for a reward to the bargemen to Westmynster with ye SheriflTs 
 
 and after with more Chawrey ageyn with the mayre aforseyd ij' iiij^ 
 ' llm payde to Sr Thomas Appulby for Cristemas quarter xxxiij= iiij"* 
 
 ' Itm to Sir Alisaundre for aystem^s (Cristemas ?) quarter xxxiij^ iiij"* 
 
 'Itm to John ffarley for a quarter wage xxv^ 
 
 Itiii to the howse of Cobham in Kent for the quyte Rent goyng oute of 
 
 the howse yt Gylbert ifranke dwellyd in In Cornhill as apperith by 
 
 acqittaunce xxvj* viij"* 
 
 Itm payd to Robt OIneys counceill for makyng of the indenture 
 
 xxvj^ viij* 
 Itm for parchement and Wax x"* 
 
 Itm for brede and malvesey at the sealing of the seid indenture vij"* 
 
 Itm paide to WiU^m Bremonger for bargehire at thre tymys to WestifD: 
 
 xxxvj* viij^ 
 Itm for ij billys of the chambreleyn of ApprenstishodP xx"* 
 
 ^Itm payde to Will^m Bracebryg for A Res? of the Walk money 
 
 viij'" x= iiij^ 
 Itm payde to Piers Caldecot for A reward graunted by alle ye crafte 
 
 vj'' xjij= iiij^ 
 Itm for hangyng of the halle and Chamberys ij* 
 
 Itm for makyng of thendentures to Her? Wodecok of Gilbert frankes 
 
 hows and for drawing of noote for the Goote iij* iiij'' 
 
 Itm paid to John Assh Sergeant for his ffee vj^ viij^ 
 
 Itm paid for brede in this place the vj day of marche A° xxij^ j'' 
 
 Itm ye same day for A Galon of Osey xij^ 
 
 y' tyme beyng here maister Drope ifD Stalbroke in) sir Will Stocker maist 
 
 John Stocker my maisters the Wardens & ye counceill of ye crafte 
 Itm payde for a repaste made to Robt Olney by consent of the crafte after fo. ij b. 
 
 the discression of William Sibson iiij* 
 
 ' These are the two chaplains of the Company. 
 = Their clerk. 
 
 ' Money paid to repair the walls of the City, a duty imposed on the Greater 
 Livery Companies. 
 
35"^ The Wardens' Accounts, i^Si-x 
 
 Itm paide uppon Shore thursday when my maisters ye wardeins were 
 
 afore the Chamburleyn and iij or iiij mo of worshipful! men of the crafte 
 
 with maister Parker for yer brekefast in an Ale hows by cause of ther 
 
 longe tarying viij'^ ob 
 
 Itm paide for A repaste made to Rofet Olney to her? Ashborne and to 
 
 other lernyd men of his counceill by the wille and agrement of our 
 
 maisters thaldremen & ye counceill of ye crafte xx^ 
 
 Itm paid for hoopyng of tubbys yj'' 
 
 Itm for makyng clene of the leeds and gutters abowte ye place and for 
 
 carying of dust ij* 
 
 Itm for paper and Inke for alle ye yere xij"i 
 
 Itm for Wasshing of napery xx"* 
 
 Itm we aske allowaunce for the meyrys messe mynstrells players and 
 
 russhis for the halle and Chamberys vji" xiij= liij"* 
 
 Itm for John ffarley for gaderyng of quarterage of men beyng oute of the 
 
 clothing if 
 
 Summa tot: of oure paymentP and dischargP xxxyjiJ iiij^ ob 
 
 Rest due vnto the crafte Ixxxv"" vij* j'' ob 
 
 Dettours to the crafte 
 
 Ric Langton by a bille ensealed iiij" 
 Cristofre Colyns by a bille ensealed xl= 
 Itm Rauf Genet for ij apprentices xxvj» viij'^ 
 Itm Robt Manzore for A rerage of an old accompt iij" 
 Itm Thomas kyppyng xiij^ iiijd 
 Itm George Bulstrode for ij Apprentices 
 
 XX B 
 
 THE EARLIEST RENTERS' ACCOUNTS, 148 i-z. No. 141 
 
 This is thaccompt of Symond Stephenson & Richard Stewkeley 
 Renters of the Craft of Drapers of london of all manere Receyts & 
 payments by them Receyued & paide of & for the Rents belonging 
 vnto the saide Craft from the ffest of Cristemas the yere of oure lorde 
 god m' iiij"= Ixxxj vnto the ffest of Cristemas the yere of our lorde god m' 
 iiij* Ixxxij Sir Thomas Stalbroke knyght than beyng maister of the saide 
 Craft John ffynkell John Tuttesham William Isaac & Richard Batte 
 than beyng wardeyns of the same Craft Anno regni regis Edwardi 
 quarti xxj. 
 
The Earliest Renters' Accounts, i^Si-x 35-7 
 
 Candelwyk- 
 strete. 
 
 Saint Swy- 
 thens lane. 
 
 Comhyll. 
 
 Hony lane. 
 
 Bowe. 
 
 Candelwyk- 
 strete. 
 
 Receyts of the rents in london 
 
 fErst receyued of William Dey Coke for a yere xlvj^ viijd 
 
 Item receyued of John Thomson for a hole yere xx^ 
 
 Summa iij" vj^ viij<i p's 
 
 ffirst receyued of William Roydon for a hole yere xx^ 
 
 Item receyued of Tytmarsshts wife for a hole year xiiij* 
 
 Item receyued of Robert Manser for a hole yere xxiijs iiijd 
 Item receyued of William Barker for a hole yere xxiij^ iiijd 
 Item receyued of Thomas Strowtyng for a hole yere 
 
 Item receyued of William Colder for a hole yere 
 Summa viij'' vij^ iiij^ p's 
 
 iijii vjs viij"^ 
 xx= 
 
 xxx^ 
 xxxiijs iiijd 
 
 v" vj^ V11J<" 
 
 iiij" 
 
 fBrst receyued of Cilbert fFrank for half a yere 
 Item receyued of hym for a nother half yere 
 Summa iij" iij^ dij^ 
 
 ffirst receyued of John Hawes for a whole yere 
 Item receyued of William Eton for a hole yere 
 Summa ix" vj^ viij'^ 
 
 Item receyued of William Eton mercer for a hole yere for 
 the shop iijii 
 
 Summa patet 
 
 Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in london this yere 
 
 xxviji' iiijs 
 
 Reparacions & payments done vpon the rents in london 
 withyn the said yere 
 
 ffirst paide for a monell (mullion or post) for the botry dore 
 of William Dey iiij^ 
 
 Item paide for a quarter of Oke j'^ ob 
 
 Item paide for a ledge of Elme j'^ 
 
 Item paide for viij fote of elmyn borde for the same werke iij^ 
 Item paide for xiiij fote of quarter borde for the same werke v^ 
 Item paide for nayle to the same werke j"* 
 
 Item paide to a Carpenter for a day to the same werke viij"* 
 Item paide for iij henges and iij hokes to the same werke xij^ 
 Item paide for a new bolt iiij staples & for a new key vij<^ 
 Summa iij* vj^ ob 
 
gyS The Earliest Renters' Accounts, \/^%i-t 
 
 Quyte Rent ffirst paide to my lady weldon for A hole yere xx' 
 
 in Candel- Item paide to the pryour of Cristchirch in london for a yere v' 
 wykstrete. Summa xxV 
 
 Saint Swy- ffirst paide for a m^ of tyle v^ y'f 
 
 thens lane Item paide to William Roydon tyler for xiij dayes & di' 
 & Drapers tylyng ix' 
 
 hall. Item paide to his labourer for the same xiij dayes & di' V vij"* ob 
 
 Item paide for ix Rofe tyles '\s^ 
 
 Item paide for xiij Corner tyles for the kychen in Drapers 
 
 hall xiij^ 
 
 Item paide for ij lode of Sande xij** 
 
 Item paide for iij lode & v sakkys of lyme iij* viij^ 
 
 Item paide for a plate of tymber for the Sege hous ' at Drapers 
 
 hall yJ 
 
 Item paide to ij Carpenters for a day to make the same xvj"* 
 Item paide to a mason for the vnder pynnyng of the same 
 
 Sege hous v^ ob 
 
 Item paide to hugh Ingram for lath & dawbyng of the same 
 
 Segehous ij^ ob 
 
 Item paide for vlb. of Sowder for the gutters atte drapers 
 
 halle ij» vj'' 
 
 Item paide for ffaggetts to the same werke j"' 
 
 Item paide for ij quarters of Oke for the partable (dividing) 
 
 gutter betwene the Rents of maistres ffermary & drapers 
 
 halle iiij"* 
 
 Item paide for xlvj fote of planch borde for the same gutter xV* 
 Item paide for xliiij fote of lyre borde for the same gutter 
 
 xvj'^ 
 Item paide to a Carpenter for ij dayes werke in the saide 
 
 gutter xvj'' 
 
 Item paide to a nother man for ij dayes werke in the same 
 
 gutter xij'' 
 
 Item paide for xxv fote of quarter borde to the same gutter ix"^ 
 Item paide to a man for to dresse the same gutter ij^ 
 
 Item paide for a C of v peny nayle to the same gutter V^ 
 
 Item paide for a C of iiij peny nayle to the same gutter iiij'' 
 Item paide for di' C of vj peny nayle to the same gutter iij'' 
 Item paide for iij peny nayle j"* 
 
 Item paide for Carrying away of the Rubbes of the same 
 
 gutter iiij"* 
 
 Item paide for makyng dene of the yarde at Drapers hall j** 
 
 ' A Privy. 
 
The Earliest Renters' Accounts, i48i-x' 35-9 
 
 Item paide to John ffarleyforthe Carying away of the Rubbes 
 atte Drapers halle viij<> 
 
 Item paide for the werkyng of ij<= di' & xviij"' of old lede of 
 the saide partable gutter the C xvj'' Summa iij* vj** ob 
 
 Item paide for a quarter & xv lb. of new lede to the same 
 gutter ij« viijd 
 
 Summa xlvj^ ijd 
 
 Quite Rent Item paide to my lady Weldon for the postern at Drapers 
 of Drapers hall vj' viij"^ 
 
 hall. Summa patet 
 
 Charges for ^rst paide to the parson of Saint Swythens for the ofFeryng of 
 
 the Craft of Drapers haUe for a hole yere vj^ viij^ 
 
 Drapers. Item paide to sir Alysaunder Dowdale for his Salary for mid- 
 
 somer mighelmasse & Cristemas v" 
 
 Item paide to John flarley for his Salary for the same iij 
 
 quarters iij" xv^ 
 
 Item paide to Thomas Batter atte diuerse tymes when he was 
 
 in prison xiij» iiij"* 
 
 Item paide to Gabriell the Clerk of Saint Mighells for the 
 
 kepyng of our lady masse atte Drapers ffest and for the 
 
 dirige & masse kept the same tyme ix» iiij"^ 
 
 Item paide to x prests & to the Sexteyn (sexton) of Saynt 
 
 mighells for the saide Dirige & masse iij' viij'^ 
 
 Summa x'' viij^ 
 
 Cornhyll. Item paide for the makyng of the one part of the endentures 
 of lease of the hous which Roger Acheley now holdith vj'^ 
 Summa patet 
 
 Qmte Rent Item paide to the maister of Cobham for a hole yere xxvj' viij^ 
 in Cornhyll. Summa patet 
 
 Hony lane, ffirst paide for ix quarters of oke for a pentice (penthouse) 
 
 ijs iij'^ 
 
 Item paide for di' C & v fbte of quarter borde to the same xx^ 
 
 Item paide to ij Carpenters for ij dayes werke of the same 
 
 pentice ij* viij<i 
 
 Item paide for iij^ & viij fote of quarter borde to the same 
 
 werke ix' 'f 
 
 Item paide to ij Carpenters for ij dayes & di' for makyng of 
 
 the same werke iij= iiij'' 
 
3 do The Earliest Renters' Accounts^ i^Si-x 
 
 Item paide for the Carying of the old hordes of the said 
 pentice vnto Drapers halle ij'' ob' 
 
 Summa xix* ij^ ob' 
 
 Obke of ffirst paide to maister Stalbroke than maister of the saide 
 
 maisterjohn Craft iijMiij"J 
 
 Norman. Item paide to John ilynkell John Tuttesham William Isaac 
 
 & Richard Batte than beyng wardeyns of the same Craft 
 
 of Drapers yj* y'iif 
 
 Item paide to the parson of hony lane viij'* 
 
 Item paide to iiij prests for the dirige & masse xvj^ 
 
 Item paide to the Clerk of honey lane for dirige & masse 
 
 & for the Ryngynge of the Belles xij"* 
 
 Item paide to John ffarley for warnyng of the Craft viij'^ 
 
 Summa xiij' viij"* 
 
 Charges for ffirst paide to the parsoa of hony lane for to pray for the 
 
 maister John sowle of maister John Norman euery Sonday in the yere xx^ 
 
 Norman. Item paide to the Beame light in hony lane xiij« iiij^ 
 
 Item paide to Bosoms lune for ij litell gardens for a yere x' 
 
 Summa xxv' 
 
 Bowe. ffirst paide for makyng dene of the Chambers & for havyng 
 
 away of the Dust iiij"" 
 
 Item paide for a new key & for mendyng of the lok (lock) of 
 
 the chamber dore iiij** 
 
 Item paide for ij keyes for the hall dore & the hatche vj'' 
 
 Item paide for a Bolt of Iron for the same hatche iiij'^ 
 
 Item paide for a new lok a staple & a grete key for the vtter 
 
 dore y^f 
 
 Summa ij' v^ 
 
 Quite Rent Item paide to the Chirch wardeyns of Saint Mathewes in 
 atte Bow. ifrydaystrete for a hole yere xx» 
 
 Summa patet 
 
 Allowances, ffirst allowed to the Tenants in london atte the gaderyng of 
 
 the Rents by alle the saide yere ij' 
 
 Item the saide accomptaunts asken AUowaunces for theire 
 
 wages by alle the saide yere Iiij' iiij'' 
 
 Summa Iv' iiij^ 
 
 Summa totalis of all the Reparacions & payments of the Rents 
 in london this yere xxij" xij' ij^ 
 
The Earliest Renters' Accounts, i^Si-x gdi 
 
 So the Receyts is more then the payments of the Rents in 
 
 london this yere by 
 
 iiij" xjs x'^ 
 
 Vacacions. 
 
 Sonthwerke. 
 
 Sonthwerke. 
 
 Vacacions of the Rents in london this yere 
 
 ffirst the Tenement which William lyster holdith att Bow 
 voyde a yere xl» 
 
 Summa patet 
 
 Receyts of the Rents in Southwerke by alle the saide yere 
 
 flSrst receyued of the godeman of the Bell for a hole yere 
 
 xi> xiijs iiij"* 
 Item receyued of Walter Mathew Blaksmyth for a hole yere xl^ 
 Item receyued of Audryan Clerk for a hole yere xxvj^ viij^ 
 Item receyued of William Vnderwode for a hole yere xx^ 
 Item receyued of John Harrys Drayman for a hole yere 
 
 xxvj' 
 Item receyued of John Joynour for a hole yere xiij' 
 
 Item receyued of Arnold Garwyn for a hole yere 
 Item receyued of John Devyosh for a hole [yere] 
 Item receyued of John Meller for a hole yere 
 Item receyued of Margaret Gryffyn for a hole yere 
 
 viij^ 
 ' iiij"* 
 xxs 
 xxx^ 
 viij« 
 viij= 
 
 Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in Southwerke this yere 
 
 xx'" vj* 
 
 Reparacions & payments done vpon the Rents in South- 
 werke by alle the saide yere 
 
 ffirst paide for iij lode of lombe (loam) xviij<i 
 
 Item paide to a Dawber for iij dayes ij* 
 
 Item paide to his man for the same iij dayes xv^ 
 
 Item paide for di' m^ of Spryg (brads) iij"* 
 
 Item paide for ij lode of Sande xij^ 
 
 Item paide to Burton mason for makyng of the herth of the 
 kechyn in the Bell xiij^ 
 
 Item paide to William Roydon for a m' or tyle v^ vj** 
 
 Item paide to the same William for vj dayes & di' tylyng 
 
 iiijs iiif 
 
 Item paide to his labourer for v dayes if j"" 
 
 Item paide for iiij Rofe tyles iiij** 
 
 Item paide for a pek of tyle pynnes j** ob' 
 
 Item paide for ij lode of lyme ij* 
 
 Item paide for brede & Ale atte diuerse tymes vpon the 
 
 I603'l 5 A 
 
gdx The Earliest Renters^ Accounts^ i^Si-x 
 
 Carpenters & masons when they come for to see the saide 
 Rents (houses) jiij-^ ob' 
 
 Item paide to Byrde the plomer for the grete lede in the Bell 
 which Robert Manser shuld haue paide in his tyme viij' 
 Item paide for di' C & iiij fote of quarter borde for wyn- 
 dowes xix"* ob' 
 
 Item paide for a pece of tymber for to ffurre the stall iuj"* 
 Item paide for ledges for the wyndowes vij'' 
 
 Item paide for nayles for the same werke viij"^ 
 
 Item paide to a Carpenter for iij dayes werke to the saide 
 werke ij» 
 
 Item paide for a plate for the Belle dore v"* 
 
 Item paide for a quarter for to bere vp the Rafters in the hey 
 loft f 
 
 Item paide for nayles to the same werke ob' 
 
 Item paide to a Carpenter for di' a day in the same werke iiij'' 
 Item paide for ij new keyes & ij new staples for the skynners 
 hous viij'' 
 
 Item paide for a latche & A Cache & a Crampe for the Dray- 
 mans hous ij'' 
 Item paide for A new key for the same dore iij"* 
 Item paide for a henge & a hoke for the kechyn dore iiij* 
 Item paide for brede & Ale when John Jaks William Sybson 
 & Richard Hawkyns come for to see the lyvelod of the 
 bell iUj"' 
 Summa xxxvij^ ^'vif 
 
 Obite of ffirst paide for a doseyn of white Cuppes V* ob' 
 
 Benet Item paide for a doseyn & di' of Bonnes ' xviij'' 
 
 Harlewyn. Item paide for iij galons & a quarte of Rede wyne & white 
 
 wyne ij^ ij'' 
 
 Item paide for a kylderkyn of gode Ale ij^ ij'' 
 
 Item paide to John fFynkell Johii Tuttesham William Isaac 
 
 & Richard Batte than beyng wardeyns of the saide Craft of 
 
 Drapers vj= viij'' 
 
 Item paide to the parson of Saint xpofres xx'' 
 
 Item paide to viij prests & ij Clerks for the dirige & masse 
 
 iijs iu.j'' 
 
 Item paide to the Clerk for Rynging of the Belles viij'' 
 
 Item paide to John ffarley for warnyng of the Craft viij'' 
 
 Item paide for the makyng & wast of ij Tapers vj* 
 
 Summa xix= ix'' ob' 
 
 ' Bonny-clabber. Sou milk. 
 
The Earliest Renters^ Accounts, i^Si-x ^6-^ 
 
 Quite Rent. Item paide to Saint Awstens of Caunterbury for quite Rent 
 goyng cute of the saide Rents in Southwerke for A yere xxij= 
 Summa patet 
 
 Charges for fgj-st paide for x galons of lampe Oyle for the lampe atte 
 
 Benet 
 Harlewyili 
 
 Allow- 
 annces. 
 
 White- 
 crostrete. 
 
 Obite of 
 maister 
 Richard 
 Norman. 
 
 Saint Xpofres x" 
 
 Item paide to sir Thomas Appulton for his wages for iij 
 
 quarters of a yere v" 
 
 Item paide to William Wylson the Escheters man of South 
 
 werke 
 
 iij^ iiij^ 
 
 Item paide to the Baylyf of Southwerk for the mercyments of 
 iij Chemeneys ' v' 
 
 Summa v^' xviij= iiij^ 
 
 Item allowed to the Tenants in gaderyng of the Rents by alle 
 
 XX'' 
 
 the saide yere 
 
 Summa patet 
 
 Vacacions. 
 
 Summa totalis of all the Reparations & payments of the 
 Rents in Southwerke the yere ix"" xix= v^ ob' 
 
 So the Receyts of the Rents in Southwerk is more than the 
 payments this yere by x^' vj» vj'^ ob' 
 
 Receyts of the Rents in Whitecrostrete by all the said yere 
 ffirst receyued of John hosyer for iij quarters xv= 
 
 Item receyued Morys Cordyner for A yere xx* 
 
 Item receyued of William Senderby for A yere v» 
 
 Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this 
 yere x> 
 
 Payments of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this yere 
 fErst paide to maister Robert Drope than beyng maister of 
 
 the saide Craft of Drapers vj» viijd 
 
 Item paide to Robert Godewyn Edmond Rigon John Hyll & 
 
 John langrich than wardeyns of the same Craft xx* 
 
 Item paide to the ffryer Awstens of london xxvj^ viij^ 
 
 Summa totalis of all the payments in Whitecrostrete this 
 yere liij' "ij^ 
 
 So the payments is more then the Receyts of the Rents in 
 Whitecrostrete this yere by xiij» iiij^ 
 
 Vacacions of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this yere 
 ffirst the hous which John hosyer late held voyde A quarter v" 
 
364 The Earliest Renters' Accounts, i^^Si-x 
 
 Item the hous which William Sendeby late held voyde iij 
 
 quarters of A yere xv» 
 
 Item the hous next the saide William Sendeby voyde a yere xx» 
 
 Summa xi' 
 
 Summa totalis receyued of alle the Rents in london South- 
 werke & Whitecrostrete by alle the saide yere xlixi" x« 
 
 Summa totalis paide of & for the Reparacions & payments 
 of the saide Rents by all the saide yere xsxv^ iiij» xj"* ob' 
 
 So the Receyts of all the saide Rents is more than the pay- 
 ments this yere by xiiiji' v= ob' 
 
 The wages are interesting : 
 A carpenter id. A Dawber 8//. 
 
 A Tyler id. A Dawber's man ^d. 
 
 A Tyler's labourer 5^. 
 
 XXI 
 
 LIST OF MEMBERS, 145,3 
 
 Wardens' Accounts (No. 403, fo. 4 a). 
 
 Jhesus Maria 1493 et anno regni regis henrici Septimi viij°. 
 
 m' Wynham 
 m"^ Wylcokkes 
 m"^ Nyghtyngale 
 m' Banast 
 
 The Names of them that be of the Crafte of Drapers of london in 
 clothing Anno 1453 
 
 • Wardeyns. 
 
 Maister White Alderman & maister John Saunders 
 
 Maister ffynkell Alderman John Bounde 
 
 Maister Capell Alderman John Wodechirch 
 
 Maister Isac Alderman John Dryland 
 
 Maister ffabyan Alderman John Spylman 
 
 John Beauchamp John Bramston 
 
 John Tutsam John Bartelot 
 
 John Langrith John Bracebryg 
 
 John Hill John Banaster 
 
List of Members, 1493 
 
 ^6s 
 
 John Holden 
 Jamys Nessefeld 
 John Skypwith 
 John Bettes 
 John Croke 
 John Gierke 
 John Squyer 
 John Mylleborne 
 Thomas Peend 
 Thomas Wynham 
 Thomas Wattes 
 Thomas Bowan 
 Thomas Botsell 
 Thomas Creme 
 Thomas Hertewell 
 Thomas Hunte 
 Thomas WoUesby 
 Thomas Awbrey 
 Thomas Notson 
 Thomas Rathebon 
 Laurence Aylmer 
 Piers Joye 
 George Bulstrode 
 William Brogreve 
 William Bracebryg 
 WiUiam Shukburgh 
 William Sybson senior 
 William Sparke 
 William Holme 
 William Herist 
 William Wylcokkes 
 William Brotte 
 William Edward 
 William Nyghtyngale 
 William Norton 
 William Aydrop 
 William Sibson junior 
 William Worthyngton 
 William Venablys 
 William Spynk 
 WiUiam Clerk 
 Robert ffitzherbert 
 
 Robert ffabyan ' 
 Richard Hawkyns 
 Richard Odyham 
 Robert Drayton 
 Robert Gowdeby 
 Richard Stickeley 
 Robert Galson 
 Richard Tripland 
 Rauf ftbderyngey 
 Richard Croke 
 Roger Achilley 
 Richard Cloos 
 Richard Knollys 
 Richard Shoore 
 Richard Wotton 
 John Bruges 
 Robert Wattes 
 Harry Eburton 
 Symond Hogan 
 Symond Stevynson 
 Piers Johnson 
 Harry Axstell 
 Edward flfynkell 
 Symond flfypper 
 Geffrey kend 
 Giles Grevill 
 Petre Watson 
 Piers Starkey 
 Thomas Gylbert 
 Edmonde Brydges 
 Thomas Wattes 
 William Game 
 Water Mowar 
 Thomas Corbett 
 William Dixon 
 Harry Chard 
 Thomas Carter 
 WilUam Wotton 
 Edward Bernard 
 Wylliam Scochdon 
 WylUam Lewys 
 John Nychavell 
 
 Struck out in original. 
 
l66 
 
 List of Members J 1493 
 
 William Courteman 
 WiUiam Galley 
 William Brogreve 
 Robert Thyrkyll 
 Gylbert Gentyll 
 John Devycke 
 Henry Patner 
 Thomas Woodeward 
 Edmund Burton 
 John Browne 
 
 John Witwang 
 John Botnani 
 Rychard Charlys 
 John Telle 
 Richard Andrewe 
 John Game 
 Henry GoUyngham 
 Water Blaunchard 
 Xpofer Askewe 
 
 Jhesus Maria Anno 1495 the Names of men that be of the Broderhed 
 of Drapers oute of the Clothyng 
 
 Thomas Wodeward ' 
 Edmond Grebill 
 Edmond Medcalff 
 Launcelet Chyrkyll 
 
 Wardeyns of the 
 Bachiillers. 
 
 Harry fFabute 
 William Cosgrave 
 John Marchall 
 William ffreman 
 John Middelton 
 Jamys Hoope 
 John Sutton 
 Nycholas Vycary 
 Harry Snowe 
 John Smalleward 
 Thomas ffox 
 John Anteknap 
 Robert Tilleworth 
 John Stokes 
 Thomas Knottyng 
 Thomas Say 
 Edmond Leesson 
 Thomas Derby 
 Edward Johnson 
 John Cowper 
 Thomas Hiot 
 Nycholas Bachiller 
 John Tyler 
 Richard Whitehed 
 John Leveson 
 John Ely 
 
 John Mapulton 
 John Wellys 
 Harry Bagot 
 Robert Waldyng 
 John Cornour 
 Richard NychoU 
 Richard Charlys 
 Nycholas Wyche 
 John Baker 
 Brian Stotisbury 
 John Style 
 John Wyttewang 
 Edmond Casse 
 John ToUe 
 William Garett 
 John Smyth 
 William Wyseman 
 Nycholas Layke 
 Harry Patemer 
 Thomas Richardson 
 Richard Andrewe 
 John Baldry 
 Raynold Wodeshawe 
 Arnold Babyngton 
 Richard Lucie 
 William Prout 
 
List of Members, 1493 
 
 3^7 
 
 Symond Auncell 
 John Browne 
 Edmond Burton, 
 John Euerard 
 Richard Ely 
 John Dunwyche 
 Water Maykyn 
 Xpofer Ayskewe 
 Symond Tiler 
 William Mynett 
 Stevyn flfreende 
 John White 
 Edmond Smyth 
 Thomas Howe 
 William Neele 
 Richard Hylby 
 William Noreys 
 Richard Noreys 
 John Barker 
 Hewe Couper ' 
 John Cheer 
 William Sprynget 
 Robert Oke 
 Roger Lute 
 Thomas Hilton 
 John Devyk 
 John Daske 
 Edmond Hayes 
 Robert flfalowfeld 
 John Sonnyng 
 John Wymer 
 Robert Est 
 John Amore 
 Thomas Gerard 
 
 Thomas Puplot 
 Robert Helgey 
 Martyn Thwyng 
 Parcevall Wodehous 
 William Heende 
 John Hancok 
 Water Blaunchard 
 Thomas Vske 
 John Betenham 
 William Stratton 
 Nycholas Hoo ' 
 John Heddesdon 
 John ffurneys 
 John Brydge ' 
 Richard Drynkemylk 
 John Awedon 
 Nycholas Heriot ' 
 William Alman 
 William larke 
 Harry Colyngham 
 Richard Prowe 
 William Laverok 
 John Rabyn 
 Robert Waldyng 
 William Soper 
 Robert Harryes 
 Alisamid Wellys 
 William Saxby 
 Robert Horneby 
 William Chadkyrk 
 John Game 
 Edward Skelton 
 Thomas Wayte 
 
 XXII A 
 
 WARDENS' ACCOUNTS, No. 4.03 
 
 An° dm. 15-08. An° dm. ifocj. An° 24.. An° pmo. 
 
 Tempe Georgij Monoux Aldermanni ac magri mistere pannarioij 
 london Johannis Banaster Johis Brugge Cristoferi Askue & JoBis Toll 
 eiusdm mistere Gardianojj An° Diii. ifoS Et anno Regni RegP 
 
 ' Strack out in original. 
 
 fo. 85 a. 
 
3^8 Wardens' Accounts, 15-08-9 
 
 Henrici Septitni vicesimo quarto. Et An° pmo H. octaui videlt a die 
 lune pS post fFestQ Assumpcois btS marie virginis An° DnD & An" rrs 
 vt sup^ vsqj ad finem ?mini vni' anni tuc px sequen. 
 
 ReceytP 
 
 fBrst where ou' pdecessou''' the last Wardens chargP them for the fbte of 
 in) Monoux iR) John Milborn in) patmer and in) Wylkynson Accompt 
 We charge vs w' the same fote and dischargP them which Am* to the 
 Soine of xxx'' xvij* v^ 
 
 I? where ou' said pdecessou''' the last Wardens chargP them for the fote 
 of in) Hawkins m) Watson in) Carter and ifD Charlys Accompt we 
 charge vs w' the same fote whiche Am* lxiji» 
 
 I? we charge vs to haue receyved of ou' pdecessou''' the last Wardens for 
 keping of a Just accompt for the hole fote of in) Hawkins in) Watson 
 in) Carter & in) Charlys Accompt w' a Jewell of in) ffabyans whiche 
 heth in plegge of v" Sm^ w' the said Jewell Am* xiij'' ix* 
 
 1? more receyved of ou' pdecessou'*" the last Wardens in redy money at 
 ij tymes vppon the? accompt xxiiijii 
 
 1? we charge vs for the fote of ou' pdecessou''' the last Wardens accompt 
 for keping of a due order therin xxxix^ v"* oB 
 
 I? we charge vs w' a bill of John WetewangP for Willm flfowler his appn? 
 which ou' pdecessou'^'' dd (dedit) to vs xUj* iiij"* 
 
 1? we charge vs for the fote of ii^ Monoux ifD John Milborn in) PatiS) 
 & in) Whylkynson accompt af? a custom vif iiij<> 
 
 I? we charge vs after the same Custom for the fote of Robert fEtzherberds 
 accompt and xvj yerP past iiij'' x= j"* 
 
 I? we charge vs af? the sain custom for the fote of Williii Nyghtingalys 
 accompt & XV yerP past ix^ -^ 
 
 I? of the pakkers flelliship in pty (part) of payment of xl^ due at mydsoiii) 
 An° xxuj° xx» 
 
 I? of the p)or (prior) of Elsyn Spytyll in pty of payment of Ixv" for the hous 
 that he bought of vs and John Braybroke w' hym at ther takyng of posses- 
 sion of the same hous sett in the old Jury in Saynt laurence layn at the 
 ensealing of ou' WritingP about ovt [«c] lady day in lent An° xxiij" v" 
 
 Itin of Walter Aprice in ptie of payment of xx"* lent to hym w' his hovs 
 callyd the Gote to be paid ayen q?Iy euy q? xx* as apperP by his writing 
 So am* that we haue receyved for iij q^fP endyd at mydsomer An° 
 primo Hen" viij Sm» (Summa) iij'' 
 
 Itiii of John Wetwang and Richard NychollP CoUecto'*" for Riding money 
 and other chargP at the Beriall of King Henry the vij* xj" xvj^ viij'' 
 And more that irO Askue & in) Toll were Sessed at x= a man Sm* 
 
 xij'' xvjs viij^ 
 
 I? that in) laur (Lawrence) Starky ow' for the same sessing vj» viij"! 
 Thomas Boughe vj^ viij"i & Ric Cradok iiij^ Sm xvij' iiij"" 
 
JVar dens' Accounts , 15-08-9 369 
 
 iij^ iiij'J 
 iij= iiij"' 
 iij= iiij'i 
 iij' iiij'' 
 iijs iiijd 
 iij^ iiij'' 
 iij= mf 
 iij= iiij"* 
 
 Spone Syluer 
 
 Rec' of Edward Mathen thappnt of Thomas Cremor 
 
 I? of Robrt Nicholson thappnt of Gilbert Gentyll 
 
 1? of Stephii Thurstone thappnt of John Bartelot thelder 
 
 I? of John poret thappnt of Richard CIoos 
 
 I? of Thomas Stowell thappnt of John Hyll 
 
 1? of Richard Achilley thappnt of John Smyth thelder 
 
 I? of Willm Hartwell Sonn of Thomas Hartwell Drap 
 
 I? of John Edwyn thappnt of Willm Isaak 
 
 The lyuey. Bleue and Scarlet 
 Rec' of Jamys Bodenh^m for his Entree in to the same lyuey for dius 
 consideracions vj= viij"^ 
 
 AppntishodP 
 
 Rec' of Willm Sprynget for Robert Hay ward his Appntice vj 
 
 Itm of Willm Game for Rychard Ayrn vj 
 
 Itm of John Wylkynson for Edward Dalby vj 
 
 Itm of Thomas fSude for Rauf RokP vj' 
 
 Itm of Robrt Haylys for Willm Manson 
 
 Itm of Nicholas Cowper for Willm North 
 
 Itm of Edmund Burton for Richard Keekwiche 
 
 Itm of Gefirey Sponer for Thomas Taylyor 
 
 Itm of John Banaster for Willin Kent 
 
 Itm of Walter Champyon for Thomas Brade 
 
 Itm of Edmund Brugge for Robrt Baker at Nele 
 
 Itm of WiUm Roche for John Taylyor 
 
 Itm of Thomas Bowre for Robrt Hardy 
 
 Itm of in) Monoux for John Consyte . ■ . 
 
 Itm of Ricfforth for Thomas Style ... 
 
 Itm of Peter Watson for Walter Walcot pd in An° if 17 to m) Burton 
 
 fo. 8<Jb. 
 
 Vllj" 
 
 viij"* 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 viij"! 
 
 vjs viij<i 
 
 VJ 
 
 vj 
 vj 
 vj' 
 vj' 
 vj^ 
 
 vj' 
 
 vj^ viij'^ 
 
 VllJ" 
 
 viij'J 
 viij"* 
 viij^ 
 viij"* 
 viij^ 
 viij"^ 
 
 Itm of Raphaell papworth for John Clerk . . . 
 
 Redempcioners 
 Rec* of m) Rychard Sutton Squyere and of the Kings Counsell except 
 
 the ClerkP ffee n' 
 
 Itm of Otnell Ratclyf Gentylman Steward of Saynt Gyles in the ffeeld 
 
 except the ClerkP ffee n' 
 
 Itm of Nycholas Hurlton Gentylman Clerk of the Spycery w' the king 
 
 Itm of John Adams Su^nt (servant) w' Sir Willm Capell 
 Itm of Roger Sadler except the ClerkP ffee 
 Itm of Willm laynard of Westmynster 
 
 isos'i 3 B 
 
 ni 
 n' 
 x» 
 
370 Wardens'' Accounts^ 15-08-9 
 
 Quarterage 
 
 Rec' of Ivj psones being of the Maisters lyuey af? iij= euy (every) psone 
 Sm» to the place viij« viij^ 
 
 Sm* to** of all ou' ReceytP Am* clxxv" xvij' ix^ ob 
 
 fo. 87 a. PaymentP and DischargP 
 
 Itfh lent to Walter App Rysse Drap for diiis (divers) consideracions by 
 
 thassent of this place to be paid q?ly ayen xx^ euy q? as by seuall 
 
 wrytingP more playnly appereth Sm'^ xx" 
 
 1? to Morgayn for making of a Statute and apaire of Endenttf'' of 
 
 defesauntP for the said Sm» iij» iiij* 
 
 1? to Richard White for his flfee being ou' §geaunt for this hole yere 
 
 vj= v\xf 
 I? for potacion af? ou' serche at ou^ ladye day the Natiuite in the ffayre 
 
 at Southwark xx^ 
 
 I? for the offring of the iiij™ newe Wardens at Robrt Morleys Masse of 
 
 Requiem iiij"^ 
 
 I? for a lood of loggP a lood of Byllet & x <^\& Colys for the plo^ for this 
 
 yere viij* viij* 
 
 I? for Bargehire to Ric Adams for 5i) Exmewe & m) Smyth ShirefFP and 
 
 af? for ffi) Genyngs Maire to Westin) for potacion & all Sm^ xl^ 
 
 I? for mP [Mistress] Wylds Obyte kept at the ffrerP Augustyns for this 
 
 yere xvj' Vv^f 
 
 I? to the Maister and Brethern of Saynt Gyles by yond holbom for & in 
 
 full payment of the ly tyll hovs next to the Gote in chepe as aperP by 
 
 wryting Sm^ xxxj" 
 
 I? for botehyrP WrItingP & other costP & rewardP spent or we cowd 
 
 agre for the said hows Sm^" xxjq* 
 
 I? for j'» of reed wax for the hole yere viij"" 
 
 R for surche of ctayn (certain) deedP bytwene vs and the por (prior) of 
 
 Elsyn Spytyll for the clerenes (clearance) of the hows that we boujt of 
 
 Hartwell in Saynt laurens layn in the old Jury and af? we sold the said 
 
 hows to the said por Sm* iij= iiij"* 
 
 I? for ou' pte of suche WrytingP as were made bitwen vs and the said por 
 
 & John Braybroke for the fore said hows which we sold to them Sm= 
 
 iiijs 
 I? paid to them of the lyuey (livery) that dyned nother at the Shireflfe 
 
 ffeste nore mairP this yere xxvj= iiij^ ob 
 
 I? for half apece Creste clothe for iiij"' table clothes in the hall for the 
 
 Bachillers brekefast tuysday xvj' 
 
 I? to Thomas Smart CarpenB for the fote of Edward BarnardP Accompt 
 
 vijii ijs v<J and more vppon a Rakenyng xvij^ vij<* Sm^ viij" 
 
 I? to Thomas Smart in arnest for making of ou' hows in Chepe newe 
 
JVardens* Accounts^ 15-08-9 371 
 
 callyd the gote & for making of viij newe kychingP ia Southwark & 
 
 for potacion ^d 
 
 I? for diuising & wryting of dius NotP bitwen the said Thomas Smert & 
 
 vs for the making newe of the said hows callyd the gote in Chepe 
 
 Sm» y3 
 
 I? for potacion w' certayn Carpenters that vewed the bielding of the said 
 
 gote ijijd 
 
 It to Thomas Smert in pty of payment of Ix" for the making of the said 
 
 hOVS y^ 
 
 I? to the said Thome's Smert in full payment for making of the viij 
 kechingP in Southwark v" 
 
 I? for xij torches for the beryall of Henry the vij* weying ccxx« & j q? 
 whereof was wasted xxxiij" at iiij^ le li & xij^ for making of euy 
 (every) torche Sm* xxui^ 
 
 H for carying of vij carpettP to ou' standing to cover the Rayles and 
 for potacion af? the syght at the draps hall w' the Counsell where the 
 endenf^*" bitwene vs & Smert were redd openly for the making of the 
 Gote in Chepe & they were content w' the same Sm^ xij'' 
 
 I? for Ixxxiiij" yerdP of iiro [narrow] white for xij gownys and hoodP 
 yeven to xij torchberers of our own company at v^ ayerd Sm* xxxv^ 
 
 I? for xij paire of grete blake beedP for the said torche berers euy man 
 apayre xix"* 
 
 H to Thomas Newport for making of xij gownys and hoodP for the said 
 torche berers vj= 
 
 I? to Andrue Zule that attendyd the af? nown & the next fore nowne 
 vppon the said torche berers and to kepe them in order xx"* 
 
 I? to xij Ryders morners of ou' iFeliship at the said Beryall that is to say 
 to Si) Banas? in) John Brugge Wardens in) Hawkins ni) Cremor fn) 
 Holden in) Cally ni) Starky i^ Game in) -Burton in) patmer m) Wylkyn- 
 son & in) Carter to euy (every) of them towardP there chargP xiij^ iiij^ 
 Sm^ viij'» 
 
 H to John Wetewang & Ric NichoUP for the colleccion of the said 
 Ryding money for there labo'*" xiiij"* 
 
 Itm to Swyft the MairP Sgeant for arresting Jamys Bronn for disobediens fo. 87 b. 
 to the Wardens viij'^ 
 
 Itm spent at Walter Aprysse tavern af? our serche of our ly velod 
 
 vjs viijd 
 
 I? to the Clerk of Saynt MichaellP in Cornhyll for a Solempn Masse there 
 the Sonday next af? thassumpcion of our lady & a masse of Requiem 
 on the morowe xv* vj'^ 
 
 I? to RoBrt Bromfeld for cariage of x tonn order (ordure) out of the gote 
 in chepe at xvj'' le tonn & iiij"* over xiij« viij'' 
 
 I? to Margaret vvryf of John Chyld pluifier for full payment of a newe 
 Systron (cistern) in in) Hawe hows xvj= x^ 
 
37'2' JVar dens' Account s^ 15-08-9 
 
 I? to Willm Tull bryklayer for making of'viij Chymneys in Southwark 
 
 I? to Willm Tull for vndpynnyng the long Wall next the chirche yarde 
 
 in Southwark xiij^ iiijd 
 
 If to Ric Rowly Smyth for nalys hengP hookP latchis catchis boItP & 
 
 staples as aperP by his byll xvj' iij"* 
 
 I? to Cristofer Malyn glasyer for Iv fote glas in the gote at iiij^ in hony 
 
 layn xix fote glace in Cornhyll for mending of xij paynes & in Saynt 
 
 laur (Lawrence) layn for xx fote neweglas & mending there the old 
 
 glas cont xxxij fote & for the draps hall for iiij" yerP amending the 
 
 fautP there sm* xliij^ 
 
 Wherof ou' pdecessou''' paid hym x^ and we paid xxxiij= 
 
 I? to Thomas Brytt for ix<= lyme at v= sm^ xlv= wherof Barnard pd xx^ and 
 
 we paid xxv= 
 
 H for a lood of hart lathe w' the cariage x^ vj^ 
 
 H to Thomas Alynson for x m' tyle for Southwark at iuj= vj^ sm^ xlv^ 
 
 wherof Barnard payd xv^ and we paid xxx^ 
 
 I? to ffi) Eburtons preste for a q^? (quarter) wagP endyd at Michelmas An° 
 
 h. vij™ xxiiij° xxxiij^ iiij^ 
 
 I? to ffi) BoundP preste for the same q*? xxxiif iiij"* 
 
 I? to § Willm Clynche & § Nicholas pyke our Chapelayns for the same 
 
 qa? iij" vj= viij"* 
 
 I? to § Wyllm HaryotP preste for the same q=? xxxv^ 
 
 I? to Thomas Rychardson our Clerk for the same q^? xx* 
 
 I? of Ric Stukeley Beedman for the same q^? xiij^ iiij"* 
 
 I? to Willm Aydrope beedman for the same q^? xiijs iiij*" 
 
 I? to Thomas Hay ward beedman for the same q^? x^ 
 
 I? to Geffrey Kent Bedeman for the same q^? xiij^ iiij'^ 
 
 I? to Thomas payn of Denocyon for the same q^? vj^ viij"* 
 
 I? to Raynold Sampton vnd bedell for the same q^? vj* v\xf 
 
 If to the Abbot of Evesham for quytrent for di yere endyd at Michelmas 
 
 An° h. vij™ xxiiij° liif iiij'^ 
 
 If for Ric Normans Obyte at the ffirere Augustyns for this yere liij* iiij'' 
 If for ifD BoundP preste for iij q^f P endyd at mydsom An°. h. viij™ pmo v'' 
 If to ou' ij Chapelayns aforesaid for a q^f endyd at mydsom An° pmo. h. 
 
 Viijmi iijli vjs viij"! 
 
 If to § Willm Haryots preste for the same q=^f xxxv= 
 
 If to John Bayns for Ixvij m' & di [^7,^00] Bryk pcell of jc m' [ioq,ooo] 
 that he sold vnto vs aff iij= viij<* the m' [1000] clere of ail caryage 
 whiche am"" xij'' vij= v'f- wherof the owdyto''' abatP for that cariage 
 that was allowed hym in his accompt this yere Edward Barnard the 
 whiche Edward paid by the comandment of the Wardens vj= for cariage 
 of xij lood whiche ought not to be paid for it was bought free of all 
 cariage so RestP clere xij'' xviij*^ 
 
IVardkns' Accounts, 15-08-9 373 
 
 I? to harselet by aggrement in grete for all the toll at london Brige for 
 bryk & sand & ct xiij^ iiij"! 
 
 I? allowed to in) John Brugge for our pte of the costP for a placard 
 purchaced for the old madfe clothes to be sold by mcers draps Taylyo'*" 
 & Sheremen as by his bill of pcellP aperethe whiche Am"" to xxij^ iiii"' 
 wherof ou' pte comys to v^ vij"* 
 
 I? allowed vnto the said in) Brugge onely for his own costP & chargP that 
 he had for the purchesshing of the said placard as other compaynes 
 aforenamed dyd in the pmisses vj^ viij"* 
 
 H to Richardson for pap & Ink for the hole yere iij^ iiij"* 
 
 I? for keping clene the place Sellers ChainbrP & hanging of the hall by 
 all the yere except the flFeste ij= viif 
 
 I? for keping clene the gutters and leedP aboute the place for all the 
 yere ij^ 
 
 I? to the Canell raker for the hole yere for all the place xv3<i 
 
 Itm for the clerks wagP of Saynt Swythunys for the hole yere for all the fo. 88 a. 
 place ij' yiijd 
 
 I? for engrossing of this Accompt iij^ iiij'^ 
 
 I? for Wasshing of our Napery for the hole yere to m'' [Mistress] Banaster 
 
 I? we aske allowance for the fote of m Hawkins in) Watson ni) Carter & 
 ni) Charlys Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successor'' the next 
 Wardens whiche fote Am"' w' a Jewell of in) fFabyans for v" sm^ xiij" ix= 
 
 I? we aske allowance for the fote of in) Monoux in) Milborn in) patirO & 
 in) Wylkynsons Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successours the 
 next Wardens iij' iiij'^ 
 
 I? for the fote of in) flfytzherbertP accompt we ask allowance for we remyt 
 it to the next Wardens our Successor ^ & xvj yerP past Sm^ iiij« x^ j^ 
 
 I? we ask allowance for the fote of in) Nyghtingalys accompt & xv yerP 
 past whiche we remytt to our Successou'^'' the next Wardens Sm^ ix^ x<i 
 
 I? we ask allowance for John WetewangP byll for Willm ffbwler his 
 appntice which we remytt to our Successou''' the next Wardens xiij^ iiij"* 
 
 I? we aske allowance for the fote of iii) Willm Milborn in) Cally in) 
 hasylwod & in) Rudston Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successou"^'' 
 the next wardens xxxix* v ob 
 
 Sm'' to« of all ou' paymentP and dyschargP Am* clxxviij'' x= vj^ 
 
 So restP clerely to thies accomptantP Sm^ lij' viij-i ob 
 
 Avdido''' of this Accompt. 
 
 m) Cremor m) Peter Starky in) Wylkynson & in) Carter 
 
 Md that the foresaid Rest of lij* viij-^ ob was paid in maii & fourm 
 folowing that is to say fHrst must be abatyd therof for a playn table 
 
374 Wardens' Accounts^ 15-08-9 
 
 cloth cont xiij ellP at viij'' the ell whiche in) BanasterP Su^ntP (servant) 
 lost in the wasshing & he was paid for the wasshing of all our napry 
 as the custom ys Sm^ Am"^ viij* viij'^ ob 
 
 Itm iS) Dixson being Warden paid to iS) Mattok Chamblayn at the 
 request and for in) John Brugge to accomplysh the full payment of xl^ 
 where vnto he was sessed for the iij"= Sougetf •" (soldiers) that went for 
 this Cite in to ffirau^nce w' the king Henry the vij"" Sm^ xx= 
 
 I? in) Perpount being Warden paid to in) Askue for the clere rest of the 
 said lij= viij'^ ob xxiiij' 
 
 Dettou'^'' for Sessing towardP the chargP of the kingP beryall 
 
 in) laurens Starky debj vj= viij"* Thomas Bowgh debj vj= viij"^ & Ric 
 Cradok debj iiij^ Sm^ xvij^ iiij* 
 
 Whiche the foresaid accomptan^tP hathe paid for vnto this place as 
 apperP by this accompt. 
 
 XXII B 
 
 RENTERS' ACCOUNTS, 1508-9. 
 
 An° xxiij". An° xxiiij°. An° p'mo h. viiij""- An° dm. ifo8. 15:09 
 
 No. + 141. 
 
 Edward Barnard Rentor 
 
 Jawkynsi 
 
 • Auditors. 
 
 M' Banaste r \ M' Hawkyns 
 
 M^ John Brugg e I ^ . M' Cremor 
 
 M' Askue ^ wardens. M' Rudston 
 
 M-^ Toll ) M' Askue 
 
 Thes Auditors by estymac'ton fynd that Edward Bernard otuth xvf^ iiif vijd 
 
 for his ij accompts for a yen & j qtJ- endyd at ou' lady day in lent An° 
 xxiiij° H. vij. 
 
 The viij* day of Aprell in the iiij* yere of the Reign of King henry 
 the viij"" Edward Barnard brought in to this place and delyvered to 
 M' Roche in party of payment of this Accompt viij" the luhich Eyghte 
 fondes ys in parte of payment of a more soin) 
 
 per me William Roche. 
 
 ' All the parts in italics are later additions. Those crossed through are 
 items altered. 
 
Renters' Accounts^ 15-08-9 375- 
 
 J. 
 
 Agreed we pay unto the Chirchwardens of Saynt Dynyse Bakchirch ot 
 london for a quyterent geying out of the ij houses that were M' Whites 
 sett in shereborn layn of [illegible] yerely at michelmas xiij^ iiij**. 
 
 Agreed that Barnard pd. for a Rof tyle to M' Alyson iiij^ for Southwerk. 
 
 A° xxiiij°. 
 
 This is thaccompt of Edward Barnard Renter of alle the londes 
 tenementes and rentes parteynyng and belongyng to the ffelaship of 
 drapers set lying and beyng in the Citee of london, White Crosse Strete 
 and in Southwerk aswele of alle his Resceites as of his discharges pay- 
 mentes and Reparacons, that is to say from the fFeste of the Anunciacon 
 of our lady An° i yo8 in the xxiij'' yere of the Reigne of kyng harry the 
 vij**" unto the ffeste of the Anunciacon of our ladv An° ijo^ in the xxiiij" 
 
 yew of the said kyng a & '» the first yere of K, h. the wij"^ that is for the 
 
 thannondyngTttt the Seme of the Annunciacion of ouf l ad y 
 space of an hole yere. A Than beying George Monoux Alderman (3 Wardeyns 
 John fianaster John Brigge Cnstofre Askue and John Tolle. Anno dnK 
 m l ryt viijft. 
 
 Candilwik 
 strete. 
 
 The Charche (charge) of the Rentall 
 flSrst receyved of Robert Harrys draper for hisj 
 Tenement charged for the said yere I 
 
 It. rec. of Thomas fBssher for his tenement for the) 
 
 said yere 
 
 Sm. iiji' xiij^ iiij 
 
 1= 
 
 J xxiij* iiij 
 
 iid 
 
 Seint Swith- Item. rec. of Thomas lyntwhite for an hole yere| 
 ines Lane. for his tenement J xx* 
 
 It. rec. of Annes Somer for hir tenement for the) 
 
 same yere ) xiiij^ 
 
 It. rec. of Bartilmew hamonde for his tenement) 
 
 for the same yere J xxiij^ iiij 
 
 It. rec. of Richard Call for an hole yere for his) 
 
 tenement ) xxiij= liij^ 
 
 It. of the same Richard for an other tenement for) 
 
 the same yere I xxiij= iiij 
 
 It. rec. of Robert Sherman for his tenement for 
 
 the same yere 
 It. the litle house next the gate which the Renter 
 
 dwelleth in by yere 
 
 S" vii" xiiij' 
 
 xxxs 
 xx= 
 
37<^ Renters'' Accounts, 15-08-9 
 
 Dowgate. 
 
 Comehill. 
 
 Cheapside. 
 
 Honylane. 
 
 Bassynge 
 shaw. 
 
 Item rec. of William Wheler for his tenement 
 
 that John Ax sumtyme occupied for the said 
 
 yere 
 It. rec. of William Geffrey for his tenement for) 
 
 the same yere J 
 
 Item rec. of John Clerk for his tenement the) 
 
 same yere I 
 
 It. rec. of a little shop that parcell of Whelers) 
 
 house for the same yere } 
 
 S" xiij" xiiijs 
 
 liijs 
 
 iiijd 
 
 xxvjs 
 
 ySxf 
 
 xxvjs 
 
 viij^ 
 
 xiijs 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 VJ" 
 
 iij^ iiij"' 
 
 uij''xiijHiij'i 
 
 Item rec. of Maister Acheley for his tenement for) 
 
 the same yere | iij" vj' viij'' 
 
 Item rec. of Seint Christofers Church 
 
 Item the tenement called the Gote that Myles\ 
 Broun held for di yere of this accompt iiij^' x^ 
 Also Walter ap Rice for the same tenement 
 for the other di yere of this accompt after x'' 
 by yere that is v'' ) ix" x= 
 
 It. of Thomas Rothewode Girdiller for his tene-) 
 ment there for the said hole yere j ii 
 
 It. of Rauf of Opowleston Goldsmyth for his 
 tenement for the same yer v" 
 
 S" xix'' iijs iiijd 
 
 It. rec. of M"" hawys for the rent of his place for) 
 
 the said hoole yere \ v'' vj^ viij"* 
 
 It. of Thomas Keel for the Rent of his tenement) 
 
 for the same yere | iij" vj^ viij"* 
 
 viij''xiijHiij'i 
 S" xxxj" vj^ viij^ 
 
 Item of Adam Shirry for his tenement for the) 
 
 said yere ) iij'' 
 
 Item of John Belle Taillor for his tenement the) 
 
 said yere j xvj^ 
 
 Itj of John hywode for his tenement for the said) 
 
 yere J xx' 
 
 It. of Robert Galy for his tenement for the said) 
 
 yere | xxxiij' iiij"* 
 
Renters' Accounts, 15-08-9 377 
 
 Smythfelde. Item of Margarete harryson for her tenement} 
 
 called the Bull for the said yere J vij" 
 
 White 
 Crosse 
 Strete. 
 
 Theam- 
 strete. 
 
 xl' 
 
 Item of William Arrard for his tenement for the) 
 said yere r 
 
 It. of John Goodwyn for his tenement for the) 
 
 said yere | xl* 
 
 S"'.3ivij'' ijL'iiiijtt 
 
 Item of John lawden for his place for the said) 
 
 yere ]iiij'»xiif iiij* 
 
 Item of John Roo for his tenement for the same) 
 
 yere J xxvj= viij^ 
 
 fforest 
 
 Item of Elizabeth fForetcr for hir tenement for) 
 
 the same yere J xxxij^ 
 
 South werk. Item of John hargill for his tenement and wharf) 
 
 for the yere of this accompt ] 
 
 It. of moder Elizabeth for her tenement for the) 
 
 same yere J 
 
 c 
 
 It. of jilayer Joynor for his tenement for the same) 
 yere J 
 
 It. of Rowley Smyth for his tenement 
 It. of Thomas Waterman for his tenement for) 
 the said yere j 
 
 It. of William Bosom for his tenement 
 It. of Henry Godfrey for his tenement for the) 
 same yere ) 
 
 It. of the same Henry for an other tenement 
 It. of the same Henry for an other tenement 
 It. of Antony Gastoyne for his tenement by yere 
 It. of Stephen Joynor for his tenement 
 It, of Thomas Barbour for his tenement by yere 
 It. of Cristian Taillor for hir tenement 
 It. of the said Cristian for a little yerd by yere 
 S" xxiUj" yiif 
 
 Item of henry Carver for his tenement by yere 
 It. of Nicholas Peynter for his tenement 
 It. of Cornelis for his tenement by yere 
 It. of Johane hynton for hir tenement 
 
 iijii vj* viij<> 
 
 ix^ 
 
 xvjs 
 
 
 xvjs 
 
 
 xvs 
 
 viij"* 
 
 xvs 
 
 
 xx^ 
 
 
 xxxiijs 
 
 iiij"J 
 
 ij'' 
 
 viiji^ 
 
 xxxiij^ 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 xxxiij^ 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 xxxiijs 
 
 iiij^ 
 
 xxxiijs 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 
 xvj"* 
 
 xxxiij^ 
 
 iiij"" 
 
 xxxiijs 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 xviijs 
 
 
 xviif 
 
 
378 Renters* Accounts^ 15-08-9 
 
 It. of William Bother for his tenement 
 It. of loy Joynor for his tenement by yere 
 
 XVllJ* 
 
 xxxiij* iiij"* 
 
 S"" to" of all the Receytes 
 am"' Ixxxxvij'' xviij^ iiij"^ 
 
 The obite of 
 henry Ebur- 
 ton holden 
 the xiij''' day 
 of Juyn at 
 Seint Mary 
 abchirch. 
 
 The discharges & paymentes. 
 
 fErst paid to the iiij wardeyns 
 It. to the parson 
 It. to vj preestes and two clerkes 
 It. to the Clerk for Ryngyng 
 It. to the Wexchaundeler 
 It. to Thomas Richardson 
 
 It. for brede and ale spice wyne and chese and ) 
 other charges J 
 
 S"" xix* ij"* 
 
 The Obite of Item to the iiij wardeyns 
 Alice Har- It. to the parson 
 
 It. to vj preestes and oon clerk 
 It. to the clerk for Ryngyng 
 It. to Thomas Richardson 
 It. to the wexchaundeler 
 
 It. for brede ale wyne chese and spices & others 
 charges } 
 
 S"xxs 
 
 lewyn the 
 xxiij day of 
 Juyn at Seint 
 Cristofors. 
 
 vjs viijd 
 
 viij<^ 
 ijs yiijd 
 
 viij"* 
 viij"* 
 viij^ 
 
 Vljs ijii 
 
 vjs viij^ 
 xx^ 
 
 'if y\\f 
 xij^ 
 viij"! 
 xij^ 
 
 Vjs viljo 
 
 The obite of Item to M"^ Monoux alderman 
 John Nor- It. to the iiij wardeyns 
 man the xvj It. to the parsone of honylane 
 day of it_ to vij preestes and oon clerk 
 
 august In j^_ ^Q ji,g sexteyne (sexton) 
 honylane. j^ ^^ ^.j^^ wexchaundeler 
 It. to Thomas Richardson 
 It. to the clerk for Ryngyng 
 
 gm xvijs vf 
 
 iijs \x\f 
 
 vjs viij"* 
 
 ijs iiij"! 
 
 ijs viij"' 
 
 ■if 
 
 xij"* 
 
 viij"! 
 
 viij^ 
 
 The Obite of Item paid to the iiij wardeyns 
 
 M"^ Hariotes It. to the parsons duputie 
 
 the viij"' day It. to viij preestes & iiij clerkes iiij* 
 
 of ffebra at for to drynk x"* S"" 
 
 seint dun- It. to xxj pore people 
 
 stonys in the 
 
 Est. 
 
 and 
 
 more) 
 
 iiij' 
 
 viij"* 
 
 lujs x" 
 xxj* 
 
M^ harriot. 
 Robert 
 
 Sir Micholat 
 Westmor- 
 land. 
 Sir 
 Pike. 
 M'^Eburton. 
 
 Mr. Boundes 
 preest. 
 Robert 
 Brigges. 
 
 Richard 
 
 Stnkeley. 
 
 William 
 
 Ai thorp. 
 
 Geffrey 
 
 Kent. 
 
 Thomas 
 
 hey ward. 
 
 Thomas 
 
 Payne. 
 
 Hugh 
 
 Mitton. 
 
 Renters' Account Sy 15-08-9 379 
 
 It. to the wexchaundeler for wax and candilles 
 
 It. for ryngyng of Belles 
 
 It. to Richardson 
 
 It. to iij Almos men in drapers hall 
 
 It. to Raynold 
 
 xyj"" 
 xiij^ 
 iiij'' 
 
 S" xiiijs 
 
 ix" 
 
 v" v^ 
 
 V m KS 
 
 Paymentes for preestes Salary 
 
 fHrst paid to Sir William Clynch for his salary 
 
 for iij quarters 
 Also paid to Sir Thomas Box for his wages for 
 
 thre quarters 
 Also paid to Sir Nicholas for his wages fori 
 
 V wekes service & the Remniant of that quarter 
 
 was void 
 Also paid to Sir Nicholas Pyke for di yere within) 
 
 the tyme of this accompt J 
 
 Also paid to Maister Eburton chaplein for a] 
 
 quarter endyng at midsomer a° xxiip' henry I 
 
 the vij"" at the goyng out of that service J 
 
 Item paid to Thomas Richardson for his wages) 
 
 for iij quarters of a yere J iij'' xv= 
 
 Also paid to Reynold Sampton for his wages for) 
 
 iij quarters j 
 
 Also paid to Mr Boundes preest for oon quarter 
 
 Item paid to Robert Brigges for his almosse for j 
 a quarter endyng at midsomer a° xxiij h. vij \ 
 & than he died ) 
 
 Item paid to hym for his wages for iij quarters 
 
 xjs viij"' 
 
 xxxiij= \\xf 
 
 xxxiijs iiij"i 
 
 xys ijd 
 
 Item paid to hym for his Almose for iij quarters 
 
 iij quarters 
 
 Item paid to hym for his almose for th e hol e yere ) 
 and than deceessed J 
 
 Item paid for brede and ale at Drapers hall at^ 
 the wardeins commaundement whan the said [ 
 Geffrey was buried goven to the ffeliship J 
 
 Item paid to hym for his almosse for iij quarters) 
 of this accompt J 
 
 Item paid to hym for his almose for iij quarters 
 
 Item paid to hym for the masse of our lady and) 
 for Ryngyng J 
 
 xls 
 
 Xls 
 
 xxxvjs viij"* 
 
 xij" 
 
 xxx* 
 
 XX? 
 
 x' 
 
gSo Renters^ Accounts^ 15-08-9 
 
 Item paid to xij preestes and ij clerkes for derige) 
 and masse of Requiem ) 
 
 Item to the sextein for erbes and floures to straw) 
 the pewes J 
 
 Item paid for the maisters dynner & wardeyns\ 
 both olde and newe with their Counceile at 
 such tyme as thei went to oversee their landes 
 and tenementes at the signe of the Cristofer 
 in cheapeside 
 
 Seint 
 
 Cristofers 
 
 parisshe. 
 
 W^ Weldon. 
 Abchirch. 
 
 William 
 Rygby. 
 
 Bosotnes 
 Inne. 
 Seint 
 
 Mathew in 
 fridaystrete. 
 
 Seint 
 
 Awstyns 
 
 beside 
 
 Cantirbury. 
 
 Cristes 
 
 Church in 
 
 london. 
 
 ffynesbury. 
 
 honylane. 
 
 Item paid for a lode of colys & money geven in- 
 almose to the pour folk of the said parissh and 
 to the almose men of the said ifeliship of 
 drapers 
 
 S" xxxvij'' Vif 
 
 Quyterentes 
 fBrst paid to her for quyterent oute of Drapers) 
 
 hall for the hole yere of this accompt j 
 
 Item paid to the wardeyns of the said chirche] 
 
 for a yerely Quyterent of a chymney in the \ 
 
 parlour in Drapers hall J 
 
 Item paid to hym for a yerely quLtrent out of the 
 
 tenement called the Gote In Cheapeside for 
 
 the yere of this accompt 
 Item paid for a quiterent oute of M' hawys place 
 
 fo the yere of this accompt 
 Item to the Church Wardeins there for quiterent 
 
 oute of the corner tenement at Bow chirch for 
 
 the yere of this accompt 
 
 Item for quiterent oute of the londes and tene-] 
 ments In Southwerk for the yere of this^ 
 accompt J 
 
 Item paid for the londes and tenements in Saynt 
 
 Mary Bothowe parish in Candilwykstrete for ■ 
 
 the said yere 
 Item paid for quiterent of the landes & tenements 
 
 in Whitecrossestrete of this yere passed 
 Item to the Church Wardeins In hony-lane paid 
 
 for the Beamelight for the yere of this accompt 
 
 paiable at Mighelmas 
 
 iiij' viij'' 
 
 viij"" 
 
 xij' viij"* 
 
 xiij' iiij"* 
 
 xx= 
 
 xij'^ 
 
 xxvj* viij"* 
 
 xs 
 
 xx^ 
 
 xxij* 
 
 ys 
 
 xiij* iiij"* 
 
viij"^ 
 
 iili 
 
 vjs viij"^ 
 
 Renters' Accounts, 15-08-9 381 
 
 Seint Item paid to the parsone there for the Offeringes\ 
 
 Swithune. of Drapers hall for the yere of this accompt at I 
 
 • mighelmas J vj' 
 
 Seint Mary Item paid for quiterent oute of the tenements 
 Overeys. Gote In the cheape for the hole yere paiable [• 
 
 at mighelmas and our lady day in lent ] luj 
 
 The Crafte Item for a quiterent oute of the landes and tene- 
 of talow- ments at Dowgate for the yere of this accompt 
 
 chaundelers. endyd at our lady day in lent 
 Evysham. Item paid to the abbot of Evysham for the 
 
 patronage of Seint mighelles Church in 
 
 Cornehill for di. yere 
 Seint Item paid for quitrent for the londes and tene- 
 
 James in the ments in Bassyngeshawe for the yere of this 
 ffelde. accompt at oure lady day in lent j xx» 
 
 Seint Item to the Chirche Wardeyns there for the^ 
 
 Johanes in quiterentes oute of the londes and tenements I 
 
 Walbroke. at dowgate for this yere paid at midsomer ) xiij= iiij^ 
 
 The Collage Item for quyterent oute of the landes and tene- 
 of Cobham. ments In Cornehill at our lady day in lent for 
 
 the yere of this accompt J xxvj= viij-i 
 
 Item paid to the Colectors for the kynges money) 
 
 for drapers hall I xviij= 
 
 Sm. xvij'i iij" v^ 
 
 liij' 
 
 iiij'^ 
 
 S"' liiij'' iiij» 
 S"" xvij'' iij= V 
 
 Reparaciones 
 
 M^ hawys. ffirst to a Tiler after vnf a day and his laborer' 
 after V^ a day for viii* dales werk for tylyng 
 the hall chambres and makyng a new berth 
 In the Kechyn 
 
 Item paid for iiij lodes of sand at vi^ p' lode sm. 
 
 It. paide for iij lodes of lyme at ix^ the lode 
 
 Item for a lode of breeke 
 
 Item for a grate of Iron for the Gutter weing) 
 yjijib jd Qb. a lb sm. ) 
 
 Item paid to a mason for iij dales work for mak-| 
 yng of the synk that goith into Bosomes Inne J 
 
 It. paid for vj fote of gutter stone for the said) 
 synk at iiij"^ the fote ) 
 
 Item to a laborer for iij dales there 
 
 viij- 
 ij= 
 ij^ 
 ij= 
 
 VllJ 
 
 iid 
 
 iij"! 
 
 iid 
 
 XI] 
 
 iid 
 
38x Renters' Accounts^ 15-08-9 
 
 Item for a lode of lyme ix'' 
 
 It. for a lode of sand to the same werkes vj"* 
 
 this iiijs is lt> for ij negjftc e gof Iron fora£lfl fi Bgwyndowe» - 
 not allowed i»¥iT5mttO Koloc hous e' — f iiij* 
 
 here. S. rx. ^j. 
 
 Item for a new case of tymbre for the grete) 
 
 cestren in the Kechin for stuf & werkmanshipj viij' 
 It. for casting of vij<= di of olde lede at xiij^ the^ 
 
 C. to Thomas child plummer \ viij^ j^ ob 
 
 It. for a cok of brasse to the same cestren ij' viiji^ 
 
 Item for a pipesend over the sinke weing xiiij^'' viij'' ob 
 
 Item to Thomas childe plummer in partie of^ 
 payment of 1 lb. Sowder after v"^ the lb. s" 
 xx^ x"* for the newe cisteren in M"^ hawes hous. 
 So restes due to the plummer xvj' x"* 'whichl 
 Rest 'Was faid by M"^ Toll, & Bernard paid hut I 
 iiif of the said xx' x^ ) iiij^ 
 
 Candilwik- It. for xxij fote of hard stone for the pavyng o{\ 
 strete. the Kechin there at v"^ the fote with laying of I 
 
 the same ) ix^ ij-^ 
 
 It. for ij lodes of lombe to the same werkes viij'' 
 
 It. for a laborer iij dales xv'^ 
 
 It. for ij'= sap lath viij"* 
 
 It. for m' sprig for mendyng of walles vj'' 
 
 It. for iij lodes of lombe xij'^ 
 
 It. for a lode of lyme & a lode of sonde xiiij^ 
 
 It. to John Thurston dawber and his laborer for) 
 
 iiij dayes | iiij^ iiij"^ 
 
 S, 4.1. d, 3 
 
 Item for a lode of Breke to perfourmyng the) 
 
 Kechyn flore and mending of the hirth J ij' ij"' 
 
 Item for carying away of iiij lode of Robous viij'' 
 
 Item for half a dayes labour of a werkman to) 
 
 make the berth and lay the breke J iiij* 
 
 S-" 
 
 ■ Rcparacionoi Paten Patensons house 
 
 fErst to a tyler and his laborer iij dayes in Tylyng^ 
 the said house & makyng a new berth In the j- 
 chamber next the Strete ) iij» iij* 
 
 It. paid for viij Roof tile to the said house vj* 
 
 S, 6. d, ii 
 
The Corner 
 hous in 
 cheape side. 
 
 Renters' Accounts, 15-08-9 383 
 
 Item paid to John Thurston dawber and his 
 laborer there iiij dayes for mendyng the flores 
 and wasshyng the walks 
 
 Item for iij lodes of lombe 
 
 Item for iij Sakkes of lyme 
 
 It. for ij lb Sawder occupied In the gutters 
 
 \ 
 
 Item paid to a mason for makyng of two new 
 herthes oon In the kechyn an other In the . 
 celler and for mending of a towaile of a Sege ' 
 
 It. for cariage of a lode of Robous awey (rubbish ^ 
 away) f 
 
 S, 7. d, 7. 
 
 iiij' iiij"* 
 xij"* 
 iiij"* 
 
 xjo 
 
 The Bull In Smythfeld. 
 
 fErst paid for vi"= lathe 
 Item paid for ij m' Sprig 
 Item paid for di m' Sprig 
 Item for iiij lodes of lombe 
 
 Item to John Thurston dawber & his laborer for) 
 iiij dales dawbyng the walles there | 
 
 Item for Voide of xvij ton ordour oute of two) 
 
 seges the ton xij"* sm. 
 
 Item to a man for wachyng there two nyghtes 
 Item for xij hopes for the grete yellyng Tonnes) 
 
 price the pece vj"* sm. | 
 
 Item for leyng of lede upon the same yeldyng) 
 
 Tonnes I 
 
 Item for paid to a Carpenter for mending of the j 
 
 wyndowes in the middyll parlour & setting up !■ 
 
 of a grete in the sege house di day ) 
 
 S" 
 
 S, 34.. d, j. 
 
 Reparacions at Drapers hall. 
 
 Item paid to a Tyler and his laborer there for v 
 dayes werk for Tyllyng the hall the parlour 
 and the Almose men houses 
 
 ijs 
 
 xij" 
 
 nf 
 
 xvj^ 
 
 iiij' iiij'' 
 
 I xvij' 
 
 xvj" 
 
 VJ» 
 
 vji 
 
 iiij"" 
 
 ys v^ 
 
 ' A water-closet. 
 
384 Renters' Accounts, 15-08-9 
 
 Item for iij lodes of lyme 
 Item for iij lodes of Sand 
 Item for Cariage awey of iij lodes of Robous 
 Item for a litle laddyr for the ladys chambre 
 Item for iij hokes of Iron to hang on the grete) 
 laddyr weyng v lb di. jd ob the Ib.'sm. | 
 
 It. paid for a new key to the wykket 
 
 S" 
 
 S, II. d, I. 
 
 The Gote in Cheape. 
 
 Item paid to William Carpenter for xxxij'' fote oA 
 Tymbre that made postes and bases in thel- 
 celler there and warehouse to here up a flore J 
 
 Item fo C di of v^ naile 
 
 Item to the same William for iiij dales werk forV 
 settyng up the said postes and baces ] 
 
 Item paid for a new lok and a key to the Bakk) 
 dore J 
 
 Item paid for a bolt of Iron to the Inner dore 
 
 Item paid to John Thurston dawber for half a) 
 daies labour to cover the Sege ) 
 
 Item for ij lodes of lombe to the same werk 
 
 S, 5». d, II 
 
 Item to a Tyler and his laborer for iij daieS' 
 Tylyng the chambres and for makyng of a new 
 herth in the Kechyn and mendyng the wall In 
 the dry ware house 
 
 It. for ij lodes of lyme 
 
 Item for x roofe Tyles for the garret Chamber 
 
 Item for ij lodes of Sand 
 
 Item to a laborer to make clene their chambres) 
 cellers and gutters for iij daies J 
 
 Item for cariage of vj lodes of Robous awey 
 
 S" 
 
 S, 8. d, 8. 
 
 Reparacions at Seint laurence lane 
 
 Item for a lode of pavyng Stone with the cariage 
 Item paid for paving of two taice (days ?) werk di 
 It. for a lode of gravell 
 
 S- 
 
 ij' iij^ 
 xviij^ 
 
 VJd 
 
 viij"" 
 
 vs 
 
 Vjo 
 
 if vuj" 
 viij^ 
 
 iiij"* 
 y\xf 
 
 IIJ' 
 
 iij* 
 xviij"* 
 viij* 
 xij* 
 
 xv" 
 xij'' 
 
 xvj" 
 
 xvij** ob 
 
 iiij* 
 
Dowgate. 
 
 Renters' Accounts, 15-08-9 1%^ 
 
 Reparacions at Whitcrossestrete 
 
 Item paid to a Tyler and his laborer iij daies for 
 Tylyng of the Bochers houses 
 
 Sj 6. d, 4.. m. 
 
 1 
 
 Item for a lode of lyme and ij lodes of sand 
 Item for cariage of iiij^ tyle from Smythfelde 
 Item paid to laurence Baily pavior for pavyng of 
 
 V taice werk in the strete there at vij'^ the taice 
 
 sm. 
 Item for iiij lodes of pavyng stone with the 
 
 cariage therof 
 Item for vj lodes of gravell to reyse the same) 
 
 werkes J 
 
 Item for clensyng of the diche to convey his) 
 
 water ) 
 
 Item for a newe bokete to the well 
 gm xvijn v fl 
 
 S, 14.. d, 2. 
 
 Item for makyng of iij dores and oon wyndowe' 
 and benches and nailes and other stuff" and 
 
 workemanship of the same 
 
 ij keyes ij lache s & c a ctie s and a ring toa dore 
 
 II for ij new lokkes and ij 
 cachis & a ryng to a dore 
 
 keyes ij lachis &1 
 
 iij» iij"* 
 
 ij' ix"* 
 
 ij« xj-^ 
 
 V" 
 
 ij" 
 
 Vllj" 
 
 viij'^ 
 
 V vj"* ob 
 
 Reparacions at Seint donstons. 
 
 Item paid for a paire of new henges to the) 
 wykket to the grete place there j 
 
 Item paid for iiij"^ naile therto 
 
 Item paid for vj Rakkes to hang upon clothes in^ 
 flforsters house for tymber and werkmanship J 
 
 Item In x"* naile for the same 
 
 iiij"* 
 
 ij' 
 
 ■if 
 
 S, ID. d, I m 
 
 Reparacones of Southwerk 
 
 Item paid for a dog of Iron and nailes to hold In 
 the sege house at the Bell wharf weyng vij lb 
 di 
 
 ix" 
 
 ?D 
 
gSd Renters^ Account s^ 15-08-9 
 
 Item paid for a case of bordes to dose In a pipe) 
 
 of lede in Brigg house lane J 
 
 Item for a new lok and a key for the store house 
 
 dore 
 Item geven In Ernest to the mason for making 
 
 of Chymneys 
 Item paid to Thomas Byrt lyman for xx** Ton of 
 
 chalk at vj"* a Ton 
 Item paid for a whele Barowe 
 Item paid for takyng up of the payment and 
 
 cariyng In of the Stones and Gravell ij dales 
 
 a laborer 
 
 S, 14. d, I. 
 
 Id) 
 
 x» 
 
 VUJ" 
 
 vij"* 
 
 J" 
 xiiij'' 
 x* 
 
 Sm. payd by 
 M^ Toll 
 xvj' iij'^ 
 
 Item to Thomas Brete in partye of payment of^ 
 
 the jc tii jlmf X lbs tohenf paid Ij Bernard xxt 
 
 ix" lyme pee A Restes to hym xxv» that A f«d> i 
 
 hf M' Toll faid afterward J 
 
 Item paid for mendyng of iij olde lokkes and a 
 
 new key 
 Item for mendyng of ij lokkes for the grete gate 
 
 and to oon of them a new key 
 Item to John Thurston for mendyng the walles 
 
 In the tenement next Brigge house lane for 
 
 a dales werk 
 Item for a lode of lombe there occupied 
 Item for iij sakkes of lyme 
 Item paid to William Cull mason for dyggyng. 
 
 and makyng of the foundacion of the KechynsI 
 
 and under pynnyng the Grounselles • there by r 
 
 Cennement j 
 
 Item for viij m' of roof naile for the Tylyng of| 
 
 the Kechynes [ 
 
 ) Richard RoyTW Smyth in Southjrikk fori 
 
 for v« iiij^ nayleHgr doores & wynddv 
 ' The timber foundation. 
 
 xx» 
 
 Vilj"* 
 
 Viijd 
 
 viij'' 
 iiij"* 
 iiij* 
 
 xiij»ix4 
 
Renters* Accounts, 15-08-9 387 
 
 Item more paid to the said Smyth by Ed. Barnard) 
 for ijo of iijd nayle J 
 
 It. more for xvj m' sprygge 
 
 S, 44. d, 9. 
 
 iiij** 
 viij* 
 
 iiij» vj* 
 
 viijd 
 
 Item for iij Busshill of tile pynnes 
 
 Item paid to a Tyler for laying of viij m> tyle viij» 
 
 Item to John Thurston dawber for ij werkmen by) 
 
 vj daies werk J viij» 
 
 S, 17. d, J. 
 
 XV" 
 
 Item to iij laborers for vj daies 
 
 mtftid, IteiBsto ThomasJWalshe Sandeman for xvj fofley 
 
 of sJhd^^*5^^a lode ^^.^■^""^ ) 
 
 not pud. Item ^jvhym'^Qr xix lodes of lombpibfnie walks ) 
 
 particion^^ iiii** the Jed^sm. ) 
 
 Item to Thomas Aleynson Tyle maker In partie 
 
 of payment of x m^ Tyle had into Southwerk 
 
 for the vij new kechinges after iiij» vj"* the m' 
 
 Sm paid by Ed. Barnard 
 
 Item paid for Cariage of xij lood Breke to Thomas) 
 
 Galyam in to Southwerk J 
 
 Item for iij" hcrt lath for the litle kechynV 
 
 In the Comer J xv" 
 
 Item for a pek of Tyle pynnes j* ob 
 
 Item to a loborer for ix daies iij* ix* 
 
 Item paid to John henley lyme man) 
 
 for iij" and di lyme at v» the c sm.; xvij» vj^ 
 S, ji. d, I m. 
 
 vi]» vj" 
 
 viij* 
 
 V]» llll" 
 
 xv» 
 vj* 
 
 nhidi vj' 
 M*" Buniuter & 
 John Bnige & that 
 Con^any gw^ t» 
 pay for yt was of 
 
 the irxik. ''"' ^ 
 hmght of John 
 Baynards cartage 
 free & therfor they 
 ihall reply the laid 
 vjs ir therfor see 
 yt put in ther ac-' 
 con^ among there 
 reseytett 
 
388 
 
 Sandetnan. 
 
 Plummer. 
 Glasier. 
 
 Gote. 
 
 Gote. 
 Dowgat. 
 
 Dowgat?. 
 
 Saynt Swy- 
 thunys layn. 
 
 Renters'" Accounts, 15-08-9 
 
 Item to the Sand man at the Tower hyll for xx) 
 
 loodes sand at v'f a lode sm ) 
 
 Item for my wages for a hole yere ended at our) 
 
 lady day in lent A° p)dci Jiiij" 
 
 Item for potacions upon the Tenements for this 
 
 yere 
 Item for paper and Ink and makyng of this 
 
 accompt 
 
 X» vjd 
 
 xuj» mj' 
 
 i* 
 
 VJ» VllJ 
 
 \i 
 
 XS vj*' 
 
 \^ 
 
 XllJ' lllj' 
 
 xlvij' viij* 
 
 iiij" x» 
 
 Also there is owen to the sandman Thomas 
 Walshe for xvj lode of sand vij» vj"" and for 
 xix lodes of lombe vj» i^xf Sm. 
 
 Also there is owen to henry Tarsey plummer as 
 it appereth by his bill 
 
 Also to the Glasier in flfynkes layne — 
 
 To""' li ao S. II. d y m for Reparacions Wages Potacions etc. 
 
 Vacacions ' 
 
 fBrst the said aecomptannt asketh allowauncc 
 
 for the tenement Gote charged at ix^* by yere 
 
 geven to Miles Broun half yeres rent endyng 
 
 at mighelmas xxiij h. the vij* 
 Item the same tenement Gote letten to Walter 
 
 ap Rice for x" by yere and voide the quarter 
 
 from mighelmas to Cristemas 
 Also a tenement parcell of the grete house at' 
 
 dowgate the upper part charged at xiij» iiij"* by 
 
 yere voide from mighelmas to our lady day 
 
 Annunciacion that is half yere 
 Also a litle shop that is parcell of the said upper' 
 
 part charged at xiij» iiij'^ by yere voide all the 
 
 yere of this accompt 
 Also there resteth in the handes of Richard Call' 
 
 for a hole yere and a quarter endyng at our 
 
 lady day aforsaid for oon tenement after 
 
 xxiij» '\\\f by there 
 
 li, 5. S, p. d, 1. 
 
 vj» viij" 
 
 xiij' iiij° 
 
 XXIX' 1]' 
 
 id 
 
 N.B. — The wages are the same as in 1481-1 : a Tiler, a Mason, 
 a Carpenter 8rf. a day, a labourer jrf. a day. 
 
 ' The number of tenements vacant is striking. Probably due to 
 the sweating sickness, which was severe about that time. 
 
Saynt Swy- 
 thunys layn. 
 
 Southwark. 
 
 Southwark. 
 Southwerk. 
 Southwark. 
 Southwerk. 
 
 Renters* Accounts y 15-08-9 389 
 
 Also resteth In the handes of the said Richard' 
 
 for an other tenement after xxiij* iiij^ by yere 
 
 for a quarter endid at our lady day 
 Also the tenement that Cloyse Joy nor held In> 
 
 Southwerk at xvj» by yere voide half yere at I 
 
 our lady day | 
 
 Also a tenement that William Besom held at xv» 
 
 by yere voide all the said yere 
 Also the tenement that henry Godfrey held at 
 
 xx» by yere voide the forsaid di. yere 
 Also the tenement that henry Clerk now dwelleth 
 
 In at xviij» by yere voide iij quarters 
 Also the tenement that Corneles dwelt In at' 
 
 xviij* by yere voide from our lady day to 
 
 mighelmas that is half yere 
 
 Sm. of Vacacions xij" x» vj^ 
 
 v» 
 
 Vllj* 
 
 XV' 
 
 xiij» vj° 
 
 IX" 
 
 li, 3. s, I. d, 4. 
 
 li 33 6i I d \U ta 
 
 Rest there that Barnard oweth by this accompt awayted by 
 M' hawkins M' Cremor M' Rudstone & M' Askue x» xij» 
 liift ob i wherof must be rebated for ij cases Iron for glase 
 wyndeos in Keelles hous iiij» Restes x"* viij» ob 
 
 By me Richard hawkyns 
 Be me T. Cremor 
 Be me John Roudstone 
 By me Cristofer Askew 
 
 S™ to'' paid Ixxxvij" v* xj^ 
 
Oxford : Horace Hart M.A. 
 Printer to the University 
 
a a t>Tfflj>»j i OijA:ia ii a ^i*iMM«ai>! 
 
 mtwHrtitiiWumi uai ii ii