'hliim>-'f^'i: r.ouGirr with thk ixcomi'. FROM TBI': SAGE ENDOWMENT EUND THK CrUn' OF Hcnrij UJ. Sage 1891 3 1924 OBB 008 804 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924088008804 THE FOUNDATIONS OF ENGLAND OR TWELVE CENTURIES OF BRITISH HISTORY (B.C. 55-A.D. 1154) Sir JAMES H. ^MSAY of Bamff, Bart., M.A AUTHOR OF "LANCASTER AND YORK WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS VOLUME II X n 6 n SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO Ltd PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1898 BUTLER & TANNER, THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS, FROME, AND LONDON. CONTENTS— VOL. II CHAPTER I Harold II A.D. PAGE 1066 Accession, Coronation ....... i Harold's Difficulties, at Home and Abroad An Embassy to Harold ...... The Duke of Normandy holds a Council at Lillebonne Preparations for War ..... Diplomacy of Lanfranc ...... Harold King of All England 5 Easter at Westminster ; Ecclesiastical Appointments . . 6 Attack on England by Tostig ..... — He Retires to Scotland ; Harold Hardrada Descent on England ; Engagement at Gate Fulford . Defeat of the English ....... 9 Harold at Tadcaster ; Movements of the Forces . . 11 A Norwegian Hero ; Annihilation of Hardrada and his Army . . . . . . . . .12 The King returns to London ..... — CHAPTER II 1066 William's Preparations ....... 14 Paid Auxiliaries ; Chief Norman Followers ; Matilda Regent 15 Holy Trinity, Caen ; St. Stephen's, Caen ; Armament at Dives ......... 16 Estimate of its Strength ...... — Foul Winds 17 Removal to St. Valdry ; Prayers for a Favourable Wind . 18 The Fleet sets Sail — Landing at Pevensey 19 Advance to Hastings ..... .20 William's Position . . . . . . . -.21 Harold's Preparations ; Eadwine and Morkere keep Aloof 2 2 Harold Marches to the South Coast, and Encamps near . 24 Senlac ; William Advances to meet him .... — The English Camp ; Position of the English . . -25 Their Dense Formation ; Strength of the Position . . 26 CONTENTS 1 066 William's Order of Battle Equipment of the Forces Battle of Hastings or Senlac First Blow Struck ; Taillefer The Normans attack the Hill ; Repulse of the Bretons General Check Renewed Attack by the Normans ; Harold Disabled William Feigns Retreat ; Final Assault Last Stand of the English Estimate of Harold as a King ; Burial of Harold His Issue PAGE 27 28 29 3° 30 31 32 33 35 36 CHAPTER HI William I William returns to Hastings ; Advance Eastwards . . 38 Surrender of Dover ; Election of Child Eadgar ; Covert Obstruction 39 The two Earls retire from London 4° Canterbury Submits ; William ill; Raids and Requisitions 41 Advance on London ....... — Devastation of the Country ; Crown offered to William . 42 Feigned Reluctance to Accept it ; The Coronation . . 43 A Panic ; The Coronation Oath 44* Further submissions 45 Curia Regis \ Charter to the City of London ; The Spoils of England ........ 46 Heavy Geld Imposed. Gifts to Continental Churches . 47 Royal Progress ; Confiscations . . . . . .48 1067 The King's Chief Lieutenants 49 CHAPTER IV Visit to Normandy ; Reception at Rouen . . . -Si Easter Rejoicings ; Ecclesiastical Affairs . . . .52 Affairs in Northumberland ; Rising in Kent, Eustace of Boulogne co-operating . . . . . -53 Attempt on Dover Castle; Fighting on the Welsh Marches 54 English Refugees Abroad ; Affairs in Scandinavia . . 55 William returns to England — Christmas in London ; Gospatrick, Earl of Northumberland 56 1068 Disaffection in the North and West ; A Western League . 57 William Marches to Exeter; Siege of the City, Submission 58 Subjugation of the South- West ; Further Confiscations . 59 Position of Eadwine and Morkere — > A Northern League ; William marches to Warwick . . 60 The King at Nottingham and York 61 English Refugees in Scotland ; Malcolm and William come to terms; William marches South; Fortifications at Lincoln 62 CONTENTS 1068 Huntingdon and Cambridge, Worcestershire and Glou- cestershire reduced 63 Harold's Sons in the British Channel. Anarchic State of the Country 64 Birth of the King's Son Henry 65 CHAPTER V 1069 Robert of Comines Earl of Northumberland ; Massacre of him and his Men ....... 66 Norman Reverses ; a Muster at York ; Scattered by William 67 Harold's Sons again ; a Scandinavian Armament . . 68 They enter the Humber 69 March to York ; Death of Archbishop Ealdred ; Defeat of WiUiam Malet 70 The Allies Disperse ; William marches North . . .71 Advance on York . . . . . . . .72 The Land a Desert 73 Christmas at York ; Disposal of Yorkshire Estates . . 74 The King advances to the Tees ; Submission of Waltheof and Gospatrick ; William and Cnut contrasted . . — 1070 William returns to York ; Mutiny of foreign mercenaries ; Visit to the Welsh March 75 The Country Ravaged ; Disbanding of mercenaries . . 76 William "full King of all England." The Danes in the Isle of Ely — Turold Abbot of Peterborough ; Hereward in League with the Danes -77 Plunder of Peterborough ; Retirement of the Danes . . 78 St. Peter's Minster burnt — Malcolm harries Teesdale 79 Question of Scots' barbarities 80 CHAPTER VI William's Church Reforms ; Papal Legates in England . 81 Council at Winchester 82 Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester 83 Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury ; His early practice as a Lawyer ; He enters ' Religion ' at Bee ... 84 His controversy with Berengar of Tours ; His attitude to William ; He becomes Abbot of St. Stephen's Caen . 85 His consecration as Archbishop ; William's Church Policy 86 Struggle between York and Canterbury .... — The Archbishops at Rome ; Further Synods in England . 87 Declaration in favour of Canterbury. Degradation of Bishops ^fithelwine and .(Ethelric ; Walcher Bishop of Durham 88 Legislation ; Hereward's Camp of Refuge at Ely . . 89 CONTENTS 107 1 Death of Earl Eadwine ; Operations against Ely- Surrender of the English ; Escape of Hereward Fate of William Malet Troubles in Flanders ; Death of William fitz Osbern Visit of the King to Normandy . . . . PAGE 90 92 CHAPTER VII 1072 Expedition to Scotland ; The King at Abernethy . . 93 Malcolm William's " Man " ; The King at Durham . . 94 Fall of Gospatrick — Promotion of Waltheof ; English Earldoms ; Northumber- land 95 Chester, Hsgh of Avranches ; Chester a Palatinate . . 96 Shrewsbury ; Hereford ; Cornwall ; Holderness . . 97 1073 Norfolk; Hunts; Northants ; Bucks; Surrey; Kent. . 98 Troubles in Maine, William's son Robert Count of Maine — Marquis Azzo and Garisende, Commune at Le Mans , . 99 Wilham subdues the Revolt ; continued hostility of Fulk Rechin ......... 100 1074 He accepts Robert's homage for Maine ; William in Nor- mandy again ; Eadgar .^theling, His Movements since 1072 ........ loi 1075 Reconciliation with William ; Rebellion of Earls of Here- ford and Norfolk Complicity of Waltheof, the Northumbrian Feud : Grievances of the Earls ..... Wedding of Earl Ralph ; The rebels summoned Siege of Norwich Castle The Danes again in the Ouse; Repentance of Waltheof; The King returns to England . . . . .105 Condemnation of the rebel Earls .... Case of Waltheof; abandoned by William ; His Execution 106 Ecclesiastical Council ; Removal of Episcopal Sees . . 107 Death of the Lady Eadgyth 108 CHAPTER VIII 1073 Gregory VII. (Hildebrand) Pope ; his Church Policy . 109 Plans of Church Reform ; Simony; Clerical Marriage . no Claims of Territorial Suzerainty ; Spain, Hungary, France — 1073-5 The Empire ; Decrees against Married Priests . .111 Lay Investiture ; Practice of the Early Church . . — 1076 Gregory's attitude towards William; Synod at Winchester 112 Question of Papal Supremacy ; William invades Brittany 113 Domestic Troubles; Character of young Robert . 114 His grievances ........ 1076-7 Quarrel between the brothers; attempt on Rouen Castle 115 The struggle in Perche — 103 104 CONTENTS 1077-80 Wanderings of Robert; He is installed at Gerberoy; Alleged contest between father and son . . .116 The Reconciliation ; Osmund Bishop of Salisbury ; The " Sarum Use " ; Raid into Northumberland by Mal- colm Canmore . . . . . . . .117 1079-80 Bishop Walcher, Earl of the County ; Misgovernment of his subordinates ; Ligulf an English nobleman ; His murder . . . . . . . . .118 1080 Gemot at Gateshead ; massacre of the Bishop and his followers; Bishop Odo's Vengeance . . . 119 1074-S0 Monasticism in Northumbria ; Aldwine of Winchcomb ; His Settlement at Jarrow ; other foundations . .120 1086 Robert's Invasion of Scotland ; Foundation of Newcastle ; William of St. Carilef Bishop of Durham ; Expedition into Wales . . . . . . . .121 CHAPTER IX 1082 Position of Bishop Odo ; He aspires to the Papacy . .125 Imprisoned by William ; Gregory and William ; Death of Queen Matilda 124 1083 Outrage at Glastonbury; Slaughter of Monks in Church ; Fresh Rising in Maine . .... 125 1084 Viscount Hubert ; William Retires; A Six Shilling Dane- geld ; Threatened Scandinavian Invasion . . .126 1084-5 St. Cnut of Denmark; William's Military Preparations . 127 1085 Scheme of Invasion abandoned ; Synod at Gloucester . 128 Domesday Survey ; an Assessment Roll of the Kingdom . — 1086 The Hide or Carucate .... . . 129 No Survey of Northern Counties ; the Salisbury Homages 130 A New Feudalism ; Number of Knight's Fees in England 131 1086-7 The King in Normandy ; his Last Expedition . He claims the Vexin Fran^ais .... 1087 March to Mantes ; Sack of the Town William's Last Illness ; Release of Political Prisoners William's Testamentary Dispositions; Death of William the Great Funeral at Caen ; Interruption of the Ceremony Famine and Pestilence in England ; Character of William 1066-87 Hiis love of money ; his reverence for the Church The New Forest ; William's manners and appearance CHAPTER X 132 133 134 135 136 137 Unification of England 138 Military Tenure ; Service of Milites ; Quotas of Milites ; Round numbers . . . . . . .139 Two modes of providing for Servitium Debitum . .140 Incidents of the New Feudalism ; Aids; Relief; Wardship 141 R.H. — VOL. ir. l> X CONTENTS A.D. PAGE 1066-87 Marriage; Forfeiture; Escheat 142 Military Tenures introduced by William . . . .143 Abuse of their Incidents by William Rufus . . . 144 Socage Tenures ; William's Legislation .... — Direct allegiance of under-tenants to the King . . . 145 ' Presentment of Englishry ' ; Wager of Battle ... — 'Scot and Lot' Franchises ; Laws of the Confessor . .146 Ecclesiastical Courts . — Curia Regis; the Chancellor ; Sheriffs . . . .14? William's Revenue .148 Purchasing power of silver ...... — The Danegeld ; the Currency . . . . 149 The English Church ; Royal Supremacy Maintained . 150 Spread of Monasticism ; Norman Architecture . . 151 Castles ; Churches 152 Literature; England a European Power . . . -153 First appearance of Jews in England .... — William's Issue 154 CHAPTER XI William II. 1087 William's relations with his father 155 His Athletic Training ; He is received by Lanfranc and crowned at Westminster ; Coronation Oath . . 156 His accession hailed by the English ; Dissatisfaction of the Norman Barons . . . . . . -157 1088 The Crown offered to Robert; Leaders of the Conspiracy 158 The King's Supporters ; Outbreak of the Rebellion ; Ravaging of the Country 159 Hostihties in the South and West ; William appeals to the Native English 160 The King's operations ; Sieges of Tonbridge ; of Pevensey ; of Rochester 161 Capitulation ; Banishment of Odo ; Collapse of the Rising ; William's Leniency 162 Proceedings against William of St. Carilef ... — Ecclesiastical Pretensions ; Rejection of Lay Jurisdiction 163 Banishment of the Bishop — 1088-89 The King's brother Henry; His purchase of the Cotentin; Misgovernment of Duke Robert ; War with the Earl of Shrewsbury; Robert in Maine . . . . .164 1089 Capture of St. C&ery ; Peace with the Earl of Shrewsbury ; Death of Lanfranc ; His character . . . .165 His writings lacking in depth ; Ralph Flambard ; His early history and character 166 He becomes the King's Chief Minister ; Feudal principles applied to Church Property 167 Vacant Sees . . — CONTENTS CHAPTER XII A.D. PAGE 1090 Intrigues of William with Normandy .... 168 Robert's alliance with Fulk R^chin i6g Hdlie of La Flfeche Count of Maine . . . — Rival Factions at Rouen ; Conan a ringleader ; Attack on the City — Henry saves the situation ; Fate of Conan . . .170 Private Wars in Normandy ...... — Landing of William Rufus ; Defections ; Treaty of Caen ; Partition of Henry's estates 171 1 09 1-2 Siege of Mont St. Michel; Chivalrous incidents; Robert's mercy ......... 172 1092 The three brothers in England ; Eadgar ^5itheHng expelled from Normandy; Northumberland again harried by Malcolm ; William of St. Carilef reinstated ; Campaign against the Scots . . . . . . .173 Malcolm does homage ; the Homage question . 174 Robert returns to Normandy ; Henry in the Vexin . .175 Consecration of Lincoln Cathedral . . . — 1092-3 William occupies Cumberland; Malcolm's visit to England 176 Foundation of Durham Cathedral . . . . — 1093 Last raid of Malcolm ; he is killed at Alnwick 177 Parties in Scotland ........ — Accession of Donald Bane ; he is ousted by Duncan . 178 Restoration of Donald Bane ; Welsh Affairs ; English Ad- vance in North Wales . .... — 1088-93 In Mid Wales; In South Wales . 179 1093-4 Risings of the native Welsh 180 CHAPTER XIII 1093 Illness of the King ; his promises of Reform ; Vacancy in the Primacy ........ 181 1033-60 Anselm of Aosta ; His early hfe ; studies under Lanfranc 182 1060-78 He takes the cowl; becomes Prior of Bee . . . 183 His metaphysical works ....... — 1062-78 His views on Education ; his love of animals . . . 184 Becomes Abbot of Bee — 1078-9 His visits to England ; a plea for St. ^Elfheah . . . 185 1092 The Primacy .... .... 186 1093 Reluctance of Anselm ; His Appointment . . 187 The King's recovery ..... . — Detention of Canterbury lands 188 Enthronement of Anselm; Troubles with the King . . 189 Robert and William — 1094 William declares war; Dedication of St. Martin's, Battle . igo The King at Hastings ; Vices of the Court ; Anselm's Efforts for Reformation ; Rufus obdurate . . . .191 Campaign in Normandy . . . . . .192 xii CONTENTS 1094-5 William sends for" Henry ; Death of the Earl of Shrews- bury ; Henry despatched to Normandy ; the King and Anselm ; the Schism in the Papacy . 1095 Anselm supporting Urban ; Council at Rockingham . The Bishops ; the Laity ...... Anselm asks to leave the Kingdom ; Question adjourned the King's Scheme ...... A Pallium brought to England .... The Pallhim presented to Anselm ; his victory complete PAGE CHAPTER XIV 1095 Conspiracy of the Earl of Northumberland; William Marches North A Plot revealed ; Siege of Bamborough Welsh Affairs ; Alternate Successes. Montgomery Castle taken ; AVilliam invades '\^^ales . Capture of Mowbray ; Surrender of Bamborough ; Aim of Mowbray's Conspiracy ..... 1095-6 ^Nlen implicated ; Council at SaHsbury William's Severity ....... Cruel Mutilations ; Death of Bishop Wulfstan. The Worcester Reliefs ; Death of William of St. Carilef Preaching of the First Crusade .... Councils of Piacenza and Clermont ; Normandy mort- gaged to William ... . . 1096 A double Danegeld ; William takes possession. Death of Bishop Odo ...... 1096-7 Fresh Campaign in Wales ; Castle-building 1097 A new King for Scotland; Fresh Attack on Anselm Anselm rejects the authority of the Curia Regis He asks to go to Rome ; The King demurs . Anselm's reasoning. ..... A Mental Reservation ; The King gives way . Lay opinion ...... 1097-8 Anselm leaves England ; His Journey through Burgundy. Communications with Urban, Crosses the Mont Cenis incognita ...... . . 1098 Reaches Rome ; Attitude of Urban; Council of Bari Anselm pleads for Rufus. .... CHAPTER XV 1097 William established in Normandy, He claims Maine and the French Vexin, Hehe of La Fleche. . . .212 1096-7 Attitude of the Barons ; Hostilities in Maine ; Capture of Helie . . . . . . . . .213 1098 William invades Maine; Siege of Ballon; Repulse of Fulk Rechin ; Clemency of Rufus . . . .214 Submission of Maine ; William recognised as Count. . 215 CONTENTS 1098 He takes possession of Le Mans ; Hdlie and Rufus . 215 Helie at Liberty again — Devastation of the French Vexin ; Distress in England . 216 Invasion by Magnus of Norway . . . . . — He overruns the Western Islands, and Lands in Anglesey ; Condition of Wales . . . . . . .217 Death of Hugh of Montgomery; Robert of Belleme Earl of Shrewsbury ; His Castle-building . 218 Settlement of Welsh Affairs — 1099 William returns to England ; Westminster Hall . .219 Ralph Flambard, Bishop of Durham ; H^lie in Arms again ; Siege of Le Mans — 1099-1100 William hastens to the rescue; His confidence in his destiny ; Retreat of H^lie 220 Prospect of the Acquisition of Aquitaine .... — ■ 1 100 England tired of William Rufus . ... 221 Sudden death of his Nephew ; Omens and portents ; Rufus denounced from the Pulpit, Death of William Rufus ......... — Question of Walter Tirel 222 The corpse carried to Winchester and buried in silence . — 1087-1100 William's character and appearance, His extravagance and rapacity ; Chivalrous treatment of men of rank ; His unpopularity. Venality and injustice of his rule; His contempt for religion ; His attitude towards Judaism ........ 223, 224 Revenue of William II ; Ralph Flambard Treasurer . 225 Architecture of the Reign ; Close of the Eleventh Century 226 CHAPTER XVI Henry I. Henry Beauclerc ; His character and attainments . He seizes the Crown ...... Robert's Rights ignored ; Coronation with the Ancient Rites ..... ... 229 Issue of a Charter ........ 230 Restoration of the Laws of the Confessor. . . .231 Indictment of the late Governments Henry an English King; Doubtful attitude of the Barons Further Reforms; Ralph Flambard sent to the Tower Henry proposes to Marry . . . . .232 Anselm at Rome ; Final denunciation of Lay Investiture. 233 Urban and Anselm The Archbishop returns to England ; The Investiture Question 234 Status of the Lady Eadgyth questioned. Finding of the Clergy; Celebiation of the Wedding; "Godric and Godgifu" 235 xiv CONTENTS A.D. PAGE iioo Duke Robert in the East ; His Deeds of Prowess . . 236 His Marriage with Sibylle of Conversana, He is stirred to take action against his brother; Ralph Flambard . 237 HOI The Feudatories of Double Allegiance; The Church and Native English loyal to Henry, Robert lands at Ports- mouth, Advance to Winchester and Alton . . 238 Reconciliation with Henry ; Robert returns to Normandy ; Punishment of Rebels 239 1101-2 Proceedings against Robert of Belleme, He takes up arms 240 1 102 Henry attacks Arundel ; Siege of Tickhill, Welsh allies of Belleme .241 Siege of Bridgenorth ; The barons and the King ; The English and the King ; Settlement with the Welsh ; Fall of Bridgenorth ; March to Shrewsbury . . 242 The Earl submits; His banishment; Henry Master of England; Jorweth of Wales imprisoned . . . 243 HOI The struggle with Anselm and the Pope; Fresh embassy at Rome . . 244 1 102 The Pope obdurate 245 The question adjourned; Appointment to vacant sees; Synod held by Anselm ; Enactment of Canons . . 246 Clerical Marriage forbidden ...... 247 1 103 Henry's eiforts for a settlement with Anselm; The Arch- bishop goes to Rome ...... 248 CHAPTER XVn 250 251 252 — ■ Robert of Belleme in Normandy ; Helplessness of Duke Robert He visits England ; Norman appeals to Henry. 1 1 04 He goes over to Normandy; Alliance of Magnates Cession of Evreux by Robert .... William of Mortain ; He wages war in the Cotentin 1 105 Second visit of the King to Normandy, Easter at Carentan ; Burning of Bayeux ; Submission of Caen ; Henry re- turns to England; He refuses to make terms . . 253 1 106 Third Campaign in Normandy, Operations against Tinche- brai, Attempt at Mediation, Henry's Proposals ; Battle of Tinchebrai ........ 254 Victory of King Henry ; Reunion of Normandy and Eng- land ; Robert's son William entrusted to Hehe of St. Saens ; The King at Rouen 255 Flambard restored to the See of Durham ; Henry pardons Robert of Belleme ; Measures for the Restoration of Order; Imprisonment of Duke Robert . . . 256 Victory, of Henry over the Papacy 257 H03 Anselm's Mission to Rome ; Pascal still unyielding . . — Henry refuses to have Anselm back except on his own Terms 258 CONTENTS XV A.D. PAGE 1 104 Fresh Embassy to Rome 258 1105 Henry threatened with excommunication ... — Meeting between the King and Anselm .... 259 1106 The Pope gives way; a compromise; Terms of the compromise . . . . . . . .260 Final agreement between the King and Anselm; the Archbishop at Canterbury again . . . .261 1107 Grand Council at Westminster . ..... — Consecration of Five Bishops ; Failing health of Anselm ; His spiritual pretensions . . . . . .262 1 108 Purveyance; Creation of the Diocese of Ely . . .263 Struggle between Canterbury and York ; A New Arch- bishop of York 264 1109 Death of Anselm ; a theologian, not a statesman . . — Triumph of Canterbury over York ; Alexander I. King of Scotland 265 CHAPTER XVni mo Betrothal of the King's Daughter to Henry V. . . . 267 New Windsor ; Banishment of Barons . . . 268 1 1 1 1 The King in Normandy — Affairs in Anjou and Maine . . . . . .269 Warlike Outlook ; Louis takes the field . . . 270 1112 Capture of Robert of Belleme 271 1 1 13 Homage rendered for Maine; Treaty with France; Homage by Brittany ....... — Reduction of Castle of Belleme; Clemency of Henry; His courtesy to the Clergy . . . . . .272 1 1 14 The King returns to England; Ralph of Escures, Arch- bishop of Canterbury ; Thurstan, Archbishop of York ; Englishmen excluded from preferment . . . 273 Supremacy of Canterbury again contested; Affairs in Wales ; An English Bishop at Llandaff . . . 274 Owain, son of Cadwgan ; Release of Jorwerth . . .275 Invasion of Wales by Henry ; St. David's an English Bishopric; Normans do homage to the /Etheling William . . . . . . . . .276 III 5-6 Rise of the Cistercian Order; Growth of Papal Pretensions : Resistance by the Anglican Church ; William recog- nised as Henry's heir; The King in Normandy . -277 T116 Fresh claims of the Papacy ; politic letter from Pascal . 278 CHAPTER XIX HostiHties with France ; Misconduct by Theobald of Blois ; Louis Supports young William of Normandy . . 279 1 1 18 Discontent of Norman Lords; Extensive conspiracy; The Count of Anjou in Arms ; Richer of Laigle ; Alarm at Rouen 280 CONTENTS PAGE 281 282 283 Grand Council at Rouen ; Loss of Evreux and Alengon ; Enterprise of King Louis Deaths of Queen Matilda and of Count of Meulan; Character and Habits of the Queen .... 1 1 18-9 Further defections in Normandy; Ralph Harenc and Juliana of Breteuil ; Loss of Les Andelys . 1 1 19 Henry's Prudent and Successful Management ; Marriage of the King's son to Matilda of Anjou .... 284 Siege of Evreux ; Operations in the Vexin . . • 285 Battle of Brdmule 286 Narrow Escape of King Henry ; Rout of the French . .287 Henry's talents as a General ; Fresh efforts of the French j Death of Gelasius IL ; Calixtus II. Pope . . .288 Council ar Rheims ; Louis' charges against Henry ; Truce of God 289 Henry's Diplomacy ; peace with France .... 290 1 1 20 Pacification of Normandy ; Homage done for Normandy; The loss of the White Ship; The King's son drowned . . . . . . . . .291 Other personages lost ....... 292 1 1 2 1 Henry's distress ; His position affected ; He marries again ; Coronation of Adelaide at Windsor . . 293 Archbishop Thurstan admitted to York; No oath of Canonical Obedience to Canterbury; Eadmer the Historian in Scotland ...... 294 A Papal Legate coming to England ; Henry baffles him ; A Welsh campaign 295 1 12 1-2 The King at Carlisle ; Settlement of the question of Invest- iture abroad ; The C(9«f(7A(/a/ of Worms . . .296 1 1 22-3 A New Archbishop of Canterbury; Contest between Seculars and Regulars 297 1 123 Death of Robert Bloet Bishop of Lincoln . . . .298 CHAPTER XX Movement in favour of young William in Normandy; His marriage with Sibylle of Anjou ..... 299 Discontent of William of Roumare ; Young barons in Revolt ; Petty war ....... 300 Henry reduces Montfort-sur-Risle, Pont Audemer, and Evreux ..... ... 301 1 1 24 Action near Bourgtheroulde . . ... — Defeat and capture of Rebels . . ... — End of the rising ; Treatment of prisoners ; Case of Luc de La Barre ; Action of France and Anjou forestalled 302 Distress and crime in England ..... 303 A Papal Legate ; Visitation of England and Scotland ; Synod at Westminster ...... 304 Canons enacted ; Scandalous end of the Mission ; Arch- bishop William appointed Legate . . . 305 CONTENTS xvii 1 1 26 Henry returns to England; The Empress Matilda now a Widow; England and Normandy to be settled on Matilda 306 Grand Court at Windsor 307 1 1 2 7 Homage done to Matilda in London ; Reluctance of the Baronage .... .... — 1 1 27 Question of Matilda's future husband; The King's pledges ; His secret intentions ; Young William of Normandy again taken up by the King of France . 308 And invested with Flanders ; The Empress Matilda betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou ; Unpopularity of the connexion 309 1 128 Death of William of Normandy ; Death of Ralph Flambard Bishop of Durham ; The Knights Templars in England . . . . . . . . .310 A good battle promised in Holy Land ; The Pledge not kept . . ■ 311 1 1 29 The King's return to England; Geoffrey and Matilda; Synods in London (1127, 1129); Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester ...... — 1 1 30 The King in Normandy; Double election to the Papacy 312 St. Bernard of Clairvaux; Henry I., and Innocent H. . 313 1 131 The King returns to England with his daughter; Fresh homage to Matilda; She rejoins her husband in Anjou 314 1 132 Councils and ecclesiastical disputes .... — 1 1 33 Henry's last visit to Oxford; Bishops appointed to Durham and Ely, and See of Carlisle established . — Birth of the future Henry IL ; Henry's last voyage to Normandy; Eclipse and earthquake . . .315 1134 Death of Ex-Duke Robert ; Welsh risings . . . .316 1135 Geoffrey of Anjou giving trouble; Normans abetting him ; The King's illness, and death . . . .317 CHAPTER XXI 1100-35 Appearance and character of Henry I. ; His pleasant manners; His wonderful ability ; not unmerciful . 319 But not a man of honour ; an inscrutable man ; skilful in the use of Legal weapons; a selfish man; High estimate of his own age . . . . . .320 His immense success ; His scholarly tastes ; Knowledge of English 321 Love of sport ; His so-called Laws : Administrative Organisation ; the County Courts ; New Pleas of the Crown; Justices in Eyre 322 Court of Exchequer ; Old procedure still in force ; the Exchequer ; its procedure ; The Chequer Table ; how the money was reckoned 323 xvm CONTENTS 1 1 00-3 s The procedure probably partly Old-English, partly Norman ; Pipe Roll of Henry I. . . . The Easter and Michaelmas Audits ; Exchequer tallies closing of the accounts ; debts carried forward continuing liability of Sheriffs ; The County Rents The Revenues farmed out ; Terrce Datce Danegeld and miscellaneous sources of revenue Heads of Revenue ; County Ferms ; Danegeld ; the rate at which it was levied ..... Miscellaneous receipts ; Sale of heiresses ; Minors' estates farmed out ; Vacant Sees farmed . Receipts from the Jews ; Queen's Gold ; no Earls as Fiscal Officers under Henry I .... . Monastic Revival ; Cistercian Foundations The Church of Scotland; Architecture of the period Canterbury ....... Rochester, Chichester, Norwich, Ely, Winchester Gloucester, Peterborough, Exeter, Hereford, Carlisle, Durham . First vaulted nave and first pointed arches Examination of Remains of St. Cuthberht Other architectural remains of the reign . Bad seasons ; Famine and pestilence ; Destructive gales Literature ........ Mathematics and Natural Science ; The Arthurian Romance ; Lectures at Oxford .... Henry's Issue ........ CHAPTER XXn 11 35 Disorders at Henry's death; Destruction of game Affairs in Normandy .... Prompt action of Stephen ; reception in London The Bishops of Winchester and Salisbury . Compact with the Church Coronation ...... A Charter ; Character of Stephen 1 1 36 Burial of Henry I. ; The King's supporters 1 135 Matilda invades Normandy ; Count Theobald Count Geoffrey in Normandy . 1 136 The Welsh ; The Scots ; Stephen in the North ; A Treaty Coronation of Queen Matilda ; Acceptance of Stephen Matilda and Innocent II. ; Proceedings at Rome Stephen confirmed by the Pope ; Robert of Gloucester comes over and does homage ; question of the Terms ; Another Charter ..... 350, Risings in Norfolk and North Devon Siege of Exeter Castle ..... Weak convention ; Baldwin driven from England Events in Wales ; Native risings 351 353 354 355 CONTENTS Richard of Clare killed ; Invasion of Ceredigion . . 356 Defeat of the ' French ' at Cardigan ; Feeble action of the King ; The settlers in Wales left to their fate . 357 Death of William of Corbeil ; question of his successor . 358 CHAPTER XXIII 1 137 Private wars in Normandy Inroad by the Count of Anjou Stephen crosses the Channel ; does homage for Normandy Count Geoffrey again ..... 1136 Dissentions in Camp; A truce ; Stephen and his Barons Death of Louis VI ; Archbishop Thurstan and the Scots The King returns to England ; An Earl of Bedford . 1138 Siege of Bedford Scottish inroad ; cruel outrages ; Stephen in the North Second Scottish invasion ...... Third invasion ; Advance to the Wear ; The Yorkshire Barons ........ Archbishop Thurstan ; Fruitless offers ; Advance on both sides ........ Formation of the English ; The Standard . Formation of the Scots ; The action ; Defeat of the Scots No pursuit ; Stephen in the West ; Geoffrey Talbot . Robert of Gloucester renounces his allegiance . Matilda's supporters ; Operations ; Dover A Bishop seized as a hostage ; Bristol too strong to be attacked Stephen turns aside ; Dudley, Shrewsbury, Wareham, and Dover reduced ; State of England 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 CHAPTER XXIV Confusion in Normandy ; Angevin inroads ; Burning of Touques 376 A Papal Legate in England ; The Legate and the Scots . 377 Synod at Westminster 378 Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury. . . . -379 II 39 Queen Matilda negotiates peace; Henry of Scotland Earl of Northumberland ....... — • Presumable homage of Scotland; Stephen on the Welsh March ; Siege of Ludlow 380 Council at Oxford ; The Bishop of Salisbury and his relations . . . . . . . . -381 The Administration in their hands ; Their castles . . 382 Arrest of the Bishops of Salisbury and Lincoln . . . 383 Their castles and treasures seized ; Feelings of the Clergy ; Synod at Winchester 384 The King's defence ........ 385 Operations in Somerset and Wilts; Landing of the Empress 386 : CONTENTS A.D. PAGE Stephen lets her pass on ; The Empress at Bristol . . 387 Sieges of Hereford and Worcester 388 The King conies down ; Death of Bishop Roger of Salis- bury 3B9 CHAPTER XXV 1 140 Bishop Nigel of Ely in Revolt; Attack on Ely; The Bishop expelled • 39° A rising in Cornwall ; Gloucester shuns battle ; doings in the Severn Valley . . . . _ . • -391 Robert fitz Hubert, a Fleming, seizes Devizes; attempt on Marlborough ; His end ..... 392 A Council in London; Fruitless conference near Bath; The Bishop of Winchester in France. . . . 393 Hugh Bigod created Earl of Norfolk ; Gloucester sacks the town of Nottingham; Death of Archbishop Thurstan ; His work in the North . . . -394 1 141 St. William of York; A struggle for the Archbishopric; Ralph II. Earl of Chester ; His mother the Countess Lucy 395 And his half-brother William of Roumare. . . . 396 1 140 Ralph and William fortify Lincoln Castle .... — Stephen besieges them ; Gloucester to the rescue . . 397 Lincoln, its site and fortifications ; The river Witham . — 1141 The Foss Dike; Gloucester crosses the water . . . 398 Question of the locality ....... — Battle of Lincoln ; The dispositions ..... 399 Defeat of the Royalists ; Stephen taken prisoner . . 400 He is sent to Bristol; The Empress and the Bishop of Winchester ; A compact for the Crown . . .401 The Empress received at Winchester ; Archbishop Theo- bald ; The Empress at Oxford, and gaining ground . 402 Synod at Winchester ; Speech of the Legate . . . 403 The Londoners demand the release of Stephen ; Protest of Queen Matilda 404 Behaviour and manners of the Empress ; She is received in London ; Her party ...... 405 She refuses the Laws of the Confessor and is expelled from London 406 The Legate discards the Empress and retires to Winchester ; the Empress pursues him ; Castles at Winchester ........ 407 Flight of the Legate ; Winchester burnt .... 408 The Empress besieged in Winchester; Flight of the Empress ; She reaches Gloucester ; The Earl of Gloucester captured 410 Exchange of Stephen and Gloucester ; Stephen and the Londoners ; Synod at Westminster . . . .411 Christmas crown-wearing at Canterbury ; Distribution of titled Honours . . . . . . . .412 CONTENTS CHAPTER XXVI 1142 1141 1142 1 143 1144 1145 1146 Royal Progress ; King and Queen at York . . .413 The Count of Anjou in Normandy ; Fresh offer of England to Count Theobald ; Angevin gains . . . .414 Gloucester to go to Normandy ... ... — Doubtful accessions ; Gloucester and Count Geoffrey ; A joint campaign 415 Young Henry sent to England; Siege of Oxford ; Site of the city ......... 416 The city won ; Flight of the Empress ; Gloucester at home again ......... 417 Dilatory action — Defeat of Stephen at Wilton ; Territories controlled by the Empress and Stephen respectively; Desolation of England; Synod in London .... 418-19 Geoffrey of Mandeville ; His impeachment . . . 420 He retires to East Anglia, Ely — And Ramsey ; The Bishopric of Durham . . . 421 St. William of York (1142-43) ; The Bishop of Winchester no longer Legate ; Thomas Becket . . . .422 Repulse of Stephen at Lincoln ; End of Geoffrey of Mandeville ; Mandeville's sons . . . 423 The War ; Operations round Malraesbury . . . 424 Operations in the Thames Valley ..... — Faringdon fortified, and besieged by Stephen . . 425 Capitulation ......... — The Earl of Chester ; Conferences 426 1147 1143 1144 1147 CHAPTER XXVn The Earl of Chester ; A trap for the King The Earl arrested ; His castles given up ; The King enters Lincoln ...... Chester in arms ; War in the Midlands The house of Clare ; Reduction of their castles Henry of Anjou; Second visit to England Feeble operations Return to Normandy ; Death of the Earl of Gloucester Retirement of the Empress Geoffrey in Normandy .... He is invested as Duke .... St. Bernard and the Second Crusade Expedition to Portugal ; Capture of Lisbon 1143-47 St. William of York, suspended, and finally deposed . 1 147 Henry Murdac Archbishop of York; He is kept out of his See ...... 1148 1149 Council at Rheims ; The King and the Pope banished ; An Interdict The King vanquished .... Third visit of young Henry to England Theobald 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 43'> 437 CONTENTS A.V. 1149 II50 PAGE Journey to Carlisle ; He is knighted by David I. ; The Earl of Chester and King David ; A sudden change 438 Stephen and the Earl of Chester — Henry leaves England ; Stephen and the Papacy . . 439 The King's son Eustace; Lectures at Oxford on Civil Law .......... — Appeals to Rome 44° 1151 1152 CHAPTER XXVIII Henry, Duke of Normandy 441 Henry Murdac installed at York ; Eustace in France ; Normandy invaded 442 Henry recognised by Louis VII. ; Death of Geoffrey Plante Geneste, Louis VII. and Eleanor of Aquitaine — Divorce of Louis and Eleanor ...... 444 Marriage of Duke Henry and Eleanor ; A coalition . . 445 Invasion of Normandy ; Louis retires ; advances again and again draws back Henry in Anjou 446 1150-51 The war in England ; Sieges of AVorcester 1152 Eustace and the Succession A hostile Council ..... Siege of Wallingford . 447 1153 Fourth visit of Henry to England His army ; Reduction of Malmesbury . . . 448 Operations round Wallingford ; A truce .... 449 Warwick, Leicester, Stamford, Notting- Pacification of Win- Ducal progress ham .... Death of the King's son Eustace The Succession ; A compromise ; Chester .... Adjournment to London . 1 154 Friendly meeting; A progress to Dover; Henry returns to Normandy ..... Stephen in the North ; Synod in London . A run to Dover ; Death of the King Stephen's reign ; His character Arthurian romance ; Geoffrey of Monmouth Synod ; Ecclesiastical appointments ; Hugh Bishop of Durham ....... Death of Archbishop Murdac, William fitz Herbert re- stored ; His death ; Roger of Pont I'Eveque, Arch- bishop of York ; Thomas Becket ; Foundations of the reign The Cistercians Augustinians, or Black Canons The Gilbertines Finance and currency The King's Issue 449-50 45° of Puiset 4SI 452 453 454 Hospitals 455 456 457 MAPS AND PLANS FOR VOL. II Battle of Hastings . .... to face page 24 Exchequer Board ... . . 324 Battle of Lincoln . . . . . 398 Plan of Winchester . . . . . 409 ADDENDA AND ERRATA TO VOLUME II Page 1 6. The reference for the date of Lanfranc's appointment to Caen should be Orderic, 549, where he corrects the erroneous date given at p. 494. See below, and text, 183, note. Page 23, note 3. I might have added that if the proportion of the English army at Senlac contributed by the Church was large, it was a natural consequence of the fact that South of the Thames the Church estates were so vast. See Domesday and Beyond, 286. Page 25, note i. No attempt appears to have been made to interpret the old English toasting-cries as given by Wace, Roman de R. II. p. 184 (ed. Pluquet). " Bublie crient e weissel, E laticome e drencheheil, Drink Hindrewart e Drintome Dric Helf, e drinc tome." " Bublie " seems to represent the common greeting " beo bli^e," ' be blithe,' 'rejoice,' conf. Matt. xxv. 21. "Weissel" of course is "wees hfel," 'good health' or 'your good health' ; and "drencheheil" is "drinc hffil,'' or 'drink and good health,' ' I drink your health.' " Laticome" is probably ' let it come,' i.e. ' pass the bottle.' " Drink hindrewart " may possibly = ' drink hitherwards ' ; conf. ' I look towards you,' " Drintome " should be ' drink to me.' " Drinc helf" and "drinc tome" go together; = 'drink half a cup,' and 'drink a whole cup,' 'empty your glasses.' " Toom " in modern Lowland Scotch still means empty. In these suggestions I must acknow- ledge the assistance of Mr. C. Plummer and Mr. A. L. Mayhew. Page 49, note. For Clark, Military "Antiquities," read "Architecture." Page 50. See above, I. 500. Page 85. For 1066 as the date of Lanfranc's appointment to Caen, read 1062. 1066 is the year given by Orderic at p. 494, but this is corrected by the facts given at p. 549. Page 91, note. For " Aldreth-Soham " causeway, read "Aldreth- Watchford" causeway. I should also have referred to Mr. C. C. Babington's map of Old Cambridgeshire (Camb. Antiq. Soc. 1883). Pages 106, 133. Earl Roger, alleged to have been set free at the Conqueror's death, must have been recommitted to bonds, as he is never heard of again, and Orderic distinctly asserts that he died in prison. Page 143, note 6. For Round " 60," read " 308." Page 159, line 23 from top, for "Bishop," read "Archbishop." Page 164, headline. For 1088-" 1099," read "1089." Page 175. The removal of the great Mercian Bishopric to Lincoln by Remigius was not, in fact, from Dorchester, but from Leicester, to which place the See of Dorchester had already been removed. See Index " Leicester." Page 392. Marginal summary, for " Roger " Bigod, read"Ybi^\" in accordance with the text. CHAPTER I HAROLD II A.D. 1066 Born 1023-1024. • Crowned 6th January, 1066. Died 14th October, 1066 (Killed at Battle) Harold's Election and Coronation — Marriage with Ealdgyth — Descent of Tostig — Battle of Stamford Bridge ON the 5th January (1066) the Confessor King had breathed his last. The very next day saw him buried before the high altar at St. Peter's Westminster, as already stated ; a ' deposition ' of unparalleled haste. But the proceedings of that eventful Epiphany Day did not end there. The leaders of the nation were anxious to push on to other matters of greater importance than the obsequies of a departed King. The question of the succession under the circumstances of the hour was one of extra- ordinary urgency and delicacy. According to constitutional precedent, the young ^theling Eadgar, grandson of the gallant Ironside, was the man pointed out for the suffrages of the Witan. Then there was Duke William with his old pretensions and his new hold on Harold ; and lastly there was Harold himself, in whom the late King was understood to have finally acquiesced. The few foreigners at court might wish for the Duke, and sticklers for usage might look to Eadgar ^ ; but from the English and practical point of view, if England was not to be brought into subjection to Normandy, Harold, and Harold only, could be thought of. His friends at any rate were determined to allow of no discussion on the point. Ac- cordingly the hasty funeral of the Confessor was followed by the election and consecration of a new King, hurried on in a manner equally unpre- cedented. The Witan present in London held a council, elected Harold offhand, and then and there took him back to the Abbey, to be hallowed by Ealdred, Stigand being again put on one side.-' ' Godwine became earl in 1018 ; he might marry 1019-1020 ; Swein, his eldest, be- came earl in 1043, and Harold became earl in 1045. He is represented as treating William as his junior ; Guy Amiens, M.H.B., 860. William was born in 1027. 2 W. Malm., G. R., s. 238. ^ Chron. C, D, E ; Flor. ; Hist. Ely (Gale), II. 515. For the election, see the ballad given by the two first "sefroda, befajste," etc. Chron. E and Florence also refer to the nomination by Eadward. See also W. Malm., G. R., ss. 228, 238. The allegation of the Norman writers that Harold was crowned by the schismatic Stigand is only one of their many misrepresentations of fact ; W. Poit., 105 ; Ord., 492. Mr. Freeman R. H. — II. B 2 POSITION [a.d. 1066 Of the composition of the assembly by which Harold was elected we really know nothing, except that the two Archbishops and the court circle must have been there. Florence roundly asserts that all the magnates of England were present.^ But that is liardly credible considering the recent breach between the Northern Thegns and the late King. Harold was probably elected by representatives of the Southern Midlands, Wessex and East Anglia, and by the Church as a whole. That the Witan made a right choice cannot be doubted ; and we fully believe that Harold's election was on the whole popular, and that he justified the confidence of his friends.^ The precipitancy of the proceedings connected with his accession was perhaps unfortunate. It betrayed a certain nervousness, a certain want of confidence in his position. It must have been directed rather against domestic rivals than against William, who could not have carried England by a coup de main. It certainly justified Harold's enemies in taxing him with having snatched the crown.^ That Harold's actual and 3^'^^^ prospective difficulties were immense is plain. In the first Difficulties ^ ^ , , , , , , , , , , •, • ^ place the want of royal blood must have told heavily against him. The history of the world shows that wherever monarchy has estab- . „ lished itself the predilection for a King sprung from the magic circle of the regal caste becomes so strong that the feeung might almost be regarded as an "innate idea," part of the equipment that man brings with him into the world, an ultimate fact to be accepted without ex- planation.* Harold's birth would certainly expose his throne to a certain amount of popular contempt, and a considerable amount of aristocratic jealousy among fellow-magnates. Then the attitude of Mercia and North- umbria must have been doubtful for some time. Eadwine and Morkere may have dreamed of partition.^ They could not possibly have any heart in the succession of the West-Saxon Earl, who had twice endeavoured to turn their father out of house and home. These were some of Harold's , .^ ^ domestic difficulties. Abroad he had his infuriated brother to and Abroad. reckon with, and his rival Duke William. Against these he had not a single ally to look to. Flemish sympathy was divided between Tostig and William, the latter having married Baldwin's daughter, and assumes that the old ritual was observed. Very likely it was, but there is no record of the fact. * " A totius regni primatibus electus," etc. ^ See the admissions in Malmesbury, sup,, where he speaks of the " benivolentia " of the English to Harold. Of his rule he says, "quamvis ut non celetur Veritas pro persona quam gerebat regnum prudentia et fortitudine gubernaret si legitime suscepisset." This carries more weight than the mere panegyric of Florence, p. 280. ^ " Sceptrum invasit"; Adam of Bremen, sup., p. 344. "Arripuit diadema'' ; W. Malm., G, R., s. 228. So also, of course, the Norman writers. * Of course the justification of the feeling is to be found in its tendency to limit the number of possible candidates, and the chances of dissension and disruption. ^ Adam of Bremen, sup., understood that at Eadward's death the principes were preparing to contend among themselves for the succession. A.D. io66] OF THE NEW KING 3 the former his sister. The Danish view, as expressed by Adam of Bremen, was that Harold was a usurper.' Swein Estrithson had a claim of his own to urge through the old compact with Eadward. In Norway Harold Hardrada was still ready for Wicking adventure ; while lastly the Papacy had been alienated by Harold's supposed connexion with Stigand. Harold, like many other English statesmen, had no foreign policy, and he paid the penalty of his mistake. But these difficulties must enhance our admiration for the spirited stand he was able to make under such adverse circumstances. Poor Harold ! He indeed ' had little stillness the while that he ruled.' ^ It is pathetic to hear that his coins were inscribed with the motto Pax,^ that peace for which he might sigh, but to which he could not attain. The motto, however, was not one of his invention, being found on coins of the Confessor.'' Harold's accession probably was attended by few if any changes in the official world. The government had been practically in his hands for the last six or seven years : it would be his natural cue to avoid giving offence. VVessex he retained in his own hands. In fact, the Earldom of all Wessex was a novel post created for Godwine. But the appoint- ment of Waltheof, the son of Siward, to the earldom of Northamptonshire and Huntingdonshire may probably be ascribed to this time.^ The news that King Eadward was dead, and that the day of his burial had seen Harold elected and crowned, flew on the wings of the wind to Rouen. ' The mad Englishman had given public opinion no time to come to a just conclusion, but, with the help of an unscrupulous faction, had seated himself on the throne, on the very day of the funeral of the best of kings,' ^ William obviously had friends in England whose business it was to keep him well informed. Without loss of time he convened a council to impart his intention of asserting his rights by force of arms. We say to impart his intention, because his chaplain frankly admits that both then and on other occasions many of his chief men objected to the enterprise as too arduous, and utterly beyond the means of Nor- mandy.'' And so it well might seem. In fact, we may believe that if William had listened to his Barons he would never have -^ l^^j^y crossed the Channel. But the Duke's mind was made up, and an embassy was promptly sent over to Harold formally ' " Haroldus vir maleficus sceptriun iuvasit " ; Pertz, IX. p. 344. ^ Chron. 3 Freeman, N.C., III. 54. * See Ruding, Annals of Mint, III. PI. xxiv. II, and xxvi. I, 2, 3. ^ Waltheof appears as an earl in the course of 1066. Whether he was appointed within the year or in the autumn of 1065 is uncertain. 6 " Nee sustimrit vesanus Anglus quid electio publica statueret consulere, sed indie lugubri quo optimus ille humatus est . . . regium solium . . . occupavit qui- busdam iniquis faventibus " ; W. Poitiers, 104. For pictorial but not convincing details of the receipt of the news by the Duke, see Roman de Rou, H. 120, etc. ' "Tametsi complures majorum id ingeniose dissuaderent," etc., 105. 4 ACTION [a.d. 1066 demanding the fulfilment of his engagements.^ This was a necessary preliminary to any declaration of war, or commencement of hostilities. William was careful to keep himself in the right in the eyes of the world. Neither his message nor the exact answer to it have come down to us, but we may readily assume that Harold would point out that the Crown of England was not his to promise. The bestowal of it rested with the Witan of England, and they had given it to him.? Whether, as against the honour of the Saints by whose relics he had sworn Harold could venture to represent his oath as nullified by the circumstances under which it had been extorted from him seems doubtful. On such points the conscience of the age was timid. Harold's attitude being thus defined, William, after consultation with the inner circle of his confidants, convened a grand Provincial Council of his Barons at Lillebonne, to secure their co-operation, and LU^'onne '^o™™^' them to his enterprise. Feudal law gave him no right to call for their services over-sea. Again it is clear that considerable opposition manifested itself; but again, as usual, William's determination carried the day.^ The Norman Barons having been brought round to his scheme, and definite pledges of support given, and, moreover, recorded on parchment * — William was careful in all matters ^"forWar"^^ of business — preparation for war began in earnest. Ships were laid down, volunteers called for, and stores of arms, victual, and munitions collected.^ But William's breadth of view realized the importance of securing moral as well as material support ; and here the talents of his confidant Lan- franc, the Prior of Bec,^ stood him in good stead. The Duke's of^LEuS^c ^'^'^o^'^t of ^is quarrel with Harold was industriously circu- lated : William was the late King's heir, his next of kin, his legatee.''' Harold was a mere intruder, a perjurer, a blasphemer. Being the Duke's sworn man, he had violated every engagement entered into with him. To support these charges and enlist sympathy, envoys were accredited to the principal courts of Europe. The right hand of fellow- ship was held out to Tostig, who was brought from Flanders to Normandy.* Negotiations for treaties of defensive alliance were opened with Germany 1 W. Jum., 285 ; W. Malm., G. R., s. 238. " See W. Malm., sup. ; Eadmer, p. 8 ; ^. Hon, II. 123, 124. The writers who introduce the promise to marry William's daughter as part of Harold's obligations, also represent him as rejecting that on one ground or another. Eadmer thought that it was William, the married man, who had contracted for the hand of a daughter of Harold, the unmarried man ! 3 W. Malm., j«/. (II. 299); Ji. Ron, II. 125-135. The latter represents William fitz Osbera as the Duke's chief agent in bringing the Barons to terms. * " Li Dus fist tot enbrever." ^ W. Poitiers, 106. « See Id., 97 ; Orderic, 494. ' "Me hseredem . . . statuit . . . consanguineus mens Rex Edwardus"; W. Poitiers, 113, etc., and again 145 ; H. Hunt., A.D. 1066; Hist. Ramsey, 17S. * Orderic, 492; W. Jum., 285. A.D. io66] OF DUKE WILLIAM 5 and Denmark.! But Lanfranc's great stroke was securing the approval of the Papacy. Gilbert, Archdeacon of Lisieux, was sent to Rome, and succeeded in representing the contemplated attack on England as " a missionary enterprise " for the reformation of the Church of England ^ ; that is to say, for bringing it into closer relations with the See of Rome. It was on this ground clearly that the great Archdeacon Hildebrand per- suaded Alexander II. to give the blessing of St. Peter to William's cause, and to send a consecrated banner " to hallow the cause of fraud and usurpation." ^ To the professional soldiers and adventurers to whose swords William really looked for success it is needless to say that the spoils of England were the golden bait held out.* On the diplomatic field it does not appear that Harold attempted to cross swords with the Duke. Even at Rome he allowed the case to go against him by default. His ideas of policy were limited by the Four Seas. In fact, he had to begin with making sure of England. The greater part of the country was with him,^ but the Northumbrians, a material exception, had not given in their allegiance. Harold faced the difficulty by a journey to the North, taking with him Wulfstan, the much-respected Bishop of Worcester, who, as already mentioned, had for some time administered the See of York, as locum tenens for Ealdred. The visit was successful, the Northern people being won by the unwonted sight of Harold Kins' Royalty, and Harold's pleasant manners, and he returned to of all Eng- London for Easter (April 16) acknowledged King of all Eng- ^° land.'' It was probably during this progress that Harold, forsaking his old love, Eadgyth " Swanneshals " {Swanneck), cemented his alliance with Eadwine and Morkere by marrying their beautiful sister Ealdgyth, the widow of Grufifudd, son of Llywelyn, late King of North Wales.7 • W. Poitiers, 107. For the state of affairs in Germany, tlien under the minority of the young King Henry IV., see Freeman, N. C, III. 307, 308. The attitude of Den- mark, however, clearly remained doubtful ; Poitiers, suj>. ^ So William's chaplain, "Non tantum ditionem suam et gloriani augere quantum ritus Christianos partibus in illis corrigere intendit " ; W. Poitiers, 108. ^ Freeman. " Vexillum velut suffragium Sancti Petri, quo primo confidentius ac tutius invaderet adversarium " ; W. Poit., 107; Orderic, 493; W. Malm., G. R., s. 238 (p. 299). For Hildebrand's action in the matter see his own letter (24th April, 1080) to William, in which he admits that he was blamed by many of his brethren for sanctioning such bloodshed ; Bouquet, XIV. 648. This makes it clear that the curia were not really taken in by William's sophistries. For an exhaustive reviev/ of the diplomatic campaign see Freeman's N. C, III. 266-286, 305-322. * " Viri pugnaces . , • Anglicffi praedae inhiantes " ; Orderic, 494 ; Liber de Hyda, 291 ; Freeman. * " Paulo minus totum." " W. Malm., Vita Wulfst., Angl. Sacra, II. 253 ; Chron. C and D. ' The date of the marriage is uncertain. For the fact see Florence, A.D. io56 (I. 228, ed. Thorpe); W. Jum., 285, "pulchram Aldith"; Orderic, 492; Freeman, N. C, II. Append. J.J. ; and III. Append. F. 6 DOMESTIC AFFAIRS [a.d. 1066 From llie time of Cnut onwards London had more and more been taking rank as the capital and seat of government, Winchester becoming, as it were, the jointure-residence of widowed Queens. At westmmster Westminster, therefore, Harold held his first and only Easter ' feast, and with it probably the usual Easter Gemot. Prepara- tion against the impending storm of war must have supplied ample matter for serious discussion. Two ecclesiastical appointments, how- Appoint- ever, were probably made at this time. The abbacy of Ely ments. j^^^ izAtw vacant towards the close of the late reign, through the death of Abbot Wulfric, described as of kin to the Confessor (cognatum). Stigand had been allowed to take the administration of the affairs of that as well as of other abbeys into his own hands.' It was now taken from him, and one of the monks, by name Thurstan, described as a man of good character and fair education, was appointed Abbot.^ The Abbey of Abingdon had lost its head about the 22nd January (1066) through the death of Abbot Ordric. One Ealdred, again a member of the House, was appointed to succeed him.^ In connexion with these affairs we may notice an effort made by Harold to come to terms with Bishop Gisa, who had taxed him with appropriating lands that had been given to the See of Wells, and, in particular the two townships of Congresbury and Banwell. The only extant charter of Harold confirms Gisa in all his rights of soc and sac, but makes no reference to the disputed lands in question.* From Domesday it appears that both Congresbury and Banwell had been in Harold's hands T.R.E. but that the latter was held by the Bishop at the time of the Survey.^ Easter week come and gone, the hurley-burley began. First the heavens spoke out, giving as it were a sign to warn the nation of coming troubles. On the 24th April a great comet appeared, and, for a whole week swept the southern hemisphere with its tail. Writing after the event, the chroniclers of Europe agreed that the downfall of the English dynasty had been clearly foretold." A few days later (May) William shot his first bolt, despatching Tostig with a fleet from the Cotentin, that is to say, presumably from Cherbourg, Attack on °" ^ roving commission to harry the English coasts''' and England by create a diversion. Tostig crossed over to the Isle of Wight, ToBtig. ^vhgre he had estates, » and obtained money and provisions 1 "Stigand us . . . abbatiam de Ely . . . in sua manu tenuit " ; //«V. £/y, 514. - "Anglice et Latine sufficienter edoctum" ; Hist. Ely, 515. ^ Hist. Abingdon, \. d,%z. " Exteriorum praeposituram agens." Freeman, TV. C. III. 68. * Cod. Dip. No. 976. ^ For Gisa's case see Hunter's Ecclesiastical Documents fCahiden Soc, 1840), 15-18. William gave back to Gisa one hide in Congresbury, keeping the rest for himself. See also Freeman, N.C., II. Append. Q.Q. « Chron. C, D ; Flor. ; W. Jum., 285 ; Orderic, 492. The foreign writers represen the comet as visible for a fortnight. ' W. Jum., stip. ; Ord., 493. ' So Domesday. A.D. io66] MOVEMENTS OF TOSTIG ^ but nothing more — nothing certainly to induce him to stay there. Moving Eastwards, he levied contributions at various places till he came to Sand- wich, where he must have made some little stay, long enough at any rate for the report of his being there to reach Harold in London, and for a report of an immediate attack by Harold to reach Sandwich. Tostig then sailed on again, taking with him a reinforcement of Sandwich boatmen, ' some thanks, some unthanks.' ^ His next appearance was in the Humber, where he did a deal of damage on the Lindsey shore. Here, of course, Tostig had no right to expect friends, and Eadwine and Morkere soon brought the Northern fyrd to the rescue. Tostig was again driven off, and his men began to desert him. With sixty vessels he was said to have entered the Humber ; with twelve smacks he was fain to seek °\cotiS.d.*° shelter at the court of his sworn brother, Malcolm Canmore of Scotland. 2 So far Tostig's efforts apparently had come to nothing. This must have happened about the end of May. For nearly four months Tostig re- mained lost to the ken of our English chroniclers, who supposed him to be buried in Scotland,^ sitting there idly, waiting on Providence, till, in fact. Providence did send him a new ally, and a fresh equipment for the struggle against his brother. This Deus ex viachina was no other than the adventurous King of Norway, Harold Hardrada.^ But H^^rada *^^ "P^ plum had not quite dropped into Tostig's mouth of its own accord. Finding, doubtless, that the Scots were not prepared to undertake a war with England, either on his account or their own, he had gone over to Norway to tempt the unquenched ambition of the last and greatest of Wickings.^ According to one account, Tostig's first application was made to his cousin Swein son of Estrith, King of Denmark.*' But this lacks confirmation. The Norse King, however, was dazzled by the prospect of rivalling the deeds of Swein Tiugesksegg or Cnut. In the scramble for England why should not he stand as well as an Earl of Wessex or a Duke of Normandy ? Norse armaments in those days did not take long to get ready. Hard- rada called out his men ; had his son Magnus proclaimed King, to act as ' i.e.. Some willingly, some imwillingly. 2 Chron. C and D. ^ So Cliron. C and Florence. * It is a curious fact that the English and Norman writers almost without exception speak of Harold ' Harfager,' confounding the later Harold with the tenth century hero, whose fame seemingly overshadowed that of all other Norse Harolds. Not a writer gives Harold " Hardrada" his proper name. ^ W. Jum., sup. ; Orderic, 493 ; Saga of H. Hardrada, Laing, III. 79. * Saga, sitfi., 78. The writer thought that Tostig went to Norway from Flanders, not from Scotland, so that Denmark would lie on his way. This Saga is for the most part worthless as history ; but for the events of this year it is clear that the compiler had access to better materials than usual. His dates are right, and his places can all be identified. 8 NORSE LANDING [a.d. 1066 Regent in his absence, and so, about the end of August, sailed from the Sulen Islands at the mouth of the Sogne Fiord.i He touched in Shet- land and Orkney, then subject to his suzerainty,^ and carried off as auxiliaries the Earls Paul and Erling, sons of the great Thorfinn, who had died about two years before. Sailing down the East coast of Scotland,^ he put in at the mouth of the Tyne, with Tostig in his company.* °E^g!^d.'' AVhether Tostig came back from Norway along with Harold or before him does not appear. If they had parted they must betaken to have effected a junction before entering the Tyne.^ Tostig would never venture to attack Northumbria single-handed. The numbers of their combined forces are given as 200 or 300 ships.*"' Even if we could trust these figures, we should require to know something of the size and character of the vessels. Hardrada's plan was to penetrate Yorkshire by sailing up the Oose to York, the old Scandinavian system, and so his next landing-place was " Kliflond," evidently Cleveland, meaning probably the mouth of the Tees. Again they touched at " Skardaborg " — Scarborough — where they burned the town, carrying off much booty, and so on to " Hellorness " — Holderness — and round into the mouth of the Humber.^ Sailing up the Oose (Usa) the invaders finally landed at " Richale " * — Riccal — on the left bank of the river above Selby, but some ten miles below York. From that point they advanced by land along the road to York, with the river __ .on their left. So they marched as far as Fulford," that is Engagement ^ at Gate to say, Gate Fulford, about two miles from York. There, on f""ord. Wednesday, 20th September, they found themselves confronted by the forces of the country, under Eadwine, Morkere, and perhaps AValtheof.io The road follows a slight and narrow ridge between the river on one side and Low Moor on the other side. The Moor, apparently little better than a swamp, was parted from the road by a ditch. Across the road, between the river and the ditch, the two armies drew out their lines face to face. When they engaged the English left next to the ditch proved the stronger, and drove back the enemy. Victory seemed to incline to their side, when Harold Hardrada, sounding the charge on his left, next to the river, which also was his strongest wing, turned the scale, driving the English into the ditch, where numbers were drowned. So at least 1 Orderic, 493, 499 ; Saga, sup., 78-82. " Adam of Bremen. ^ Saga, 83 ; Freeman. * Chron. C (September). ^ The Abingdon Chronicle seems to imply that they met in the Tyne ; but the English ■writers know nothing of Tostig's trip to Norway, and the Saga and the Norman writers know nothing of his stay in Scotland. * 200 ships. Saga ; 300, Chron. D and E. ' Saga, sup. ; Chron. D ; Flor. « Florence. ° Symeon. 10 So the Saga. The writer, however, does not mention Eadwine, so that perhaps he confounded Eadwine and Waltheof, but he gives Waltheof his right title. A.D. 1066] A BATTLE 9 says the Saga, if its account may be trusted.^ But that the English, after a successful beginning, were ultimately defeated, and that they the^a^iisli ^"^^ "^^"^y "isn by drowning, either in the river or the ditch, is admitted by the English account, and may be taken as certain.^ The invaders remained masters of the field, but none of the English leaders fell. What followed is involved in doubt. According to the Abingdon Chronicle Harold entered York ; but the Saga admits that the castle held out : and all are agreed that negotiations for a peaceable settlement were entered into; that hostages were exchanged; and that Harold retired from the city, taking up his quarters outside.^ Neither party would be anxious to force the fighting. The English were probably looking for succour from the South, and Hardrada would not want to use force if other means would do. So matters went on, the in- vaders discussing terms of submission or alliance with the natives * till the following Sunday (24th September), when Harold, the English King, marching through Tadcaster, entered York.^ Of Harold's movements since the month of May we have but one account," and that tells us that when he heard of his brother's appear- ance at Sandwich he began to call for ships and men, and that he went down to Sandwich in person to take charge of the force.'' But, as usual, ' it was long ere man might gather it' However, when all was ready, Harold took the ships to the Isle of Wight, while the land-fyrd was stationed at different points along the coast.^ So things Miutered remained ' all summer and all harvest ' — say all July and August — and so on till towards the 8th September." 'And then was all their meat {victuals) agone, and then them nane man longer and holden ne might.' The allowances brought by the men Disbanded, from their districts, whether in money or kind, were ex- hausted ; they could not be allowed to plunder ; their legal term of service was at an end, and so they had to be dismissed. It was an old story. With William's armament confronting him on the opposite coast at the mouth of the little river Dives, fully equipped, and only waiting for the first fair wind to cross the Channel, poor Harold had to disband his men, and allow them to go off to their respective homes ; some North, some East, some West. It was maddening, but perhaps with a national constitutional 1 Laing, III. 84. ^ Florence ; Cliron. C. Henry of Huntingdon adds that the battlefield to the South of the city was still shown in his day. ^ Florence ; Chron. C ; Saga, sup. * On this point compare the statement in the Life of Wulfstan, Aug!. Sacra, II. 254, that at the last Tostig won bacli the Northumbrians to his side. ^ See below, p. 11. " Chron. C, translated by Florence. ' " Lith." " For this see also Orderic, 500, and W. Poitiers, 107. ■•' "To Nativitas Sanctoa Marias," Chron. ; rendered by Florence "adveniente Nativitate." 10 HAROLUS MOVEMENTS [a.d. 1066 militia it could not be helped. Nevertheless the social system which, under such circumstances, could not rise to an extra effort must stand con- demned. Again, it does not appear that Harold, in all those weeks, made any attempt to deal a blow at his adversary by attacking his flotilla at its raooringSji a reflection on the naval enterprise of the English of the time. However we must admit that in those days a hundred miles of open sea was a good deal to face ; and as we shall find that the wind blew from the North all the time, Harold might have some reasonable anxiety as to his power of getting back again if he did venture across the Channel. On that point he had experiences of his own to go by. Thus, after weeks of idleness, the force was disbanded. The ships were taken back to the Thames, but, it would seem, not without loss, several being lost on the way. Harold himself rode back to London, there to be greeted with the news of the landing of Tostig and Hardrada in the North. Glad, perhaps, after those weeks of weary inaction, to have at last a foe to grapple with, the King gathered a hasty force and started for York without the loss of a single hour.^ It is probable that the fyrd had not been wholly dispersed, because two men, incidently noticed as having followed Harold in his march to York, were Thegns, the one from Essex, the other from Worcestershire,' neither of whom could have been summoned from home in time to join. Probably the leading gentry, with their household retainers, had kept round the King in case of need. We are told that Harold travelled to York 'days and nights';* the distance would be some 200 miles. For this forced march all were probably mounted. ^ How long the journey took we cannot say, because we do not exactly know when the news of the landing first reached Harold. The break-up in the Isle of Wight is only vaguely dated as towards the Nativity of the Virgin, i.e. the 8th September, clearly implying that it took place some- what before that day. Harold, therefore, might well have been in London by the 12th or 15th September. Even the latter date would allow him nine days for his preparations and march to Tadcaster. Tlie landing of the invaders in the Tyne, again, is dated still more vaguely as happening about the time when the English fleet got back to ' The writers, English and Norman, are absolutely silent on this point. Mr. Free- man does his best to make out some naval operations, but the only real bit of evidence that he can adduce is an entry in Domesday (Essex, II. 14^) to the effect that a certain man from Essex "abiit in navale prcelium contra Willelmum Regem," and that he died of sickness after his return. The man is not stated to have been wounded, so that the entry does not necessarily imply anything more than that he had served in the ship-fyrd. See N. C, III. 338, 716. 2 Chron. C. ; Flor. ^ See Freeman, III. 361, citing Domesday. * Chron. C. 5 The Saga represents the English at Stamford Bridge as fighting on horseback. That cannot be accepted, but the error might have grown out of reports of their arrival on horseback. A.D. 1066] RIDE TO YORK 11 the Thames.! If so we must suppose a first warning to have been heralded from Bamborough, a place that the Norse armament could hardly pass unseen. Whatever the time taken on the march, Harold reached Tadcaster on Sunday, the 24th September.^ We are then told that he arrayed his "lith,'' a word that we must take as meaning his army.' Tadcaster. Whether he really entered York that night or not may be doubtful, but we have difficulty in believing that with the prospect of battle on the morrow his men could resist the temptation of pushing on another ten miles for the sake of a comfortable night in the good city of York. Anyhow, on Monday morning, September 25, Harold, reinforced no doubt by the men of York, marched out of the city to attack the enemy. These were not with their ships in the ofthefSroes Oose, but encamped on the river Derwent some eight miles to the North-East of York. What took them there does not appear.' Perhaps they were foraging, perhaps collecting horses, th£ great desideratum for a Scandinavian march through th^ interior. At the moment they were expecting a peaceable embassy from the natives, to discuss terms and exchange hostages, when, all unawares,;' the King of England was upon them. A slight rise in the ground at Helmsley, on the road from York, would conceal his approach till he was within a mile and a half of Stamford Bridge. That would give the invaders scant time to arm or get ready in." Their men, therefore, or such of them as were on the right bank of the stream, were promptly withdrawn to the left or further bank,'^ a movement probably not effected without some confusion and consequent demoralization. Of the battle the Saga of Harold Hardrada gives us a most pictorial account, with speeches and what not. The English are represented as fighting on horseback, the Norsemen as arrayed in circular formation, two deep, with shields locked all round, the leaders being in the centre, as in the modern hollow square. The front rank would have their spears grounded, the rear rank their spears levelled. ' Chron. C. ''■ The Chronicle (C) after bringing Harold to Tadcaster on the Sunday, says that on the Monday he 'went out through York,' etc. ("for thurh ut Eoferwic"). Florence, condensing the narrative, says that on the Monday, "veniens Eboracum," he fought the Norsemen at Stamford Bridge. ^ Thorpe and Freeman render the word "lith " as fleet ; but a marshalling of the petty craft in the Wharfe seems really absaird. If the passage is to have any meaning it must be taken to apply to the army. * The reason given in the Chronicle, namely, that they had gone to Stamford Bridge to receive hostages from all Yorkshire, is not very intelligible. ^ "On unwaran." ® So expressly Marianus Scotus, the Irish writer, then living at Fulda, in Germany. " Araldus Rex Anglorum . . . quum Araldum imparatum, absque loricis et ceteris ejusdem rei invenisset bello occidit" ; Pertz, V. 559 ; Freeman, III. 369. So too the Saga, Laing, III. 86. ' " Cedere, sed non fugere . . . Ultra flumen repulsi " ; H. Hunt. 12 BATTLE [a.d. 1066 This detail is valuable as a description of Scandinavian tactics of the thirteenth century, when the Saga, in its present form, may have been compiled.^ Probably the description applies equally to their tactics of the eleventh century; but as an account of the battle of Stamford Bridge this narrative must be entirely rejected. The English at that time never fought on horseback, and the story ignores the river and the other few facts that may be considered clearly established. These are that the main action took place on the left or further side of the river, where local tradition still shows the Battle Flats. ^ But it is also certain that the fighting began on the right bank, because the one incident of the action that impressed itself alike on the memories of those who witnessed and of those who heard tell of it was the heroic stand made on ■'^ '^g^P^^^ the bridge by a nameless Norwegian champion, who, for softie time, singlehanded, held the planks against the English. Within the sweep of his battle-axe no man would venture ; against his armour arrows were plied in vain. At last an Englishman, creeping under the bridge, speared him from beneath. ^ The final struggle is described as long and desperate, but it ended in the annihilation of the Aimiliilation ii^vaders — Norsemen, Scots, Flemings, Tostig, Hardrada, and of Hardrada all. Years afterwards their unburied bones whitened the and li s y. gj-gmj^j 4 ^ considerable force, however, given by the Saga as one-third of the whole, had been left to guard the ships, under the Norse King's younger son Olaf, a Norse Bishop, and the Orkney Earl Paul. Glad to be rid of them without further trouble, Harold allowed these, and the few fugitives who had joined them, to sail home in peace. ^ Harold and his victorious host, way-worn and battle-weary, returned to York to feast and rest awhile.® But alas, poor King ! fate had ' little stillness ' in store for him. His return to the South could not be safely The Klne: '^^^^y^'^ ^ single day. How long he ventured to linger at returns to York does not appear, but sufficient data seem to exist for London, placing jjis return to London about the sth October." That would be ten days after Stamford Bridge. ' Laing, III. 85-93 ; Snorri Stuvlasen lived 1178-1241. ^ The Chronicler thought that the whole battle was fought "begeondan thjere brycge," {beyond the bridge), contra H. Huntingdon. The course of the road shows that the original bridge must have stood a little above the present one. ' See the Abingdon Chronicle (C), where Mr. Earle tells us that the passage is added by a later hand in Northumbrian dialect. The incident is also given from different reports by Malmesbury, G. R., s. 228 (p. 281), and II. Huntingdon. * Orderic 500. The body of Tostig, however, was recovered and buried at York ; W. Malm., sup., s. 252. His widow, Judith, was remarried in 1071 to Welf IV., son of Azzo and Kunigunde, the founder of the younger line of the House of Welf, Dukes of Bavaria, and ancestors of the Hanoverian Kings of England; Lappenberg, II. 281. ^ Laing, III. 86 ; Chron. C and D ; Florence. In my views of the battle of Stamford Bridge I am glad to find myself in accord with Mr. Freeman, N. C. , III. 360-376. ^ H. Hunt. ; Hist. Ramsey. ' See the Itinerary made out by llr. Freeman, N. C, III. 733, with which I agree. A.D. io66] OF STAMFORD BRIDGE 13 As Harold's return from the Isle of Wight to London had been followed by the news of Tostig's landing in the North, so now his homeward ride must have been spurred by the awful intelligence that four days after the fight on the Derwent Duke William had safely landed his armament at Pevensey. Tostig had done William's work most thoroughly. In racing parlance, he had "made the running" for him most effectually. His appearance on the English coast in the spring had served to bustle his brother, and hurry him into premature action. His campaign in the North had enabled William to effect his crossing without molestation. "^ Lastly, his death relieved the Duke of an ally who, when he was no longer needed, might have become troublesome. The whole thing was perfect. except in thinking that Harold could not have lingered at York till October i. Hunting- don's statement that Harold received the news of William's landing at York on a day anterior to the date of William's landing, is no warrant for holding that Harold rested at York long enough to receive the news there. If he did it was the greatest piece of negligence of which he could be guilty. ^ So Orderic points out. CHAPTER II HAROLD II. (continued) A.D. 1066. Campaign and Battle of Hastings— Death and Burial of Harold THE course of William's preparations had run smoothly and success- fully, events concurring singularly in his favour. His connexion with Flanders made his border safe on that side.i No "official" PrT^Srlrttons P^''*' ^'^ ^^ expedition was taken by Baldwin V., but volunteers ' were allowed to enlist Chief of the Flemish auxiliaries was Gerbod, afterwards for a short time Earl of Chester. Count Eustace II. of Boulogne, the brother-in-law of the Confessor, embraced William's cause with ardour. He had private grudges of his own against the House of Godwine and the English to avenge.^ On the other hand the King of Paris could not be otherwise than hostile. The Duke of Normandy was already much too strong.^ But Philip I. was under age, and Baldwin of Flanders was acting as his guardian. However much the French Barons might wish to thwart William's plans, they could not venture on any overt act.* Maine was now William's own, having been conquered by him, as al- ready stated ; while Anjou was distracted between two contending brothers, Geoffrey and Fulk, successors to their uncle Geoffrey Martel. In Brittany, again, fortune favoured William. Count Conan, the son of Allan, Wil- liam's former guardian, sent an insulting message, threatening hostilities, and calling on William to restore the Breton lands in his possession. Conan then went on an expedition against Anjou, and died there while taking possession of the town of Chateau-Gonthier.s His death was so sudden that poison was suggested, and so opportune for William that even his subjects seemed inclined to give him credit for having had a hand in it." Anyhow the most substantial body of auxiliaries that joined Wil- ' I reject the hostile interchange of messages between William and Baldwin (styled his brother-in-law) alleged in the Roman de R., II. 137-139. 2 See above, vol. I., under A.D. 1051. ^ "Trop est fort." * Roman de Ron, II. 135-137, i].v. for an alleged interview between William and Philip, which seems little more historical than the account of the communications with Baldwin. ^ Dept. Mayenne. * W. Jum., 286. The Count's chamberlain, who held lands both of him and of William, was said to have infected Conan's gloves, bridle-reins, and hunting horn with poison. When the poison took effect the chamberlain took refuge with William, but his name is not given. A.D. 1066] DUKE WILLIAM'S ARMY 15 Ham's banner came from Brittany, under the lead of Allan Rufus.' With him went Ralph of Gael,- better known in English history as AuriUiu'ies I^^^pl^ of Guader, afterwards Earl of Norfolk. But it appears that from all parts of ancient Gaul, from the Alps to the Atlantic, possibly even from beyond the Alps, William's prestige and William's liberality attracted adventurers and soldiers of fortune, most valuable recruits in the hands of one who could rule and lead them. Conspicuous among these was Aimery, Viscount of Thouars in Poitou, a man who proved of great assistance to the Duke.^ Of the men of his own allegiance the chief mentioned as actually join- ing the expedition were, first, William's two half-brothers, the sons of Arlette, by Herlouin of Conteville, whom she married after *'*FolloweK^^"''^ Robert's death. These were Odo Bishop of Bayeux, and Robert Count of Mortain {Moritolium) . With them we may place Geoffrey Bishop of Coutances. Among the lay barons were Ivo, son of Guy of Ponthieu ; William, son of Richard Count of Evreux ; Geoffrey, son of Rotrou Count of Mortagne {Moritonia) ; Robert of Meulan, eldest son of Roger of Beaumont * ; William fitz Osbern, Walter Giffard, Ralph of Tosny,^ Hugh of Grentemesnil,'^ William of Varenne,''' Hugh of Montforts (the constable), William Malet,o Humphrey of Tilleul."* To this list perhaps we might add the name of Roger of Poitou, third son of Roger of Montgomeri, the father staying at home.i'^ The reader will notice that on this voyage of adventure the chief Norman Barons were content to be represented by their sons. Nor did William's prudence neglect measures for the government of Normandy during his absence. That was entrusted to Matilda, se^en'f ^''•^ Roger of Beaumont and other sage elders to advise hen*^ Certain ecclesiastical affairs also are recorded ; but even these ^ Roman de R., 142; Geoffrey Gaimar, M.H.B., 828, and note. The Roman gives this Allan the surname of " Fergant," which was that of his cousin and namesalce, who became Count of Brittany and married William's daughter Constance. See also Roman, II. 271, note Pluquet. Gaimar also confounds Allan Rufus with the Count. 2 Roman, 247. * See W. Poitiers, 106 ; W. Jum., 286 ; Orderic, 494 ; Roman de R., sttp. ; Carmen de Bella Hastingensi, M.H.B., 861. This account of the campaign was written 1066- 1068 by Guy Bishop of Amiens. See also generally Freeman, III. 310-316. * Beaumont-le- Roger (Eure), a place named from him. ^ Eure, near Gaillon. " Now Grand-Mesnil, near Lisieux. ' " De -Garenna," now Bellencombre, on the northern Varenne, from which the place took its name (Seine Inferieure). ^ Montfort-sur-RisIe. Eure. ^ See W. Poitiers, 132 ; Orderic, 501 ; Guy of Amiens, 866. '" Ord., 512. There are four places of the name of Tilleul in Normandy, three in Eure, one in Seine Inf. '1 See Sir H. Howorth, Academy, 17, 24, June, 1882. >2 W. Poitiers, 106. i6 MUSTER AT DIVES [a.d: 1066 might not be altogether unconnected with the war. On the i8th June Matilda's convent of the Holy Trinity at Caen was conse- ^''^y^^*^' crated, and little CeciHa, eldest daughter of the Duke and Duchess, dedicated to God's service.^ The establishment of two monasteries — the one for monks, the other for nuns — was St. Stephen's, jj^g penance imposed on William and Matilda for the irregu- larity of their marriage, as already mentioned. Three days before William's foundation of St. Stephen's had received Lanfranc as its first Abbot.2 In contemplation of the Duke's adventurous enter- prise, both he and Matilda would wish to stand well with Heaven. Unfortunately we shall hear that the site of St. Stephen's had been forcibly wrested by William from the lawful owner. ^ Towards the middle of August everything was ready, and the whole armament gathered at Dives,* at the mouth of the river of the same name, a little to the East of Caen. The shipping filled the harbour, ^°D^es* ^* while the hosts were encamped on surrounding heights. As the Norman knights fought on horseback, the number of horses to be transported was great. The footmen appear to have been well equipped with missile weapons, bows, cross-bows and slings.^ With respect to the choice of the port of embarkation the spot was no doubt central, but we must also point out that according to our calculations Harold must have been keeping watch with his fleet in the Isle of Wight for at least a month before, and that the mouth of the Dives may have been selected as the Norman harbour with the widest expanse of water between it and the English fleet. With respect to the strength of William's force, we have in a portion of this work already given to the public endeavoured to illustrate the worth- lessness of chroniclers' estimates of numbers. We have shown its Strength. ^^'^ ^"^ exaggeration to the extent of ten times the ascertain- able figure is not uncommon." The current estimate of William's army placed it at 50,000 men and upwards.'^ One-tenth of that number would satisfy our ideas of what was at all likely : 10,000 men we ' See the charter in Gallia Christiana, ^\., " Instrumenta," 59, extracted Freeman, N.C., III. 108. 2 Orderic, 494. Part of Matilda's church still remains. St. Stephen's was not finally consecrated till 1077. It is described as " almost intact" ; N.C., III. 109, 382. ^ See below, a.d. 1087. * William was a month at Dives, a. fortnight after that at St. Valery, and finally crossed on or about the 28th September. That brings the muster on the Dives to about August 12. Conf. W. Malm., G. /?., b. 238 (p. 299), " mense Augusto," only he makes the force meet at St. Valery, ignoring Dives ; so too the Roman. '" " Pedites sagittis et balistis armatos"; Ord., 501. " Innumera multitudine fundi- baliorum, sagittariorum," etc. ; Florence, I. 227. * See Lancaster and York, I. 261, II. 398. ' So W. Poitiers, 106, 126 ; Orderic, sup. A.D. io66] WILLIAM'S NUMBERS 17 should consider beyond credibility. Edward III. never shipped 10,000 men across the Channel. Henry V. and Edward IV. just succeeded by the greatest efforts in making up such a number once, and once only, in each reign. 1 The reader must be left to decide whether he believes that the resources of a Duke of Normandy of the eleventh century could equal, not to say exceed, those of a King of England of the thirteenth or four- teenth centuries.^ Again we shall find that William's entire force could be shipped within the limits of a short October day, and again unshipped in the same space of time. At Harfleur, in 141 5, three August days were required for the landing of Henry's 8,000-10,000 men. Of William's fleet 3,000 sailing ships was the current estimate.^ Wace, however, honestly admits another report, according to which, taking large craft and small, sailing vessels, boats, and skiffs, the grand total only came to seven hundred less four.* Of the shipping it has been pointed out that the best were but open boats with one square sail.^ We might add that the Bayeux Tapestry'' clearly shows that the naval architecture of the period had not yet evolved the idea of the rudder on the stern-post, the vessels being evidently steered by a long oar over the " starboard " {i.e. steer- board) quarter, like the old Wicking ship in the museum at Christiania. A whole month, say from August 12th to September 12th, the fleet was detained in the Dives by northerly winds and bad weather, very trying to Foul wi d *^® Duke's patience, as the whole force had to be maintained at his expense, all foraging being strictly forbidden.' Of any action on the part of Harold during all this time we hear nothing, beyond the despatch of some spies, apparently foreigners, hired to report on William's preparations. One of these having been caught and brought to the Duke, he sent him back to Harold with a contemptuous message, telling him not to waste his gold on spies, as he would soon find out what he, William, was about. If within the space of a year Harold should not ' Namely in 1417 and 1475 : Lancaster and York, I. 245, II. 406. In 1415 Henry V. did not take 10,000 men across the Cliannel ; Id., I. 200. ^ Normandy was a rich province no doubt. Henry V. and the Duke of Bedford obtained from the Norman Estates contributions rather larger than those that they got from the English Parliaments ; but Normandy was a conquered country held down by force. We could hardly rate the resources or Normandy in the iSth century as equal to those of England at the same time. If so, much less could we rate the Normandy of the eleventh century as equal to the England of the fifteenth century. ^ W. Jum., 286 ; Roman de Rou, II. 145. * " Ke nes, Ke batels, Ke esqueis " ; Roman, sup. Wace had this from his father, but he does not allege, nor does it seem possible from Wace's own age that his father could have been on the expedition, = Freeman, iV. C, III. 381. " For the date, etc., of this piece of work see Appendix A to this chapter. ' W. Poitiers, 106 ; Ord., 500. R. H. — II. C 1 8 THE CROSSING [a.d. 1066 have been driven from his last foothold in England, he might hope to spend the rest of his days in peace.^ At the end of the month advantage was taken of a westerly breeze to remove the armament to St. Val^ry, in the estuary of the Somme, a place outside the limits of William's proper dominions, but under |emOTalto tjjg s^jy of ijjg vassal, Count Guy of Ponthieu.^ William probably wished to get into a fresh country for provisioning his army ; but besides that it is impossible not to connect the move to St. Val^ry with the break-up of the English fleet, which by this time must have left the Isle of Wight. The English coast being clear, William would naturally bring his ships to a point where the crossing would be short and easy. The change of station, however, was not effected without consider- able loss, partly by desertion, and partly by shipwreck, so precarious was the navigation of the times. To conceal his losses William ordered the bodies that came ashore to be buried as privately as possible. But again at St. Vale'ry the north wind blew,^ and more rain fell. In spite of all William's efforts his men were getting discouraged. At last re- course was had to prayer for a favourable wind, and a grand Prayers for a . . ' . . Favourable processional function was arranged to secure the intercession Wind. Qf |.jjg local patron saint. The ark or shrine containing the bones of St. Valery * was taken by the clergy from its resting-place in the church and set up in state in a convenient place out of doors. The whole army was then brought up, man by man, to ' offer ' as they marched past. We are told that the ark was buried with the pieces of silver showered upon it.^ At last the weather relented, and the south wind blew. Not a moment was lost in getting on board. By dint of great exertions, and with endless noise and bustle, if our accounts can be trusted, everything ^•"^ ^^* ^®*%as shipped by nightfall,6 and the whole fleet loosed from its moorings. But as William did not want to reach the English coast before daylight they were ordered to anchor awhile,^ until he gave » W. Poitiers, 107. The writer appends remonstrances by the Norman Barons against the whole undertaldng, as if the incident really occurred early in the year. 2 St. V. is in Vimeu; Ponthieu extends only as far as the Somme. From the Somme to Eu is Vimeu ; /?. Rou, II. 242. 3 They were there fifteen days, " ter quinque dies " ; Guy of Amiens, sup. * "Lachasse Saint Valeri"; Roman R. St. Walaric, or Valeiy, "was a saint of Merovingian times who had done much to evangelise the still heathen parts of Northern Gaul " ; Freeman. 5 W. Poitiers, 108; Orderic, 500; Roman, II. 146; W. Malm., stif., p. 300. ^ So Wm. of Poitiers and Guy of Amiens. '"Datedictum . . . ut cum in altum sint deductae paululum noctis conquiescant ... in anchoris . . . Solutis noctu post quietem navibus," etc. ; W. Poitiers. These words do not imply that William ordered his fleet to anchor in mid-channel, as supposed by Guy of Amiens. A.D. io66] OF THE CHANNEL 19 the signal by blowing a horn and hoisting a lantern at his mast-head. The signal having been given, all started, and effected the crossing, appar- ently without incident. But William's ship' outsailed the others to such an extent that when daylight came he found himself at his destination, off Pevensey, but out of sight of the rest of his fleet. Heaving to, he utilized the time by partaking of a comfortable breakfast. In Roman times the mouth of the Pevensey Avon must have been navigable right up to the walls of the fortress, which are still subsisting. At the present day the river is much silted up. In what state ^^CTensev^'^ ^' ^^^ ''^ '^^ ^^^^ T-o()(i we cannot say, but whether the river was closed or not we take it that William would find on either side of the bay a large expanse of shingly beach, free from rocks, where small craft could land with ease. As we hear of his moving on at once to Hastings without crossing any river, we may assume that he dis- embarked, not at Pevensey itself, on the West side of the Avon, but on the opposite bank of the river ^ (Friday, 29th September^). Tradition had it that the Duke on landing stumbled, and fell on his hands and face. His followers seemed perturbed by the omen. But William quickly turned the incident another way. ' By the splendour of God,' said he, ' I have taken seizin of England.' ^ Troops, horses, and materiel having been landed, a rough fortification was thrown up with planks and timbers brought from Normandy for the purpose.* Foragers also were sent out, and returned with the joyful news that Harold was far 1 " Prope castram Pevenesel dictum"; Chron. Battle Abbey, p. 2 (Brewer, Anglia Christiana, 1846). ^ The date is not free from doubt, but the point is not very material. Neither William of Poitiers nor William of Jumieges give any date. The Worcester Chronicle says that the Duke came into Pevensey on Michaelmas Eve ("on See Michaeles maesse sefen"). Guy of Amiens, who perhaps wrote as near the time as any one, seems to say that the wind changed on Michaelmas Day, — ■ " Festa dies Michaelis erat celebranda per orbem Cum pro velle tibi cuncta Deus tribuit." The account of the embarcation follows. Perhaps by ' ' celebranda " he meant ' ' about to be celebrated." Orderic says "exercitus III. Kal. Oct. ( = 29th Sept.), mare trans- fretavit nocte qua memoriam sancti Michaelis . . . Ecclesia . . . peragit." But " nocte " by rights should mean Michaelmas Eve ( = 28th Sept.). The Peterborough Chronicle says that William came to Hastings on Michaelmas Day, where I would read ' Pevensey ' for ' Hastings,' as it is quite impossible that William could have occupied Hastings on the day of his landing. Malmesbury and the Roman de Rou, by the way, give the landing as made near Hastings. The best way of harmonizing the data seems to be to hold that WilUam sailed on the 28th Sept., and landed on the 29th Sept. So too Lingard. Mr. Freeman takes the 28th Sept. as the day of landing. ^ R. Rou, 151, 152. The Duke's word has rather a legal savour about it. Malmes- bury has another, probably an earlier version, according to which it was one of William's men who called out, ' Duke, thou boldest England in thy hands ' (tenes Angliam) ; iup., p. 300. So too the Chronicle of Battle Abbey, p. 2. * Roman, 149. 20 INTERCHANGE [a.d. 1066 away in the North, fighting Tostig and the King of Norway.^ Under these circumstances William resolved to remain on the coast to watch the course of events, and ascertain the dispositions and temper of the English. But, as apparently he had landed on an open beach, he moved ■^^^<=6 to oj^ without, delay to Hastings, where again a fortified strong- hold was at once established, probably on the hill still marked by the ruins of the later castle.^ The site was a good one, commanding the roads East and West, and especially the great North road leading to London. The soldiery, so long kept within bounds, could now be freely let loose upon the country. Apparently they did the work of destruction very thoroughly, carrying ofi" not only boys and girls, but even grown-up women, as slaves, and burning whatever they could not remove.^ These horrors were part and parcel of war as then waged, but the ravages in this case may have been intended to force Harold to speedy action. Twenty years later much of the country round Hastings was still described as waste and desolate.* We hear of a reconnaissance undertaken by William in person, with an escort of only five and twenty men. Returning to Hastings, he found the Sussex roads so bad that he preferred to dismount and walk on foot." Harold, as we have seen, probably returned to London about the 5th October, William being still at Hastings. News of the victory at Stamford Bridge had been forwarded to the Duke by the Staller, Robert son of Wymarc, with a friendly message advising him to act cautiously, as the English were rallying round the victorious Harold. AVilliam thanked him for his warning, but assured him that he could never be afraid of a Harold.* The latter had begun to call for fresh levies from the moment of his hear- ing of William's landing.^ On reaching Town he held a council, and with their approval sent a monk in the name of the King and Witan of England to defy the Duke of Normandy. The message, only known to us from Norman accounts, if it really was sent, was rather patronizing in tone, treating William as a boy, ordering him to give back all his spoils and go home. If he did, then, out of regard for old friendship, no further com- pensation for damages would be demanded.* William again, according ' W. Poit, 109, no; Guy Amiens, 857-859; Roman, II. 147-149. ' W. Poitiers, III ; Guy, sup. ; Chron. D. ^ So William's own Bishop, Guy of Amiens, siip., — " Invadit terram, vastat et igne cremat, Volcano flammis depopulante domos, Captivos ducit pueros captasque puellas, Insuper et viduas, et simul omne pecus." So also the Roman, II. 153, and the Bayeux Tapestry. * So Domesday, cited byJMr. Freeman; Ellis, I. 314. ^ AV. Poit., sup. " W. Poitiers, HI, 112; expanded, Roman de R., II. 157, 15S. ' Roman, 1 58, 159. « See Guy of Amiens, 860. William of Poitiers gives quite a different message, con- taining a most unlikely admission by Harold that William had been originally named A.D. io66] OF CHALLENGES 21 to the same Norman writer, was ready with his answer. He was no boy, but a full-grown man, gravely demanding his rights as Eadward's heir. Harold had perjured himself and broken the bonds of friendship by usurping William's inheritance. To talk of ordering him out of the country was raving nonsense.^ If Harold wished for peace let him again become the Duke's ' man,' and he should have all his father's lands.^ A monk from Fdcamp, however, Huon Margot by name,^ was entrusted with a more formal answer. According to the Bishop of Amiens, who wrote soonest after the events, the message was a simple demand for the surrender of William's inheritance as recognised by Harold himself. The Bishop, however, adds an allegation, for which William could hardly be responsible, that Harold had gone to Normandy as bearer of a sword froai Eadward to the Duke.* The Duke's chaplain gives a more elaborate response, with allegations that William could not possibly have ventured to make, as that his nomination by Eadward had been made with the advice and consent {consilid) of Stigand, Godwine, Leofric, and Siward ; that all these had sworn to accept William as Eadward's successor ; that to guarantee his succession, Wulfnoth and Hacon had been placed in his hands ^ ; and that Harold had been sent over to Normandy on purpose to swear allegiance in person. Clearly in this matter there was no limit to the audacity of Norman invention. The message as reported by the chaplain ended v/ith an appeal to judicial decision, according to the laws either of the Normans or of the English, as Harold might choose ; or, lastly, the question might be settled by a single combat between the two rivals." If William did really challenge Harold to such a duel it must have been the first case of a proposal of the sort in Enghsh history.^ In the various reports of these interchanges the only point of in- PoB^OTL^ terest is their agreement in representing William as insisting, first on his nomination by Eadward, and secondly on Harold's oath of allegiance to himself. It would seem that Harold was already on his way to the battlefield the Confessor's heir ; though he proceeds to argue that that grant had been subsequently revoked by the grant in his own favour, p. 112. Both of these writers make the first message come from Harold ; contra the Roman, whose reports seem mere concoctions. ' " Quod monet ut redeam furor est, dementia summa." 2 Guy, 860, 861. 2 Id. ; W. Poitiers, 113; Roman, 159, 161. * No other mention of this sword or of a ring, also here alleged to have been given by the Confessor to William, is to be found. ' For the impossibility of this see above, I. 496. ^ W. Poitiers, 1 13-126. Malmesbury copies Poitiers, but adds of his own an offer of reference to the Pope ; G. R-, s. 240. For further expansions and multiplication of messages see Roman, II. 159-164, where, however, Harold's case in answer to William is very fairly stated, p. 162. ' The judicial combat, of course, was imported after the Conquest. The alleged duel between' Cnut and Ironside was a mere myth. See above, I. 388. * " Heraldo appropinquanti." 22 ENGLISH PREPARATIONS [a.d. 1066 when William's envoy was brought before him. When asked for his answer he writhed his neck doggedly, and said, ' We are coming, we are coming.' 1 When further pressed, he raised his eyes to Heaven and said, ' To-morrow the Lord shall decide between us.' ^ Poor Harold! Six days was all the time that Harold stayed in London,^ and of those days perhaps one was given to a pilgrimage to Waltham, his Prepaa^ations °^" foundation, a last visit to seek for ghostly help at the ' shrine of the Holy Rood that gave him his war-cry.* Six days was all that Harold allowed for the mustering and organizing of forces, supposed to be drawn from the South-Eastern half of England — say from all districts South of the Humber and East of a line drawn from thence to the Bristol Channel and the mouth of the Exe.^ North and West of those ^ ^ . limits Harold's writs ran not. Eadwine and Morkere, to their Eadwine and Morkere eternal disgrace, stood selfishly aloof. Harold had saved keep aloof, jj^gjjj {xq^o. the jaws of destruction ; he had rescued them from the power of the Wicking ; but they had not the decency to contribute one petty contingent for the life and death struggle between England and Normandy.^ The most Northerly support that reached Harold came from Lincolnshire, under the Sheriff Msrleswein.'? But to what extent even the counties within the above limits were adequately or at all represented in Harold's army must be considered quite uncertain. His precipitancy sup- plied men at a distance with the best excuse for not appearing. The dates speak for themselves. The issue was fought out on the fifteenth or sixteenth day from the time of William's landing. Three days might be allowed for the news to reach Harold. Supposing his summonses to have been issued on the spot, from one to three days more would be required for the notices to reach the parties to whom they were addressed. Thus from nine to twelve days at most would remain for getting ready, marching off to London, or wherever else the trysting-place was fixed, and from thence 1 "Vultu distorto coUa retorquens " ; Guy, 862. "Pergimus continenter . . . pergimus ad pretium (leg. proelium) " ; Poitiers, 126. ^ Id. Two independent accounts, that seem to fit in veiy well. " W. Jum., 287 ; Orderic, 500. * See De Invmtione Crucis, 25, 26. For the war-cry see Roman, II. 213. ' ' Olicrosse sovent crioent, Olicrosse est en engleiz Ke sainte croix est en franceiz." But surely the A.S. cry should have been Halig-rod ? * See the list in the Roman de Rou, II., 201, 202, apparently made up without further warrant by simply enumerating all the districts comprised in the earldoms of Harold, his two brothers, and Waltheof. " " Comites Edwinus et Morkarus se cum suis certamini subtraxere " ; Florence. ' G. Gaimar, M. H. B., 8275 Ellis, Domesday, II. 185. Gaimar, a native oJ Troyes, settled in England, composed a metrical history of the country, L'Estorie des ■Engks, based on various materials, circa 1150. A.D. io66] FOR ACTION 23 again to the field of battle. Under these circumstances we hardly require to be told that Harold appeared on the heights above " Santlache " ' with a very moderate force, and that not half his men had joined him.^ In fact none but those who were comparatively near, quite willing, and per- fectly ready, could come up in time. But if the numbers were small the quality of the troops was probably very good, consisting of Thegns and their retainers, the retainers of the ecclesiastical Houses,^ and the House- carles of the King, his brothers, and the Bishops. We may again venture the suggestion that had not the fourteen ' ships ' been paid off in 1050 and 105 1,* the result might have been very different. On the other hand, we are told that a body of auxiliaries had come from Denmark ^ ; but of their actual numbers or performances not a word is recorded. Of his own subjects the men of most note mentioned as responding to Harold's call, next after his brothers Gyrth and Leofwine, were Leofric, Abbot of Peterborough ; ^Ifwig, Abbot of the New Minster Winchester (Hyde Abbey), said to have been Harold's uncle ; Esegar the Staller, Sheriff or Portreeve of London; Mserleswein, Sheriff of Lincolnshire; and Godric, Sheriff of Berkshire.'' But if Harold, flushed with his success at Stamford Bridge, and incensed at the reports of the devastation in Sussex, would not give time for his men to join him, much less would he listen to any question of Fabian tactics — though time would be all on the side of the natives — or to any question of delegating the immediate command to Gyrth, so as to keep himself in reserve, and not hazard England's future on one single throw.''' ' For this name (given by Orderic as " Senlac," 501, 505) see the Chronicle of Battle Abbey, 20, 21. The first half of the name I cannot explain, but " Latch " in Scotland is still in use, meaning a damp hollow or rut (Jamieson) ; and the portions of road above and below Battle Abbey are still known as the Upper and Lower Lake (see map). In the local chronicle the name appears to be extended to lands to the South and East of the road and town, but not to the site of the Abbey itself. ^ " Licet . . . bene sciret . . . mediam partem sui exercitus nondum convenisse quam citius tamen potuit iu Suth-Saxonia suis hostibus occurrere non formidavit " ; Florence. So too Chron. E., " ear than the his here come eall " (before all his army came) ; and again Geoffrey Gaimar, p. 827, and the very friendly writer of the De Inventione, 25, 26. " Prteter stipendiarios et mercenarios milites paucos admodum ex provincialibus habuit " ; W. Malm., G. R., s.228 (p. 282). The writer also alleges that Harold had made himself unpopular by keeping in his own hands all the booty taken at Staihford Bridge. ' It is remarkable that of the few persons recorded in Domesday or otherwise as having taken part in the battle, some twelve in all apart from Harold and his brothers, half were either churchmen or tenants on church estates. See Freeman, IH. 424 and 729. * See above, I. 450. ^ So Poitiers, 107, 128. ^ See Freeman, III. 371. ' W. Poitiers, 127 ; W. Jum., stip., copied by Orderic. They also introduce a refer- ence to Harold's oath, in which Gyrth was not involved, as a reason for giving him the command. The Roman adds a further step urged on Harold, viz. the devastation of the country in advance, to starve out the invaders. Excellent advice, but one that a 24 THE MARCH [a.d. 1066 But Harold's trust was in the righteousness of his cause, his bodily activity, and his personal courage. Of any further strategy or require- ments he knew nothing. Satisfied that he could dispose of William as he had disposed of Tostig and Hardrada, and probably afraid of the popular „ J . outcry at the devastation of Sussex, at the end of the six days Maxchestothehe posted down to the coast, continuing his march after night- South Coast, f^jj^ gQ jjj^j. ^jj g^j^^jjj ^^g carried to the well-informed Norman camp that a surprise or a night attack might be expected. William hastily called in all foragers and brought his men to arms.i But Harold contemplated no night attack. On the contrary, when near the site of the present village of Battle,^ about seven miles from Hastings, he ^g^g^P^ encamped for the night in a wood by the roadside 3; in fact in ' the outskirts of the forest of Anderid. What his purpose may have been we cannot say, as William came down on him the first thing in the morning, before he had time to indicate any plan. William's anxiety to bring matters to a speedy issue was unmistakable. After' keeping his men under arms all night, as soon as day broke he WilUam ordered them out to attack the English without further parley Advances to or delay.* Before starting, however, he attended Mass, com- MeetHlm. . . .,,,., .,, , t. • municatmg m both kmds, as was still the Roman practice. Two bishops he had with him, as already mentioned — we might say the one to fight, and the other to pray— namely, his brother Odo {Odes, Eudes) of Bayeux, and Geoffrey of Coutances, besides lesser clergy, so that spiritual ministrations would not be wanting. Lastly, Wilham hung round his neck as a charm some of the relics on which his adversary had sworn allegiance to him, the relics of the Saints whose honour he was now come to avenge.^ That done, he took the road, evidently the existing road, to Battle. The reader need not be reminded again that even in those days armies could not dispense with roadways. With respect to the doings on the side of the English, Malmesbury and Wace assure us that they spent the night before the battle with drink and song, the latter preserving for our benefit the formulas in use in drinking man in Harold's position could not listen to, much less attempt to execute. See also W. Malm. , G. R., s. 239. ' 13-14 Oct. ; W. Poit., W. Jum. Another rumour, equally unfounded, was that Harold had a large fleet ready to attack the Norman shipping ; Id., Orderic; and Guy of Amiens. 2 "Haraldus , . . ad locum qui nunc Bellum nuncupatur festinans, etc. "; C/Sr^JK. Bailie, 3. 2 Guy, 863 ; W. Poitiers, 128. < The Roman here interpolates a mass of stuff, partly expanded from Malmes- bury ; first a reconnaissance by Harold and Gyrth, leading to a quarrel and blows between them ; then another reconnaissance ; then mess^es and offers from William, the whole occupying another day. * "Reliquias quorum favorem Heraldus abalienaverat sibi," etc. ; W. Poit. TINGS Wm 26 THE ARMIES [a.d. 1066 and only marked by a hoary apple-tree. ^ East and West the hill strikes out long spurs, defined by ravines to the North and South. On the North the slopes on each side of the isthmus are very steep, and would protect the English rear.^ On the South, fronting the Norman advance, the slope is more easy. On the flat top, marked out by the walls and precincts of the existing Abbey grounds, the English, as we ■nieir Dense ^^j^g j. established themselves in very dense formation.^ On Formation. ' , -itt u 1 this latter pomt all the writers are agreed. We are told that the English were so closely packed that the very wounded and dead could not sink to the ground.'^ This of course must be taken as a figure of speech, but it points to a formation many ranks deep. The front rank was formed of mail-elad warriors, their shields closely locked. Of the general shape of the formation the writers tell us nothing, but the Bayeux Tapestry, in its representation of the first stage of the batde, clearly depicts an angle, the Normans attacking on two sides, and the English archers shooting through the break at the angle. It has been suggested that the English were formed as a wedge. ^ But a wedge would not suit the contours of the ground. A wedge, or triangle, could not coincide with the parallelogram of the plateau, but would leave a level footing the PMltion °P^" '° ^^ gained by the enemy. We would suggest that the English, adapting their lines to the ground they had to defend, arranged themselves practically as three sides of a square,^ so as to hold the entire plateau, their rear being left open as sufficiently protected by the ravines, and in fact unassailable. Harold and his brothers took their stand in the centre, on the highest point of the ground, the spot being subsequently marked by the high altar of the memorial abbey church. There was planted the Standard or Dragon of Wessex,'^ with the King's ' " ^t thoere haran apuldran." ^ See William of Poitiers, 131, where he says that even at the end of the day the English position could] not be turned (as our plan shows): " aciem quam difScillimum erat circumvenire. " * " Anglis indissolubiliter cum rege suo collem quo nunc ecclesia consistit prasoccupan- tibus "; Chron. Battle, 5. That the ground occupied by the English was small clearly appears from Florence, who says that it was too small, and that many deserted in con- sequence. "Quia arto in loco constituti fiierant Angli de acie se multi subtraxere." That the English occupied the crest, and not the slopes of the hill, as supposed by Mr. Freeman, is again clearly stated in the Brevis Relaiio. " In illo spisso agmine quod erat ante eos (sc. Normannos), ip montis summitate," p. 7. * Poitiers, 130, 131; Guy, 864; Roman; Baudri of Bourgueil (il/Z/wuzVe^ "Fit deinde insoliti generis pugna, quam altera pars incursibus et diversis motibus agit, altera velut humo afftxa tolerat " ; Id. A.D. io66] FINAL VICTORY 33 ing to the Bishop of Amiens, Eustace of Boulogne, Ivo of Ponthieu, Hugh the Constable, and Walter Giffard led the assault. At last the English gave way. The shield-wall was broken, the standard beaten down. Harold fell beside it,^ while the relics of the native force were driven bodily down the slight reverse slope, doubtless past the existing Gate- house, on to the neck of the isthmus. The reader will remember that the isthmus is now represented by High St. Battle, or the " Upper Lake." Downwards the English were driven, but not for far, nor was the contest altogether ended yet. After a few yards of descent from the Gate- house the ground rises again towards the North, the ascent becoming somewhat steep at the end of the village. Here the English masses, arrested by the hill, halted, and once more turned to bay. The Norman cavalry, pressing on in hot pursuit, swerved Last Stand ^'■'-'™ ^^ bristling pikes, and turned, apparently, to the left, to of the fall headlong into the head of the western ravine, which, in ^ ° the shape of a couloir or ditch, comes within a hundred yards of the roadway. Brushwood and undergrowth masked the pitfall of the treacherous Malfosse? Eustace, who led the pursuit, thinking that enough had been done, was prepared to stay his hand in face of this check. He was turning back, and sounding the retreat, when William met him, and sternly ordered him to the front. The Duke would hear of no cessation till the last semblance of resistance had been crushed. While the two were parleying in the failing light, the Count received a blow between the shoulders that hurled him from his horse, with blood flowing from his mouth and nostrils. Under the Duke's own eye the bloody work was kept up, until towards sunset^ the last of the English had been trodden under foot or dispersed. ' Guy, 866, 867; Roman, 278, 279; H. Hunt., 203, 204. To each of the four leaders Bishop Guy assigns a share in the death of Harold, Giffard finally cutting off liis leg. This inay be romance, but it seems to dispose of the story in Malmesbury that William dismissed from his service the man who had cut off Harold's leg. Guy could hardly give credit to one of his heroes for a deed that William had condemned. Wace says that he never heard who had killed Harold, p. 279, but he had heard of a wound to Harold's leg, 278. That Harold fell at the end of the day, " crepusculo," is also attested by the Ely writer ; Gale, III. 516. ^ "Rediit fugientibus confidentia nactis ad renovandum certamen maximam oppor- tunitatem prserupti vallis," etc.; W. Poit., 134. "In proximo spatiose protentum ex naturali telluris hiatu vel forsan ex procellarum concavatione . . . precipitium vaste patens . . . dumis vel tribulis obsitum . . . innumeros . . . suffo- cavit. Quod quidem baratrum . . . Malfosse hodie nuncupatur " ; Chron. Battle, 5. The Normans might have gone headlong on cither side of the isthmus, but the Western ravine best answers the above description. Mr. Freeman places the Malfosse on the East side of the road. Conf.j the rather confused notices of the same event in William of Jumi^gesand Orderic, sup. ; and W. Malm., G. R., s. 242. But the accounts of the incident seem exaggerated. Orderic, 502, actually gives the number of the Nor- mans who fell there as 15,000, far more than the total force engaged, a precious instance of the worth of chroniclers' figures. ' 5' 8" p.m. at Greenwich on October 14. R. H. — VOL. II. D 34 GENERALSHIP OF WILLIAM [a.d. 1066 Some sought hiding places in the woods ; those who had horses galloped off along the London road.^ Some seven hours the battle must have lasted, say from 9 a.m. till 4 p.m., if not later.^ Harold's two brothers were found beside him, doubtless killed in the same final charge. On the heights of Senlac the loose, primitive Anglo-Saxon polity collapsed with a final crash. The system so often tried and found wanting had received its death-blow. The catastrophe gave final proof that under existing circumstances the nation was too self-willed, too undisciplined, too much sunk in the ruts of insular conservatism to be able to turn the fine natural qualities of its people to account. Whatever our racial sympathies, we cannot regret a result destined to convert a sluggish country, paralysed by feudalism, localism, and Home Rule, into a com- pact, well-ordered kingdom, able not only to defend itself at home, but also in due time to prosecute a great and glorious Imperial career abroad. The victory was a signal triumph for the Normans ; or rather for their Duke; as to his generalship and his unflinching purpose the result was clearly due. Three horses were killed under him.^ On the English side no higher merit than that of dogged courage and tenacity can be claimed ; but that much their enemies could not refuse them. ' They were ever ready with their steel, those sons of the old Saxon race ; the most dauntless of men.' * At the time the result would doubtless be claimed as final proof of the superiority of that cavalry on which Continental armies had come to depend.^ So far as any tactical lesson is to be derived from the day, we would rather look on it as bearing witness to the effectiveness of the long-bow ^ ; and to the advantage of fighting in open order as against fighting in solid columns. But the result was too plainly due to want of discipline and leadership on the part of the English to be taken as a text to point any other moral. The Normans themselves when looking back on the event, were astonished at their own success. It seemed perfectly 1 W. Poitiers, 134 ; Baudri, 487 : " Bellum dademque diremit nox." * The chaplain uses the words "jam inclinato die" with reference to the state of affairs before the English had been driven from the plateau, p. 133. Guy says that vesper time (4 p.m.) had come when the victory was gained. " Vesper erat jam cardo diem volvebat ad umbram, Victorera fecit cum Deus esse Ducem," 867. So too Gaimar, " En I'avesprer," 828. Florence extends the time "ab hora diei tertia usque noctis crepusculum." ^ W. Poitiers, suf. * " Gens equidem ilia natura semper in ferrum prompta fuit, descendens ab antiqua Saxonum origine, ferocissimorum hominum " ; W. Poit., 134. ' For the transition from infantry to cavalry as the mainstay of armies between the times of Constantine and those of William the Bastard, see C. W. C. Oman, Art of War in Middle Ages. The need of quickly moving troops to resist barbaric incursions, began the movement, which received a further impulse from the appearance of the mounted hordes of Goths and Huns. * " Sagittarum imbre " ; Hist. Ramsey, 179. See also the shields of the English on the Bayeux Tapestry, all stuck full of arrows. A.D. io66] i TREATMENT OF THE FALLEN 35 miraculous. 1 If the English had not left their ranks they could never have been dislodged. Hostis . . . Qui nisi desiperet iiitemerandus erat.^ Nine months and nine days Harold had filled the coveted throne of England.^ Even hostile pens admit that he was a tall, handsome man, upright and courageous; of pleasant manners and ready ^^King?* ^ speech *; a good specimen of the English gentleman of the period ; one who, under other circumstances, might have ruled ■with credit and success, but who was in no way fitted to cope with William of Normandy^ either as soldier or politician. Harold's remains were sent by William to Hastings, to be privately buried by the sea shore, so that no man should say, "Here lies Harold." Gytha offered untold gold for the body of her Royal son ; but ^BSxoii^ the Duke was resolved to allow no halo of sentimental regret to gather round the shrine of his fallen enemy.^ We are told that Harold's features had been mutilated beyond recognition, and that he wore no royal insignia, but that his body was identified by other marks.^ Of any real difficulty in identifying the body there is no word, and there could be none; as the exact spot where he fell was conspicuous and known to everyone.'' Nevertheless, from the simple statement that Harold's features could not be distinguished, romance quickly spun out the charming legend that the late King's naked remains lay on the battle-field, lost among the piles of the fallen, till rescued from oblivion by the love of the discarded Eadgyth Swanneshals.^ The story boldly goes on that the ' "Miraculo Dei." See Hist. Ely, Gale, III. 516. The writer speaks on the authority of men who were there — " Franci qui interfuerant." " 'Unassailable but for their folly.' So Baudri of Bourgeuil, 406, reflecting the intelli- gent opinion of the time. ^ So Florence, who thus corrects his own date of the Battle of Hastings (21st October), which would make up nine months and sixteen days. * " Erat enim multum audax et probus, toto corpore pulcherrimus, eloquentia lepidus, et affabilis omnibus " ; W. Jumi^ges, 287. See also the passages from the Vita: ^d- 'itiardi, 408, 409, already cited ; and the tract De Inventione, 14. Written from opposite points of view, the three accounts are agreed. The cautious disposition which the writer of the Vita attributed to Harold does not seem quite borne out by his conduct of the Hastings campaign, unless we consider that to have exhibited an unfortunate mixture of precipitancy and caution. ^ W. Poitiers, 134; Guy, 867; Orderic, 502. William Malet had charge of the task of removing Harold's body. ^ ' ' Ipse carens omni decore quibusdam signis, nequaquara facie, recognitus est et in castra Ducis delatus" ; W. Poit., sup. ' See William of Malmesbury, G.R., s. 267, where, speaking of Battle Abbey, he says, " In eo loco principalis ecclesia cernitur ubi inter consertos cadaverum acervos Haroldus inventus fuisse memoratur." * " Editham cognomento Swanneshals " ; De Invent. Crtici 30. The name must be 36 ISSUE OF HAROLD [a.d. 1066 body, when discovered, was taken, with William's full leave, to Waltham, and honourably buried there, where no doubt a tomb, represented as his, was shewn for ages.^ Harold married Ealdgyth, daughter of Earl ^Ifgar, and widow of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, of North Wales (killed 1064). The marriage, as we have seen, was celebrated after Harold came to the throne. His Issue. ^^^ probably at Easter-time ; so that a child of that union could hardly have been born as yet. But Harold, nevertheless, had a grown-up family. Three sons— Godwine, Eadmund, and Magnus— took refuge in Ireland,^ where apparently they died. A fourth, Harold byname, found shelter in Norway, at the court of Magnus, son of Harold Har- drada.3 A fifth son, Ulf, may have been the son of Ealdgyth, and born, presumably, after his father's death. He fell into WiUiam's hands, prob- ably in 1070, when Chester was reduced. At William's death we find him a prisoner in Normandy, to be finally set at liberty by WiUiam's son, Duke Robert.* Two daughters also are named, Gytha and Gunhild, who were received in Denmark by Swein Estrithson. Of these, Gytha is" alleged to have married Wladimir of Russia, " progenitor of an illustrious APPENDIX A TO CHAPTER II The Bayenx Tapestry This interesting piece of embroidery is worked on a strip of canvas nineteen inches broad and about 226 feet long. It gives a series of pictures, representing the course of events from Harold's trip across the Channel in 1065 to his death at the battle of Hastings, the work following the popular Norman version of affairs. The correctness of the costumes and armour, which belong to the eleventh century, and not to any subsequent century, proves its antiquity. The tradition ascribing it to Queen Matilda is of recent date. It was unknown in the fifteenth century; Among the limited number of persons depicted on the canvas we have three obscure individuals put forward by name — Wadard, Vidal, and Turold. The only thing otherwise known of these men is that they appear in Domesday as tenants of Bishop Odo. The natural inference is that the work was executed by some of his people, and doubtless intended for the decoration of his newly built cathedral at Bayeux (consecrated in 1077). The Tapestry is still kept at Bayeux. It has often been engraved, but a iaW-AzeA facsimile may be seen in the South Kensington Museum in London. See the Appendices to the first volume of Lingard's England, and the third volume of Mr. Freeman's Norman Conquest. APPENDIX B TO CHAPTER II Eadgyth Swanneskals and Harold's Corpse This story really needs no other refutation than to be given as told by the original authority, the Waltham writer (De Inventione, 29-30). Osgod and Ailric or .(Ethelric, two Canons of Waltham, who ' had followed Harold from afar to see the end,' went to beg his body from William. The Duke readily granted their request, saying that any man who died bearing the style of King, no matter by what title, ought to be buried as a carefully distinguished from that of Harold's Queen, which in Latin becomes " Aldgid " ; Domesday. ^ See Append, to this chapter. 2 Florence, A.D. 1068. ^ -^^ Malm., G.R., ss. 260, 329. * Florence, a.d. 1087. ^ Lappenberg, II. 304 ; Freeman, A\ C, IV. 754. A.D. 1066] EADGYTH SWANNESHALS 37 King, and that he purposed giving Harold a place of honour in the memorial church he was about to build. The Canons, however, pressed to be allowed to take Harold to Walthara. When they came to search the field of battle, they were unable to identify the corpse, till Osgod went back to Waltham, and fetched Eadgyth, who at once recog- nised the remains of her fallen love. The body having been identified and removed, was carried in procession, with Normans as well as Englishmen in attendance, to Waltham, vi& ' Battle-Bridge.' {AdPontem Belli qy. Battle-Bridge inEssex, six and a half miles East of Billericay ?) Now with respect to any possible intervention by Eadgyth, who must have been at a distance, we need only point out that, according to the authorities whom we are bound to consider paramount, Harold's body must have been taken from Battle at the latest two days after the action, namely, on Monday, October i6th, when William and all his men went back to Hastings. That the Waltham clergy had a tomb which they shewed as that of Harold cannot be doubted (De Inventione sup.). It was shewn down to the time of the Dissolution (Freeman, HI. 318). Lines supposed to have been in- scribed on it are extant (see these De Invent., p. 45). The writer of this tract, who was born about ilig, and wrote after 1177, had been present as a boy at a third Translation of the remains. He is very indignant at the rival legend — ' ' written apparently to prove that the great King was not buried at Waltham "—(pe Inv., XXX. ), according to which Harold had escaped, lived as a hermit on Dover cliff, and finally died at Chester a good hundred years after the battle. (For this tale see Vita Haroldi, Michel, Chroniques Anglo- Normandes, W. 143). For the burial at Waltham the earliest authority seems to be William of Malmesbury (circa 1125), who took the report that William had refused Gytha's gold to mean that he had given the body for nothing, and so buries Harold at Waltham ((?. R., s. 247). The French life of Eadward the Confessor (circa 1245) follows him (p. 155)- Wace (1160) understood that Harold was buried at Waltham ( Varhani), but did not know how be got there. The reader must decide for himself whether he thinks it more likely that William Malet executed his orders so carelessly as to allow the body to be traced and carried off, or that the pious zeal of the Canons of Waltham found a body to do duty as that of their lost founder and King. CHAPTER III WILLIAM I./ 'THE BASTARD,' OTHERWISE 'THE CONQUEROR' Boin 1027, autumn ?;2 Crowned 25th December, 1066 ; Died 9th September, 1087 A.D. 1066-1067 Interregnum — Devastation of South-Eastem Counties round London — Submission of the English — Coronation of William — Royal Progress and Eviction of English Land - ov^ners ON the day after the battle (Sunday, isth October) William rested on the field, burying his dead. Leave to do likewise by their dead was freely given to the English, — to all, that is to say, except Gytha, who, as already mentioned, in vain offered its weight in gold for the body of her Harold.^ From the Senlac heights William returned to Hastings hoping ■wiuiam ^""^ overtures of submission from the English. He might, as Beturns to his chaplain tells us, have proclaimed himself King, and ^ ^^^' assumed the regal style without further ado ; but, as one who insisted that he came with a lawful claim on England, the prudent Duke refrained from a step that might have prejudiced his position, and exhibited him in the light of a usurper. Five days he stayed at Hastings to receive adherents, but nobody came in. The country could not all at once realize its utter impotence. Finding that he might have to take ulterior measures to drive the English to the wished-for conclusion Eastwards William began to move slowly eastwards. At Romney he ' paused to wreak his vengeance on the people of the place, who had cut off a Norman squadron that had landed there by mistake.* The next stage was to Dover. There, as he had been led to expect, the Duke found a vast crowd of fugitives gathered together in hope of protection from the castle, which seemed 'impregnable' in its site.^ With respect to this celebrated fortress the Roman lighthouse-tower stands there still, together with a chapel whose structure seems also to claim a Roman origin. Traces of Anglo-Saxon work, probably due to > In the English of the time the name appears as "Willelm," much as the name is pronounced in Scotland at the present day. The Latin writers of the time give the same spelling. Geoffrey Gaimar, and Wace, writing a century later, in French, call him " Willaume," and " Willame." 2 See volume I. 456, note. " W. Poit., 137 ; W. Jum., 287 ; Ord., 502. " W. Poit., 137, 138; Guy Amiens, p, 868 ; W. Jum., 287 ; Ord., 502. s " Locus ille inexpugnabilis videbatur " ; W. Poit. 38 A.D. io66] THE ^THELING EADGAR 39 Harold ^ or his father, also remain ; what these amounted to we cannot say. But the officers in charge were not prepared to stand a siege, and Surrender SO they promptly opened negotiations for a surrender, if, in of Dover, fact, they had not anticipated William's arrival with offers of submission. 2 These offers were accepted, and the Duke took peaceable possession of the castle, turning all Englishmen out of it. But meanwhile the skirmishers of his army had fired and sacked the town on the beach below. William condemned the act as a breach of truce, and ordered proper compensation to be made to the sufferers. Eight days William rested at Dover, strengthening the works.^ The importance of securing the landing place for England was obvious ; and for passenger traffic from the earliest times Dover had been the landing place. Meanwhile the leaders of the nation, on hearing of the defeat and Election t^s^'h of Harold, were hurrying up to London. Of submission of'Cmid' to William not a question was raised ; but for effectual re- ^^' sistance the Witan were unable to agree on the initial step of the choice of a leader. The two Archbishops, Stigand and Ealdred, and the citizens of London, representing the national party, declared for ' Child ' Edgar,'' the undoubted heir of the House of Cerdic. Eadwine and Morkere professed themselves wiUing to support the ^theling, and without doubt, his election was carried in the Witenagemot.^ But nothing further was done. Under the circumstances of the time not an hour should have been lost in setting the seal on Eadgar's election by crowning him King. The first Sunday, at the latest, should have witnessed the hallowing sanction without which his position would be doubtful. Harold had had himself crowned on the very day of his election, and his election had taken place on the day following the death of his predecessor. But on the present occasion nothing whatever was done beyond the bare vote inviting Eadgar to ascend the throne of his ancestors. ObatrucSon. Covert obstruction barred all progress. ' And as things should have been furthered so were they ever from day to day letted and made worse.' ^ We may accept the explanation given by Malmesbury, who tells us that the two Earls were privately intriguing, each on his own account. Why might not a grandson of Leofric become ^ William of Poitiers ascribes the fortifying of Dover to Harold ; 80. ? So Guy of Amiens, sup. , where he asserts that the men of Dover met William half way to Romney. ^ W. Poit. ; Guy ; Orderic, sup. ■• "Eadgar cild" ; Chron. D and E. The epithet must have been a distinctive title, as it is put in correlation with the titles of Eadwine and Morkere. Florence translates it by clito, the usual rendering of atheling. ^ Guy of Amiens is clear as to the election : " In statuam (qy. slatum ?) regis puer est electus " J " habet Lundonia regem." He distinguishes two elective assembhes, a popular burhgevM (valgus) and the Witenagem6t (senattis), p. 869. So too Orderic, 778. ' ' Edgarus quem Angli quondam post mortem Haraldi Regem sibi frustra prjefecerant. " Chron. 40 EADWINE AND MORKERE [a.d. 1066 King as well as a son of Godwine ? They came of a bigger family. Some of the bishops also are said to have stood in the way of Eadgar's hallow- ing, but who the obstructive prelates were, or what their motives may have been, does not appear. '^ Parties were clearly all at sixes and sevens. Eadgar had no territorial backing, nor strength of character to make up for the want of it. At a later period he is described as a good-looking man, well-bred, and pleasant of speech. Of the spirit of travel and adventure we shall find him by no means destitute, but he was not a man of the ^gj jg sword.^ Finally it would seem that the two Northern Earls Retire from retired from London,^ leaving the uncrowned King-elect and ondon. ^^ citizens to make the best of it.* They had already sent their sister, the Lady Ealdgyth, Harold's widow, to Chester, out of harm's way.^ On the part of these young men a certain jealousy of Harold and his family might be excused. We could understand their objecting to the promotion of one of Harold's sons. But for opposition to a return to the national dynasty, no apology can be offered. However weak Eadgar may have seemed, union of forces offered the only prospect of escape from ruin. The retirement of the two Earls — if they did retire, — was simply an act of suicidal treason.^ By this time, however, England South of the Thames had to a consider- able extent passed into William's hands. From Dover he had moved towards Canterbury. Dysentery, brought on by irregular living, had attacked his army. Many had to be left behind, and not a few had died. But reinforcements were coming oven's" On the other hand, the men of ' Mr. Freeman makes the natural suggestion tliat the foreign bishops (of whom William of London was one) may have favoured William, at any rate to the extent of urging that further resistance was useless. ^ " Corpore speciosus, lingua disertus, liberalis et geuerosus . . . sed dextera segnis " ; Orderic, 778. ^ So Florence and Malmesbury, but see below, next note but one. * One distinct exercise of Royal authority is recorded of Eadgar, namely, the con- firmation of Brand, elected Abbot of Peterborough vice Leofric, who had died of wounds received at Senlac ; Chron. E. (Peterborough), a.d. 1066. William was very wrathful at first, but eventually accepted Brand with a peace-offering of forty marks of gold ; Id. = Chron. D ; Flor. ; W. Poit., 139; W. Malm., G.R., s. 247. * The retirement of the two Earls from London is only mentioned by Florence and Malmesbury. But Florence immediately afterwards follows the Worcester Chronicle in stating that Eadwine and Morkere, with Eadgar (still designated as ' child '), Ealdred, and ' the best men of London,' met William at Berkhampstead. If this was the case the two Earls cannot have lost touch with London. But William of Poitiers, who should have had good means of knowing, asserts that they gave in their submission after William's coronation, at Barking (j.^. All-Hallows, Barking), where he was laying out the Tower works, p. 150. But there again there might be a confusion (either way) between the " Bercingis " of William of Poitiers and the " Beorcham " (Berkhampstead) of Florence. But the specific character of the chaplain's statement inspires confidence. Freeman and Thorpe accept it. ' Chron. D. A.D. 1066] WILLIAM'S MOVEMENTS 41 Kent had lost all spirit of resistance. William's " politic severity . . . at Romney, and his no less politic lenity at Dover," had done ''submits' ^^^'^ work.i Before he had got any way from Dover envoys from the ' metropolitan ' {i.e. ecclesiastically metropolitan) city of Canterbury met him with hostages and oaths of allegiance. Next day William encamped at a place which has not been identified, but which is styled by the chaplain Ad Fractam Tiirrim.^ Here William himself fell ill. We are told that he insisted on resuming his march next day.^ But the effort was more than he could keep up, as it appears that he was detained in or near Canterbury for a whole month.* Of this check in his advance the unfortunate English could take no ad- vantage ; but the Duke did not allow the time to be wasted, as parties were sent out in all directions to harry the country, unless KemUsul^ns. '^o'^g^'^ off by submission and tribute. Among other places, Winchester, the old capital, now the jointure-residence and possession of the Lady Eadgyth, sister of Harold and widow of the Con- fessor, received a visit. Out of deference to Eadgyth, whose sympathies might be divided, the mission was directed to assume as far as possible a peaceable aspect, sparing her property, and confining themselves to a polite request for ' such submission and tribute as other towns had given.' Both were promptly conceded by the Lady and her people.' Having recovered from his illness, William resumed his march, moving along the old Roman road towards London. The city is again described as wealthy and populous, administering its own municipal ^L^^on.'"' ^ffa^irs, strong in its walls and its river-site, and now crowded with fugitives.'' But William had no more intention of laying siege to London than he had in the war of Maine of laying siege to Le Mans ; his plan in either case being to isolate and starve out the city by surrounding it with a wide belt of desolation. Still he might wish to try the effect of a nearer approach, and the Bishop of Amiens has a detailed account, we might say an unblushing 'account, of intrigues with " Ans- gardus," evidently Esegar the Staller, the Sheriff of Middlesex. This man, of course, had the military command in London. But he had been severely wounded at Battle,''^ and had to go his rounds in a litter. William made overtures to him to the effect that all that he wanted was the title of King, and that if that were conceded Esegar should be virtually supreme. Esegar advised the citizens to take William at his word, and an envoy was sent to conclude an arrangement. But William, again, we are told, was too old a fox to be taken in an open trap. He found means of winning over the envoy, who returned to assure the Londoners that William would ' Freeman. ^ ' Broken Tower,' Poitiers. ^ Id., 138, 139; abridged by Orderic, 502. •• Guy. ' Guy, p. 868. <> Guy, sup. ' " Locus ubi pugnatum est exinde Bellum usque hodie vocatur " ; W. Jum., 288. 42 THE ENGLISH SUBMIT [a.d. 1066 be content with nothing short of absolute submission.^ The story is worth repeating, if only to show the Bishop's estimate of William's diplo- macy. Whether true or not, the Duke advanced to Southwark, harrying and destroying as he went. A party of knights, who were of tue sent on in advance, had a skirmish with the English, defeating Country. ^^^^ ^nd driving them in ; and finally storming their works and burning the whole suburb of Southwark.^ But William did not attempt to force the crossing of London Bridge. Adhering to his plan, he marched in leisurely fashion up the right bank of the Thames, through Surrey and Berks, to Wallingford, where an un- defended bridge and ford gave free access to the left bank of the river.' There appeared the supple Stigand with a first tender of allegiance.* It might have been supposed that now William would march straight to London. Not so. Persevering in his merciless tactics, determined not to force the current of events, but to allow the ripe apple to fall gently into his mouth, he took a wide sweep round to Berkhampstead, in Hertford- shire, at a distance of thirty miles from London. By that time Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Surrey, Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, and Middlesex had been more or less laid waste.^ A few more days would have brought Essex within the blackened area. But William's work was done. The magnates assembled in London, sensible that the struggle could have but one issue, appeared at Berkhampstead and made their submission. They ' bowed {bugon) to him (William) for need, when the most harm had been done.' ^ Thither came the 'Child' to disclaim his inchoate title; thither came Arch- bishop Ealdred, the saintly Wulfstan of Worcester, and other Bishops; thither came ' the best men ' of London, and thither, according to one account, came Earls Eadwine and Morkere.''' They came not only to give in their personal adhesion, not only to swear oaths and de- 'to mmSa^^ liver hostages,"* but also, as representing the Witan of Eng- land, to make a formal offer of the Crown.^ The action attributed to William on this great occasion is very remark- able, and his own chaplain tells the story. The whole end and meaning of William's enterprise from the first had been to assert his claim to the > Guy, 869, 870. ^ ' ' Quicquid citra flumen " ; W. Poitiers. Skeletons of fifty bodies were found in a pit on the Southwark Bridge Road this summer (1896). I know not if they might be referred to this time. ' W. Poitiers, 142 ; W. Jum., 288 ; Orderic, 503. ■* W. Poit., sup. Orderic, condensing the narrative, brings all the magnates to Walling- ford with Stigand. ° Florence. •= Chron. D. ' Chron. D and Flor. ' Chron. D and Florence. " Id. ; W. Poit. and Orderic, step. ; W. Malm., G. Ji., 247. With respect to Ead- gar, Orderic says, " Abrogantes Edgarum . . . qui Rex fuerat constitutus." A.D. 1066] WILLIAM KING 43 Throne of England. Personally no man could be more truly despotic, or less constitutionally-minded, than the great Bastard. His own will was the only law he knew. But, as a sagacious leader of men, he had gathered either from instinct or experience the value of a seeming defer- ence to the opinion of others. When the exact end of his ambition was Feigned Re- offered to him he affected to hesitate; he asked his followers luctance to if he ought to accept the tempting offer pressed upon him. Of course the military Gemot could give but one answer, but the curious thing is that that answer is put into the mouth, not of one of WilUam's own barons, but of an auxiliary, Aimery of Thouars. In this we may possibly see a reflection of the fact that the Duke's own vassals did not altogether relish the prospect of the increased authority that he would gain by the assumption of regal style. We have already seen that they had only entered into his scheme under the pressure of his imperious will. The desired assent, however, having been given, William condescended to accept the proffered Crown,^ and gave the kiss of peace to Eadgar and his companions, apparently the first occasion on which the kiss was given on English soil.2 It would seem that William added a voluntary pledge ' that he would be to them a good {hold) lord.' But for all that we are told plundering never ceased.^ The army now advanced to London, but William would not trust him- self within the walls till a stronghold of some sort had been prepared for his reception,* doubtless on the site shortly to be occupied by the enduring fortifications of the Tower of London. For the coronation Christmas Day, by that time hard at hand, was fixed. Of the proceedings of that memorable day no official record has been preserved ; but the extant notices are sufficient to show that the ceremonial must have conformed to the ritual, which we saw estab- Coromtlon. I'S^^'i i° ^^ ^'^^^ ^^ Eadgar, and which we shall trace again and again on future occasions. The state ride from the Tower to Westminster, a regular incident of subsequent coronations, may date from this time, as William was probably quartered on the site afterwards occupied by that fortress. The church would be St. Peter's Westminster, the scene of Harold's coronation not twelve months before, and again the consecrating Primate would be Eal- dred of York. Stigand the contumacious, Stigand who had accepted a Pall from a schismatic Pope, Stigand who could not be allowed to crown his friend Harold, or even to consecrate his Minster, could not possibly ' W. Poitiers, 143. ^ Guy, 871 ; Orderic, 503. I know of no earlier instance of tire kiss of peace in our history. To this day kissing between men, unknown in England, is common on the Continent . ^ Chron. D. ; Flor. " Per fidei speciem proprium commendat honorem Et juramentis perfida corda ligat " ; Guy, sup. He is silent as to the plundering. ■* W. Poit., 144. 44 A DISMAL FESTIVITY [a.d. 1066 be allowed to lay hands on William, the bearer of the Apostolic banner. The festivity^for such a coronation day is always held to be — must have seemed in the eyes of every true Englishman but a grim and dismal one at the best, but the actual circumstances of the day invested it with unex- pected horrors. Norman cavalry kept guard round the Minster, perhaps a necessary, but still an ominous precaution.^ The final procession must have been formed at the Royal hall or palace near the Abbey. Monks led the way, then came the clergy, then the prelates, the King coming last, supported by two Bishops — by two Archbishops we are told — but that seems a mistake.^ The King having taken his place in the church, and the Te Deum having been sung, the appeal to the people followed in due course. But of William's subjects some spoke French, and some spoke English. Accordingly the constitutional question, ' Will ye have this man for your king ? ' had to be put in the two languages, in Enghsh to the English by Ealdred, and in French to the French by Geoffrey the Bishop of Cou- tances. Shouts of assent rang through the Minster. But the soldiers . outside, unaccustomed to English cheering, and misunder- standing its import, began to lay about them. We are even told that, with truly Norman thirst for rapine, they began to fire the neighbouring buildings. These might perhaps include temporary struc- tures connected with the unfinished abbey itself.^ The Minster was soon emptied of spectators. Even the minor clergy fled. But the higher clergy, trembling withal, kept their places. William himself, who perhaps never trembled before, was perceptibly affected.* But, with whatever haste and trepidation, the service proceeded. The coronation ^uon oato °^'^ ^^^^ ^"'y administered and taken,^ and William left the Minster a crowned anointed King, invested with the Rod of justice and the Sceptre of mercy." ^ " In armis et equis presidio dispositi " ; W. Poit. , 144 ; Orderic, 503. ^ So Guy of Amiens, but he was not present, and might be mistaken. Mr. Petrie thought that he must have seen the Ordo Ad Regem Benedicendum. ^ If the church was still uncompleted, a state of things that must be considered not only possible, but most probable, the soldiers might fire the hoardings and scaffoldings at the unfinished end. The description of the building given by the writer of the time of Henry III. is no proof of what it was in 1066 ; Vita ALdwardi, p. 90. Cathedrals were generally dedicated as soon as the choir was built. * Prjesules . . . nimium trepidantes ante aram perstiterunt, et ofEcium consecra- tionis super Regem vehementer trementem vix peregerunt " ; Ord. ^ Florence. He gives the oath as " Se velle sanctas Dei ecclesias ac rectores illarum defendere, necnon et cunctum populum sibi subjectum juste et regali providentia regere, rectam legem statuere et tenere, rapinas injustaque judicia penitus interdicere." The correct formula (vol. I. 319, and Memorials Dunstan, 355) was shortly To keep church and people in good peace ; to put down all robbery and wrong-doing ; and to temper justice with mercy. Florence omits the last clause. The Worcester Chronicle has a simple oath of its own ' That he would keep the people as well as any King before him. ' The Norman writers make no mention of the oath at all. ^ Monday, December 25, 1066 ; W. Poit., sup. ; Guy of Amiens, 872 ; Orderic ; A.D. 1066] NORTHERN THEGNS COMING IN 45 William, if not in any honest sense the elect of the English, was now undoubtedly in fact their lawful King, with all the resources of government at his disposal — a most important matter when we consider that tlie greater part of England was still quite unsubdued.^ As for the relations of the invaders and the natives, they could" not possibly be cordial, but for resistance the time had not yet come. On the contrary, submissions kept coming in thickly. Eadwine and Morkere. if they had not made their peace before, certainly made it shortly after the coronation. We are told that William was then at Barking in Essex, a few miles from Sub^slons London, superintending the works at the Tower. Other sub- missions which must be placed at this time were those of Waltheof, Earl of Northampton and Huntingdon, the son of Siward Digera, the old Earl of Northumbria ; of Copsige, the former lieutenant of Tostig, to whom the Norman writers give the style of Earl {comes) ; of one Thur- kill " de Limis " ; ^ of a Siward, and an Ealdred,^ unknown bearers of historic names, who, with other magnates of lesser note, all came forward to declare themselves William's ' men.' We are told that William graciously accepted this homage, treating them with all honour, and ' restoring ' their possessions.* But it is clear that they were prudently detained at court, as virtual prisoners and hostages for the good behaviour of their followers. The custody of their persons would, in itself, give William a considerable hold on the Midland and Northern districts of the kingdom. On the organization of his new government William entered with his usual energy and systematic purpose. In the first days after the corona- tion important arrangements were made ^ for restoring peace and order, securing the due administration of justice, enforcing discipline among the soldiery, officers as well as men,* and throwing open highways and harbours for trade and traffic. The hours of drinking in alehouses were put under regulation, and disorderly establishments suppressed. In William's eyes all self-indulgence was dereliction of duty; but attention to duty, and work for his interests, was what he expected of his followers. At the same time, he never shirked work himself. Thus at this time, with aU he had to do, we hear of his administering justice in person. In connexion there- with we are assured that he never condemned any but those whom it Chron. D. ; Florence. A new crown set with costly stones had been made for the occasion ; the gold was said to have come from Arabia (qy. from Mashonaland vid Arabia ?) ; Guy. ' For a disquisition on William's position at this period see Freeman, N. C, IV. 1-17. ^ Orderic. ' Siward and Ealdred are described as "filii Edelgari pronepotis Regis" {sc. Confes- soris). They might be descendants of Uhtred by ^Ifgifu, half-sister of Eadward, but their pedigree has not been made out. Both Siward, Ealdred, and Thurkill, however, appear in Domesday ; Freeman, N. C, IV. 21. •* " Reddidit cuncta quse possiderant " ; W. Poit., 150; Orderic, 506. ^ "Malta disposuit." " " Milites medite nobilitatis, atque gregarios." 46 ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES [a.d. 1066 would be wrong to spare.i But for all that, we take it that he made capital punishment much more common than it had been before. The Court of King's Bench {Curia Regis) may have been started now, as an analogous institution was already known in Normandy^; Curia while the courts of the Constable and Marshal may fairly be Regis. referred to this same period, as we have express mention made of courts martial for dealing with military offences.^ Of the measures taken by the King at this time we hear that some were intended ' for the Chart t w^^f*''^ ^". A.D. 1067] SUFFERING ENGLAND 53 to any complaint, always supporting the foreigners, and putting down all opposition by force. ' Well worth the end when God will.' ^ William's conduct in absenting himself during so many months has been criticised. But apart from personal inclinations it was clearly of para- mount importance for him to retain his popularity and his hold on Nor- mandy ^ ; and he probably had no misgivings as to his power of keeping down the English. A darker purpose of provoking a hasty rising need not perhaps be attributed to him.^ The attempt to rule Northumberland through Copsige came to a speedy and tragic end. He made his way down to the North, and succeeded in j_ . , ousting Osulf, who was driven to the hills and the forests as Nortiiumber- an outlaw. This proves that even beyond the Tyne William ^^ already could make his power felt. But Osulf soon turned the tables on his rival in true old Northumbrian style. Having gathered a band of men in circumstances as desperate as his own, he surrounded Copsige in his banqueting hall at Newburn.* Copsige managed to escape to the church, but it was fired over his head, a common device to escape the technical charge of violating sanctuary. Rushing out wildly, he was cut down in the very porch by the hand of his adversary (March 12). Not five weeks had he held the appointment. But Osulf in turn did not live out the year ; he fell in the course of the autumn by the spear of a brigand whom he was attacking on horseback.^ The struggle in Northumberland was one between two English factions, one of them supported by King William. We next hear of a wild at- tempt at a rising of a popular character, undertaken in con- ^Km^*^ junction with a foreign ally. The locality was Kent, and the ally, of all men in the world, was the Count of Boulogne, Count Eustace II., the man whose misconduct in 105 1 had begun all the troubles — Eustace, who in the previous year had led William's right. The „ , , men of Kent must have been in an evil case indeed when they Eustace of . , . , Boulogne thought of placing themselves m his hands. What he ex- Co-operatlng. pg^jg^ (q achieve it is not easy to see ; but apparently he bore William a grudge for some legal decision through which he had been de- prived of possessions previously conferred upon him by the king.* That their earlier relations had been tainted with distrust is implied in the fact ' See Ord. , 507 ; conf. Chron. D. The converse phrase, ' ' Woe worth, " is not yet forgotten. 2 See this well put, N.C., IV. loi. ' Lingard, I. 222. * On the Tyne, five miles N.W. of Newcastle. * Symeon, If. R., 198 ; and the Tract, Id., 3S3. For the year see W. Poit., 164 ; Ord., 509. ° "Si rationes quasejusjiti controversantur depromerem, Regis eum gratiam atque Regis dono accepta beneficia ex aequo . . . amississe plane convincerem " ; W. Poit., 164. The writer adds that the "sententia" had been approved by both English and French. 54 EUSTACE OF BOULOGNE [a.d. 1067 that before allowing Eustace to join his army as an ally in the previous year, William had required him to leave a son as a hostage in Normandy.^ So it happened therefore that the men of Kent, knowing of DoverCastie '^^ breach between William and Eustace, suggested to the latter a joint attempt on Dover Castle. Eustace entered into the scheme, got ready, and, on receipt of a notice that the time was come, sailed over by night with a body of picked men, mostly foot-soldiers, as might be supposed under the circumstances. But the chroniclers, with a Continental predilection for cavalry, thought the fact worthy of notice. The opportunity for a coup de main had been seized when both Odo and Montfort were away on an expedition across the Thames. No time there- fore was to be lost ; but, on the other hand, the Kentish men could have joined in greater numbers if a siege could have been kept up for a couple of days. But Eustace had not the nerve for so sustained an effort. The men in charge of the castle having closed their gates, and held out against the first onslaught, the Count, after a few hours' fighting, sounded a re- treat, just as he had done in face of the men of Dover itself in 1051, and as he would have done in face of the last English rally behind the Mal- fosse in 1066, if William would have listened to him. The garrison then sallied boldly on him, and chased his men pell-mell down the hill with great loss ; some were hurled bodily over the cliffs. Eustace himself escaped to his ships, but he left a nephew behind him. In conclusion we are told that William, with his usual politic self- restraint in dealing with men of influence, shortly made it up with Eustace, and restored him to honour.^ The affair therefore from the Count's point of view was not altogether fruitless. On the English side the movers were doubtless the dispossessed landowners of Kent. In the West a more spirited, if not a more hopeful struggle was kept up on the Welsh March, a district long inured to petty warfare. There a p. ... man prepared to defy the mighty Bastard appeared in the the Welsh person of ' Child ' Eadric, surnamed from his habits and bodily Mirches. j^(;tivity Eadric ' The Wild Man of the Woods.' ^ He was son of JEXinc, brother of the notorious Eadric Streona, and so the representa- tive of an old historic family. He had not submitted * to William, neither had he been dispossessed, so that he still had considerable resources at * " Filium de fide ante bellum in Normannia obsidetn dederat " ; Id., 163. 2 W. Poit., 163 ; Ordetic, 508; W. Jum., 289. ^ Chron D. ; " Edricus cognomento Guilda, id est silvaticus "; Ord., 506 ; Florence ; ' ' Edricus Wilde, quod est silvestris, sic dictus a corporis agilitate ; " Walter Map, a writer of the time of Henry II., De Nugis Curialium, p. 79 (ed. Wright). Map gives a pretty legend of the marriage of Eadric to a wood-nymph. In Domesday he appears as Eadric ' ' Salvage " ; his estates were in Herefordshire and Shropshire ; Freeman, iV.C, IV. 739. * The statement in Orderic that he had submitted with Copsige and others seems quite unsupported. A.D. 1067] THE ' WILD MAN ' EADRIC 55 his disposal. In his contumacious attitude he found himself exposed to the attacks of the Earl of Hereford and his men, supported by the obnox- ious Norman settlers of whom we heard in 105 1, namely, Richard Scrob, or of Scrob, and his son Osbern, surnamed Pentecost. "^ But Eadric, we are told, was successful in repelling all their assaults. Finally he enlisted the co-operation of the Welsh Kings Bleddyn and Rhiwallon, set up by Harold in 1064 under English protection. With their help he made a devastating inroad into Herefordshire, wasting the unhappy land as far South as the bridge of Lugg near Leominster.^ The Welsh Princes might think themselves bound by their oaths to Eadward and Harold, if to them any justification were needed for an attack on English soil. But many Englishmen were leaving the country, some in quest of new homes, others in hope of returning through foreign help, as many an exile EneUsh ^" P^^* ^^^^ ^^"^ done.^ Of the first class some sought refuge Kefugees in Flanders, the standing retreat for Englishmen in times of Abroad, trouble ; some " turned to the home of their forefathers on the banks of the Elbe " ; others again found shelter in the Scottish (Irish) cloisters of the Continent. Not a few bold spirits travelled out as far as Constantinople to take service under the Emperor of. the East. They were settled at first at " Chevetot " (" Kibotus, on the sea of Marmora, near Helenopolis "), to be subsequently employed by Alexius Comnenus I. against Robert Guiscard and the Normans of Apulia. With the Greek Varangian Guard, previously recruited from Scandinavia, a lasting con- nexion was now established.* Those in search of political alliances would naturally turn to Denmark or Norway. But the latter kingdom Scandinavia. ^^^ divided between the peaceable sons of a restless father, namely Magnus, and Olaf, surnamed Kyrre (' The Tranquil '), the successors of Harold Hardrada. They had enough to do at home. In Denmark Swein Estrithson still held rule. Nephew of Cnut and cousin of Harold, he had much connexion with old England, tO' which he might have laid claim under the alleged agreement of 1042. But he was not prepared to strike an immediate blow, and so for the time he too " abode in his breaches." ^ With reports of risings and conspiracies, and rumours of foreign alliances and intrigues, William felt called upon to return to England without William Re- ^'^'^'^^'^ delay, although winter had now set in. Matilda was turuB to again left in charge of Normandy, their eldest son Robert, a ^^^ ' boy just entering his teens, being nominally associated with her. Embarking by night at Dieppe, the King landed at Winchelsea ' Se^ above, vol. I. 452. " Cota August 15th; Florence; Chron. D. ' W. Poitiers, 162, 163 ; Orderic, 508. * " Usquenunc"; Orderic, sup. Lappenberg (Thorpe), ^?(^&-iVi>?-«fl«A7«^j, 114, 115. * See TV. C, IV. 1 19-123. For the diplomatic mission of ^thelsige, Abbot of St. Augustine's Canterbury, and also of Ramsey, to Denmark, see Id., 135, and Thorpe, 116. S6 CONCILIATORY MEASURES L^-D. 1067 on the morning of St. Nicholas' Day.' The English hostages of course came with him, also a Norman feudatory, one who had not as yet visited England, but was destined to found a mighty House, and leave an enduring name there, Roger Lord of Montgomeri,^ and, in right of his wife Mabille Talevas, Count of Alengon and Belleme.^ The Christmas feast was kept in London, WiUiam doing his utmost to conciliate the natives ^^LonSm ^ '^y affable and friendly manners, but in private he would warn his followers to watch their movements with constant suspicion.* From the English writers we hear again of the imposition of a heavy geld. It is likely that during this Midwinter Gemot William made his first appointment to an English bishopric. Wulfwig of Dorchester had died apparently during the King's absence in Normandy.^ Of course a Norman would be named to succeed him ; the man chosen was Remigius or Remy, late Almoner of Fecamp, a man whose zeal had provided a ship for the great expedition. His promotion therefore was natural ; but the strange thing was that the man selected to consecrate him was Stigand, Stigand the schismatic, whose offices had been eschewed by English Prelates, by Harold, and by William himself the year before. It would seem that the Conqueror felt more anxious to win English support at the close of 1067 than he did at the close of 1066. Anyhow the time for degrading Stigand had not yet come, and so William temporised, and allowed him to lay hands on the elect of Dorchester.^ Again it is likely that at this time William may have filled up the earldom of Northumberland, doubly vacant by the deaths of Copsige and Osulf. The date of the appointment is not given, but we are ''°E^l af"^' '^^^^ *^' ^f'^'^'' "^* <^e^* °f 0^"^f o"^ Gospatrick went to King Northiunber- William, and for a large sum of money bought the office, to which he had claims by birth. To have sent a Norman there would have been useless. Gospatrick was a man of high connexions, and belonged to the old stock, his mother, Ealdgyth, being the daughter of Earl Uhtred by his third wife, the daughter of King yEthelred.''' Of the state of England at this time we hear that the districts that had 1 6th Dec. So expressly Chron. D and E; conf. Orderic, 509. " Sexta nocte De- cembris " in the latter, when William embarked, must be taken as the vigil, as he adds that he landed next morning. ^ Calvados ? diocese of Lisieux ; Freeman. ° Ord., sup. ; Roman, II. 198, note ; also N. C, II. 194. •• Ord., sup. ^ Florence. « Freeman, N. C, III. 380, IV. 130, citing the later profession of Remigius to Lanfranc, given Giraldus Cambrensis, VII. 151. In the Registrum Sacrum the appoint- ment of Remigius is placed in 1067, and so must have happened late in the year. ' Symeon, H. R., 199, 384. Gospatrick's father was IVIaldred, son of Crinan, presum- ably Crinan, the lay Abbot of Dunkeld, father of Duncan King of Scotland, so that Gospatrick must have been a Scot, and brother of Duncan ; Sym., sup. ; Skene, Celtic Scotland, 1. 394, 419. The latter explains the name Gospatrick as Gwas Patrick = Servant of Patrick. The new Earl was doubtless the " Gains Patricius " mentioned as going with Tostig to Rome in 1061. He was stated to be of kin to the King ; Vitce ^dm., 411. A.D. io68] REBELLIOUS RESPONSES 57 been overrun by William, or were held in check by his garrisons were submissive enough ; but that the West was in arms, and that the far North, Disaffection ^°'^* *o P^y 1^*''^ regard to the authority of its former kings, in the North paid none at all to that of King William. His attention had ■ to be directed in the first instance to the lands beyond the Exe, the old West Wales, where the attitude of the people was not simply sullen, but actively defiant. Devon and Cornwall apparently had sent no contingents to Senlac, neither had they been visited by William's troops.* Their resources there- fore were unimpaired. In Exeter Gytha, Harold's mother, had ^li^ague™ found a refuge ; the family possessions in the neighbouring shires were considerable, and the country Thegns had gathered round her in strength. Some of her family, her unmarried daughter Gun- hild, perhaps some of Harold's sons and daughters, may also have been there.2 The city itself was, for the times, rich and populous, and strong in its fortifications, dating originally from the times of .^Ethelstan.^ These had been strengthened with battlements* and towers. No dealings of any sort had been held with William. High and low were resolved to keep out the foreigners, and to establish, for themselves at any rate, a position of practical independence — local Home Rule. Every preparation for defence had been made. The neighbouring districts had been invited to join a sort of Western League. Even foreign merchants happening to be present were pressed into the service. In the buoyant enthusiasm of these proceedings we may surely trace the working of the Celtic blood that ran in the veins of the Western men. Of course William was duly apprised of what was happening at Exeter. He had also a special ground for indignation in the cruel treatment to which some Norman soldiers, who had been driven by stress of weather into the river, had been subjected.* Nevertheless he began with his usual politic moderation, simply sending to inquire if the men of Exeter were prepared to take oaths of allegiance to him as their King. Their answer was that they were not prepared to swear allegiance to him, or to admit him within their walls ; but, as if to tempt him by the offer of a compromise, they said that they would render to him the established regalian dues issuing from the city, thus accepting him as over-lord, but not as King. William answered that he was not in the habit of accepting ' The submission of the Abbot of Glastonbury woilld seem to mark roughly the Western limit of William's influence in 1067. ^ i.e. Harold's natural children. See above 36, and N. C, IV. 142. ' Of course the walls must have been repaired since the demolitions by Swein "from the East gate to the West gate " in 1003 ; above I. 354, and Florence. ■* Pinnas, more commonly pinnacu/a, whence "pinnacles." ' " Militibus crudeUter et contumeliose illuserant " ; Ord. 510. No further detail is given. 58 REDUCTION OF THE WEST [a.d. 1068 subjects on such terms, and straightway marched an army down. We wmiam ^^^ *°'*^ ^^'^ °" ^'^'^ occasion he first ventured to employ Marches to the swords of Englishmen. On the way they were let loose xeter. ^^ overrun and harry the possessions of their countrymen in Dorset.^ When the army was within four miles of Exeter the magistrates, or other leaders,^ thinking better of it, went out to sue for peace. Find- ing that nothing less would be accepted than absolute submission, they promised it, and delivered hostages. But the lesser townsfolk, taking counsel of their patriotic ardour, refused to submit, and closed the gates. The King in great wrath came up to reconnoitre with five hundred horse. Finding the walls manned, he ordered up the rest of his force, and, by way of a warning, put out the eyes of one of the hostages in the sight of all the people. But the people would take no warning. ^ A regular siege ensued, which was pressed by William for eighteen ^*^Clty.*^* days.* At the end of that time, finding that the King was gaining on them, and that their walls were undermined,^ the men of Exeter accepted the inevitable. Young and old, with the clergy in procession, went out to beg for mercy. William, who probably did not want to incur fresh odium by unnecessary shedding of English blood, accepted their submission, and forgave their misdeeds. Life and Subnussion. ,,, ,,,,, ,j, property would be respected, but probably a ransom would be exacted. Of course he took military possession of the city, but we are told that he placed strong guards at the gates to prevent any irruption of disorderly bands in quest of plunder. A site for an inner stronghold within the walls — the existing castle — was immediately fixed upon, the work being left to be carried out by the governor left in charge, namely Baldwin of Moeles in Normandy, and of Okehampton in England, being a son of William's kinsman and early guardian Count Gilbert of Eu and Brionne." Gytha, with her ladies and her suite, escaped, to find a refuge in one of the Holms, the islands in the Bristol Channel off the Irish coast.'' Eventually she made her way once more to Flanders, to end her days at St. Omer. *(?) ' For the state of the Dorset towns, Shaftesbury, Wareham, Bridport, Dorchester, at the time ol Domesday, see N. C, IV. 151. 2 "Majores." » Orderic, 510. * Chron. D. ^ In William of Malmesbury the collapse of part of the wall is treated as miraculous ("divino . . . auxilio . . . ultro decidens"), a punishment for an offensive insult to the King offered by one of the men on the wall (" nudato inguine, etc.") ; G. £., s. 248. If the latter part of the story had been true Exeter would have fared badly. ^ Orderic, sup. ; N. C, IV. 161 ; and for Count Gilbert, II. 192. Exeter Castle was placed on a height at the North end of the town, and called by the Normans Rouge- mont, from the colour of the soil. For the fortifications see the plan, N. C, IV. 152, and Clark, Military Archil., II. 44. For Count Gilbert see also below, 108, Appendix. ' " Bradan Reolice." ^ Chron. D ; Florence. The Worcester chronicler, taking the simple popular view of the matter, treats the surrender of Exeter as a mere ' betrayal ' (geswicon hisfdon) A.D. io68] CONFISCATIONS 59 A march through Devon and Cornwall ended the campaign. We are Subjugation '■°^*^ ^^'^ whatever resistance was met with was easily over- of t^ South- come ; but the destruction that befell Barnstaple and Lidford would seem to show that those two boroughs were " special scenes of resistance." The army was then disbanded, and William returned to Winchester in time for Easter (March 23).! The subjugation of the South-West was followed by further confiscations on a sweeping scale. If the Cornish Thegns offered little resistance, their submission profited them little. The earldom of Corn- fisoat^ons!"' '^^i ^ ^^^ creation, was conferred upon William's brother Robert, already Count of Mortain, in Normandy. With the earldom he received most of the land in the shire. " Hardly any other landowners appear except the Crown and ecclesiastical bodies." The position thus created for Earl Robert became a lasting appanage of the Royal Family. In Devonshire a certain number of Englishmen retained their lands, but the greater part of that county and of Somerset was redistributed. Norman churches, such as those of Rouen and Caen ; Norman Bishops, such as Geoffrey of Coutances and Odo of Bayeux ; lay Barons, such as Eustace of Boulogne, Ralph of Mortemer, Walter Giffard, and others of well-known names, all partook of the spoil. One lordship in Somerset became the freehold of the Church of St. Peter at Rome.^ In these spoliations church lands were not respected, at least not when the churches had acted against William, or were specially con- nected with his enemies. England now seemed sufficiently settled to receive Matilda, the wife of a King but herself not yet crowned a Queen. A distinguished Embassy was sent to bring her over. In her train came Bishop Guy of Amiens, the poet-chronicler of the Hastings campaign. His work may have been presented to the King on this occasion. On Whitsunday (May 11) Ma- tilda was 'hallowed to Queen' at Westminster by Archbishop Ealdred.* But the year was not destined to end without further troubles. If William had made himself master of the South of England, subsequent events proved that as yet his effectual dominion did not extend to the North of the line of the Avon and Nen, — the line of the forts of Ostorius Scapula * — with perhaps the addition of Worcestershire and Position of Gloucestershire and part of Herefordshire. He had not Eadwine and yet got rid of Eadwine and Morkere, who had been released Morkere. j^^^ ^^^^^ attendance at court, probably because William was by the Thegns, and asserts that William ' promised well and ill performed.' The date of Gytha's death seems unknown. Her daughter Gunhild died at Bruges, 24th August, 1087 ; Freeman, N. C, IV. 159. 1 Orderic, sup. ; Chron. D ; Freeman, sup., 162, citing Domesday. 2 SeeJV. C, IV. 163-70. 2 Chron. D ; Ord., sup. * See above, A.D. 50, I. 54, 62. 6o BAD WINE AND MORKERE [a.d. 1068 no longer afraid of them. But their disposition was very uncertain, while beyond the Tyne the allegiance of Gospatrick was equally doubtful. With respect to the sons of ^Ifgar, it is clear that apart from any personal qualifications of their own, the accidents of birth, youth, and wealth, coupled with the unique veneration commanded by the memory of their grandparents Leofric and Godgifu, had invested their names with very great popularity. 1 The eyes of all who hoped that even yet a stand might be made against the invader were turned towards them. We are told that prayer on their behalf was being offered up far and wide. Again we hear that William had paid great court to Eadwine, setting him over his brother's head, so as to give him authority over one-third of England, and promising the hand of a daughter. But the daughter was not forthcoming, and Eadwine in his indignation was preparing to rebel. If AVilliam really gave Eadwine authority over his brother's earldom it must have been with the object of sowing jealousy between the brothers. As for the marriage, William's eldest daughter at this time could not have been more than fourteen years old at most, so that delay was only natural. But we need not look to a matrimonial disappointment to explain Ead- wine's action. If he had been the most shortsighted of men he must have seen that if William became master of all England his own position would sink to nothing. Accordingly we hear of a grand gathering of magnates supported by Bleddyn of North Wales.^ We hear of an ^Lea'^e™ ^"e^ipt to form a sort of Northern League. We have in- dignant protests against Norman oppression, and spirited resolutions pledging all to draw the sword in defence of their ancient independence.^ North of the Humber the whole country was up, and the city of York, in spite of all the efforts of Archbishop Ealdred, had become an armed camp. The Northern League came to even less than the Western League of the winter. The old want of coherence and leadership again betrayed William itself. William marched an army to Warwick and quietly Marches to established a castle there, in connexion doubtless with ^thel- flaed's burh of 915.* The command was given to Henry of Beaumont, younger son of old Roger, a man destined to be the progenitor of a long line of Warwick Earls. It would seem that Eadwine and Morkere had an army at their backs, because we are told that when it came to the point they and theirs declined the issue of battle, and begged ' Orderic, 511, and again 521, where Eadwine's good looks and his general popularity both with French and English are dwelt upon. ^ Bleddyn became sole King of Gwynedd and Powys as the result of a battle fought at Mechain (?) in this year in which his brother and both their opponents fell, one Mare- dudd, son of Owain, becoming King of South Wales ; Ann. Camb.\ Brut., A.D. 1068. 3 "Pro vendicanda libertate pristina. " * See above, I. 272. The mound " still remains, but William's works have dis- appeared, perhaps displaced by the later castle" ; Freeman, N. C, IV. 190. A.D. io68] WILLIAM IN THE MIDLANDS 6i for grace.i William, who did not want to drive them to extremities, at once assented,^ and so disarmed them very cheaply. Continuing his march Northwards without opposition, the King is next The Klne heard of as halting at Nottingham, to establish another garrison at at that important position, at the point where the great high- Nottingham ^^y ^^ ^j^g ^or'Ca. crosses the Trent. Eadweard the Elder had established two forts there to command the passage of the river,^ but William's castle apparently did not coincide with either of these, being placed on the highest point of the rock occupied by the present town, at the junction of the Leen and Trent.* The command was given to William Peverel, a man of uncertain origin, but destined to leave a name of lasting association with the Derbyshire Peak,^ North of the Humber the King might expect to meet with some more substantial resistance than he had as yet experienced in the campaign. And so ultimately it came to pass. But for the moment the collapse in the Midlands had broken the spirit of the Northumbrians. Before William had come within sight of York he was met by an embassy tendering hostages and the keys of the city. But the King was not to be put off with any nominal submission. As at Exeter so at York he took possession, and at once began to secure his position by fortifying a castle. The site chosen was not within the limits of the original Roman walls, but still, we are told, inside the then city ^ ; a statement fully borne out by Domesday, which tells us that one of the seven 'shires' of the city had to be cleared of houses for the works. In fact the castle was placed on the mound of the old Danish stronghold, in the angle between the Foss and the Oose, and on the left bank of the latter.'' The acquisition of the historic city of York, populous and rich through its trade with Denmark,^ carried on through the channel of the Oose, was William's " greatest conquest " since that of London. The keeping of the Northern MetropoKs was entrusted to the faithful William Malet, who also therewith received the great post of Sheriff of Yorkshire.^ The King's stay at York witnessed the submission of some influential Englishmen. Archil, described as the greatest man in Northumbria,!" a * " E. et M. cum suis anceps prcelii certamen perpendentes gratiam Regis petierunt." 2 At least, " specie tenus " ; Orderic, 511. ' See above, vol. I., 275. " For a drawing of Nottingham Castle in the sixteenth century see Clark, II. 336. ^ A story given by Dugdale, Baronage, I. 436, makes William Peverel a natural son of the Conqueror. For his Keep on the brink of -. precipitous cliff near Castleton see ArchiBol. Journal, V. 214, cited Freeman ; Orderic, sup., Chron. D. * " In urbe ipsa." ' See Clark, sup., II. 334, etc. ; and the plan, Freeman, N.C., IV. 202. ' In the time of Domesday York had still 1,607 houses. Allowing one family to each house and five souls to a family, that would give a population of 8,000 persons. s Symeon, H.R., s. 153; N.C., IV. 204. '" " Potentissimus Northanhimbrorum " ; Orderic. The name is here used in the old and larger sense. 62 RETIREMENT OF EADGAR [a.d. 1068 man who certainly had vast estates in Yorkshire, came in and delivered his son as a hostage. Bishop ^thelwine of Durham also appeared to commend himself personally to the good graces of the Conqueror. He was utilised to establish relations with the King of Scotland.^ We have spoken of expatriated Englishmen. One band of personages, unable to endure the prospect of William's rule, had retired to the Scottish English court. Among these were the .^Etheling Eadgar, with his Refugees in mother Agatha and his sisters Margaret and Christina, Earl Gospatrick, and Mserleswein,^ late Sheriff,|apparently, of Lincoln- shire. He was the man to whom Harold had entrusted his interests in the North after the battle of Stamford Bridge. It was important therefore to counteract the influence that these men might exercise in Scotland ; Malcolm and ^"*^ ^^ Bishop was commissioned to offer terms of peace. WUUani comeMalcolm, we are told, had in fact been preparing to invade England, but on receiving William's overtures resolved to keep quiet. He sent back the Bishop with ambassadors of his own to pledge him to observance of William's terms, whatever they may have been.^ But it is most unlikely that William should have complicated the situation by an ill-timed demand for homage, or that Malcolm should have jumped at the first suggestion to close with so distasteful a proposal. Content with having so far settled affairs in the North, William now turned Southwards to make sure of the country behind him. His route ■m-in passed through Lincoln, Huntingdon, and Cambridge, to the Marches East of his former track. In each place fortifications were set South, jjp Qj. repaired, and garrisons established. Lincoln was a town of considerable importance, rich through trade by the river Withara, and boasting of eleven hundred and fifty inhabited houses.* The fortress of the time consisted of an irregular ^^SiicohL^'^^''*^"^^^ surrounded by earthworks partly piled on the older Roman walls, and enclosing less than half the old Roman camp (Lindum). The later Minster occupies the rest of the Roman camp. The ramparts were crowned on the southern side by two conical mounds. What AVilliam did is not clear. Probably he merely repaired the palisades, and cleared away any dwelling houses or other obstructions that had been allowed to grow up within the enclosure, or on the slopes of the ditches outside, a very common kind of encroachment. Certain it is that the 166 houses destroyed for the sake of the castle " were not removed to allow of the extension of its area," because " the Norman walls stand upon the English banks." ^ It is worthy of notice that the municipal government of Lincoln by its close corporation of twelve " lagemen " was not interfered ' Orderic, sup. ' Chron. D and E ; Florence. ' "Nuncios suos ovanter remisit per quos Guillelmo Regi fidele ob^equium juravit " ; Ord. * W. Malm., G.P., s. 177; Ellis, Domesday, N.C., IV. 208. 5 Clark, sup., II. 189, etc., and the plan there. A.D. io68] CASTLE-BUILDING 63 with. William had no wish to remodel institutions unless they affected his personal interests. Analogous institutions at Cambridge, Stamford and elsewhere met with equal respect. ^ Neither Huntingdon nor Cambridge equalled Lincoln in importance ; but both had fortifications, of which we heard in 9 1 8 as wrested by Ead weard H tin d '^^ Elder from the Danes. At Cambridge, as at Lincoln, the and mound-fort (Castle Hill), dating presumably from 875, had Cambridge, ^g^^^ piled up in a corner of the old Roman camp {Caj/tbo- ritum). Again the additions made on the present occasion were probably but slight, but doubtless sufficient to make the works effectual for military purposes.^ The reader will notice that England's defect was not so much the absence of strongholds, as the neglect to keep them in effective repair. To William's conquests of the year Worcestershire and Gloucestershire may doubtless be added. At any rate we know that either then or in the next year they were linked under a Norman Sheriff, Urse of ^^?^and' -A-betot, a name at which we shudder involuntarily when we Gloucester- call to mind the malediction of Archbishop Ealdred, " Hat- Reduced. TEST THU Urs ? Have thu Codes Kurs."^ We regret to be obliged to add that what provoked the anathema — doubt, less well deserved — was not the oppression of the widow, the fatherless, the stranger, or the poor, but the fact that Urse's castle at Worcester infringed on the monastic burying ground, the moat cutting off a corner of the cemetery.* As narrated by the chroniclers, William's campaign of the summer of 1068 might seem a mere armed progress. But if we turn to other evi- dence we shall see that his march, if not stained by much blood, still scattered destruction, spoliation, and misery far and wide. We have spoken of the destruction of houses at York and Lincoln recorded in Domesday. The list of similar damages done elsewhere is a heavy one. At Gloucester thirty houses were dismantled to make room for a castle or otherwise.^ At Cambridge out of a total of four hundred dwellings twenty-seven were sacrificed for the castle, fifty-three others being tenant- less at the time of the survey.^ In Oxford the destruction was "pro- digious," and, in fact, such as to imply an unrecorded siege, " and a most devastating siege." Of seven hundred and twenty-one houses formerly paying taxes four hundred and seventy-eight houses were gone, leaving ' Ellis, Domesday, I. 205 ; see above I. 520 ; and Maitland, Domesday and Beyond, 211. * For plans and a histoiy of Cambridge Castle, see T. McK. Hughes, Camb. Antiq. Soc, 1894. ' ' Hightest thou, i.e. art thou called Urse ? Have thou God's curse ' ; W. Malm. , G. P., s. 115. Ealdred died in the next year (1069) ; N. C., IV. 173-177. * " Adeo ut fossatum cimiterii partem decideret " ; /d. 5 JV. C., IV. 173. " 7d, 221. 64 HAROLDS SONS [a.d. 1068 only two hundred and forty-three still taxable. '^ The confiscations of land were on a still larger scale. In Warwickshire one Thegn, and one Thegn alone, Thurkill of Warwick, son of ^Ifwine formerly Sheriff, was left in possession of a large estate, perhaps the largest left to any Englishman. He must have made his peace at an early date. Besides him only two or three other natives are found retaining " fragments " of their property.^ In Leicestershire, again, but two or three landowners of the smallest class were spared.^ The Nottinghamshire gentry fared better. There a remarkable number of King's Thegns retained their estates.* In York- shire large grants of land were conferred on William Malet and others, his possessions being expressly stated to have been conferred upon him before the revolt of the next year.^ Lincolnshire came off rather well, both as to country and boroughs, a considerable amount of land remain- ing in English or Danish hands. But alongside of these we have Norman grantees with well-known names, such as William of Percy, Walter of Eyncourt, Ilbert of Lacy, Ivo Taillebois.^ In Huntingdonshire and Cam- bridgeshire the confiscations were again severe, but there is nothing to show whether the changes took place at this time, or in connexion with later struggles.' While William was engaged in these operations the three sons of Harold, Godwine Eadmund and Magnus, of whom the reader as yet has heard nothing beyond the bare fact of their existence, made their appear- ance on the stage of history. Sailing with a fleet from Dublin, where they ■or 1.,. c.™o had found shelter at the court of King Diarmid, their father's Harold s Sons => ' in the Bristol old friend, they entered the Bristol Channel in the old Wicking ^^°^'^ style, prepared to treat the country subject to their enemy as hostile territory, just as their father and others had done before them. Harrying the coast as they went, they came to Bristol, and attacked the town. But the men of Bristol would have nothing to say to them, and beat them off. Moving down the coast of Somerset, they landed, perhaps, at Porlock, where their father had landed, again to find their countrymen arrayed against them. Eadnoth, who had held the office of Staller under Harold, having made his peace with William, came forward to do battle on behalf of his new master. A desperate engagement ensued, in which the victory was claimed on both sides, but Eadnoth was left on the field ; while the invaders were able to complete their buccaneering harvest by further depredations on the unhappy coasts of Devon and Cornwall. * Anarchic With all the destruction and spoliation of the year ; with State of the numberless men of high and low degree turned out of house ountry. ^^^ home, and reduced to desperation, we cannot but believe ' N.C., IV. 778. As the existing mound-fort at Oxford was clearly utilised by the Nor- mans the destruction need not have been great. ' Id., 189, 780. ^ Id., -li)"}. * /*■ = Id., 204. 6 Id., 215. ' Id., 222. * Chron. D (given under 1067), Flor. ; W. Malm., G. R., s. 254. The Fitz Harding Berkeleys claim descent from Harding, son of this Eadnoth. See Complete Peerage. A.D. lobSJ A IJ2b ; above I. 520. ^ " In tota Merciorum regione motus hostiles Regia vi compescuit " ; Ord. sup. * Chron. Evesham, 90-91, cited Freeman (Rolls Series, No. 29). The applicants for aelief included men of rank reduced to beggary by the confiscation of their property. ^ Orderic, 516, 522. " " Thaes geres (this year) wees micel hunger ''; Chron. D, A.D. 1070 (given as 1071). A.D. 1070] HERE WARD AND THE DANES 77 of Asbiorn and Bishop Christian (of Aarhus).i The rich Abbey of Peterborough then became the battlefield of contending parties. The abbacy at the time was vacant through the death of Abbot Brand, wha had passed away on the 27th November, 1069.2 The confirmation of Brand as Abbot is the soHtary exercise of royal authority that has been traced to 'Child' Eadgar during his brief uncrowned reign, as already mentioned.^ William had named as successor to Brand a Norman, one Turold, reported a very stern* man. He was a monk from Fecamp, Turold whom William had already thrust upon the brethren of Abbot of Malmesbury, a very worthy EngUsh abbot being turned out PeterborougiL ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ j^.^ Turold behaved very tyrannically at Malmesbury,^ and William, understanding that he was more of a soldier than a priest, vowed ' by the splendour of God ' that he would find a field for Turold's talents, and sent him to Peterborough, where troubles were expected." The lead in the alliance with the Danes, and in the _ . . opposition to Turold, was taken by Hereward, of East League witii Anglian fame. With this man's name legend has been very aues. -[j^gy.^ ]-m(. ^jj ^j^j^j. gggms clear about him is that he was a man of respectable position, who rented land from the Abbey of Peterborough at Witham-on-the-Hill, near Bourne, and at Barholme-with-Stow, both in Lincolnshire.^ He also apparently at one time rented land from year to year under Ulfcytel Abbot of Croyland, but had been turned out for breach of the terms of his holding.^ Some of the accounts make him nephew to Abbot Brand.^ Banded with him were the monastic tenants, who felt confident that with the help of the Danes they could defy both Abbot Turold and King William. The monks, with a clearer perception of the ' Lapp., Norman Kings (Thorpe), 129. ^ Chvon. E. ' See above, p. 40 note, and Chron. E, 1066. The wealth of Peterborough will be understood when we hear that Leofric, the predecessor of Brand, himself a nephew of Earl Leofric, had been allowed to hold the abbeys of Barton, Coventry, Croyland, and Thorney, along with that of Peterborough ; lb. The pluralities of the times were certainly shameless. ■* Chron. E. ' " Dum tirannidem in subjectos ageret." " W. Malm. G.P. s. 264; Freeman, N.C. IV. 457. ' See the passages from Domesday given by Mr. Round, Feudal England, 159, etc. There is nothing definite to connect the East Anglian Hereward with the man of the same name who appears as holding land in Warwickshire {Domesday , 240, 240^, cited Freeman, IV. 805) ; nor is there any ground for holding that he had been outlawed before his revolt against William. Domesday only notices one ' flight,' clearly that from Ely in 1071. The name "Wake" given to Hereward by John of Peterborough and other late writers appears to have arisen in this manner. The Wakes, lords of Bourne, owning the land that once had been held by Hereward, pedigree-makers invented for them a descent through the female line from Hereward : he was then made lord of Bourne, and finally " himself a Wake " ! Round, sup. 161. * Domesday, I. 377, cited Mr. Tout, Nat. Diet. Biography. ° So at least the Hist. Croylandensis, attributed to Abbot Ingulf, a well-known forgery of the 13th or the 14th century ; Gale, II. 70. 7S HEREWARD AT PETERBOROUGH [a.d. 1070 facts of the situation, were prepared to make the best of Turold, and when he reached Stamford with a little army of eight score men, ' fully armed,' they sent a sacristan to open friendly relations with him, and warn him that ' the outlaws,' i.e. Hereward and his ' gang,' were coming to attack the Minster. Sure enough on the morrow Hereward and the Danes appeared in force — coming by water — and attacKed the town from the river. The monks resisting them, they fired the place and burnt it down, Pe^terborourii conventual buildings and all. While the flames were still raging they broke in the "Bolhithe" gate — the South gate of the monastery facing the Nen. The monks then begged for a truce, but the assailants, taking no heed of their prayers, invaded the church, and proceeded to ransack it, climbing up the steeple to carry off treasures ■secreted there. They took the gold crown from off the Saviour's head, the gold foot-rest from under his feet ; also shrines of gold and silver, ■crosses, vestments, books, what not. The whole was sent for safe keeping to Ely. All this they did, they said, for the honour of the place, to rescue its treasures from foreign hands. Finally, the Danes, who were prepared to face Turold's attack, expelled the monks to have the place in their own hands. On the 2nd June Turold and his men appeared on the scene, the Danes apparently confronting him. But it would seem that Turold, along with his army, brought also authority from the king to divide the hostile forces by negotiating a separate treaty with the Danes. Ketirement Certain it is that the arrival of Turold was followed by the of the adjustment of a compact between William ^ and the invaders, under which they were allowed to carry off the spoils of St. Peter's Minster, on condition of returning home without further ado. Evacuating Ely, they sailed to Denmark by the old coast route. Two ■days they rested in the mouth of the Thames, and then disappeared. The chronicler consoled himself with the fact that the waves were said to have engulfed a good part of their ill-gotten treasures. On the other hand the week of their occupancy of Peterborough had brought about St. Peter's ^^ destruction of the Minster itself, accidentally fired during Minster a drunken orgy. The contents of the monastic cellars doubt- less would offer every temptation for excess. On the 9th June Turold and his clergy retook possession of the smouldering build- ings, and the daily services of the Church were resumed.^ The ^-Etheling Eadgar may be supposed to have returned to Scotland ' " Tha twegen Kyngas Willelm and Svvosgn wuvSon sEehtlod." The introduction of the name of King Swein is an obvious error. '■* See Chron. D (given under 1071), and Chron. E 1070 ; cotif. Florence, A.D. 1069. ' The compact between William and Asbiorn, referred by him to the winter of that year, must be identified with the treaty undoubtedly executed in June 1070. The account given by Chron. E is followed by the late (13th century?) Peterborough writer Hugh " Candidus "; Sparke, Hist. Angl. Script;, pt. 2, p. 47. A.D. 1070] A SAINTLY QUEEN 79 ■early in the year, when Gospatrick made his peace with the King of England. Without Gospatrick's protection he could not linger in Northumberland. His elder sister Margaret— the Sainted Margaret of Scotland— was then induced to give her hand to King Malcolm, " Ceannmor," if she had not done so already. But we are distinctly told that for some time she had resisted his suit, her own inclinations tending towards the monastic cloister.i Fortunately, however, for herself and for the country of her adoption she condescended to accept the duties of a wife and mother. The marriage proved in every way a happy one. Her influence on her husband and his people was all for good. She infused new life into the religion of the Scots. She introduced a happy disposition to copy English models. Her daughter lived to reconcile the English to the necessary Norman rule by linking the new Dynasty with the old.2 But for the North of England the immediate consequences of the mar- riage were most dismal. Casting off whatever obligations he might have „ , , entered into with William in 1068, and assuming as it were the Harries championship of Eadgar's rights, Malcolm proceeded to harry Teesdaie. ^^^ pillage the little that William had spared, invading Tees- dale from Cumberland. Advancing by the old Roman road through Appleby and Brough-on-Stanemoor, he would cross the Border.^ From Stanemoor he came down to " Hundredeskelde," a place identified with Hunderthwaite in Teesdaie.* Descending the Tees, he overran the northern outskirts of Cleveland, where William had been before him. Then, crossing the river, he invaded the patrimony of St. Cuthberht, pass- ' See Cliron. D, a.d. 1067. J. Fordun in two places gives the year of the marriage as 1070, the fourteenth year of Malcolm's reign, but admits that some placed it in 1067 of National Biography gives as among Lanfranc's scholars Ernost and Gundulf,, successively Bishops of Rochester; Guitmund, Bishop of Avranches; William de Bona Anima, 'Archbishop of Rouen ; and Anselni of Badagio, afterwards (1061) Pope Alexani,ler,II..' The great Anselm, Lanfranc's successor, was at Bee with him, but not as his pfljJil'. '.,'' A.D. 1050-1070] HIS EARLY LIFE 85 flourishing theological school, and an acute logician, Berengar main- tained that the true doctrine of the Church and of its earliest versy with Fathers was that of the brilliant Irishman, the ninth century Berengar of \y^x\., John the Scot — " Erigena." His teaching was that the °"^^' Presence in the Eucharist was simply spiritual and syrabolical.i But the prevalent current of theological opinion ran all in the opposite direction, and in favour of the rigid dogma of Transubstantiation. It would seem that at Rome, Lanfranc, who corresponded with Berengar, was suspected of sympathy with doubtful views. What Berengar held Lanfranc at once made clear by producing a letter in which Berengar avowed the opinions of Erigena. As for himself, he declared himself on the side of orthodoxy.^ Both at Rome and Vercelli, in 1050, and againin the second Lateran Council held at Rome in 1059,^ Lanfranc's refutations of his adversary were held conclusive. But the controversy between them was lengthy and bitter. Once, and once only, Lanfranc ventured to cross William's purposes. It would seem that in some way he had taken upon himself ^o^wmam.* to condemn the Duke's marriage to Matilda, forbidden by Leo IX. William, who had shewn favour to Lanfranc, and taken him into his counsels, at once ordered him to be expelled from Normandy, and sent men to ravage the lands of Bee* The supple Italian saw his mistake, and made the best atonement for it. When he went to Rome in 1059, he obtained from Nicholas II. the desired dis- pensation for the marriage.^ In 1066 he was promoted to the abbacy of „ „ William's penitential foundation of St. Stephen's Caen. That He Becomes . Abbot of St. the Kmg had intended him for Canterbury, as early as the ^^Caen"^'^ year 1067, when Lanfranc refused the see of Rouen, can hardly be doubted. To give greater weight to the present call, and deprive Lanfranc of any excuse for drawing back, Ermenfrid was sent over in person to make a formal offer of the vacant Primacy.^ The intimation was laid before him in a Synod of Norman bishops and abbots. Of course Lanfranc protested, and begged for time, but nobody would listen to him. Herlouin, his former superior, who was still living, ordered him to go. Matilda and young Robert begged of him to go, and he went.'' ' See the letter of Berengar to Lanfranc, taxing him with presumption for differing from Erigena; 0pp. Lanfr. sup. I. 17. 2 Vita L. I. 288. 3 13th April, 1059. •* Vita Lanfranci, I. 287, 288. The account in Malmesbury, who represents Lanfranc as banished at the request of Herlfast, because he had moclced his ignorance, is quite inadequate ; G. P. ss. 24, 74 p. 150. * Vita, 289, See generally Milman, III. 19-24; Hook, Archbishops, IL 73-95; Freeman, N.C. IL 115, 221 ; III. loi, etc. ° " Petitionem Ecclesire Dei {i.e. of Christ Church Canterbury) denunciavit " ; Ord. 520. ' Ord. Slip. 86 LANFUANC AT CANTERBURY [a.d. 1070 On the 15th August he received his formal appointment; on the 29th „. „ of the month he was consecrated at Canterbury.'^ At his His Consecra- . . •' tlon as Arch- entry to the city he was received with all honour not only by bishop. ^j^g monks of his own church, but also by those of the rival House of St. Augustine. Nine suffragans of Canterbury, among whom were the newly appointed Bishops of Winchester, Selsey, and Elmham,^ joined in the hallowing. But with all the crowded attendance, and all the interest excited by Lanfranc's reputation, the ceremony must have been a dismal one at the best. Three years before the Church had been destroyed by fire,^ and the rites must have been performed in some temporary make-shift structure. Writing to Alexander II., shortly after his consecration, he complains of the horrors by which he is surrounded ; the harrowing cases, the losses, the perplexity caused by parties dragging him in opposite directions.* These were the troubles of the Church. As for the troubles of the land, the wasted fields and blackened homesteads', he is prudently silent. Of the prelates who took part in the consecration of Lanfranc, the reader may have noticed that Thomas the Elect of York was not one. He alone of the newly appointed bishops had not yet been consecrated, and we cannot doubt that the delay was due to the contrivance of the King. He intended that Thomas should be consecrated by Lanfranc, William's ^^^ should make profession of obedience to Lanfranc. This Churcii was an entire novelty. By the constitution of Gregory the Great the two Metropolitans had been invested with equal and co-ordinate authority, the senior for the time being to have precedence. But the division of ecclesiastical authority might give trouble, and would militate against the complete unification of the kingdom that William aimed at He wanted to rule one Church for all England, and to rule that through Lanfranc. When Thomas came to Canterbury, by appoint- ment, to receive consecration, he was met with a demand of struggle . , . between canonical obedience to Lanfranc. Having refused to make cSterburv- ^"^ unheard-of profession, he was dismissed unconsecrated. ' The matter was then laid before the King in Council. There William found himself in a difficulty, the foreigners supporting Lan- franc, the English to a man siding with Thomas. To make a seeming concession, while really carrying his point, William suggested that Thomas should make the required profession in writing, and without reservation ^ ; but that the precedent should not bind his successors without further ' Chvon. A; Florence ; Ord. ; Vita, 293. •^ W. Malm. G. P. s. 24 ; Reg. Sacrum. 3 Namely, on the 6th December, 1067, the day of William's return from his visit to Normandy ; Chron. D and E. * " Tot molestias, tot tDsdia sustineo . . . perturbationes, tribulationes, damna," etc ; 0pp. Lanfr. I. 20 ; Hook. ' " Absolute, nulla interposita conditione." A.D. 1070-1072] CANTERBURY AND YORK 87 investigation of the question. Thomas accepted the offer, and was then duly consecrated. '^ Thomas having made his profession, Lanfranc proceeded to take the professions of his own proper suffragans, including those of Wulfstan of Worcester, and Remigius of Dorchester, who had to explain away as best they could their previous relations with Stigand.^ In the course of the ensuing year (1071), both Archbishops went to Rome for their Pallia, TheArcH- Remigi"s also going with them. Lanfranc was treated with bishops'at such honour that he received a second complimentary Pall ^°™®- from the Pope, in addition to the usual one.^ On the other hand, we are told that Thomas and Remigius met with a cool reception, and were deprived of their episcopal insignia. Objection was taken to Thomas as being the son of a priest ; while, apart from his consecration by Stigand, Remigius was taxed with having obtained his See through a corrupt bargain with WilUam, and as a return for the handsome contingent that he had furnished for the Hastings campaign. The Papacy would enter a protest against laxity, even in the great William, but the protest would not be pushed too far.* Lanfranc interceded for his brethren, and procured the restitution of their rings and croziers.^ Be this as it may have been, it is certain that Thomas, while at Rome, challenged the supremacy of Canterbury ; nay, more, that he claimed to include in his Province the Sees of Dorchester, Worcester, and Lichfield — hardly the acts of a man in a doubtful position. After hearing much argument, Alexander prudently declared that the question was one to be decided in England, and by English churchmen.'' But Lanfranc was not content with having settled the question for his own life-time. He was bent on settling it for all time. At Easter, 1072, after his return to England, he convened an Fortlier ecclesiastical Synod at Winchester, and produced a string of Synods in " spurious or questionable letters," '' in which successive Popes had recognised various Archbishops of Canterbury, from Melhtus to Plegmund, as entitled to spiritual Jurisdiction over the whole of Britain. Against all this documentary evidence Thomas had nothing to produce, and the case was decided against him. The final judgment ' W. Malm. •&. P. s. 25. ^ lb. ; Chron. A and Latin Append, thereto. Wulfstan had refused to be consecrated by Stigand, but according to Florence, a.d. 1062, had taken the oath of canonica:! obe- dience to him ; contra Wulfstan's apparent declaration to Lanfranc, extracted Freeman, N.C. IL 634 (Append. C. C). See above, I. 486. Remigius had been consecrated by Stigand. See his explanations printed Giraldus Cambrensis, VIL 151, and Seg. Sacrum. ' W. Malm. sup. and s. 42. * Freeman ; see N. C. IV. 356. ^ "Baculos et anulos." So W. Malm. s. 42. Thomas, however, as an Archbishop would have a cross, not a pastoral staff or crozier. ^ W. Malm. sup. s. 25, and Lanfranc's own letter, 0pp. I. 23. No reference is there made to any attack on Thomas or Remigius. ' See Haddan and Stubbs, Cone. III. 65, for the worth of these documents. 88 FURTHER DEGRADATIONS [a.d. 1070-1072 was uttered in another Synod held under the King's presidency at Windsor at Whitsuntide. The Archbishops of York were declared to be under Declaration ^^ orders of the Archbishops of Canterbury ' in all matters in Favour of appertaining to the Christian religion,' and their Province was ■ defined as extending from the Humber and the northern limits of the diocese of Lichfield to the ends of Scotland, with Durham or Lin- disfarne as a suffragan See.^ Among the prelates degraded at some time or other in 1070, must have been ^thelwine, Bishop of Durham, and his brother, ^thelric, ex-Bishop of the same See. ^thelric had been appointed Bishop of of^Sliops'' Durham in 1042, but had resigned in favour of his brother in ^theiwine 101; 6, returning to Peterborough, where he previously had and ^tHelric. , ^ ' , tt 1 . -rv t. i. 1 ,j ■ been a monk. Unpopular at Durham, he was held m great respect at Peterborough, where he executed many useful works with money alleged to have been taken from Durham. ^ Like his brother, he may have been implicated in the Northern risings, but we cannot doubt that he was implicated in the resistance to Abbot Turold at Peterborough. Having been outlawed and arrested, doubtless after the retirement of the Danes in June (1070), he was sent to Westminster, where he died in prison (15 th October, 1072), held somewhat of a martyr.^ Against ^thel wine no sentence is recorded; his See may have been treated as vacated by his flight, which took place in the course of the year, as we suppose, during the Scottish inroad ; but no successor was Waicher ^PPointed till the following spring, when the King named one Bisbop of Waicher,* a Lorrainer, and a native of Lifege. He is de- "^ ^™- scribed as a man of good birth and education, ripe years, commanding stature, and blameless life, but not a monk — the only suc- cessor of Aidan save one who had not taken monastic vows. But, in spite of that defect, the Durham writer cannot withhold his meed of praise. ^ Waicher was duly consecrated by his Metropolitan, Archbishop Thomas. The ceremony was performed at Winchester. The widowed Lady Eadgyth was present. On beholding the Bishop-elect, she exclaimed, ' Lo ! a goodly martyr !' Prophetic words, which gained her great credit. '^ ' W. Malm. G. R. s. 298, where the judgment is given with the signatures, including those of the King, Queen, and Hubert, a Papal Legate. See also Id. G. R. ss. 27-42, where the documentary evidence is given as sent by Lanfranc to the Pope. ^ Reg. Sacrum ; Sym. JI. D. E. 91, 92. ^ Chron. D ; Chron. E (1069); Florence, 1072 ; W. Malm. G. P. 131. The Peter- borough Chronicle, however (a.d. 1070), asserts that iEthelric excommunicated the evil- doers, meaning apparently Hereward and his men. That must have been before his im- prisonment. * " Ab ipso rege eligitur " ; Sym. 5 Sym. //. D. E. p. 105 ; W. Malm. G. P. s. 132. ^ W. Malm. sup. ; Reg. Sacrum. This must have happened in March, 1071, as Waicher was murdered 14th May, 1080, after an episcopate of nine years and two months ; Sym. H. D. E. 117. A.D. 1070-1071] LAWS OF KING WILLIAM 89. Walcher was then sent down to the North with all honour, and under royal escort. At York he found Gospatrick, the Earl of his diocese, wait- ing, by the King's orders, to take him on to Durham. On Mid-Lent Sunday (3rd April) he was formally enthroned. 1 But the peaceful work of 1070 was not Hmited to ecclesiastical affairs. To this same year, the fourth of the reign, apparenriy, should be attributed the publication of a legal Code, given in French and Latin,, egis a ion. ^^^ embodying the main provisions of the Law as established in the time of Edward the Confessor, with certain modifications introduced by William. We are told that this Code was based on the findings of juries empanelled in the counties to report on local custom, which the King wished to respect. 2 Of this code, styled the Leges Willelmi Conquesioris, we have already spoken as representing the state of the Law under the Confessor. The provisions seem to be taken from various earlier Codes, condensed and re-arranged ; a few chapters are translated from the Laws of Cnut. Some new provisions are added to meet the altered circumstances of the times, but the distinctions between the customs of Wessex, Mercia, and Dendlage are carefully respected. The innovations are few, the most important being the well-known provision for the protection of the King's followers, under which, if a Frenchman was killed, the Hundred was bound to produce the murderer within a week under a penalty of 46 marks. ^ By the time of Henry I. it became the practice to assume that any person found dead was French, unless his native origin could be proved by a pro- cess termed 'Presentment of Enghshry.'* Further, the King subjects delin- quent sheriffs to double penalties — a wholesome measure — and we have two chapters, one relating to jettison from ships, taken from the Civil Law.^ By the end of 1070 England, if not healed of her wounds, was at all events in the enjoyment of peace, and of a certain amount of order and Hereward's security.^ By the end of 1071 the last attempt at native re- ^^L°L sistance had been crushed. Eadric the Wild Man had sub- Beiuge at Ely. mitted in the summer of the former year,'' the devastation of ' Sym. JI.J?. p. 195. ^ For the Code, see Schmidt, p. 322 ; Thorpe, I. 466. For the date and the em- panelling of the juries, see the opening words of the so-called Zeges Edwardi Confessoris. " WilUeimus rex quarto anno regni sui . . . fecit summoneri, etc." ; Schmid, 491. The Legg. Ed. Conf. are held by Liebermann to have been put together by a private individual, a Norman, 1130-1150. See his Tract on the subject (1896). The oldest MS. (Bodl. Rawlinson C. 641, f. 3) dates from llSo-ngo; Lieberman ; Stubbs. Another short Statute, unquestionably William's, refers to Edward's Law as confirmed by him with modifications ; Select Charters, p. 81, c. 7 ; also in Schmid, p. 356, but a less cor- rect text. 3 Leges W. C. I. c. 22; Schmid ; Thorpe. "Murdre," i.e. A. S. mor«, properly meant secret assassination ; Legg. Henr. I. c. 92, s. 5 . * Legg. H. I. c. 92, s. 6. Blackstone (Stephen), IV. 140. = Legg. W. C.l. cc. 2, s. r ; 37, 38. ^ See the rather exaggerated account, Ord. 520, presumably taken from the lost part of William of Poitiers. ' Florence. go HERE WARD [a.d. 1071 the North-Western shires having cut the ground from under his feet. But the undaunted Hereward still lurked unsubdued in the fenny wastes of Cambridgeshire. In 107 1 the smouldering flax burst into flame, to be shortly stamped out for ever. During the spring and summer sundry men of note gathered to the refuge of the native champion ; among them Morkere, Bishop .^Ethelwine of Durham, and Siward Barn, the Northern Thegn who had tired of life in Scotland. Of the hapless, dispossessed grandsons of good Earl Leofric nothing has been told us since the collapse of their rising in 1068. They must have been in actual or virtual custody, as we now hear that they 'escaped,' fearing worse things to come.'- ' Sundry ways went they on wood and field.' Eadwine wandered for six months, endeavouring to raise adherents on the Welsh March ; ■° E'ad^e!^'^^ finally, as he was making for Scotland, some of his own men betrayed him to the Normans; he was surrounded on the banks of a tidal river and killed, fighting bravely. His head was sent to William, who affected to shed tears at his fate, and at any rate refused to reward the traitors.^ Eadwine's career was not a brilliant one, but in face of the obloquy that has been heaped upon him, if the judgment of a man's own time is worth anything, we must recognise that the last Earl of Mercia had inherited good and lovable qualities that endeared him to English, French, and Norman alike.^ The King was careful not to let the East Anglian movement spread. Ship-fyrd and land-fyrd were promptly called out for the reduction of Ely, then in fact as well as name an island.* The picturesque little against^Eiy ^^'^' crowned by the abbey of St. ^thelthryth, when girdled with miles of river and swamp, would offer a very defensible position. William's operations, therefore, were in fact siege-works. The principal approach to Ely would be by the old Roman road from Cam- bridge, the Akeman Street. But it would seem that in some respects a better access was offered from the West, the fenny expanse of water being narrowest on that side. The shipping, therefore, was sent up the Oose to blockade the Isle on the east side, while the army was set to construct a ' Florence has it that they fled from court, fearing to be imprisoned. The expression ■of the Chronicles D and E, "hlupon ut," seems to imply that they were already under restraint. The word used of Wulfnoth when he rose in 1009 was " ut gewende," 'went out,' not ' escaped.' Orderic in a very confused passage implies that William had dark ■designs against the brothers, p. 521. ^ Chron. D and E; Flor. ; Ord. sup. ^ " Ex religiosa parentela natus, multisque bonis deditus . . . Clericorum at- que Monachorum pauperumque benignus amator,'' etc. ; Ord. sup. For hostile, criticism of the House of Leofric generally see Freeman, N. C. passim. ■* The History of Ely describes the island as being seven miles long, from " Coting- lade " to Littleport ; and four miles wide from " Cherche were "to " mare de Straham " ; Gale, II. 490. Littleport is five miles N.E. of Ely. Stretham is four miles S.W. of Ely, at the junction of the Oose and Cam. A.D. io7i] REDUCED 91 'bridge' or causeway two miles long on the west side.^ William's own headquarters were apparently at Cambridge. Great tales were handed down in East Anglian tradition of Hereward's prowess in resisting the attack from the causeway. But when the work was completed tS?En"-U^h^ '^'^ companions lost heart and surrendered. On the 27th October the King took possession. ^ With those who had capitulated ' he did that he would.'' Bishop ^thelwine was sent to Abingdon, where he died in the course of the winter ; Morkere and Siward Earn were also imprisoned, the one in Normandy, the other in England, to live Diit Wiliiam's days in captivity. The rank and file fared worse. In accordance with William's calculating policy they were cruelly mutilated in various ways, and then turned adrift, warnings to all the Hereward world.^ One man refused to barter his liberty for a mess of pottage, when further resistance became impossible, Hereward took ship and escaped by water.* Legend has been as busy with the later as with the earlier history of this national hero. But we may fairly accept the consensus of tradition that he made his peace with William. It would also appear that he accompanied the King in his expedition into Maine in 1073,' one account making him lose his life there. It has been suggested on the strength of certain entries in Domesday that William Malet may have fallen in the Ely campaign. But the pas- Fate of s^gss in question seem really to shew that he took part in the WiUiam campaign, and survived, to fall later in the King's service in ®*' some other quarter.'' A loss undoubtedly sustained by WiUiani ' Florence. The History of Ely, iz^j (ed. Steward), connects the causeway with "Alrehethe," now Aldreth, "ubi aquas insulae minus latse sunt." Aldreth is from seven to ten miles from Ely, according to the road by which the distance is measured. William's advance, therefore, might be along the Aldreth-Soham causeway. Materials for the causeway were brought by water to " Cotinglade," p. 236. "Cotinglade" cannot = Cottenham, because the latter is on the other side of the Oose. It might be the crossing of the Oose from Cottenham ; if so it would be seven or eight miles S.W. of Ely. 2 Hist. Ely, 24s, cited N. C. IV. 480. ^ Chron. D (a.d. 1072) and E; Flor. 1071, 1078; Sym. H. D. E. p. 105, and H. R. A.D. 107 1 ; Ord. The Ely monks made their peace by yielding all their treasures ; Aug. Sacr. I. 6io. Thurstan, the Abbot, attended the Windsor Council at ^^'hitsuntide 1072 (above, 77, 78). * Chron. ; Flor. * So Geoffrey Gaimar, Chron. Anglo- Normmides, jMichel, I. 22, cited Freeman. Geoffrey must have written about the middle of the following century, as he says that he borrowed a book from Robert of Gloucester, who died in 1147, through Walter Espec, who died 1153-1154; Mon. Hist. Brit. 829. Gaimar, however, represents Hereward as killed in Maine. For the legendary history of Hereward see Freeman, N. C. IV. 455-487 and 804. The principal sources are the Pseudo- Ingulf, Gale, II. 70 ; John of Peterborough; Hist. Eliensis (D. J. Stewart, 1848); the Gesta Herewardi; and G. Gaimar, Chron. Anglo-Normandes (Michel). " See N. C. IV. 173, citing Domesday, 33^, where it appears that Malet died on an expedition, "quando ivit in servitium regis." At f. 133* it is stated that he had held 92 FOREIGN AFFAIRS [a.d. 1071 in the year 107 1 was that of his trusty William fitz Osbern, Earl of Hereford. He had been sent over to assist Matilda in her government of Normandy, probably on account of troubles in Flanders, in na^d^ers™ ^^ich she could not fail to be deeply interested. Her father, Count Baldwin V., had died in 1067, leaving his dominions to a son, Baldwin VI. The younger Baldwin became speedily involved in hostilities with a brother Robert. This man was apparently the eldest son,i who, having been disinherited and banished by his father, had found a settlement in Friesland (i.e. Holland and Zealand) by marrying the widow of the late Count Florence, and acting as guardian to his wife's son. Baldwin VI. died in 1070, when the struggle with Robert the Frisian devolved on Baldwin's son Arnulf, under the tutelage of his mother, Richilde of Mons. She appealed to her overlord Philip I. of France, while Robert invoked the aid of his Imperial suzerain Henry IV. Philip came as desired, bringing iitz Osbern with him as a Norman feudatory. The Earl, making light of the whole affair, brought an insufficient force, and when in the field kept no proper watch. The result was that on Septuagesima Sunday (20th February, 1071) Robert fell on the allies at Death of Cassel, and utterly routed them, his nephew, young Arnulf, and wmiam the Earl of Hereford being among the slain.^ For burial, the ern. jg^|.jg^^ described as the most popular Baron in Normandy, was carried off to his own foundation at Cormeilles (Eure). The King, with his usual prudence, divided the inheritance, giving the Norman estates to the eldest son AVilliam of Breteuil, and the earldom of Hereford and the English estates to the younger son Roger.^ The dynastic struggle in Flanders led to a change of relations with Normandy ; the two Courts, hitherto on the best of terms, now became distinctly estranged. We are told that William, in return for friendly help given in connexion with the Hastings campaign, had been in the habit of allowing his father-in-law a yearly subvention of 300 marks (;^2oo). The Visit of the P^y^^nt had been continued to the younger Baldwin, the Sixth King to of the name, but was now withheld from Robert the Frisian.* orman y. jj. ^^^ probably the state of Flemish affairs that led William either late in 107 1 or early in 1072 to pay a hasty visit to his native Duchy. 5 certain lands, "quando ivit in maresc,'' i.e. the Feu campaign, but not at the time of his death, implying an interval. 1 Both Orderic, 526, and William of Malmesbury, G. R. s. 256, place Robert before Baldwin, and the former expressly calls him "primogenitus." 2 For varying accounts of these affairs see Orderic and W. Malm. sup. ; Chron. D, 1070; N. C. IV. 531-537; Sismondi, France, IV. 408, etc. 3 Ord. Slip. ' W. Malm. G. R. S. 403. » Ord. 527. CHAPTER VII WILLIAM I {continued) A.D. 1072-1076 Invasion of Scotland and Exaction of Homage from Malcolm Canmore — Waltheof Earl of Northumberland — Repression of Rising in Maine — Revolt of Earls of Hereford and Norfolk — Execution of Waltheof THE first half of the year 1072 witnessed the Synods for the carrying out of Lanfranc's attack on the Province of York, as already mentioned. The latter half of the year was marked by a settlement of _^ ^ . Northern affairs, including a reckoning with Malcolm Can- to more for his unprovoked invasion of England in 1070. Late Scotland. -^^ August, William started on his expedition. Wild Eadric, w];io had made his peace about two years before,^ was invited to attend. The army is described as consisting mainly of cavalry, with an auxiliary fleet in attendance.^ That in itself implies that the King took the usual East-coast route; and so we hear that he advanced till he went 'in over the ford,' continuing his march till he came to Abernethy on A^^eSthy! *e Tay.3 Here, of course, the ' Ford ' is only another expression for the ' Water,' more usually the ' Scots' Water ' : that is to say the Forth. Beyond that Estuary William would find him- self in Scotland proper, and accordingly, ^Ired, the Abbot of Rievaulx, correctly describes his march as passing through Lothian, Calathros {the Carse of Stirling),* and Scotland to Abernethy.^ Throughout his march William ' found nothing of the which he was any the better.' '^ But, whether worth having or not, whatever there was to ravage, was ravaged. ' Ralph of Mortemer is supposed to have had the chief hand in reducing Eadric to submission, and for that service obtained the Castle of Wigmore in Herefordshire, the historic seat of his descendants ; Ellis, Domesday, I. 455, 456, citing Dugdale. ^ Chron. D (given as 1073) and E ; "equestri exercitu" ; Flor. 3 " Inn ofer the wseS " ; Chron. D. " ^t tham gewffide " ; Chron. E. " Aberni- tliici " ; Flor. * See Ann. Ulster, a.d. 736, and charters cited Skene, C. S. I. 424, though he himself would restrict Calathros to the Carse of Falkirk. 5 "Per Laodonam, Calatriam, Scotiam usque ad Abernith" ; Decern Scriptt. 340. " " Naht ne funde th^s the heom the betere wKre " ; Chron. D. See Thorpe's translation. Mr. Freeman, following Lingard, renders it 'naught better than him,' i.e. stronger, or able to resist him. 03 94 SCOTTISH HOMAGE [a.d. Bowing to superior force, as other Scottish Kings had done before him, „ , , Malcolm came to Abemethy, declared himself William's Malcolm ... , uraiiam's ' man,' and gave hostages.^ Scottish patriotism has endeav- "Man." Qujg{j to explain away the act of homage as merely rendered for twelve manors in England, supposed to have been held by Mal- colm at that time.'- But no such limitation is to be found in any of the records of the transaction. That it excited general attention at the time is proved by the fact that it appears in the Irish Annals of Ulster,^ where we are told that ' the Franks ' invaded Alba, or Alban as the name now appears, and carried off the King as a pledge. On the other hand, it is clear that the recognition was " simple " not " liege ' homage ; that is to sav, a bare admission of suzerainty, not involving any right of inter- ference in domestic affairs. As a matter of fact Malcolm to the end of his days continued to be, not a vassal, but a restless and troublesome enemy.* It is, however, extremely probable that William's understanding with ^Malcolm included a stipulation for the expulsion of the -Etheling Eadgar and other EngUsh refugees. William now was, without doubt, in one way or another. King or Lord of all Great Britain, and as fully entitled as any of his predecessors to assume the style of " Basileus," or " Monarcha," or any other of the high-sounding titles affected by Anglo-Saxon Royalty. But William was not a man with any turn for barbaric swagger. On his return southwards the King paid a %isit to Durham, where he had things to do. One piece of business was the foundation The King at ^f 3^ castle as a residence for the foreign Bishop who mis;ht come to want protection from his Xorthumbrian flock." The existing " Moat " (mote) or mound-fort must have been there already, but even in the following centur}- it was onlj' crowned by a wooden palisade, four-square, at any rate by a building supported by four wooden posts one at each comer.'' To this mound-fort William apparently attached a more commodious structure, the nucleus of the existing castle.' The other piece of business was the removal of Gospatrick from the earldom of Northumberland to make way for Waltheof, GoSatrick. already Earl of Northampton and Huntingdon. The wily King had deferred his attack on Gospatrick till after his 1 Chron. D and E ; Flor. ; Sym. H. H. ; W. Malm. G. £. =. 250 ; Ckron. Melrose. - J. Fordun, V. c 17 ; E. W. Robertson, Scotland, etc., I. 137 ; II. 401. For the twelve manorssee Flor. and Chron. E., a.d. 1091, and below. ^ A.D. 1072 ; Skene, Chroti. P an-i S. * J. H. Uurton, Hist. Scotland, I. 410. ^ Sym. H. R. a. 160. ^ "Desnper . . . domus. Postibus inniti bis cemitar ipsa duobus." ' For a dear distinction between the circular "arx"'and the " castellum," with its courrvard and well, see the 12th century poem of Laurence Prior of Durham, printed by Mr. Raine, and given also by Clark, MiUtiry Arch. XL 34. The mound was apparently girt with a wall at the foot, while access to the keep at top was given by the usual bridge with broad steps. A.D. 1072] ST. CVTHBERHT AND THE CONQUEROR 95 triumphant return from Scotland. The Earl had been perfectly faithful since his reconciliation with William. No new offence that we hear of was brought up against him. He was simply charged with matters covered by his pardon. He was taxed with secret complicity in the murder of Robert of Comines in io6g, which happened when he was out of England, as well as with the attack on York later in the same year 1 ; but Waltheof was equally implicated in that affair. Waltheof, no doubt, had a double connexion with the district, being son of Siward as ^W?ltw°^^^'^ as grandson of Ealdred ; while Gospatrick could only claim descent from Uhtred, elder brother of Ealdred, through his mother. But Waltheof's real merit was doubtless the fact that he was married to the King's niece Judith,^ and his promotion may be looked upon as due to a Court intrigue. Gospatrick left England in disgust, but he does not seem to have been outlawed, as he still had lands in England at the time of Domesday. To Flanders he retired ; but after a short sojourn there, he again made friends with Malcolm, and from him received the earldom of Dunbar. On his father's side he was a Scotchman and connected with the Royal family.^ According to Symeon of Durham, his patron Saint had the triumph of scoring a victory over the mighty Conqueror. It would seem that the King had expressed some doubts as to whether the body of St. Cuthberht was really at Durham or not ; and had threatened an examination of the tomb, which was resented by the clergy as an insult. But on All Saints Day, the day appointed for the inquest, when the King was attending Mass, he was seized with a violent heat — perhaps a feverish attack — which shook his purpose ; for, we hear, on leaving the church he called for his horse, and without waiting for dinner rode off, never stopping till he had placed the waters of the Tees between himself and St. Cuthberht.* If the authority of an Earl was still thought necessary for the govern- EnsUsli i^s'i' of Northumberland, as a remote and Border district, his Earldoms, sphere was restricted to the old Bernicia, Deira or Yorkshire Northumber- being kept in the King's hand. William knew better than to land. revive the system of the old Anglo-Saxon Satrapies. If we take a survey of the earldoms as constituted at the point of time that we have now reached, beginning in the North, we have Northumberland under Waltheof, and Richmondshire, in the North Riding of Yorkshire, under 1 Sym. H. R. s. 158. ^ Daughter of Adelaide, sister (Orderic, 522) or half-sister (W. Jum. 312) of the Conqueror by her second husband, Lambert of Lens in Artois. See G. E. C. Peerage, "Albemarle"; conf. the charter printed Archizol. XXVI. 358. By her first husband, Ingelram of Ponthieu, Adelaide had a daughter, also called Adelaide. By her third husband, Odo of Champagne, she had Stephen Count of Aumale. See also Mr. Stapleton's note, Rot. Scacc. Norm. II. xxxi. ' Sym. stip. s. 159, p. 199 ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 525 ; also Mr. Hinde's note to his ed. of the H. R. p. 92 ; and above, 56. * Nov. Sym. ; H. D. E. p, 106. 96 ENGLISH [a.d. 1072 Allan Rufus of Brittany.^ Descending the West coast, we find that the new earldom of Chester had changed hands since 1070. Gerbod the Fleming had found his position a very trymg one, between Welsh enemies on the one hand, and disaffected Englishmen on the other hand. Then he received an urgent call to come home on private affairs, these doubtless being connected with the troubled state of Flanders. He obtained William's leave to go, and went, never to return. We are told that he fell into the hands of enemies — very likely at the battle of Cassel — who threw him into bonds and kept him there. The important post that he had vacated was then given to Hugh of Avranches, de- A^ancbes scribed by Orderic as a man of grossly sensual life, prodigal and rapacious, devoted to field sports, but almost too bloated to walk.2 This description must be taken as applicable to the Earl in his latter <3ays, as the writer in another place admits that he was active in war, and we shall find him in the year 1082 preparing to join Bishop Odo in an adven- turous expedition to Italy. He had also sufficient regard for the Church to found a monastery, and he certainly enjoyed the friendship of St. Anselm.3 To return to the earldom, in later times we shall find the dignity of the Earl Palatine resting, as it were, on the shoulders of four Barons of local rank, Cheshire Barons who held under him ; but for the present we have the names of only two lieutenants holding commands under Hugh, namely Robert of Rhuddlan and Robert of Malpas.* The former owed his name to the castle established by him on the ruins of the Welsh palace destroyed by Harold. We shall find him extending his bor- ders to the line of the Conway, where he fell in 1088, while repelling a Welsh inroad at the foot of the Great Orme's Head.° The Palatinate, as a Border Principality, was armed with very special privileges. In PalatiJiate Cheshire proper, i.e. South of the Mersey, the Earl and his men divided the land with the Bishop. '^ All writs ran in the Earl's name. Most if not all regalian rights and dues were his, and his men enjoyed immunity from all legal jurisdiction, except that of their own Palatine courts. These concessions were doubtless intended to enable the Cheshire men to hold their own against the Welsh ; but the results ' " Alanus comes " ; Domesday; Ellis. "Alanus Rufus comes Eritonum" ; Orderic, 64S. Allan was a. Breton, but of course not Count of Brittany. Hoel was Count at this time. ^ Orderic, 522. ^ Earl Hugh the Stout, as he was called, established Benedictine monks at St. Wer- burh's Chester, previously in the hands of secular Canons; Freem. N. CIV. 314, citing Monasticon, 11. 370. ■* "Demalo passu." Robert of Rhuddlan was son of Humphrey of Tilleul, and in his early days had been at the Court of the Confessor ; Ord. 669, 670 ; N. C. IV. 73, 490. He was also cousin to Earl Hugh, ^ Below and Ord. 670, 671. '^ See N. C. IV. 489. Lancashire did not exist as yet, the southern part 'between the Mersey and the Ribble ' being attached to Cheshire, and its northern part to Yorkshire. A.D. 1072] EARLDOMS 97 were most mischievous. For centuries the Cheshire gentry were among the most lawless in the kingdom, and the country a mere hot-bed of brigandage and disorder. Next to the Palatine earldom of Chester lay the earldoms of Shrewsbury and Hereford, also intended for the defence of the Welsh March. The former was in the hands of Roger of Montgomery, who at first ews i"7- jjg^^ jjggj^ Constable of Arundel and Chichester.^ As Earl of Shrewsbury he stamped his name upon the soil of Britain by building a castle on a height just West of the line of Offa's Dyke, to which he trans- ferred the name of his own ancestral home, a name again destined to be extended later to a whole Welsh county. Married to a very bad woman — Mabille, daughter of William Talevas of Belleme ^ — Earl Roger himself is described as a wise and just man, inclined to consult the clergy. Of his household priests one, Odelerius, was the father of our invaluable chronicler Orderic. As Constable of Shrewsbury under him Roger had Warine the Bald, a little man with a great soul, who mightily oppressed the Welsh, and " pacified " the district.^ Hereford, as we have seen, had already passed from the trusty William fitz Osbern to his second son Roger, an unworthy successor. As their Lieutenant both father and son had Walter of Lacy, and they too warred against the Welsh. Under the year 1070, the native annals record the loss of Maredudd or Meredith, son of Owain, King of South Wales, who was slain on the banks of the Rymney by his rival, Caradoc, son of GrufFudd, in alliance with ' the French.' * The credit of this achievement is claimed by Orderic for the Earl of Hereford ; while the Welsh annals again connect the name of Montgomery with the ravaging of Ceredigion (South Cardiganshire), and Dyfed (Pembrokeshire), in 1071 and ro72. In the extreme South- West William's half-brother Robert held the earl- dom of Cornwall. If we turn to the other side of the King- dom, we find that a slice of Yorkshire had been given to Odo emess. ^^ Champagne, third husband of the King's sister Adelaide,* as Earl of Holderness. Thus Adelaide and her daughter Judith, the wife ' See Ord. 522, who clearly distinguishes the " castram " of Arundel from the, " comi- tatus " of Shrewsbury. ^ SeeiV. C II. 193, etc., and IV. 194; " Talevas "= buckler or shield ; Godefroy. ' Ord. sup. For Roger's foundation of St. Peter's Abbey Shrewsbury, see Id. 579- 581, and N. C. IV. 498, citing Monasticon, III. 519. "The nave of the church now standing must be of the age of Roger." * Ann. Camb, ; Brut-y- T. This Caradoc was the man who destroyed Harold's hunting lodge at Portskewett in 1065. Maredudd became King of S. Wales in 1068, when Rhiwallon, set up by Harold, %vas killed. See above, I. 488. * See Ord. 522, and Doyle, Official Baronage, " Holderness." Mr. Freeman, N. C. IV. 303, makes Odo marry the younger Adelaide, according to the latest views daughter of the elder Adelaide by her first husband, Ingelram of Pont^ieu. The younger Adelaide does not appear to have been ever married, at any rate she left no issue. See Stapleton, Rot. Scacc. Norm. II. xxxi. R. H. — VOL. II. H 98 AFFAIRS [a.d. 1072 of Waltheof, would divide the honours of the North country. In Norfolk, we have Ralph of Guader or Gael, established as Earl. Of Hunts and ^'"^ anon. Huntingdon and Northampton had long belonged Northants. to Waltheof. Walter Giffard I. was Earl of Bucks ; William of Bucks. Warenne Earl of Surrey.^ But the greatest of all the Earls, Surrey, tjjg second King, whose word was law, the terror of the ^®'^*- whole realm, was the Bishop-Earl, Odo of Kent.^ Thus in all we have twelve Earls instead of five or six, as in the latter days of the Confessor. But his Earls controlled pretty well all England ; the authority of William's twelve did not cover one-third of it. From the assertion of a nominal supremacy over Scotland, William was called away to defend his cherished acquisition of the County of Maine. His position there was being assailed both from within and ^Mato? *° "i^oxa. without, and by movements of complex character. The conquest, as we have seen, had been effected under cover of a cession or ' commendation ' of the county by the last native Count, Herbert, son of Hugh, and grandson of the well-known Herbert ' Wake- the-Dogs.' To free himself from the domination of Anjou, Herbert had taken William for his over-lord, declaring him his heir if he should die childless — an event that followed not long afterwards (1063-1064). On the Continent, at any rate, men who stood in William's way seemed to disap- pear. Having reduced Maine by force of arms, William announced the betrothal of his son Robert to Margaret, youngest and unmarried sistej: of William's Son ^^^ ^^'•^ Count. Robert would thus become Count of Maine Robert, in her right, and their issue would perpetuate the old line. J^ae. "T^^s arrangement was accepted by the Count of Anjou, Geoffrey " Barbu" who took young Robert's homage for Maine at Alengon.* In one way or another the Counts of Anjou had undoubtedly established a right of superiority over Maine. Robert's homage must have been rendered in or before the year 1066, as in the course of that year " Barhc " was ousted and imprisoned by his restless younger brother, Fulk " Rechin." ^ Unlike his elder brother, Fulk always chafed at William's position in Maine, being doubtless anxious to convert his over-lordship into direct dominion, as had been the case in the days of his uncle Geoffrey Martel. Then Margaret died before her marriage with young Robert could be completed, and so all legal claim through her was at an end. Thereupon Ord. sup. On the question of the Earldom of Bucks, which is disputed, see Appen- dix to Chapter XV. For Ralph of Norfolk, below, 102. 2 " Cunctis Anglise habitantibus formidabilis " ; Oxi. sup. ^ See above, vol. I. 494, 495. * Orderic, 532. ^ See N. C. III. 314, and authorities there cited; Orderic, sup. For thirty years Geoffrey languished in bonds at Chinon, to be set free at last by a chivalrous nephew, but only to die shortly afterwards; Gesta Consulum Andeg. : D'Achery, Spic. III. 259, 262. A.D. 1072-1073] OF MAINE 99 the Manseaux, who were not at all reconciled to the Norman yoke, turned their eyes towards the eldest sister of their late Count Herbert, namely Garise'nde, wife of Albert Azzo II., Marquis of Este and Liguria. The third sister, Paula, was married to a neighbour, John Lord of La Flfeche in Anjouj but the Marquis was a much bigger and richer man.^ On receiving an invitation from the people of Maine, the Marquis and his Marauis A ^^^^ came over with their son Hugh, the suggested future Count and of Maine.2 They were received with open arms. At their Garisende. coming, if not before it, the whole county practically rose. William's castle at Le Mans was stormed, and his chief men either killed, imprisoned, or expelled.^ The Count of Anjou might intrigue against William, but he could hardly relish the appearance of Marquis Azzo ; while John of La Flfeche, who had his own wife's pretensions to defend, openly declared for William. On the other hand, William's old adversary, Geoffrey of Mayenne, a man of subtle and resolute spirit,* at once put himself at the head of the local movement. The Marquis having seen his son fairly established, went back to Italy, leaving his wife and Hugh to govern Maine with the help of Geoffrey of Mayenne. But differences now began to break out between them and the men of Le Mans. These ' seditious ' burghers, as the writers in the feudal interest style them, had conceived the bold idea of setting up a at^l^ Man^. Commime^ or popular government of some sort. In Southern Gaul traditions of Roman municipal independence had never quite died out ; but North of the Loire the action of the men of Le Mans is of special interest as being the first recorded manifestation of a spirit that in the next century we shall find assuming considerable proportions. Of course nothing could be more repugnant either to feudal lords or feudal churchmen than any semblance of popular government ; but the movement was too strong to be resisted, and Geoffrey of Mayenne was forced to take the oath to the new constitution. Even the Bishop, Arnold, a Norman devoted to William's interests, was obliged to fall in with it.° But the men of Le Mans, not content with demanding municipal rights for themselves, and, perhaps, feeling that they could not stand alone, pro- posed to force the whole of Maine within the pale of their little common- ' See vol. I. 494. '^ The date of their arrival seems doubtful. It must have happened after William's visit to Normandy in the winter or spring of 1072. ^ Orderic, 532. This writer makes no reference to the presence of the Marquis, his wife or his son. All that relates to them comes from the local Gesta Pontiff. Cenoman- ncnsium. Bouquet, XII. 539, and iVIabillon, Vetera Analecta, 307 (fol. ed.). * "Versutus homo . . . mentem obstinatam " ; W. Poitiers. ^ "Facta conspiratione quam communionem vocabant " ; Gest. Pontt. Cenom., Bouquet, suf. 540. " Arnold had hastened over to England to warn William, but came back by his orders to watch or control affairs as best he could. loo THE COUNT [a.d. 1073 wealth. To effect this war had to be waged on the Baronage. In the course of the hostilities castles were burnt, men mutilated or hung, and other deeds of violence perpetrated.^ Finally a general levy was called out for the reduction of the important stronghold of Silld-le-Guillaume,* held against the Commune by its lord, one Hugh. Geoffrey of Mayenne attended the muster, but only to betray the people by joining hands with Hugh. Ignominiously routed, the popular army dispersed in all directions. Young Hugh, the son of Azzo, was then sent back to Italy, while Le Mans became the scene of a desperate struggle. Garisende introduced her faithful knight Geoffrey of Mayenne into the castle, while the citizens, as if in despair,, invoked the aid of the Count of Anjou. With his help Geoffrey was expelled and the castle dismantled. In this state of affairs, with Maine all strife and anarchy, the King of England made his appearance on the scene. An English fyrd swelled the wiuiam "^^"^^ °^ ^i^ legions, Hereward perhaps among them. The SuMues tiie revolted county was ravaged in William's usual style. The Revo t. English on their return home told how they had ' marred ' the whole land, destroying vineyards and burning towns.^ Fresnay-le-Vicomte, Beaumont-le-Vicomte, and Sille hastened to surrender. Finally advancing to Le Mans, the King haughtily warned the citizens to consider their situation. Next day, we are told, the citizens brought the keys of the city and made a humble submission.* But the local writer, not a friend of the commune, adds that William was required to grant an amnesty and swear observance of the ancient customs and franchises of the city. The pacifi- cation of the rest of Maine followed, the people being sent home to dwell 'each man under his own vine.'^ But the year's campaigning was not ended yet. Fulk Rechin, who had doubtless retired from Le Mans at William's advance, thought fit to vent Continued ^^ spleen at the untoward course affairs had taken by falling Hostility of foul of his feudatory, John of La Flfeche, who had sided with "'"the Normans. John appealed to the King of England, who sent him a substantial garrison ; and then Fulk made a counter-appeal to Hoel, Count of Brittany, who hastened to the rescue in full force. This obliged William to make a further move by pushing forwards all his army, of which fabulous estimates were given." There the two armies stood, apparently on the opposite banks of Le Loir, confronting each other with ' These events are spoken of as happening in Lent and Passion Week, say 13th Feb- ruary to 31st March (Ash Wednesday to Easter), 1073. The rising therefore may be supposed to have begun in the winter of 1072-1073. 2 Dept. Sarthe. => Chron. D and E ; Florence. * Orderic, 533. ^ " Sub vite sua morari " ; Orderic, sup. See Gesta Pontt. Cenom., Bouquet, XII. S40, 541, and Vetera Analeda, 285, 315 ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 544-560 ; Sismondi, Prance, IV. 404. ^ ' 60,000 horsemen ' : Ord. A.D. 1073-1074] OF ANJOU lor truly mediEeval inactivity. Thus the clergy were enabled to intervene, a Cardinal taking the lead. After much discussion Fulk was BianoheiMuie ^'^'^"'^^'^ '•^ acquiesce in the status quo, recognising young or La Robert as Count of Maine, with all rights acquired by virtue either of the arrangement with Count Herbert, or of the betrothal to Margaret ^ ; finally taking the young man's homage.^ Thus, however, his own over-lordship of Maine would be admitted. The arrangement left William in full possession, but Normandy and Anjou remained at peace during the rest of his days. The question of Maine fairly settled, and the campaign ended, William went back to England, to return again next summer to his native Duchy,^ . there apparently to remain till late in the year 1075. Of his Normandy business on the Continent neither English nor Norman writers again. ^^ ^^ anything. But a German chronicler of good repute records that King Henry IV. of Germany, having reached Ratisbon on an expedition against the Hungarians, was recalled by confidential reports that the King of England, at the instigation of the well-known Archbishop Hanno of Cologne, was preparing to invade his territory, and occupy Aix-la-Chapelle. Henry hastened home and made all safe in the quarter threatened.* Whatever foundation there may have been for these reports, William must have had matters of importance to keep him abroad so long : and we must remember that Henry of Germany had furnished the troops that defeated and slew William fitz Osbern at Cassel. At home the event of the year 1074 was the submission of the yEtheling Eadgar. He had left Scotland, presumably, when Malcolm jEtheSe ^^^ homage in 1072, returning to Flanders, the usual retreat for Englishmen, but more especially so now that the Count, His Robert the Frisian, was not on friendly terms with William. ^lii'e'1072.^ From Flanders again, however, in his aimless, restless way, the .iiEtheling went back to Scotland. The day of his landing is given — St. Grimbald's Day (8th July), 1074.^ But now an invitation came from Philip I. of France, who offered to establish him at Montreuil, the chief town of Ponthieu, a formidable hill stronghold, conveniently situate between Flanders and Normandy. The hostile disposition of France, indicated by this proposal, again suggests a reason for William's stay on the Continent. ' "Roberto . . . Cenomannense jus concedit cum toto honore qUem idem a Comite Herberto cum Margarita sponsa sua suscepit." 2 La Bruere ; Ord. 533. I find the place to the South of the Loir, about 25 miles East of La Fleche, Dep. Sarthe. Mr. Freeman follows Mr. Stapleton in fixing the locality- near Dpmfront, but I can find no La Bruere there in the Gazetteer of France. Orderic gives " Blancalanda" as an alternative name. ° Chron. E, 1074 (D, 1075). * Lambert of Hertzfeld, A.D. 1074. He styles the King of England " Willehelmus cognomento Bostar " (Bastard). See N. C. IV. 538; Lappenberg, Normans (Thorpe), 167. Henry IV. wasnot crowned Emperor till 1084. ^ Chron. E. (Chron. D, 1075). 102 WILLIAM AND THE ^TIIELING [a.d. 1074-1075 Eadgar closed with the offer, and set sail for France, richly gifted by his sister and her husband. But the winds and the waves proved contrary. His squadron was driven ashore and wrecked, apparently in the North of England. Some of his men were seized by ' the French,' i.e. the Normans ; but the ^theling and most of his party made their way back to Scotland, _ jjj some on horseback, and some on foot, but all in sorry plight. Hon with Malcolm then gave his brother-in-law a piece of advice which William. pjQygfj tjjat, after all, he had in him something of the canny Scot. He counselled Eadgar to make peace with William, to shelve his rights, and exchange his personal independence for a life of peace and substantial comfort. William was only too glad to have the representa- tive of the Old Line once more under his control. An escort was sent up to the Border to receive the ^Etheling. At Durham he was met by the Sheriff of Yorkshire, who took him down to the South coast, arranging for his entertainment at each castle on the way, and so across the Channel. In Normandy the King received him 'with mickle worship,' as was his way, and placed him on his household with a seat at his table. Nominally a guest and a pensioner, Eadgar became — was in fact — a State prisoner, kindly treated, but carefully watched,^ The last spark of native resistance having died out, dissensions among the conquerors began to appear. We might almost say that the wolves were beginning to quarrel over their prey. At any rate, in Earls of 107s we hear of a Baronial rising, the first of many that we Hereford and gjjall have to record. Of civil disturbances the Anglo-Saxon Norfolk. ' ° period could show its share. We have heard of ' treasonable ' conspiracies ; of outlawries ; of magnates going ' out,' to return in arms to harry and destroy. But with one exception those movements were not uprisings against any pressure of the Crown, but struggles for ascendancy in the Royal Council-chamber, — party quarrels. The one clear exception was the disturbance in 105 1, caused by the King's support of Eustace of Boulogne. There the King was the offender, and the action taken was clearly against him. Of Baronial risings in general, as we understand them, the common aim was to shake off the inconvenient trammels of the central Royal authority, in the interests of the great feudal Lords. The men who now ventured to raise their heads against King William were Roger, Earl of Hereford, and Ralph, Earl of Norfolk. Roger was the second son of William fitz Osbern, the elder son, William of Breteuil, having succeeded to the Norman estates. Ralph on his mother's side was a Breton, his father being Ralph the Staller, a man who had large estates in Norfolk and Suffolk under the Confessor, who was described as an Englishman, and was said to have been born in Norfolk.* Possibly he 1 Chron. D (given under 1075) ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 251. A small estate of less than eight hides, in Herts, is found in Domesday as belonging to Eadgar, N. C. IV. 571. 2 Chron. D and E. A.D. io7S] REBEL EARLS 103 may have been the son of one of Emma's Norman followers, and considered an Englishman because born in England. He must have died before the accession of Harold, who does not appear to have admitted his son to the English estates.^ But the younger Ralph was lord of Guader, otherwise Gael, and Montfort, both in Brittany.^ According to Wace he was at Senlac as one of the Breton auxiliaries. He was evidently created Earl of Norfolk on account of his father's connexion with the district. The presumption of these two young men, with earldoms of moderate size, and lying far apart, in venturing to challenge the mighty Conqueror, seems amazing. A third man, however, they had enticed into com- of wStieof. plicity, Waltheof, now Earl of Northumberland as well as of Huntingdon and Northampton, and husband of the King's niece Judith. Tall, broad of chest, and strong of limb, the Earl is described as physically a true son of the famed Siward Digera.^ Popular sympathy subsequently invested him with the graces of a lay saint.* We, however, must pronounce Waltheof his father's son as well in savagery as va. physique. The bloody feud, the disgrace of Bernicia, begun umlbrianreud.i'^ ^°^^ ^^ ^^ murder of Uhtred, had seemed to slumber since 1035 (?), when Ealdred, Waltheof s maternal grandfather, fell by the hand of Carl, the Yorkshire Thegn. Nothing that we know of had occurred since then to stir up the embers. In 1069 Carl's four sons had fought at York, side by side with Waltheof. But the first use made by him of his position as Earl of Northumberland was to send a band of men to invade the county of York, and surround and massacre Carl's descendants, grandsons as well as sons, at the family residence at Settring- ton, near Malton. Two scions, however, survived, one absent, the other let off by the murderers through sheer pity.^ As for the special grievances of the malcontent Earls, prima facie, one might assume them to have been connected either with taxa- of tte &S-1B '^'°° °f th^'"^ estates, or with invasions of their franchises of soc and sac. And in fact a letter from Lanfranc to Roger shows that it was the latter, and that the Earl had complained that the sheriffs were holding pleas on his lands. The Archbishop, writing in the most kindly manner to urge the young Earl to tread in the footsteps of his father, and keep loyal to his Lord, informs him that the King had agreed ^ SeeiV. C. III. Appendix, p. 751, "Ralph of Norfolk." ^ The Guader of Orderic, 522, 535, which he couples with Montfort, must be the place known in the time of Wace and now as Gael. Gael and Montfort are quite near each other (lUe et Vilaine). The name also appears as "Waiet," Jumieges, 281 ; "Waher," Malm. G. R. s. 253; "Waders," Domesday. 3 "Nervosus lacertis, thorosus pectore, robustus et procerus toto corpore"; W. Malm. G. R. s. 253. " Vir corpore magnus et elegans"; Ord. 536. * " Multis charismatibus quibus in ordine laicali specialiter fruebatur" ; Orderic, sup. * Symeon, H. R. A.D. 1073; H. D. E. (Anct.), p. 219. The Tract was written dur- ing the life of one of the survivors. 104 THE RISING [a.d. 1075 that the sheriffs should hold no further pleas of the sort till his return. ^ According to Orderic the confederates aimed at nothing less than a revival of the good old English system. The plan dangled before the eyes of Waltheof was the reconstitution of England as three earldoms, doubtless Wessex, Mercia, and Northumbria, with a nominal King over them.^ To cement his alliance with his brother of Norfolk, Earl Roger proposed Wedding of to marry him to his sister Emma. The King forbade the Earl Ralph, match, but it went on notwithstanding. ^ The wedding was held at Exning, near Newmarket. The three Earls were there, with a large concourse of influential guests, invited with a purpose. ' There was bride-ale To many men's bale.' * The social gathering would give opportunities for confidential talk and the adjustment of plans. The festivities ended, Earl Roger went off to raise men in the West, while Ralph would call East Anglia to arms. William tarried abroad, detained by foreign complications ; and they evidently reckoned on his unpopularity in England as a factor in their calculations. ^ But they soon found out that if the people loved William little, they loved his Barons less®; and that they were coming to the conclusion that the hand of one great King was lighter than the hands of many Summoned P^'^y kinglets. Again, William's lieutenants and ministers were thoroughly on the alert. William of Warenne and Richard of Eienfaife, described as Chief Justiciars, summon the rebels to appear in court.'' Lanfranc, again writing affectionately to Earl Roger, implores him to be wise, and come to see him.* This appeal having failed, an excom- munication follows, and the Earl and his abettors are cut off from the society of all Christian people. Other Prelates draw the carnal weapon. Bishop Wulfstan, and Abbot ^thelwig of Evesham, supported by Sheriff Urse, and Roger's own subordinate, Walter of Lacy, called out the men of Worcestershire, and posted them so as to hold the line of the Severn, thus cutting off Roger from all communication with his confederates in the East. Odo of Bayeux, and Geoffrey of Coutances, with the Justiciars, attacked Earl Ralph at a place given in Latin as " Fagaduna," and routed him. Such of his followers as y^f:^ caught had their right feet cut off, and in that plight were turned loose on the world, marked men.^ The Earl himself escaped to his Castle ^at Norwich. It would seem ^^h "castle' ^'^^'' ^°' s'^PPort he was mainly dependent on Bretons, of whom two classes are given — one, men settled as tenants on 1 Opera Lanfr. I. 64. ^ p. 534. ^ Florence, A.D. 1074, correcting Chron. D and E, which give the marriage as ar- ranged by the King ; W. Jumi&ges, 288, 299. * Chron. D and E ; Flor. ' " Omnibus est odio " ; Ord. 534. * 'The land-folk came against them '; Chron. D. ' Ord. 535. Richard of Bienfaite was son of Connt Gilbert of Eu and Brionne, William's old kinsman and guardian. Bienfaite, now Bienfait, is in the Dept. Somme. « Lanfr. 0pp. I. 65. » Ord. A.D. 1075] CRUSHED 105 his estates ; the other, hired retainers or house-carles.'- Bishops Odo and Geoffrey lost no time in pressing on to lay siege to Norwich. But Ralph, leaving his bride to stand the brunt of the attack, again escaped to make his way to Denmark, where he had already been intriguing for support.^ William's castle at Norwich, which must have been built by this time, proved its worth by keeping his men out for three months. Finally they were content to allow Emma and her Bretons to depart in peace on the simple condition of leaving England.^ Meanwhile Swein Estrithson, still unreconciled to the intruding Bastard, The Danes ^^ ^'^^ °^ ^^ ^^^* ^^'^ °^ ^'^ ^'^^> ^^"^ ^^^'^ ^ tardy fleet to again in tiie attack England. His son Cnut was again in command. Ouse . William was prepared for their coming,* but he could not prevent them sailing up the Ouse and once more rifling St. Peter's Minster York. Satisfied with that achievement, they sailed home.^ There is no reason to suppose that Waltheof had taken any actual part in the rising, but he was conscious that he had done enough, and more than enough, to compromise his position. He hastened to Lan- 0? W^tneof! ^^'^^^1 a"d made confession of a disloyal but reluctant pledge given to the rebels. Lanfranc appointed him a penance," and told him to seek the King, who was still in Normandy. Waltheof threw himself on William's mercy, offering to pay any ransom. The King, with characteristic duplicity, made light of the matter, apparently Tiie King Re- endeavouring to set the Earl's mind at ease, and at all events turns to placing no restraint upon his movements, till they came back to England, when he was arrested. Earl Roger having been summoned, and having ventured to appear, shared the same fate.'' Christmas was held at Westminster, a usual place. The assembled Magnates were called upon to sit as a High Court of Justice on the Condemnation Persons implicated in the recent rebellion. Ralph of Norfolk of the Eehel was condemned by default to outlawry and confiscation. Roger of Hereford, whose guilt could not be denied, was condemned, 'according to Norman Law,' to confiscation and imprison- ment for life. Even in confinement his attitude to the King was still defiant. William, in one year, at an Easter-time, having sent him a costly change of raiment, he ordered the fire in his room to be stirred up, and ' Lanfranc to William, 0pp. I. 56, 57. 2 chion. D and E. = Orderic, Lanfranc, and Chron. D, sup. For notes about the castle see N. C. IV. 582. Emma was eventually joined by her husband in Brittany, where they lived on their estates till the first Crusade, which they joined, never to return ; Orderic, 535. * See the letter of Lanfranc to Bishop Walcher of Durham, warning him to keep watch ; I. 49. ^ Chron. D ; E adds that they sailed to Flanders ; that only means that they returned, as probably they had come, by the usual coast route. Swein died in 1076. * " Pro facto, licet non sponte, Sacramento " ; Florence. ' Chron. D and E ; Florence ; Orderic. io6 END [a.d. 1076 then placed the King's present upon it — silk and furs and all.^ William was mightily wroth, and swore ' by the Splendour of God ' that Roger should remain in bonds all the days of his (the Conqueror's) life ; and so he did, and longer too, as he only left his cell to be carried to his grave.^ The case of Waltheof remained. Guilty fore-knowledge he had already confessed ; further complicity he denied. If the life of Roger was to be spared, much more, in simple justice, ought that of Waltheof to ■ViSitheof ^^ spared. Roger was the principal ; Waltheof only an acces- sory. If Norman Law held imprisonment sufficient penalty for Roger's treason, English Law had no precedent to offer for a harsher sentence on a man of rank. But the case was not open for trial on its simple merits. William was already in a manner pledged. If ever a man was bound by his acts and representations, William, after the reception given by him to Waltheof in Normandy, was bound to treat him with leniency. Nothing fresh had happened ; no political necessity could be alleged. William himself apparently had no wish to be hard on Waltheof, but he was surrounded by a clique of persons hungering for the spoils of the English Earl, and he had not sufficient sense of honour to^TOUianf ^^ regard for his own reputation to withstand the pressure. Judith, too, was said to have gone against her husband,' Lanfranc interceding for him.* The case, however, was not decided at Christmas, the Earl being remanded to custody. The matter was again taken up at another Council, held probably at Whitsuntide (isth May), 1076. After much discussion the King gave in Ti-„ -D^,™ ts to the execution of Waltheof, the meanest and most discredit- His Execution. ' , . , able act of an unlovely life. On the 31st May, early m the morning, for fear of a popular tumult, Waltheof was hurried from his gaol at Winchester to a height afterwards occupied by a church dedicated to St. Giles. In his confinement he had edified the clergy by his penitential conduct, daily, we are told, repeating the whole Psalter of one hundred and fifty Psalms. These, we are assured, he had |learned by heart in his childhood. When brought to the place of execution, he asked to be allowed to say one more Paternoster. When he came to the words " ne nos inducas in tentationem " (' lead us not into temptation '), his voice failed him, whereupon the executioner, impatient of delay, struck his head off at a blow. The story goes on that the severed head, recovering utterance, in the hearing of all present finished the Prayer: " sed libera nos a malo. Amen." ^ Orderic. The suit consisted of a chlamys, or robe ; an intenila, or under-tunic of sillc ; and a rcno, or rheno, a short mantle of fur. ^ Orderic, 535, 536. ^ So Orderic thought ; his assertion that she first informed against Waltheof at West- minster ignores the fact tliat he had himself already confessed. Orderic also represents Waltheof as having refused to join in the conspiracy (p. 534). This, again, cannot be accepted. ■• So Florence. A.D. 1076] OF EARL WALTHEOF 107 The remains were hastily buried on the spot. At the end of a fort- night, at Judith's request, they were given up to Abbot Ulfcytel of Crow- land or Croyland,^ a foundation patronised by Waltheof, to be laid in the Chapter House.^ Naturally enough the English held Waltheof a martyr, and in course of time miracles were wrought at his torab.^ Whatever trials or mischances William suffered afterwards were put down to the Nemesis of Waltheof, and men pointed to the fact that during the remaining thirteen years of his life ie never won a pitched battle or took a town.* But William had already done so much, and risen so high, that Fortune could hardly have much more in store for him. No appointments were made to the earldoms either of Hereford, Nor- folk, Huntingdon, or Northampton, the King taking them into hand. At a later date we shall find Matilda, the eldest daughter of Waltheof and Judith; bringing the latter two offices to her successive husbands, Simon of Senlis and David of Scotland.^ The civil administration or earldom of Northumberland was given to Bishop Walcher, a serious responsibility for a foreigner.^ To return to 1075, in that year we find Lanfranc holding an important Synod in London. The King's license, of course, had been obtained,''' but the assembly, in accordance with the new system, was a ^°''gg^g^°^^ purely ecclesiastical one, no laymen being present, though the laity would be materially affected by some of the Canons passed, as specially by those concerning the degrees of consanguinity,^ and the law of marriage. Traffic in church preferment was forbidden ; and ecclesiastics restrained from passing sentences of mutilation or death. Eemovaiof ^^^ ^^ most important decree promulgated was one for the Episcopal removal of episcopal Sees from villages or country places (villis) to more populous towns {civitates). In Britain, as elsewhere, when Christianity was introduced, the ecclesiastical arrangements were modelled on the existing civil arrangements. The first English bishops were the bishops of a tribe or petty kingdom. Rural life and rural interests dominated everything, and so for the most part the seats of the bishops were ^ Crowland or Cmland was and still is the local spelling. ^ Orderic, 536, 537. For the date and simple facts see Id. 542 ; Chron. D and E ; and Florence ; also generally W. Malm. G. R. ss. 253, 255. The writer was in some doubt between the English and the Norman versions, but finally accepted the miracles as settling the question in favour ofWaltheof. ^ Ord. 543. N.B. — Not till after n 12. * Ord. 544. ^ Orderic, 702 ; W. Jura. 312. The story of the proposed marriage of Judith to Simon of Senlis is a myth, from the Pseudo-Ingulf. But she retained considerable estates ; see N. C. IV. 603. For Waltheof s children see W. Jum. suf. " Symeon, H. R. b. 164. ' "Rex . . . permisit.'' According to Eadmer, William always required the agenda to be submitted to him beforehand; Hist. Nov. p. 10. * A man was forbidden to marry a woman within the seventh degree of relationship, either to himself or a deceased wife. io8 SEES REMOVED [a.d. 1075 established on the principle of avoiding cities. On the Continent, where Roman civilization had not been swept away, the city was " the centre of all public and private life," and so the bishops became bishops of cities. To Lanfranc this appeared to be the regular and proper thing, and accord- ingly Sherborne was to be removed to Old Sarum — a senseless change — Selsey to Chichester, and Lichfield to Chester.^ Lastly the year witnessed the death of the Lady Eadgyth, sister of Harold, and wife of the Confessor. On the 19th December she passed away at Winchester. A wonderful series of revolutions had Xaflv'sadevtli ^^ ^^^'^ l'^^^ °^^'' ^^ land. Born apparently in the early days of Cnut, she had lived under six reigns, and four dynasties. William had her body brought to Westminster, and laid with all honour beside that of her departed lord in the Abbey. ^ APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. The County of Eu, The right "of Gilbert the guardian of young William of Normandy to be styled Count of Eu does not seem clearly made out. He was the son of Godfrey, a natural son of Duke Richard I., and half-brother to Duke Richard II. So William of Jumieges, VIII. c. 37, p. 312, where Godfrey is expressly styled ' Comes Aucensis.' This passage however is not part of the original work, but a later addition, probably by R. de Monte, as it refers to the death of Henry I. of England. An earlier passage, however, no doubt (VII. c. 2, p. 268), again gives Gilbert the guardian as "Comes Ocensis, filiusGodefridiComitis." Against that, however, we must set the clear account given still earlier in the work how Duke Richard II. gave the County of Eu to his half-brother William, another natural son of Richard I. , from whom it descended to his eldest son Robert (V. t. 3, p. 250). This Robert, without doubt, became Count of Eu, and followed the Conqueror to England, where he became governor of Hastings after the retirement of Humphrey of Tilleul ; Ellis, I. 463 ; above, 65. The only suggestion that I can make is this : Count William, shortly after his appointment, went into rebellion, was arrested, and imprisoned for five years. After that he was pardoned and reinstated. It may be that Godfrey held the county during his brothers imprisonment; that he retained the title by courtesy, and that it was even extended to his son. ' W. Malm. G. P. s. 42 (p. 66) ; Stubbs, Const. Hist. I. 240 ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 414. 2 chron. E (D, 1076 ; Florence, 1074). CHAPTER VIII WILLIAM I. {continued) A.D. 1073-1081 Gregory VII. Pope — Attacks on Simony, Clerical Marriage, and Lay Investiture — Claim of Papal Supremacy — Rebellious Conduct of King's Son Robert — Murder of Bishop Walcher of Durham — Invasions of Scotland and Wales. ON the 2ist April, 1073, Pope Alexander II. had passed away, and then at last, Hildebrand the great Archdeacon, who for five and twenty Greg-orvVli y^^"^^ ^^<^ ruled the Papacy,^ consented to assume the re- (HUdebrand) sponsibility as well as the substance of power. On the day °P®' following the death of his predecessor he was elected, during a church function, by general acclamation of clergy and people.* " A monk from his boyhood," he had gone from his first monastic home in Rome to study asceticism at Cluny^ under Abbot Odilo, the great reformer of monastic life in France. Stern to himself as well as to others, it became Hildebrand's pride to triumph over " every indulgence of the senses." * His name will ever be associated with the great religious move- ment of the nth century, the effects of which still surround us. Unfor- tunately, he aimed at regenerating mankind not by suasion, not by the gentle pressure of example and precept, but by more drastic ^Policy;'' methods. Supreme temporal power was to be placed in the hands of the clergy, and men were to be forced to live righteously under terror of spiritual censures, censures condemning them, as the clergy were supposed to be able to condemn them, to endless torments in a world to come. Hildebrand's first aim, therefore, was to free the clergy from all subjection to temporal authority, the assertion of inde- pendence masking the underlying pretension to supremacy. It was in pursuance of this policy that Nicholas II. had already vested the election of the Popes in the College of Cardinals, cutting down all lay action in the matter to a bare right of approbation on the part of the Emperor.^ The very title selected by Hildebrand, Gregory VII., breathed defiance, ' Say from the accession of Leo. IX. in 1048. 2 H. Nicholas, Chronology of History; Milman, III. 92. ^ Saone et Loire. * Milman, sup. 100. ^ Second Lateran Council, 13th April, 1059 ; Milman, III. 49. 109 no GREGORY VII [a.d. 1073 Gregory VI. having been forced to abdicate by Henry III.i Neverthe- less, probably to avoid any charge of irregularity, he condescended to suspend his inauguration till his election had received the assent of Henry IV.2 But to fit the clergy for the commanding position to which Gregory aspired to raise them, two internal evils had to be eradicated, simony and Plans of '^^'^riage. The first no man could venture to defend j the Cturcii second linked the clergy in many ways with the outer world Beiorm. [^q,^ which Gregory wished to sever them. He wanted a caste, wholly bound up in their own order, with no interests outside it ; a social army, a far-reaching organization, all under the sway of the Supreme Pon- tiff. In his wish to suppress the traffic in church preferment — an incident of excessive endowments — Gregory is entitled to all our sympathies. Not so in his attempt to enforce an unnatural and unwarranted self-restraint upon a reluctant priesthood. It is Marria^ Perfectly clear that, in spite of Canons and Edicts,^ in spite of all the glorification of virginity, the clergy throughout Chris- tendom, capitular as well as parochial, were extensively married, and that public opinion sanctioned their marriage.* Gregory made no secret of the militant character of his intended policy. Writing to Lanfranc to announce his election, he affects to deplore the war that he will have to wage against principalities and powers.^ Claims of Nor was the world left in doubt as to the pretensions he 5"^"**?^^ was prepared to assert. Writing to ' the Princes of Spain,' a week after his election, he claims the whole of their country Spain, as tj^g property of St. Peter, as a land belonging to the Apostolic See, and not to mortal men. The claim is based upon a legend of a mission to Spain sent by St. Paul.^ So with regard to Hungary, King Solomon is warned that he must not hold the possession {proprium) of the church as a fief of Germany.'' A supreme _ right of intervention in all things is more or less clearly asserted as against the rulers of Saxony, Bohemia, France, Denmark, Poland, and Russia. Philip of France is threatened with actual deposition.* ' Dec, 1046, Milraan, II. 508. Hildebrand was a friend of Gregory VI., and had retried from Italy for a time when he retired. ^ Id. III. 94. ^ For the Decretal of Pope Siricius (a.d. 385) and other earlier edicts against clerical marriage see H. C. Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 47, 51, 66 ; and above, I. 328. * For evidence as to Italy, Germany, and France, see Milman, III. no, etc. For England, besides facts already given, see H. Hunt., A.D, 1102: "Anselmus . . . prohibuit sacerdotibus uxores, antea non prohibitas " ; and especially the letter of Pascal II. to Anselm (1108), in which he admits that the better part of the English clergy were themselves the sons of priests ; Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 185. * Lanfranc. 0pp. I. 58. " Reg. Greg. I. Ep. No. 7 ; 30th April, 1073 ; and No. 63 (Migne, Patrol, vol. 148, pt. 2). ' Reg. Greg. II. No. 13; April, 1075. 8 Id. I. 39, 4S ; II. 5, 51, 73, 74; A.D. 1073-1075. A.D. I073-I07S] THE CLERGY AND THE LAITY m But with magnificent audacity the Pope proclaims his warHke purpose The Emoire ^^^'^ ^'^^ foremost, as against the greatest (in theory) of tem- poral dignities, the Empire. If Caesar could be made to bow, all other 'mortals would have to bend. The Over-lord of Kings must be brought to recognise that as the Almighty had made the sun to rule the day, and the moon to rule the night, so he, the Emperor, the lesser orb, shone only by the light reflected from St. Peter's chair.i Writing to an Imperial Minister a fortnight after his election, he announces an intention of sending an embassy on matters affecting the welfare of the Church, and the honour of the King (Emperor-elect). He trusts that Henry will hearken, because, if not, the Lord has said, ' Cursed be he that keepeth back his s^ord from blood.' ^ In the details of his struggle with Henry we cannot follow Gregory, but his general measures come within the scope of English history. In the first year of his pontificate Gregory held a Synod at Rome and against issued decrees against simoniacal and married priests utterly Prte^ts^ transcending in severity any yet formulated. Not only were all wives to be put away, but the very sacraments administered by offending priests were declared void of grace. Laymen accepting the ministrations of such would be involved in their guilt.^ By this edict large sections of the Christian world would be cut off from rites held necessary for their salvation. Throughout Western Christendom these decrees met with obstinate resistance. A Synod called at Erfurt broke up in confusion.* Gregory then took a further step. Seeing that the lay power of disposing of church preferment was the root of simony, by a decree issued at Rome in a Council held early in 1075, he abrogated at one stroke the Invesmiire whole right of "investiture." "The prohibition was couched in the most imperious and comprehensive terms." The lay- man who should presume to confer, and the ecclesiastic who should deign to accept at his hands, an appointment to any bishopric, abbacy, or other dignity, were equally placed under the ban of the Church.^ The claim to vest the right of electing bishops and abbots in the clergy alone was not a new one. It had often been mooted. " In the general Councils of Nice in 787, and of Constantinople in 809, the nomination of bishops by lay authority had been condemned." ^ This position was Practice of supposed to rest on the practice of the early Church, when it the Early was a humble community, without endowments or definite Church, relations to the State. Then, no doubt, the appointment of ' This is tlie Pope's simile, passim. ^ Jeremiah xlviii. 10, a favourite quoiation with Gregory. Jie^. Greg. sup. I. No. 9, also ir and 19. ^ See Milman, III. liS, citing Sigebert of Gembloux (Migne, vol. 160). For the circular announcing the Canons see Symeon, H. R. s. 164. * Milman, 136. * Id. 138, citing Labbe, Cone. p. 342. ^ Lingard, II. 8. 112 LAY RIGHTS OF PATRONAGE [a.d. 1076 bishops was- a matter, not for the clergy alone, but for the clergy and people together, the people suggesting names, and the synod of bishops selecting, or vice versa. When Christianity became the religion of the State, the freedom of the Church became necessarily curtailed. In the legislation of Justinian (a.d. 529-565) the Church is treated as in all things subject to the Imperial supremacy. The authority of the ecclesiastical dignitaries emanates from the Emperor; the bishops are his officers; he prescribes their duties and the manner of their appointment. Popular election is not abrogated, but regulated, the right of nomination being restricted to the clergy and the optimates, the interference of the lower orders being forbidden. Again Justinian established the right of lay patrons and their heirs to present to churches of their own foundation. ^ Thus the decrees of Nice and Constantinople, above cited, would seem to be simply attempts to extort concessions from the weakness of the Eastern Empire. In the West, with the barbaric invasions, the Church had been feudalized as well as the State. The Kings of Gaul and Spain soon made their voices preponderant in the appointment of bishops. In England, where Chris- tianity came in from above, and not from below, the appointment of bishops at the first necessarily rested with the lay rulers who established them ; and so, with the Kings and their Wiian the right had ever since remained. In the case of abbeys a form of election of the abbot was common, but even then the election would certainly be subject to the approbation of the Crown. In short, the Hildebrandine theory of clerical appointments involved innovations to which no ruler could give in. With an independent clergy government would become impossible. Henry IV,, who had declared himself willing to disclaim simony and clerical marriage,^ was driven to utter resistance on the question of Investiture. In England, apparently, the question of the Investitures was not raised for the time, Gregory knowing the sort of man he had to deal with in , William. Addressing the King in answer to his congratulations Attitude on election, he eulogises him as a true son of the Church, wuuam ""^S^^S ^'™ *° continue in that path of 'justice' and ' virtue' which he, above all other Kings, was known to cherish.^ But WilUam, like Henry IV., was prepared to sacrifice the married clergy, at least to a certain extent. By his permission Lanfranc held a Synod, at Winchester, on the ist April, 1076, and decided Winchester '^^'^ cathedral and capitular clergy (whose position might be ' compared to that of Fellows of modern colleges), should no longer be permitted to have wives. Parochial clergy were not required to put away their wives, but the Bishops were warned for the future not to ' See Bingham, Eccles. Antiq. IV. cc. I, 2 ; Milman, I. 356-358, 374. ^ See Reg. Greg. I. No. 29 bis, also 25 ; and II. 30. " Reg. I. No. 70 ; 4th April, 1074. A.D. 1076] CLAIAI OF SUPREMACY 113 ordain married men as priests or deacons.^ The reader will notice that the question of simony was not touched. That would affect the King hiraself.2 Another question, however, that did affect the King, Papal and affect him primarily, was that of the Papal supremacy. Supremacy. Gregory could not allow that claim to lie dormant. He re- quested William to take the oath of allegiance ^ to the Pope and his successors, complaining at the same time of the non-payment of Peter's Pence, or the old Rom-feoh. The terms of Gregory's request — if it was made in writing — have not been preserved, but from his other letters* we may fairly infer that he would urge that as England had been conquered under the authority of the Papacy, the Papacy was entitled to the fruits of the conquest. William answered quietly but firmly, that he could not take the desired oath. He had never undertaken to do anything of the sort, and he could find no precedent for such an act. The Peter's Pence would be sent.^ So careful was William not to be entangled in the meshes of the Papal diplomacy that he would not allow Lanfranc to go again to Rome, though a ceremonial visit had been demanded by the Pope.6 Still possessed by a spirit of restless aggression, William again went over to Normandy, in 1076, for an attack on Brittany. Whether he WilUam hoped to enforce the old claim of homage, or merely to Invades punish the Count for the harbour given to the rebellious ttany. j^^lph of Gael, does not appear. Siege was laid to Dol, but the place held out, and William at last had to endure a distinct reverse. Philip I. of France came to the rescue, and he and Allan Fergant, the reigning Count's son, between them, forced the King to raise the siege with considerable loss. But he managed to make something out of the ' Wilkins, Cone. I. 367 ; Freeman. Lanfranc, in a letter to the Archbishop of Rouen, treats his prohibition as only applying to Canons ; 0pp. I. 42. ^ See also the decrees of the Council of Lillebonne, severe against married clergy, but silent as to simony; A.D. 1080; Orderic, 554. ^ " Facere fidelitatem." For the oatli of fealty generally expected by Gregory see his Registrum, Migne, vol. 148, pt. II. c. 304. The vassal swears to be faithful to the Pope, of life and limb and earthly honour, to keep his secrets, and defend the rights of St. Peter as against all men. It is rather fuller than the ordinary oath of fealty taken on doing homage to lay lords. For that see Bracton, I. 632 (Rolls Series, No. 70). * See the letters to Spain and Bohemia, above referred to, and his later letter to William, Reg. VII. No. 23. * 1076 ? 0pp. Lanfranc. I. p. 32. The King apologises for the non-payment of the Peter's Pence on the ground that he has been abroad for three years. See also the letter of Lanfranc to Gregory : ' He has done his best with the King, but could not bring him to consent to everything'; lb. In 1080 Gregory returned to the charge, reminding William how he had helped to make him king ; Reg. VII. No. 23. '' See Gregory's letter to Lanfranc, Reg. VI. No. 30, 25th March, 1079 ; also Lan- franc's letter above, I. p. 32. The visit therefore of Lanfranc to Rome, alleged by Orderic in 1076, p. 548, must be a mistake, R. H. — VOL. II. I 114 YOUNG ROBERT [a.d. 1076 campaign after all. A treaty was arranged with Count Hoel, under which the King's daughter Constance eventually became the wife of the future Count, Allan Fergant.i Domestic troubles now began to harass William, and his eldest son became his sorest trial. Robert is presented to us as a young Troubles' "^^'^ ^'^ charming manners and address,^ affable and conver- sible, popular, and fond of popularity, possessed of a fine Character of cheery voice, well-bred and courageous. He was a good swordsman, an excellent shot with his bow.^ Ready to give and forgive he was, and ready to promise, but careless as to perform- ance*; not a man of his word, wanting in backbone, dissipated and extravagant — in a word, thoroughly unbusinesslike and untrustworthy. A perfect contrast to his father in character, he much resembled him in person, being full-faced, stout and short; so short in the legs as to have gained the nicknames of "Gambaron" and " Corte-Hose," the latter epithet being due to the contempt of his sire.^ "Peti fu mult, maiz fu gros ; Jambes out cortes, gros les os. Li Reis por 90 le sornamout E Corte-Hose I'apelout." '' The relations of an eldest son to his father are apt to be tainted with jealousy ; especially would this be the case with a father so hard and un- sympathetic as the great Conqueror. On the other hand, Robert would seem to have been the favourite of his mother, who supplied him privately with money.'' We are told that William, following the example „ . ™^ of his father, had required the Norman Barons to do homage to Robert as his successor, both before the invasion of Eng- land, and again on a subsequent occasion, when he is said to have been ill.^ Robert had been nominally associated with his mother in the government of Normandy during his father's absence, and twice he had been recognised as actual Count of Maine by the Counts of Anjou. It will be remembered that William was supposed to hold Maine in right of his son, by virtue of Robert's betrothal to the deceased Margaret. When the revolt of Maine was put down, and Robert did homage for it the second time (1073), he might be seventeen years old, and a demand to be installed in the County would not be unreasonable. To the possession of ' Chron. E. ; Chron. D. (a.d. 1077); Flor. (1075); Orderic, 544. See Freeman, N. C. IV. 637, 651,816. 2 " Morum dulcedine . . . amorem mercari debuerat "; W. Malm. ^ " Fortis certusque Sagittarius "; Ord. * " In promittendo diffusus, ad mentiendum levis et incautus "; Ord. * Orderic, 545, 570, 664 ; and W. Malm. G. R. s. 389. The former writer gives ' ' Brevis ocrea " as the rendering of Corte-hose. ^ R. Rou, II. 304 ; a mere rendering of Orderic. ' Ord. 570, 571 ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 273. s Orderic, 545, 569. A.D. 1076-1077] AND HIS FRIENDS 115 Normandy he could show no claim, but he might well chafe at being placed in a position of ostensible importance, without means or freedom of action. 1 His discontent would naturally increase when he came of age, which may have been in 1077. Nor were evil counsellors wanting to represent his father's conduct in the worst light, and urge him to resist- ance. On the other hand, his younger brothers, William Rufus and Henry, sided with their father. A foolish squabble between the brothers provoked the first rupture. William was at Laigle,^ in Normandy, on his way to attack the Corbo- Onarrei i^i^n^^^j Or men of Corbon in Perche,^ vassals of Count Rotrou tetween of Mortagne. The King had taken up his quarters in one Brotiiers. j^Qygg^ Robert and his friends occupying the ground floor of another house. William Rufus and Henry took possession of the ' solar ' or upper story of Robert's lodgings. After playing at dice they became noisy, and eventually, as a practical joke, poured down water on their brother below. Robert rushed upstairs to avenge the insult. A violent altercation ensued, and the King had to be called in to quell the disturb- Attemnt ^"'^^- ^^^ ™ the course of the night Robert and his party on Rouen went off, and, making for Rouen, attempted to seize the castle. Castle. -Q^^ jj^g Constable, Roger of Ivry, the King's Chief Butler, closed the gates, and sent to the King for instructions. William in great indigna- tion ordered all the rebels to be seized, whereupon Robert and his friends decamped. Among these latter were Ivo and Alberic of Grand-Mesnil, sons of Hugh, then Sheriff of Leicestershire * ; Robert of Belleme, eldest son of Roger of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury ; Ralph of Conches, son of Ralph of Tosny, of whom we heard at Senlac ; William of Breteuil, second son of William fitz Osbern, and brother of the degraded Earl of Hereford ; Robert of Molbraie, nephew of Bishop Geoffrey of Coutances ; Roger, son of Richard of Bienfaite, the Justiciar, and grandson of Gilbert of Brionne, the Conqueror's guardian. Thus the disaffection extended to men connected with the King's innermost circle. Having to fiy, the malcontents naturally made for the district at war with the King, the county of Perche. There they found an ally in Hugh of Chateauneuf-en-Thymerais,5 brother-in-law to Robert of Bel- ^in Perci?^ leme, being married to his sister Mabille. He threw open to them his castles of Chateauneuf, Remalard '' and Sorel.''' William at once seized the estates of the rebels, applying the rents to the levying of troops to act against them in Perche. His neighbours and enemies in ' France,' Brittany, Maine, and Anjou were all on the alert, ' See Id. 2 Dept. Orne. ' Dept. Orne, near Mauves. ■* Ellis, Domes. I. 429 ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 232. ^ Eure et Loir. "Hugo de Novo Castello nepos et heres Alberti Ribaldi"; Ord., 546. Mr. Freeman makes him lord of Neufchatel (Sarthe). That would be in Maine. So too Thorpe. * Orne. ' Eure et Loir, North of Dreux. ii6 YOUNG ROBERT [a.d. 1077-1080 ready to act if an opportunity should offer. But William could fight with his left hand as well as with his right. He bought over the robber Count Rotrou of Mortagne, and with his help cleared his rebellious subjects out of Perche.i Robert then retired to the Court of his ^f'soberf.^ uncle of Flanders, Robert the Frisian, no friend to King William. When the Count became tired of his nephew's company, he sent him on to his brother, Odo, Archbishop of Treves. From his court again young Robert moved on, to wander for years, from castle to castle, among the magnates of Lorraine, Germany, Aquitaine, and Gascony, living on the liberality of others, always borrowing and in debt, and squandering whatever he could get " on worthless companions of both sexes." Queen Matilda, however, still clung to her eldest son, and her secret support of him led to a serious difference between her and the King, the only difference of their married life recorded on any trust- worthy authority.^ Finally, having exhausted the hospitality of all other patrons, Robert came round to the court of his father's chief adversary, Philip I. of France. The King placed him in a situation analogous to that suggested in 1074 for the .^Etheling Eadgar ; that is to say, he sent him ^at^GerbeTOy*^ to Gerberoy, near Beauvais, a border stronghold, a place with bad traditions, which shortly, under Robert's auspices, became a mere cave of Adullam. William was not the man to submit to such a thorn in his side, and, in the winter 1079-1080, invested Gerberoy, For three weeks he directed the operations in person, after- test^^etween wards retiring to Rouen. During the siege hand to hand Pather and skirmishing encounters between the champions on either side * had been taking place, as usual, in the old Homeric style. According to reports, which, with sundry variants, found acceptance in England, William, in the true spirit of his age, and regardless of his own fifty-three years, had engaged in one of these contests, to be unhorsed and wounded in the arm by his son. According to one account, Robert, on recognising his father, dismounted and tendered him his own horse, Rufus was also said to have been wounded on the same day.* Another version had it that the King, having been wounded in the hand by Robert, and his horse killed under him, Tokig, son of Wiggod — the latter certainly a known man^ — was hastening up with another horse when he 1 Orderic, 54S, 546 ; and again 569, 570, A.D. 1077? So Florence. ^ Ord. 570, 571. William threatened to put out the eyes of the man who had carried Matilda's messages to her son. He fled to St. Evroult, Orderic's convent, and became a monk to save himself. ■■' ' ' Prsecipui pugiles in utraque parte militabant " ; Ord. '' So Florence, apparently revising the account of the Worcester Chronicle (D). The Peterborough Chronicle records the wounding of the two Williams and the death of the Xing's horse, but not Robert's courtesy. ^ Wiggod of Wallingford was a Thegn with large estates in Oxon, Berks, etc. He A.D. io77-io8o] AND HIS FATHER 117 was shot dead by a cross-bow bolt.^ It must, however, be stated that the well informed Orderic, the only writer who gives any real account of the quarrel of Robert with his father, either knew nothing of this incident, or disbelieved it, as in a speech which he composes for William, enlarging on Robert's misdeeds, he makes no reference to the parricidal encounter.^ But now Robert's cause was taken up by Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, Hugh of Grand-Mesnil, Roger of Beaumont, and other influential men, who had relatives implicated with him. They assured the conciliation. K^'^g '1''^' '^'s son was altogether penitent and anxious to be forgiven. William shewed himself very stiff, dwelling on his son's offences ; but, eventually, Matilda and the clergy, and even the King of France, having joined in intercession, he gave way, and pardoned Robert and all his associates. Once more the succession to Normandy was settled on Robert. But the incorrigible young man would do nothing to please his father, and the family pacification proved short- lived.5 Of events in England for the years 1077 and 1078 we have nothing to tell except a great conflagration in London in the former year * ; and Osmund ^^^ death of Herman, Bishop of Sherborne-Sarum, in the latter Bishop of year.^ His successor, Osmund, was a man of character and ^ "^^' learning, whose diligence compiled a liturgy, well known to Tiie"Sarimi scholars and ritualists as the "Sarum Use." Under him the spiritual and educational wants of the diocese were well looked after." In 1079 and 1080 unfortunate Northumberland was subjected to successive disasters, as if to wipe out whatever gain might have been effected in nine years of peace and quiet. In the latter part of August i079, Malcolm Canmore made an unprovoked raid across the Border, pushing his ravages as far as the Tyne, burning and slaying, j,^^^*° and carrying off multitudes of prisoners, and booty of all landijy sorts.''' The fact that the district was in the hands of a Canmore. churchman and a foreigner may have emboldened him to act. William, engaged in Normandy, was obliged for the had been cup-bearer to the Confessor, but had made his peace with William, N, C. III. 786; IV. 45, 731. 1 Chron. D. ^ P- 573' Malmesbury gives the incident briefly, G. R. s. 258. "" Orderic, 572, 573. He gives the year as loSi, but the date is clearly fixed by the letter of Gregory to Robert congratulating him on his submission to his father, 8th May, 1080; Reff. VII. No. 27. Orderic alleges that Robert had been in exile for nearly five years, p. 570. Reckoning back from 1081, as he had it, would bring us to 1077 for the time of Robert's revolt. The Chronicles D and E, who know nothing of Robert's revolt except the incident at Gerberoy, place it in 1079, but as their years begin and end at Easter that would be our 1080. * August 14. The summer was a very hot one, Avith violent thunderstorms ; Chron. E; Orderic, 549. (Chron. D, a.d. 1078.) ^ 20th February, Ke^. Sacrum. " Id. ; W. Malm. G. P. 183 ; Freeman. ' Florence ; Chron. E. ii8 A BISHOP-EARL [a.d. 1079-1080 time to allow the outrage to pass unnoticed. The year ipSo witnessed a sanguinary tragedy, hardly to be paralleled in our annals. After the execution of Waltheof, William, seeing no layman whom he could trust with the administration of Northumberland, had assigned the Bishon '■^^^ '•° Bishop Walcher, as already mentioned. He was Watcher Earl a favourite with the King, who gave him Harold's lands at of tiie County. Y^^j|.jjj^jjj ^^^ j^g might have a residence near London.^ The double duty of attending to the temporal and spiritual wants of North- umbria required a very strong man, and Walcher, however amiable and good he may have been, was not such. Under him we have a picture of a household in which the servants were masters, with no effectual head over them. To assist him in the business of the earldom Walcher „. had taken as his lieutenant a relative of the name of Gilbert, Misgovern- ... ment of his of course a foreigner like himself. But his chaplain, Leob- Subordlnates. ^jj^g^ also had a good deal to say in temporal affairs. Their administration is compared to that of the sons of Eli, while we hear that even the Archdeacon could carry off church ornaments for the benefit of his friends.^ So matters went on until an Englishman of the name of Ligulf appeared on the scene. He was a man of birth and very highly connected. In fact he was married to Ealdgyth, daughter of old Earl Uhtred, English and so brother-in-law to Earl Si ward, who had married the Nobleman. ^^^^^ daughter ^thelflaed, and uncle by marriage to Waltheof, who had taken charge of the education of one of his sons.^ Ligulf was, or had been, in possession of considerable estates, which have not been identified. Driven from these by Normans, he had come to settle ' at the peace of St. Cuthberht,' his favourite Saint. Walcher welcomed him as a friend, and consulted him much in secular matters, being glad to have the benefit of his local knowledge. This became a bitter pill to Leobwine, whose influence suffered in consequence. The rivalry between him and Ligulf became very keen. At last, one day, Ligulf, having flatly refused to alter some very proper decisions given by him in the Bishop's council,* Leobwine went off to Gilbert and persuaded him to send a party of house-carles, who, surrounding Ligulf by night, mas- ■ sacred him and most of his household. The poor Bishop was thunderstruck at the deed. Expecting an im- mediate rising of the country, he shut himself up in the castle, and sent out messengers to assure the people that he had not been privy to the ■^ Set De Inventiojte Cnicis, XIX. 33. Walcher was also taxed with having appro- priated two and a half hides belonging to Waltham Canons; they were restored by Matilda, the Queen of Henry I. ; Id., 53 ; Freeman. Syrneon represents William as having made over the whole foundation to Walcher ; H. D, E. p. 113. 2 Sym. H. D. E. p. 114. => Sym. H. R. s. 166. ** "Cum . . . legalia quseque et recta decerneret "; Florence. A.D. loSo] AND HIS ENDING , 119 murder of Ligulf; that lie was prepared to purge himself on oath in due form; and that he had banished Gilbert and all his accomplices.^ This last assertion, however, does not appear to have been founded on fact. The country remaining quiet, Walcher opened communications with the relatives of the murdered man, suggesting a peaceable settlement of the matter on payment of the proper wer, and asking for a preliminary meeting, under mutual guarantees, in the usual course. The offer was accepted, and Thursday 14th May, fixed for the first interview at Gates- head.^ At the appointed time all Northumberland, gentle and simple, flocked to the trysting place, all of course in arms. Among them we hear of Eadulf, surnamed Rus, grandnephew of Earl Ealdred, and of (^tesliead ^ Waltheof,^ a name suggestive of high connexions. Walcher, unprepared to face such a gathering, declined a seat in the open-air gemot, retiring to the church, and inviting the attendance of the ' forspeakers ' from the other side.'' When they came the Bishop ad- dressed them with pleasant words, evidently thinking that the bitterness of death was past, or, as we should now say, that it was " all right." ^ But it was not at all right for the indignant Northumbrians when they saw Gilbert and Leobwine standing beside the Bishop in full favour. Re- turning hastily to the gemot, they reported that there could no longer be any doubt as to the Bishop's guilt. According to a late writer, whose account in other respects has nothing to recommend it, a voice gave the word 'Short rede good rede, slay ye the Bishop.'^ Whether spoken or not the words describe the course actually taken, First, iy[3iSS9.C]!*6 of tiie Bishop the house-carles sitting outside the church, described as mostly a^ahls Flemings, were overwhelmed and butchered, and then the Followers. , . . , church Itself was surrounded and fired. One by one Gilbert and the other followers were given up to the mob as scapegoats. Finally the Bishop himself had to come out, Leobwine still hanging back. Making the sign of the cross with his fingers, and wrapping the fold of his mantle over his head, Walcher met his fate with dignity, his chaplain falling beside him. A rush was then made to Durham to storm the castle, but the Norman stronghold defied their efforts. After four days of con- fusion the people went back to their homes. But the outrage could not pass unpunished. Bishop Odo, who was acting as Regent in William's absence, came up with an army to avenge the murdered Bishop. The guilty had absconded, but Odo ^Veng^^M.^ did not trouble himself with inquests. All who fell into his hands were either mutilated or executed, unless, indeed, they « 1 " De Northymbria penitus exlegasse." 2 Properly Goatshead. " Gotesheved, id est ad Caput Caprea;" ; Symeon. ^ Sym. H. R. p. 197 ; H. D. E. pp. 115, 116. * See Latvs Eadmund, II. c. 7. 5 Sym. H. D. E. p. 116. « R. Wendover, 11. 18. 120 A MONASTIC REVIVAL [a.d. 1074-1080 could offer satisfactory ransoms. In short, the land for the most part was 'reduced to a solitude.' As the country North of the Tyne had been devastated by Malcolm in the previous year, we must suppose that Ode's work was carried on in the modern county of Durham.^ In connexion with the episcopate of Walcher we may notice the re- founding of monasticism in the North through the enthusiasm of a single Monastiolsm English monk, one of the few incidents of William's san- in guinary reign on which the eye can dwell with pleasure. ■ Aldwine, Prior of Winchcombe in Gloucestershire, presumably after a course of reading in Bsda, was pained to think that so many Houses of Religion, formerly centres of Church work, should Aldwine of jjq^ ^,g tenantless and deserted. Going to Evesham, he found winoncompe. . . ° ' two men prepared to jom him, namely, Elfwi, a deacon, and Reinfrid, a layman. From thence the three travelled on foot, with a sumpter-ass to carry their books, vestments, and other small effects. So they went till they rested at a spot on the north bank of the Tyne, now occupied by the busy city of Newcastle, but then called Munecacaster, and in earlier days Pons ^lii. Here they found themselves under the protection of Earl Waltheof. But Bishop Walcher, wishing to have them His settle "^^"^^ within reach, induced them to recross the river, and mentat established them in Benedict Biscop's church, St. Paul's Jarrow. jarrow. The walls were standing, but roofless. Having covered in the church with rough wood and thatch, and built themselves some sort of abode, they opened services, living on the alms of their neighbours. A little monastic community soon gathered round them; but their followers, we are told, came mostly from southern districts, few Northumbrians joining them. One of these, however, was Syraeon, our historian.^ The work prospering, Walcher made over to them six town- ships, of old appertaining to Jarrow, a substantial endowment. Having achieved so much, Aldwine proceeded to break fresh ground. Foundations ^^'"^1'^ ^^^ ^^'^'^ t° " Streoneshalch," otherwise Whitby, to resuscitate the old foundation of St. Hild, daughter of Oswiu (a.d. 656). That having been effected, a few years later, at his death, a migration was. made to York, where Siward's little church (ecclesiold) at Galmanho became the Abbey of St. Mary's York.^ Aldwine himself went off to Melrose, Cuthberht's old seat, taking with him the well-known Turgot, afterwards Prior of Durham and Bishop of St. Andrew's. But this enterprise came to nothing, owing to their refusal to recognise Malcolm, though the place was clearly within his dominions. Walcher recalled them, their lives being in imminent peril, and settled them at Biscop's I Florence; Symeon, H. R. s. 166; and H. D. E. pp. 116-118. Conf. W. Malm. G. R. s. 271, and G. P. s. 132 — one account, copied from Florence. ^ See his H. R. si. 201. ^ Sym. H. R. A.D. 1078. The site was given by Allan Rijfus of Richmond. A.D. 1080] WAJi ON SCOTLAND 121 other foundation, St. Peter's Wearmoutli.i Thus was monastic life re- started in Northumberland, a district sorely in need of civilizing influences. We are told that for more than two hundred years, since the great Danish invasion, not a monastery had been rebuilt, and that such churches as had been rebuilt were simply constructed of wattle and thatch.^ In the autumn of the year 1080 Northumberland witnessed the passage to and fro of a second army from the South. William, recently reconciled Roiiert's ^'^ ^'^ ^°'^ Robert, by way of giving him an opportunity of Invasion of distinguishing himself, sent him with an army to punish CO and. Malcolm for his invasion of England in 1079. Robert marched through Lothian as far as " Egglesbreth," properly Eaglesbreac, otherwise Falkirk,^ and then returned without having accomplished any- thing except, probably, the harrying of a certain extent of territory. On his way back, however, he halted on the north bank of the Tyne, at " Mune- cacaster," to establish a fortress, which, rebuilt in the next age ofNem!a*stle ""^ ^ grander scale, has ever since borne the name of New- castle-upon-Tyne.* It would seem that William was greatly dissatisfied with the result of the expedition, and that he upbraided his son so bitterly that once more Robert retired to France.^ As successor to Walcher in the bishopric of Durham, William appointed a Norman monk, William, Prior of St. Carilef, now Saint-Calais, in Maine. On Sunday, 3rd January, 1081, he was consecrated at St. Carilef Gloucester, by Archbishop Thomas of York, in the presence Bisiiop of Qf t];)g King.^ To his energy and architectural talent we owe the design of the present Minster, apparently the first building in these Islands that man attempted to vault with stone.^ The earldom of Northumberland was given to one Alberic or Albri, but he proved unequal to the situation, and, after a short time, resigned or was dis- missed.^ The King having been at Gloucester on the 3rd January 1081, we may take it that he had kept his Christmas Feast in that city. With an ardour for warfare and conquest still unabated, we find him now lead- So Wiiea ^"S ^"^ expedition into Wales, his first venture into that dis- trict. All that our primary authority tells us is that he ' freed ' See Syraeon, H. D. E. 108-113; H. K. s. 161. ^ " Virgis fEEnoque constructce " ; Sym. H. R. s. 161. ^ Eaglesbreac is the Gaelic name, still in use, for Falkirk, properly Fahkirk, both meaning, "Speckled Church," and rendered in Latin by " Varia Capella " ; Skene, Celtic Scotland, I. 427. ■* Symeon, H. A'., s. 167 ; Freeman ; conf. Hist. Abingdon, ii. 9, which represents Malcolm as having submitted and given hostages. The existing Keep at Newcastle was not erected till 1172-1174; G. T. Clark, ArcJucol. Journ. 1884. ^ Orderic, 573. " Symeon, H. D. E. 119 ; Reg. Sacrum. ' See below under Henry I. ^ Symeon, H. R. s. 159. 122 WAI? IN WALES [a.d. io8i many hundred men ' ^ doubtless English slaves in Welsh hands, though the number sounds large. Later writers speak of territory reduced, and princes forced to do homage,^ as most likely they were. The Welsh annals have nothing of this. But the Annaks Cambrm do record under the year 1079 a pious pilgrimage (!) made by William to St. David's ; ^ while a late MS. of the Brut ascribes the beginning of a castle at Cardiff to the year 1080. If we could combine these notices we might suppose that William had advanced as far as St. David's, establishing the castle at Cardiff on his way back. The ruling Prince of South Wales, if not of all Wales, at the time was Rhys son of Tewdwr, the affairs of North Wales having fallen into confusion in 1079, when Trahaiarn, son of Caradoc, was killed by Rhys.* It was against him, doubtless, that William's arms were directed. ' Chron. E (Peterborough) the only one whose record still goes on. An expedition by William into Wales, undertaken before 1082, is noticed in Domesday, T^ib ; Freeman. 2 H. Hunt. " " Causa orationis adiit. " ^ Ann. Camb. and. Brut-y-T. - CHAPTER IX WILLIAM I. {continued) A.D. 1082-1087 Imprisonment of Bishop Odo of Bayeux — Death of Queen Matilda — Suppression of Rising in Maine —Alarm of Scandinavian Invasion — Heavy Danegeld— Domesday Survey — Homages at Salisbury — Sack of Mantes — Illness and Death of William — His Character and Government DURING the sixteen years that William had now ruled England his half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux in Normandy, and Earl of Kent in England, had enjoyed a position of singular distinc- BUhop Odo '•^°" ^"'^ importance, second only to that of the King. When William was abroad, as he mostly was in his latter years, Odo was always virtual if not actual Regent, with opportunities for self-enrich- ment of which he freely availed himself. Even Lanfranc had a stout battle to fight to resist his encroachments. ^ Of his cruelty and rapacity we had illustrations in Northumberland in 1080. His career, however, would probably have run on unchecked had he not aspired to soar ■^U^PaMcy ° ^'^ove his brother's head. Not content with sharing the good things of England and Normandy, he had begun to dream of ruling the whole world as future successor to Hildebrand.^ Some sooth- sayers at Rome, while forecasting the future, had discovered that a man of the name of Odo would shortly become Pope. The prophecy was fulfilled when six years later Odo of Ostia ascended the Papal chair as Urban 11.^ But apart from this tempting prognostic the situation of the time offered much to encourage Odo's hopes. For fifty years Europe had rung with the deeds of the Normans in Southern Italy. If not exactly faithful allies of the Papacy, still at times they had shewn themselves its friends, and at this moment (1082) they were its only hope. Gregory, besieged in Rome by Henry for the second year in succession, was anxiously look- ' See the accounts of the celebrated lawsuit between Lanfranc and Odo heard on Penenden Heath, near Maidstone, the ancient meeting place for Kentish folkmotes. Among the witnesses was poor old /Ethelric, ex-Bishop of Selsey, who was brought in a waggon. See Emulf, Angl. Sacra, I. 334 ; Gervase, Decern Scriptt. c. 1665 ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 338, 364, 388. See also the charges against Odo put into William's mouth : " Frater mens Angliam vehementer oppressit ; ecclesias fundis expoliavit . . . crude- liter pauperes oppressit " ; Ord. 647. Yet see again the same writer, 664. 2 " Parvi pendens . . . nisi jure Papains dominaretur latins, et omnibus terri- genis." ^ Lapp. Normans (Thorpe), 183. 124 ODO AND THE KING [a.d. 1082 ing for the promised help of Robert Wiscard. But the Duke of Apulia tarried, being engaged in hostilities with the Greeks. Another Norman might step in and establish a claim upon the gratitude of Rome and the Church. Odo had been cultivating relations with the Romans for some time. He had bought a palace at Rome, and set up an establishment there ; he sent over liberal subsidies to influential persons. Finally, the time for action having come, he raised a force for an expedition into Italy. Men of rank were induced to join him, among them Hugh the Earl of Chester. The armament was in the Isle of Wight preparing to sail when William hastened over from Normandy. In later times we shall find Kings of Eng- land unwilling to allow their subjects even to become Cardinals. In William's eyes the levying of troops in England without his leave would be simple treason. Apart from the risk of political complications, he would be the last man to allow his kingdom to be drained of its resources for ends which were not his own. Odo was impeached by William before a council of Barons. The King asked for judgment on his brother, but no man would speak. He ordered them to arrest him, but no one stirred. Finally he laid his own Royal hand upon the culprit, explaining that he was apprehending not the Bishop of Bayeux, but the Earl of Kent, a distinction suggested to him, it was said, by the subtlety of Lanfranc.i Odo was sent over to Rouen and kept there a prisoner in the castle till William was on his death-bed.^ Two years later Gregory, iy wlmam ^^'■'^'^ delivered by Robert Wiscard, addressed a gentle remon- strance to William, but no notice was taken of it.^ Yet at the very same time the Pope was hurling fresh anathemas against ^'^mam"^^ Henry IV.,* whose trangressions of the new code did not differ in principle from those of William. The King must have been in daily intercourse with clergy ipso facto excommunicate by reason either of simony, or of marriage, or for having accepted investiture at lay hands. But Henry was weak and William was strong, and so the Vicar of St. Peter could keep his eyes open in the one case, and close them in the other. The event of the year 1083 was the death of Queen Matilda, who passed away after a lengthy illness on Thursday 2nd November. Of th of ^°"''s^ s'''^ ^^^^ '^i'^ i" ^^"^ o^ii church of the Holy Trinity Queen Caen, where her daughter Cecilia was already a nun.^ The Matilda, difference with her husband caused by her natural tenderness 1 So W. Malm. G. R. s. 306. See especially the Tract, Symeon, H. D. E. And. 1 84, where the case is specially cited by Lanfranc as a precedent, in the proceedings against William of St. Carilef, the Bishop of Durham, andertaken in 1088. ^ See Orderic, 646, 647 ; W. Malm. sup. and s. 277 ; and for the year, Chron. E and Florence. ^ Reg. Greg. XI. No. 2; Lappenberg; Freeman. * Milman, III. 199. ^ Flor. ; Chron. E ; and Matilda's epitaph, Ord. 648. A.D. 1083] A NORMAN ABBOT 125 for her eldest son was apparently the only shadow that had passed over her domestic life. During his few remaining years William never ceased to mourn her loss.i Under this year we also have the record of a disgraceful outrage per- petrated at Glastonbury by Normans on Englishmen; an extreme case, no doubt, but still we are told not a case without parallel.^ Q^atol^^^ Abbot ^thelnoth, one of the hostages taken over to Nor- mandy by William in T067, had been deposed by him in favour of one Thurstan, a monk from Caen. This man did not hit it off with his monks, he being bent on introducing innovations which they resisted. Eleventh century Chapters were doubtless quite as conservative bodies as the Common Rooms of modern universities. In particular we hear that Thurstan insisted on a new style of chaunt, composed by one William, a man of Fecamp, while the monks clung to the time-honoured Gregorians. As they continued obdurate, Abbot Thurstan resolved to reduce them by force. One day, after an altercation in the Chapter Slanehter of -^^o*^^^' ^^ called in a body of armed retainers or house-carles SEonks to enforce his orders. The terrified monks retreated to the church, closing the door behind them. Their assailants then made their way up a staircase to the ' up-floor,' i.e. the gallery or triforium above the aisles usual in Romanesque churches.^ From thence they showered arrows upon the monks clustered round the altar. The crucifix* was pierced. Lastly, bursting into the church, they killed three monks and wounded eighteen. ' Their blood flowed down from the altar to the steps, and from the steps to the floor.' The outrage, however, was not allowed to pass unnoticed. An inquest was held. William deposed Thurstan as the man most to blame. But the sturdy monks were not left in possession. The leaders of the opposi- tion were sent away, and put into custody under the charge of divers bishops and abbots. ° A man who had led the life that William had led could hardly expect to end his days in peace. Wars and rumours of war kept him on the alert to the last. Not long after the death of Queen Matilda '^'^Maln.e'^ he had to lead a force into Maine, to subdue another rising there. The trouble this time was caused by a leading Baron, ^ Ord. sup. The absurd tale noticed by Malmesbury, G. li. s. 273, but noticed only in order to contradict it, was not wortli contradicting. AViUiam was supposed to have flogged Matilda to death, for having been cruel to a girl he loved. 2 See the attack on the Coventry monks made by the Bishop of Lichfield, Robert of Limesey ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 420. ^ " Uppon thone upplore." " Solaria inter columnas" ; W. Malm. Antiqq. Glast. ; Freeman. ^ "Rod," Chron. ; "cruces et imagines," Flor. "Imaginem Dominicam in cruce defixam . . . cracifixum sagittis inhorrere fecerat." ^ Chron. E ; Flor. ; Orderic, 523 ; W. Malm. Antiqq. Glaston. ; Gale, III. 330-332 ; G.P. s. 91; G.R. s. 270. 126 JVAJi IN MAINE [a.d. 1084 the Viscount Hubert, lord of Fresnay-le-Vicomte, and Beaumont-le-Vicomte, places which still preserve his memory. ^ He had taken part in the rising of 1073, but had submitted at William's approach. After sundry Hubert* ^^"-^ °^ insubordination he now declared war, retiring to Sainte Suzanne,^ a stronghold by a little river, perched on a rocky hill, whose lower slopes were clothed with terraced vineyards, rendering attack most difficult. The Viscount's character, military repu- tation, and personal connexions, brought him allies from a distance, and he spread havoc throughout the loyal parts of Maine. William hastened to the rescue, but found Sainte Suzanne too strong for him. He could not even establish an effectual blockade, the circuit being too large. Under these circumstances he concluded to leave the task of keeping EeUr^™ Hubert in check to others, and so went home after establishing a sufficient force in an entrenched camp.^ The command was left with Allan Rufas, the Earl of Richmond,* with one Hervd, a Breton, as Constable or Marshal under him.^ For months, if not years, the desul- tory struggle was kept up." But the longer the Anglo-Norman army stayed the worse it fared. The Constable Herv^, Richer of Laigle, Robert of Vieuxpont, and many others lost their lives. William Count of Evreux was taken prisoner, and William of Warenne, the Earl of Surrey, wounded. Finally, to avoid an utter shipwreck, William made peace with the gallant Viscount and received his homage." At home for the year 1084 the only recorded incident of importance was the imposition of a geld or land-tax, at the crushing rate of six Norman shillings, or seventy-two pence per hide.^ We shall return to •*• ^ smmng |.jjg subject of this impost, but meanwhile may suggest that it was probably called for in consequence of an alarm, a very Tlireatened serious alarm, which took more definite shape in the ensuing ''tovaBioii.^''y^3''> namely that of a threatened Scandinavian invasion on the largest scale. In view of such a possibility no sacrifice could be considered too great. The pretensions of the House of Cnut had not yet passed out of mind. Swein Estrithson, as we have seen, regarded Harold and William with impartial hate. In his eyes both alike were usurpers. At his death in 1076 his son Harold Hein became King of Denmark. He had led the 1 Dept. Sarthe. ^ Dept. Mayenne. 3 " Municipium . . . munitionem in valle Beugici," i.e. of Eoujeu. Ste. Su- zanne, however, is on the Erve. * " Alannus Rufus comes Britonum." The words are a little ambiguous, but as tlie Allan who became Count of Brittany in 1084 was "Fergant," and the Earl of Rich- mond was "Rufus," the latter should be the man meant. ^ " Magistrum militum constituit." " " Quadriennio conflictu." ' A.D. 10S4-1086 (?) ; Orderic, 648, 649. M. le Prevost takes 1083-1085 as the time of this war. * Chron. E ; Florence. The rate is proved by the Iiiquisitio Geldi, or returns of the tax for the Western counties embodied in the Exeter Domesday ; Ellis, I. 350. A.D. 1084-1085] SCANDINAVIAN ALARM 127 invasion of 1069 in his father's life-time, but after his own accession he shewed himself a man of peace, content with useful domestic legislation. This Harold, again, passed away in 1080, to be succeeded by DenmSk* his brother Cnut. He had attacked England in 1069 along with his brother, and again independently in 1076, when he made a descent on York at the instigation of the rebel Earls of Hereford and Norfolk. He ought to have been a man of peace, as his zeal for Church work at home gained him the name of Saint.i But the recovery of England was his ambition. His marriage with Adela daughter of Robert the Frisian of Flanders, brought him into close relations with one of William's bitterest enemies.^ English exiles had his ear ; while another " pious and peaceful " King, Olaf Kyrre of Norway, was moved at last to do something to avenge the fate of his father Harold Hardrada, defeated and killed at Stamford Bridge. The preparations were reported to be on the largest scale. A thousand ships were gathering in the harbours of Jutland ; Flanders would send six hundred, Norway sixty .^ ' Men, forsooth, said that King Cnut . . . would win the land.' * But apart from all exaggeration and panic, a coalition of Flanders, Denmark, and Norway was no light matter to contemplate. William acted , with his usual thoroughness and prudence. Putting no trust Military in the loose undisciplined valour of a native j5'''^> he raised an Preparations. g^j.j^y of mercenaries on the Continent, trained men of war, both horse and foot. These were brought over in the autumn of the year (1085). The land, which had already been taxed to provide their pay, had now the further burden of supporting them, quartered in detach- ments on the chief landowners of the country.'' ' Men wondered how they might a-feed them all.' " But as the magnates, ecclesiastical and lay, for the most part paid no geld on their demesne lands,'' the billeting of the soldiers on them would only put them on a par with other people. Lastly, in the way of defensive measures we hear that the coasts where the enemy was likely to touch were wasted beforehand. 'Mickle swync {toil, ■oppression) had men that year.' ^ The reader will notice the strength of central government developed since the conquest. The devastation of the coast in the face of William's advance was just one of the things that Harold ought to have done but could not venture to do. But the threatened storm came to nothing. The Danes were not all ' See Ord. 650. "- See Freeman, N. C. IV. 587. ^ W. Malm. G.R. s. 261 ; Saga Olaf Kyrre, Laing, III. no; jEInoth, Vita Canuti, Langebek, III. 325 ; Freeman, N.C. IV. 686 ; Lappenberg (Thorpe), 188. •* Chron. E. ^ ' ' Per totum regnum divisis episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, vicecomiti- ■bus ac regis prsepositis victum prtebere mandavit " ; Florence. « Chron. " See Ellis, Domesday, I. 351. ^ Chron. E. 128 THE DOMESDAY [a.d. 1085 of one mind in the matter of the expedition. Dissensions broke out Scheme of ^'"°"g them, which reached a climax when Cnut arrested his Invasion own brother Olaf for mutinous conduct. The expedition was Abandoned. ^^^ adjourned ; and William at once disbanded part of his army, keeping on the rest through the winter. All further apprehension on the score of Saint Cnut came to an end in the following summer, when he was 'martyred,' i.e. assassinated, by his own people in the church ot Odensee."^ With a mind, doubtless, much relieved, William held his Christmas feast at Gloucester. Five days he ' kept house ' ^ there ; and then Lan- franc and the clergy had a Synod of three days' duration to GioucMter discuss matters left to them. Three Bishops were named to fill Sees vacant by death ; but we need not suppose that the choice of fit persons was a matter altogether left to the discretion of the Primate and Synod. ' Three royal chaplains were selected. Robert of Limesey became Bishop of the See of Lichfield, recently removed to Chester.^ William of Beaufeu became Bishop of the See of Elmham, just removed to Thetford ^ ; and Maurice became Bishop of London.^ The See so recently established at Chester was destined shortly to be again removed to Coventry," which city thus became the headquarters of the triple Diocese of Chester, Coventry, and Lichfield. But the King's business was not ended yet. After all this we hear that William had ' much thought and deep speech ' with his Witan over the state of the country and its population. The outcome was "sSvey'^ the order for the celebrated Domesday'? Survey, that record of unique value to which we owe so much of our knowledge ot the social state of England at the time. As we have suggested the con- nexion of the heavy land-tax of 1084 with the apprehended invasion of 1085, so again we would connect the survey of 1086 with disappointments and difficulties experienced in raising that and other previous imposts of the same character. The King wanted a Land-Register and Valuation-Roll of his Kingdom, with trustworthy information as to its population and resources. The An Assess- pritnary facts to be ascertained were first, what lands were, and ment Roll of what lands — by reason of boc charters or otherwise — were not, ^ 'liable io geld, or not properly assessed to geld; and secondly, ' loth July, 1086 ; Freeman, sup. 689 ; Lapp. 189, citing ^Tilnoth, etc. sup. ; conf. AV. Malm. G./?. s. 261 ; Ord. 650. ^ "Heold his hired." ^ Namely by Bishop Peter, 1072-1085. St. John's Without the Walls became the cathedral Church. * Namely by Bishop Herfast, in 1078. ^ Chron. E ; Flor. Jie^. Sacrum. " By Bishop Robert of Limesey, 10S6-1117, R. de Monte, and Ann. Waverley, A.D. 1 133. ' The meaning of the name Domesday is uncertain, but it is old. It occurs in the Waltham Register, MS. Cott. Tib. C. IX. f. i^tb, "Librum del Domesday"; Stuart Moore, Domesday Studies, I. J- A.D. 1086] SURVEY 129 what the fair assessable value ot the lands might be.* Accordingly com- missioners were sent into each shire, with directions to go round the Hun- dreds, taking evidence upon oath from the sheriffs, landowners, priests, bailiffs, and six selected 'villeins' from each township. They were re- quired to state who held the land in the time of King Eadward, and who held it then, and on what tenures and conditions ; what the reputed extent of each holding was in hides, and what the area as 'cM^oate"'^ more accurately defined, the standard being the fair year's work of an eight-ox plough-team, taken on the average as equal to 120 acres i^iAt—carucate)? They had to state what the value had been Tempore Regis yEdwardi, and what it was or might be then, with detailed returns as to the human population, whether servile or free, the live stock, woods, meadows, mills, and other profitable incidents, if any.^ It is clear that the King's orders were strictly attended to, as they always were. The Peterborough chronicler thought it ' shame ' to tell of a ' narrowness ' that stooped to enumerate the cows and pigs on a petty farm. But we do not possess the original returns. What we have are transcripts of these returns, as digested, rearranged, and reduced to shape for the King's use. A mass of detail is omitted, and within each county the properties are grouped under their owners, not by their Hundreds, as they must have been in the original inquests.* ' For exemptions of the demesne lands of religious Houses, Barons and others see Ellis, I. 351, though the case is put too broadly. For instance, at Tewkesbury out of 95 hides 45 hides in demesne paid neither geld nor regalian due of any kind, the payments by the other 50 hides clearing them ; J. H. Round, Domesday Studies, 95. With these exemp- tions we may also connect the fact that whole Hundreds are often omitted, apparently because the King had nothing from them ; see Ellis. As late as 1414 we find "geld- able " lands in Kent distinguished from non-geldable lands, or lands within private franchises ; Rot. Pari, IV. 49. The geld was probably laid on the shires by their Hundreds, and then apportioned among the leets or townships of the Hundred, accord- ing to the hides at which they were assessed, so that gross inequalities might be perpetrated. See above, I. 360, and Errata, and 518 ; Round, Feudal England, loi ; Maitland, Domesday and Beyond, 206, 391, 448-450. 2 See Seebohm, .Em^. Vill. Comtii. 121; Koand, Feudal England, 3^. The hide and carucate did not really differ, each being the area capable of being worked with an eight-ox team. See Appendix to vol. I. p. 551. ' See the instructions for the Ely inquest, Ellis, I. 22, and Select Charters, 83 ; also Freeman, N. C. IV. 692. ■* Of the Survey we have the following records : A, the so-called Exchequer Domes- day, extending to thirty-three counties (Record Commission, Domesday, vols. I. and II.) ; £, the Exon Domesday, an independent transcript of the returns from the five Western counties, v/ith the returns of the Inquest as to the geld of 10S4 worked in ; C, the Inquisitio Eliensis ; or another transcript from the returns as to the estates of the abbey {Id. vol. IV.) ; and D, the Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis (N. E. S. A. Hamilton, 1876), yet another partial transcript. A careful collation of the common passages reveals and helps to correct blunders and omissions in each. See J. H. Round, Feudal England, 6, etc. The so-called IViitton Domesday, printed in the 4th vol. of the Record Domes- R.H. — VOL. II. K 130 HOMAGE [a.d. 1086 Of course the inquest was very unpopular, and in some places led to bloodshed.^ But the work was completed and the returns sent in to the J. . King within the year.^ Northumberland, Cumberland, West- Northern, morland, and Durham were not included in the survey. Counties, -j-j^gjj exemption has not been fully accounted for. But Cumberland and Westmorland in part still belonged to Scotland, the parts belonging to England being entered under the West Riding of Yorkshire. The Patrimony of St. Cuthberht apparently had never been reduced to hides or assessed for Danegeld. In the Pipe Roll of Henry I. a tax on cattle, styled ' cornage,' replaces Danegeld in the counties of Durham, Cumberland and Westmorland. This may have been the reason why the survey was not extended to them. Northumberland was assessed for Danegeld, so that we cannot account for its non-appearance in Domesday. Lancashire again does not appear under its proper name ; " but Furness and the northern part of the county, as well as the south of Westmorland, with part of Cumberland, are included within the West Riding of Yorkshire '' ; the lands between the Ribble and the Mersey being attached to Cheshire, as already mentioned.^ Moreover London, Winchester, Bristol and some other chief towns are also omitted,* perhaps because they had established fixed compositions for the dues they had to pay. The Easter Court was held at Winchester, and at Whitsuntide the King wore his crown at Westminster. His youngest son, Henry, was there knighted, or in the English of the period ' dubbed to rider,' ^ the earliest occurrence of the phrase in the vernacular, the practice being doubtless new to England. On the ist of August the King appeared on the plains of Salisbury for a ceremony of a most striking and unprecedented character, but one not more imposing to the outward eye than important for its tury political and constitutional significance. William came to Homages, j-g^eive homage and oaths of allegiance from all the land- owners of the kingdom, at least from all landowners of any worth, they having been specially summoned for the purpose. But the essential point of the proceeding was this, that the King exacted the recognition from all subjects, whether they held their lands directly of him or not. They were required to come, ' whosesoever men they might be.' " This no doubt was in accordance with the provision of William's Laws, passed doubtless earlier in the reign, by which every freeman was bound to swear fealty to the day, relates to property in the city of Winchester under Henry I. and Stephen, while the Boldon Book in the same gives a survey of the Palatinate of Durham taken in 1 183. 1 Florence. ^ Eiii.,^ j. 4. 3 Ellis, I. 35. " Lappenberg. '" "Dubbade to ridere " ; Chron. E. Literally struck, with reference to the cere- monial tap on the shoulder. Mr. Skeat suggests that dub was perhaps a mere variant of dab ; Elyin. Dictionary. ^ Chron. E. Florence puts it as if the homage was only taken from the under- tenants : " Milites illorum sibi fidelitatem contra omnes homines jurare coegit." A.D. 1086.] FROM UNDER-TENANTS 131 King as against all men, whether in or out of England. ^ With respect to his own followers, on whom he conferred estates, William would certainly have taken their homage when granting their lands. It is impossible to conceive his granting lands except to be holden feudally of himself. But apparently he had not as yet taken homage from landowners holding under other lords, or not done so extensively. Perhaps it might be that as undertenants were not specially mentioned in the Act its application to them had been questioned ; or again we may conjecture that the Domes- day enquiries then going on had called attention to the numbers of the undertenants and allodialists, and the importance of defining their position towards the King without delay. As the reader has been already informed, there would be some 8,coo of these with 1,400 tenants-in-chief.^ The Salisbury homages may be taken as marking the establishment of William's New Feudalism ^ and setting the seal upon his work in the con- solidation of England. By taking the homage of the under Feu(Sisin tenants he had gone a great way towards counteracting the disintegrating influences of pure feudalism, whether the old local feudalism which had obtained in England before the Conquest, or the feudalism now being imported from the Continent, which continued to hold its ground on the Continent for such a length of time. Under this system the allegiance of a man was due primarily to his immediate lord, and only secondarily to his overlord the King. The lord who went against the common sovereign, the King, " might draw on himself the guilt of treason, but his men who followed him were guiltless."* The principle of requiring homage from undertenants was not altogether novel to English Law, being found in the legislation of Eadmund.^ But probably little attention had been paid to it ; and in fact even after William's time, in the course of the next three reigns, we shall find repeated cases where the primary allegiance of the tenant to his immediate lord is fully recognised. The tenants of a lord in revolt are allowed to consult him before making submission to the King. Here too we may notice the well-known allegation of Orderic made by him apparently in connexion with Domesday, not otherwise noticed by him, that William having taken an inquest of the ■niilitia of the kingdom. Number of '°^'^'i ^^^^ there were 60,000 milites, whom he ordered to be Knights' Fees always ready if called upon.^ This estimate was wild enough in all conscience, but the writer's error has been aggravated by those who have taken his statement to mean that 60,000 estates, each liable for the service of one miles {feoda miliium), had been parcelled out * Select Charters, p. 80, t. 2 ; Schmid, and Thorpe, Latsjs William, III. c. .i. ^ See above, vol. I. 512, and Ellis. ' See below, 138-143. * Freeman, N.C. IV. 695. The weakness of France and the Imperial kingdoms was due to this "more than to any other cause." ^ Laws, IV. c. I. * "LX. millia militum invenit," etc, p. 649. >'• 132 THE CONQUERORS [a.d. 1086-1087 in England.! But Orderic's words imply nothing more than the num- ber of milites whose services were due to the Crown — quite another thing. When, however, we turn to Record evidence we find the total that can be clearly made out only amounting to 4,318 milites, or, making allow- ance for returns that seem defective, we may' say 5,000 to cover every- thing. The feoda militum would be considerably fewer, as we shall see.^ From Salisbury William went to the Isle of Wight, there doing, we are told, 'after his wont,' that is to say, exacting money of his men, 'where- ever he might have a tale against them, either with right or Norm^dy' without right.' From the Isle of Wight he crossed over once more into Normandy. There the ^theling Eadgar took leave for a while of the Anglo-Norman Court, going off, by William's permission, with a band of followers in quest of adventures among the Normans of Apulia. About the same time his sister Christina retired from the world, taking the veil at Romsey Abbey.^ Once more and once more only was the mighty Bastard destined to march out of Rouen in panoply of war. The unfriendly disposition of the Court of Paris gave great encouragement to border depredators. ESeditfon. William was much incensed at the conduct of the men of Mantes, who, crossing the Eure, the border river, raided the diocese of Evreux, carrying off animals and men. By way of satis- faction for these outrages he demanded the restitution of the Vexin Fran^ais, or territory between the Oise and Epte,* including the towns of He Claims P°"'°ise, Chaumont, and Mantes. The Norman story was tiie Vexln- that the district had bren ceded by King Henry I., father of ftangals. ^j^^ ^^^^^ Philip I., to Duke Robert in return for services rendered to him at the time of his accession, which was contested (1031). But during the troubles of William's minority the grant had been re- sumed, and William till now had never stirred in the matter. Philip treated the demand with contempt.^ If we may credit a story picked up by William of Malmesbury, he even indulged in some undigni- fied pleasantry at the expense of William's corpulence, which had become excessive, and for which he, at the time, was under treatment. ' Surely, said he, ' the King of England must be lying in at Rouen.' On hearing > See the writers cited Lingard, I. 241 ; Stubbs, C. H. I. 46S. 2 See Mr. J. H. Round's valuable tract, Knight Service in England, 18-23, 49 (re- printed from ^;;f/. Hist. Review, July and. October, 1891). Tlie figures are taken from returns {carta) made in 1 166, of wliicli transcripts are preserved in the Liber Niger Scaccarii (Hearne, I. 49-339), and the Liber Rubeus Scaccarii. The latter was origin- ally compiled byAlexander Swereford, a man acquainted with Exchequer business, who wrote in 1230. The treatise is printed by Mr. Hubert Hall (Rolls Series, No. 99). Mr. Round has also compared the Pipe Rolls, etc., for his estimate. " Florence ; Chron. E. * " Wulcassinum a fluvio Isara usque ad Eptam." The Norman part of the Vexin lay to the West of the Epte. ^ Orderic, 654, 655. A.D. io87] LAST CAMPAIGN 133 of the taunt William swore by the Splendour of God that he would light a hundred thousand candles at his churching.^ As a matter of fact, his energy and promptitude were as remarkable as ever. In the last week of July, 1087, he marched against Mantes, the van of the army be- mmtes." ^"S sent on a day in advance to harry the country. The crops round Mantes having been trampled under foot, the vines destroyed, and all practicable mischief done, the raiders moved on. Next day the unfortunate inhabitants, thinking that the tyranny was overpast, were venturing out to take account of their losses, when ^^T^w4*^^ William burst upon them. Pressing on before the gates could be shut, he entered Mantes pell-mell with the flying natives. The whole town was sacked and fired, not even the churches being spared. But the heat and the exertion, or perhaps some personal injury received from the saddle, brought on consequences that proved fatal to William. He was taken back to Rouen, there to die.^ For six weeks lastmness ^^^ languished, retaining unclouded faculties and clear speech to the last.^ William Rufus and Henry were with him, to receive his dying injunctions and his dying advice. Robert, who had again been invited home since 1081, had again gone off in a final huff.* Finding the noise and bustle of the city too much for his failing strength, the King had himself removed to the Priory of St. Gervase, on a hill over- looking Rouen from the West. There his ghostly and bodily wants were attended to by Gilbert Maminot, Bishop of Lisieux, and Guntard, Abbot of Jumieges. As a good churchman, William made his confession in due form.5 He also gave liberally to the clergy and the poor, dictating to the notaries the exact amount to be given in each case. A very hand- some sum was sent to the clergy of Mantes, his latest victims. By a tardy . amnesty he was induced to set free his political prisoners, Political including his brother Bishop Odo, Earls Morkere and Roger, Prisoners, gj^^^j g^^^^ Wulfnoth Harold's brother, Ulf Harold's son, and Duncan of Scotland. Odo, we are told, he released with much re- luctance." But, as if the state of his soul called for a healing unction not ' Gesta Regum, s. 280, evidently copied by Wace ; Roman de Ron, II. 290 ; and by R.. Wendover and IM. Paris, the two latter bungling the story. Orderic has no word of anything insulting on Philip's part : only, "frivolis sophismatibus usus est," i.e. excuses for not ceding the Vexin. ^ Orderic, 655, 656 : "Ex nimio oestu ac labore pinguissimus rex infirmatus est." So too W. Jumieges, p. 291 : " Pondere armorum et labore clamoris quo suos exhorta- batur," etc. Conf Florence and W. Malm. G. R. ». 282. ^ "Ad horam mortis integrum sensum et vivaeem loquelam habuit " ; Ord. * Orderic, 573, 656. ^ " Ecclesiee indefessus defensor . . . peccatasuasacerdotibus Deirevelavit " ; Ord. " Coelesti munitus viatico"; Flor. See also Eadmer, Hist. Nov. p. 24, where he con- tradicts the rumour that William died unconfessed. ^ Florence ; Orderic, 660. The latter represents the amnesty as only granted at the instance of the King's attendants. 134 DEATH OF THE KING [a.d. 1087 to be administered by commonplace hands, the King sent for Anselm, then Abbot of Bee, whose saintly charm had cast a spell even on him. Anselm came to Rouen, but at the moment William thought himself better,! and so the final act of self accusation was deferred to a more con- venient season. Then Anselm fell ill, and, before he was well enough to see the King, the end had come.^ In finally disposing of his dominions, William recognised that Normandy had been assured to Robert, and must be his. But he refused to entrust WiUiam's England to his hands. For the kingdom of his conquest he Testamentary named his second surviving son, William Rufus, who had isposiuons. a^jyyg^yg bgeH a dutiful son. To make his succession sure he was given a letter to Lanfranc.^ 'But what for me, my father?' cried the third son, the clerkly Henry. ' Five thousand pounds of silver,' was the answer, ' But where can I keep my money if I have no home ? ' urged the prince. ' Bide thy time, my son, and thou shalt have all that ever I had.' William may have formed a shrewd guess as to the probable futures of his sons. But we must point out that the prophetic words are recorded by a writer who lived after the event. The father having disposed of his possessions, the graceless sons went their ways. Rufus kissed his father, and made for England. He had reached the coast, and was preparing to sail,* when he heard of his father's death. Henry found occupation in seeing his silver weighed out and removed to places of safety.* Finally, on Thursday, 9th September, as Death of ^^ ^^ '^'^ ^^ cathedral church was tolling the first hour wuiiamtiie of the day (6 a.m.), William the Great breathed his last. Grea . Report had it that he died commending his soul to Mary the mother of God." An Eastern proverb has it that a dead Sultan is a dead dog. In William's days, apparently, a dead King was of no greater account. The principal persons present at William's death having dispersed to look after their private interests, the Royal apartment was stripped by the attendants, and the King's body left almost naked on the floor. William had desired 1 "Quod infirmitatem paulura levigavi sentiret." ^ Eadmer, stip. For Anselm's influence ou William see Id. Vita Anselnii, 353. The King became another man in his presence. ^ Orderic, 659; Florence; W. Jumieges, 291, 292; "Regno Anglia; concesso Willelmo filio suo." The allegation of Orderic sup. that William hesitated to dispose of the Crown of England is clearly contradicted by himself a few lines lower down : " Robertus habebit Normanniam et Guillelmus Angliam." The letter to Lanfranc was entrusted to the hands of a chaplain, Robert Bloet, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln. Ord. 763. * Orderic makes him sail from Witsand, among the hostile Flemings. The con- tinuator of Jumieges, R. de Monte, with much greater likelihood, makes him sail from Tolca, p. 293 — Touques at the mouth of the Seine. * Orderic, sup. ^ Orderic, 660, 661. See also Chron. E and Florence for the date. A.D. 1087] HIS CHARACTER 135 to be laid in the church of St. Stephen's, Caen, his own foundation. But no one would take charge of the arrangements for giving effect to his wishes, till a simple knight, by name Herlouin, as if for very shame, came forward, hired a boat at his own expense, and so transported the remains by water to Caen. Henry, Bishop Odo, and all the higher ^"caen! ^* clergy assisted at the funeral when finally performed. But the service was not to end without a scene. The Bishop of Lisieux having delivered a panegyric on the deceased, ending with a call for the prayers of all present, one Ascelin fitz Arthur stood up, and with ^, a loud voice forbad the interment. The ground on which Interruption =" . , . , of the they stood had been the site of his fathers house, of which Ceremony, j^^ -^^^^ been forcibly and wrongfully deprived by William. The man's statements being borne out by the voice of the people, terms had to be made before the corpse could be finally laid to its rest.' Certainly the Conqueror sank to his grave amid dismal surroundings. While the body was lying in state at Caen, the greater part of the town Famine and ^^"^ burnt down by an accidental fire.^ England was suffering Pestilence in from the combined ravages of famine and pestilence. The °^ ^^ ' year 1086 had been visited by excessive rains, leading to loss of crops. Famine followed, with its natural concomitant, sickness. ' Full nigh every other man had the fever ; . . . and when the wretched folk lay fordriven full nigh unto death, then came the sharp hunger and a-did them withal. Alack ! how sad, how rueful a tide was that. God Almighty better it when His will be such.' ^ Then 1087 apparently proved a very hot year, as we hear of numerous conflagrations, in one of which St. Paul's and a great part of the city of London was again burnt down.* William the Great, as men of his time called him, was a man of wonder- ful parts, and accomplished mighty things ; but he does not present a many-sided character for study. We have in him a most "^^^mam"^ masterful man of blood and iron; of great intelligence, energy, and good sense ; one who could be mean, but not petty ; per- fectly selfish, unshrinking in purpose, determined to win at all hazards, and absolutely reckless as to the means he might employ, or the misery he might inflict, in the pursuit of his ends. He was a man more hated than loved, and probably even more feared than hated.^ In the words of the 1 Orderic, 66l, 662 ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 283 ; W. Jum. 292 ; Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 24. For the costly shrine of gold, silver, and precious stones, the work of one Otto, a goldsmith, set up by William Rufus over his father's tomb, and the inscription composed by Archbishop Thomas of York, see Orderic, 663. For the later history of the tomb, a stone sarcophagus on pillars, see N. C. IV. 722. 2 Ord. sup. " Chron. E, 1086, 1087. * Il>. ^ See W. Malm. G. R. s. 280 : " Necesse est ut multos timeat quem multi timent." Anselm was one of the few men to whom William was not " Sfevus et forraidabilis " ; Eadmer, Hist. Nov. p. 23. 136 WILLIAM'S [A.D. 1066-1087 Peterborough writer, ' he was over all measure stark {i.e. stern) to the men who withstood his will. . . . He recked naught of their hate ; they must all follow his will, if they would live, or keep lands or goods.' ^ But William was not wantonly cruel or capricious. Whatever he did he did with a purpose, and did it thoroughly. This was perhaps his best point as a ruler. Men knew what to expect, and the thoroughness of his mea- sures in the end worked for humanity. His politic self restraint was not less remarkable than his promptitude. As he knew when to strike, so also he knew when to stop. Essentially vindictive, he could always swallow his wrath if he found that the gratification of his passion would cost him too dear. His darkest side comes out in his dealings with the lower orders — the bulk of the population. He was absolutely without feeling for them. Of landlords he was the worst, simply letting his lands to the ^'Monev°^ highest bidder. Then if at any time a man came forward with a higher offer he was put into possession, until he again was outbid in turn. On the Sheriff would devolve the grateful task of exacting the impossible rent, no matter how. ' He (William) took many marks of gold and more hundred pounds of silver from his landfolk, with mickle unright, and for little need.' ^ The building and maintenance of the castles and their garrisons must have laid heavy burdens on the localities ; while for the sake of sport he threw whole tracts of land out of cultivation, and introduced the cruel novelty of the Forest Laws.^ Not only deer and wild boars, but even hares were ' forbidden.' ' The King loved the big game,* as if he had been their father.' The chroniclers, however, bear witness to good points in William as a ruler and a man. ' The good peace that he made on this land is not to be forgotten.' He would tolerate no disturbances ; no wrong-doing not on his own account. Again the Peter- Hls Reverence ^°''°'^g'^ chronicler tells us that William ' was mild to the good for tue men who loved God,' words that we would paraphrase as mean- ing that he had sufficient sense of true religion to respect it in others if it did not bring them into collision with himself. His demeanour towards Anselm was the best instance of that. In the presence of the saintly Abbot he became gentle and urbane.^ His own attitude to the Church was distinctly reverential. He attended Mass and Vespers daily ; he never sold Church preferment " — a remarkable fact in a man so fond of money ; his appointments were on the whole creditable. He had sufficient sympathy with the Hildebrandine movement to favour monasticism, to found 1 Chron. E, a.d. 1067. ^ Chron. E, sup. ^ ' Whoso slew hart or hind had to be blinded. ^ " Headeor," lit. ' tall beasts ' ; conf. " Rats and mice and such small deer," etc. ^ " Rigidus et formidabilis, Anselmo tamen erat inclinus et affabilis"; Eadmer, Vita Anselini, 355. " Orderic, 658 ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 267. A.D. 1066-1087] GOVERNMENT 137 three Houses of Religion,^ and to assign to the clergy within definite limits an independent sphere of action. ^ The making of the New Forest was perhaps William's most unpopular act. It appears to have been an extension of an existing forest known as that of " Ytene," ^ or Itchin. The chroniclers record the afforesta- ^o^rest" tionwith the usual exaggeration of figures* ; from Domesday it appears that the new precincts were made partly by appro- priating actual woodlands, partly by evicting the population of some hun- dred and forty hides, say seventeen thousand acres of land under crop, with the corresponding houses, villages, and places of worship.^ In the next generation men pointed to the fact that the New Forest had proved fatal to two sons and a grandson of the Conqueror.^ Bodily health and strength were WiUiam's, no less than strength of mind. He is described as a man of good height,'' bald on the forehead, wmiaiii's ^"'^ ^^ ^^^ latter years immensely stout. He could bend a Manners and bow on horseback with his feet that no other man could bend ppearanoe. ^^ ^^^^^ jjj^ presence was dignified. At his ceremonial crown-wearings, at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, he could make himself agreeable to his vassals and guests*; on these occasions the atten- dance of all magnates was insisted on. But the King's usual aspect was a forbidding one ^ ; and his favourite oath, ' By the Splendour of God,' Avhen roared out from the depths of his capacious throat, would strike terror into all.i" ' St. Stephen's Caen ; St. Martin's Battle ; and Matilda's Convent of the Holy Trinity Caen. - For a rather favourable view of William's character, and comparisons of him with other men, etc., the reader will turn to Mr. Freeman's N. C. II. 161 ; and V. 53. ^ Flor., A.D. 1099. ■* e.g. Orderic speaks of sixty parishes as having been depopulated, p. 781. " See Ellis, I. 105-110. The date of the afforestation is uncertain. ^ Namely the King's sons Richard and William Rufus, and another Richard, a natural son of Robert. ' " Justae stature. " The bones of the arms and legs, however, when the tomb was broken open in 1562, were described as "fort longs" ; N. C. IV. 723. * "Nee ullo tempore comior aut indulgendi facilior." " " Facie fera." '" "Ipso hiatu oris terrificum quiddam auditorum mentibus insonarent"; W. Malm. G. R. ss. 279, 281 ; and again, " terrisonte vocis roncho," s. 389. CHAPTER X WILLIAM I. (continued) Survey of Reign — Unification of England — Military Tenures — New Feudalism and its Incidents — Legislation — Ecclesiastical Courts — Revenue — The English Church — Architecture — Literature— The King's Issue IF England had to be crushed into shape the process was certainly a most cruel one. Fortunately it did not last long. It was done once and for all. The heavy hands of the Norman kings soon welded ofEngland 'natives and foreigners into one nation. The stuff was good enough to stand the hammering without losing fibre. On the contrary, it gained elasticity and strength. The unification of England was the work of the Conqueror. Leaving the excellent local institutions of the country untouched, he gave it the central administration that it needed. On the native feudalism already existing as between landlord and tenant, he superinduced a new feudalism very much of his own, bringing all classes into direct relation with the Crown.^ and cutting down the power of the Magnates to manageable proportions. Elsewhere feudalism in the broad sense, meaning, as we understand the term, a state of society based on the tenure of land and landlord ascendancy,^ has usually left little authority to the nominal head. William showed how feudalism could be combined with personal government. The greater part of the land in the kingdom had been actually granted out by him to his followers. Under their circumstances, surrounded by a hostile native population, they could hardly quarrel with any terms that he might choose to impose. The ecclesiastical Houses and the native laymen who ' As already mentioned,!Eadmund I. had required the oath of allegiance to be taken to the King by undertenants [Laws, II. c. i), but whether the regulation had continued in force may be doubted. ° "The essence of a feudal tenure is the holding of land by the grant of a lord, instead of holding it simply as a member of the Commonwealth" (Freeman, N. C. V. 368). A feudal state of society, therefore, is one where the bulk of the land is held by lords and their undertenants. Feudal government is defined by Bishop Stubbs as " a graduated system of jurisdiction based on land tenure, in which every lord judged, taxed, and commanded the class next below him ... in which private war, private coinage, private prisons took the place of the imperial institutions of government " ; C. H. I. 278. In the passage quoted from Mr. Freeman I would read, " holding land under," instead of "by the grant of," a lord. 138 A.D. 1066-1087] THE NEW FEUDALISM 139 had been allowed, no matter on what terms, to retain their estates, or parts of their estates, would be in no better position for disputing the Kmg's will. But apparently the grants to his followers were made, and made almost as a matter of course, simply upon the military Tenur^ tenure usual in Normandy, the tenure with which they were all familiar, the only tenure held worthy of men of gentle birth. The native tenants-in-chief who retained lands were mostly placed Upon the same footing.' Probably little modification was introduced in the terms of the tenures beyond the requirement of homage from the undertenants. But the strength of the Crown enabled it to give new force to old terms, and to draw novel conclusions from recognised prin- ciples. All land would be held of the King, mediately or immediately, upon definite conditions, and he woiild be the only absolute landowner in the kingdom. Those who held by the military tenure were bound to provide a certain number of fully-armed mounted men {milites) for forty days' service in each year, if called upon. This tenure is Milites. usually spoken of as tenure in chivalry, or by knights' service, the latter a misleading designation, as it implies that all the miliies for which the tenants were liable would be fully ' dubbed ' knights, men of considerable position, which is quite incredible. When we come to official muster rolls we shall find the knights, properly so called, only appearing in the proportion of one to five or six esquire-men-at-arms, the latter receiving a shilling a day pay, the knights receiving two to four shillings a day according to their rank.^ The fact is that at the time of which we are now treating the word miles must be taken to have included the esquire-man-at-arms, afterwards distinguished as armiger, as well as the knight or miles proper. Tenure in chivalry, if not at first universal among the tenants-in-chief, soon became so, being reckoned the most honourable, though in fact the most onerous kind of holding. The quota of milites to be ^ilftes furnished by each Crown tenant was of course proportionate to his estate, but it does not appear to have been fixed with any exact relation to the extent or value of his possessions. The returns of 1 1 66, to which we have already referred, exhibit the quotas, whether of lay barons or of ecclesiastics, as given in multiples of five or ten, mostly of the latter figure, round numbers, which must have been given out, like the estates themselves, by word of mouth, and probably by the Conqueror himself. The roundness of the numbers of milites due by the N^^rs several tenants (debiiiim servitiuni) — 10, 15, 20, 25, 30, 40, 50, 60, 80, 100 — precludes the notion of any exact assessment, ' So all the ecclesiastical Houses, but there were some tenants lit capite who held by "socage," tenure involving payment of rent but not the feudal military service ; Stephens, Blaclistone, I. 199 (ed. 1848). ^ See H. Nicolas, Agincoiirt, 374, and App. II. ; Proceedings P. Council, IV. 340. 140 TENURE IIv CHIVALRY [a.d. 1066-1087 but it is possible that it may to some extent have been based on the old five-hide unit for the fyrd. That the services had been fixed orally appears from the fact that when the Crown tenants were called upon in 1166 to return the numbers of milites for whom they were liable, and the steps that they had taken to meet their liabilities, they did not appeal to the written testimony of charters, but to the witness of their undertenants and followers, as to the numbers that always had been required of, or furnished by, the estate. Thus, in fact, the quotas may have been those for the oXAfyrd^ With respect to the mode of providing for their servitium debitum the tenants might do it in one or other of two ways, or partly in both. They might keep a standing body of men on their demesnes,^ ready at of Providing call, house-carles in fact.' But as this was found very burden- ^"fl h'jf'*""" some they soon adopted the plan of granting out small estates {feoda militum) to be held of themselves by suitable men, on condition of service (subinfeudation). The system recommended itself to the bishops and abbots, as it gave them opportunities of providing for relations and friends out of Church lands. We here see the origin of the idea that William divided England into feoda militum. He only demanded a certain number of milites; the persons liable to find these milites created the ' fees ' for their own con- venience ; their own responsibility to the Crown was not affected thereby. As to the size or value oiih^iQ feoda, the amount of land to be enfeoffed in return for the services of one miles would be a mere matter of arrangement between the lord and the tenant, and so, as a matter of fact, in the re- turns of 1 1 66, we have feoda militum of all sizes, from two hides to fourteen hides each.* This discrepancy in the hidage seems also to negative the idea of any equality in value.^ Under the old English system, which was in fact the primitive Teutonic ^ Round, Knights' Service, 17-25, and 31. ^ " Super dominicum " ; Round, 10; see esp, 12. ^ So at Abingdon. " Primo quidem stipendiariis utebatur " ; Hist. Abingdon, II. 3 ; so also at Ely ; Round, sup. 55- ■* Round, 52. In the Hundred Rolls (circa 1279) we find that in Oxfoi'dshire, when scutage was at 40^. the feodum militis, each yard-land paid 'z.s. 6d. , thus showing four hides to the feodum ; II. 708, cited Seebohm, E. V. C. 39. One carta has been cited where five hides are given as equal to one miles integer, but the next entry gives ten hides for the miles ; Liier Niger, I. 165, 166. ^ This was Selden's view. Titles of Honour. Mr. Round accepts the theory that the normal feodum militis was already an estate worth ;;'720 a year (6, 52), a view supported by Bishop Stubbs (C. H. I. 2S5) on the strength of an allegation made by the Canter- bury monks in 11S8 that the monastery had assigned to Lanfranc lands worth ;f200 a year to perform their military service for them (Epp. Cant. 225 ; Memorials R. J. V. II. ). But the number of milites to be produced for the ;if 200 is not given, and an estate of that value would be an amazing grant. The average hide in Domesday seems worth £1 a year or 2d. the acre. I suspect that the £20 feodum had reference to the status of a full knight, not of a mere esquire-;«;7i?j. For the average ;^I value of the hide, see Domesday and Beyond, 465. A.D. 1066-1087] LOGICAL DEDUCTIONS 141 system, military service was incumbent upon all as a primary national duty, no doubt in connexion with the ownership of land, but not in rela- tion to any lord, or by reason of holding the land of his grant. The readjustment of the old liability upon a new footing led to very startling . , , . consequences. Feudalism, in the minds of many, is bound up of the New with certain incidents known as Aids, Relief, Wardship FeudaUsm. Marriage, Primer Seisin, Escheat, Forfeiture. These, as we find them in our history, were apparently for the most part speciahties of the feudalism introduced by the Conqueror in connexion with military tenure. All were logical deductions from the theory of a grant in con- sideration of service in arms, but some of them were deductions that only strong-handed rulers could venture to draw. Under the name of Aid the lord was entitled to call upon his tenants for a pecuniary subvention to meet three very special requirements namely, to make his eldest son a knight ; to marry his eldest daughter; and to redeem his own person from captivity.' These Aids clearly were already known in Normandy.^ Under the name of Heriot, as we have seen, the Saxon lords were entitled to receive certain dues from the estate of a deceased tenant. „ ,. , These were in the nature of a debt due by the tenant, and in Keliei. . . , o respect of his personal property. In addition to these " we now hear of Relief {Relevium, Rdevatio), money exacted from an heir on taking possession, being in the nature of a fine for re-grant of the estate from the Crown. By Rufus it is clear that the amount was assessed at his will.* Later the exaction appears as Primer Seisin {Prima Seisifia), being fixed at one year's profits.^ Relief was paid if the heir was of full age. If he was under age the King claimed the Wardship of his person and estate during minority, Wardsii't) ^^''^out rendering any account of the rents, thus in fact re- entering on the estate, on the plea that a minor could not perform the due military service. On lands of socage tenure, that apparently conformed to old English custom, the Wardship of an infant was given to the nearest relative who could not inherit, and under a strict liability to render accounts.^ Then, when the tenant in chivalry came of age, he had to sue out " livery " of his lands, and for that he paid a ' See Stephens' ^/af/Jj^flK', I. 181 (ed. 1848). 2 Ducange, "Auxilium." See also Hallam, Middle Ages, I. 176 (ed. 1853). ^ The old heriots were clearly kept up ; Laws William Conq. I, 20 ; Henry I. c. 14, ss. 1-4. * See the charter of Henry I. disclaiming the practice, and especially the sums exacted from the undertenants of the See of Worcester (from whom no reliefs were due) at the death of Wulfstan ; Heming, CarttUary, I. 79 (Hearne), cited Round, sup. 60. * Stephens, sup. 183, 185. For Reliefs on the Continent, see Hallam, sup. 172. * Stephens, sup. 199. So too apparently in France, but the customs varied in places ; Hallam, 177, 17S. 142 CROWN PREROGATIVES [a.d. 1066-1087 further half-year's profits. But this was not all. Not only did the King claim the Wardship of the person and estate of a minor tenant in capite, whether male or female, but also the right of disposing of his or her hand in marriage, and that to the highest bidder. So clearly was Marriage. ..... . , ,,.,,, , , . . . ■' , this iniquitous right established, that the heir refusing the King's match would forfeit, if a male, double what the King had been offered {diipHcem valorem maritagii). If the recusant was a female, the King would be entitled to the Wardship of her lands till she attained the age of twenty-one, when otherwise she would have been held of age at fourteen years. The pretext again was that the lord was entitled to a voice in the marriage of a ward, lest he or she should carry the estate into the hands of an enemy. But this could have no valid application to the case of a male ; and in the case of a female the lord's rights would have been amply safeguarded by simply making his consent necessary. But with William and his son consent meant money. The only restriction to which the King's prerogative in this matter was subject was that the young tenant should be married " without disparagement," that is to say, not to a person of inferior rank, but to one of suitable position. 1 Forfeiture for treason or the like was well known to Anglo-Saxon Law. But with Norman times came the further doctrine of Escheat. If a man died without lineal heirs, or heirs embraced by the original and^tcheat S''^"'^' *^^ '^"*^ ^^^ ^^^'^ *° " ^^cheat " to the Crown. But this principle came most into play in connexion with the notorious doctrine of " Corruption of Blood." The blood of a man attainted of treason or felony was said to be " corrupted " ; he could leave no heritable issue ; he became a broken link, through which no descent could be traced, no title made. Any land the title to which would have to be carried through him would at once escheat to the Crovvn.^ Lastly, the Crown tenant in capite could not alienate his estate, even inter 'vivos, without license, while all right of alienation by will was wholly cut off.^ The reader will understand that the incidents here given applied in their integrity only to Crown tenants holding by military tenure. "Wardship" and " Marriage " did not apply to socage tenants-in-chief, but the other incidents did. Between underlords and their sub-tenants the incidents were greatly mitigated. If we regard, as we well may, the Great Bastard and his followers as a band of buccaneers on joint adventure, we must be struck with the amaz- ing ascendency over his comrades gained by the leading spirit, and the extraordinary share of the booty that he could secure for himself. We need not suppose the whole system of military tenures to have been fully developed in the days of the Conqueror, but we hold strongly to the ' Stephens, sup. 186-190. The right of " Marriage," again, was not unknown on the Continent; Hallam, sup. ^ Stephens, 184. ^ Id. 191. A.D. 1066-1087] DATE OF THE SYSTEM 143 view that in the theory and incidents of the liability to service we have a distinctly new departure, and one due to him. Of late years, no doubt, the tendency among scholars has been to regard the military tenure and its incidents, not as imported ready-made by the Conqueror, but as developed on English soil by a gradual Tenures process, and to a certain extent from the pre-existing English ■bv^wur"^*^ system.i The prevalence of the number 5 and its multiples in the general assessment for milites does suggest a connexion with the old five-hide unit. Even the system of creating feoda militum might be paralleled by the grants of the Saxon churches to their thegns.^ One writer on the other hand suggests that military tenure arose under Rufus, and that its incidents were invented by Ralph Flambard.^ But in the returns of 11 66 to which we have referred, several of the barons give their military services as dating ' from the Conquest.' The Histories and Cartularies of Abingdon, Ely, and Ramsey in like manner bear witness to the services of milites due to the Conqueror. Above all we have the writ of King William addressed to Abbot ^thelwig of Evesham, who died in 1077, requiring him to have his five milites and the milites of the district governed by him, ready at Clarendon by the Octaves of Pentecost.* Five milites were just the quota returned by Evesham in 1166.^ The apparent silence oi Domesday 7^^ to military tenure has been appealed to. But the question of the milites due to the Crown did not come withiii the scope of the Domesday inquiry. The King doubtless knew the number of milites due from each Baron. What he wanted to know was the real or estimated extent and value of their estates. But Domesday is not really silent as to military tenure ; it contains distinct reference to it, and in many cases the homines of Domesday can be identified with the milites of later documents.'' The question then resolves itself to this : Did William, a business-like and thorough-going man, impose military service here and there only, or did he estabhsh it as a general system ? With the evidence above given before us we need no longer disregard the statement of Matthew Paris that in 1070 William, at his own AiscK^ion {pro vohmtafe sua), Im^ossd. certain requirements of military service on all the bishoprics and abbeys of the kingdom, which till then had enjoyed immunity from all secular burdens. The allegation of Orderic, too, as to the 60,000 niilites, though wild in its figures, distinctly points to the establishment of something new in the way of a military system. Lastly, with respect to the incidents of military tenure, the Worcester exactions of 1095''' and the coronation charter ' See Bishop Stubbs, C. H. I. 283, 284. ^ Doiiusday aiid Beyond, 157-163. s Freeman, N. C. V. 376. * MS. Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV. f. 615, cited Round. The writ might be referred either to 1072 or 1075. 5 Round, Slip. 52-57. " 2l>., 58, 59. ' Jb., 308 ; above, 141, note ; and below, 203, note. 144 LEGISLATION [a.d. 1066-1087 of Henry I. inform us that the prerogatives ofRelief, Wardship, and Marriage had been not only exercised but grossly abused by his brother. "^ But Abuse of it is not easy to suppose that the abuse of these privileges *d ^*t '^v" ^^^^ \'\'iN?^ been carried to such lengths in the short reign of wiuiam William Rufus unless the privileges themselves had obtained Kufus. jgg^j recognition before his time. We may add that the one extant Pipe Roll of Henry I. frankly discloses the practice on his part of the very exactions he had forsworn. The estates of minors are farmed out ; and the hands of heiresses are sold, not merely to actual suitors, but to third parties on speculation and for re-sale.^ While the military system of the country was placed on a new footing by the introduction of Knights' Service, it does not appear that the liability under the old fyrd was remitted. The former provided heavy cavalry. Under the fyrd the sheriff would raise, when necessary, footmen and light-armed troops. Tenants in capite and others holding by socage tenure would be made amenable to the fyrd, and it even appears that tenants in chivalry might be called upon to supply men under this head, but our knowledge of the subject is very limited. Landowners not holding by Knights' Service or certain analogous tenures,^ but by simple payment of rent, or the like, mostly came to be known as " socage " tenants. The term Socage is clearly con- Tem^M. i^ficted with sbc, a soke or private franchise, and implies that the tenure was a survival of native feudalism, the tenure by which the freeholders of an Anglo-Saxon Manor had been wont to hold. Tenants in socage would be just the higher class of the sochemanni ot Domesday. In all tenures the reader is doubtless aware that there was a reciprocity of obligations, the lord being bound to defend his tenant, just as the tenant was bound to espouse his lord's quarrels. With the native Courts, public and private, and the native Codes, West Saxon, Mercian, and Danish, William interfered as little as possible. Compurgation, the Ordeal, Frithborh, now termed Frank- LegSlation P^^'^S^' ^""^ ^^^ Trinoda Necessitas still hold good. The Witenagemot meets as the Concilium Magnum Regis. The chief legislative innovations that can be ascribed to the Conqueror were the severance of the Ecclesiastical from the Civil Courts ; the requirement of homage from undertenants; the judicial combat; and the responsibility for the lives of Frenchmen thrown on the Hundreds, The unwritten severities of the Forest Laws elude investigation. The reissue of Old 1 Select Charters, 96 ; Thorpe, I. 497 ; and especially the revised text of F. Lieber- mann, Eng. Hist. Review, VIII. 21. 2 Pipe JioU 11 Henry 1., passim (Hunter, Record Commission). ' Such as Grand Serjeanty, or the performance of some honourable service to the King's person, as to carry his sword or banner. Petit Serjeanty, again, was tenure on condition of rendering some implement of war or the chase. Frankalmoin was a. tenure for churches and charities, involving no services at all. A.D. 1066-1087] OLD LAWS AND NEW ONES 145 English Law has been already noticed. Of original legislation that can be traced to William, the ordinance separating the Ecclesiastical from the Civil Courts, and a short statute of ten clauses or chapters contain the substance.! The latter may be regarded as giving a summary of the points, old or new, to which the King attached most importance. First and above all things he enjoins the worship of the one God, Direct ti]g keeping of the Faith in Christ, and maintenance of peace Under- between Englishmen and Normans. Next he requires an to^^ff oath of allegiance to himself from all freemen, and as against all men, "^inor out of England.'^ This would take in under- tenants as well as tenants-in-chief, bringing all classes into direct relation with the Crown, as already pointed out. The King then declares that his will is that all men who had either accompanied or followed him to 'Present- England should be under his 'peace and quiet' (/« pace mea mentof _ et qitiete). If any of them be killed the lord of the manor to produce the murderer within five days, or else pay forty-six marks {£,2-^ to the King. Failing the lord, the Hundred to make good the amount.^ In the King's re-issue of English Law (the Franco-Latin Code), the obligation is laid on the Hundred without any reference to the lord of the manor, * and this apparently became the later practice. It also became customary to treat all persons made away with as foreigners, ^ . unless the contrary was proved by ' Presentment of Eng- Battle. lishry.'^ The next novelty is the judicial Wager of Battle, a Norman custom ; and here we may say that in this matter natives and foreigners do not seem to be placed quite on a par. An Englishman may challenge a Frenchman to battle 'for perjury, murder, robbery, or any other matter properly cognisable by combat or ordeal ' — " both modes of procedure, be it noted, being regarded as appeals to the judgment of Heaven. If the [Englishman insists on the combat the Frenchman must fight ; but if the Englishman shrinks from that test, the foreigner is not driven to the ordeal. He may clear himself on oath with witnesses 'after Norman Law.' On the other hand the Englishman challenged by a Frenchman for a matter of the same sort must either fight it out or go to the ordeal by hot iron, no compurgation apparently being allowed to him. But if he is too infirm to bear arms himself, he 'See these Select Charters, 80, 81. ^ Select Charters, 80, cc. 1, z. Conf. Schmid, and Thorpe, Laws, III. c. 2. The text of these latter contains chapters and passages disclaiming the right to impose tallages and other matters suggestive of a date later than that of Magna Charta, if not of the time of Edward I. See Bishop Stubbs, Hoveden, II. xxii.-xlii. The text in Select Charters is taken from the Bodleian MS. Rawlinson C. 461, A. D. 1 180-1 igo. ' Select Charters, and Schmid, and Thorpe, stip. c. 3. * Schmid, and Thorpe, Laws, I. c. 22. ^ Legg. Henry I. c. 92, s. 6; Blachstone (Stephen), IV. 140 ; Dialogtis de Scaccario, printed Select Charters, 193. <■ D6m. R. H. — VOL. II. L 146 ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTIONS [a.d. 1066-1087 may put forward a lawful substitute.^ In any case the defeated part)', whether French or English, pays i,os. to the King.^ For all offences involving outlawry the King requires , Englishmen to go to the ordeal, the Frenchman again having the alternative of clearing himself on oath, if not held to a battle-wager.^ 'Soot and ^ declaration that all Frenchmen settled in England 'on Lot ' Fran- Scot and Lot ' since the time of the Confessor should be held chise. Englishmen, testifies to the antiquity of that well-known fran- chise. Then the King ordains that the ' Law of King Eadward,' as amended by himself, shall be held throughout the land, and Crafessor * decrees finally that criminals shall not be put to death, but blinded or emasculated. This system had already been adopted by Cnut, doubtless in order that the sight of the wretched victims should act as an enduring deterrent.* The provisions of the existing law that the King thought it well to emphasize were the prohibitions against deahngs in cattle, except in towns and before witnesses, the prohibition of the export of slaves, and the regulations of Frithborh, otherwise Frank- pledge. This as a measure of police would recommend itself strongly to the King, and he dwells on it accordingly .^ The ordinance removing the cognizance of spiritual causes from the ordinary Courts of the Hundred, and giving the bishops a new jurisdiction of their own, is expressed to be issued by the advice of a ^""^Courts^"*^ ^'^^"'^ Council of spiritual and lay Magnates {principum), a regular Witenagemot. The King, after premising that before his time the Canon Law had not been duly regarded in England, decrees that from thenceforth no bishop or archdeacon shall entertain ' pleas of Episcopal Law in any Hundred Court';^ or bring any matter relating to the governance of souls (ad regimen animaruni) under the cognizance of laymen ; but that every person impleaded for any cause or offence ' acicording to Episcopal Law ' shall appear before the bishop, as and where cited, to answer, not according to Hundred Law, ' but according to the Canons and Episcopal Law.' Parties failing to appear after three citations to be excommunicated. The bishops are empowered to impose fines for non-appearance, and the sheriffs are required, if necessary, to back up the Bishop's authority with that of the King, but they and all other laymen are strictly precluded from interfering in matters appertain- ing to the jurisdiction of the bishops.'^ It will be seen that the King 1 See Select Charters, stif. c. 6 ; and Schmid, and Thorpe, Laws, III. 12. But see also their Zazwj-, II. cc. i, 2, where the Englishman does seem to have the alternative of clearing himself on oath. ^ Select Charters, sup. ^ Schmid, II. c. 3. ^ Select Charters, cc. 4, 7, lo ; Schmid, and Thorpe, III. cc. 4, 13, 17. ^ Select Charters, cc. S, 8, 9 ; Schmid, and Thorpe, sup. cc. 10, 14, 15. " " De legibus episcopalibus . . . in himdret placita teneant." ' " De legibus quae ad episcopum pertinent " ; Schmid, 357 ; Thorpe, I. 495. In the A.D. 1066-1087] LAY OFFICERS 147 here invests the bishops with uncontroUed jurisdiction over a class of cases left very much to their own determination, thus, in fact, giving them legislative as well as judicial powers. No wonder, therefore, that the clergy soon began to reject all lay authority, arrogating to themselves the decision of all questions in which they or their interests were con- cerned. But the measure was quite in keeping with the Church prin- ciples which, under the influence of the genius of Hildebrand, were generally taking shape. As such William's legislation would recommend itself to Lanfranc. By abolishing the mixed courts William probably thought that he was simply getting rid of an insular anomaly. As a matter of fact he was opening the door for sacerdotal pretensions that were destined to prove the stumbling-blocks of future centuries. If William was not a legislator, and perhaps not an organizer, he was certainly a man of method. We have already suggested that the insti- Curia Reels ''■^'^'°" '^^ ^ High Court of Justiciary {Curz'a liegis) may be ascribed to him, Yet, again, we hear that reference is not to be made to the King till after recourse to the Hundred, as under Saxon law.i We may also give him credit for a more organized Chancery and Treasury than England had yet known. The Chancellor was Chancellor ''^^ Secretary of State for all departments, the chief of the King's chaplains and scribes, conducting the King's corre- spondence, and keeping the Great Seal for the authentication of docu- ments. The agency and authority of the Sheriffs was doubtless greatly extended, the functions of the Earls, for political reasons, being put into the back- ■a ground, even where their services were not wholly dispensed with, as was the case throughout the greater part of the kingdom. 2 Great as the estates of some of William's Barons were, they were small iu comparison with those of Eadwine or Harold, and William was careful not to allow his feudatories to accumulate a dangerous extent of territory in any one district. " The estates of Odo lay in seventeen counties, those of Robert of Mertain in twenty; Eustace of Boulogne had fiefs in twelve counties, and Hugh of Avranches in twenty-one, besides his palatine earldom." ^ Of William's revenue, for want of data,, we can only give a very con- jectural estimate. Orderic put his landed income alone, without the returns from the administration of justice, gifts, or direct taxes,* at the King's Code of English Law payment of Peter's Pence may be enforced either by " justice de seinte ecclise," or by the King's justice ; Laws, I. c. 17, ss. 2, 3 ; Schniid. ' Laws, I. c. 17, a. 3, and cc. 24, 43. ^ See above for the actual earldoms and the counties in hand, pp. 95-9S. 3 Stubbs, Const. Hist. I. 295, citing Gneist, Self- Government, I. 66: "There are forty-one great vassals, each of whom has estates in more than si.x counties." ■* " Exceptis muneribus Regiis, reatuum redemptionibus," etc., 523. 148 THE REVENUE [a.d. 1066-1087 sum of _;^i,o6i \os. 2,d. per diem, say ;£^39S,ooo a year, an estimate which we only notice to show the lengths of extravagance to E^^rae^ which respectable chroniclers could run when dealing with figures. William's landed revenue — if all paid up — a very doubt- ful point, would not have amounted to ^20,000 a year.* Orderic multi- plies it twenty-fold. The best basis that we can suggest for estimating the Conqueror's revenue is that supplied by the one extant Pipe Roll of his son Henry. In the thirty-first year of his reign, when England must have been in a much more fruitful condition than at any time under his father, his income, everything included, did not reach ;^30,ooo.^ Beyond that sum the reader may take it that William's ordinary income never went. But it must be borne in mind that the £,x of the time was a pound weight of silver, and therefore contained more than three times as much silver as the ;£\ of to-day. That at once would raise William's ;^3o,ooo Puroliasmg *° ;^9°i°°° of our money. But the purchasing power of a Power of given weight of silver was indefinitely greater then than now. How much greater it seems impossible to say, the factors in the calculation being open to so much doubt. In the Pipe Roll of Henry I. we have several entries to the effect that the wage of an able-bodied watchman or soldier on duty in a castle was a penny a day (^j[,\ 10^. 51/. a year),^ where a man of that description nowadays would probably receive three shillings a day, or thirty-six times as much. Then a knight's charger is given as worth ^2, where an officer's charger at the present day might easily cost ;Q%o or ^i^ioo, forty to fifty times as much. Again we liave an ox taken at three shillings, and a flock of sheep in Berkshire at about fourpence halfpenny a head. We may safely assume that the animals of the time were small, and greatly inferior to those of the present day. The three-shilling ox might be compared to the small Irish animal now bought for £,(> to ;Q\ 2, while the Berkshire sheep might be rated at 1 5 j-. to 30J'. each ; that is to say, as worth forty to eighty times the price of the time of Henry I. Mr. Ruding thought that William's income ought to be multiplied by thirty-six to give its modern equivalent.* But if the above calculations are worth anything, we ought to multiply by forty or fifty. Between these limits Wilham's income would be equivalent to from one to two millions of our money. This, of course, would be exclusive of the revenue of Normandy, of which we can give no estimate. Of the great Danegeld of 1084, little probably went into William's ' The rents of the Royal lands in twenty-one out of thirty-three counties, as given in Domesday, when added up, make ;^9,900, suggesting a total of jf Ij.ooo. Mr. C. Vearson, however, asserts that ;^I 7,000 a year can be made from Domesday, and he would add ;£'3,ooo for the omitted towns and the North, a large allowance. See his Jiisiory of England in Ea}-ly and Middle Ages, I. 385, 665. - See below, under Henry's reign. ^ pp. 137, 138. So we find Lanfranc allowing a monk's mother thirty shilHngs u year for her supjjort ; Eadm. Hist. N. 14. ■" Annals of Coinage, I. 147. A.D. 1066-1087] DANEGELD 149 pocket. It was a war tax, raised for and expended on military prepara- tions. If the net value of the average hide of land was ^1,^ geidf^' *^^ ^^^ ^'^ ^^^ shillings the hide would come to thirty-three per cent, a crushing impost ; but the records of the collection of the tax in the five Western counties preserved in the Exon Domesday make it clear that it was paid, and paid at that rate. The amount for those counties is given as something less than ;^2,ooo.^ The total assessment for Danegeld in the 31st year of Henry I., with full allowance for returns wanting, comes to about ;^5,ioo. If the rate in his time was two shillings on the hide, as apparently it was, then the Conqueror's six shillings on the hide should have yielded ;^i5,3oo. The impost of 1084 is commonly spoken of as a treble Danegeld. The original authorities give it no special name. They simply speak of it as a levy of six shillings or seventy-two pence on the hide. We have seen that two shillings per hide was the -ordinary contribution towards the expenses of a man for the fyrd for one month. The tax of 1084 must really have been a " scutage," a payment of which we shall hear enough hereafter, a com- position for military service.^ William let the fyrd remain in peace, but called on the people to provide three times the usual cost of a fyrd for the hire of foreign soldiers. The tax was called a Danegeld, that being the only known term for a direct land tax. The entries in the Exon Domesday also show that other Danegelds had been imposed by William,* but neither the times at which they were demanded, nor the rates at which they were levied have been made out. No change was made by William in the currency, the silver penny being still the only piece struck. It contained twenty grains Tower of silver, the supposed standard being thirty-two grains of wheat taken from Cummcv '•'^^ middle of a good average ear. Broken into two or four pieces, the penny served for halfpence and farthings ; and 240 pence still made £^\} But the shilling was now reckoned as equivalent to twelve pence, the ora or ounce to twenty pence, and the mark to thirteen shilhngs and four pence, these being only moneys of account. Gold simply passed by weight. The oft-quoted Pipe Roll of Henry I. shews that the mark of gold passed as equal to £,(> of silver, making the ratio just nine to one. 1 So Domesday Studies, S. Moore, I. 33 ; and O. C. Pell, Id. 227 ; and Domesday itself passim. In Kent the hide miglit rise to 2^s. or 30J. per year value ; but more often it fell below the £\. See Domesday and Beyond, 463, 464. 2 Stubbs, Const. Hist:\. 303. ' Scutage is usually supposed to have been first levied in 1156 ; Stubbs, Const. Hist. I. 491, 493 ; Freeman, N. C. V. 674. But Mr. Round {Knighfs Service, 33) cites a charter of Henry I., apparently of the year 1127, in which scutage is referred to as a. standing institution, " quando scutagium currebat"; MS. Cott. Nero A. 15; Liber Eliensis (MS.), Lib. III. No. 21. ^ J. H. Round, Domesday Studies, I. 82. ' Ruding, Annals of Mint, I. 7, 146. The writer asserts that William's pennies closely imitated those of Harold, but the specimens engraved by him do not bear this out. 150 FOREIGN CLERGY [a.d. 1066-1087 On the English Church the effects of the Conquest were analogous to those wrought by it on the State. It was a time of cruel hardship to the native clergy, but one leading to more healthy and ^^wch^'' ^^0°'^°"^ ^'^^ '" ^^ future. The lethargic crust apt to gather round Establishments too closely connected with the State was rubbed off, and the Church "started on a new career." But the process was a painful one. We have seen the kind of treatment that English Chapters — difficult bodies to deal with no doubt — could receive at the hands of Norman abbots. For natives the door to high preferment was practically closed. At William's death AVulfstan of Worcester was the only English bishop left, and within the following half-century we can trace but one or two men with English names raised to the Episcopate. For the lower orders the introduction of a priesthood who could not speak English must " have -been almost tantamount to a suppression of the Church."! Even the old Saxon saints were removed from the calendar, and new objects of adoration set up in their places. William's bishops, however, were mostly well selected, and they were, at any rate, men with more knowledge of the world, and with a wider range of ideas, than their predecessors. But "like the king, they realized their new position as Englishmen by adoption, entering immediately on all the claims of their predecessors." Again the cause of education and letters could not fail to gain through the influence of such an accomplished scholar as Lanfranc. By the severance of the ecclesiastical from the civil courts William gave the clergy a certain freedom of action and an independent jurisdiction, which, in the following century, through the development of the Canon Law, attracted to their cognizance a large mass of business, and notably in connexion with wills and matrimonial causes. They also acquired a "more definite civil status than they had ever possessed before," and one to a certain extent " external " to the common law of the land j while the growth of Hildebrandine ideas brought them into closer relations with the Papacy,^ " the common sensorium of Europe." But William had no idea of allowing any Papal or Ecclesiastical inter- ference with his government. The Royal Supremacy was never more _ J effectually asserted than by him.^ Eadmer gives us three Supremacy rules of stringent simplicity laid down by him, which supplied Maintained. ^^ j^g^^j ^^^^^ ^^ which subsequent Kings took their stand in their struggles with the Papacy. No Pope to be recognised without his leave, and no letters from any Pope to be delivered till after they had been shewn to him. Nothing to be done in any Episcopal Synod or Council except with his previous consent. ' Lappenberg, Norman Kings (Thorpe), 142. ^ See Bishop Stubbs, sup. 304, 307, 30S. ^ Freeman, N. C. IV. 437. A.D. 1066-10S7] MONASTICISM 151 No tenant-in-chief to be excommunicated or subjected to any ecclesi- astical censure, except by his orders (iiisi ejus preceptd)}- Anselm adds that William Rufus further insisted that no Papal Legate should land without royal license.^ Monasticism received a decided impulse^ from Lanfranc. He re- organized Christ Church Canterbury, which, though in theory a mon- astery, had at all times partaken of a mixed character, contain- Monastioism '"S "many clergy who were not monks, and many monks who were only so in name." The Chapter was now placed on a strictly monastic footing, the married canons being expelled, and tlie unmarried canons reduced to the profession and position of monks* So at Rochester Bishop Gundulf removed the four or five married canons whom he found in possession, replacing them by monks, and adding largely to their numbers and endowment.^ A like change, again, was effected by William of St. Carilef at Durham, where at his coming there were neither monks nor canons professing any rule. After due consult- ation with King, Queen, Lanfranc, and Pope Gregory, he handed over the church and relics of St. Cuthberht to monks brought from the newly refounded monasteries of Jarrow and AVearmouth, the old canons, almost to a man, refusing to 'profess.'" On the other hand there was a party of Secular (as opposed to Regular) bishops, led by Walkelin of Winchester, who wished to expel all monks from the cathedrals, and substitute canons. He had taken steps towards carrying out this purpose in his own church, when he was arrested by the opposition of Lanfranc, and a Bull from Alexander IL''' On the whole, the struggle between Regulars and Seculars for the possession of the cathedral churches ended in a drawn battle. By the end of the century half the Chapters were in the hands of monks, to remain monastic until the Reformation, the other half resting with the canons.* But in no branch of the national life was such a marked and wonderful change wrought by the Normans as in things connected with the builder's art. Here we have an absolutely new departure. English ArcMtecture architecture, whether civil or ecclesiastical, dates from the Conquest. To our Anglo-Saxon forefathers we owe nothing in that domain. Their edifices were humble in design, and inartistic in execution. Both for Minster and Castle the invaders brought in larger ideas of what ought to be done. On the gloomy Keeps of impregnable 1 Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 10. ° Anselm, Epp. III. 40, ciled Stubbs, sup. 310. ^ " Coenobialis grex excrevit " ; W. Malm. G. R. ». 278. ■• Stubbs, Memorials of Rich. I. vol. II. xxiii., etc. (Epp. Cant.) ; W. Malm. G. F. 3. 44. ^ Auglia Sacr. I. 337 ; W. Malm. sup. ^ Symeon, H. D. E. p. 120, etc. Above, 120. ' Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18 ; W. Malm. sup. ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 376. ^ See Bp. Stubbs, Const. Hist. I. 311, and for more, his brilliant sketch of the history of English Monasticism, Memorials Rich. I. sup. 152 ARCHITECTURE [a.d. 1066-1087 masonry that now began to tower above the palisaded earthworks of earlier days the modern spectator looks with an involuntary shudder, as he sees in them monuments of the rule of the sword. Forty-nine castles are named in Domesday, and we are told that the list might be doubled. But half of these occupied old sites, and were, in the first instance probably, but developments of old defences. Of the numerous remains of the Norman era it would seem that but little can be attributed with certainty to the reigns either of the Conqueror or of his son Rufus, the bulk of extant structures belonging to the following century, when the work of castle-building was prosecuted with great vigour. The White Tower of London, as a whole, certainly belongs to the time of the Conqueror, but the details have been much altered at different times, and the exterior entirely recased. The masonry is much in advance of that of his time.^ St. Leonard's Tower, West Mailing, Kent, is prob- ably one of the very oldest extant Keeps in the country, being the work of Bishop Gundulf of Rochester (1077-1108). "It does not appear to have been ever repaired or even pointed. It is of rubble, the stones being pretty much as they came from the quarry, of all shapes, but rarely containing more than a foot cube." ^ With these we may take the Keep of Colchester Castle, dating however from the time of Rufus.^ To the church architecture of the time we turn with more sympathetic interest. Of twenty of our older cathedrals thirteen at least show por- tions belonging to the Norman era. Lan franc led the way. Churches. , ,.°° , , ,., ,. ,„ , undertakmg about the year 1070 the rebuildmg of Canterbury, recently destroyed by fire. Bishop Walkelin went to work at Winchester about the same time, and Bishop Gundulf at Rochester in 1077. Two years later we have Robert Losenge beginning operations at Hereford. In 1082 Abbot Syraeon was rebuilding the Minster of St. ^thelthryth at Ely, and in 1089, Abbot Serlo that of St. Peter at Gloucester. At the very close of the reign, or more probably after it, Remigius laid the founda- tions of Lincoln Cathedral. Of the actual time of the Conqueror one of the finest relics may be seen in the tower and transepts of St. Albans, built under Lanfranc's supervision by Abbot Paul, his nephew if not his son.* But the visible remains clearly belonging to the reigns of William and his eldest son are so slight that the subject will best be taken in con- nexion with the more important movements of the time of his second son.5 All equally were an outcome of the Church revival specially associated with the name of Hildebrand, destined shortly to lead to fur- ther architectural results in the development of the glorious Pointed Style. 1 For a full description see Clark, Military Archil. II. 203, etc. 2 Id. II. 292. 3 /^. I. 423. " M. Paris, Gesla Abbatum, S. Albani, I. 51 ; Freeman. The money for the church was said to have been found by Lanfranc, but as the Abbey was in his hands the funds probably came from the Abbey revenues ; Id, 53. ^ See below under Henry I. A.D. 1066-1087] LETTERS AND TRADE 153 In the sphere of letters, again, we may see in the works of Eadmer, or .... William of Malmesbury, and of Orderic the fruits of Norman training upon English intellects. Norman energy, Norman spirit of adventure, Norman turn for organization and method infused new Enffland a ^'^^ '"'■° *^^ conquered race, and turned its dormant energies European to practical purpose. England was now introduced into " the circle of European interests," to which, in spite of " occasional matrimonial aUiances and complimentary embassies, it had practically been a stranger." ^ Among the importations of the Conquest we may reckon the Semitic element, now so prominent in English life. Of Jews before that time we First appear- ''eally hear nothing. The clause in the so-called Laws of ance of Jews Edward the Confessor, which places them under the King's special protection is, of course, of Norman date, if not a mere interpolation. ^ Again the passages in the Penitential of Arch- bishop Theodore, which refer to Jews, are not to be found in the best text,3 and in any case may be taken to have been copied from the canonical legislation of other countries. On the other hand we hear of Jews being brought by the Conqueror from Rouen and settled in London*; while our earliest Norman Records exhibit the Jews as a noteworthy class, apparently engaged in trade, and making such profits as to enable them to stand the most cruel exactions. Two prevalent errors may here be noticed. The one is that Norman French became the language of the higher Law Courts in the time of the Conqueror; and the other is that the Curfew was introduced by him as a special measure of coercion against English discontent. The Curfew Bell was a police regulation universal throughout medieval Europe ; while Norman French was not established as the language of the Law till the time of Henry IIL Till then all official documents, laws, writs, charters were drawn up mostly in Latin, but occasionally in English.^ The two tongues, French and English, flowed on, side by side, without coalescing till the time of the wars of Edward III. The blending was hardly com- pleted in the reign of Henry V. Down to Tudor days Romance words adopted into the language were pronounced according to the French, not according to the English accent.^ ■WUUam's By Matilda, daughter of Baldwin V., Count of Flanders Issue. (she died 2nd November, loSs),''' William had issue : ' Lappenberg. " C. 25, Thorpe. In Schmid the clause is wholly omitted. "■ See the Penitential, c. xvi. s. 35 ; c. xlii. s. I ; c. xlvii. a. I, ed. Thorpe, coni- paritig the Concilia of Haddan and Stubbs, III. 173. * So some MSS. of Malmesbury's G.R. a. 317 (vol. II. p. 371, ed. Stubbs). '^ Palgrave. The earliest extant charter in French was granted by Stephen Langton ; Pauli. " See Lancaster and York, I. 308. ' Chron. E; and above, 124. The name appears as Mahtild, Mahelt, and Mahaut. 154 THE KING'S ISSUE [a.d. 1066-1087 Robert, Duke of Normandy, born circa 1056 (not before 1054), ^ died at Cardiff loth February, 11 34. By Sibylla of Conversana (she died 1102, Ord., 812) he had one son, William, elected Count of Flanders, 1127; died of a wound 11 28, s.p. Richard, died, too young to be knighted, either of an accident suffered, or of a fever contracted while hunting in the New Forest.^ William Rufus. Henry I. Cecilia, born circa 1055 (?), consecrated in 1075 a nun at the Holy Trinity Caen, of which she became abbess in 11 12; died there 13th July, 1 1 27.3 Adelidis or Adelaide, promised to Harold (?), died unmarried, and prob- ably young.* Matilda, betrothed or promised to Eadwine (?), afterwards betrothed to Alfonso of Leon, Castile, and Gallicia, but apparently died on her way to Spain (before 1080). ^ Constance, betrothed to Allan Fergant of Brittany in 1076, married to him when Count in 1086, died 13th August, 1090, s.p.'' Adela, married in 1086 to Stephen, Count of Blois and Chartres, son of Theobald HI. She died 1137, and had, besides other issue, WiUiam, by marriage Lord of Sully ; Theobald, who succeeded his father ; Stephen ; , ■ and Henry, Bishop of Winchester.^ ' Freeman, N.C. IV. 123, citing Bouet, Saint Etienne, p. 8. 2 Orderic, 573 ; W. Malm. G.R. ss. 274, 275. ^ Orderic, 548 ; Green, Princesses of England, I. 3, 8. * W. Malm. step. s. 276 ; W. Jum. Conl. 310. That Adelaide was tlie second daughter appears from the letter cited by Mrs. Green, sup. 9, 10. ^ Ord. sup., wliere she is called Agatha, and treated as the betrothed of Harold ; so also W. Malm. sup. That William had u daughter Matilda appears from Domesday, and that she was the third daughter appears from the letter cited by Mrs. Green above ; see also Princesses, I. 16, 407. ° Freeman, sup. 637, 651, 816 ; Green, sup. 31. ' Ord. 573, 574; W. Malm. sup. ; Green, sup. 34-71. CHAPTER XI WILLIAM II., SURNAMED " LE RUS," "RUFUS" OR 'THE RED ' *■ Born 105S-1060 (?) 2 Crowned 26th September, 10S7. Died 2nd August, iioo (killed in the New Forest) A.D. 1087-1089 Accession and Coronation of the King — Baronial Rising in Favour of his Brother Robert — The English stand by William — The Rising Suppressed — Death of Archbishop Lanfranc WILLIAM, the second surviving son of the Conqueror, may have been from twenty-seven to twenty-nine years old at the time of his father's death. He was a young man of strong character, marked individuality, and considerable gifts. We are told that his talents would have placed him in the front rank in the estimation of his time had not his position been overshadowed by the greatness of his father.^ In their personal intercourse the two were linked by the sympathy of kindred ,„.,„ , _ natures. The father loved to have his son beside him, and William s Re- , . lationa with the son had a deep respect for everything connected with his IS a er. f^^^^-^i Rufug probably looked up to his father as the one being of whom he was afraid, the one man of stronger will and higher intelligence than his own. In outward make the younger William was "a caricature " of the elder, having his strength and stoutness without his height. For Rufus, in his sad career, some allowance might be made as for one suddenly launched, without previous training or discipline, into all the temptations of irresponsible power. William of Malmesbury gives his parents credit for having bestowed upon him a careful education.'' 1 Ord. 663, etc. ; " Le Rus Rei," G. Garmar I. 266 (Rolls ed.) ; " William the Rede," J. Capgrave, Chrmi. p. 130. 2 William of Malmesbury says that Rufus was born phcribus annis before his father's accession ; G. li. a. 305. His brothers Robert and Richard certainly, and his sister Cecilia apparently, were older than he was. The Conqueror's children appear to have been born at intervals of about a year and a half on the average. If Rufus was the fourth child, he might have been born about 1059. If there were two elder sisters, he might not have been born till after 1060. ^ " Incomparabilis procul dubio nostro tenipore princeps si non eum magnitudo patris obrueret"; W. Malm. sup. The writer was born under Rufus. "In militari pro- bitate et seculari dapsilitate viguit"; Ord. 663. The last phrase may perhaps be rendered ' political resource. ' * W. Malm. j;(/. * " Ingenti cura parentum altus." 156 THE NEW KING [a.d. 1087 That was doubtless true of athletic training, and perhaps to some extent of literary culture also. But it is clear that the Conqueror's jealousy of power withheld from his sons all opportunities of developing by practice the higher moral qualities essential to rulers. No freedom of action, no special sphere of duty was ever given them. Apart from Robert's one expedition to Scotland they seem to have been kept in leading strings. In martial exercises, however, young William's strength and ^TraiSn^'" courage fitted him to shine. In skirmishing encounters, we are told, no lance was ever more prompt to challenge an adversary than his. But for some ten years, from the time of Robert's first rebellion and disgrace, his ambition had been excited by the hopes of succession thereby opened up. These were so constantly before his eyes that the rising talents of his brother Henry, now nineteen years old, were not viewed by him without suspicion.^ Naturally, therefore, he lost no time in acting on his father's nomination to the Crown of England, when at last it was announced. He hastened off with his ^y^L^nfranc^ ^^''^"^ '•° Lanfranc, taking with him two precious hostages — Wulfnoth the brother of Harold, and Earl Morkere. But his first steps were not directed to Canterbury. He went straight to Winchester,^ the old seat of government, where the Royal hoard was still kept. Having secured his hold on this, and recommitted his prisoners to final captivity,^ he sought out Lanfranc, who, without demur, accepted his credentials, took him to London, and pushed his cause with such zeal, and c d ^"'^ ^° sw^ purpose, that he was able forthwith to arrange for at Westmin- his coronation. On Sunday, 26th September,* just seventeen ^*^'^" days after the death of the Conqueror, the hallowing rite was performed at Westminster. Of any election to the Crown nothing is said. Some form of the sort may have been gone through. But at any rate the appeal to the people in the coronation office would preserve the memory of the constitutional doctrine. With respect to the form of service followed on the occasion Eadmer has it that Lanfranc at first was not altogether favourable to young William, and that the latter, to gain his support, took a voluntary oath ''°Oath''°° '•'^ "^^^ ^'''^ justice, mercy, and equity; to maintain good peace, and uphold the rights of the Church ; and to follow ' "Jam successioni inhians, maxime post abdicationem fratris majoris, cum et tirocinium minoris nonnihil suspiceret " ; W. Malm. sup. ^ Florence. As Rufus sailed from Touques he probably landed at Porcliester or Southampton. ' Morkere ended his days in bonds. Wulfnoth, apparently, was allowed to exchange his prison for the cloister, as he is said to have died a monk at Salisbury ; Lappenberg, 220 ; Freeman, Wm. liufus, I. 14. * Chron. E, and Florence (27th September, Malm. ; 29th September, Orderic). The Peterborough Chronicle, E, is now the only one left. A.D. 1087] ENGLISH AND NORMANS 157 the Archbishop's counsels in all things.^ Apart from the promise to follow Lanfranc's lead, the pledges ascribed to William follow so closely the words of the coronation oath, that we may take that to have been the real basis of Eadmer's statement, which thus becomes a valuable testimony to the continuity of the coronation ritual. But Lanfranc may well have taken pains to impress upon his Royal pupil — he was said to have had some hands in his education^ — the solemn import of the pledges that he was giving to the nation. Of the claims of the representatives of the native dynasties, of Eadgar the ^theling, or of Ulf the posthumous son of Harold,^ no question His Accession ^^^ raised, or could be raised, for this reason among others, HaUed by that the men whose thoughts might have turned to such a ^ '^^ ^ • quarter, the native English, were just the men who supported Rufus. It is clear that his accession was hailed by them with satisfaction,* not from any preference for him personally, but because his rule implied separation from Normandy, and offered a prospect of a King who would live at home and follow a domestic policy. To secure the affections of these well-disposed people, and show his regard for his father's Will, the young King hastened back to Winchester to make lavish distribution of his father's wealth. We are told that he gave varying sums of gold and silver to every minster and every 'upland' church in England. To the counties ;£^ioo apiece were said to have been sent for distribution among the poor.^ The autumn passed without further incidents, the Christmas Feast being kept in London. '^ But the reign of peace was not to last. To the great feudatories with estates on both sides of the Channel, William's accession to the Crown of England was as distasteful as it was welcome to the native tion of tiie English. They objected to the severance of England from Norman Normandy ; they foresaw that betweeri the two over-lords they would have a difficult part to play, and that sooner or later they would be driven to elect between their allegiance to the King and their allegiance to the Duke. If there was to be one ruler for both countries Robert was clearly preferable to his brother. Robert's rule would certainly be nominal ; the government of William Rufus would ' " Coepit Lanfranco promittere justiciam misericordiam et requitatem se per totum regnum si rex foret in omni negotio ser^'aturum ; pacem, libertatem et securitatem «cclesiarum contra omnes defensurum," etc. ; Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. 2 So W. Malm. G. R. s. 305 ; "nutrierat." ^ Ulf was in William's hands at his death. Robert set him free along with Duncan of Scotland, son of Malcolm Canmore by his first wife ; Florence. * So the Chronicle 'all men in England submitted to him and took oaths to him.' ^ Chron. I don't know if the figures can be trusted. Sixty pence are said to have been given to each ' upland ' church, and from six to ten marks of gold to each minster. .■\s the mark contained eight ounces, and each ounce of gold was worth £(>, the gifts to the minsters would run from ;^288 to .^480 each. '' Chron. 158 BARONIAL [a.d. 1088 probably be pretty effectual. They declared therefore for the rights of primogeniture. The scheme was laid before Duke Robert, who, without calculating the chances of success, accepted the offer of the Crown of England off-hand. "^ The Crown ^^ urged his friends to hasten over to England to pave the Offered way, promising speedy support. Among the leaders named were Bishop Odo, Eustace II. of Boulogne, and Robert, eldest Loaders of son of Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, lord through his mother of „ ^'^^ the inheritance of Alencon and Belleme.'' As for Odo, he was Conspiracy. ^ ' not satisfied with the prospect of the position that he would hold in England under Rufus. He bore a deadly hatred to Lanfranc, who would hold the first place in the young King's councils ; nor could he even aspire to the second place, as William had taken the Bishop of Durham, William of St. Carilef, as his chief executive Minister.^ That the Norman barons were not actuated by any regard for Robert's rights is plain from the fact that their first move on hearing of the Con- queror's death was to show their contempt for his son's authority by ousting the Royal garrisons prudently kept by William in the chief castles, and replacing them by men of their own. The people shuddered at the prospect of a return to. unbridled feudalism and landlord government.* That Odo was the heart and soul of the conspiracy all are agreed. He doubtless provided the brains of the party. Among those prepared to follow his lead were his brother Robert of Mortain — a dull, heavy man,* of no personal influence ; Geoffrey Bishop of Coutances, his nephew, Robert of Mowbray {Molbrai, Mulbrei) " Earl of Northumberland,'' and Hugh of Grand-Mesnil Sheriff of Leicester.* Earl Roger of Mont- gomery himself held a middle course, to be paralleled by the action of great men in much later days. His eldest son went out openly ; his third son, Roger of Poitou, Lord of Lancaster, kept pretty loyal; while he himself, though reckoned an enemy to the King, kept close to his side.*^ Another prelate who was induced to desert was William of St. Carilef, the Bishop of Durham. The conduct of the two Bishops seems most strange, and in fact disgraceful. Geoffrey had been constantly employed, and enriched 1 " Ille utpote levis et inconsideratus valde gavisus est promissis inutilibus"; Orel. 666. "' Ord. sup. 3 Freeman, Win. Rufus, I. 23, 24. William of St. Carilef became Bishop of Durham in 1081, in succession to Walcher; Keg. Sacrum. * Orderic, 664. William Count of Evreux, Robert of Belleme, William of Breteuil, Roger of Beaumont, Ralph of Conches, are all named in this connexion. ^ " Crassi et hebetis ingenii hominem"; W. Malm. G. R. s. 277. " Now Montbrai, Manche, South of St. Lo, and near Percy, the original home of another great name. ' Orderic. Robert became Earl of Northumberland in or before 1082, in succession to Earl Alberic, or Albri, who held it for a short time after the death of Bishop Walcher in loSo ; above, 121. * For his estates see Ellis, Domesday, I. 429. ° Orderic, 667 ; W. Malm. G. K. s. 306 ; and Sym. H. D. E. And. 181. A.D. 1088] CONSPIRACY 159 to a degree by the Conqueror, and was bound to be true to his wishes. But he drew the sword against his son and legatee without hesitation. William of Durham was a high churchman, of character and ability, held a perfect A.hithophel in counsel.^ Rufus had taken him into his innermost confidence, but the Bishop promptly left him in his hour of need. We must suppose that with these two prelates feudal instincts overpowered all higher principle. The forces under the control of the conspiracy were very considerable ; but on the King's side we find Hugh of Avranches Earl of Chester, Allan Rufus Earl of Richmond, Odo of Champagne Earl of SuppwS Holderness,« William of Warenne Earl of Surrey, Robert fitz Hamon the Welsh Marcher,^ and the other Bishops with Lanfranc at their head. But Rufus found his best support in the sym- pathy of the native population, readily enlisted against their foreign lords. Early in 1088 Odo and the barons who had been with the late King at his death came over to England, each man making for his own district. Odo, of course, re-entered on his authority as Earl of Kent. He estab- lished himself at Rochester, where he would have a landing place ready for Robert when he came.* The Count of Boulogne ^ brought over a garrison to hold the place, Robert of Bellerae acting with him. With respect to the fortifications of Rochester, the lofty Keep, that still looks down on the waters of the Medway, had not yet been reared. That was to be the work of Bishop William of Corbeil (1126-1136). Gundulf, the Bishop at the time when Rufus became King, built a certain wall on the lines of existing earthworks. But it is doubtful if that had yet been con- structed. If so the defences of the ' castle ' would consist of earthworks and a mound.'' We are told that the time of Lent (ist March-gth April) was spent in preparation,' castles being put in order, manned, and victualled. But as - .. , a matter of fact as early as the 12th of March Rufus had oi the outlawed the Bishop of Durham, who had left Court without Rebellion, jg^ve.s Actual hostilities did not begin till after Easter, when Ravaging ^^ rebels began to waste all loyal estates. Odo, as his part of the of the work, harried the private manors of Rufus and Lanfranc. In the East Roger Bigod^ seized Norwich Castle, and 'did his ' See Sym. H. D. E. 119-125. ^ Both Allan and Odo are styled comites in the proceedings against the Bishop of Durham, though neither had any earldom except in England ; Symeon, H. D. E. 176. ^ Orderic, 667, and Symeon, stip. * Ord. ^ Chron. " Eustatius junior comes Bononite "; Flor. " See Anglia Sacra, I. 339 ; Clark, Military Arch. II. 405 ; Hartshorne, Archceol. Journal, XX. 205 ; Irvine, Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. XXXI. 471 ; J. H. Round, Mandeville, 337. Relics of Gundulf s work may be seen on the southern and eastern sides of the existing wall. ^ Ash Wednesday-Palm Sunday. * Symeon, «<^. 171. ° For his estates in East Anglia see Ellis, Doinesd. I. 383 ; II. 295. i6o THE RISING [a.d. 1088 worst.' Hugh of Grand-Mesnil was equally active in Leicestershire and Northamptonshire. On the Welsh March the men of Earl Roger, sup- ported by Bernard of Neufmarch^,i Roger of Lacy,^ and Ralph of Mor- temer,'' overran Herefordshire ; then pushing on with a mixed host of English, Normans, and Welsh, they burst into Worcestershire. It was feared that the " Port " (city) of Worcester would fall into their hands, minster, castle, and all. But the place was in the keeping of stout old Wulfstan, whose faith and patriotism never failed him. Encouraged by his confidence, and inspired by his blessing, the men of the garrison, the church-retainers, and the citizens * joined forces, and boldly marched across the Severn Bridge to attack the enemy. Falling on them while dispersed in plundering, they repulsed and scattered them with heavy loss.' This achievement arrested the progress of the chief rebel army, and cut it off from co-operation with its friends in the South. In Gloucestershire William of Eu,'' son-in-law to Earl Hugh of Chester, overran the Royal manor of Berkeley.^ Bishop Geoffrey of Coutances, and his nephew Earl Robert made themselves masters of In tlie Bristol Castle. Sallying from thence, the Earl attacked Bath, Soathand g. Royal city, sacked and burned it. Entering Wiltshire, he committed great havoc there. Sweeping round again into Somersetshire, he laid siege to Ilchester. But the castle held out, his men were repulsed and defeated, and he had to fall back ingloriously on his base of operations at Bristol.* Meanvvhile the King had not been slumbering. Well aware of the mischiefthat was brewing, he had held a grand national gemot, presumably in London, at or before Easter time. The native English Appeals to gentry {A?iglos naturales) had been specially invited to attend. *^ ^H*i7^ William explained the situation and his need of help. ' He promised them the best law that ever had been on this land ; all unright gelds he forbad, and to each man he gave his woods and his hunting.' The last pledge carried matters back to the days of Cnut.'' We may point out that the class to which it appealed would not be the lowest one. The disclaimer of ' unright gelds ' would mean either the abolition of the so-called Danegeld, or its exaction at the old rates of the time of Confessor, say sevenpence the hide, instead of two, four, or ' Seine Inf. For the man, subsequently lord of Brecknock, see Freem., N. C. III. 132 ; Ellis, II. 294. ^ Son of Walter ; Ellis, I. 442. For Walter, see above, 97. ^ Of Wigmore, said to have been conferred upon him for his services iu subduing Wild Eadric. '' " Castellani . . . episcopalis farailia . . . cives." ^ Florence ; Chron. The former adds that the insurgents were smitten with blindness through an excommunication launched against them by the Bishop when he heard that they were ravaging Church lands. " Son of Count Robert of Eu. For his estates in Gloucestershire, etc., see Ellis, I. 463. For his descent see above, 108, Append. ' Flor. * Flor. ; Chron. " See his Laws, II. c. 80. A.D. 1088] SUPFHESSED 161 six shillings the hide, as under the late King. The 'best law' would imply a strictly just and impartial administration. 1 The King's appeal was well received, and a moderate army, mainly composed of Englishmen^ was soon on foot, a naval force also being organized to keep a watch against landings from Normandy. Operations^ ^^ ^'^^ 'o^d that William's first steps were directed against his uncle Odo, his most formidable adversary, who was established at Rochester. But we are also told that Tonbridge was taken on the way, from which fact we must infer that the Royal muster was held somewhere on the Surrey Downs. Tonbridge Castle, a mound-fort, was Tonbridge ^^^^ ^°^ Odo by Gilbert of Clare, ^ but, after two days' assault, in which he himself was wounded, he capitulated. On nearing Rochester it was found that Bishop Odo, not caring to abide a siege, had betaken himself to Pevensey Castle, held by his brother Robert. Determined to bring the Bishop to terms, William followed him to Pevensey. But the Roman walls with their huge buttress- Of Pgvgussv ' towers kept him at bay for six weeks. * Duke Robert, still too much engaged with other matters to come over in person, had raised a force to support his friends in England. His tardy ships crossed the Channel, but only to be intercepted, defeated, and driven back by the English fleet. Starved out by blockade, Pevensey had to surrender. Odo was required to deliver up Rochester, and then leave England, never to return, 'unless the King should send for him.' In pursuance of this agree- ment the Bishop was sent with an escort to Rochester ; but when he came to parley with the garrison they seized him and his, and carried them all, nothing loath, into the castle to renew the struggle. For the reduction of this stronghold, a serious undertaking, a fresh fyrd was called out. Every man not prepared to be branded as nithing was OfRociiester '"^l^i'^^'i 'o come to the King. French and English, 'port' and 'upland' {town and country), were equally summoned. William established a thorough blockade, building two towers, or counter- works, probably of wood, so as to cut oif all communication with the 1 Chron. ; Ord. ; Symeon, H.R. ^ So Florence. " Congregato. . . . maxime Anglorum, equestri et pedestri, licet mediocri, exercitu." The 30,000 men (triginta millia Anglorum) of Orderic are a palpable absurdity ; p. 666. ^ Son of Richard of Bienfaite, the Conqueror's justiciar, and grandson of Gilbert of Brionne, the Conqueror's guardian. Above, 108 ; Ord. 765. The earthworks at Clare, in South Suffolk, may yet be seen, intersected by the railway from Cambridge to Colchester. * The Keep within the Roman walls does not go back to this time, but some repairs to the Roman walls may be ascribed to Earl Robert. Clark, sup. II. 360. ^ Chron.; "Nithing quod nequam sonat," W. Malm. G.R. s. 306. The writer explains that it was the greatest term of opprobrium known to the language. It was the term applied to Earl Swein for the murder of Beorn. See above, I. 447. R. H. — VOL. II. M 1 62 TWO BISHOPS [a.d. 1088 exterior. As at Pevensey, the fortifications resisted assault, but eventually the garrison, succumbing to the insanitary condition of the Capitulation, ^jj^l^y overcrowded fortress,^ asked for terms. Amnesty and restitution was their first modest suggestion. William, in his fury, would promise them nothing but the gallows. But his leading supporters inter- vened. Yielding at length to their instances, he condescended so far as to allow the besieged to march out with their horses and arms, but he would not grant them the honours of war. Amid the triumphant flourish of the Royal trumpets,^ and the jeers and execrations of the English, Odo came forth to leave England for ever (June).^ It was on his '^rf^Oto!''* return from this siege early in July that Robert of Rhuddlan, the lieutenant of the Earl of Chester, fell by the hands of the Welsh at the foot of the Great Orme's Head.* The fall of Rochester made an end of the rising. Those tuelaistng^ who had been most conspicuous before now hastened to efface themselves. In his dealings with the guilty ones, Rufus shewed much of the policy of his father. He abstained from strong measures against those who could still make themselves LeSency* formidable or useful. Towards the elder Barons, the men who had stood before his father, he was especially lenient. He knew that their time would soon pass away.^ The Bishop of Durham and the Earl of Northumberland had to leave England for a while, but Geoffrey of Coutances and Roger Bigod are shortly found again at Court, and in full favour. The proceedings in the case of William of St. Carilef have been pre- served,^ and they give a most interesting picture of the lengths to which ecclesiastical pretensions could already be carried with the ^"gai^^^ new ideas, and under the new system introduced since the wmiam of Conquest. According to his own account the Bishop had given the King valuable support at the beginning of the movement, having, as he alleged, saved Dover, Hastings,' and London for him.''' The King, on the other hand, did not tax him with any direct act of hostihty, only with abandoaing him in the time of need.* The King, in March, having ordered the Bishop's, estates to be taken into hand, as already mentioned, he wrote at once to Rufus complaining that he had been disseized without trial, and demanding to be reinstated. That done, he said that he would be willing to come, under proper safe-conduct, to clear himself of any charge that might be brought against him ' according to his ' Orderic. The writer describes a pest of flies, only to be compared to tlie Egyptian plague. For the fortifications of the time see Clark, sup. ii. 406, and above, 159. 2 " Regalibus tubis clangentibus. " ^ Orderic, 667-669 ; Chron. ■• Orderic, 670. Robert's private sympathies had been with the rebels ; Id. 666. = Ord. sup. ^ SymeoD, H.D.E. And. 171, etc., and Monasticon, I. 244; an account clearly derived from contemporary sources. ' Symeon, 189. ' Id- 181. A.D. 1088] BANISHED 163 Order ' {secundum ordinem meuvi). That is to say, he would submit to be tried, but only according to the rules of canonical law, and by an ecclesiastical tribunal. The King answered this challenge by ■^PretlnsUms^ 'hen and there making over some of the Bishop's lands to the Earls Allan and Odo. The struggle lasted some nine months. Twice the Bishop came to court under safe-conduct. The first time he went home again because the King would not allow him to clear himself by mere ' canonical compurgation ' {purgationem scehris), but in- sisted on his being tried as a lay tenant (laicalUer pladtare et extra pacem quam rex ei dederaf)!^ An army was then sent to commit further ravages on the episcopal estates. The lands in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire had already been harried by Ralph Paganel, the Sheriff of Yorkshire. On the second occasion the Bishop was brought to Salisbury on the 2nd November, under a personal guarantee given by the Earls Allan and Odo and Roger of Poitou. The gist of the elaborate agreement entered into came to this : that if the King and the Bishop could not agree, either as to the tribunal or the mode of procedure ; or if they should refuse to accept the decision when eventually given, then the Bishop should either be brought back to Durham, or given a safe-conduct and shipping to take him and his, with their personal goods and effects, to Normandy. The case was taken by the King in person, sitting in council, with both Archbishops present.^ William of St. Carilef stood stoutly on his canonical rights, insisting that his case against the King should be taken in priority to the King's case against him ; rejecting all jurisdiction on the part Rejection of of the lay peers; and even refusing to answer the King's Jurisdiction, charge, when he did prefer it, because it was preferred by the mouth of a layman, Hugh of Beaumont.^ Finally he appealed to St. Peter's Chair. In vain Lanfranc pointed out that he was not called in question in respect of his authority as Bishop, but in respect of his territorial fees.* In vain he cited the case of Odo, who had been impeached by the Conqueror not qua ' Bishop ' but qua ' Earl and Brother.' Rufus then told William, with an oath, ' By the Face of Lucca, if he wanted to go to Rome he must first surrender Durham Castle.' To this condition St. Carilef had to submit, though the King allowed Lanfranc to intimate that if he would bow to the jurisdiction of the King's Court he might yet be reinstated. On the 14th November the castle was made over to the Royal oflScers, but the Bishop was not allowed to f th'^Bi^h"* depart in peace till late in December. ^ Within three years' time we shall find him reinstated. Robert of Mowbray also left England about the same time likewise ere long to be allowed to return. 1 Symeon, sup. I71, 172, 175. ^ Geoffrey of Coutances and Roger Bigod are also named as present. ' /d. 176-1S2. * "Non de episcopio sed de tuo te feodo judicamus. " * Id. 1S3-195. i64 AFFAIRS [a.d. 1088-1089 During these proceedings the King had received a visit from his brother Henry,! styled by the Enghsh the ^theling, but now Count The King's of the Cotentin in Normandy. Duke Robert, soon after his Henry. father's death, had found himself in want of funds. He applied to Henry, the moneyed man of the family, but the prudent young capitalist would give nothing for nothing. Robert then offered him the Cotentin and Avranchin, either for absolute sale or as HlsPurcHase security for an advance. In one way or other the bargain was Cfltentln. concluded, and something like a third of Normandy made over to Henry for ;^3,ooo, a very good investment for his money.2 He now came over to ask for his mother's lands, which had been left to him.^ The estates in question, however, had been given to Robert fitz Hamon, one of the men who had stood by William in his recent troubles. But the King did what he could to pacify his brother, and allowed him to bring over Robert of Belleme to be received again into favour.* In the course of the autumn Rufus sent them both back to Normandy, as if to give trouble to the Duke. Robert evidently suspected as much, because when they landed he had them arrested and imprisoned without any kind of pretext. ^ Normandy since the Conqueror's death had been a prey to every kind of disorder, through Robert's culpable remissness. He al- ™^5°J?™" lowed his Barons to wage war upon each other at will; took mentofDuke ... ° ^ . ' Robert. no pams to brmg offenders to justice ; and so gave crmie a free hand.* His last act, however, involved him in war. Earl Roger hastened over from England to compel the deliverance of his son, and set all his castles in order, including Domfront, ^^Eaii* V^* Belleme, Mamers, Alen9on, and Saint C6nery-le-Gerd. By Shrewsbury. Odo's advice the Duke ordered an army to muster at Le Mans. Maine, for which he had done homage to Fulk Rechin of Anjou, at Blanchelande in 1073, had been nominally his since his father's death. A march through the County would ^Mame*^ establish his hold on a firmer basis, and enable him as it were to take Earl Roger and his various strongholds in the rear. Odo's plan proved eminently successful. Le Mans and its Bishop, Hoel, always true to the Norman connexion, welcomed Robert within their walls, while the old enemy and the future rival, Geoffrey of Mayenne, and H^lie of La Fl^che, alike appeared at his summons. Turning southwards, the Duke first found an enemy prepared to cross his path in one Payen of Montdoubleau, who held the hill fortress of Ballon on the Sarthe. After a 1 " Henricus Clito," the regular Latin rendering for MthcMxig ; Ord. * Orderic, 665 ; W. Jum. Conf. 293. •■' W. Malm. G. R.s. 391 ; Orderic, 510. * Orderic, 672, 689. = Ord. 672. 8 See the dismal picture drawn by Orderic, 672, and illustrated 675, 685, etc. A.D. loSg] OF NORMANDY 165 struggle of some duration Payen submitted on terms. The Duke then came into collision with the Earl's men at Saint Cenery/ near Alen- St^C&aery! S°"' where one Robert Carrel was in command. A stubborn resistance was offered, the place only yielding to starvation. Robert was so much irritated that he ordered Carrel's eyes to be put out. Several of his subordinates were also mutilated. These penalties, we are told, were inflicted by orders of the Ducal Barons, sitting as a court of justice, the Curia Duds ^ which, imported into England, had become the Cu9-ta Regis. At the request of Geoffrey of Mayenne and the Mansel Barons, the dangerous fort of Saint Cfeery was restored to one Robert Geroy, whose family had been deprived of it by the House of Talevas.^ Victory now seemed within Robert's grasp. The other rebel garrisons were ready to surrender on demand, but the pleasure-loving Duke, thinking Peace with '^^'^ ^^ ^^^ done enough for one season, disbanded his forces tlie Earl of without following up his success. When the men of war had ews ury. ]-,ggjj ggjjj. ^jQjjjg £a,rl Roger opened negotiations, and, at the cost of a few cheap promises, induced the weak, good-natured Duke to liberate the two captives on whose account the war had been undertaken. Both had been thoroughly irritated without being weakened, and one lived to be amply revenged. Earl Roger's son was a most formidable adversary to provoke, but as matters turned out, we shall find him mostly adhering to Duke Robert. The Lord of Belleme is described as a big able man, of versatile talent, a man of resource and forethought, brave, eloquent, and industrious, but faithless, cruel, and licentious to the last degree.* His hand was against every man. To the end of his career we shall find him the terror of his country. On the 24th May, 1089, Archbishop Lanfranc passed away, an irre- parable loss both to Church and State. He perhaps, but certainly he alone, might have exercised some influence over the King. Lattfranc Already we hear that he had ventured to remind him of his pledges, and that Rufus had answered savagely, ' Who can keep all his promises ? ' ^ The Primate succumbed to fever, the end being associated with the action of a potion prescribed by his physicians ; but it is not clear whether the mischief was due to the improper character of the draught, or to the fact that the patient delayed taking it till after he had received the viaticum.^ Lanfranc is entitled to a high place in the list of the distinguished men who have filled the Throne of St. Augustine. His judgment and tact in the management of men must be recognised as well as his Character. '^'S^ character and scholarship. For the combination of high principle, with good sense, refinement, and knowledge of the ' Dept. Orne, just within the Norman frontier. '^ " Ex sententia curiae. " 8 See Freeman, W. Rufus, zii-217. ■• Orderic, 674, 675. ^ "Purore suc- census " ; Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25 ; W. Malm. G. P. p. 73. « W. Malm. suf. i66 DEATH OF LANFRANC [a.d. 1089 world we might compare him with our native Dunstan. His reputation was immense. The saintly Margaret of Scotland begged to have him for her spiritual father.^ Irish kings and bishops consulted him, and Irish prelates came over to be consecrated by him,^ a forecast of further con- nexion between the two Islands in days to come.* We must not be hard upon the cultured Italian if he thought the Latinity of Bishop Wulfstan hardly adequate*; if he could not see at first the claims of ^Ifheah to be held a Martyr.^ " He lived and died honoured by all men and successful in all his undertakings." Lanfranc, however, was not really a great theologian. He was a lawyer, a teacher, and a statesman. His writings are said to be wanting His Wrltlne-s ^" original thought, and destitute of that "metaphysical Lacking m depth " and " analysis " conspicuous in the works of his ®^ successor, Anselm. But his treatise De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, written against Berengarius, gained him much fame. Of greater interest are his Decreta pro Ordine Benedicti, giving the rules, with modifications to suit the circumstances of Christ Church, Canterbury, as being at once a monastery and a cathedral chapter. An Elucidarium, or theological Primer, and Commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul, are also ascribed to him. Both of these are mere students' manuals, reflecting ideas of most primitive simplicity.^ But the Latinity of his letters is beautiful, more elegant than that of Anselm, perhaps unequalled in mediaeval literature. With the death of Lanfranc came days of tribulation for the Church. The King had been falling under the influence of a clever, unprincipled official, one of the Royal chaplains, a native of Bayeux, by Flamed, i^^™^ Renouf, in English Rannulf, Ranulf, or Ralph. From his birthplace we may suppose him to have been a follower of Bishop Odo. His early history is involved in doubt. Apparently he was „. _ J of humble origin, the son of a priest. He might perhaps be History and identified with the " Rannulfas " who was sent to levy tribute cnaracter. ^^ Durham in the time of Bishop Walcher (loyi-ioSi).^ On the other hand, in the Lives of the Bishops of Durham in Anglia Sacra it is alleged that he was at first with Bishop Maurice of London,* who became Bishop in the year 1086. But this hardly agrees with the fact that Ralph * Epp. Lanfr. No. 41. ^ Id. Nos. 36, 43, 44. * " The consecration of Irish Bishops . . . by the hands of the English Primate occurs at intervals up to the time of the Conquest under Henry II."; Freeman, N. C. IV. 529. * W. Malm. G. P. s. 143. * See below, 185, and Eadmer, Vita Anselmi, 350-352 (printed with the Hist. Nov.). * See Hook, Archbishops, II. 89, 96-107. Lanfranc's works will be found in Giles' Patres, and Migne ; also his Lives by Gilbert, and Milo Crispinus. ' Symeon, H. D. E. p. 107. ' Vol. I. 705, 706. Bishop Stubbs suggests that Ralph may really have been with Maurice's predecessor, Bishop William. A.D. ioSq] RALPH "FLAMBARD" 167 appears in Domesday as an owner of lands in Oxfordshire and Hamp- shire ; and further as already sufficiently well known to have earned the name of Flambard.^ This nickname, we are told, was given to him by Robert the Dispenser, meaning ' The Fiery Torch,' that licked up every- thing. Of fine person, loose life, and convivial habits, his administrative capacity, legal subtlety,* audacity, and assiduity had gained him the confi- dence of the ' Great ' William.* A passage in Orderic seems to give him the credit of having suggested the Domesday Survey.* At any rate he „ soon made himself necessary to Rufus, under whom he He becomes , , , . . . ... , /• 1 theKig's eventually became prime mmister, with entire control of the Master jiidicial and financial business of the realm, the one end of his government being to extort money for the King's extravagance.^ One of the first expedients for raising money laid by him before the young King was the appropriation of the revenues of vacant sees and abbeys. Feudal Applying to the Church the principles of the new feudalism Principles as established between Crown and tenants-in-chief, ecclesiasti- Applied to ciiurcli cal preferment would be held of the King as a benefice, a fief. Property, jj, return for certain duties. Where the duties were not per- formed the right to the emoluments would be suspended. If the endow- Vaoant Sees ™ents were the King's to give, they would be his to keep.* If for any reason he happened to defer the filling up of a vacancy, his interim right to the profits would not be affected thereby. Rufus took the hint, and, by way of a beginning, left Canterbury without an archbishop for nearly four years. A pittance was allowed to the monks, but the bulk of the revenues went into the pocket of the King.'' ' Ellis, i. 420. 2 "Invictas causidicus " ; W. Malm. G. R. 5. 314. " Orderic, 678. * "Annuente Rege carucatas quas Angli hidas vocant, faniculo mensus est, et de- scripsit ; postpositisque mensuris quas liberates Angli jussu Edwardi Regis largiter distribuerant, imminuit et regales iiscos accumulans colonis arva retruncavit " ; 678. This looks very like a reference to Domesday, the only reference to Domesday in Orderic, who seems to place it in the reign of Rufus. * Flambard has been styled ' Chief Justiciar.' It is very doubtful if that 6ffice had yet been instituted. Flambard signs simply as " Thesaurarius," Treasurer ; Hist. Dunelm. Scriptt. Tres, Append, xxii. (Surtees Society). * See the King's own words to Anselm later : " Numquid abbatise non sunt mes? " (are not the abbeys mine own ?) ; Eadm. Hist. Nov. 49 ; below, 191. ' See Orderic, 678, 679 ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 314. Both distinctly assert that the practice of impounding the revenues of vacant Sees began with Rufus, and at the suggestion of Flambard: " Nefarius mos tunc incoeptus." Before the Conquest the revenues of vacant benefices had been either allowed to accumulate, or else expended under the supervision of the bishop or archbishop, as the case might be. CHAPTER XII WILLIAM II. (continued) A.D. IO90-IO93 Intrigues of William in Normandy — Struggle for Possession of Rouen — Treaty of Caen — Campaign in Scotland — Homage by Malcolm — Annexation of Carlisle and Cumberland — Last Inroad of Canmore — His Death — English Progress in Wales TO the Norman feudatories of double allegiance the reunion of Eng- land and Normandy was still a matter of vital importance. As Robert could not be put into possession of England, the only course left intrlETiea of ^^^ '^ P^' ^il''^'" '"'^o possession of Normandy, With the William with year 1090 we hear of subscriptions in money going over from Normandy. England, and of castles on the east border of Normandy receiving English garrisons. The King's cousin Stephen, Count of Albemarle or Aumale,* placed that stronghold in his hands ; while the possession of Saint- Val^ry, or the neighbouring La Fertd, also made over by Stephen, gave Rufus command of the mouth of the Somme. Gournay- sur-Epte and Gaillefontaine likewise changed their allegiance.^ Robert Count of Eu, Walter Giflfard of Longueville ^ in Normandy, Ralph of Mortemer, and others are mentioned as joining in the movement. For the defence of Caux, however, Robert found a trusty lieutenant in Helie, son of Lambert of Saint-Saens, whose life-long allegiance was secured by the hand of a natural daughter, with the dowry of Bures and Arques.* But the unfortunate Duke was distracted by illness and by the attitude of the men of Maine, who, after supporting him against Earl Roger, now shewed a disposition to break away again. In this predicament Robert's idea was to apply to his over-lord in Maine, Fulk Rechin, the Count of Anjou — his father's old enemy — begging him to use his influence with the ' Son of Odo of Champagne, Earl of Holderness in England, by Adelaide, the sister or half-sister of the Conqueror. See William of Jumieges, 294 and 312 ; Ord. 522 ; Florence, A.D. 1095 ; Rot. Scacc. Norm. II. xxxi. ; and G. E. C. Peerage, "Albemarle." ^ Orderic ; Chron. ; Florence. All these places are in Seine Inferieure. ^ See Append, to Chapter XV. * Ord. 681. All these places again are in Seine Inferieure. 168 A.D. 1090] AFFAIRS OF MAINE 169 Manseaux to keep them faithful. For his good offices Fulk demanded Robert's ^^ hand of a young Norman beauty, Bertrade of Montfort, Alliance with he already having two discarded wives living.^ But the Fulk E^oMu. (^onsgnt of the young lady's friends had to be obtained, and for that Robert had to make over divers places to the Count of Evreux and William of Breteuil.^ But Fulk's intervention, though bought in this manner, came to little. The Manseaux, persevering in their hostility to Normandy, recalled Hugh, the son of Marquis Azzo, who had figured among them in 1073. But again he was found vs^anting, H^lieofLa ^^^ ^° finally was induced to sell his rights for a sum of riAciie, Count money to his cousin Hdlie of La Flfeche, the son of Paula, of Maine, ^j^^ ^j^j^^j daughter of Count Herbert Wake-the-Dogs, who thenceforward ruled Maine ably and successfully as its native Count (1091).^ With the Norman Barons perpetually waging war against each other opportunities for introducing English garrisons were multiplied. The movement in favour of Rufus spread to Robert's capital. If the men of Rouen had no special reason for seeking union with ^''at^Rouen'^ England, they could not help seeing that the existing state of chaos would be fatal to industry and trade. The lead was taken by one Conan, the richest man of the city, who brought over a large portion of the inhabitants to his views. In this stress Robert ap- pealed to his brother Henry, who had been carefully strengthen- RiSffleader ^"S '^'^ position in the Cotentin, as if to enable himself to hold the balance in the family politics. Cherbourg, Coutances, Gavray, and Avranches had all been fortified by him.* The Duke also called on the more faithful of his Barons, such as the Count of Evreux, William of Breteuil, Robert of Belleme, Gilbert of Laigle. Henry was the first to respond, and joined his brother in the castle at 'the^CHy" Rouen. Somewhat later, on the 3rd November— a day long remembered in the annals of the city — two little armies ap- peared from opposite quarters, running a race for entrance into Rouen. Gilbert of Laigle, coming from the South-West to succour Robert crossed the Seine by the bridge, and then drew up to the South Gate ^ ; while Rainald of Warenne, coming to support Conan, appeared on the West side, at the Porte Cauchoise. Between the two factions, and their ' So Orderic, sup. ; but Father Brial has shewn grounds for believing that one was dead, and the other legally divorced ; Sismondi, France, IV. 507. 2 Orderic, sup. The marriage did not prove a happy one, as Bertrade, treating Fulk as he had treated others, left him for the King of France. 3 Orderic, 683-684 ; and the Life of Bishop Hoel in Mabillon's Vetera Analecta. For more see Freeman, Wm. Rufus, II. 193-203. * Dept. Manche; Ord. 689. ^ The South Gate must have been at the North end of the bridge, near the castle, the site of which is now occupied by the Halles. A plan is given by Mr. Freeman, W- Rufus, I. 249. 17° FRATERNAL [a.d. 1090 efforts to admit their friends and keep out their enemies, Rouen was thrown into a state of indescribable confusion. The Duke sallying from the castle with his brother found himself surrounded by a mob of un- certain disposition, and, losing his nerve, and yielding to the prudent suggestions of his followers, beat a retreat by the East Gate, to make his way across the river in a boat, to abide the issue in the safe retirement of a convent.! Henry, who had not lost his head, fought his way to the South Gate, joined hands with Gilbert of Laigle, and then fell the'^uaUon °" '^^ rebellious citizens, cutting them down right and left, and capturing their ringleaders, while William's supporters fled in all directions to take shelter in the neighbouring woods. The unfor- tunate Conan was taken to the castle. Henry led him to an upper chamber in the Keep, and lectured him bitterly on his conduct. Conan^ He begged to be allowed to ransom his life. ' By the soul of my mother thou shalt have no redemption,' said the furious Prince, and then, without even giving him time to make the most hasty shrift, with his own two hands shoved him backwards through an open window, to be dashed to pieces in the court below. Rouen was saved. The Duke recalled from his Sanctuary would have dealt gently with his subjects, but his fierce Barons would hear of no mercy, and carried off the ' best ' citizens as lawful prey for ransom. 2 If a crisis had been staved off by Henry's energy, the distracted state of Normandy still gave Rufus his opportunities. In the course of this same month of November the Count of Evreux, at the instigation of his Countess Heloise, declared war against Ralph of Sii^Mid^ Conches, to avenge certain offensive remarks made by Isabel or Elizabeth of Conches (his own niece), a lively popular person, who could don armour and ride on an expedition with the best of her husband's knights. She had indulged in banter at the expense of the Countess Heloise, a domineering woman of no personal attractions. Ralph, unable to obtain help from Robert, applied to Rufus, and at once received a garrison under Stephen of Aumale.^ Yet again within the year we find Hugh of Grand-Mesnil and his son-in-law Richard of Courcy'i driven to arms to resist the intolerable aggressions of Robert of Belleme. This time Duke Robert felt called upon to interfere, and in the course of December laid feeble siege to Courcy. While he was engaged in petty assaults on this insignificant stronghold, the startling ' Notre Dame-du-Pri, otherwise de Bonne Nouvelle (Le Prevost). ^ Orderic, 689-690. Malmesbury's notice of these events, G.R. s. 391, is not really worth citing. ' Orderic, 687-688. The war lasted three years, and ended in favour of Conches, who took his nephew Wm. of Breteuil (also nephew to Evreux) prisoner ; lb. * Calvados. A.D. 109 1 ] STRUGGLES 171 intelligence came in that his formidable brother, King William of England, had crossed the Channel with a formidable fleet, and was established at , g. J Eu.i The siege of Courcy was dropped at once, Robert and William his supporters hastening off to consider their position under Ruius. jj^jg jjg^ state of things. The situation was indeed an alarming one. Rufus was meeting with a most flattering reception. Not only was all Normandy flocking to his court, but Bretons, Flemings, and even Frenchmen were Defections, pressing forwards to lay their services at his feet. The de- fection of the whole Duchy seemed imminent.^ For help Robert turned to his Suzerain King Philip I., who could not possibly be indifferent to the reunion of Normandy and England. Leaving the eating and drinking to which he was said to be devoted,^ PhiUp called out an army for action against the King of England — ^the beginning of a long historic antagonism. But the diplomacy and the gold of the wily Rufus worked their way. The only result of the intervention of the French King was the adjustment of a treaty settled at Caen, on terms Treaty of most unfavourable to Robert. The agreement was based on Caen. the recognition of the status quo in Normandy. Robert ceded to his brother all the places that had already declared for him, or received garrisons from him, including Gournay, Aumale, Eu, Fecamp, Conches, ' a great part of Normandy,' threatening Rouen both from North and South. But the clear-sighted William doubtless appre- hended that the chief obstacle to the realization of his ultimate plans would be found in the opposition of the younger brother Henry, and accordingly the Duke, to his infinite disgrace, was induced to agree to his expulsion from the Cotentin, and a partition of his possessions. Of these Cherbourg and Mont Saint Michel were claimed as William's « x-^. . share, the one to command the Cotentin proper, the other Partition of ' . % r i' > Henry's to command the Avranchm. In return the Kmg was most Estates, li^gj-^i jn his promises. He would guarantee to Robert all the rest of their father's Continental possessions, including Maine, which had revolted. He would reinstate all Robert's men of 1088 in their English possessions, and find some estates — not too distinctly specified^ for Robert himself. Lastly, it was provided that if either Robert or William should die without lawful issue, the survivor should succeed to ' January 19-26, logi ; Ord. 691-693. I can make nothing of the succour brought by King Philip of France in 1090 to Duke Robert while besieging a castle with an English garrison in it, as alleged by the Chronicle, Florence, and Malmesbury. Orderic strangely does not notice Philip's intervention at all, and the Continuator of Jumieges clearly places it in 1091 ; pp. 293, 294. 2 Ord. 693-697. ' ' ' Cotidianam crapulam ructans, ad bellum singultiens ingluvie veniebat " ; W. Malm. G.R. s. 307; Sismondi, France, IV. 472. 172 THE BROTHERS [a.d. 1091-1092 all his dominions. Twelve Barons on either side subscribed the treaty as guarantors. 1 In pursuance of the stipulations embodied in this compact the Coten- tin was at once attacked. Henry, as already mentioned, had been making preparations against a day of trouble ; but the Earl of Chester and others, who would have stood by him as against Robert, could not venture to try conclusions with the King of England. The ^theling soon found himself reduced to Mont Saint Michel. There he was beleaguered ^'|pjJ[™°''*about the middle of Lent (23rd March). Fifteen days the siege lasted, the besieged being reduced to great distress, especially from want of water,^ perched as their stronghold was on a thirsty rock by the sea shore, and cut off from the land at high tide. The hostilities were marked by two well-known incidents, illustrative of the chivalrous side of mediaeval warfare; that is to say of war, as waged between gentlemen, and, to a certain extent, as a gentlemanly pursuit. In the skirmishing Inoideirts^ encounters that took place at the foot of the rock , at low water Rufus one day charged a party of the enemy single- handed. His steed was mortally wounded, and he himself unhorsed and dragged for some distance. His assailants came up, and one, drawing his sword, was preparing to despatch him when Rufus, in terror for his life, cried out, ' Hold ! rascal ; I am the King of England.' The man fell back, and bowing deferentially, tendered him a fresh horse. Rufus sprang to the saddle ; then, turning round, demanded to know which of them had unhorsed him. The man answered respectfully but firmly, 'I did; but I took thee for a cimple knight, not for a king." " Par le vo de Luche " (By the Holy Face of Lucca), ^ answered William, with his favourite oath, ' From this day forth I take thee to be my man.' The other anecdote tells how, at the end of the time, Henry, coming down to draw water from the river Couesnon at the foot of the hill, found the stream guarded by Robert's men. Overcome by thirst, he sent a message to his brother, calling on him either to fight it out or let them have a draught of nature's element. The good-natured Duke withdrew his men, and let Robert's [jjem drink their fill. But Rufus found great fault with such a Mercy. ° slipshod mode of wagmg war. ' Nay,' urged Robert, ' But if we let our brother die of thirst, where shall we find another ? ' * Henry, however, had to yield his stronghold on condition of being allowed to march out with all his effects. Apparently, he retired to Brittany, but only for 1 Chron.; Flor. ; Orderic, 697 ; W. Jum. 293. The last gives Caen as the place of execution. ^ Orderic, 697. 3 " Per vultum de Luca " ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 309. "Livode Luche en a jure"; R. Rou, II. 328. The volt, vou, or vo of Lucca was a miraculous head of Christ, on a crucifix carved in cedar, and reputed the work of Nicodemus. It must be distinguished from the head crowned with thorns on the Sudarium of Veronica. See Martin Rule, St. Anselm, I. 323 ; Sir T. D. Hardy on W. Malm, sup., and Lappenberg (Thorpe), 230. ■* W. Malm. G.R. ss. 309, 310. A.D. 1092] AT PEACE AGAIN 173 a short timej as within a few months we find him again in friendly inter- course with his brothers.! The King remained at Rouen as his brother's guest till August, when Tiie Three ^^^.irs recalled him to England, both his brothers, strange to Brotiiers In say, going with him.^ Robert probably wanted to see what his brother was going to give him ; and it may be that some promises had been made to Henry also. Among the things required of Robert by Rufus was the expulsion of Eadgar the ^Etheling, who for some time had been living in Normandy under the protection of the Duke. He retired to his sister's ^Etiieiing- Ex- court in Scotland. In May, Malcolm, as if to avenge the pelled from cause of his brother-in-law, burst for the fourth time into Normandy. , Northumberland, advancing as far as Chester-le-Street, near Durham, committing the usual ravages, but retiring, as usual, on the approach of superior forces. Rufus made it his first business Northumber- ^ • , >, land again to punish this outrage. His movements were so expeditious ^rriedby that, although he had only reached England in August, by the nth September he found himself at Durham, where he reinstated William of St. Carilef, three years to a day from the time of his wnuamof retirement.^ The Bishop had made himself useful to the St. CarUef King during the recent operations in Normandy, had regained Eeinatated. ^.j^^ King's favour by making himself useful, and specially by saving one of the castles held in the royal interest from being lost.* The campaign against the Scots, if not a failure, did not prove a brilhant Campaign success. In the last days of September the auxihary fleet that against tiie the King had in attendance was wrecked on the East coast and in consequence the army during its further advance suf- fered severely from want of supplies. William, however, held on his way till he reached the ' Scots Water,' that is to say the Forth,^ where he ' Orderic, 697, says of Henry : " Brittaniam transiit . . . et con6nes postmodum Francos expetiit." He then represents him as spending parts of two years in the Vexin. If he retired to the Vexin at the present juncture, his stay there must have been very brief, but most likely he went thither at the end of the year, on his return from England. ^ W. Malm. G. R. s. 310 ; Ord. 693, 697 ; Chron. Henry's visit is proved by his attestation of a charter at Durham, below, 175. ^ Symeon, H. R. ss. 172, 174. His date of Sept. 11 is confirmed by the statement of the Chronicle that Rufus entered Scotland towards Michaelmas. The agreement between the Bishop and the three Barons in 1088 was signed Sept. 8, so that the former might have left Durham on the i ith. * Symeon, H. D. E. p. 128. ' " Usque ad magnum fiumen quod Scotte Watra dicitur"; Ord. 701. His further description of the scenery, with hills and plains intermixed, leaves no doubt as to the locality. The Chronicle represents Malcolm as having advanced a step further, namely ' into Lothian, in England. ' But there he would find no such strategic line as on the Forth. Lothian might be called English, but it had ceased to have any political con- 174 SCOTTISH HOMAGE [a.d. 1091-1092 found Malcolm posted with an army at the head of the Firth, to dispute the passage of the river, the natural bulwark of Scotland proper. Not caring to attack the enemy in such a position, Rufus allowed negotiations to be opened through Robert and his friend Eadgar. According to Orderic, Malcolm expressed a willingness to do homage for Lothian, and that to Robert, as the eldest son of the Conqueror, but not '"'^Homage *^ to Rufus. But the Duke assured him that those limitations could not be accepted.^ The upshot of it was that Malcolm came in, and declared himself William's ' man ' to the same extent that he had been his father's ' man,' William in return promising that Malcolm should have ' in land and in other things all that he under his father erst had.' ^ Florence explains this promise as referring to twelve manors {villas) of land in England, and an annual pension of twelve ^^®^°™*^® marks of gold {£']2).^ As to these twelve manors, of which nothing has been told us before, we must suppose them to have been granted by the Conqueror at Abernethy in 1072.* As they are not mentioned in Domesday, we may suggest that they may have been in Cumberland, or Northumberland, where we shall find later Scottish Kings holding lands. It was the policy of the English Kings to indulge the Scots with English fiefs, to which the homage might be supposed to refer. Nationality on one side and the other battled over the question then just as it does now. The homage was clearly simple, not liege homage, which would involve liability to service. But it is also plain that the holdings in respect of which the homage was rendered were not specified, but left indeterminate, so that the Scots could contend that it was only rendered for Lothian or English fiefs, and the English could insist that it was rendered for the Scottish Crown, " a very pretty quarrel." ^ For the subsidy of nexion with England, at any rate since the Battle of Carham in 1018 ; above, I. 397. Florence misrenders " LtfSene "by " Loidis." ' Orderic's idea of the facts, which, more suo, he puts into the shape of a speech, was that Lothian had been ceded to Malcolm as the dowry of Margaret, and by the Con- fessor ; that the cession had been confirmed by the Conqueror, who had indicated Rohert as his heir ; and that Robert, again, had been accepted as such by the Scottish King (query in ro8o ?), The Confessor, of course, died a year, perhaps three years, before the marriage of Margaret. Orderic, however, also mixes up the events of 1091 and 1093. 2 Chron. ; Ord. 701 ; H. Hunt. ^ Symeon and Fordun repeat the statement. * Lingard would identify these manors with the " mansiones in itinere,'' alleged by Roger of Wendover (a.d. 975) to have been granted by Eadgar to Kenneth for the entertainment of the Scottish Kings on their journeys to the English court ; and Mr. Freeman quite accepts the view ; Rufus, I. 304 and II. 544. But the " mansiones " belong to the time of Henry II. ; if they had been held by the Scottish Kings for a hundred years before the Conquest we must have heard of them. * See the words attributed by Orderic, suf., to Malcolm, in which he clearly makes a concession as to Lothian, which he distinguishes from the rest of Scotland : " Fateor quod Rex Edwardus . . . Lodonensem comitatum mihi donavit." The writer's own view seems expressed in the words "rebellavit" and "debitum servitium," which he applies to Malcolm. A.D. 1091-1092] THE SEE OF LINCOLN 175 twelve marks of gold we may compare the subventions given by our Indian Government to native border chiefs. The three Royal brothers now turned southward, the ^theling Eadgar accompanying them.- A Durham charter, clearly executed on their return journey, bears their signatures, as well as those of Duncan son of King Malcolm, and Siward Barn.^ Duncan, one of the hostages for the treaty of Abernethy, had been set free at the Conqueror's death. Apparently he had been content to live on in England ever since. Robert remained Roijert Re- '''"^ '•*^° ^^^^ before Christmas, when he sailed for Normandy, turns to little satisfied with the results of his visit, or the prospects of Normandy, j^j^ obtaining fulfilment of the stipulations of the treaty of Caen. Eadgar was allowed to return with him.^ Henry also, as we may suppose, took his departure, retiring to the French Vexin, ^^xin. where he lived awhile with a household deemed very modest for a man of his rank. One knight, one chaplain, and three esquires was all the retinue that he could support' But this state of depression did not last for long. From what he had seen and heard during his expedition to the North the King had come to the conclusion that his West March towards Scot- land ought to be defined and strengthened, a very sound conclusion, if the end could be attained consistently with regard for existing obhgations. What he resolved to do was to annex and incorporate the parts of our Cumberland and Westmorland between the Solway and the Derwent, and on to Rere Cross on Stainmore. This was the old boundary of Scottish Cumbria or Strathclyde ; it clearly had been under Malcolm in 1070, and its retention by him must have been included in the arrange- ments made at Abernethy in 1072,* and just confirmed by Rufus. On his way northwards to put this purpose into execution Rufus visited Lin- Conseoration '^°'" *o assist at the consecration of the new minster, for which of Lincoln the 9th May (1092) had been fixed. The seat of the great Middle-Anglian diocese, which stretched from the Thames to the Humber, had been removed by Remigius or Remy from its original home at Dorchester on the Thames to the more commanding site in the rich city of Lincoln.^ The cathedral church was sufficiently advanced to be now ready for dedication, but Archbishop Thomas of York had raised some difficulty, claiming authority over the church on the ground that Lindesey had been originally converted by Paulinus of York.® This ' Se&ihechsLTter, Hist.Dunelm. Scriptores Tres, Append, xxii. ; Freeman, Wm. Rufus, I. 305 ; II. S35. 2 chron. ; Flor. ^ Orderic, 697. * See above, 79 and 84, and Sym. H. R. ss. 155, 156. For Rere Cross, as the old boundary claimed by the Scots, see Skene's Chron. Fids and Scots, 204. The popula- tion, however, are described as Saxon; Id. 10 (a.d. 971-995)' ^ Florence, a.d. 1092. The change was effected before Domesday ; Freeman. ^ See Freeman, W. Rufus, I. 311. 176 CUMBERLAND REOCCUPIED. [a.d, 1092-1093 opposition, however, had been counteracted by the one and only expedient available under Rufus, namely payment of money to the King. On re- ceipt of a suitable douceur from Remigius he gave orders for the conse- cration of the church, convening a concourse of bishops for the purpose. But two days before the time Remigius died,i and for eighteen months ^jj,. the See remained vacant. Continuing his march, William Occupies entered Cumberland, and expelled the existing ruler Dolphin, Cumberland. ^^^^^^^ ^f Gospatrick II. and son of Gospatrick I., formerly Earl of Northumberland and afterwards of Dunbar. Dolphin, of course, held the country under Malcolm. ^ The city of Carlisle was refounded, a castle being added, with a garrison to hold it. A further measure was the plantation of an English colony, with wives and families brought from the South, to occupy the country, which was probably but thinly peopled.^ Vehement protests from Malcolm naturally ensued. In the simple words of the Peterborough chronicler, 'He asked for that that had been pro- mised him.'* Diplomatic exchanges followed, and the Scottish King was ,, , , , induced to come to the English court, of course under proper Malcolm's . ° ' . r , Visit to guarantees for his personal safety by delivery of hostages. England. -^^{^^^ as we shall see, had been brought to death's door in the spring of the year (1093) by illness. His temper for a while had been softened, and the Magnates of the two countries hoped that a lasting pacification might be established. Travelling southwards ' with mickle worship,' the Scots King was at Durham on the nth August, and assisted . with Bishop William and Prior Turgot at laying the foundation of Durham stone of our Durham Cathedral.^ But when he came to Cathedral. Qjoucester, where the court was, William, who had long since recovered his health and his spirits, refused even to see him, requiring him to submit his case to the jurisdictionof the English Barons, or Curia Regis.^ As this would imply that the King of Scots owed suit and service to the English Court, and that his homage was liege homage, and not simple homage, Malcolm very properly refused, insisting that the Scots Kings had never submitted to the jurisdiction of any but a mixed court of the Barons of the two realms, held on a common frontier. Thus he had to leave 1 Florence, sup. ; W. Malm. G. P. o. 177. For the remains of the church of Remigius see below under Hen. I. 2 Synieon, I. 216 ; II. 199 ; and the Holyrood and Glasgow charters, cited by Douglas, Peerage of Scotland, 438 ; Skene, C. S. I. 456. ^ Chron. ; Flor. The county revenues were very small. £\\ ds. (sd. was the vetus Firma, doubtless fixed by Rufus. A tax on animals, geldum animalium, replaced Dane- geld, the country not having been reduced to hides ; Pipe Roll 31 H. I. ^ Mr. Freeman seems unable to trace any connexion between the operations in Cum- berland and Malcolm's protests, and assumes some new ground of quarrel ; N.C. V. 119. But see Rufus, II. 8. ^ Symeon, H.D.E. p. 129; H.R. p. 220; J. Fordun, p. 218. ^ " Ut secundum judicium tantum suorum baronum in curia sua rectitudinem ei faceret." The vi'ording of the sentence would imply that Malcolm was being called to account, but of course that is not the real meaning. A.D. 1093] DEATH OF MALCOLM CANMORE 177 Gloucester without having obtained any satisfaction.^ In this matter 3cot- land clearly had good grounds for complaint. Her King had been induced to render homage on conditions that, acccording to the primary English authority, were ignored by the English King. Yet we are to suppose that the homage so obtained involved an indelible obligation which be- came for all time " part of the public law of the Isle of Britain." ^ Burning with indignation, Malcolm hastened back to his own dominions to call out forces for a fifth and last inroad into Northumberland. Advanc- Laat Raid of ing without proper precautions, he fell into an ambush on the Malcolm, river Aln, near Alnwick. The river was inastateof flood, but the Scots plunged boldly into it to be met and driven back by Robert of Mowbray; who had been restored to his earldom of Northumberland. He is Killed Those who escaped the sword were drowned in the river, at Alnwick. Malcolm himself fell by the hand of his own godson, Morel of Bamborough, the Earl's nephew and steward. Tradition fixes the spot at Malcolm's Cross, on the North side of the river. ^ The King's eldest son by Margaret, Eadward, who should have succeeded him, was mortally wounded ; while the saintly Queen, who had long been in failing health, died in Edinburgh three days later on receipt of the news. ' The death of Malcolm Canmore was followed by four years of confusion caused by struggles between the parties in favour of, and those hostile Parties in to friendly relations with England. Margaret's influence of Scotland, course had been all in favour of the former. She had en- couraged visits of men of good position from the South, and endeavoured to settle them in Scotland. These men would find themselves at home among the Anglic population of Lothian, an important element. But their presence, and Margaret's innovations as a whole, were viewed with jealousy by the preponderating Celtic tribes, whether Picts of the East coast, Gael of the Western Highlands, or Welsh or Britons of Strathclyde. By way of returning to genuine native traditions, they set up Donald Bane {Ban = ' Chron ; Florence. The former distinctly states he was refused the conditions pro- mised to him, doubtless in 1091. 2 Freeman, N.C. I. 61, etc. ^ Freeman, W. Kufus, 11. 15. * Chron. ; Flor. ; Symeon, H.Ii. ; Orderic, 701 ; Chron. Picts and S. 175, 206, and the Life of St. Margaret printed with Mr. Hinde's Symeon, I. 253. The tone of all the writers except Symeon is sympathetic towards Malcolm. He was buried at Tyneraouth, to be eventually removed to Dunfermline by his son Alexander ; J. Fordun, I. 219. For Malcolm's issue by Margaret, six sons and two daughters, see Skene, Celtic Scot- land, I. 434; Robertson, Early Kings, I. 151. Eadward the eldest son fell with his father, ^thelred, Abbot of Dunkeld and Earl of Fife, died young. Eadmund ruled Scotland for a time in conjunction with his uncle Donald Bane ; Eadgar, Alexander, and David all came successively to the Throne. Of the daughters, Eadgyth-Matilda became the Queen of Henry I., and Mary married Eustace III. of Boulogne, by whom she had Matilda, the wife of King Stephen (Orderic, 702). By his first wife Ingebiorg, widow of Thorfinn Earl of Orkney, Canmore had Duncan the hostage to England, and Ponal4 who died before him. R. H. — VOL. II. N 178 THE SCOTTISH SUCCESSION [a.d. 1093 Red), a brother of the late King, on the old mischievous system of Accession of alternate succession. His promotion was followed by the ex- Donald Bane, pulsion of all the English, 1 that is to say of the newly come English established in the country. But Duncan, eldest son of Canmore by his first wife Ingebiorg, the host- age of Abernethy, who had been set free at the death of the Conqueror, was still at the English court, and in favour with Rufus. The King, glad of an opportunity of placing a man of his own on the Northern Throne, took Duncan's fealty,^ and sent him to Scotland with an Anglo-Norman force by whose help he ousted his uncle (1094). Six months only had the Red Donald reigned. In this matter the Scots appear to ■^by Dttnoan? '^^^^ '^^^" taken by surprise, because we hear that shortly afterwards they returned to the charge, attacking Duncan and killing most of his men. But he himself was allowed to remain King ' on the agreement {gerdd) that never eft should he any Englishmen or Frenchmen bring into the land.' ^ This compromise did not last out the year, Duncan's connexion with England being fatal to him. At the end of another six months a fresh rising broke out in which Duncan's half- brother Eadmund took part on behalf of Donald Bane. Duncan was killed, falling by the hand of Malpeder, Mormaer of the Mearns (Kincar- Restoratlon dineshire), of course a Pictish chieftain. An existing monolith of Donald at Mondynes near Fordoun is said to mark the spot. For three years more Donald reigned, Eadmund apparently being to a certain extent associated with him.* We may point out that the setting up of Duncan was the first attempt at intervention in Scottish internal affairs by a King of England. To return to English affairs. The incorporation of Cumberland in 1092 was followed by further extensions of England's borders in ■Welsh ff s. ^^^^ Wales had never been allowed to recover from the blows inflicted on it by Harold in 1064. His conquests had not only been retained, but extended all along the line. Robert of Rhuddlan had Engiisii Ad- carried his dominion to the line of the Conway, as already vancein mentioned. He fell on the .-ird July, 1088, on his return ITortli Wa.les w ^ ^ * ' from the siege of Rochester. He met his death while repelling a piratical descent made by King Gruffudd, apparently Gruffudd ap Cynan of North Wales,^ on lands lying at the foot of ' Chron. ; Robertson, 156 ; Skene, sup. 434 ; etc. 2 In the words of the chronicle (1093), Duncan gave William ' such pledges (getrywSa) as he would have of him ' ; i.e. submitted to all William's terms. So too Florence. ^ Chron. ; Flor. (a.d. 1093). < Chron. Picts and Scots, 175, 206, 370, {Ann. Ulster); Chron. ; Flor., 1094; W. Malm. G.R. s. 400; Robertson, sup. 158; Skene, 438. ^ A prince of this name appears in the Brut, a.d. 1073, and again in the Annates Camb. and the Brut, A.D. 1076 (=1081), as contending in North Wales with the family of Cynvyn, the father of Bleddyn and Rhiwallon, of whom we heard in Harold's days. A.D. 1088-1093] CONQUESTS IN WALES 179 the Great Orme's Head, being English territory.^ We are also told that Robert had established a very strong fort near the sea at " Dagannoth." ^ This was plainly Dugannu or Dyganwy, at the mouth of the Conway, a river that he had frequently crossed in his expeditions against the natives.* The Conway, therefore, may be taken as the western limit of the English advance on the North Welsh coast at the time of William's accession. But by 1092 they must have worked their way round as far as Bangor, as in that year we have a Breton, Herve by name, consecrated Bishop for that See by Thomas of York, and evidently by William's appointment. But he failed to maintain his position, and returned to England, where further promotion awaited him.* The measure of the English progress in other quarters cannot be so clearly traced. But in Powys, or Mid-Wales, Earl Roger of Montgomery had established himself in the district that still bears his name ; and still I Midwai earlier William fitz Osbern had made further conquests in ' our Radnorshire ; while in South Wales the building of the castle of Cardiff (1081) indicated that the English frontier had been carried from Gwent into Morganwg.^ The whole of the Southern kingdom now had to succumb. In Easter week (April 17-24), 1093, Rhys ap Tewdwr was killed by the ^^es*'' 'Frenchmen' established in Brecknock. By the ist July the invaders had taken possession of Dyfed and Ceredigion," securing their position by the building of forts. There ended the line of Kings of South Wales, and seemingly of North Wales also, the rulers thenceforth contenting themselves with the humbler style of Princes." It also appears that by this time the English had established a footing in Anglesey, and built a castle there, though with other recent acquisitions it was wrested from them for a time in the ensuing year.^ The conquest of Brecknock was the work of Bernard of Neufmarche, who in the old barbaric style made himself at home in his new position by taking for his second wife a native lady, Nest, granddaughter of Gruffudd ap Llewelyn, In the last-named year (loSi) Gruffudd became King of N. Wales and Rliysap Tewdwr King of S. Wales. ' "Sub montem qui Hormaheva dicitur''; Ord. 670, 671. Hormaheva is plainly Hormaheafod=Horm's Head or Orme's Head. ^ Ord., sup. ^ See Ord. sup., where Robert's epitaph, rehearsing his deeds and composed by the writer, is given. Robert's body was taken to St. Evroult. For Dyganwy see Giraldus, Itiner. Camb. 136, 176. (Dimock, Rolls Series, No. 21, vol. VI.) *■ Decern S. c 1707; Reg. Sacrum; W. Malm. G.P. 325, 326. See for more Iladdan and Stubbs, Cone. I. 299, 303. ^ Gwent corresponded to the modern Monmouthshire, (qy. up to Sirhowy River?), and Morganwg to Glamorganshire, but only roughly, as Glamorganshire includes the pro- montory of Gower in addition to Morganwg. ^ Corresponding, but again not exactly, with Pembrokeshire and Cardiganshire, ' Flor. ; Ann. Camb. ; and Brut-y-T. (A.D. 1091); Giraldus, sup. 89, where the events are ascribed to the time of Henry I. * Flor. A.D. 1094 ; W. Malm. G.R. s. 327. i8o VICISSITUDES [a.d. 1093-1094 by Ealdgyth, afterwards the wife of Harold. 1 About this time also, prob- ably, Philip of Braouse was established at Builth, and Robert fitz Hamon became lord of Glamorgan and Cardiff.^ The possession of Rhyd-y-Gors on the Tawe, Tawy, or Towy,^ proves that this English occupation had made its way into modern Caermarthenshire ; while we hear of the building of the first fort at Pembroke (Penvro), a rude structure of turf and wattle, the work of Ernulf of Montgomery.^ The conquest of Welsh territories by buccaneering Norman chiefs acting on their own- account, is a distinct feature of the period. Rhyd-y-Gors was fortified by one AVilliam fitz Baldwin, under orders, however, from the King.5 But their hold on the country was, as yet, but precarious. In Risin 3 f ^^ ^^''^ "^''^ y^^''' *^ ^'^'"S being in Normandy, we hear •the Native that the natives rose, captured all the forts except Pembroke ^®'^'*- and Rhyd-y-Gors, and reduced Dyfed and Ceredigion to a desert.^ Anglesey also was recovered, as already mentioned. Cadwgan son of Bleddyn, a man of whom we shall hear more, is named as taking the lead, apparently in Gwynedd, and defeating 'the French' in thei wood of " Yspwys" or "Yspys."^ If Cadwgan was acting in Gwynedd. it must have been as the ally of Gruffudd son of Cynan, as his own sphere of action was clearly in Mid- Wales — Ceredigion and Powys.^ ' Girald. Camb. VI. 28, 29 ; Freeman, 109. This Nest, the name of whose father is not given, must be distinguished from the Nest the daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, the fallen King of South Wales, who -became successively the mistress of Henry I. and wife of Gerald of Windsor, and Stephen constable of Aberteivi (Cardigan) ; Girald. VI. 91, 130; Brut-y-T. p. 83. 2 A letter of Anselm's on behalf of the clergy of St. David's diocese (1100-1102?) is addressed to Robert Earl of Shrewsbury, Ernulf of Montgomery, Ralph of Mortimer, and Bernard of Neufmarche as the men at whose mercy the district was ; Spp. IV. 23, Haddan and Stubbs, I. 300. For Robert fitz Hamon see Freeman, Rufus, II. 79-92 ; N. C. V. 820. ^ Near the town of Caermarthen. * "Castrum. . . . ex virgis et cespite satis tenue " ; Giraldus, jz//. 5 Brut, A.D. 1094. ° Ann. Camb. ; Brtit (given as 1092). ' Yspitliy? There is one place of the name on the Conway, another in Cardiganshire. ' See^«H. C. and Bruf, iqi)1-iii^, passim. Both these chronicles were connected with South Wales, and give prominence to everything connected with South Wales. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII The Kingdom of Scotland, A.D. 1093 The kingdom bequeathed by Malcolm Canmore to his successors was held to comprise, South of the Forth, the districts of Lothian, Galloway, and Strathclyde or " Cumbria," bounded as at present by the line of the Cheviots from Berwick to the Solway, Cumber- land and Westmorland haviiig been annexed by Rufus. North of the Forth extended the old Alba, now called Scotia. But Malcolm's effectual dominion probably did not extend much West of the Spey.. Caithness and the Orkneys were under the sons of Earl Thorfinn ; and the whole West coast, and Western Islands, including Man, seem to have been under Scandinavian influence (see Skene, Celtic Scotland, I. 435)- South of the Dornoch Firth, the great district of Moray (= Rosshire, Invernesshire, etc.) had its native Mormaers, but, from' the great victory over the Mormaer Maelsnechtan, son of King Lulach, recorded by the Worcester Chronicle under the year 1078 (see also Annals of Vlstei; 1085), we may take it that the supremacy of Malcolm was fully re- cognised there. See the valuable tract printed Chron. Picts atid Scot, 153. CHAPTER XIII WILLIAM II. {confinued)] A.D. 1093-1095 Anselm — His Early Life — Prior and Abbot of Bee — Visits to England — Appointment as Archbishop of Canterbury — First Differences with Rufus — Campaign in Normandy — Question of the Palliwn and of the Recognition of Urban II. — Reference to Rome and triumph of A^elm THE year 1093 witnessed an event of greater interest than the break up of the Kingdom of South Wales. About the beginning of March the King was taken suddenly ill at " Alweston," near Glouces- ter.^ He was removed to that city, but continued ill, so ill ■Se^KL? *^^'' ^^ ^^^ reported that he was dead. Perhaps the wish was father to the thought : at any rate the King's career of extortion and tyranny received a momentary check. " When the Devil was ill the Devil a saint would be.'' Under fear of death William's cynical hardihood deserted him. In the simple words of the Peterborough chronicler we are told that His Promises -a Analecta, 314, represents the terms of the convention as having been settled after communication with Helie, who was in prison at Bayeux. But it is not easy to see how there could have been time for that, as William was back at Rouen in August, having entered Maine late in July. 3 " Niger et hispidus." " Freeman, W. Rufus, II. 242. I cannot help transcribing this fine passage. 5 "Turgidus Rex." 2i6 MAGNUS BARFOD [a.d. 1098 possessions in the South of Maine, there to prepare for a renewal of the struggle at the earliest possible opportunity.^ But the campaigning of the year was not yet over. Late in September * William led his forces to devastate the French Vexin. A notable ally had Devastation ^°™^ forward in the person of William X., Count of Poitou of tiieFrenoiiand Duke of Aquitaine. Formal siege was laid to Chaumont, ^ ■ while raids were pushed in different directions to Montfort- I'Amauri and Epernon, to Maule, and to Pontoise, that being the furthest' point reached.^ The district must have been wasted in all its length and breadth. The siege of Chaumont proved disastrous to the King and his followers in the matter of horseflesh, the French archers directing their fire against the animals. Scores of gallant men-at-arms had to recross the Epte on foot. Finding that he could do no more, Rufus consented to a truce.* In Normandy he remained till the ensuing spring.^ With all this warfare abroad we naturally again have at home groans over the manifold unrighteous exactions {ungyld) of the '"England" Government, aggravated by 'rain that ceased not.' Almost all the crops in the Fen country were lost.^ But for the British Isles as a whole the event of the year 1098 was a great Scandinavian invasion under the King of Norway, Magnus surnamed Invasion by B^i^^od {Barefoot),'' son of Olaf Kyrre, and grandson of Harold Magnus Hardrada, who fell at Stamford Bridge. We are told that he of Nor"W3,v had with him a son of the English Harold, presumably Ulf, his son by the Lady Ealdgyth, who, having been set free at the death of the Conqueror,^ now for one instant emerges from obscurity again to vanish for ever. A Norse attack on Britain seems to carry us back to days supposed to be past. But the old times had not come back. Fifty years earlier, England would have trembled for her safety. Now Magnus did not venture to attack the mainland even of Scotland, much less that ' August, Ord. 773. For the latter part of the interview with Helie conf. W. Malm. G. R. s. 320 (wrongly given under 1099). 2 The date is fixed by the fact that on the night of the 27th September, William being at Conches, on his way to invade 'France,' 'the heavens were lighted up,' evidently by an Aurora Borealis, also noticed by Florence and the Chronicle. ^ Epernon ("Sparlo") is in Eure et Loire; Chaumont in Oise; the other places named are in Seine et Oise. Maule is between Mantes and Saint Germain-en-Laye. * Ord. 766, 767. 5 Chron. ; Flor. ; H. Hunt. Orderic, 774, makes the King leave Normandy in the autumn. ^ Ord. 773; Chron. ' Magnus is said to have gained the name of Barefoot from his having adopted the Highland garb, to which he had taken a. fancy. From the use of the word 'barefoot ' we may gather that the kilt-men of the period discarded hose as well as breelcs, only wearing sandals or brogues of leather on their feet ; Robertson, Scotland under Early Kings, 1. 167. * W. Malm. G. R, s. 329. But he gives the name of Harold to King Harold's son. The genealogy in Florence, I. 276, also gives the name of Harold to the son of Ealdgyth; but the name Ulf seems fairly established. A.D. 109S] AND THE WESTERN ISLANDS 217 of England. According to the best account the primary quarrel was with Murchertach,* King of Dublin, whose daughter Magnus had married under a contract, the stipulations of which had not been fulfilled.^ On his way to attack Ireland he took the opportunity of over- "L°iSands^ "^"""'"S and bringing under control the Western Islands, where the population, largely tinged with Norse blood, had long been subject to Norse rule. According to the Saga he wrested the Northern Isles, i.e. the Shetlands and Orkneys, from the sons of Thorfinn, namely Paul and Erling, of whom we heard at Stamford Bridge, installing his own son Sigurd instead.^ The Sudreyia, or Southern Isles, meaning the whole group from the Hebrides to the Isle of Man, both included,* were won from the sons of one Guthred, surnamed Crouan, another chief who had figured at Stamford Bridge.^ But the attack on Ireland failed, the Irish being forewarned and forearmed.^ From the Irish ^^glesey"^ <^oa^' Magnus turned towards Anglesey, apparently at the sug- gestion of the Welsh Princes Cadwgan son of Bleddyn, and GrufTudd son of Cynan. In 1094 we were told that the Welsh had risen both in North and South Wales, and that even in the latter districts the ' French ' had retained nothing but Pembroke and Rhyd-y-Gors. This was *"* wl°s" °^ ^^^ native account ; but the failure of expeditions led by the King in person in 1095 ^"^ 1097 is admitted by the English writers. Now it appears that in 1098 Cadwgan and Gruffudd, the two leading men in Wales, were so pressed by the Earls Hugh of Shrewsbury and Hugh (the Stout) of Chester, that they had to retire to Anglesey.^ Such, however, were ever the vicissitudes of irregular warfare. But it is quite conceivable that, as partisan leaders, the two Earls, March Lords, might manage guerilla warfare better than the King with his cumbrous armies, whose coming would be heralded long beforehand. However, the Earls pressing their advantage, followed up the retreating Princes, crossing into Anglesey, and establishing a fort at Aberlleiniog,* between Penmon and the present Beaumaris, probably on the spot formerly fortified by the Earl of Chester, but captured by the Welsh in 1094.^ They then proceeded to ravage " Mon " in the most barbarous fashion, butchering and mutilating the natives.!" Driven out of the Island, Gruffudd and Cadwgan took ship for Ireland. Thus they were brought into contact with Magnus.^i It would ' See his signature to the letter to Anselm aslcing for the consecration of a bishop ; Eadmer, H. N. 77. " Orderic, 767. ' Laing, Heimskringla, III. 129. * Hence the name of our Bishopric of Sodor and Man. ' Chroti. Mannia, A.D. 1047 (1066), and notes, Munch, p. 50; Freeman. Guthred aruled Man 1075-1095 ; and for fifteen years of the time he was also King of Dublin. Robertson, sup. 165. " Orderic, sup. ; Arm. Ulster. ' Ann. Camb. ; Brut, (the latter, A.D. 1096). * Brut. sup. ^ Florence. For remains of the fort at Aberlleiniog, see Freeman, W. Rufus, II. 129. " Florence. " Ann. Camb. ; Brut. sup. 2i8 MAGNUS IN ANGLESEY [a.d. 109S seem that both parties had already been trafficking with Wicking forces, which must have been connected with the Norse King's armament. Magnus listened to the prayers of the Welshmen, and sailed over to Anglesey. At what place he found the Earls does not appear, but it was on the coast, not far from the mainland, and very likely near Death of -A-berlleiniog.i Hugh of Montgomery entering the water to Hugh of skirmish with the invaders fell pierced by an arrow in the eye. ontgomery. j^j^ body, carried olif by the tide, was not recovered without trouble. Seventeen days later he was laid to his rest in his father's Minster at Shrewsbury, the only kindly-natured man of all the sons of Earl Roger and Mabille Talevas of Belleme.^ The Earldom of Shrewsbury was given to Hugh's elder brother Robert of Belleme, whose claims could no longer be overlooked. But we are told that this recognition cost him a fine of ;!^3ooo to the of Bemme King;^ another acquisition for which Belleme paid hand- siir^^b* somely was the inheritance of one Roger of Busli, Buthly or Bully,* broad lands on the borders of Yorkshire and Notts. With his ambition and his political instincts he lost no time in strengthen- ing his position by castle-building. He set up a new fortress ^buUdtog*" ^* Bridgenorth, not on the site of the " burh " of ^thelflsed, but a little higher up, on the same side of the Severn. The shattered remains of the existing Keep are his work.^ The Bully estates round Blyth, weakly conceded to him by Rufus, were fortified with a castle, sometimes known by the name of Blyth, but more correctly by that of Tickhill. Robert also built a fort at Careghova or Caroclove in Wales, on the line of Offa's Dyke,^ and probably strengthened the works at Shrewsbury and Arundel. Altogether he soon established for himself a position analogous to that already held by him in Normandy, and prob- ably without parallel in the history of England. We may wonder at the imprudence of the King, who permitted such an accumulation in such hands. But Rufus was too impulsive and self-confident to be politic. As for the Welsh Princes, it would seem that they remained in Ire- Settiemsnt ^"^^ till the next year, when they were allowed to return under of Welsh a convention with the English, by which Anglesey was restored to Gruffudd, Cadwgan retammg his possessions in Central ' So Mr. Freeman suggests. Orderic, whose account here is not free from confusion, says that the parties met " in regione Dagannoth," i.e. near Deganwy, the spot where Robert of Rhuddlan fell, near the Conway. But the Welsh writers place the meeting in Anglesey. ^ July-August, 1098 ; Orderic, 768 ; Ann. Camb. and Bnit. sup. The latter gives Magnus the credit of having slain the Earl, but this seems negatived by Orderic, who says that the King mourned when Hugh's death was reported to him. ' Orderic, 768. ■* Seine Inf., Freeman. ' Ord. sup. See Clark, Military Arch. I. 273-277. ° Ord.; and Clark, sup. Freeman, W. Rufus, II. 159 ; Ellis, Domesday, I. 226, 389. A.D. 1099] MAINE AGAIN IN REVOLT 219 Wales ; Ceredigion and part of Powys are specified.^ But Gruffudd must be regarded as continuing King or Prince of Gwynnedd, and in the enjoyment of a position much more independent than that of his rival. wmiam William apparently came back to England in the spring of Eetumsto 1099;* at any rate we hear of him on Whitsunday (29th England. ^^^^ ^^ holding his feast at Westminster, and inaugurating his great architectural work, Westminster Hall. Magnificent ^^°Ti^?'^^^'^ as its proportions appeared to the men of the time,^ Rufus, with his usual extravagance, declared that it was not half big enough. One important appointment, at any rate, was announced in honour of the occasion. The rich See of Durham had been vacant for Ralph Ham- '^""^^ y^^'^^ and a half. It was now conferred upon the King's bard, Bisnop faithful satellite, the man who for ten years had done his dirty of Durham. ^^^^^ ^^^ ^j^^^^ Norman official, Ralph Flambard. A week later (sth June) he was consecrated at St. Paul's.* For some eight months, from August, 1098, to April, 1099, that is to say, apparently just so long as the King remained in Normandy, the dis- possessed Count of Maine kept quiet. William once across the Channel, Helie began to move again, mustering his forces. Four castles AimsA^in. ^^ ^^^ '" '"'S'^' °^ '^'^ ^^^^' "^^^ly Chateau-du-Loir, Mayet, Luc^-le-Grand, and Outille,^ all in the southern part of Maine, besides his own inherited La Fleche." In the month of June he took the field with a considerable force, and, crossing the Huisne at Pontlieue,'' near its junction with the Sarthe, appeared before the walls of Le Mans. The Norman garrison boldly sallying out to skirmish, were Le^Mans overpowered and driven back, their assailants entering the town pell-mell with them. Le Mans was won, but not the forts. The citizens received their popular Count with joy, but their joy was quickly turned to sorrow when the whole lower town was fired with missiles showered down by William's men from the Keep and other strong- holds on the heights above, an easterly wind causing the flames to spread.* A report of what had happened was promptly forwarded to Rufus in Eng- land. The messenger found him hunting at Clarendon, near Sahsbury, ' Ann. Cam!), and Brut. ^ Towards Easter (10th April), Chron. 3 "^dificium permaximum," W. Malm.; G. Ji. s. 321. " Aulam . , . mag- nam vel sequo majorem," H. Hunt. * Chron. ; Flor. ; H. Hunt j Symeon, H. J?, s. 180. * Orderic, 684, 769, 773. " All in the Dept. of Sarthe. ' "Ad Pontem Leugfe;" Mabillon, Vet. Anal, sup. "Ad Planchias Godefredi vadum Eguenite fluminis pertransivit," Ord. The " Planchise" would be a wooden foot- bridge along side of a ford. Mr. Freeman identifies this with the existing Ford of Mauny, a little below Pontlieue, Rufus, II. 287. * Orderic, 773, 774 ; and Mabillon, sup. See also the interesting description of Le Mans, Freem. N. C. III. 203. 220 THE REVOLT CRUSHED [a.d. 1099-1100 on the outskirts of the New Forest. On receipt of the news, William, we William ^'■^ '^'Ml, simply turned his horse round, and, without waiting Hastens to to take counsel of any one, or to make the smallest prepara- tue Rescue, ^j^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ galloped down to the coast, doubtless to Southampton,! the nearest harbour. But, for the moment, only one crazy old vessel was available for transport. The weather was boisterous, and His Confi- ^^ sailors hesitated to face the waves. But William, with a dence in his proud confidence in his own destiny, ordered them to loose, ^^ ^^' asking them if they had ever heard of a king who was drowned at sea. Next morning they landed at Touques, near Trouville, then as now a seaside resort in time of summer. With a cheery laugh the King himself announced his own arrival to the wondering idlers on the sands.^ The King's promptness met with its due reward. A force having been quickly raised and marched to Le Mans, H^lie retired in ^^Hlue °^ confusion. But if the Red King could vie with his father in swiftness of action, in thoroughness and persistency of purpose he fell far behind him. Following the retreating foe, he pushed south- wards as far as the little town of Mayet, where the castle held out. The King arrived there on a Friday. On the Saturday, evidently giving in to the Treuga Dei, he granted a truce till the Monday. Wiien hostilities *ere resumed his nerve was shaken by the fate of a man standing beside him, whose head was crushed by a stone hurled from an upper floor of the castle. He held a council of war, dropped the siege, and marched home.3 By Michaelmas he had returned to England.* The King's career so far had been one of sufficient success;'' but with the year iioo a new vista of indefinite aggrandisement seemed to open up. His friend William the Duke of Aquitaine and Count of theAcquisi- Poitou, who had assisted him in his Vexin campaigns of 1098, A^^^fto ^^ ^^ following Duke Robert's example, proposed to mortgage his dominions to the King for money to take him to the Holy Land. William jumped at the offer, and the naval and military resources of England were once more called upon for an enterprise in which she had no interest." The Court of Paris trembled at the prospect of seeing the Anglo-Norman dominion carried to the banks of the Garonne. William might even be aiming at the crown of France.'' 1 So the R. Rou. 2 Orderic, 774, 775; W. Malm. G. R. s. 320; R. Rou, II. 328-331, where the in- cident is connected with the events of 1090 ; Eadmer, H. N. 116. " Ventus insuper et ipsum mare videbantur ei obtemperare." ^ Orderic, 775 ; Chron. ■* Chron. 5 So Eadmer remarks, H. N. 116. "^ Ord. 780 ; W. Malm. G, R. s. 333, p. 379. ' Suger, Vita. Lud. Grossi, c. r. (Duchesne, Hist. Franc. ScHptt. IV. 283.) As Mr. Freeman points out, the Aquitaine of the period lay North of the Garonne, and in fact to the south of Poitou, Limoges being its capital. Guienne, again, came in between Aquitaine and Gascony A.D. iioo] DEATH OF THE KING 221 But the brimming cup had run over. The demands for the Poitevin campaign were the last that William was destined to address to his over- England burdened subjects. Already men's thoughts had begun to Tired of Wil- turn towards the King's younger brother, Henry, born in the ^' Purple, and so according to some views, the rightful heir to the Throne of the Conqueror.^ Early in May the public mind was excited Sudden ^X ^^^ sudden death of the King's nephew Richard, natural Death of his son of Duke Robert, who fell, accidentally shot by a cross-bow Nephew ■ bolt while hunting in the New Forest, the second scion of the Royal House to succumb to the Nemesis of those fateful glades.^ It will be remembered that Richard, the third son of William I., had died either of some injury suffered, or some illness contracted, while sport- °Poitents^ ing in the New Forest.^ Rumours of further portents began to be noised abroad. Blood was seen welling from the earth at Finchampstead in Berkshire.* The Evil One appeared to many, and spoke to them of the King, and of Flambard.^ Dreams and prophecies of coming retribution were multiplied. Clearly the end of the Red King's reign was the one consummation for which all men were devoutly praying. A monk at Gloucester had a vision of the Church as a fair virgin kneeling at the feet of Christ, and praying to be delivered from William's cruel yoke. She was told to have patience for a little while. Abbot Serlo thought it his duty to report the warning to the King. Nay more, we are told that a few days later, on the Feast of St. Rnfus De- Pfi'sr '^^ Vincula (August i), the same Abbot allowed a sermon nounced from to be preached in his newly-consecrated church^ by Fulchard, Abbot of Shrewsbury, denouncing the Government in the strongest terms.'' But Rufus cared for none of those things. On the 2nd August, buoyant and full of spirits as ever, he went out to hunt in the New "Sam EufUs" Forest. At night the news rang through the land that the impious King was dead, fallen in an instant, shot through the heart by an arrow. In the words of our great poet he had fallen — • ' Unhouseled, disappointed, unannealed, With all his horrible imperfections on his head .' * ' "Quern nobiliter in solio regni noverant genitum ; " Ord. 782. See also W. Jum. 297 ; Freeman, W. Rufus,, I. 1 1 ; W. Newburgh, I. 26 (Rolls Series, No. 82, Howlett). 2 May 6-8, Orderic, 780 ; Florence. ^ Id. ; W. Jum. 296. » Chron. ; Flor. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 331. ^ Florence. ° St. Peter's Gloucester, rebuilt by Serlo, was dedicated July 15, iioo; Florence. See Freem. N. C. IV. 389 ' Orderic, 781, 782. For another dream, said to have been reported to Robert fitz Hamon, see Malm. G. R. 5. 333, also 331, 332. For prophecies among Anselm's circle see Eadmer, Vita, 402, 403. Anselm, however, refused to listen to them. * Thursday, August 2. Hamlet, I. 3. " Imposnitens et inconfessu?," Eadm. H. N, lie. 222 HIS BURIAL [A.D. IIOO By whose hand the fatal bow was drawn, and under what circumstances, remains in doubt. The version prevalent at the time and afterwards was that the King had been accidentally shot by Walter Tirel of Wafter nreL ^'^^'^ (Somme), a favourite courtier, understood to have been the only man of position who saw the King fall.^ We are also told that Tirel had to flee for his life from the fury of William's minions, who would have torn him to pieces, and that years afterwards he went on penitential pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where he died.^ Against this we have to set Walter's own denial, as reported by Abbot Suger of St. Denis, who tells us that he had frequently heard Tirel assert in the most solemn manner, at times ' when he had nothing to hope or fear,' that he was not with the King at his death.^ But apparently the man never ventured to set foot in England again. The matter seems an unsolved mystery, and there we fear that we must leave it. No inquiry was ever made. The world was too glad to be rid of the tyrant to risk bringing any man into trouble by probing the facts too deeply. The King's fall broke up the hunting party ; off went the courtiers, each man to look after his own interests. It will be borne in mind that during an interregnum the King's Peace would be in abeyance, and the rule of law, as it were, suspended. Thus the corpse was left to be brought in by The Corose fo'^^sters and gamekeepers {clientuli) on a cart, simply covered carried to with a rough cloth, 'like the carcase of some fallen boar.' menester. wjuc^^ester was reached on the morrow. Clergy and monks, with a motley following of expectant beggars and widows, went out to meet the remains. They were carried to a grave ready prepared in the Minster. In solemn silence, without Psalm or Requiem, the ^"sumce^ Red King, as an unshriven malefactor, was laid to his rest.* The chronicler adds, as if with shame, that of all the late King's wealth not a penny was distributed as alms for the good of his soul. William of Malmesbury describes King Rufus as a man of square build, moderate stature, and great strength, already inclined to be corpulent,^ 1 Orderic, 781, 782; W. Malm. G. R., s. 333 ; Florence ; H. Hunt. The Chronicle simply states that Rufus was shot by one of his own men, as if the deed was not quite accidental. Tirel is also mentioned by Geoffrey Gaimar; Wace, R. Rou, II. 341 ; and Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, 222. The Annales Cambria also have it that William was shot accidentally by a miles, a man of some rank. The Continuator of Jumieges (R. de Monte) evidently believed in the Tirel version, as he says, "a quo- dam suo familiari percussus," 296. 2 Orderic, 783. He gives details about Tirel, telling us that he was married to Ade- laide, daughter of Richard Giffard, and that he left a son Hugh, etc. ^ " Jurejurando stepius audivimus . . . asserere "; Duchesne, fa/. IV. 283. * So apparently Orderic, 782, " Veluti biothanatum absolutione indignum " ; W. Malm. sup. ; Chron. The tombstone may yet be seen, but not on the original site, which has been recently changed ; Freeman. ' " Ventre paulo projectiore." A.D. 1087-1100] PERSONAL APPEARANCE 223 though not more than forty-two years old. He had an open forehead, with the hair parted in the middle, ^ ruddy complexion, yel- Ciiaracter lowish hair (subflavo), and wild speckled eyes.^ He stam- and mered in his speech, especially when in a passion.^ Without ' sense of dignity, he made a point of assuming a brutal hectoring manner in public audiences, shouting down his interlocutors * if they ven- tured to differ from him. In private he could be humorous and pleasant, especially when giving a jocular apology for one of his own misdeeds.^ With a clear intellect and retentive memory he was vain to a degree. His Extra- ^°"^ childish in his extravagance, literally courting imposition, vagance and The story is well known of the pair of new boots rejected by y. jjjjjj ^jjjj j-Quj language because they had only cost three shillings. When the chamberlain brought him another pair, no better than the first, and said that they would cost a mark (13^-. ^d.), the King was satisfied.^ As a natural consequence his rapacity was unbounded. In the words of the Chronicle, ' he would be the heir of every man, learned or lay.' Nothing was safe from him, and everything was turned into money. ' The very halter round the robber's neck would be loosed if he could promise money. . . . Nobody under William had any cash except the money- lenders ; no cleric could get on unless he was a pettyfogger, nor any priest get a living unless he paid rent for it.' '^ Purely military in his life and CMvair ts-Stes, William had the spirit of the new-born chivalry of the Treatment times, and could be generous to foes of knightly rank, as in of EaS ^'^ treatment of the Ballon captives in 1098, and again when he let Hdlie of La Flfeche go free. Many men under the circumstances would have found excuses for breaking their word. Impul- sive but not persistent, William was more violent than strong. His cam- paigns in France really ended in nothing. He was like a wild bull, easily turned, and harmless when the first wild rush was spent. His ^la^y^"' utter unpopularity, we might say the abhorrence with which he was regarded by his subjects, is admitted by all.* The summary of his offences, as given by the Peterborough Chronicle, is that Venality and ^^ harassed the people with military levies and illegal im- injustioe of posts ; and that he oppressed the Church, either selling the *■ Sees or farming them out. At his death he had three bishoprics ' " Fronte fenestrata " ; see Ducange,/«««j/rare. ^ " Oculo vario, quibusdam intermicantibus guttis distincto." ^ Malm. G. R. s. 321. * " AfiFectato rigore feroci voce coUoquentem reverberans." ^ " Facetissimus de aliquo sue perperam facto cavUlator, ut invidiam facti dilneret, et ' ad sales transferret " ; G. R. 312. « G. R. s. 313. Even three shillings would seem a good price for a pair of boots, it was the worth of an ox ; Pipe Roll, 31 ^. /. ' "Nullus dives nisi numraularius, nuUus clericus nisi causidicus, nuUus presbyter nisi . . . firmarius " ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 314. * "Vix abolendam infamiam" is Malmesbury's judgment; G. R. s. 316. The chronicle styles him ' loathsome (latS) to his people and hateful (andsKte) to God.' 224 CHARACTER [a.d. 1087-1100 and eleven abbeys all 'set' at rent. As the broad result of his rule, ' every right fell, and every unright rose up.' ^ In this indictment the fiscal exactions are naturally placed in the forefront. Venality and in- justice as organized by Flambard would tell against every class, from the highest to the lowest.^ Even the 'good peace' that Rufus kept^ might seem dearly purchased under such a system. It should also be stated that the King's Household and mercenaries were indulged in every license at the expense of the peasantry, William making no attempt to keep them in order.* With the biographer of St. Anselm the King's personal attitude towards religion is the point most dwelt upon. William's heretical profanity would „, - scandalise the clergy, especially in a crusading age, when the tempt for Church was aspiring to rule the world. Any reference to the Beligion. ^yjjj q£ Providence irritated Rufus, and he utterly rejected all invocation of Saints, but especially of St. Peter.^ A party of Englishmen of respectable position were charged with having taken some of the King's deer. At the beginning of his reign he had promised to relax the Forest Laws ; in fact, he increased their severity.^ William ordered the whole set to the ordeal, nothing doubting that they must all be convicted. But on the third day, when their hands were examined, the priests declared them all innocent. Rufus was furious. ' Was that God's justice ? Away with it. All such cases shall be brought before our own Court in future.' ^ HI Attit de '^^^ King's Freethinking came out especially in connexion towards with Judaism. On one occasion he told the Jews in London Judaism, jj^^j j^g ^^g quite open to conviction, and that if they could refute the bishops he would join their persuasion. We are told that he actually forced the reluctant clergy to a disputation. Of cpurse the Jews were worsted, but of course they protested that they had been over- powered by numbers.^ But the King was as venal in his unbelief as in everything else. We are told that in 1098 the Jews at Rouen complained to him that some of their connexion had embraced Christianity, offering him money to win them back to the worship of their fathers. Rufus sent for the converts, and by dint of threats and bullying forced some of them to recant." Others held out. One young Israelite in particular had been 1 Chron. E, a.d. iioo. 2 See Florence (II. 46) ; also Ord. 678, 680; W. Malm. G. R. =. 314; C. P. p. 274. ^ Ord. 680. * " Pagenses contra milites defendere negligebat," Ord. 680. " Rapina quam familia sua hostili modo ubicunque rex pergabat, exercebant " ; H. Hunt. p. 230. * ' ' Nullum sanctorum cuiquam apud Deum posse prodesse ... nee aliquem sapienter debere Beatum Petrum seu quemlibet alium quo se juvaretinterpellare " ; Eadm., H. N. 102. ^ W. Malm. G. R. s. 319 ; Chron. A.D. 1088. ' " Deus est Justus judex ? Pereat qui deincepshoc crediderit." Anselm was greatly shocked ; Eadm. H. N. I02. * " Se non ratione sed factione superatos " ; W. Malm. G. R. 317. ^ "Minis et terroribus fractos "; Eadm. H. N. 99 ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 317. A.D. 1087-1100] AND GOVERNMENT 225 converted, it was said, by an apparition of the Proto-martyr Stephen. His father promised the King sixty marks (;^4o) for his re-converslon. Rufus summoned the youth and ordered him to comply with his father's wishes. The lad gravely asked the King if he was jesting. ' What ! I jest with thee, thou son of a dunghill ? Do as I bid thee, or Par vo Luche I will have thine eyes torn out.' ' Nay, O King,' pleaded the undaunted son of Abraham, simply, ' but know that thou art no good Christian if thou doest such things.' William, slightly abashed, ordered him to be turned out of the apartment. A discussion with the father ensued. The King claimed the marks on the ground that he had done his best. The father urged that he had only promised the money in return for an actual conversion. Finally the King was content to split the difference, and take thirty marks.i Seldom have fine natural gifts been more grossly abused and degraded. Bad man as he was, Rufus was better than King John. He was not so mean, so cruel, or so petty as his grandnephew. His private habits, as already mentioned, were of the vilest ; ^ too coarse to consort with ladies, he seems to have had little to do with women at all. Of the Revenue of the second William we can give no more definite estimate than we did of that of his father. We can only point wmiam^iif °"'- ^g^'^^ ^s a general indication that his brother's income for the one year for which accounts are extant will be found under ;£'30,ooo of the money of the time.^ We have referred to the position of Ralph Flambard. He is generally supposed to have held the post of Chief Justiciar. But again we say that EalDh ^^ ^^ doubtful if any such office had yet been established.* At Flamijard, any rate, in 1091 we have Flambard signing, and he signs not Treasurer. ^^ jii^ticiarius, but simply as Tkesaurarius ^ (Treasurer). The Treasury therefore would seem to have been Ralph's proper sphere of action. But under Rufus the discharge of this duty carried with it the control of the whole judicial and administrative system of the kingdom, which from his point of view was simply machinery for supplying the needs of the Royal fisc.^ The expression of the Peterborough Chronicler, that he ' drove ' and managed all the ' gemots ' of the country, would imply an interference with the action even of the ordinary local courts. We are ' Eadmer, sup. 100. '^ " Protervus et lascivus " ; Ord. 680. See above, lS5, 191, and note. 5 Pipe Roll, 31, Henry I. ; see below. * See ¥os,s, Jttdges, I. 85. ^ See the charter, Hist. Dimelm. Scriptt. Tres, Append, xxiii. Mr. Foss, above, points out that so far none of the men credited with the office of Chief Justiciar ever sign as such, only as simple "Justiciarius." * " Quem negotiorum totius regni exactorem constituerat," Florence; " Summus regiarum procurator opum et Justiciarius," Ord. 786 ; " Expilator divitum, exterminator pauperum," W. Malm. G^ R. s. 314. R. H. — VOL. II. Q 226 END OF A CENTURY [a.d. 1087-1100 told that the resources of his chicane were endless ; his attitude on the bench, even to prayers for mercy, domineering and brutal.^ Westminster Hall, as we know it, has been remodelled and enlarged since the time of Rufus. Originally it would seem that it was built on the plan of primitive halls, namely, like a church with a nave, and ffi^the'ReS ^'^^^^ ^'^PP°'^'-^^ °" pillars, the pillars in this case being of wood. Three centuries after the time of Rufus the wooden piers were removed, the walls raised, and the windows and roof altered and rebuilt by Richard II. (1397-1399).^ William also surrounded the Tower with a wall, and either repaired or rebuilt London Bridge, which had been greatly damaged by a flood. But again the execution of these Royal works imposed heavy burdens on the people of the neighbouring shires.^ William was never married, and left no issue. The death of the Red King brings us to the close of the eleventh century, with all its dark scenes of turmoil and bloodshed. At the Close of the approach of the year 1000 England, helpless amid the horrors Eleventh of Danish invasion, was endeavouring to find comfort in the en ury. i^gjjgf jjjg^j ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ things was at hand. If the last days of the eleventh century were still fraught with suffering, the country was emerging from a regenerating ordeal, full of promise for the future. The kingdom had become one in fact as well as theory, and already was recognised and respected abroad. Jews and other foreigners had come in to give the natives their first lessons in book-keeping and finance. The constant intercourse with Normandy gave employment to English shipping, and pointed to the necessity of keeping the control of the Channel in English hands. If we venture to peep forward into the coming age, a rapidly widening horizon broadens upon us. The spiritual awakening of Hildebrand has already borne fruits of mixed character, and will soon bring forth more. Jerusalem has been won from the Moslem, and made the seat of a Christian kingdom.* Fresh international efforts are called for daily. The West is being brought into contact with Byzantine civili- zation and Byzantine art. The ascendancy of Christian rule in the Spanish Peninsula has been secured. Fresh chapters of interest await us on every side. » " Invictus causidicus . . . juxta in supplices ut in rebelles furens " ; Malm. sup. ^ See Wheatley & Cunningham's London. ^ Chron. A.D. 1097, where Thorpe's alteration of sciran to scipan seems a mistake ; H. Hunt. lb. Mr. Freeman ascribes to Rufus the building of the first stone bridge over the Thames ; W. Rufus, II. 261. * The Holy City was stormed Friday, 15th July, 1099. A week or eight days later Godfrey of Bouillon was elected King ; Flor. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 369 ; and Gibbon, XI. 81-86. 227 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XV The Giffards, Earls of Buckingham The history of this Earldom is admittedly involved in doubt, the principal question being whether Walter Giffard,' first of the name, was or was not raised to the dignity ; the titles of his son and grandson being undisputed. Walter Giffard I., Lord of Longueville in the Pays de Caux, was son of Osbern cf Bolbec, in the same district, and connected through his mother with the Ducal family.'-' He is first heard of as holding a command at the siege of Arques, by the appointment of Duke William (a.D. 1053).' He must therefore have been a man of some standing at the time.* He fought at Senlac, and, according to Orderic (p. 522, ed. Duchesne), was created Earl of Buckingham by the Conqueror, circa 1070. This man would seem to have survived William, because we hear from Orderic that by the orders of ' Robert H. Duke of Normandy,' Walter Giffard " Senior " took the monastery of St. Evroult (Orderic's House) under his special protection (p. 606). Here, by the way, we may point out that the connection between Walter I. and St. Evroult gives special value to Orderic's testimony. The use of the word " Senior" seems to imply the existence of a younger son already known to the world. We would identify the latter with the man named in Domesday, who is not styled Earl,^ and again with the plain ' Walter Giffard ' mentioned in 1090, and again in 1095, as siding with Rufus in Normandy as against Robert. ° At any rate, Walter Giffard II. must be taken to have been the man who was active in the invasion of the Vexin in 1098, and he is styled Earl of Buckingham ; his father, as we suggest, being now dead. ' Without doubt he was the signitary of Henry I.'s charter,* and died in 1102, leaving by Agnes sister of Anselm of Ribaumont, u son under age, Walter Giffard III., of whom we shall hear at the Battle of Bremule.^ ' The name might be rendered in English ' Cheeks ' or ' Chaps,' Giffard being equiva- lent to the modern French " joufHu " = ' Fat-cheeked ' ; Godefroy. 2 Freeman, N.C. III. 129, citing Deville, p. 19. ^ lb. * Mr. Doyle, I know not on what authority, asserts that he was born before 1015 ; Offi-cial Baronage. ^ Ellis, I. 424. In his note the learned editor mixes up Walter Giffard I. and Walter Giffard II., treating the son of Osbern of Bolbec as the man who died in 1103. ^ Orderic, 681, 722. As other men acting with this Giffard on these occasions are styled Earls, we must admit that he cannot have been an Earl at the time. ' Orderic, 766. ' See Liebermann's text. ^ Orderic, 854. Mr. Doyle, in Jiis Official Baronage, accepts the three Earls ; Mr. Cokayne, in his Complete Peerage, only the two. CHAPTER XVI HENRY I. SURNAMED " CLERC " AND " BEAUCLERC " ^ Born 1068 (May-Sept. ).2 Crowned 5th August, 1 100. Died 1st Dec. 1 135 Style : " Henrictis Dei Gratia Rex Angloriim," also " Dux Nm-inannot-iim "' A.D. 1 1 00-1103 The King's Accession — Issue of a Charter — Return of Anselm — Question of the Investi- tures — The King's Marriage — Invasion of England by Duke Robert of Normandy — Treaty — Expulsion of Robert of Belleme, Earl of Shrewsbury, and his Brothers — Struggle with Anselm — He leaves England. CHIEF of the personages who were with William Rufus in the New Forest on the fatal 2nd August was his brother Henry, then just _ thirty-two years old. Of his energy and capacity he had Beaucierc. already given distinct proofs. His natural talents had been developed by a good education, and matured by the expert- and ences gained through his struggles with his brothers.* Men Attainments. ^^^ parties, both in England and Normandy, must have been well known to him. A scholar and a man of peace, cool and calculating, with his impulses strictly under control, he loved to work by policy and craft.5 His brother's sudden fall had, in an instant, brought the crown of England within his reach. Nor was he slow to grasp the prize. He rode straight to Winchester — distant some twenty miles — where the Royal treasure was kept, and demanded the keys. Hard on his °® CroTO*^^ "^^^^ '^^'"^ William of Breteuil, the keeper of the hoard, to raise an honest protest on behalf of the absent Robert. He ' " Heanrig," Chron. and by a later scribe, " Henri." " Henris," R. Ron, passim. The earliest authority for the traditional surname Clerc or Beaucierc appears to be the Chronicle of Thomas Wykes, who died probably shortly before 1300. " Quern vulgus clericum nuncupabat." Ann. Monastici, IV. 11 (H. R. Luard, Rolls Series, No. 36). 2 Ord. 510; above, 65. ^ See' the Seals, Rymer, Fadera, I., 7. Lappenberg, Normans (Thorpe), 300, asserts that Henry never used the style of Dux Norm, during Robert's life, but Anselm ad- dresses him as such in two letters, Efip. III. No. 136, and IV. No. 82, Migne. ■• See above, and the loose sketch, W. Malm. G. R. s. 392. Speaking of the elder brothers he says, "ad majorem prudentiam revi processu penuria victualium informa- bant " (so. Henricum). ^ " Libentius bellabat consilio quam gladio " ; Malm. G. R. s. 412. For Henry's education and love of books see Id. 390, and Ord. 510, 665. 228 A.D. iioo] ELECTION AND CORONATION 229 was the eldest son of the Great William ; the reversion of England had been assured to him by the treaty of Caen ; Henry had subscribed that compact, and done homage to Robert. The treaty of Caen would not appeal to Henry's better feelings, sealed as it had been at his expense ; as for the homage, he might point out that it had been rendered for fiefs in Normandy of which he had been wrong- fully despoiled. A crowd soon gathered round the pair. Encouraged by Eobert's ^^ friendly attitude of the bystanders, Henry put his hand on RigMs the hilt of his sword, and declared that he would stand no frivolous discussion of his rights. The keys of castle and treasury were handed over,i and with them the succession was practically settled. This must be supposed to have happened on the evening of the 2nd August.^ On the morrow, the Friday — after the late King's remains had been laid in the Minster — -the form of an election was gone through by the knot of courtiers present, in the words of the Chronicle : ' By such of the Witan as were near hand.' Chief of these were Robert of Meulan, the Ahitophel of the period, and his younger brother, Henry of Beaumont, now Earl of Warwick, described as a man specially attached to Henry. We are told that through his influence more than that of any other man all dissentient voices were silenced, and Henry chosen. ^ The opposition, of course, would come from those averse to the severance of England from Normandy. The King-elect then proceeded to bestow the vacant See of Winchester* upon the late King's Chancellor William Giffard,^ thus securing the services of an experienced official, and the support of a bishop. The party then, without further delay, rode straight to London, Coronation covering the 62^ miles with such expedition that they were with the able to arrange for Henry's coronation on the Sunday, that Ancient Rites. . ^ -^i ji , , , , IS to say, either the next day, or the next day but one (August 5). The breathless haste with which the proceedings were pressed forward speaks for itself. With respect to the hallowing, the performance of the rite was the privilege of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and, failing him, of the Northern Primate. But Anselm was abroad, and the urgency of the case did not admit of sending to York for Archbishop Thomas, who was old and in failing health, and who, in fact, died not long after.'' The con- secrating unction, therefore, had to be laid on by the hands of Maurice, Bishop of London.^ The ritual has been preserved, and it conforms in > Orderic, 782. ^ Rufus fell late in the day. He did not go out hunting till the afternoon ; Ord. ' " In Regem electus est aliquantis tamen ante controversiis inter proceres agitatis atque sopitis ;" W. Malm. G. R. s. 393. Orderic, 783. ■* Bishop Walkelin died 3 January, 1098 ; Florence ; Reg. Sacrum. ^ See ¥ois,, Judges, I. 56. '^ 18 Nov., lloo ; Flor. ; Reg. Sacr, ' Orderic, 783 ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 393 ; Chron. ; Flor. ; H. Hunt, 230 A CHARTER [a.d. iioo all respects to the established precedents, and notably in the matter of the Coronation Oath, in which the King promised, so far as in him lay, to keep Church and people in good peace, to put down all wrong-doing, and and to temper justice with mercy.i These pledges in themselves would amount to an undertaking to govern righteously. But the king's father and brother had promised as much, and Henry was anxious to contrast his intended rule with theirs. The coronation was promptly followed by the publication of his celebrated Charter,^ " the parent of all later charters." The King begins ^ChartM* ^y reciting that he has been crowned by the ' common counsel ' of the Barons of the Realm, which Realm had been oppressed with ' unjust exactions,' the practice of which he goes on to disclaim for the future. First and foremost, ' he liberates the Church,' ^ he will neither sell nor farm out any vacant benefice, nor will he take anything either from the demesne lands, or the under-tenants, of a vacant see until a suc- cessor takes possession.* With respect to the laity he abrogates ' all the evil customs by which the Realm had been unjustly oppressed.' In particular, the heirs of barons and others holding in chief ^ shall no longer ' redeem ' their estates, ' as they did in the time of my brother,' but shall only pay a just and proper Relief. Nothing shall be taken from a tenant for leave to dispose of the hand of a daughter or other female relative in marriage, ' so that it be not to one of the King's enemies.' The requirement of Royal leave, it will be observed, is not dispensed with. If a tenant leave a daughter as his heir, the King will consult the Barons as to the dis- position of her hand and property. Widows, desiring to remain single shall be free to do so, without forfeiting dower or marriage portion." The wardship of the children and lands to rest with the mother, or other most suitable relative. This, it would seem, was the old English rule. A tenant in failing health to be free to dispose of his money. If he die without having disposed of it, the money to be distributed by the widow and other connexions,'' as they shall think best, for the good of his soul. ' See Maskell, Momim. Ritualia, III. 3, 5 ; cited Stubbs, Select Cha7iers, 95, and C. H. I. 329, where also the oath is given. The Chronicle confounds the coronation oath with the coronation charter. The service will be found in MS. Cott. Claudius, A. III. * The charter bears no date. Florence and others refer to it as published on the day of the coronation, but the charter distinctly refers to that day as past " ab ilia die qua coronatus fui," c, 9. ^ " /Ecclesiam imprimis liberam facio." '' For exactions from the owners of demesnes see the Danegeld of 1096 ; for exactions from under-tenants, the Worcester Reliefs of 1095 ; above, 141, note, 203, note, 205. ^ "Qui de me tenent," otherwise "homines mei." " " Maritationem," i.e. money given to the husband with the wife, the French dot. See Ducange. ' "Uxor sua sive liberi aut parentes aut legitimi homines ejus earn . . . dividant, etc.," s. 7. A.D. iioo] OF LIBERTY 231 Here we may notice that no right of testamentary disposition of land, even of boc-land, as in Anglo-Saxon times, appears to be recognised. This right must be supposed to have been swept away by the New Feudalism. The King further grants that where a tenant shall have committed some legal offence against the Crown he shall not in future be required to give security for a fine at the king's absolute discretion — ' as they did in the times of my father and my brother ' — but shall only pay according to the measure of his offence — ' as he would have paid in the times of my other predecessors before my father's time.' ^ The reader will notice Henry's disposition to connect himself with the old line of kings, and to treat his accession as a return to good old days. The charter then goes on to specify that tenants by knight's service ^ shall hold their demesne lands free from all ' gelds ' or renders other than service in the field. From this, perhaps, we may date the exemption from direct taxation enjoyed by the Peers in mediaeval times. As minor concessions the King puts out of circulation base coin then current, ' but not known in the time of King Eadward ' ; remits all penalties and debts {placita et debitd) due to his brother, other than legitimate rents and obligations, and also all murder- fines ^ incurred since the day of his coronation. The Forests, he frankly declares, he means to retain for himself to the same extent as of tlie Laws his father had them, the Barons having been specially con- CoitfesMr ^'i^'^'^i ^'^^ having given their consent. Lastly, he restores the popular Laws of the Confessor with the emendations in- troduced by the Conqueror. It is important to point out with regard to the concessions made to the tenants in chief, that the King requires from them corresponding con- cessions in favour of their under-tenants. These would be the most popular and beneficial stipulations of the charter. From one point of view Indictment of '^^ document might be regarded as an indictment of the the Late governments of Henry's father and brother. From another Governments. pQJjjj ^f yjg^ jj. might be regarded as giving the terms of the compact on the strength of which he was accepted as King. A special copy, addressed to the sheriff, was sent down to each county in the kingdom.* Henry's anxious wish to pose as an English King, born in England, is unmistakeable. His accession was undoubtedly _^well received by the ' " Si quis . . . forisfecerit non dabit vadium in miseiicordia pecuniiE sure . . . sed secundum modum forisfacti emendabit," etc., s. 8. As for "in misericordia," the Dialogzis de Scacc, tells us that it meant " tota pecunia," or forfeiture of the wliole of a man's movables but not of his real estate, c. 16. 2 " Qui per loricas terras suas deserviunt," cf. French "Fief de haubert." 3 "Murdra," i.e. the penalty from the Hundred for an unconvicted homicide. Laws Wm. /. c. 3 ; Select Charters, c. 22 ; Schmidt ; above, 145. * Select Charters, 96. For a critical examination of the text, see Liebermann, Trans- actions R. Hist. Socy. N. S. VIII. 21. No actual original seems extant. 232 A POLITIC ALLIANCE [a.d. iioo English. The fact that he was bom in the Purple^ was dwelt upon; and Welsh prophecies applicable to his case were produced.^ Englisli Klng.From the greater barons he could only expect a doubtful Doubtful support. The considerations that told for union with Nor- attitudeof mandy were just as operative now as in 1087. Accordingly, ■ the number of magnates who appear to have taken an actual part in making Henry King is very small. The list includes the Bishops Maurice of London, Gundulf of Rochester, Gerard of Hereford, and William Giffard Elect of Winchester. The Earls were Robert of Meulan and his brother Henry of Warwick, Simon of St. Lis or Senlis Earl of Huntingdon and Northampton, and Walter Giffard II. of Bucks ; with the Barons Roger Bigod, Robert of Montfort, Robert Malet, Henry of Port, Hamon the Steward {Dapifer), and Robert fitz Hamon.^ Concurrently with the issue of the Charter a pressing invitation was addressed to Anselm, to return to England to resume the care of souls as the spiritual father of the King and people.* Other instal- Keforms. ments of reform were promptly taken in hand. The court Baiph Flam- was cleared of objectionable characters, and its police re- hard sent to stored : Ralph Flambard, ' the prince of Publicans,' was sent tlx6 Tower. ' 1 • ' to the Tower on charges of malversation.^ It appears that Henry himself had suffered at his hands. The vacant abbeys of Ely, Glastonbury, Bury, and Abingdon, were filled up, and given either to members of influential families, or to men of personal distinction." But Henry had yet another card to play, and that a trump card, namely his hand, which was still free. His choice fell on Eadgyth, daughter Henrv Pro- °^ Malcolm Canmore by Margaret ' the good Queen,' the poses to sister of Eadgar the ^^theling. The bride, therefore, would ^'"^" be sprung from ' England's right king-kin.' '' The union was not less popular with the English than happy in its results, linking as it did the new dynasty with the old one. We are also assured that it sprang from mutual affection.* The two must have had opportunities of meeting, as the lady had lived from her childhood under the protection of English nunneries, at Wilton, and again at Romsey under her aunt Chris- 1 " In solio regni . . . genitum " ; Ord. 782 ; W. Malm. G.R. s. 390 ; W. Jum. Cont. 297 ; also Brevis Relatio (a tract of the reign), p. 9. ^ Ord. The Confessor's dying prediction would not he fully applicable yet. The trunk of the tree might be said to have rejoined its root, but it had not yet borne fruit. ^ See the signatures to the charter, Liebermann, sup. 45 ; and the letter to Anselm, Epp. III. No. 41 ; Stubbs, C.H. I. 330. * Epp. Anselm, sup. = 15 Aug. Sym. H.D.E. Cont. 138; Anselm. Epp. IV. No. 2. " Chron. ; Flor. ; Ord. 733 ; W. Malm. G.R. s. 393. One man of personal attainments was the Italian Faricius, a man of great medical knowledge, who became Abbot of Abingdon. ' Chron. It will be remembered that Eadgar and his sisters were the children of the ^theling Eadward, son of Eadmun'd Ironside, the national hero. See above, I. 477. ^ W. Malm. C. R. s. 393 ; Ord. 784 ; Eadmer. A.D. 1099] QUESTION OF INVESTITURES 233 tina. In fact we are told that Eadgyth was the god-daughter of the King's brother Duke Robert.^ We also hear that she had received an education rather above that usually given to women at that period. Literary culture would furnish a bond of sympathy between her and Henry. But for a moment the match was threatened with shipwreck, through the scruples of the worthy Anselm, who had been given to understand that Eadgyth had taken the veil. Eventually, however, the objection was repelled, as we shall see, and the marriage duly celebrated. From Anselm we parted at Rome at Christmas, 1098. Urban de- tained him there to take part in his Lateran Council held in April (24-29), 1099. In that assembly the Pope hurled final de- ^oi^ ^* fiance against the lay rulers of the Christian world, involving in one common excommunication the layman who should in- Denunolatlon vest a cleric with an ecclesiastical benefice, and the cleric who of Lay should accept a benefice at lay hands ; the like penalties were laid on the bishop who should consecrate one so invested, and the ecclesiastic who should do homage to a layman.. " Investiture '' in strictness meant the formal act of institution, evidenced in the case of a bishop by presenting him with a ring and staff, the ring being the symbol of his union with the Church, and the staff the symbol of his spiritual authority. But under the question of the symbolical in- vestiture lay the essential question of the right of appointment to bishoprics and abbeys ; while the dispute as to the homage involved the question of the authority of the State over the temporal possessions of the Church. Urban's pretensions were not new. Lay investiture had already been condemned by Gregory VII. in 1075,^ with the avowed object of making the Church independent of the State, and the ultimate object of making the State subservient to the Church. The war against Henry IV. had been waged on that ground. But outside the Empire the matter had not been pressed. Anselm himself had not found it against his conscience either to accept investiture at the hands of Rufus, or to consecrate bishops invested by him, or to do homage for his temporalities. Now he had been brought to think otherwise, and to join in anathematising his own past conduct. Thus on his return to England he would bring not peace but the sword. ^ From Rome Anselm returned to Lyons, not over-pleased with the support he had received from the Pope in the matter of his quarrel with Rufus.* What he exactly wanted is not clear. He had begged Anselm. to be relieved of his archbishopric ; he would rather die than than live on under Rufus ; he had intervened to save Rufus ' " Ejus in baptismo filiola," W. Malm. G.R. a. 389. 2 Also again by Victor III., in the Council of Benevento, Aug., 10S7 ; Milman ; Lingard. ^ Eadmer, ^.M 111-114; FzVa, 397. * See his letter, Epp. III. 40 ; and Eadmer, H. N. ill, 1 14. 234 A FRESH DIFFICULTY [a.d. 1099-1 ioo from excommunication, yet it is evident that he expected Urban to give him somehow or other victory over Rufus. We are almost driven to sup- pose that he was acting a part at Bari, and that he really wished to see Rufus excommunicated in spite of his own intercession. It is certain that on a future occasion he was preparing to excommunicate Henry I., when the ground was cut from under his feet by the action of the Pope. Anselm was at a convent near Lyons (" Casa Dei'"), when two monks, one from Bee and the other from Canterbury, concurrently brought him the news of the fall of Rufus. He was greatly shocked and distressed, and shed tears at the thought of the death that the King had died. But he prepared for an immediate return to his See. A day or two later he started for England : he had reached Cluny when he received Henry's letter. On the 23rd Sept. he landed at Dover. Anselm found England jubilant with the hopes excited by the good promise of Henry's accession. His own return was greeted as a fresh pledge of happier times to come.^ Great must have been the Msiiop " disappointment when it was heard that his first act was to Keturnato declare war against the recognised constitutional usages of England. A few days after landing he attended court at Salisbury,^ Henry greeted him warmly, apologised for having been ^jjg crowned in his absence, and then, as a matter of course. Investiture requested him to do the regular homage for his archbishopric,* as to a new King. Anselm refused, producing the decrees of the Lateran Council, and plainly telling Henry that he expected him to conform to them. He specially warned him that he must not appoint to any bishoprics or abbeys, otherwise, he, Anselm, would be unable to hold intercourse either with the King, or with the person nominated. ' If the King will not obey the Pope I need not tarry in England.' Nothing could be more explicit. King and Council were dumbfoundered. To give in to Anselm's demands was impossible, yet Henry in the circumstances of the hour could not afford to quarrel with the Archbishop. Anselm might possibly transfer his allegiance to Robert, and crown him. The King therefore temporised, suggesting an adjournment of all questions till Easter (21st April, 1 101). This he proposed for the sake of an application to the new Pope, Pascal II.,* to see if he might be induced to recognise the ancient customs of the realm. Meanwhile Anselm would be admitted to his 1 Eadmer, H. N. 118, 119. 2 "Serberia." ' ' ' Pro consuetudine antecessoram suorum . . . hominium facere, et archiepisco- patum de manu ejus recipere ; " Eadmer, H.N. 120. The last words must not be taken to imply that Henry asked Anselm to receive a fresh investiture from him. That would be irregular. They seem to explain the relation that would be created between Anselm and Henry by the act of homage. '' Urban II. died 29th July, 1099. On the 13th August Cardinal Rainer, an old Cluny monk, was elected, and took the style of Pascal II. ; H. Nicolas, also Milman. A.D. iioo] THE KING'S MARRIAGE 235 temporalities without performing homage. To this suggestion Anselm could not refuse his assent. The compromise, for the time, seemed to give him all that he asked.^ In his communication to the Pope Henry took his stand on the precedents of his father's reign. He promised the Church of Rome all that it had enjoyed under him, retaining for himself whatever rights his father had retained.^ The question of the status of the Lady Eadgyth, the King's intended bride, was then taken up by Anselm. Was she a lay woman and free status of tlie '° marry ? He summoned a synod of ecclesiastics to Lam- Lady Eadgyth beth, and referred the matter to them. On the strength of the Lady's own evidence, confirmed by an inquisition taken at Wilton, it was found that she had never been dedicated to God^ had never formally taken the veil, but had only worn it at times, at the sug- gestion of her aunt Christina, to avoid distasteful overtures. Both Allan Rufus of Richmond and Earl Warenne of Surrey were said to have sought her hand.^ The clergy therefore held that Lanfranc's ruling applied to her case, and that she was free to dispose of her person. Anselm, with some seeming compunction, and as if for once giving in to t^^f^ political considerations, accepted their finding, gave Eadgyth his blessing, and agreed to marry her. On the nth Nov. Celebration the ceremony was performed at Westminster, the bride being Wedding, thereafter ' hallowed to Queen ' by the Archbishop. But, to guard against possible cavil, before entering the church he mounted a pulpit, and, in the ears of the assembled multitude, rehearsed the facts of the case as found by the clergy, finally calling on any one who had anything to say against the marriage to stand forth and state his case.* These precautions betrayed a certain misgiving, and so in fact we shall find the enemies of Henry's daughter boldly disputing the validity of her parents' union. = The King's marriage was obviously intended to please the English. But he had to reckon with the Normans also. The name Eadgyth would "G dri " ^°'^'^'^ uncouth to their ears, and so she was made to drop and her baptismal style, and assume the continental Maheut or "Godgifu." Mahelt, in English Mahald, later Mold, now Maud, or, after the Latin form Matildis or Matilda.'' But even then the Norman courtiers sneered at the English-minded King and Queen as 'Godric and God- gifu.''? ' Eadmer, H.N. 118-121. The absolute silence of all the other writers on these important affairs is very curious. ^ See Pascal's letter in answer ; Eadmer, 128. ^ Orderic, 702. * Eadmer, H.N. 121-126; Chron. ; Flor. For Lanfranc's ruling see above, p. 65, note. * See below, a.d. 1136. •^ Ord. sup. and 843. For the spellings of the name see R. Rou, I. 333 ; II. 58, 96, 346 ; Chron. A.D. 1118 ; T. Rudborne, Ang. Sacr. I. 276. " Mathildis " is the form generally used by the Queen and Anselm in their correspondence ; Ameliii. Efp. III. Nos. 55, 81, z.x\.iL passim. ' W. Malm. G. R. s. 394. 236 A CRUSADING [a.d. 1100 The year closed with an incident in which Henry and Anselm could act in entire accord. Guy, Archbishop of Vienne, appeared with a kind of roving commission, which was supposed to give him Legatine authority over all Britain. But nobody had called for any such Papal intervention, and nobody would recognize his mission. He departed shortly having accomplished nothing. ^ But the anxious question of the time was what would be the attitude of Duke Robert towards England and his brother. He had returned to Normandy in September (i 100) to be welcomed as Duke by all except a few partisans who held castles for King Henry.^ " Gambaron " had undoubtedly gained laurels in the Crusade. He had stuck manfully to the work. Sailing from Brindisi to Durazzo in the spring of 1097, he had made his made to Constantinople, through Macedonia and Bulgaria, and so on across the Hellespont to join the grand muster under in the East* '^^ walls of Nicaea. The siege had begun, but he arrived in time to witness the capitulation of the city.^ He shared the dangers of the long march from Nicsea to Antioch;* as well as the hardships of the siege of that followed. ^ In the great battle fought outside the walls of Antioch he gained the credit of having of Prowess. ^^^'^ ^^^ Turkish leader, Kerbogha, with his own hand." From Antioch he pressed on to Jerusalem, and in the final assault of the 15 th July, 1099, he was one of the first to set foot on the battlements of the rescued city of David.^ Finally he led a division in the battle of Ascalon, where the advancing forces of the Fatimite Caliph of Egypt were met and destroyed. ^ According to reports that shortly gained currency in Normandy and England, Robert was offered the crown of Jerusalem, and even suffered in the estimation of many for his supposed want of spirit in declining.^ ' Eadmer, 126. For Anselm's protest see Epp. IV. No. 2. Guy was a man of considerable position. " He was son of William Tete-Hardie, Duke of Burgundy, and a distant cousin of the King of England," Hook. In 1119 he ascended the Papal Chair as Calixtus II. ^ Ord. 784 ; Chron. ; Henry had fiefs in the districts of Avranches, Coutances, and Bayeux. See Freeman's W. Rufns, II. 368. ^ 24th June, 1097 ; W. Malm G.R. ». 357. Niciea is now known as Iznik. * July-October, 1097 ; Malm. sup. 357, 358. ' 21 October, 1097-3-4 June, 1098; Malm. sup. 359-363; Ord. 732, 734. " Malm. sup. 364, 365, 389 ; Ord. 741-743- 7 Malm, sup, 369. The Tower of David was carried by a wooden ' belfry ' on wheels, pushed up to the wall ; Ord. 754, 756. ^ I2th August, 1099 ; Ord. 758-760; Flor. ; Malm. sup. 371. This writer's narrative is good authority for Robert's movements, being abridged from the Gesta of Fulcher of Chartres who went out with the Duke, but remained at Jerusalem as chaplain to the two first Baldwins. Stubbs. Orderic's narrative is different, being taken, as he tells us (p. 769) from that of another writer, Baldricus, i.e., Baudri of Bourgueil. See List of Authorities. ^ W. Malm. sup. p. 461. H. Hunt, and R. de Monte, a.d. 1199. A.D. iioo-iioi] DUKE 237 Having fulfilled his vows Robert turned homewards. From Laodicea in Syria he, with Robert of Flanders, and Raymond of Toulouse, was taken by sea to Constantinople, under a convention made with the Emperor Alexius, who was above all things anxious to get the ' Franks ' out of Asia. The Duke, probably, was also accompanied by his friend Eadgar the ^theling, who not long before had been holding Laodicea in his name."- From Constantinople Robert, in the spring of noo, went back to Apulia, where he fell in love with and married the with ^^Ue ^^^'^^''^1 and loveable Sibylle of Conversana,^ grand-niece of Conver- of the great Robert Wiscard. With her hand he received a dowry large enough to have redeemed his Duchy from pawn, but, alas ! such was his extravagance, the whole had been squandered before he got back to Normandy.^ Indolent and pleasure-loving, Robert, after four years of wandering, would probably have been content to remain in peace, but he was as . . it were carried away by a vortex. It is needless to premise to take action that at the death of Rufus Normandy had relapsed into ^sainat Ilia anarchy. We are told that within one week of that event private wars were again undertaken.* The man who was supposed to have worked most on Robert's ambition, was Ralph Flambard, who had escaped from the Tower on the 3rd ^^P^^^^™" February (iioi).^ Having through Henry's indulgence been allowed to keep a liberal table, a big flagon of wine was utilised to introduce a coil of rope. The warders having been well plied with liquor and lulled to sleep, the Bishop fastened his rope to a muUion in the window, and then crosier in hand, proceeded to let himself down. A heavy man, and one, who, probably, had never climbed a rope before in his life, he let the cord run freely through his fingers, with the result that the flesh was torn from his hands, while he himself fell to the bottom with a crash, much shaken and injured in one arm. Ex- pectant friends however picked him up, set him on a horse, and so got him away to a ship and over sea to Normandy, where he forthwith began to organize naval warfare against England.'^ ' Eadgar took out a body of English pilgrims, who must have landed at Laodicea towards the end of June, 1098, as we hear that the Turks at the time were besieging the Christians in Antioch. The Laodiceans put themselves in Eadgar's hands, and he accepted the command on behalf of Robert ; Ord. 778. See also Lapp. Normans, 284. ' Daughter of Count Geoffrey, and sister of Count William of Conversana ; W. Jum. 299 ; Orderic, 780 ; Malmesbury, sup., makes Sibylle daughter of Count William. (Thorpe), 284. ^ Qrderic, 777-780, 7S4 ; W. Malm. G. R. ». 389. * Orderic, 784. Wm. Count of Evreux and Ralph of Conches attacked the Beau- mont and Meulan estates. '" Symeon, H. D. R. Cent. 138. " Anselm. Epp. IV. No 2. Two years later Robert allowed Ralph to take possession of the See of Lisieux, nominally on behalf of a son Thomas, who was too youn:; to be made a bishop ; Ord. 788, 7S9. 238 ATTACK ON HENRY [a.d. iioi But the really tempting call to Robert came from the Norman feuda- tories in England, who now, as in 1088, preferred the certain nullity of Robert's rule to the probable reality of his brother's rule. Feudatories The movement in favour of Robert carried away not only men of Double jjjjg Robert of Belleme and his brothers, sworn foes of all law Allegiance. and order, but even men who like Walter GifFard II. had subscribed Henry's charter.^ In fact, we are told that almost the only lay- men of consequence who were true to the King were the two Beaumonts — Robert of Meulan and Henry of Warwick — Roger Bigod, Robert fitz Hamon, and Richard of Rdviers,* commonly called Richard of Redvers.** But behind them Henry had on his side Anselm and the and Native clergy, the English population, and the soldiers of fortune EngiiBiiLoyai vyhose swords would be at the disposal of the best paymaster. Robert of Meulan had the credit of having advised the King to be liberal in promising. The natives, we are told, ' knew nothing of the rights of Robert.' * To Anselm's personal exertions on his behalf we are assured that Henry was greatly indebted. But, surrounded as he was by domestic disaffection, his position for a time must have been one of great anxiety.' On the other hand, we hear of a cross-intrigue in Nor- mandy to get rid of Robert and bring over Henry, a much more feasible scheme.^ In such a tangled state of politics vigorous action was not to be looked for on either side. Robert, however, towards Midsummer collected an army at Tr^port,'' while Henry called out his forces and established him- self near Pevensey. A fleet was sent over to Trdport to attack Robert's flotilla, but the faithless seamen allowed themselves to be seduced, and Robert actually helped to bring the Duke over. Thus he landed with- Lands at out opposition at Portsmouth, about the 20th July.* From smou jj^g great historic harbour he moved on to the neighbourhood of Winchester, while Henry on his side promptly made a corresponding advance in the same direction. But the young Queen was at Winchester expecting her confinement.® Scorning to attack a lady, and his own god- daughter, under such circamstances, Robert drew off, and took the road to Advance to London by Alresford. On nearing Alton it was reported that Winoiiester the King with his army was on the other side of a wooded ■ down in front, i" A halt ensued on either side, neither party caring to strike the first blow. A demand for explanations put forward by Henry paved the way for conferences." The King, who affected doubts 1 Ord. 785, 786 ; see above, 227. '' Calvados, north of Caen, on the Mue. 3 Ord. 787 ; W. Malm. a. 394. * Ord. 787. 5 Eadmer, 11. N. 126. "■■ W. Malm. G. H. s. 394 ; Ord. 786. ' " Ultresport," Flor. » Chron. ; Flor. " So at least the Roman, but Matilda did not give birth to her child till January or February following. i" " Al bois de Altone." " J?. Rou, II. 357, and Id., ed. Andresen, 1. 10,393. A.D. iioi] THE BLOW PARRIED 239 as to the honesty of some of the negotiators, but, doubtless, had none at all as to his own power of beguiling his easy-tempered brother, insisted on a fraternal interview. The two met in public — " ore ad os " — the mail- clad warriors of England and Normandy surrounding them in glittering EeconoUla- array.i After a few words, Duke and King embraced and tionwith made friends. A treaty followed. Robert surrendered his Henry. ^j^.^ ^^ England, and released Henry from the ties of the homage previously rendered to himself. It would be undignified for a King to be vassal to a Duke. Henry surrendered the Cotentin and all other holdings in Normandy, except Domfront, where he was specially pledged to the people. He also granted, or perhaps we should say pro- mised to give,2 his brother a pension of three thousand marks (;^2,ooo) a year. A clause of survivorship in case either should die without lawful issue, was included in the compact, as in the Treaty of Caen (1091); while, again, as in that case, twelve barons on either side were joined as guarantors.^ So far the accounts of the authorities harmonise. Further stipulations however are mentioned as to the nature of which the writers are by no means agreed. Florence and the Peterborough Chronicler represent the brothers as pledging themselves to reinstate all partisans who had been dispossessed on either side. But who could have been already dis- possessed ? Henry could not venture on strong measures at a time when, according to all accounts, he was promising everything to every- body. Orderic, with much greater likelihood, represents the two as pro- mising to assist each other in punishing traitors, and also in endeavouring to recover the whole of their father's former dominions. This last stipula- tion could only refer to Maine, which at the death of Rufus had gone back to H61ie.* By dangling this bait before his brother's eyes Henry would have induced him to sacrifice his adherents. At any rate, the subsequent course of events falls in with this view. Robert, always content to enjoy Robert ^'^^ when he could, remained for two months as his brother's Returns to guest, going home about Michaelmas. When he goes we find him accompanied by the Earl of Surrey,^ and ' several others (jlures) dispossessed on his account.' s Henry, feeling more firmly seated, had begun to reckon with his adversaries, and to attack them, ^ofE'ebeiT* °"^ '^y °"^' '^"^ ^^^ brother's very presence, and, apparently, without protest. Among the first to suffer were Robert Malet, Yvo of Grand-Mesnil, Sheriff of Leicestershire, and Robert of Lacy (son ' ' ' Nobilis corona circumstetit " ; Ord. ^ "Verbo tenus. Nam promiserat ista Rex non daturus " ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 389. 3 See Orderic, 787, 788 ; Chron. ; W. Malm. sup. and s. 395 ; H. Hunt. ; Flor. * See Ord. 784. The Norman garrison of Le Mans applied both to Robert and Henry for support. Neither could interfere to help them, so they made terms with Helie. ^ William of Warenne II. His father William I. died 24th June, 1089 ; Doyle ; H. Nicolas. « Ord. 788. 240 BELLEME AND HIS BROTHERS [a.d. 1101-1102 of Ilbert), Lord of Pontefract. All were severally sued in the King's Court on various charges, convicted and banished. Yvo had indulged in private warfare, ravaging the estates of a neighbour. ' In England that is held a crime.' ^ Here, Orderic, though a born Englishman, speaks as a Frenchman. The worst and most formidable offender was left to the last. In the spring of 1102, presumably during the Easter (April) gathering, which was held at Winchester, an indictment of forty-five articles was Against preferred against Robert of Belleme, Earl of Shrewsbury, a ^°^J* °^ man certainly for whom England had no place. We are told that his accession to the Earldom had been a curse to the whole Welsh March. No man's possessions there were safe. ' Welsh and English alike groaned under his claws of iron.' ^ For a whole year, that is to say from the time when the intrigues with Robert began to assume shape, the King had had him watched by men commissioned to note and record in writing any acts for which he might be called to account. It should be noted that the articles preferred against him in- cluded offences against Duke Robert as well as against Henry. On hearing the charges against him, Belleme asked leave to retire from the Royal presence to consult his friends, the men of his private council, a regular institution with great landlords.^ Leave being granted, he took horse and vanished. He saw that the King's charges could only be answered in one way. A second and peremptory summons to appear drove the Earl to arms, as he hastened to man and victual ^® I^s^ ^^ his numerous castles. These included Arundel, Tickhill, Bridgenorth, Shrewsbury, and Caroghova in Wales, besides the patronymic Montgomery*; while one of Robert's brothers, Ernulf, was lord of Pembroke and the half of Dyfed,^ and Roger of Poitou, another brother, was lord of Lancaster." These three alone represented a formidable confederacy. But Henry gave his adversaries no time to combine their forces. He wrote to Normandy to inform his brother of Belleme's contumacy, calling for operations against him as against a common enemy, in accordance with their recent treaty. Robert answered the appeal by laying siege to Vignats,'' a petty fort belonging to the Earl. But disaffection showed itself in the Ducal camp, and Robert had to retire in confusion, his operations having simply brought havoc and destruction ' Ord. 804, 805. The Grand-Mesnil inheritance passed into the hands of Robert of Meulan, and became the basis of the earldom of Leicester ; Ord. sup., and Freeman, W. Rnfus, II. 418. 2 " Ferreis ejus ungulis excoriati plorantes gemuenint" ; Orderic, 768. " For the private councils of noblemen and others (whence our legal phrase ' ' of counsel for so and so ") see the Paston Letters, /aj-jz//;. * See above, 97, 218. ^ Brut y T., A.D. 1100. A letter of Anselm's is addressed to Ernulf as ' ' comiti," as if he had been created earl ; Epf. IV. 23. « Stubbs, C. H. I. 334. ' Calvados, S.E. of Falaise. A.D. II02] IN REVOLT 241 into the whole district of Exmes.* Henry himself marched from Win- Henry chaster to attack Arundel. Finding that his enemy was not Attacks there, he established counter-works to blockade the place, and marched off to the North. Eventually a composition was made with the garrison of Arundel of a sort very common in those times, namely an agreement for a suspension of active hostilities to enable the men to communicate with their lord, to call on him either to send them effectual succour within a given time, or else leave to surrender. At the end of three months, Belleme being unable to do anything for the men of Arundel, they turned King's men and yielded their fortress.^ It is worth while noticing that the compact, in spite of the Conqueror's new rule, clearly recognised the primary allegiance of a vassal to his immediate lord. The King's next advance was on Tickhill. On his way thither of Tic^m -'^'y''^ ™s' h™ ■'^''th prompt submission.^ Satisfied with the appearance of matters in that quarter, Henry left the reduction of Tickhill Castle to the Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Bloet, and turned south- wards to attack Bridgenorth,* the Earl's own work and his chief stronghold. Belleme had endeavoured to turn his Welsh connexion to account, making a treaty with the Princes Cadwgan and Jorwerth, sons of Bleddyn, who are spoken of as being in some sense his vassals ; ^ while ^f Bemmr Ernulf allied himself with Murchertach of Dublin, marrying his daughter. We also hear of overtures to Magnus Barfod, who had again appeared in Anglesey. Thus it seemed as if a great coalition was being knit together. But the House of Montgomery lacked the taproot of English support.^ Their castles are spoken of as ervtirely manned by foreigners, Normans or Welshmen. A motley force however was raised in Wales, with which Belleme and Ernulf harried part of Staffordshire.'' At Henry's advance they fell back on their castles, the Welsh allies being allowed to appropriate and carry off all the booty.* But strong as Bridgenorth was, the wary Earl knew better than to allow himself to be cooped up within any walls. When the King drew near he moved off to Shrewsbury. 1 Orne ; Orderic, 806. = Orderic, 806 ; Chron. ; Flor. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 306. ' Tickhill Castle in S. Yorkshire was the work of a great baron of the Conquest, Roger of Buthli or Bully, built on a site called Dadesley in Domesday, 319. Blyth was a priory founded by Roger a few miles off, in N. Notts ; the whole estate being known as the Honour of Blyth. Tickhill is often called the castle of Blyth. See Freeman, Riifus, II. 159. Roger's estates had passed into Belleme's hands as stated above, 218. * So I venture to harmonise the statement of Orderic, that at Blyth the " oppidani " went out to meet the King, with the statement of Florence that Bloet was left to besiege Tickhill. But perhaps the Blyth of Orderic meant the town or outer works of Tickhill. Orderic seems to introduce an interval between the surrender of Blyth and the march to Bridgenorth, which does not seem at all likely, nor is it supported by the other writers. * So the Brut. p. 69. * Id. 67-69, where a full account of these affairs is given. ' Florence. * Id, and Brut. sup. R. H. — VOL. II. R 242 BELLEME AND HIS BROTHERS [a.d. 1102 The siege of Bridgenorth witnessed a famous incident of great signifi- cance. No man of consequence had ventured to join the rebel brothers. But the greater barons knew that Belleme's cause was theirs. Bridgfnortli. ■'^^ '^^ '^txt crushed, who could hope to stand against the King? After much discussion among themselves they re- solved to approach the King in a body to urge a ' pacification,' ^ that is to say, some arrangement that would save the Earl from de- audtl^^King struction. The interview took place in the open air. The King, pressed by so formidable a deputation, seemed to be wavering, when the loyal shouts of three thousand English soldiers,^ who The EnffUah ^^"^^ watching the proceedings from a neighbouring eminence and tiie told him where his strength lay. ' Hearken not to the ™^' swynkes, O King.' Henry took the hint, and rejected the petition. 3 Here it is impossible not to hold that the cleavage indicated was due to differences of race as well as of social status. The outcry of the soldiers was not that of privates against officers,* nor even of peasants against their landlords as such ; it was the denunciation by Englishmen of their foreign oppressors. Meanwhile the King had been cutting the ground from under the Earl's feet by making terms with Jorwerth, the younger of the two Welsh princes. Settlement °^ course at his elder brother's expense. We are told that with the Henry promised to make him practically Prince of South Wales ' without homage or tribute.' The grant was to include Ceredigion and Powys, as previously held by Cadwgan, ■ besides half of Dyfed (Ernulf's estate), the vale of Towy or Tawy, Kidwelly, and Gower.^ Deprived of the co-operation of the Welsh auxiliaries, Bridgenorth fell, after a siege of three weeks. Henry attempted no severity, Brldg-eaorth. ^^lo^'ng the foreign mercenaries in the garrison to march out with all the honours of war, though really they need not have been held entitled to any terms at all, as the place had been surrendered under a convention made by the men of the town, without their con- currence, and resisted by them. But Henry was never severe to sub- ordinates. Like Cnut, he struck at the tall poppies. A march to Shrewsbury ended the campaign. But to reach Shrewsbury from Bridgenorth in safety Henry had to clear the wooded defile of Wen- March to lock Edge, encumbered with trees and underwood, that for Shrewsbury, nearly a mile, overhung and commanded the narrow roadway.^ ' " Colloquium de pace medullitus fecerunt." " Medullitus,'' an adverb, seems here used as an adjective= 'complete,' ' thorough.' ' "Tria millia pagensium militum." ' Orderic, 807. * Contra, Mr. Freeman, "They are spoken of simply as different classes in one army." W. Rufus. II. 435. * Brut. p. 71. The other half of Dyfed was held by one Richard fitz Baldwin. " "Angli quendam transitum per silvam Huvel Hegen dicunt quem Latini Malum A.D. 1 102] BANISHED 243 Bereft of his allies, with all his resources undermined, Belleme now found himself well-nigh reduced to despair. A fresh appeal for terms addressed to the King was again rejected. Henry would hear of nothing short of absolute submission. Bowing to necessity, the Earl met the King as he drew near to Shrewsbury, and humbly SubiSte^ confessed his faults. The keys of Shrewsbury were also ten- dered, apparently by the hands of Ralph, Abbot of S^ez, after- wards Archbishop of Canterbury,^ who happened to be there. A safe- conduct to leave England with his horses and arms was the ^'nfen?^'^" only concession vouchsafed to the fallen Earl. Not an acre of English land was left in his possession. His brothers Roger and Ernulf shared his fate, forfeiting everything. To the great joy of the English, the hateful barons abjured the realm. Arundel may be supposed to have changed hands when Shrewsbury surrendered. If so, the campaign in all would have lasted some three months.^ Henry reaped the fruits of his determined action. 'For three and thirty years from that time he ruled England in peace, . . . nor in all „ those years durst any man hold a castle against him.' ^ The Master of episode is commonly spoken of as the Revolt of Robert of England, ggng^g^ ^ should be described as the Suppression of Robert of Belleme by Henry I. There is no reason to suppose that the Earl meditated any revolt at the time. Henry deliberately picked a quarrel with him, drove him into unpremeditated rebeUion, and then crushed him. True to the policy that he had inaugurated with such success, we shall find the King throughout his reign keeping a watch on the movements of the great lords; upsetting them, if necessary, by proceedings in his Curia Regis; and, on the other hand, reserving his confidence for men of more moderate position, new men who owed everything to himself.* Jealousy of the old Baronage is the key-note of his domestic policy. The unfortunate Jorwerth took little by his treaty with the King, though he had given up a younger brother, Mareddud, third son of Bleddyn, as Jorwerth of ^ hostage for his good faith. Unable, apparently, to oust his Wales brother Cadwgan from Ceredigion and Powys, he came to Imprisoned. ^^^^^ ^j^j^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ betook himself to the English court to press for the cession of the other territories promised to him. He found an indictment awaiting him on divers charges not particularly Callem vel Vicura nunCupare possunt." See M. Le Prevost's ed. of Orderic, IV. 176, where he corrects the " Hunel Hegen " read in Duchesne's text. For the locality see Owen and Blakeway, Shrewsbury, I. 57. ' So W. Malm. G. R. s. 396. Abbot Ralph had been driven from Normandy by Belleme, but he might have been in the Abbey at Shrewsbury, and so have come forward to mediate as a persona grata to the King. ^ The only notes of time that we have are that the operations began after Easter, and were all ended before Michaelmas ; Chron. ° Ord. 808. See also Brut. 71-73. * See Orderic, 805, and below, 323, 328. 244 PAPAL PRETENSIONS [a.d. iioi specified. He was condemned to imprisonment at the King's pleasure, and in prison he remained for eight years.^ More critical was the struggle that was being carried on concurrently with Anselm and the Pope. Pascal's answer to Henry's plea for recogni- m,. »^ .- , tion of English custom was not received till after the disband- Tlio Struggle ° with Aaselm ing of Robert's forces in iioi. The Pope rejected Henry's and the Pope, (jgjjj^nds as outrageous and impossible {gravia et vehementis- sima), involving as they did the right of investiture : Christ was the only door to the sheepfold : all entering in by any other way were thieves and robbers : a Church not duly espoused to Christ would be adulterine, and guilty of adultery with its own sons. Priests were as gods, being the vicars of God. A man could no more create a god than a son beget his own father. The Church alone could beget its sons.^ These will be found the stock arguments, repeated again and again on future occasions.'' It will be noticed that the Pope dexterously confounds investiture with ordination ; he treats the claim to present to a benefice as equivalent to a claim to confer Holy Orders. No layman had ever arrogated such a pretension. Pascal's letter made no reference to the homage question. It may be that Henry took advantage of this omission, or it may be that he con- cealed the tenor of his letter — as he did that of a subsequent letter — because, acting as if the Pope's answer had been entirely favourable to him, he immediately summoned Anselm to court, and required him to do homage and consecrate the bishops-elect, or else leave England. Anselm refused to accept either alternative. He would be ipso facto excommuni- cate, under a sentence in which he himself had concurred, if he submitted. With that he left court. After an interval a fresh summons called him to Winchester to consider a new proposal put forward by the King. The . suggestion was that other ambassadors, ' more excellent than Emhassy the first,' should be sent to Rome to explain by word of mouth to Rome, jjjg^j^ jf ^.jjg Pope would not recede from his position, Anselm might be expelled from England, and all allegiance to the Holy See thrown off.* The King's envoys were Gerard, late of Hereford and now Elect of York,5 and two other Prelates, namely, Herbert Losenge of Norwich, and Robert of Coventry and Lichfield. The journey to Rome would enable Gerard to apply ioi his paiUum.^ Anselm hkewise sent two representatives of his own, namely his confidant Baldwin of Tournay, and another monk, ' Ann. Camb. 1103, nil; Brut. (A.D. iioo, 1102). Mareddud was more lucky, he escaped in 1 106. Ann. Camb. 2 "Ecclesiafiliosgenerat." = Eadmer, H. N. 128. * " Totius regni subjectionein . . . perditurum." ^ In succession to Thomas, who died i8th Nov. iioo ; Flor. * Both Henry and Anselm wrote to the Pope on Gerard's behalf in this matter. A.D. IIOI-II02] ROYAL MANCEUVRES 245 one Alexander of Canterbury.^ With his envoys Henry sent Peter's Pence, and a letter in which he very fairly promised all obedience ren- dered by his father to Pascal's predecessors, on condition of himself being treated as his father had been treated by the Papacy.^ In the first half of ito2 the envoys made out their journey. At Rome the King's Bishops did their best to move the Pope, but we are told that he remained obdurate. His last word was, ' Shall I annul the Obtoate decrees of the Holy Fathers for the threats of one man?' Written answers, of course, were also sent to England. To the King Pascal wrote in a firm but conciliatory tone, praising him for the good beginnings of his reign, praising him for having turned from the evil ways of his brother, and urging him to persevere in the good path, and to abstain from the investiture of bishops and abbots. So would he avoid the wrath of the Almighty, and secure the friendly alliance of the Papacy.^ To Anselm Pascal wrote in terms of highest commendation, urging him to persevere. ' Do as thou hast done ; what thou hast said say again.' * The letters were perfectly consistent. When they were delivered (about August,^ 1 102), the King, suppressing his letter, again called on Anselm to conform to usage or leave the realm. The Archbishop appealed to his letter, which he produced, but its testimony was met by bold assertions on the part of the three Bishops that the Pope had intimated to them verbally that so long as the King led the life of a good prince, and made choice of fit men, his investing of bishops might be tolerated ^j but that the Pope could not give such a promise in writing lest it should be used against him by other rulers. In vain Anselm's envoys protested that the Pope had said nothing inconsistent with his letters in their hearing. Between written as against oral evidence on the one hand, and the word of Bishops against the- word of simple monks on the other hand, Anselm found himself in some difficulty. Nor could he ignore the fact that English opinion was against him, and that if he attempted to treat either the King or the prelates appointed by him as excommunicate he would stand alone.'' Under these circumstances he could only suggest a third application ' Eadmer, 131-133. 2 See Epp. Anselm. III. Nos. 47, 48 ; IV. 4, 6 ; anij Rule, St. Anselm, II. 273. 3 "Nos familiares, nos adjutores habebis." The letter ends with an absolute inhibi- tion. " Ecclesiarum investituras nos Sancti Spiritus judicio . . . laicis omnibus interdicimus " ; p. 135- * ' ' Rogamus ut quod agis agas, quod loqueris perloquaris " ; lb. Mr. Rule sliows that Eadmer had not yet seen these letters when he first began his work. The second letter to Anselm, given at p. 139, was not written till Dec. 1 102, p. xxix. 5 So M. Rule. " " De ecclesiarum investituris sequanimiter eum toleraret, nee eum uUo excom- municationis vinculo necteret, etc." Eadm. 137. See also Anselm to the Pope, Epp. III. No. 73. ' " Solus ab eis {j-.e. proceres) discrepare nolo,'' are the words that Eadmer puts into Anselm's own mouth j 140. 246 SYNOD OF LONDON [a.d. 1102 to Rome, pending which he would not refuse to hold intercourse with the King's prelates, while utterly refusing to consecrate them. ^Ad'ourned"^ Accepting this compromise as a practical victory, Henry pro- ceeded to fill up the vacant Sees of Sarum and Hereford. The former was given to the king's Chancellor and confidant, ments to the famous Roger of Salisbury, a native of Caen, who in the Vacant Sees, ^^yg ^j- jjenry's adversity had been his chaplain and house- hold steward.^ Hereford was conferred on another Roger, who held the humbler position of king's Larderer ; but he dying shortly, the appointment devolved on Reinhelm, the Queen's Chancellor.^ In the spirit of concession, where concession was possible, Henry now gave Anselm leave to hold the Synod for which he had struggled so long, and struggled in vain. At the Archbishop's special request, bv'i^aemf '■^^ '^y Magnates were invited to attend, as if to commit them to the principles of the Canons to be passed, by which the laity would in many ways be affected, directly and indirectly (29th Sept.). The first matter taken in hand showed the freedom of action with which the King was prepared to indulge Anselm if not inconsistent with the position that he himself had taken up. Six abbots, three of them of Henry's appointment, were charged with simony, convicted, and deposed. Three others were removed on sundry grounds. Of the Canons enacted the great majority sought to tighten the reins of discipline on the clergy, and to cut them oflF from secular callings and pursuits. They must be properly tonsured, and clad in proper Enactment garments, ' of one colour,' with plain shoes (calciamenta ordi- nata) ; they must not attend carousals {potationes), nor ' drink to the pin ' ; ^ monks must not take farms {villas) at rent ; bishops must not hold secular judgeships;* nor may any clergy sit on cases involving capital punishment ; * nor again may they act as bailiffs or agents for laymen. These requirements do not go beyond what modern opinion would sanction. But viewed in connexion with the circumstances of the time, and the illiterate condition of the laity, the exclusion of clergymen from secular posts would amount to the exclusion of the educated class from the civil service of the State. For centuries to come we shall find bishops ' See W. Malm. ff. N. s. 481 ; conf. W. Newburgh, I. 36 (Ed. Howlett, Rolls Series, No. 82). 2 Michaelmas ; Eadmer, 141, 144 ; Florence. Roger the Larderer, feeling his end near, begged Anselm to consecrate him. He dismissed the application with a smile of pity. 3 " Nee ad pinnas bibant " ; i.e. drinking from peg-pots, marking out how much was to be swallowed at each draught. These were said to have been the invention of St. Dunstan, to moderate drinking, presumably by enabling men to drink part of a flagon only at each toast. Above, I. 337. * "Ne sscularium placitorum officium suscipiant." ^ " Ne sintjudices sanguinis." A.D. 1 102] ANSELM'S CANONS 247 the best officers of the Crown. The Treasury accounts will never be so well kept as when the Rolls are in the hands of an ecclesiastic. But the mark of the Synod, the measure to create the greatest sensation, was the sweeping edict now finally launched against clerical marriage. Clerical Lanfranc in 1076 had only prohibited matrimony to capitular Marriage clergy, leaving some latitude with regard to the parochial clergy. Forbidden. ^^ j^^^j. -^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ already married. The benefit of this doubt had been largely taken, and the Seculars evidently considered themselves free to marry.i Now, all existing wives are to be put away, and none taken in the future ; the married priest may no longer celebrate mass, his status is taken from him {non sit legalis), his ministrations are declared void. To clench the matter, no man in the future is to be admitted, even to subdeacon's orders, without a special prior vow of chastity. No son of a priest to succeed to his father's living. The prohibition of marriage was, naturally, keenly criticised. Some thought it most pure {tnundissimum), others dangerous, lest while aiming at a purity beyond human nature, it might lead to foulness disgraceful to Christianity.^ Our Northern chronicler tells us that not a few churches were shut up in consequence;^ while a letter of Pascal's, already referred to, admits that he understood that the better part of the clergy in England were the sons of priests.* Returning to the Canons, we are glad to hear that archdeaconries must not be farmed out, nor livings or prebends bought ; that tithes must not be paid except to churches, nor churches consecrated without proper endow- ment. Again, Anselni condemns the novel (!) practice of attributing special sanctity {reverentiam sanctitatis) to the bodies of deceased persons, or wells, or other things, ' as we have known done.' Lastly, we regret to find that the 'nefarious ' traffic in slaves, 'sold like mere animals,' had still to be forbidden, as well as the degrading vices specially associated with the reign of Rufus.^ On the whole, however, Anselm's biographer admits that his Canons created confusion in all ranks of society.® It might be added, however, that Anselm himself had doubts about them, and declared that he intended to revise them.'' The year ended with an abortive attempt on the part of the King to get his bishops consecrated by Gerard of York, who apparently had received ' See the words of the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, himself the son of a priest; " An- selmus prohibuit sacerdotibus uxores, antea non prohibitas"; Hist, Angl. A. D. 1102. The allegation is not correct, but it proves that previous prohibitions had been little regarded. Anselm himself tells us that the unmarried clergy were " aut nullus aut pau- cissimi " ; Epf. IV. 113. ^ jj. Hunt, sup. » Symeon, H. K. s. 184. * A.D. 1 107. Eadm. 185. Pascal advises Anselm to deal discreetly with such cases. ' Eadmer, H. N. 141-144. Lanfranc apparently had only prohibited the exportation of slaves. Anselm seems to go farther, and prohibit the sale of them. ° " Concilium . . . post non multos . . . dies multos sui transgressores in omni genera hominum fecit." ' So Epp. IH. 62, and IV. 15, 40. 248 THE ROYAL PREROGATIVE [a.d. 1103 his Pall at Rome.^ Gerard was willing to perform the ceremony, but when it came to the point, the Bishops to be consecrated lost heart and drew back.^ Canterbury feeling would condemn a resort to the minis- tration of the Northern Primate. But Henry was determined to bring the struggle with Anselm to an end in one way or another. About Midlent (8th March) 11 03, having busi- ness to transact at Dover with envoys from Flanders,^ he Effor^or a halted at Canterbury to put final pressure upon the Arch- SettieTOent bishop. Anselm had received the Pope's answer to his witli Anselm. application of the previous autumn, but he had not yet opened the letter, wishing to open it in the King's own presence, lest he should say that the contents had been tampered with. He now pro- posed to open it and abide by its tenor. ' Certainly not,' said the King, who knew well enough what the letter would say; 'What has the Pope to do with my rights ? That which my predecessors in this realm had is mine ; whoso would deprive me of those rights shall learn that he is my enemy.' Anselm pleaded that he did not wish to deprive the King of anything that he knew to be his, but that for his life he could not contra- vene the decrees of the Council of Rome without the authority of the Holy See. For three days matters remained at a dead-lock, the circle at Canterbury being in a state of the greatest anxiety as to the result. At last Henry came out with the ingenious suggestion that Anselm himself should go to Rome to see what his personal influence might effect. The Archbishop, rather taken aback 'by the proposal, asked to defer his answer till after the Easter gathering, then near at hand. When Easter came (29th March), the Magnates agreed that, considering the importance of the question, Ansolm ought not to shrink from the toils of the journey. He bowed to their decision, adding, rather defiantly, that if the Pope should do anything contrary .to the ' liberty ' of the Church, it would not Th Aroh ^^ ^'^ ^'^ advice. On the 27th April he crossed to Wissant, bishop goes not as in 1097 as a penniless outlaw, but 'under the King's to Eome. pgace,' and with all the pomp and circumstance due to his position.* William Giffard, the elect of Winchester, and two of the degraded abbots (Richard of Ely, and Ealdwine of Ramsey) left England ' So I infer from the fact that in the record of the Synod he is styled ' Archbishop,' not ' Elect,' as the others are. At any rate he had been consecrated as Bishop of Hereford by Anselm in 1096. ^ Eadmer, 144—146 ; Flor. ; Chron. ' On March 10 a treaty was sealed at Dover, by which Henry in case of need was to have the right to call for the services of 1,000 men-at-arms from Flanders in England, Normandy, or Maine, in return for a pension of ;f 500 a year granted in fief (m feodeji Liber Niger Scacc. I. 7 ; Fadera, I. 164. ■* Eadmer, 146-149 ; Florence. Anselm took out 330 marks of silver with him, but he found that money went faster than he had expected. Remittances however were sent to him from time to time by Gundulf of Rochester, who had charge of his See. ^tp- IV. 43, etc. A.D. 1 103] ANSELM OUT OF ENGLAND 249 about the same time,* Gififard retiring rather than submit to be conse- crated by the Archbishop of York without Anselm's leave.^ Henry's management of the struggle with Anselm contrasts very favour- ably with the action of his brother under corresponding circumstances. Henry took up a well-defined position, and stuck to it ; he kept his temper, abstained from violent speech or vindictive action, and never allowed the dispute to sink into a personal quarrel. ' Chron. ; Florence, ^ ggg jtuelm, pfp. IV, Nos. ?4, 126. CHAPTER XVII HENRY I. (continuei) A.D. 1103-1109 Affairs of Normandy— Henry's successes there — Battle of Tinchebrai and Reunion of Normandy to England— The Struggle with Anselm — Settlement of the Question of the Investitures — Death of Anselm. THREE years and something less had made Henry thorough master of England. Three more years were destined to make him lord of Normandy, and that with but little effort on his part, and simply through Robert of ^^^ irresistible drift of circumstances. Belleme's expulsion BeU6meln from England had thrown Normandy into greater confusion Normandy, ^j^^^ ^^^^^ Smarting under the humiliation of defeat, we are told that he crossed the Channel in the spirit of an Apocalyptic Dragon, bent on sowing havoc and destruction."^ The Duchy was most anxious to keep him out, but they had no man capable of making head against him ; least of all could such a leader be found in the Duke. Landing in Ponthieu, the inheritance of his wife, Robert at once managed to establish a new footing there, as guardian for his son William. ^ Next we hear of war against the Duke on the borders of Maine, BellSme's own district. William of Evreux, 'Rotrou of Mortagne, Gilbert of Laigle, took part against him, but the end of the campaign was the defeat of Duke Robert Helplessness''^ ^ pitched battle, in which his brother-in-law William of of Duke Conversana was taken prisoner. The whole of Normandy ° ^^ ' now lay at Belleme's feet, so that the poor Duke had to pur- chase peace with the cession of Argentan and the whole diocese of S^ez.' Another source of trouble had cropped up in a war over the succession of Breteuil. William of Breteuil (son of William fitz Osbern) died i2th January, H03, leaving a natural son, Eustace, but no legitimate issue. A keen struggle for the inheritance ensued between Eustace and two nephews of the deceased, the question being referred not to a Ducal court, but to the arbitrament of the sword. Henry was induced to support the cause of Eustace, and gave him the hand of a natural daughter, Juliana, in marriage. Robert of Meulan was sent over to settle this affair.* 1 Ord. 808 ; Rev. xii. '^ Belleme had married Agnes, daughter of Guy of Ponthieu, now recently dead. Their son revived the ancestral name of Talevas ; Ord. 804, 841 ; Doyle, Of. Baronage. ^ 1103; Dept. Orne; Ord. 104, 105, 108, 109, in, 804. * Ord. 810, 811. 260 A.D. II03-II04] ROBERT LOSING GROUND 251 But, while Normandy was fast slipping from his hands, the good-natured Duke could still exert himself on behalf of his friends. In the course of the summer he came over to England to plead for his friend Engiandf *^^ dispossessed Earl of Surrey. But he was quickly given to understand that in landing uninvited, and without safe-con- duct, he had been guilty of an indiscretion. Henry however allowed him to come to court, and then took him to task for the breach of treaty he had committed by coming to terms with Belleme. The upshot of the visit was that Surrey was reinstated, while the Duke had to resign his much needed pension, ' to please the Queen,' as it was delicately put.^ Meanwhile repeated calls to rescue Normandy from anarchy were being sounded in Henry's ears. Serlo the Bishop, and Ralph the Abbot of Norman Sdez, driven out by the pretensions of their new lord, who Appeals to demanded homage of them,^ take refuge in England. Ralph ■ of Conches having died,^ his son Ralph the younger comes over to apply for his father's English estates. He receives them, and with them the hand of Adelaide, daughter of Earl Waltheof and Judith. In a word, all sensible Normans were turning from the helpless Duke to the ' wise-hearted ' King.* Henry did not show himself deaf to these appeals. He Goes ^^ '^^ autumn of 11 04 he went over to Normandy, and made over to an armed progress round Domfront and the other places that were held in his interest. No hostilities are mentioned, but the demonstration proved quite as effectual as an actual campaign. The King's court was attended by a formidable array of Anglo- Magnates. Norman magnates, among them Robert of Meulan, Richard of Avranches the young Earl of Chester,^ Stephen of Aumale, Henry of Eu, Rotrou of Mortagne, Eustace of Breteuil, Ralph of Conches, Robert of Montfort, Ralph of Mortemer— a formidable array. The Duke was invited to a peaceful interview, and subjected to another fraternal harangue on his improper treaty with Belleme, and the ruinous consequences of his negligence and misgovernment, or, as we ought perhaps rather to say, of his non-government. Overpowered by his brother's reasoning, or overawed by the strength of his following, Robert got out of it by ceding the county of Evreux. With Cession of '^'^ °^" hand Robert took Count William, one of his few E^euxby remaining supporters, and presented him to his new lord King Henry. Towards winter Henry recrossed the Channel.^ Robert's extravagance and negligence had now reduced him to such straits that at times he was fain to beg a meal from the citizens of Caen or * Ord. 804 ; Flor. ; Chron. ; W. Malm. G. 2?. p. 462. 2 See, at least so far as Abbot Ralph was concerned, W. Malm. G. P. s. 68. ' Circa II02 ; Ord. 809. * Ord. 811, 813. 5 His father, Hugh the Fat, died 27th July, noi. * Orderic, 813, 814. The Chronicle records this expedition to Normandy as one not led by the King, but attended with successful results as against Robert. 252 HENRY [a.d. 1104-1105 Bayeux. On one occasion, but one occasion only, as we may suppose, he had to lie in bed through the forenoon, because his very clothing had been stolen during his drunken slumbers by his reprobate associates.^ Belleme however, in the course of the year, had received an ally from England in the person of his nephew, Earl William of Mortain and Corn- wall, the son of the Conqueror's half brother Robert.^ He MortSi^* had always been disposed to sneer at Henry,^ but at Henry's accession he thought fit to demand the Earldom of Kent, at one time held by his uncle Bishop Odo, in addition to Mortain and Corn- wall, with which he had already been invested. He vowed that till he got Kent he would not again wear his court robes.* Henry for the time was obliged to temporize ; but when his position became secure, he finally rejected the Earl's petition. Nay more, assuming the offensive, he began to cut down the Earl's possessions by judicial proceedings. Thereupon William passed over to Normandy, and joined hands with Belleme in He wages Wax^^sing furious war against Henry's supporters in the in tiie Cotentin.^ We are told that in some districts the country *° "*' was utterly depopulated, the peasantry abandoning their fields and retiring to 'France.' Some of Duke Robert's men also were foolish enough to join in the work. Thus one Gonthier of Aunay, who was in command at Bayeux, carried off Robert fitz Hamon, one of Henry's most trusted servants. This amounted to a fresh call to Henry. He promptly took up the gauntlet. About the ist April, 1105, he landed at Barfleur. Coming Second Visit ''^'^ '•™® '■° '"'^g^ ^^"^ i" earnest, he had retained the services of the King of auxiliaries from Anjou and Maine, under the experienced to Normandy.jg^^ ^^ jj^jj^ ^^ ^^ Flfeche. We also hear of friendly com- munications with King Philip of France, to disarm hostility from his part. In former days this potentate had intervened more than once in the disputes between Robert and his brother Rufus, but by this time he had grown too old and unwieldy for any serious effort.^ On the 5th April, Easter Eve, Henry rested at Carentan. Bishop Serlo, of S^ez, was there to celebrate the Easter Mass. When he entered the church he was shocked to find the building piled up with boxes toentai ^""^ goods deposited there for safety in the tumult of the war. There was no room to kneel before the altar ; and the King ' See the speech on the state of Normandy put by Orderic, more sua, into the mouth of the Bishop of .Seez, p. 815 ; W. Malm. G. R., p. 462. ^ Earl William's mother was Matilda of Montgomery. The time of his father's death is uncertain. ' So Malmesbury. I am inclined to suspect that the sarcastic remarks on Henry's love of field sports, attributed by Wace to an uncertain William Count of "Waumeri," should be attributed to William of Mortain ; R. Rou. II. 365-367. * " Non induturum chlamydem." ^ W. Malm. G. .ff. ». 397 ; Chron. ; Flor.; Ord. ; 814. * " Corpulentus Rex . . . ponderosum Regem," etc. ; Ord. 518. A.D. 1 105-1106] GAINING GROUND 253 himself was sitting humbly on a peasant's chest. The Bishop appealed to him to make such desecration of the House of God impossible in the future. But the worthy Serlo took the opportunity of attacking in his sermon another sin, as we should think, of a very minor character, namely, the sin of wearing the hair of such length as the King and courtiers did. Of course he quoted St. Paul. Finally he adjured the King to set a good example. Henry, always politic, nodded assent, whereupon the Bishop, producing a pair of scissors from a wallet, proceeded with his own hands to reduce the locks of the congregation to an orthodox length. ^ From Carentan, the King advanced to Bayeux. The offending Gon- thier released Robert fitz Hamon, but refused to surrender the town. The result was that it was carried by storm in a moment, and ^Bav^.°^ burned from end to end, the cathedral itself not escaping.^ From Bayeux the army advanced to Caen, but the people, taking warning by the fate of Bayeux, hastened to disarm the King by surrender. Falaise was the next point aimed at, but Helie and ^'^of'caen.'^ his men thought fit to retire, so Henry dropped the campaign. In the Whitsun week (28th May-3rd June) he had an inter- Henry view with his brother at Cintheaux,^ between Caen and Returns to falaise, but nothing came of it. By harvest-time he was at England. ... home agam.* Between the places in Belleme's possession — practically an independent territory — those in Henry's own hands, and those already mentioned as belonging to barons in his interest, Robert's dopiinion must have been reduced to the narrowest limits. Belleme himself evidently thought the situation desperate, as he came over to England shortly before Christmas to endeavour to effect an arrangement with the King. His mal?Temis° ™'ssion came to nothing, and so he went back after the Christ- mas festivities as hostile as ever.^ Belleme's diplomacy having failed, the Duke himself came over in January, 1106. He found his brother at Northampton, but could get nothing out of him, and so he too departed, his errand unsped.* Towards August Henry went over for a final campaign against his 1 Ord.Sis, 816. 2 Ord. 818 ; Chron. ; Flor. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 398. See also the poem on the event by one Serlo a contemporary, Bouquet, XIX. xc. " Perit aula cremata Miro picta modo quam prsesul condidit Odo." The tapestry however must have been saved, and parts of Odo's church still remain. Freeman. See also R. Ron, II. 393. 8 "Sanctellis," Ord. and R. Rou, II. 404, note. * Id. Orderic, at p. 8 16 D, inserts two pages relating to the year 1106, returning to 1105 at p. 818, with more of 1 106 intermixed. Henry was still in Normandy, namely atLaigle, on the 22nd July, 1105 ; Eadmer, 165, 166. = Chron. ; Flor. " Id. ; Anselm. Epp. IV. No. 77. 254 CAMPAIGN AND [a.d. iio6 brother. The services of H^lie of La Flfeche had again been secured. Third Cam- *^° ^^ ''^'^ August the King was at Bee, and had an impor- paign in tant interview with Anselm, to which we shall revert. Bellfime Normandy. ^^^ Mortain being the only men of primary rank now left on Robert's side, operations were directed against Tinchebrai,i a Onerations '^'^'^'^^ belonging to Earl William. By degrees, through his against spirited resistance, the whole forces on either side were drawn Tmohebral j^^j.^ ^^ struggle. The King having begun by establishing a counter-work against the place, the Earl came down, relieved his garrison, and besieged Henry's men in their stronghold. Then Henry came down in his might and fairly beleaguered Tinchebrai. Determined not to be beaten by his cousin of England, William called on the Duke to dispel the siege. Robert, though in a penniless condition, could still call out feudal levies. He mustered his men, and marched to Tinchebrai. Inferior to his brother in cavalry (miliies), he was superior in the number of his foot- soldiers. The armies having come within striking distance, the clergy made an effort to avert the fratricidal struggle. We are told that Henry, in answer, expressed a primary concern for the Church of MedStlon* Normandy, ' tossed about as a ship without a steerer.' Un- folding the thoughts of his zealous heart,^ he proposed that the administration of Normandy, with all the castles and half the revenues, should be placed in his hands, while Robert would be allowed to enjoy life on the other moiety of the revenues. He even hinted that he might make up a sum equal to the full Norman revenue out of the ^^^aif"' English treasury ; not a very tempting offer, considering the history of the former pension. The plan as a whole, though specious in outward seeming, would have been very difficult of execution. How could it be guaranteed ? At any rate Robert's advisers refused to listen to it, and declared for battle. The forces on either side, though styled acies (lines), appear to have been marshalled in column, in successive divisions. This appears to follow from the statement that van came into collision with van. Ttoohebrai ^^^ '^^ troops engaged in line the van of the one army would have confronted the rear of the other army. Three acies were adopted on either side. The van of Henry's force was commanded by Ralph of Bricquessart, hereditary Viscount of Bayeux ; the second line by the Earl of Meulan ; the third by the Earl of Surrey. The King with the footmen kept himself in reserve in the rear, leaving the brunt of the action to the cavalry. The Manseaux and Bretons, under Count H61ie, were posted at a distance on one side. The Duke's van was led by Mortain, • Dept. Orne. William Crispin, Robert of Estouteville (Seine Inf. ) and William of Ferrieres (lb. ?) are the only men named by Orderic on Robert's side besides Belleme and Mortain. So, too, Henry's own letter, Eadmer, 184. 2 " Zelo Dei qui nos regit," etc. A.D. iio6] BATTLE OF TINCHEBRAI 255 the rear by BellSme, the Duke apparently with the foot-soldiers occupying the centre. Mortain gallantly charged Henry's van, but the squadrons were so densely packed or so evenly matched, that neither side could bear down the other. While they were shouting and struggling, H^lie came down on the Duke's flank, and cut his army in two. Belleme in the rear made off and escaped. The centre and van were King Heirnr. surrounded and captured. The Duke was taken by one Waldric, a Royal chaplain and the King's Chancellor.^ Mortain fell into the hands of the Bretons, who made a difficulty of giving him up (28th Sept.)^ The victory was decisive, and reunited Normandy to England forty years within a day, if not to a day, from the time when the ' Great William,' the Conqueror, landed at Pevensey.^ Reunion of Among the prisoners was the .^Etheling Eadgar, the uncle of and England, the Queen. Shortly before he had been at court, but true to his old friendship he had finally thrown in his lot with the Duke. Henry however freely released him.* Robert, cursing the men who had induced him to give battle, volun- teered to send on William of Ferriferes, one of his chief men, to secure the Eobert's son delivery of Falaise. Thus Henry took possession of the William place without opposition. Little William, the Duke's infant H^Ue of son, was found there. Wisely declining the responsibility of St. Saens. gm-j^ 3^ charge, Henry gave the boy over to the trusty guar- dianship of H^lie of Saint-Saens, " the only generous indiscretion of his life," and one of which he lived to repent. ^ From Falaise Henry moved to Rouen, where he was well received. Hugh of Nonant,^ again by The King Robert's direction, surrendered the castle. In return Henry at Rouen, granted a confirmation of the laws and privileges of the city.'' ' ' ' Galdricus . . . Capellarius Regis " ; Ord. I presume that he may be identi- fied with Waldricus Cancellarius who attests a letter of the King's earlier in the year ; Eadmer, 177. He was shortly appointed Bishop of Landaff, but was murdered by his people on Good Friday 1107; Ord. See too Foss, I. 78. Neither Wm. GitTard nor Bishop Roger of Salisbury had retained office long. 2 Orderic, 819-821. For the date see Chron. ; Flor. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 398. For Henry's report to Anselm see Eadm. 184. The King only claims to have captured 400 TTiilites, but he does talk of 10,000 foot-soldiers, a large number. No attention need be paid to the account in Henry of Huntingdon, a mere misrendering of Orderic's narrative, the only real account. ' Malm. sup. See above p. 19. William, as I believe, sailed on the 2Sth Sept. and landed on the 29th Sept. ^ Chron. Eadgar was evidently still living when Malmesbury wrote — say 1125. Politically a nonentity, his birth and manners always gained him a good reception at the courts both of the West and East. Malm. G.R. s. 251. This name also appears in the Pipe Roll, 31 H. I. ^ C. H. Pearson, Hist. Early England, I. 438. Hflie of Saint-Saens was married to a natural daughter of the Duke, as already mentioned. ^ There are two places of the name, one in Orne, the other in Calvados. ' Ord. 821, 822. 256 ROBERT A PRISONER [a.d. 1106 Ralph Flambard had been established by Robert as acting Bishop of Lisieux. When he heard of Henry's success he offered to deliver the place. -As he was a man of ability, who had given trouble, Restored to and might give more, Henry pardoned him, took Lisieux from the See of from him, and sent him back to Durham. But he never Durliaia. gained the King's confidence.^ A more formidable adversary was Robert of Bell^me, who, with thirty- four strongholds said to be still under his control, was disposed to keep up the struggle. He endeavoured to enveigle the Count of Maine into an alliance, but Hdlie very properly refused to break with his friend and patron King Henry, ' the most powerful prince of Western Europe.' At the same time he was willing to intercede for Robert. Pardons Henry, very prudently recognising the danger of driving such ^"^T* "^ ^ "Oixa. to extremities, accepted Hdlie's mediation, and restored Robert to grace, allowing him to retain Argentan and all his father's possessions,^ including Falaise, but depriving hira of all encroach- ments made at the expense of the Ducal demesne. In October a Grand Council of Norman magnates was held at Lisieux, to concert measures called for by the state of the countr)^ It is inter- esting to hear that one step considered urgent was a sweeping for the resumption of all grants of Ducal property made by Robert, ^^f^n^rt***"^ the King claiming everything held by his father on the day of his death. It is right to add that the clergy likewise were to be restored to all their former holdings.^ More salutary was the decree for the demolition of ' adulterine ' castles, i.e. castles fortified without leave. But we are told that the mere report of the victory of Henry ' the strong Justiciar' had an immediate effect on the social state of Normandy. Robber bands hid their heads and dispersed. With plenty of work on hand Henry remained in Normandy till the spring of 1 107,* returning to England in time to hold his Easter Feast (April 14) at Windsor.* The prisoners whom he intended to inprison- detain had already been sent over ; Duke Robert to live on ment of . , , . , . , Duke Kohert. for eight and twenty years, now m one castle, now m another, but always, we are told, with every indulgence compatible with his safe keeping ^ ; William of Mortain and Robert of Estouteville to drag out miserable existences in the depths of mediaeval dungeons.^ 1 Ord. 833 ; Symeon, H. D. E. Cont. 138. ^ " Reliqua quae patris fuerant ; '' Ord. 822. BellSme's chief estates however came from his mother. ^ lb. If we may draw an inference from the action of later English Parliaments, the resumption of grants would be offered in lieu of a subsidy. •* Chron. The King was at Lisieux in March ; Ord. 831, 832. ^ " Omnibus deliciis abundanter pavit " ; Ord. " In libera custodia . . . obson- iorum frequentia " ; W. Malm. G.R. p. 463. A good table apparently was the great indulgence. Bishop Roger of Salisbury must have had charge of the Duke, as he was sent to Devizes, one of the Bishop's castles ; Orderic, 887 ; Freeman, N. C. V. 206. ^ Ord. 822, 823. According to one story Mortain was blinded ; H. Hunt. p. 255. A.D. II031 ANSELM AT ROME 257 But the year 1106 had seen Henry come out victorious on another victory of ^^^ ^^^ "^^^ °^ Normandy, namely in the battle with Henry over Anselm and the Papacy over the question of the Investitures, tue Papacy, ^jjggi^^ ^^ leaving England in April, 1103, had gone to Bee, his old home. There at last he opened Pascal's letter, which he had Anseim's wished to open in Henry's presence. The Pope gave an Mission to absolute contradiction to the report of the King's envoys as '""*■ to his verbal communications to them. He had never spoken otherwise than he had written. Not only did he again condemn lay investiture by the ring and staff, but, going to the root of the matter, he declared that it would not be lawful for laymen to take any part whatever in the election of bishops.^ About the middle of August he left for Rome; arriving in due course,^ he found William of Warelwast already there. In a public audience granted to them by the Pope in council, William dwelt on the damage to the Holy See that would be entailed by the loss of England's allegiance. The majority of the Curia seeming to be im- pressed by his words, the envoy, to clench the matter, begged the assembly to understand, once for all, that his lord. King Henry, would not to save his crown surrender the right of investiture. ' Then,' said the - uayieia^™ Pope, who, till then, had not spoken, ' know thou that to save the King's life Pascal will not allow him to have it.' The Council, however, while renewing the prohibition against investiture, agreed to suspend the excommunication that Henry had already incurred ipso facto under the decrees of April, 1099. ^ On leaving Rome Anselm, as the reward of his constancy, received for himself and his legitimate successors a gracious confirmation of all the rights of the See of Canterbury, 'as known to have been enjoyed by Anseim's predecessors from the time of St. Augustine by the authority of the Apostolic See.'* Here the Pope may be supposed to refer to the spurious charters produced at Canterbury in the time of Jjanfranc. ^ Warelwast remained at Rome eight days after Anseim's departure, and obtained for his master a letter from Pascal most moderate, in fact affec- tionate in tone, in which, after congratulating him on the birth of his son William, he implores him for his own sake to render to God the things that are God's. "^ ' Why should we resist thy wishes unless we knew that by yielding we should be resisting the will of God ? ' "^ At Piacenza Warelwast rejoined Anselm, travelling with him till they drew near to Lyons. There they parted. On taking leave William ^ Eadmer, 149. " Epp. III. Nos. 39, 81. He passed through the valley of Maurienne, the Cenis Pass again ; No. 86. ^ Ead.-ner, 152, 154. * i6th Nov. ; Id. 154, 155. ^ See above, p. 87. " "Pro ipso te rogo, cujus hoc munus est, ut ipsi hoc reddas." ■' 23rd Nov. ; Eadmer, 155. R.H. — VOL. II. S 258 UNBENDING [a.d. i 103-1 105 delivered a message from the King, to the effect that he would be delighted to see Anselm back in England when he was prepared to Refuses to behave towards him, Henry,^ as Lanfranc had behaved to- B^'k^ceBt wards the Conqueror. ' What ? Have you nothing more to on Ms say to me?' enquired Anselm. 'Nothing more.' was the Own Terms, ^jjg^g^ . i ^ word to the wise ' {prudetiti loquor). Writing to the Pope, Anselm said that he understood perfectly that Henry's message meant homage, fealty, and the consecration of bishops invested by lay hands. 2 On WiUiam's return to England Henry thought his report and the tone of Pascal's letter sufficiently encouraging to justify him in taking the revenues of Canterbury into hand.^ He was determined to make the most of the smallest appearance of hesitation on the part of his antagonist. Thus for a year and four months matters remained very much at a stand- still Henry reiterating that Anselm need not come back to England unless he was prepared to recognise established custom ; and Anselm protesting that under the latest utterances of the Roman Curia he could neither render homage to the King, nor hold any intercourse with ecclesiastics accepting investiture at his hands.* Others again kept pressing Anselm to take pity on the state of spiritual destitution to which England was reduced in his absence.^ Henry, who was not insensible to Embassy to the evils attendant upon the existing state of things, though Kome. determined not to yield, sent another embassy to Rome during the course of 1104, but without result.^ By the spring of 1105 the Pope, in turn getting uneasy at the prolonged exile of the Archbishop, and feeling that the drift of events was against him, held a council at the Lateran, and fulminated spiritual censures against the Earl of Meulan, as Henry's chief minister ; and likewise against all who had accepted investiture at Henry's hands, forbidding them to enter any church.'^ A like sentence was stated to be _^®^y d hanging over Henry's own head. Thereupon Anselm, who with now apparently wished to see the King excommunicated,' '^"cSn^" Isft Lyons for the North, as if to be near the scene of action. He was intending to go to Rheims, to visit Archbishop Manasses, but hearing that Adela, the Countess of Blois, Henry's sister, was dangerously ill, he turned aside to visit her. When he reached Blois ^ Anselm. Efp. III. 46. " Ut talem te illi per omnia facias," etc. ; Ead. 157. ^ Epp. sup. ' Eadmer, sup. * See his letter to Henry, Eadm. 157, and Id. 159 ; also Epp. III. 90 ; IV. 47, 48. ^ See the letters of Queen Matilda to him ; Epp. Anselm. III. 93, 96, 97. She also begs Pascal to facilitate his return ; Epp. Pascal., Migne, vol. 163, p. 466 ; also Eadm. 160. ^ Eadmer, 162. ' " Ab ecclesiae liminibus repellendos . . . promulgavimus." See his announce- ment to Anselm, 26th March, Ead. 163 ; Anselm. Epp. IV. No. 73. * Eadmer again represents Anselm as dissatisfied with Pascal's action. A.D. II05] ANTAGONISTS 259 the Countess was better ; but she was filled with alarm when she heard that Anseltn was preparing to excommunicate her brother. Determined to make an effort at reconciliation, she took Anselm on to Chartres, and eventually to Laigle, for an interview with the King, who was then in Normandy, in his second campaign, and carrying all before him. They met on the 21st Tuly.^ Henry received Anselm in the Meeting ,. , ■' "' . , % . ■ , , • . Between the most cordial manner, reravested him with his revenues, and ^S a^d quite made friends. The Archbishop in turn relieved Meulan of his ban. The question of Anselm's return being mooted by some of those present, the King said, ' Certainly, provided that he does not withhold intercourse from my bishops.' To this Anselm could not agree without the sanction of the Pope, and so the meeting ended with an agreement for a fresh reference to Rome.^ Another whole year the struggle lasted, the King and Anselm being as far from any real agreement as ever. The King had promised so to arrange matters that his envoys should be at Rome by Michaelmas, in order to enable Anselm to return to England by Christmas, 1105. But by Christmas the King's envoys had not even started. To the Pope Anselm had written, ' Everything depends on you.' To his confidant. Bishop Gundulf of Rochester, he says, ' The King has promised an answer by Michaelmas. I hope that it will come, as I will submit to no more adjournments {t?iducice). If the answer does not come, I will begin to act.' ^ To Meulan he intimates more plainly that at any moment an excommunication may come down on the King's head.* Full of confi- dence as to the result, Anselm writes to Archbishop Hugh of Lyons that he understands that the King has quite given up the right of investiture, and is only claiming to retain homage ; he, Anselm, is in doubt whether he ought to concede that much.^ Henry and Matilda replied with kind enquiries after Anselm's health, and invitations to return-.^ Again too we hear of pressure put upon Anselm by churchmen in England, begging him to have pity on the deserted streets of Sion. They urge him to draw the sword of Mattathias, promising to follow if not anticipate his lead. Six Bishops sign this letter, but the antecedents of Gerard of York, Robert of Chester, and Herbert Losenge of Norwich, were not such as to inspire confidence. William Giffard, the Elect of Winchester, must have modified his attitude, as he is found concurring.^ At the same time the Bishops, no doubt, had grievances against the King. He was profiting by Anselm's absence to levy contributions from the ' Eve of St. Mary Magdalen ; Anselm, Epp. III. no. Eadmer gives the 23rd July as the day. ^ Eadmer, 164-166 ; Anselm. Epp, sup. and IV. 78. ^ Epp. IV. 63, 74 ; " Quod in tali re oportet facere incipiam " ; 44. * Eadmer, i6g, 170. ^ Epp. IV. 123. Hugh, in answer, counsels moderation ; No. 124. " Epp. IV. 74-77. ' Eadmer, 173. 26o A POLITIC POPE [a.d. 1105-1106 clergy, and in particular had taken the married clergy in hand, fining them for being married, or, perhaps, we should say more correctly, taking fines from them to allow them to retain their wives in defiance of Anselm's Canons. This, of course, would be a terrible invasion of Episcopal jurisdiction.^ To the Bishops Anselm writes in reply, thanking them for their tardy promise of support, but pointing out that he could not come to England unless the Pope and Henry were at one as to the terms on which he came.^ Anselm's requirement was about to be fulfilled. About the month of April, 1 106, a letter came from Pascal which must have fallen on him like a thunderbolt. 'God having touched the King's heart, ™es^wav ^° ^^^^ ^^ '^°^ shewed a disposition to obey the Apostolic See, he ought to be met half-way.' Accordingly Pascal relieves Anselm from the prohibition ' or excommunication as thou regardest it ' (!) ^ uttered by Urban against lay investiture and clerical homage, authorizing him on certain conditions to absolve and consecrate ecclesiastics who had either accepted investiture at lay hands, or done homage to laymen. The conditions — strange to say, con- A Compro- silvering what had happened before — were not disclosed in mise. ° *^^ the letter ; they were left to be told by word of mouth by the two envoys, William of Warelwast and Baldwin of Tournay, ' faithful and truthful men.'* The concession was not restricted to the men already appointed : it was extended to all who thereafter might accept Terms of the investiture or do homage, ' until by the grace of God, and the softening rain of thy preaching ' ^ the King's heart should be induced to abandon the practice. Pascal gives the King an absolutely free hand, while the reference to Anselm's preaching seems sheer mockery. The Pope then proceeds, rather rashly, to notice the conduct of those who on a former occasion had taxed him with having left for verbal communication matter that he did not care to commit to paper, the very thing that he was now doing. He assures them that their offence shall not pass unpunished, but that for the moment, at the King's instance, he suspends action.^ The condition that the Pope refrained from expressing was that Henry in his investitures should abstain from usmg the ring and staff, held the symbols of spiritual authority, the right to receive homage for the temporalities being conceded. The right of appointment to 1 See Eadmer, 175-177; Epp. III. 109, IV. 55, 57; and Anselm's indignant protests there. - Eadmer, 174. 3 "Ab ilia prohibitione, sive ut tu credis, excommunicatione absohimiis. " The reader will remember that Anselm was present when the anathema was uttered, and concurred in passing it. * " Viros fideles et veridicos." * " Tuse prEedicationis imbribus." " Dated 23rd March, 1106 ; Eadm. 178, 179. A.D. II06-II07] INVESTITURE CONCEDED 261 bishoprics and abbeys was not touched,i and therefore would remain as it had been before, practically at the King's disposal. What had brought Pascal to this point, or what Anselm thought of this surrender of Urban's position, we are not told. With respect to the Pope, we may fairly conjecture that he had come to the conclusion that his position was untenable, and that a way out of the difficulty having been suggested by Henry's ingenuity, he hastened to close with it. In that he showed the Italian political instinct that has been the making of the Papacy. That Anselm was indignant we cannot doubt. Henry, at any rate, was thoroughly content. William of Warelwast having carried his report to England, hastened back to Bee with a press- ing message for Anselm to come over at once. But the Archbishop had fallen ill,^ and remained more or less ill, and unable to travel, till the King himself came over in August for the Tinchebrai campaign. On the 15th of the month he came to Bee, and, after mass, effected a final agreement with Anselm on minor points. On the main question the ment between Pope's decision would be conclusive for Anselm. The King tiie King promised to hand over to Anselm the vacant churches that and Anselm. Rufus had farmed out ; he promised not to intrude on the sphere of the bishops' jurisdiction, as by fining priests for being married; ^ he promised to make full deliverance of all the revenues of the See of Canterbury. On these terms Anselm recrossed the Channel, to the great joy of all England. The Queen herself came down to grace bShop at ^'^ progress, and make arrangements for his reception.* Canterbury The victorious King himself, as we have seen, did not return till towards Easter (14th April) 1107, and then his final triumph had to be delayed till August, chiefly through Anselm's renewed attacks of illness. On the first of that month, however, a Grand Council „ ^ of ecclesiastical and lay dignitaries met at Westminster, a Grand ... Council at national Parliament of the time. For three days a stout Westminster. Anglican party resisted all concession to the Papacy, Anselm withholding his presence ; he would not even listen to such a discussion. But on the fourth day the compromise was finally accepted and ratified, ^ See Eadm. 186. Mr. Rule maintains that tlie homage of ecclesiastics thenceforward was not liege homage, but a mere declaration of fealty, "not allegiance," and without placing the hands between those of the superior (St. Anselm, II. 391J. No such dis- tinction is recorded at the time. " Papa . . . concesserat hominia quae Urbanus . . . interdixerat ; " Ead. sup. So too the Pope's own letter, and W. Malm. G. R. s. 417. " Retento electionis et regalium privilegio." 2 Anselm was unable to eat anything. Being pressed to take something, he said at last that he might eat a bit of partridge. A party was sent out to hunt for one, but without result, when one of the abbey sei-vants passing through a wood met a stoat or polecat [martiram) carrying a partridge in its mouth, seized the prey and brought it home for Anselm's dinner, who from that time began to mend ; Eadm. Vita, 411. ^ See above, 260. * Eadmer, 182, 183. August-Sept. 1106. 262 ANSELM UNFLINCHING [a.d. 1107-1108 Henry for himself and his successors disclaiming the ring and crozier, and Anselm conceding the homage. On that footing a whole series of vacant benefices, some in England and some in Normandy, were then and there filled up by the King.i Finally, on the nth August, William Consecration ^^^^'■'^ °^ Winchester, Roger of Sarum, Reinhelm of Here- of Five ford, Urban of Llandafif, and William of Warelwast, now duly °^^' rewarded by the Mitre of Exeter, five Bishops, all of Henry's appointing, were consecrated by Anselm at Canterbury.^ No such batch had been hallowed at one time since the memorable day in 909, when Archbishop Plegmund ordained seven Bishops for as many sees.^ Henry's victory was entirely gained at Pascal's expense ; over Anselm he scored no advantage at all. On the contrary, the Archbishop, by forc- ing him to negotiate with the Pope, established a precedent for appeals to Rome. Two more years brought Anselm's earthly career to a close. He was already in failing health ; unable to ride he had to be carried about in a FaUing litter.* His last work, that on Predestination and Free Will Health of i^De Concordia Frcesdentim Dei cum Libero Arbifrio), written at this period, cost him more time than usual.^ But his dialetic power was as keen, his spirit as undaunted as ever. In his pretensions he became really arrogant. He refused to consecrate a new ^^^g^P^*^^ abbot for St. Augustine's Canterbury, in that church, as re- quired by the monks in accordance with custom, even when the King joined in the request, electing to consecrate him at Lambeth.^ He refused to allow Henry to marry a natural daughter to William of Warenne, the two being related in the tenth degree — four generations back on the one side and six on the other.''' In a Synod held in London at Whitsuntide (24th May, 11 08), at which the King and lay barons assisted, he attacked the married clergy more fiercely than ever. Priests, deacons, and sub-deacons were forbidden to have any females in their houses, except nearest relations ; if married they were to put away their wives, being forbidden even to speak to them in future, except out of doors, and in the presence of witnesses ; recusants were to be degraded and stripped of their orders ; married priests presuming to say mass were to be excom- municated ; archdeacons and deans to be sworn to enforce the law.^ Another matter, of a very different character, which Anselm is repre- ^ For the retention by the ICing of the right of appointment, see Anselm's letter to Pascal, Eadm. 191, where he praises Henry for taking good counsel, and not making arbitrary selections ; and again, 199, where he describes the new Archbishop of York, Thomas II., as elected at the will of the King with the advice of his Barons, 'and our concession ' — very much the old English theory. '' Eadmer, 186, 187. ^ So Florence points out. See above, I. 278. * "Lectica decubans vehebatur." ^ Eadmer, 185, 188, 415. ^ Id., 188-190 27th February, 1108. ' Efp. IV., 84. » Eadmer, 193-195. A.D. 1108] THE SEE OF ELY 263 sented as bringing under the notice of tlie King was the outrageous mis- conduct of the Royal Household on the King's progresses. Of this evil we shall hear abundantly in the future under the name of eyance. pupygyajj(;g_ At the time that we have reached, the King's retinue, not content with living at the freest of quarters, were in the habit of carrying off anything they had a mind to. What they left they often wantonly destroyed. No woman's honour was safe with them. Men fled at the report of the King's coming as from a plague, carrying off with them whatever they could. These hardships were said to be a legacy from the cruel days of King Rufus, The rights of the Anglo-Saxon Kings in respect oi feorm, as those of Celtic Kings in respect of Conveth or Dovraeth, as we have seen, were pretty well defined*; boc-land was usually free. Henry at once proclaimed severe penalties in the way of mutilation and blinding against all offenders. We also hear of similar penalties being denounced against the coining of base money, apparently a very prevalent prime. 1 Anselm, if he had lived long enough, would have enslaved the Church of England to the Papacy, reducing the position of the Archbishop of Canter- „ „ , bury to that of a Papal Vicar. In 1108 an excellent scheme Creation 01 ■* , r \ r tlie Diocese was brought forward for creatmg a diocese of Ely, to be of Ely. carved out of that of Lincoln, which was much too big. The plan met with universal approval, including that of the Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Bloet. But Anselm would do nothing without Papal consent, and so the matter stood over till next year, when Bishop Hervd, a Breton, was translated from Bangor to be the first Shepherd of the new See.^ To the King's authority Anselm would make no concession that he could help, at a time when Henry was doing everything to please Anselm.* About the month of July * Henry was preparing to cross to Normandy from the harbour of Chichester. Anselm had been invited to come down to bless the voyage. He came, but at the last found himself too ill to cross the harbour, the King being quartered on the other side of the water. Henry begged him to take his ease, at the same time commending himself, his son, and the whole realm to Anselm's spiritual keeping.^ But he prayed for particular reasons that Richard, the newly appointed Bishop of London,^ might be consecrated at once in Chichester Cathedral. Anselm refused ; on second thoughts, however, he condescended to con- secrate him in "his own chapel at Pagham.'' Anselm's last energies were expended in asserting the supremacy of ' Eadmer, 192, 193. ' ^ Id. 195, 196, 2H ; Florence; Reg. Sacrum. ^ So Eadmer. '' Chrcn. A.D. 1108. ^ "Tuitioni." The fact that the ICing commends himself seems to exclude the idea of the regency that Eadmer endeavours to suggest. ^ Bishop Maurice had died 26th September, 1 107 ; Reg. Sacrum ; Florence. ' 26th July ; Eadmer, 197, 198. 264 CANTERBURY [a.d. 1108-1109 Canterbury over York, a matter to him of vital importance. If the whole of Britain were not to be subject to one archbishop, the between Church 'would be divided against itself ... he would ''and Yorit'^ '^°'' '^^'^^•^ ''^ England under such circumstances.' ^ The division, no doubt, would interfere with his plans of theocratic government. The claim to exact an oath of canonical obedience from the Northern Primates had been established, with difficulty, by Lanfranc in 1072. Thomas I. was then forced to submit. His successor, Gerard, when translated from Hereford in nor, had evaded the difficulty by going to Rome and obtaining his palltum in person. In 1107 Anselm demanded the oath from him, but Henry, who favoured the independence of the Northern Provipce, ruled that as Gerard, as Bishop of Hereford, had already taken the oath to Anselm, he need not take it again.^ This left the principle open. Gerard died in May, 11 08, on his way to London A New ^°'^ ^^^ Whitsun gathering ; and Henry immediately appointed Archbishop another Thomas, nephew to Thomas I., and son of Samson, of orij. ;gig]jQp Qf Worcester.^ Following Gerard's example he applied to Rome for his Pall, in order to avoid consecration by Anselm. The King approved of his action, while Anselm kept protesting against the reiterated excuses that he made for not coming to Canterbury. Henry, being abroad at the time, asked Anselm to allow the matter to rest till his return, or till Easter (2Sth April) 1109 ;' Anselm sent word that he would not suspend action for a single hour. His last act was to issue a furious letter, in which, dropping all form of courtesy, and affecting to speak in the name of the Almighty,* he suspends Thomas for ' rebellion,' and for- bids him to apply for consecration in any quarter until he has made his profession. Bishops holding office in any part of the British Isles are forbidden under pain of perpetual excommunication to consecrate him, or hold intercourse with him if consecrated by any ' extern.' ^ Anselm's temper had evidently beeft soured by his enforced submission on the question of the Investitures. On the 21st April (1109) he passed away at Canterbury, in his seventy-sixth year ; ^ a great writer, AiSeUn^ a true saint, and a charming character; but, in spite of his tender sympathies, a man of too rigid principle, and too much of a doctrinaire, to meddle successfully with the affairs of the world. The A Th oioeian suppression of clerical marriage was the one undertaking of not a 'his episcopate ; and that seemingly came to little.''' We hear Statesman. jjQtjjing of educational work, nothing of mission work. He ' See his letter to Pascal, Eadmer, 201 ; and again his message to Henry, 205. 2 Eadmer, 186. ^ Id. 193, 20S. * " Loquens ex parte ipsius Dei ... ex parte Dei interdico," etc. ^ Eadmer, 198-206 ; Epp. IV. 88, 96-98. « lb. ' For the prompt relapse after Anselm's death see Eadm. 213, 214; for apologies for the disappointing barrenness of his primacy, 217-220. A.D. 1109] AND YORK 265 ought to have remained in his scriptorium at Bee. His numerous works establish his title to be considered, on the one hand, " the last of the Fathers " ; on the other hand, the " parent of the Schoolmen," and the founder of that a priori system of theology which down to the i6th cen- tury exercised so powerful an influence on the mind of Europe. At Canterbury he contributed to a new choir, known as Prior Conrad's choir, afterwards destroyed by fire ; while one subsisting tower still bears his name.i But this must have been built by Conrad, and after Anselm's death. 2 In the matter of the struggle with York Anselm was destined to achieve a posthumous victory. Not many days after his death a Cardinal, Ulric . by name, appeared with a Pall for the Northern Primate, but Canterbury only to be given by the hands of Anselm, now no more. The over York, j^^t-fgi- therefore had to await the King's return, which hap- pened about the beginning of June.^ The question of the consecration of the Elect of York was taken up during the Whitsun week (June 13-20). The bishops produced Anselm's inhibition. Robert of Meulan, when the purport of the circular was explained to him, was inclined to take a serious view of their action in pleading it as a reason for not deferring to the Royal command. But Henry, finding them unanimous, declared, with his usual tact, that he would never force men to incur the penalty of excom- munication, and ordered Thomas to seal a written profession of submission to Canterbury. That having been done, he was consecrated on the 27 th June, and on the ist August received his Pall at York from Cardinal Ulric. On the same day he consecrated an Englishman, Turgot, Prior of Durham, formerly confessor to Queen Margaret of Scotland, to be Bishop of Kilrimont, otherwise St. Andrew's.* This appointment had been made by Alexander I., the new King of Scots, who had succeeded his brother Eadgar in January, 1107.^ Alex- Alexander I ^'*<^^''' '^^ ^'^^ X-oXA., like Eadgar, came to the throne ' by the King of ' grant ' of his brother-in-law. King Henry. That would imply Scotland. ^ certain degree of vassalage, but no homage is recorded of either King.^ It is probable that both Kings depended a good deal on the support of the Anglic population of the Lothians. No appointment was made to Canterbury. After his recent experience ' Eadmer, 219 ; Gervase, 1294. Saint as he was, Anselm was not finally canonised till the time of Alexander VI., when he " suffered the indignity " of being stamped with the approval of the Borgia Pope (Church). ^ For architectural details see at end of the reign. ' Flor. ; Chron. * Eadmer, 207-211 ; Florence. Turgot had been appointed 20th June, 1107. See Haddan and Stubbs, II. 170. * January 6, Flor/ ; 8, Symeon ; 13, Chron. ; and Chron. P. if S. ^ Fordun, however, does notice a journey of Eadgar to the court of Rufus that clearly suggests homage. 266 CROWNING THE KING [a.d. 1109 Henry might well take time to think over the choice of a successor to Archbishop Anselm. A struggle for precedence at the Christmas festivities at Westminster between the new Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London, as Dean of Canterbury, informs us that at the three great crown- wearing days it was usual for the crown to be placed on the King's head by the prelate of highest rank.i ' Eadmer, 212, CHAPTER XVIII HENRY I. (continued) A.D. IIO9-II16 Marriage of the King's Daughter — Affairs in Normandy, Anjou, and Maine — Homage done to Henry for Maine and Brittany— Ecclesiastical Affairs— A Welsh Campaign — Papal Aggression. THE annals of the reign of Henry I. from the year mo onwards become meagre and disconnected, the lack of history implying, as we may hope, that the people, if not always blest with plenty, — the years 1109, ixio, and 11 11 being years of famine both in England and France ^ — were at all events in the enjoyment of tranquillity and peace. The event of the year mo was the departure of the King's little daughter Adelaide to join her future husband, King Henry V. of Germany.^ In the month of February she was sent away.^ The contracts the King's had been signed in the previous month of June, so that her ''^HeSy V*" f^ths'^'s present action might seem to amount to the ' giving away.' But the little Princess had only just completed her eighth year when she sailed from Dover. Neither ' wedding ' nor ' giving away,' therefore, was possible as yet. But she was received by Henry at Liege, and duly betrothed to him at Utrecht on Easter Day (April 10).* The actual marriage was not celebrated till 7 th January, 1114, when Adelaide may have been just about twelve years old.^ Like her mother, she was required to change her name," and to change it for the name that ' Chron. ; Orderic. ^ Henry IV. died 7th August, 1106; Orderic, 819, etc. His son, Henry V., suc- ceeded him, but was not crowned Emperor till 12th April, 1114. ^ ' Before Lent,' i.e. before February 23 ; Chron. ; ' At the beginning of Lent,' Sym. H.R. 241. She was certainly betrothed to Henry at Easter, April 10. * W. Jum. 297. See also Dr. O. Rossler, Kaiserin Mathilde, 12, 13, and authorities there cited. ^ Ann. Hildesheim. W. Jum. sup. represents Matilda as having been crowned as Queen on the 25th July, mo, before she was married. Dr. Rossler asserts that she was never crowned as Empress, and never styled herself Empress either in Germany or Italy. Mathilde, 19. * John of Hexham styles her "Aaliz,'' Decern Scriptt. 266 ; and again " Adela," 269. The Chronicle, a.d. 1127, gives the name as " .lEthelic,'' not a known English name. 207 268 DOMESTIC POLICY [a.d. iiio-iiii her mother took, and so from this time forward she becomes the Empress Matilda. No such aUiance had been contracted by England since Gun- hild, daughter of Cnut and Emma, went forth to marry Henry, son of Conrad, afterwards the mighty Emperor Henry III. No expense was spared in honour of the Imperial connexion, but the customary Aid, " Pur fille -marier^' would supply the funds.^ On the other hand, the acceptance of a bride of such tender years proves the value set by Germany on the Enghsh alliance. In mo the Germanic Henry was about to draw the carnal weapon against Pascal over the terrible question of the Investitures, already brought to a satisfactory conclusion in England by the peaceful diplomacy of the English Henry. The Whitsun court of the year (2gth May) may be noticed for the cir- cumstance that for the first time it was held at New Windsor,^ the Royal Windsor of all later times. The Windsor of earlier days was Wtodsor '^^ '^°^ deserted Old Windsor, two miles lower down the Thames. Here the question suggests itself whether the huge " mote," the mound-fort afterwards surmounted by Edward III.'s round tower, was only piled up by Henry I., or whether the place had been fortified as an outpost in Mercian days, though not till now patronised as a Royal residence. Another incident, and one characteristic of the King's domestic policy, was the banishment — doubtless under strictly legal procedure — of three men of the older baronage, namely, Philip of Braouse, William ^oTfilr^ns"* ^^'«'' ^^d William Baynard.^ Of these only the first lived to earn forgiveness.* Baynard's name is still preserved in the City Ward of Castle Baynard, so called after the castle within the pre- cincts of the later Blackfriars, probably built by Ralph Baynard of Domes- day, the strongest place in London next to the Tower. ^ Henry remained at home till about August, iiii, when he went over to Normandy, where he had plenty of work for his hand to do. Con- siderable changes had been taking place on the political stage. NormSSv^ Phihp I. of France had died in July, 1108, being succeeded by his son, Louis VL, " Le Gros." Some years before, at Christmas, iioo,® he had paid a visit of congratulation to the English court, and had been entertained in right royal fashion by Henry, We are told that Louis conceived a deep respect for the King, and that in after life he never willingly quarrelled with him. Henry's manners and ' ' The geld ... for his daughter's gift ' is specially noticed by the Chronicler — always sensitive on questions of taxation. For Aids see above, 141. 2 Chron. ^ /^_ 4 Pipe RqI]^ ^i H. I. 72, 103. ' Ellis, Domesday, I. 376 ; Lappeuberg. For the history of Baynard's Castle, see Wheatley and Cunningham's London. ^ So Le Prevost, note to Orderic (IV. 195 of his ed.). A.D. nog-iiii] FOREIGN AFFAIRS 269 ability could not fail to impress the young man, and he might well feel thankful to the King if indeed the latter had refused to comply with the murderous request, alleged to have been forwarded to him by Queen Bertrade, Louis' stepmother, in a letter forged in her husband's name. By this precious missive Henry was invited to make away with Louis.^ But, in fact, we shall find the force of circumstances bringing Louis and Henry into collision again and again. One cause of difference had already arisen. The castle of Gisors had been established by Rufus on the Norman bank of the Epte, to face the strongholds on the other side of the river, in the French Vexin. But it would seem than an agreement had been come to between Louis and Henry for the neutralisation or demolition of Gisors on the one side, and of Bray^ on the other side. This engage- ment may have been entered into in Philip's lifetime, when Louis was in charge of the French Vexin. ^ Henry however had recently taken Gisors into his own hands, and was keeping up the fortifications.* Then in another quarter the affairs of Maine invited intervention. Fulk Rechin of Anjou had passed away on the 14th April, 1109, and the County was in the hands of his eldest surviving son, Fulk V., after- . _ . . wards King of Jerusalem. He was married to liremberge, Anjou and only child and heiress of Hdlie of La Flfeche, by whom he Maine. became the father of Geoffrey Plantagenet ^ {Plante Geneste)? H^lie himself paid the debt of nature on the nth July, mo, whereupon Fulk entered into possession of Maine in right of his wife.'' This aggrandisement of Anjou could not be viewed by Henry with indifference, while homage for Maine, as we have seen, was an old claim pressed, rightly or wrongly, by the Norman Dukes. The Conqueror had reduced the county into actual possession, and so, to a certain extent, had Rufus. Again Henry had begun to repent of the magnanimity that had allowed his brother's son, young William, distinguished by Orderic as William the " Clito " {i.e. the JJtheling), — the heir by rights of Normandy, if not of England — to remain at large. Apparently Henry's first step on landing in Normandy in August (im) was an attempt to seize young William at Arques, the residence of his guardian, Helie of Saint Saens. The boy ' Ord. 812, 813. Here it is recorded that Heniy — "literatus Rex" — received the latter, read it for himself, and formed his own opinion of it before shewing it to his advisers. ^ In an island in the Epte. ^ Ord. 8 13. * Sugar. Vita Ltidovici, c. 15, pp. 57, 58 (Societe de I'Histoire de France); Sismondi. ^ Orderic, 818 ; Sismondi, France, V. 102 ; Le Prevost, notes to Ord. IV. 218. Fulk Rechin, in fact, had abdicated in 1 196, yielding the administration of affairs to his eldest son, Geoffrey, a man of high character, who at once liberated his poor old uncle, Geoffrey Barbu. Geoffrey, the son of Rechin, was killed iSth May, 1106, when the county passed to his brother Fulk V. ; Le Prevost, Ord. IV. 210, 218. * See R. Rou, 1. 10, 300, ed. Andresen ; R. Wendover, a.d. 1148. ' Chron. ; Sism. 103. 2 70 SUCCESSFUL WAR [a.d. iiii was just snatched from his bed in time to be carried by Hdlie to the court of France.^ Thus Henry was confronted by two wars, ^Uo^k. °"^ ^^''^ France, the other with Anjou, besides a threatened domestic rising in Normandy in the name of young William. In this last matter, as might be supposed, Robert of Belleme was found to be taking a leading part. Moreover in this time of trouble it turned out that Henry's alliance with Germany had cost him the support of Flanders, Robert of Jerusalem being on bad terms with his Teutonic over- lord.^ Robert the Frisian had broken with England, as already men- tioned.^ Friendly relations had been restored by his son, Robert of Jerusalem, and a renewal of the old pension of 300 marks obtained from the careless prodigality of William Rufus. We are told that Henry, who gave nothing for nothing, when approached on the subject declined to be bound by his brother's grant, unless some return were to be made by Flanders.* The result was a treaty, executed on the roth March, 1103, a precedent for many a later compact of a similar character, by which the King granted a yearly subsidy of ^500 in consideration of the right to call for the services of a Flemish army in England, Normandy, or Maine, in case of need.^ The treaty had been renewed after the accession of Louis,^ but nothing apparently had come of it ; and the Count, when hostilities break out in 1 1 1 1, is found fighting on the side of France."! Ravaging disconnected warfare began all along the frontiers of ' France ' and Maine. Louis appeared on the banks of the Epte, at the plank bridge of N^aufles, with an imposing army at his back. Among the '^■ffie Hew ^ feudatories in attendance were Hugh II. the Peaceful, Duke of Burgundy, Robert II. of Flanders, and Henry's nephew, Theobald IV. of Blois. The King of England faced them at Gisors. Efforts were made to induce him to submit the questions at issue to arbitration or legal decision of some sort, one suggestion being the humorous proposal that the two Kings should meet singly in wager of battle on the bridge, which was known to be in a shaky condition. Henry's prudence, however, declined the offer ^ Louis retired from . the Vexin to engage shortly in hostilities with his recent ally, Theobald of Blois, whose under-tenants infested the roads to Paris, plundering travellers. The King was defeated in a skirmish near Meaux, and in the rout Robert of Flanders was thrown from his horse, trampled under foot, and injured so severely that in a few days he died.* 1 Orderic, 837. ^ Sismondi, V. 101 ; Ord. 837. ^ See above, pp. 92, loi. 4 So W. Malm. ; G. Ji., s. 403. 5 Liber Niger Scacc. I. 7 (Hearne) ; and for the year, Eadmer, 146. For excellent remarks on the treaty, see Freeman, N. C. V. 181. ^ Liber N. sup. 16. Both treaties are given in Faidera, I. 6, 7, but in wrong order and with wrong dates. (Record Edn. ) ' Suger, sup. 15. * Sism. V, 106 ; Chron.; Ord. S37. The latter here is utterly abroad in his chronology. A.D. III2-III3] WITH FRANCE AND ANJOU 271 The casus M/iwkh Anjou was probably found in a refusal on the part of the Count to do homage for Maine, a point that was ultimately conceded. Henry strengthened his borders by fortifying Nonancourt, Illiers-l'Ev^que, and Sorel-Moussel,^ all on the frontier lines either of ' France' or Maine. Capture of While Fulk and Henry were still at arm's length, the contu- Kobert of macious Robert of Belleme fell into the King's hands. Having ventured to come to Henry's court at Bonneville, as envoy from King Louis, he was arrested on a charge of contempt of court for non- appearance in certain proceedings previously instituted against him for malversation in the management of the revenues of Argentan, Exmes, and Falaise (4th Nov., 11 12). He was condemned and sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. Alengon, his chief stronghold, was then attacked and re- duced ; while he himself in the course of the following year was sent over to England to end his days in Wareham Castle, the worst character, and the most thoroughly hated and hateful man in all Europe.^ The arrest of Belleme laid Henry's adversaries at his feet. In the first week of Lent, 11 13 (23rd February-ist March ?),^ Count Fulk came to g Alengon, where Henry was; did homage for Maine, and dered for engaged his daughter Matilda to the ^theling William.'' Maine. LquIs followed suit to still greater purpose a month later. He met Henry at Gisors, and made peace on most extraordinary terms, if indeed they have been correctly reported. We are told that the ^"^FranoT*^ French King ' granted ' (concessit) to Henry not only the right to retain Gisors,^ but also Belleme, Maine, and all Brittany. Belleme was not part of Normandy, though often held by Norman lords. It appertained to Mortagne, otherwise Perche, and Henry had no previous right to homage for it. That therefore might well be the subject of a grant. But Fulk had just done homage for Maine ; and we also ^Brittenyf ^^" '^^^^ ^''^'^ Fergant of Brittany had done homage for his dominions, in consideration of receiving the hand of Matilda, a natural daughter of the King, for his son Conan." Did Louis really 1 Orderic, 840. The first two places are in Eure, the last in Eure et Loire. 2 " Temporibus Christianis in omni malitia incomparabilis " ; Ord, 841, 858. The account in the latter place seems to supplement and correct that given in the first place. " Vir intolerabilis " ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 398; Chron. ; " In ore omnium positus, ut diceretur Mirabilia Roberti de Bellesme"; H. Hunt, De Contemptu Mundi, 310 (ed. Arnold). Bellfime was well found in his prison. The sheriff of Wilts was allowed ;^l8 a year for his board, and £,2 more for his clothing ; Pipe Roll 31 H. I. p. 12. ^ In 1 1 13 Ash Wednesday fell on the 19th of February. With the writers of the time the first week of Lent usually means the first whole week. * Ord. 841 ; Gesta Coss. ; D'Achery, Spk. III. 264. = Suger, sup. p. 61. ^ Allan shortly retired to the Abbey of Redon, where he died, 13th Oct., Ilig; Bouquet, XII. 559. His son Conan III., " Le Gros," then became Count. His union with Matilda did not prove a happy one, and he disowned her only son. Le Prevost Ord. IV. 302, 308. 272 A PACIFICATION [a.d. 1113 release all rights of suzerainty over Maine and Brittany ? It seems more natural to suppose that he merely recognised Henry's right to take homage from those provinces, saving his own rights as lord paramount.^ Accord- ing to some of the accounts, the King's son did homage to Louis for Nor- mandy at this same time.^ Robert of Belleme left behind him a son, William Talevas, who was established in Ponthieu in right of his mother ^ ; Robert also had the alle- Reduction of gi^^^ce of certain under-lords, besides that of the garrison of Castle of Belleme. These men refused, in legal phrase, to " attorn " to their new over-lord. Force had to be employed. On the ist May Henry appeared at Belleme with an army supported by Theobald of Blois, Fulk of Anjou, and Rotrou of Mortagne. On the 3rd the place fell. The day being the Feast of the Invention of the Cross, the King had ordered an abstention from hostilities. His own men obeyed. But the French auxiliaries, who had not heard the orders, began an assault. The garrison venturing to sally on them were repulsed and driven in, and the town carried with a rush. The Keep, Robert's own work, holding out, was fired and burnt to the ground.* The pacification was accompanied by acts of grace on Henry's part. Among those who had offences forgiven to them were William Crispin, Constable of Dangu ; William Count of Evreux, who had been '^^Hemy'' °^ outlawed some fourteen months before ; and his sister's son, Amaury of Montfort, himself brother to Queen Bertrade, and so uncle to Fulk of Anjou. Men held in bonds by Robert of Belleme were set free, and men wrongfully ousted by him were recalled to their homes. 5 We have just noticed Henry's regard for a Church Festival. Orderic's account of a visit paid by the King to the monastery of St. Evroult at Ouche — the writer's home — shows his urbanity to the clergy. to'the°ciS-CT ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^°^ ^^^ ^^^^' °^ ^^^ Purification (2nd February, 1 1 13). He sat for a long time with the monks in their quarters, enquired of fheir manner of living, and greatly admired it — he almost wished that he was one of them ! Next day he came into the Chapter House, and, at his own request, was admitted an honorary brother of the community.® His retinue, we are told, included his nephews, Theobald of Blois, and Stephen the future King; Conan of Brittany, and the King's son Robert, the future Earl of Gloucester.''' * March 24-31 ; Ord. 841 ; Gesla Coss. sup. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 419 ; W. Jum. Cent. p. 307. Martin, France, III. 220, takes the view here suggested. ^ Suger ; and Gesta, sup. ^ Agnes, daughter of Guy of Ponthieu. * Ord. 841, 842. ^ Ord. 834, 841 ; Chron. a.d. 1112. ^ "In claustro monachorum diu sedit ... in Capitulum venit, socletatem eorum humillter requlslvit et recepit " ; Ord. 840. ' Id. Robert attested the charter granted in honour of the King's visit. The King only signed it with a cross ; " earn cruce facta signavit." A.D. III3-III4] TWO NEW ARCHBISHOPS 273 Towards Midsummer Henry returned to England. The moderation of his ambition, his prompt and unscrupulous action, and his steadfastness of The King Re- Purpose enabled him to leave behind him in Normandy a more turns to stable and satisfactory peace than any established even by the England. Q^g^j William. ^ If King Louis made but a poor appearance in the field, the humble character of his resources should not be forgotten. ^His revenue was practically dependent on the receipts from the five towns of Compifegne, Paris, Melun, Orleans, and ifetampes, while the narrow strip of territory that was all his own was hemmed in by the dominions of the lords of Flanders, Champagne, Blois, Anjou, and Normandy. Nevertheless under Louis the kingdom was at last to enter on that course of aggran- disement that was destined eventually to make it supreme from the Channel to the Pyrenees.^ Ecclesiastical appointments were the main work of the year 11 14. Both archbishoprics were vacant. Anselm had died in 1109; while Thomas II. of York passed away on the 24th February in of Escures, the current year.^ After four years' trial, the King had Archbishop of satisfied himself that Canterbury could be safely entrusted Canterhnry. to the hands of Ralph of Escures, Bishop of Rochester, formerly Abbot of Sees. Ralph is described as a man of culture and character, humorous, courtly, and popular. At Sees he had done ex- cellent work as monk, prior, and abbot. Since 1103, when he quarrelled with Belleme, he had resided continuously in England, and mostly with Anselm. To Anselm he owed his appointment as Bishop of Rochester, and since- Anselm's death he had administered the Province of Canter- bury. On the 26th April he received his appointment at Windsor.* Thurstan '-^'^ '^^ ^5'^ August Thurstan, properly Toustain, a native of Arohhishop Bayeux, a Royal Chaplain, and Canon of St. Paul's, was ap- ° °^ pointed to York; while on the 15th September Ernulf, Abbot of Peterborough, was named Bishop of Rochester.^ Peterborough and other vacant abbeys were also filled up. But the native writer Elciuded'' groans over the fact that, whatever his merits, under no from circumstances could an Englishman be promoted to any Preferment. ,..,,.... ° ^, ^ ,. , ■' ecclesiastical dignity of importance. The caste lines between the two races were still impassable.^ Ralph was not allowed to go to Rome for his pallium, excuses being 1 Chron. ; W. Malm. G. R. s. 399. ^ Sismondi, France, V. 86, 99. ' Florence. " Eadmer, 221-223; Orderic, 678, 812; W. Malm., G. P. 127, 132. Ralph in 1 102 had negotiated the surrender of Shrewsbury, so that his quarrel with Belleme might date from that time. He was one of those present at the examination of the relics of St. Cuthberht in 1104. Symeon, H.D.E., Aucl. 247, 253. 5 Eadmer, 223-225 ; Chron. ; Flor. ^ " Rex . . . usque quaque Anglos perosus . . . Unum eos, natio scilicet, dirimebat. Si Anglus erat nulla virtus ut honore aliquo dignus judicaretur eum poterat adjuvare"; Eadm. 224. R. H, — VOL. II. T 2 74 CHURCH AFFAIRS [a.d. 1114 made for him on the score of health. A clerical embassy was sent instead. After some demur, Pascal committed the precious badge, enshrined in a silver casket, to a Legate, by name Anselm, sister's son to the late Arch- bishop. But at the same time he could not refrain from a protest against Henry's system of Church government — no references or appeals to Rome; no letters or envoys from Rome admitted without leave; Synods held, and bishops appointed and translated, without his knowledge or consent j^ Peter's Pence not half collected. On the 27th June, mSi Archbishop Ralph received and assumed the Pall with all the ceremony observed by his predecessor.^ The consecration of the Northern Primate brought up again the ques- tion of subjection to Canterbury. Thurstan, a man of strong character, absolutely refused to take the oath of canonical obedience ; Canterbiiy ^"^^ his clergy, to a man, backed him up. He had been again much at court, both under Rufus and Henry, and much em- ployed by Henry.^ He reckoned on Henry's support. But at the end of eighteen months, the King, in a council held at Salisbury, to which we shall revert, told Thurstan plainly that he must either submit or resign. Henry doubtless wanted to have the Archbishop of Canterbury thoroughly with him in resisting a fresh assault made by the Papacy on the liberties of the Church of England. Thurstan said that he would resign; then shortly, thinking better of it, he followed Henry to Normandy, to prosecute his cause as best he might. Finding Henry inflexible, he turned to the Pope,* not without success.^ At last in 1119, but not till then, did he obtain consecration at the hands of Calixtus II. in the Council of Rheims.^ In an interval between selections and appointments of bishops and abbots Henry found time to lead an army into Wales (June- July ?). His influence in those parts had been steadily on the increase. * Wales!" -^^ attempt to instal an English bishop at Llandaff in 1106 proved unfortunate, as the man sent, Waldric the Chancellor, who took Duke Robert prisoner at Tinchebrai, was massacred by the )Velsh, with seven of his canons, on Good Friday in the following year.' An English Henry however immediately appointed another bishop, Bishop at Urban, who managed to hold his ground ; and from him the Anglican succession of Bishops of Llandaff is usually dated.* ^ " Praster scientiam . . . conniventiam . . . conscientiam nostram"; 1st April, 1 1 15; Eadmer, 228. 2 See Eadmer, 226-230, and the letters to and from the Pope there ; also Chron. ^ " Willielmo juniori domesticus fuerat et carus. Regi vero Henrico familiaris et secretarius" ; T. Stubbs, Decern Script. 1714. * Eadmer, 237, 238 ; T. Stubbs, 1714, 1715 ; Florence. ^ See Pascal's letters in his favour ; Epp. Nos. 493, 494, Sth April, 11 17 (Migne). W. Malm. G. P. 262-265. ' 12th April, 1107; Ord. 821. « Reg. Scurum; Brut, A.D. 1104. See for Urban's position, Haddan and Stubbs, I. 309. A.D. 1107-1113] WELSH AFFAIRS 275 Urban's success in maintaining his position may be viewed in connexion with the plantation of a colony of Flemings in Ros, and other parts of Pembrokeshire, a politic measure undertaken by Henry about this time,^ by which the non-Celtic element must have been greatly strengthened. Under the year mo we have a disgraceful outrage perpe- °^^^|^°^trated by Owain, son of Cadwgan, a very turbulent youth. Coming in time of peace, without provocation, he broke by night into the castle of Cenarth Bychan,^ recently built by Gerald of Windsor, Constable of Pembroke, who at the time was living at Cenarth with his wife Nest. Gerald escaped in his night-clothes ; but Owain sacked the place, and violated and carried off Nest, said to be his own cousin. This Princess, as she might be called, being daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, the last King of South Wales, had been taken to the English court, where she attracted the attention of Henry, by whom she became mother of a son, by name Henry. When her connexion with Henry came to an end, as we suppose, she was married to Gerald ; and she survived him to become the wife of another Welsh captain, Stephen, ^ Constable of Aberteivy. For the purposes of our narrative the point of the incident of Owain's crime is this, that Cadwgan was threatened with consfication of his dominion for the misconduct of his son ; that he had to make humble apologies to Henry ; and that he only ' obtained his territory, that is to say, Ceredigion,' for a fine of ;^ioo.* It was probably to keep Cadwgan and his unruly son in check that in nil Henry released Jorwerth, who had been in his hands since 1103, and restored to him 'his country.' ^ His possessions must JorwertS^ have lain in Powys, as we hear that his residence was at Caer Einion, evidently Castell Einion, in the valley of the Usk.^ But Jorwerth was doomed to misfortune. In the very next year he fell a victim to assassination by the hands of a nephew, Madog, son of Rhirid, another son of Bleddyn.^ Cadwgan shortly shared the same fate, where- upon the various members of the family hastened to bespeak Henry's support. He allowed the murderer Madog to take Jorwerth's lands in 1 'aa Ann. Cavib. 1 107; Brut, 1105 ( = 1108). Florence places the colony in 11 11. It may not have been established all at once. According to him the Flemings were brought from Northumberland, as if a previous settlement had been attempted there ; according to Malmesbury they were gathered from all parts of England ; G. R. ss. 365, 401. For Flemings settled in or near Ceredigion (North Pembrokeshire or South Cardi- ganshire) see Ann. C. nil, H15; Brut, p. 105. Cnf. Freem. iV.C. V. Appendix C.C. 2 Radnorshire, 4 miles North of Rhaiader. " Giraldus Camb. VI. 28, 89-91, 130 ; Freem. N. C. V. 109, 852. * Ann. C. iiio ; Brut (1106). The narrative of the latter now becomes so full of detail, and apparently of trustworthy detail, that it must be based on records more or less contemporary. 5 ^„„_ ^ 1103, nil; B7-ui {llOl, 1107). " 5 miles west of Brecknock. ' Brut, p. 87. 276 SNOWDON INVESTED [a.d. 1114-1115 Powys, giving Ceredigion to Owain. But Madog again fell into Owain's hands, who put out his eyes, and divided his land with Maredudd, son ot Bleddyn, a common uncle. ^ The disordered state of the country implied by all these crimes will account for Henry's invasion of Wales in 11 14. We are told that Richard the I Invasion of -^^^^ °^ Chester had his charges against Gruffudd of Gwynedd, Wales by the son of Cynan, and that Gilbert fitz Richard, otherwise enry. QjUjej.]- of Clare, Henry's representative in Ceredigion, had his complaints against Owain, and that accordingly Henry 'led his army against Gwynedd and principally to Powys.' His preparations, we are assured, were on a vast scale, including contingents from all Great Britain. But the speaking fact is that a Scottish contingent was in attendance under King Alexander in person. Wales was attacked from three sides. Alexander and the Earl of Chester entered from the North ; another force came up from the South; while the King took a middle line, advancing to "Mur Castell." Owain withdrew with all his goods and people ' to the moun- tains of Ereri (Snowdon) ... the safest place against an army.' He made a compact with Gruffudd that neither should treat with the enemy without the other j but when negotiations were opened by Henry with Gruffudd, Owain, fearing to be left in the lurch, hastened to come forward. He came to the English camp, and, we are told, received his land back ' free.' Gruffudd, content to send an embassy of peace, was made to pay a heavy fine. But Owain, if he was not mulcted, had to follow the move- ments of the King's court in England and Normandy for a year.^ To carry the English advance in Wales one step further. In 11 15 St David's an ^'^'■'''■'^ ^'^ Gruffudd, the last native Bishop of St. David's, English died. Henry immediately appointed a Norman, Bernard, the op c. Q^ggjj'g Chancellor, and from him again an Anglican succes- sion begins to run.^ The ecclesiastical affairs of the year 11 14 fairly settled, and Wales 'pacified,' Henry on the 21st September sailed from Portsmouth for Normandy. In the course of the ensuing year the chief men H°^ag6 to" °f ^^ Duchy were made to do homage to the .(Etheling tiie ^theiing William, the King's only legitimate son, then perhaps twelve years old. This, doubtless, was done to meet the growing movement in favour of the other William, Robert's son. In July, 11 15, Henry came back to England.* Ecclesiastical affairs were again to the front, and the King had to call on his subjects for support against Papal pretensions and Papal aggression. The Hildebrandine revival had by no means spent its energy. On the ' Ann. C. 1112, 1113 ; Bnit {1108, mo). 2 Brut {a.h. iiii); Ann. Camb. ; Chron. ; Flor. 1114. ' Eadmer, 235 ; Ann. Camb. Bernard, of course, took the oath of canonical obedience to Canterbury, as all the new Welsh bishops did. * Chron. A.D. 111S-1116] THE SUCCESSION 277 contrary, it was in full swing, and developing fresh force day by day. Monasticism was spreading right and left, and striving to rise to greater heights of spiritual perfection through ever increasing mortification of the Kiseoftiie ^^^'^- ■''•'^ i°9^ ^^ Cistercian Order had made its start, when Cistercian Robert of Molesmes founded St. Mary of Citeaux.^ By the ^^' time that we have reached sister Houses had been established at La Ferte, Pontigny, Clairvaux.^ In 1113 monks from Tiron, another new French foundation, made their way to Scotland, and were established at Selkirk by the King's brother David. ^ A further indication of the spirit of the times, even more telling because more widely spread, was the ex- pansion of Church architecture, destined shortly to enrich the world with the glories of the Pointed Style. The Papacy, in view of such a state of Growth of ^'^''^S^' "^^s bound to do its best to turn the movement to Papal account for its own ends. We have already noticed Pascal's Pretensions, j^^gj. ^^ jj^j^ ^^^ ^^^^ K'^riS., 1115), in which he claimed, not indistinctly, a general right of intervention in the affairs of the Church of England, including the appointment of bishops. This letter had Come while the King was abroad. Then, in July, just before he came back, a Papal Legate, Conon, Cardinal of Praeneste, had held a Council at Chilons, and had excommunicated some or all of the Norman bishops for non- attendance.* The King felt much aggrieved. The claim to interfere in the appointment of bishops he justly regarded as a violation of the Concordat on the question of Investiture. His complaints were laid before a Grand Council held at Westminster on the i6th October, Pascal's letter of the ist April being produced by the Legate Anselm, Resistance 1)7^'^° had brought Ralph's Pall. An attitude of firm resistance the Anglican was resolved upon ; and the veteran diplomatist, William of Warelwast, Bishop of Exeter, though now afflicted with loss of eyesight, was once more commissioned to go to Rome to remonstrate.^ The ^theling William had been recognised as heir in Normandy, but not as yet in England. The homage of the English Baronage was ren- winia dered to him in a Grand Council held at Salisbury on the igth Recognised March, T116; the clergy, we are told, only pledging them- ^^He^'^ selves to do homage to him at his father's death. It was on this occasion that Henry finally told Thurstan that he must either take the oath of obedience to Ralph or resign.^ Not long afterwards the King went over to Normandy,'' where four years of trouble and anxiety awaited him.. One of the first NormS^y^ things that he had to face was a Legatine commission pre- sented to him by the younger Anselm (August), who had been ' Both in Cote d'Or. ^ La Ferte and Clairvaux are in Aube, Pontigny in Yonne. ^ Syraeon, H. E. and note Arnold ; Chron. Rldrose. ■i 6th July, 1115 ; Flor. ; Eadmer, 234. ^ Eadmer, 231-234. * Eadmer, 237 ; Florence. ' After Easter, 2nd April ; Chron. 278 THE PAPACY AND CANTERBURY [a.d. 1116-1117 to Rome and returned again since the previous year. The Bull invested Fresh Claims ^^"^ with Apostolic authority over all England.^ Anselm was of tue not allowed to cross the Channel, but a report of his mission ^J'^'^y* ■(pas sent to England. A Council was immediately held in London, under the presidency of the Queen, to consider the situation. The resolution adopted was that the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, as the man most affected, should go to Rome, ' to put a stop to these innova- tions.' ^ Shortly after the 8th September, Ralph left England, Herbert Losenge of Norwich going with him. Having conferred with Henry at Rouen, they proceeded on their way, but were delayed two months by illness, first one prelate and then the other being laid up. After spending the Christmas season at Lyons they reached the Eternal City in the spring of 1 1 1 7, to find the place in the hands of the Imperialists, and Pascal in retirement at Benevento. They were allowed to communicate with him by messengers, and as the fruit of their labours received a very clever and truly Apostolic letter, in which he assured them that never for from'pascai'^ °°^ moment had he entertained a thought of infringing on the ' dignity ' of the Church of Canterbury ^ : he had far too much respect for the works of the Blessed Gregory to interfere with any institu- tion of his. Whatever Canterbury had received from him through St. Augustine, whatever rights Anselm of pious memory had rightfully held, it was his will that Canterbury should continue to enjoy.* This precious concession would not greatly hamper the Papacy. In the first place, the rights of Canterbury were not too particularly defined.^ Then, as from Pascal's point of view the Church of England could have no rights except by Papal grant, or, at any rate, subject to Papal sanction, no interference by a Pope could be an invasion of any lawful privilege. ' See the Bull dated 24th May [1116], Wilkins, Cone. I. 377, where it is given under the year lioo. " " Ut hsec nova annihilaret " ; Eadmer, 239. ^ " Nee imminuimus nee imminuere deliberamus," 24th March, 11 17. * Eadmer, 239-243. The Archbishop was entertained by Henry V. for a week in his camp outside Rome, and probably witnessed his entry into Rome with the Empress Matilda, which took place on the l6th March ; Milman. Eadmer again accompanied the Archbishop. ^ So Wm. of Malmesbury remarks, G. P. s. 70. CHAPTER XIX HENRY I. {continued) A.D. II16-II23 Affairs in Normandy — War with France — Revolts of Norman Barons — Death of Queen Matilda — Battle of Bremule — Peace with France and Pacification of Normandy — Homage done for Normandy — Loss of the AATiite Ship — The King's Son Drowned • — The King's Second Marriage IN the course of 11 16, not long 'after Henry's landing in Normandy, hostilities with France broke out again, through the misconduct of the King's nephew, Theobald of Blois, styled ' Count Palatine.' Hosuiities -pjjg ggjjg qJ jjjg sistCT Adc^ scemcd doomed to be their witn France. uncle's snares. But on this occasion he had only himself to blame. William II. Count of Nevers had been attending the King of J ^ France in an expedition against an excommunicated robber Misconduct .^-..-f ,-,^ ^ by Theobald baron, one Thomas of Marie, son of the Sire de Coucy. On of Biois. j^jg ^g^y ^^^^^ ^^^^ Count, venturlng to pass through the ter- ritories of Theobald, was seized and imprisoned. Louis demanded redress, but Henry, instead of coming forward to see justice done, drew the sword on his nephew's behalf, plunging into border warfare against France.^ Then Louis again took up the cause of young William of Nor- ports young mandy ; and Baldwin VII. of Flanders and Fulk of Anjou William of joined in supporting him. The marriage of Fulk's daughter, to Henry's son had not been celebrated ; and a coolness had come over their relations. Next summer (11 17) Louis and Baldwin as- sumed the offensive, and crossed the border in force, making one day's march into Normandy, and then camping for the night. Next morning they found Henry, with the Count of Brittany and Theobald of Blois, so well prepared to receive them that they went to the right about, and retired without fighting.^ But what with the marching and counter- marching of armies, and the levying of taxes for the war, the Duchy suf- fered considerably.^ In III 8 the plot thickened. Feudalism, held in check in England by 1 Orderic, 858, ^59 ; Chron. ; Sismondi, France, citing Hist. Epf. Atttissiod. Bouquet, XII. 302, and notes there, from which it appears that Count William had been seized before 1116, and was in the keeping of a Mansel, Hugh Constable of Conde. 2 H. Hunt. ; Chron. ^ Id. 279 28o LORDS IN REVOLT [a.d. iii8 the understanding between the King and people, was still rampant in Normandy. The claims of Robert's son received widespread support, and Discontent '^^^^'J found himself surrounded by vassals only waiting for of Norman an opportunity to turn against him. Private questions also, ^^'^^- as so often happened, helped to complicate the situation. On the 1 8th April, Wilham Count of Evreux died, without issue, whereupon his sister's son, Amaury of Montfort, claimed to succeed him. But Henry would not listen to his request, so Amaury declared war, and led the forces of the French Vexin to afflict Evreux.^ A very disgraceful defec- tion was that of Hugh of Gournay (son of Gerard), a man whom Henry had knighted, and promoted, and fostered as a son. Having married his sister to Nigel of Aubigni (de Albinneo), a man recommended by Henry, Hugh on the very same day revolted, and began ravaging the districts of Talou and Caux. In this he was acting in concert with his c^nspirMy neighbours, Henry of Eu and Stephen of Aum^le, now both among Henry's enemies. We are told that eighteen barons were in revolt.^ Encouraged by this state of things the Count of Anjou The Count of ^^ induced to advance to the border of Normandy, and in Anjou in the last week of July laid siege to La Motte-Gautier de Clin- '°^' champ,^ a fortress near Alengon. Henry hastened in force to Alengon. But he was obhged to act with extreme caution, contenting himself with keeping his adversaries in check, to prevent concentration. Thus he made no attempt to relieve La Motte, and on the ist August the place fell. Satisfied with this triumph, Fulk razed the castle and went home. The King then, by way, we may suppose, of strengthening his frontier towards Anjou, invested his nephew Stephen, already Count of Mortain,* with all the forfeited possessions of Robert of Belleme, includ- ing Seez, Alengon, and La Roche-Mabille.^ The step proved a mistake. Stephen behaved very tyrannically, oppressed and insulted the men of ^Alengon, and before long drove them to rebellion.^ The next point to which Henry was summoned was Laigle. Richer, young Lord of the place, had been pressing for Enghsh estates held by his father; the King demurring. Richer called in Louis. ^ai^ie."^ Henry hastened to Laigle, to find the castle in the hands of the French, and the town in ashes (3-4 Sept.).'' Before he could do anything to retrieve this loss an attack on Rouen by Hugh of Gournay and Stephen of Aumale was reported. Henry ^?^iL* tu™sd back at once to defend his capital. The rumour turned out to be unfounded, but, as if to avenge the fright 1 Orderic, 843. ^ /^_ g^j^ 34^. ^ Orne, " Motam Galterii " ; Ord. 844. The place was destroyed shortly after; Prevost, note to Ord. * Ord. 847 ; Grandes Chroniqties, III. 304. ' " Cum Rupe de Jalgeio " ; Ord. ; Le Prevost. ^ Ord. 844, 845, 847. ' Orderic, 845. The French kept Laigle for a year. A.D. 1118] HENRY IN TROUBLE 281 he had received, he led his forces to harry their lands in Brai. He did much mischief, but his movements were impeded by floods of rain. Then within the month (September) he had to meet an invasion by Count Bald- win, who advanced to Arques, harrying whatever there was to harry. Unwilling to risk an action, Henry shut himself up in Bures. We are told that his army was composed of Bretons and Englishmen — Normans he could not trust. While skirmishing round Bures Count Baldwin re- ceived a wound, which proved mortal. He was carried to Aumale, and from thence to his own dominions, where he died in June (1119). The desultory character of these attacks on Henry need not be pointed out ; the malcontent barons had no man to unite them. But we are told that the King was in great distress, surrounded by traitors, and not knowing whom he could trust.^ On the 5th October we have a ^^™^°°™'''i Grand Council at Rouen, attended mainly, if not solely, by ecclesiastics, to discuss measures for restoring peace. But while the King was listening to a Legate from the new Pope, Gelasius,^ descanting on his needs, and inveighing against the Emperor and his doings,^ Evreux was betrayed to Amaury of Montfort. Henry made no imme- Loss of Evreux ^;^jgg^j.jgjj,pj j^ recover Evreux, but in the second week of November he led a force to Laigle. In a sally made by the garrison Count Theobald was unhorsed, but rescued by his brother and the King. Henry was in the thick of the melee, and was struck on the head by a stone ; but his helmet saved him from injury. The troubled year • ■ ended with the loss of Alengon, in spite of a vigorous effort to avert the blow. The men of the place, driven to extremities by Stephen's ill-usage, had called in the Count of Anjou, using as a go-between Ernulf of Montgomery, the brother of their former lord, Belleme. Fulk was admitted to the town, the castle holding out against him. Henry once more called out his forces, sending on the brothers Theobald and Stephen in advance. But Fulk repelled their assaults, and before the King could come up the castle had surrendered, their supply of water, brought under- ground from the Sarthe, having been cut-off.* For Louis' share in the action of the year, we have only one incident to record, but that a little enterprise of an adventurous character. Henry had seized the fort of Saint Clair-sur-Epte, on the French side of ^^TJ*^®. °^the river. Louis retaliated by crossing the Epte to a place known as Le Vey, or Gu^ Nicaise," with a party of knights dis- 1 Ord. 843, 846. 2 Pascal II. died l8thor 21st January, 1118, H. Nicolas; 19th January, Flor. Cont. On the 25th January John of Gaeta was elected Pope, and took the style of Gelasius II. Id., and Ord. 842. ' Ord. 846. Archbishop Ralph was present, being on his way back from Rome. * Orderic, 847. ^ " Vadum Nigasii quod Vani vulgo vocatur " ; Ord: " Le Gue-Nicaise " ; Grandes Chron. St. Denys, III. 305 ; Now Gasny, on the west bank of the Epte, near La Roche, Guyon; note, Paulin. Paris. 282 DEATH OF THE QUEEN [a.d. iii8 guised as monks and peasants. The village having been occupied, the convent there of Saint-Ouen was promptly converted into a barrack, and ere long, we are told, became a mere den of thieves. Henry coming promptly to the rescue was content to mask the place with two petty forts, on which the French vented their scorn in contemptuous nicknames — " Mal-assis," ' Treuil de Lievre.' ^ The reader will notice the personal part in leading their men into action that had to be taken by the rulers of the period. In the course of the adventures of this single year (iiiS) we have had the Kings of England and France, and the Count of Flanders, all engaged in hand to hand en- counters ; and in one of these affairs the last named was wounded unto death. In England within the year two important personages had passed away, their deaths, apart from the imposition of ' gelds,' and notes on the weather, being about the only incidents recorded. On the ist May Queen Matilda died at Westminster ^ ; and on the sth Tune, Robert of Beau- QueenMatidamont Count of Meulan and Earl of Leicester, was laid to his ^^^°f''°"'^* rest. His political sagacity, persuasive speech, and unshaken fidelity had kept him in the wonderful position of prime favourite during two successive reigns. He was not however on good terms with the clergy, refusing even on his death-bed to make restitution of lands claimed by them. That pious work he bequeathed to his sons, to be done by them for the good of their father's soul.^ The Earl's hostility to the English, which was well known,* implies that his master's domestic policy also must have been essentially Norman. Robert left two sons, be- tween whom his honours were divided, VValeran, the eldest, becoming Count of Meulan, Robert, the younger. Earl of Leicester. Matilda had not been in the habit of following the King in his perigrin- ations. The atmosphere of his Court could not be very congenial to a woman of her pious ways. She lived mostly at Westminster, dLaxacter and, . . , . . ■, ,-, „ , . . . HaMts of the but m great state, with visitors and callers flocking in and out Queen, ixom morning till night ; and she quite took her part in public affairs. We have seen her corresponding with Anselm and the Pope ; we saw her presiding at the Council in September, 1116 ;5 in the previous year she had accompanied the King to St. Albans at Christmas, to assist at the dedication of the Abbey Church.^ She is described as being fairly good-looking,^ of spotless reputation, and winning manners. Music and poetry were her delight, and she lavished gifts upon artists and performers * " TruUa Leporis," i.e., 'Hares' Form;' Ord. 842; Sugar, Vita Lud. 98-100 ji Grandes Chron. : sup. ^ Chron. ; Flor. Cont. ; Eadmer. ^ See W. Malm. G.Ji. s. 407; and H. Hunt. Hisl. a.d. 1118, and De Contemptit Muiid. 306. * Ord. ^ Eadmer, 239. ^ Chron. j R. Wendover. ' " Nonusquequaquedespicabilis forms." , A.D. iiiS-iiig] A TALE OF HORROR 283 to an extent that made her rather hard upon her tenants. ^ Foreigners were especially welcome. Attendance at daily and hourly church-services probably occupied much of her time, as with so many women of rank in the Middle Ages.^ With Laigle, Evreux, and Alengon in the hands of the French and Angevins, matters looked ill for Henry at the beginning of 11 19. Some Furtiier more defections followed, or rather were attempted, one Defections in attended by ghastly incidents, almost too horrible to tell. Eustace, a natural son of William of Breteuil (the son of William fitz-Osbern) had been admitted by Henry to bis father's posses- sions, and married to his own illegitimate daughter, Juliana, as above stated. But Ivry,^ a castle on the Border line, had been kept in hand under the charge of one Ralph Harenc, a trusty knight. Eustace was instigated to press for the cession of the place. The King put him oft with fair words, and by way of binding him and Ralph to keep the peace, gave Ralph's son to Eustace, and Eustace's two daughter's by Juliana to Ralph, as mutual hostages. The plan turned out very badly. Eustace, in an evil hour, allowed himself to be persuaded by Amaury of Montfort, who simply wanted to embroil him with Henry, to put out the eyes of Ralph Harenc ^^^P^'^ ^°"' *^^ ^°^ being then sent back to his father. He and Juliana in a fury went to Henry, who gave him permission, as an act ■ of justice, to do the like by Eustace's little girls, his own grand- daughters. Of course Eustace and Juliana flew to arms. Eustace took charge of Pacy* and other holds, sending Juliana to take the command at Breteuil. But the townspeople, not caring for war with the King, sent for Henry and received him into the town. Juliana was then besieged in the castle. Still thirsting for vengeance, she asked for an interview with her father, apparently on the draw-bridge, and then attempted to shoot him with a crossbow. The bolt missed its mark, but the castle was starved out, and Juliana only allowed to go free on condition of submitting to the indignity of wading through the water of the half-frozen moat naked to her waist (Feb. 16-22, 1119). Eustace held out at Pacy, but all his other places were given to his cousin Ralph of Wader, the younger.^ Threatened risings at Exmes (Orne), Courcy, and Grand-Mesnil ^ were averted by the King's promptitude ; but Les Andelys, on the ^/mdelys^^ right bank of the Seine, was won by Louis through the ma- chinations of one Ascelin, son of Andrew, a discontented man ' SeeAnselm's letter rebuking her for her treatment of churches 'in her hand,' i.e., assigned or farmed to her as part of her income ; Ep. IV. No. 54. ^ See W. Malm., G.R. s. 418. The work was published only seven years after the Queen's death. ^ Ivry-La-Bataille ; Eure. "■ On the Eure, and in the Department of that name. ^ Ord. 848, 849. There is no warrant for the allegation that Henry himself put out the eyes of his grand-daughters. Orderic clearly states that Ralph Harenc did it, but by the King's permission. ^ Both in Calvados on the Dives ; the former near Couli- boeuf, and the latter near St. Pierre. 284 THE KING GAINING GROUND [a.d. 1119 of the place, whose quarrel, by the way, was not with Henry, but with Geoffrey, the. Archbishop of Rouen. Having arranged plans with the French King at Pontoise, he introduced a party of picked men to Andelys by night, concealing them in the straw of his barn. Next morning the place was thrown into confusion by the appearance of a French force. Ascelin's men mingled with the crowd, shouting ostentatiously the English war cry,i and so pressed into the castle.^ Once inside, they changed their note, crying Montjoie I turning out the natives, and holding the place till Louis was master of the town. Among those found taking refuge in the church was Richard, one of the King's natural sons. Louis dismissed him and his comrades in peace.^ The possession of Andelys gave Louis a great command over the Norman Vexin,* which now became the scene of the chief struggle, and so between the two parties was ere long reduced to a ' solitude.' But the tide was on the turn. Henry's prudent conduct of the war was beginning to tell, while the strength of his position was becoming more and more apparent. To the West of the Seine he had a series of towns and strongholds — Rouen, Caen, Bayeux, Coutances, Avran- d^\nd*" ches, Falaise, Argentan, Exmes, Seez, Tillieres, Nonancourt, successful ivry, Vernon ; while even on the East of the Seine he had Arques, Fe'camp, and Lillebonne. Many of these places were in hand, under trusty captains, in the King's pay. The length of his purse gave him this advantage. Nor was he destitute of influential sup- porters. Richard Earl of Chester (Viscount of Avranches), his cousin Ralph of Bricquessart Viscount of Bayeux, William of Warenne Earl of Surrey, Walter Giffard III. Earl of Bucks, the two young Beaumonts Waleran and Robert, Ralph of Conches, William of Roumare,^ Nigel of Aubigni,^ stood by him. Attempted risings were promptly suppressed, and men began to come in. Henry then turned to negotiation, always his favourite resource. He made overtures to Amaury of Montfort, apparently offering him the county of Evreux without the town. The proposal was rejected with scorn. Fulk of Anjou was more open to terms. The King having intimated a willingness to go on with the marriage of their children, the Count asked for nothing more. In May the young ^theling was brought to Normandy, „ _, , and in Tune '' he was married to Matilda at Lisieux.* Fulk MS'rriSi^c 01 tne King's was present, and at his request the King received William MatUda°of Talevas, the son of Belleme, into favour, and reinstated him Anjou. in his father's possessions, including Alengon. From that fact ' " Regale signum Anglorum cum plebe vociferantes,'' etc. ^ " Ad munitionem cucurrerunt." ^ Ord. 849. * i.e. the territory between the Seine, the Andelle, and the Epte : Grandes Ckron. III. 30S. In fact practically that part of the Department of Eure which lies to the East of the Seine. ' Seine Inf., near Rouen. ^ See Ord. 850, 851. ' The date of the marriage is not very clearly marked. Malmesbury, G, R. p. 482, A.D. II 19] MARRIAGE OF HIS SON 285 we may gather that the Count had surrendered the place in honour of the marriage, as when we last heard of it, it was in his hands. The wedding festivities over, the King, about July, drew the sword to clear his Duchy of enemies. The recovery of Evreux was naturally the first thing to be aimed at.^ To facilitate his operations against Evfeux^ the castle, Henry deliberately fired the town, burning it from end to end, a quasi-consent having been extorted from the bishop by a promise to rebuild the churches on a grander scale.^ If the church would be saved harmless, the clergy were only too apt to ignore all other considerations. The ruthless act proved of no avail, the garrison in the castle being no way hampered thereby. The command was with Philip and Fleury, sons of the late King Philip by Bertrade, and so nephews of Amaury of Montfort, Henry's bitter enemy. Liberal offers were made to them, but without success. Henry then retired from Evreux ; but after a few days we are told that he suddenly reappeared one evening, and in the course of the night, by torchlight, he constructed a stronghold, in which a substantial garrison was placed. But these men had enough to do to resist the daily assaults of Amaury and Eustace of Breteuil, established at Pacy, some twelve miles off.^ The scene of action then shifts again to the unfortunate Norman Vexin, Operations ^^ ^^^^ °^ Louis marching against Dangu, on the Epte, near in the Gisors. Determined not to submit, the commander, one exm. j^obert by name, fired the castle and marched off", leaving the bare walls to the French. An attack on another fortress, Chateauneuf on the Epte,* was repulsed. Amaury was pressing for help to Evreux, but Louis had some business to transact at home, and when that was disposed of he returned to Andelys. Raiding in the Vexin seemed to have an equal attraction for Henry, as we hear of his devastating the country round Pont-Saint-Pierre, on the Andelle.^ On the morning of the 20th August connects it with the homage to Louis ; that would bring it to the year 11 20, and there are passages in Orderic which seem to support that view. But the statement at p. 85 1 that the news of the death of Count Baldwin of Flanders reached Lisieux during the wedding festivities seems to fix the event to the year ing. It also appears that Count Fulk was present at the marriage {Il>.). But in June, 1120, he was in, or on his way to, Palestine, having left home 26th April, 1120, to return 24th September, 1121 ; Le Pre- vost, Ord. IV. 423. ^ " Apud Luxovium," Ord. 851. This name with the writer means Lieieux, though Lexoviura would be more correct. See Le Prevost's notes. Mr. Freeman makes it Luxeuil, an impossibility. 1 Orderic introduces first a raid to Pont-Saint-Pierre in the Norman Vexin ; but, as he is often inexact in his sequence of events, I venture to connect the expedition with later operations in that quarter. ^ Ord. 852, 859. ^ Ord. 852, 853. 4 " Novum castrum . . . apud Fascellimontem prope Eptam " ; on the right bank of the river ; Le Prevost. ^ Ord. 851. The writer places this incident earlier, but I think that it should come in here. Pont-Saint-Pierre was a possession of the house of Breteuil ; Le Prevost. 286 BATTLE [a.d. 1119 he attended mass at Noyon, also on the Andelle, a place that he had forti- fied when Andelys was taken by Louis.^ After mass, in ignorance of Louis' presence at Andelys, he marched out towards !^trepagny, ravaging the country, and sending his booty back to Lyons-la-Foret. Suddenly scouts posted on a commanding height called Verclive,^ reported the appearance of an armed force making as for Noyon. That same morning Louis, as happily ignorant of Henry's movements as Henry was of his, had left Andelys for an attack on Noyon. It was said that he often complained that he could never find Henry in the field. The English in turn having been descried by the French, the state of affairs was soon realized on either side. But on either side the propriety of risking their Brlmuie^ King in action was discussed. In both armies, however, the spirit of chivalry carried the day in favour of battle. Henry descended from the heights of Verclive to face the enemy in the fields of a farm called Brdraule,^ on the high road from Paris to Rouen. He had with him his natural sons Robert and Richard ; three Earls, namely, Henry of Eu, who had returned to his allegiance, William of Warenne and Surrey, and Walter Giffard of Bucks, ^besides William of Tancarville, William of Roumare,* Roger of Bienfaite,^ son of Richard, Nigel of Aubigny, while a stalwart from England, Edward of Salisbury the younger,^ bore the Royal Standard. Five hundred men made up the force. Louis had young William of Normandy, and some four hundred men in all. In preparing for action, we are told that Henry kept a hundred men on horseback, under his son Richard, to act as might be required,''' while he himself and the rest dismounted to fight on foot, but all, on either side, are described as heavy-armed, mail-clad, men-at-arms.^ The French all kept on horseback, a practice to which, in spite of endless reverses, we shall find them adhering for centuries to come. The noblesse would not stoop to fighting on foot. Apparently they were divided into three if not four squadrons. Among the leaders were William of Garlande, Seneschal of France, Matthew Count of Beaumont-sur-Oise, Guy Count 1 "Apud Noionem"; "Nogione."' Between Lyons-la-Forgt and Andelys. The place must not be confounded with Noyon in the Oise, seventy miles off. ^ " Montem qui Quarcliva nuncupatur." " "Prope montem {sc. Quarclivam) planities quse ab incolis Brenmula vocitatur." So the MS. of Orderic; but in Duchesne's text the name is misread " Brenvilla.'' See Le Prevost's note, Orderic IV. 356. * Both Tancarville and Roumare are in Seine Inferieure. 5 I take this man to have been son of the Conqueror's Justiciar. He was lord of Le Hommet, given in exchange for Brionne ; Le Prevost, sup. ^ "Fortis agonista, cujus robur erat probatione notissimus." His father Edward had been Sheriff of Wilts at the time of Domesday, and his grandson Patrick became Earl of Salisbury in the next reign ; J. G. Nichols, Arch. Imtit. 1849, pp. 213-317 ; Doyle ; Freeman. ' " Centum milites, equis insidentes, ad bellum parati erant." ^ " Milites ferme nongenti . . . Ferro undique vestiti. " A.D. iiig] OF BREMULE 287 of Clermont (Oise), Bouchard III. of Montmorency (Seine et Oise), Paien of Montjai (Seine et Marne), William Crispin of Etrepagny.^ The French van, consisting of eighty men, led by Crispin, gallantly charged Henry's footmen, but their horses were speedily disabled, and the whole band surrounded and overpowered. Crispin, who bore the king a deadly personal hate, cut his way to him, and struck him a furious blow Narrow Es- °" ^'^ head with his sword. Again the iron skull-cap saved cape of Mng the king. Crispin was immediately unhorsed and secured enry. ^^ Roger of Bienfaite, when a curious scene ensued, Roger having to shield his captive with his own body from the fury of the king's attendants, who would have despatched him on the spot. Roger, of course, wanted Crispin's ransom, not his life. Meanwhile the second French line was pressing forward to continue the struggle. Their impact drove the English, or Normans, as perhaps we ought to say,^ back somewhat, but not very far, the foot-soldiers again disabling the horses, and securing the leading knights. Louis was then advised to seek safety in flight, and did as he was told. The whole force broke up, ^°French'^^ each man making off his own way. Louis eventually found himself alone in a wood, and had to ask the way to Andelys. He placed himself under the guidance of a peasant, who, unconscious of the rank and "money- value " of the man he was escorting, brought him safely in. The pursuit was kept up to the gates of Andelys, not for slaughter, but for capture of prisoners. Of these 140 fell into the hands of the victors, while altogether only three men were said to have been killed. Peter of Maule ^ and others were said to have effected their escape by throwing away their personal cognizances, shouting the Norman v/ar cry, and affecting to join in the pursuit.* Louis' banner was taken, and bought for 20 marks {£,1'^ 6j. 8i/.) from the man who had taken it by Henry, who kept the trophy. But with Royal courtesy ^ he returned a horse and trappings belonging to the French King, while the ^Etheling did the like by a palfrey belonging to his cousin William. In his treat- ment of prisoners Henry showed a politic discrimination. Men of double allegiance, owing suit to Louis as well as to himself, were set free, but his proper vassels were kept in bonds.^ Henry's talents are usually represented as being of a jlurely pacific 1 For notes on these men see Le Provost, Ord. IV. 356, etc. 2 Orderic speaks in one place of " Angli," and in another of " Normanni." " Seine et Oise. * " Cognitiones suas projecerunt . . . signum triumphantium vociferati sunt." It will not be suggested that the French tried to conceal their nationality by shouting English war cries. * "Ceu Regem decuit." ^ Orderic, 853-855. Henry of Huntingdon gives a different account ; Malmesbury just notices the victory ; G.R. s. 405 ; the other writers ignore the battle. 288 GOOD GENERALSHIP [a.d. 1119 order.i But it seems clear that his ability showed itself equally in the Henry's Tai- *'°'^'^"'^'- °^ warfare. We have noticed his prudent general- entsasa ship during the irregular operations of the trying year 11 18. Now we find him bringing infantry forward as his principal force with cavalry as an auxiliary arm, novel and original tactics already adopted by him to a certain extent at Tinchebrai. The case of William Crispin illustrates the regard paid to the rights of those who have taken a man prisoner in battle. Crispin was in arms against his lord, in the very act of attempting his life. He was clearly guilty of High Treason, yet the King's right to have him tried as such gave way to the private rights of his captor. Of course, the King could have bought him from his captor, as in a memorable case the English bought the Maid of Orleans from the Duke of Burgundy. Beaten and dispirited, Louis returned to Paris; but the energetic counsels of Amaury of Montfort persuaded him to call out mass levies T, ,. ^» _ for a fresh effort. We are told that lawless bands from all Fresli Efforts , , , , . . , of the parts of Gaul responded, plundermg right and left as they French, g^me. What else they did does not appear. Louis himself had a force drawn from Artois and the borders of Flanders to attack Breteuil, the operation recommended by de Montfort (17th Sept.). But Ralph of Wader, who held the place, kept him gallantly at bay till reinforcements came up, first under the King's son Richard, and then under the King himself. At his coming Louis raised the siege. An attempt on Tilliferes ^ proved utterly abortive. The siege of Breteuil was distinguished by sundry acts of knightly prowess. On one day Ralph threw open all his gates, and invited the French to walk in. Nobody responded. A march through central Normandy enabled the King to stamp out some petty centres of disaffection. Richer of Laigle made his peace and was admitted to all the family estates, English as well as Norman.^ But Eustace of Breteuil, Amaury of Montfort, Hugh of Gournay, Stephen of Aumale, and some others were still defiant.* At this juncture the attention of the Western world was diverted to a Papal Council at Rheims. Gelasius II., elected in succession to Pascal, in January, 11 18, unable to maintain his position at Rome in Geia^iu3°ii oPP°sition to Henry V., had crossed the Alps to die at Cluny (29th January, 1 119).^ The Cardinals in attendance on him held a hasty Conclave, and, three or four days later, elected Guy Arch- CaJixtus II bishop of Vienne, who took the style of Calixtus 11." The Pope. new Pontiff was a man of high connexions, son of William ' So from the time of Orderic, who calls him " Rex pacificus." ^ This place was held by another Crispin, Gilbert by name, who was loyal ; Orderic, note, Le Prevost. ^ Orderic, 855-857. * Id. 864. ^ Id. 848 ; Milman ; Sismondi. " 1st February, 11 19, H. Nicolas ; Sismondi ; 2nd February, Ord. 848; Milman. A.D. 1 1 19] FA PAL COUNCIL 289 Tete-Hardie, Count of Burgundy, uncle of Adelaide ^ of Savoy, the wife of Louis-Le-Gro3, descended through his grandmother from Richard II. of Normandy,^ and a strong churchman. He had presided at the Council of Vienne in September, 1112, when Henry V. was excommunicated for having extorted the right of investiture from Pascal 11.^ Fifteen archbishops and two hundred bishops from all parts of Europe °E™tas^* appeared at Rheims in October. Henry had not allowed his prelates to attend the Council held by a Legate at Chalons in 1115, but he could hardly refuse them permission to pay their respects to the Pope in person. At the same time he was careful to deiine the conditions under which they were allowed to go. They must not bring before the assembly personal complaints of any kind.* He himself was prepared to do full justice to all his subjects. Peter's Pence he had paid, and would pay, but his own rights he would maintain. ' Go ye, greet the Holy Father from me, and listen humbly to the Apostolic words, but bring no uacalled for novelties into my realm.' ^ Henry's efforts, however, failed to prevent the Pope from consecrating the pertipacious Thurstan of York as a preliminary to the meeting of the Council.^ When the assembly Louis' Charffes ^^^ ^^'^'y '^°"'^'^'''^'^'^ (21st October), King Louis came for- against ward to prefer his chapter of grievances against Henry. He enry. j^^^ invaded Normandy, a fief of France ; had ill-treated and incarcerated his brother and overlord, Robert of Normandy, King Louis' ' man ' ; had disinherited Robert's son, there present among them ; had arrested Robert of BellSme when on an embassy from himself; had insti- gated and abetted Theobald of Blois in all his misdeeds. Calixtus pacified him by promising to see Henry after the end of the Council. The decrees enacted included a repubhcation of the Truce of God (Trevia 'Dei) in the extended form promulgated by Urban in the Council of Clermont, that is to say, forbidding operations of war not merely from sunset on Saturdays to sunrise on Mondays, but from Advent to the Octaves of the Epiphany, from Septuagesima Sunday to the Octaves of Easter, from Rogation Sunday to the Octaves of Pentecost, and through- out the year from sunset on Wednesdays to sunrise on Mondays, an impos- sible amount of restriction.'' Sweeping prohibitions were also issued against * Ord. calls him ' Dux Burgdn.,' " but the Burgundy meant is the Imperial Palatinate, not the French Duchy"; N. C. V. 191. ^ Ord., 848 ; Sismondi, France, V. 150. ^ See Milman, III. 291, etc., and H. Nicolas. * " Omnino ne alicujus modi querimoniam alterutrum facerent prohibuit." * " Superfluas adinventiones ; " Ord. 857, 85S. ^ Sunday, 19th Oct. ; Id. For Thurstan's affair in full, see Eadmer, 237, 238, 244, 249-259; Chron. ; T. Stubbs, I7I5> 1716. He was immediately ordered to leave Henry's dominions. The extent to which he was to be subject to Canterbury was ap- parently not clearly defined by Calixtus. " Ne , . . vaeluti magistro sed quasi co- episcopo subjiceretur." Conf Eadmer. ' Orderic 860, 719. \a i!i&io-cz&.e.&Laivs of Eadward the Confessor, z. 3(1130-1150), the weekly truce is only given as from Saturday to Monday. R.H. — VOL. II. U 290 PEACE AGAIN [a.d. 1119 simony, lay investiture, and clerical marriage ; while the Emperor and his Anti-pope Burdino, Archbishop of Braga in Portugal, were again excom- municated.^ The Pope was as good as his word. When the Council rose he went to Gisors, the border fortress (November 20-27?)^ Henry received him with all distinction, falling at his feet {ad pedes pronus accessit). DlpfoSoy Calixtus raised him, and gave him his blessing, and the kiss of peace. To the Pope's humble request — given as from the Council — for the release of Duke Robert, and his reinstatement and that of his son, Henry's answer was clear. The deposition of Robert was a necessity, demanded by his own subjects, and specially by the clergy ; his deposition involved his detention, but he was not ill-treated ; he was estab- lished in a Royal Castle (apparently Devizes), surrounded with luxury and comforts.3 With respect tp his attitude towards Robert's son, Henry's explanations were not quite so satisfactory. Of course young William's case went with that of his father, but the King thought it right to assure the Pope that he had been anxious to bring up his nephew along with his own son ; that he had offered him an English Earldom, but that H^lie of Saint Saens, misreading his intentions, had carried him off to strange lands. With respect to Theobald's misconduct in detaining the Count of Nevers he promised to intervene. Finally, with exquisite diplomatic effrontery, he begged the Holy Father to convey once more to his other nephew, William, the offer of a peaceful home in England.* With Henry manifesting such excellent dispositions Louis could no longer hold back from peace. His allies were gone. Anjou had been won over by Henry, and the new Count of Flanders, Charles ^*Frli^*^ 'the Good,' 5 had also entered into friendly relations with England. Normandy had been finally pacified. H^nry had kept up the siege of Evreux, till Amaury of Montfort condescended to ac- cept the terms already offered, but hitherto rejected, namely, the county of Evreux without tH'e castle. Theobald, 'the Count Palatine,'* negotiated this arrangement. Then the unfortunate Eustace and Juliana of Breteuil threw themselves in abject submission at the King's feet. They met with a chilling, in fact a harsh reception, but were allowed to return to Pacy with a promise of a pension in lieu of Breteuil. That possession was left in the keeping of Ralph of Wader, to be made over by him with the hand ' Orderic, 863. He gives a graphic account of the opening proceedings, which he must have witnessed. See also Eadmer, sup. ; Symeon, R.H. s. 197 ; and Flor. Cont. 2 See Le Prevost, Ord. IV. 398, 406. ' "Abundantiam ciborum et aUarum deliciarum variamque supellectilem." A good table again seems the chief indulgence for which credit is claimed. * Orderic, 864-866. ' Nephew to the late Baldwin, the Seventh, by his sister married to Saint Cnut of Denmark ; W. Malm. G.R. s. 261 ; Freeman, N.C. IV. 687. ^ This title apparently went with the county of Champagne ; the title was derived from the days of the later Empire ; Le Prevost. A.D. ii2o] THE WHITE SHIP 291 of his daughter, Amicia, to the King's son, Richard.' The last man to submit was Stephen of Auraale, his wife Hadwise 01; Havoise of Mortemer keeping him up to the mark. An army had to be led against him, and then he gave way.^ At some time in 11 20 peace with France was proclaimed, to the immense joy of the afflicted peasantry on either side of the border. ^^^^^y°' Mutual restitution of castles and prisoners was the basis of the settlement, and Henry was at last induced to do homage for Normandy — if he had not done so before — not, however in person, but through his son William. ^ This recognition it suited him to ^°™of^a^'^y^ yield, because it implied the acceptance of the ^theling, and the rejection of the other William, Robert's son. Successful and triumphant, with all his adversaries overcome, and his position at home and abroad thoroughly established, Henry after an absence of four years and a half prepared to return to England. On the evening of Thursday, 2Sth November, he embarked at Barfleur, reaching his destination next day. But his hopes for the future had already been dashed by a terrible blow. His son William, with the junior members of The Loss of *^^ court circle, had established themselves on board of a tne wnite smart new vessel of fifty oars,* called La Blanche Nef, or ' the White Ship.' ^ As a preparation for the voyage the ^theling and his young friends amused themselves with plying the sailors with wine, till the whole crew were more or less intoxicated. Stephen of Blois, two monks from Tiron, and some other prudent persons, finding themselves in noisy company, removed to another vessel.* It would seem in spite of assertions to the contrary that the night was dark ; '^ anyhow the drunken crew, making efforts to overtake the King's ship, ran their own ship on a rock,8 when she filled and sank with all on board. Geoffrey, younger brother of Richer of Laiele, and a butcher from Rouen, by Son Drowned. "^™^ Berold, got hold of the yard-arm. After a while Geoffrey, unable to stand the cold, dropped off; the butcher, clad in a ' Richard died before the marriage was celebrated. After his death Amicia married . Robert of Beaumont II., Earl of Leicester ; Ord. 2 Orderic, 863, 864, 867. 3 /(/. 866 ; Symeon, H.R. s. 199 ; Chron. According to Suger homage had been done in 1 1 13. See above, 272. « Ord. ; Symeon. = " Candida Navis," Ord. ; "Blanche Nef," Roman de Rou (marginal summary). * Orderic. He also names among those who thus escaped William of Roumare, afterwards Earl of Lincoln ; Eadward of Salisbury, the Standard-bearer at Bremule ; and Rabel of Tancarville, the Chamberlain. See notes, Le Prevost. ' Orderic asserts that the night was clear, and the 19th of the moon, or 5 days after the full, when she would shine at 9 p.m. But M. Le Prevost in his ed. of Ord. (IV. 414, cited Pearson), asserts that the 25th Nov., 1120, was just after the new moon. Wace too says " neir ert le temps," II. 348. * R. Hoveden has preserved the name of the rock, or rather reef of rocks, " Chaterase,'' now Raz de Gatteville, about i§ miles from Barfleur. 292 THE HEIR APPARENT DROWNED [a.d. 1120 sheepskin jacket, held on and was rescued. According to one account a boat was launched with the ^theling in it, who might have been saved, had he not insisted on turning back to take in his natural sister the Countess of Perche, whose cries he heard.^ The losses, besides the king's only legitimate son WiUiam, included his natural son °*^|^/^J^°"- Richard, and his natural daughter Matilda, wife of Rotrou of Mortagne, otherwise Count of Perche ; Richard Earl of Ches- ter, with his wife Matilda, sister of Count Theobald, and niece to the King; and the Earl's brother Ottuel, governor of the King's sons.^ As a fifth scion of Royalty lost we have a young Dietrich (Theodoricus), nephew (nepos) of the Emperor.^ Among the lesser personages were two sons of Yvo of Grand-Mesnil, their cousin William of Rhxiddlan (son of Robert), William Bigod, Geoffrey Riddel,* Hugh of Moulins, Gilbert of Exmes, Ralph "Le Roux" of Pont Echanfrd. From 200 to 300 souls in all were supposed to have perished. Very few of the bodies were recovered, a circumstance that to the mind of the period added greatly to the horrors of the casualty, as the victims passed away without Christian burial.^ A shipwreck with all hands lost is but too common a disaster ; but the case of the White Ship stands alone for the rank of those who went down with her. When the news reached England the King's attendants kept it from him for a whole day. At last a boy, son of Count Theobald, was deputed to break the news to him. It was said that he fainted with agony at the shock.^ According to some accounts he was never the same man afterwards. That the national mourning was great we cannot doubt. The ' So Wm. of Malmesbury. No other writer has this incident. * The Earldom of Chester passed to Ralph of Briquessart, Viscount of Bayeux, sur- named " Meschin," of whom we heard at Tinchebrai, cousin to the late Earl, being son of his aunt Matilda, sister to Earl Hugh. Ralph was married to Lucy, a relict of Roger fitz Ceroid of Roumare. This Lucy, a great crux to genealogists, was daughter and heiress of one Thorold or Turold, apparently an Angevin, who was Sheriff of Lincoln- shire, founder of Spalding, and married to a daughter of William Malet. Lucy was first married to Ivo Taillebois, by whom she had no issue ; then to Roger of Roumare, by whom she had a son William of Roumare, afterwards Earl of Lincoln ; by Ralph she had another, Ralph " Gernons," who succeeded his father as Earl of Chester. On being admitted to Chester Ralph Meschin was required to surrender to the King the Honour of Carlisle, previously held by him, as well as some of his wife's estates in Lincolnshire, a source of trouble in the future. See Orderic, 871, 876 ; Symeon, H.R. Cont. p. 306; National MSS. of Scotland, No. 19. For Countess Lucy see the exhaustive paper by Mr. R. E. G. Kirk, Ntw Genealogist, V. 60, 153. ' Probably a son of Henry V.'s sister Agnes by Frederic Duke of Suabia ; Le Prevost. * Son-in-law of Hugh, Earl of Chester ; his widow Geva founded Canwell Priory in Staffordshire ; Dugdale, Monasticon, I. 104 ; Prevost. ^ See Orderic, 867-870, by far the fullest account; also W. Malm. G.R. a. 419; Flor. Cont.; Eadmer, 288; Symeon, H.R. 199; Chron. Symeon gives the number of gentlemen lost {militaris numeri) as 140 ; Orderic estimated the total at 300. « Ord. 869. A.D. ii2i] THE KING MARRIES AGAIN 293 ^theling was popular,* his succession could hardly be disputed — in itself a very great blessing — while again he was looked to as the green shoot that should fulfil the supposed prophecy of the Confessor, and inaugurate a new era.^ Apart from all feelings of parental affection, Henry's position undoubt- edly suffered by the loss of his legitimate son. His only other lawful issue was a daughter ; the succession of a woman would be an mstrJs's eqiial novelty in England or Normandy— sure to be contested — while the daughter in question was away in Germany, mar- ried to the Emperor, but childless. It seemed as if, after all, the great inheritance of the Conqueror would fall to Robert's son, a Effected"" hateful contingency. Besides, if this William were once recog- nised as heir, his position as such would infallibly react on Henry's tenure of Normandy, if not of England. As the only thing to be done, Henry at once resolved to take another wife in hopes of a male heir. On the"6th January, ii2r, a Grand Council was held in London, when the King took his subjects into his confidence, announcing his intentions, and asking for their approval of his choice. The lady towards whom his inclinations were turned was Adelaide,^ beautiful daughter of Godfrey VII. Count of Louvain and Duke of Lower Lorraine.'* Of course ^^AffaS^^^ the assembly gave a hearty approval, and so, not many days later, the youthful Bride appeared at Dover. On the 29th January she was married to Henry, at Windsor, by the Bishop of Win- chester, acting at the request of Archbishop Ralph, who was in weak Coronation of ''^^'^h- Next day, being a Sunday, she was duly hallowed and Adelaide at crowned by the Archbishop in person.^ The rites were inter- "^ ^°^' rupted for a moment by a hitch of a singular character. The Introit had been sung, and the Archbishop had ascended the steps of the altar to begin his part of the service, when he perceived that the King was sitting on his throne with his crown on, the crown not having been placed ' Henry of Huntingdon thought that he had seen in young William the pride that goes before a fall ; and he attacks his private character as well as that of the majority of the court {Hist. a.d. 1120, undDe Contempt. M., 303). But after all William was only just past seventeen years old, and could hardly have forfeited the interest taken in him as the heir of the Saxon line. '^ Malm. sup. p. 495. ^ The modern " Adelaide " seems as faithful a rendering as any of the original Ger- man Adelheid, i.e. Nobleness. From this we have {a) Adeleid or Adelid (Ord. ; H. Hunt), [b] Athelid (Eadmer ; Flor. Cont. ). The former has the support of the Queen's attestation of the Foundation Charter of Reading Abbey, Signum Adekidis ; and from this we have a shorter Aalid, also recognized by the Queen herself ; Sigillum Aalidis (charter in possession of the Duke of Westminster). From Athelid we have A^'elis (Chron.), Aaliz (Chr. Melrose), or Aeliz (R. Monte). Adelin (Symeon ; H. Hunt) runs off the line. Adela, Alice, and the French Ad^e, and Alix, seem all from the same root. See Mr. Earle's note to his Parallel Chronicles, ad. loc. * Eadmer, 290; Flor. Cont. ; " Propter pulchritudinem " ; H. Hunt. ' Eadmer, 290-293 ; Flor. Cont ; Chron. ; Sym. ff.Ji. s. 200. 294 THURSTAN INSTALLED [a.d. 1121 on his head by himself, Archbishop Ralph. Descending from the altar, he went up to the King, and asked who had presumed to crown him. Henry making an evasive answer, Ralph quietly undid the chin-strap,^ took the crown from the Royal head, and then having asserted his pre- rogative by replacing it, went on with the service.^ To console the Lon- doners, as we may suppose, for the loss of the wedding festivities, we hear that a court of extra grandeur was held at Westminster at Whitsuntide (29th May), when King and Queen wore their crowns in state.^ The youth and beauty of the Bride were attractions to which Henry would not be insensible. But we must not suppose that the match was destitute of political significance. Godfrey, apart from some Tnurstan^ outbreaks, had been on the whole true to his Imperial Over- lord. The alliance with the Duke therefore offered a certain guarantee for the continuance of friendly relations with Germany. Again, the importance of an understanding with one whose territories hemmed in Flanders, and bordered upon France, need hardly be pointed out.* The Council held to arrange for the King's marriage brought Archbishop Thurstan's case to an end. He had made himself useful during the peace- negotiations of the previous year ; the Pope had taken up his York. cause energetically ; ^ and the King had been induced to over- look his previous offences. He was now given leave to return CanoMoa°/ ^° England and take possession of the See of York, without Obedience to taking the oath of canonical obedience to the Archbishop of Canterbury, a great triumph for the Northern clergy.® In the previous year our good Eadmer, the Historian, and Biographer of St. Anselm, a man of course devoted to the interests of Canterbury, had Eadmer the suffered a bitter disappointment, in which his brethren of the Historian in Southern Province would feel for him. The See of St. CO an . j^„(jjg,y'g jjj Scotland had apparently been vacant since the retirement and death of Turgot in 1115.''' King Alexander wishing to have another Englishman as bishop, wrote in 1120 to Archbishop Ralph offering the appointment to Eadmer. Ralph, seeing a door opened for the extension of the influence of Canterbury, gave a ready consent, and obtained that of King Henry. Eadmer then went down to Scotland, and was duly elected on the 29th June. But a difficulty immediately arose as to his consecration, Eadmer demanding to be consecrated at Canterbury, while Alexander refused to subject his kingdom to the authority of the Southern Primate. Then Thurstan, who had been restored to favour, ' " Ansulam qua sub mento innodata erat corona. " ' Eadmer, j«/. ° Chron. ; H. Hunt. * On all this see Rbssler, Mathilde, 60. ^ See his letters in Migne, vol. 193, Nos. 26 and 44. ; also Monasticon, VI. 1 185. ^ Eadmer, 291 ; Sym. H. R. o. 202; T. Stubbs, 1 7 16, 1717. The former hints at corruption in the Curia ; Thurstan had obtained the Pope's support " more quo cuncta Romas impetrantur." ' Symeon, H. R. in anno, and s. 162. A.D. II2I] THE LEGATE PETER 295 intervened, and induced Henry to withdraw his consent. The end of it was that Eadmer resigned his ring and crosier, and went back to Canter- bury to resume his functions as chaplain or secretary to the Archbishop.^ Another attempt at the introduction of a Papal Legate had now to be met. Calixtus II., encouraged by the success of his Council at Rheims, had re-crossed the Alps, meeting everywhere with a triumphant Legate com- reception. The Anti-pope Maurice Burdino, otherwise Gregory '"S^^Eng- VIII., fled from Rome at his coming (June, 11 20), and next year falling into his hands (April, 11 21) was consigned to a convent-prison for the rest of his days.^ To strengthen his general posi- tion Calixtus now issued Legatine commissions right and left. One Peter, a monk, said to be son of the celebrated Peter Leonis,^ the great supporter of the Papacy, was given authority over all ' Gaul, Britain, Ireland, and the Orkneys.' Henry met the threatened attack with his usual adroitness. According to Eadmer he had received from Calixtus in their interview at Gisors a promise that he would respect the customs of England, and in particular a pledge that he would never send a Legate to England during Henry's life, except at his request.* When the coming of the Legate was announced, Henry, instead of showing temper or threatening violent measures, sent the Bishop of St. David's over to Normandy to bring Peter to England with all ceremony, and at the King's expense. ^"mm* ^ When they met, Henry dwelt on the promise that he had re- ceived from Calixtus, and his own determination to maintain his prerogatives. Under any circumstances the question of the Legate's reception could not be adequately discussed without a Grand Council of the realm, and that he could not summon at the time, as he was just bound on an expedition to Wales. The Legate seeing that Henry was too much for him departed as he had come.* The Welsh campaign of 11 21, like that of iri4, was directed towards Powys, or Mid-Wales, and against the same set of men, namely Campaign. Maredudd son of Bleddyn, and his nephews the sons of Cadw- gan. The exact circumstances that stirred the King to action are not recorded;* but the native annals show clearly enough that the country had been kept in hot water by the feuds and wars between these ' See the story and documents in Eadmer, 279-288 ; also Haddan and Stubbs, II. 191-202. The Pope insisted on consecration by the Archbishop of York. Eadmer was apparently present at the King's wedding, and therefore must have returned by that time, i.e. January, I121. ^ See Milman, Latin C. III. 315-317 ; Ord. 870. ' Peter son of Leo, a man of Jewish extraction, and great wealth, " who had an ex- traordinary influence over the people of Rome." At one time a partisan of the Anti-pope Guibert of Ravenna, he was afterwards steadily opposed to Henry V. See Milman sup. 283, 285, 302. The younger Peter, the Legate, became Anacletus II. in 1130 ; below, 313. ■* Hist. Nov. 258. * Eadmer, 294-297. * According to Symeon, H. R. s. 202, the Welsh thought that their opportunity had come when they heard of the death of the Earl of Chester, lost in the White Ship, and so began to break out at once. 2~96 CONCORDAT OF WORMS [a.d. 1121-1122 men and their native competitors for power. A fresh element of disturb- ance had been introduced in 11 15 by the return of Gruffudd, son of Rhys ap Tewdwr, the last King of South Wales, who had been in Ireland since the time of his father's death.^ As in 1114, so now again when Henry drew near, the men of Powys turned for succour and a refuge to Gruffudd son of Cynan, who was still ruling in North Wales and Anglesey. But he had been keeping on good terms with Henry ; he had sent one David to Westminster to be consecrated Bishop of Bangor in the previous year; ^ and he was not prepared to change his attitude towards England. In con- sequence, when Henry reached the borders of Powys, Maredudd and his nephews came in, and submitted to pay a fine of 10,000 head of cattle.^ Of the King's doings in 11 22 almost the only thing that we hear is a progress to York, late in the year, followed by an excursion to Carlisle, where he ordered further fortifications to be built. In con- "^^tSj?? ** nexion with this we may notice the foundation of Norham Castle, established in the previous year by Bishop Flambard of Durham, on the Tweed, at a spot previously known as " Ethamesford." * But the event of European interest by which the year 1122 will be re- membered was the close of the struggle between the Papacy and the ■ Empire over the question of the Investitures. Weary of the the Question struggle both parties had seen the necessity of abandoning of Investiture extreme claims. A preliminary treaty settled at Wurzburg agreed that the Emperor should retain the rights appertaining to the Empire, and the Pope the rights appertaining to the Church. The final concordat propounded in Imperial Diet at Worms, fol- dat of Worms lowed in the main the lines already struck out by the ingenuity (1122). ^£ jj^g King of England. The Emperor granted the right of free canonical election, and disclaimed investiture by the ring and crosier ; but he received the right of conferring the temporalities by the sceptre, a purely lay symbol. It was also conceded that the elections should take place in his presence, or in that of his commissioners. The clergy would thus have to recognise the authority of the State in respect of their endow- ments. But in granting canonical election the Emperor surrendered the kernel of the matter in dispute. The Papacy thus had the best of it. The Emperor's intrigues might influence the proceedings of the Chapters, but he was bound not to interfere directly. On these terms Henry V. received 1 Seethe Brut-y-T. 119-145 (given as A.D. H12-1116) ; Ann. Camb. A.n. 1115- ni8. ^ Eadmer, 259 ; Haddan and Stubbs, Cone. I. 314. This David came from one of the Scottish (Irish) monasteries on the Continent ; he was a man of letters, and wrote a chronicle of his own times, now lost, but utilized by Orderic and others. ^ Brut, p. 147 (given as A.D. Iii8) ; Ann. Camb. A.D. 1121 ; Chron. * Symeon, H. R. ss. 200, 205. Henry was at York on his return from Carlisle, 6th December; Orderic, 874 (given as 1120). A.D. 1122-1123] WILLIAM OF CORBEIL 297 the kiss of peace from the Papal Legate, and was re-admitted to the pale of the Church.i On the 2nd October Archbishop Ralph died at Canterbury,'' a worthy man and a successful archbishop. We have seen the firmness with which he could hold his own between the King on the one hand, and the Pope on the other hand. The only fault alleged against him was a certain jocu- larity, which some thought inconsistent with the dignity of his office.^ The appointment of his successor involved a struggle between bishop of ' '^s Monastic and the Secular parties in the Church.* The Canterbur?. Canterbury rnonks, again alleging that every previous arch- vOUuCSu U©"" , « tween Seou- bishop except the schismatic Stigand had either been a monk E^uiars '^^ become a monk on his appointment, came forward with a list of nominees, all monks, of whom they suggested that the King and his council should select one. But the bishops, who doubtless had the mind of the King, protested against the appointment of any man in monastic Orders, and tendered the monks a list of four names for them to choose from. The man they selected was William of Corbeil,^ not a monk, but the next thing to it, being a Canon Regular and Prior of St. Osyth's Chiche, in the county of Essex. At one time chaplain to Bishop Flambard of Durham, he had nevertheless been much at Canterbury in the society of Anselm. He is described as a man of respectable life and well lettered : ^ but the writers of the time are more divided in their estimate of his merits than they are with respect to those of his predecessor Ralph, possibly on account of the party questions involved in his appointment, possibly on account of his submissive attitude towards the Papacy.''' On the iS'th Feb- ruary he was consecrated at Canterbury by his own suffragans.* In the ensuing month he started for Rome in quest of his Pallium, a special em- bassy from the King going with him to support his api)lication. It was granted,^ but not without demur, exception being taken to the circum- stances of his appointment. Thurstan happening to be at Rome at the time, the question of the supremacy of Canterbury over York was mooted by Archbishop William. But Calixtus, who was pledged to Thurstan, ' See W. Malm. G. R. s. 436 ; and the text of the Concordat in Pertz, Legg. II. 75 ; dated 23rd September, U22. This is said to be the date of the final ratification by Calixtus at Rome, the treaty having been accepted by the Emperor and Legate at Worms on the 8th September ; Sismondi. » Eadmer, 302 ; Chron. 3 W. Malm. G. P. s. 71. ^ See too with reference to Ralph's election, Eadmer, H. N. 222. ^ On the Seine (Seine et Oise). ^ " Modesto vit^ virum ac litteris bene eruditura " ; Symeon, H. R. s. 206 ; Chron. ; Flor. Cont. For the introduction of the Order of Augustinian Canons into England during the reign see below, 329, 330. ' The Continuator of Florence calls him " vir eximise religionis." Henry of Hun- tingdon knew no good of him ; " Cujus laudes dici nequeunt quia non sunt " j De Cont. Mund. 314. 8 Gervase; l6th February, Flor. Cont. ^ William received his Pall on the 21st May, 1123 ; Angl. Sacr. I. 792. 298 THE SEE OF LINCOLN [a.d. 1123 refused to decide the case himself, leaving it to be determined by a Council to be held in England under the presidency of a Legate.^ Among the many changes in the Episcopate that took place about this period we may notice the death of Robert Bloet, for thirty years Bishop of Lincoln, a man whose gifts were said to be of a more Kobert Bloet, secular than of a spiritual sort. He was riding with the King Bishop of in the deerfold at Woodstock when he was struck with Lincoln. apoplexy, and fell from his horse, dying next day (loth Janu- ary, 1 123). His successor was Alexander, nephew to the great Bishop Roger of Sarum, whose influence was now said to be quite paramount.* 1 Symeon, H. R. ss. 206, 208; T. Stubbs, 1718 ; Chron. The latter, hostile to the new Archbishop from monastic spirit, openly taxes the curia with corruption in granting the Pall. ' That overcame Rome that overcometh all wor Id, that is, gold and silver.' '^ Chron. ; Symeon, H. R. s. 265 ; W. Malm. G. P. p. 313 ; H. Hunt, De Cont. M. 300. CHAPTER XX HENRY I. {continued) A.D. II23-II3S Fresh troubles in Normandy— The young Barons — Henry reduces them to order — Lega- tine Commission over England of Cardinal John of Crema — Matilda declared heir to the Throne and married to Geoffrey of Anjou — Troubles with Geoffrey — Deaths of William of Normandy and of his father, Duke Robert — Death of Henry I. ABOUT the loth June (1123) Henry sailed from Portsmouth for Nor- mandy, '^ again in view of coming troubles. Fulk of Anjou, who had gone on pilgrimage to Jerusalem after the marriage of his daughter to the ^theling, had returned to find the ties with England severed by the death of his son-in-law.^ He asked to have Matilda, still a mere girl, sent home to him. This was done.^ But a difficulty arose as to the return of her dowry, which included castles on the Continent, Border castles, no doubt. We hear of envoys from Anjou being in England at Christmas, 1122, and we hear of their going back in February dissatisfied with the results of their mission. We are also told that at a Council held at Wood- stock, apparently in March, Henry made arrangements for sending troops to reinforce the garrisons in Normandy.* Then the King had been mar- ried to Adelaide for fully two years ; but there was no heir forthcoming. Movement ^^^ therefore began once more to turn their eyes towards in favour of young William of Normandy as the man of the future. The voimsr V o ■William arch-plotter, Amaury of Montfort, now Count of Evreux, of Normanay. aggrieved, we are told, by the stringency of Henry's rule, and the exactions of his fiscal officers, began to work for a new rising in Wil- liam's favour ; and as the first step in that direction induced his nephew, „. ^ . Fulk of Anjou, once more to espouse the young man's cause, with Slbylle and marry him to his younger daughter, Sibylle, investing him of Anjou. ^j jjjg g^^g jjjjjg ^jjjj jjjg county of Maine.^ * Chron. ; Symeon, H. R. s. 209. * Fulk left home 26th April, 1120, and had returned by 24th September, Ii2i ; Le Prevost, note to Orderic. " Chron. a.d. 1 121. According to Orderic, 875, she was but twelve years old when she was married. Eventually she took the veil at Fontevrault, became Abbess, and died there in 1154 ; Prevost. * Chron. A.D. 1 123 ; Symeon, JS. R. s. 205 ; W. Malm. G. R. p. 498. ^ Ord. 876. The date of the marriage or betrothal is not given : it may have hap- pened in 1122 or, more likely, in 1123. See Bouquet, XH. 708, note A. 899 300 ANOTHER RISING [a.d. 1123 It might be thought that the Norman Baronage had had a sufficient lesson in the events of 1116-1120; so, in fact, it turned out to be. Of the men who figured in those hostilities only one besides Amaury now jj, comes forward again, namely William of Roumare. He had of WiiUam hitherto been faithful, but he had a grievance. His mother's of Roumare. ^^^^ husband, Ralph of Briquessart, surnamed Le Meschin, when he became Earl of Chester in 11 20, was forced to surrender certain estates previously held by him in Lucy's right These included the Honour of Carlisle and Lordship of Kirkby Kendal. Henry'was naturally unwilling to leave so large a tract of border-land in the hands of one man. William, Lucy's son by her second husband Roger of Roumare, thought that though his stepfather might not hold these lands he himself might well be allowed to do so ; but the King refused to listen to his demand.^ The only other men weak enough to listen to Amaury were a group of silly young magnates,^ namely, Waleran of Meulan and Beauraont-le- Roger, and his three brothers-in-law, by name Hugh of Mont- ^"Clevolt!''^ fort-sur-Risle,3 Hugh of Chl.teauneuf-en-Thimerais,* and Wil- liam Louvel {Lupellus) of Ivry,^ brother and heir of Robert Goel, a man who figures largely in Orderic's pages. Not only were these men without a shadow of a grievance — their regard for William's claims must have been a mere pretext — but their conduct involved the grossest ingratitude, as they had all been more or less treated by Henry as sons. All that can be said for them is that again and again we shall find great feudal lords sacrificing splendid positions with the same insensate reck- lessness. The operations of the petty war, altogether one-sided in themselves, were practically confined to the basin of the Risle, where the malcontents had their chief strongholds. In the month of September they held a secret meeting at La Croix-Saint-Leufroy,^ and agreed on a rising. But Henry knew everything. Early in October he gathered troops at Rouen ; then, one Sunday, after dinner, he suddenly ordered his men out for a march. Hugh of Montfort, who was at court, was called to the King's side, and invited to surrender his castle. Being in the King's hands he could not do otherwise than consent ; but on his way to ' Orel. sup. Ralph of Briquessart is sometimes supposed to have had the Earldom of Carlisle; MonasHcon, III. 581, 582. But the charter there is evidently a concoction, and is contradicted by Henry's Charter, p. 585, from which it dearly appears that he only held Carlisle as an Honour or Barony, not as an Earldom. Appleby, Salkeld, and Wetherall are also named as being under hiin. It would seem that these estates had been held at one time by Ivo Taillebois, doubtless in right of Lucy. 2 See Orderic's word, " Puerilis levitatis frivola spe." " R. de Monte ; Dept. Eure. To be carefully distinguished from Montfort-l' Amaury, the seat of the plotter, in the French Vexin (Seine et Oise). * Eure et Loir. ' The ladies' names are given as Adeline, Amicie, and Auber^e ; Le Prevost. ^ Eure, near Gaillon. A.D. 1 1 23-1 1 24] OPERATIONS 3°^ the place, to deliver it to the King's officers who were sent with him, he gave them the slip, got to Montfort first, and then, having told reduces his wife and brother to hold out to the utmost, pushed on to '*^°'^R°'i'" Brionne to seek for help from Waleran. But no help came, and so Adeline, Hugh's wife, had to make her peace and sur- render. Liberal offers were made through her to her husband, but the unfortunate man refused to accept of a pardon, electing to stand out and risk everything. Meanwhile the King himself was laying siege to Pont- Audemer — a place belonging to Waleran, but partly garrisoned by French auxiliaries. During some seven weeks that the siege lasted the King showed himself as active as a youth, seeing to everything, keeping every one up to the mark, and even directing the carpenters how to construct a moveable ' belfry.' ^ The garrison yielded on honourable AiSemer terms, the auxiharies removing to Beaumont where Waleran was estabhshed. An unsuccessful attempt by Amaury to seize Gisors brought the operations of the autumn to a close. The King, who evidently took the rising very calmly, thinking that his troops had done enough, disbanded them for Advent (December). Evreux was taken into hand, Amaury not venturmg to defend it, and placed under the charge of Ralph, the new Earl of Chester.^ The campaign of 1124 opened with a spirited ride by the leading insur- gents from Beaumont to reheve Fatouville,^ a small castle near the mouth of the Seine, which was being attacked by the King's men. After a night's march the barons reached the place in safety, namely on the morning of the 25th March, and threw in supplies. The return journey, however. Action near "^^' "^^^ ^^^ '^^^ successful. Near Bourgtheroulde they found Bourgtiie- the Earl of Chester waiting to receive them with 300 men. Following his master's tactics he had dismounted part of his men-at-arms to fight on foot, with the archers posted in front of them, the rest of the men-at-arms remaining on horseback. On viewing these dis- positions Amaury, as a man of years and experience, swore ' By all the nations ' * — his usual oath — that they ought not to fight. But Waleran, with all the cheery confidence of youth, insisted on charging with forty men-at-arms, and was utterly discomfited, the horses being disabled by the fire of the archers. The end of it was that he, with two of his brothers-in-law, and some eighty men in all, were carried off in triumph. _ , . . The third brother-in-law, William Louvel, divesting himself of Deieau and . Capture his armour, managed to escape on foot. Amaury owed his ofEebels. gg^ape to the chivalrous generosity of William of Grandcourt, son of WiHiam Count of Eu. Loth to commit a man of Amaury's age and distinction to hopeless bondage, yet afraid to show himself at Rouen ' For more of this engine see Symeon, H. R. p, 274. It was raised to a height of 24 feet above the walls. ^ Ord. 876-879. " Eure, between Honfleur and Quillebceuf. ■* "Per omnes gentes. '' 302 HENRY ONCE MORE [a.d. 1124 without him, he threw up his holdings in Normandy, and went off with his captive to take his chance of what the future might provide for him in France. 1 The rising now collapsed. Brionne and Fatouville were reduced in the course of April, and then the King summoned Waleran to order the surrender of Beaumont, his last stronghold. Captive as he ^Ri°*^s''* was he could not refuse, but compliance did not purchase forgiveness. Waleran and his two brothers-in-law were kept in strict custody, first in Normandy, and afterwards in England, to linger in bonds for various terms of years.^ William of Rouraare ofPrisonCTs ^^^^ °"'- *^° ^^^ '^^'^' ^"'^ eventually obtained from the King almost all that he wanted ; while even Amaury and Louvel were finally admitted to grace. ^ When the leaders were being treated with such leniency it is painful to hear of three subordinates condemned by the King, sitting in judg- ment in person, to lose their eyesight for participation in the rebellion, Charles the Count of Flanders, who was at Rouen at the time, ventured to remonstrate. With respect to two of the offenders the King had nothing very special to urge beyond breach of the oath of allegiance. The third culprit however, Luke, lord of La Barre-en-Ouche,* was intimately allied with Count Waleran. ^ Set free at Pont-Audemer, he de^La Bai^* ^^^ recommenced hostilities more furiously than ever. Worse than all, he could wage war with the pen as well as with the sword. He was a poet, a trouvlre, and had written lampoons bringing his liege lord the King into great ridicule. Against such a charge Count Charles had nothing to plead. La Barre was delivered to the tormentors ; but refusing to live without eyes, he tore himself from their hands, and dashed out his own brains against the walls of his dungeon.^ But, the reader may ask, what of the Count of Anjou and young William of Normandy ? and what of the King of France all this time ? How came they to ttirow away their opportunities ? Henry's diplomacy had met both contingencies. The Emperor, his son-in-law, who bore Louis-le-Gros a grudge for his friendly relations with Callxtus, France and ^^^ persuaded to raise a mighty host for an attack on France. Anjou Fore- The invading army never got beyond Metz, but Louis was kept fully employed watching their movements.''' Then the 1 Ord. 879, 880. " They were brought to England in the King's train in 1126 ; Waleran and Hugh of Chateauneuf were released at the end of five years ; Hugh of Montfort dragged out fourteen years in prison and then died ; Ord. 881. * Ord. 876, 882. The Lincolnshire Survey, called Testa de Nevill, shows that large estates previously held by Ivo Taillebois and Ralph Meschin came to Wm. of Roumare. New Geneal. V. 135. * Eure. ^ See Le Prevost IV. 448, note. Luke, however, had fought for the King loyally in 11 19. ^ Orderie, 880, 881. ' A.D. 1124. See Sismondi, France, V. 174; Freeman, N. C. V. 197, and more A.D. 1 1 24] TRIUMPHANT 303 "subtlety of Henry's canonists " found out that young William was related to Sibylle of Anjou. The relationship was not a very near one — ■ only in the tenth degree ^ — the lady being third cousin twice removed to the bridegroom, but the objection was allowed at Rome.^ The marriage was dissolved, and the " Clito" once more driven from Anjou, to wander from monastery to monastery with a band of hangers-on, a spirited youth who excited much sympathy, but a burden and anxiety to those who ventured to entertain him. Wherever he set the sole of his foot the ' long strong arm ' of his relentless uncle was sure to follow him.^ Thus by the end of II 24 England was again at peace with France and Anjou, but Henry did not think it prudent to leave Normandy for two years more. At home the year 1124 was marked by bad weather, failure of crops, and dearth, aggravated by heavy taxation. Crime in consequence was Distress and '■''^^ ^ '^'^' repressive measures were not wanting. We hear Crime in of a Bloody Assize at Huncote in Leicestershire, styled a S a^"- Witenagemot, more correctly perhaps a folcmot or county court, held under the presidency of Ralph Basset, royal Justice, in which forty-four men were hung for thieving, and six more mutilated. ' They bereave men of their goods, and then they kill them. Full heavy year it was. If a man had anything they bereaved him of it with gelds and courts. If he had nothing he died of hunger.' * The connexion with Normandy was a grievous incubus ; but for expeditions to Normandy English taxation might have been very light. Hitherto we have found Henry, if not exactly straightforward, at least very consistent in his policy. On no point had he been more firm than in his resistance to Papal encroachments, whether on his own prerogatives, or on the rights of the national Church. Legatine missions he had uniformly withstood. In this he had historic precedent on his side. Apparently on two occasions, and two occasions only, within living memory had Papal Legates been allowed to intervene in English affairs, namely, first in 1062, when Ermenfrid, Bishop of Sion, was received by the Confessor; and again in 1072, when the same dignitary, with two fully Rossler, Mathilde, •j2-y(i ; but he brings the Counts of Anjou and Brittany into action against the evidence of Suger. 1 See the pedigree, Ord. 838, and again 882 ; Chron. A.D. 1 128 ; W. Malm. Hist. Nov. p. 528 ; and especially the Bulls of Calixtus II. and Honorius II. 26th August, 1 124, and I2th April, 1125 ; D'Achery, Spicil. III. 479 ; and Migne. Dr. Lingard very candidly points out that Henry's son married to Fulk's daughter, and his daughter there- after married to Fulk's son, must have been related in precisely the same degrees as Robert's son to Fulk's daughter. ^ Marriage within the seventh degree was all that was prohibited by Anselm's Canons of 1 102, or by those passed in London in 11 25. ° "Longa et valida patrui sui brachia," etc. ; Ord. 882. * Chron. ; Symeon, H. J?, s. 210. The currency was said to be in a very bad state from extensive coining, and we hear of wholesale mutilations of coiners ; Chron. A.D. 1 124, 1 125. 304 LEGATINE MISSION [a.d. 1124 coadjutors, was brought over by the Conqueror to depose Stigand.*- As recently as the year 11 2 1 we saw Henry politely bowing the Legate Peter out of England. Undeterred by previous failures, Calixtus in 11 24 returned to the charge, giving John of Crema, a leading Cardinal, a com- mission that extended over Scotland as well as England,^ and Henry, reversing his previous policy, consented to receive him. This A Papal concession will be viewed in connexion with the dissolution Leg^ate. of the marriage of young William and Sibylle. The King did the thing handsomely. The Archbishops of Canterbury and York were brought over to Normandy to provide a suitable escort for the repre- sentative of St. Peter. Towards Easter they landed in England, and the Cardinal, to the intense indignation of the whole Canterbury community, celebrated High Mass in the Archbishop's own church on Easter Day (29th March), John of Crema not being even a bishop, but only in priest's orders. William of Corbeil's enemies consoled themselves by whispering that that came of having an archbishop who was not in monastic Orders.^ The Legate was taken the round of the bishoprics and abbeys of Eng- land, being everywhere received not merely with ' worship,' but also with , gifts, ' mickle and mair than mickle.' * His tour extended Visitation of ^ ' , ... „ . England and to Roxburgh, where he had an mterview with the new King Scotland. ^^ g^^^g^ David L ^ The supremacy over the Scottish Church claimed by the See of York, a point mooted when Eadmer was appointed to St. Andrews, was one of the matters that he had been specially charged to investigate. What came of the meeting with David we are not told, but the Scots certainly continued to resist the pretensions of the Northern Primate.^ From the banks of the Teviot the Legate returned to London for a Synod to be opened in Westminster Abbey, on the 8th Sep- WestaSnato. Member. He had not been allowed to issue the summonses for the assembly, either in his own or the Pope's name,'' but ' See above, I. 485, and II. 81. For the next case we must go back to Offa's days, and the ' contentious ' Synod of Chelsea, above I. 215. The missions bringing Palls for Anselm in 1095 ; for Thomas II. in 1109 ; and for Ralph in 11 15 seem to stand on a different footing. 2 See the Bulls of Honorius II. dated I2th, 13th April [1125] confirming previous Bulls of Calixtus II. ; Symeon, H. R. s. 2H. Calixtus died 12th or 13th Dec. 1124; when Lambert, Bishop of Ostia, became Pope under the style of Honorius II. ; he was enthroned on the 21st Dec. ; H. Nicolas. * Flor. Cont. ; Chron. ; Gervase, Decent Scriptt. c. 1 163. * Chron. ^ Alexander I. died in 1 124. (20 April, Chron. ; 24 April, Fordun, p. 230 ; 25 April, Chron. Melrose ; zb April, Symeon, H. R. s. 210). He was succeeded by his brother David I., the youngest son of Malcolm Canmore and Queen Margaret. He was married to Matilda, daughter of Earl Waltheof by Judith, and widow of Simon of Senhs, and with her hand had received the earldoms of Huntingdon and Northampton, previously held by Simon ; Ord. 702 ; W. Jum. Cont. 312. ^ Symeon, H. R. s. 211. For the continuance of the struggle by Thurstan see T. Stubbs, 1719, 1720 ; and Haddan and Stubbs, Cone. II. 20-23, ^^^^ 212, etc. In 1 127 King David allowed Robert, Bishop Elect of St. Andrews, to be consecrated by Thurstan, saving all rights ; /i. 215. ' See the Archbishop's summons, Wilkins, Cone. I. 408 ; Hook. A.D. ii2s] OF JOHN OF CREMA 3°5 he presided. Seventeen Canons for the reformation of the Church were passed. In spite of the assertion of the Peterborough Chronicler to that eflfect, it does not appear that they were a mere repetition of Anselm's Canons of 1102. They were less stringent and minute, and avoided monastic questions. Of course marriage was again prohibited to canons, priests, deacons, and subdeacons ; but they were not required enacted, to take vows of chastity before ordination. Then inter- marriage within the seventh degree of consanguinity was again forbidden, but apart from those moot points there was nothing enacted that would not commend itself to modern sentiment. Fees are forbidden to be taken for administering the Sacraments ; offerings on great occasions, such as consecrations of a church or bishop, must not be taken by force ; men in minor orders when presented to a benefice are not to refuse to take higher orders, " quo Uberius vivant" (in order to lead freer lives). No man to be made archdeacon unless in deacon's orders ; no man to hold two archdeaconries at once ; neither priest nor deacon to be ordained without a title ; clergymen not to lend money at interest, or embark in trade {usura et turpe lucrum), etc.i But the mission of John of Crema ended in a dismal fiasco ; food for scoffing to the end of time. In his speeches in the Synod on the subject of clerical marriage he had inveighed in a tone of exalted morality against the shocking profanity (summum scelus) of priests, end of tie married men, rising from the couches of their wives to con- mission, secrate the Body of the Lord. Yet he himself one night, after having in the course of the day consecrated the Body of the Lord, that is to say having celebrated Mass, was found in the apartment of a woman of improper character. Amid jeers and derision he left Eng- land in October.^ The two Archbishops again went with him, having been summoned to Rome on business. The question of the relation of Canterbury to York had proved too thorny for the Legate to dispose of, and so again it proved at Rome, the stiffness of the contending parties rendering all attempts at compromise futile.^ But Archbishop William ha.d also to protest against the invasion of his rights by the recent mission of Arciibisiiop Cardinal John to England. As a protection against future aoBointed ^''^'^'^^ °'^ '^^ ^o"^' he condescended to accept of an appoint- Legate. ment as Papal Legate over England and Scotland. This was ' Flor. Cont. ; Symeon, H. R. s. 212 (given wrongly as A.D. 1126). ^ "Cum meretrice post vesperam interceptus est. Res apertissima negarl non potuit, celari non debuit " ; H. Hunt. p. 246, the original authority for the incident. No doubt he was in favour of clerical marriage. The other writers of the time ignore the story ; later writers, such as Hoveden, Wendover, Paris, Hemingburgh, accept the Archdeacon's story. The Cardinal in truth was more of a soldier than a priest, he led the Papal troops in Italy in 1120. A letter to him from St. Bernard, written in 1133, reminds him that his earlier life called for 'repentance and conversion.' (No. 163, Migne.) ' See the York writer, T. Stubbs, 1718, 1719. B. H. — VOL. II. X 3o6 A FEMALE [ad. 1124-1126 a distinct surrender on his part, but we may point out that it would give him personally the desired supremacy over the Northern Province/ and the writers of the time evidently regarded it as a feather in his cap,^ After an absence of three years and a quarter Henry on the nth Sept. Henry (11 26) returned to England. Among other personages in his returns to train he brought home his daughter, Matilda, the Empress,^ England. , ^ . , ? , . , , , , r , t ■ , left a widow m the previous year by the death of her Imperial husband Henry V.* No child had been born of the marriage. But The Empress "Augusta" enjoyed her position and life in Germany, and Matilda now was popular there ; thus she and her late subjects were loath a Widow L 1. J J to part.^ But her father's commands were imperative, and he insisted on her return.^ Determined at all hazards to keep out his nephew, Henry had made up his mind to risk the chances of a female succession, and to settle both England and Normandy on his daughter. The experiment Noraand/to ^^^ ^ ^°^^ °'^^' ^"^ ^^ ^'' ^^^ world knows it proved a be settled on failure. It is a remarkable fact that the idea of handing down the inheritance of William the Bastard to a son not born in wedlock should never have been entertained ; though Henry had in his eldest illegitimate son, Robert .of Caen,- a man of unquestionable ability.'' This must be taken as indicating a growing respect for morality and the laws of the Church. With regard to the succession of a daughter, it must be pointed out that if female rule, that is to say, the discharge by a woman of the duties of an elective office, was equally unknown to the annals of England and Normandy, female succession to property was fully recognised in both countries, while the growth of the new feudal ideas was rapidly obliterating all sense of distinction between the tenure of an office and the tenure of property. If a sole Queen Regnant could not be thought of, a Queen might reign with a husband to act for her. If a man could hold an Earldom in right of his wife,^ why might not a husband wield a sceptre in the like right ? So Henry may have argued. 1 See the Bull dated 25 January [1126], Angl.-Sacr. I. 792 ; Wilkins, I. 409. ^ See Flor. Cont. ; Syraeon, and Gervase. Dean Hook points out that at the period of which we are now treating the Pope, on the strength of the doctrines of the pseudo- Isidore, was being regarded as Episcofus Universalis. We might say in feudal language both immediate lord and over-lord of all the clergy. Archbishops, II. 313. ' Symeon H. R. ; Chron. ; the state prisoners, Waleran and his brothers-in-law, were also brought over with the King. The two Archbishops likewise came back at or about the same time, on their return from Rome ; Id. * Henry V. died 23 May, 1 125, Lappenberg (Thorpe) 336 ; Orderic 882 ; Sismondi. The electors rejecting Frederic of Hohenstaufen, Henry's nephew, took Lothar Duke of Saxony for King of Germany. He was not crowned Emperor till 1 133. ^ For Matilda's life and doings in Germany since her marriage the reader may consult Dr. Rossler's Mathilde, 15-28. ^ W. Malm. Hist. Nov. s. 450 ; W. Jum. Cont. 304. ' See Freeman, N.C. V. 199, 851. " For instance, Simon of Senlis had held the earldoms of Huntingdon and Northamp- A.D. II26-II27] HEIR TO THE CROWN 307 No time was lost in pushing on the scheme of succession. The King of Scots, David I. was invited to court, "^ doubtless to make sure of his support for his niece. An extra-grand gathering of magnates atWiudsM* ^^^ called to Windsor at Christmas. The irrepressible Thurs- tan, always to the front, wanted to concur with the Southern Primate in placing the crown on the King's head. Not only was his claim rejected, but his cross-bearer was turned out of the chapel. It was explained to him that an Archbishop had no right to have his cross borne before him except within his own Province.^ As if to secure greater publicity, the gemot was adjourned to London, and there on the ist January, 11 27, the King extorted ^ from the Peers, Spiritual and Temporal, Homage done ^^ °^'-'^' binding them to accept his daughter, the Empress to MatUda Matilda, as his successor in England and Normandy, failing the birth of a male heir of his own body. Stress was laid on the fact that Matilda, and Matilda alone, could represent the lines both of Rollo and Ecgberht* First of the lay vassals to take the oath was King David, Earl of Huntingdon in England. The honours of the second place were disputed between Stephen of Blois, now Count of Boulogne^ as well as Mortain, and Robert, now Earl of Gloucester, the first outbreak of an antagonism destined to last through both their lives. The legitimate nephew, however was preferred before the illegitimate son.^ We are told that the Barons were not brought to the point theBsuronage without much discussion and argument; and we may take it as certain that considerable pressure had to be exercised by the King. For the success of such a plan much would depend on the popularity ton through his marriage with the daughter of Waltheof ; and King David of Scotland at this very tim« held the same earldoms in the same right, Orderic 702 ; W. Jum. 312. See also, for female succession to great fiefs in Gaul, Sismondi's ^rara«, V. 179, etc., where he also calls attention to the succession of Urraca, daughter of Alphonse VI. to the throne of Leon and Castile in nog. 1 After Michaelmas ; Chron. ^ y\ox. Cont. ; Gervase, c. 1664 ; T. Stubbs, 1719. * "Adegit et obstrinxit," W. Malm; "ad jussum regis," Flor. Cont. ; "Jubente illo " ; Symeon. The Gesta Stephani, the work of a partisan of King Stephen, of course represents the oath as extorted by sheer pressure; IV. g (Rolls Series, No. 82, R. Howlett). * " Ut si ipse sine herede masculo decederet Matildem filiam suam . . . incunc- tanteret sine ultra retractione dominam susciperent " ; W. Malm, ss.451, 5°4- "Spo- sponderunt filiae regis se totum regnum Anglorum illi contra omnes defensuros," etc. ; Flor. Cont. " Ut filise suae . . . regnum Anglise hereditario jure post eum servarent nisi," etc. ; Sym. H.R. s. 213. The Chronicle includes Normandy, so too Malmesbury, sup., 504. ' Eustace III. of Boulogne, the Crusader, died in 1 125 ; whereupon Stephen, as husband of his only surviving child Matilda ("Mahaut") became Count; Matilda was daughter of Mary of Scotland, daughter of Canmore and Margaret. * W. Malm. sut. In the latter of the two passages he makes Robert gain the day, sed qumrc. 3o8 THE ANGEVIN [a.d. 1127 and capacity of the future King-consort. We are told on the authority of the great Bishop Roger of Salisbury, that he and others only took the oath on receiving an assurance that the Empress would not be married out of the Question of kingdom without the consent of the Barons. We feel tempted Matilda s ,. • , . Future '^° ^^y> without the consent of the Witan.^ On feudal pnn- Husband. ciples they had a right to be consulted as to the new lord to whom, in legal phrase, they would have to "attorn." Plsdg^.^ Their allegiance could not be transferred without their con- sent. Only six years before, on the occasion of his second marriage, a matter of much less importance, Henry had taken the con- stitutional course of consulting his subjects, at any rate in outward form. On the present occasion it is clear that he did not consult them at all. He had a match ready, a match that promised great things for his dynasty, but at the same time one that he probably knew would not be at all acceptable to his subjects ; and so he kept his intentions to himself The first result of Henry's apparent purpose of making Intentions ■'^^.tilda his heir, was, that Louis le Gros made up his mind to give young William of Normandy more definite support than he yet had given him. At Christmas 1126, before the oath of allegi- ance had been taken, he convened a Grand Council of his Barons, a whole- Y some practice, in which he was beginning to follow the WLUiam of example of other princes. William's case was laid before them. again'^aiien^''^ '•'^^'''^ ^PP'^O'*'^'' ''i J^'^'^^^'y ('^^^7)> ^^^^^ *^^ homage, he up by the gave the young '" Clito " the hand of Johanna, daughter of KlngofFranoe° . . %, • - ,, . ;. ,, . j , ,r ■ Ramier or Remier, Marquis of Montferrat, and half-sister to his own Queen,^ investing him at the same time with the French Vexin, which comprised the towns of Pontoise, Chaumont, and Mantes. William at once took possession. Early in February he presented himself at the gates of Gisors, and made a formal demand of all Normandy.^ Further promotion followed. On the 2nd March* Count Charles of Flanders died, assassinated in a church at Bruges, through the intrigues of a rival, William of Ypres. As he left neither issue nor near relatives, a crowd of com- petitors came forward, among them King Henry, and his nephew, as representing Matilda the wife of the Conqueror. Louis, as over-lord, at once entered the county and put young William in possession.^ Henry was much disturbed, not so much at the rejection of his own 1 W. Malm. s. 452. ^ Adelaide, Louis' Queen, was daughter of Humbert II., Count of Maurienne and Savoy, by Gisele of Burgundy : the latter, after Humbert's death, married the Marquis of Montferrat, and by him had Johanna ; Le Prevost, IV. 464. ^ Orderic, 884 ; Sismondi, France, V. 202. * Le Prevost, sup. 275. * According to M. Le Prevost, William was ' elected ' (in accordance with old Teutonic custom), at Arras 25th or 26th March, and confirmed at Bruges 2nd April. IV. 476. Lecoy de la Marche (Suger, Vita L. 475), and the Art de Verifier give the 23rd March as the date. Rbssler, Mdthilde, 93, places the election at Bruges, on the 5th April, citing Galbert, DeMultro CaroH Comitis, p. 57. A.D. 1 1 27] MATCH 309 claim, as at the aggrandisement of his nephew.^ As a counter-move, his plans for the disposal of his daughter's hand had now to And invested f , , , f , , ■ • ■ j vr witii be pushed forward, but his intentions were not made public Flanders. ^^^ ^j^y gggner than could be helped. Whitsunday (22nd May) was kept at Winchester ; and then the Empress, under the charge of her brother Earl Robert, and Brian of Wallingford, son of Count Allan Fergant of Brittany, was sent over to Rouen to be ' be- wedded,' i.e., betrothed to Geoffrey, the son of Count Fulk of Anjou. From Henry's point of view the addition of Anjou and Maine would The Empress place Normandy at the head of all Gaulish states, the Matilda kingdom of France not excepted. By the King's subjects the tetrothed to ° r j o j Geoffrey of marriage was thought fatal to Matilda's prospects.^ Geoffrey, Anjou. jj^ j.]^g jQj.g(. pia(;g^ ^g^g g^ ^txt boy, not fourteen years old,' the bride being five-and-twenty. But the real difficulty was that the Normans, full of local feeling, would never bring themselves to bow to the rule of an Angevin ; while the English, without having any reason to hate an Angevin more than any other Frenchman would, as a matter of course, blindly follow the prejudices of the ruling caste. In the simple words Unnonuiaritv °^ ^^ Peterborough Chronicler, ' It liked neither French of the nor English, but the King did it to have sibb (connexion) ■ of the Earl of Anjou, and for help against his nephew William.' As it turned out, both views proved correct. Matilda never got real possession of England, but her son became a very great King. On the 26th August the King himself went over to Normandy.* Hostilities had broken out between the young Count of Flanders and his cousin Stephen. Boulogne was an under-fief of Flanders, but Stephen refused to recognize William as his overlord. In this connexion it is due to William to notice that the faithful services of his old ' pedagogue,' as Orderic liked to style him, He'lie of St. Saens, were rewarded with the charge of Montreuil, the capital of Ponthieu, another Flemish fief '^ But it seemed as if fortune could never smile for long on the ill-starred son of Duke Robert. At the same time it must be admitted that, for the final catastrophe, he had himself to blame. He thought it his duty to inaugurate his rule by merciless severity to all implicated in the murder of his predecessor, thereby alienating public sympathy, and raising up a host of enemies. He soon had to drop his war with Stephen in order to cope with disaffection at home, and the attacks of a competitor, Thierry or Dietrich, Count of Alsace.^ A plot to assassinate him was laid at Ypres, 1 Ord. sup. ; Chron. ; Symeon, H.F.. s. 213 ; H. Hunt. ; Freeman. 2 H. Hunt ; Chron. ; W. Malm. H.N. p. 530. ' Geofifrey was bom 24 August, 1113 ; Bouquet, XII. 302, note. * Symeon, H. R. s. 213 ; Flor, Cont. = Qrd. 885. ' "Theodoricum Comitem Auscensem " ; Ord. "Terri de Auseis"; R. de Monte. He was descended in the female line from Count Robert the Frisian ; Freeman. See Le Prevost, IV. 478. 310 THE TEMPLARS [a.d. 1128 while Alost broke into open revolt. Louis raised troops for his support ; but Henry kept him at home by marching an army to Epernon.^ While skirmishing against Alost, William ' the Unfortunate '* was wounded by a -^ . spear-head driven through the palm of his hand into the wrist, wmiam of Five days he lingered. Feeling his case hopeless he took Normandy. n;,o„astic vows at St. Omer — a death-bed profession, a practice of which endless instances are recorded at this period ; and so, in the full odour of sanctity, passed away on the 28th July, it 28. With him ended all thought of further resistance to Henry's rule in Normandy. Without a leader or a war-cry the most turbulent could not think of drawing the sword. It was said that William's fate was revealed to his captive father in a dream. ^ Dietrich of Alsace, the man who apparently had the best title to succeed, was then accepted as Count of Flanders by Louis. Henry hastened to make friends with him, inducing Stephen of Boulogne and others of his subjects who held lands in Flanders to do homage.* The year 11 28 also saw the end of Ralph Flambard, Bishop of Durham. Unprincipled man as he was, we must not forget that to him Ralph Flam- we owe the completion of the nave of Durham cathedral. He '(rf^Dujir^^ ^^^^ °" '^^ S''^ °'^ September, after an episcopate of more than nine and twenty years. ^ Within the same twelvemonth we have the first appearance in English history of the famous Order of the Knights of the Temple, who might TheKnieht ^^ described as Canons Regular, professing chastity and Templars obedience. Originally started in 11 18 as a band devoted to ^ ^^ ■ the humble duty of keeping the roads round Jerusalem for the protection of pilgrims from robbers — a volunteer constabulary — the institu- tion had waxed rich and great within ten years' time.® In 11 28 Hugh of Payens,''' one of the founders and the original Grand Master, came on a mission to the West. Henry gave him a handsome reception in Nor- ' Eure et Loir, a.d. 1 128 ; H. Hunt. ^ " Miser cognomine" ; Flor. Cont. * Ord. 885-887 ; Chron. ; Flor. Cont. ; Symeon. The three latter give the date as 27th July. Orderic gives the 28th from William's epitaph. He was buried in the church of St. Bertin at St. Omer. ■• Ord. 886. Dr. Rossler regards Dietrich as simply holding Flanders as Henry's Lieutenant (Statthalter) ; Mathilde, 96. * Sym. H.D.E. Cont. 139-141 ; H. R. p. 283; see also 260; Flor. Flambard also built a long wall from the choir of the cathedral to the moated keep (ad arcem castelli), and founded Norham Castle ; but the vaulting of the nave of the Cathedral was the work of the monks during the five years of vacancy that followed Flambard's death. He also cleared the area now known as Palace Green, which before was covered with houses (Sym. sup.'). Of his wall nothing remains, but the line of it is marked by the houses abutting on the Bailey Street. * R. Wendover, in anno, from William of Tyre. The rival institution of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem dates from the year iioo, with one Gerard as its first Warden. In 1 1 13 Pascal II. gave a Bull confirming the foundation. See the Art de Verifier, etc., V. 301, 539. ' Champagne, now Payns (Aube). AD. 1128-1129] AND HOSPITALERS 3" mandy, and sent him over to England. From thence again he went on to Scotland, that country being still willing to follow England's lead. Hugh gathered large contributions in money, and enlisted many personal recruits A Good Battle ^"^"^ '^^ Crusade, on the assurance that 'a full fight,' that is to Promised lu say a real big battle, had been appointed to be taken between Holy Land. ^^ Christians and the heathen, and that men might depend on its being fought out. ' But when they came thither it was "notKe^P nought but hes, and so the poor folk were all s winked for nought.' 1 They had gone all the way to Palestine but got no battle after all ! Once more triumphant over his foes^ and successful in all his plans, Henry returned to England (7th July, 1129).^ Early in the year he had , felt strong enough to liberate his captives, Waleran of Meulan Eetxirn and Hugh of Chateauneuf The former was fully restored to to England. f^yQuj^ jjjg castles only being kept back.^ It has been sug- gested that the charms of a sister Elizabeth, who had borne a daughter to the King,* may have pleaded effectually on his behalf. - On the 9th June * Henry had seen the Empress fairly married to Geoffrey of Anjou. The wedding festivities over, Fulk surrendered his dominions to his son, and went off to the Holy Land, to receive the hand of Melisende, eldest daughter of Baldwin II., and therewith the reversion of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.^ But alas for the vanity of matrimonial schemes ! We are told that not many days after his landing in England, Henry was followed by the news that Geoffrey, unable to endure the society of the '^ MSuda"** Empress, had turned her out of his house, and packed her off to Rouen — -a first quarrel that augured badly for the future.^ In fact, from this time forward the son-in-law of his choice became Henry's chief trouble. Two national Synods may" here be noticed, both held by Archbishop William in London; the first May 13-16, 1127; the latter apparently 30th Sept. -4th Oct.,^ 1 129. The Canons passed in 1127 ^London™ ^^""^ practically a repetition of those enacted in 11 25, traffic in church-preferment and clerical marriage being the main evils attacked.^ The Canons of 1129 have not been preserved. We are simply told that they were ' all about archdeacons' wives and priests' wives,' to be put away before the nth November, under the for- feiture of 'kirk and house and home.' The writer goes on 'But it 1 Chron. ; H. Hunt. 2 Symeon, H. R. ; Flor. Cont. ; Chron. ; H. Hunt. ' Chron. ; Symeon. * W. Jum. Cont. 306. She is given as his youngest daughter. * So Le Prevost, IV. 498, citing Chron. Tours ; Ord. 889. ^ Ord. mp. ; H. Hunt. Baldwin died 21st August, 1131. Fulk was crowned as his successor on the 14th September following ; Le Prevost ; Art de Verifier, etc. ^ Symeon, H. R, ' So Chron. ; Henry of Huntingdon gives the ist August as the date. ^ See these, Flor Cont. in. anno., and Wilkins, I. 410. 312 INNOCENT [a.d. ii 29-1 130 profited nought : they all kept their wives by the king's leave as they had done before. "^ The Archdeacon of Huntingdon gives explanatory details. Henry, after gravely approving of the decrees, persuaded the simple-minded Archbishop to leave the execution of the decrees {justi- ciani de uxorious sacerdotuni), in his hands. The result was that those who could pay a sufficient fine retained their wives. The proceeding was not a new one. The reader will remember the indignant protests entered by Anselm against this very interference with ecclesiastical juris- diction. From London Henry went down to Winchester to instal a new bishop. William Giffard, whose appointment was the first act of the reign, had died on the 25th January.^ The man chosen to succeed him was another Henrvof Blols ungrateful scion of the House of Blois, another future op- Bisbop of ponent of the rights of Matilda, Henry, youngest son of the King's sister Adela. A monk trained at Cluny, he had been quartered by Henry on the Abbey of Glastonbury.^ Appointed bishop in October he was consecrated on the 17th December.* From this time onwards to the end of the reign our sources of infor- mation, except for Church affairs, seem to dry up entirely. Under the year 1130 we have the consecration of new Canterbury Cathedral (4th May) begun by Lanfranc and carried on by others, but destined to be again destroyed by fire within the century. Four days later St. Andrew's Rochester, the Cathedral, was also dedicated, the King assisting on both occasions.^ Later in the year'' he went over to Normandy. We may suppose that he went over to arrange matters between Geoffrey and Matilda. If so Henry was doomed to be disappointed, as in Normandy '^^ course of the following year we have him coming back to England, and his luckless daughter with him. The trip to Normandy however brought him again into contact with an exiled Pontiff, and enabled him to declare himself as between two competitors for the Chair of St. Peter. The great question of the Investitures having been settled, the Church under the quiet pontificate of the Second Honorius might flatter itself that it was finally united and at rest. The antagonism of Roman factions soon brought on a new era of trouble. Honorius passed away at Rome on the 14th February (1130).''' Before the breath was well out of his Double El body, certainly before he was laid in his grave, a minority tiou to tiie of the Cardinals held a hole-and-corner Conclave, and elected Papacy. Gregory, Cardinal of St. Angelo, who took the style of ' Chron. 2 pior. Cont. ; Chron. ' " Ad procurationem sui ; " Sym. H R. Florence, Cont. and the Chronicle style him Abbot of Glastonbury ; but the Continuator of Florence under the next year tells us that an old man, William, had been Abbot, and that one Walter was then chosen to succeed him. " Flor. Cont. ; Chron. ; Symeon. ^ Chron. ; Flor. Cont. ^ 'On harvest'; Chron.; 'Michaelmas'; H. Hunt. ' H. Nicolas. A.D. 1130-1131] AND ANACLETVS zn Innocent II. To strengthen their position they gave out that Honorius was still living, and approved of their choice. The majority of the Sacred College, acting in due form, and after the burial of Honorius, elected the Cardinal Peter, son of Peter Leonis the great Hebrew financier and politician. He took the name of Anacletus II. >■ Both candidates were men of character and learning. Peter had been trained at Cluny ; he had his father's wealth and the stronger party in Rome ; and he promptly secured the support of Duke Roger II. of Sicily, already married to his sister, whose allegiance he rewarded with the grant of a crown.^ But with most churchmen his Semitic extraction would be fatal to his claims. Innocent, however, unable to maintain his position in Rome (May or June) retired to France, as Calixtus II. had done under similar circum- stances. Sailing to the mouths of the Rhone he made his way to Aries and Avignon. Cluny welcomed him with open arms (October, 1130), ' though Anacletus as an actual brother of the House would seem to have had a special claim on their support. Louis le Gros convened St. Bernard of _,.,-., . . • ^ , • , T^ caairvaux, a Council at Etampes to examine the merits of the rival Popes. Henry I. and. g^^ (.j,g impetuous eloquence of Bernard of Clairvaux, brush- ing away all technical objections, demanded and obtained a unanimous declaration for the Second Innocent. The English clergy, who had seen something of Peter during his abortive mission to England in 1 12 1, were inclined to hold back, but Bernard, again overruling their advice, secured King Henry. ' Thou fearest the sin of acknowledging Innocent ? Answer thou for thy other sins, be that upon my head.' On the 13th January, 1131, the king met Bernard's Pope at Chartres,* and gave in his allegiance, at the same time of course presenting handsome offerings. Four months later Innocent was received at Rouen, where the king procured for him further contributions from his subjects, in- cluding the Israelitish community, the kinsmen of Pope Anacletus.^ In return for all this kindness Innocent was pleased to grant, and William of Corbeil again stooped to accept, the office of Papal Legate in Eng- land. ^ In the course of July Henry came back to England, and his daughter ' See the facts stated, by a partisan of Anacletus no doubt, but very temperately, in a letter given by \V. Malm. H. N. p. 532. Anacletus was the Legate of 1121 ; above, 295. - By a Bull of the 27th September, 113c, Anacletus created Roger King of Sicily, and overlord of Capua and Naples ; Le Prevost, notes to Orderic, V. 24 and 37. ' Innocent dedicated a new church at Cluny on the 25th October ; Orderic. * Innocent signs at Chartres on the 17th January ; Haddan and Stubbs, I. 338. " Orderic, 895 ; '\^^. Malm. H. N. p. 533 ; W. Jum. Cont. 307 ; Milman, Latin C. III. 337, citing Vita' Bernardi ; Sismondi, France, V. 223, citing Suger, Vita Ludovici, p. 57, etc. The Pope signs at Rouen, gth, loth May ; Jaffe, cited Iladdan and Stubbs. ^ W. Malm. H. N. ». 456. Before 7th March, 1 132 ; Haddan and Stubbs, I. 343. 314 A MALE HEIR [a.i>. 1131-1133 with him.i Count Geoffrey however now intimated a wish for the society of his wife. His request was taken in consideration at a turns to Eng- Grand Council held at Northampton on the 8th September, ^^au^h? ^"^ ^"'^ agreed to, but the king once more thought it prudent to require the Baronage to swear allegiance to Matilda as his successor, whether they had already done so individually or not.^ It has been well pointed out that this renewed acceptance to^Matimaf^ of the Empress, after her marriage, entirely disposed of the allegation of Bishop Roger of Salisbury, if there was anything in it, that he and others had been relieved of their oaths because the King had not kept his word as to consulting them in the disposal of her hand.^ To ensure his daughter a good reception in Anjou the king apparently took the trouble of going over with her in person. If he did he must _^ „ . . have returned to England before the year was out,* as his Sne Kejoins ° ■' ' |her Husband Christmas was kept at Dunstable, * where he had founded a jou- priory of Augustinian Canons. Under the year 1132 we have a Grand Council held in London, after Easter (loth April), to consider a dispute of long standing between Urban Bishop of Llandaff, and the Bishops of St. David's and Ecclesiastical Hereford, as to the boundaries of their Sees." The matter Disputes, again came up at Councils held in London on the 8th February, 1133, and at Winchester about the 30th April in the same year. A further quarrel between the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Lincoln had also to be dealt with. But Urban's case was finally disposed of by his death, which occurred at Rome in the course of the year.'' The King, who at Christmas (1132) had been at Windsor, „ , ^ , and out of health : at Easter (26th March) 1133 paid a last Henry's last ^ „ visit to Ox- visit to Oxford, occupying the 'new Hall'* or Beaumont ^°^^- Palace, recently built outside the North gate of the city.^ During the summer we have the appointment of three new Bishops, and the establishment of a new Bishopric. Geoffrey Rufus, who had been _. ^ , Chancellor since 112^,'° was rewarded with the See of Durham, Bisnops Ap- . "J' . . , pointed to vacant since the death of Flambard in 11 28. The Kings Elyfand Sm confessor, ^thelwulf, a man whose name stamps him as an of Carlisle Englishman, was selected for the new diocese of Carlisle. This ■ foundation was not without a political object. The Scottish ' After June 29, but ' before harvest ' ; Chron. ; H. Hunt. ; Malm. H. N. ». 455. 2 Malm. sup. s. 455. ^ Rossler, Mathilde, 164. •* Flor. Cent. ; Chron. = H. Hunt ; R. de Monte ; Ann. Waverliy. " Id. ; W. Malm. //.JV. s. 456. For the matter see Haddan and S. I. 303, 309-343, who give the Council as held 24th April. ' /d, A.D. 1 133. Urban had been Bishop since 1 107. * H. Hunt. ; Ann. VVaverley. 5 See C. W. Boase, Oxford, p. 78 (Historic Towns Series.) " ¥ois, Judges, I. 79' A.D. 1 133] TO THE SUCCESSION 31S Bishops of Glasgow claimed spiritual jurisdiction over Cumberland, North of the Derwent, as having formed part of the old Kingdom of Strathclyde, otherwise called " Cumbria." ^ To exclude these pretensions, which might lead to political complications, Henry created a new bishopric for Cumber- land and Westmorland in subjection to York.^ The appointment of Nigel, nephew of Bishop Roger of Salisbury, to the See of Ely deserves notice if only on account of the long family connexion with the Treasury, begun under his uncle Roger, and destined to be continued after Nigel's death by his son Richard. This last man eventually became Bishop of London, and to him we owe the celebrated tract, the Dialogus De Scaccario? At the beginning of August Henry got ready for another trip across the Channel, fated to be his last. Usually matters of a disagreeable nature had called him to Normandy, and so it may have been on the present occasion, but it is also possible that he wished to gladden his eyes by a Birth of the ^^^ht of the hope of the dynasty, the future Henry H., the Future first-born child of Matilda, who had come into the world on Henry II. Saturday the 25th March at Le Mans.* Alarming portents delayed the King's departure. On Wednesday, 2nd August, being the Henrv's Last ^"^niversary of the death of Rufus, the Court being at the sea- Voyage to side, ready to sail, the sun suffered a total eclipse at midday ; Normandy. ^j,jig q^ jj^g ^jjj August an earthquake was felt in the Western EartUmiake counties. William of Malmesbury tells us that he saw the stars shining clearly during the eclipse ; and that on the Friday the house in which he was sitting rocked under him. On Saturday, 5th August, Henry I. took final leave of England.^ ' David of Scotland, before his accession to the throne, being clearly Earl of the dis- tricts included in Strathclyde, takes the style of Earl of " Cumbria." See the Inquest, Haddan and Stubbs, II. 17, 20; also Skene, C.S. I. 455, 456, citing Palgrave, Docu- ments, etc. , 70, where Cumbria is defined as including the Dioceses of Glasgow, Candida Casa or Whithern in Galloway, and Carlisle ; and again the Glasgow Charter No. 10, cited Haddan and S. sup. p. 22. " Sym. H.R. Cont. 285 ; R. de Monte ; Scotichron. I. 449 and II. 202 ; Haddan and Stubbs, II. 12, 28. Both Geoffrey and ^tlielwulf were consecrated by Archbishop Thurstan on 5th August ; Reg. Sacrum. ' Madox, liist. Exchequer, II. 349 ; Select Charters, 160. Nigel was consecrated 1st October, 1133, and died in 1169. His son Richard became Bishop in 1189; Reg. Sacr. For Bishop Roger's work at the Treasury see Dialogtts, Sekct Charters, 187 ; and for that of his nephew Bishop Nigel, Id. igi. Richard assisted his father in his duties, 197. 4 R. de Monte ; Ord. 763 ; and Le Prevost, V. 46, note. 5 The chronology of our writers here is confused, but the facts can be made out dearly. H. Huntingdon, R. de Monte, and John of Hexham, the Continuator of Symeon {ff.R. p. 285) clearly indicate 1 133 as the year of the eclipse and of the King's departure. The last named also gives the week-day of the eclipse as being a Wednesday ; but makes it=the 3rd August, which is wrong. The Annals of Rouen, Bouquet, XII. 785, cited Howlett, and the Art de Verifier les Dates, cited Freeman, also give 1133 as the year of the eclipse and of Henry's voyage. Wm. of Malmesbury, H.N. s. 457, and 3i6 DEATHS OF DVKE ROBERT [a.d. 1134-1135 The events of the year 1134 seemed to bring further security for the Death of Succession. On the loth February the ex- Duke Robert died Ex-Duke at Cardiff,* while about the ist June the Empress gave birth to a second son, Geoffrey, born however, not in his father's dominions, but at Rouen. ^ It does not speak well for Matilda that her return to England in 1126 had inaugurated a period of stricter confinement for her unfortunate uncle, who, having been previously at Devizes, doubtless under Bishop Roger of Salisbury, was removed from thence to be placed in the more jealous hands of Earl Robert of Gloucester.^ At the same time it shows that Robert was still looked on as a possible source of danger. According to Roger of Hoveden Henry had homage done to the infant Henry as heir in succession to his mother. But to the last the King was destined to be pressed by troubles on his right hand and his left. The Welsh were profiting by the King's absence to raise their heads, and had attacked and destroyed "Caus,"* EJsSies ^ castle belonging to Payen or Payne fitz John of Ewyas, a leading Marcher and King's Justice.^ Again in 1135 we have it that Henry heard such reports of the doings of the Welsh that he thrice had soldiers ready for shipment to England, but that thrice events occurred to arrest his voyage.^ With respect to the alleged disturbances the Welsh annals have nothing to tell us under the years in question. But we may say that their records for Gwynedd and Powys since the year 1121, when we last noticed the affairs of Wales, present as continuous a series of family feuds and family assassinations as ever. Gruffudd ap Cynan, however, still ruled in North Wales ; the numerous descendants of Bleddyn still battled for the relics of their inheritance in Powys ; while Gruffudd son of the dethroned Rhys ap Tewdwr could still be styled the 'light and strength' of South Wales. '^ With all his lawless ferocity poetic diction never failed a Celt. We might search the simple pages of the Anglo-Saxon records in vain for such a phrase as that a national hero was ' the light and strength ' of England. the Continuator of Florence, who give most details, seem to refer the events to 1 1 32; but the days of the week given by them prove the year to be 1133. In fact they skip over 1 132 altogether. The Rouen Chronicle, though right in the year, gives the day of the eclipse as the 29th July, "IV. Kal. Augt."; for which we must read "IV. Nonas Augt." 1 Ord. 899 ; Flor. Cont. ; and for the day of the month, Ann. Bee. (a.d. 1135), cited R. Howlett. 2 R_ (je Monte. ^ Chron. ; Ord. 887 ; Freeman, N.C. V. 206. We are expressly told that the change was made at the instigation of Matilda and her uncle King David. * Qy. Cause, S. Shropshire ? gf m. S.W. of Shrewsbury. ^ Ord. 900. See '¥0%%, Judges, I. 117. Cnf. Ann. Camb. a.d. 1128 ; Brut, 1125. ^ Ord. sup. ' He had no real position however. Henry had driven him over to Ireland in 1 127 ; Ann. Camb. Both he and the son of Cynan died in 1137 ; Id. (1136 Brut y T.). A.D. 1135] AND KING HENRY 317 The matter that detained Henry in Normandy was the undutiful atti- tude of his son-in-law. Geoffrey behaved as a spoiled child : he wanted GeofErev of ^o^^y- he wanted castles in Normandy. He waged war on Anjou GlYing another son-in-law of the King, Viscount Roscelin of Beau- Trouble. mont-le-Vicomte.! Then the Norman Baronage, still unrecon- ciled to the rule of the ' Lion of Justice,' shewed a disposition to abet Geoffrey, while even Matilda was not held free of blame. ^ Abetting Hiin.William Talevas and Roger of Tosny laid themselves especi- ally open to suspicion. Roger was kept in order by a body of troops sent to occupy Conches. Talevas, havirlg failed to appear after repeated summonses to court, was outlawed. But three of the last months of Henry's life were spent in giving effect to this decree. At last Alen9on, Almenfeches,^ and other strongholds having been reduced, their contuma- cious lord retired to Mamers in Anjou.* Altogether Henry was so incensed with Geoffrey that he had thoughts of taking Matilda from him. But the thread of the King's career was spun. Having once more by his personal exertions reduced Normandy to order, on Monday, 2Sth November, he came to Saint-Denis-le-Ferment,^ a little place near Gisors, some forty miles from Rouen, intending on the morrow to hunt in the Forest of Lyons. His strength and energy must have been still unbroken. But in the night he was taken ill, it was said, from having par- ^^un™^^ taken too freely of lampreys, a dish that always disagreed with him.^ His case assuming a serious aspect. Archbishop Hugh of Rouen, previously Abbot of Reading, was summoned to his bedside, and administered the comforts of religion. The King confessed his sins, and made promise of amendment ; he ordered his debts to be paid, and all arrears of salary to be settled ; the rest of his treasures he gave to the poor. Of his son-in-law Geoffrey he made no mention, and so having received the Viaticum and Extreme Unction, he passed away on Sunday, ist December, towards nightfall, in the 36th year of his reign, and the 67th of his age. According to Orderic he renewed his declarations in favour of Matilda, but the fact is not noticed in the report of the King's last moments given by one who was present.'' Among those at his bedside were the Earls Robert of Gloucester, William War- enne of Surrey, Rotrou of Mortagne or Perche, Waleran of Meulan, and Robert of Leicester. On the Monday the remains were carried in state to ' Maine et Loire. Roscelin was married to Constance, natural daughter of the King ; Le Prevost, V. 45. "^ So H. Hunt. * Orne. * August-October, 1135 ; Orderic, 900. 5 "Sanctum Dionysium in silva Leonum"; H. Hunt; Sym. H.R. Cont. ; Dept. Eure. ° " Carnes murenarum''; H. Hunt; Sym. H.R. Cont. Huntingdon however goes on to describe a chill followed by fever. ' Ord. 901 ; W. Malm. H.N. s. 457 ; H. Hunt. For Henry's actual death-bed dis- positions see the letter of the Archbishop of Rouen to the Pope, Malm. sup. 458. 3i8 SEPULCHRAL RITES [a.d. 1135 Rouen and laid in the Cathedral, where the body was embalmed after a fashion, the bowels being buried in the neighbouring church of Ste. Marie des Pre's, otherwise Notre Dame de Bonne Nouvelle, a foundation begun by his mother and finished by himself. The embalmed body was taken to St. Stephen's Caen, and kept there some weeks awaiting a favourable opportunity for transmission to England, for final burial, according to Henry's wishes, in his own foundation at Reading.^ 1 Ord. sup. ; W. Malm. sup. s. 459. For revolting details of the embalming see H. Hunt. 256. CHAPTER XXI Character of Henry I. — Estimate of his Rule — His Administrative Reforms — The King's Justices — The Exchequer and its Proceedings — The Pipe Rolls — Revenue of Henry — ^Monastic Foundations — Architecture of the Reign — Literature — The King's Issue. IN bodily make Henry I. conformed to the family type, ' being a stout man of middle height, with an ample chest, and inclined Appearance to corpulence. His eyes beamed with serene self-confidence and beneath the mass of black hair that overshadowed his fore- Cnaracter of Henry L head.^ Pleasant and ready in conversation, but not a maker of set speeches, he became jocose as soon as business was M^ers"* disposed of. In spite of the traditional cause of his final illness, Malraesbury describes him as a moderate man in his eating, and still more in his drinking, but a heavy, stertorous sleeper. In energy and determination of purpose he was not one whit behind his father or his brother Rufus ; but he possessed a self-control, and a command of temper that were not theirs. Diligence, circumspection, and foresight were also his. A thorough politician, indefatigable in picking up information as to all that was going on, whatever he heard he remembered.^ A man of peace, and not a shed- fSAbuSy'^^'' °f '^^°°'^' '^^ shewed as great ability in the conduct of a campaign as in the Council Chamber. His diplomatic victory over the Papacy in the matter of the Investitures was a signal triumph. His management of the Scots was most happy. In the suppression of baronial license, the crying evil of the times, he never spared his own exertions. ^ If he levied heavy taxes for his expeditions to Normandy, that was an inevitable result of the con- nexion with the Duchy. He had his duty to fulfil by his Continental as well as by his Insular subjects. But even in his taxation, as we shall see, he was not unmerciful, certainly not in his later years.* Unmerciful William of Malmesbury, describing him as equally persis- tent in his likings and dislikings, ^ implies that he was ' " Crine nigro et juxta frontem profugo, oculis duke serenis, thoroso pectore, carnoso corpore" ; W. Malm. G.R. s. 412. * " Audita tenaci memorise commendabat " ; Ord. 823. ' " Nee facile quam diuturnos sudores in talibus {i.e. maintenance of public order) effuderit enumerem " ; Malmesbury, j«/. 411. "Vehementi pollens industria"; Ord. 823. * W. Malm. G. R. s. 390. ^ "Odiiet amicitise in quemlibet tenax"; G. R. s. 411. So too in fact Orderic, 310 320 CHARACTER [a.d. 1100-1135 unforgiving ; while Henry of Huntingdon, representing hostile views, taxes him with cruelty, avarice, and treachery. Fond of money But not a ^^ certainly was, and a man of nice honour he certainly Man of was not. The pledges of his coronation charter were violated, onoiir. ^i^g ^^^ ^jj^ without scruple, but he does not appear to have been incapable of keeping faith with individuals. Nor was he vindictive to his enemies, except in the case of men who, like the unfortunate Luke de La Barre, or William of Mortain, had wounded his royal pride. In the horrible case of Juliana of Breteuil, it must be remembered that Henry took no personal part in the mutilation of his grandchildren : what he did was to give them up to be dealt with after the lex talionis, possibly through a ghastly sense of justice. On the other hand we find him again and again pardoning and reinstating men who had wantonly taken up arms against him. Two of the five Earls who stood by his deathbed were pardoned rebels. Henry preferred to win over men by management and clemency, rather than drive them to extremities by severity. Henry of Huntingdon again describes the King as an inscrutable man, a man of unfathomable dis- ^le^Maja*" simulation.^ This again was perhaps true, but the instance given hardly bears the writer out. Robert Bloet, the Bishop of Lincoln, had been mulcted by the King through some judicial proceed- ings, and felt much aggrieved. When friends assured him that the King still spoke of him in friendly terms, he answered with a groan, ' The King never speaks well of a. man unless he means to ruin him.' Yet Bloet died in full favour, riding at the King's right hand. In his par- . tiality for legal proceedings as a mode of undermining Use of Legal obnoxious magnates Henry might be compared to Edward I. Weapons, -pj^g irregularities of his private life, again, have been brought against him, but these did not affect the nation. He was, no doubt, a selfish man, but his interests, wisely conceived, coincided with those of the people. " Destroying his enemies, he destroyed theirs."^ Nor was he without feeling for the lower orders, as shewn by the restrictions he imposed on the exactions of his followers during his pro- gresses.^ On his general merits as a King he is entitled to appeal to the . ^ ^ ^- voice of the clergy and people of his time, which with one Higb Esti- . . . mate of his accord proclaim him their friend. ' Good man he was, and own Age ijjickle awe was of him. Durst nane man misdo against other on his time. Peace he made for man and deer {beasts).' * So 805 ; but he distinctly negatives the allegation that Henry was more mindful of injuries than of benefits. " Servientes divitiis et honoribus remuneravit." The high position of the men who suffered at Henry's hands "gave an exaggerated idea of his severity. The fall of such men appealed to the popular imagination. 1 " Summse simultatis erat et mentis inscrutabilis " ; Z>e Cont.Mund. 300. 2 Stubbs, C. H. I, 341. " Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 192 ; Malm. G.R. s. 411. * Chron. E. A.D. IIOO-II35] OF HENRY I. 321 too the Abbot of Mont-Saint-Michel styles him ' the father of his people, the King and guardian of the poor.'i His subjects knew him as the ' Lion of Justice.' * Higher praise no ruler need wish for. But of all earthly honour and success Henry clearly attained to the ^^Su?o™sT^* fullest measure. Malmesbury and Orderic thought him the greatest King on record, certainly the greatest of England's Kings, thus exalting him above the Conqueror. The Welsh Annalist described him as a man ' with whom God alone could contend.'^ Henry, unlike his father, was a man of cultured mind and versatile tastes. Even in his busiest hours his fondness for books never deserted him. He considered that he had learned valuable lessons from ^*^ ^"^"^l^^y books. His favourite saying was that an unlettered King was but a crowned ass.* Men of learning were invited to England, but personally, we are told, the King was not much in the habit of reading aloud, nor did he join very audibly in the re- sponses in church.' We take it that he could read, probably write, Latin and French fluently. With an English wife, English mis- tresses, and an English confessor, after numerous expeditions with forces largely recruited in England, we may well suppose SlngiSf '•'^^' Henry could speak English. Direct evidence of his acquaintance with English legal phraseology, however, is sup- plied by an entry in the MS. Register of St. John's Abbey Colchester, the foundation of Eudo the Dapifer. The original charter having been lost, a fresh one was drawn up by the monks, and sent over to Henry, who was then in Normandy (1119). The charter was handed to 'John of Bayeux,' i.e. the son of Bishop Odo, to read aloud. He could manage the Latin, but coming to some technical terms in English he stuck. Henry took the parchment from him, and read and explained to his circle the meaning of the cabalistic terms '■'■ Soc, Sac, Toll, Team, etc." The King, after considering the document awhile, turned to Eudo, who was present, and said, ' But for thy sake I would never grant such rights. And well he might hesitate, the grant being most sweeping, and amounting to an entire concession of all Royal prerogatives. ^ ' " Pater populi rex et tutela pusilli. " R. de Monte, 126; " Justitise rigore inflexi- bilis provinciales quiete, proceres dignanter continebat " ; Malm. stip. ; " Ecclesise tutor pacisque sereniis amator " ; Ord. 902, also 805, 823. So too Sym. Ji. H. Cont. 286. Even the biographer of King Stephen calls him " pax patriae gentisque suae frater " ; Gest Stephani, p. i. (Rolls Series, No. 82, Vol. III. Howlett.) 2 "Leo justicise"; Ord. 887, from the supposed prophecy of Merlin; also Suger, Vita Lud. G. ; Duchesne, Hisl. Fran. Scriftt. IV. 295. ^ Brut y T. p. 129. * "Rex illiteratus asinus coronatus " ; W. Malm. G.R. ». 390. ^ " Quamvis ipse nee multum palam legeret nee nisi summisse cantitaret " ; lb. ^ See the communication of Mr. J. Horace Round, Academy, 13 Sept. 1884. Apart from some misspelling, due doubtless to miscopying, the terms in the charter can all be identified and explained. R. H. — VOL. II. Y 322 ADMINISTRATIVE AND [a.d. 1100-1135 Unconscionable as a game-preserver, Henry would have kept all the hunting in England to himself. Few were allowed to sport in their own woods. The Forest Laws were kept up in all their horrible of^Sport severity. Dogs in the neighbourhood of the forests were mutilated. 1 At the same time Henry took an interest in animals and natural history, and had a menagerie at Woodstock.^ Henry was not a legislator. The so-called Zi?^« ^^^w/ /"«;«/, ^ apart from the first two chapters, which give his coronation charter, and his charter to the City of London,* are not an authoritative enact- ■^'^ Laws^^*^ ment at all. Nor are they even the work of a practical lawyer, but of an antiquarian, intended however as a legal text-book. The author was apparently a Frenchman, a clerk in the King's service at Winchester, who wrote between the years 1113 and 1118,^ so that the work does, on the whole, represent "the law of the time of Henry. On the other hand Henry did a great deal towards bringing the adminis- tration of tlie kingdom into shape, by organizing both the legal and the fiscal, Adml " t systems, the two in fact running into one, the same machinery tive serving for both. In this work he had the able assistance of Organisation, gighop Roger of Salisbury. Henry's policy was one of centrali- zation, in the interests of the Crown. In the county courts under the old English system local influences had been supreme. Local mag- ^''courte'*^ nates presided, and all business had to pass through the county court. Nothing could be brought before the King, under ordinary circumstances, except by way of appeal from the county court. Henry cut down local influence as exerted through the county courts in two ways. On the one hand he narrowed their jurisdiction by depriving them of the cognizance of the higher class of cases — ' Pleas of of'tbe Crown. ^^ Crown ' as they were called {placita de corona) — such as suits relating to land between tenants in capite — removing these into his own CuriaRegis.^ On the other hand he sent down officers from his own Court, King's Justices {JusticicB), to sit as assessors to ^^E^? the Sheriff in the county court, and represent the central authority. From this practice the system of judicial circuits takes its origin. We have distinct cases of such iters under Henry j'^ but more commonly we find men holding standing commissions to act as 1 Ord. 823. 2 W. Malm. G. R. s. 409 ; H. Hunt. De Cont. Mundi, 300 ; Pipe Roll, 88. Lap- penberg says that Henry also had a collection of animals at C^en. ^ Schmid, 432 ; Thorpe, I. 497. * Also in Fcedira, I. II, and Select Charters, 103. ' See Dr. Liebermann, Quadripartitus, and Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eiig. Law, I. 3, 76. The Latin rendering of the Anglo-Saxon Laws seems to come from the pen of the compiler of the Leges Henrici, who is also the author of. the Quadripartitus. * See the Ordinance, Fcedera, I. 12 ; Select Charters, 99. ' See Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. I., 423. A.D. IIOO-II3S] LEGAL REFORMS 323 King's Justices, and sometimes for several counties at once. A further step was that of appointing men connected with the Curia to be Sheriffs of counties. In this way the King and the presiding officer of the Curia would have in their hands "the reins of the entire judicial administra- tion." 1 In connexion with this we may again notice the fact, already referred to, that Henry for his Justices and agents selected men of moderate position, Normans or Frenchmen of course, such as the Corbels, Clintons, Bassets, Riddels ; men well connected, but not Domesday tenants-in-chief, and therefore despised by the great feuda- of ExoSeauer 'O'^i'^^ ^^ nobodies.^ It is possible that the establishment of the Court of Exchequer as a special branch of the King's Court may also date from this reign. ^ Apart from the above innovations the action of the county courts was still kept up as of old. The full court met twice a year under the Sheriff, or the Sheriff and the King's Justice conjointly. The Bishop, stiU^'ForMf ^^'^'' '°'^'^^ °'^ ^^""^ ^^^ ''^^'^ stewards, with the parish priest and the reeve and four men from each township, are still required to attend.* The gemot is still competent to declare folk-right in all cases civil or criminal, except those specially called up by the King to the Curia Regis ; the suitors are still judges as well as witnesses. Com- purgation and the Ordeal still hold their ground, but Norman trial by battle has become fully established.^ For the organization of the Exchequer we have the evidence of the Pipe Rolls, the earliest of our Royal Accounts, a series begun under _ Henry I. and carried on to the time of William IV. The Exchequer: term " Scaccariu?n," Exchequer, first appears under Henry I. Its Procedure, -[jnder the Conqueror and William Rufus we hear of the "Fiscus" or "Thesaurus." " Scaccarium," or Chequer Board, properly denoted the table on which the audit was conducted, the name being The Cheouer ^^'^'^^'^ from a certain resemblance to a chess-board, the table Table. being divided by white lines into columns according to the How tiie system of notation then in use. Separate columns are Money was marked out for pence, shillings, pounds, twenties of pounds, hundreds of pounds, and thousands of pounds. The sum paid in by each man was marked, not by figures, but by counters deposited in the appropriate columns, the sum due by him being marked on the board in like manner as a debtor account. Thus the sums in the several columns could be compared without the mental effort of much addition or ' Id. 424 ; J. H. Round, Mandeville, 107. ^ See above, 243, and Stubbs, sup. 338, ^ Foss, Judges, \. 94. ♦ Stubbs, sup. 425, 426. See Henry's Ordinance, sup. where he requires the county courts to be held at the times and in the places customary in the time of the Confessor ; adding that he can always summon extra courts at will if necessary. " Quando voluero facianj ea satis summonere propter mea dominica necessaria. " 324 FROCEDURE [a.d. 1100-1135 subtraction. How far the system of the Exchequer was derived from Normandy, and how far it was based on old English use we cannot tell. We know nothing of the earlier fiscal practice either of England or Nor- mandy. The business of the Exchequer must have been greatly system- atized by the Normans, and especially by Roger of Salisbury under Henry I. But we have already seen reason to hold that a good deal must have been derived from earlier times. In one particular we can detect a bold attri- The Proce- '^'^'^'°'^ °f ^" English system to Norman invention. The prac- dure proteWy tice of requiring certain payments to be made in whited or ^SgUst blanched silver, i.e. silver tested by actual assay was certainly partly English, not Norman.^ But in one passage the author of the Dialogiis de Scaccario seems to claim it as something due to the jealous prudence of his great-uncle Bishop Roger.^ So in other respects old institutions may have been claimed as new. EXCHEQUER BOARD.^ £1000 £100 &20 £1 S. Due 9 9 ® 9 9 9 9 999 999 999 99 9 9 ®®o 999 999 9 £ s. d. 1,283 6 2 1,163 3 I 120 3 I Paid in Due Paid in Balance left owing ... Of the Pipe Rolls of the time of Henry I. unfortunately only one has come down tous, that for the thirty-first year of his reign (1130-1 131), but a precious record it is, and from it for the first time we get a definite view of the revenues of an English King. But this view is not as ^ Hemy"i.°^ complete as we could wish, because the Roll is, to a certain extent, defective. The entries on the Pipe Rolls are arranged by counties, the sheriffs being the principal accounting parties, but originally all branches of the King's Revenue were brought into these Rolls. In the course of time as fresh sources of income were developed new subsidiary accounts were started, with finally an all-embracing series both of Receipt and Issue accounts in the Pell Rolls. 1 See above, vol. I. 524. » Dialogus, sup. 186. " From Mr. H. Hall's Inb-odticHon to Pipe Rolls, p. 37. A.D. II0O-II3S] IN THE EXCHEQUER 3^5 Twice in the year, at Easter and Michaelmas, the sheriffs were sum- moned to the Exchequer audit, wherever it might be held, in London or Tiie Ea t elsewhere, to ' proffer ' {proferre, profrum facere) the sums for and Miciiael- which they were accountable, or so much thereof as they were mas Audits, ^^^j^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ,pj^g Easter payments were held pay- ments on account, the Easter audit being styled a " Visus Compoli" or 'View of Account,' not a strict " Comfotus " or final account. The parties paying in money at Easter were given receipts in the shape of tallies, slips of wood on which their names were written, with the sum '^Mlles^^ credited to them marked by notches cut in the wood.^ The Exchequer retained counter-tallies notched identically. At the Michaelmas audit each man's account for the financial year was closed, and the ' Great Roll,' as it was called, made up.^ If the accounting party had paid in full he received his quittance — " Et quietus est " being entered to his name on the Roll. If he had not settled fully the amount due was recorded against him, " Et debet £ — ." If perchance he had paid in more than was due the balance was credited to him, " Et superplus- ^^ AcMMts!'^* ff^wOT habet £—." Credit was also given to him for pay- ments made by him either under established custom, or by special warrant from the King or Treasurer, such as expenditure to secure approvers {probatores) as King's evidences, charitable allowances, pen- sions, wages to crown servants (Liberationes), and expenditure on public works . The liabilities of an outgoing sheriff were taken over by his successor, in consequence whereof the Pipe Rolls in time became overloaded with entries of bad debts, hopelessly lost, but still carried forward '°*forwar?f'* religiously from year to year, with the stereotyped answer on continuing the part of the sheriff, " Nihil, quod inde nihil habuit " Sheriffs. (Nothing paid in, because he received nothing). It appears that the sheriffs were held primarily responsible for all payments due by collective groups, not for those due by single individuals.^ The reader will readily believe that every technicality, every legal presumption ran in favour of the King and against the accounting party. The first item taken in each sheriff's account was the " Firma Comi- tatus" the 'ferm' or farm-rent at which the King's manors, and the ordinary incidents of justice as administered in the County and Hundred ^^Kent™*^ Courts, were assessed. As the items are nowhere specified we cannot tell exactly what the " Corpus Comitatus," as it was called, comprised. The items were too well known to need telling. ■* It 1 For engravings of tallies &ts Lancaster and York, I. i6o; H. HaW, Introduction to Pipe Rolls, 65 (Pipe Roll Society, 1884). 2 gee Dialogus, sup. 204. ^ Dialogus, 224-226. ' For the Pipe Rolls generally see H. Hall, sup. A record of the County Ferms was kept in the Liher Excutorius. Dialog. 326 BRANCHES [a.d. 1100-1135 was a general principle of the finance of the times to farm out the different branches of the revenue, leaving the farmer to collect the ^^med^ouif^ items and make what he could of them. The assessments were apparently fixed by the itinerant justices.^ But as the Kings' revenues might be swelled by forfeitures, so they might be dimin- ished by grants of land made by him to deserving followers. If these were taken from the possessions assigned to the sheriff at his ' ferm,' a corresponding allowance had to be made to him ; and, ac- " '^' cordingly, the terrcz dates, as they were styled, form a regular deduction from the sheriff's account. The first item always taken on the Roll is the balance, if any, left owing by the sheriff on account of his ' ferm ' at the close of the previous year ( Veius Firmd). Then come the payments on account of the ' ferm ' for the current year {Nova Firma), with the appurtenant deductions. Payments by the sheriff and others on account of Danegeld and other incomings not included in the Corpus Comiiatis then follow; these include all the incidents of feudal MisceUaneous tenure, Wardships, Reliefs, Fines for marriage, felons' goods, purees of also penalties imposed by the Justices in Eyre. Customs' duties or other indirect taxes nowhere appear.^ They would be included in the farm-rents either of the counties or of the chartered towns. Thus the Revenue would be practically derived either from the land, or the tenure of land, the administration of justice, or fines arising from the exercise of the prerogative. We have also a Donuvi ^ from the towns, sometimes assessed by themselves, sometimes by the justices.* For our purposes we find it convenient to give the Revenue under three heads, namely, the County Ferms, Danegeld, and Miscel- Kevenue. laneous Receipts. The counties of Somerset, Worcester, CountvFerms Hereford, and Salop are wholly wanting on our Roll, while Oxfordshire and others are defective. Danegeld from Hants is also wanting. Pembroke now figures as an organized county, while the men of Glamorgan, treated as an Honour or large Barony, are called upon to account. Very little, however, is got out of them. So with respect to the Lancashire lands between the Ribble and the Mersey. The men are called to account, but pay in nothing. As for the Danegeld, we gather generally from the Roll, and from the Danegeld the ™°'^^ express statements of other authorities, that it was raised Rate at which annually.^ The rate is not given on the Roll, but the Dia- was e e . lgg^^^ ^g Scaccario tell us that it was two shillings on the ' Dialogus, 201, 21'}, 227. The County Ferms could not be lowered, but might be raised by the judges. ^ Except that one-half of the customs (theloneum nauium) of Winchelsea was let to the Abbot of Fecamp for £i,o (not paid), p. 71. ^ Also in some places styled auxilium, but not one of the three strict feudal Aids. * Dialogus, 227. ' So H. Hunt., A.D. 991 and 1136, and the Leges Henrici Primi, cap. 15. A.D. IIOO-II35] OF THE REVENUE 327 hide. This statement is confirmed by Henry of Huntingdon,^ and by the fact that on Henry's Roll the assessment for the five western counties comes to more than one-third of the amount paid by them under the geld of 1084, which was levied at six shillings the hide; and so, in a word, two shillings is the rate usually accepted by scholars.^ If, as we seemed to find in Domesday, the hide was estimated as worth about j^i clear per annu?n, two shillings on the hide would amount to ten per cent., a terrible tax. Even five per cent, would be a heavy impost, and, accordingly, we find the Danegeld very badly paid, the arrears sometimes going back for four and five years. No Danegeld is returned from Durham, Cumber- land, or Westmorland, but we have apparent substitutes in the shape of taxes on cattle, styled in the first case ' cornage ' and the latter two cases geldum animalium.^ It will be seen from our table that though the impost stood in the King's books at ^^4,200, the King only received ^^2,300, remitting ;!^i,785, while ;£i46 was still claimed from the sheriffs. Under our third head we sweep in everything but Danegeld and County Ferms. It will comprise the Dotia from the towns, returns from the forests, returns from mines (Devon and Cumberland), fines ''^'EeMiDte'"^ ^°'' encroachments on the forests {essarts, purprestures) murder-fines, special judicial penalties {Placita), probably im- posed by the King's Court or by Justices in Eyre, compositions for offences J , {cofiventiones, oblatd), fines for royal licences, with all the well- Heiresses, known feudal incidents in their worst shape. The hands of Minors' women are sold ; the estates of minors farmed out.* Countess Estates Lucy of Chester having been thrice married, and thrice left ■ a widow, has to promise a thousand marks of silver (^666 13^. \d!) to be allowed to live a single life for five years certain. On this transaction the Queen gets a percentage of twenty marks. It should, however, be borne in mind that this tyranny fell mainly, if not exclusively, on the Baronage, the tenants-in-chief. Again, the king seemed to regard himself as the general heir of wealthy ecclesiastics. Whatever they leave at death may be swept into his coffers.^ The See of Durham, ^FEmaed^** the only one vacant at the time of the Roll, is farmed out for some ;^428 a year, two years' payments coming into the account, besides ;^23o from the under-tenants of the bishopric.'' Lastly, 1 \}\.sup. 2 SoStubbs, C.H. I. 411 ; Round, Feudal England, 55. The Leges Henrici Primi, however, give the rate as twelve pence the hide, c. 15. ^ Pipe Roll, 131, 141. * See e.g., for the lands of Roger of Berkeley, Pipe Roll, p. 133 ; for the lands of Roger of Molbrai, 137. Men p,iy for offices of trust, and again have to pay to be relieved of them. See further cases given, Stubbs, Const. Hist. I. 414. ^ So e.g. at the death of Ralph Flambard, the Bishop of Durham, Sym. H.D.E. Cont. 141. So in the next reign we shall find it at the death of Bishop Roger of Salisbury. ^ Pipe Roll, p. 130. 328 TOTAL REVENUE [a.d. 1100-1135 the Jews, only heard of in London, appear as a distinct source of income. We find several of their number fining to be allowed to enforce ^ toe^ews"™ *'^^'"' '^l^i™^ o'l debtors; while the whole body is charged _;£2,ooo for a sick man alleged to have been killed by them.^ It must be admitted that on the Roll the King's justice bears a very venal aspect. But even so it was hailed as a boon in comparison with the sufferings entailed by private war and baronial oppression. The Queen's Gold, of which one instance has just been given, was an extra percentage on so-called ' voluntary ' offerings ^ to the King (pbldta et conventiones), exceeding 100 marks {;£66 135. /\d.) in amount. ' The impost seems to date from this reign, though some notices of analogous payments are found in Domesday. In the case of Countess Lucy the rate was two per cent. The writer of the Dialogus gives it as a mark of gold {£,6) on one hundred marks of silver {£66 135-. ^d.), say ten per cent. ; and he says that efforts were being made to extend the tax to all sums above ten marks {£6 13^-. /^d.), and in fact, on that footing the Queen's Gold was eventually established, namely, ten per cent, on all fines and oblations to the King of ten marks or upwards ; and so it con- tinued down to the time of Charles I.^ The year's Revenue then will stand thus : — County Ferms (including arrears) ;^il,o82 9 8 Danegeld (Id.) 2,302 3 7 Other Receipts 10,883 ° i £2^,267 13 4 For Missing Counties add, say one-eighth -. 3,000 o o £27,267 13 4 With every reasonable allowance we may take it that Henry's income did not reach ;^3o,ooo.* According to the estimate formed by us of the income of the Conqueror, an estimate based on data drawn from Henry's Roll, this income should have been equivalent to ^^i, 500,000 or _;£2, 000,000 of our money. Henry's policy of employing men of moderate station in life has been already noticed. Orderic stigmatizes them as- basely born and raised from the dust {de pulvere). That only means that they were not Fiscal Montgomerys or Beauraonts. But it is a fact that on Henry's °*HfflirTf ^"^ Pipe Roll not a single earl appears in any position of financial trust. Under the Second Henry we shall find them freely employed. Altogether at Henry's death we seem to trace only eight English Earls ; viz., those of Gloucester (the King's son Robert), Surrey ' Pipe Roll, 146-149. 2 " Qui in pecunia numerata regi sponte se obligant ;" Dialogus, 256. => See Ellis, Domesday, I. 171. * The sum of ;,f66,ooo given as the gross amount of the Revenue of the year by Bishop Stubbs, C.H. I. 415, must have been made up by including all the unpaid arrears, as well as the value of the lands actually given away by the King ( Terrce Data). A.D. II00-II3S] MONASTICISM 329 (William Warenne II.), Warwick (Roger of Beaumont), Leicester (Robert II. of Beaumont), Bucks (Walter Giffard III.), Chester (Ralph II. surnamed "Gernons"),^ Richmond (Stephen of Brittany),^ with the combined earldoms of Huntingdon and Northampton held by David of Scotland. Henry on the other hand was ready to grant charters to towns and Trade Guilds for the encouragement of industry.^ The practice of con- ceding municipal rights to communes was assuming considerable propor- tions in France, but it may be questioned whether on either side of the Channel the King looked to anything beyond the profit of the fine or rent secured by the transaction. Monasticism was renewing its youth by one of those periodical revivals necessary to its existence. Self-abnegation seemed to have become a passion. " Man could not inflict upon himself too much P,evlvai° humiliation or misery." The true Christian life was to be "one long unbroken penance."* In the previous century the rules of Cluny had been thought the perfection of monastic rigour and monastic virtue. Now Cluny was deemed lax in comparison with the austerities of Clairvaux. England was not behindhand in the Foundations movement. In 11 18 the new Order found its first home in England at Waverley in Surrey, through the zeal of Bishop William Giffard of Winchester.^ Furness,^ Neath (Glamorganshire), Tin- tern,'' Rievaulx,^ Fountains,^ Calder (Cumberland),^" followed in quick succession. But the great feature of the reign was the introduction of the Order of the Black or Augustinian Canons according to the Rule of St. Augustine of Hippo, as resuscitated by Ivo of Chartres circa 1080. No fewer than some 35 Houses were either founded or refounded for the Order under Henry I. We give their names in our Appendix to this chapter. Henry's great foundation was Reading Abbey for Benedictines, the building now unfortunately a mere mass of ruins. The first stone was laid in 1121. The charter is dated in 1125.11 He is also said to have endowed the Abbey of Cirencester, the Priory of Dunstable, and the churches of Ste. Marie de Mortemer and Ste. Marie du Pre, otherwise Notre Dame de Bonne Nouvelle, both at Rouen. The latter, however, was a work begun by his mother.12 Two new Bishoprics we have also seen set up by Henry, namely Ely (1109), and Carlisle (1134). ' Son of Ralph Briquessart, who died in 1128 or 1129. ^ Brother of Allan II., and second son of Allan Rufus ; Doyle, Official Baronage. ^ %z^ Select Charters, 102-106; Fcedera, I. 10, II ; Pipe Roll, 5, 37, 114. * Milman, Latin Chr. III. 329. ^ Ann. Waverley. * Originally founded by Stephen, afterwards King of England, at Tulketh, outside Preston, in 1123; and removed by him to Furness some three years afterwards ; Sym. H. R. p. 267. '' Ann. Camb. 1 130, 1 131. * Chr. Melrose, 1132. " Monasticon, V. 286 ; Freeman ; W. Newburgh, I. 49, 50. " Haddan and Stubbs, II. 27 ; Monasticon, V. 339 ; a.d. i 134. " Monasticon, IV. 28. ^'^ Ann. Dunstable, a.d. 1135 (Rolls Series, No. 36, vol. III.) ; Orderic, 901. 33° CHURCH [A.D. 1100-1135 If we cast a glance across the Border we shall find the whole Church of Scotland reorganized during this period. We have Bishoprics established for Moray and Dunkeld (before 1115), for Aberdeen (1125, of'scotiaiia transferred from its earlier seat at Mortlach), for Brechin (1128-1130), for Ross and Caithness (1130); with the old Galloway See of Whithern revived (1126).! These Bishoprics were made territorial, not tribal as the jurisdiction of the earlier Scottish bishops had been, while the beginnings of a parochial system may also be referred to this period.^ Again in 11 13 David, being then Earl of Cumbria, brought monks from the reformed Benedictine monastery of Tiron in France to found a House at Selkirk : in 11 28 they were removed to Kelso. In 11 18 he founded an Augustinian monastery at Jedburgh,^ while Holyrood, also for Augustinian or Black Canons, followed in 1128.* Canons of the same Order were also introduced at Dunkeld, St. Andrew's, and elsewhere to oust the Culdees, canons apparently of an indigenous type, who had lost caste, either through natural decay, or for want of conformity to the usages of the Church at large. ^ With churches and monasteries springing up in all directions the ArcMteoture Guilder's art could not fail to flourish. Of the extant remains of the of Norman-Romanesque church architecture in this country ® ° ■ great part must be referred to the reign of the First Henry. At Canterbury Lanfranc had led the way, rebuilding the cathedral (1070- 1089), recently destroyed by fire.® His choir, perhaps like ■ that of St. Stephen's Caen, was found too small, and was pulled down to be rebuilt on a grander scale by Prior Ernulf, afterwards Bishop of Rochester (1093 ?). The work was carried on by Prior Conrad, who succeeded Ernulf in 1107. Malmesbury tells us that there was nothing in England to be compared to it.''' The church was dedicated in 1130,' But Conrad's choir was destined to be destroyed by fire in 1174.^ Of Lanfranc's work little can be seen, but a good deal of his building probably remains in the cores of the piers of the central tower, encased in later additions. The existing nave retains the dimensions of his nave. To * See Haddan and Stubbs, II. 24, and 190-217. ^ See Skene, Celtic Scotl. II. 365, etc. 3 Haddan and Stubbs, stip. ; Id.\'^, i6 ; Chr. Melrose. * Chronn. Melrose and Holyrood. See generally the list, Haddan and Stubbs, II. 181, from MS. Cleopatra A. XII. f. 56. ^ For the Culdees see Haddan and Stubbs, sup. 175. The name seems derived from the Irish Cele De [Servants of God), a name applied to monks and hermits. They are first heard of about the year 800. The writers think that they were Secular Canons following a rule akin to that of Chrodegang of Metz (circa a.d. 757, regulated by the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle, a.d. 817). « 6 Dec, 1067 ; above, p. 86. 1 0. P. p. 138. s Above, 312. ' Gervase, Script!. Decern, 1290- 1294. His description of Conrad's choir is taken from earlier accounts by Eadmer ; R. Willis, Canterbury, 9. A.D. IIOO-II35] ARCHITECTURE 33i Conrad, not to Lanfranc, belongs the Western crypt, though Lanfranc's pillars may have been used.^ Of Conrad's work something may be seen in the wall-arcading and wall-piers of both of the choir-aisles, as far East as the towers of St. Andrew and St. Anselm, which are his. The Eastern transepts are also his, but remodelled internally by William of Sens (1175- II 78?). The window-heads of the choir-aisles are likewise due to Conrad, though they have been raised 3 feet 8 inches above their original positions, the stones having been taken down and replaced. Externally, fine speci- mens of the work of Ernulf and Conrad may be seen in the staircase- towers ^ on the West sides of the two Eastern transepts, and in the buildings connected with the North-East transepts. " The pillars of the choir, pier- arches, and clerestory above are wholly the worK of William of Sens." ^ The rebuilding of Rochester Cathedral was begun by Bishop Gundulf (1077-1108), and continued by his successors Ralph of Escures (1108), „ . Ernulf (1115), and John (1124). In 1130 the church was dedicated.* The fine West front, partly restored, exhibits the original plan, all but the central window. The inner face of the West wall retains the original wall-arcading. Beyond the West front and ruins of of a detached tower on the North side, nothing is to be seen externally of the church of 11 30, but internally, the piers, arches, and triforium of six bays of the nave remain. Two bays of the nave, the central tower, transepts, and choir are Early English, the original work (Gundulfs?) having tumbled down. But in the oldest parts we may trace in the zig-zag mouldings of the arches, and the clustered piers of the nave, a distinct advance on the work of Ernulf and Conrad at Canterbury. Chichester, begun soon after 1082, was not dedicated till 1148. The plan and large portions of the existing fabric, including the lower arches, and most of the triforium, and greater part of the Norwioii. "^^.ve, are original.^ At Norwich the choir, tower, and transepts must be ascribed to Bishop Herbert Losenge (1091-1121) ; the nave to his successor Everard (1121-1146).^ The new Minster at Ely, begun by Abbot Symeon of Avranches (1082- 1093), and continued by Abbot Richard of Clare, was dedi- cated in 1 106.'' To Richard we owe the extant transepts.* So at Winchester we have the transepts, almost unchanged, of Bishop WlnciieBter ^^^"^^''" (1070-1098.) The long nave, encased in the later ■ work of William of Wykeham, is there still. Walls and piers are both " Norman." ^ 1 Willis, sup. 39, 67, 73. 2 See engravings in J. Britton, Cathedral Antiquities, I. Plates V. and vii. ^ Willis, sup. 73. * Above, 312. 5 See R. Willis, Hist. Chick. Cathedral (1861). " So Blomefield, cited Britton, sup. II. 20, and Plates. ' Thomas of Ely, Angl. Sacra. I. 613. * Lysons, Magna Britannia. ^ G. W. Kitchin, " Winchester," 56 {Historic Towns). 332 DEVELOPMENT [a.d. 1100-1135 The foundation stone of St. Peter's Gloucester, was laid in 1089, and the church consecrated in iioo.i The lofty piers, arches, and Gloucester. .^ . ^ , . ... , , . trifonum of the nave confront us still ; so apparently do the piers of the choir, but hidden by the elaborate groinings of later days.^ Peterborough, begun by John of Seez in 11 18, and finished borousk ^y Abbot Martin in 1140,^ was not however dedicated till 1 143,* but the greater part is extant.^ At Exeter the transept-towers are the work of Henry's diplomatist William of Warelwast (1107-1137).'' At Hereford Bishop Robert Losenge (1079-1095) is said to have rebuilt the cathedral church.'' But the work was still going on under Reignhelm (1107-1115). To this period belong the piers, arches, and triforium of the nave, choir, and South transept." St. Mary's Carlisle, was dedicated in rii8 as a Priory of " *■ Augustinian Canons. The choir and transepts are extant.' The Priory became a Bishopric in 1133. At Lincoln the newly founded cathedral of Pxmigius was ready for con- secration in 1092. The central portion of the existing West front is his work. This includes five rounded archways on the ground floor, and the arches of the two aisles above. But the arches of the three central doors are enriched with zig-zag mouldings of later date. The rudeness of the work as compared with that of the rest of the building shows the immense strides that architecture made in the ensuing century. Exact details of special interest are forthcoming in connexion with the great Minster, the final resting-place of St. Cuthberht The church of Ealdhem was pulled down and a new church begun by Bishop William of St. Carilef in 1093.1° He died in January 1096, having built the choir and one bay of the nave. So far the mouldings of the arches are plain ; there are no zig-zags. The transepts were added by the monks during the vacancy of the See (1096-1099) ; and, with the transepts, we have the addition of a triforium passage to the clerestory, there being no such passage in the walls of the choir. This triforium-clerestory, if we may call it such, is a distinct feature of the architecture of the period." From the second bay to the West end of the nave, up to the vaulting of the roof {usque ad testitudineni), was the work of Bishop Flarabard, and here zig-zag mouldings make their appearance. Lastly the vaulting of the nave was accomplished by the monks during the five years' vacancy that 1 Hist. Man. Glouc. I. II (W. H. Hart, Rolls Series, No. 33). ''■ Britton, sup. V. Plates viii. and xix. ; Freeman, N. C. IV. 389. ^ Hugo Candidus, 76 (Sparke, Scriplt.). * Monasticon, I. 351. ^ Britton, sup. V. and Plates. " Monasticon, II. 513 ; Freeman, sup. 378 ; Britton, sup. IV. Plates iv. and v. ' W. Malm., G. P. p. 300. « Britton, sup. V. and Plates. ^ Bp. Creigliton, " Carlisle" [Historic Towns.) '■" Sym. H.D.E. p. 128. " As at Romsey, and Christchurch Oxford. A.D. IIOO-II35] OF STYLE 333 followed Flambard's death (1128-1133).! Throughout choir and nave we have clustered piers, to carry vaulting ribs, alternately with massive cylindrical piers. Choir, nave, and transepts as well as aisles seem to have been vaulted from the first. The vaulting of the choir has been re-done, but the vaulting of the nave seems to shew what that of the choir must have been, the plan being the same, except that the cross ribs of the nave have Pointed Arches, a feature that we could hardly ascribe to the time of William of St. Carilef. If clustered piers are to be found at Winchester, Rochester, and Norwich, still Durham may claim to show the Nave and earliest vaulted nave, and the first Pointed groinings in Great First Pointed Britain. We may mention that at Durham the pointed arch ATCiies. . makes its appearance exactly in the situation, and under the circumstances, in which it is first found in Continental churches, namely, in the cross ribs of the vaulting, having been adopted from purely structural considerations, to lessen the outward thrust of the arch, and so gain stability for buildings boldly roofed with masses of stone.^ The nave of Durham must have been well advanced in 1104, when the remains of St. Cuthberht were translated ^ from their resting place in the Cloister Garth, to a new shrine prepared for them, behind the high altar, and just in the centre of the semicircular Norman apse.* The 29th August was the day fixed for the interesting ceremony. In the course of the preparations the actual state of the venerated remains was of Eemains niuch discussed. The orthodox view was that the body was of St. Cuth. there, whole and uncorrupt. But some ventured to question the presence of any real relics of the Saint ; while others main- tained that if the body was there at all, it could only be in a state of utter dissolution. To set such doubts at rest an investigation was made by night on the 24th August by Prior Turgot and nine monks, our historian Symeon being one of them. All had duly sanctified themselves before- hand by prayer and fasting. When the sepulchre was opened a huge wooden chest was found, hooped with iron, and covered with leather, studded with nails. With some hesitation the chest was broken open, and then another wooden chest appeared inside, wrapped in coarse linen cloth of triple thread, which was at once recognized as the coffin described by Baeda. After further prayer, and with much devout fear and trembling, ' Symeon H.D.E. Cor.t. 139-141. The allegations seem clear. Flambard found the work completed to the nave, i.e. the second bay of the nave, as the building itself shews. " Usque navem Rannulfus jam factam [ecclesiam] invenit." He carried on the nave " circumductis parietibus ad sui usque testitudinem." The vaulting of the nave was the only thing left to be done after his death, and then " eo tempore navis .... peracta est." ^ See Viollet-le-Duc, ZlzrfjraKrtzVs. ' "Ecclesia. . . . nonparva ex parte perfecta." Sym. H.D.E. Auct. p. 24S. * Ex relatione Dean Kitchin of Dmham. The apse was subsequently pulled down to make way for the existing Galilee to the East of it, but the foundations of the apse have recently been explored and may be seen. 334 RELICS OF ST. CUTHBERHT \k.v,. 1100-1135 they raised the lid, to find a copy of the Gospels lying on a plank sup- ported by cross bars that concealed all below. On the threshold of further discovery fresh hesitation seized the party. But a couple of iron rings in the plank suggested that it was meant to be raised. When raised it dis- closed the body of the Saint, lying on his right side, whole and fragrant, as if in sweet sleep. Beside him had been deposited a quantity of relics, including the head of St. Oswald, the bones of Aidan, and Baeda, etc., etc. The latter were eventually removed to be entombed elsewhere.^ The head of St. Oswald, however, was allowed to remain, while the body of St. Cuthberht, wrapped in precious vestments, was replaced on its back. Personal articles reinterred with the Saint included an ivory comb, a pair of scissors, a little silver altar, a paten and a chalice, the latter carved out of an onyx supported by a golden lion. To satisfy the public that complained of the secrecy of these ex parte proceedings a further inspection was granted in "the presence of a distin- guished audience, among whom were Alexander, afterwards King of Scot- land, and two future Archbishops of Canterbury, namely, Ralph, then Abbot of Sdez, and William of Corbeil, then a priest in Flambard's house- hold. Ralph of Sdez was deputed to touch and handle the body of the Saint, so as to satisfy all that it was really incorrupt. On the 29th August (1104), as arranged, the remains, enclosed in a third outer coffin, were carried in procession round the Minster, and then laid in the new shrine.* At the suppression of the Monastery, the shrine was destroyed, but the Saint's coffin was reinterred underneath the place where the shrine had stood (1541-1542). There St. Cuthberht was left in peace till the year 1827, when his coffin was again opened, and he was found, alas ! no longer whole and uncorrupt, but reduced to the state of a skeleton. With him, however, were duly found the relics reinterred in 1104.^ We cannot go on to give details of the other architectural monuments that have come down to us from the reign. The tower and Otlier ArcTii- teoturai Ee- transepts of St. Alban's are earlier than the time of Henry I. mains of the fhey were built by Lanfranc, in whose hands the Abbey was, under the supervision of his reputed son, Abbot Paul (1077- 1088).* But the church was not dedicated till 1115.^ Tewkesbury Abbey must be noticed as being a twin structure with St. Peter's Gloucester, and of the same age. Southwell Minster again (Nottinghamshire) must be pointed out as an extremely fine specimen of the art of the period.® ^ Bceda's remains lie within the Galilee. '^ . See the full account evidently written by Symeon, but not penned till after 1122, H. D. E. Aud. 248-262. ' Dean Kitchen ut sup. For the examination in 1827 see Canon J. Raine's "Cuthbert" (Durham, 1828). * Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 15. See Freeman, N.C. IV. 399. ' Above, 282. "> See Arch. Institute, 1848, p. 211, and the engravings. A.D. IIOO-II35] THE SEASONS 335 If Henry gave England a time of peace and immunity from lawless out- Bad Seasons ""^S^' '^^ could not guarantee fine weather. His reign seems to have passed through a cycle of bad times, mostly in the way of autumnal rains, leading to failure of crops, followed by dearth and mortality, both among men and beasts. The years 1 103, 1 105, Pestilence. mOj and iiii were marked by these dismal features, the last year ending with a very severe winter, when even the birds died.^ So in France 1109, mo, and iiii were years of famine.^ On the loth October, 11 14, we have an extraordinary low tide in the Thames and Med- way, when men were able to ford the river below London Bridge .^ This suggests a season of extraordinary drought, the weather being always in extremes. A hard winter ensued, followed again by a wet summer. In 1 1 16, rain fell from the month of August till February in the next year, the crops failing in both years.* The Peterborough chronicler, to whom we owe most of these facts, regularly couples the record of a bad year with a complaint of the King's " gelds." Apparently he wrote from the point of view of one who held that churchmen had no business to contri- bute to secular taxes, but the pressure of Danegeld of course would be severely felt in bad years. In 1 1 18 a terrible gale, destructive to trees and buildings, was ex- perienced on the 2ist December. So too in France, where it '^^oSes*^^^ ^^^ accompanied by floods in the Seine.^ Just three years later a great storm passed over all England on the 24th Decem- ber,^ when even stone buildings were blown down. In 11 22 we have two 'mickle winds,' one on the 21st March, the other on the 8th Septem- ber,'' both rather unusual times for such tempests. But the most dismal picture of dearth is given us under the winter of 1124-1125. 'Ful heavy year was it. The man that had any goods they bereaved him of them with hard gelds and hard 'sizes {moies). He that had none died of hunger.' We are told that from Christmas to Candlemas (2nd February) the two ' seedlips ' or basketsful of corn needed to sow an acre of wheat cost six shillings, the three seedlips needed for an acre of barley costing the same sum, and the four seedlips needed for an acre of oats costing four shillings. Again, under the year 1125, we have a great flood in August, when bridges were carried away, and men drowned ; the whole autumn continu- ing wet, with dearth and mortality to follow. Finally, 1131 witnessed the outbreak of an extraordinary murrain or plague among cattle and swine, one that emptied stalls and pigstyes for two years at least. Not a town- ship was free from it. ' At last the hen-fowls died.' ^ Altogether one-third ' Chron. ; Flor. » Ord. 839. -" Eadmer, H.N. 225 ; Chron., Flor. < Chron. " Chron. ; Ord. 847, 851. The gale in France was felt on the very saine day. " Chron. A.D. 1121 ; Symeon, H. E, 3. 203. ' Chron. » Chron. ; W. Malm. H. N. s. 456. 336 LETTERS [a.d. 1100-1135 of the years of the reign must have been marked by calamities connected with atmospheric disturbances. The literature of the period must not pass unnoticed. For the ver- nacular we have little to show beyond the annals of the Peterborough Chronicle, (very corrupt English) and some Homilies.^ Nor- man ascendancy could not be expected to foster the culture of the native tongue ; and so, for the time, it sinks from the rank of a liter- ary to that of a merely popular speech.^ But for works composed in Latin a considerable expansion begins to appear. The writings of Lan- franc and Anselm of course belong to the literature of Europe, not of England. But those exceptional men had been followed to England by minor lights, priests and monks of a scholarship and learning much above any previously known to Britain. To Ernulf of Beauvais we owe, besides his architectural work at Canterbury and Rochester, the compilation of the Textus Roffensis, perhaps our most important collection of Anglo- Saxon Law, still preserved at Rochester.^ David the Scot {i.e. Irishman), appointed Bishop of Bangor in 1 120, was a literary celebrity. He had been chaplain to the Emperor Henry V., and had written a history of his struggle with Pope Pascal. William of Malmesbury, while condemning the Bishop's partisanship, condescended to borrow useful matter from his book.* Again, in 1128, Gilbert the Universal, the wonder of his age, was called by Henry from his canonry at Lyons to preside over the See of London. 5 Robert of Gloucester, and Walter Espec " of Helmsley, the founder of Rievaulx, like their royal master, patronised men of letters. Geoffrey Gaimar was assisted by them with books.'' Altogether we have new and higher subjects taken up, arid old ones handled in more effective style. As literary compositions the works of Eadmer and William of Malmesbury rise distinctly above the productions of earlier workers in similar fields. Symeon, Florence, Henry of Huntingdon were all writing in the reign. Hagiology flourished in the hands of Osbern of Canterbury and ^Ired of Rievaulx. Even in writings of this class " a finer taste and better Latinity " become perceptible.* Then we hear of the Epigrams of Godfrey Prior of Winchester,^ "happily caught from Martial," with a purity of style "noteworthy for the Middle Ages." So again we have verses by Reginald of Canterbury {circa 11 20) on Legendary and other subjects.^** Henry of Huntingdon also tried his hand at Epigrams and 1 Kington Oliphant, Standard English, 67, cited Freeman. For the York Bidding Prayer, of older date, but doubtless then still in use, see Simmons, Lay Folks Mass Bsok, 62. 2 Freeman, N.C. V. 525. ^ ggg Schmid, xxiii. * G.R. ss. 420-426; Orderic, 763; Geoffrey Gaimar, Man. Hist. Brit., S29. ^ " Gilbertus cognomine vero universalis " ; Flor. Cont. a.d. 1128; Reg. Sacr. ^ Espec or Espoit ; modem ",pivert,"=^/ir«j viridis,= green woodpecker ; Godefroy. ' See his " Estorie des Engles." Mon. Hist. Brit. sup. ' Te.n'&Taik, Hist. Engl. Literature, I. 128. (Translation Kennedy.) * W. Malm. G.R. ss. 441, 444. i» Ten Brink, sup. 129, 130. A.D. IIO0-II3S] AN^ SCIENCE 337 miscellaneous writing.^ More interesting is the disposition to turn to- Mattematio ^^''^^ mathematics and natural science as subjects of study. and Natural "As early as 1082 one Garland appeared as the author of a Science. Computus, and a treatise on the Abacus. Roger, ■ surnamed Infans, composed a new Computus about the year 1 1 24 ; " while Athelhard of Bath,^ drawing from Arab sources, promulgated treatises on astronomi- cal and mathematical subjects, including the elements of Euclid. Above all in his allegory De Eodem et Diverso, and his QucRstiones Naturales he asserted the rights of reason and scientific enquiry as against the tyranny of current dogmatic theology.^ But from the purely literary point of view the feature of the time was the outburst of Romance, and especially ot the Arthurian cycle of Ro- mance. William of Malmesbury in his Gesta Regum had Arthurian sought to enliven his pages, or to fill up gaps in his narrative, omance. j^y introducing entertaining stories, gathered from various sources.* Prophecies attributed to Ambrose Merlin of the time of Vorti- gern, rewritten and brought down to date, so as to include references to events of the time of Henry I., were thought worthy of insertion in the sober narrative of Orderic.^ He tells us that he took them from a little book of Merlin's,^ being probably one of the works from which Geoffrey of Monmouth shortly afterwards compiled the wonderful Gesta Britonum, supposed to have been translated by him from Breton or Welsh ; but in all likelihood only transcribed from Latin texts, of which we had an early issue in our Nennius (a.d. 800-831).'' Celtic feeling had been greatly stirred by the subjugation of England by the Normans, and hopes excited that were not destined to be at all realised. Disappointed nationality con- soled itself with literary effort. Turning from poetical romance to the daily work of education we have to notice the first mention of Oxford as a place of instruction. In 1133 Master Robert Pulein began to lecture there in theology. His ^^oSord ^* reputation was such that it was said that Henry offered him a bishopric, but that he decUned it. Eventually in 1145 Pope 1 " De Amoi-e " ; " De Herbis " ; Satirical Poets of 12th Century, II. 163. (Wright, Rolls Series, No. 59.) ^ pjpg Roll, 31 H. I. p. 22. ^ Ten Brink, sup. * See ss. 168-175 ; ^n. between Sept. 1143, and March 1144 ; while the fact that another of those present was chaplain to William of Corbeil, who died in 1136, throws the Council back to that year. It seems impossible therefore not to connect the confirmation of Stephen's title, unquestionably given in 1 136, with the proceedings at Rome described by Foliot and the Historia Pontijicalis . ' See the account given by Foliot, Epp. Foliot, No. 79 (J. A. Giles) ; comparing that in the Historia Pontijicalis ; Pertz, Mon. Hist, Germ. XX. 543. This composition, a fragmentary chronicle of affairs I148-I152, attributed to John of Salisbury, introduces its account of the trial at Rome in connexion with an application to Rome made by Stephen in 1151 to have his son Eustace crowned King in anticipation : the writer seems 35° STEPHEN CONFIRMED [a.d. 1136 friend of the Bishop of Winchester, as already mentioned ; and as a good Steplien Con- churchman had adopted his view that Stephen was the candi- flrmed Dy date from whom the Church had most to expect.^ Accordingly °P®' without further ado he addressed.a letter to Stephen ' King of the English,' confirming him in all honours vouchsafed to his predecessor by the Holy See.^ Innocent grounds his decision on appeals made to him by the Enghsh Episcopate, by the King of the French, and Count Theobald ; on assurances that Stephen had been elected by the ' unani- mous assent ' of nobility and people ; and lastly on his own ' sure hope ' of the King as one who on the day of his coronation had promised rever- ence and obedience to St. Peter. ^ The last passage is the important one. Whether the Archbishop had exacted any special pledges from Stephen at his coronation, or whether the Pope was mixing up the the original pledge given at Winchester with the coronation oath we cannot say.* The latter is perhaps the more likely view. The reader will notice that the French King also approved of Stephen. The promotion of his vassal of Anjou and Maine to be also lord of Normandy and England would be a serious matter for him. But Stephen, as King of England by a doubtful title, with a still more slender hold on Normandy, would not be likely to give much trouble. So far matters were running smoothly for Stephen ; so much so that E bert of 1^°!^^'^'^ °f Gloucester felt driven to come over to England to Gloucester organize a party on his sister's behalf. But this would involve comes over, g^jjjg dissimulation on his part, as it would be useless, if prac- ticable, to come over as an avowed opponent of the King. Stephen's title would have to be recognised if the Earl was to be allowed to come over in peace, and retain his estates, and have opportunities for intriguing. We are told that Robert had great scruples of conscience about the mat- ter ; but that, finally, regard for Matilda's interests overpowered all other considerations.^ Soon after Easter, much about the time that the Pope's to give the fact that Stephen had been recognised by one Pope, as the reason why his son could not be recognised by another Pope. (!) ' Dr. Rossler, Matkilde, 139, points out, as undoubtedly proved to be the case, that the special interests of the Papal Curia vifould be furthered by the recognition of Stephen. ^ " In eadem honoris et familiaritatis praerogativa qua praedecessor tuus ... a nobis coronabatur." ^ R. Hexham, 147, 148. The letter is expressly given as belonging to the year 1136, and must have been received in England in April, before the issue of the Oxford Char- ter, which evidently refers to it. * Henry of Huntingdon too refers to the "pacta" made with 'God, the people, and the Church ' on the day of the coronation ; p. 258. But his account of these matters is confused and inaccurate. * " Erat igitur anxius prudentissimus comes, ut illos (sc. those who had taken the oath to Stephen) delicti coargueret, et ad saniorem sententiam prassenti coUoquio revocaret ;. nam viribus obviare . . . nulla dabatur facultas : cui nimirum nee in Angliam venire liberum erat, nisi quasi defectionis eoriim particeps, mentis suae arcanum ad tempus dissimularet " ; W. Malm. H.N. p. 541. A.D. 1136] ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER ■ 3Si letter must have been received, he crossed the Channel ; came to court ; was received by Stephen with all honour, and did homage — as Homage^ so many others had done. This much is undisputed, but of the terms on which the Earl's allegiance was rendered we have two accounts. William of Malmesbury, Robert's follower, represents his patron's fealty as rendered conditionally, namely on condition tte?erm°^ of the King's maintaining him in all his honours, and observ- ing certain compacts entered into between them.i Stephen's Biographer gives the more likely account, that the Earl having made some preliminary demands — presumably as to the retention of his honours and estates — and these having been granted, did homage in the usual course.^ With his submission, we are told, almost all England had been brought over to the King's obedience.' Stephen, in the simplicity of his heart, may have been of the same opinion. Henry I. dealing with a magnate under similar circumstances would have picked a quarrel with him at the earliest opportunity, and had him tried and condemned in his Curia Regis. But if the laity were loyal and contented, the clergy with the Papal letter in their hands, having as it were fulfilled their part of the compact, felt entitled to call on the King for more definite pledges as to his attitude towards the Church. A Grand Council was convened at Oxford,* where again the attendance of Magnates, spiritual and temporal, was Cbarter^ large. Among others the Earl of Gloucester was present. A second Charter was issued, which must have been drawn up by the clergy, as it might be described as a concordat with the Church, a one-sided concordat, in which the King surrendered everything that the clergy were pleased to demand. The concessions to the laity were vague and trivial. The exordium in itself is significant when compared with the exordium to the Charter of Henry I. Henry styled himself ' Son of King ' " Itaque homagium regi fecit sub conditione quadatn, scilicet, quamdiu ille dignita- tem suam integre custodiret, et sibi pacta servaret " ; H.N. sup. See also p. 545, where Stephen is taxed with having broken his word ; but the conditional character above ascribed to the homage does not come out so clearly there. ^ " Hie itaque cum regiis mandatis et scriptis ssepius ad se venire commonitus tandem affuisset, gratiose et excellenter susceptus, qusecunque postulavit, exhibito regi hominio, fait ad votum assecutus"; Gesta, 10. The writer evidently thought the homage ren- dered in all good faith. But he shakes our confidence in his record by adding that Robert had been urged to lay claim to the Crown, but that he had refused to oppose the rights of the late King's nephew, Stephen. ^ Gesia, sup. * See John of Hexham (the Continuator of Symeon), who thought the Council sum- moned in compliance with the Pope's letter; Sym. H. R. p. 288 ; Gesta, 17, iS, where the Oxford Charter (wrongly given as issued in London) is treated as a mere arrangement with the clergy ; and William of Malmesbury, H. N. s. 464, who says that the Bishops having sworn a conditional allegiance to Stephen, that is to say, ' so long as he should preserve the liberty of the Church' (quamdiu ille libertatem ecclesiffi . . . conservaret), he in return swore the Charter. 332 THE CLERGY SET FREE [a.d. 1136 William, by the grace of God King in succession to his brother William.' ^ Stephen, omitting all reference to his descent, styles himself, ' By the grace of God elected King of England by the assent of clergy and people, con- secrated by William, Archbishop of Canterbury and Legate of the Church of Rome, and confirmed by Innocent, Pontiff of the See of Rome.' The King then by a stroke of the pen emancipates the Church. " Sandam ecclesiam liberam esse comedo.'' These words, interpreted as they would be by clergymen, would carry anything. The Charter, however, proceeds to specify coricessions which perhaps might be regarded as limiting and defining the first words. Stephen condemns Simony in every shape. He makes over to the bishops all jurisdiction over ecclesiastics, their persons and property, including the distribution of their effects after death. This last grant doubtless had reference to one of the malpractices of Henry, who used to lay violent hands on the property of defunct clergy. The King then confirms to the churches all ' dignities ' granted to them by their ' privileges,' {i.e. by their book-charters), and all customs held of old. He makes over to them absolutely and without appeal (sine reclamatione) all estates held by them on the day of the death of his grandfather King William ; and all benefactions made to them since that time. With respect to holdings enjoyed by them before the death of King William, but not at that time, he reserves a discretion. The property of a vacant benefice to be under the charge of the clergy and good men of the same. As for conces- sions to the people in general, he promises to maintain peace and justice to the best of his ability — a mere repetition of his coronation oath — and to put down all unjust exactions and '■'■ miskenningas " ^ introduced by the sheriffs and others, and to maintain all good old laws and customs in the matters of ' murders ' and other legal proceedings. Of any modification of the feudal incidents that weighed so heavily on the baronage we have not a word. The only special concession to the landowners is in the matter of the Forests. The King disclaims all such as were afforested by Henry I., retaining only those of the times of the two Williams.^ The great feudatories apparently did not trouble themselves to extort conces- sions from Stephen. We may suppose that they looked forward to practi- cal independance, each man in his own castle. The summary of the Charter current among the people was that the King had granted the free- 1 Select Charters, 96. * Rendered in Latin mislocutio, ■variatio loquelm ; being apparently fines for leave to alter or amend pleadings and proceedings in law suits. See the London Charter of Henry I. s. 8 ; the Leges Henrici Primi, c. 22 ; and the glossary in Schmid. An insist- ance on strict formalities in legal proceedings might easily become an instrument of petty oppression. * W. Malm. H. N. s. 464; R. Hexham, p. 148; Select Charters, 114; and Statutes of Realm, from a copy preserved at Exeter. As for the date of this Charter, it must be placed after Easter (22nd March), as Earl Robert attests it, but before the end of April, when Hugh Bigod revolted ; H. Hunt. A.D. 1136] FROM STATE CONTROL 353 dom of canonical election ; had abolished the forests of Henry I. ; and remitted Danegeld. ' But he kept none of these things.' ^ Canonical election is not specified in the Charter. It would certainly be claimed as essential to the 'liberty' of the Church. But Stephen had already recog- nised it. In a Charter issued at Easter appointing Robert of Lewes to be Bishop of Bath the appointment is expressly based on canonical election. " Canonica prius electione precedente" ^ England as a whole kept fairly quiet during the year, but sporadic outbreaks kept the King on the move most of the time. At Rogation- tide,^ a few days after the break-up of the Oxford Council, a report was spread that Stephen was dead. The ready Hugh Eigod at once occupied _. . . Norwich Castle, and Stephen had to march an army to the Norfoli and spot to compel him to give it up. This affair having been NortU Devon, ^g^^jg^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ y^^^i jj^g jrjj^g ^^^ ^^y^^^ gg- jQ j^Qj.jj^ Devon to suppress what might on the face of things appear to be the mere lawlessness of a robber baron, but which in all probability was connected with a political movement of a serious character. Robert of Bampton, on the borders of Somerset,^ a man of considerable property and high connexions, having established a little garrison in his castle had been oppressing the neighbourhood in Continental style. He was summoned before the King's Court, condemned to forfeiture, and ordered to give up his castle. But on his way to Bampton under escort to give effect to this decree, he managed to escape, and declared himself in revolt. Stephen came down on him, and forced him and his crew to abjure the realm. ^ No sooner was Robert of Bampton disposed of than reports of an alarm- ing nature were received from Exeter. The whole of Devon was being stirred to revolt. Baldwin of Rdviers, or Redvers as the name became in English, was taking the lead, and had seized Exeter Castle. His father Richard, a native of the Cotentin, had been throughout his life one of the most faithful followers of Henry I.'' The son followed his father's pohtics. As he was not Sheriff of Devon, or Constable of Exeter Castle his inten- ' H. Hunt. p. 258. ^ Round, Mandeville, i8, 21. This is one ot the Charters from which the list of witnesses above given is taken. In tlie new Rymer, I. i6, it appears, without date, after the year 1153. « April, 26-29. * H. Hunt. ; Ann. Waverley. * " De Batthentona," Gesta ; " Bakentun, Battentun " ; the various MSS. of H. Hunt. Mr. Howlett would identify the place with Bathampton in Wilts. But Lappenberg identifies the man with " Robertus de Baentona " who appears as a Devon landowner in the Pipe Roll, 31 H. I. 153, 154, and as a late Essex landowner in a Charter of H41, given by Round, Mandeville, 140, who identifies " Baentona" with Bampton N. Devon. This identification is supported by the fact, that from the Gesta it appears that the place was within a day's march, or rather a nights' ride of Exeter. That would apply to Bampton, but certainly not to Bathampton. ' May ; Gesta, 18-20 : H. Hunt. Robert retired to Scotland, the headquarters of Matilda's friends. ' See Ord. 689, 783, etc. Richard died in H07 ; Id. 833. E. H.— VOL. II. A A 354 FIRST [a.d. 1 136 tions in taking possession of the fortress could not be doubtful. ^ The men of Exeter, not caring to be forced into rebellion, appealed for help to Stephen, who promptly sent forward a detachment of two hundred horse, who, riding all night, entered Exeter just in time to save the city from being sacked and burned by Baldwin out of spite. He retired to the castlcj situate in the North East corner of the city. The for- ExelfeTcastle ^"^^^^ ^^ accurately described as perched on a lofty mount, in fact a kijioll of red volcanic rock, banked up with earth at top, and known locally as ^^ovigenjont. The primitive earthworks had been girt by the Normans with retaining walls of solid masonry, supported by flanking towers and a gate-house.? We also hear of a drawbridge and an outer barbican.3 The King coming up the castle was invested and be- sieged in regular form. Baldwin himself, however, had retired in time, leaving the defence to be conducted by his wife and sons, a practice not uncommon in those times. Night and day, we are told, the garrison was harassed with assaults. Showers of njissiles, arrows^ fiery darts, stones from shngs were poured upon them. All the engineering devices of the time were called into play.ii Wooden structures were pushed forward, some to command the battlements, sorne to cover mining operations. Un- fortunately the castle was built upon a rock. The JECing's men, however, managed to carry the barbican and destroy the drawbridge, but for nearly three months the strength of the walls defied their assaults. At last, how- ever, the garrison found themselves reduced to extremities from want of water, their two wells running dry. Negotiations for a capitulation were opened, the besieged trusting to support from secret sympathisers known to be in Stephen's camp. But Stephen at first, by his brother's advice, refused even to see the envoys. The Bishop's observant eye had detected signs of physical exhaustion in the men. Nor would Stephen even listen to the appeal of Baldwin's wife when she came, barefooted and dishevelled, to plead for mercy for her followers. The secret sympathisers then had to come forward to put pressure upon the King. One noteworthy argument urged was that the garrison had taken no' oaths of allegiance to him ; they were only doing their duty by their immediate lord,^ a consideration ad- mitted by Henry I. in the case of Belleme's men at Arundel in 1 102— so ' Gesta, 21 ; Pipe Roll, 31 H. I. 152, 153. ^ " Castellum . . . editissimo aggere sublatum, muro inexpugnabili obseptum, turribus . . . calce confectfs firmatum " ; Gesta, 22. See Clark, Military Architec- ture, II. 22 ; and the plan given by Mr. Freeman, N. C. IV. 153. ' "Promurale"; Gesta, sup. * One passage seems to suggest a Roman testudo (see the cut in Smith's Antiqq.], men supporting large shields over them. "Cum armatis aggerem incessu quadrupede conscendentibus " ; Gesta, 23. Two men approaching a wall under cover of a shield would malce a four-legged machine. ^ "Illos non in regiam majestatem jurasse, nee nisi in fidelitatem domini sui arma raovisse"; Gesta, 27. A.D. 1 136] TROUBLES 355 little hold on men's minds had the Conqueror's new rule obtained as yet. But, unlike Henry at Bridgenorth, Stephen had no loyal English army to back him up. He was surrounded by mercenaries and ConT^ntion. baronial contingents. Finding himself as it were alone he yielded at discretion ; the rebel garrison were allowed to march out, not only with life and limb, but actually with all their goods, and free leave to join any lord they pleased ^ — a ' wretched precedent ' ^ as the Archdeacon of Huntingdon felt bound to remark — and so it proved to be. We may say that the Exeter Convention rang the knell of Stephen's administration. During the siege Plympton and Totnes, places held by friends of Bald- win, had been surrendered to the King, and Baldwin's Devonshire estates well harried. 5 But Baldwin himself had not lost heart. The Isle of Wight was almost wholly his ; and he had there a castle, well-manned and victualled, whose name is not given, but presumably Carisbrook. On that basis he proposed to establish a piratical empire to rule the Channel. But Stephen gave the would-be Carausius no time to mature his ambitious scheme. Committing Exeter and Devonshire to the care of his brother Baldwin ^^ pressed on to Southampton and called for shipping. Bald- driven from win then condescended to ask for pardon, but failing to obtain gaud. j|.^ retired from England with his wife and sons, to find a friendly shelter at the Court of Anjou.* Highly elated with his victory over Baldwin of Redvers, the King went off td hunt at Brampton near Huntingdon, as if there was nothing to call for his presence elsewhere. We are also told that he took the opportunity of holding a Forest Assize, an act regarded as involving a breach of the one definite pledge given to the laity in the Oxford Charter — another bad omen for the future. We must suppose that by these proceedings Stephen resumed forests that he had promised to disclaim.^ But meanwhile the most serious events were happening in the newly- annexed parts of South Wales, and there again Stephen betrayed a distinct want of determination and sound policy. A series Wales.*" of disasters were suffered by the Norman Plantation Lords, as we might call them. We have already noticed the defeat in Gower on the first day of the year.^ The natives then began to raise their heads in all directions. Stephen sent some of his ^tags. '^" mercenaries to restore order, a task for which they were pro- bably but ill-fitted. We are assured that they distinguished themselves by sundry exploits,''' but that having lost some men they got tired of the work, and in the end beat an inglorious retreat. ^ * June-August; (?«^a, 21-28. ■* " Pessimo consilio usus"; H. Hunt. 'So others took to holding their castle against him ' ; Chron. ^ Gesta, 23, 24 ; and notes Howlett. * Gesta, 28, 29; Flor. Cont.; H. Hunt. ; R. Hexham, 146. ^ H. Hunt. " Flor. Cont. ; Gesta, 11. ' " Multis egregie perpetratis " ; Gesta, 11. ^ Id. 3S6 REVERSES [a.d. 1136 One leading baron whose name does not appear among the witnesses to Stephen's charters of the spring was ' the noble and loveable '^ lord of Cardigan, Richard of Clare, son of Gilbert to whom Ceredigion had been committed in iiii. To keep the country in subjection Gilbert had built the castles of Aberystwith and Aberteivy, otherwise Cardigan.^ Richard's absence from Court in 1136 is accounted for by the fact that he had made some weighty demands (magna quczdam postulasset) of the King ; that his demands had not been complied with, and that thereupon he had retired to Wales, as was supposed, meditating revolt.^ But the fates were against him. Journeying through Gwent by way Ctoe KUled "^ Abergavenny he was escorted as far as the river Grwyney or Gronwy, the frontier of Brecheiniog, by Brian of Walling- ford,* the governor of Gwent. Crossing the river on the way to Crickhowel, with an insufficient escort, and preceded by a fiddler, as if to give warn- ing of his coming, he had to enter a wooded pass. There he fell into an ambush laid for him by Morgan of Caerleon, son of Owain, and was killed, the only man of the party to lose his life.^ The reader will notice that even in Gwent, the oldest conquest of the English in Southern Wales, there was still a local chieftain who could venture to take up arms against them. At the report of the fall of ' the greatest magnate in Wales,'^ the natives flew to arms. Gruffudd ap Cynan, who still ruled Gwynedd, sent his sons Owain and Cadwalader, ' two brave lions, two blessed Invasion of ^^^^ ... the ornament of all the Britons ' — to invade Cere- Ceredigion. digion. Men from Powys co-operated. Many strongholds were stormed and burnt, including Aberystwith, " Dinerth," " Caerwedros,'' and the castles of Walter of Bee and Richard de la Mere. Nothing having been done by Stephen to strengthen the position of the Anglo- Norman settlers, a second invasion of Ceredigion on a larger scale was undertaken towards October. This ended in a signal victory for the Welsh, as the ' lions ' of Gwynedd had the support of Gruffudd of South Wales (son of Rhys) as well as that of chieftains from Powys and Bre- cheiniog. We are told that the ' French ' had rallied all their forces from the Severn to the Teivy, including the Flemings from Ros. Stephen Constable of Cardigan'' and William and Maurice* the sons of Gerald of ' "Nobilis atque amabilis"; Flor. Cont.; "Vir sincera generositate insignis j Gesta, 12. 2 Brut. p. 105. Gilbert of Clare died in 1 1 17. Ann. Camb. ' Gesta, sup. * Otherwise Brian fitz Count, being the son of Allan Fergant, Count of Brittany ; Chron. A.D. 1127. ^ iSth April, Flor. Cont. ; Ann. Camb. ; Brut. (a.d. 1035) ; and esp. Girald. Camb. VI. 47, 48. ' " Summum Walensium primatem succubuisse " ; Gesta, 12. ' Second husband of the lady Nest. ^ See Girald. Camb. I. x. A.D. 1 136] IN WALES 357 Windsor are named among the leaders. The final action must have been fought to the North of the river Teivy, and apparently in the 'French" at streets of Cardigan, as we are told that the Normans and Cardigan, pigmings having been routed, some fell by the sword, others perished in the flames, while others again were drowned in the river, the bridge having broken down under them in their retreat. Numbers of men and women were carried off as slaves.^ The widow of the fallen Richard, Alice, sister of the Earl of Chester, was shut up in a castle that still held out, and there she was beleaguered till Stephen sent Milo, the Sheriff of Gloucestershire, to release her.^ At reports of disturbances of very minor importance, Henry I., in the last year of his life, was prepared to cross the Channel to assert his position in Wales. Stephen was not stirred even to cross the Severn in person to rescue his lieges from destruction. He contented of^Se Kinff''^™^^^'^ with sending, at intervals of time, petty expeditions, that ended in ignominious failure. Baldwin brother of the late Richard of Clare, was provided with the means for raising a force of some five hundred men, with which he marched as far as Brecknock. There he halted, finding the roads broken up and beset with foes. When his money was spent he retraced his inglorious steps. Again Stephen commissioned one Robert son of Harold to retrieve matters in Wales. This man was the lord of Evvias, the grandson of Ralph Earl of Hereford, "the son of Drogo of Mantes and of Godgifu the daughter of King ^■Ethelred."^ Robert went so far as to establish a castle, which he thought impregnable. But no sooner was his back turned than the Welsh gathered in their thousands, and stormed and destroyed his work.* Stephen was then induced to listen to the base suggestion that it would be a pity to waste any more money on Welsh expeditions. The Welsh The Settlers ^'^°'^^'^ "^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ 0^" devices. When their numbers in Wales left had been thinned by iriternecine feuds, with famine and pes- err a e. (.jig^j^-g ^^ follow, a more favourable opportunity for intervention would arise.^ The first to suffer from this cold-blooded policy were the honest Flemish settlers in Ros, a great thorn in the side of the Welsh. Next year (1137) we hear that Gruffud ap Rhys of South Wales, as the grand achievement of his life ' conquered Ros,' inflicting great slaughter on the Flemings. In attempting to succour them Payen or Payne fitz John, a leading Marcher, Henry's Justice in Eyre for the counties of Gloucester and Staffordshire, lost his life ; ^ while Owain and Cadwalader, invading Ceredigion for the third time, burned the Castle of Ystrad Meurug.'' Ad- vancing into Caermarthenshire they likewise destroyed Llanstephen at the ' Oct. 4-10 ; Flor. Coni. ; Ann. Camb. ; Brut. ; Gesta, 12. ^ Gesfa, sup. ^ Freeman, N.C. V. 272. * Gesta, 13, 14. = Gesla, 14. * loth July, Gesta, 16, and note Hewlett, citing MS. Cott. Caligula, A. VI. 230 b. ; Ann. Camb. ; Flor. Cont. ' 5 miles North of Tregaron, Cardiganshire. 358 THE SEE OF CANTERBURY [a.d. 1136-1137 mouth of the Towy, and Caermarthen itself.^ To finish for the time with Welsh affairs, we may notice that the two Gruffudds — Gruffudd son of Cynan, Prince of North Wales, and Gruffudd son of Rhys, titular Prince of South Wales — both died within the year. The Gruffudd of Gwynedd was succeeded by his sons Owain and Cadwaladet ; while the honours of the southern Gruffudd descended to his son Anarawd.^ In England the year 11 36 may be said to have ended with the death of Archbishop William of Corbeil, who passed away on the 20th or 21st Death of November, in the fourteenth year of his troubled Primacy.^ Wiuiam of At the time of his appointment his status as a mere Canon Regular and not a monk was objected to. Stephen's bio- grapher describes him as a man of dove-like manners, but greedy of money ; * while his conduct in crowning Stephen was much criticised. To these circumstances, rather than to his personal character, we may attribute the name given to him of William " de Turbine," wittily trans- lated " William of Turmoil." ^ The Bishop of Exeter also; William of Warelwast, the successful diplomatist, died within the year.^ The question of the King's intentions with regard to canonical election would thus be brought to a point. But no appointment was made for two years, at a time when the King must have been most anxious to secure adherents. Henry of Winchester was naturally a candidate for the Primacy. Ms'sucoesaor ■*■*• ''^°^1'^ seefti that all pai'ties were disposed to acquiesce in his promotion, but with the newly-developed disposition to lean for political support on the Papacy, it was found that a bishop could not be lawfully translated without Papal authority. Henry at once sent to Italy to obtain this sanction, and by way of facilitating communications, himself went over to Normandy.''' 1 Brut. (a.d. 1136). * Ann. Camb. ; Sknd Brut. suj>. * 2ist November ; Angl. Sacra, I. 56 ; Heg. Sacram ; 20th November ; Flor. Cont. * Gesta, 7. ' Hook, Archbishops, II. 307. 6 R. de Monte ; Reg. Sacr. ' Dec. Ord. CHAPTER XXIII STEPHEN {continued) A.D. I136-II38 Affairs in Normandy — Visit of Stephen to the Duchy— Siege of Bedford — Scottish In- vasion — Battle of the Standard — Declaration of War by the Earl of Gloucester — Operations in the South and West of England. WHAT with private wars and a disputed succession, Normandy during the year 1136, without government or recognised head, was a prey to every disorder. We hear of nothing but war- taNormariay ^^''^ and destruction. Eustace of Breteuil having died in February, his son William had to assert his birthright with fire and sword.^ Roger II. of Tosny and Conches was at war with the two Beaumonts, Waleran of Meulan and Robert of Leicester, as already intimated. . About the beginning of May Roger seized Vaudreuil, a Royal castle. At the end of three days Waleran, with the assistance of the men of Rouen, recovered the place ; he then went on to burn Acquigny,^ while Roger retaliated by wasting three manors belonging to Waleran.^ In Whitsun week (May 10-17) partizans in the service of Richer of Laigle, a man apparently then in aUiance with the Beaumonts, sacked and burned the village of Ouche, the actual monastery of St. Evroult fortunately es- caping.* About the same time we hear that Gilbert of Clare (brother of Richard who fell in Wales in April) was attacking Exmes and other places belonging to Matilda. William Talevas, however, beat him ofT.'^ In June the Beaumonts, unable to get the better of their enemy Roger, secured the services of Count Theobald for a sum of 200 marks of silver. With his help they burned Bougi-sur-Risle, including the church of St. Mary Magdalen, crowded with men and women ; but Pont-Saint-Pierre defied all their efforts for a month. ^ So far the troubles of Normandy had, apparently, been confined to the districts represented by the modern department of Eure. In September Inroad by ^ fresh ravaging foray — it deserved no better name — under- tlie Count of taken by Geoffrey of Anjou, carried havoc into the depart- ment of Orne. The Count had with him sundry notable ' Orderic, 903. William's difficulties may have arisen from the fact that he sided with Roger of Tosny against Waieran of Meulan, Stephen's representative in Normandy ; Id. 907. 2 Both in Eure, and near Louviers. ^ Ord. 903. * Id. 904. ^ Id. 905. * Eure, near Les Audelys ; Ord. 905. 359 36o THE ANGEV INS IN NORMANDY [a.d. 1136 allies from the South, chief of whom was William X., Count of Poitiers and Duke of Aquitaine, destined to be the last of his House. Carrouges was taken after a three days' siege. The people of 6couchd with heroic determination fired their own town, and then fled, leaving nothing but smoke and ashes behind them. Asnebec, being the possession of a friend, was respected. The next point made for was Montreuil-au-Houlrae (near Briouze), the home of the Basset family. But the well-expended wealth of Richard Basset, Henry's trusted Justice and Sheriff,^ had fortified the place with so strong a Keep that after two assaults the invaders moved forwards. On the 29th September they drew near to Lisieux.^ Waleran had placed the town in the hands of a Breton garrison, under Allan of Dinan, an old servant of the latg King, the Count for himself preferring to act at large. At the approach of the enemy the Bretons as a military precaution fired and destroyed the town. Baulked of their prey the disappointed Angevins fell baqk on Le Sap,^ a place held by Walter, another scion of the House of Clare, and brother to the late Richard. Manfully the townsmen went out to face the enemy, but in the struggle the town was fired and destroyed, church and all. The defence then collapsed, and the castle was stormed (ist Oct.). But there the cam- paign came to a sudden end. In the assault on the castle Geoffrey was severely wounded in the right foot by a crossbow bolt {ptlo). In the afternoon Matilda joined hini with reinforcements. She had been con- fined in August, but was eager for action. But Geoffrey the Handsome* had lost heart. His undisciplined followers were suffering from disorders brought on by irregular living, his foot gave him pain, and he was pro- bably cowed by the determined hostility of the Normans. On the morrow he beat a retreat so hastily that the Normans were not apprised in time to harass his rear. The Count, who had entered Normandy proudly seated on his mettled charger, recrossed the Sarthe, a pallid, groaning cripple on a litter. Thirteen days his inroad had lasted (agth Sept. -3rd Oct.). But in that short time we are told that he had done enough to earn the un- dying hatred of the people that he wished to rule. Nothing had been sacred to his men; atone time nine parish priests waited on him in a body to complain of the violation of their churches. Orders were issued prohibiting such outrages for the future, but the Count had not the power to give effect to his own commands.^ The same day (Oct. 3rd) which saw Normandy rid of the Angevin host also saw her relieved of the War of the Houses of Conches and Beaumont. During the operations of the Angevins against Lisieux and Le Sap, Roger had been harrying the district of Evreux to make a diver- ' On the Pipe Roll, 31 H. I., Richard Basset, conjointly with Alberic of Vera, accounts for the revenues of eleven counties. See also Foss,yi but perhaps it may mean Friday 8th April. ^ R. Hexham, 156. We here get the original form of the name Furness, " Futherness," still preserved in the name of the castle at the point of the peninsula, " Peel of Futher ;" Canon Raine, cited Hewlett, R. Hexham, sup. ' Sym. H. R. Cont. 291. A later addition to the MS. gives the date of this action as Friday, loth June. If so the raid must have been an independent one, through Cumber- land. Norham yielded about the 8th May, There were only six men-atarms (milites) in it ; R. Hexham. A.D. 1 138] INVASIONS 367 During the foray all the old horrors were perpetrated ; churches burnt, men slaughtered in the sight of their families ; women, many of them of good condition, dragged away into slavery, like animals, with ropes round their necks. The Scottish return journey at any rate, if not the march out also, must have been made by the Western route, through Cumberland — Scottish territory — as we hear that some of the invaders, moved by better feelings, left their female captives at St. Mary's Carlisle to be set at liberty. 1 Encouraged by the success of this bold foray, and also probably by reports of what was happening in the South of England, David about the 22nd July mustered a larger army than either of the Invasion, previous ones for an inroad into Yorkshire. North of the Tees there would be little left to harry. The force, which was evidently a very large one, comprised contingents from all parts of David's dominions, as well as some from lands that were not his, such as Orkney and the Isles, at that time still dependencies of Norway. ^ As he crossed the Tweed he left two of his ' thegns ' to keep up the siege of Wark.^ A notable ally then joined him in the person of Eustace fitz John, who. throwing off all disguise, proposed to join in the invasion of Yorkshire in the name of Matilda. Bamborough had been put into trusty hands, and so held out against the Scots ; but Eustace was still lord of Alnwick, Malton, and Knaresborough, and these he proposed to hand over to the Scots. After passing the Tyne David halted on the Wear for the ' Picts, Advance Cumbrians, and men of Carlisle ' to join him.* The Picts to the were the men of Galloway, the 'men of Carlisle' those of *^' the newly restored district of Carlisle, and the Cumbrians the contingents from all the rest of the old kingdom of Strathclyde. Reports of David's advance of course had flown before him. The reader must have been struck with the state of helpless apathy into which the warlike population of the Northern counties seemed to have fallen. Not an attempt at organised resistance to these repeated invasions had been made; and the only recorded attempt at resistance of any kind was the unfortunate action at Clitheroe. Now at last we hear of a meeting of local Witan {sapientes) at York to concert measures of defence. Among .jjjg them were big black Walter Espec of Kirkham, the founder Yorkshire of Rievaulx ; ^ Roger of Montbray, anglice Mowbray, the future founder of Byland,^ but described as being still a ' R. Hexham, 157. '^■Id., 158 ; /Elred of Rievaux, De Standardo, 181 (Rolls Series, No. 82, vol. III.). ^ " Duobus tegnionibus, id est baronibus " ; R. Hexham, sup. Note the survival in North Britain of the Old English title. The Hexham writer thought that it needed translation, so much had things English fallen into abeyance in England. * R. Hexham, 158, 159. ^ For his portrait see yElred, sup. 183. ' Sym. H. R. Cant. 289. Roger was son of Nigel of Aubigny, on whom Henry I. o 68 BATTLE [a.d. 1138 mere boy^ ; Robert of Bruce, and his son Adam ; Ilbert of Lacy, Richard of Courcy,^ William of Percy, Robert of Stuteville,' William Fossard ; with two foreign captains, William Count of Aumale, and Walter of Ghent* But mutual suspicion and the dread of treachery would now, as before, have paralyzed their action but for the patriotism of Archbishop Thurstan, who preached a holy war. He promised absolution; he promised the co-operation of the popular fyrd under the parish •*£°^^'f^°P priests. The appearance of Bernard of Balliol with a troop of horse sent by Stephen — he himself was too deeply engaged to come in person — turned the scale. All went home to call out their men, returning speedily to York. A three days' fast, with penance and almsgiving, followed by the promised absolution, prepared them for their task. Old and feeble as he was the Archbishop would have gone forth to the battle in a litter. With some difficulty he was was persuaded to depute the spiritual command to his suffragan, Ralph Nowel, Bishop of Orkney, originally a Yorkshire priest, who happened to be at York. Their numbers were further swelled by the arrival of reinforcements from Notts under William Peverel, and from Derbyshire under Robert of Ferrers. But even so their numbers were greatly inferior to those of the host they had to encounter. All things being ready the army advanced to Thirsk,^ David not having as yet got beyond the limits of the See of Durham. As a last effort for a peaceable settlement Bruce and Balliol* an interesting conjunction — were sent forwards to hold parley with the King. They were authorised to promise the Earldom of Northumberland for David's son if he would abandon the hostilities. Both the envoys were men of ^Offeir^ double allegiance. Bruce held the great fief of Annandale in Scotland,'' and had spent much of his life at the Scottish court ; while Balliol had on some previous occasion fallen into David's hands and been made to swear allegiance to him. Their overtures were rejected with contempt, whereupon both renounced their ties with Scotland. Their return to Thirsk was followed by the news that David had crossed the Tees, and was running riot in Yorkshire. A hasty advance Bott'sideT of s°™s fifteen miles was then made to Cowton Moor,^ three beyond Northallerton, where a good site for making a stand had conferred most of the estates of Earl Robert, who forfeited in 1095. W. Jumi^ges, 296. The son dropped the Aubigny, and went back to the old style from the place in the dept. of Manche, in the Canton of Percy. ' " Adhuc puerulum ;" jElred. ^ Courci-sur-Dives, Calvados. ^ Estouteville-sur-Mer, Seine Inf. * R. Hexham, 159. 5 R. Hexham, 158-162 ; Sym. H.R. Cont. 292, 293 ; Skene, Celtic Scotld. I. 465- ^ The name Bruce (Brus) is supposed to be derived from Brix, Manche, near Valognes, Lapp. Thorpe, 383, notes. Balliol (Baiol) comes from Bailleul : of the many places of the name in the North of France, Mr. Round has identified it with that in the Dept. of Somme, near Hallencourt. ' See the grant, National MSS. of Scotland, No. 19, cited Skene. ' " Catenemor," C/ir. Puts and Scots, 212. A.D. 1 138] OF THE STANDARD 369 was found. The march is said to have been made in a mist,i we might almost say by night, as the place was reached very early in the morning, in fact before 6 o'clock ^ (Tuesday, 22nd August). Hardly had they en- camped before the approach of the Scots was announced. Order of battle was immediately taken, all dismounting, except a few who were sent to the Formation ^^^"^ '" charge of the horses. In the front rank were placed of tiie the pick of the men-at-arms, being apparently the trained sol- "^ ^ ■ diers from the Boulonnais, Ponthieu, Normandy, and Flanders, brought by William of Aumale and Walter of Ghent. Intermingled with them as a sort of rear rank were the archers. Behind and in support of them were massed the baronial contingents all round their sacred rallying point, the celebrated Standard from which the battle takes its name. This was a four-wheeled waggon supporting a mast (" the carroccio of Italian history ")^ crowned by a silver pix containing the Eucharist, Standard. ^"'^ displaying the triple banners of St. Peter of York, St. John of Beverley, and St. Wilfrith of Ripon. The little eminence on which it stood is still known as Standard Hill.* All round the barons, on flank and rear, were grouped the parish levies. In honour of the great struggle that ensued the Abbot of Rievaulx thought it proper to compose speeches for his heroes, Walter Espec, and Robert of Bruce. Of Espec's speech the only thing worth noting is its absolutely Norman tone. The English are not so much as mentioned ; their co-operation was not worth taking into account in calculating the chances of the day. England is only referred to as a glorious Norman conquest, like Apulia or Maine. The speech evinces no more fellow-feeling for an Englishman than it does for an Apulian or a Mansel? The very same remark may be made of the words that the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, not to be outdone, puts into the mouth of the Bishop of Orkney.^ Bruce's speech is interesting as showing how completely in the opinion of the Abbot, a well-informed con- temporary, the throne of David, like that of his brother Eadgar, rested on an Anglo-Norman basis. Bruce is made to ask the King how he could expect to hold his own among the Scots if he broke with his English and Norman supporters.^ Bruce has to name the English in connexion with Scotland because there they were not an unimportant set. The truth appears to be that in Scotland an Englishman could call himself such with- out losing caste. In England he had to become a Norman, like Abbot ^Ired himself, whose proper name, ^thelred, proves his native extraction. William of Malmesbury might be cited as another case in point ; a man of English birth, purely Norman in feeling. ' Flor. Cont. ^ " Sumrao mane. '' Operations began "hora prima," z.e. 6 a.m. ' C. Pearson, Hist. England, I. 470. * Lewis, Topog. Diet. ; R. Hexham, 163 ; ^Ired, 182. 5 ^Ired, 285, etc. « H. Hunt. 262. ' .lEIred, 192. The speech, given as delivered on the field of battle, should have been given as delivered in the conference on the Tees ; but JEhed makes no mention of that at all. R.H. — VOL. II. B B 370 THE ACTION [a.d. 1138 The marshalling of the Scottish host nearly led to a split in their hetero- geneous ranks. The King's military advisers, very properly, proposed to meet the English formation by a corresponding arrangement, o/'th™Scote placing the best of their mail-clad men-at-arms, with the archers, in the forefront. But the Galloway Picts, the sons of the old Atecotti, on what grounds we know not, claimed the post of honour as theirs of right. In vain the rashness of this step was pointed out. Malise of Strathearn, representing the Northern Celts, backed them up, boasting that he would go as far with bare breast as any ' Frenchman ' clad in steel.^ David, afraid of a tumult, gave way. The Galloway men went to the front. The King's son with the men-at-arms and archers, supported by the ' Cumbrians ' and men of Teviotdale, took the second line, where of course the archers would be useless. The men of Lothian and Lennox,^ with those from the Isles, formed the third line ; while David held the ' Scots,' i.e. the Highlanders, and the men of the newly annexed district of Moray, in reserve as a fourth line, with a personal bodyguard of English and Normans for himself. His banner, apparently copied from that of Wessex, displayed the effigy of a Dragon. As on the other side, so with the Scots, all fought on foot.^ With a wild Celtic rush and loud shouts of ' Albanach ! ' ' Albanach I ' * the Galloway men charged the wall of closely locked shields. The wall was driven backwards somewhat, but the wall was not broken. Then the long slender ill-tipped spears of the Celts ^ gave way, and they had to take to their swords as against the short stout lances of their adversaries. Meanwhile the archers, sheltered behind the men-at- arms, were decimating their ranks. Their two captains, by name Wulgric and Donald, having fallen, they broke and fled.^ The English then assum- ing the offensive charged the next line in front of them, which, as matters then stood, was that of the men of Lothian. They gave way at once. David would have gone into action with his reserves, but his attendants refused to face the risk. Forcing him to mount his horse they carried him off with the rest of the flying host to make for Carlisle. As the^scots ^°^ *^ second line of the Scots, young Henry, scorning to be idle, had taken his division outwards, as by a flank march, and then charging the wing opposed to him, presumably consisting of some of the parish levies, drove them right back, past the central position by the Standard, till he came in contact with the picketted horses a quarter of a mile'' to the English rear. Having carried. all before him so far, he now found himself isolated and cut off from his friends. Having done what he ' yElred, 189, 190 ; Sym. .e:/?. C ^'^^ David and his Court were there to receive him. and the Ecclesiastical business was first taken in hand. Bishop '*" ^' ^Ethelwulf of Carlisle had not yet been put into possession of his See ; ^ and John, Bishop of Glasgow, had to be threatened with deposition for having abandoned his Episcopal duties for the retirement of the Abbey of Tiron in France. These matters having been settled, the question of relations with England was taken up. Alberic pressed for peace, but David would only promise an abstention from hostilities till the nth November, and not even that as against Wark, which was still being besieged.^ The Legate then addressed himself to the Scottish and ' Ord. 918, 919; R. de Monte. ^ Orderic, 915; H. Nicolas. ' So certainly in the North; R. Hexham, 167-169; Sym. H.R. Cont. 297, 298; Gervase, reflecting Canterbury feeling, speaks of opposition to his reception, 1344. The Southern writers certainly are very silent as to the Legate's visitation. * R. Hexham. See also Sym. H. R. Cont. 298, who tells us that Northumberland was an absolute desert. All the inhabitants had retired to- castles, hiding-places, or monasteries. ^ So Haddan and Stubbs, Cone. II. 30. ° The garrison surrendered on terms on the irth November, by the permission of their lord, Walter Espec. They had salted and eaten their last horse. David gave them twenty-four horses to take them home. R. Hexh. 378 A SYNOD [a.d. 1138 Pictish Magnates, pleading for humanity in the conduct of war ; demanding respect for churches and non-combatants ; and extorting a promise that all female captives should be set free. On the 29th September he returned Southwards.' The visitation-tour over, an ecclesiastical Council or Synod was sum- moned to meet in Westminster Abbey on the third Sunday in Advent (nth December). It will be remembered that when Cardinal Westminster. J°hn held a Synod in 1125 he was allowed to preside, but not to issue the citations. On the present occasion it is clear that the Legate did both.^ During the sittings much current business was transacted. One abbot was deposed, and two appointed. Finally, on the 13th December, seventeen Canons for the reformation of the Church were promulgated. The majority deal with evils already condemned by earlier assemblies, such as simony, clerical marriage, succession to livings by hereditary descent, pursuit of secular callings and occupations, wearing of costly furs by abbesses and nuns, and so forth. On the other hand, we have Canons evidently dictated by the circumstances of the hour. A special anathema is denounced on all persons killing, imprisoning, or laying violent hands on any clerk, monk, nun, or other ecclesiastical per- son ; while those invading the goods or lands of churches are to be excommunicated, unless they make amends on canonical citation.^ Then again the clergy are reminded that they must not risk polluting themselves by ' effusion of blood ' ; they must not arm and go forth to battle like laymen.* The fifth Canon seems to reopen the terrible question of the Investitures, so happily settled. It actually forbids any clergyman to re- ceive a church or other ecclesiastical benefice at the hands of a layman.* All the fruits of Henry's successful diplomacy were thus to be thrown away. At the same time, it must be admitted that to the minds of churchmen Stephen's grant of the liberty of the Church would imply as much. But in some respects the appointment to the Primacy might be thought the most important piece of business that the Legate had to transact. The candidature of Bishop Henry of Winchester, announced at the death ' R. Hexham, 169-171 ; Sym. Cont. sup. ^ See the citation to Canterbury, Gervase, 1346. ^ C.C. 10, II. * " Arma sustoUere et ad bella procedere." C. 13. The prohibition is given in the words of Pope Nicholas II. 1059-1061. ^ "Nullus omnino de manu laici ecclesiam sen qusecumque ecclesiastica beneficia accipiat ; " R. Hexham, 173; Gervase, 1346; Flor. Cont.; Sym. H.R. Cont. 299. The Synod of J125 (Canon 4) prohibited any cleric or monk from taking a benefice from a layman without consent of his bishop, but that was quite another thing. See Flor. Cont. and Sym. H.R. Cont., in anno. In his citation, however, to the Canterbury Chapter on the present occasion, the Legate admits that the King might, on sufficient grounds, object to a prelate elected by the clergy ; Gervase, c. 1347. This admission is utterly misrepresented by Dr. Hook ; Archbishops, II. 328. A.D. 1138-1139] A NEW ARCHBISHOP 379 of the late Archbishop, had made no progress, and that for the simple reason that both the King and Queen were strongly opposed to it.i We must suppose that, in accordance with a well-known principle of human nature, the King was jealous of the man to whom he owed his throne. But Henry of Blois was not a man to be easily put down ; and it is clear that the appointment of a rival was not effected without difficulty.^ Finally, however, the Abbey of Bee was called upon for the third time to provide an Archbishop for the See of Canterbury. On the 24th December the Prior and monks of Canterbury met in London in the presence of King, Legate, and full Court ; and then and there, obviously in pursuance of a preconcerted arrangement, elected Theobald, Abbot of Archbishop Bee. Theobald was in England at the time, having doubtless Canterbury ^^^'^ brought over by the King with a view to his appointment. He was of course of purely Norman birth and education, but well connected and a man of high character.^ It may be worth while noticing that the proceedings at his appointment conformed to the pro- visions of the Concordat of 1122 ; inasmuch as he was 'elected' by the clergy in the presence of the King. On the 8th January, 1139, Theobald was consecrated at Canterbury by the Legate, and not many days later left England with him for Rome. For the purposes of the Papacy the mission had proved a decided success. A goodly company of bishops and abbots journeyed with Theobald and the Legate, all summoned to attend the Lateran Council, which eventually met on the 4th April. The Archbishop, of course, had also his Pallium to receive.* In London Bishop Alberic had renewed his praiseworthy efforts for a pacification with Scotland. But he had found King Stephen as obdurate as King David. The matter however was taken up by one Matilda who could bring the continuous dropping of domestic pressure ''^eace*^' to bear on the question.^ Queen Matilda, a woman of high character, had not forgotten that on her mother's side she was a Scotswoman,^ and she had a strong feeling for her Scottish relations. Overpowering the mistaken instances of the Northern Barons who thirsted for retaliation, she obtained leave to negotiate peace on the basis of the grant of the desired Earldom of Northumberland to her cousin Scotland Earl Henry. She went to Durham, and there on the 9th April a mb'''iaBd '"^^^'y ^^^ settled by her and Henry in the presence of mag- nates from both countries. The Earldom was conferred on ' So Gervase, 1348. ^ /a', and R. Hexh. 175; "Tandem . . . causa finem habuit." ' Gervase, sup. ; H. Hunt. ; R. de Monte, A.D. 1 136, 1138. ■• Gervase, 1348, 1349; R. Hexham, 176; Sym. H.R. Cont. 300; Flor. Cont. ^ "Feminea calliditate atque protervitate." * Matilda of course was daughter of Mary, sister of King David, and wife of Eustace III. of Boulogne. 38o TREATY WITH SCOTLAND [a.d. 1139 the Scottish prince, with the exception of Bamborough and New- castle, these remaining in Stephen's hands. But he undertook to give Henry in exchange other places ' of equal value ' (monetary) in the South. The lands of St. Cuthberht and those of St. Andrew's Hexham were also to be exempt from the Earl's authority ; and he was bound down to respect the ' laws and customs ' of Northumberland, as established by Henry I. ; 1 Barons holding of the Earldom were left at liberty to do homage to Henry if they pleased, saving their allegiance to Stephen. But to secure the allegiance of David and his son,^ five hostages, sons of leading Scottish chieftains, representing all the tradition U elements, were to be given up.^ Here the word fidelitas, if used as it commonly is in the technical sense oi fealty, would in itself imply vassalage on the part of the Scottish Crown. Presumable ^^^ without insisting on that single expression an impartial Homage of view of all the circumstances leads to the conviction that such 00 an . jjjygf jja.ve been the case. David might well agree to a con- tinuance of the nominal suzerainty that had clearly obtained under Henry I. in return for the substantial under-kingdom that he now received. He had all the best of it. After being well beaten at Cowton Moor he gets all that he could have asked for had he been victorious. Henry went on with the Queen to Nottingham, where the treaty was ratified by Stephen, and the young Scot doubtless did homage. In fact he remained in England through the summer, and as a further bond of friend- ship received the hand of a Norman lady of rank, Ada or Adeline of Warenne, daughter of William II. and sister of William III., Earls of Surrey. On the mother's side she was half-sister to the three Beaumont Earls, Meulan, Leicester, and Bedford.* From Nottingham the King must have gone to Worcester, where we hear of him on the 30th April as being received with all distinction by „^ ^ clerev and people. From Worcester he marched to Ludlow Stepuen on ^j r r - 1 j u the Welsh to besiege the castle. The place had fallen mto hand at the Maxch. ^^^'^Yi of Payen fitz John (1137), when Stephen gave it to one Joce or Joceas, apparently a Breton, who had already turned against him.^ Strongly perched upon the rocky promontory that from a siege of height of one hundred feet looks down upon the junction of the Corve and Teme,^ the castle presented a formidable ob- ' These would probably mean the regulations as to rent, services, and proceedings, established while the Earldom was in hand. ^ " In firmamentum fidei." " Ut de fidelitate eorum securior esset." 3 R. Hexham, 176-178; Sym. Ht Ji. Cont. 199, 300. The men whose sons were demanded were Gospatrick, Earl of Dunbar (qy Gospatrick II. or Gospatrick III.?), an Anglo- Scot ; Fergus, Earl or Prince of Galloway, a Pict ; Hugh of Morville, a Cumber- land Baron ; " Maccus " presumably an Island potentate, as we had one such of the name already ; and "Mel," doubtless a Celt and Highlander. * Td. ; Ord. 918. See G. E. C. Peerage, "Leicester." * Norgate, sup. I. 301, citing Eyton, Antiqq. Shrop. V. 244, 247. * For a plan and full description of Ludlow Castle see Clark, Mil. Arch. II. 273. A.D. 1 139] A GRAND COUNCIL 381 ,stacle ; in fact much too formidable an obstacle for a man of Stephen's unstable purpose. He contented himself with establishing two counter-forts, and then went off to attend to some business in London. "^ But during the time that he was at Ludlow he distinguished himself by an act of personal gallantry. In some skirmishing action young Henry of Scotland, by a device in use among the foot-soldiers of the period, was hooked with a long-handled weapon, unhorsed, and on the point of being carried off, if the King had not hastened to the rescue.^ From London, we are told, Stephen returned to Ludlow to find that the contending parties had been showing their mettle by indulging in hand-play like that that we hear of between the servants of David and the servants of Ish-bosheth the son of Saul, by the pool of Gibeon, when " they caught every one his fellow by the head, and thrust his sword in his fellow's side." ^ Stephen, indignant at the consequent loss of hfe, forbad the repetition of such duels.* But the siege of Ludlow came to nothing. From Ludlow Stephen went to attend a Grand Council that had been summoned to meet at Oxford on the 24th June.^ So far he had seemed to be holding his ground very fairly. By his treaty with the at'oSord Scots he had secured his Northern frontier. Earl Robert's call to arms had not elicited any general response, and most of the places that did respond had been reduced or won over." Bristol 110 doubt was still held by the enemy, a most important basis of operations, of which he ought to have been deprived ; while Ludlow and Malton were also held in Matilda's interest. But the atrocities perpetrated by the 'Angevins,' as they were called, had outraged the moral sense of the nation. PubUc feehng was evidently with Stephen. Suddenly by his own incredible folly he turned the scale against himself, alienating popular sympathy, and making enemies of the class on which he had chiefly to depend. We have seen that to the leaders of the Church he owed his crown. One of these men, his own brother, he had already estranged by with- holding from him the coveted archbishopric. The Pope had otsalisbui^ endeavoured to console Bishop Henry by appointing him andhls Legate to counterbalance the authority of the Primate.^ But Belatlons. °. . ' his irritation against the King had not passed away. Of even greater influence in the country were the famous Bishop Roger of Sahs- bury, his son Roger, surnamed " Le Poer," and his nephews, Nigel Bishop ' Flor. Cont. '' H. Hunt. " 2 Samuel ii. 16. Compare the celebrated Battle of the Thirty at Ploermel in Brittany, circa 1352, in which Sir William Calverly and Sir Robert KnoUes fought. * "Quidam militum condixere apud Ludelawe vires probare, etc. " ; Flor. Cont. 5 Flor. Cont. ; W. Malm. H. N. s. 469. " Besides the places already named as won by Stephen we have " Slede," " Esledas,'' or " Ludas," belonging to Gloucester, and recovered by Gilbert of Clare ; H. Hunt. 261, 265 ; Ord. 917. Leeds in Kent, appears to be the place. ' 1st March, 1139 ; W. Malm. H. N. s. 471. 382 AN INFLUENTIAL FAMILY [a.d. 1139 of Ely, and Alexander Bishop of Lincoln. For thirty years the admini- stration of the country had been in the hands of the family, and, with endless opportunities for amassing riches, their wealth had become enor- mous. Under Henry I. Bishop Roger had been for a time Chancellor (1101-1103). That office he resigned when he became Bishop. Subse- quently however he was appointed Treasurer.^ That post would not only give him control of all fiscal business, Revenue prosecutions, and the like, but also make him chief judge in all private suits brought before the Court of Exchequer.^ It is perhaps in that aspect that he is spoken miuistration of as ' Justiciar ' for all England,^ but more likely the term is m their vaguely used with reference to his later position as Prime Minister. For, after a time, the Exchequer had been placed under his nephew Nigel,* doubtless to relieve Roger of the heavy routine work of the office, he having become the King's chief adviser and indis- pensable man ; second to the King alone, when the King was at home, and when he was abroad quite supreme.^ His position was that of a Count Palatine or Maire de Palais, ordering the Household, regulating the expenditure, and generally directing everything.^ Under Stephen he had held no definite office,'^ but the King, at first at any rate, had treated him with great distinction ; he had made his son Roger Chancellor, and kept on his nephew Nigel as Treasurer ; he had given him the town of Malmesbury. ' By God's birth ' he was reported to have said, ' I would give him half England if he asked it — till the time passed.' ^ It was perhaps not to be wondered at that Stephen should regard with suspicion a man who had spent his whole life in intimate intercourse with the late King. But great caution should have been exercised in dealing with him. Cer- tainly, if he could have been kept faithful, the King would have had in him and his relations servants more to be trusted than any lay barons could be. With a baron his own independence of Royal control would ever be a primary object. But the Bishops, falling in with the evil ways of the times, had been expending their riches in building and strengthening CastlS castles. Without a castle no man was safe, and apparently the more castles he had the better.^ In addition to his own diocesan strongholds at Sherborne and Devizes, Bishop Roger had ob- ' Dialogus de Scacc. ; Select Charters, 186. ^ See Voss, Judges, I. 94. " So at least H. Hunt., an inaccurate writer, p. 245. " Agebat causas"; W. Malm. H. iV. s. 481. "* Dialogus, sup. 191. ^ " Secundus a rege"; H. Hunt. sup. "Secundus post regem"; Gesta, 45- " Sine socio et teste quando . . . [rex] morabatur Normanniae "; W. Malm. ^ " Ipse moderabatur expensas, ipse servabat gazas " ; W. Malm. " Curia palatinffi regnique negociis cunctis specialius propositus " ; Gesta, sup. ; Orderic, 904, 919. ' So his own statement ; Malm . stip. s. 474. * " Donee tempus pertranseat" ; W. Malm., s. 481. " See the list of castles attributed to the Bp. of Winchester and others ; Ann. Wintm. A.D. 1138. A.D. 1 139] '^^O BISHOPS ARRESTED 383 tained from the late King a grant of the formidable earthworks of Old Sarum, which he strengthened with a wall ; he had also begun a castle at Malmesbury. Alexander of Lincoln had, as he said ' for the safety and honour of his Bishopric,' fortified Newark and Sleaford."^ How far Bishop Roger had been intriguing with Matilda cannot be stated ^ But he had many enemies, and we are told that the Beauraonts in particular, jealous of their clerical rivals in wealth and influence, laboured to poison Stephen's mind against them. ' What business had bishops with such castles? Such retinues could not be maintained except for some sinister purpose. As a matter of precaution they should be deprived of their castles, and restricted to their ecclesiastical functions.' We are told that the King long refused to listen. The rumours of the expected landing of Matilda and Earl Robert may at the last have determined his action. To quarrel with these Bishops was in itself an act of sufficient madness ; ^ but Stephen went about it in a way to put himself thoroughly in the wrong.* Bishop Roger went to the Council at Oxford with a heavy heart. Wil- liam of Malmesbury heard him say so openly. He must have had an inkhng of impending trouble. When he reached the place a quarrel about lodgings, apparently not altogether accidental, broke out. His men were attacked at dinner-time by the followers of the Breton Earl of Richmond,^ Allan in. Swords were drawn, and in the scufHe several men were wounded, one man killed, and a nephew of the Earl all but killed. The King, treating the Bishops as the aggressors, had them arrested next day, and brought before him on a charge of breaking his peace,* inasmuch as the disturbance had taken place within the prescribed limits of his quarters. He demanded the keys of their castles. They were ready to meet the charge of breach of peace, but refused the keys of their castles. There- upon Bishop Roger, his son the Chancellor, and Alexander of Bishops of Lincoln were committed to custody. The Bishop of Ely, not Salisbury having yet reached Oxford, fled to Devizes, which was held by and Lincoln. ° ■' . ^ Maud of Ramsbury, Bishop Roger's mistress, and made ready ' W. Malm. H. N. s. 468. " A.d tutamen ut dicebat et dignitatem episcopii." ^ Orderic treats him as guilty, 919. The writer of the Gesta asserts that he was pledged to ' King Henry's sons, ' 46. Malmesbury and Huntingdon represent him as the victim of unjust suspicion. ^ " In hoc nimirum stultissimo immo et insano devictus consilio " ; Gesta. ■* Gesta, 45-47 ; W. Malm. ss. 468, 481. The Gesta specially name " comes Mellonensis " as one of Roger's detractors. Ord. 919, names both him and his brother and Allan of Brittany. Malmesbury merely refers to " potentes laici. " ' So W. Malm. s. 469. The Gesta implicate the Earl of Meulan, and Orderic impli- cates his brother also. All three writers treat them as the aggressors. * The Bishop of Salisbury was arrested in the King's chamber ; "in camera curife ; " W. Malm. ss. 471, 481. "In castro Oxenfordise; " Ann. Osney. The Bishop of Lin- coln was arrested in his own lodgings ; the Chancellor was put into fetters, the Bishops not. Malm. sup. 384 SEIZURE OF CASTLES [a.d. 1139 to stand a siege. The two Rogers, father and son, were then sent down to Wiltshire under the charge of WilHam of Ypres to compel the delivery of their strongholds. Devizes, we are told, was as formidable a fortress as any' in Europe. Roger the son, who must have been in Orders of some sort, was threatened with hanging if the place were not surrendered. But THeir Castles ^'^ ^S^*^ father the Bishop had to abstain from food for three and Treasures days before his hot-headed nephew of Ely would give in. Devizes havmg been surrendered, Sherborne, Sarura, and Malmesbury made no difficulty.^ Alexander of Lincoln in turn was treated with equal indignity. He was led in bonds to the gates of Newark, and placed on a fasting diet, to be daily reduced till the garrison yielded. With great reluctance the men submitted, and Sleaford had to follow their example.^ With the castles the accumulated wealth of the Bishops passed into the King's hands, a very seasonable supply, as Henry's treasures were about exhausted.^ The violence and illegality of the King's proceedings need not be pointed out. The indignation of the clergy knew no bounds.^ This, forsooth, was the ' liberty ' that Stephen was pledged to grant ; the'^cifrgy ^"^ ^^^ Synod, held just six months before, had denounced any one who should lay hands on the person or property of an ecclesiastic ! These views found utterance through the mouth of the newly appointed Legate, Henry of Winchester, who in public and private boldly denounced his brother's conduct, insisting on restitution. ^ If the Bishops had committed any fault they were amenable not to the King, but to Canonical authority, and to that alone. At length he extorted leave to convene an ecclesiastical Synod, his first act as Legate. But he insisted that the King should be present. On the 29th August^ the Synod met at Winchester. Archbishop Theobald, the Bishop of Salisbury, and most of the other Bishops were present. The Legate opened the proceedings with a speech Synod at delivered in Latin in honour of his ' lettered ' audience.^ He Winchester. declared it a ' lamentable scandal ' ^ that the King should have been led away so as to lay hands on his own ' men,' bishops withal, and > W. Malm. 5. 469; Gesta, 48-50; Ord. 919, 920; H. Hunt. 265; Sym. H.R. Cont, 301. 2 So H. Hunt. 266. A charter in the Record Office, cited by Mr. Hewlett, Gesta, 49, shows that the Bishop of Lincoln was in custody at this time. Duchy Lane. No. Ij- 3 H. Hunt, and Gesta, sup. * See H. Hunt. " Res infaraia notabilis ;" Sym. sup. etc. 5 " Ejus (sc. Regis) aures de liberatione et restitutione appellans ; " W. Malm. s. 470; " W. Malm. sup. ; cnf. Sym. H. R. Cont. p. 301, "Circa mensem Septembrem." The Waverley Annals give August ; but Malmesbury's date may safely be accepted. ' " Sermo Latialiter, ad litteratos." ^ " Scelus miserabile." A.D. 1 139] THE KING ARRAIGNED 385 under the peace of his own very court. He asked for advice as to what should be done, implying that he was prepared to go the length of excom- municating the King, as he said he would risk anything rather than allow the Episcopal Order to be treated with such indignity.^ Messages were then exchanged with the King, sitting apart in the usual manner. He was pressed either to explain his conduct, or to submit to Canonical judgment, being reminded that he owed his kingdom not to the swords of laymen,^ but to the Church. Stephen condescended to justify his action, putting forward as his advocate Alberic or Aubrey de Vere, a royal Chamberlain^ and a jurist, who had recently been to Rome as his representative. De Vere maintained that the Bishop of Lincoln had instigated the disturbance at Oxford out of an old grudge against Earl Allan and Herv^ of Lions, a foreigner then at court; that the King was satisfied that Bishop Roger was intriguing with his enemies ; in fact it was matter of common report (omni- bus in ore esse) that he and his nephews would join the Empress as soon as she landed. He argued that the surrender of the castles had been the voluntary act of the Bishops, to compound for their offence. Lastly, laying hold on the precedent of Odo of Bayeux, he said that Roger ^Defence'^ of Salisbury had been arrested, not qua bishop, but qua King's servant and in his pay. Roger at once met this by protesting that he had held no office under Stephen, and had drawn no pay from him.* At the King's request the Synod was adjourned for two days to await the coming of his friend the Archbishop of Rouen. When he appeared he made a much better case of it than Alberic. Boldly assuming the offensive he asked if the Bishops could show any warrant from the Canons for holding castles. If not, how could they appeal to Canon Law? But even granting that they could justify their holding of castles, might not the King as the chief Conservator of the Peace, call on any magnate at a critical juncture to surrender his castles for the public safety? De Vere chimed in that the King had heard rumours of their intended appeal to Rome. If any man left the kingdom without leave he might not find it easy to return, adding rather weakly that the King himself intended to appeal against the Bishops. ^ There the Synod ended.^ With the King unrepentant, with swords gleaming in the background, it was plainly impossible to venture on an ' W. Malm. sup. s. 471. ^ ■< j^q^ manu militum,'' etc. ^ Appointed by Henry I. in 1133. He was apparently son of Alberic I. who appears in Domesday as holding the manor of Kensington ; a man to be distinguished from Alberic for a short time Earl of Northumberland. See G. E. C. Peerage, "Oxford," Addenda. * W. Malm. sup. 472, 473, 474. ^ Id. 475, 476. * The decrees of the Synod for the surrender of all episcopal castles to the King, alleged by the Continuator of Florence, W. 116, and the Gesta, 50, seem mere expansions of the speech of the Archbishop of Rouen. John of Hexham, the Continuator of Symeon, H. R. 301, thought that the decrees condemned all infringement of clerical rights. R. H. — VOL. II. C C 386 LANDING [a.d. 1139 excommunication. The Synod came to no conclusion. As a last effort the Legate and Archbishop waited on the King in his chamber, and falling at his feet implored him not to come to an utter rupture with the Church. Stephen put them off with some vague promises which came to nothing.^ According to the writer of the Gesta, he went through a form of doing penance. But the clergy were not to be appeased so easily. On the ist September the Synod broke up. On the last of the month Matilda and Earl Robert landed at Arundel.^ But in the interval Stephen had not been allowed to rest in peace. First we hear of a ride to the coast of North Somerset, where William of ... Mohun 3 was in revolt at Dupster, and ravaging the country in Somerset with the barbarity specially associated with his party. Stephen and Wilts, marched against him, but finding himself confronted by a formidable stronghold, with access to the sea on one side,* contented himself with establishing a counter-work, which was given in charge to Henry of Tracy,* the lord of Barnstaple, the King's chief supporter in those parts, and he by good management succeeded in keeping Mohun in check.^ Then Stephen had to hurry to the Wiltshire coast, where his old enemy Baldwin of Redvers had landed at Warehara. Only the year before the place was said to have yielded to Stephen. It must therefore have promptly rebelled again, and in fact we shall find it the regular harbour of the Angevin party. Baldwin is described as bringing a respectable force with him ; but instead of attempting to meet the King in the field, his first' step was to retire within the walls of Corfe Castle to be besieged there. Stephen came, and seemed to be settling down in earnest to the work of reduction, when he was persuaded to go off to see that the coasts and harbours were being properly kept against Matilda's landing, tbe'Emra-e°s ^^^i^h was reported to be imminent.'' As already mentioned, the Empress did land on the 30th September, and at Arundel, the residence of the Queen Dowager Adelaide and her second husband William of Aubigny. For the conquest of England Matilda brought with her the modest force of 140 men-at-arms.* England, naturally, was greatly stirred by the news, one party being cheered, and the other proportionately depressed. Stephen who was always prompt, if not persistent in his efforts, hastened to Arundel, to be 1 Malm. sup. 477 ; H. Hunt. Malmesbury's report is clearly that of one who was present. 2 W. Malm. s. 478. The other writers differ as to the date of Matilda's landing, but on this point, which to a certain extent depends on the date of the Synod, the authority of Malmesbury seems paramount. The Waverley Annals support his date. ° Moyon, Manche, near Tessy-sur-Vire. * See the plan of this primitive " burh," Clark, Milit. Arch, II. 24. 5 Calvados? There are two places of the name there. * Gesta, 51, 52. ' Gesta, S3, 54. « So W. Malm, was creditably informed ; s. 478. A,D. 1 139] OF THE EMPRESS 387 informed that Earl Robert had slipped away by night with a handful of men to make his way to the headquarters of the party at Bristol. Of course the King dashed after him in hot pursuit, and, of course, finding that he could not overtake him, came back to Arundel. What ensued was most extraordinary. Adelaide had always professed herself friendly to Matilda's cause, and, we are told, had actually invited her to Arundel. Now she began to tremble for the consequences of her hospitality. She apologised to Stephen for having entertained the Empress, and showed a disposition to give her up. Stephen, with a disregard for political con- siderations that astonished his own age,^ refused to take an unfair advan- tage of a noble dame. Not only did he allow Matilda to depart in peace, but he actually gave her a safe conduct to Bristol, and sent Her*Pass^on ^^"^ thither under the charge of his brother the Legate and the Earl of Meulan.^ Of course the requirements of the most chivalrous gallantry would have been satisfied by simply sending the Empress politely back to Normandy. She had taken a long time of getting ready for this expedition, and might never have ventured on a second one. By thus wantonly throwing open the door for an extension of the war Stephen showed a disregard of the primary duties of a King worthy only of a child.^ The action of the Legate in taking Matilda under his wing excited comment. It was reported that he had advised her release, and that, again, on the amazing ground that it was desirable to allow her to concentrate her forces, as it would be easier to crush them when concentrated than to beat them ip detail. But poor Stephen waf ever pressed with bad advice, which he never failed to follow. The facts suggest that he was surrounded by partisans who did not want him to succeed. On the other hand Earl Robert had his troubles to face. His difficulty was how to deal with magnates who, while professing sympathy for his cause, declined to join with him openly.* Matilda stayed a month or so at Bristol, exercising royal functions, and receiving homages. Among the first to join her were Brian "^t Bristol °*" Wallingford, otherwise Brian fitz Count, and Milo of Gloucester. Both had taken the oaths to Stephen, as also had done William of Aubigny, and all three had been honoured with com- plimentary ofiSces at Court. ^ Milo had been with the King at the siege of Shrewsbury, and had kept on terms with him as late as February in the current year, when Stephen at his request had approved of Gilbert Foliot as Abbot of Gloucester. I" It is painful to hear that Matilda's presence at ' See Ord. 920; Gesta, 56; "Ex indiscreta animi simplicitate ; ' Sym. H. R. CoHt. 302. Malmesbury as the supporter of the Empress thought that Stephen could not have acted otherwise than he did . ^ Gesta, and W. Malm. sup. ; Flor. Cont. ' See the just strictures of Rossler, Mathilde, 248, etc. * W. Malm. s. 483. ^ See the signatures to Stephen's early charters ; Round, sup. 262. ° See the charter MS. Cott. Nero C. III. f. 177, cited Round, 285 ; Flor. Cont. II, 114, 117; W. Malm. s. 478. 388 PETTY [a.d. 1139 Bristol led to no cessation of the brigand doings of her adherents, and that her removal to Gloucester on the isth October brought like horrors into the surrounding districts.^ From this time onwards Milo became Matilda's most active supporter. Stephen's next move was to attack Wallingford Castle, Brian's strong- hold, which was thoroughly prepared for a siege. Again he was persuaded to mask the place with counterworks, and then go off on some other enterprise. To Trowbridge, in Wilts, he went, the place being held by Humphrey of Bohun,^ another traitor. In his military opera- tions Stephen showed no more stedfastness of purpose than does a baited toro in a Spanish arena. His system was always to fly at the last enemy reported in the field, to turn from him again as soon as a fresh flag was waved in his face. The siege of Trowbridge came to nothing, but on his way thither the King managed to destroy a petty fort at Cerney, near Cirencester, recently established by Milo. Advancing from thence to Malmesbury, Stephen found the latter place in the hands of one Robert fitz Hubert, a Flemish captain, who, only a fortnight before (October 7), had seized the castle by a nocturnal surprise. This man, a relative of William of Ypres, and so probably connected with the Counts of Flanders, bore a very bad character for cruelty and treachery. Nominally he was in the service of Matilda, but after a few days' siege he was induced to sur- render his prize. Meanwhile, however, Milo by a rapid movement had fallen on Stephen's counter-forts at Wallingford and destroyed them.^ On the Welsh March Matilda seemed to be making some progress. The city of Hereford was won without a struggle, a royal garrison, how- Hereford ^^^'^' '" ^^^ castle holding out.* A vigorous siege followed, in which Geoffrey Talbot and Milo caused great scandal by desecrating the churchyard, stabling their horses in the Minster, and bombarding the castle from the Minster tower. ^ On the 7 th November a force from Gloucester attacked Worcester, and sacked and ■Worcester, burned part of the city, but failing to establish a position there, retired with their captives and booty.^ Neither side could ever score a complete success. Worcester city belonged to or was under the rule of Earl Waleran of Meulan.7 To avenge the personal insult, as ' Flor. C. II. 117, 118. He makes Matilda stay two month* at Bristol, but lie supposed her to have landed in July ; Gesta, 57, 59. For a grant of the castle of .St. Briaavel and the Forest of Dean made by Matilda at Gloucester to Milo, see Round, 56. ' According to Mr. Blanche, cited G. E. C. Peerage, "Hereford," the Bohun family came from the Cotentin, where the name still lives in St. Andre-de-Bohon, and St. Georges-de-Bohon (Manche, near Carentan). 3 Gesta, 58-61 ; W. Malm. s. 479 ; Flor. Cont. 125 (A.D. 1140). ^ W. Malm. s. 480. = See the Additions to Flor. Coni. 121, and Gesta, 68 (given as under 1140). Talbot had been expelled from Hereford by Stephen in 1 138 ; Ord. 917 ; above, 371. « Flor. Cont. n8-i20. ' He must be the man designated by the Continuator of Florence as ' ' comes civitatis," A.D. II39] OPERATIONS 389 he regarded the attack on Worcester, he attacked and captured Sudeley, held by one John fitz Harold, who had gone over to the Empress.' The reader will say here, at any rate, for once we have an Englishman in a position of some importance. Not a bit of it. John's father Harold was Harold of Ewias ; English on his mother's side, no doubt, but on the father's side son of the timid Frenchman, Ralph, Earl of Hereford under the Confessor. Early in December the King, who from Trowbridge had taken a run up to London to recruit his means,^ came via Oxford tc Worcester. He stayed there a few days, and during the time gave the Honour Comes D?^. °f Gloucester, Milo's fief, to the Sheriff of Worcester, Walter of Beauchamp. From Worcester he made an advance to Little Hereford, near Tenbury and Leominster, hoping to extend his influence in those parts, but with moderate success. Returning to Wor- cester he appointed, or rather confirmed a Bishop, one Maurice, presented to him as having been canonically elected by clergy and people to the See of Bangor. From Worcester Stephen went back to Oxford^ and from thence again to Salisbury for his Christmas Feast.^ The King had special reasons for going to Salisbury. On the nth jj . December the great Bishop Roger had died there of a broken Bishop Roger heart. Stephen doubtless sought to lay hands on such sbury. (-j-g^gyrgg ^s he might have managed to retain. In fact, we are told that some money and plate laid upon the altar for protection, and intended as a fund for rebuilding the church, were seized almost before he had ceased to breathe/ In the days of Henry's adversity under Rufus, Roger had gained his confidence by his thrifty management of his house- hold expenditure': throughout he had been to him a most trusty and valuable servant, but always in the province of worldly affairs. The greatest builder of his time, his architectural talents were confined to the very secular work of piling up castles and fortifications. No church claims him as its founder, though the revenues of Malmesbury and Amesbury were in his hands, besides those of Sarum. But the scanty remains of his work at Sherborne and Devizes are said to show a hghtness and richness of work in advance of any earlier Norman- Romanesque to be found in England.^ and " comes Wigornensis " ; 120, 124. According to Mr. Doyle he received a grant of tire Lordship of Worcester, but orvly in 1144; Official Baronage, "Worcester." 1 Flor. Cont. II. 120. ^ Gesta, 60. ' Flor. Cont. 1 18-122 ; W. Malm. s. 480. The latter here inserts a raid past Bristol to Dunster, which seems quite out of place. * On this point cnf. Flor. Cont. 122. * See the sketch of his life in Malmesbury, H. N'. s. 481 ; also Gesta, 61. W. New- burgh, I. 36, asserts that he first attracted Henry's notice at Caen by the expedition with which he got through the service. "■ Freeman, N. C. V. 638, 639. CHAPTER XXV STEPHEN {continued) A.D. II4O-II4I The War — A Fruitless Conference — Vacancy in the Archbishopric of York — Rising of the Earls of Chester and Lincoln — Battle of Lincoln — Stephen a Prisoner — Recog- nition of the Empress by the Clergy — Breach with the Legate — Siege and Counter- siege at Winchester — Capture of Gloucester and Release of Stephen. THE year 114Q presents the same dismal picture of raids and counter-raids, sieges, imperfect successes, and desultory operations as the previous twelvemonth. But the disposition to break away from Stephen was spreading down the Eastern side of the Kingdom, the Midlands remaining quiet. The prices of necessaries were rising; the currency was being utterly debased ^ ; while the attendances at Court on the great crown-wearing Feasts were sinking into insignificance.^ Since his rupture with Stephen, Bishop Nigel of Ely had been follow- ing the example of his relations by fortifying the seat of his diocese. We Bi h Ni ei'^^^'^ °^ ^ Stone Keep begun by him, with a stockaded land- of Ely in ing place on the water, and an out-post at Aldreth, the key Revolt. jQ jj^g jgjg 3 ^g jj became clear that the Bishop was organiz- ing a revolt in East Anglia, the King, who, after keeping Christmas at Salisbury, had moved to Reading,* sent an army against him. As his men s'eemed to be making no progress Stephen came down in person. The difficulty was that the only direct access to the Isle across Attack on ^j^g qj^j Qusc was commanded by the fort at Aldreth, some seven miles to the South-West. This stronghold must have been built on piles, as we are told that it stood in the water. Stephen evaded this difficulty by throwing a bridge of boats across the Ouse. A swarapy marsh had then to be crossed, but a practicable way was pointed out by a Ramsey monk, Daniel by name, who was afterwards rewarded with the Abbacy of Ramsey.^ The men of the Isle offered no resistance, but Bishop Nigel was not caught. He had escaped the night before The Bishop (.(^g Royal troops entered, to join the Empress at Gloucester. His goods were plundered and his estates taken mto hand. ' W. Malm. H. N. s. 483. But see below on the currency of the reign. 2 H. Hunt, in anno ; W. Malm. s. 486. ^ See Hist. Ely, Anglia Sacra, I. 620. For Aldreth see above, 91, and Errata thereto. ■* Flor. Cont. * For this man see Hist. Ramsey, 325-330. He was quickly ousted on appeal to Rome. A.D. ii4o] AN EARL OF CORNWALL 391 But the monks, who had opposed his proceedings, received a charter.^ From East AngUa the King was called away to the remote parts of Cornwall, to suppress a rising there. The government of the district had been committed by him to a local magistrate, one William fitz ■* ^!^jf° Richard, described as a man of very high connexions {stemmatis illustrissimi), who presumably held the office of sheriflf. Chang- ing sides he now brought over Reginald of Dunstanville, natural son of the late king, and married him to his daughter. Reginald had taken the oaths Stephen,^ but he now stood by Matilda, and she, to give him legal control of the district, created him Earl of Cornwall.^ But Reginald behaved with great violence, endeavouring to reduce everything by force, and not even respecting Church property. Bishop Robert of Exeter * met him with an excommunication. The newly married Countess was so affected that she lost her reason. Stephen had no difficulty in getting the better of Reginald and his father-in-law, reducing them to a solitary stronghold, whose name is not given. Evacuating Cornwall, Stephen left Allan of Richmond in charge of the county.^ The avoidance of pitched encounters on either side in this miserable struggle must strike the modern reader. But it was a common feature of mediaeval warfare. Now, however, we are told that Earl Robert learning of the King's plunge into Cornwall conceived the bold idea of sb^^Battle '^^''•'^g off h's retreat, and for that purpose made an advance to meet him with all the forces that he could muster. But his ardour began to cool when he heard of Stephen's successes ; and when he was informed that he had rallied the Devonshire Barons to his standard, and was hastening forward to give battle, he wheeled about and retired to Bristol.^ Following hard on his flying tracks the King appears to have pressed on to Worcester, his head-quarters in the Severn Valley. Again we hear jj . of an advance to I^ittle Hereford ; while the Earl of Meulan, the Severn taking advantage of Stephen's presence, fell upon Tewkesbury, Valley, burning Gloucester's palace there, and ravaging all his lands to within a mile of Gloucester. Early in the year (31st January) Milo had been able to burn Winchcomb, but not to recover Sudeley.^ From this we may gather that, apart from detached holdings, Matilda's domain did not extend beyond Tewkesbury to the North ; Bristol to the South ; and the Cotswolds to the East, with an undefined frontier towards Wales. From Worcester Stephen again went to Oxford;* and from thence apparently to London, where we find him on the 26th March.^ ' See Hist. Ely, Angl. Sacr. I. 620 ; Gesta, 61-63 ; Flor. Cont. For the Aldreth causeway see Mr. C. C. Babington's map of Ancient Cambridgeshire ; Camb. Aniiq. Soc. 1883. 2 He attested Stephen's grant to Winchester ; Round, sup. 263. ' W. Malm. s. 483. * Appointed by Stephen in 1 138. ^ Gesta, 63, 64. * Feb. -March? Id. 64, 65. ' Flor. Cont. II. 123, 124. « Jd. 124. ^ Ann. Waverky. 392 A FOREIGN ADVENTURER [a.d. 1140 But the incident of the spring which excited most interest was the fate of the Flemish adventurer, Robert fitz Hubert, a desperado, who, according -o I. -•. <:4. to the writers on both sides, 'feared neither God nor man.' On Eobert fitz . ' . Hubert, the 26th March,^ he seized the mighty stronghold of Devizes, a Fleming, ^^y ^^ attack delivered at night, just as in the previous year he had seized Malmesbury. On the present occasion corruption must have had a hand in the matter, as we hear that he effected his entrance by means of ladders, made of ropes of hide, let down from the battle- D^vfzTs ™6nts. A few of the garrison shut themselves up in the Keep, but not being victualled for a siege, had to surrender. The Earl of Gloucester, naturally assuming that the Fleming was acting in his interest, but not caring to put too much trust in a man of his character, sent his son with a suitable force to relieve him of the command of Devizes.. But fitz Hubert declined to be relieved. He had been acting on his own account, hoping in the general confusion to snatch something for himself; and perhaps even to establish a petty principality on the South coast, based on Flemish swords. The Earl's son found the gates of Devizes closed against him, and was sent back to his father with messages of contempt. But the ambitious Fleming with a view to getting hold of the neighbouring castle of Marlborough, that belonged to the Empress, ventured to engage in a game of duplicity with the Constable, John the Marshal,^ a man quite fitted to cope with him.^ Robert proposed to the Marshal a private treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with friendly intercourse, and by way of a beginning offered a personal visit to Marl- borough. John, who saw through the scheme, accepted the offer, and then seized his visitor the moment he entered Marlborough. To ■^^^^1^ °S secure the surrender of Devizes, Gloucester took iitz Hubert MarlDorougu. ' from the Marshal's hands, and sent him to Devizes, to be hung there before the walls, if his men would not yield. But his men turning against their master refused to yield, and so Robert with two of his _. nephews were hung, to the great joy and relief of all the South country.* The motives of the garrison became apparent when not long afterwards they sold the castle to King Stephen for a goodly sum of money.^ Concurrently with the seizure of Devizes (26th March) we hear, for a 1 W. Malm. s. 485. ^ Son of Gilbert the Marshal, and ancestor of the Marshals, Eails of Pembroke. 5 W. Malm. s. 285 ; Gesta, 65, 66. The Continuator of Florence, p. 126, has it that the Marshal held Marlborough for the King ; but this is clearly contradicted by the others ; and the writer himself, under the previous year, records an attack on Marlborough made by Stephen in July; p. 117. ' Gesta, 67 ; W. Malm, sup ; Flor. Cont. 126, 127 ; I have ventured to simplify the rather tangled story told by the latter. ^ Gesta, 67, 68. A.D. 1 140] A CONFERENCE 393 change, of a Council held in London. 1 The filling up of the vacant See of Salisbury was the chief piece of business in hand. taL°"d°^ The Legate proposed Henry of Sully, his own nephew and the King's.^ But the all-influential Earl of Meulan named Philip of Harcourt, the King's Chancellor, who had succeeded Roger of Salisbury. Stephen assented, but the Legate in high dudgeon left court. Philip was sent to Rome, where his appointment was quashed, and the See remained vacant for several years.'' Stephen certainly was not happy in his dealings with the Church. His Whitsun Feast (26th May) was held in the Tower, evidently thought a dismal place for such a gathering. Only one bishop, he of Seez, was in attendance. All the others kept aloof* The Legate, however, not long Fruitless S'ftsrwards made a praiseworthy effort to rescue the country Conference from its miseries. At his instance conferences were held near near Batli. gg^^jj^ 3^ royal city. Earl Robert appeared for the Empress ; the Queen, the Legate, and Archbishop Theobald represented the King. Unfortunately no question of compromise was mooted ; only that of the abstract right to the kingdom. Matilda proposed a reference to the Pope, which was steadfastly resisted by Stephen. Doubtless he held that the Pope having already decided in his favour, he could not allow the question to be reopened. The conference came to nothing.^ Still hoping against El iioD hope, the Legate went over to France in September, and of Winchester discussed possible bases for a settlement with King Louis, in France. Qgy^,)- Theobald, and the clergy. Theobald of course was his brother as well as King Stephen's, while Louis, always friendly to Stephen, had just contracted a bond of alliance with him by betrothing his sister Constance to Stephen's son Eustace." Late in November Henry returned to England with certain proposals. What they were we are not told ; we only hear that the Empress and Earl Robert were pre- pared to accept them, but that Stephen met them with persistent evasion. Finally the Legate, like many others, resolved to possess his soul in patience, and abide the course of events.' England was thus thrown back on raids and sieges, and the sacking of towns, work of pure destruction. After Whitsuntide (26th May), the King had been called from London to East Anglia, to check the proceedings of the Constable Hugh Bigod, which were giving alarm. Stephen took Bungay Castle from him,^ and then returned Southwards for the conferences at ' So the Ann. Waverhy. The Continuator of Florence places it at Winchester, Stephen having been previously at Oxford. ^ Presumably son of their brother William of Blois, who married the heiress of Sully ; Le Prevost, V. 123. ' Ann. Waverhy ; Ord. 920 ; Flor. Cont. II. 124. Henry of Sully was consoled with the Abbey of Fecamp. * W. Malm. s. 486. * lb. * Flor. Cont. p. 123. Gervase, c. 1350. ' lb. 8 Ann. Waverley. 394 AN EARL OF NORFOLK [a.d. 1140 Bath. Somewhat later (August), we hear of a demonstration by the Earl of Gloucester against Bath, leading to a skirmish, which only merits notice from having involved the death of the turbulent Geoffrey Talbot, who, mortally wounded there, passed away on the 22nd August.^ Meanwhile Eoeer Blgod ^^ ■'^i"g ^^^ again found himself obliged to march against Created Earl Bigod. We are told that an agreement of some sort was o Ndrfoik. ggggfed between them.^ As shortly afterwards we find Hugh fighting at the King's side as Earl of Norfolk,' we must suppose that Stephen had secured his allegiance by the grant of that dignity. Lastly we have the Earl of Gloucester making a bold ride with men, partly supplied by the Earl of Warwick,* to sack the town of Nottingham. The attack was made at the instigation of Ralph Paganel, presumably an enemy of William Peverel, to whom the place belonged, But Peverel, who, in 1 138 was reckoned a friend of fhe Empress, had doubtless changed sides by 1139, when Stephen visited Nottingham. Sacks tlie -^^ all events from this time onwards we shall find him faithful N ttta°h^ to the King. No siege was laid to the castle, but the ' defenceless town was pillaged from end to end and finally burnt down. The responsibility for the firing was disputed, but the con- flagration involved churches crowded with fugitives. Well-to-do captives were carried off.^ This huge crime rudely traverses the assertion of the the Earl's panegyrist, WiUiam of Malraesbury, that he was careful never to do anything that could bring discredit on his cause.^ Before going on to events that link themselves with the year 1141, we must pause to notice the death of a great churchman. Archbishop Thurstan of York, who ended his days on the 5th or 6th February (1140).'' Death of •'^i'hfirto he has come under our notice first as the sturdy Arciii)ishop upholder of the rights of his Province as against the pre- '"'^ ™" tensions of Canterbury ; and later as the patriotic defender of England from Scottish invasions. But the real work of his life was diocesan. A native of Bayeux, a Norman born and bred, he ^ife^ortli" devoted himself to the reorganisation of the Northumbrian Church, which had not yet recovered from the ravages of io6g and 1070. He endowed Hexham, he founded Fountains,^ he patronised the Cistercians, the great civilising agency of the time. It ' " Miles strenuus sed dolosus, nunc enim cum rege nunc cum comite, omnia agens in dolo." Flor. Cont. II. 127, 128. He was buried at Gloucester. ^ Ann. Waverley ; Ann. Cambria. ' H. Hunt. p. 270; (February, 1141) Round, Mandeville, 271. ■* Roger of Beaumont, the second Earl. He attests Matilda's charter of 25th July, 1 141 ; Fmdera, I. 14. ^ Sept. Flor. Cont. 128. ° " Modeste se agere," etc. ; H. N. p. 561 ; also 570, 571. ' Sth February, Flor. Cont. ; 6th February, Symeon, ZT. /?. Com'. 305. ^ Symeon, If. R. Cont. 2S5 ; ^Ired, De Standardo, 184; W. Newburgh, I. 49. A.D. ii4o] AN EARL OF CHESTER 395 could not be an accidental coincidence that during his primacy the See of Carlisle was founded, and that of Whithern revived. ^ The appointment of a successor to Thurstan led to a prolonged struggle between the Secular and the Regular parties in the Church. The York Chapter, at the suggestion of the Legate, elected his nephew Henry of Sully, Abbot of Fdcamp.^ But the Pope refused to accept him, unless he resigned Fdcamp, and that it seems he was unwilling to do. A fresh meeting of the Chapter, held in January, 1141, resulted in the election of their treasurer, by name William, son of one Herbert formerly ^^ofYOTk"^ treasurer to Henry I.,^ an easy-going courtier of somewhat indolent habits, but pleasant, popular manners ; a man whose sweet temper and blameless life eventually gained him a place on the Calendar of the Saints. The Earl of York supported him in Stephen's name, and the King duly confirmed the election.* But the Cistercians . g. , protested, alleging that he had promised Stephen money, and for the Areii- that the election had been influenced by the King — as doubt- bisiioprio. jggg jj. 1^^^^ ^jj parties were summoned to Rome. The matter had not been finally settled when Innocent died, in September, 1143.^ So far the operations of the war have been singularly destitute of interest. We now approach a period of more important developments. The months from December, 1140, to November, 1141, were destined to witness a series of startling revolutions, and became the turning point of the reign. Chief of the wavering magnates whom both ^^^ckester^^ parties were anxious to secure was Ralph II., surnamed " Gernons " {Moustaches), Earl of the County Palatine of Chester, a petty kingdom in which the Earl was supreme.^ Ralph might be thirty years old — -having succeeded about 1129. He was connected with the Earl of Gloucester, having been married to his daughter Matilda in the previous reign.^ As against Stephen he had a cherished grievance. . His father Ralph I. (surnamed Meschin), when admitted to the earldom in succession to his cousin Richard, who perished in the White Ship (11 20), had been obliged by Henry I. to surrender Carlisle and other fiefs in Cumberland that he had previously held ; also lands in Lincolnshire held in right of his wife Lucy.* All this might be legitimate matter for ar- H'sM th rangement between the King and his subject, but both the tie Countess Ralphs, father and son, had grumbled at it ; and Stephen by ^^'^^' the cession of Cumberland to the Scots had put it out of his ' See Symeon, sup. 303-305 ; Bishop Stubbs, Hoveden, IV. xxxiv. Not many days before his death Thurstan took CUiniac vows at Pontefract. * Orderic, Le Prevost, V. 123 ; above, 393, note. ' ' So Sym. H. R. Cont. 317 ; T. Stubbs (Scripit. Decern, o. 1721), calls William son of one Count Herbert by Emma, the King's sister. No such persons seem to have been identified. * At Lincoln during the siege, of which below. ^ Sym. H. H. Cont. 306, 307, 311. « See above, p. 96. ' W. Malm. Zf. N. s. 487. ' Above, 392, 300, and Skene, C. S. I. 456, citing Natl. MSS. of Scotland, No. 19. 396 AN EARL OF LINCOLN [a.d. 1140 power to comply with the Earl's demands. The reader will remember Ralph's violent behaviour to young Henry of Scotland at Easter 1136. In the present year we are told that he would have waylaid Henry on his return from a visit to Stephen, if the latter had not, at the Queen's request, given him his personal escort, and so sent him safely home.' Lucy the mother of Ralph II., as already mentioned, was the daughter of Thorold or Turold, at one time Sheriff of Lincolnshire. She had been married first to Yvo Taillebois, by whom she had no child ; then to Roger of Roumare, by whom she had William of Roumare ; and thirdly tootner to Ralph Meschin. William of Roumare, as above stated, had WiUiamof gQ^g to war with Henry I. for his mother's estates, and had Koumare. ° !. , . ' recovered great part of them, including apparently Boling- broke, and the Constableship of the castle of Lincoln, which ofBce however he had to share with the descendants of Colsweyn, an old English land- owner.2 So it may have been as a matter of legal right, but in fact the castle, or at any rate the Keep, appears to have been held by Stephen. The exact circumstances attending the rupture of the Earl of Chester and his half-brother with Stephen are involved in doubt, through the defective state of the solitary MS. to which we owe most of our informa- tion for this period.' From other sources we hear that the Earl seized the Keep of Lincoln Castle by a stratagem, taking it out of the King's hands.* Ralph, at any rate, had no title to this stronghold, but he evidently had a footing in Lincoln, doubtless in connexion with the estates held there by his predecessor, Hugh of Avranches.^ The Gesta tell us that in consequence of some misdoings by the Earl of Chester and his half-brother, the King, late in the year had gone down to Lincoln ; that he had accepted their explanations ; had conferred favours WUllam on them in the hope of securing their allegiance, and then Fortify LiJi- crone back to London for Christmas, leaving them established coin Castle. ° jo in Lincoln Castle.^ In agreement with this we have the fact that about this time the Earldom of Lincoln was given to William of Roumare.'' But shortly afterwards, about Christmas, alarming reports reached the King from the Bishop and men of Lincoln. The brothers were making unwarrantable demands of the people,* doubtless by requisitions for victualling and arming the castle. Stephen, with his usual promptitude, posted off to Lincoln with all his 1 Syra. H. R. Cont., 306. 2 See above, 292,300, and Mr. Kirk, New Genealogist, V. 169-171. For Colsweyn see Domesday, 356 b, 357 b. ^ See the Gesta, 69, where two folios are wanting. The MS. is defective in other places also. ■* Orderic, 921 ; Sym. H. JR. Cont. 306; H. Hunt. A.D. 1141 ; W. Newburgh, I. 39. ^ See Freeman, N. C. IV. 215, citing Domesday. ^ Gesta, 69; W. Malm. s. 487. ' Round, Mandeville, 271. ^ " Civibus et affinibus dira injungere ; " Gesta, sup. A.D. 1140-1141] THE CITY OF LINCOLN 397 Court, without even waiting for the end of the Christmas week. Thus he arrived so unexpectedly that the malcontents had barely time Besfeges'them.*° ''^'"^ '° ^^ castle. Earl Ralph, following what we might call the usual practice of. the time, slipped away to Cheshire to raise his men, leaving his wife and brother to stand the siege."^ He communicated with Gloucester, tendering his allegiance to Matilda, and begging for succour to the distressed garrison at Lincoln.^ Robert was not particularly well disposed towards his son-in-law, who had done nothing for him, but he could not afford to throw away such an opportunity. He gathered together all the men of the party ; to^the'^lescue.^^''^ Ralph called out his Cheshire retainers, and also en- listed a strong body of Welsh auxiliaries. From this time on- wards we shall commonly find the Principality lending friendly help in times of civil disturbance in England. Acting in careful concert the two Earls joined forces, perhaps at Claybrook in Leicestershire, where the Foss Way leading North-Eastward to Lincoln, crosses the Watling Street, by which Ralph would come from Chester.^ By this route they would evade the necessity of having to cross the Trent. On the morning of the 2nd February, 1141, Candlemas Day, being also as it happened Sexagesima Sunday, they drew near to Lincoln. The city occupies a proud position on the crest and slope of a com- manding height, in fact a promontory, that at its Southern end rises Lincoln "t abruptly from the plains below, while to the Nortli, outside the site and walls, it broadens out into an open plateau. The castle en- ortiflcations.j,|Qgjjj.g gfg^^^g ^j^ ^jjg brink of the high ground, in the South- West corner of the old Roman camp, the Minster occupying the South- East corner. The city extended Southwards, along the principal street, down the slopes to the river Witham, and apparently across it for some little distance towards Newark.* But before Gloucester could assail the height surmounted by the castle that he came to succour, certain watery obstacles had to be crossed. The river Witham, rising in the extreme ^itham!^ South of Lincolnshire, flows Northwards to the foot of the Lincoln heights. There it enters a pool known as Brayford. But the pool also receives the waters of the Foss Dike, an artificial river or canal, of Roman origin, recently repaired by Henry \.,^ by which part ' Gesta, and W. Malm. , sup. The latter, ignoring all the King's grounds of complaint, taxes him with treachery for attacking the Earl without having previously ' defied ' him (diffidiare), i.e. renounced the feudal bond existing between them. ^ Orderic ; W. Malm. sup. ^ So Miss Norgate suggests, Angevin Kings, I. 316. * The simple, round-arched towers of the Churches of SL Benedict, St. Mary le Wigford, and St. Peter at Gowts, and the fine Norman building adjacent to the latter, known locally as John of Gaunt's Stables (qy. William of Roumare's Stables?), all to the South of the Witham, suggest the existence of a considerable suburb, as old as the time of Stephen. The lower part of the tower of St. Benedict's might be Saxon. ' A.D. I22I ; Symeon, H. R. 260. 398 CAMPAIGN AND [a.d. 1141 of the Trent is taken off at Torksey, and brought back South- Eastwards to Lincoln, to join the Witham, which then, issuing from ^i)ike°^^ Brayford turns South-Eastwards, to flow on, a navigable river, down to Boston. Thus Lincoln enjoyed access by water both to the Humber and the Wash ; hence its commerce and its wealth. We see then that Gloucester would have to cross either the Witham, or the Brayford pool, or the Foss Dike. In fact the road by which he was ad- vancing crosses the Witham twice, once at Bracebridge, in its natural state, two and a half miles from Lincoln, and again as swollen by the Dike just outside the city. It is plain that he could not attempt to cross the Witham by the " High Bridge," in front of the gate of the city (the "Stone Bow"); nor through the short reach (160 yards), extending between the Bridge and Brayford Head,^ just under the city wall. Still less could he think of plunging into the Brayford itself ^ William of Malmesbury tells us that the Earl found himself separated from the enemy by a Crosses tlie river, which by a very natural confusion he calls the Trent ; Water. ^^ river, he says, was swollen by rain, but the Earl, not to be daunted, boldly plunged in and swam his men across.^ The writer of the Gesta speaks of a ford, and says that the King sent down a strong body of men to command the passage,* but that the enemy apparently Question of j^y some strategic move, got possession of the ford, and scattered them.s Henry of Huntingdon, who as the writer living nearest the spot, must have had the best opportunities of picking up information, does not speak either of a ford or of a river, but says that the Earl of Chester (who was acquainted with the locality), boldly led the army through an almost impassable swamp.^ Local tradition, generally to be trusted in these matters, places the site of the battle that ensued on the level ground to the North of the city,''' the only side from which it was at all assailable. Putting all these circumstances together, we suggest that Gloucester, keeping at a safe distance from Lincoln and its suburbs, left the road at Bracebridge, before crossing the Witham, and that thence leading his men ' I say this because Miss Norgate seems to suggest that Gloucester crossed between the bridge and the Brayford, under the walls of the city ; Angevin Kings, I. 317, 345' 2 See Map. ' " Ut nullatenus vado transitum prasberet . . . cum omnibus suis nando transgressus est ; " p. 571- * " In exitu vadi eis ad obsistendum. " * ' ' lUi e converso directis prudenter aciebus, cum violentia in ipsos irruentes vadum occupaverunt." The passage is confused, it seems to imply that Gloucester scattered the men first, and then crossed ; but that is contradicted by the previous words " exitus vadi." " " Cum consul audacissimus paludem pcene intransibilem vix transisset " ; p. 268. ' Miss Norgate, disregarding local tradition, thinks the battle to have been fought on a " tract of comparatively high and dry ground on the South-West side of the hill, "and close under it. I could see no fair battle-field there. Gloucester could not have attacked an army in such a position. The advantage of ground on the side of Stephen would have been overwhelming. BATTLE oFlINCOLlSr 2^ I Ay. 1141 £r speaking of Gloucester's party as a whole, says, " Quorum erat major exheredatorum Humerus," as doubtless it was. 400 STEPHEN A PRISONER [a.d. 1141 to gain and nothing to lose. For a pitched battle, or a short campaign no more formidable men could be found. Their leader is not named, but it must have been the gallant Milo of Gloucester, the real military leader of the party, who was present. The Cheshire men and their Welsh allies, the latter being led by a Cadwalader and a Mareddud,* took the second line ; while Earl Robert brought up the reserves. How far his men fought on foot, and how far on horseback, does not clearly appear, but the front line must have been mounted. Orderic says that the King was the stronger in cavalry, Gloucester in infantry, and ,in numbers generally.^ The Archdeacon of Huntingdon has handed down to us speeches put into the mouths of the leaders on either side. That some addresses, however, were delivered would appear from the fact that we are told that the King, having a weak voice,^ put forward Baldwin of Clare* to speak for him. In their addresses each side claims justice and truth for itself, and showers abuse on the leaders of the other side. The only point worthy of notice is that the opprobrium cast in the teeth of Earl Robert — if it was not a mere calumny — was that of being a man of words, a big talker, but weak and timid in action. ^ The actual struggle proved a hollow affair. The royalist Earls would fain have begun with knightly ' Jousts ' in the approved fashion ' — single-handed encounters, not involving much bloodshed, and the leading to no particular result. But the Dismherited ones Eoyailsts. jjjgjjjt fighting, and they charged home in such a resolute style, that with the first shock they knocked their adversaries' line to pieces, driving them clean off the field in ignominious flight. The Earl of Chester then engaged the King's second line, led by Aumale and William of Ypres. The Welsh gave way, but the Cheshire men retrieved the position, carrying all before them. William of Ypres scampered off like the rest of them, reserving his services for another day. The King's cavalry having been disposed of, Gloucester's whole force gathered round Stephen's dismounted phalanx, attacking them from all sides.'' A desperate conflict ensued. By all accounts Stephen fought like a lion, first with his sword, and when that failed him, with a Danish battle-axe, thrust into his hand by a Lincoln burgher. * Finally he was felled to the ground by a stone hurled by an unknown hand.' taken One William of Cahaigne ^^ seized him by the helmet, and Prisoner, j^gj^j j^j^j^ down ; then he submitted, surrendering himself to the Earl of Gloucester.!^ ' Old. 922. ^ p. 922. So too seemingly H. Hunt. 272. ^ " Quia rex festiva carebat voce," p. 271. * Brother to Gilbert, recently created Earl of Pembroke. ^ H. Hunt. 268-273. " " Proludium pugnas facere quod Juslam vocant " ; W. Malm. p. 571. ' H. Hunt. 273, 274. * Id. ; Symeon, sup. 306. ^ W. Malm. 1° Eure. '' H. Hunt, and Sym. sup. A.D. 1141] MATILDA TRIUMPHANT 401 Among the prisoners taken were Baldwin of Clare, Bernard of Balliol, Roger of Mowbray, William Peverel, Richard of Courcy, Richard fitz Urse, Ingelram of Sai, Ilbert of Lacy.' But the Earls had behaved so badly that they were generally taxed with treason. To end the day the city of Lincoln was sacked, and the citizens, or such of them as were caught there, butchered without mercy. But the greater part, warned in time, had fled for their lives, not a few to be drowned in the Witham by the swamping of overcrowded boats. On the other hand the loss of life on the field was small. Orderic was assured that not more than a hundred men in all had fallen. Of the action we can only remark that the faint-heartedness of Stephen's men might almost be excused for the want of generalship that exposed them to such needless risks. On the 9th February, just a week after the battle. Earl Robert presented his Royal captive to his sister at Gloucester.^ Her joy knew no bounds. With the usurping rival in her hands she had nothing now to do but to enter on her lawful inheritance.' She soon let the world see how little she appreciated the difficulties of her situation ; and how utterly ^^Bristoi* *" ^"'^'' ^^ ^^^ '•° '-°P^ ^^'^ them. Stephen having been sent for safe keeping to Bristol, the Empress, on the 13th February, started on her first progress, advancing to Cirencester.* She was making for Winchester, the old historic capital. But her brother, at any rate, had sufficient knowledge of the world to understand the necessity of coming to a definite understanding with the Legate, the Bishop of Winchester. Negotiations were opened with him.^ Henry was, before all and the things, a Churchman. As he had made his brother King in w'^'h^ °* the supposed interests of the Church, so now he was prepared to accept Matilda if better terms could be made with her. On Sunday, the 2nd March, a meeting was arranged in the open air, at a place that a charter issued by Matilda enables us to identify as Wherwell, near Andover.^ Mists and rain cast a gloom over the proceedings. Under AComnaot ^^^^^ chilly auspices a compact was entered into somewhat on fertile the lines of that by which Stephen had secured the throne, rown. jj^j. ^£ ^ much more humiliating character. He had pledged himself to restore the 'liberty' of the Church, a rash promise, but not necessarily an unconscientious one. Matilda, as the price of her recogni- tion by the Legate '' and the Church in general was required to swear that ' Id. and Ord. sup. 2 Y\ax. Cont. ; W. Malm. s. 490. ' " Utpote regnum, . . . sicut sibi videbatur, jam adepta;" Flor. C. ^ Id. 5 j5tij February; W. Malm. a. 491. ' Round, sup. 57 ; citing Add. MS. 22, 934, f. 21 b. The date is given with precision by~Malm. The charter refers to the day somewhat vaguely as "Die Dominica intranlis Quadragesimas." That ought strictly to mean the First Sunday in Lent = 17th February. But it may also be taken as meaning a Sunday early in Lent. ' "Si earn in dominam reciperet." R. H. — VOL. II. D D 402 THE EMPRESS [a.d. 1041 she would consult the Legate personally in all matters of importance, and specially that she would leave all appointments to bishoprics and abbeys in his hands. This discreditable bargain would infringe on many rights besides those of the Crown. Matilda however gave the pledge, Henry in return yielding her much the same sort of allegiance that Earl Robert was said to have rendered to Stephen, namely, that he would be true to her as long as she kept true to him. On these terms she was brought on the morrow (March 3rd) in solemn procession^ into Winchester, and taken to tjie Cathedral,^ where, apparently, by way of a quasi-hallowing, a blessing Th E s ^^^ passed upon her The castle, with the trifling amount received at of treasure still in hand, and the royal crown that was kept Winoiiester. jj^g^g^ ^g^g delivered up to her, and she of her own authority, without further ado, had herself proclaimed ' Lady and Queen ' of England.^ Archbishop Theobald was not among those who received Matilda at Winchester. He refused to give in his allegiance to her till by arrange- ment he had been allowed to see the King at Bristol, and IrheobSd'' ^^^ obtained from him leave to temporise.* Then he went to Wilton, where the Empress was, and made his submission. ^ For Easter Matilda went to Oxford,^ where Robert of Oilly "> the younger held rule. He was married to Edith, at one time mistress to the late King, to whom she had borne a son, Robert H. Oilly ""^at oSord^^ °" being summoned to surrender the castle had promptly consented to do so. Other successes had been gained by Matilda's followers in various parts of the country. The Earl of Richmond had fallen into the hands of the Earl of Chester, and had been forced to hand over all his castles. Hugh of Beaumont had been expelled from Bedford Castle, while a popular rising had forced Hervd of Lions, Stephen's son-in-law, to surrender Devizes, and fly the kingdom. William Peverel had to purchase his freedom by yielding Nottingham Castle. Other prisoners taken at Lincoln paid heavy ransoms.' Aad Gaming Altogether the Empress's prospects were thought to be Ground. , , ? ... „,,^ , , , n 1 , lookmg bright. Wherever she went the people nocked to see her and greet her. ' The chief of those who assisted were the Bishops of St. David's, Lincoln, Hereford, Ely, and Bath ; and the Abbots of Readins;, Abingdon, Malmesbury, Gloucester, and Tewkesbury. Earl Robert, Brian of Wallingford, and Milo of Gloucester joined in Matilda's oath as sureties ; W. Malm. ^ W. Malm. s. 491. ' Flor. Cont. "Dominam et reginam se acclamare prscepit" ; Gesta, 74. * " Ut in necessitatem temporis transiret " ; W. Malm. sup. Several others, bishops and laymen, accompanied Theobald to Bristol. ' Id. ; Flor. Cont. * For a private charter granted by Matilda at Oxford, in March, see Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. XXXI. 379; Round, Mandeville, 67. She also named Robert "De Sigillo " to the See of London. He had held office under Henry I. ; Sym. H. R. Cont. 309. ' Ouilli-le-Taisson ; Calvados, to the W. of Falaise. * Gesta, 72, 73 ; Sym. H. K. Cont. 308, 309. A.D. II4I] " LADY OF ENGLAND" 403 The Legate however felt that constitutional requirements had not been satisfied, and that some further concession to them must be made. Matilda would have to be crowned ; and, before she was Winchester crowned, sonie form of election would have to be gone through. With that end in view Henry summoned an ecclesiastical Synod to meet at Winchester on the 7th April. William of Malmesbury, who was 'present, has reported the proceed- ings. The first day was devoted by the Legate to private conferences with the several orders of clergy, namely, the bishops, abbots, and arch- deacons, each order being taken by itself. Their dispositions having been sounded, the Legate on the morrow harangued them in public. He reminded them of the happy peace enjoyed under ^'' L^^gate*^^ the late reign ; of the oaths taken to Matilda in her father's lifetime ; he explained his own conduct in allowing his brother to become King.i Matilda, he said, had tarried in Normandy ; the public peace urgently required the appointment of a ruler ; Stephen had sworn to honour the Church and maintain 'good laws.' But he, the speaker, was ashamed to think how utterly these promises had been falsified. All peace had vanished at once. Then came the arresting of bishops, sale of abbeys, robbing of churches. Finally, the Almighty had declared against Stephen, by delivering him into the hands of his adver- saries. He, Henry, had on the previous day ascertained the views of the greater part of the clergy, ' to whom chiefly the election of a King apper- tained'; and so, being in possession of their mind, without further appeal or call for votes, he proceeded to declare 'the daughter of Henry, the glorious, the incomparable King,' to be the duly-elected ' Lady of England and Normandy.' ^ The force of the terra 'Lady' {domina), and the intention with which Matilda was declared domina and not regina (Queen), have been much discussed. It must be pointed out that her own favourite style was "Imferatrix, Henrici Regis filia," with or without the addition oi"-Angloriim Domina.'' This is her style in twenty-seven charters that have been verified. In only two does she use the word ''Regina."^ It would seem therefore that though she had had herself proclaimed Domina et Regina, still she had a personal preference for the mere style Domina. The formula used by the Legate is so similar to the one affected by herself, that we cannot help thinking that it was adopted at her suggestion. As for the grounds of her preference, it may have been connected with her Imperial style. She could not be styled Empress of England ; but ' "Regnare permissus.'' ' In Anglise Normanni^que dominam eligimus." See the charters printed by Mr. 'Bach, Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. XXXI. 378, cited Round, Mandeville, 63, etc. 404 STEPHEN'S FRIENDS [a.d. 1141 she might think it a " come-down " to be declared a mere Queen, and so chose the style Domina as consistent with the higher dignity.^ The Legate closed his address by stating that he expected to see next day a deputation from the Londoners, who, by reason of the importance of their city, ranked as magnates (optimates).^ Henry of Blois, certainly, got through his delicate task very cleverly. If his declaration of Matilda's ' election ' had not been greeted with any warmth of applause, neither had any dissentient voice been raised.* Not so on the 9th April when the Londoners were introduced. Londoners '^'^^3' stated bluntly that the instructions received from their Demand the ^w«/«««fi * were not to raise any discussion, but simply to s^tephen P'^^y ^ ^"'' '^^ release of their lord the King. This, they said, was also the demand of a number of barons who were acting with them. The Legate, in giving his reasons for declining, not being provided with a second speech, had to repeat his address of the previous day. Then one Christian, chaplain to the devoted Queen, came forward with a paper that the Legate refused to lay before the meeting. Christian, Protest ""^^ ^° ^^ foiled, read out his paper himself. ' The Queen of Queen begs the clergy, and specially the Bishop of Winchester, ^ ^" brother to her lord, to restore the same lord to his kingdom, wicked men, his own liege subjects, having thrown him into bonds.' Again the Legate had to travel over his twice repeated speech. On April loth the Synod was dissolved, the Londoners saying that they would report to their friends and do what they could. ^ More than two months were spent by Matilda's partisans in efforts to overcome the reluctance of the Londoners to receive her. Until she was admitted to London she could not well be crowned. Her cause, however, was still supposed to be making progress ; the greater part of the kingdom was understood to have accepted her rule and done homage to her.'' But her personal peregrinations during the time do not appear to have extended beyond Reading and St. Albans.* In May she was joined by her uncle King David of Scotland, who came presumably to ' Mr. Round, Mandeville, 70, etc, argues that Domina was an intermediate style used after election, but before coronation. Dr. Rossler, Mathilde, 291-294, holds that Domina was used to confer 1 mere regency on Matilda, a regency, either on behalf of Stephen, who had not been deposed, or of her young son, Henry. 2 W. Malm. ss. 493, 494. The reader will bear in mind that his report is that of an eye-witness. * " Cum omnes vel modeste acclamassent, vel silenter non contradixissent" ; lb- * "A communione quam vocant Londoniarum. " The word commune, obviously of French origin, suggests a municipal league like that of which we heard at Le Mans in 1073. * " Non certamina sed preces offerre." "" W. Malm. ss. 495, 49^' ' So W. Malm. p. 578 ; Gesta, 76 ; Sym. H. R. Cont. 309 ; H. Hunt. 275. The last excepts Kent, held by the Queen and William of Ypres. ' Flor. Conl. ; Matilda signs at both places ; Round, sup. 82, 84. A.D. II4I] MATILDA'S FRIENDS 405 assist at her coronation.^ But meanwhile she was labouring, by arrogant and arbitrary conduct, to undo all that others had done for and Manners lierj refusing to listen to her advisers, and insisting on deciding of the everything herself. If she had to refuse a request she did XuUpirGSS, ... . 1 J It in the most ungracious way. Her manners were so bad, that when petitioners — even men in the position of her uncle or the Legate — approached her with genuflexions, to prefer some request, she would not rise to acknowledge their courtesies. ^ The reader will judge how such behaviour would contrast with the affable ways of the pleasant, well-bred Stephen. At last, however, the Londoners were induced to receive the Empress. A few days before the 24th of June she made her entry. Coming from St. She is Albans, as she did, she would follow the Edgeware Road, and Received in so we may take it that the citizens received her at the present Hyde Park Corner, the usual place, leading her on to West- minster.^ The attestations to a charter passed by Matilda at this time, confirming Geoffrey of Mandeville * in the Earldom of Essex, already conferred on him by Stephen,^ show how restricted the Court circle was. Among the signatories we have the Legate and the four other Bishops who received Matilda at Winchester in March ; we have of course Robert of Gloucester, Brian of Wallingford, and Milo of Gloucester. Then come two Earls of Matilda's own creation, namely, Baldwin of Redvers Earl of Devon ; ^ and WilHam of Mohun Earl of Somerset or Dorset : with her natural brother, Robert II. The names of seven minor barons follow, mostly West-country men, or men like Walkelin Maminot, or Ralph Pagenel, already known as partisans. The only accession is that of Mandeville himself, who was Constable of the Tower ; and the price paid for his support was large. Not only was he confirmed in his Earl- dom, with all its incidents ; but he also received the Constableship of the Tower and the Shrievalty of Essex in fee simple, with lands to the value of ;^roo a year, mostly taken from Count Theobald, Stephen's brother. The Earl is further authorised to arm the Tower and his private castles, at will ; a permission amounting to a grant of the right to wage private war.'? ' David started after the 8th May, and rested at Durham on his way, making efforts to secure the appointment of his Chancellor, William Cumin, as Bishop. The See had fallen vacant on the 6th May, by the death of Geoffrey Rufus. The King continued his journey about the 19th May ; Sym. H. R. Cont. 309 : H. D. E. Cent. 143-145. ^- Gesta, 74, 75 ; H. Hunt. ; Symeon, sup. " W. Malm. s. 497 ; Flor. Cont. See Round, sup. 84. That Matilda came for her coronation appears from the Gesta p. 78 ; "Ad dominam inthronizandam." * Eure or Calvados. ^ June-December, 1140. See the charter, Round, sup. 49, 51. * I can find no authority for the earlier Earldom attributed to Baldwin and his father. So too Round, 272. ' " Ut inforciet ilia ad voluntatem suam. " As this applies to the Tower it must surely mean something more than keeping the fortifications in repair. 4o6 A COLLAPSE [a.d. 1J41 Lastly, to make Geoffrey's control of Essex more complete, he was appointed standing King's Justice for the county (capitalis Justicia), Matilda only stipulating for the right to send down, if necessary, an assessor ' to see justice done,' the man deputed to be always of equal rank with Geoffrey. 1 This stipulation of course was aimed at her father's practice of appointing men of moderate position on whom he could depend. But if Matilda's following was scanty the press of petitioners for favours was overwhelming. First came renewed applications for the liberation of Stephen, sent in by his indefatigable Queen. Her instances were backed up by influential men, with large proffers of material guarantees, in the shape of castles and hostages, to secure Stephen's abdicating and quitting England.^ Then the King of Scots wanted the vacant see of Durham for his Chancellor, William Cumin .^ The Legate, informed of the hostility of the Durham Chapter, protested energetically. Nevertheless, Matilda declared for her uncle's man.* She had specially promised to leave Church appointments in Henry's hands, yet at the very first opportunity she violated her pledge. Again the Legate wished Stephen's Earldoms of Mortain and Boulogne to be conferred on young Eustace ; at any rate while his father remained in prison. But Matilda was equally deaf to this very reasonable request.^ On the other hand she demanded a large subsidy of the Londoners. They in return asked for a restoration of the Laws of the Confessor, the old popular cry, of rather vague import, com- tiie Laws pliance with which would have committed Matilda to very of tiie little. Again she refused to Hsten. Then the hollow bubble Confessor, and is burst. On the Z4th June the city rose in tumult. Matilda's ^P?}i^^?'°™ Court had to fly for their lives. Some went one way, and some another ; but she, with her uncle and her brother, rode to Oxford.^ Queen Matilda and William of Ypres, advancing from Kent, took possession of London ; ''' and Mandeville at once went over to them. 8 The Empress had played Stephen's game for him, even better than he had played her game for her. ' See the charter, with notes and valuable comments, Round, sup. 88-113. ^ Flor. Cont.; Gesia, 76; " Regno dimisso." ' Bishop Geoffrey Rufus had died on the 6th May ; Sym. H. D. E. Cont. 143. * See Id. 143-145. ° Flor. Cant.;'^. Malm. s. 498. The latter regarded this refusal as the determining cause of the breach between the Empress and the Legate. He places the incident after her flight from London, but she and the Legate never met after that. ^ Flor. Cont.; IL 132 ; W. Malm. s. 497 ; Gesta 76-78 ; for the date see Sym. H. D. E. Cont. 145. The Empress was on the point of investing Cumin with the Bishopric of Durham, without any reference to the Durham Chapter. ' Gesta, 78. ^ He is shortly found fighting for Stephen; W. Malm. H. N. p. 580. The Queen, apparently, granted him a charter which has not been preserved, doubtless regranting all that the Empress had granted. See Round, n8. A,D. 1141] THE CITY OF WINCHESTER 407 The Legate did not follow Matilda to Oxford. Deeply irritated and offended he saw what an impracticable woman he had to deal with. From Tlie Leg-ate Westminster he made for Winchester : on the way he had an Discards tHe interview with Stephen's Queen at Guildford, and came to an Empress, , , . . and Retires understanding with her for the restoration of his brother. He to Wincliester.^jgQ recalled the excommunications laid at Winchester on some of Stephen's supporters. ' Gloucester hastened to Winchester, to remonstrate, but had to return to Oxford, to report the failure of his efforts. As the Legate would not listen to reason, the Empress in her rough high-handed way, resolved to convert him by force. Late in July she started from Oxford with her uncle, her three brothers, Arch- Pursue's^UD! bishop Theobald, the trusty Milo, now raised to the Earldom of Hereford,^ and a few others. Entering Winchester un- expectedly on the jTSt of the month,' she took possession of the Royal castle, that is to say of the old Anglo-Saxon palace, formerly the residence of Queen Emma, situate in the West quarter of the city.* Another Royal palace was that built by the Conqueror, a littleto the North-west of the Old Minster and at the West end of the New Minster; which again stood on the North side of the Old Minster, Wincnester. between it and the High Street.^ According to one account the Conqueror's palace and hall had been demolished by Bishop Henry in 1138, for the sake of the materials.'' But a local record asserts that it was still standing, though doomed to perish in two days time.''' Then the Legate had two residences, both apparently fortified; namely the old episcopal castle, near the Minster j^ and the new ambitious palace and Keep built by him in 1 138, on a site a little to the South of the Minster, but just within the city walls,^ and known as Wolvesey Castle. ' W. Malm. 3. 498 ; Gesta, 78. ^ 25th July; Fadera I. 14. The Gesta give tlie names of all the leaders of the party as going with the Empress, but this is contradicted by Malmesbury. ' Hyde Cartulary (Stowe MS.), cited Round, Mandeville, 125. This date is con- firmed by the Waverley Annals, which state that hostilities began on the ist August; cnf. Flor. C. 133. But Malmesbury, H. N. p. 580, had it that the Empress only reached Winchester a few days before the 15th August. So too, in effect, the Plympton Chroni- cle in Liebermann's Geschichtesqiielleny p. 28. * The site is now occupied by the Barracks, the adjacent building being still called the Castle. " Domus Emmse ; " Winton Domesday. See Plan. 5 See Plan. « So Giraldus Camb. VII. 46. ' " Palatium cum aula ; " Hyde Cartulary; Round, Mandeville, 127. ' So Norgate. ° Ann. Winton, a.d. 1138. See the Gesta, 79, where two episcopal residences seem distinguished; but both are ascribed to the Legate. " Castellum episcopi quod . in civitatis medio locarat." This would be the older building. " Sed et domum illius quam ad instar castelli . . . inexpugnabiliter firmarat." This would be Wolvesey Castle. Of this a few ivy-clad fragments remain. 4o8 SIEGE [A.D. 1 141 In this connexion we may add that the New Minster, with Alfred's remains, had been removed in mo from its original cramped position, alongside of the Old Minster (St. Swithin's), to a more commodious site in Hyde Mead, to the North of the city, and just outside the walls ; 1 whence its later name, Hyde Abbey. The Legate, then, having control of the South Eastern quarters of the city, and the Empress that of the North Western quarters, without any very definite line of demarcation between them, Winchester was imme- diately split into two hostile camps, waging internecine warfare on each other. Arrived in Winchester, the Empress sent a message to the Legate, re- questing his immediate attendance. He did not wait for a second warn- ing. Answering evasively, ' I will prepare me,' ^ he took horse, and gal- loped away from Southern end of the city to rally the Royalist the Legate P^'''y> ^-fd bring succour to the devoted band of retainers whom he left behind him to defend his interests in his absence.' Next day (August ist) began a furious assault on the episcopal strong- holds* In repelling the attack the besieged, to clear their Wincliester . . Burnt. front, fired the surrounding buildings. The Minster escaped, but the Conqueror's palace,^ and a great part of the city was destroyed. The conflagration must have lasted two days, eventually reach- ing not only to St. Mary's nunnery within the walls, but even to the newly transplanted abbey at Hyde, without the walls, which perished on the 2nd August.^ On the side of the besieged, we hear of the fighting as being led by two devoted adherents of King Stephen, the brothers Roger and William Chesney.'' But the energetic Legate soon brought up fresh and fresh succour from without. Royalist barons were induced to come forward to retrieve the disgrace they had incurred at Lincoln. Among these we hear of Simon Earl of Northampton, William of Warenne Earl of Surrey,' and Gilbert of Clare Earl of Pembroke.^ William of Ypres, of course, was promptly on the spot with his Flemings. The Earl of Chester proposed to join the Royalists, but was received with such marked distrust that he went over to the Empress, taking care however to arrive too late to be of any service.^" Finally Queen Matilda and Earl Mandeville came down from London with a well-appointed force, estimated as 1,000 strong. The ' Ann. Winton, A.D. 1 1 10. See Plan. 2 "Ego parabo me"; W. Malm. p. 580. ' Id. ; Gesta, 79 ; Flor. Cont. 133. * Ann. Waverley. ^ Hyde Cartulary^ Round, 127. *■ Gesta, 81 ; W. Malm. p. 581 ; Hyde Cartulary, sup. ; and for the date, Flor. Cont. II- 133- ' "De Casneto," Gesta, 80; also "de Querceto " Thorpe. For the family Mr. Hewlett refers to Monasticon, V. 559. ^ Flor. Cont. 134, 135. " W. Malm. s. 507. " Sym. H.R. Cont. 310 ; W. Malm. p. 580. x^p nm trm [HD ccnj ;. uui ran nia LtDJ iii i ii ii r P3 ^ Sketch Plan or Winchester, a.d. 1141 (after Speed). (1) Hyde Church, (2) Hyde Abbey. (3) Road to AnJover and Ludgershall. (4) Road to Stockbridge. (5) Castle. (6) South Gate. (7) King's Gate. (8) Conqueror's Palace. (9) Original Site of New Minster. (10) Cathedral. (11) Wolvesey. {12) St. Mary's. 410 COUNTER SIEGE [a.d. 1141 Empress, in spite of reinforcements, now was in the singular position of The Emnress '^^'"S more besieged than besieging. While attacking the Besieged lu Legate's men from within, she was being beleaguered from with- c ester. ^^^^ r^j^^ difficulty of procuring necessaries became extreme. The Queen beset all the roads to the East,.while the Legate and his barons apparently operated on the South-west. The only road remaining at all open was that to Andover, and through that channel some scanty supplies were with difficulty introduced. To strengthen his hold on the road, Gloucester established an outpost at Wherwell nunnery. "^ William of Ypres fell on the place, overpowered the little garrison, and burnt down the nunnery. The town of Andover shared the same fate.^ This final blow satisfied Gloucester that the position at Winchester was no longer tenable, and that further stay there would involve ruin. With his usual devotion to his sister's interests, his first care was to secure her escape, and so on the 14th September,^ early in the morning, as we may suppose, he sent her off under the charge of her brother the Empress. Reginald Earl of Cornwall, Brian of Wallingford, and his relative Geoffrey Boterel, brother of the Earl of Richmond.* They were to make for Ludgershall, while the Earl himself with the main body, including King David, Archbishop Theobald, the Earl of Hereford, and John the Marshal, would start later, and by the Stockbridge road,^ so as to divert attention.^ Matilda reached Ludgershall in safety, to be assured that it would not do to rest there ; and so again, mounting in male fashion,^ she rode on to Devizes, which had been held in her interest since the expulsion of Hervd of Lions. But even at Devizes it was found that she could not afford to make a stand. Utterly exhausted with a ride of over thirty miles, and unable any longer to bestride a steed, she was strapped on to a horse litter, and so brought more dead than G^ouoMter.^ alive to Gloucester.^ The rear-guard fared worse. Over- taken by the RoyaUst forces under the Earl of Surrey at the The Earl of crossing of the Test at Stockbridge, they were overpowered Gloucester , ° , „ , „ , , ■ q Tr- Captured, and scattered. Earl Robert was taken prisoner." King 1 Gesta, 81 ; W. Malm. p. 581. 2 C«^aandW. Malm. sup. John of Hexham (Syra H.R. Cont. 310), represents the affair at Wherwell as the cutting off of a convoy. The Continuator of Florence places the attack on Wherwell after the flight of the Empress, which is clearly wrong ; and he appears to invent a proclamation of peace by the Legate, in order to raise a charge of treachery against him ; p. 134. His narrative requires careful correction. ' W. Malm, ». 500. * Flor. Cont. ; Gesta, 83 ; Sym. H.R. Cont. ^ Flor. Cont. ; Malmesbury, supra, represents the main body as having gone with the Empress ; but this does not seem borne out by the details supplied by the other writers. His object throughout is to glorify his Earl. ^ See esp. Malm. p. 586. ' " Equo iterum usu masculino supposita " ; Flor. Cont. * Flor. Cont. and Malm. sup. « Flor. Cont. II. 134, 135; Gesta, 82-84. A.D. I hi] exchange of prisoners 411 David fell into the hands of a man connected with Scotland, in fact his godson, by name David Oliphant, who let him go.' The exchange of Earl Robert for King Stephen was the step that would suggest itself to all men's minds. But a good deal of haggling took place over the bargain. Robert himself thought that a king could not be fairly bartered for an earl ; and he insisted that all the prisoners of his party, including Humphrey of Bohun and William of Salisbury, ought to be thrown in as make-weights. But the men who had secured these valuable prizes refused to part with them. Then great efforts were made to induce Gloucester to abandon his sister, and make private terms with the King. But he would not listen to any arrangement in which the Empress did not concur. At times, again, Royalists came down upon him with petty menaces, threatening to immure him for life at Boulogne. He silenced them by assuring them thatif they did, his Countess Mabille would send King Stephen to Ireland — an awful doom. Finally he consented to allow himself to be emancipated, but only on condition that his friends should retain all _^ . . castles and lands acquired by them since the day of Lincoln.^ Steplienand The actual exchange was effected by cautious stages, oi'^sster. evincing the deep mistrust with which the parties viewed each other. On the ist November Stephen was set free at Bristol ; the Queen, his son Eustace, and two magnates taking his place as hostages for the liberation of the Earl. The King then rode to Winchester, to which place the Earl had been brought from his original place of confine- ment at Rochester. Gloucester was then set at large, leaving however his son William to be detained there till the King had gone to Bristol and brought back his Queen and other hostages in safety.^ Once more a free man, Stephen went up to London in December, to be received with great rejoicing. The citizens had been his first friends, and they were destined to continue his best friends to the last. Stephen and The Legate took the opportunity of holding a Synod at Londoners. Westminster to undo the work done at Winchester in the spring, and to clear his own position in the eyes of the world (7th Dec). According to the accounts received by William of Malmes- bury, the proceedings were opened by reading a letter from Weatata^er. '^'^ Pope, written before the news of Stephen's liberation had reached him. Innocent reproved the Bishop for having deserted his brother, and urged him to work for his release. Stephen then came in, and descanted in rather querulous tones on the indignity he had suffered at the hands of his own men, as he styled them — ' to whom he ' "Holifard" ; Symeon, sup. 310, 311. Holifard, of course, is a mere misrendering of the French "Oliphant," i.e. Ivory. David and his Chancellor, William Cumin, reached Durham by different routes, in the course of the month. Sym. H.D.E. Cont. 145- Cumin remained at Durham to keep up the struggle for the Bishopric. * W. Malm. ss. 507-514. ^ W. Malm. s. 500; Gesta, 84,- 85. 412 STEPHEN TRIUMPHANT [a.d. 1141 had never refused any justice ' — who had taken him prisoner and put him into fetters.^ The Legate, presuming on the ignorance of his audience, ventured to assure them that he had only accepted Matilda under the pres- sure of bodily fear, she having surrounded Winchester with her troops ! She had broken all her pledges to the Church, and even, as he was assured, laid snares for his, the Legate's life. He ended by calling on all to support their King, Stephen, hallowed by the will of the people with the assent of the Apostolic See.^ As for the supporters of the ' Countess of Anjou,' they would be laid under ban, and cut off from the society of all Christian folk.* Christmas, apparently, was held at Canterbury, among the faithful men of Kent, and was marked by a State Crown-wearing, if not a re-coronation of the King ; as a solemn assertion that the Royal dignity had Crown- not been impaired by the recent captivity.* Geoffrey of Man- wearing at deville received a fresh charter, confirming one already granted ' to him by the Queen, and out-bidding the Empress' Charter of the previous Midsummer. She had granted him lands to the value of Distribution ^^°° ^ ^^'^^ > Stephen now bestows lands to the value of of .;^4o° a year, with ;^ioo a year besides for the Earl's son Titled Honoiirsjgj.^^jf Matilda had given Geoffrey the Shrievalty and Justiciarship of Essex in fee. He now receives the same rights over London, Middlesex, and Herts in addition.^ To this joyful Christmas we may also ascribe the creation of two earldoms not previously heard of Gilbert of Clare, son of Richard, and nephew of Gilbert Earl of Pembroke, appears as Earl of Herts ; and William of Aubigny, the husband of the Queen Dowager, comes out as Earl of Arundel or Sussex.^ ' See W. Malm, s. 490. ^ " Voluntate populi et assensu sedis ApostoUcse inunctum." ' W. Malm, s. 501. * Gervase, I. 123 (ed. Stubbs, Rolls Series, No. 73). See Round, sup. 137, etc., citing Bishop Stubbs' remarks on the Coronation of Richard I. after his captivity. * See the Charter, Round, sup. 140 ; with his comments thereon. ^ See the attestations to Mandeville's Charter, /li. p. 143. CHAPTER XXVI STEPHEN (continued) A.D. II42-II46 Royal Progress to York — Mission of the Earl of Gloucester to Normandy— Successes tliere of the Count of Anjou (1141-I142) — Siege and 'Capture of Oxford — Revolt of the Earl of Essex^Siege and Capture of Fortress at Faringdon. THE liberation of the Royal captive could only portend a renewal of the hopeless struggle. Stephen certainly made no secret of his intention of pressing the war against his rival. ^ But sheer exhaustion enforced a pause of some months. In the early spring (March- April) 1 142, however, Stephen appears to have made a progress through East Anglia to the North, leaving Matilda unmolested at Oxford. We find Process '^''^ signing at Ipswich;^ and then we hear of him at Stam- ford, where he came to terms with the rebel Earls Ralph of Chester and William of Lincoln. The King and Ralph ' swore oaths ' ; ^ and William of Roumare received a grant of Kirton in Lindsey, and a confirmation of the right to hold the Castle of Gainsborough and the bridge over the Trent, ' with all rights enjoyed by any English Earl in respect of his castles.'* From Stamford the King and Queen went on to York, where they appeared after Easter (April 19), to forbid a 'tourna- ment ' arranged to be held between the Northern magnates William of Aumile Earl of Yorkshire, and Allan Earl of Richmond.^ Con- Q^en^at sidering the terms on which the Breton Earl lived with his York. neighbours, and that in 1140 he had forcibly ousted Aumale from the Castle of Gilling in the North Riding, near Helms- ley,^ the meeting was not likely to be of a bloodless character. As for Stephen's action it will be remembered that he had shown the same aver- sion to set encounters at Ludlow in 1139. Returning Southwards after ' Gervase, I. 1 23 (ed. Stubbs) ; Sym. H.R. Cont. 312. * MS. Harl. 2044, fol. 55 b. See Round, Mandeville, 158, for the dates. Malmes- bury, s. 515, notices the journey to the North. ' Chron. p. 3S4. * "Omnibus liberis consuetudinibus cum quibus aliquis comes AngUe tenet castella sua" ; Great Coweher, II. f. 445, cited Round, sup. where it is pointed out that in the 31st D.K. Report, the Charter is misdated 1135-1137. ' " MiUtares nundinas "; Sym H.R. Cont. 312. ° Sym. sup. 306. See also Gesla, 72. 414 ANGEVIN GAINS [a.d. 1141-1142 Easter, he was taken ill at Northampton, and was incapacitated for active exertion till the month of June.^ The efforts of the Empress were now directed towards bringing over her reluctant husband. Count Geoffrey, " Plante Geneste," to assist her in her struggle. About Mid-lent (29th March) she made a trip to Devizes to hold a council and select envoys,^ But the Count was not to be tempted by the phantom of a crown. With a clearer perception of what was attainable than his wife could boast of, he was confining his policy to the acquisition of Normandy, where he was making steady progress. On The Count of Clearing of his wife's success at Lincoln he entered the Duchy, Anjou In calling on the Barons to recognise him. Rotrou of Mortagne Normandy. ^ ■ tt ^ j , • , o , ^ , . at once came m. He was ofifended with Stephen for having failed to effect the liberation of his nephew Richer of I.aigle, who, though now Stephen's man, had been treacherously seized by his old enemy Robert of Leicester in the previous autumn. To counteract Rotrou's movements the Archbishop of Rouen, Stephen's friend, held a council of the feudatories of Mortagne about the 9th March (1141), when a fresh offer of Normandy and England was made to Count FrGsli Offer of England Theobald, Stephen's brother. Again he declined, but think- Th ob^id '"S Stephen's cause lost, he expressed a willingness to recognise Geoffrey as King, if he would surrender Tours to himself, and procure the liberation of Stephen and thfe restoration of his old fiefs. This came to nothing, but Verneuil and Nonancourt •' accepted Geoffrey, while.at the end of March* John the aged Bishop of ^atoa"* Lisieux, finding the Angevin party quite predominant to the West of the Seine, went to Caen, and gave in his allegiance.^ Waleran of Meulan, the greatest man in Normandy, also agreed to recognise the Count, on condition of being allowed to retain the Castle of Montfort-sur-Risle ; which he had seized at Henry's death ; while finally Falaise was given up to the Lord of Anjou.^ Geoffrey therefore, when his wife's agents came over (1142), declared that he could not discuss the question with any one but the Earl of Gloucester. This answer was re- ported to another council held at Devizes on the 14th June. Robert, we are told, was most unwilling to go, not knowing to whom he could entrust ^ ^ the Empress during his absence. Finally he consented to go, Gloucester to ^ ° ' . , , . , ° go to but only on condition of being allowed to take with him host- Normandy, g^ggg j-Qj. j]^g fidelity of the chief men of his own party'' — to such depths had political morality in England sunk. But in justice to Matilda's ' W. Malm, s. 516 ; Sym. sup. 2 ^_ Malm. s. 515. * Eure. ■* So Orderic ; 6th April, R. de Monte. * Orderic, 923. Here we lose this writer to whom we owe such a mass of facts relating to family, local, and ecclesiastical, as well as to general history. Worn out with age, as he tells us, he lays down the pen, in the sixty-seventh year of his life, and the fifty-seventh of his residence at St. Evroult. « R. de Monte. ' W. Malm. ss. 517, 518 ; R. de Monte. A.D. 1 142] IN NORMANDY 415 regular partisans it must be stated that she had just been joined by supporters whose honour could not be held above suspicion. The shameless Mandeville, Earl of Essex, preparing to change Accessions ^''^^^ ^^^ ^^ \!KixA. time within two years.i had approached the Empress, to receive further grants, not only for himself, but also for his relations and connexions. The shifty Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, also appears at this time as on the side of the Empress, and with him one whose family had hitherto been pretty faithful to Stephen, Gilbert of Clare, Earl of Pembroke.^ Lastly we have a fourth ally won from the hostile camp in the person of Alberic de Vere, third of the name, son of Stephen's advocate,^ and brother to Mandeville's wife, now raised to an Earldom, that of Cambridge, to be shortly exchanged for that of Oxford.* Gloucester might well hesitate to leave the Empress in the hands of such servants ; and it was from them, we may take it, 'that the hostages were exacted. About the end of June Robert sailed from Wareham, and reached Caen in safety. There the Count joined him. But Geoffrey, wiser than his wife or her brother, was not to be lured by the chance of a crown from Gloucester prosecuting a conquest that was clearly within reach. " In- a^d Count stead of helping Robert to conquer the Kingdom he deter- mined to make Robert help him to conquer the Duchy." He explained that he could not possibly go over to England until he had placed affairs in Normandy in a more settled state. He invited the Earl to co-operate in the work. Robert, unwilling to disoblige him, con- sented, and joined in operations against hostile castles. Their fir^ expedition may have been against Bastebourg, to the East of Caen, but their main operations lay to the West. Entering the Bessin Campaign, they captured Tre'viferes, between Bayeux and Issigny ; then turning South, they reduced in quick succession Villers-Bocage, Aulnay, Plessis-le-Grimoult, Vire, and Tinchebrai.^ Again moving West- wards they entered the Avranchin, and Stephen's county of Mortain, capturing Le Teilleul, Saint Hilaire, Mortain, and Pontorson. Finally Avranches, Cerences, and Coutances yielded without struggle.^ ' For his first creation see Round, 49 (June-Dec. 1 140.) ' See the fresh charter to Mandeville, and the attestations thereto, Round, sup. 165-172. Mr. Round suggests that the charter may have been granted during Stephen's illness, when in fact it was reported that he was dead. ^ Alberic II. is said to have been killed in a tumult in London in May 1 141, he being Portreeve of the city at the time. ■* See his charter, Round, 180-194. He was created Earl of Cambridge with a proviso that if the King of Scots claimed the county as linked with Huntingdon, Alberic should have his choice of four other counties, and eventually he chose Oxford. He was also confirmed as Chamberlain of England, an office granted to his father by Henry I. in 'i.B, Id. * The last named place is in Orne, all the rest in Calvados. ' W. Malm, s.' 219 ; H. Hunt. ; Norgate, Angevin Kings, I. 338. 4i6 THE EMPRESS BESIEGED [a.d. 1142 By the time that these conquests had been achieved the autumn was well advanced, and then the Count finally discovered that it was im- possible for him under any circumstances to go to England. Young Henry gut as if to open up a new prospect for the future he allowed England, his eldest son to go over to assist his mother.' As the boy was not yet ten years old the future Henry II. would receive an early initiation in the mysteries of feudal politics, and the horrors of feudal warfare, a demoralising education. Nevertheless we are told that he was shortly sent to Bristol, and that he lived there, apparently at St. Augustine's, under the charge of a tutor, Matthew by name.^ In June, as already mentioned, Stephen had recovered his health and energy. Eager for action, his first move was against Wareham, Gloucester's harbour, where his eldest son William had been left in command. But the place was insufficiently garrisoned, and Stephen was able to burn the town and win the castle.' We next hear of him at Cirencester, where again the weakly guarded castle fell into his hands. He had now overcome his scruples about waging war on a lady, and was proposing to attack the Oxford. Empress in person in her stronghold at Oxford. Descending the upper valley of the Thames he took Radcot and Brampton, where outposts had been established by Matilda to keep up her com- munications with the West. On the 26th September the King appeared before Oxford.* Placed on the intersection of the highway from London to Gloucester with that from Winchester to the Midlands and the North the City had not been left without fortifications, as the writer of the Gesta tells us.^ The river Cherwell covered it on the East, and the mani- fold arras of the Isis, or Thames as it was then called,^ on the West, both streams uniting their waters to guard it on the South. On the North or open side Oxford had its wall and ditch, all carefully re- *"city*^^ paired by Gloucester, and abutting on the West on the Castle enclosure : the latter included the old Saxon mote and the adjoining Norman Keep, both still extant, the latter standing on the brink of the Easternmost arm of the Isis.^ It would seem that Stephen leaving the road from the West, which would bring him into Oxford close under the walls of the Castle, led his army from the heights of Cumnor round to the South, so as to 1 W. Malm. s. 519. The writer prays that the boy may live to emulate his grand- father. R. de Monte. 2 Gervase, I. 125, 131 ; and the MDizasdcon charter, cited Round, 407. Matthewwas no doubt the man of the name " who is called Henry's chancellor in Foliot's letters ; S. Thorn. Canty. Epp. v. 20 1." Stubbs. ' July ? ; W. Malm. ss. 519, 520. ' Malm. sup. ^ " Tutissime munita. " ° So in all the Chronicles. ' The Castle was the work of Robert of Oilly, the elder ; it does not appear to have had any fire-place, and none of the floors are vaulted. For accounts of Robert of Oilly the elder see Freeman, N. C. IV. 46, 734. A.D. 1 142] A WINTER FLIGHT 417 approach the City by the Abingdon Road.* This would bring him to the primitive ford from which the City takes its name, but now spanned by Folly Bridge. He found an irregular force of citizens massed on the opposite bank to defend the passage with bows and arrows. Boldly plung- ing into the water at the head of his men he scattered the burghers, and, pressing them closely, entered the City pell-mell with, them before the gate in St. Aldate's Street, as we suppose, could be shut. ^Won*'^ The town was then fired and sacked in the usual way.^ The Empress and her retinue had retired to the Castle- Stephen sat down before the place determined, if possible, to get Matilda into his hands. It does not appear that she had any man of conse- quence with her to assist her, nor was any attempt made to relieve Oxford. Some of her friends, however, ashamed of their negligence, mustered at Wallingford. We are told that they would have engaged Stephen in the field, if he would have come out to meet them, but that he declined to risk a second Lincoln. ^ At the end of some three months of bombardment and blockade the Empress, reduced to extremity, had once more to seek safety in flight. The country was buried in snow, the rivers frozen and still. A few days before Christmas Matilda, with three or four attendants, all clad in white to escape notice, slipping out of the castle at dead of night, crossed the ice outside. One of Stephen's sentinels, who had ^^Brfss^^ '-'^^'^ ^°'^ °^^'^' ^''o^'sd her to pass, and so she made her way on foot, some six or seven miles, to Abingdon. From thence she was able to ride on to the party stronghold at Wallingford. Four times, as the Royalist author of the Gesta points out, had the Em- press been forced to fly from the face of her enemies, once from Arundel — which by the bye was hardly a flight — once from London, once from Winchester, and once from Oxford.* The Castle at Oxford of course surrendered. The Earl of Gloucester had returned to England nearly a month before, ^ but his action had been weak and desultory. He brought with him Gloucester between three hundred and four hundred men-at-arms, trans- atHome ported in fifty-two ships of the period, the whole presumably ^^™' provided by Count Geoffrey for the protection of his son. They were able to effect a landing at Wareham. One would have thought that Robert would not have lost a day in joining forces with the Empress. ' So Miss Norgate, Angevin Kings, I. 331, whose suggestion I adopt. Stephen, however, might have crossed the Thames at Radcote and so have entered Oxford by crossing the ford of the Cherwell. * Gesta, 91 ; Malm. sup. ' Malm. sup. ■* Gesta, 91-93 ; W. Malm. ss. 523, 524 ; H. Hunt. Ann. Osney (Luard). The Peterborough Chronicle represents the Empress as being let down from the Keep (iicr) by ropes. Probably she was let down from the outer-wall to the ice. ' The siege of Oxford had lasted some two months when he landed ; Gervase. R.H. — VOL. II. E E 4i8 THE TWO [a.d. 1142-1143 But the Castle of Wareham was in the hands of the enemy, and its recovery was thought a primary necessity. Three weeks were spent on this business, 1 as the garrison had to be allowed to communicate with Stephen, to demand succour in the usual way, before surrendering. After that Gloucester amused himself with conquering Lulworth Castle and the Isle of Portland. Then, and not till then, in the month of December,^ did he call for a muster at Cirencester for a march to Oxford. He was on his way thither when the news of Matilda's flight to Walling- Aotlon'^ ford reached him. He joined her there for the Christmas Feast. Dismal as their circumstances were he could gladden her heart with the sight of her son.^ The loss of Oxford brought Matilda's fortunes to a low ebb, but with the year 1143 the pendulum seemed to take another swing. No operations are recorded in the early part of the year ; but towards summer we have another unsuccessful effort on Stephen's part to recapture Wareham Castle; and after that a muster on a large scale to establish a castle at Wilton, to keep Gloucester's stronghold at Old Sarum in check. The Earl hastened to the rescue. Stephen rashly coming out to give battle was again utterly Defeat of defeated, and only escaped a second captivity by hasty flight. Stephen at His brother -the Legate also had to ride for his life. But William Martel, Stephen's Steward (Dapifer), and one of his most faithful friends, was taken prisoner, carried off to Bristol, and not set free till he had surrendered Sherborne.* The acquisition of this important post, we are told, made Gloucester master of nearly one-half of England from sea to sea, meaning as we may suppose one half of the South coast from Bristol to the English Channel.' Within those limits, for the time, only one man, Henry of ControUed by Tracy, the lord of Barnstaple, kept up the struggle on behalf the Empress,^f Stephen.^ Up the Severn valley the Empress held Bristol, Gloucester, and Hereford. Worcester too might now be reckoned hers, as Waleran of Meulan, to whom Stephen had given the city, had submitted to Geoffrey in Normandy in 1141. In that same year Matilda,' presumably in ignorance of the fact, had given the city and county to William of Beauchamp.' But in 1150 we shall find the city still held by Waleran, and as against Stephen. On the other hand, to the East of a line drawn ' Gervase, I. 124, 125. ^ The Advent season had begun, Advent Sunday falling on the 29th Nov. ^ W. Malm. ss. 521-522 ; Gesta, 93, 94 ; Gervase sup. Here the work of Malmes- bury breaks off. He had not yet received full details of Matilda's escape when the last lines were penned. He must have died soon after. •* Gesta, 94-96; 1st July, Gervase, I. 125 ; "In aastate" ; Ann. Waverley; Henry of Huntingdon and those who copy him refer the affair of Wilton to the year 1 142. * ' ' Dimidiam fere Angliam a mari in latus usque ad mare ; " Gesta, 97. ° I^^' ' See her charter granting the constableship of the castle and shrievalty of the county to him ; Round, 313. A.D. 1 143] DOMINIONS 4r9 through Matilda's holds at Old Sarum, Ludgershall, and Marlborough, we may take it that Hants, Surrey, Sussex, and Kent recog- remouveiy "'^^'^ Stephen, forming in fact with London the real seat of his power. In the Midlands, Roger of Beaumont Earl of Warwick, as a supporter of Matilda^ might be set against the Royalist Earl of Leicester. The Thames Valley likewise was divided, the Empress commanding Wallingford ; the King, Reading and Oxford. Bedford was against him, having been wrested from Earl Hugh by Milo of Beauchamp, the former Constable.^ East Anglia, from the Thames to the Wash, was in the hands of men either openly hostile, like Hugh of Norfolk, or covertly disloyal, like Geoffrey of Essex, and Alberic of Oxford. Farther North, the Earl of Chester having got the upper hand both of William of York and of Allan of Richmond, lorded it over a district described as equal to one third of England.3 His rule would be entirely on his own account. The See of Durham went with the King ; but Northumberland and Cumber- land, under their Scottish Earl, would hold themselves of the obedience of Matilda. This minute subdivision and interlacing of territories will ac- count for the weakness exhibited by both parties. The Royalist chronicler praises Gloucester's efforts to govern as well as military necessities would allow ; but again he gives a deplorable picture of the state of the country, presumably of the country on the South coast, as being utterly waste and depopulated through warfare, famine, and emigration. Whole townships could be seen utterly untenanted. What people were left were crowded in huts in the sanctuaries. The ^England." crops could not be got in for want of hands. The only people who seemed to abound were the ruffians who garrisoned the castles, and they had to live by plundering the clergy. The bishops for the most part were afraid to interfere, while some vied with the barons in building castles and oppressing the people. Chief of the offenders in this respect were the Legate-Bishop of Winchester, Alexander of Lincoln, and Roger Clinton of Lichfield.* Honourable exception, however, is made in favour of Bishop Robert of Hereford, who boldly withstood Earl Milo's exactions, finally excommunicating him, and laying the county under interdict.^ Yet Henry of Blois was a churchman after his ideas of church- manship. At Midlent in this very year (March 14th), he held a Synod in London, at which the King was present, and fulminated the L^d* '° severest edicts against all who should lay hands on clergymen, violate sanctuaries, or infringe on ecclesiastical rights.^ We are glad to believe, if only on the strength of later authority, that the immun- ities of Sanctuary were extended to all labourers at work with their ploughs.^ ' See Gesta^ 73, 80, Round, 65, 125. Roger, however, was not a very active partisan. 2 Gesta,Ti. ' Id., 117. ■* Id., 98-10:. * Id. 102, 103. Gilbert Foliot in one of his letters in Dr. Giles' collection, addresses the Legate on behalf of Mllo. * H. Hunt. ; Ann. Waverley. ' So R. Wendover and M. Paris. 420 A REBELLIOUS [a.d. 1143 To make up for the collapse of his influence in the South-Western counties, we find Stephen again exerting himself to assert his authority over the Eastern counties. Earl Mandeville, in spite of his intrigue Mandevuie ^'''^ '"^^ Empress in the previous year, contrived still to pass as Stephen's man. There is reason to believe that he visited the King in his quarters at Oxford during the siege. ^ His absolute control over London, Middlesex, Essex, and Herts, made him, in the South, the richest and most influential man of the time. We are told that his word went for more than that of the King. He is described as a man of con- siderable ability, great strength of character, and undoubted courage.^ Of course he had his enemies, who urged the King to action, and among them the Londoners,^ who doubtless had suffered under him. But even if Stephen was ignorant of the political undercurrents of the time, an unlikely circumstance, he had a gross personal insult to avenge. Sometime before, the Queen being in London with her daughter-in-law Constance, wife of the young Eustace, and wishing to leave Town, Geoffrey declared that Matilda might go if she pleased, but that Constance must remain in his hands ; and he insisted on detaining her till the King com- pelled him to give her up.* In this state of things, in the autumn (1143), either in October or November,^ Stephen held a council at St. ^'^ ^Jt^°^' Albans, at which Geoffrey was present. He was impeached of high treason. The King ordered his arrest, which was not effected without a scuffle, which was resented by the clergy as a violation of Sanctuary, for which, in fact, the King was compelled to make amends.^ But the Earl was secured, and taken in strict custody to London, and compelled under threat of hanging to surrender all his castles, including the Tower of London, Pleshy, and Saffron Walden. Then East^Anglia, Stephen, with mistaken leniency, let him go free like a wounded beast, irritated but not disabled. He broke into furious revolt, entering Cambridgeshire, where hungry mercenaries soon gathered round him. His brother-in-law William of Sai acted with him ; and they had a friendly understanding with the Earl of Norfolk. Cam- bridge and St. Ives were plundered.''' From these places Mandeville advanced to Ely, where he was received as a friend. Bishop Nigel was not at home, though he had recovered possession of ' Mr. Round shows grounds for holding that the charter to Abingdon, given Hist. Abingdon, II. 178, 179, which is attested by Earl Geoffrey, at Oxford, was passed during the siege, Mandeville, 20i. ^ Gesta, 103 ; W. Newburgh, I. 44. ^ See the second charter of the Empress to Mandeville, where the Londoners are frankly stated to be his ' mortal enemies ' ; Round, p. 168. * W. Newb. sup. ^ 'After Michaelmas,' so the short chronicle incorporated in 'Cm Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 197 (Camden Society), Round. « See the Gesta, 104, and esp. M. Paris, Hist. Angl. A.D. H42. The Earl of Arundel and his horse were knocked head over heels into the Holy Well. ' Gesta, 104, 105 ; H. Hunt. ; W Newb. I. 45 ; Round, 209, 212, 213. A.D. 1 143] EARL 421 his See in the previous year. But, as it happened, when Geoffrey appeared, he was in London, attending a Synod, in which he was again impeached of treason.! His men naturally were thoroughly hostile to Stephen ; and so the Earl was put into possession of the fortifications of the Isle, and also of the important outpost at Aldreth,^ the key to the situation. From Ely Geoffrey pushed on to Ramsey Abbey,^ where different politics obtained. There he must have been received as an enemy, as we hear that he be- And Eamsev ^^^^"^ ^'^'^ '^^ greatest violence, expelling the monks, seizing their treasures, fortifying the sacred precincts, and quartering his men on the Abbey tenants. To cover his double position, with one foot at Ely, and the other at Ramsey, he established outposts at Benwick on the Old Nen to the North, at Wood Walton on the Sawtray Way to the West, and at Fordham on the Soham Causeway to the East : * and so for some nine months he held out, defying all Stephen's efforts to dislodge him. To notice some other matters connected with the year 1143, Pope Innocent II. died on the 24th September. Two days later Guido di Castello, Cardinal of St. Mark, a Tuscan, was elected, and took the style of Celestine 11.^ Before his death Innocent had settled the Durham difficulty, rejecting William Cumin, the nominee of the Empress, and directing a fresh election to be made. In compliance with '''of SaS!° '"^ mandate a section of the Chapter met at York, on Mid- Lent Sunday (14th March), and elected the Dean of York, William of Sainte-Barbe,^ who was at the time attending the Synod in London. On the 20th of June he was consecrated at Winchester.'^ The question of the appointment to the Province of York seemed also ' Nigel's history since 1 140 may be given here. As we have seen, he was driven from Ely by Stephen in that year, and went to jom the Empress at Gloucester. In 1141, when Matilda's fortunes were in the ascendant, Nigel's followers began to return to Ely. Early in 1 142, when Stephen was again at liberty, and passing through East Anglia, the Earls of Essex and Pembroke were sent to oust these men and retake possession {Hist. Ely ; Angl. Sacr. I. 620, 621 ; Round, Mandevitle, 161). But meanwhile Nigel had obtained from the Pope an order for his restoration to his See (April 1 142. See the letters given from the Cotton MS. Tiberius A. VI., Round, 411, 412). Stephen bowed to the Papal mandate, and the Earls of Essex and Pembroke handed over the Isle to the Bishop. But in November, 1143, the time that we have reached, he was again attacked in a Synod held in London by the Legate, apparently on a charge of treason, as above mentioned, and ordered to go to Rome (Ann. Waverley ; Hist. Ely, 622). He went to Rome, and in May 1 144 obtained from the then Pope, Lucius II., a fresh order for his restoration {Hist. Ely, 623 ; and the letters, Round, 412). 2 jji^t, Ely, I. 623. ° ' In Advent,' i.e. after November 28, Liber de Antiqq. sup. * Hist. Ramsey, 329, 332 ; Hist. Ely, and Gesta, sup. ^ H. Nicolas. ° Qy. Sainte-Barbe-sur-Gaillon? Eure. ' Sym. H. D. E. Cont. 148-150; Reg. Sacr. Cumin held out by sheer force of arms for sixteen months, and Bishop William was not installed till the l8th October, 1144. See^. D. E. Cont. 150-160; H. R. Cont. 314-316. 422 THE LAST [a.d. 1143 in a fair way to be settled when Innocent died. William fitz Herbert and the Cistercians and others who resisted his appointment ^ofYorfc"' had been duly summoned to Rome, as above stated. The case was twice heard in Papal Consistory, once in 1 142, and again in March, 1143. The Pope, who evidently did not want to quash the election, finally declared that, subject to certain declarations to be made by William himself, and the Dean of York — William of Sainte-Barbe, just being elected Bishop of Durham— to establish the purity of the election, it might stand. As a concession on William's behalf it was obtained that failing the Dean the oath of some other person might be substituted. The Dean, or rather Bishop as he had become by that time, did not take the oath ; but apparently it was taken by the Bishop of Orkney, and so on the 26th September William fit2l Herbert was consecrated at Winchester by the Legate, Archbishop Theobald not concurring.! William took possession of his See, but he failed to obtain his Pdllium from the new Pope, Celestine, and, four years later, we shall find a Cistercian Pope cancelling his appointment, and installing a brother of his own Order.^ By the death of Innocent the Legatine commission of the Bishop of Winchester had expired. Theobald had submitted to the encroachment on his legitimate authority with truly monastic patience, of Winchester biding his time. But he could not miss an opportunity of shaking off the. yoke. At the death of Innocent both Arch- bishop and Bishop started for Rome. But the new Pope, Celestine II., was in the Angevin interest, and so Henry,- understanding that he had no chance, halted at Cluny, his old home. On the 12 th March, 11 44, Celestine died, to be succeeded in three days' time by ^Legate*"^ Lucius II. Henry theft went to Rome, had a friendly recep- tion, and was allowed to refute certain charges brought against him by the Empress. But the Legatirie commission was not renewed.' In the negotiations at Rome on this delicate matter we hear that Theobald was much indebted to the services of a cleric, a member of his household, who must already have shown distinguished ability to have been en- trusted with such business, a young man known at the time BeckeT ^^ Thomas of London, but destined to live in history as Arch- bishop Becket, otherwise St. Thomas of Canterbury.* A serious blow to the cause of the Empress was the loss of Milo Earl of Hereford, who died on the 24th December, accidentally struck by an arrow while hunting deer.^ The Earl of Gloucester also in the course of the year lost a son, spoken of as the flower of the flock.* Stephen's first move in the year 1144 was naturally directed against the • Sym. H. R. Cant. 307, 31 1, 313, 315 ; Reg. Sacrum ; Gervase, II.38S (Actus Pontiff.). 2 Sym. ff. R. Cont. 317, 318, 320. » / for Nor- mandy campaign, 189 ; preaches against effeminate habits of the Court, 191 ; refuses to tax his tenants, 192 ; asks leave to apply for Pallium to Urban II, ; demands holding of a Council, 194 ; Council of Rockingham, 194-196; asks to leave England, 196 ; reference to Rome proposed by King, 196; receives Pallium from hands of Papal Legate, 198; contributes 200 marks for the mortgage of Normandy, 204 ; rejects authority of King's Court, 207 ; presses for leave to go to Rome, 208, 209; leaves England, journey to Italy, assists at Council of Bari, 210, 211; assists at Lateran Council; denunciation of Lay Investiture, 233 ; returns to England at Henry's invitation, 233, 234 ; refuses to do homage, or to allow King to appoint to bishoprics or abbeys, 234 ; again re- fuses either to do homage, or to leave England, 244 ; his conduct commended by Pascal, 245 ; third appeal to Rome, A. ; induced to go to Rome in person ; leaves England, 248 ; communications from Pascal ; goes to Rome ; receives confirmation of rights of Canterbury ; goes to Lyons, 257 ; visits Countess Adela at Blois ; has interview with Henry at Laigle ; reinstated in revenues; absolves Meulan, 258, 259 ; again threatens the King, 259 ; accepts Pope's INDEX 463 compromise on question of Investiture ; returns to England, 261 ; concedes clerical homage and accepts Henry's Bisiiops, 262 ; failing health and spiritual pretensions, 262, 263 ; remonstrates against license of King's Household, 263 ; refuses to sanction new See of Ely without Papal consent, lb. ; suspends Thomas H., Archbishop-elect of York, for withholding oath of canonical obedi- ence ; death of Anselm ; his position as a writer, 264. Anselm, nephew of St. Anselm, brings Pall for Archbishop Ralph, but protests against Henry's Church government, II. 274, 277 ; invested with Legatine author- ity over all England, but not allowed to cross the Channel, 277, 278. Aquitaine, William X. of, see Poitou. Archil, influential man in Yorkshire, sub- mits to William, vol. II. 61 ; joins in successful attack on York, 70. Architecture, Anglo-Saxon, character and remains of, 527, 528; Norman ditto, II. 151, 152. Arietta, Arlot, daughter of tanner of Falaise, mother of William the Con- queror, 456 ; marries Herlouin of Conte- ville; by him has Odo Bishop of Bayeux, Robert Count of Mortain, II. 15, and Adelaide, q.v. Arundel, Earl of, see Aubigny, William of. " Arthur," not historic, Ossianic hero, 125 ; historic Arthurs traceable, Jb. ; alleged battles of Arthur, 135 ; outburst of the Legend, II. 337 ; its full develop- ment in the Gesta Britonum of Geoffrey of Monmouth, 454. Ashdown, ^scesdune. Battle of, 242, 243- Ashiugdon (Canewdon), Battle of, 386, 390 ; Memorial church, St. Nicholas Canewdon, founded by Cnut, 398. Asser, Bishop of St. David's, and after- wards of Sherborne, 257, 278 ; see List of Authorities. ..4fe««/= Galloway Picts? 95 ; enlisted for Roman service, 96 ; ' Honorian ' co- horts of, 99. Aubigny, Nigel of, faithful to Henry I. in Normandy, II. 284; with him at Bremule, 286; receives estates, formerly of Robert of Mowbray, Earl of North- umberland, 367, note; his son Roger of Mowbray succeeds him, lb. William of, marries Adelaide of Louvain, widow of Henry I., vol. II. 338; created Earl of Arundel or Sussex, 412 ; receives Empress IVIatilda at Arundel, 386 ; had previously done homage to Stephen, 387 ; on Stephen's side, 441, note. Augustine, St., his mission to England, 174-177. Augustinian Canons, see Canons. Aulus Didius Gallus governor in Britain, 57- Plautius, Roman Legate and general ; invades Britain, his forces, 51, reduces the South coast from Camulo- dunon (Colchester) to the Exe, 52, 53 TogodumiTDs and Caratocos, Jb. ; Aulus allowed a triumph at Rome, the last conceded to any subject, 54. Aumale or Albemarle, Stephen, Count of, supports Rufus against Robert in Nor- mandy, II. 168 ; his parentage, lb. note ; again supporting Rufus, 170 ; supposed plot to make him King of England, 201 ; with Henry I. in Nor- mandy, 251; turns against him, 280; still defiant, 288 ; makes peace at last, 291. William, Count of, in command of Auxiliaries at Battle of Standard, II. 368, 369 ; created Earl of York, 371 ; sup- ports election of William fitz Herbert as Archbishop of York, 395 ; at the Battle of Lincoln, 399 ; forbidden to hold Tournament at York, 413 ; sup- ports William fitz Herbert at York, 434; on Stephen's side, 441, note. Avrauohes, Hugh of. Earl of Chester, II. 96 ; supports Rufus against Robert, 159; brings Henry (afterwards Henry I.) to England, 193 ; oppresses the Welsh and founds fort in Anglesey, 217; his death, 251 note. Beeda, Life of, 203, see also List of Autho- ities. Bagseeg, Danish king, 242 ; killed at Ashdown, 243. Baldor, Northern deity, 165. Baldwin, of Moeles and Okehampton (son of Count Gilbert of Eu), appointed Governor of Exeter, II. 58. "V. of Flanders, marries sister Judith to Tostig, third son of Earl Godwin, 453i 454 ; supports Tostig in exile, 455 ; marries his daughter Matilda to Duke William of Normandy, 490, 491 ; tacit alliance with William ; appointed guardian of Philip I. of France, II. 14; his death, 92. TI.- Count of Flanders, brother of Queen Matilda, II. 92. Balliol, Bernard of, at the Battle of the Standard, endeavour to negociate with the Scots, 368 ; origin of the name, lb. note ; with Stephen at Battle of Lincoln, taken prisoner there, 401. Bath (Aquee Suits), Eadgar crowned there, 319; Swein accepted as King of Eng- land by Wessex Magnates at, 370 ; a 464 INDEX Royal city, II. 373 ; conferences at, between Stephen and Matilda, 393. Bayeux Tapestry, II. 36. Beauchamp, Mile of, refuses to surrender , Bedford Castle to Earl Hugh of Beau- mont, II. 364 ; expelled by Bishop of Winchester, lb. ; recovers possession, 402, 419 ; again expelled, 426. Walter of, receives Honour of Glou- cester from Stephen, II. 389. William of, receives grant of Worces- tershire from the Empress, II. 418; with young Henry in 1149, 437. Beaumont, Roger of, left in charge of Nor- mandy by the Conqueror, vol. II. 15, 51. Robert of, eldest son of preceding, see Meulan. Henry of, younger son of Roger, see Warwick, Earls of. Waleran of, eldest son of Robert, son of Roger, see Meulan. Robert of, second son of Robert, son of Roger, see Leicester, Earls of. Hugh of, third son of Robert, son of Roger, created Earl of Bedford by Stephen, II. 364 ; expelled from Bed- ford Castle, 402, 419. Roger of, son of Henry, see Warwick, Earls of. Elizabeth of, sister of preceding, mistress to Henry I., vol. II. 311, 340. Becket, Thomas, employed at Rome by Archbishop Theobald, II. 422 ; attends Council of Rheims, 436 ; sent to Rome to prevent recognition of Stephen's son Eustace, 447 ; appointed Archdeacon of Canterbury, 455. Bedford, Earl of, see Beaumont, Hugh of. Beleuus, Celtic deity, 27. Belgse, latest Celtic immigrants into Britain, 4, 5 > their towns in Britain, 53 and note ; fortifications, ' ' Belgic Ditches," 34. Bell^me, Robert of, eldest son of Roger of Montgomery Earl of Shrewsbury, by Mabille Talevas of Belleme, joins young Robert in opposition to his father, II. 115; supports Robert against Rufus, 158. 159; pardoned; going back to Normandy imprisoned by Robert, 164; his character and talents, 165 ; draws plans for Castle of Gisors, 213; cap- tures Helie of La Fleche, lb. ; created Earl of Shrewsbury ; fortifies- Tickhill and Bridgenorth ; his position in Eng- land, 218; prepared to support Robert against Henry I. 238 ; indicted by Ilenry I. ; goes into revolt, 240 ; allies himself with the Welsh and Irish and Magnus of Norway, 241 ; forced to sub- mit to Henry and banished, 243 ; estab- lishes himself in Ponthieu ; defeats Duke Robert in battle, 250 ; makes war against Henry in the Cotentin, 252 ; on embassy to England, 253 ; commands Robert's rear at battle of Tinchebrai, 255 ; par- doned by Henry, 256 ; intrigues against him on behalf of young William, 270 ; arrested by Henry ; sent to Wareham Castle ; dies there ; his treatment in prison, 271. Bellfeme, Williamof, .f«^ Talevas, William. Beltaine = May Day, solar festival, 27; etymology of, unknown, 31, 165. Benedict Biscop, Founder of Abbeys of Wearmoulh and Jarrow, 188, 200 ; Life of, 212. Beorhtric, King of Wessex, 217, 220. Beorn, son of Cnut's sister Estrith by Earl Ulf, 417 ; receives an English earl- dom, 440, 442 ; receives part of Swein's earldom, 442 ; refuses to restore it and is murdered by him, 446; his burial, 447, note. Beomwulf, King of Mercia, 223. Bernard, Saint, of Clairvaux, his strenu- ous support of Innocent II., vol. II. 313; preaches the Second Crusade, 432 ; supporter of Eugenius III., opposes William fitz Herbert as Archbishop of York, 4,34; appoints Henry Murdac Abbot of Fountains Abbey, 435 ; nego- ciates between Normandy and France, 443 ; his death, 454. Bernicia, Welsh Breenych, from Bri- ^a«/^j = Durham and Northumberland, 129 ; under Ida, 129 ; under jEthelric, 180 ; ^thelfrith, lb. ; Eadwine, 182 ; Oswald, 186 ; Oswiu, 187 ; conversion to Christianity, 189-192; overrun by Danes, a.d. 870, p. 242 ; puppet kings set up by them, 241, 256, note ; Eadulf of Bamborough, lord of, in alliance with .(Elfred, 256; 'High Reeve,' 276; his sons Ealdred and Uhtred in friendly alliance with Eadweard the Elder, lb. ; Ealdred defeated at Corbridge by Danes (twice) lb. and note ; does homage to ^thelstan, 232, 233 ; expelled by ^thelstan, ? 284; Uhtred son of Eal- dred expelled by Danes ; Olaf son of Sihtric and Reingwald son of Guthfrith joint Kings of Bernicia, expelled, 296 ; Osulf High Reeve of Bamborough, ap- pointed Earl of All North umbria, i.e. Deira and Bernicia, 300; Deira taken from him, 317 ; Eadulf Yvel-Cild alleged Earl after Osulf, 322 ; then certainly Waltheof I., 331, 341 ; he succeeded in Bernicia and Deira by son Uhtred, 358 ; at death of Uhtred (assassi- nated) Bernicia given by Cnut to Eadulf Cudel, brother to Uhtred, and Deira to Eric, son of Hakon, and brother-in-law to Cnut, 377 ; again, 392 ; defeat of Eadulf by Scots at Curham, 395 ; final aban- INDEX 465 donment of Lothian, 396 (a.d. 1018) ; Eadulf succeeded by nephew Ealdred, son of Uhtred, 400, 419 ; he by brother Eadulf III., 420; at death of Eadulf (assassinated) Bernicia united to Deira under Siward, 433 ; at death of Siward the two again given to Tostig, 472 ; at Tostig's expulsion Bernicia ceded by Morkere to Osulf son of Eadulf, Errata to I. 500 ; taken from Osulf by William and given to Copsige, II. 50 ; assassination of Copsige by Osulf, death of Osulf, 53. For continuation see Northumberland, Earls of. Bienfaite, Richard of (son of Count Gil- bert the Conqueror's guardian), Justi- ciar under William, vol. II. 104. For his eldest son, Gilbert, see Clare. Roger of, second son of foregoing, protects Henry I. at battle of Bremule, II. 287. Bigod, Roger, supports Robert against Rufus, II. 159; pardoned, 162; attests Charter of Henry I., 232 ; still faithful, 238- Hugh, asserts that Henry I. at last had revoked his dispositions in favour of Matilda, II. 343 ; seizes Norwich Castle, forced to surrender it, 353 ; Bungay taken from him, 393; again at war, created Earl of Norfolk, 394; at the Battle of Lincoln on Stephen's side, 399 ; with the Empress, 415 ; mentioned, 441 ; expelled from Ipswich by Stephen, 450. Biriuus, First Bishop of Dorchester and West Saxons, 184. Bishops, Anglo-Saxon, presiding in County Court with the Earl, 517, 518; their general interference in temporal affairs, and special spiritual jurisdiction, 522. Bleddyn, Welsh King set up by Harold, vol. 1. 488 ; invades H erefordshire, II. 55 ; becomes sole King of North Wales, joins Eadwine for revolt against Wil- liam, 60. Bloat, Robert, King's Chancellor, ap- pointed Bishop of Lincoln, II. 189, 190 and notes ; besieges Tickhill, 241 ; his death, 298 ; his estimate of Henry's character, 320. Blois, Stephen, Count of, marries Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, II. 154; his issue, lb. ; joins the First Crusade, 204. and Chartres, Theobald IV., Count of, son of Adela and Count Stephen, supports Louis VI. against his uncle Henry I., vol. II. 270 ; again at Henry's Court, 272 ; imprisons Count of Nevers, 279 ; suggested as King of England by Norman Barons, 346 ; drops the claim, 347 ; signs a truce on behalf of his bro- R. H. — VOL. II ther Stephen, lb. ; discusses with Geoffrey of Anjou proposals for peace in England, 393 ; again declines offer of the crown of England, offers to accept Geoffrey Plan- tagenet on terms, 414 ; his death, 444 ; his sons, lb., note. Blois, Henry of, see Henry of Blois. Stephen of, younger son of Stephen and Adela, see Stephen. Boc (book), Royal Charter ; boc-land, land granted by Royal Charter with special incidents, such as exemption from usual Regalian dues, with right of testamentary disposition, not appertaining to lands of ordinary tenure {"^/okland"), 154, 168, 170, 260, 326-411; penalties [wites) from boc-land all going to King, 378 ; mentioned, 509, 510. Bohun, Humphrey of. Lord of Trow- bridge, first for Stephen, afterwards for Matilda, II., 388 ; origin of name, lb., note. Bordarius, ^11, 512, 513,514, 515. Boresti, tribe in North Britain, perh. = Verturiones or men of Fortrenn or Strathearn, perh. = menof Fothreve, 75 ; invaded by Agricola, lb. Borh = guarantee, security. See Frithborh. ^0^ = compensation, amends for civil in- jury done, 142, 144. Botulf, St., Life of, 210. Boudioca, widow of Prasutagos King of the Iceni ; her cruel ill-treatment by the Romans ; revolts, defeats 9th Legion, burns London and Verulam, 59 ; de- feated by Suetonius PauUinus, commits suicide, 60. Boulogne, Eustace II. Count of, second husband of Godgifu or Goda, daughter of ^thelred 11. , comes over to England to visit the Confessor, is expelled from Dover, 453 ; joins Duke William for invasion of England, II. 14 ; makes an attempt on Dover, 53 ; makes peace with William, 54; supports Robert against Rufus, 158, 159; his death, 204, note. Eustace III., Count of (son of Eustace II.), joins the First Crusade, II. 204; his death, 307. William, son of King Stephen, Count of, after his father's death, II. 457. Stephen, Count of, see Stephen of Blois. Brecknock, district in Wales, 135 ; con- quest of, by Bernard of Neufmarche, II. 179. Breteuil, William of, succeeds to Norman estates of father William fitz Osbevne, II. 92 ; joins young Robert in opposition to his father, 115; faithful to Duke Robert, 169 ; opposes Henry at Win- chester, 228. Eustace of (natural son of William of B.), marries Juliana, natural daughter of 466 INDEX Henry I., vol. II. 250; with Henry in Normandy, 251 ; his daughters blinded by Henry's permission, 283 ; wages war against him, lb. and 288 ; pardoned, 290. Brian fitz Count, see Wallingford, Brian of. Bric^iot-V)\i!iy of repairing bridges and roads, a primary burden on land, part of the Trinoda Necessitas, 148. Brjoquessart, Ralph of, hereditary Vis- count of Bayeux, commands Henry's van at Tinchebrai, II. 254 ; still faithful, 284; appointed Earl of Chester, his wife Lucy, her pedigree and marriages, 292, note ; forced to surrender Honour of Carlisle, lb. and 300 ; defeats rebel Barons in Normandy, 301 ; his death, 348, note. . Brig, Brigit, daughter of Dagda, Celtic deity=St. Bridget, 30. Brigantes, British tribe (Bernicia, later Yorkshire), 55; their Queen Cartis- raandua, 56 ; parties there for and against Rome, 61 ; subdued by Agricola under Petilius Cerealis, 61, 62; again by Agricola as governor, 65 ; still trouble- some, 77 ; deprived of lands by Anto- ninus Pius, 80. Brinklow, near Rugby. The tumulus there probably a Danish counterfort to the English position at Warwick, 272. ■Bristol, seat of slave trade to Ireland, II. 202 ; head-quarters of party of Empress Matilda against Stephen, 372 ; strength of its site, 373 ; head-quarters of brigand- age, 375- , , Britain, earliest notices of 1-4; early names of, Alba, Alban, Albion, 3 ; eth- nology of, ethnic relations of Gael, Alba- nach or Picts, and Britons or Welsh, 4-8 ; Belgic conquests, 4, 34 ! civilisa- tion of early Britain, 8; tattooing, polyandry, 8, 9 ; kinship on mother s side, 10; evidence of Irish customs, II ; the Primitive Family the social unit, 12-14; valueoflives, 13; tariff of fines, lb. ; development of the Tribe, its feu- dalisation, 14; kingship, tanistry, 15 ; ownership of land, 16, 17, 21; absence of legislative or judicial machinery, i», 19 • "fasting upon" an adversary (tros- cua), 19; social ranks, 20; hostages, 19; no tenant-right, 20; cultivation m common, "Runrig," " Rundale, 21; Druidism, 23, 24 ; mythology, 25-32 ; coinage, 31; ''of'S' 34; weapons, chariots, 34, 35; burials, 37; native kings in, B.C. 54-A.D. 43. PP- 49-5.0; Clodius Albinus "Cffisar"in Britain, 82- Britain follows Gaulish pretenders to Empire, 86 ; Carausius Emperor in Britain, 87 ; Allectus Emperor, 88 ; Britain under Constantine Great, Con- stantine II., Constantius II., and Con- stans, 89 ; Britain a ' Diocese ' of the ' Prefecture ' of Gaul, 90 ; subdivisions of, 90, 96; Roman officers in, 90, 91 ; later Roman garrisons in, 90, 91 ; abandoned by Romans, III, 115, 116; British Church, 107, 108; Pelagianism, 109, 116, 117; Muir'n Icht, Gaelic name for Channel, 4. Britons, Early, see Britain. Brittany, Counts of; see Allan; Conan II.'; Allan Fergant ; Conan III. Bruce, Robert of, at the Battle of the Standard, endeavours to negociate with the Scots, II. 368 ; speech attributed to him there, 369 ; origin of name Bruce, 368 ; note. " Brunnanburh," Brunne or Bourne in Lincolnshire, great battle at, 284, etc. Bur, 511-2. See Gebur. Burgenses, 512, 513. Burgred, last King of Mercia, marries daughter of ^thelwulf, 234 ; supported against Danes by ^thelred and jElfred, 242. BurMot=Dvily of repairing fortifications ; a primary burden on land ; part of the Trinoda Necessitas, 148. Buttington (Montgomeryshire), actions with Danes there (a. D. 893), 262. Byrhtnoth, Ealdorman of East Angha, supports the Monastic party, 330 ; killed at battle of Maldon, 338. Cadwalader, son of Gruffud ap Cynan, Prince of North Wales, invades Ceredi- gion three times in succession, defeats Normans at Cardigan, burns Caermar- then, II. 356, 357 ; at death of father succeeds jointly with brother Owain, 358. Cadwallon, King of Gwynedd, 183. Cadwgan, son of Bleddyn, leading prince in Mid- Wales, defeats the EngUsh, II. 180 ; at war with Rufus, 206 ; invites Magnus Barfod to Anglesey, 217 ; re- cognised as Prince in Central Wales, 218, 219; makes aUiance with Robert of Belleme, 241 ; his lands given to his brother Jorwerth, 242 ; fined for outrage by his son Owain, his death, assassin- ated, 275. . Ceedmon of Whitby, the poet, his lite, 211. Ceedwalla, King of Wessex, 200. Ceesar, C. Julius, Designs on Britain, 39 ; preparations for first invasion of, 40, 41 ; crossing, landing, and expedi- tion, 42, 43 ; fresh preparations, num- bers of forces, and landing, 43, 44; advance through Kent and Surrey to Walton-on-Thames, storming of Ver- lamion, submission of Cassivelaunos, INDEX 467 46, 47 ; Caesar's supposed camps in Britain, not genuine, 48. Caledonia, Caledonii, district, tribes. North of the Forth (conf. Dun-keld ?), 70, and note ; Caledonians invading Southern Britain, 82 ; attacl S°8, 509, 515; in time of ^Elfred, not fully free, 517, 522, 523. Cerdic and son Cynric, Saxon chiefs, land- ing in Southampton Water, their con- quests in Hants and Isle of Wight, 123, 124 ; the Gewissas, 'lb. Ceredigioa (Cardigan), District in Wales, 134 ; its bishopric, lb. Cernenus, Cernunnos ( = Horny 1), Celtic deity, 28. Chester {Deua), a Roman post (circa a.d. 50?), 55; roads to it, 57,65 ; 20th Legion there, 56 ; wasted by ^thelfrith, 178, 179 ; Danes wintering there, 263 ; rebuilt by Eadweard the Elder, 270 ; magi- strates of, 520 ; Palatine jurisdiction of Earl of, II. 96 ; See of Lichfield re- moved thither, II. 108, 128, and notes ; See again removed to Coventry, Robert of Limesey, Bishop (a.d. 1086-1117), 128 and note. CliBster, Earls of ; Gerbod, II. 76, 96 ; Avranches, Hugh of, q.v. Richard, son of the preceding, ap- pointed Earl at his father's death, faith- ful to Henry I., vol. II. 251, 284 ; drowned in White Ship, 292. Ralph "Meschin'' (see Bricquessart, Ralph of). Ralph II., "Gernons," son of pre- ceding, insulting conduct to Henry of Scotland, 348 ; supporting Stephen, lb. ; married to iVIatilda, daughter of Earl of Gloucester, his grievances against Ste- phen, 395 ; seizes Keep of Lincoln Castle, 396 ; explains his position to Stephen, again in revolt, Jb. ; besieged by Stephen, escapes to Cheshire, tenders allegiance to Matilda, joins forces with Gloucester, their march to Lincoln, 397 ; leads army through the Foss Dyke, 398, 399 ; demands front rank for his men, 399 ; takes second line, defeats King's second line, 400; captures Allan III., Earl of Richmond, 402 ; his doubtful action at Winchester, 408 ; comes to terms with Stephen, 413 ; his commanding position, 419 ; wages war against the RoyaUsts, 424 ; makes friends with Ste- phen and recovers Bedford Castle for him, 426 ; presses King to join in inva- sion of Wales, suspected of treachery, is arrested, and forced to surrender Lin- coln and other Castles, 427, 428 ; goes into revolt, attacks Lincoln and Coven- try, repulsed by Stephen, 428, 429 ; makes friends with the Scots, Lancaster to be conquered by them, 438 ; won back by grants from Stephen, 438, 439 ; joins young Henry, and receives fresh grants from him, 448 ; his death, lb. note. Chichester (Regnum), 53 ; made an Epis- copal See (A.D. 1075, transferred from Selsey), Stigand Bishop, II. 108; works at cathedral there (a.d. 1082-1148), 331. Christina, daughter of the ^theling Ead- ward, sister of Eadgar, comes to Eng- land, 477 ; retires to Scotland, II. 62 ; takes the veil at Romsey, 132. Christmas Day (Nativity of Christ), why appointed to be held on 25th December, 30- Church, British, established by A.D. 300, p. 107; British Bishops at Aries A.D. 314, p. 108 ; Church life and parties in Britain, lb., 116, 117; Relations to Anglo-Saxon Church, 176. Cistercian Order, first foundations of, II. 277 ; their opposition to the election of William fitz Herbert to See of York, 395, their foundations under Stephen, 455. 456- Clare, Gilbert I., of, son of Richard of Bienfaite, and grandson of Gilbert of Eu, Conqueror's guardian, q.v. ; holds Tonbrldge Castle for Robert against Rufus, capitulates, II., 91; warns Rufus of a plot, 200 ; appointed Henry's repre- sentative in Ceredigion, 276 ; builds CastlesofAberystwythandCardigan,356. Richard of, son of preceding, makes demands of Stephen, retires from Court, killed by the Welsh, (a.d. 1 136), ' the greatest Magnate in Wales,' 356. Baldwin of, brother of preceding, leads expedition to Wales, II. 356 ; delivers Stephen's speech for him at battle of Lincoln, 400; taken prisoner there, 401. Gilbert II. of, brother of the two pre- IXDEX 469 ceding, supporting Stephen in Xormandy, II., 359 ; maiiied to Elizabeth of Beau- mont, created Earl of Pembroke, 373 ; on Stephen's side at Winchester, 408 ; joins the Empress 415 ; intriguing with Stephen and the Empress, revolts, 429 ; his death, 441, note. Clare, Walter, brother of the precedu\g, supporting Stephen's cause in Xormandy, IL 36a Gilbert III., son of Richard, grand- son of Gilbert I., created Earl of Herts by Stephen, II. 412 ; a hos:.-t;e for Ralph Gemcns, Earl of Chester, required to give up his castles, 429 ; joins the Angevin side, 441, note. daudins, Roman Emperor, his designs on Britain, 5 1 ; his visit to and conquest of Britain, 5'~53- Clemens, Maximus, Emperor in Britain, invade Gaul and defeats Gratian, 97 ; defeated and kiHed by Theodosius the Great, 98. Clement TTT. f\\ ibert of Ravenna), Anti- Pope — not recognised either by the Con- queror or Rufiis, II. 193. Clodius Albinus, governor of Britain, S2 : becomes Csesar in Britain ; defeated and kUled by Septimius Severus in GavJ, /.*. Clnniac Monks, Order of. foundations in England, II. 320. Cnnt ' The Great,* son of Swein, invades En^siand with his father, 368, 369 ; at father's death elected King of England by Danes a: Gainsborough, 371 ; retires to Denmark at .Elhelred's advance, 372 ; returns to England (.\.D. 1015I, 374; overuns Western Countie sand receives submission of Wessex, 373 : marches X. and E. and receives submission of Earl Uhtred, but has him murdered by Thurbrand Hold, 376, 377 ; at death of -Ethelred again recognized by W'estem and Midland Witan at South- ampton, 3S2 : attacks London and digs canal to bring ships above Bridge, 3S3 ; driven off by Eadmund, retires to Orwell, 384 ; returns to Medway, 3S5 : driven over to Essex, /.''.. battle of Ashingdon- Canewdon, 3S6-3SS : negotiations with Eadmund, treaty of Alney, admitted to London, 3S8, 3S9; accession to all Eng- land, 391 ; his politic character, /.". : coronation, 392 ; distributes earldoms, /?. ; executes Eadric Streona and others, lb. : banishes sons of Eadmund Ironside, 393 ; marries Emma, widow of -Ethelred II., 394. 395 ; levies Danegeld and reduces his army to forty ships (the Housecarles), 395 ; holds Gemots at Oxford and Winchester. 'Laws of King Esdgar,' 395. 396 ; ecclesiastical Legts'.ation, /.~. : issv.es a proclamation, 397 ; visits Denmark and becomes King there in succession to brother Harold, jQS (a.d. 1020); dismisses ThurkiU, policy to rule England by Englishmen, 399 ; banishes brother-in-law Eric, 400 : again visits Denmark, defeatci by Swedes on river Helga, 400 ; makes away with brother-in-law Ulf, 7?. ; goes on pilgrimage to Rome, his devout behaviour in church, 401 ; at coronation of Conrad II. the Sajic : interesting letter to English people. 402 ; commenaal treaty with Rudolph III. King of Bur- gundy, lb. ; privileges for S.axon School at Rome, 403 ; betroths daughter Gun- hild to Henry, afterwards Henry III. ; recovers frontier of the Eyder, lb. ; expels Saint Olaf from Xorway and elected King in his stead, 404; returning to England exacts homage from Malcolm mac Kenneth of Scotland, lb. ; banishes Hakon, husband of his niece, 405 ; dedicates new church at Bury Sl Edmunds, 405 ; presents Pall to tomb of Edmund Ironside, lb. ; dies, lb. ; his unique Empire and consummate talent as politician, estimate of his character, England for the English, 406 ; popular with English, less so with Danes, 407 ; supposed change in h:s character, 7?. ; benefactions to Church, lb. ; reU(S brought over by him, lb. ; deference to Archbishop Unwan of Bremen, 40S ; favours monastidsm, his real views of Church policy, lb. : strengthens landlord rights, grants of Sac and Soc, 409 ; his laws a compilation, 73. : own additions ferocious, 409, 410 : enumeration of obiects of Xorthem heathen worship, 410 ; purveyar.ce and selling of women in marriage forbidden, free testamentary disposition of chattels, 411 : heriots fixed, 412 ; rights of hunting recognised, 413; his Ordinances of Household Troops, picture of primitive ComHaius, 413; his dealings with Housecarles, 414; their numbers and pay under him, strength of crew of normal ship, 414, 415: "King's Delf Catijew.iy. 416 ; personai appearance, issue, and collateral relations, 416, 417 ; break np of his Empire, 419. son of Sweiu Estrithson (St. Cnut), invades England, enters the Humber and captures York, II. 6S-ro : fitrther operations, c« Swein Estrithson. Again invades England and rifles York Minster (.\.D. 107 5I, 105; preparing for third invasion of England, 127 ; assassinated, 12S. Coenred, son of WuUT.ere, King of Mercia, 200. 201. note. Cogidnbnus, British King of Rt-num 470 INDEX (Chichester) ' Legate of Augustus,' 53; styled "Tiberius Claudius," St. Paul's Claudia perhaps his daughter, 57, note. Coinage, of Early Britons, 33. For Anglo-Saxon and Norman see Currency. Colchester {Camulodunon, Colonia Vic- trix), Roman colony, 103 ; 14th Legion quartered there, 55 ; charter of Henry I. to St. John's Abbey there, II. 321. Colibertus, 5 1 1-2. Colman, a Scot, Bishop of Lindisfarne, 188; supports the British mode of cele- brating Easter, 189. Columba, St., 132. Comines, Robert of, appointed Earl of Northumberland, vice Gospatriclc ; mas- sacred at Durham, II. 66. Comitatus, household retinue of a King or magnate, 151-153, 225; regulations of Comitatus ascribed to Cnut, 413, 414. Commios, Belgic Chief, made King of the Atrebates (Artois) by J. Ceesar, 40 ; his relations with Britain, 42-48. Common Fields. See Cultivation in Common. Compurgation, 141, 451; after the Norman Conquest, II. 144. Conau II., Count of Brittany, son of Allan ; hostile relations to William of Normandy, 498 ; threatens hostilities, II. r4 ; his death, lb. III., Count of Brittany, son of Allan Fergant, marries Matilda natural daugh- ter of Henry I., vol. II. 271, 272, note ; supports Henry against Louis, 279. Conches and Tosny, Roger of, giving trouble, troops sent to occupy Conches, II. 317; at war with the Beaumonts, Stephen's representatives in Normandy, 359; tal rescues Ludgaresbury or Montacute from English, 71 ; defeats Earl Ralph of Nor- folk, 104 ; supports Robert against Rufus, 158, 160 ; pardoned, 162. Geoffrey of Mayenne, see Mayenne. Geoffrey Barbu, succeeds to his uncle, Geoffrey Martel, Count of Anjou, 493. II. 14; accepts homage of young Robert of Normandy for Maine, 98 ; ousted by INDEX 479 younger brother Fulk R^qhin, lb. ; im- prisoned, eventually liberated by nephew Geoffrey, son of Rechin, 269, note. Geoffrey of Anjou, ' Plantagenet ' {Planle Genesie), son of Fulk V., Count of Anjou, II. 269 ; betrothed at age of fourteen to Empress Matilda, 309 ; married, sends her off, 311 ; takes her back again, 314 ; rebellious attitude towards Henry, 317 ; at death of Henry I. invades Normandy, promptly expelled, 347 ; again invades Normandy, wounded at Le Sap, retires, 359i 360 ; again invading Normandy, makes for Caen, but arrested by Ste- phen, signs truce, 361, 362 ; admitted to Caen and Bayeux by Earl of Glou- cester, further raids into Normandy, to Falaise and Touques, 376, 377 ; his base of operations at Argentan, 377 ; refuses to support the Empress in England, in- vades Normandy, obtains the adhesion of Rotrou of Mortagne and Waleran, Count of Meulan, 414 ; invites over Earl Robert to Normandy, successful campaign and reduction of Western Nor- mandy, 415 ; sends son Henry to Eng- land to assist his mother, 416 ; recalls him after his second visit to England, 431 ; captures Cherbourg, lb. ; reduces Rouen, accepted as Duke of Normandy by Louis VII., 432 ; irritates Louis VII. by besieging one of his friends, 442 ; comes down to defend Norman frontier, makes terms with Louis and obtains recognition of his son ; his death, 443. — — II. of Anjou, second son of pre- ceding, his birth, II. 316 ; endeavours to gain the hand of Eleanor of Aquitaine, 445 ; attacks his brother in Normandy, 445- Gerard, Royal Chaplain, sent by Rufuson mission to Urban II., vol. II. 197 ; ap- pointed Bishop of Hereford, 206 ; Arch- bishop of York, 244 ; goes to Rome for his Pallium^ lb. ; his report of Pascal's promises, 245 ; urges Anselm to return to England, 259 ; evades taking oath of canonical obedience to Anselm, his death, 264. Gerbod, 'Advocate' of St. Berthin, theory of his marriage to Matilda, 490 ; joins Duke William for invasion of Eng- land, II. 14; appointed Earl of Chester, 76 ; retires from England, 96. Germanus, St., visit to Britain, no ; re- futes Pelagians, 116; gains Hallelujah victory over Saxons and Picts, lb. ; again visits Britain to resist Pelagianism, 117. Geslth, Gesithcund-man, 150, 152. Gewissas, original West Saxon tribe, 124. Giffard, Walter I. of Longueville (Seine Inf.), joins William for invasion of Eng- land, II, 15 ; leads final assault at Senlac, 33 ; probably Earl of Bucking- ham, 98, 227 ; supports Rufus against Robert in Normandy, 168. Walter II., Earl of Buckingham, makes war on Vexin for Rufus, II. 213 {see also 227, Appendix) ; attests Charter of Henry I., 232; prepared to support Robert against him, 238. Walter III., Earl of Buckingham, faithful to Henry I. in Normandy, II. 284 ; at battle of Bremule, 286 ; accepts Geoffrey of Anjou as Duke of Normandy, 431, 4.^2- William, King's Chancellor, ap- pointed Bishop of Winchester, II. 229 ; attests Charter of Henry I., 232 ; leaves England, 249 ; urges Anselm to return to England, 259 ; consecrated by Anselm, 262 ; his death, 312. Gilbert Foliot, see Foliot. of Sempringham, see Gilbertines. Gilbertines, Order of, founded by Gilbert of Sempringham, confirmed by Eugenius III., see vol. II. 456. Gilds, see Frithbork, and 530 (Appendix). Glevum, see Gloucester. Gloucester {Glevum), 56, 57 ; a Roman Colony, 163 ; new minister consecrated by Bishop Ealdred, his own work, 482 ; houses destroyed there to make room for Norman Castle, II. 63 ; fresh min- ster founded a.d. 1089, extant remains of the work, II. 332. Gloucester, Earls of; Robert of Caen, natural son of Henry I. ; with his father in Brittany, II. 272 ; at battle of Bremule, 286 ; with Henry I at his death, 317 ; date of his birth ; his marriage to Mabille of Torigny and Gloucester, 338 ; comes over to England (a.d. 1 136), obliged to dissemble, does homage to Stephen, 350, 351 ; goes over to Normandy apart from Stephen, 361 ; suspected of an understanding with Anjou, 362 ; keeps aloof from Stephen, lb, and 364 ; renounces allegiance to him, question of Papal sanction, 372 ; lands at Arundel with his sister the Empress and makes his way to Bristol, 386, 387 ; his difficulties with his parti- zans, 387 ; attempts to cut off Stephen's army, but retires, 391 ; hangs the Fleming Robert fitz Hubert, 392 ; at conference near Bath, 393 ; prepared to accept terms suggested by the Legate, lb. ; sacks Nottingham, 394 ; joins forces to Earl of Chester for march to Lincoln, fords the Foss Dyke, 397-399 ; his dispositions for the battle, 399, 400 ; presents Stephen as a prisoner to the Empress, 401 ; brings her to London, 405 ; endeavours to heal breach with Legate, 407 ; accompanies Empress to 48o INDEX attack Winchester, lb. ; establishes out- post at Wherwell, resolves to evacuate Winchester, defeated at Stockbridge and taken prisoner, 410 j hesitates to allow of his exchange for King Stephen, the exchange ultimately effected, 411; sent on mission to Normandy, successful campaign there with Count Geoffrey, reduction of Western Normandy, 415 ; returns to England with young Henry, 416 ; lands at Wareham, 417 ; captures the Castle, also Lul worth, advances to Oxford, too late to save the city, defeats Stephen at Wilton, his strong position on the South Coast, 418 ; his efforts to govern well, 419 ; attacks Malmesbury, 424 ; establishes fort at Faringdon, 425 ; his death, 431. Gloucester, William, son of preceding, in command at Wareham, II. 416; becomes Earl at his father's death, mentioned, 441. Philip of, brother of preceding. Constable of Cricklade, turns against his father and joins Stephen, treacherously seizes Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, II. 426 ; still with Stephen, 430 ; joins Second Crusade, 433. Gospatrick, probably grandson of Crinan, the father of Duncan King of Scots, goes on pilgrimage to Rome with Tostig (A.D. 1061), appointed Earl of North- umberland by William, vol. II. 56; his attitude doubtful, 60 ; retires to Scotland, 62, 66 ; returns for an attack upon York, 67 ; joins a Danish armament and captures York, 69, 70 ; again makes peace with William, 74 ; harries Cum- berland (Scottish), 80 ; removed from Earldom of Northumberland, 94 ; be- comes Earl of Dunbar in Scotland ; his parentage, 95. Godwins, son of Child Wulfnoth of Sussex, made Earl of West Saxons, 394 ; goes to Denmark with Cnut, 398 ; his parentage and character as a poli- tician, 420; at Cnut's death supports candidature of Harthacnut, 422 ; arrests ^theling Alfred and delivers him to Harold, 424 ; unpopularity of the act ; makes friends with Harold, 425 ; im- peached by Harthacnut, 430 ; his de- fence, 431 ; an eirenicon, lb ; joins in ravaging Worcestershire, 432 ; carries election of Eadward Confessor, 436 ; alleged present of a ship to the King 437, note ; mentioned, 438, 439 ; virtual ruler of England, 439 ; territories ruled by him and his sons A. D. 1046, p. 442 ; not really loved by the Confessor, lb. ; advises help to Swein Estrithson, 444 ; unsuccessful struggle with King regard- ing appointment to Canterbury, 450 ; probably advised disbandment of House- carles, 451 ; struggles with Robert of Jumieges, 453 ; refuses to ravage Dover, lb. ; bold opposition to the King, goes to Witenagemot at Gloucester in force, 454 ; thence to London ; refused terms by Eadward, takes flight with all his family, 455 ; returns from Flanders, joins forces with Harold and sails up the Thames, favourable reception in London, negociations with the King, 464 ; is re- instated with all his family, 465 ; taken in at Court, his death ; estimate of his character, 468. natural son of Harold, vol. II. 36 ; retires to Dublin after Senlac, attacks coasts of Bristol Channel, 64 ; again, 68. Gorm, ' The Old ' King of Denmark, 334. Grannos, Aqua Granni, Celtic deity, 26, 27. Gratian, Emperor in Britain, 100. Grendel, evil spirit, 166. Gregory I. Pope, the Great, sends mission to Britain, 173, 174' VII. Pope, previously Subdeacon Hildebrand, the ruling spirit of the Papacy, 481 ; induces Alexander II. to support William's invasion of Eng- land, II. 5 ; blamed for it, lb. note ; his early life, accession and ecclesias- tical pretensions, 109 ; simony, clerical marriage, and lay investiture to be for- bidden — claim of universal territorial suzerainty, no, III ; claim rejected by William, 113; his gentle treatment of William, 124. Grimbald of St. Omer, first Abbot of New Minster, Winchester, Grimbald's Minster, 257, 265. Grentemesnil, now Grand-Mesnil, Hugh of, joins William for the invasion of England, II. 15 ; appointed military commander in Hampshire, 5° > retires from England for a time, 65 ; returns to become Sheriff of Leicestershire, lb. note ; supports Robert against Rufus, 158, 160; oppressed by Robert of Bell^me, 170. Grith = Protection — ■ Cyric-grith (Kirk- grith) = Church right of sanctuary, 269, 290 and note ; Protections of King, ealdorman, or thegn, lb. , 366 ; King's hand-grith, 378; same of ealdorman, reeve, and alehouse, 379 ; of churches in varying degrees, lb. ; to persons on way to or from Gem&ts, 412 ; to travellers on the Four Great Ways, 505. GraM/zKj jM;«j ("Grampian "), term un- known locally (hills round Dunkeld ? ), 72. Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, King of North Wales ; defeats the Mercians at Rhyd-y- Groes, 426 ; in alliance with Earl Swein, son of Godwine, 442 ; again de- INDEX 481 feats the men of Herefordshire, 462 ; marries Ealdgyth, daughter of Earl jElfgar, invades Herefordshire and de- feats Earl Ralph, 474 ; again gives help to ^Ifgar when again outlawed, 480 ; fresh incursions into England, hostilities tal advances to Senlac, now Battle, 24 ; takes up a position for action, 25 ; closeness of his forma- tion, 26 ; Battle of Hastings or Senlac, defeat and death of Harold and his bro- thers, 29-34 ; his burial, 35 ; issue, 36. Harold Hein son of Swein Estrithson, invades England, enters Humber and captures York, H. 68-70 ; for further operations see Swein Estrithson ; be- comes King of Denmark, 126 ; his death, 127. Harthacnut, son of Cnut, Under- King of Denmark, 419. At Cnut's death nom- inated by Godwine and men of Wessex, 422, 433 ; at death of Harold elected and invited to England ; comes over with his mother from Bruges, lands at Sandwich, 429 ; question of his hallow- ing, 430 ; . his character ; throws Harold's body into Thames ; calls for heavy Danegeld ; impeaches Godwine for murder of jEtheling yElfred, 430 ; calls for further Danegeld, ravages Worcestershire for resisting, 432 ; orders assassination of Earl Eadulf in. of Bernicia, recalls half ■ brother Eadward (the Confessor) to court with view to his succeeding, 433 ; death of Harthacnut, 434, 435. Hasten, Danish leader, lands in England (a.d. 892), his raids and campaigns there, 261-265. Healfdene, Danish King, lands in East Anglia, 240 ; becomes King of Deira, 241 ; invades Wessex, 243 ; retires to Reading under a truce, 245 ; thence to London 249, ; subdues and occupies Mercia, lb. ; overruns Bernicia, Gallo- way and Strathclyde, 250. Hearth-penny = Romefeoh, or Peter's Pence, Chancellor, 443, and note. Leofsige, Ealdorman of Essex, negotiates a treaty with the Danes ; assasinates ^fric, a High Reeve, and is outlawed, 352- Leofwine, Ealdorman of Hwiccas and S.W. Mercia, 359, 375 ; apparently in subordination to Eadric Streona, 393 ; at death of latter probably promoted to fuller Earldom, 394. fifth son of Earl Godwine, retires to Ireland with his brother Harold, 455 J returns with him, 462 ; appointed Earl of South Eastern Counties, 479 ; led by Harold, 480 ; with Harold at Senlac, killed there, II. 23. 34. Le Prevost, see Ordenc. Liberi Honii/ies, 512, 513, 514, 515. For Dimidii LibeH Homines see Addenda to p. 516. Lichfield, constituted an Episcopal See for Mercia, Diuma, a Scot, first Bishop, 190 ; Ceadda (St. Chad) Bishop of, 191, 192 ; Lichfield raised to Arch- bishopric, 215, 216 ; Bishopric again, 220 ; See removed to Chester, II. 108. LigM-shot {Jeoht-gesceot, symbolu?n lumi- nis) a half-pennyworth of wax from each hide, to be paid three times in the year ; viz., at Easter Eve, AH Saints (ist Nov- ember), and Candlemas (2nd February). Laws Cnut I., 12. Schmid. Also 361, 396, and note. Lincoln (Lindum) occupied by Romans (a.d. 60-70?) 61, 62 ; 2nd Legion (Ad- jutrix) at, 65 ; a Colony, 103 ; per- haps a British bishopric, 108, note ; occupied by the Danes, becomes one of the ' Five Burghs,' 249, 369; its gov- ernment by Lagemen, 520 ; its site and fortifications, tire Conqueror's work there, II. 62, becomes seat of a Bishopric transferred thither from Leicester, 175, 176 ; advantaces of its site, 397 ; old churches to South of Witham there, lb. note ; Battle of, 399. Lindesey (Lindissas), one of the " Parts " of Lincolnshire ; constituted a Bishopric, 488 INDEX 196 ; the See established at Sidnacester, 197 ; ^thelwine first Bishop, lb. Lindum, see Lincoln. Xiisbon, recovery of, from the Moors, II. 433- Llandaff, Anglican Bishops at, II. 274. London ^Lojidinium)^ an early trading niart, 57 j roads from 53, 57 ; London Bridge, probable date of, 52 and note ; London burnt by Boudicca, 59 ; Fran- kish invaders cut down in streets of, 88 ; Britons retire to, 122 ; captured by Saxons (circa, 560), p. 131; Mellitus first Bishop of, 177 ; Earconwald or Erken- vifald, Patron Saint of, 194 ; sacked by Danes, 233 (a.d. 841) ; occupied by them (a.d. 872), 249 ; reoccupied and rebuilt by yElfred, 255 ; new wharf near St. Paul's, 266 ; great fire there (A.D. 982), 335 ; repels attacks of Swein and Olaf (a.d. 994), 342; of Thurkill (a.d. 1009, loio), 363 ; of Swein again (a.d. 10T3), 369; trade and Customs' duties of, under ^thelred II., 379; withstands sieges by Cnut, 383, 384 ; its importance enhanced by the IJanish incursions, 369 ; rated as a county, 520 ; Tower of, founded, II. 43, 45, 48; conflagration at (a.d. 1077), 117; again (a.d. 1087), St. Paul's burnt down, 135 ; London bridge repaired or rebuilt by Rufus, 226 ; Tower sur- rounded by a wall, and Westminster Hall built, 226. . London Bridge, first constructed for political connexion between Verlamion (Verulam) and Kent, 52 note ; crossed by Aulus Plautius, lb. Lordless men, required to find themselves a lord, 291. LotMan (Otadeni, Gadeni, Gododin), 128, 129 ; colonized by Teutons, probably Angles, 128 ; subject to Eadwine, Edinburgh founded by him, 184 ; long politically part, of Bernicia, resists Danish inroads, 251 ; Edinburgh aban- doned by the English, 310; alleged further cession by Eadgar, 322 ; be- comes the mainstay of the Scots King- dom, 323. Louis dOutretner, son of Charles the Simple and Eadgifu of England, at court of .(Ethelstan, 288. • VI., Le Gros, King of France, early visit to London, II. 268, 269 ; put in charge of the French Vexin ; complains of the fortification of Gisors by Henry I. , 269 ; confronts Henry on the Epte at N^aufles, 270 ; makes treaty with Henry ; question of terms, 271; probable homage by Henry's son William, 272 ; . humble character of his dominions, 273 ; attacked by Henry, takes up young William of Normandy, 279 ; captures Laigle, 280 ; establishes fort on the Epte, 281 ; captures Les Andelys, 283, 284 ; and Dangu, 285 ; campaign and battle of Br^mule, 285- 287 ; fruitless efforts to continue the struggle, 288 ; his complaints against Henry in Council of Rheims, 289 ; makes peace with Henry, 290 ; marries young William of Normandy to Johanna, puts him in possession of Flanders, 308 ; supports Stephen at Rome against Ma- tilda, 350. Louis VII., Le Jeune, marries Eleanor of Aquitaine, succeeds his father, II. 363 ; grants investiture of Normandy to Count Geoffrey of Anjou, 432 ; leads the Second Crusade, /i5. ;his return to France, 433 ; offended with Count Geoffrey, takes up Eustace, son of Stephen, and attacks Normandy, 442 ; makes terms with Geoffrey and accepts his son Henry, 443 ; his matrimonial relations with Eleanor of Aquitaine, 443, 444 ; their divorce by consent, 444 ; again attacks Normandy, operations, 445, 446. Lovel, Ralph, holds Castle Gary for Em- press Matilda, II. 373 ; surrenders to Stephen, 374. Lucy, daughter of Turold, Sheriff of Lincolnshire, her estates, and marriages to Ivo Tailbois, Roger of Roumare and Ralph of Bricquessart, II. 292, note, and 300, 395 and 396. Ludlow, its castle and site, II. 380 ; be- sieged by Stephen, 381. Lugos, Lug, Lieu, Celtic deity, 1st August his feast, 31 ; cities named after him, lb. Lulaot, puppet King of Scots, reigns seven months, 471, 472. Lyflng, otherwise ^Ifstan, Archbishop of Canterbury, 368 ; crowns Cnut, 392 ; his death, 398. Lyflng, Bishop of Crediton, friend and confidante of Cnut, and Bishop of Credi- tion and Cornwall, brings letter from King to people of England, 402 ; assists in suppressing attempt of the .^theling Alfred, receives See of Worcester in addition to Crediton and Cornwall, 426 ; his death and character, 443. Mseates, Northern tribe, between Forth and " Grampians," associated with Caledonii, and invaded by Septiraius Severus, 84 ; again in revolt, 86. Mserleswein, Sheriff of Lincolnshire, left in charge of the North by Harold after battle of Stamford Bridge ; joins him at Senlac (the most northerly contingent), II. 22, 23, 62 ; retires to Scotland, 62 ; returns for an attack upon York, 67 ; INDEX 489 joins Danish armament, and captures Yorli, 69, 70. Macbeth " Macbethah mac Fintech,'' Mormasr of Moray, married to Gruoch, daughter of Bodhe son of Kenneth ; murders King Duncan, and becomes King of Scotland (a.d. 1040), p. 427, 470 ; his previous murder of Gillacomgan, his pilgrimage to Rome, lb. ; attacked and defeated in battle by Earl Siward, 471 ; his death, lb. Magnus, son of Harold Hadrada, King of part of Norway, II. 55. natural son of Harold, vol. II. 36 ; retires to Dublin after Senlac, attacks coasts of Bristol Channel, 64 ; again, 68. Barfod, King of Norway, his in- vasion of British Isles, II. 216, 217 ; lands in Anglesey ; kills Hugh Earl of Shrewsbury, 218. Malcolm mac Kenneth, King of Scots, defeats Eadulf Cudel and the Bernicians at Carham, 395 ; does homage to Cnut, 404. III., Canmore, King of Scots, 472 ; goes to English court, presumably to do homage, 484 ; harries Northumberland, 485 ; receives Tostig in 1066, II. 7 ; comes to terms with William I., 62 ; marries Margaret, sister of Eadgar .(Etheling, 79 ; harries Teesdale and Cleveland, lb. ; alleged barbarities of his men, 80 5 does homage to William I. at Abernethy, 94 ; again harries Northumberland, 1 17; so again, 173 ; does homage to Rufus on the Forth ; question of the terms, 174 ; comes to Gloucester to remonstrate against oc- cupation of Carlisle, refused redress, 176; invades Northumberland for fifth time, is defeated and killed, 177 ; his issue, lb., note. Maiden (Essex), Battle of, 338. Malet, William, joins William for the in- vasion of England, II. 15 ; appointed Sheriff of Yorkshire, 61, 64; attacked at York, but succoured by William, 67 ; defeated and taken prisoner by English and Danes at York, 69, 70 ; his death, 91. Maminot, see Walkelin. Mancus, Anglo-Saxon monetary denomi- nation, or sum of money=30(/. or J of an A.-S. mark, 238. Manors Manorial Estates, 158; later Manorial Courts, 519. Mandeville, Geoffrey of, created Earl of Essex by Stephen, and Constable of the Tower, etc., further grants to him by Empress Matilda, II. 405 ; goes over to Stephen, 406 ; further grants, lb., note ; brings reinforcements to Winchester for Stephen, 408 ; further grants received from Stephen, 412 ; changing sides for third time, receives fresh grants from Empress, 415 ; still passing as Stephen's man, his character and position, detains the King's daughter Constance, im- peached and deprived of his castles, 420 ; occupies Ely and Ramsey, 42 1 ; his death, 423 ; taxed with torturing prisoners for ransom, 423. Maponos, Celtic deity, 26, 27. Marcus, Emperor in Britain, 100. Margaret, daughter of the ^theling Eadward and sister of Eadgar, comes to England, 477 ; retires to Scotland, II. 62 ; marries Malcolm Canmore of Scotland, her issue and life there, 79 ; her death and issue, 177. Mark, Anglo-Saxon monetary denomina- tion, originally Danish, = loj., p. 238; Anglo-Norman do. =iy. 4(/., p. 149. Marriage, Anglo-Saxon, 139, 140. Marshal, John the, son of Gilbert, out- wits and apprehends the Fleming Robert fitz Hubert, II. 392 ; with the Empress at Winchester, 410; with young Henry in 1149, 437. Mary, daughter of King Stephen, Abbess of Romsey, eventually married to Mat- thew, son of Count Dietrich of Flanders, II. 457- Matilda, daughter of Baldwin V. Count of Flanders ; theory of her marriage to Gerbod of St. Omer, 490; her proposed marriage to William of Normandy ar- rested by Leo IX ; dispensation obtained from Nicholas II. by Lanfranc, 491 ; Matilda founds Holy Trinity, Caen, lb. ; left as governor of Normandy, II. 15 ; consecration of her daughter Cecilia at Holy Trinity, Caen, II. 16; still in Normandy, 51, 55 ; comes to England and is crowned by Archbishop Eald- red, 59 ; gives birth to her fourth son Henry, 65 ; again sent back to Nor- mandy, 67 ; her partiality for her eldest son Robert, II. 116, 117; her death, 124. Queen of Henry I., original name Eadgyth, her birth and education ; pro- posed for by Henry, vol. II. 232, 233 ; question of her status ; declared a lay- woman ; married and crowned, 235 ; corresponds with Anselm and Pascal, 258 note; comes down to receive Anselm on return to England, 261 ; presides at Council to resist Papal ag- gression, 278 ; her death, character, and mode of life, 282 ; validity of her mar- riage questioned, 349. Empress, daughter of Henry I., her marriage to King Henry V. of Germany, afterwards Emperor, II. 267 ; drops her baptismal name of Adelaide ; Aid levied for her marriage, 268 ; at death of Henry 49° INDEX V. brought home to England, 306 ; homage done to her as Henry's heir, 307 ; betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou, 309 ; married' 311 ; dismissed to Rouen, lb. ; goes baclcto England, 313 ; hom- age again done to her, 314; goes back to Anjou, lb. ; gives birth to Henry H., 315; and Geoffrey, 316; date of her birth, 338 ; her issue, lb. ; at death of her father, enters Normandy, established at Argentan, 34.6, 347 ; birth of sou William there, 347 ; appeals to Rome against Stephen, /d. ; proceedings at Rome, validity of her parents' marriage questioned, and Stephen recognised as King by Innocent II., 349, 350; takes reinforcements to her husband in Nor- mandy, 360 ; lands at Arundel, 386 ; given a safe conduct to Bristol by Ste- phen, receives homages at Bristol, 387 ; moves to Gloucester, recovers city of Hereford, but not the Castle, her men sack city of Worcester, 388 ; creates Reginald of Dunstanville, Earl of Corn- wall, 391 ; her domain limited by Tewkesbury, Bristol, and the Cotswolds, /b; at conferences at Bath proposes a reference to the Pope, 393 ; receives Ste- phen as a prisoner ; her compact with the Bishop of Winchester, 401 ; enters Winchester, proclaims herself ' Lady and Queen ' of England, spends Easter at Oxford, 402 ; visits Reading and St. Albans, 404 ; comes to London, her circle there, her arbitary conduct and bad manners, 405 ; grants to Geoffrey of Mandeville, Earl of Essex, lb. ; re- jects petitions, expelled from London, flies to Oxford, 406 ; attacksWinchester, 407 ; summons the Bishop to surrender, 408 ; her position there more besieged than besieging, 408-410 ; flies md Ludgershall and Devizes to Gloucester, 410; established at Oxford, 413 ; efforts to bring Count Geoffrey over, mission of Earl Robert to Normandy, 414 ; be- sieged at Oxford by Stephen, 416 ; her winter flight to Abingdon and Walling- ford, 417 ; her position in the South- west, 418 ; leaves England for ever, 431. Matilda of IJoulogne, daughter of Count Eustace III. of Boulogne by Mary of Scotland, daughter of Malcolm Can- more and Margaret of England, married to Stephen of Blois, afterwards King of England, II. 307, 308, and notes ; her fine character, 345 ; her coronation, 348 ; beseiges Dover, 373 ; it surrenders to her, 374 ; presses Stephen to make peace with Scotland, settles treaty at Durham, Earldom of Northumberland given to Henry of Scotland, hostages for fealty of the Scots, 379, 380 ; present at conferences near Bath, 393 ; her efforts to procure the liberation of Ste- phen, 404, 406 ; retakes possession of London, 406 ; agreement with the Bishop of Winchester, 407 ; brings down force to Winchester, 408 ; a temporary hostage, 411 ; with Stephen on progress to York, 413 ; superintends building at Faversham Abbey, 437 ; her death, 450. Matilda I., natural daughter of Henry I., married to Rotrou of Mortagne, Count of Perche, her death, II. 292 and 339. II., natural daughter of Henry I., married to Conan III. , afterwards Count of Brittany, II. 271 and 339. Mayenne, Geoffrey of, Mansel baron, taken prisoner by William, does homage (1055 ?), 492 ; joins native rising against William, II. 99, 100; accepts Duke Robert as Count of Maine, 164; makes conditional truce with Rufus, 214; sur- renders his castle, 215. Mellitus, first Bishop of London, 177. Meroia (Mercna-rice), Anglic Kingdom, component tribes of, 129, 130; Crida, or Creoda, first King, lb. ; its composite character and weakness, 224 ; at its zenith under Offa, 214; Kings of, A.D. 690-802, pp. 226-228 ; attacked by the Danes, 233, 242; Kings of, a.d. 802- 874, pp. 245, 246 ; expulsion of Burgred (a.d. 874) and end of native dynasty, 249 ; Danish occupation of Five Burghs, 76. ; South-Western counties of Mercia annexed by Alfred, jEthelred Ealdor- man, 254 ; London included, 255 ; par- tition of between ^Elfred and Guthrum, 25s ; after death of Ealdorman ^thelred English counties governed by his widow jEthelflaed, the 'Lady of the Mercians,' 271 ; her fortifications at Tamworth, Stafford, Warwick, etc., 271-274; at death of ^thelflaed English Mercia taken into hand by Eadweard, 275 ; Mer- cian Danes revolting against Eadmund I., 295; Five Burghs reduced by him, and whole of Mercia brought into sub- jection, 296 ; Mercia with Northumbria break away from Eadwig and make his brother Eadgar King North of the Thames, 309 ; Mercian Shires probably mapped out under Eadgar, 321. Earls of: ^Ifere, 332, 335; jElfric, "Child," 335, 336, 339, 340; Leofwine (Western counties), 359 and note ; 392, 393, 394 ; Northern counties, Eadric Streona, q.v. ; Leofric, q.v. ; jElfgar, q.v. ; Eadwine, q.v. Meulan, Robert of Beaumont, Count of, and afterwards Earl of Leicester, eldest son of Roger of Beaumont (Beaumont-le- Roger, Eure), joins William for the in- vasion of England, II. 15 ; deprecates INDEX 491 strong measures against Anselm, 195 ; gives Rufus access to French Vexin, 213; jealous of Helie of Le Fleche, 215; strong supporter of Henry I., 229 ; attests his Charter, 232 ; keeps faithful, 238 ; with him in Normandy, 251 ; commands second line at Tinche- brai, 254 ; excommunicated by the Pope, 258 ; absolved, 259 ; his death, 282. Meulan, Waleran of Beaumont, eldest son of preceding, appointed Count of, II. 282 ; faithful to Henry in Normandy, 284 ; revolts, 300 ; taken prisoner and sent to England, 301, 302 and note ; set free, 311 ; with Henry I. at his death, 317; at Stephen's Court, 348 ; his representa- tive in Normandy, at war with Roger of Conches and Tosny, 359 ; captures him, 360, 361 ; returns to England with Stephen, 364 ; again at war with Roger of Conches, brings him to terms, 376 ; his jealousy of Bishop Roger of Salis- bury and his nephews, sets Stephen against them, 385 ; Worcester city be- longing to him sacked by Matilda's men, 388 ; he captures Sudeley, 389 ; escorts the Empress Matilda to Bristol, 387 ; burns Tewkesbury, 391 ; procures nom- ination of Philip of Harcourt to See of Salisbury, 393 ; at battle of Lincoln, 399 ; submits to Geoffrey of Anjou in Normandy, 414; supports the Empress at Worcester, 418 ; supports Count Geoffrey at siege of Rouen, 432 ; joins Second Crusade, 433 ; mentioned, 441. Mint. — Regulations of ^thelstan, 293, 294. See also Currency. Moliuii, William of, holds Dunster Castle for Empress Matilda, II. 373 ; attacked by Stephen, 386 ; created Earl of Som- erset and Dorset by Empress Matilda, 405 ; mentioned, 441 note. Molbraie, properly Montbray (Manche near Percy). See Mowbray. Mona (Anglesey), headquarters of Druid- ism, over-run by Suetonius PauUinus, 58 ; surrenders to Agricola, 64. Monmouth, Geoffrey of, his Gesta Bri- tonum, publication of, II. 337 ; copy of, shown to Henry of Huntingdon, 454 ; appointed Bishop of St. Asaph by Stephen ; his death, 454 note. Moutfort, Bertrade of, marries Fulk Rechin, Count of Anjou ; leaves him to marry Louis VI. of France, II. 169 ; accused of plotting the death of her stepson Louis, 269. Hugh of, joins William I.'s army as Constable, II. 15; appointed commander in Kent, 50. Robert of, with Henry I. in Nor- mandy, II. 251. Amaury of, brother to Bertrade, Queen of France, opposing Henry I. in Normandy, but pardoned by him, II. 272 ; at death of Count William claims Evreux, being refused declares war against Henry, 280 ; captures Evreux, 281 ; still in arms, 288 ; accepts Evreux and makes peace, 290 ; again makes a breach between Henry I. and Anjou, 299 ; taken prisoner but allowed to escape, 301 ; again pardoned, 302. Montgomeri, later Montgomery, Roger of, comes to England, II. 56 ; becomes Earl of Shrewsbury, 97 ; his wife Ma- bille, daughter of William Talevas I. of Belleme, 97 ; wages war against the Welsh, 97 ; doubtful action as between Rufus and Robert of Normandy, 158, 160 ; wages war against Robert, and procures release of Robert of Belleme, 164, 165 ; establishes himself in modern county of Montgomery, 179 ; his death, 193- Robert of. See Belleme. • Hugh of. See Shrewsbury, Earls of Roger of, otherwise Roger of Poitou, perhaps with William's army at Hast- ings, II. 15 ; becomes Lord of Lancaster ; supports Rufus against Robert, 158; holds Argentan for Rufus, 192 ; rises with brother Robert of Belleme against Henry I., 240; banished, 243. Ernulf of, fourth son of Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, builds first fort at Pem- broke, II. 179, 180; Lord of Pembroke and one half of Dyfed, Jb. note, 240 ; rises against Henry I. , 240 ; marries daughter of King of Dublin ; harries Staffordshire, 241 ; banished, 243. Philip of, fifth son of Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, plots against Rufus, II. 201 ; is imprisoned, 202. Morkere, younger son of Earl yElfgar, elected Earl by the Northumbrians, marches with them and his brother Ead- wine to Northampton and Oxford, 499 ; recognised as Earl by Harold, 500 ; attitude at death of the Confessor, II. 2 ; defeated at Gate Fulford, S ; fails to join Harold for Hastings campaign, 22 ; doubtful attitude towards Eadgar ^theling, 39 ; submits to William, 42, 45 ; taken to Normandy, 51 ; brought back and allowed to leave court, 56, 59 ' attempts to form a Northern league against William, 60 ; joins Hereward, 90; imprisoned in Normandy, 91; set free at Conqueror's death, 133; rc- imprisoned by Rufus and dies in prison, 156, and note. Mortain, Robert, Count of, half-brother of William the Conqueror, joins him for invasion of England,' II. 15; created Earl of Cornwall, 59 ; appointed to 492 INDEX watch Danish force, 72 ; receives estates in Yorkshire, 74; supports Robert against Rufus, 158. Mortain, William, Earl of Mortain and Cornwall, son of preceding, demands Earldom of Kent ; makes war against Henry I. in Normandy, II. 252 ; com- mands Robert's van at Tinchebrai, 254 ; taken prisoner, 255 ; sent prisoner to England, 256. Mortagne, Rotrou of, Count of Perche, supporting Robert in Normandy, II. 250 ; with Henry I. in Normandy, 251 ; with him at his death, 317 ; his wife Matilda, natural daughter of Henry I., her death, 292 and 339 ; accepts Count Geoffrey in Normandy, 414, 432 ; his death, 445. Mound forts (motes), their structure, 272. Mowbray, Robert of, nephew of Bishop Geoffrey of Coutances, supports young Robert against his father, II. 115; be- comes Earl of Northumberland; sup- ports Robert against Rufus, 158, and note ; banished for a time, 162, 163 ; shortly reinstated, lb. ; defeats Malcolm Canmore, 177 ; succeeds to estates of uncle, Bishop of Coutances ; his char- acter and pretensions ; plunders Nor- wegian ships ; refuses to appear when summoned, 199 ; besieged at Bam- borough by Rufus ; enticed from castle and apprehended, 200, 201 ; committed to prison ; his death, 202. Roger of, at the Battle of the Standard, II. 367 ; his parentage, lb. , note ; founder of Byland Abbey, taken prisoner at battle of Lincoln, 401 ; joms the Second Crusade, 433. Mimd=gns.rdis.nship, 139, 154, 378, 379 ; Mimdbora^^guardian, protector, 409 ; Mundbryce^hrsach of Muiid ; also penalty for the same, 410. Murdac, Henry, "iiis early life, appointed Abbot of Fountains Abbey and Arch- bishop of York, kept out by Stephen, II. 435 ; admitted by him, goes to Rome on Embassy, to obtain recognition of Eustace, 442 ; efforts frustrated by Thomas Becket, 447 ; refuses to conse- crate Hugh of Puiset to be Bishop of Durham ; driven from York, 454 ; dies, 455- Murder, Anglo-Saxon proceedings incase of, 142. Mynecen, a female monk or nun under strict vows, 316 note, 361 note, 442. Mythology, Celtic, 25-32; Deities, Ogmios, Ogma, 25 ; Maponos, Grannos, Belenus, 25, 26 ; Toutates, Segoroo, Camulos, 27 ; Nemetona, Nemon, 28 ; Cernunnos and his emblems, 28; Tar- anis, Taranus, Tarvos Trigeranos, 29 ; the three strides of the sun, lb. ; Brig= St. Bridget, 30 ; Lugos, 31 ; ferocious character of Celtic rites ; human sacri- fice, 30 ; Solar festivals and lustral fires, Lugos, 32 ; primitive religion ; the mistletoe, lb. , Mythology, Teutonic, 163-166; popular cults, 166; Solar rites, 165. Namtmi, Namium, illegal distress, forcible seizure of goods to satisfy a demand, 410. Nastrond, subterraneous place of punish- ment, 166. Wativity of St. John the Baptist ; why fixed for 24th June, 30. Weotarides, ' Count ' of Saxon shore, killed, 95. Nemon, Nemetona, Celtic deity, 28. Nest, daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, last King of South Wales, her connection with Henry I. and subsequent marri- ages, II. 275, 339. Ifeufmarohe, Bernard of, supports Robert against Rufus, II. 160 ; kills Rhys ap Tewdwr, marries Nest, granddaughter of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, 179. ITewoastle-upon-Tyne {Pons Alii, Mun- eca Caster), Aldwine of Winchcomb there, II. 120; fort established there by Robert of Normandy, I2i ; not the ex- isting Keep, lb. note. Nicholas II., Pope ; grants dispensation recognising marriage of Duke William of Normandy to Matilda of Flanders, 491 ; II. 85. Nicor, water spirit, 166. Nigel, nephew of Bishop Roger of Salis- bury, appointed Bishop of Ely, family connection with the Treasury, II. 313 ; becomes Treasurer in succession to his uncle, continued as such by Stephen, 381, 382; threatened with arrest by Stephen, flies to Devizes, forced to sur- render the Castle, also Sherborne, Sarum and Malmesbury, 383, 384 ; fortifies Ely ; expelled by Stephen, joins the Empress at Gloucester, 390 ; his career H40-1143, p. 420, 421, and note. Ninian, St., Apostle of Southern Picts, his church at Whithern, 109. Nodens, Nuada, Nydd, Celtic deity, 29, 3°- Norfolk, Earls of, Ralph of Gael, q.v., II. 98. Bigod, Hugh, q.v. Norsemen, Institutions of, 229 ; inroads on Britain, lb. ; routes taken by them, 230, 233 ; their skilful tactics in war, 239; styled "Fingall" or 'White Strangers ' in Ireland, 241. Northampton, Earls of, Waltheof, q.v. Saint Liz or Senlis, Simon I. of. q.v. David I. of Scotland, q.v. (This INDEX 493 Earldom must have been surrendered by him, because in 1141 we liave Simon of Saint Liz II. (q.v.). Earl of Northamp- ton.) ITorthumbria, Angle kingdom including in widest acceptation Deira and Bernicia (q-v.') and Lothian. Ida first king of, 129 (a.d. 547) ; sons only Kings of Ber- nicia till ^thelric, he again King of all Northumbria, 180 ; so too son ^thel- frith ; successful wars North and South, lb. ; defeated and killed by Eadwine, his sway extending to Isle of Man and Lothian, 182 ; conversion to Christian- ity of Deira, 182-184 ; Northumbria still united and dominant under Oswald (a.d. 634-642), and Oswiu (a.d. 651- 670), 186-189, 195 ; estabhshment of Christianity, 189-191 ; Northumbria still extending under Ecgfrith (a.d. 670-686), 195, 198 ; literary centre under Ealdfrith (a.d. 686-705), 201, 202 ; fairly flourishing till a.d. 758, pp. 204-207 ; dynastic revolutions A. d. 758-802, pp. 227, 228 ; Table of Kings, A.D. 690-802, lb. ; first landing of Danes, A.D. 763, lb. ; accepts supremacy of Ecgberht of Wessex a.d. 829, p. 224 ; subdued by Danes a.d. 867-868, p. 241 ; death of ^Ua, last native king, lb. ; Table of kings a.d. 802-868, pp. 245, 246 ; Osulf of Bamborough Earl of all Northumbria, 300 ; revolts against Ead- wig, makes brother Eadgar King north of the Thames, 309 ; Eadgar subdivides Earldom, giving Bernicia to Osulf and Deira to Oslac, 317 ; Oslac expelled by .lEthelred II., 330 ; perhaps succeeded Eadulf Yvel-Cild, ultimately by Thored ; Osulf in Bernicia succeeded by Wal- theof I., 331 ; Bernicia and Deira re- united under his son Uhtred, 358 ; at death of Uhtred divided by Cnut, Deira given to Eric, son of Hakon, and Ber- nicia to Eadulf Cudel, brother to Uhtred, 377 ; all Northumbria under Sivvard, 433 ; so again under Tostig, 472 ; then Morkere, q.v., assigns Ber- nicia to Copsige, II. 45, and Addenda. XTorthumberland, modern county, Earls of: Gospatrick, II. 56 ; Robert of Comines, 66 ; Gospatrick reinstated, 74 ; removed in favour of Waltheof II., q.v , 94; Bishop Walcher (q.v.) administers Earldom, 107; Alberic or Albri, 121; Robert of Mowbray, q.v.'\<,S. Horwich, captured by Danes (a.d. 870), end of East Anglian kingdom, 242 ; mound fort erected there shortly after- wards, 243 ; fresh fortifications by Wil- liam I. ; resists siege of three months, II. 105 ; made seat of bishopric, trans- lated from Thetford by Herbert Losenge, 190 ; extant work at the cathedral there by him and Bishop Everard, 331 ; Nottingham (" Snottinghara "), Danes wintering at, 241, 242 ; becomes one of the ' Five Burghs,' 249, 369 ; second town S. of Trent built by Eadweard Elder, 275 ; fresh castle on new site es- tablished by William I., William Peverel governor of, II. 61 ; the town sacked and burnt, II. 394 ; again, 450. Nunne, not a nun in the modern sense, but a Canoness, 316, 361 note, 442. " Odal," landed estate, 146. Odda, kinsman of ' the Confessor,' Earl of the Western Provinces, 456 ; ineffec- tual resistance to Godwine's return in 1062, pp. 462, 463 ; surrenders Western Counties to Godwine when reinstated, 466 ; retires to Deerhurst ; his death, 478 ; his chapel at Deerhurst practically entire, 527. Odo, a Dane, Bishop of Ramsbury, trans- lated to Canterbury, negotiates treaty between Eadmund I. and Olaf Cuaran King of York, 295, 296 ; hallows King Eadred, 298 ; moves that Eadwig return to his place in hall, 308 ; consecrates Dunstan, 309 ; divorces Eadwig from .(Elfgifu, question of his treatment of her, his death, 310. Bishop of Bayeux, half-brother of William the Conqueror ; joins him for invasion of England, II. 15 ; at Senlac, 28 ; checks a retreat of the Bretons, 30; appointed Earl of Kent and joint Regent with William fitz Osbern during Wil- liam's absence, 49, 98 ; his misgovern- ment, 52 ; ravages Northumberland to avenge murder of Bishop Walcher, 119 ; his great position and wealth ; hostility to Lanfranc ; aspires to Papacy ; ar- rested by William qua Earl of Kent, 123, 124 ; set free at Conqueror's death, 133 ; supports Robert in attack on Eng- land, 158; establishes himself at Roch- ester, 159; retires to Pevensey; taken prisoner ; renews struggle at Rochester ; again reduced and banished, 161, 162; starts for First Crusade ; dies at Palermo, 205 ; popular with clergy, 106. of Champagne, third husband of the Conqueror's sister Adelaide, made Earl of Holderness, II. 97 ; supports Rufus against Robert, 1 59 ; found plotting against Rufus ; sent to prison, 202. Offa, King of Mercia, 210; his reign and conquests, his Dyke, etc., 214-217; founder of Saxon School at Rome, his issue, 219. Ogham Alphabet, 24. Ogma, Ogmios, Celtic deity, 26. Oilly (OuilU-le-Taisson), Robert of, the 494 INDEX younger, his marriage to Edith, mistress to Hem-y I., vol. II, 339; receives the Empress at Oxford, 402 ; Olaf Cuaran {" Havelok the Dane ") suc- ceeds his father Guthfrith as King of Dublin ; military leader of the invading array at Brunnanburh, 284 ; becomes King of York, 295 ; makes inroad into Mercia as far as Northampton, lb. ; makes favourable treaty with Eadmund I. , 296 ; again chosen King of York, 299 ; again expelled, returns to Dublin, dies at lona, 300 and note. son of Sihtric, King of York, driven from England by yEthelstan, 284 ; prob- ably at battle of ' ' Brunnanburh, " 285 ; becomes King of Bernicia jointly with nephew Reingwald, son of Guthfrith ; becomes Christian, but is expelled, 296. — ■ — Tryggvason, afterwards King of Nor- way, attacks England, 339 ; early ad- ventures, 342 ; invades England in force, besieges London and ravages South coast, lb. ; receives Danegeld, makes peace, and is baptized, 343 ; his end, lb. ' Saint,' King of Norway, brought as a hostage to England by Swein, 368 ; elected King of Norway at Swein's death, 371 ; his religious zeal and mode of government, 403 ; becoming un- popular, is attacked and expelled by Cnut, 404 ; retires to Russia ; returning to Norway, is defeated at Stiklestad and put to death ; canonised, lb. ; Bishops from England brought over by him, 403 and note. Kyrre, son of Harold Hardrada, suc- ceeds to part of Norway, II. 55 ; pre- paring to invade England (a.d. 1084- 1085), 127. Ordeal {orddl), first notice of, 278 ; by iron and water, 293, 378 ; ordeal for priests by corsnaed or ' need-bread,' 380. Ordovices, British tribe, attacked by Os- torius Scapula, 56 ; their lands overrun by Agricola, 64. Osbern, surnamed Pentecost, son of Richard Scrob, 452, II. 55. Oscytel, Archbishop of York, translated from Dorchester, 301 ; goes to Rome, 314. 317; Osgod Clapa — the Staller or Constable ; Harthacnut taken ill at his house, 434 ; banished by " the Confessor," 442 ; re- ported off the East coast, 448 ; his prob- able recall to England and death, lb., note. Oslac, appointed Earl of Deira, previously in hands of Osulf, 317 ; brings Kenneth of Scotland to court of Eadgar, 322 ; expelled from England, 330 ; Osmurid, Bishop of Old Sarum, compiler of the "Sarum Use," II. 117 ; asks for Anselm's absolution, 198. Ostorius Scapula. Legate and Propretor commanding in Britain, 54 ; his energy, extends Roman frontier to line of Nen and Avon, lb ; advance to modern Che- shire, 55 ; attacks Brigantes ; founds a colony at Camulodtmon (Colchester) 55 ; attacks Silures and Ordovices, 56 ; final defeat of Caratocos ; death of Scapula, 57 ; suggested line of his forts Append., 62. Osulf, High Reeve of Bamborough, ap- pointed Earl of all Northumbria (Berni- cia and Deira), 300; his Earldom cut down to Bernicia only, 317, 322. son of Earl Eadulf, his claims to Bernicia, 472 ; allowed to take the earldom by Morkere in 1065, Addenda to I. 500 and II. 50 ; deprived of it by William, in favour of Copsige, II. 50. Oswald, son of .^thelfrith, King of North- umbria, 183 ; his zeal for Christianity, 184; death, 185. a Dane (nephew of Archbishop Odo), Abbot of Winchester, retires to Fleury for stricter monastic training ; returning to England is appointed Bish- op of Worcester, 313, 314; monastic revival undertaken by him, lb. ; builds new church at Worcester for monks, founds a training college at Westbury, founds Ramsey Abbey, and introduces Benedictine monks at Winchcomb, 313, 314; appointed Archbishop of York, retaining Worcester, 318 ; goes to Rome and brings Papal blessing for King, /b. ; attempts no monastic revival North of the Humber, 318; declares for Ead- weard II., p. 330; concurs in crowning .(^ithelred, II. p. 333 ; his death, 341 ; his dealings with Church property, Jb. Oswine, King of Deira, 185 ; death, 186. Oswiu, son of ^thelfrith, King of Ber- nicia, 185, and of Deira, 186; settles the Easter Question, 188, his death, 193- Owain, son of Gruffud ap Cynan, invades Ceredigion, defeats Normans at Car- digan, again invades Ceredigion, II. 356 -358 ; succeeds his father as Prince of North Wales, 358. Oxford, annexed to Wessex by Eadweard the Elder (a.d. 912), castle mound probably then built, 270, 271 ; St. Frithswyth's Minster there burnt during massacre of Danes, 354 ; importance of Oxford owing to situation on roads from Winchester to West Midlands and the North, 369, note, and II. 416 ; its pay- ments to the Crown in Domesday, I. 520 ; destruction of houses there after the Conquest, II. 63; new hall or Beaumont INDEX 495 Palace built there by Henry I., 314; lectures of Robert Pulein there, 337 ; its site and fortifications, 416 ; lectures by Vacarius there, 439, 440. Oxford, Earl of, see Alberic III. de Vere. Paganel, Ralph, holds Dudley Castle for Empress Matilda, II. 373; resists attack, 374 ; surrenders, lb ; instigates an attack on Nottingham, 394 ; with the Empress in London, 405. Palladius, a deacon, unsuccessful mission to Ireland, no, 113; preaches to the Picts, no. Pallig, Danish Earl, married to Gunhild, sister to Swein Tiugeskfegg, King of Denmark, enters service of .(Ethelred II. , 351 ; deserts him, 352. Papal Missions to England, see Legatine Missions. Paparo, John, Cardinal, his mission, to establish four Archbishoprics in Ireland, n. 439- Parisii (old district of Paris in Lincoln- shire), British tribe, 61. Pascal II., Pope, his election, II. 234 ; rejects Henry's demands, 244 ; com- mends Anselm's conduct in writing ; his alleged verbal undertakings, 245 ; con- tradicts reports of his sayings, 257 ; confirms rights of Canterbury, lb. ; sends friendly letter to Henry, lb. ; utters spiritual censures againts Henry's min- isters ; threatens Henry, 258 ; compro- mises question of Investiture, 260 ; sends Pall to Archbishop Ralph, 274 ; still claiming right of interference in English afifairs, lb. and 277 ; grants to Archbishop Ralph ' confirmation ' of rights of Canterbury, 278 ; his death, 2S1. Patria potestas, 1 40. Patrick, St. his ' Confession ' and Epis- tola ad Coroticutn, 111,115; his parent- age, early life and missionary aspirations ; his wanderings, relations to St. Germa- nus ; question of his ordination, successful mission to Ireland, 111-115. Paulinus, first Archbishop of York, 180, 182 J converts the Lindissas (Lincoln- shire), 182, 183. Peace, King's, extent and limits of protection given by it, 153, 154, 505, II. 341- Pelagius, heresiarch, his views on Original Sin and Freewill, in. Pembroke (Penvro), first English fort at, II. 180 ; Pembrokeshire (Ros), colony of Flemings planted in, by Henry I., 275. Pembroke, Earls of, see Clare, Gilbert II. of; Richard Strongtjow, son of preceding, on Angevin side, 441, note. Penda, grandson of Creoda, King of Mercia, 182, defeats Eadwine, 183 ; defeats Oswald, 185 ; his supremacy lb. ; defeat and death, 186 ; his tolerant policy towards Christianity, 187 ; his sister, 193. Pentland Hills, Pentland Firth = Pecht- lands, i.e. Pictlands, 128. Pertinax, P. Helvius, governor of Britain, 81 ; Emperor, 82. Peterborough, previously Medehamstede, originally founded circa 665, p. 316, note ; St. Peter's Minster sacked by the Danes, 242 ; restored by Bishop .(Ethelwold, 316 ; New Minster there burnt, II. 78 ; building of existing Minster there, 332. Peter's Pence, possible origin of, 238 ; mentioned, 325, 361, 396, 510. Petilius Cerealis, Legatits of 2nd Legion, defeated by Queen Boudicca, 59 ; sent to Britain as governor by Vespasian, 61 ; subdues the Brigantes, 62. Petronius Turpilianus, governor in Britain, 60. Peverel, William I., appointed to rule at Nottingham, II. 61 ; holds La Houlme in Normandy for Rufus, 1 92. William II., at Battle of Standard with contingent from Notts, II. 368 ; in command of Ellesmere and Whittington, 373 ; goes over to Stephen's side, 380 and 394 ; Nottingham sacked by Gloucester, lb. ; with Stephen to Lincoln, taken prisoner there, 401 ; surrenders Nottingham Castle, 402 ; suspected of having poisoned Ralph" Gernons," Earl of Chester, 448, note. Philip I. , King of France, forces William I. to raise siege of Dol. , II. 113 ; de- voted to eating and drinking ; negotiates Treaty of Caen between Robert and Rufiis, 171, and note ; takes part with Robert against Rufus ; captures Argen- tan, 192 ; receives subsidy from Rufus and goes home, 193 ; on friendly terms with Henry I., 252 ; his death, 268. Picts, otherwise Albanach, see Britain, an intermediate race between Gael and Britons or Welsh 6-8, divided into Dicaledonas and Verturiones, 94, 95, and note ; inroads of lb. ; repressed, 96 ; fresh inroads, 99 ; fail to establish settle- ments South of the Wall, 116 ; defeated by St. Germanus (Hallelujah victory), lb. ; Pictish Kingdoms etna A.D. 600, p. 131 ; Picts repelled from England, 178 ; distinguished in language from both Scots and Welsh, 184; Southern Picts subject to Northumbrian Kings, Bishop- ric at Abercorn, 195 ; throw olf yoke, 197 ; again defeated, 202 ; attacking Dumbarton, 204; Galloway Picts (a.d. H38) invading England, II. 365, 366; claim post of honour in battle, 370 ; 496 INDEX their war-cry, Ih. ; their kilts, and missile weapons, 371, note. Plegmund, Archbishop of Canterbury, 257 ; consecrates seven Bishops at once, 278. Plough-alms [Sulh-almesse), render of \d. from each hide, fifteen days after Easter (Schmid, Glossary) ; payment of, en- joined, 294, 325, 361, 396. Poiton, Roger of, see Montgomeri. William X. , Count of, and Duke of Aquitaine, joins Rufus in harrying the Vexin, II. 2i6; proposes to mortgage dominions to Rufus, 220 ; joins Geoffrey of Anjou in inroad to Normandy, 360 ; goes on pilgrimage and dies, 363 ; his daughter Eleanor married to Louis VII., ' lb. Pont I'Eveque, see Roger. Port =3. walled town = otherwise burh, 278. Portreeve, reeve of a walled town (cf. Sheriff, reeve of a shire), 278, II. 46, note. Posidonius, visit of, to Britain, shipping of tin to Gaul, 3. Powys, kingdom of Middle or Eastern Wales, its original capital Pengwern, later Shrewsbury, 134 ; the town reduced to subjection by Ceonwulf King of Mercia, 222 ; Radnor annexed to Harold's Earldom of Hereford, 488 ; see also Wales. Prasutagos, British King of the Iceni, husband of Boudicca, 58. Presentment of Englishry, II. 89, 145. •Puiset, Hugh of. Treasurer of York, II. 434 ; opposes Henry Murdac as Arch- bishop of York, 435 ; elected Bishop of Durham, 454; consecrated by Anastasius IV., 455- Pulein, Robert, lecturing in Theology at Oxford, II. 337 ; Chancellor to the Apostolic See, 338. Pytlieas of Marseilles, " Discoverer " of Britain, his visit to it, 1-3. Queens, not recognised in Wessex, but recognised in Mercia and Northumbria, 235 and note, 320. ■ Gold, rate of, II. 328. Radchenistri (k.. S. Radenihtas), 514. Rad?nanni, 514. Esedwald, King of East Angles, 178, 179 ; defeats ^thelfrith, 180. Kalph. of Mantes, son of Drogo, Count of Mantes, by Godgifu or Goda, daughter of ^thelred II., 453; comes to England with the Confessor, 438 ; receives Earl- dom of Hereford taken from Swein son of Godwine, 447 ; ineffectual resistance to Godwine's return in 1052, pp. 462, 463 ; makes over Earldom of Hwiccas to Odda, 466 ; defeated by the Welsh near Hereford, 474 ; his death, 478 ; his son Harold, lord of Ewyas Harold in Herefordshire, 479, note. Balph Flambard, his early history and character ; becomes chief minister to Rufus ; applies feudal principles to Church property, II. 166, 167 ; serves Anselm with a writ, 189 ; takes ten shillings apiece from men summoned for service, 192 ; appointed Bishop of Durham, 219; his position as Treasurer, 225 ; sent to the Tower by Henry I., 232 ; escapes, 237 ; induces Robert to invade England, Il>. ; put in charge of See of Lisieux, lb. note ; reinstated at Durham by Henry, 256 ; his death, his buildings at Durham and Norham, 310, note, and 332. of Escures, Abbot of Seez, delivers keys of Shrewsbury to Henry I., vol. II. 243 ; driven from Normandy by Belleme, lb. note, 251 ; appointed Bishop of Rochester and Archbishop of Canter- bury, 273 ; present at the examination of the relics of St. Cuthbert, lb. note ; his Pall sent to him from Rome, 274 ; sent to Rome to protest against Papal claims, obtains from Pascal II. "con- firmation " of rights of Canterbury, 278 ; his death and character, 297. Bamsbury, created a bishopric, .(Ethelstan its first Bishop, 278, and note ; proposal for union with Sherborne, 476 ; the union effected, 481. Eamsey Abbey (Hunts), founded by Oswald, Bishop of Worcester, 315. Ranig, Earl of the Magessetas, 394. Kape (Sussex), land-division, 171. Rectitudines Singularum Rersonarum, view of an Anglo-Saxon manor given by, 509-511. 517- Redvers (Reviers), Richard of, supports Henry I. as against Robert, II. 238, and 353- Baldwin of, son of preceding, follows father's politics, 353 ; seizes Exeter Castle on behalf of Matilda, allowed to march out freely, establishes himself in the Isle of Wight, driven to Anjou, 355 ; operates in the Cotentin, 376 ; lands with a force at Wareham, retires to Corfe Castle, besieged there by Stephen, 386 ; created Earl of Devon by Em- press, 405 ; mentioned, 441, note. Reginald of Dunstanville, natural son of Henry I. by Sibylle Corbet, II. 339 ; at Stephen's Court, 348 ; operates in the Cotentin against Stephen, 376 ; marries daughter of William fitz Richard, Cornish magnate, declares for Matilda, by her created Earl of Corn- INDEX 497 wall ; excommunicated for sacrilege, driven into a corner by Stephen, 391 ; with the Empress at siege of Win- chester, 407 ; escorts Empress in flight from Winchester, 410; treacherously seized on way to Court, but released by Stephen's orders, 426 ; mentioned, 441, note. Beingwald, grandson of Ivar, and Danish King of York, 276 ; his death, 282. son of Guthfrith King of York, ex- pelled by ^thelstan, becomes King of Bernicia jointly with uncle Olaf son of Sihtric, becomes Christian, but is ex- pelled, 296. Bemigius, Remy, almoner of Fecamp, provides a ship for the invasion of Eng- land, appointed Bishop of the See of Dorcester-Leicester, II. 56 ; accepts consecration at hands of Stigand, lb. ; sent to Rome by Lanfranc, 87 ; transfers his See from Leicester to Lincoln, 152 ; extant remains of his work there, 332. Heviers, see Redvers. Kheged, Kingdom of = Galloway ? 133. Ehiwallon, Welsh King set up by Harold, 488 ; invades Herefordshire, II. 35 ; killed in battle, 60, note. Bbys ap Tewdwr, King of South Wales, attacked by WiUiam I., vol. II. 122 ; killed at Brecknock by Bernard of Neuf- marche, 179. Biohard Scrob ( = Scrope?), builds first Norman castle in England, " Richard's Castle, "Herefordshire, 454; wars against Eadric 'the Wild Man,' II. 55. natural son of Henry I., taken prisoner in Normandy and released, II. 284 ; at Battle of Bremule, 286 ; drowned in White Ship, 292 ; his mother, 339. Eiohmond, Earls of, see Allan I. , " Rufus, " and Allan III. ; Stephen, son of Allan I. and elder brother of Allan III., Earl at the time of Henry I.s death, II. 329 ; Conan son of Allan III. on Stephen's side, 441, note. Bidinga (Yorkshire and Lincolnshire), 173. Bobert Champart, Abbot of Jumieges, prime confidant of "the Confessor," 438; appointed Bishop of London, 439 ; Archbishop of Canterbury, 450; goes to Rome for Pallium, refuses to conse- crate Spearhafoc as Bishop of London, 451 ; struggles with Godwine, 453 ; suggests the divorce of the Lady Eadgyth, 456 ; probable agent in making offer of English succession to William of Normandy, 461 ; his flight from England in 1052, p. 464 ; question of cause of his alarm, 465 ; goes to Rome, his death, 467. eldest son of William I., associated R.H. — VOL. ir. with his mother as ruler of Normandy, II. 55 ; betrothed to Margaret, sister of Herbert Count of Maine, and declared his heir, 98; accepted as Count of Maine by Fulk Rechin of Anjou, loi ; his unsatisfactory character, nicknamed "Gambaron" and " Cortehose," 114 ; quarrels with his brothers at Laigle ; attempts to seize Rouen ; is banished, 115; his wanderings; established at Gerberoy ; alleged encounter with his father, 1 16; reconciled to him, 117; leads army into Scotland as far as Falkirk ; founds Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; retires to France, 121 ; at the death of his father succeeds to Normandy, 134; accepts offer of Crown of England, 158; imprisons brother Henry and Robert of Belleme; attacked by Earl of Shrews- bury ; raises army in Maine ; makes peace with the Earl, 164, 165 ; loses Maine, 169 ; rising against him at Rouen ; rescued by brother Henry, 169, 170; attacked by Rufus, appeals to Philip I. of France ; signs Treaty of Caen, 171 ; expels brother Henry from Cotentin; his clemency at Mont St. Michel, 172 ; goes to England with Rufus, 173 ; accompanies him on ex- pedition to Scotland and negotiates treaty, 173, 174 ; returns to Normandy, 175 ; demands performance of stipula- tions of Treaty of Caen, 190; declares war with Rufus ; receives support of Philip of France ; checks his brother's invasion ; mortgages his Duchy to Rufus, 204 ; starts for the Crusade, 205 ; his achievements there, 236 ; marries Sibylle of Conversana and returns to Normandy, 237 ; induced to invade England ; lands at Portsmouth with an army ; comes to terms with Henry at Alton, 238, 239 ; returns to Normandy, 239 ; makes war on Robert of Belleme, 240 ; comes to England ; surrenders his Pension ; re- turns to Normandy and cedes Evreux to Henry, 251 ; his straitened circum- stances, 2b., and 252, 253 ; comes to England, lb. ; his defeat and capture at Tinchehrai, 254, 255 ; sent prisoner to England, 256; his treatment there, /i5., and note ; placed under charge of Earl Robert of Gloucester, dies, 316. Bobert fitz-Hamond, Welsh March Lord, supports Rufus against Robert, II. 159 ■ mentioned, 180 ; attests Charter of Henry I., 232; still faithful, 238; taken prisoner in Normandy, 252, re- leased, 253. of Gloucester, see Gloucester, Earls of. • fitz Hubert, Flemish adventurer, seizes Malmesbury Castle, II. 388 ; seizes K K 498 INDEX Devizes, unsuccessful attempt on Marl- borough, apprehended and hung, 392. Eooliester(ZJ«r«i5?-roffi), made an episcopal See, Justus first Bishop, 177 ; sacked by Danes, 233 (a.d. 841); besieged by vEthelred, 336 ; fortifications of Bishop Gundulf there, II. 159 ; date of ex- isting Keep (a.d. 1126-H36), lb. ; be- sieged and taken by Rufus, 161, 162 ; new cathedral there dedicated, 312 ; work there of Bishops Gundulf, Ralph, Ernulf, and John, 331. Soger (of Salisbury), King's Chancellor, appointed Bishop of Salisbury, II. 246 ; consecrated by Anselm, 262 ; his objec- tions to the marriage of Empress Matilda to Geoffrey, 307 ; does homage to her as Henry's heir,' lb,, and 314 ; makes terms with Stephen, 343 ; his position and influence under Henry I. , fortifies Castles at Sherborne, Devizes, Old Sarum, and Malmesbury, 381-383 ; opposes Anselm at Council of Rockingham, 195 ; summoned to Court ; his death, 203 ; his work at Durham Cathedral, 332. St. David's, succession of Anglican bishops at, II. 276. St. Liz, or Senlis, Simon I. of, see Hunt- ingdon, Earls of. Simon II. of, son of preceding, as simple Baron, attests Charter of Stephen, II. 348 ; admitted to the Earldom of Northampton, and at Battle of Lincoln, 399 ; again on Stephen's side at Win- chester, 408 ; again, 441 note ; his death, 451. Salisbury, Edward of. King's standard- bearer at Battle of Bremule, II. 286. Patrick, Earl of, son of Walter, and grandson of preceding ; joins young Henry in 1 149, vol. II. 437, and note ; mentioned, 441. " Samhuin," or "Samhain" = 3l Oct., 31 ; Celtic festival, 167. Sarum Old, See of Sherborne removed thither, II. 108 ; early earthworks there strengthened by Bishop Roger of Salis- bury with a wall, 382, 383. Sa^con Shore (Litlus Saxonicum), on Flemish coast, 91, note; on British coast, 91 ; troops posted there, 91. Saxons, ravaging Channel coasts circa A.D. 285, p. 87 ; troops to resist them on South-East coast of Britain (Littus Saxonicum), 91 ; and in Flanders,. Jb. note ; overwhelm forces in Britain, 95 ; expelled by Count Theodosius, 95, 96 ; defeated by St. Germanus (Hallelujah Victory), 116 ; begin to effect prermanent settlements, 117, 118; mentioned by INDEX 499 Ptolemy, i ig ; original homes, lb. ; parts of Britain occupied by them, 120, 130, 131, 193. "So89t," pi. "sc^tta," Kentish coin=l farthing; 20 sc£etta=5 pence=i Wessex shilling, 144 note. SoandinaTia, Coast route from, to Britain, 118. Soot, Scotus, originally Latin name for Gael, 94 ; inroads of Scots, 94 ; with Picts, 95 ; repressed, 96 ; fresh inroads, 99 ; fail to establish settlements south of the Wall, 116. Selsey, an Abbey founded there by Wil- frith, 198 ; created a bishopric for the South Saxons with Eadberht as its first Bishop, Addenda to I. 204 ; the See transferred to Chichester, II. 108. Seiuhus Mor, the, a code of primitive Aryan (Irish) Law, 17 note, 24. Septimiua Severus, Emperor, defeats Clodius Albinus ; administrative changes in Britain, 82 ; visits Britain, and attacks tribes beyond Forth ; tracks of his march to Moray Firth, 84-86; dies at York, lb. SextuB, Julius Frontinus, governor in Britain, reduces Silures, establishes 2nd Legion at Isca (Caerleon), 62. Sherborne, constituted an episcopal See, Ealdhelm first Bishop, 202 ; proposed annexation to See of Ramsbury, 476 ; the annexation effected, 481 ; See re- moved to Old Sarum, II. 108. Sheriff {Scir-gerefa), first notice of, 265, 266 ; extension of his authority, his courts, 278, 397 ; King's chief officer, 293. 525 ; Royal Justices sent down to sit with him in county court, II. 322 ; his accounts at the Exchequer, how ren- dered, 325. Shilling, in Wessex = ^d. ; in Mercia = 4ii, 294. Shires {Scira) = office, jurisdiction, dis- trict ; in Wessex, 162 ; in Mercia and Deira, lb., 259 ; date of mapping out of Mercian shires, 321. Shrewsbury, originally Pengwyrn, capi- tal of Powys ; burnt by Ceawlin, 128 ; annexed by Offa, 215; Norman castle there burnt by Eadric the Wild Man, IL 71. Earls of, Roger of Montgomery, q.v., II. 97 ; Hugh of Montgomery, second son of the foregoing, 193 (eldest son Robert passed over) ; sus- pected of plotting against Rufus, 202 ; oppresses the Welsh and founds fort in Anglesey, 217; killed there, 218; Robert of Belleme, his elder brother, q.v. 218. Sibylle, natural daughter of Henry I., married to Alexander I. of Scotland, her death, II. 340. Sibylle, younger daughter of Fulk V. Count of Anjou, married to William, only son of Duke Robert of Normandy, II. 299 ; divorced from him, 303 ; subsequently married to Dietrich Count of Flanders, comes to Dover with him, 452. Biduaoester, constituted an episcopal See for Lindsey, 197. Sigeric, Archbishop of Canterbury, his itinerary from Rome to England, 337 note ; expels Secular Canons from Christ Church, Canterbury, lb. ; ad- vises payment of Danegeld, 339; pays ransom for Canterbury to Olaf Trygg- vason, and Swein Tiugesksegg, 342 ; his death, 344. Sihtric, grandson of Ivar, becomes King of Dublin, 276 ; succeeds his brother Reingwald as King of York, marries a sister of jEthelstan, 282 ; his death, 284. Silures, British tribe, dark and curly haired, 56 ; attacked by Ostorius Scapula, 56 ; still independent, 57 ; finally reduced by Frontinus, 62. Siward Digera [The Strong), a Dane, appointed Earl of Deira in succession to Hakon son of Eric, 405 ; marries ^thelflasd daughter of Earl Ealdred of Bernicia, 420 ; his legendary parentage, lb. ; assassinates Eadulf III. Earl of Bernicia by orders of Hartha- cnut, 433 ; becomes Earl of Bernicia as well as of Deira, lb. ; mentioned, 438 ; supports the Confessor against Godwine (a.d. 1051), 454; invades Scotland in interest of Malcolm Canmore, 471 ; his death, 472 ; traditional stories, lb. Slaves (theow, pi. theowan also thrcel), classes of, 144. Sochemanni, 512, 5^3> 5^5 J socage tenures, II. 144. Somerset, Earl of, see Mohun, William of. Soul-shot {Sawl-sceat), fee payable at burial, presumably for prayers for soul of deceased, 294, 325, 361, 396. Spearhafoo, Abbot of Abingdon, ally of Stigand, named Bishop of London, 450 ; refused consecration by Robert of Jumieges, instals himself at St. Paul's, 451 ; finally expelled, 456. Stamford, occupied by the Danes, be- comes one of their 'Five Burghs,' 249. 369 ; a fort there built by Ead- weard the Elder, 275 ; government of by Lagemen, 520. Standard, Battle of, II. 367, 371. Stephen (of Blois), son of Theobald III. and Adela, daughter of William I. ; at 500 INDEX the Court of his uncle Henry I., vol. II. 272 ; made Count of Mortain in succes- sion to William, son of Robert, 256, 280 ; made Lord of Alencon, 280 ; ex- pelled for tyranny, 280, 281 ; refuses to embark on White Ship, 291 ; marries Matilda, heiress of Eustace III. Count of Boulogne, does homage to Empress Matilda, as Henry's heir, 307, 309, and notes ; probable date of his birth, 341 ; his prompt action at death of Henry I. , crosses Channel, well received in Lon- don, compact with citizens, 341, 342 ; received at Winchester by brother Henry, the Bishop, compact with Bishop Roger of Salisbury and Archbishop William of Corbeil, Church to be set at 'liberty,' 342, 343; import of the terms, coronation, question of Stephen's position, 344 ; issues a Charter, his position in England, estates, character and popularity, 242, 344, 345 ; his rule only nominal, 345 ; lists of magnates found at his court at first, 346, 348 ; marches to Durham to resist Scottish invasion, makes terms with David, granting Earldom of Huntingdon, etc., to his son Henry, 347 ; his liberality and weakness, 348 ; receives confirma- tion by Pope Innocent II., proceedings at Rome in connection therewith, 349, 350 ; confirms Robert of Gloucester in his estates, and accepts his homage, 351 ; grants further Charter, at Oxford, emancipation of the clergy from State control, concessions to laity trivial, 351, 352 ; forces Hugh Bigod to surrender Norwich Castle, reduces Robert of Bampton, 353 ; besieges Exeter, 354 ; weak concessions to the rebels, 355 ; drives Baldwin of Redvers out of Eng- land, holds a B'orest Assize at Brampton, lb. ; feeble action in Wales, lb. ; leaves Norman settlers to their fate, 357 ; goes over to Normandy, 361 ; has interview with Louis Le Gros, does homage for Normandy through his son Eustace, lb. ; arrests inroad by Geof- frey of Anjou, discontent among his Barons, signs truce, 362 ; cedes towns to Rotrou of Mortagne and Richer of Laigle ; overtures to Earl of Gloucester, 362 ; returns to England, 363 ; his in- capacity to govern realized, 363 ; repels invasion of David I., ravages modern Berwickshire, 365 ; deprives Eustace fitz John of Bamborough Castle, 366 ; holds Synod at Northampton ; well re- ceived at Gloucester, lays siege to and captures Hereford, 371 ; goes up to London, 372 ; marches to Bristol, forms plans of attack, but executes none ; captures Castle Cary, Harptree, and Shrewsbury ; wholesome severity to garrison, 373, 374 ; anarchic results of the weakness of his government, 374> 375 ; persuaded by his Queen to make peace with Scotland, 379 ; ratifies treaty, giving Earldom of Northumberland to Henry of Scot- land, 380 ; at Nottingham, and Worcester, besieges Ludlow, 380 ; rescues young Henry of Scotland, for- bids set encounters with the enemy, attends grand Council at Oxford, 381 ; his position so far satisfactory, lb. ; arrests Bishops of Salisbury and Lmcoln, and Roger " Le Poer" the Chancellor, compels surrender of all their castles, and confiscates their treasures, 383, 384 ; alienation of the clergy, protests of his brother, the Legate, Henry of Winchester, 384 ; attends Synod at Winchester, lb ; de- fends his conduct through Alberic de Vere, 385 ; case made for him by the Archbishop of Rouen, he refuses to make amends, 385, 386 ; alleged form of penance, 386 ; operates against William of Mohun at Dunster and Baldwin of Redvers at Wareham and Corfe Castle, 386 ; at report of the land- ing of the Empress, endeavours to capture Gloucester, but lets Matilda go free, 386, 387 ; fruitless attacks on Wallingford, Trowbridge, Malmesbury, destroys petty fort at Cerney, 388 ; goes up to London and thence via Oxford to Worcester, 389 ; gives Honour of Gloucester to Walter of Beauchamp, fruitless raid into Herefordshire, con- firms Maurice as Bishop of Bangor, back to Oxford and thence to Salisbury for Christmas, seizes treasures of deceased Bishop Roger, 389 ; the East of England breaking away from him, 390 ; drives revolted Bishop Nigel out of Ely, lb. ; drives Reginald of Dunstanville, Earl of Cornwall, into a corner ; rallies Devon- shire to his standard, again enters Herefordshire, returns to Worcester, on via Oxford to London, 391 ; holds a Council in London, agrees to conference near Bath, rejects reference to the Pope, rejects suggestions of his brother Henry, 393 ; takes Bungay Castle from Hugh Bigod, again at war with him ; creates him Earl of Norfolk, 393, 394 ; confirms election of William fitz Herbert as Archbishop of York, 395 ; creates William of Roumare Eirl of Lincoln, 396 ; besieges Lincoln, 397 ; leads his men outside Lincoln to engage Gloucester, his personal prowess in the action, is defeated and taken prisoner, 400 ; presented to the Empress and sent INDEX S-^i to Bristol, 401 ; exchanged for Earl Robert of Gloucester, goes up to Lon- don, attends Synod at Westminster, 411 ; wears crowns at Christmas in State at Canterbury, grants further Charter to Geoffrey of Mandeville ; creates Gilbert of Clare, son of Richard, killed in Wales, Earl of Herts, and William of Aubigny, Earl of Arundel or Sussex, 412; makes progress through East Anglia, comes to terms with Earls of Chester and Lincoln ; forbids tour- nament at York, 413 ; taken ill at Northampton, 414 ; in health again, captures Wareham, and Cirencester, advances to Oxford, question of his route, 416 ; enters the City, receives surrender of the Castle on the flight of the Empress, 417 ; defeated at Wilton by Gloucester, 418 ; his position in 1 143, p. 419; his operations to protect Malmesbury, captures Winchcomb, in- vades East Anglia, 424 ; captures fort at Faringdon, 425 ; admits Earl of Chester to friendship again, builds a stockade at Crowmarsh, against Wall- ingford, holds conferences for a pacifi- cation, 426 ; orders release of Reginald, Earl of Cornwall, treacherously seized, lb. ; persuaded to arrest Earl of Chester, 427, 428 ; takes possession of Lincoln and repels the Earl's attack on Coventry, 428, 429 : consequent troubles with the house of Clare, seizes Castles of Leeds and Tonbridge and besieges Pevensey, 429, 430 ; keep Henry Murdac out of See of York, 435 ; forbids Theobald to attend Council of Rheims, seizes his revenues, 436 ; re-instates him, 437 ; wins back Earl of Chester from Scottish Alliance with lavish grants, 438, 439 ; still resisting Henry Murdac at York, opposes passage of Papal Legate through England ; attempts to suppress study of Civil Law, 439 ; anxious for recognition of son Eustace, makes friends with Henry Murdac, 441 ; condemned by Eugenius IH. ; sends son Eustace to France, 442 ; burns city of Worcester, and besieges castle, summons grand Council to crown his son Eustace, the clergy refuse, 446 ; captures castle at Newbury, besieges Wallingford, rebuilding fort at Crowmarsh, 447 ; re- pulsed in an attempt to relieve Malmes- bury, 449 ; attempts to relieve Walling- ford, compelled to sign truce, parley with young Henry, 449 ; attacks and captures Ipswich, 450 ; ratifies com- promise with Henry, 451 ; issues a proclamation ; meets Henry at Oxford and Dunstable, joint progress to Canter- bury and Dover, 452 ; goes on progress to the North to suppress castles ; attends Synod in London, goes to Dover; his death, 453 ; estimate of his character and reign, 453, 454 ; religious Founda- tions of the reign, 455, 456 ; revenue and currency, 456, 457 ; King's issue, 457- Stigand, Royal Chaplain nommated to Elmham, 426, 439 ; deprived of Bisho- pric for a time, 16., appointed Bishop of Winchester, 444 ; appointed to Canter- bury ; question of vacancy of See ; gets no Pall from Rome ; taxed with using Pall of his predecessor ; his doubtful position, 467 ; obtains Pallium from Benedict X., schismatic Pope, 481 ; not allowed to consecrate Church of Holy Rood of Waltham, 482 ; consecration by him avoided, 483 ; not recognised by Papal Legates, 485 ; his suspension, 486 ; his conduct at death-bed of the Confessor, 502 ; not allowed to crown Harold, II. I ; submits to William, 42 ; nut allowed to crown him, 43 ; taken over to Normandy, 51 ; allowed to consecrate Remigius Bishop of Dor- chester, 56 ; impeached before Papal Legates, condemned, deposed, and sent to prison, 82. Stratholyde, otherwise Cumbria, 129 ; its population British otherwise Welsh, capital at Dunbarton, otherwise Nem- thorn, otherwise Ailcluyth ; its bound- aries, 132, 133; Kyle in Ayrshire con- quered by Eadberht of Northumbria, 206 (a.d. 750); Strathclyde over-run by Danes, 250 (a.d. 875) ; Ailcluyth be- sieged by them, 251 ; Strathclyde how- ever extending its borders Southwards, lb. ; extending to Red Cross on Stain- more and styled " Cumbria," 276 ; alleged homage of King to Eadweard the Elder, lb. ; homage to j^thelstan at Dacre, 283 ; its territory extending to foot of UUeswater, 284 ; harried by Eadmund I., 296; relations to Scot- land as vassal under-kingdom not affec- ted thereby, 297 ; Westmorland harried by the English, 317 ; Strathclyde (Cum- bria) harried by Scots as far as Stain- more, 322 ; probable date of Norse and Danish settlements in Cumbria (a.d. 991-992), 340; " Cumberlande " ra- vaged by ^thelred II. (a.d. iooo), 351 ; again ravaged by Earl Eadulf II. of Bernicia (circa 1038), 427 ; Eogan the Bald, last known King of Strath- clyde, died after 1018, p. 427, note ; question as to Suibne mac Kenneth, King of Gallgaedel or Galloway, lb. , pro- bable incorporation of Strathclyde with Scotland, lb,, Cumberland and West- morland annexed by William Rufus, II., 502 INDEX i7Si 176; Carlisle made an Episcopal See by Henry I., 314; districts included in Cumbria, 315; Carlisle ceded to Da- vid I. by Stephen, 347. Suetonius PauUinus, governor in Britain, 57 ; invades Mona (Anglesey), and slaughters the Druids, 58 ; suppresses the Iceni, 59, 60 ; is recalled, lb. Sully, Henry of, nephew to King Stephen, proposed for the See of Salisbury, ap- pointed Abbot of Fecamp, II. 393 ; elected Archbishop of York, but re- jected by the Pope, 395. Sul-Miuerva, Sulis-Minerva, Celtic deity worshipped at Bath, 27. Surrey, Earls of : William of Warenne I. , q.v. II. 98; William of Warenne II., q.v. ; banished for supposed treason, 239 ; William of Warenne III. q.v. Swein. Tiugeskasgg, King of Denmark, his early adventures, 334, 342 ; first attacks on England, 335 ; invades Eng- land in force, 342 ; and attacks London, /d., receives Danegeld and retires, 343 ; returns as King of Norway as well as Denmark, sacks Exeter, 354 ; Old Sarum, Norwich, 355 ; Thetford ; stout resistance of High Reeve Ulfcytel, 356 ; Swein returns to Denmark, J6. ; re- newed invasion (a.d. 1013) in greater force, receives submission of Earl Uhtred and all Northumbria, 368 ; also of all to E. and N. of the Watling Street, and likewise of Wessex, but repulsed from London, 369 ; accepted as King by the Western Thegns at Bath, 370 ; receives submission of London, 370 ; levies a ' full geld,' /d., dies suddenly, his burial, etc., 37J. Estrithson, son of Estrith, sister to Cnut, by Earl Ulf, 417 ; at father's death retires to Sweden ; recalled by Harthacnut and appointed Governor of Denmark ; attacked and expelled by Magnus of Norway ; receives help from England, but again defeated, 432 ; in England again at death of Harthacnut ; apparent effort of Danish party to get him elected, 436 ; expels Magnus the Good, King of Norway, from Denmark, and becomes King, 441 ; again in diffi- culties applies for help to England ; at death Magnus the Good finally becomes King of Denmark, 414 ; with Emperor Henry III. in war of Lorraine, 445 ; his possible pretensions to English crown at death of Confessor, II. 3 ; question of overtures to him by Tostig, , 7 ; hostility to William and Harold ; sends expedition to England under sons Harold and Cnut, 68 ; they enter the Humber, 69 ; capture York, 70 ; further operations, 71, 72, 74, 76; plunder Peterborough and leave England, 78 ; sends fresh expedition against England (a.d. 1075), 105 ; his death (1076), 105, note, 126. Swein, son of Cnut, under-King of Nor- way, 416-419; expelled by Magnus the Good, son of St. Olaf, 429. eldest son of Godwine, appointed Earl, his district, 440, and note ; goes on expedition to South Wales, carries off Abbess of Leominster, is outlawed, 442 ; returns begging for pardon and re- instatement, 445 ; claim opposed by his relatives, Harold and Beorn, murders Beorn and flies, 445-6 ; proclaimed Nithing, again outlawed and shortly re- called, 447 ; with his father at Glouces- ter (A.D. 1051), goes on to London, retires from England and is outlawed, 454-5 ; goes on pilgrimage to Jerusalem and dies on way home, 465-6. Swithun, St., Bishop of Winchester, 132. Swords, Celtic, 37; Anglo-Saxon, 174; Scandinavian, 529. Synods, of Whitby, 189 ; of Hertford (a.d. 673), 191 ; of Hatfield, 195 ; of Austerfield, 199 ; on the Nidd, lb. ; at " Clovesho " (a.d. 716, 742, 747J, 209 ; at Finchale, 216 ; at Chelsea (a.d. 787- 788), 216; at Clovesho (a.d. 801), 210; at Kirtlington (a.d. 997) ; ,at Calne and Amesbury (a.d. 998J, 331 ; at Win- chester and Windsor (a.d. 1070), II. 82, 83 ; at Winchester (a.d. 1072), 87 ; at Windsor, 88 ; of London (a. d. 1075), 107 ; at Winchester (April, a.d. 1076), 112; at Gloucester (a.d. 1085), 128; at Westminster (a.d. 1102), 246; in London (a.d. 1 108), 262; at Westminster (a.d. 1124), 304; in Lon- don (a.d. 1127), 311 ; in London (a.d. 1129), /i5. ; at Westminster (a.d. 1138), 378; at Winchester (a.d. 1139), 384; at Winchester (a.d. 1141), 403; in London (a.d. 1143), 419; in London (a.d. 1150), 442 ; in London (a.d. 1 154), 454. Taillebois, Ivo, receives estates in Lin- colnshire from the Conqueror, II. 64 ; probably in right of his wife, Lucy, 292, note ; so of estates in Cumberland, 300. Talbot [Talabot], Geoffrey, meaning of name "Talabot," holds Hereford and Weobly, on behalf of Matilda against Stephen, 371, and note, and 372; in command at Bristol ; taken prisoner at Bath ; released by stratagem, 373 ; at- tacks Hereford Castle from the Minster, 388 ; his death, 394. Talevas ( = Shield or Buckler), William, INDEX 5°3 son of Robert of Bell^me by Agnes of Ponthieu, II. 250, and note ; established in Ponthieu, 272 ; admitted to favour by Henry I. , 284 ; again outlawed and driven into Anjou, 317 ; supporting Ma- tilda's cause in Normandy, 359. Tamar, river, boundary of England and Cornwall, 222. Tamworth, residence of Mercian Kings, 224 ; not a real capital ; the importance of its site, 271 ; fortifications there of ^thelfl^d, 272. Tanistry, see Britain. Taranis, Taranus, Taranucus, Celtic deity, 28. Taseiovans, British King ofVerlamion, 49 ; his dominions, 50. Team, vouching to warranty in the case of disputed ownership of cattle or other goods, also, right to hold judicial in- vestigation concerning the same, 378. Templars, Temple, Knights of, their origin and first appearance in England, II. 310. Teutates, Toutates, Celtic deity, 26, 27. Tewkesbury Abbey, date of, II. 332-334, twin structure with St. Peter's Glouces- ter, 334. " Thegn " = Servant, or Minister, later title of rank, 149, 150, 152; King's Thegn=Norman Baron, 153, 513. Theobald, Abbot of Bee, appointed and consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury, goes to Rome for Pallium, II. 379 ; at Synod of Winchester, 384 ; implores the King not to break with the Church, 386 ; present at conferences near Bath on be- half of Stephen, 393 ; refuses to recog- nise the Empress without Stephen's leave, 402 ; with the Empress at siege of Winchester, 407, 410 ; suspends the Bishop of Winchester, 435 ; attends Council at Rheims in defiance of Ste- phen ; intercedes for him ; his revenues seized ; consecrates Gilbert Foliot to be Bishop of Hereford; lays England under Interdict, 436 ; is reinstated by Stephen, 437 ; opposes appeals to Rome, 440 ; appointed Legate for England, holds a Synod in London, 442 ; refuses to crown Stephen's son Eustace, 446 ; leaves England, 447 ; returns to negociate com- promise with Bishop of Winchester, terms of compromise, 451. Theodore of Tarsus, Greek monk. Arch- bishop of Canterbury, his work, 190- 192, 195; raises English Bishoprics from seven to fifteen, 197, 198 ; his death, lb. Tlieodosius, the Count, in Britain, expels invaders and restores order, 95, 96. " Theovr," Slaves, Anglo-Saxon, classes of, 143, 144- Thetford. mound fort built there by the Danes, 242, 243 ; made seat of a Bishop- ric, transferred from Elmham (a. d. 1078), Herfast, bishop, II. 128; see again translated to Norwich, by Bishop Herbert Losenge, 190. Thomas I., Archbishop of York, II. 83 ; struggle with Canterbury, 86 ; goes to Rome, 87 ; claims authority over See of Lincoln, 175 ; his death, 229, note. II., Archbishop of York, nephew of Thomas I. and son of Samson, Bishop of Worcester, suspended by Anselm for not taking oath of canonical obedience to him ; receives Pall from Rome, on condition of submitting to Canterbury; submits, II. 265 ; his death, 273. Thored, son of Gunner, harries Westmor- land, 317 ; probably appointed Earl of Deira, 331 ; with a fleet in the Thames, 340- Thryms, a coin current in the North of England=3a'. (8o=;^i), 529. Thunor, Northern deity, 164. Thiurkill, Danish captain, 363 ; lands at Sandwich, attacks Canterbury and Lon- don, lb. ; ravages Thames Valley, East Anglia, and Home Counties, seventeen in all, 364, 365 ; receives Danegeld, 366 ; takes Canterbury and carries off Arch- bishop jEIfheah, 366 ; apparently not responsible for his murder, 367 ; takes service with j^ithelred, 368 ; last man to desert him in 1013, p. 370; comes to terms with Swein, lb. ; again in English service, 372; joins Cnut, 375 ; appointed by him Earl of East Anglia, 392; Regent in Cnut's absence from England, 398 ; sent to Denmark, appointed Regent there. Governor of King's son, 399. Thurstan, French Abbot of Glastonbury, quarrels with the monks, slaughter of them in church, II. 125. (Tonstain) of Bayeux, Archbishop of York, II. 273 ; refuses to take oath of canonical obedience to Canterbury, obliged to leave England, 274, 277 ; consecrated by Calixtus II. in Council of Rheims, 289 ; finally admitted to See, 294 , struggle with Canterbury, 305 ; not allowed to carry his cross outside his own province, 307 ; negociates truce with Scotland, 363 ; organizes resistance to Scottish invasion, 368 ; presides at Synod at Northampton, 371 ; his work as a Churchman, and death, 394, 395. Tilleul, Humphrey of. Governor of Hast- ings, II. 50 ; leaves England, 65. Tinoommios, British King of Sussex and Hants, 49. Tithes, probably introduced into England with Christianity, 256 ; supposed grant of, by ^thelwulf, 236-238 ; again en- 504 INDEX joined, 294, 317; lo whom payable, 325, 326, 361, 396. Tithing, 156, 239, note, 260, 323, 324, 410. Tiu, Northern deity, 164. Togodumnos, British king, killed by Au- las Plautius, 52. Tosuy, or Toeny, Ralph I. of, joins Wil- liam for invasion of England, II. 15 ; by rights Standard-bearer of Normandy, de- clines to act as such at Senlac, 28 ; see also Conches. Tostig, third son of Earl Godwine, mar- ries Judith, sister of Count Baldwin V. of Flanders, 453 ; with his father in opposition to 'the Confessor' (a.d. 1051) ; leaves England with him, 454-5 ; with his father in his last illness, 46S ; appointed Earl of all Northumbria, 472 ; his independent character, 480 ; goes on pilgrimage to Rome, 483 ; endeavours to obtain Pall for Ealdred ; captured by brigands, 484 ; his Earldom ravaged in his absence, 484 ; his neglect of his duties and unpopularity, 498 ; murders alleged against him, revolt of the Nor- thumbrians ; Morkere younger son of v'Elfgar elected Earl by them, 499 ; quar- rels with Harold for not supporting him thoroughly ; leaves England with his family, 501 ; brought from Flanders to Normandy at death of Confessor, II. 4 ; sent with fleet to attack England, 6 ; lands on Isle of Wight, at Sandwich, and in Humber, driven off to Scotland ; makes alliance with Harold Hardrada of Norway, 7 ; joint landings on Yorkshire coast ; Battle of Gate Fulford near York, 7, 8 ; Battle of Stamford Bridge, defeat and death of Tostig, II, 12. Township, the {tunscipe], 155-158 ; its meetings and officers, 519. Tracy, Henry of. Lord of Barnstaple, Stephen's chief supporter in Somerset- shire, II. 386, 418. Tretaellius Maximus, governor in Britain, 60. Trinoda Necasilas ^ fyrd, burhbot and bricgbot (in Latin, Expeditio, arcis, poniis constructio), triple primary burdens on land, unless specially exempted by char- ter {boc), 148, 149, 209, 509 ; II. 144. Trinovantes, British tribe, 45 ; submit to Caesar, 47, 50 ; conquered by Ves- pasian, 53 ; rise with the Iceni, 59- Turgot, Prior of Durham and Confessor to Queen Margaret of Scotland, ap- pointed Bishop of St. Andrew's, II. 265. Turold, successively Abbot of Malmes- bury and Peterborough ; struggle at Peterborough with Hereward and the Danes, II. 77, 78. ITbba, a Frisian chief, lands in East An- glia, 240. XTffa, first King of East Angles, 130. TJhtred, son of Waltheof I., defeats Scot- tish attack on Durham, appointed Earl both of Bernicia and Deira, 358 ; sub- mits to Swein, 368 ; acts with the /Ethel- ing Eadmund against Cnut ; submits to Cnut, but is murdered by Thurbrand Hold while doing homage to Cnut, 376, 377- tnf, a Norman, appointed Bishop of Dor- chester, 448 ; at Council of Vercelli, obtaining Papal confirmation with diffi- culty, 449 ; takes flight in 1052, p. 464 ; deposed from his Bishopric, 467. son of Harold, probably by Ealdgyth, taken prisoner by William and sent to Normandy, II. 36 ; released at Con- queror's death, 133; with Magnus Bar- fod in attack on Britain, 216. Ulpius Maxcellus, governor of Britain, 81. Urban II., Pope (Odo of Ostia), II. 123 ; not recognised by the Conqueror, nor at first by Rufus, 193 ; preaches the First Crusade, 197 ; at Piacenza and in Au- vergne 204 ; his death, 234, note. Vaoarius, a Lombard, lecturing at Oxford on Civil Law, II. 439, 440, note. Valium, or earthen rampart, between Tyne and Solway, work of Hadrian, 77, 78 ; repaired by Carausius, 88, note ; relations of, to the stone Wall, 91. a long line of forts of Agricola, be- tween Forth and Clyde, work of Lollius Uirbicus, under Antoninus Pius, 80 ; crossed by Northern tribes, 81 ; descrip- tion of, 93. Varenne, William of, see Warenne. Vavassores, 514' Veranius, governor in Britain, dies shortly, 57- Vere, de, see Alberic. Verica, British King of Surrey, 49. Vespasian, afterwards Emperor, his ac- tions in Britain, 53 ; supported against Vit,ellius by British Legions, 60. Vettius Bolanus, governor in Britain, 60. Villanus, peasant of Norman times, cor- responding to A.-S. gebur, 511, 512, 513. 514. 515- Virgate, see Yard of land. ■Wader, see Gael or Guader. Wager of Battle, II. 145. Walcher, appointed Bishop of Durham, II. 88 ; establishes Aldwine of Winch- comb at Jarrow, 120 ; misgovernment of his subordinates ; they murder one Ligulf, a noble Englishman, 118; mas- sacre of Walcher and all his followers in revenge, 119. INDEX 505 "Wales, old kingdoms and dioceses of, 134, 222. Welsh March, varying boundaries towards England ; the Severn the boundary, 128, 178 ; Chester taken from the Welsh, severance of Wales from Cumbria, 180 ; Magasastas, Saxon tribe, established in "Hecana," modern Herefordshire, across the Severn, 128; Bishopric established for them, 199, 214 ; Pengwyrn, othervpise Shrews- bury, wrested from Powys, upper Severn crossed ; Offa's Dyke established at the boundary, 215 ; division of Wales into three kingdoms, Gwynedd, Powys and Dyfed, lb. ; Annexation of Vale of Clwyd and of parts of modern Flint- shire and Radnorshire and Gwent (Mon- mouthshire), 488 ; English line advanced to the Conway and Great Orme's Head, II. 96 and 178; Montgomery Castle built, 97 ; Cardiff Castle begun, 122 ; advances in modern Radnorshire, 1 79 ; conquest of Brecknock, lb. ; establish- ment of forts at Buielth, Glamorgan, and Pembroke, 180, 201, 206; extent of territory in South Wales retained by native Prince, 242 ; English Bishop es- tablished at Llandaff, 274 ; plantation of Flemings in Ros and Pembroke, 275 ; English Bishops at St. David's, 276 ; Bishop of Bangor coming to England to be consecrated, 296 ; building of castles at Aberystwyth and Cardigan, 356 ; Pembrokeshire organised as a county, Glamorgan treated as an English Honour, 326. ■Walkelin, Bishop of Winchester, II. 83 ; favours canons as opposed to monks, 151- Marminot, holds Dover Castle for Empress Matilda, II. 373 ; surrenders to Queen Matilda, 374 ; with the Em- press in London, 405. "Wall, Roman, between Tyne and Solway, question of authorship, 78, 79, 83 ; ap- parently built A.D. 207-210, temp. Septimius Severus, 82 ; profile of, 83 ; re- paired by Carausius, 88, note ; relations of to Vallum, 91. ■Wallingford, Brian of, otherwise Brian fitz Count, son of Allan Fergant, Count of Brittany, takes Matilda over to Rouen to be betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou, II. 309 ; governor of Gwent, 356 ; does homage to Matilda, 387 ; besieged by Stephen, 388 ; with the Empress in London, 405 ; escorts Empress in flight from Winchester, 410 ; again pressed by Stephen, appeals to Duke Henry, 447 ; relieved by him, 449. ■Waltheof I., Earl of Bernicia, 331, 341, 358. "Walt]ieofII.,sonofEarlSiwardbyyEthel- fl£ed, daughter of Earl Ealdred, his claims to Deira overlooked, 472 ; again passed over, 500 ; appointed Earl of Northamp- tonshire and Huntingdonshire, II. 3 ; perhaps present at Battle of Gate Ful- ford, 8 ; submits to William, 45 ; taken to Normandy, 51 ; joins Eadgar ^theling and Danish force and captures York, 69, 70; again makes peace with William, reinstated and married to King's niece Judith, 74 ; appointed Earl of Northumberland, 94; his complicity in rebellion of Earls of Hereford and Norfolk, confesses to Lanfranc, submits to William, 104, 105 ; is tried and even- tually condemned and executed, 106 ; held a martyr at Croyland, 107. Walter Espec, of Kirkham, founder of of Rievaulx Abbey, at the Battle of the Standard, speech there attributed to him, 367, 369 ; permits his garrison at Wark to surrender, 377. Wapentakes, territorial division, 157, 162; of Scandinavian origin, 171, 173. Ward, territorial division, 157. Wareham, Danes established at, A.D. 876, p. 252; stronghold of the Empress' party in the wars with Stephen, II. 386. Warelwast, William of, Royal Chaplain, sent by Rufus on mission to Urban II., vol. II. 197 ; at Rome as agent for Henry I., 257 ; travels with Anselm to Lyons, warns Anselm of Henry's purpose, lb. and 258 ; obtains compromise from Pascal on question of Investiture, 260 ; appointed Bishop of Exeter, 262 ; again sent to Rome, 277 ; his buildings at Exeter Cathedral, 332 ; his death, 358. Warenne, properly Varenne, William I. of, joins William for invasion of Eng- land, II. 15 ; appointed ruler in William's absence, probably over Surrey, 50 ; re- ceives estates in Yorkshire, 74 ; created Earl of Surrey, 98 ; wounded in Maine, 126 ; supports Rufus against Robert, 159 ; his death, 239, note. William II. of, Earl of Surrey, faith- ful to Henry I. in Normandy, II. 284; at Battle of Bremule, 286 ; with Heniy at his death, 317; takes charge of Rouen, 340 ; at Stephen's court, 348. William HI. of (son of preceding), deserts Stephen in Normandy, II. 362 ; with him at Battle of Lincoln, 399 ; again on his side at Winchester, 408 ; surrenders castles in Normandy to Count Geoffrey of Anjou, 432 ; joins Second Crusade, 433 ; his death on Crusade ; his daughter and heiress Isabelle married to William, younger son of King Stephen, 450, 457. Warwick (Waringwicum), mound fort So6 INDEX at, established at ^thelflaed, 272 ; fresh works established there by the Con- queror, II. 60. "Warwick, Earls of: Henry of Beaumont (younger son of Roger), put in command of Warwick Castle, II. 60 ; strong sup- porter of Henry I., 229 ; attests his Charter, 232 ; adheres to him as against Robert, 238 ; Roger, son of preceding, at Stephen's court, 348 ; supplies men for an attack upon Nottingham, 394; supporting the Empress in the Mid- lands, 419 ; mentioned, 441 ; his death, 449- "Watling Street, extended by Ostorius Scapula, 55- "Wedding, properly = Betrothal, 1 39 ; see also Marriage. "Wedmore, Treaty of, 255. "Wells, created a Bishopric, ^thelhelm its first Bishop, 278. Wer, IVer- Geld =Vs.l]ie of man's life, 139, 141-146, 150, 153, 205, 259; pro- ceedings incidental to payment of, 297, SIS. SI7- "Wessex, Kingdom of = Roman Britannia Prima, founded by Cerdic and Cynric, Ealdormen of the tribe of "Gewissas," 123 (a.d. 495-530); course of early conquests, 124-128 ; Birinus first Bishop of Gewissas (at Dorchester), 186 ; strug- gles of Wessex with Mercia, 195 ; con- quests from West Welsh, 196 ; at its lowest ebb, 202 (a. d. 672) ; again rising under Ceadwalla and Ine, 202-204 ; hemmed in by Offa, 214; again rises under Ecgberht and becomes leading state, 22 1-224 ; its supremacy assured by destruction by Danes of the Northern Kingdoms, 254 ; Kings of Wessex, a.d. 690-802, pp. 226-228; A.D. 802-871, p. 245. Earl of, see Godwine. Westminster Abbey, St. Peter's, probable date of foundation of, 327 ; alleged Papal direction to Eadward Confessor to re- found the church, 449 ; application to Rome for privileges for, 483 ; conces- sions brought by Legates, 485 ; dedica- tion of the Confessor's Church, 501 ; description of it, 506 ; remains of Con- fessor's work, 507. Hall opened by Rufus, II. 219 ; de- scription of building, 226. "West Wales (i.e. South of Bristol Chan- nel), 135 ; Geraint, Prince of, attacked by Ine, 201. "Whithern constituted an episcopal See for Galloway, Pechthelm first Bishop, 205 ; end of Anglican succession of Bishops, 224, note, 251. Wiokings, Norse expeditions, originally from the Wick of Christiania (?), 229, note ; build and dimensions of their ships, 266; see also Norsemen. "Wiglaf, King of Mercia, 223, 224. Wilfrith, St., Bishop of York, early life, 188 ; at Synod of Whitby, 189; appointed to York, lb. ; installed, 190 ; deposed, appeals to Rome, 194; in prison, 195 ; in Sussex, 196 ; at York again, 197 ; again in exile, 198 ; third journey to Rome ; at Hexham, 199 ; death, 200. "William Duke of Normandy, " The Bastard," his birth and accession, 456- 7 ; troubles of his minority, 458 ; his guardians, the treuga Dei introduced into Normandy, revolt in the West, battle of Val-es-Dunes, struggles with Anjou for possession of Maine, 459 ; capture of Domfront, 460 ; visit to England (a.d. 1051), probable offer by "the Confessor" of the reversion of the English Crown, 461 ; William's marriage ; inhibition of Leo IX. , question of ground of the same, 490 ; inhibition removed by Nicholas II. through agency of Lanfranc ; William founds monasteries of St. Stephen's and Holy Trinity Caen, 491 ; quells petty revolts, lb. ; invasion by Odo, brother of King Henry I. and Guy of Ponthieu, repelled at Mortemer, 491, 492 ; homage of Guy, lb. ; invasion by Henry I. and Geoffrey Martel of Anjou defeated at Varaville, 492, 493 ; question of Maine, alleged Norman claims, 493 ; struggles with Anjou ; Her- bert Count of Maine commends his possessions to William, and dies, 494 ; invasion and conquest of Maine by William ; Margaret, unmarried sister of late Count Herbert, contracted to William's son Robert, 495 ; his action at death of the Confessor, opposition of Barons to the invasion of England, II. 3, 4 ; formal demand of English crown, Council at Lillebonne, preparations for war, lb. ; diplomatic action, 4, 5 ; the Papacy secured by Lanfranc, 5 ; William sends Tostig with fleet to attack England, 6 ; muster of arma- ment at Dives ; estimate of its strength, 16 ; removal from Dives to St. "Valery, 17, 18 ; crossing the Channel and landing near Pevensey, 18, 19; removal to Hastings, devastations, 20 ; interchange of challenges with Harold, 21 ; march to attack him at Senlac, 24, 25 ; order of battle, 27, 28 ; equipment of the two forces, lb. ; Battle of Hastings or Senlac, 29-34 ; William's generalship and deter- mination, 34 ; advance to Hastings, Dover, Canterbury, 38-40 ; detained by illness, 40 ; advance on London, 41 ; intrigues with Londoners, lb. ; crosses INDEX 507 Thames at Wallingford and wheels round to Berkhamsted, receives submission of English Magnates, 42 ; his coronation, 43, 44; founds the Tower of London, 43> 45 ; organises his Government, 45 ; grants charter to Londoners, 46 ; im- poses heavy ransoms on English, 47 ; sends gifts to Pope and foreign churches, 47, 48 ; progress through South-Eastern counties, 48 ; confiscations, 48, 49 ; leaves England, Odo of Bayeux and William fitz Osbern to rule in his absence, 49, 5 1 ; consecrates churches in Normandy, appoints John of Avranches to be Archbishop of Rouen, 51, 52; returns to England, 55 ; imposes a heavy geld, appoints Remigius or Remi to be Bishop of Leicester-Dorchester, 56 appoints Gospatrick Earl of North' umberland, 56 ; reduces Exeter, 57, 58 subdues Cornwall and Devon, 59 creates brother Robert Earl of Corn- wall, lb. ; grants estates to Papacy and others, lb. ; promises a daughter to Eadwine, 60 ; establishes castle at War- wick, and disarms Eadwine and Morkere prepared to rebel, 60, 61 ; advances to Nottingham and York, 61 ; offers terms to Malcolm Canmore, 62 ; fortifies Lincoln, Huntingdon, and Cam- bridge; subdues Worcestershire and Gloucestershire, 62, 63 ; further con- fiscations, 63, 64; rescues William Malet attacked at York by Eadgar ^theling, 67 ; again marches North to expel Danes, 71 ; drives them from the Humber, lb. ; moves to Stafford and Nottingham, 72 ; ravages Yorkshire, 73 ; advances to the Tees again, 74 ; back to York and Westwards to Cheshire, 75 ; subjection of the Welsh March ; disbandment of mercenaries ; conquest of England completed, 76 ; ran- sacks monasteries for lay treasures, 81 ; receives Papal mission, crown-wearing days, 82 ; deposes and imprisons Arch- bishop Stigand, lb. ; appoints Lanfranc to succeed him, 83, 84 ; reduces Here- ward's camp of refuge, 90, 91 ; admits him to terms, lb, ; visits Normandy, 92 ; invades Scotland, 93 ; receives homage of Canmore at Abernethy, 94 ; invades Maine and subdues popular rising in favour of Hugh of Este, 98-100 ; treaty of Blanchelande or La Bruere, young Robert recognised as Count of Maine by Fulk Rechin of Anjou, loo, loi ; returns to England and back to Nor- mandy (1074, 1075), alleged designs against Germany, loi ; rejects Papal claim of suzerainty, 113 ; refuses to allow Lanfranc to go again to Rome, lb. ; invades Brittany, lb, ; troubles with his son Robert, 114; orders him and his friends to be arrested, 115; invades Wales ; foundation of Cardiff Castle (?), 121, 122; again invades Maine, 125, 126 ; imposes a six-shilling Danegeld, 126; careful preparations against threatened Scandinavian invasion, 127 ; orders Domesday survey ; objects of the same, 128 ; receives homages at Salis- bury from all land-owners, under-tenants as well as tenants in chief, 130 ; establish- ment of New Feudalism introduced by William, 131 ; William goes over to Isle of Wight and Normandy, 132 ; attacks and sacks the town of Mantes, 132, 133; his last illness, confession, and testa- mentary dispositions, 133, 134; releases Odo and other political prisoners, 133 ", his death; scene at his burial, 134, 1 35 ; his character, government and appear- ance, 135-137 ; the New Forest, 137 ; unification of England, 138; military tenures, 139, 143 ; Knight's fees, 140 ; Incidents of New Feudalism, 141, 142 ; his legislation, 144 ; estimate of his revenues, 147 ; his assertion of the Royal Supremkcy, 150 ; his issue, 153, I54- William II. Rufus ; with his father on his death-bed, II. 133 ; named by him King of England, 134 ; his character, make, and early life, 155 ; supported by Lanfranc; his coronation, 156, 157; appeals to native English against in- surgent Barons, 160; reduces Tonbridge, Pevensey and Rochester ; banishes Odo ; his clemency^ 161, 162; intrigues with Barons in Normandy, 168 ; lands at Eu ; signs Treaty of Caen with Robert, 171; attacks and expels Henry from the Cotentin, 172; returns to England, 173 ; invades Scotland to avenge recent inroad by Canmore ; reinstates William of St. Carilef at Durham, 173 ; treaty with Scots on the Forth ; receive Malcolm's homage ; question of the terms, 1 74 ; annexes Cumberland and Westmorland, and refounds and fortifies Carlisle, 175, 176; taken ill ; makes promises of reform, i8i ; pressed to appoint Anselm Arch- bishop ; gives way, 186, 187 ; quarrels with him when appointed ; again gives way and surrenders all Church lands, 189; demands contribution for cam- paign in Normandy, lb ; dedicates Battle Abbey ; declares war with Nor- mandy, 190; vicious habits of his Court, 191; invades Normandy; calls for twenty thousand men from England ; dismisses them on receipt of ten shillings from each ; operations checked by Philip of France, 192 ; returns to Eng- land, 193 ; sends for brother Henry ; £08 INDEX sends him back to Normandy to act against Robert, lb ; refuses to allow Anselm to recognise Urban II; summons Council at Rockingham, 194-196; withdraws protection from Anselm ; Ib.\ makes private application to Urban for /'a//zw«,i97;/'a//zMOTbeingbroughtorders recognition of Urban, 197; proceedings against Robert Mowbray Earl of North- umberland, suspected of treason; captures Tynemouth and besieges Bamborough, 199, 200 ; invades North Wales, 201 ; receives surrender of Bamborough, lb. ; discovers plot to make Stephen of Aumsile King ; punishment of persons implicated, 201, 202 ; imposes Dane- geld of four shillings the hide for the mortgage of Normandy, 204, 205 ; takes possession of Normandy, 205 ; re- turns to England ; fresh campaign in Wales, 206 ; builds castles there, lb, ; complains of Anselm's contingent, 207 ; resists Anselm's application for permis- sion to leave England, 208 ; allovfs him to go, 209 ; goes over to Normandy, makes war on French Vexin and Maine, 212, 213 ; builds Castle of Gisors, 213 ; returns to England ; then back to Nor- mandy, lb. ; invades and subdues Maine, 213-215; harries the Vexin, 216; re- turns to England and opens Westminster Hall, 2ig ; hastens over to Maine to subdue rising, 220 ; returns to England ; supposed views upon Poitou and Aqui- taine lb. ; his death 221 ; question of circumstances, 222 ; his appear- ance, character and government, 222- 224. William ^theling, son of Duke Robert, committed to charge of Helie of Saint- Saens, II. 255 ; carried by him to Court of France, 269, 270 ; with the French at battle of Bremule, 286 ; married by Fulk of Anjou to daughter Sibylle and invested with Maine, 299 ; their marriage dissolved, 303 ; again married to Johanna, half-sister to Queen of France, elected Count of Flanders, 308, and note; becomes unpopular, 309 ; mortally wounded, dies, 310. ^theting only legitimate son of Henry I., his birth, II. 338 ; does homage for Normandy to Louis, 272 ; homage done to him in Normandy, 276 ; again in England, 277 ; does homage to France ; his death, drowned in the White Ship, 291. younger son of King Stephen, married to Isabella, daughter and heiress of William of Warenne III., Earl of Surrey, II. 450, 457 ; takes no active part in the war, 451 ; does hom- age to Henry, lb. ; thrown from his horse and breaks his leg, 453. William son of Duncan, eldest son of Malcolm Canmore, invades England with David I., vol. II. 36; ; again pushes in- road to Clitheroe, 366. ■ fitz Osbern (son of Osbern, Seneschal and Guardian to- William, 458), joins William for invasion of England, II. 15 ; appointed Earl of Hereford and joint Regent with Odo, to rule during William's absence, 49; his misgovern- ment, 52 ; appointed to command at York, 67 ; sent to Shrewsbury, 71 ; sent to Normandy, killed at battle of Cassel, 92 ; his conquests in modern Radnorshire, 179. fitz Herbert, Treasurer of York, elected Archbishop of York, in opposi- tion to the Cistercians, summoned to Rome, II. 395 ; confirmed under condi- tions by Innocent II., 421, 422 ; con- secrated, 422 ; his Pall withheld, his deposition by Eugenius III., 434; re- tored to York and receives his Pall ; dies, 455. of Corbeil, see Corbeil. Winolicomb, Gloucestershire, alleged foundation by Offa for nuns ; usurped by Canons, and again by Benedictines, 3'S- Winchester, St. Peter's Minster at (the Old Minster), founded, 193; Wine (perhaps) first Bishop of (a.d. 662) ; Hedde (a.d. 676) certainly Bishop of, 192, note, 193, 195; rebuilt by Bishop ^thelwold, and reconsecrated, A. D. 980, p. 336 ; new Minster built there by Bishop Walkelin, extant work there, II. 331 ; account of buildings there, a.d. 1 141, with Plan, 407, 408 ; removal of New Minster to Hyde, lb. New Minster at, afterwards Hyde Abbey, founded by Alfred the Great, and finished by Eadweard the Elder, 265, 277 ; Grimbald of St. Omer first Abbot of, 257 ; Canons expelled from, to make room for monks, 316; dedicated A.D. 972, p. 318, note ; removal to new site at Hyde, II. 408 ; destruction of buildings by fire, lb. Wine, first Bishop of Winchester (a.d. 662) ; retires to Dorchester (663) ; thence to London (666), 192, note 193, 195. Witan = ' Wise Men, ' King's chief officers, ministers, and councillors, 155. lVitenagem6t=''M.&^tix^ of Wise Men,' 162, 509, 521, II. 144. IViU = fine or penalty, 142, 269. Woden, Northern deity, 163. Worcester, constituted an episcopal See, Bosel first Bishop, 193 ; castle there built by Urse of Abetot ; he is anathe- INDEX 5°9 matised by Archbishop Ealdred, II. 63 ; the city burnt, 388 ; besieged by Stephen, and again burnt, 446. "Wulfhere, King of Mercia, 187 ; over- running Wessex, 193 ; death, 194. Wulfnoth, sixth and youngest son of Earl Godwine, his alleged delivery to William of Normandy in 1052, pp. 496, 497 ; detained by William as hostage, 498 ; released at Conqueror's death, II., 133 ; re-imprisoned by Rufus, dies a monk at Salisbury, 156 and note. "Walfrio Spot, founder of Abbey of Burton-upon-Trent, 357, 374. ■Wvilfstan I., Archbishop of York, negoci- ates treaty between Eadmund I. and Olaf Cuaran King of York, 295, 296 ; takes oath to Eadred, 299 ; is arrested by him and sent to Jedburgh, 301 ; re- leased and translated to Dorchester, 301. II., Archbishop of York, 354 ; ad- dress to the Nation attributed to him, de- plorable picture of state of England, 349. Prior of Worcester, entertains Pa- pal Legates, 'named for See of Wor- cester, 485 ; his parentage and early life, lb., note ; consecrated by Archbishop Ealdred, 486 ; administers York as his locum tenens, lb. ; accompanies Harold on progress to the North, II. 5 ; sub- mits to William, 42 ; demands restitu- tion of lands abstracted by Ealdred, 85 ; makes profession to Lanfranc, 87, and note ; checks rising of Earl Roger of Hereford, 104 ; checks rising of March Lords on behalf of Robert, 1 60 ; presses for suppression of slave-trade to Ire- land ; his death ; exactions at his death, 202, 203. Tard [gyrd) of land, apparent normal holdirtg of Anglo-Saxon tenant farmer, = i of a hide, commonly = 25 acres- 30 acres, 509. Tork (Eboracum, Eoforwic), 9th legion at, 65 ; a Colony, 103 ; seat of govern- ment under later Empire, 90 ; consti- tuted an archbishopric, 180, 182; in the hands of the Welsh, 183 (a.d. 634) ; library and school at, 204, 217, 225; captured by Danes, 241 (A.D. 867) ; Healfdene King there, lb., Reingwald King, 276 ; Sihtric King, marries sister of j^thelstan, 282 ; at death of Sihtric York reoccupied by ^thelstan, 284 ; at death of ^thelstan, Olaf Cuaran, King of Dublin (" Havelok the Dane " ), elected King of York, 295 ; expelled by Eadmund, 296 ; at death of Eadmund returns, 299 ; expelled by Eadred ; death of Eric, last Danish King of York, 300 ; occupied by William I., a new castle built there, II. 61 ; second fort built by him on right bank of Ouse at Baile Hill, 67 ; Minster burnt, 70 ; captured by English and Danish allies, lb. Tork, Archbishops of (mentioned in the work : for more see under names) : Paulinus, 180 (bishop only) ; Ceadda (St. Chad), 190 (bishop only) ; trans- lated to Lichfield, 191 ; Wilfrith (bishop only), appointed, 189 ; installed, 191 ; Ecgberht, 203, 204 ; Eanbald I., 216 ; Eanbald II., 221 ; Wulfere, 242 ; ^thelbald, 268 ; Wulfstan I., 295, 301 ; Oscytel, 301, 314, 318 ; Oswald, lb. ; Ealdulf, 341 ; Wulfstan II., 354; jT.lfric Puttoc, 400 ; Kynsige, 450 ; Ealdred, 483 ; Thomas I., vol. II. 83 ; Gerard, 244 ; Thomas II., 264 ; Thurstan, 273 ; William fitz Herbert (Archbishop-Elect), 395 ; Henry Murdac, 43S ; William fitz Herbert (restored), 455 ; Roger of Pont-l'Eveque, 455. Earl of, see Aumale, William of. Ypres, William of, implicated in murder of Charles the Good, Count of Flan- ders, II. 308 ; captain of Stephen's mercenaries, 361 ; his parentage, lb., note ; attempts to seize the Earl of Gloucester, 362 ; jealousy of the Nor- man barons, lb. ; goes over to Nor- mandy again to resist Matilda's sup- porters, 376 ; at Battle of Lincoln, 399 ; in command in Kent, 404 ; resumes possession of London for Stephen, 406 ; at siege of Winchester, 408 ; captures outpost at Wherwell, 410 ; advising the Queen, 456 ; his faithful service to ■ Stephen, 455 ; Boxley Priory founded by him, 456. END OF VOLUME 11. Eutler & Tanner, Tlie Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London,