^nM)X ^mm\% ^itotg THE GIFT OF .O.QaV^OiU3k..B..YUa^^ A..rib!S.3Z I5lylji.jj3. 3 1924 063 523 645 Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924063523645 THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON BY MORGAN CALLAWAY, JR. PROPESSOE OF ENGLISH IN THE UNIVEKSITT OP TEXAS WASHINGTON, D.C. PUBUSHED BY THE CARNKGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 1913 A- ^7^ «^^2- CAENEGIE INSTITUTIOK OF WASHINGTON Publication No. 16T The University Press, Cambridge, TJ. S. A. PREFACE. An attempt is here made to give a detailed history of the Infinitive in Anglo- Saxon and to treat some substitutes therefor. The study is based upon a statis- tical reading of the whole of Anglo-Saxon literature with the exception of the glosses and of a few out-of-prints. For a specific statement, see the bibliog- raphy. Moreover, in all the more definitely known translations, the Latin originals, duly noted in the bibhography, have been read statistically. I have endeavored to make my statistics complete,^ but, in such a mass of details, occasional omissions are inevitable. I trust, however, that they will not prove so numerous or so serious as to invalidate this history of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. A chapter is added on "the Infinitive in the Other Germanic Languages," which of necessity rests upon the investigations of others, but which will, I hope, be found something more than a summary. Perhaps a word concerning its general plan may facilitate the reading of my study. After a brief discussion concerning the nature and the classification of the infinitive, I have striven to give, first, the facts concerning its several uses in Anglo-Saxon; and, secondly, an interpretation of these facts. Accordingly, in the appendix, all occurrences of each use are recorded in alphabetic sequence; and, in the chapters dealing with the respective uses, copious illustrations are given in smaller syntactic groups, in which latter, again, the words are arranged alphabetically. Differences of opinion as to the classification of indi- vidual examples are inevitable, but I have tried in each use to distinguish the normal from the abnormal, and, without ignoring the latter, to base my classi- fication and my discussion mainly upon the former. Readers and critics will be the more generous in their judgment of my classifications when they con- sider the large number of examples to be classified and the inherent difficulty of the task, — a difficulty aggravated by the fact that, in both the English and the Germanic fields, minute classification is not attempted in several of the special investigations made of the infinitive. The conament is, for the most part, given in the sections headed "Differ- entiation of the Two Infinitives" and in the chapter on "the Origin of the Con- structions of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon." In this latter chapter, too, are simimarized the Latin correspondents of the infinitives in the closer Anglo- Saxon translations. Both in the historical and in the interpretative sections I have given, so far as I have been able to discover it, the history of opinion concerning the construction in question. As the table of contents shows, I have made the use rather than the form of the infinitive the determining factor in my chapter-division; but, while this is true, I have everywhere sharply separated the inflected infinitive from the uninflected. In a word, I have endeavored to preserve the due balance between form and function so much ' Except of the Predicative Infinitive with Auxiliary Verbs, the full tabulation of which seemed unnecessary. V VI PREFACE. insisted upon by Professor E. P. Morris in his instructive work, On Some Prin- ciples of Latin Syntax; whether or not I have succeeded, must be left to others for determination. It is believed that the devices already named and the full table of contents render an index unnecessary. In the chapter on "the Infinitive in the Other Germanic Languages," the same general plan is followed as far as is possible. As already stated, this chapter is based mainly upon the studies of others. What makes me hope that, despite this, the chapter may prove of interest to Germanic grammarians, is the fact that, with slight modifications for some of the individual languages, the theories that I have advanced for the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon seem to apply also to the infinitive in the other Germanic languages. It is hardly probable that, where so many different lines apparently converge, they should not more or less converge in reality. This is the first attempt to treat the sjTitax of the Infinitive in the whole of Anglo-Saxon Hterature, prose and poetical. Portions of the field, however, have been treated hitherto. The accusative-with-infinitive construction has been discussed by Dr. Carl Krickau, in his Goettingen dissertation, Der Accu- sativ mit dem Infinitiv in der Englischen Sprache, Besonders in dem Zeitalter der Elisabeth, 1877; by Professor J. H. Gorrell, in his Johns Hopkins dissertation. Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon, 1895; and by Dr. Jacob Zeitlin, in his Columbia dissertation. The Accusative with Infinitive and Some Kindred Con- structions in English, 1908. But, as the titles of the first and the third of these monographs indicate, neither is restricted to the Anglo-Saxon period; and, as shown in their bibUographies, no one of the three attempts to cover the whole of Anglo-Saxon literatiu-e. The final use of the infinitive is briefly treated by Professor H. G. Shearin, in his Yale dissertation. The Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose, 1903, and in his pendant thereto. The Expression of Purpose in Old English Poetry, 1909. Less restricted in one way and more restricted in another is the scope of Dr. Karl Koehler's Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Infin- itivs und Partidps im Beowulf, Muenster, 1886; Dr. T. J. Farrar's The Gerund in Old English, a Washington and Lee dissertation of 1902; Dr. Georg Riggert's Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der Altenglischen Poesie, a Kiel dissertation of 1909; and Dr. H. Willert's "Vom Infinitiv mit To," in Eng- lische Studien, xliii, 1910, pp. 100-104. Several uses of the infinitive in Anglo- Saxon are touched on in the dissertations dealing with the syntax of the verb in a single monument, the full titles of which are given in my bibliography. Moreover, most of the uses of the infinitive are briefly discussed in these stand- ard grammars of Anglo-Saxon: A Comparative Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon Language, by F. A. March, New York, 1873; Angelsaechsische Grammatik, by Theodor "Mueller, Goettingen, 1883; Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, by Dr. J. E. Wuelfing, Bonn, 1894-1901; and in these standard grammars of the English language as a whole: Historische Grammatik der Englischen Sprache, by C. F. Koch, 2d ed., Cassel, 1878-1891; Englische Gram- matik, by Eduard Maetzner, 3d ed., Berlin, 1880-1885; Historical Outlines of English Syntax, by Dr. Leon Kellner, London, 1892; A New English Grammar, PREFACE. VII by the late Dr. Henry Sweet, Oxford, 1892-1898; and the "Syntax" by Pro- fessor Eugen Einenkel, in Kluge's Geschichte der Englischen Sprache, 2d ed., Strassburg, 1899. Naturally, too, I have examined the special treatises dealing with the infinitive in Middle English and in Modern English, all chronicled in my bibliography. Of the special treatises dealing with the infinitive in the Germanic languages other than Anglo-Saxon, the most important for Gothic are Dr. Arthur Koeh- ler's "Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs im Gothischen," in Germania, XII, 1867, pp. 421-462; and Dr. Otto Apelt's "Ueber den Accusativus cum Infinitivo im Gothischen," in Germania, xix, 1874, pp. 280-297. For the Scandinavian languages the only special study known to me is Dr. C. Grim- berg's "Undersokningar om Konstruktionen Accusativ med Infinitiv i den Aeldre Fornsvenskan," in the Arkivfor Nordisk Filologi," xxi, 1905, pp. 205- 235, 311-357. For Old Saxon the chief articles are Dr. R. Steig's "Ueber den Gebrauch des Infinitivs im Altniederdeutschen," in the Zeitschriftfuer Deutsche Philologie, xvi, 1884, pp. 307-345, 470-501, and Dr. H. Pratje's "Syntax des Heliand, I. Das Verbum," in the Jahrbuch des Vereins ftieriNiederdeutsche Sprachforschung for 1885, xi, 1886, pp. 1-84. For High German the most important treatises are Dr. Otto Apelt's "Bemerkungen ueber den Accusa^ ibnis cum Infinitivo im Althochdeutschen und Mittelhochdeutschen," in the Weimar Jahresbericht of 1875; Dr. Arthur Denecke's Der Gebrauch des Infini- tivs bei den Althochdeutschen Uebersetzern des Achten und Neunten Jahrhunderts, a Leipzig dissertation of 1880; Dr. E. Herford's "Ueber den Accusativ mit dem Infinitiv im Deutschen," in the Thorn Program of 1881 ; and Dr. S. Von Mon- sterberg-Muenckenau's Der Infinitiv in den Epen Hartmanns von Aue, Breslau, 1885. Other special articles and the standard grammars for the several Ger- manic languages are noted in Chapters xiv and xvi. From all these works, both general and special, I have striven to glean whatever is pertinent to my theme, in each instance to give credit there- for, and, whenever possible for me, to add a sheaf to the garnerings of my predecessors. This monograph could not have been written but for the kindness of the library authorities at several of our older and larger universities, who have generously lent me rare books. For this kindness I wish to express my sincere thanks to the librarians of the following universities: Chicago, Columbia, Cornell, Harvard, and Johns Hopkins. To the authorities of our own library at the University of Texas, I am likewise indebted for many courtesies. Professor Hermann CoUitz, of the Johns Hopkins University, has kindly read the chapter dealing with the infinitive in the Germanic languages other than Anglo-Saxon, and has made helpful comments upon the same, especially upon the bibliographical side. Professor James W. Bright has again deepened my indebtedness to him, which began some years ago when I had the good for- tune to study under his personal instruction at the Johns Hopkins University. He has read inost of the proof, and has offered many valuable suggestions for the improvement of my study. And my esteemed colleague. Professor Killis VIII PREFACE. Campbell, of the University of Texas, has twice read the proofs, each time with the eye of a scholar and the heart of a friend. To the Carnegie Institution of Washington, I am no less grateful than I am indebted for the publication of this monograph. But for this kindness, the work could not have appeared in so full or in so handsome a form. To all these helpers and friends I tender my abiding gratitude. May they not have cause to regret their participation in the launching of this study! Morgan Callawat, Jr. The Untveksitt of Texas, Austin, Texas, February 15, 1913. CONTENTS. PAGE Intboduction 1 I. The Nature and the Origin of the Infinitive in the Indo-Gennanic Languages 1 II. The Nature and- the Origin of the Infinitive in the Germanic Languages, Especially in Anglo-Saxon 1 III. The Uses of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon 2 IV. The Position of the Infinitive in Anglo^axon 6 V. The Voice of the Infinitive in Anglo^axon 6 CHAPTER I. The Subjective Infinitive 7 A. The Active Infinitive 7 1. With Active Finite Verb 7 Uninflected Only 7 Inflected Only 8 Uninflected and Inflected Each 14 2. With Passive Verbs 18 3. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 20 B. The Passive Infinitive 26 C. Notes 27 CHAPTER II. The Objective Infinitive 28 A. The Active Infinitive 28 1. With Active Finite Verb 28 General Statement 28 Uninflected Only , 31 General Statement 31 With Verbs of Commanding 31 With Verbs of Causing and Permitting 33 With Verbs of Sense Perception 34 With Verbs of Mental Perception 35 With Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing 35 With Verbs of Inclination and of Will 36 Alphabetic List of Verbs 36 Inflected Only 37 General Statement 37 With Verbs of Commanding 37 With Verbs of Permitting 37 With Verbs of Mental Perception 38 With Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing 40 With Verbs of Inclination and of Will 41 With Other Verbs 43 Alphabetic List of Verbs 43 Uninflected and Inflected Each 44 General Statement 44 With Verbs of Commanding 45 With Verbs of Permitting , 46 With Verbs of Mental Perception 47 With Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing 50 With Verbs of Inclination and of Will 54 Alphabetic List of Verbs , 58 IX X CONTENTS. FAOD The Objectivb Infinitive — continued. 59 2. With Passive Verbs gg 3. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 17 j B. The Passive Infinitive C. Notes CHAPTER III. 72 73 Otheh Substantival Uses op the Infinitive »„ The Active Infinitive ^^ As a Predicate Nominative . . ^^ As an Appositive i^ As the Object of a Preposition 78 CHAPTER IV. The Predicative Infinitive with Aitxiliakt Verbs 79 A. The Active Infinitive 79 General Statement 79 Uninflected 80 Inflected 80 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 82 B. The Passive Infinitive 83 0. Notes 88 CHAPTER V. The Prbdicattvb iNFiNirnrB with Verbs op Motion and of Rest .... 89 The Active Infinitive 89 General Statement 89 Uninflected Only 89 With Verbs of Motion 90 With Verbs of Rest 91 CHAPTER VI. The Predicativb Infinitive with "(W)uton" 93 A. The Active Infinitive 93 B. The Passive Infinitive 95 C. Notes 96 CHAPTER VII. The Predicative Inpinitivju with "Beon" ("Wesan") 97 The Active Infinitive 97 Denoting Necessity or Obligation 97 Denoting Futurity 104 Denoting Purpose 105 Notes 106 CHAPTER VIII. The Predicative Infinitive with Accusative Subject 107 As Object 107 A. The Active Infinitive 107 Uninflected 107 General Statement 107 With Verbs of Commanding 108 With Verbs of Causing and Permitting 110 With Verbs of Sense Perception 112 With Verbs of Mental Perception 114 With Verbs of Declaring II7 With Other Verbs Ug CONTENTS. xr PAOB The Pbedicativb iNFiNmvB with Accusative Subject — continued. Inflected 118 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 119 B. The Passive Infinitive 120 As Subject 124 A. The Active Infinitive 124 B. The Passive Infinitive 125 Notes 125 CHAPTER IX. The Predicative Infinitive with Dative Subject 127 The Active Infinitive 127 With Impersonal Verbs 127 Uninflected 127 Inflected 127 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 129 With Personal Verbs 129 Uninflected 129 Inflected 130 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 131 CHAPTER X. The Final Infinitive 132 The Active Infinitive 132 1. With Active Finite Verb 132 General Statement 132 Uninflected Only 133 General Statement 133 With Verbs of Motion 134 With Verbs of Rest 134 With Verbs of Commanding and Requesting 134 With Other Verbs 134 Alphabetic List of Verbs 135 Uninflected and Inflected Each 135 General Statement ... 135 With Verbs of Motion 135 With Verbs of Offering and of Giving 140 With Verbs of Rest 142 With Other Verbs 143 Alphabetic List of Verbs 143 Inflected Only 143 General Statement 143 • Alphabetic List of Verbs 143 2. With Passive Verbs 145 3. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 146 Notes 147 CHAPTER XI. The Infinitive with Adjectives 149 A. The Active Infinitive 149 General Statement 149 Uninflected 150 Inflected 151 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 158 B. The Passive Infinitive 158 C. Notes 158 XII CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. PAOB Other Adverbul Uses of the Infinitive f"" The Causal Infinitive ;^Y The Infinitive of Specification with Verbs |0^ The Consecutive Infinitive J°^ The Absolute Infinitive 1^9 The Conditional Infinitive 171 The Modal Infinitive 171 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 172 CHAPTER XIII. The Infinitive with Nouns 173 The Active Infinitive 173 Uninflected 173 Inflected 174 General Statement 174 With Nouns Denoting Ideas 176 With Nouns Denoting Things 179 Differentiation of the Two Infinitives 181 Notes 181 CHAPTER XIV. Origin of the Constructions of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon .... 183 I. The Subjective Infinitive 183 II. The Objective Infinitive 185 III. Other Substantival Uses of the Infinitive 193 IV. The Predicative Infinitive with Auxiliary Verbs 194 V. The Predicative Infinitive with Verbs of Motion and of Rest .... 194 VI. The Predicative Infinitive with {W)uton 199 VII. The Predicative Infinitive with Beon (Wesan) 200 VIII. The Predicative Infinitive with Accusative Subject 203 IX. The Predicative Infinitive with Dative Subject 214 X. The Final Infinitive 215 XI. The Infinitive with Adjectives 217 XII. Other Adverbial Uses of the Infinitive 218 XIII. The Infinitive with Nouns 220 CHAPTER XV. Some Substitutes for the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon 221 1. The Predicate Nominative of the Present Participle for the Ptedicative Infinitive after Verbs of Motion 221 2, The Predicate Accusative of the Present Participle for the Predicative In- finitive with Accusative Subject 225 CHAPTER XVI. The Infinitive in the Other Germanic Languages 231 I. The Subjective Infinitive 231 II. The Objective Infinitive 233 III. Other Substantival Uses of the Infinitive 236 IV. The Predicative Infinitive with Auxiliary Verbs 237 V. The Predicative Infinitive with Verbs of Motion and of Rest .... 238 VI. The Predicative Infinitive with (W)uton 239 VII. The Predicative Infinitive with Beon (Wesan) 239 VIII. The Predicative Infinitive with Accusative Subject 241 IX. The Predicative Infinitive with Dative Subject 248 X. The Final Infinitive 252 XI. The Infinitive with Adjectives 256 XII. Other Adverbial Uses of the Infinitive 258 XIII. The Infinitive with Nouns 262 CONTENTS. Xni CHAPTER XVII. PAGE Resuuts 265 APPENDIX. A. Statistics op the Infinitivb in Anglo-Saxon 275 I. The Subjective Infinitive 275 II. The Objective Infinitive 279 III. Other Substantival Uses of the Infinitive 288 IV. The Predicative Infinitive with Auxiliary Verbs 288 V. The Predicative Infinitive with Verbs of Motion and of Rest .... 290 VI. The Predicative Infinitive with {W)uton 292 VII. The Predicative Infinitive with Beon (Wesan) 297 VIII. The Predicative Infinitive with Accusative Subject 304 IX. The Predicative Infinitive with Dative Subject 308 X. The Finallnfinitive 308 XI. The Infinitive with Adjectives 315 XII. Other Adverbial Uses of the Infinitive 318 XIII. The Infinitive with Nouns 318 B. BiBLIOGKAPHT 322 C. Addenda 335 D. Stnoptic Tables op the Uses op the Inpinitive in Anglo-Saxon . Folder THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. INTRODUCTION. Age-long was the discussion as to the nature and the origin of the infinitive in the Indo-Germanic family of languages. For something over two thou- sand years, from Panini to Bopp, it was disputed as to whether the infinitive should be classed with the verb or with the noun. Of this discussion an excel- lent history is given by Professor Jolly in his Geschichte des Infinitivs im Indo- germanischen (Munchen, 1873), the main conclusions of which are accepted by Professor Delbruck in his chapter on the infinitive in his Vergldchende Syntax der Indogermanischen Sprachen (Strassburg, 1897). To recoimt the history of this discussion is not called for here. Suffice it to say that, by a careful study of the forms of the words used more or less as infinitives in the older Indo- Germanic languages, Bopp, in his Conjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache (1816), reached the conclusion, now almost universally accepted, that originally the infinitives were petrified cases of nouns of action,' — a discovery that, according to Delbruck, was in a sense the beginning of the science of comparative syntax. The process by which these cases of nouns of action became petrified into infinitives is thus stated by Professor Delbruck: * " Demnach dtiifen wir una die Genesis der Infinitive etwa so vorstellen. Zu den altesten Zeiten der Ursprache konnten gewisse Kasus von nomina actionis verbale Konstruktion haben und dadurch eine innere Beziehung zum Verbum erhalten. Noch in der Ursprache war bei einigen derselben die Erstaming so weit vorgeschritten, dass eine neue Kategorie, die dea Infinitivs, in's Bewusstsein trat. Einige Exemplare dieser neuen Formgattung mogen schon in formal ausgepragte Beziehung zu einzelnen Tempussystemen getreten sein. Viele andere Kasus waren erst auf dem Wege, sich zu Infinitiven umzubilden. Diesen Zustand erbten die Einzelaprachen. Im Arischen hat er aich nicht eben erheblich verandert. Im Griechischen aber hat sich die Eistarrung soweit vollendet, dass nur noch isolierte Formen vorhanden aind, und dass eine Auftheilung der gesammten Masse unter die Tempusstamme und tmter die Genera des Verbums atattgefunden hat. Von dem letztgenannten Vorgang findet sich im Arischen noch keine Spur." In the foregoing quotation describing the evolution from noun of action to infinitive, Professor Delbruck states that various cases of the noun were involved. These cases, as we learn from Professor Delbruck ' and from Professor Brug- mann,* in the older Indo-Germanic languages, were largely the locative, the dative, and the accusative. When we turn to our own branch of the Indo-Germanic family, the Ger- manic, we find a much simpler state of affairs. The history of the infinitive forms in the Germanic languages, including English, is succinctly given by Professor Joseph Wright, in his Old English Grammar (London, 1908), § 480: 1 See Jolly, I. e., pp. 47 f., 78; Delbrttck.i !. c, I, p. 50, and II, p. 440; Brugmann," I. c, pp. 351 £f. I Delbrttck,' I. c, II, p. 451. » DelbrQok,> II, pp. 451, 453, 475. • Brugmann,' I. c, pp. 351 S. See, too, Brugmann and Delbriiok, I. c, p. 167; Fay,' I. c.,pp. 191-192; and Solmsen, I. c, pp. 161-169. 1 2 INTRODUCTION. " The infinitive was originally a nomen actionis, formed by means of various suffixes in the different Indo-Germanic languages. The suffix -ono-, to which was added the nominative- accusative neuter ending, -m, became generalized in primitive Germanic; thus the origmal form of beran was *bUronom, the -onom of which regularly became -an in Old English, Gothic, Old Saxon, and Old High German. On the loss of the final -n in Northumbrian, see § 288. In primitive West Germanic the infinitive was inflected in the genitive and dative like an ordinary noun of the ja-declension (§ 355), genitive -ennea, dative -enne. The inflected forms of the infinitive are sometimes called the gerund. The genitive disappeared in prehistoric Old English. The dative to berenne generally became -anne through the influence of the infinitive ending -an. Beside -enne, -anne there also occur in late Old English -ene, -ane, and -ende with d from the present participle." As to form, then, the Anglo-Saxon had two infinitives: (1) the uninflected, or simple, infinitive in -an (occasionally written -on, -un, -en, and in Northum- brian -a, with loss of n *)> which in origin is the petrified nominative-accusative case of a neuter verbal noun; and (2) the inflected, or gerundial, or preposi- tional, infinitive, made up of the preposition to plus the dative case of a verbal noun ending in -anne {-enne, occasionally -onne; and, with simplification of the double consonant, -ane, -ene*), though occasionally the to is followed by an infinitive in -an ' and occasionally by an infinitive in -ende * (by confusion with the form of the present participle), both of which forms are counted as inflected in this study. Very rarely, too, we have the -anne infinitive not preceded by to; * and twice preceded by for to.^ The origin of the infinitive as above given is suggested in the now generally accepted definition of the infinitive as a verbal novm, provided we remember that, as Professor Delbriick * tells us, the dual nature of the infinitive has been won, not inherited from the outset. This dual nature of the infinitive is mani- fested in the fact that in Anglo-Saxon the infinitive, both vminflected and in- flected, of almost any transitive verb may at one and the same time perform the office both of a noun and of a verb. But, in most instances, one of these two natures (or tendencies), the substantival and the verbal, predominates in Anglo-Saxon, and, from this point of view, we may roughly divide all infinitives into two comprehensive classes: (1) substantival, when the substantive idea is dominant, as when the infinitive is used as the subject or the object of a verb; and (2) verbal (or predicative), when the verbal, or assertive, idea is dominant, as when an infinitive completes the sense of an auxiliary verb. But, as already stated, these two classes are not mutually exclusive, since, even when used as subject or object, the infinitive may likewise govern an object, and to this extent be verbal. But it will generally be allowed, I think, that, in He vriU sing the song, sing is more verbal than to sing in He voishes to sing the song. Nor does the fact that the more verbal uses of the infinitive were derived originally from the substantival invalidate the helpfulness of this classification. Although, as just stated, most, if not all, infinitives may by nature be roughly classed as substantival or verbal, it is perhaps best for practical piuposes to classify the infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, according to its domi- nant function in the sentence. From this consideration of function, we dis- tinguish, as before, the substantival and the verbal (or predicative) uses of the > Sievers,: 2. c, i 363, aamk. 1. > Ibidem, S 363, annik. 2. > Ibidem, § 363, anmk. 3. * See ^lf,L, S., xxxi. 9S0; Lawa 442 (2); etc. For the abbreviatioiiB used here and elsewhere in this study, see the bibliography. • See Chron. 256', 1127 «•■'". " DelbrQck,! I. c, I, p. 50. INTRODUCTION. 3 infinitive, but, also, two other uses, the adverbial and the adjectival. Accord- ing to its dominant function, then, an infinitive is substantival, predicative, adverbial, or adjectival. In the substantival function, as the name indicates, the infinitive is used as a noun. With a verb the infinitive occurs often as (a) its subject, or (b) its object, or, occasionally, as (c) its predicate nominative, in each of which uses we have both the uninflected and the inflected infinitive. With a noun or pronoun, the infinitive occurs (d) as an appositive, normally in the uninflected form, (e) As the object of a preposition I have found no clear example of the infinitive; but concerning a possible example see Chapter III below. Typical illustrations of these substantival uses are the following: — (a) As subject: — iminflected: Greg. 279.6: .^Et aerestiun lyst tSone monn imnytt sprecan be otSrum monnum = 210.15: ut prius logui aliena libeat; — inflected: Greg. 237.11: sua dereS eac hwilum sumum monnum tSaet sotS to gehierenne =178.26: ita nonnunquam quibusdam audita vera nocuerunt. (b) As object: — uninflected: Greg. 55.12: Donne tSset mod SenceS gegripan him to upahefenesse tJa eatSmodnesse = 32.2: Cumque mens humilitatis culmen arripere ad elationem cogitat; Beow. 101 : otS tSaet an ongan fyrene fremman; — inflected: Greg. 53.3: Be tSaem Se wilnaS biscephad to underfonne= 28.23: De his, qui proeesse concupiscunt. (c) As predicate nominative: — uninflected and inflected: ^If. L. S. xxv. 310*' '' : Nis nan earfotSnyss Saem . . . gode on feawum mannum otSBe on micclum werode to helpenne on gefeohte and healdan (sic .') t5a Se he wile. (d) As an appositive: — uninflected: Bede 78.22»' *" ■:' * e ; fortSon hyngran, Syrstan, hatian, calan, wcerigian, — al Swt is of untrymnesse tSses gecyndes =55.32'" *" ", 33°' '' : Esurire namque, sitire, aestuare, algere, lassescere ex infirmitate naturae est: — inflected: Solil. 16.16, 17: forSam me ys eg&er tSara alyfad, ge 6aet good to lufianne ge tSaet j^el to hatianne = Licet enim mihi in quovis amare rationem, cum ilium jure oderim qui male utitur eo quod amo. (e) As the object of a preposition: see below, Chapter III. In the predicative (or verbal) function, the infinitive approaches nearest to a finite verb, and is used to complete the assertion of a verb of incomplete as- sertion, specifically: (o) the auxiliary verbs, after which we have habitually the uninflected infinitive; (b) verbs of motion (and occasionally of rest) other than in the (w)uton locution, likewise followed by the uninflected infinitive; (c) (w)uton, also with the simple infinitive; and (d) the verb beon {wesan), which is habitually followed by the inflected inflnitive of obligation or of necessity. Under the predicative function, also, I should put the use of the infinitive (e) as a quasi-predicate to an accusative subject, or the so-called accusative-with-infinitive construction, in which we have habitually the simple infinitive. Some hold that we have (/) a predicative infinitive with a dative subject, but to me the infinitive in such locutions seems more substan- tival than predicative, — a topic that is discussed somewhat at length in Chapter IX. The following are typical examples of these predicative uses: — (a) With auxiliary verbs: — iminflected: Beow. 51: Men ne cunnon secgan . . . hwa etc.; Beow. 191: ne mikte snotor hseletS wean onwendan; etc.; — inflected: Rid. 37.13: Du wast gif tSu const to gesecganne, tJset we soS witan hu Baere wihte wise gonge. 4 INTRODUCTION. (b) With verbs of motion other than (iw)Mtora; — uninflected: Beow. 234: Gewat him tSa to warotJe wicge ridan tSegn HroSgares; Mart. 26.10: culfre com fleogan of heofonum ond gesset ofer his heafde. (c) With (w)iUon: — umn&ected: Greg. 415.6: Wuton cuman ser his dome andettende = 336.4: Prceveniamus faciem Domini in confessione. (d) With beon (wescm) : — uninflected: Mf. L. S. 336.223: tSas feower ana syndon to underfonne on geleafTulre gelatSunge and forlcetan (sic!) tSa otSre tSe lease gesetnysse gesetton; — inflected: Greg. 315.23: Ac us is suitSe geornUce to gehieranne hwat Dryhten . . . cuseS to ludeum = 244.1: Solerter namque audiendum est, quod etc.; Greg. 13.20: Daette on otJre wisan sint to manianne weras, on otSre wiif = 130.6: Aliter namque admonendi sunt viri, atque aliter feminse. (e) With an accusative subject: — uninflected: Bede 34.25: Da Aet he . . . his Segnas hine secan 7 acsian = 18.25: iussit milites eum . . . inquirere; Greg. 139.13: ne eft hi ne scoldon hira loccas Icetan weaxan = 100.9: neque comam nutrient; Bede 156.21: Da gehyrde he sumne Sara brotSra sprecan, tSset etc. = 130.19: audiret unum . . . disposuisse; Wcerf. 203.25: hwaet cweSfe wit Sia beonf =248 D: Quidnam, quaeso te, hoc esse dicimus? — inflected: for possi- ble examples see Chapter VIII. (/) With a dative subject: see Chapter IX. In the adverbial use, the infinitive modifies a verb or an adjective (occa- sionally an adverb) as does an ordinary adverb. Of the adverbial uses of the infinitive, the most common is (a) to denote purpose, with verbs, in which the infinitive is sometimes uninflected (especially after verbs of motion, of rest, and of giving), but is usually inflected except in the poetry. Frequent, too, is the use of the infinitive (6) to denote specification, or respect wherein, with adjectives (occasionally with adverbs), in which the infinitive is habitually inflected. Less frequent and less clear uses of the adverbial infinitive,, dis- cussed in the chapter entitled " Other Adverbial Uses of the Infinitive," are to denote (c) cause, in which the infinitive is more commonly inflected; (d) specifi- cation with verbs, in which the infinitive is always inflected; (e) result, with adjectives and with verbs, in which the infinitive is always inflected; and (/) the absolute relation, in which the infinitive is habitually inflected. Of these adverbial uses, the following are typical illustrations: — (a) Of purpose: Greg. 309.14: eodon him plegean = 238.10: surrexerunt Ivdere; Gen. 526: me her stondan het his bebodu healdan 7 me tSas bryd for- geaf (?); Greg. 329.3'': Me tJyrste, & ge me ne sealdon drincan = 254.4: sitivi, et non dedistis mihi bibere; — -inflected: Mk. 4.3: Ut eode se saedere his ssed to sawenne = Ecce exiit seminans ad seminandum; Mlj. Horn. I. 542": he him behet . . . Saet hi . . . ofer twelf domsetl sittende beoS to demenne eallum mannum; Greg. 319.1: t5a mettas tSe God self gesceop to etanne geleaffuUum monnum = 246.1: a cibis, quos Deus creavit ad percipiendum . . . fidelibus. That some consider the infinitive in sealdon drincan objective rather than final is dis- cussed in the chapter on " the Final Infinitive." (b) Of specification with adjectives: — uninflected: ^If. Horn. 1. 534*"; ic eom gearo to gecyrrenne to munuclicre drohtnunge, and woruldlice tJeawas ealle forlcetan (sic!); — inflected: Greg. 281.5; Sie asghwelc mon suitJe hrced & suiSe geornful to gehieranne = 212.9: Sit omnis homo velox ad audiendum. INTEODtrCTION. 5 (c) Of cause: — uninflected: Bede 484.15: mynstres, on tJam ic gefeo Siowian Saere uplican arfaestnesse = 359.13: in quo supernae pietati deseruire ffOMdeo; — inflected: A. 8. Horn. & L. S. II. 18.189: ic nu forsceamige to secganne mine ungeleaffulnesse. (d) Of specification with verbs: — inflected: Wcerf. 180.26: tSat he gelcered wcbs wyrta to begangenne = 217 C^: Quod vir gentilis valde libenter accepit, cum in nutriendis oleribus quia peritus esset audivit. (e) Of result: — inflected: Bede 174.22: wundro . . . , tSa tJe nu to long to secgenne sjTidon = 143.30: sed haec nos ad alia tendentes, suis narrare permitti- mus; Bede 468.7»' ^: he hine 7 his tSeode gelmdde to mcersianne 7 to weorSianne Sa . . . tide = 332.19: se suosque omnes oci . . . tempvis celebrandum perduxit. if) Of absolute relationship: — uninflected: see Chapter XII, section vi; — inflected: Wulf. 115.3: tSider sculan tSeofas . . . and, hrsedest to secganne, ealle tSa manfullan. In the adjectival use, the infinitive, habitually inflected, modifies a noun or pronoun. A few examples will suffice for illustration: — tminflected: L. 12.5: adrsedaS tSone tJe anweald haeftJ, setSSan he ofslyhtJ, on helle asendan = timete eum qui, postquam occiderit, habet potestatem mittere in gehennam; — inflected: Greg. 307.9: us salde bisne urne willan to ferecanne = 234.27: ut exemplum nobis frangendcB nostra voluntatis prsebeat; Greg. 127. 1, 2: Gif 55ser Sonne sie gierd mid to Sreageanne, sie tJser eac ste/mid to wreSianne = 88.14, 15 : Si ergo est districtio virgm, qussferiat, sit et consolatio baculi, quae sustentet; Bede 100.2: tSisses geleafa 7 wyrcnis seo lefed God (sic for Gode f) onfenge 7 allum to fylgenne = 82.2: huius fides et operatio Deo deuota atque omnibus seguenda credatur. This classification does not differ greatly from that current in most of the treatises on Anglo-Saxon syntax. The chief variations, adopted here primarily for the sake of simplicity, are (1) the limitation of the term adverbial to those uses in which the infinitive is an adverbial modifier of verb, adjective, or adverb, — which excludes the objective use, though the latter is included in the wider sense given to adverbial in many Germanic treatises; (2) the extension of the term predicative so as to cover, not simply, as with Professor Delbriick,* the infinitive complementary to the verb to be, but also the infinitive complementary to the auxiliaries and to certain other verbs (of motion and of rest), as well as the infinitive quasi-predicative to a subject accusative, the aim being to put under the one head all the uses in which the verbal (or assertive) power of the infinitive is strongest. As a separate chapter is given to each of these sub- divisions of the predicative infinitive, the discussion will be equally clear to those who may prefer not to adopt the classification suggested. Nor, I believe, will the fact that the predicative use of the infinitive is, in some instances, of substantival (objective) origin, as when complementary to the auxiliary verbs, and, in others, of adverbial (final) origin, as when complementary to beon (wesan) and to {w)uton, invalidate the usefulness of the proposed classification. Finally, it should be added that, while for the sake of clearness my discussion is arranged according to the function of the infinitive, under each use account is taken as to whether the infinitive is uninflected or inflected, and the ground of differentiation and of subsequent confusion of the two forms is sought. > DelbrOck.' I. ■,., II, p. 460. 6 INTRODUCTION. Of the imperative use of the infinitive I have found no clear example in Anglo-Saxon. The alleged examples of this idiom cited by Dr. K. Kohler and by Dr. Jacob Zeitlin,« I, in common with most students of Anglo-Saxon, interpret otherwise. Nor have I found any clear example of the so-called historical infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. Messrs. Roethe and Schroeder, the editors of Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, hold that we have a historical infinitive in the Anglo-Saxon Exodus: " Ags. Csedm. Exod. 158 auf blicon, sungon, folgt Sunian, tredan (sc. ongunnon) ; vgl. galan Exod. 577." » To me, however, Sunian and tredan are predicative, each, to a subject accusative; and, instead of galan, I read, with Grein and with Professor Blackburn, golan. As the position of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon varies considerably in the different uses, the matter is treated in the chapters dealing with the several uses. In form each of the two infinitives so far considered (the one in -an and the one made up of to + the dative in -ne) is active; and in my judgment each of these infinitives is active in sense except when the inflected infinitive is used with the verb beon (wesan) to denote necessity or obligation, in which con- struction the Anglo-Saxon infinitive is habitually passive in sense, though oc- casionally it is active in sense: for further details see the chapter on "the Infinitive with Beon (Wesan)." Perhaps, too, the adjectivized inflected infini- tive with nouns is passive in sense: see Chapter XIII. Some, however, hold that the uninflected infinitive in -an is passive in sense after certain verbs (chiefly of commanding, of causing, and of sense perception), but to me this infinitive seems regularly active in sense after this group of verbs as after all other groups, the reasons for which belief are stated in the chapter on " the Objective Infinitive." Once more: some hold that the inflected final infinitive and the inflected infinitive with adjectives are each sometimes passive in sense, — a topic discussed in Chapters X and XI. Finally, it should be added that a brief paragraph concerning the voice of the infinitive is given under the respective uses. But we do have in Anglo-Saxon, though relatively seldom (especially in the poetry), a true passive infinitive, which is made up of the present infinitive active of the verb beon (occasionally of the verb wesan or of the verb weorSan) plus the past participle of a transitive verb, as in: Bede 372.34: geeamode onfongen beon = 275.21: meruisset recipi; Lcece. 152.19: mseg seo wund wesan gehaded; Greg. 399.18: Sonne magon hie tJeah weorSan gehcelede suiSe ietSelice tSurh forgiefnesse & Surh gebedu = 318.4: et tamen venia salvantur. In this compound passive infinitive, the strictly infinitive part of the phrase is not inflected; the participle part is sometimes inflected and sometimes not. In each of the chapters on the several uses of the infinitive, the passive infinitive is treated after the active infinitive. * L. c, p. 63: Beow, 1860: wesan, Sendea ic wealde widan rices, matSmas gemsene, manig otSerne godum oegretan ofer ganotes bsS. — Weaan and gegretan may be conaidered aa subjunctives, as by some; or as complements to teuton (aceal), as by others. ' L, c, p. 154: Afet. Pa. 74.6: Ne ahebbaS ge to hea eowre hygetSancas ne ge wiS gode asfre gramword aprecan; ib. 94.6: CumaS him fore ond cneow bigeat5 on ansyne ures drihtnes, ond him wepan fore, Se us worhte sr ~ Venite, adoremus, et procidamus ; et ploreTnua ante dominum, qui fecit noa. — As Dr. Zeitlin states, most other scholars consider .sprscan and wepan to be subjunctives. ' See Grimm, (. c, IV, p. 99. CHAPTER I. THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. The active infinitive as the Subject of a finite verb is less common than I had anticipated, despite the fact that I include under this head sentences having hit as the grammatical subject and the infinitive as the logical subject. As the subject of an active verb the active infinitive occurs about 356 times; as the subject of a passive verb, about 48 times. Despite the relative infrequency of the subjective infinitive, my number is appreciably larger than that of pre- vious investigators, chiefly because of my inclusion of the inflected infinitive in clauses introduced by a pronoun, — a matter discussed on pages 9 f . below. 1. With Active Finite Verb. I consider first the active infinitive as the subject of active verbs. Contrary to what one is led to expect from most of the Anglo-Saxon grammars, the sub- jective infinitive is usually inflected: of the 356 subjective infinitives found, 252 are inflected, and 104 are uninflected. In the prose 322 examples occur, of which 226 are inflected; in the poetry 34 examples occur, of which 26 are inflected. The subjective infinitive is found in Early West Saxon, in the Chronicle, in the Laws, in Late West Saxon, and, as we have seen, in the poetry. Usually the subjective infinitive follows its verb, as in Gu. 1039 (nis me earfeSe to geSolianne tSeodnes willan) and Bede 2.10 (hit is god godne to herianne 7 jrfelne to leanne = no Latin), but occasionally it precedes, as in Mat. 20.23 (to sittanne on mine switSran healfe, otStSe on wynstran, nys me inc to syllanne •• sedere autem ad dexteram meam vel sinistram non est meum dare). The postposition of the infinitive is largely due, no doubt, to the fact that, as already stated, the clause is often introduced by the pronoun hit, and that the infinitive occurs as the subject chiefly of impersonal verbs and of impersonal verb phrases. Possibly, too, the postposition of the infinitive is due in part to the fact that in the Latin originals of the Anglo-Saxon translations this order often occurs. As will be seen later, the frequent postposition of the infinitive, especially in phrases made up of the verb to be plus an adjective, tends to cause the use of the inflected infinitive instead of the uninflected; or, rather, this tendency results from the greater proximity of the infinitive to the adjective consequent upon the postposition. The subjective infinitive that is active in form seems to me habitually active in sense. I. The uninflected infinitive only is found as the subject with the following verbs, each of which occurs only a few times in this construction: — becuman, happen. gelystan, please. geweoitSan, happen. beon, be, plus an adjective geSyncan, seem good. (1) Of Pleasantness: softe, soft, pleasant. 8 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. The examples in full are: — becuman, happen: Chad, Anhang, 11: tSam cilde ne hecymS nsefre into heofonan rice becuman, beon, be, plus an adjective of Pleasantness: — softe, soft, pleasant : Mlf. Horn. I. 164*: Him MS switSe sojte, and nan geswinc tSaet he fylle his gabiysse, and druncennysse, and gytsunge begange and modignysse, and tSa imstrangan berype, and don {sic!) swa hwaet swa hine lyst. gelystan, please: Lcece. 69.31* ', 32: hwilum hie wel gelyst utgangan 7 him tSa byrtSenne fram aweorpan 7 georne tilian, ac ne magon. geSyncan, seem good: L. 1.3: me geSuhte, geornlice eallum [fram fruman gefylgdum], on endebyrd- nesse writan tSe = Visum est et mihi, assecuto omnia a principio diligenter, ex ordine tibi scribere. geweort5an [-u-], happen: Gen. 1692: Ne meahte hie gewurSan weall staenenne up fortS timbran, ac hie earmlice heapum tohlodon hleotSrum gedeelde. II. The inflected infinitive only is found as subject with the following verbs: — atSreotan, weary. beon, be, without an adjective. behofian, behoove. beon, be, in predicative combination with: — (1) Adjectives* of Ease and Difficulty, and the like: deoplic, profound, difficult. hefig, heavy, unpleasant. earfotS(e) [-fe«(e)], difficult. ietSe: see eaSe. earfotnic, difficult. ieSre : see eaS(e)re. earfoSre, more difficult. lang [-0-], Umg, tedious. eatSe [e-, ie-, y-], easy. langsum [-0-], long, tedious. eaSelicor, more easily. langsumlic [-0-], lonn, tediotts. eaSelicre, more easy. leng, longer. ea5(e)re [e-, ie-], more easy. uneaSe [-ie-, -y-], not easy, difficult. efnetSe, equally easy. unieSe : see uneatSe. (2) Adjectives of Goodness, Usefubiess, Necessity, and the like: betst, best. nyttwierCe [-y-], useful. fulfremedlic, perfect. sel, exeelleni. god, good. selest [-ost], most exeelleni. nyttre, more us^vl. (3) Adjectives of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness, and the like: setJryt, troublesome laS, loathsome. arwierSlicost [-y-], honorable. leofost [-ast], most dear. deorvrierSe, precious. leofre, more dear. dyslic, foolish. lustbsrre, more pleasant. eannUc, distressing. pleoUc, dangerous. egeslicost, most terrible. sar, grievous. gedwolsum, misleading. scandUc [-0-], disgraceful. geomorUc, sad. sceamu, shame. hefl(g)tyine, troublesome. sorhlic, grievous. I'i'^Mn'* °' *° adieotive we ocoasiooally have a noun or an adverb in these groups with beon and with ttyncan THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 9 (3) Adjectives of Pleasantness, etc. — continued. Strang [-o-], distressing. weorc, hardship. unacumendlic, intolerable. weorce, grievous. unaraefnedlic, intolerable. wynsumere, more pleasant. waclic, mean. (4) Adjectives of Right and Wrong, Suitability and Unsuitability, the Customary and the Strange, and the hke: gecopust, most suitable. rihtre, more proper. gecynde, natural. sweotol, clear. gelimplicor, more suitably. treowlicre, safer. genoh, enough, sufficient. unaliefedlic [-e-, -y-], unlawful. gewunelic, customary. ungeliefedlic, incredible. manfullic, sinful. unriht [-y-], wrong. riht [-y-], right, proper. wimdorlic, wonderful. rihtlic, right, proper. (5) Other adjectives: feorr, /ar; min, mine. dafenian, befitting. helpan, help. derian, injure. sceamian, shame. gelustfullian, delight. tSyncan, seem, in predicative combination genihtsumian, sM^ce. with: — geiisan, befit. (1) Adjectives of Ease and Difficulty, and the Hke: eaSre [e-, ie-], easier. lang [-o-j, long, tedious. ieSre : see eaSre. langsum [-0-], long, tedious. (2) Adjectives of Goodness and the like: selest [-est], most excellent. selle, more excellent. (3) Adjectives of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness, and the like: seSryt, troublesome. hefigtime, troublesome. dyselig, foolish. leofra, dearer. sceamu, shame. (4) Adjectives of Right and Wrong, the Customary and the Strange, and the like: sellic [-y-], strange. wierse [-y-], worse. The subjective infinitive occurs far more frequently with beon and with Syncan, plus an adjective, than with the other verbs mentioned. It is possible that, in some of the examples with these two verbs, the infinitive is a modifier of the adjective rather than the subject of the verb plus the adjective, and should be put in Chapter XI. Especially doubtful are the sentences introduced by the demonstrative pronoun Scet or Sis, as in Boeth. 118.7 (Daet is . . . earfoSlic dysegimi monnum to ongitanne = 101.30: Mira quidem, inquam, et concessu diffidlis inlatio) and Bede 366.2 (tSis an . . . is genog to gemyngienne = 271.10: hoc tantimi . . . commemorare satis sit); or by hwcet, as in Greg. 401.16 (Ic eow secgge hwaet eow arwyrSlicost is to beganne = 320.6: ad id quod honestum est); or by a neuter noun, as in ^If. Horn. II. 386* (Bis fers is swi?5e deoplic eow to understandenne). In such sentences, the infinitive seems to me, as a rule, to be subjective; but it is possible, of course, that the pronoun or noun is subjective instead of objective, and that the infinitive is adverbial and modifies the adjective instead of being the subject of the verb. Less doubt- 10,. C"^ THE SUBJECTIVK INFINITIVE. ful seems to me the infinitive in the clause introduced by a relative pronoun {Sea or 3e), as in Wcerf. 303.1 (eac oSre wisan hi rehton to ecan tSaes wundres be tSsere ylcan byrgene, tSaet us is nu Ung to asecganne = 365 B ': miracuh, quae nunc narrare longum aestimo) and in Solil. 39.9 (for tSaes tSinges lufumSeSe rihtre ys to lufianne Sonne Sset = 0) . Less doubtful, too, seems to me the infini- tive in clauses in which the demonstrative pronoun, Smt or Sis, comes, not at ^ the beginning, but at the middle, of its clause, as in Oros. 74.7 (Swa ungehefe^ic ? is aenigum menn tSaet to gesecgenne, hu etc. = 75.8: utrumque pene mcredibile apud mortales erat). The different interpretation of the infinitive occurring in the several pronominal clauses above described accounts for many of the diver- gences in my statistics of the inflected infinitive as subject from those of Drs. Wiilfing, Farrar, K. Kohler, and Riggert: with me the two former consider the infinitive in such pronominal clauses sometimes subjective and sometimes ad- verbial; while the two latter apparently consider it adverbial only. ^ Besides this, however. Dr. Riggert puts under the adverbial use (with adjectives) the infinitive in sentences like the following, in which the infinitive seems to me clearly subjective: Ps. 83.10: Betere is micle to gebidanne anne daeg mid tSe Bonne otSera on tSeodstefnum tSusend maela = quia melior est dies una in atriis tuis super millia; Gu. 1039: nis me earfeSe to geSolianne tJeodnes willan; Beow. 2445: Swa biS geomorlic gomelum ceorle to gebidanne; Ps. 117.8*' '' : God is on dryhten georne to Senceanne, tSonne on mannan wese mod to treowianne = bonum est confidere in Domino quam confidere in homine; Ps. 117.9*' '•: God ys on dryhten georne to hyhtanne, Sonne on ealdormen ahwaer to treomanne = bonum est sperare in Domino quam sperare in principibus; Rid. 40.22: Long is to sec- ganne hu etc.; Chr. 597: geceosan mot . . . swa lif swa deaS, swa him leofre biS to gefremmanne; El. 607: Be synt tu gearu, swa lif swa deatS, swa Se leofre bi& to geceosanne. Indeed, Dr. Riggert ^ finds only three examples of the in- flected infinitive as the subject of an active verb in all Anglo-Saxon poetry; one of these is Beow. 2093 (To lang ys to reccenne, hu etc.), which does not differ essentially from Rid. 40.22 quoted above, though in the latter, we are told, the infinitive modifies the adjective. Typical examples are: — aSreotan, weary: Oros. 42.13: Eac me sceal aSreotan . . . ymb ealra Troiana gewin to asec- genne = 43.12: Toedet etiam . . . referre certamina. behofian, behoove: Solil. 27.12: ^Ices licuman seagan behofaS Sreora Smga on hym silfum to hdbbcene (sic!) = Ergo animae tribus quibusdam rebus opus est ut oculos habeat quibus jam bene uti possit, ut aspiciat, ut videat. been, be, without an adjective: — Mat. 20.23: to sittanne on mine swiSran healfe, oSSe on wynstran, nys me inc to syllenne, ac Sam Se hyt fram minum Faeder gegearwod ys = sedere autem ad dexteram meam vel sinistram non est meum dare vobis, sed quibus paratum est a Patre meo. beon, be, in predicative combination with: — (1) Adjectives of Ease and Difficulty, etc.: earfoS(e) [-feS(e)], difficult: « L. c, p. 68. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 11 Greg. 51.5: hit swa earfoSe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie = 28.3 : valde difficile est, purgatum se quemlibet posse cognoscere. Oros. 212.30: is me nu switJe earfeSe hiera mod to ahwettanne = 0. Chron. ITO"", 1050 D: hit is earfoS to mtane Sara biscopa Se Sserto comon. Laws 455, Gerefa, c. 18: Hit is earfoSe eall to gesecganne. Bened. 67.1: tSsem unandgytfullum tSset gastlice angyt (sic!) is earfo&e to understandende {sic! but MSS. TF: -enne) butan haligra mamia trahtnmige = 126.10: infirmis intellectibus non erit utile ilia hora banc Scripturam audire. Mlf. Horn. II. 466'': Eac Sses dseges godspel is swiSe earfoSe Isewedum man- num to understandenne (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). earfoSre, more difficult: Greg. 453.12: hit is Seah earfoSre ealle setsomne to laranne = 384.5: longe tamen Idboriosus est auditores innumeros . . . admonere. — lb. 455.6 : Seah biS giet earfodre aelcne on sundrum to Iceranne = 386.11: multo tamen acriori labore fatigatur, quando uni contrariis vitiis servienti prcedicare compellitur. eatSe [e-, ie-, y-], easy: Beow. 1003: No Sset y&e byS to befleonne (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). Ps. 76.16: ne bid Sser eSe Sin spor on to findanne = 76.20: vestigia tua non cognoscentur. Boeth. 145.5 : Hwses wundrast Su Sser swa swiSe, swa eSe swa hit is to ongi- tanne = 0. Bened. 124.12: EaSe is to understandenne of hwylcum antimbre Seos unSses- licu asprincS Sisse miclam {sic!) toSundennesse = 190.2 : Quod quam sit absurdum facile advertitur. Chron. 239", 1104 E*: Nis eaSe to asecgenne Sises landes earmSa. eaSelicor, more easily: Mlj. Horn. I. 236' ^- ^ : Nu is geSuht Sset him sy sumera Singa eaSelicor to armrenne Sone deadan of Sam duste, Sonne him wsere to wyrcenne ealle gesceaf ta of nahte (or predicative with beonl).] eaSelicre, more easy: Mat. 19.24: eaSelicre byS Sam olfende to ganne Surh needle eage, Sonne se welega on heofona rice ga = fadlius est camelum per foramen acus transire, quam divitem intrare in regnum coelorum. eaS(e)re [e-, ie-, y-], more easy: Boeth. 81.13: nis hire Seah Sonne eSre tofeallanne of dune Sonne up = 0. Greg. 203. 17, 18: him is micle ieSre to gestieganne on Sone ryhtan wisdom Sonne Ssem lytegan sie to anbuganne = 152.14 : 0. Mlc. 10.25 : EdSere ys olfende to farenne Surh nsedle Syrel = Fadlius est camelum per foramen acus transire. efneSe, equally easy: Met. 20.168: Hwset! hi Seah eorSlices auht ne haldeS, is Seah enfeSe up 7 of dune to feallanne foldan Sisse. uneaSe [-e-, -ie-], difficult: And. 206: Nis Saet wneaS'e eallwealdan Gode to gefremmanne on foldwege, Sset etc. (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). Greg. 355.21 : forSsem he wisse Saet hit biS swiSe unieSe aegSer to donne, ge wis Sone to cidanne Se yfel deS, ge eac sibbe wiS to habbenne = 276.1: Diffidle quippe erat ut si male acta corriperent, habere pacem cum omnibus possent. 12 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Oros. 52.8: Hit is unieSe to gesecgenne hu monege gewin sitSSan wseron «= 53.4: quae per ordinem disserere nequaquam aptum videtur. (2) Adjectives of Goodness, Usefulness, etc.: — betst, best: Solil. 3.6, 7: Da reahte he . . . hwilc good him were hetst to donne, and hwilc yfel betst toforletende {sic!) = mihi . . . quaerenti memetipsum ac bonum meum, quidve mali evitandum esset (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). god, good: Greg. 151, 8^, 9" '': Eac is to wietanne tSsette hwilum MS god wserlice to miSanne his hieremonna scylda & to licettanne suelce he hit nyte; hwiliim eft to selc]ganne = 108. 18»' •" ": Sciendum quoque est, quod aliquando subjectorum vitia prudenter dissimulanda sunt, sed quia dissimulantur, indicanda. jEIJ. Horn. II. 564*: Gif god is and halwendlic to forhcehbenne fram unaly- fedlicum styrungum. ^If. Hept: Gen. 2.18*: Nis na god tSisum men ana to wunienne = Non est bonum hominem esse solum. Mat. 17.4": god ys us her to beonne = bonum est nos hie esse (according to Stoffel, I. c, p. 53, accusative and inflected infinitive in Anglo-Saxon: see Chapter VIII, p. 119). Lcece. 28.41 : Eft witS tSon eac bid god lustmocan crop to lecganne on gebrocen heafod. sel, better: Bened. 10.3'' '': be . . . drohtunge sel is to swigienne tSonne embe to spre- cenne = 16.13: melius est silere quam logui. selest [-est], best, most excellent: Prayers IV. 11: Getacna me . . . tSser selast sy sawle minre to gemearcenne meotudes willan. Bl. Hom. 205.27: tSoime is hit ealles selest to t5aem daege to secenne hwset tSaes willa sie. (3) Adjectives of Pleasantness and Unpleasantness, etc. : — latS, loathsome: Oros. 122.16: nellatJ geSencan hu la^ eow selfum wcbs to gelcestanne eowre aSas = 0. Chron. 173™, 1048 E^: for tJan him woes laS to amyrrene his agenne folgatS. Wulf. 257.13: him woes laS Bearfendum mannimi mete to syllenne. leofost [-ast], dearest, best: Laws 78, Alfred, c. 43: tJeowum monnum eallum sien forgifen, Bam tJe him leofost sie to sellanne aeghwset. leofre, dearer, preferable: Greg. 217.12*- *>: him biS leofre scande to Solianne tJonne tSset god to cySanne = 164.7, 9: eligit patiens quselibet mala perpeti, quam . . . bona sua occulta cognosd. Oros. 44. M"' ••: Heton . . . secgan, Ssethim leofre woere witS hiene to feoht- anne Sonne gafol to gieldanne = 0. (4) Adjectives of Right and Wrong, etc. : — riht, right, proper: Bede 268.4: swa riht is to gelyfanne = 210.6: ut credifas est. — 76. 398.18: swa swi?5e swa monnum riht is to eahtienne -^ 289.11: quantum hominibus aestimare fas est. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 13 Greg. 283.7: Se slawa ongit hwset him ryht MS to donne = 214.5: Piger enim recte sentiendo quasi vigilat (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). unaliefedlic [-e-, -y-], unallowable: Pr. Ps. 16.14»: hi eton swynen flsesc, 6set ludeum unalyfedlic ys to etanne - saturati sunt porcina. Warf. 334.22, 23 : Sset is unrihtlic 7 unalyfedlic senigum men to geSaencanne otJtJe to cweSanne = 401 D: quod did nefas est (or the infinitive may modify the adjective) . unriht, not right, improper: Wcerf. 308.18: on Saere ylcan niht, tSset is unriht to secganne, he forspilde hie Surh forhgre = 372 C": eamque nocte ilia (quod didu nefas est) perdidit (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). (5) Other Adjectives: — feor(r),/ar; Beow. 1922: noes him feor Sanon to gesecanne sinces bryttan. [But, instead of being subjective, the infinitive may be predicative, as Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 50, seems to think. Cf. And. 424.] min, mine: Mk. 10.40 : SotSHce nis hit na min inc to syllenne tJaet gyt sitton on mine swytSran healfe = Sedere autem ad dexteram meam vel ad sinistram, non est meum dare. [But, instead of being subjective, the infinitive may modify min.\ dafenian, be fitting: Solil. 32.17: me dafenaS to andsweorianne tSes tSe ic ongyte = 0. derian, injure: Greg. 237.11: sua dereS eac hwilum sumum monnum tSset sotS togehierenne = 178.25: ita nonnunquam quibusdam audita vera nocuerunt. gelustfullian, delight: Mlf. Horn. I. 360'* ': Us gelustfullaS gyt furtSur to sprecenne be tJan halgan were. genihtsumian, suffice: Bened. 90.15: To beddreafe genihtsumige to hcebbenne meatte and hwitel etc. - 158.13: Stramenta autem lectorum suffidant matta, sagiun, etc. gerisan, befUting: Oros. 54.30: cwaeS tJajt Saem weorce nanum men ser ne gerise bet tofandianne tSonne tSsem wyrhtan Se hit worhte = 0. JElf. Mthelw. 2: Her ongyntS seo endebyrdnyss, hu muneeum gerist to healdenne tSone regoUican tSeaw = Incipit ordo qualiter . . . regularis mos a monachis per anni circulum obseruari conueniat. helpan, help: Mlf. L. S. xxxvi. 183: unc bam maeg helpan to hc^benne Sis an. LoBce. 41.12: WiS fefre eft hylpS syndrigo marubie to drincanne. sceamian, shame: Chron. 170", 1050 D: swa tSset us sceamaS hit nu mare to tellanne. Mlf. L. S. 370.100: Us sceamaS to secgenne ealle tSa . . . wiglunga. tSyncan,^ seem, plus an adjective: — setJiyt, wearisome: Mlf. Hom. II. 374'': him Sinc& ceSryt to gehyrenne ymbe Sa cisennysse. ^ As the construction with Sy^iean plus an adjective is qmte simitar to that with beon (wetan) plus an ad- jective, I give only a few examples. 14 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. selest [-ost], best, most excellent: El. 533 : Nu ge geare cunnon, hwaet eow Saes on sef an selest Since to gecySanne (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). — lb. 1165: frignan ongan, hwaet him tSses on sefan selost Suhte to gelaestenne (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). selle, better, preferable: Ju. 408: tSset him sylfum selle &ynceS leahtras to fremman (sic!) ofer lof Godes. III. The uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive are each found as the subject of the following verbs: — aliefan [-e-, -j-], be allowed. gebyiian, be fitting. beon, be, plus an adjective gedaf enian, be fitting. (1) Of Goodness: f^^^i!^- betere, better. lystan, please. selre, better. onhagian, please, fremman [fremian], benefit. With four exceptions {aliefan, beon + selre, fremman {fremian), and lystan) the inflected infinitive is the conmioner with each verb of this group: with ali^an and with lystan the uninflected infinitive is the more usual, while with beon + selre and with fremman {fremian) the usage is evenly divided. The following are typical examples: — aliefan [-e-, -y-], be allowed: (1) Uninflected: Bede 74.15: sefter hu feola daga alefaS him Ssem geryne onfoon fulwihtes baetSes? = 53.29: quod genuerit, post quot dies hoc liceat sacri baptismatis sacramenta perdperef — 76. Ti.lS"- •": hwaetSer alefaS hire in circan gongan oBtSe tJaem geryne onfoon tSaere halgan gemaensumnesse? = 53.32»' ••: an ecclesiam intrareei liceat aut . . . sacramenta perdperef — 76.78.17: ne alefaS hire in . . . cirican gongan f = 55.28: ei non liceat . . . eccle.siam intraref Gosp.: Mk. 3.4''' ": Da cwae6 he, alyfS restedagimi wel to doune, hwetJer tJe yfele? sawla gehcelan, hwetJer 6e forspillanf ^ dicit eis: Licet sabbatis bene- facere, an male? animam salvam facere, an perdere. — Mk. 10.2: Pharisei . . . hine axodon hwaetJer alyfS aenegum men his wif forloetan = interrogabant eum: Si licet viro uxorem dimittere.' — L. 6.9*' '■ ": a,lyfS on restedaegum wel don, otJSe yfele; sawle hale gedon, hwaeSer t5e forspillan? = si licet sabbatis benefacere an male, animam salvam /acere, an perdere f (2) Inflected: Pr. Gu. XX. 85: geryno . . . tSa nanegum men ne aJyfaS to secganne- mysteria, quae non licet homini narrare (on alyfaS for alyfeS, see Gonser's note). Mk. 3.4»: quoted above under " Uninflected." — MA;, 12.14: AlyfS gaful to syllanne tJam Casere? = Licet dari tributum Caesari? beon, be, plus an adjective of Goodness, etc. : — betere, bett^: (1) Uninflected: Mk. 9.47: betere tJe is mid anum eagan gan on Godes rice = 9.46: honum est tibi luscum introire in regnum Dei. [Concerning the positive here, see Professor J. W. Bright's "An Idiom of the Comparative in Anglo-Saxon," in Modem Language Notes for June, 1912, pp. 181-183.] THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 16 (2) Inflected: Gen. 660: His hyldo is unc betere to gewinnanne tSonne his witJermedo (or the infinitive may modify the adjective). Solil. 36.8: tJseh hwa cwseSe tSaet hyt si betere to habbenne for bearna ge- streone = no Latin. Mat. 18.9: betere tSe ys mid anum eagan on life to ganne tSonne tJu si mid twam asend on helle fyr = bonum tibi est cum uno oculo in vitam intrare, quam duos oculos habentem mitti in gehennam ignis. selre, better: (1) Uninflected: ^If. L. S. XXV. 144'': Selre us is to sweltenne and soSlice anbidian (sic!) Sses ecan seristes. Napier's Ad. to Th. 101.322* »: selre Se bi3 anegede faran to heofonan rice, tSonne mid twam eagum beon aworpen on ece susle. (2) Inflected: j^lf. Horn. I. 486'' ': Salomon cwaetJ, Saet selre waere to wunigenne mid leon and dracan tSonne mid yfelum wife and ofersprsecum. Mf. L. S. XXV. 144»: quoted under " Uiiinflected " above. fremman (fremian), benefit: (1) Uninflected: JElf. Horn. I. 394™: ac hit nefremede him swa gedon. (2) Inflected: Mat. 19.10: nefremaS nanum menn to wifi£nne = non expedit nubere. gebyrian, be fitting: (1) Uninflected: Gosp.: Mat. 18.33: hu ne gebyrede tSe miltsian tSinum efentSeowan swa swa ic tSe gemiltsode? = Nonne ergo oportuit et ie misereri conservi tui, sicut et ego tui misertus sum? (possibly, but not probably, accusative and infinitive: see ex- amples below in which the noun is clearly dative; also Chapter VIII, p. 124). — L. 11.42'': tSas tSing eow gebyrede to donne, and tSa tSing neforUetan (sic!) = hsec autem oportuit facere, et ilia non omittere. — L. 12.12: Halig Gast eow laertS on tSsere tide tSa tSing tSe eow specan gebyraJS = Spiritus . . . sanctus docebit vos in ipsa hora quid oporteat vos dicere (see note to L. 11.42 above). — L. 15.32*' '': tSe gebyrede gewistfullian and geblissian = Epulari autem et gavdere oportebat. — L. 24.26»' '': Hu ne gebyrede Criste tSas tSing Soligean, and swa on his wuldor ganf = Nonne hsec oportuit pati Christum, et ita intrare in gloriam suam? (2) Inflected: Laws 446, Rectitudines, c. 3, § 3: Him gebyriaS (sic!) V seceres to habbanne — lb. 477, Episcopus, 6. 2»: Bset heora selc wite, hwaet him mid rihte gebyrige to donne. j^lf. Horn. II. 492*: us ne gebyraS to ameldigenne tSa scyldigan. JElf. Hept.: De N. T. 20.30: hwaet gebyraS us embe tSis to smeagennef ^If. Gr. 245.9: nu hseftS se bene tSa tSing, tSe adverbio gebyraS to hoebbenne. Gosp.: Mat. 26.54'': for tSam tSus hyt gebyraS to beonne= quia sic oportet fi^. — Mk. 14.31 : tSeah me g^rige mid Se to sweltenne= si oportuerit me simul commori tibi. — L. 2.49: nyste gyt tSaet me gebyraS to beonne on tSam tSingum tSe mines fseder synt? = nesciebatis quia in his quae Patris mei sunt oportet me esse? — L. 11.42": quoted under " Uninflected " above. — /. 9.4: Me gebyraS to wyrceanne tSses weorc tSe me sende = Me oportet operari opera ejus qui misit me. 16 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Wulf. 279.4: ne gebyreS set cyrican aenig tJing to donne. gedaf(e)man, befitting: (1) Uninflected: Bede 74.22: All 6as tSing tSsere . . . tSeode . . . gedafmaJS cutS liabhan = 54.2: Quae omnia rudi Anglonim genti oportet hdberi conperta. — lb. 342.18: efne tJa an tSa tSe to aefestnesse belumpon, 7 his tSa sefestan tungan gedeofanade singan = 259.12: ea . . . quae . . . religiosam eius linguam decebant (or accusative and infinitive in Anglo-Saxon?). Pr. Gu. V. 67, 68, 69: swa tSonne gedafmaS tSammen [Vercelli MS.: tSane man] gelice tSurh six daga fsesten tSone gast gefrcetman, and tJonne t5y seofotSan daeg mete Sicgan and his lichaman restan = ita etiam hominem decet sex diebus per jejunii plasma spiritu reformari, et septimo die comedendo carni requiem dare. Mf. Horn. II. 318"" 2: Us gedafenaS to donne duge?5e on sibbe, mid estful- lum mode menniscum gesceafte, and eft on ehtnysse ure lif syllan (sic!) for tJone sotSan God. Mf. L. S. 240.31 : us gedafena& swytSor mid geswince to campigenne for tSam undeadlicum cynincge and Se ofersmSan (sic!). — 76. XXIII B. 261: tJe gedafenaS ... for me and for eallum gebiddan. Napier's Ad. to Th. 102.34"- ': ne gedafonode Criste swa Srowian and swa faran into his wuldre? L. 4.43 : SotJlice me gedafenaS otSrum ceastrum Godes rice bodian = Quia et aliis civitatibus oportet me evangelizare regniun Dei (possibly but not probably accusative and infinitive: see examples in which the noun is cleariy in the dative case). (2) Inflected: Bede 2.13: Se gedafenaS tSine tSeode to loeranne = 0. — lb. 196.17: Hwaet woldest 5u . . . tSaet . . . hors tSsem tSearfan syllan, t5e tJe gedafenade agan {sic!) to habbannef = 156.18: Quid uoluisti . . . , equum . . . , quem te con- ueniebat proprium habere, pauperi dare? Solil. 32.16*' '': Be gedafenaS to lerenne and me to hlistenne = no Latin. Laws 248, VI ^thelred, c. 5, § 2: Cristenan msen ne gedafenaS to donne. Mlf. Horn. I. 124'': tSaer t5e bitS gesaed hwaet tJe gedafenaS to donne. — lb. I. 386'*: Saer tJe bitJ gesaed hwaet tJe gedafenige to donne. — lb. II. 318"°': quoted under " Uninflected." j^lf. L. S. 228.131 : us ludeiscum ne gedafenaS to genedlecenne eow haetSenum mannum. — lb. 240.30: quoted under " Uninflected." — 76. 314.127: Us gedafenaS to offrigenne tSam . . . gode. — 76. XXIII B. 228"- •': Be gedafenaS abbud Zosimus to biddenne and to bletsigenne. — 76. XXX, 124: swa tJe eac gedafenaS to efstenne . . . and beon gecostnod. Wulf. 227.22: swa gedafenaS selcum men to habbenne restendaeg. — 76. 269.24: swa aenigum cristenum men ne gedafenaS to donne ne huru t5am geha- dedum. gelician, please: (1) Uninflected: L. 12.32: for Sam eowrum Faeder gelicode eow rice syllan = quia complacuit Patri vestro dare vobis regnum. (2) Inflected: Oros. 106.24: sitSSan gelicode eallum folcum Sast hie Romanum underSieded THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 17 wsBre, 7 hiora se to behealdanne = 107.24: universarum terrarum orbem . . . Romanis paruisse legibus . , . judices.i— 76. 250.19: ffinigum folce his segenu 86 gelicade to healdenne = 0. Chron. 182*, 1052 C: Saet tJam cynge gelicade mid him to hmlhenne Se him getreowe waeron, lician, please: (1) Uninflected: Bede 276.12: licade us efencuman = 214.31: placuit conmnire nos (possibly but not probably accusative and infinitive: see examples with gelidan in which the noun is clearly dative). Mf. L. S. 308.32: me bet lica& to forlsetenne nu tSisne . . . wurtJmynt and tSaes . , . godes cynedome gehyrsumian on haligre drohtmmge. (2) Inflected: Pr. Ps. 43.5: for tSam hy t5e tSa licodon, and tSe licode mid him to beonne = 43.4: quoniam complacuisti in eis. Laws 46, iElfred, Intr., c. 49, § 10: hie tSa cwsedon, tSset him Saet licode eallum to healdanne. Mf. L. 8. 308.30: quoted under " Uninflected " above. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 18.293: Gif tSe Sonne licige to sweltenne. lystan, please: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 1793: Geat ungemetes wel, rofne randwigan restan lyste. Met. 9.19: Nses Sset herlic daed, Saet hine swelces gamenes gilpan lyste. — 7b. 10.20: Eala ofermodan! hwi eow a lyste mid eowrum swiran selfra willum Sset swaere gioc sjnnle underlutan. — 76. 19.16: HwseSer ge nu willen wseSan mid hundum on sealtne sse, Sonne eow secan lyst heorotas 7 hinda? — 76. 19.33, 34: forSaem hi aefre ne lyst sefter spyrian, secan Sa gesselSa. — 76. 19.39 swa me hit don lysteS. Bede 398.7*- *> : cwaeS Sset hine lyste mid him etan 7 drincan = 288.26, 27' dicens quia ipse . . . delectaretur manducare et bibere cum eis. Boeth. 1.11: he halsaS selcne Sara Se Sas boc roedan lyste = 0. — 76. 91.8 Se . . . lyste forweorSan = 78.46: ad interitum sponte festinent. Greg. 279.6 : ^t serestum lyst Sone monn unnyt sprecan be oSrum monnum = 210.15: ut prius logui aliena libeat. Oros. 50.17: Deah swa hwelcne mon swa lyste Sset witan, raede on his bocum = 0. Woerf. 60.7: me lysteS acsian = 192 B': libet inquirere. Bened. 126.17, 18: Sset hine ne worian ne scriSan lyste = 194.2: cujus maturitas eum non sinat vagari. Mlf. Horn. II. 220'': Se leahtor deS Sset Sam men ne lyst nan Sing to gode gedon. Mlf. L. S. 356.297: Sonne Sam menn ne lyst on his life nan god don. Mlf. Gr. 211.5: Sonne cymS of Sam ledurio me lyst rcedan. — 76. 214.9: me lyst geseon = uiso. Wulf. 141 .8»' ''■ °: stingaS hine scearplice on Sone muS, forSi, swa hwset swa hine lyste etan oSSe drincan oSSe on unnyt sprecan. Lcece. 49.35: hu man lyste utgan 7 ne mseg. 1 See Note 2 at the end of this chapter. 18 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. (2) Inflected: Oros. 102.25: ic gehwam wille tSserto taecan tSe hiene his lyst ma to witanne = 0. . n Solil. 14.23: Ne lyst me tSeah nanes Singes switSor to witanne tSonne tSises = 0. — Ih. 59.33"' •> : ac me lyste hyt nu bet to witanne Sonne to gelyfanne = 0. onhagian[an-], please: (1) Uninflected: Greg. 289.16: Sajt hie ne anhagdS nane wuht nyttwjrtSes don^^ 218.19: Saepe ergo mansueti dissolutionis torpescunt tsedio. (2) Inflected: Greg. 341.13: gif he . . . cann gemetgian hwaet ]nne anhagige to sellanne = 264.6: audiant, quomodo quae habent misericorditer tribuant. — lb. 417.17: FortSsemtSe tSset tSsette hine ne onhagode utane fort5 to brenganne mid weorcum, innanne he hit geSafode = 338.21 : quia etsi rerum tarditas foras peccatum distulit, intus hoc consensionis opere voluntas implevit. Solil. 26.7: ic eom see racu Se me onhagaS t5e to gerihtreccenne = Promittit enim ratio . . . ita se demonstraturam Deum tuae menti. — lb. 65.10: Me ne onhagaS nu ?5a boc ealle to asmoRaganne = 0. Chron. 175'', 1052 D": Da ne onhagode him to cumenne to witSermale. ^If. Horn. I. 448* ': Nu ne onhagaS us na switSor be tSam to sprecenne. JElf. L. S. 4. 37: halgena tSrowunga, 6e me to onhagode on englisc to awendenne. 2. With Passive Verbs. The active infinitive is found as the subject of passive verbs about 48 times. The infinitive is inflected about 39 times. I. The uninflected infinitive only, as subject, is found twice (once preceding and once following the chief verb) with the passive of bewerian, prohibit: — Bede 76.19: Fulwian tSonne tJffit . . . wif . . . naenige gemete is bewered = 54.31: Baptizare . . . mulierem . . . nuUo modo prohibetur. — lb. 78.31: ne sceal him bewered beon tSaem geryne onfon= 56.9: mysterium . . . perdpere non debet prohiberi. II. The inflected infinitive only is found as the subject with the passive of the following verbs: — forgiefan, give, grant. tSencan, consider, plus halwende, salutary. (ge)sellan, give, allow. Syncan, seem, consider (f), plus wieitSlicor, laefan, leave. more worthily. The examples in full are : — forgiefan, give, grant: Mlf. L. S. XXIX. 134"' '": beo ^e forgifen to bindene and to alysenne. gesellan, give, allow: Gosp.: Mat. 13.11: For tSam Se eow is geseald to witanne heofena rices gerynu = Quia vobis datum est nosse mysteria regni coelorum. — Mk. 4.11 : Eow is geseald to witanne Godes rices gerynu = Vobis datum est nosse mysterium regni Dei. laefan, leave: Boeth. 42.9: Sonne meaht Su ongitan Ssette Sa9s ealles nis monnum Sonne THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 19 mare Imfed to bugianne buton swelce on lytel cauertun = 44.18: uix angustissima inhabitandi hominibus area relinquetur (or final?). tSencan, consider, plus halwende, salutary: Mlf. L. S. XXV. 479 : Hit is halig ge&oht and halwende to gebiddenne for tJam fortSfarendum. tSyncan, seem, consider (?), plus wurtSlicor, more worthily: Mlj. Horn. I. 48* * : tSonne ?Se is geSuht wurSlicor be Criste to cwe&enne Godes Beam tSonne mannes Beam. III. The uninflected and the inflected infinitive are each found as the sub- ject of the passive of the following verbs: — aliefan [-e-, -y-], aUow, bebeodan, command. With each of these verbs the inflected infinitive is commoner than the un- inflected, with aliefan far commoner. The following are typical examples : — aliefan » [-e-, -y-], allow: (1) Uninflected: Bede 84.20: mid tSy him eac alyfed biS, swa we aer cwsedon, in cirican gongan = 59.20; cum ei . . . ecclesiam licuerit intrare. — 76. 278.10, 11: nsenegum biscope alefad seo in sengum tSinge heo unstillian, ne owiht of heora eahtum . . . ongeneman = 216.7, 8: nulli episcoporum liceat ea in aliquo inquietare, nee quicquam de eorum rebus uiolenter abstrahere. — lb. 278.22: naengimi heora aZe/ed SI/ aenge sacerdlice tSegnunge (iow = 216.22: nulli . . . liceat . . . officium . . . agere. — 76. 280.1 : nsengum alefed sy nemne selice gesinscipe habban = 217.1: milli liceat . , . /ia6ere conubium. (2) Inflected: Gu. 1223 : giefe . . . , tSe me alyfed nis to gecySenne cwicra sengum on fold- wege fira cynnes. Boeth. 121.19*: tJset men sie alefed yfel to donne = 103.93": uel licentiam uel impunitatem scelerum putant esse felicem. Wcerf. 39.21: Sset us nu ncere alyfed to farenef = 176 A: pergere minime liceretf — 76. 156.3: tSaet him wcere alyfed ut to farenne= B. 182 B': atque importunis precibus ut relaxeretur immineret. — 76. 214.8: to Son Sset him noere na alyfed ofer tSaet furtSur to ganne = 261 A: ne ei ultra liceret progredi. Bened. 86.6: secggende tSset him alyfed nis witS cuman to sprecenne = 154.7: dicens sibi non licere colloqui cum hospite. Bl. Horn. 137.15: us is alefed edhwyrft to tSsem ecean hfe, & heofena rice to gesittenne mid . . . halgum. j:Elf. Horn. II. 40": Bis nis nu alyfed nanum men to donne. Mlf. L. S. XXV. 684: On tSam dagum woes alyfed to alecgenne his fynd. Mat. 12.2: Nu Sine leorningcnihtas dotS Sset him alyfyd nys restedagun to donne = Ecce discipuli tui faciunt quod non licet facere sabbatis. — 76. 12.10: ys hyt alyfed to hcelenne on restedagum? = Si licet sabbatis curare f Wulf. 210.17: cwsetS, t5set six dagas syndon, 'Sset eow is alefed eowre weorc on to wyrcenne.' — 76. 227.12"' '', 13: ne mylnum nis alyfed to eornenne ne on huntatS to ridenne ne nan unalyfedlic weorc to wyrcenne. bebeodan, command: » Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 382. 20 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. (1) Uninflected: Mf. Horn. II. 398'' ^- ^: fortSan tSe us is beboden, tSurh gewrite t5sere ealdan se, ofsittan and fortredan tSa gewilnigendlican lustas. (2) Inflected: Bede 206.16: of eallumtSon, Se on halgum bocum beboden is to healdanne = 161.27: nil ex omnibus, quae in . . . Uteris fadenda cognoverat (or final?). Boeth. 40.10: to tSam weorce tSe me beboden wees to wyrcanne = (or final?). — 76. 40.24: Ne mseg he . . . nan tSara tSinga wyrcan Se him beboden is to wyrcenne = (or final?). DiSerentiation of the Two Infinitives.! If now we seek to discover what determines the use of the inflected or of the uninflected form of the infinitive as the subject of active verbs, the answer is clear in the case of the verbs having only the inflected form as subject. In the majority of instances the finite verb is made up of the appropriate form of beon or Syncan plus an adjective (or occasionally plus an adverb or a noun) that is usually followed by the dative (or occasionally by the genitive) case of nouns and naturally by the inflected infinitive when the adjective is modified by an infinitive; hence, even when not immediately modifying the adjective, but when used as the subject of a finite verb, the infinitive is by the indirect in- fluence of the adjective attracted from the logically expected nominative form, that is, the uninflected infinitive, into the dative form, that is, the inflected infinitive. In the prose Gen. 2.18" {Nis na god tSisum men ana to wunienne = Non est bonum hominem esse solum) and in the Chron. 173™, 1048 £*> (for San him wees laS to amyrrenne his agenne folgaS), for instance, we see the transforming influence of the dative-governing adjectives, god and laS. Of course, as already stated, at times it is difficult to decide whether the infinitive was intended by the writer to modify the adjective or to be the subject of the finite verb. Most of the remaining verbs of the group are such as habitually govern a dative (or occasionally a genitive), and this oblique regimen is, as in the case of beon or Syncan plus an adjective, strong enough to cause the infini- tive to be inflected when used as a subject, — a result the more easily brought about by the circumstance that these verbs are in most instances impersonal, and that the infinitive usually follows rather than precedes the finite verb. For example, in Greg. 237.11 (sua dereS eac hwilum sumum monnum Sset soS to gehierenne = 178.25: ita nonnunquam quibusdam audita vera nocuerunt) and in ^If. L. S. XXXVI. 183 (unc bam mmg helpan to hoebbenne Sis an), we see the same sort of transforming influence exercised by the dative-governing verbs, derian and helpan. Moreover, because of its frequent postposition, the infinitive is often in close proximity to the transforming adjective or verb. Occasionally, too, out of analogy to these dative-governing verbal phrases, a verb that does not govern a dative has an inflected infinitive as its subject, as has beon in Mat. 20.23, owing to the influence of the frequently recurring beon plus a dative-governing adjective. As to the verbs having only the uninflected infinitive as subject, it seems natural that becuman in the sense of ' happen ' and geweorSan with the same meaning should have the uninflected infinitive as subject, since there is no factor to cause inflection. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 21 That we have an uninflected infinitive as subject to beon plus softe is probably due to the great distance separating ' the infinitive from the verbal phrase. That geSyncan in the sense of ' seem good ' has for its subject the uninflected instead of the inflected infinitive seems to contravene the general explanation given of the inflected infinitive above; and it may be an exception that proves the rule, though I doubt this. To me the explanation seems rather this: ' seem good ' is only occasionally the sense of geSyncan; moreover, the infini- tive both in the Latin original and in the Anglo-Saxon is separated from the principal verb by a number of words; in brief, geSyncan had but slight datival force to transmit to the infinitive, and this Httle was evaporated in the distance between it and the infinitive. Gelystan, we may suppose, merely follows the general rule of the simplex, lystan, which latter habitually though not invariably has an uninflected infini- tive as its subject. When we turn to the group of verbs having now the inflected and now the uninflected infinitive as the subject, we find that the group as a whole is true to the general principles already stated, with only two apparent, if not real, exceptions, aliefan and lystan, each of which is, as stated, found oftener with the iminflected than with the inflected infinitive, lystan far oftener. The datival sense in aliefan, though not so strong as in derian, helpan, etc., is still so strong that its having an iminflected infinitive for subject occasions sur- prise each time until I place the examples with uninflected infinitives side by side with those having the inflected, and discover that, with one exception (L. 6.9»), in the former examples, the inflnitive, in the Anglo-Saxon, is perceptibly farther removed from the finite verb (aliefan) than in the latter examples; and that, of the ten examples of the uninflected infinitive, five (Mk. 3A^' ", L. 6.9»' •" •=) occur in two series of three infinitives each, in one of which series the first infini- tive {Mk. 3.4") is inflected, — a fact that seems to indicate that the degree of separation' from the principal verb is an appreciable factor as to the inflection of the infinitive. Of course, it is open to one to claim that, in a series of the sort imder discussion, the to is carried over as it were to the succeeding infini- tives, or, to put it differently, that the presence of to with the first infinitive accounts for the lack of inflection in the succeeding inflnitives rather than the distance of the latter from the finite verb. This claim seems improbable, however, in view of the fact that in eighteen* series the inflected infinitive is followed by the inflected, while in only six" series is the inflected followed by the uninflected; and that in the former series, as a rule, the co-ordinated infini- tives are appreciably closer to each other and, therefore, to the principal verb than in the latter series. Again, this claim seems improbable in view of the fact that, with the verb under discussion, aliefan, we habitually find the single 1 Separation from its governing verb, its adjective, or its noun, as we shall see later in Chapters II, XI, and XIII, likewise tends to the loss of inflection on the part of the infinitive. We thus have four additional illustra- tions of the principle so happily stated by Professor C. Alphonso Smith, in his Studies in English Syntax, p. 60: " other illustrations of the general principle that I have endeavoured to outline will suggest themselves to the reader. Enough have been given, I believe, to show that a dominant characteristic o£ English syntax, a char- acteristic that differentiates it sharply from the syntax of Latin, is its insistent tendency to operate at close quarters, to span only limited areas, and to make its laws of concord depend not so much on logic as on proximity* English syntax is essentially a syntax of short circuits." ' Given in the notes at the end of this chapter. 22 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. infinitive uninflected if remote from the principal verb, but inflected if near it. One exception does occur with aliefan: it is difficult to see why we have the uninflected infinitive, don, in Luke 6.9» {alyfS on restedsegum wel don, o'GQe yfele; sawle hale gedon, hwsetJer t5e forspillan? = si licet sabbatis benefacere an male, animam salvam facere, an perdere?), but the inflected infinitive, to donne, in the ahnost identical passage of Mark 3.4» (AlyfS restedagum wel to donne, hwetSer tSe yfele? sawla gehselan, hwetSer tSe forspillan = Ldcet sabbatis bene- facere, an male? animam salvam facere, an perdere?) ; for, while the infinitive is one word further removed from the principal verb in the former than in the latter passage, that alone hardly accounts for the difference in translation. Perhaps the confusion is partially due to the disturbing influence of the adverb wel in Anglo-Saxon or of the datival verb, benefacere, in Latin. Another prob- able factor in the twofold construction with aliefan is its double regimen (with an accusative and a dative) when transitive, for, as we shall see in the next chapter, double regimen is, with many verbs, a prolific source of confusion between the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive in the objective function. In the single example of the uninflected infinitive as subject of beon plus betere {Mk. 9.47) and in the two of beon plus selre (Napier's Ad. to Th. 101.332' ', /Elf. L. S. XXV. 144''), the distance of the infinitive from the verb phrase doubtless contributes to the lack of inflection, for, with selre, the first of the two infinitives in a series {^If. L. S. XXV. 144») is inflected, while the second, with an adverb preceding, is uninflected. It is only fair to state that in Matthew 18.9 we have the inflected infinitive with beon plus betere although the infinitive is as far removed from the verb phrase as in Mark 9.47; but in the other ex- amples the infinitive is very near the verb. In the example oifremman (fremian), ' help,' with an inflected infinitive as subject (Mat. 19.10), we have what we should naturally expect. That, con- trary to expectation, we find the uninflected infinitive, gedon, in /Elf. Horn. I. 394™, with only two words intervening between it and fremede, is probably due to the confusion of meaning between fremman (fremian) in the sense of ' effect ' and in the sense of ' benefit,' and to the consequent double regimen ot fremman (with an accusative or a dative). In the two passages in question, /remmon (fremian) clearly has the latter of the two meanings. Of the seven examples of the uninflected infinitive with gebyrian, one (L. 11.42'') is the second of a series of two infinitives with several words intervening between the infinitives. One (L. 12.12) precedes the finite verb in Anglo- Saxon, and corresponds to an accusative and predicative infinitive in the Latin original. Two (L. 24.26''' ^) are appreciably separated from the finite verb. One (Mat. 18.33) is near the finite verb, but translates a Latin accusative and predicative infinitive, and may itself be considered an instance of the predicative infinitive in Anglo-Saxon, as may the remaining two (L. 15.32»' ^). Personally, however, I believe that, in Mat. 18.33 and in L. 15.32»' •>, the Anglo-Saxon infinitive is subjective, but I doubt not that the Latin accusative-with-infinitive construction, present in the passage from Matthew and in three other passages with gebyrian in Luke, may have had something to do with the absence of inflection in Anglo-Saxon. Perhaps, also, the twofold meaning of gebyrian (' happen ' and ' be fitting ') in part accounts for the use of the two infinitives. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 23 Of the eleven examples of the uninflected infinitive as subject of gedafenian, two (Bede 74.22,342.18) are very near the finite verb, but correspond, the former to a Latin accusative and infinitive and the latter to a Latin noun in the accusa- tive, and the latter may be a predicative infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. Two (Mf. Horn. 11. SIS-"* and Mf. L. S. 240.31) are each the second in a series of two infinitives in each of which series the &-st infinitive is inflected, and the second is appreciably separated from the first. The remaining seven are separated from the finite verb. But the datival force of the verb, gedafenian, occasionally is stronger than the influence of separation, as in ^If. L. S. 240.30, XXIII B. 238'', in each of which we have the inflected infinitive despite the separation of infinitive from finite verb. In the remaining sixteen examples of the inflected infinitive, the infinitive is very near the finite verb, usually in immediate juxta- position therewith. In the single instance of an uninflected infinitive as the subject of gelidan (L. 12.32), the infinitive is separated from the verb, but by only two words. In one of the three instances of the subjective inflected infinitive (flros. 106.24), the infinitive is separated from the verb by ten words; in the other two the infinitive is in close proximity. In one instance of the uninflected infinitive as subject of lician (Bede 276.12), the infinitive phrase corresponds to a Latin accusative and infinitive, and we may possibly have the same idiom in Anglo-Saxon. In another instance of the uninflected infinitive {^If. L. S. 308.32), the infinitive is the second of a series of two infinitives the first of which is inflected, and is considerably removed from the second. In the four instances of the inflected infinitive, the infinitive is near the finite verb, in two instances in inmiediate juxtaposition. That the original idiom with lystan was the uninflected infinitive is evident. Only the uninflected infinitive is found in the poetry (7 examples). In a total, in prose and in poetry, of about 65 examples, 61 are uninflected, and this despite the fact that in a majority of these cases, in both poetry and prose, the infini- tive is in close proximity to, in many instances in juxtaposition with, the finite verb (lystan). But why have we with this verb the uninflected rather than the inflected infinitive, especially when the infinitive is so often so near the finite verb, and when, on a first glance, lystan seems in sense so closely akin to what for lack of a better word I have termed the datival verbs ? The answer seems to be that the kinship is in reality not so close as it appears, for, while the datival verbs often govern a dative, lystan seldom does so: on the contrary, as is well known, it governs habitually the accusative of the person and the geni- tive of the thing. It is not imnatural, therefore, that its subjective infinitive should be, as it almost always is, uninflected. The surprise is rather that we find, in four instances (Oros. 102.25; Solil. 14.23, 59.33»' *>), the inflected infini- tive as subject, — a fact that may be partially due to the distm-bing influence of the comparative adverb * immediately preceding the infinitive in each ex- ample, but more largely, perhaps, to the double regimen of lystan (an accusative, occasionally a dative, of the person and a genitive of the thing). In the single example of an uninflected infinitive as the subject of anhagian (Greg. 289.16), the infinitive is removed by three words from its verb. Even greater separation, however, fails to withstand the datival force of anhagian in 1 The comparative adverb has no such disturbing influence in Solil. 42.4^' ^. 24 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Solil. 65.10 and in ^If. Horn. I. 448* K In the remaining examples the inflected infinitive is in close proximity to anhagian. To Slim up the matter: verbs and verbal phrases that govern a da,tive (or occasionally a genitive) normally have the inflected infinitive as subject, es- pecially if the infinitive is near its principal verb. But occasionally even with these verbs we have an iminflected infinitive as subject, the lack of inflection being due partly to remoteness of the infinitive from the finite verb, whether the infinitive occurs singly or in a series; partly to the appearance of the accu- sative with an infinitive in the Latin original; and partly to the analogical influence of the verbs that naturally take an uninflected infinitive as subject. Other verbs than these habitually take the uninflected infinitive as subject; but here, too, the analogical influence is at times strongly at work, beon, for instance, having as subject the inflected infinitive out of analogy to beon plus a dative-governing adjective. Still other disturbing factors are diversity of meaning in the principal verb, as in fremman, gebyrian, geweorSan, ge&yncan; and double regimen of the principal verb, as in aliefan, fremman, and lystan. With the passive verbs the differentiation between the two infinitives seems to rest upon the same principle as with the active verbs. As before, the inflected infinitive occurs dominantly with the datival verbs: aliefan, and Sencan or Syncan plus an adjective or adverb. In the few instances in which the unin- flected infinitive occurs as subject of these verbs, the infinitive is appreciably removed from the principal verb. When the inflected infinitive is used, in nearly all cases the infinitive is in close proximity to, usually in juxtaposition with, the chief verb, the exceptions to the last statement, with aliefan, being Bl. Horn. 137.15 and Mat. 12.12, 19.3, in which several words intervene be- tween infinitive and verb; and Wulf. 227.12'*, 13, and 285.13, in which we have the second and third infinitives of a series inflected as well as the first. The passive verb seems, therefore, to project its influence, in the case of aliefan, somewhat further than does the active. The inflected infinitive after Ic^an {Boeth. 42.9) may be final rather than subjective; in either case the inflection is doubtless due to the presence of a gerund in the Latin original. That in Late West-Saxon the inflected infinitive is found with forgiefan {Mf. L. S. XXIX. 134»> ">) and (ge)sellan (Mat. 13.11) is not surprising. That both infinitives are found as subject with bebeodan may be due to the double regimen of this verb, which governs a dative of the person and an accusa- tive of the thing, and, as we shall see in the next chapter, has as object each infinitive. But each of these inflected infinitives may be considered final; and one (Bede 206.16) was doubtless suggested by the gerundive of the Latin original. This theory that the inflected infinitive as subject in Anglo-Saxon is largely due to attraction, seems to me supported, if not confirmed, by what happened to the infinitive in New Testament Greek. In his Syntax of the Moods and Tenses in New Testament Greek, Professor E. D. Burton devotes §§ 404-405 to "The Infinitive with rov as Subject or Object." Here we read: "The Infinitive with rov is used even as the subject of a finite verb or as the object of transitive verbs which regularly take a direct THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 25 object. This is a wide departure from classical usage, and indicates that the sense of the genitive character of the article toC before the Infinitive was partly lost in later Greek. . . . The origin of this use of the Infinitive with tov is (sic!) perhaps in such usages as appear in Luke 17 : 1 ; 1 Cor. 16:4; and still more in such as that in Luke 4:10. In Luke 17:1 the genitive is apparently suggested by the idea of hindering or avoiding in the adjective dvci/ScKTov, in 1 Cor. 16:4 it is the adjective aftov which gives occa- sion to the genitive ; but in both cases the Infinitive seems to be logically the subject of the copulative verb, the adjective being the predicate. Whether this construction represents the thought in the mind of the writer, or whether the expression is rather to be regarded as an impersonal one, the Infinitive being dependent on the predicate adjective, cannot with confidence be de- cided. Such usages as Luke 4:10 and 5:7 doubtless owe their origin to the same mental process by which a clause introduced by Iva came to stand as the object of a verb of exhorting. Ps. Sol. 2:28 compared with Luke 12:45 is also suggestive. It is doubtless the idea of hindering in xpo^iiui that gives rise to the genitive in the former passage; in the latter the Infinitive is a direct object." Again, this explanation of the Anglo-Saxon inflected infinitive as subject seems to me supported by the fact that, in the Slavic languages, after verbs and verbal phrases that govern a dative, we frequently have a dative-with- infinitive instead of an accusative-with-infinitive construction: see Chapter IX and section ix of Chapter XVI. The chief support of the theory, however, is to be found in the fact that, as we shall see in Chapter XVI, section i, the theory applies to the Germanic languages as a whole. The foregoing attempt at differentiating the two forms of the infinitive as subject is, I believe, almost entirely my own. Of the influence of attraction upon the infinitive in New Testament Greek and in the Slavic languages, I did not become aware imtil after I had worked out the theory above given as to the subjective infinitive in Anglo-Saxon, while I was hunting for confirma- tion of that theory in the kindred Indo-Germanic languages. Dr. Van Draat, in his " The Infinitive with and without Preceding to," says nothing of the Anglo- Saxon period. Dr. Kellner, in his " Abwechselung und Tautologie," gives several examples of the interchange of iminflected and inflected infinitive in Middle English, which he believes due to a more or less conscious striving after variety, but he says nothing of the interchange in Anglo-Saxon. Professor C. A. Smith, in his Studies in English Syntax, pp. 41-42, has an interesting note on the interchange of simple and prepositional infinitive after auxiliaries in Shakespeare, in which he discusses the influence upon the infinitive of proximity to the chief verb, but he says nothing of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon or of the subjective infinitive in Shakespeare. Professor Einenkel, in his " Der Infinitiv im Mittel- englischen," p. 84, speaks of the confusion between a subjective infinitive and an infinitive dependent on an adjective in Middle English as follows: " 1st das infinitivische subject eines adjectivs von einem objectsnomen begleitet, so tritt in den meisten fallen eine kreuzung ein mit dem unter dem infinitiv des zweckes verzeichneten belege: he is good to see {love etc.), das heisst, das objectsnomen wird zum subject gemacht, wahrend das friihere infinitivische subject eine func- tion erhalt, die einem gewohnlichen zwecksinfinitiv zum verwechseln ahnelt; " 26 THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. but he does not discuss the confusion in Anglo-Saxon. Professor Kenyon, m his The Syntax of the Infinitive in Chaucer, pp. 49-50, quotes the preceding statement by Einenkel, and adds this interesting conunent: " Einenkel does not here distinguish very clearly between the simple and prepositional mfimtive, but his examples show that he has the latter in mind. My collections from O. E. [= A. S.] are not sufficient to test thoroughly his assumption that the prepositional infinitive as subject in this construction is the original syntax (or, what is equivalent, the simple infinitive, later replaced by the preposi- tional). But certain considerations seem to point to the zwecksinfinitiv as the original construction." Dr. Kenyon then details his reasons for his belief in the priority of the final use of the inflected infinitive with adjectives to the sub- jective use with verbal phrases, which are too long for quotation in full, but which may be briefly summarized as follows: (1) " The original function of the prepositional infinitive in 0. E. was to denote purpose, and (according to Kohler, p. 47, § 10) it was so used first with nouns and adjectives." (2) The use of the uninflected infinitive as subject is rare in Beowulf and in Alfred. (3) The inflected infinitive with verb phrases is so often ambiguous in Beowulf and in Alfred that the number of examples in which the infinitive is clearly subjective is, Dr. Kenyon thinks, decidedly smaller than that of the examples in which the inflected infinitive is complementary to adjective or noun. I am not sure that the complete statistics given by me will enable one confidently to decide the question propounded by Dr. Kenyon. But my own belief is that the use of the inflected infinitive as subject of verbal phrases is probably con- temporaneous with the use of the inflected infinitive as the complement of an adjective, for in each use it is found in the poetry and in the more original prose as well as in the translations and in the later prose. Moreover, while, as stated at the outset of Chapter I, the use of the infinitive is ambiguous in a number of examples, the number of ambiguous examples seems smaller to me than to Dr. Kenyon. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. The passive infinitive is occasionally found as the subject of these active verbs: — beon, be, plus an adjective. gelimpan, happen. gebyrian, he fitting. lystan, please. gedafenian, he fitting. As the examples quoted below show, the passive infinitive is made up of heon plus the past participle, and the infinitive part of the phrase is never inflected, although the participle part occasionally is. The examples in full are: — beon, he, plus an adjective: Mf. L. S. XXIII B. 438, 439: rihtlic is me swa besmitenre fram tJinre claenan ungewemmednysse beon ascirod and fram aworpen. Napier's Ad. to Th. 101.322' '': selre tJe bicf anegede faran to heofonan rice, tJonne mid twam eagum beon aworpen on ece susle. [Cf. Mat. IS-g"*: betere tSe ys mid anum eagan on life to garme, tSorme tSu si mid twam asend on helle fyr, = bonum tibi est cum uno oculo in vitam intrare, quam duos oculos habentem mitti in gehennam ignis.] THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 27 gebyrian, befitting'' L. 13.16: ne gebyrede hyre beon unbunden of t5issum bende on restedasge? "filiam . . . non oportuit solvi a vinculo isto die sabbati? — 76. 17.25: ^ryst him gebyred tSset he fela tSinga tSolige, and beon fram tSisse cneorysse aworpen = Primum autem oportet ilium multa pati, et reprobari a generatione hac. gedaf enian, be fitting: ^If. L. S. XXX. 125 : swa tSe eac gedaf enaS to efstenne . . . and . . . beon gecostnod. gelimpan, happen: Bede 382.13: tSa gelamp him . . . tSurh reliquias . . . gehaeledne beon = 280.3: contigit eum . . . per . . . reliquias sanari. lystan, please: Wcerf. 287.14: tSa Suhte hire, tSset hire lyste beon to tSam maegdenum geSeoded = 348 C: Quibus ilia cum admisceri appeteret. For the subjective infinitive in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section i.] NOTES. 1. The Subjective Infinitive in a Series. — In the following passages, quoted on the pages indicated, we have a series of infinitives in which the first is inflected, but the succeeding is not: Mf. Horn. II. 318"" »• ^ p. 16; Mf. L. S. 240.30, 31, p. 16; ib. 308.30, 32, p. 17; ib. XXV. 144»- *•, p. 15; Mk. SA'^^- ", p. 14; L. 11.42"' *>, p. 15. In the following passages we have a series of infinitives in which each infinitive is inflected: — (1) with active verbs: Boeth. 139.29,30; Greg. 151.8^ 9^-^; i6. 203.17, 18; *.217.12»-''; Oros. 44. 14"-''; Solil.32.1GI^^;ib. 59.33»' i"; PfcET/. 334.22, 23; Bened. 10.3»' ''; Mf. Horn. I. 362'' ^ =, II. 444'' i- «; Mf. L. S. XXIII B. 228^-''; Wulf. 211.24*'''; *. 241.21»'''; Minor Prose: Cato 63=-''; Poems: Ps. 117.8"-''; *. 117.9'''''; —(2) with passive verbs: Wulf. 227.12»' '', 13; ib. 285.12, 13. — It seems useless to give the series in which each infinitive is iminflected. 2. The Infinitive Occasionally Alternates ivith a Clause, as in Oros. 106.24, quoted on p. 16 above; /Elf. Horn. I. 164', quoted on p. 8; Mat. 19.24, quoted on p. 11; and L. 17.25 (pas- sive infinitive), quoted on p. 27. Dr. Kellner, in his " Abwechselung und Tautologie," p. 6, cites the passage from Orosius (but not the others), and seems to consider it an example of con- scious variation for the sake of variety, and it may be; but to me the variation in each of the examples that I here cite seems due to chance rather than to conscious art. 3. The Infinitive Alternates viith a Noun in Wulf. 196.7 (tJas lyfta and windas he astjratS to tJan switSe, tSaet mannum SincS heota dea& leofra, Sonne Sone egesan to gehyranne) and in Bl. Horn. 137.15 (quoted on p. 19). CHAPTER II. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Finite Verb. The active infinitive as the Object of an active verb occurs about 3238 times. The objective infinitive is more commonly uninflected than inflected, there being 2709 examples of the former to 529 of the latter. Of the total of 3238 examples of the objective infinitive, about 508 occur in the poetry, of which 491 examples are uninflected and 17 are inflected. As to the prose, the objective use of the infinitive is found in Early West Saxon and in Late West Saxon, in the more original prose as well as in the translations from the Latin. The objective infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, normally follows the finite verb, but in each form occasionally precedes it, both in prose and in poetry. With the uninflected infinitive, pre-position is foimd nearly 150 times in the prose out of a total of 2216 and about 115 times in the poems out of a total of 491 . In the prose, pre-position is not infrequently due to the fact that in the Latin original the infinitive precedes the finite verb, as in Bede 412.26 (he tSa his geferum . . . brytian gemde= 298.25: prodesse curdbat) and ib. 426.3 (ic oft scBcgan herde= 305.16: de . . . tormentibus . . . narrari . . . audivi) ; occasionally to the fact that the infinitive occurs in a dependent clause, as in ^If. L. S. 286.62 (Sonne we bee raedatS otStSe rcsdan gehyraS) and ib. 502.255 (tSa halgan tSe he ealre worulde . . . onwreon gemynte). But neither of these two influences is strong enough to counteract the general tendency to post- position, which is frequently found under such conditions, as in Wcerf. 207.4 (se bera . . . , t5one he gevmnode for bilewitnesse brotSor dgan - 252 C*: vocare consueverat) and ib. 84.18 (he ongan . . . weopan = 209 A': fiere . . . coipit). In the poetry, pre-position is relatively more frequent than in the prose, and seems to be due in many cases to the exigencies of meter, the infinitive often carrying the alliterating letter, as in Beow. 3095 (worn eall gesprsec gomol on gehtSo and eowic gretan het) and in Gen. 1856 (otS tSset he loedan heht leoflic wif to his selfes sele). No doubt, at times, both in poetry and in prose, pre-position is used merely for the sake of variety. The following is a complete list of the passages in which pre-position of the uninflected infinitive occurs, arranged in alphabetic sequence of the governing verb, which is here cited in the infinitive form: — aginnan: Laws 310, II Cnut, c. 4; — bebeodan [bi-]: Ju. 232; — don: Mf. L. S. 2U.90; — gehieran [-e-, -*-, -y-]: Wcerf. 186.1; JSlf. Horn. II. 350*, 460*; Mf. Hept.: Pref. to Gen. 22.10; Judges: Epilogue, p. 265, 1. 6; Mf. L. S. 286.62, 500.225, XXIII B. 215; L(Bce. 153.9; Ps. 1S1.6; — gemed(e)mian: Laws 410, Judic. Dei, IV, c. 3, 5 2; lb. §4; — gemyntan: .^If. L. S. 502.255; — geseon: JElf. Horn. II. 186*; — geswUxm: L. 5A; — gieman [-e-, -y-]: Bede 364.1, 412.26, 442.2; — hatan: Bede 238.27, 308.14; Greg. 3.2; Oros. 44.8, 96.18, 114.33, 122.1, 164.32, 168.27, 228.8"; Chron. 91", 897 A"; Laws 46, MUred, Intr., c. 49, § 9»; Bened. 15.8, 86.15; Mart. 24.27, 46.25, 152.21, 218.23; Mf. Horn. 1. 442*, 470', 478' », 484*», 508'' ; II. 122^ 304'", 384* >• ', 480"; .lElf. L. S. 114.420, 154.112, 190.365, 414.6, 484.194, XXV. 130, 380; Minor Prose: Nic. 514.14; Beow. 674, 3095; Gen. 28 THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 29 1060, 1856; Dan. 229; El. 129, 862; Ju. 161, 254, 303, 575, 579; Gu. 1344, 1348; And. 587; Ps. 50.18"; H. L. 12; S. & S. 275; — hieran [-«-, -4-, -2/-]: Bede 348.26, 426.3, 430.12; Oros. 156.9, 286.7; Chron. 64^ 851 A; Wcerf. 2.16; Minor Prose: Coto, Zusatze, p. 53, 1. 21; Beow. 273, 582, 875; Chr. 73; And. 1176; FoJ. 83; — tetere; Oros. 258.18, 19; 296.29; Bened. 110.19; Wulf. i5.25; — myntan: Bl. Horn. 223.11, 16; A. S. Horn, dk L. 8. II. 13.167, 251; — onginnan: Bede 24.23, 34.19, 56.1, 56.16, 148.30, 154.34, 174.12, 182.8, 256.24, 286.22, 288.10, 362.29, 454.15, 462.17, 466.22; Boeth. 25.9, 91.2, 104.31; Oros. 60.30, 62.2, 94.34, 106.6, 110.6, 116.28, 218.14, 262.16; Laws 306, I Cnut, c. 26, § 1; Wcerf. 14.14, 32.18, 290.7; Bl. Horn. 105.6, 221.8, 18; Pr. Gu. TV. 27, 34; XX. 33; Mf. Horn. II. 138^ 472^ 502'= ', 618' »; JElf. L. S. 32.118, XXIII B. 275, 532, 723, XXXI. 1365; A. S. Horn, and L. S. II. 18.152; Wvlf. 191.9, 250.17, 255.9, 262.11; Minor Prose: Apol. 27.12'', 28; Beow. 244; Gm. 275, 298, 995, 1355, 1681, 2811, 2887; Dan. 49, 170, 190, 539, 750; Ju. 298; El. 157, 303, 306, 311, 570, 697, 849, 1067, 1163; Gu. 533; And. 1419; Met. 25.69, 26.80; Ps. 68.27, 76.10. 77.2, 101.6, 106.36, 118.161, 138.16; Rid. 29.11, 32.9, 55.10; Jud. 42, 81; Ph. 188; Minor Poems: Cal. 73; Doomsday 97; D. R. 73, 116; FaUen Angels 78; Har. 279; Pharao 3; Prayers III. lQ; — secan: Bl. Horn. 167.2; Wald.A. 18, 20; — tUian: Bl. Fom. 165.31"'''; Met. 10.22, 11.79; — Sencan: Bede 36.8; Boeth. 93.31, 103.20; Greg. 343.21; Oros. 44.32, 54.21, 78.30, 132.12, 150.12, 200.17, 230.2, 242.6, 258.15, 258.29; Wcerf. 239.6; Bmed. 23.3; Minor Prose: Bened. Of.: 62.24; Beow. 355, 448, 541, 739, 800, 964, 1535; Gm. 1274, 2891; Ex. 51; /m. 637; El. 296; Gu, 260, 274, 277, 298; And. 150, 693; Ps. 63.3, 88.22, 88.30, 93.20% 107.8, 118.91, 118.107, 118.109, 131.15, 149.7% 149.8'; Charms V, C, 16, 17; D. R. 121; Fallen Angels 183, 208, 364; Gnomic Sayings (Exeter MS.) 116; L. P. II. 25; Maldon 258, 316, 319. Pre-position of the inflected infinitive is found only about half a dozen times, all in prose: Bede 258.8: Ond he rehte endebyrdnesse lifes seteawde, 7 rihte Eastran to weorSianne Icerde = 204.20: rectum uiuendi ordinem, ritum celebrandi paschae canonicum . . . disseminabat; Laws 102, Ine B, c. 30: Gif man cyrliscne Tiia,mia,n flymanfeormienne teo, be his agenon were geladige [he] hine; ^Z/. L. S. 530.704: on Sam fyrmestan dagan tSe decius se casere to rixianne begann; Mlf. Hept.: Ex. 16.23: gearwiatJ to morgen, Sset ge to gearwienne hoBbbon = quad coguenda sunt, coquite; Mai. 20.22: Mage gyt drincan tSone calic t5e ic to drincenne hcebbe f = Potestis bibere calicem quern ego bibiturus sum ? Lcece. 58.27: sefter tSam spiwatS, sona him to gifanne biddaJS. In some of the foregoing examples (JBede 258.8 and Ex. 16.23) the pre-position of the infini- tive is probably due to the fact that its Latin equivalent precedes the finite verb; in some {Mlf. L. S. 530.704), to the fact that the infinitive occurs in a dependent clause; but, as a rule, neither of these two influences overthrows the normal postposition, as is evident from sentences like the following, which are not infrequent: Bede 372.12: tSu wast Sset ic . . . teolode to lifigenne to . . . bebode = 275.1: ad . . . imperium . . . uiuere studui; JElf. L. S. XXV. 36: mete, tSe moyses forbead godes folce to Sicgenne. I have given the full lists of the pre-positive infinitives because it has been claimed by some that pre-position strongly tends to the use of the uninflected infinitive, and postposition to the use of the inflected form, but, as it seems to me, without much ground for the claim: see the section on the differentiation of the two objective infinitives, especially of the infinitive after Sencan. The objective infinitive that is active in form, whether uninflected or inflected, seems to me prevailingly, if not exclusively, active in sense. Some,* however, hold that the uninflected infinitive, though active in form, is passive ■ Among them are Grimm, I. c, IV, pp. 61-63; Wilhelm, I. c, p. 36; Jolly, I. c, pp. 163-164; Bernhardt,' I. c, pp. 383-384; Steig, I. c, p. 311; Wolfing,! I. c, II, pp. 47, 189, 191; Zeitlin,' I. c, pp. 44-45; K. Kohler, I.e., p. 7; Kellner.i I. c, pp. 85, 97; Wilmanns, I. c, pp. 163-167. On the whole, these scholars contend that the infinitive after the verbs named ia not necessarily but preferably to be considered passive in sense. 30 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. in sense, after verbs of commanding, of causing, and of sense perception, in sentences like the following: Beow. 1920: Het tSa up beran aetSelinga gestreon; Bede 344.21, 22: him ondweardum het secgan tSaet swefn 7 tSset leotS singan-= 260.17"''': iussus est . . . indicare sommaia et dicere cairmen; — And.3Q7: Lat nu geferian flotan userne, lid to lande; Boeth. 133.25: sume he Imt Srea^an mid heardum broce = 113.142: quosdam remordet, ne longa felicitate luxurient: alios duris agitari, ut uirtutes animi patientiae . . . confirment; ^If. L. S, 512.417: se . . . man let tSser rmran . . . cytan; — Bl. Horn. 15.28: we nu gehyrdon t5is . . . godspell beforan us rcedan; Chron. 199*, 1066 E: Da tSe cyng W. geherde Saet secgen. The advocates of the passive interpretation hold, of course, that the accusative case in the above examples is the subject of the infinitive, while their opponents ^ consider it the object of the infinitive. In favor of the passive interpretation of the infinitive are these facts: that, as the examples in this chapter show, very frequently the Anglo-Saxon infinitive active in form, with or without an accompanying accusative, translates a Latin passive infinitive (with or without an accusative subject) and not infrequently a passive indicative; and that, in most if not all such instances of the infinitive after these verbs in Anglo-Saxon, the infinitive, though active in form, may in modern English be appropriately rendered by the passive infinitive, and the accusative rendered as the subject instead of the object, — a rendition likewise possible in most of the Germanic languages. But, despite this, I must hold that, to the Anglo-Saxon, the infinitive in this idiom habitually seemed active in sense as in form. As we shall see later, for the infinitive that is passive in form as well as in sense, in nearly all its uses, the Anglo-Saxon at first had next to no feeling, and was very slow in borrowing it from the Latin. The same thing is true of the Germanic people as a whole, as will be shown in Chapter XVI. Again, in a very large number of instances the Anglo-Saxon active infinitive after these verbs translates a Latin accusative and predicative active infinitive or a Latin active finite verb. In hundreds of passages, in the poems, in the more original prose, and in the translations, we find these verbs followed by an accusative subject to an infinitive that has at the same time an accusative object, — a fact that proves that there at least the infinitive is of necessity active in sense. Of less weight, but worthy of consideration is the fact that, in the alleged instances of the active infinitive used in a passive sense, very often (except with pronouns) the accusative has postposition — the place for the object accusative — rather than pre-position, as is usual with the subjec- tive accusative. Noteworthy, too, is the survival, in the colloquial " I never heard tell of such a thing," of this objective infinitive active in English, and its very frequent use, both in speech and in writing, in modern German, In a word, the possibility of the passive interpretation of these infinitives is not denied; but it is contended that the active interpretation is more consonant with all the facts so far discovered as to the infinitive, and is truer to the genius of Anglo-Saxon and of the Germanic languages in general. At times it is difiicult to decide whether an infinitive is objective or whether it is adverbial or, occasionally, adjectival. These doubtful cases are indicated 1 Among these may be mentioned; Erdmann,' I. c, I, pp. 200, 205; Deneeke, I. c, pp. 5-6; Wunderlich,' I. e., p. 125; and Smith,' C. A., who, p. 72, writes: "Het Ss bsere settan, ' He bade set down the bier,' not ' He commanded the bier to be set down.' The Mn. E. passive in such sentences is a loss both in force and io direotnesB." THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 31 in the examples, and can not easily be grouped here for collective treatment. Students and critics of my study will generously bear in mind the inherent difficulty of the subject itself, a difficulty enhanced in the present instance by the large mass of examples to be considered and by the fact that many previous investigators, in both the Anglo-Saxon and in the Germanic fields, have not sought to separate the objective infinitives from the adverbial uses in the narrower sense of the latter term. I. The uninflected infinitive only is found as the object of the following groups of verbs: — 1. Oftenest with certain Verbs of Commanding and the like, of which group the chief representative is hatan, ' command,' ' order.' The complete list is as follows: abiddan, hid, command, which occurs only hatan, command, order, which occurs over a once. thousand times. 2. Next most frequently with certain Verbs of Causing and Permitting, of which the chief representative is Icetan, ' allow,' ' cause ' : don, do, cause. laetan, allow, cause. forgiefan, grant, allow. 3. Less frequently with the following Verbs of Sense Perception : gehieran, hear. ofseon, see. geseon, see. seen, see. hieran, hear. 4. Occasionally with the following Verbs of Mental Perception : gefrignan, learn by inquiry. hogian, think, intend. gehogian, think, intend. tweogan [tweon], doiibt. geteon, determine. 5. Occasionally with the following Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing: blinnan, cease, stop. ginnan, begin. forieldan, delay, defer. 6. Occasionally with the following Verbs of Inclination and of Will: behealdan, take care. getSyrstigan, presume, undertake. cunnlan, attempt. lystan, desire, yearn. forefon, presume, undertake. onmedan, presume, undertake. ge-eaSmodigan, deign, vouchsafe. wunian, use, be wont. gegiemian, desire. The following are typical examples: — 1. Verbs of Commanding etc. : — abiddan, bid, command: JElf. Horn. II. 422*" ': se apostol abosd him wseter beran. hatan, command, order: Beow. 199: Het him ytSlidan godne gegyrwan. — lb. 674: gehedldan het hildegeatwe. Gen. 1856: otJ tSaet he Icedan heht leoflice wif to his selfes sele. Dan. 242 : het hie hratSe bcernan. 32 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Chr. 253 : tJa gyldnan geatu . . . hat ontynan. El. 104: Heht . . . Constantinus Cristes rode gewyrcan. Ju. 142»- •», 143: het hi tSa swingan, susle Sreagan, witum wcegan. Gu. 1344: tSe secgan het, 6set etc. And. 1272: Heton ut hraeSe setSeling loedan in wratSra geweald. Be(fe 36.3'' »•: jfifei hine tSa teon 7 Icedan to Sam deofolgyldum = 19.6: eum iussit pertrahi. — lb. 40.18: het Sa sona blinnan fram ehtnysse cristenra manna =• 21.21: cessari mox a persecutione praecepit. — lb. 44.8: tSam dice . . ., tSe we gemynegodon tSaet Seuerus . . . het Swyrs ofer tSaet ealond gedician = 25.10: intra uallum, quod Seuerum . . . fedsse commemorauimus. — lb. 46.5''- '': tSaer Seuerus . . . iu hetdidan 7 eor'Sweall gewyrcan = 27.19: ubi Seuerus quondam uallum /ecerai. — 76. 90.20: se cyning weorBlice cyrcan heht getimbran = 70.20: eius hortatu Aedelberct ecclesiam . . . construxit. — lb. 110.12: gesetennisse . . . heht on Englisc gewritan = 90.12: quae conscripta Anglorum sermone • . . habentur. — 76. 136.12: Da het se cyning swa don= 112.25: Quod cum iubente rege faceret. — 76. 166.28: Da het se papa hine to biscope gehalgian = 139.16: in episcopatus consecratus est gradum. — 76. 440.2*: heht me beran to raedanne = 312.16'': iussit uni . . . mihi ad legendum deferre. Boeth. 37.8*' '': t5a het he hi bindan 7 on balcan lecgan= 41.35: Regulus plures . . . in uincla coniecerat. — 76. 39.19: Se het . . . forbcernan sealle Romeburg = 43.2»: urbe flammata. Greg. 3.1: MUred kyning hated gretan WaerferS biscep his wordum luflice & freondlice = 0. Oros. 44.8: aerendracan . . . asende to t5sere tSeode, 7 him untweogendlice secgan het tSaet etc. = 45.6: missis . . . legatis, qui . . . dicererU. — 76. 52.24 »■ •': hu se cyning het his sunu ofslean, 7 hiene siSSan tSsem feeder to mete gegierwan = 53.19: cum filium ejus interfedt, epulandumque patri adposuit. — 76. 120.33: tJaet se setSeling, . . . Pontius . . . ., het acsian tJone cyning his faeder, . . . hwaetSeretc. = 121.26: Pontius . . . ut Herennium p&tTem. consid- endum putaret, utrum etc. — 76. 288.12: he het oflsean Percopiosus = 289.8: Procopium . . . occidit. Chron. 25"", 626 E»: 3ser he ser het getimbrian cyrican of treowe. — 76. 91", 897 A": he hie Sser ahon het. Laws 182, VI .^thelstan, c. 12, § 1 : Saet se cyng . . . het cySan t5am arce- biscope. Wosrf. 50.29, 30: tJa heht he tSa gesomnian 7 don on bydene = 185 A: eas colligi prcBcepit. — 76. 202.7: heom Sa sona het syUan 6a andlyfne = 245 C: Quibus illico alimenta quae detulerat praebuit. Bened. 86.15: Gif hit . . . se abbod underfon hate= 154.17: Quod si jusserit susdpi. Bl. Horn. 175.1: ?5a heht he Simon Bone dry infeccan. Mart. 26.3: he het hine mid straelum ofscotian. Mlf. Horn. I. 58'' *: se het afyllan ane cyfe mid weallendum ele. — 76. I. 464'': Da het se apostol tolysan t5a rapas. Mlf. L. S. XXV. 448: het abrecan tSone weall. — 76. XXXII. 122: het hine Sa beheafdian. Mlf. Hept.: Gen. 40.19: hcet Pharao t5e ahon = Pharao suspendet te. — Gen. 41.10: het sceofan me ... on cweartern = me retncdi jussit in carcerem. — Jos. 2.1: het sceaman tSset land = dixit eis: Ite et considerate terram. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 33 Gosp.: Mat. 27.58: Da het Pilatus agyfan him tJone lichamau = Tunc filatus jussit reddi corpus. — L. 8.55": he het hyre syllan etan = jwssii illi dart manducare. ci: Sa leot he radon tSa gewrite. — 76. US'", 963 E*: se biscop . . . leot macen tSone mynstre. — lb. 157'', 1023 C**: he let ferian , . . .iElfeges reliquias. Wcerf. 341.36: gif hi letaS hi selfe bebyrgan on haligre stowe = 416 B: si in sacro loco sepeliri se faciant. Bened. 110.19: hine gehadian kete = 0. Bl. Horn. 13.9: tSonne ne keteS he us no costian ofer gemet. Mlf. Horn. I. 150'': we sceolon . . . Icetan hi tSaer bletsian. Mlj. Hept.: Ex. 12.23: he . . . ne fet sfeon nanne mann on eowrum husum = non sinet percussorem ingredi domos vestros et Icedere. — Deut. 32.39: ic ofslea and ic loete libban = occidam et ego vivere fadam. — Judges 16.18: heo let tSa swa [fetian Philistea ealdreas] = Misitque ilia ad principes Philisthinorum ac mandavit. Mat. 5.45: he Imt rinan ofer tSa rihtwisan and ofer tSa imrihtwisan = et pluit super justos et injustos. — lb. 27.26»: tSone Haelynd he let svnngan = Jesum autem flagellatum tradidit eis. Wulf. 125.13: ne hxt tSu us costnian ealles to swytSe. 34 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. LcBce. 138.2, 3»' ''• ", 4: loBt niman senne greatne cwurnstan 7 /wEtaw hine 7 Zecffara hine under Sone man 7 mman wselwyrt ... 7 iecgian uppan tSone stan. 3. Verbs of Sense Perception: — gehieran, hear: El. 661: We . . . tSis nsefre tSurh . . . mannes muS gehyrdon haeletSum cySan butan her nu. Gm. 1095: swa he aer ne sits . . . lare fife%rde ne swa deoplice drihtnes geryne tJurh . . . mutS areccan. Ps. 131.6: Efne we tSas eall on Eufraten soecgean gehyrdon. Bede 330.17: men Sa ?Se tSas tSing gehyrdon secgan = 252.4: Multique haec . . . audientes, accensi sunt in fide. Boeth. 98.26: tSu geherdest oft reccan on . . . spellimi = 84.64: Accepisti ... in fabulis. — lb. 142.26: we geherad hwiliun secgan tSaet etc. = 0. Greg. 427.17: ac tSonne hi hit heriatS, tJonne IseratS hi hit selcne tSara Se hit gehierS herian = 350.22: quot audientium mentes iniqua lavdantes decent. Solil. 50.6: we gehyraS reden (sic!) on tSam godspelle tSaet Crist cwsede = 0. [Professor Hargrove considers reden a past participle, but I take it to be an infinitive.] Pr. Ps. 41.3: tSonne ic gehyrde to me cweSan = 41.4: dum dicitur mihi. Wosrf. 11.17: waes gewuna, tSaet man hwilum ymb fisc gehyrde sprecan = 153 D: pisces audiri consueverant, non videri. — 76. 186.1: swa swa he aer secgan gehyrde >= 225 C: sed probare studuit quod avdivit. — lb. 338.1'': he . . , gehyrde eft cweSan to him on andsware = 408 A': responsum protinus audivit, dicens. Pr. Gu. IV. 2: swa swa ic gehyrde secgan = sicut . . . aitdivi. MIJ. Horn. I. 284*: Donne tSu gehyrst nemnan tJone Faeder. jElf. L. S. 286.62: Sonne we bee rsedatJ dStSe roedan gehyraS. — lb. XXXI. 694: t5a gehyrdon hi motian witS martine lange. ^If. Hept.: Gen. 42.1: ©a gehirde lacob secgan, tJaet etc. = Audiens autem lacob, quod etc. — Ex. 19.13: Doime ge gehiron mid Sam byman blawan = cum coeperit clangere buccina. L. 19.48: eall folc waes abysgod Se be him gehyrde secgan = populus sus- pensus erat, audiens ilium. Wtdf. 250.15: we gehyrdon oft scecgan be Sam . . . tocyme ures drihtnes. Lwce. 153.9: Saes Se we secgan gehyrdan. geseon, see: Beow. 231: Da . . . geseah weard Scildinga . . . beran . . . beorhte ran- das. — 76. 1024: maSSumsweord manige gesawon beforan beorn beran. Greg. 49.25: se Se wolde Sset hine mon sende, he geseah aer hine dcensian Surh Sa colu Saes alteres = 26.28 : is, qui mitti voluit, ante per altaris calculum se purgatum vidit. Oros. 138.26: Sa hie gesawan Sa deadan men swa Siclice to eorSan beran = 0. Woerf. 273.20: hi gesawon sumes . . . Seowes sawie beran upp to heofonum = 33 A': cujusdam servi Dei ... ad coelum /cm animam viderunt. Mlf. Horn. II. 184": geseah . . . sawIe laedan to heofenan. jElf. L. S. 112.399: Da geseah se arleasa aidlian his smeagunge. L. 12.55: Sonne ge geseoS suSan blawan, ge secgaS= quum mderitis . . . &VistT\im flantem, dicitis. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 35 hieran, hear: Beow. 273: swa we sotSlice secgan hyrdon, Saet etc. — lb. 38: ne hyrde ic cymlicor ceol gegyrwan. Chr. 73: Saes Se aefre sundbuend secgan hyrdon. El. 671 : we tSaet hyrdon tSurh halige bee hseletSum cySan. And. 1176: tJone ic Andreas nemrmn herde. Bede 190.7: tSone hlisan . . . herde secgan = 152.18: rumorem . . . per- crdmisse ferebat. — Ib. 430.12: be tSam ic oft scecgan herde = 307.26: de quo praedicari saepius avdiui. Oros. 138.18: ic hierde to sotSum secgan = 139.18: ut ssepe dictum est. — lb. 286.7: swa we hit eft secgan hierdon= 287.7: sicut a majoribus nostris com- pertum hjobemus. Chron. 64'', 851 A: wael . . . tJe we secgan hierdon otS tSisne . . . daeg. Waerf. 2.16: cyninga tSara t5e he sitS otStSe aer fore secgan hyrde = 0. ofseon, see: Mlf. Horn. II. 184'': ofseah . . . Icedan . . . sawle to heofenum. seen, see: Rid. 14.1: Ic seah turf tredan. — 76. 53.1: Ic seah rsepingas in iiBced fergan under hrof sales hearde twegen. 4. Verbs of Mental Perception: — gefrignan, learn by inquiry: Beow. 74: ic wide gefrcegn weorc gebannan manigre msegSe geond tSisne middangeard. And. 1094: Da ic lungre gefrcegn leode tosomne burgwaru bannan. gehogian, think, intend: Beow. 1989: t5a tSu . . . gehogodest ssecce secean. geteon, determine: Bede 332.9: Gode anum geteode Seovrigan = 253.1 : illi soli seruire deereuisset. hogian, think, intend: Gen. 691, 692»' '': leode hogode on ?5aet micle mortS men forweorpan, forlaeran, 7 forloedan. Jud. 274: Hogedon t5a eorlas awecc[an] h[i]ra win[e]dryhten. Solil. 35.19: Saet Sset Saer ofer bytS ic hohgie (sic!) swa sendebyrdlice gedeUm swa ic . . . mseg = mihi . . . persuasit, nullo modo appetendas esse divitias, sed si provenerint, sapientissime atque cautissime administrandas. Mlf. L. S. XXXVI. 363 : Mid tSam tSe ic hogode helpan tSinum wife. tweogan [tweon], doiibt: Bede 308.26: deat$, tSurh Sone heo ne tweodon ferende beon to tSam ecan rice - 238.7: per quam se ad uitam . . . perpetuam non dubitabant esse transituros. 5. Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing: — blinnan, cease, stop: Bede 44.2: Romane blunnun ricsian on Breotene = 25.7: regnare cessarunt. — 76. 338.16, 17»' •': heo nsefre blon . . . tSoncunge don, ge . . . heorde . . . monian 7 Iceran = 256.19, 20: numquam . . . gratias agere uel . . . gregem docere praetermittebat. — 76. 474.9''- '': he ne blinneS mcersian 7 weorSian = 347.32: celebrare . . . non desinit. forieldan [-aeldan], delay, defer: 36 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Bede 440.19: tJa hreowe tSa he . . . foraelde doan (jsicf) = 313.2: facere aupersedit. ginnan, begin: Bede 60.23: tSa gunnon heo Saet . . . lif . . . onhyrgan = 46.32: coeperurU . . uitam imitari. 6. Verbs of Inclination and of Will: — behealdan, take care: Ex. 110: syllic sefter sunnan setlrade beheold ofer leodwerum lige scinan, byrnende beam. cunnian, attempt: Mlf. Horn. I. iSO"": uton cunnian, gif we magon, tJone retJan witJersacan on his geancyrre gegladian. forefon, presume, undertake: Laws 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 4, § 4: gif hwoelc syimig . . . gistitSia fore- fenge uel bond gisende (sic!) = si quis culpabilis . . . indurato presumpserit manum mittere. ge-eaSmodi(g)an, deign, vouchsafe : Bede 98.28: Sset he [= God] ge-ea3modige us togetacnian (sic!) . . . hweic gesetenes to fylgenne sy= 81.30: ut ipse nobis insinuare . . . dignetur, quae etc. gegiemian (-gym-), desire: /Elf. L. S. XXIII B. 497: ic gegymode ?Sa . . . rode geseon. getSyrsti(g)an, presume, undertake : Bede 70.16: se tJe geSyrstigaS onwreon 6a sceondlicnesse his steopmeder = 51.8: reitelare praesumserit. — lb. 78.33": ne geSyrstgaS onfon= 56.10»: per- cipere non praesumit. lystan, desire, yearn: Wcerf. 45.22: manige men hine geornlice lystan [MS. H.: lyston] geseon = 180 B*: multi hunc . . . anxie videre sitiebant. onmedan, presume, undertake: Rid. 56.16: Nu me gieddes tJisses ondsware ywe, se hine onmede wordum secgan hu se wudu hatte. wunian, ztse, be wont: Bede 230.23: msen vtmnedon wildeorlice lijigan = 175.9: homines bestialiter uiuere consuerant. The following is a complete alphabetic list of verbs having only the unin- flected infinitive as object: — abiddan, bid, command. behealdan, take care. blinnan, cease. cunnian, attempt. don, do, cause. forefon, presume, undertake. forgiefan, grant, aUow. forieldan, delay, defer. ge-eaSmodi(g)an, deign, vouchsafe. gefiignan, learn by inquiry. gegiemian, desire. gehieran, hear. gehogian, think, intend. geseon, see. geteon, determine. getSyrsti(g)an, presume, undertake. ginnan, begin. hatan, command. hieran, hear. hogian, think, intend. laetan, aliow, cause. lystan, desire, yearn. ofseon, see. onmedan, presume, undertake. seon, see. tweogan [tweon], doubt. wunian, use, be wont. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 37 II. The inflected infinitive only is found as the object with the following groups of verbs: — 1. Very rarely with this Verb of Commanding: gedihtan, direct, order. 2. Occasionally with the following Verbs of Permitting: — liefan, aUow. lofian, praise, but here = allow (?). 3. With the following Verbs of Mental Perception: — eteowan, shmo. mynnan, direct one's course to, intend. anbidian, expect. ongietan, understand. aSencan, intend. sirwan, pht. behatan, promise. smeagan [smean], think upon, meditate. bodian, preach. tacan, take (to). cySan [and beodan], make known. taecan, teach. geceosan, choose. tellan, account, consider. gehyhtan, hope. teohhian [tih-, tioh-], think, determine. geliefan [-e-, -y-], believe. Sealiti(g)an, think upon, meditate. geswutelian [-eot-], show, explain. understandan, understand. geteohhian, think, determine. weddian, contract, agree. geSencan, think, strive for (?). witan [nytan], know [know not]. Iteran, teach. 4. With the following Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing: — anforlsetan, abandon. ieldan, deiay. elcian, delay. onfon, undertake, begin. for^eman, prevent from, prohibit. undeifon, undertake. gslan, hinder from. wieman, desist from. gefon, attempt, undertake. 5. With the following Verbs of Inclination and of Will: — adrsdan, fear. bigian, strive for, be intent on. anSracian, fear. muman, care for, lament. beoti(g)a]i, threaten. oferhogian [and forgieman], despise. fleon, shun. onscunian, shun, fear. forgieman, neglect. reccan, care for. forgiemeleasian, neglect. swerian, swear. forsacan, refuse. teon, aamse. forseon, despise. wandian, hesitate, be neglectful of. gedyrstlsecan, presume, dare. warenian, shun. getilian, strive for, attempt. viScweSan, refute. gieman, desire, yearn for. viSsacan, recuse. 6. With habban, have. The following are typical examples: — 1. Verbs of Commanding: — gedihtan, direct, order: Wvlf. 10.10: Saet waes tSaet an scyp, tSe godd sylf gedihte Noe to wyrcanne (or final?). 2. Verbs of Permitting: — liefan [-e-, -y-], allow: Greg. 451.29: Be tSsem cwsetJ . . . Paulus . . ., S5a tSa he sumum Kefde to Sicgganne tJsette he nolde tSset hi ealle tSigden = 382.10: 0. Mat. 19.8: Moyses for eower heortan heardnesse lyfde eow eower wif to 38 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. forlcBtenne = Quoniam Moyses ad duritiam cordis vestri permisit vobis dimittere uxores vestras. Wulf.l7i.7: is maest tSearf , tSaet man fram unrihte gebuge to rihte, . . . tSset he sefre life seaigan men Sis faesten to abrecenne. lofiaa in the sense of allow (?) : Chron. 185'', 1054 D: he lofode Leofwine biscope to halgianne tSset mynster set Eofeshamme. 3. Verbs of Mental Perception: — aeteowan, show: Bl. Horn. 169.9 : hwylc oeteowde eow tofleonne fram tSon toweardan Godes erre? anbidian, expect: Laws 438, Excom. VII, c. 2, § 3: genitSrode 5a men, . . . 6e tSaer aenig dsel habbatS otJtSe . . . get anbididS to habbanne. atSencan, intend: Beow. 2644: 8eah tSe hiaford us tSis ellenweorc ana aSohte to gefremmanne. behatan, promise: Chron. 226', 1091 E: Se cyng him ongean t5a manige behet . . . gebygle to donne. — lb. 236', 1100 E^-': he . . . eallan folce behet ealle tSa unriht to aleggenne . . . 7 tSa betstan lags to heoMene. Mlf. Hept.: Deut. 10.11: lande, Se ic behet hira faederum to syllanne = quam juravi patribus eorum ut traderem eis. Gosp.: Mat. 14.7: Da behet he mid aSe hyre to syllenne swa hwset swa heo hyne baede = Unde cum juramento poUicitus est ei dare quodcumque postu- lasset ab eo. — Mk. 14.11: beheton him feoh to syllanne = promiserunt ei pecu- niam se daturas. Wulf. 172.14: is maest Searf, Saet man . . . gelaeste eall, Saet man behate on godes est to donne. bodian, preach: j^lf. Horn. II. 344'': Boda nu eallum mannum daedbote to donne, and andet- nysse to sacerdum (or the infinitive may modify the noun, daedbote ?). cySan, make known: Laws 483, Wilhelm I, Prol.: Wilhelm cyng gret ealle Sa Se Sys gewrit to cymS . . . freondlice / beot 7 eac cy& . . . to healdenne (or final?). geceosan, choose: MIJ. L. S. 200.73: Su cwyst Saet Su gecure Sa tingregu to Srowigenne. gehyhtan, hope: Bede 164.21: Saet he aet him geleornade, Saet he Sa uplican ricu gehyhte heofona to onfonne = 138.1: regna caelorum sperare didicit. geliefan [-e-, -y-], believe: Bede 330.25"' '': ic hit . . . gelyfde Sam . . . staere to geSeodenne 7 in to gesettenne = 252.13: earn . . . inserendam credidi. geswutelian [-sweot-], show, explain: Mat. 3.7: hwa geswutelode eow to fleonne fram Sam toweardan yrre? = quis demonstravit vobis fugere a ventura ira? geteohhian [-tioh-], think, determine: Boeth. 117.21 God hmfS getiohhod to sellanne witu 7 ermSa Sam yflum mon- num =0. — lb. 139.29": of Sam wege Se wit getiohhod habbaS on to farenne = 121.10: a propositi nostri tramite . . . auersa sunt. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 39 Greg. 251.24: gif he Sam gehiersuman mannum ncefde geteohchad his etSel to sellanne = 190.22: Nisi enim correctis hsereditatem dare disponeret. — lb. 419.13: Daet ilce Sset he getiohchod hmfde to biddanne he cwaetS tSaet him waere ser forgiefen= 340.23: Qui dmn se adhuc petere promittit, hoc quod petere se promittebat, ohtinrnt. — lb. 445.7: tSomie tSomie hie forlaetatS . . . tSagodtSe hi getiohchod a^don {sic!) to Sonne {sic! for to donne), tSaet etc. = 372.19: quia dum proposita non perfidunt, etiam quae fuerant coepta convellunt. Solil. 37.5: me lyst Sara tJe ic getiohhod habbe to cetanne = 0. Pr. Ps. 10.3: hi wilniatS . . . tSat hi toweorpen tSset God geteohhad hoefS to wyrcanne = 10.4: Quoniam quae perfecisti, destruxerunt. ^If. Horn. I. 198'': Ic geteohode min lif on mae^hade to geendigenne. Mlf. L. S. XXXI. 677: t5one tSe he aer geteohhode mid teonan to forseonne. getSencan, think, strive for: ^If. Hept.: Job, XII (= 6.27): ge logiatS eowere spraece and ge&encaS to awendenne eowerne freond = eloquia concinnatis, et subvertere nitimini amicum vestrum. laeran/ teach: Bede 258.8: he rehte endebyrdnesse lifes aeteawde, 7 rihte Eastran to weor&ianne lcBrde= 204.20: rectum uiuendi ordinem, ritum celebrandi paschae canonicum . . . disseminabat. — 76.276.6'': ongon loeran to healdenne . . . tSa Sing = 214.27'': coepit obseruanda docere. Boeth. 79.17: ne Se nan neodSearf nelosrde to wyrcanne Saet Saet Su worhtest = 71.3: 0. LcBce. 35.10: Sume an word wiS naedran bite loeraS to cwe&enne, Saet is faul, ne maeg him derian. mynnan, direct one's course to, intend: And. 295: to Sam lande, Saer Se lust myneS to gesecenne. Gu. 1062: Saer min hyht myneS to gesecanne. ongietan, understand: Mlj. L. S. XXIII B. 801 : lohannes soSlice ongeat sume Sa mynsterwisan to gerihtanne swa swa seo halige aer foresaede. sirwan, plot: Apol. 31.34: he ... me Sa sirwde to ofsleanne= 48''^: me machinabatur oceidere (or final?). smeagan [smean], think upon, meditate: Greg. 55.22: smeagaS Seah & SeahtigaS on hiera modes rinde monig god weorc to wyrcanne = 32.10: operaturos tamen se magna pertractant. Pr. Ps. 18.12: ne eac Sinne willan ne maeg smeagan to wyrcanne = 0. Mlj. Horn. II. 146: Saer he sylf smeade Saet hus to arcerenne. tacan, take to: Chron. 263"", 1135 E: Dauid King of Scotland toe to uuerrien him. taecan/ teach: Greg. 165.10: Ba isernan hierstepannan he toehte for iserne weall to settanne betuh Saem witgan & Ssere byrig = 120.12: Sartago enim ferrea murus ferreus inter prophetam et ci\'itatem ponitur. Mf. Hom. II. 216'': Bus tcehte Crist on Saere Niwan GecySnysse eallum cristenum mannum to donne. tellan, account, consider: 1 Cf. Gorrell, I. 0., p. 375. ' Cf. Gorrell, (. .;., p. 370. 40 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Mf. Horn. I. ISS*": For nahte he tecMe senig tSing to biddenne buton gesihSe. teohhian [tih-, tioh-], think, determine: Boeth. 51.6: hwider ic Se nu tiohige to Zosdenne = 51.15'': si quonam te ducere aggrediamur agnosceres. — lb. 116.12: for tSaere wrsece tihodon hine to forlcetenne =0. — 76. 143.19: ne tiohhode to wyrcanne = 0. Greg. 305.4: fortSsem he tiohchode him ma to fvMemanne = 232.12: solatium petivit ut daret. — 76. 305.5: he sohte hine him to lattSeowe on tSsem wege, fortSaem he teohchode hine to Icedanne on lifes weg= 232.13: ducem requirebat in via, ut diix ei fieri potuisset ad vitam. — 76. 445.8: fortSaem, gif tJset ne wextJ tJaet hie tiohhiad to donne = 372.20: Si enim quod videtur gerendum, . . . non crescit. Solil. 36.12: Ic gehyre nu tJaet tSu ne tiohhast nan wif to haebbenne = 0. Pr. Ps. 39.16: tJa tSe ehtatJ mine sawle and hy teohhiaJS me to afyrrane = 39.15: qui quaerunt animam meam, ut auferant eam. t$eahti(g)an,' think upon, meditate: see Greg. 55.22 under smeagan. understandan, understand: Apol. 19.19: tJone deatJ hi oferhogodon and tSone raedels und&rstodon to araedenne = 0. weddian, contract, agree: L. 22.5: him weddedon feoh to syUenne = padi sunt pecuniam illi dare. witan [nytan], know [know not] : Gen. 243: nyston sorga wiht to hegromianne. Ju. 557: wiste he tSi gearwor, manes melda, magum to secgan (sic!), susles tSegnum, hu etc. Oros. 220.9: HwaetSer Romane hit witen nu aenegum men to secganne, hwaet etc. = 0. Chron. 224", 1087 E**: tSa Englisce men . . . adrengton ma t5onne aenig man wiste to tellanne. Laws 166, V .^Ethelstan, ProL, 3 : we nytan nanum otJrum Singum to getru- wianm (or with noun?). — 76.: 180, VI ^thelstan, c. 8, § 8: Gyf he nyte spor to tmcenne (or with noun?). /Elf. Horn. II. 506*": Da nyste heora nan his naman to secgenne. 4. Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing: — anforlsetan, abandon: Wcerf. 337.2: heo bytS deadlic, tSonne heo anforlast syngiende (sic! but for syngienne ?), tSaet heo eadiglice 7 rihtlice lifige = 405 B : Anima itaque et mortalis esse intelligitur, et immortalis. Mortalis quippe, quia beate vivere amittit. elcian, delay: Mf. Horn. II. 282': Ne elca ?5u to gecyrrenne to Gode. [Cf. Mf. Horn. II. 26': Daet he leng ne elcode to his geleafan.] forwieman, prevent from, prohibit: Mf. Horn. I. 604" >: Swa swa daeges leohtforwymS gehwilcne to gefrem- m£nne tSaet tJaet seo niht getJafatS. Mf. L. S. 380.249: god . . . ne eac nsforwym& yfel to wyrcenne. gaelan, hinder from: Greg. 445.30: tSonne ne gaelS us nan tJing te (sic!) fuUfremmanne tSa godan weorc = 374.14: erga coeptum studium nuUo torpore langverunt. 1 Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 475. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 41 gefon, attempt, undertake: Mf. L. S. XXV. 148: hi gefengon to dreccenne tSone fiftan brotSor. ieldan [eldan], delay: Bede 132.16: Mid Sy . . . se cyning elde tSa gyt to gelyfanne= 110,24: Cum ... rex credere differet. — lb. 430.33»' •>: tSa t5e eldende wceran to andet- tenne j to betenne heora synna = 308. 13''' •>: qui differentes confiteri et emendare scelera. Woerf. 119.2: t5a wees he lange eldende tSone to nimanne = B. 148 C ': Quern diu demoratics etc. fiZ. Horn. 7.33: to hwon yldestu middangeard to onlyhtennef onfon, undertake: Bede 334.4, 5: tSaet heo onfeng mjmster to timbrenne j to endebyrdienne ■= 254.3: contigit earn suscipere etiam construendum siue ordinandum monas- terium. Wwrf. 75.33: hwset tSset sy Saet se . . . feond onfeng swylcere bylde to acwyllane in tSaes huse = 204 A: Quidnam hoc esse dicimus, ut Decidendi ausum in ejus hospitio antiqus hostis acciperet. Bened. 14.17: Wite eac se abbod, tSaet se tSe onfehS saula to rcecccenne = 26.1: qui suscipit animas regendas (or final?). undeifon, undertake: Greg. 77.4: tJa tSe otJerra monna saula underfooS to Icedanne on tSa treowa hiraagenrageamungatotJaminnemestanhalignessum = 50.6: qui . . . animas adaeterna sacraria perdvxxndas in suae conversationis fide susdpiunt (or final ?). — 76. 161.12: tSonne hie tSara eortSHcra monna heortan underfoS to laeronne = 116.25: quando terrenum auditorum cor, utdoceant, apprehendunt (or final?). — 76. 293.3»''': he underfeng tSa halgan gesomnunga to plantianne & to ymb- hvieorfanne, sua se ceorl detS his ortgeard = 220.26: 0. Woerf. 113.22: tJas stowe se Gota underfeng to clmnsienne = B. 144 C: Locum autem ipse quem mundandum Gothus susceperat (or final?). — 76. 325.10: se me hcefde underfongen to forswelgenne = 392 B^: Gratias Deo, ecce draco qui me ad devorandum acceperat fugit (or final?). wieman, desist from: Greg. 381.6: Swa eac se Se ne voirnxS tJaes wines his lare Sa mod mid to ofer- drencan[n]e t5e hine gehieran willatJ, he bi?5 etc. = 296.9: et dum vino eloquii auditorum mentem debriare non desinit, etc. 5. Verbs of Inclination and of Will: — adrsedan, fear: Mk. 9.32: hi adredon hine ahsiende (sic! but for ahsienne ?) = 9.31: timebant interrogare eum. anSracian, fear: Mlf. Horn. II. 554*': Hi anSraeiaS to gefarenne lifes wegas. beoti(g)an, threaten: Chad. 193 : swa swa he beotige us to slenne 7 tSonne hwetJere tJonne gyt ne slaetS = quoties . . . quasi ad feriendum minitans exerit nee adhuc tamen per- cutit (or final?). fleon, shun: Greg. 33.12: FortSaem se wealhstod [self] Godes & monna, tSaet is Crist, fleah eorSrice to underfonne = 14.4: regnum percipere vitavit in terris. 42 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. forgieman [-y-], neglect: Laws 453, Gerefa, Inscr., c. 3, § l"- ""i oferhogie he o'S'Se forgyme Sa Sing to beganne 7 to bemtanne. forgiemeleasian [-y-], neglect: Mlf. Ham. II. 102'': Gif ISu forgymeleasast to dcelenne aelmessan. forseon, despise: Wcerf. 180.17: he forseah to donne Sset heo hine baed = 217 B^: non solum facere, sed etiam audire despiceret. Mlf. Horn. II. 374': forsihS to cumenne. Mlf. L. S. 290.96: Sume faeston eac swa tSaet hi forsawon to etanne. Wulf. 296.28: fortSan hig forsawon aer to healdenne tSone halgan dseg mid rihte. gedyrstlascan, presume, dare: Bened. 15.13: tSset nan ne gedyrstlcece ... his agenne raed to bewerigenne = 28.3: ut non prcesumant . . . defendere etc. — 76. 106.4: ne gedyrstlcece he na tSa tSenunga to beginnenne = 172. 12: nullatenus aliqua prcesumai. Mlf. Horn. II. 392* ": He gedyrsUmhte to ganne up on tSaere sae Surh Crist. getilian, strive for, attempt: Solil. 35.17: ne aeac maran getilige to haldaenne Sonne ic gemetlice bi beon mage = mihi . . . persuasit, nullo modo appetandas esse divitias. gieman [-y-], desire, yearn for: Bede 480.11: monige . . . hi seolfe 7 hira beam ma gyrnoS" in mynster ond on Godes Seowdomhad to sellenne Sonne etc. = 351.21: plures . . . se suosque hberos . . . satagunt magis . . . monasterialibus adscribere uotis quam bel- licis exercere studiis. Bl. Hom. 53.25: swa Sa halgan dydon Se on Syssum life naht ne sohton ne ne gyrndon to hmbbenne. Pr. Gu. I. 7: Sa gyrnde he him his gemaeccan to nymanne = adoptata sibi coaetanea virgine inter . . . puellarum agmina etc. — lb. II. 93 : Sa gimde he his seahnas to leomianne = Dum enim htteris edoctus psalmorum canticum discere maluisset. higian, strive for, be intent on: Greg. 105.14: Sastte sua hweic sua inweard higige to gangenne on Sa duru Saes ecean lifes = 72.18: ut quisquis intrare aetemitatis januam nititur. Wcerf. 178.3*' '': gif we higiaS to oSra aeSelra wera wundrum Sa to gereccanne J to asecganne = B. 204 C^: ut si ad aUorum miracula enarranda tendimus. oferhogian [and forgieman], despise: Laws 453, Gerefa, Inscr., c. 3, § l*- '': quoted under forgieman above. onscunian, shun, fear: Mlf. Hom. II. 346* ' : Hwi onscunast Su to underfonne Sisne lichaman? Mlf. Hept.: Ex. 8.26: Sa Sing, Se Egipstisce onscuniaS to offrianne = abomi- nationes enim iEgyptiorum immolabimus domino deo nostro? reccan, care for: Laws 40, Alfred, Intr., c. 40: Leases monnes word ne rec Su no Saes to gehieranne. Mlf. L. S. 440.122: gif ge rohton hit to gehyrenne. swerian, swear: Chron. 268", 1140 E'- ^: Dis . . . suoren to halden (sic!) Se King 7 te eorl; . . . alle . . . suoren Se pais to halden (sicf). THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 43 teon, accuse: Laws 102, Ine B, c. 30: Gif man cyrliscne ma,nnaLn flymanfeormienne teo, be his agenon were geladige [he] hine. [MS. E: . . . ftiemanfeorme teo; MS. H.: . . . flyman feormie, 7 hme mon teo.] waadian, hesitate, he neglectful of: Chron. 178*, 1052 E*": he ne wandode na him metes to tylienne, eode up. Laws 138, I Eadweard, Prol.: Ne wandiaJS for nanum tSingmn folcriht to geregceanne [MS. B: to gerecanne]. Mlf. Horn. II. 554* ^r swa-tSeah ne wandtoS' to licgenne on sixmtnysse heora asolcennysse. ^If. L. S. XXXI. 699: 5a wandode he lange him tJset to secgenne. — lb. XXXI. 1036: He eac ne u;andode on tJam . . . felda tSa haetJenan to cmtnigrenne. Wulf. 191.6: bydelas . . ., tJe . . . wandiaS godes riht to sprecanne. warenian, shun: Bede 474.20: tSone hie . . . warenedon to anfonne= 348.9: quern . . . uitdbant. wiScwetSan, refuse: Mlf. Horn. II. Sie*": Ne vnScweSe ic, Drihten, to deorfenne gyt. witSsacan, refuse: Greg. 383.19: hu, ne wiSscecS se tJoime eallunga Godes tSegn to hionne, se 6e witJssectJ tJset etc.? = 298.17: profecto esse se Dei denegat, qui etc.? 6. Habban,^ haoe. Most of the examples are doubtful. In some examples it is difficult to tell whether the infinitive depends on habban or on a neighboring noun or adverb. In some examples the infinitive seems to denote futurity; in others, necessity. The examples in full are: — Boeth. 52.27: Nsere hit no tJset hehste god gif him aenig butan waere, fortSaem hit ?5onne hcefde to wUnianne sumes godes tSe hit self naefde = 52.10: quoniam relinqueretur extrinsecus, quod posset optari (?). Laws 106, Ine, c. 42: Gif ceorlas gserstim hcebben gemaenne otStSe otSer gedal- land to tynanne (or final?). j^lf. Horn. II. 78™: gecjrrratJ nu huru-tSinga on ylde to lifes wege, nu ge hdbbaS hwonlice to svnncenne. Mlf. Hept.: Ex. 16.23: gearwiatS to morgen, Saet ge to gearwienne htebbon = quodcumque operandum est, facite, et quse coquenda sunt, coquite. — Judges 3.20": ic hcebbe tJe to secganne lu-es godes serende = Verbum dei habeo ad te. Mat. 20.22: Mage gyt drincan 6one calic t5e ic to drincenne hcebbe? = Potestis bibere calicem quem ego Mbiturus sum? A. S. Horn. & L. S. II: 15.149: Geswiga tSu earmingc, ne hoefst tSu nan tSingc on me to donne (or with noun?). The following is a complete alphabetic list of the verbs having only the inflected infinitive as object: — adraedan, fear. anSracian, fear. aeteowan, show. atJencan, intend. anbidian, expect. behatan, promise. anforlsetan, abandon. beoti(g)aii, threaten. ' Cf. Buohtenkirofa, I. c, p. 32; Wolfing,' I. <,., II, p. 209; Kenyon, I. c, p. 109. 44 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. bodian, preach. cytJan (and beodan), make knovm. elcian, delay. fleon, shun. forgieman, neglect. forgiemeleasian, neglect. forsacan, refuse. forseon, despise. forwieman, prevent from, prohibit. gaelan, hinder from. geceosan, choose. gedihtan, direct, order. gedyrstlscan, presume, dare. gefon, attempt, undertake. gehyhtan, hope. geliefan, believe, hope. geswutelian [-eot-], show, explain. geteohhian, think, determine. getilian, strive for, attempt. geSencan, think, strive for (?). gieman, desire, yearn for. habban, have. higian, strive for, be intent on. ieldan, delay. Isran, teach. liefan, allow. lofian, praise, allow (?). muman, care for, lament. mynaan, direct one's course to, intend. oferhogian [and forgieman], despise. onfon, undertake, begin. ongietan, understand. onscunian, shun, fear. reccan, care for. sirwan, plot. smeagan [smean], think upon, meditate. swerian, swear. tacan, take (to). tsecan, teach. tellan, account, consider. teon, accuse. tih(h)ian, think, determine. Ceahti(g)an, think upon, meditate. underfon, undertake. understandan, understand. wandian, hesitate, be neglectful of. warenian, shun. weddian, contract, agree. wieman, desist from. witan [nytan], know {know not). wiScweSan, r^use. wiSsacan, re/use. III. The uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive are each found as the object with the following groups of verbs: — 1. With the following Verbs of Commanding and the like: — bebeodan, command. beodan, command. bewerian, prohibit, forbid. biddan, request. forbeodan, forbid. gehatan, order. 2. With the following Verbs of Permitting: — aliefan, allow. sellan, grant, allow. geSafian, allow. 3. With the following Verbs of Mental Perception: — findan, find. geleornian, learn. gemyntan, intend, determine. gestiUiian, determine, decide. leornian, learn. myntan, think, intend. Sencan, think, attempt. wenan, hope, expect. 4. With the following Verbs of Beginning, Delajdng, and Ceasing: forlsetan, abandon, omit. geswican, stop, desist from. onginnan, ablinnan, cease, desist from. aginnan, begin. beginnan, begin. fon, undertake, begin. 5. With the following Verbs of Inclination and of Will: — forhogian, despise, neglect. forhycgan, despise, neglect. ge-eamian, deserve, earn. gemed(e)niian, deign, vouchsafe. geSrisdascan [-y-], presume. gewil(l)nian, desire. gewunian, use, be wont. gieman, care. ondrsedan, fear. secan, seek. tilian [teolian], attempt, strive for. \nl(l)nian, desire. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 45 Typical examples are the following: — 1. Verbs of Commanding: — bebeodan [bi-], command: (1) Uninflected: El, 1018: Da seo cwen behead erseftum getyde sundor asecean. Ju. 232: gelcedan bibead to carcerne. — lb. 295: tSaet he Johannes bibead heafde biheawan. Bede 36.31*- '': het tJa 7 bebead hraSe swingan j tintregian tJone Godea andettere = 19.31 : caedi . . . Dei confessorem a tortoribus praecejnt. — lb. 388.20: Da bebead se biscop tJeosne to him Icedan = 283.27: Hunc . . . adduci praedpit episcopus. Laws 46, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § 7: he bebead tSone hlaford lufian swa faine. Mf. Horn. I. 380'' '• ^: Nero bebead Petrum and Paulum on bendum geheaU dan, and ?Sa sticca Simones hreawes mid wearde besettan. (2) Inflected: Bede 412.1 : 6a tSing, tSe ic bebead him to secganne = 297:30: quae tibi dicenda praecepi (or final?). Oros. 292.27: tSser Maximus mid firde bad set Aquilegia tJsere byrig, 7 his ealdormen Andregatia hcefde beboden (5a clusan to healdanne = 293.28: Aquileiae tunc Maximus victoriae suae spectator insederat. Andragathius comes ejus summam belli administrabat (or final ?). Chron. 206*, 1070 A'': se arcebiscop . . . bebead tSam biscopan . . . Sa serfise to donde (sic! for to donne). Laws 42, Alfred, Intr., c. 49': Dis sindan Sa domas tJe se . . . God self sprecende wses to Moyse 7 him bebead to healdanne. Mlf. Horn. II. 316'': gif ge wyrcende beoS Sa tSincg tSe ic bebeode eow to gehealdenne. JElf. L. S. 22.203 : foresceawige hwset heo gehwylcum lime bebeode to donne. Wulf. 294.28: Sa godan weorc, Se god us beboden hmfS to adreoganne ontSam drihtenlican dsege. — 76. 296.5: wite ge . . . tSset ic sefre fram frymt5e bebead tSone drihtenlican daeg to healdenne. beodan, command: (1) Uninflected: ^If. Horn. II. 262*: bsedon tJaet he bude tSa byrgene besettan mid wacelum weardum. (2) Inflected: Greg. 47.13: Sonne he for nanre anwielnesse ne wiScuiS Sam nyttan weor- cum Se him mon beodeS to underfonne = 24.24: cum ad respuendum hoc, quod utiliter subire praedpitur, pertinax non est. Pr. Ps. 39.7: Ne bud {sic!) Su me na aelmessan to syllan (sic!), ne for minum synnum = holocausttun et pro peccato non postulasti. Laws 42, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § 3*: we geascodon Saet ure geferan sume . . . to eow comon 7 eow hefigran [wisan budon] to healdanne Sonne we him budon. TFm?/. 231.1 :behealdaS . . . Sa fsestendagas, Se men eow beodaS to healdenne. beweri(g)an [bi-], prohibit, forbid: (1) Uninflected: Bede 82.24 : we him ne sculon biwerigan Sam halgan geryne onfon = 58;27'': a nobis prohiberi non debet accipere. 46 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. (2) Inflected: Bede 80.7: mid Sy seo se monig Sing hewereS to etanne swa swa unclaene = 56.32: Nam cum multa lex uelut immunda manducare prohibeat. biddan, request, demand: (1) Uninflected: Versuchung Christi 9: brohte him to bearme brade stanas, bced him for hungre hlafas wyrcan. ^If. Horn. II. 182™: se tSe bitt (erceran his sunu. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 15.152": bwd wyrcan scearpa piles =0. — lb. 15.288''' •*: boed tSsere fsemne (sic!) fet and handan (sic!) tosomne gebindon (sic!) and innen tSone weallende cetel gesetton (sic!) = 217.320'''': Tunc ivbet prae- fectus afferi vas magnum plenum aqua et ligari manus et pedes beatae Marga- retae et ibi earn mortificari. Apol. 23.34'>: Apollonius hi bced ealle gretan and on scip astah = 42*: vale dicens omnibus conscendit ratem. (2) Inflected: LcBce 58.27: aefter Sam spiwaS, sona him to gifanne biddaS. forbeodan,' forbid: (1) Uninflected: Bede 70.8: seo ... ae beweretS 7 forbeodeS tJa scondlicnesse onwreon msegsibba = 50.34: lex prohibet cognationis turpitudinem retielare. (2) Inflected: Greg. 369.3: Godes se, tSe us forbiet diofulum to offrianne = 286.5: legem Dei, quae idcirco data est ut samfida satanse prohibeat. Laws 214, Kronungseid, Prol.: 3a hine man halgode to cinge, yforbead him aelc wedd to syUanne. Mlj. Horn. I. 122*: Moyses ae forbead to hrepenne aenigne hreoflan. — 76. II. 5Si^: se Drihten 'Se forbead Bam bydelum to berenne pusan otJtJe codd. j^lf. L. S. XXV. 89: moyaes forbead swyn to etenne. ^If. Hept.: De V. T. 4.43: h& forbead se tJeah blod to Sicgenne. ^If. Gr. 242.7: de ivivs witSinnan, de foris witSutan forbead Donatus to cwedenne. Wulf. 200.3»' '': heforbyt aelcum men atSor to bycganne otStJe to syUanne. gehatan, order, promise: (1) Uninflected: JBede 144.27, 28: he gehet . . . stapolas asetton (sic!) 7 . . . ceacas ona- hon = 118.11: erectis stipitibus, aereos caucos suspendi iuberet. (2) Inflected: Bede 316.22: se cyning him geheKt ge lond ge micel feoh to gesyllenne - 243.16: promiserit se ei terras ac pecunias multas esse donaturum. Bl. Horn. 181.26: se ?5e englas gehet wiS me to sendenne. 2. Verbs of Permitting: — aliefan, allow: (1) Uninflected: Gasp.: Mat. 8.21'': Drihten, alyfe me aerest to farenne and bebyrigean minne fseder = Domine, permitte me primum ire, et sepelire patrem meum (or • Cf. GorreU, I. -., pp. 373, 475. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 47 predicative?). — L. 9.59: alyf me aeryst bebyrigean minne iasder = permitte mihi primum ire, et sepelire patrem meum (or predicative?). (2) Inflected: Mat. 8.21»: quoted above. JElf, L. S. 102.227: tSam alyfde se casere heora cristendom to healdenne. geSafian, allow, consent: (1) Uninflected: J?Z/. L. S. XXIII B. 606: him ne geSafode fulfremodlice on tSa eortJan astreccan. (2) Inflected: Bede 276.31 : hwaetSer heo geSafedon t5a domas to healdenne = 215.24 : si consentirent ea . . . custodire. ^If. Horn. I. 4'': Se . . . God ge&afaS tJam arleasan Antecriste to wyrcenne tacna. sellan, grant, allow: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 3056: nefne god sylfa . . . sealde, tSam t5e he wolde (he is manna gehlyd) hord openian. (2) Inflected: Schopf. 30: ?5onne him frea sylle to ongietanne godes agen bibod. 3. Verbs of Mental Perception: — findan, find, strive: (1) Uninflected: El. 1255: swa ic on bocum fand wyrda gangum, on gewritum cySan be tJam sigebeacne. (2) Inflected: Dan. 544: bsed hine areccan, hwaet seo run bude, hofe haligu word 7 in hige funde to gesecganne sotSum wordum, hwaet etc. geleomian, learn: (1) Uninflected: Bede 404.22: he geleornode . . . ingong geopenian 6aes heofonlican lifes = 292.17: didicerat . . . patere . . . introitum. (2) Inflected: Bede 210.31: eall tSa tSe he geleornode to donne = 164.22: quae agenda didicerat. gemyntan, intend, determine: (1) Uninflected: Ex. 199: hcBfdon hie gemynted to tSam maegenheapum to Sam aerdaege Isra- hela cynn billum abreotan on hyra brotSorgyld. Chron. 22'', 616 F»' '': he hcefde gemynt eal tSis l&nd forlcetan 7 ouer sas faran. Mlf. L. S. 154.127'' : se feoE/de gemynt mynster to araerenne and mid munecum gesettan. — lb. 502.255: tSa halgan tSe he ealre worulde . . . onwreon gemynte. (2) Inflected: ^If. Ram. I. 414': t5a?5a God gemynte his yfelnysse to geendigenne. — lb. II. 578* *: tSaet tempel tSe his faeder gemynte to arcerenne. Mlf. L. S. 154.127»: quoted under "Uninflected" above. — J6. 212.51: swa hwaet swa tSu gemyntest on fortJsitSe to donne. — lb. XXV. 769: Heliodorus Ba gemynte ?Sa maSmas to genimenne. 48 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Mf. Hept.: Num. 24.11: ic hcefde gemynt tSe to arvourSienne = decreveram . . . honorare te. Widf. 277.26: Dauid cyning hit hmfde gemynt ser to donne. gestihhian, determine, decide: (1) Uninflected: Bede 218.9: gestihhade his life geendian = 168.2: uitam ^nire disposuit. (2) Inflected: Solil. 38.1: be tSam tJingum tSe tSu me ser sedest tSat tSu gestyohhod hoeafde to forletanne = 0. leomian, learn: (1) Uninflected: j:Elf. Horn. II. 416'": tSaet men leomion agyldan god for yfele. (2) Inflected: Bede 246.7: Sa t5a he in wreotum leornade to donne = 194.29: quae in scrip- turis agenda didicerat. Greg. 441.17: Donne hi learniaJS mid fulre estfulnesse tSa sotSan god to secanne = 368.15: Tunc igitur pleno voto discunt vera bona discere. — lb. 441.28: Leomad t5onne to lufianne tJset he aer forhogde = 368.25: discat diligere quae contemnebat. ^If. L. S. 132.242: Da tSe habbatS geleafan and leomodon to campienne. — lb. 344.127'': Ne het he us na leornian heofonas to wyrcenne. myntan, think, intend: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 713 : Mynte se manscatSa manna cynnes sumne besyrwan in sele tSam hean. Chr. 1058: Mr sceal getSencan gsestes tSearfe, se tSe Gode mynteS bringan beorhtne whte. Met. 26.72: mynton forlcetan leofne hlaford. Bede 392.20: mynte heo for hiere to abbuddissan gesettan = 286.1: abbatis- sam earn pro se facere disposuerat. Woerf. 12.11: o8 tSaet hit [= clif] com tSser hit mynte feallan ofer tJaet mynster = 15 A^: 0. — lb. 123.1: stan . . ., tSone hi mynton hebban upp = B. 154 A: lapis . . ., quem in aedificium levare decreverant. — lb. 254.35: mynte skan tSone Godes wer = 312 A': 0. Bl Hom. 223.7: mynte hine slean; — so: 223.11. — 76. 223.16: he hine stingan mynte. (2) Inflected: Chron. 265", 1137 E': alse he mint to don (sic!) of tSe horderwycan. tSencan,' think, attempt: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 800, 801: on healfa gehwone heawan Sokton, sawle secan. Gen. 2437: Wit be Sisse straete stille SencaS saeles bidan. — lb. 2891: hwser is Sset tiber, tSaet tJu torht gode to Sam brjmegielde bringan Sencestf Ex. 51 : tSaes tSe hie widefertS wyman Sohton Moyses magum. Ju. 637: Saer hi stearcfertJe tSurh cumbolhete cwellan Sohtun. El. 296: tSe eow . . . lysan &ohte. Gu. 260: gif tSu ure bidan Sencest. ■ Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 423. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 49 And. 150, 151, 152: tSset hie banhringas dbrecan Sohton, . . . tolysan lie and sawle, and tSonne todcelan etc. Met. 1.12: sceotend Sohton Italia ealle gegongan. Ps. 61.4: Swa ge mine are ealle Sohton wratSe toweorpan = honorem meum cogitaverunt repellere. Jud. 59: Sohte tSa . . . idese mid widle and mid womme besmitan. Seaf. 52: tSam tSe swa SenceS on flodwegas feor gewitan. Bede 36.8: gif tSu gewitan Sencest fram Sam bigange ure sefaestnysse = 19.11: si . . , discedere temtas. — lb. 456.2: Saet he Sohte hine him to yrfewearde gedon= 324.32: ut heredem sibi ilium /acere cogitasset. Boeth. 93.32: &enc& setgsedere bion = 80.100: id unum esse desiderat. Greg. 55.12: Donne tSaet mod Senced gegripan him to upahefenesse Ba eatSmodnesse = 32.2: arripere . . . cogitat. Oros. 54.21: for tSon he him cweman Sohte = 55.18: adfectans tyranni amicitiam. — lb. 150.12: Da Saet tJa ot5re geascedon tSset he hie ealle beswican Sohte = 151.7: cum decipi se ab Antigono sigillatim viderent. — lb. 200.17: to tJon tSaet hie hit acwencan Sohton = 201.9: ad extinguendum ignem concurrerunt. Bened. 23.3: caflice cuman SencaS = 46.4: volumus velociter pervenire. Mf. L. S. XXXI. 1059: Sohte . . . cetberstan tSam deatSe. ^If. Hept.: Gen. 48.17'": Sohte hi to ahebbanne of Ephraimes heafde and gesettan ofer Manases heafod = manum patris . . . levare conatus est de capita E. et transferre super caput M. L. 1.1: For Sam tSe witodlice manega Sohton tSara tSinga race geendebyrdan tSe on us gefyllede synt = Quoniam quidem multi conati sunt ordinare narra- tionem etc. (2) Inflected: Ps. 118.59: Swa ic wegas Sine wise Sence to ferenne fotum minum - Cogitavi vias tuas, et converti pedes meos in testimonia tua (or with adjective?). Charms V. C. 4''- ''• "■ '•, 5*' •': swa ic Sence Sis feoh to findanne nses to oS- feorrganne and to witanne naes to oSwyrceanne and to lufianne naes to oSlcedanne. Boeth. 53.11: Seah hi . . . Sencan to cumanne = 0. Greg. 11.14: Sonne hit SencS fela godra weorca to wyrcanne=S2.6: Quod mens praeesse volentium plerumque sibi ficta bonorum operum promissione blanditur. Oros. 282.9": Sohte his sunu [to] beswicanne, 7 him siSSan fon to Saem on- walde= 283.8: Maximianus . . . confirmatum jam in imperio filium potestate regia spoliare conatus etc. — 76. 292.28'': Suhte (should be Sohte?) him self on scipum to farenne east ymbutan, 7 Sonne bestelan on Theodosius hindan = 293.29: dum navali expeditione hostem praevenire et obruere parat. Chron. 224"°, 1087 E°: se eorl . . . Sohte to geurinnanne Engleland. Laws 206, IV Eadgar, c. 1, § 2: gif he . . . hit SencS to mtstrengenne. Wosrf. 119.9: Sohte to acwellane Sa sawla = B. 148 C: se ad exstinguendas discipulorum animas accendit. Mlf. Horn. II. 454'' ^r ge SencaS to awendenne eowerne freond. Mlf. Hept.: Gen. 37.21: he Sohte hine to generianne of hira handum = nitebatur liberare eum. — Gen. 48.17": quoted above under " Uninflected." wenan, hope, expect: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 934: Djet wees ungeara, Sset ic senigra me weana ne wende to widan feore bote gebidan. 50 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Met. 1.83: ne wende tSonan sefre cuman of tSsem clammum. (2) Inflected: Chron. 267'', 1140 E": Eustace . . . nam tSe Kinges suster of France to wife, wende to bigceton (sic!) Normandi tSaertSurh. 4. Verbs of Begmning, Delaying, and Ceasing: — ablinnan, cease, desist from: (1) Uninflected: j^Elf. L. S. XXX. 39: beheold Sone heort and wundrode his micelnysse and abkm his cehtan. (2) Inflected: ^If. Horn. II. 74*: he . . . ne ahlinS to asendenne bydelas and lareowas to Iserenne his folc. aginnan, begin: (1) Uninflected: Pr. Ps. 9.30: tSonne aginS he sylf sigan, otStSe afyltS = 9.10: inclinabit se et cadet. Chron. 206", 1070 A": Da agann se arcebiscop Landfranc atywian mid opemmi gesceade. Laws 310, II Cnut, c. 4: we beodaS, tSset man eard georne cloensian aginne on aeghwylcum ende. Gosp.: Mat. 24.49: agynS beatan hys efenSeowas = Et cceperit percut&re conserves suos. — L. 14.29 : agynnaS hine tmlan = indpiant Uludere ei. Wulf. 85.1 : he aginS Uogan deoflice swytSe. Minor Prose: Apol. 19.28: agan rowan, ot5 tSaet he becom to Antiochiam = 38": navigans attigit Antiochiam. — Apol. 25.9: tSa agan se cyngc plegan wits his geferan = 43": dum cum suis pilae lusum exerceret. (2) Inflected: Chron. G*", 40 F: Matheus on Judea agan his godspell to writen (sic!). — lb. S*, 49 F: Her Nero agann to rixiende {sic! for to rixienne). — 76. S*", 116 F: Her Adrianus se casere agann to rixienne. — lb. S**, 137 F: Her Antoninus agann to rixienne. — 76. 137°, 1006 E*": Agan se cyng georne to smeagenne wiS his witan. beginnan, begin: (1) Uninflected: Creed 37: he xl daga folgeras sine runum arette 7 ?5a his rice began, tSone uplican etJel secan. Chron. 201™, 1067 D: Da begann se cyngc Malcholom gyman his sweostor him to wife. ^f. Horn. II. 142": Da begann se wer dreorig wepan. ^If. L. S. 216.96: begunnon hi teon to . . • galnysse huse. — lb. 230.186: Da began se halga petrus him eallum secgan. L. 7.49: Da begunnon tSa 'Se ?5ar saeton betwux him cweSan = Et cmperunt qui simul accumbebant dicere intra se. Wulf. 214.24: tSaet gelamp iu, tSset an halig ancer . . , began hine Sreatigan. (2) Inflected: Chron. 243*, 1110 E*": Dises geares me began serost to weorcenne on tJam niwan mynstre. Bened. 32.1: beginS to healdenne = 60.1: indpiet custodire. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 51 Mf. Horn. I. 22^: and begunnon tSa to wyrcenne. — lb. II. IQe*"*: t$a tSjer hegann to brcestUgenne micel tSunor, and liget sceotan on Bses folces gesihtSe. ^If. L. (S. 36.184: begann hi to wrcegenne. — lb. 530.704: on tSam fyrmestan dagan tSe decius se casere to rixianne begann. mlf. Hept.: Gen. 8.3: Da wseteru . . . begunnon to wanigenne = coeperunt minui. — Gen. 18.27: Nu ic aene begann to sprecanne to minum drihtne = Quia semel coepi, loquar ad dominum meum. — Num. 3.10: gif hwa . . . beginne to Senienne, swelte he deat5e = externus, qui ad ministrandum acceserit, morietur. — Judges 10.6: folc begunnon to geeacnienne heora . . . synna = Filii . . . pec- catis veteribus jungentes nova. fon, undertake, begin: (1) Uninflected: Wulf. 133.14'' ^: 'Soime fehS seo wealaf sorhful and sarigmod geomrigendum mode synna bemwnan and sarlice syfian. (2) Inflected: Wcerf. 197.6: tSaet tSa tSe in tJone biscop/eng'on to healdenne, tJaet hi ne mihton adreogan tJa mycelnesse tJses regnes = 240 D: ut hi qui eum custodiendum acceperat, immensitatem pluvise ferre non possent (or final?). ^If. L. S. 70.345: fcengon on . . . msergen ealle to clypienne kyrrieleyson. — lb. XXXIV. 64: he feng to radene (sic!). Mlf. Hept.: Judges 3.6: fengon to lufienne heora fulan t5eawas = 0. — Judges 13.1: hig fengon eft to gremienne 6one . . . god = fecerunt malum in conspectu domini. Wulf. 105,33: Sa haetSenan . . . fengon to wurdienne set nyhstan mistlice entas. forlsetan, abandon, omit: (1) Uninflected: And. 802'': forlcetan moldern vmnigean open eortSscraefu. (2) Inflected: Greg. 393.28: Sset hie neforlceten to wilnianne tJara t5e Godes sien = 310.26: ut tamen appetere, quae Dei sunt, non omittant. geswican, stop, desist from: (1) Uninflected: j^lf. L. S. XXXIII. 206: Ic bidde tSe tSaet t5u ne gesvnce gebiddan me Saet ic mote findan etc. L. 5.4: Da he sprecan geswac, he cwsetS to Simone = Ut cessavit autem loqui, dixit ad Simonem. (2) Inflected: Mlf. Horn. I. 46*: Ne geswicS tSes man to sprecenne tallice word ongean tJas halgan stowe and Godes se. — lb. II. 156*: se . . . munuc ne geswac na tJe hratSor Bam otSrum to Senigenne on gedafenlicum tidiun. Mlf. L. S. XXXI. 497: se fseder ne geswac hine to biddenne mid wope. onginnan [-y-], begin (occasionally attempt) : (1) Uninflected: Beow. 101 : otS Bset an ongan fyrene fremman. — lb. 244 : no her cutJlicor cuman ongunnon lindhaebbende! Gen. 1316: ongan ofostlice tSset hof wyrcan. — lb. 1355: stigan onginneS. Ex. 584: ongunnon saelafe segnum dadan. Ban. 49: t5set he secan ongan. — 76. 599: Ongan tSa gyddigan. 52 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Chr. 1363 : OnginneS Sonne to tSam yflum ungelice wordum mcBSlan. Ju. 27: ongon faemnan lufian. — lb. 298: sacan ongon. El. 157: fricggan ongan. — 76. 1205: ongan Iceran. Chi. 261: Origin tSe generes wilnian. — lb. 533: secan onginnaS. And. 450: ongan clypian. — lb. 671: Huscworde ongan tSurh inwittJanc ealdorsacerd herme hyspan. Bede 28.17: ongunnon eardigan 3a norSdaelas = 12.10: habitare . . . coe- perunt. — lb. 56.2»' '': tSa ongunnon heo forhtigan 7 ondredan him tJone sitSfaet =. 42.25: p&rculsi timore. — lb. 106.19: taUrigan ongunne = 86.29: uaciUare ind- peret. — lb. 106.25: Sa ongon . . . tSa staSolas . . . ecan= 87.6: augmentare . . . curauit. — lb. 148.30: cirican . . ., t5a he timbran ongon = 125.22: ecclesiam . . ., quam ipse coepit. — 76. 154.34: dagian ongfan= 129.11: incipiente diliiculo. — 76. 180.3*: ongunnon . . . seofian = 146.17": cum . . . quererentur. — 76. 180.29: ongon . . . byman= 147.17: conftflrif culmen domus . . . flammis impleri. — 76. 200.12: Da ongunnon . . . oncras upp teon =• 158.13: temtabant . . . nauem retinere. — 76.352.21: ongan hatlice 7 biter- lice toepan = 264.18: solutus est in lacrimas. — 76. 438.4: ongon Srowian - 311.17: acri coepit dolore torqueri. Boeth. 3.6: hine ongan frefrian= 0. — 76. 34.11: tSa eortSan ongan ddfan eefter golde = 40.30: primus . . . fodit. — 76. 91.2: hit wanian onginS = 78.39: cum uero unum esse desinit. — 76. 127.2: Da ongon he smearcian j cwaetS = 107.5: arridens. Greg. 25.20: tSeah 6a woroldlecan laecas scomaS tSset hi ong[i]nnen tSa wunda lacnian = 6.9: videri medici carnis erubescunt. — 76. 213.8: 3a ongon he seresB herigean etc. = 160.2: laudat. Oros. 56.32»- ^: ongan 3a singan / giddian = 59.1: carmine . . . redtato. — 76. 60.18: ongon nmon= 61.19: regnare coepit. — 76. 182.7: 3a ongunnon Saxdime, swa hie Pene gelaerdon, winnan wi3 Romanum= 183.6: Sardinia . . . rebeUavit. Solil. 10.6: hy eft onginnaS searian = 0. Pr. Ps. 3.4: Da ongan ic slapan and slep, and eft aras = 3.6: Ego dormivi et somnum cepi, exsurrexi. — 76. 31.3: min ban and min maegn forealdode; 3a ongan ic dypian ealne daeg =» inveteraverunt ossa mea, o clamando me tota die. Chron. 20™, 597 A: Her ongon Ceolwulf ricsian. Laws 306, 1 Cnut, c. 26, § 1 : gyi 3aer hwylc 3eodscea3a sceaSian onginneS. Wcerf. 11.14: hine ongunnon 3a his magas bysmrian= 153 C': coeperunt eum parentes ejus irridere. — 76. 64.34, 65.1: he ongan . . . andswarian . . . 7 cweSan = 196 A'- ^ : ccepit . . . respondere, dicens. — 76. 73.21 : 3a ongunnon hi helpan hire lichaman =• 201 B*: cujus carni magicis artibus ad tempus pro- desse conarentur. — 76. 145. 17''- •>: he ongan . . . earfo3nyssa gebetan ... 7 ... hi hyrtan= B. 172 C'-': studuit . . . corrigere et . . . svblevare. — 76. 207.3: 3a ongan he beon sarig = 252 C: affligi coepit. — 76. 266.28: se man onginneS . . . neowlinga lifigean = 325 B: hie vera tunc vivere inchoat. — 76. 317.2: se gewunode, Saet he me ongan secgan = 381 C: mihi narrare consue- verat. — 76. 321.27: se gewunode, 3set he ongan sceos wyrcan = 388 B^: qui calceamenta solebat operari. Pr. Gu. II. 105: Sset he Sa ongan wilnian westenes and sundersetle = petere meditabatur. — 76. III. 17: ealand . . . Saet . . . eardian ongunnon = insulam , . . , quam multi inhabitare tentarUes. — 76. IV. 34 : Sona Sses 3e he westen eardigan ongan - Sub eodem . . . tempore . . . eremitare initiavit. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 63 Bl. Horn. 55.10=' ^: ongan smeagan & Sencan. — 76. 105.6: Singian ongan. lb. 151.1: hie tSa ongunnon mid sweordum & mid strengtSum tSyder gan. Mf. Horn. I. 62'': he ongann Godes geleafan openlice bodian. — lb. I. 380": ongann fleogan. — lb. II. ISS^: he his geferan befrinan ongann. Mlf. L. S. 32.118: 6a gebrotSra sona ceosan ongunnen eugenia to abbude. — lb. 124.118: tSa ongunnon heora magas mycclum behreowsian. — lb. 426.199: absalon . . . ongan winnan witS tSone faeder. Mlf. Hept.: Gen. 4.26: Enos ongan serest onclypian drihtnes naman — coepit invocare nomen domini. Mat. 4.2: 6a ongan hyne sySSan hingrian = postea, esuriit. — lb. 11.7": tSa ongan se Hselynd secgan be lohamie = Ccepit Jesus dicere. Wulf. 44.26, 27: ongan tSa singan and t5us secgan. — lb. 191.9: gif tSar hwilc tSeodscaSa sca^ian onginneS. (2) Inflected: Boeth. 127.23: ic sceal tSeah hwaethwugu his onginnan 6e to tcecanne = 108.16: aliquid deliberare conabimur (or final?). Greg. 423.8: for tSsem lytlan gode Se hi geSenceaS, & no ne anginnaS to wyrceanne = 344.29: ut et illi dum de bono aliquid agunt, quod tamen non perficiunt. Pr. Ps. 48.7: gif he sylf na ne onginS to tilianne tSset he tSaet weortJ agife to alysnesse his sawle = 48.8: Non dabit Deo propitiationem suam, et pretium redemptionis animse suae. Chron. 30*, 656 E=: se abbot . . . ongan to wircene. — lb. 147*, 1016 E»: Da ongan se set5eling Eadmund to gadrienne fyrde. Bened. 62.5: onginne to roedenne = 116.9: audeat legere. Mlf. Horn. I. 50"": hine ongunnon aerest to torjienne. — lb. I. 140™: Bonne onginS he to murcnienne. — 76. 1. 150*: swa hratSe swa he ongann man to beonne. — 76. I. 314*: ongunnon to sprecenne mid mislicum gereordum. — 76. I. 448'': lulianus t5a ongann to lufigenne haeSengyld. — 76. II. 78'' : Witodlice . . . ongann se hiredes ealdor to agyldenne Sone pening. — 76. II. 128'': Ongann t5a Augustinus mid his munecum to geefenlwcenne tSaera apostola lif. — 76. II. 160*: Ongunnon tSa tSa aetSelborenan on Rome-byrig him to befcestenne heora cild to Godes lareowdome. — 76. II. 178''*: Ongann to flowenne mid ele. — 76. II. 486'' '• ^ : Da ongunnon 6a apostoli hi to loerenne, and to secgenne hu etc. — 76. II. 488''': hi tSaerrihte ongunnon to ceowenne heora lichaman. — 76. II. 488''': Da ongunnon ealle 6a naeddran to ceowenne heora flaesc and heora blod sucan. Mlf. L. S. 228.154: Ongan 6a to secgenne 6one so6an geleafan. — 76. 328.112: cwse6 . . . 6set . . . menn ongunnon godspel to writenne. — 76. 538.820: nebwlite ongann to scinenne swilce seo . . . sunne. — 76. XXVI. 45 : ongann embe godes willan to smeagenne. Mlf. Hept.: Jos. 3.7: ic onginne 6e to moersigenne=incipiam exaltare te. — Jos. 3.16: swa aetstod se stream and ongan to Sindenne ongean = steterimt aquae de- scendentes. — Judg. 13.5: he onginS to alysenne his folc = incipiet liberare Israel. ^Ifric's Minor Prose: Mlf. Gr. 212.3: ic onginne to wearmigenne = calesco. — 76. 212.4: ic onginne to an&radgenne = horresco. — 76. 212.7: ic onginne to blaeigenne = pallesco. — Napier's Ad. to Th. 102.31'': 6a ongunnon hi to ceorigenne ongean 6am hiredes ealdre. — 76. 102.37'": ongan to forhtienne. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 12.143: Sume men onginnaS god to donne. — 76. 12.146: sume men onginnaS yfel to donne. 54 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Wulf. 195.1: tSonne ongind he hy to pinsianne on mistlicre wisan. — lb. 199.8: ^onne ongin3 he to winnanne togenes 8am twam godes tSegnum. — lb. 200.1: he ongin?f deoflice to wedanne. Nic. 416.25: ongan Sa cnyhtas to axienne etc. 6. Verbs of Inclination and of Will: — forhogian, despise, neglect: (1) Uninflected: Bede 464.10: hineforhogde on/on = 329.29: eum suscipere contemsit. Wcerf. 34.6: tSset he forhogode togenes gretan = 172 A: resalutare despiceret. (2) Inflected: Chr. 1288: hu hi fore goddsedum glade blissiaS, t5a hy, unsselge, ser for- hogdun to donne, Sonne him dagas Isestun. Wcerf. 180.18: he . . . forhogode hit to gehyrenne = 217 B^: sed etiam audire despiceret. Mlf. Horn. II. 376'' ' : Sume sind gelaSode, and forhogiaS to cumenne. forhycgan, despise, neglect: (1) Uninflected: Bede 76.30*: tSaette wiif forhycgaS heora beam fedan= 55.9: niUrire con- temnant. — lb. 76.33: heo forhycga& fedan tSa tJe heo cennatS = 55.12: despidunt lactare. (2) Inflected: Bl. Horn. 41.36: t5a tSe . . . forhycgaS t5a Godes dreamas to geherenne. geeamian, deserve, earn: (1) Uninflected: Bede 350.23: Su geeamie hine 6e mildne metan = 263.20: propitium eum inuenire merearis. — lb. 470.9: Sset he geeamode swylce gife onfon^ 345.29: quod tale munusculum . . . mereretur accipere. ^If. Horn. I. 446*": fortSan tSe hi geeamodon Sset beon tSaet hi heriaS. — 76. II. 598™: Sset we geearnion, on naman Sines leofan Suna, genihtsumian on godum weorcum. — lb. II. 600'': Sset we geearnion beon wurSful wunung etc. (2) Inflected: ^If. L. S. XXX. 431 : Sset we • . . moston . . . geeamian to onfone Sone gemanan Sara haligra. gemed(e)mian [gi-], deign, vouchsafe: (1) Uninflected: Laws 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 3, § 2»: we biddaS, gisende Su gimeodumia Gast Sin halig = quesumus, mittere digneris Spiritum tuum sanctum. — lb., § 4: ah Su soS 7 halig dom bifora allum on Sassum uel in Sissum cedeawa Su g[i\meodum = sed tu uerum et sanctum iudicium coram omnibus in hoc manv- festare digneris. [See Note 2 at the end of this chapter.] Mlf. Horn. I. 50* ^x Done deaS soSlice Se se Hselend gemedemode for maunum Srovrian. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 713: ic bidde . . . Sset Su lytles hwaebhwegu gemede- mige underfon me Sses Se ic hider brohte. — 76. XXIII B. 738: goldhord, Se Su me sylfum ser gemedemodest ceteowan. (2) Inflected: Mlf. Mthelw. 51: Su Se gemedemedest met (sic! for mef) to gehealdene on Bissere nihte = qui me dignatus es in hac nocte custodire. [With this compare THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 55 the following passages, in which the infinitive is probably consecutive after gemedemian, used reflexively in the sense of 'humble one's self':— Greflf. 301. 13 : ure Ahesend . . . hine gemedomode to bionne betwiux tSaem laesSum 7 tSsem gingestum monnum = 228.5: Redemtor . . . fieri inter omnia dignatus est par- vus;— ^i/. Horn. II. 464*: tSurh tSset se . . . Godes Sunu hine sylfne gemede- mode 6aet gecynd to underfonne; — Mlf. L. S. XXXIII. 210: biddan we god tJset he hine gemedemige to cetywenne hwaet sy gedon be his dehter. Compare, too, j^lf. Horn. I. 32*, in which gemedemian (hine), 'humble one's self,' is followed by a consecutive clause introduced by SceL] getSristlaecan [-y-], presume, undertake: (1) Uninflected: Laws 46, -iElfred, Intr., c. 49, § 9«: FortSam ic ne dorste geSristlmcan Sara minra awuht fela on gewrit settan. Warf. 207.24: tSy Ises se halga wer . . . ge&ristlcehte ofer Sset aenigne man wyrgan = 253 A': ne vir . . . intorquere ultra prcesumeret jaculum maledic- tionis. Mf. L. S. XXIII B. 277: naht geSrystlcehte specan. — Ib. XXIII B. 645: [ne] geSrystlcecende aht secgan. — 76. XXIII B. 745: ne geSrystlcehte he . . . nan otJer tSaes lichaman oShrinan. (2) Inflected: Laws 414, Judicium Dei VII, c. 13 A'- ^•. ic halsige tSe (eow) . . . tSset t5u (ge) na geSristlcece {-Icecon) natestohwi to Sisum husle to ganne ne furtSon to tJisum weofude to genealmcenne. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 721 : he ne geSrystlcehte seniga tSinga heo to lettenne. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 11.122: nsefre nan man ne geSristlcece senigne deofles bigencg to donne. Wulf. 34.14, 15: ac se . . . man . . ., se t5e geSristloecS to maessianne otStSon husl to Sicganne. gewilnian, desire: (1) Uninflected: Waerf. 208.14: se gewUnode feran to him = 253 C*: pergere studuit. Mlf. Horn. I. 608*: Drihten ... us gemlnaS gearwe gemetan. — lb. II. 688**: swa eac nu of eallum tJeodum gewilniaS men to geseonne tSone . . . Crist tSurh geleafan, and tSone . . . wisdom gehyran (sic!). Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 187: he gewilnode hine geSeodan tJam Se tSaer fleah. Mat. IZ.n^: managa . . . gewilnudon tSa Sing to geseonne Se ge geseaS {sic!), and hig ne gesawon; and gehyran Sa Sing etc. = multi . . . cupierunt videre quae videtis . . . ; et audire quae auditis. (2) Inflected: Chron. 219™, 1086 E*": Gif hwa getvilnigeS to gewitane hu gedon mann he waes. Laws 45, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § S*": Sa gewilniaS hira sawla (to) syllanne for Dryhtnes noman. Mlf. Horn. I. 550*: forSan Se hi gemlniaS fela to hcebbenne. — lb. I. 552*: gewilniaS God to geseonne. — lb. II. 588*: quoted imder " Uninflected " above. Mlf. L. S. 196.22: gewilnode to Srowigenne for cristes naman. — lb. XXIII B. 358: ic gewilnode mid him tofarenne. Mat. 13.17»: quoted under " Uninflected " above. Minor Prose: Apol. 18.17: he . . . Saet gefremede man. gewilnode to bedig- lianne = 37'': perpetratoque scelere . . . impietatem • . . cupit celare. 56 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. gewunian, use, be wont: (1) Uninflected: Bede 62 A: in Ssere cirican seo cwen gewunade hire gebiddan = 47.13: orare consuerat. — /&. 172.16: momge gewunedon . . . secan . . . mynster = 142.19: monasteria adire solebant. Laws 38, Alfred, Intr., c. 30: Da fsemnan t5e gewuniaS onfon gealdorcrsefti- gan . . . ne laet tSu tSa libban. j^lf. L. S. XXIII B. 164'- '', 165: he gewunode . . . Sone ryne his sitSfaetes gefcestnian and standende singan and mid gebigedum cneowum gebiddan. (2) Inflected: Greg. 273.17: tSset tJaet hit aer gewunode to fleonne hit gemet = 206.14: cor quod fugere consuevit invenitur. Oros. 34.5: Da saede . . . tSaet he gewunode monige wundor to wyrcenne = 35.3: Nam et prodigiorum sagacissimus erat. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 368: Ic . . . tSa swingle me fram awearp, tSe ic seldon gewunode on handa to hmbbenne. Mlf. Hept.: Num. 22.4: swa swa oxa gewunaS to awestenne gaers = quomodo solet bos herbas . . . carpere. A. S. Horn. <& L. S. II. 12.45: gewuniaS of to drincanne. gieman [-e-, -y-], care: (1) Uninflected: Bede 364.1 : degolnesse witan ne gymde =0. — 76. 412.26: he tJa his geferum . . . brytian gemde = 298.25: prodesse curabat. — 76.442.2,3: Daerhe . , . tSa gedwolan . . . gereccan gemde j . . . from . . . eagum ahwerfan = 313.19, 20: Qui si . . . errores . . . corrigere . . . ac . . . a . . . oculis abscondere curasset. (2) Inflected: Beow. 2452: otSres ne gymsS to gebidanne burgum in innan jTfeweardes. Bede 208.16: ma gemde ior tSam ecan rice to compienne= 162.28: militare curaret. — 76. 362.10: folc ... to lufan . . . gemde to gehwyrfenne = 269.16: uulgus . . . ad . . . conuertere curabat amorem. ondrsedan, fear: (1) Uninflected: Bede 72.9'': 8a Se him ne ondraedaS weotonde syngian = 52.2: qui non metuunt sciendo peccare. — 76. 326.15: Sa ondred he ondettan = 250.8: timuit se militem fuisse confiteri. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 552: tSa ic me ondroede eft genydan to Sam geligre. (2) Inflected: Greg. 49.18: Daet ilce tSset he imtaelwyrtSlice ondred to underfonne = 26.23: hoc . . . expavit. Solil. 43.3: Sa tSing ic ondrede aeac to forleosenne switSor = caetera . . , deesse timeo. Mlf. Horn. II. 104'': ne ondraet (sic!) tSu tSe to dceUnne. Mat. 1.20: nelle Su ondroedan Marian Sine gemaeccean to onfonne = noli timere acdpere Mariam. — 76. 2.22: he ondred Syder to faranne = timuit illo ire. Wulf. 248.14: tSisses ic me ondrcede swytSe to gebidanne. — 76. 286.27: ne ondrcet (sic!) tSu Se to dwlenne. Nic. 500.15: hwaet ondroetst Su Se Sone haelend to onfonne? THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 57 secan, seek: (1) Uninflected: Wald. ^. 18: Su . . . feohtan sohtest msel ofer mearce. — lb. 20: tSy ic Se metod ondred, 6aet ?Su to fyrenlice feohtan sohtest. Bl. Horn. 167.2: he . . . feSan sohte. Gosp.: Mat. 12.46: Sa stod hys modor and his gebrotSra tJaer ute, secende spcBcon (sic!) to him = quasrentes loqui ei. — L. 20.19: Da sohton tSara sacerda ealdras and tSa boceras hyra handa on tSaere tide on hine wurpan = gumrebant . . . mittere in ilium manus. (2) Inflected: Pr. Ps. 34.4: t5a tSe secaS mine sawle tofordonne = qiicerentes animam meam. — 76. 36.32 : seed hine to fordonne = qucerit mortificare eum. ^If. Hept.: Ex. 2.15: Da Pharao . . . sohte Moises to of sleanne = qvxBrebat ocddere Moysen. L. 6.19: eal seo menigeo sohte hine to mthrinenne = qucerebat eum taiigere. tilian [teol-], attempt, strive for: (1) Uninflected: Met. 10.22: hwy ge ymb tSaet unnet ealnig swincen, tSaet ge tSone hlisan habban tiliaS ofer tSioda ma, tSonne eow tSearf sie? — lb. 11.79: tJe we mid Ssem bridle becnan tiliaJS. Bede 230.26: Da teolode se . . . wer . . . stowe . . . cloensigan= 175.23: Studens . . . locum . . . purgare. Greg. 233.22: Saet he tiolode vaean forloeran Saet hie wurden eac forlorene - 176.20: damnationem suam perditus adhuc alios perdendo cumulavit. Pr. Ps. 25.5: ic nsefre ne teolode sittan on anum willan mid tSam arleasum - cum impiis non sedebo. Bl. Horn. 165.31"' '': hine ser monnum gecy&an & gesecgan teolode, sertSon Ce he sylfa lifde & mennisc leoht gesawe. ^f. L. S. XXIII B. 403": teolode toforan tSam temple becuman. (2) Inflected: Bede 210.32: eall ... he bighygdelice teolode to healdanne = 164.23: cuncta . . . sollicitus agere curabat. — 76. 372.12: tSu wast tSset ic . . . teolode to lijigenne to . . . bebode = 275.2: ad . . . imperium . , . uiuere studui. Boeth. 43.15: hu nearo se . . , hlisa bion vAle t5e ge tSser ymb swincatS 7 unrihtlice tioliaS to gebrcedannef = i5.S3: gloria quam dilatare ac propagare laboratis? Greg. 61.18: He sceal tilian sua to libbanne swa etc. = 36.20: Qui sic studet vivere, ut etc. = 76. 463.5: him self ne afealle, Sser t5ser he otSre tiolaS to rceranne = 398.11: ne alios erigens cadat. Pr. Ps. 25.3: ic symle tilode mid rihtwisnesse tSe and him to licianne " complacui in veritate tua. Bl. Horn. 219.18: teolode to arisenne. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 686: teoligende his cneowu to Ugenne hire ongean- weardes. wil(l)nian, desire, be desirous of: (1) Uninflected: Met. 29.3: Gif t5u nu wilnige weorulddrihtnes heane anwald hlutre mode ongitan giorne. Bede 182.17: heo milnade gehealdaji . . . ban = 148.9: desiderabat . . . 58 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. ossa recondere. — lb. 218.6: ?5a wilnade he hine seolfne from ealliim bigongum tSisse worulde fremSne gedon= 167.31: cupiens se . . . alienare. — lb. 418.28: he willnade from him onfon . . . reliquias = 301.26: reliquias . . . se sperana acdpere. Boeth. 14.19: gif tSu wilnige on rihtum geleafan tSaet sot5e leoht oncnawan = 23.22: si uis lumine claro cernere uerum. — lb. 52.19: hi vnlniaS ealle ?5urh mistHce patSas cuman to anmn ende = 52.5 : nititur peruenire. Greg. 17.19: Sa t5e San [ne] git v)ill[ni\a3 oSerra monna gereafian = 246.11: qui rapiunt aliena. — lb. 43.1: ?5ara goda tSe hie wilniaS synderlice habban = 20.25: quae privata habere appetunt, bonis privant. Solil. 13.1 : ic wilnege cuman to tSe = ad te ambio. Pr. Ps. 13.9: Sa Se mlniaS fretan min folc = 13.4: qui devorant populum meum. JElf. Horn. I. 432'' '-2: We wilniaSf mid urum hlaforde cisenlice sweltan, swiSor Sonne unclaenlice mid eow lybban. ^If. L. S. XXXIII. 142: ic . . . wilnode to munuclicum life gecyrran. L. 23.8: myceire tide he wilnode hine geseon = Erat enim cupiens ex multo tempore videre emn. (2) Inflected: Met. 19.44: Hi mlniaS welan 7 aehta 7 weorSscipes to gewinnanne. Bede 68.13: mlniaS him to aerfeweardum to habbenne = 50.12: habere heredes quaerunt. Boeth. 42.12: ge vdlniaS eoweme hiisan imgemetlice to brcedanne? = 44.20: de peruulganda fama . . . cogitatisf — 76. 55.23: wilniaS to begitanne= 53.52: qui nihilo indigere nituntur. — 16. 56.4: wilnaS to begitanne= 53.58'*: adijnsd . . . laborat. — 76. 56.19: vdlnaS to begitanne = 54:.Q7 : quod habere fruique delectet. — 76. 56.20: wilniaS to begitanne = 54.68: adipisd . . . uolunt. Greg. 25.9: wilniaS Seah lareowas to beonne = 4.8: docere concupiseunt. — 76. 145.12: Se Sonne Se mlnaS woh to donne = 104.17: Qui ergo et prava stiidet agere. — 76. 203.8'': Sset hie wielnien to metanne Saet etc. = 152.6: ut appelant sdre. — 76. 399.3 : Seah ne bioS na gemengde buton Sonne hi wilnidS beam to gestrienanne = 316.20: sed tamen extra susdpiendoe prolis admixtionem debitam, nulla carnis voluptate solvuntur. Oros. 54.16: wilnade sum aeSeling to ricsianne in Argentine = 55.16: arrepta tyrannide. Solil. 32.20: Wilnast Su maran to witanne Sonne be Gode and be Se silfum? = Amasne aliquid praeter tui Deique sdeniiamf — 76. 37.1: simle swa ic ma wilnige Saet leoht to geseonne = nam quanto augetur spes videndae illius . . . pulchritudinis. — 76. 56.5: Hwses wilnast Su ma to witanne f = quid sdre prius mavis f Pr. Ps. 41. Intr. : Sa he wilnode to hys eSle to cumanne of his wrsecsiSe = 0. ^If. L. S. XXXIII. 253: ic wilnode Se geseonne (sic, without to). Mat. 20.28* : Ge wilniaS to geSeonne on gehwsedum Singe = 0. The following is a complete alphabetic list of the verbs having both the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive as object : — ablinnan, cease, cease from. bebeodan, command. aginnan, begin. beginnan, begin. aliefan, allow. beodan, command. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 59 bewerian, prohibit, forbid. biddan, request, dernand. findan, find. ton, undertake, begin. forbeodan, forbid. forhogian, despise, neglect. forhycgan, despise, neglect. forlsetan, omit. ge-eamian, deserve, earn. gehatan, order, promise. geleomian, learn. geined(e)mian, deign, vouchsafe. gemjmtan, intend, determine. gestihbian, determine, decide. geswican, stop, desist from. getSafian, aUow. getSristlaecan [-y-], presume, undertake. gewil(l)niaii, desire. gewunian, use, be wont. gieman, care. leornian, learn. myntan, think, intend. ondraedan, fear. onginnan, begin (occasionally attempt). secan, seek. sellan, grant, allow. tilian [teolian], attempt, strive for. tSencan, think, attempt (?). wenan, hope, expect. wil(l)iiian, desire. 2. With Passive Verbs. At times the Modern English John told me the story is, in the passive, ren- dered, unhappily I think, by / was told the story by John, in which latter the direct object, story, of the active is illogically retained in the passive. This objective in the passive construction is by not a few grammarians called " the retained objective," — an awkward name, but, despite his objurgatory remarks thereon, not inferior, I think, to that proposed by Professor C. Alphonso Smith,^ " the objective by position." Similarly, at times, an active infinitive is found as the retained object of a few passive verbs #hich, when active, take a dative and an accusative as objects or an accusative and an infinitive as an objective phrase. This construction with the infinitive after passive verbs is by many, especially in Germany, called, not " the retained objective," but " the nomi- native with the infinitive." Both terms seem to me infelicitous, but, as I am unable to suggest a good substitute, I adopt the former as the less objection- able of the two. See, further, Einenkel,' I. c, p. 257, who discusses this idiom in Middle English, and Erckmann, I. c, pp. 10-11, who discusses it in Modern English. I. This objective infinitive is uninflected only with the passive of the fol- lowing verbs: — aliefan, allow. (ge)fremman, make. (ge)seon, see. hatan, command. The examples in full are: — aliefan [-y-], allow: Ex. 44: Wceron hleahtorsmitSum handa belocene, alyfed latSsiS leode gretan. (ge)freintaan, make: Mlf. L. 8. XXIII B. 38: Wei oft eac swilce tSaes tSe hi rehton Saet he wcere gefremed wyrtSe beon tSaere godcundan onlihtnysse tSurh aeteowednyss fram gode tJaere gastlican gesihtSe (or consecutive?). (ge)seon, see: Bede 68.14, 15*: heora weoruldgod, Sa heo agan, him healdatS tSa t5e heo geare gesegene beoS eahtan j witnian = 50.13: quae possident, ipsis seruant, quos irati insegui uidentur. — lb. 142.5 : tSset he woes gesewen Criste Seoivian > See his ioteresting diaousaion of this idiom in hia Siudiea in Enaliih Syntax, pp. 66-71. 60 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 7 eac deofolgeldum = 116.7: Christo seruire uideretur et diis. — lb. 338.3: tSa wees heo gesegen mid . . . beorhtnesse leohtes sdnan = 256.6: reful^ere uidebatur. Chron. 235"", 1100 E»: to tSam Pentecosten wees gesewen . . . set anan tune blod weallan of eortSan. (Cf. Oros. 162.6: mon geseah weallan Mod of eortJan = 163.5: sanguis e terra . . . visum est manare de coelo.) Laws 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 3, § 2'': gisende tSu gimeodumia Gast tSin halig . . , ofer tSas gescaeft wsetres, tSio from fyre giwalla biS gesene = aque, que ab igne feruescere uidetur. Wcerf. 203.21, 22: an tSing wses, 6set gesewen wees on him tselwjTtJe bean, tJaet full oft swa mycclu blis in him wses gescegenu beon, tSset he etc. = 248 C- ^'. unum erat quod in eo reprehensibile esse videatur, quod nonnunquam tanta ei Isetitia inerat, ut illis tot virtutibus nisi sciretur esse plenus, nuUo mode crederetur. hatan, command: Bede 278.18: Gif . . . haten ham hweorfan, ne wille = 216.16: noluerit inuitatus redire. II. The objective infinitive is inflected only with the passive of these verbs: — deman, eondemn. (ge)myiigian, remind, forbeodan, forbid. The examples in full are: — deman, condemn: Wcerf. 254.13: t5set se Sanctulus . . . wees ged&med to acwellanne= 309 D: Cognito itaque quod Sanctulus qui inter eos pro sanctitatis reverentia magni honoris habebatur ocddendus esset. forbeodan, forbid: Mlf. Hept.: Lev. 11.8: Hara and swyn synd forbodene to cethrinenne= Le- pus quoque et sus, horum carnibus non vescemini nee cadavera contingetis, (ge)myngian, remind: A. S. Horn. & L. S. I. 3.3: we synd gemyngode . . . eow nu to secgenne sum tSing. III. The uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive are each found as the object with the passive of forlsetan, permit. Only one example of each infinitive has been found: — uninflected: Bede 424.3: eam eft forlceten mid monnum Zn/^an = 304.12: apud homines sum iterum uiuere permissus; — inflected: Bede 412.29: Da tSset se . . . wer . . . geseah, tSset he ne woes for- lceten, Seodum godcunde lare to bodienne^ 298.30: Ut . . . uidit uir . . ., quia nee ipse ad praedicandum gentibus uenire permittebatur. For the infinitive active (uninflected and inflected) after a few verbs passive in form but active in sense, see Note 2 to this chapter. [Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. It is by no means easy to discover what differentiates the use of the unin- flected infinitive from the inflected infinitive as object in the groups (I and II) in which only one form of the infinitive is used; this _ differentiation is still less easy in the group (III) in which the same verb has as its object either the THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 61 uninflected infinitive or the inflected infinitive. And yet a few general prin- ciples seem to emerge from an examination of the groups, principles helpful to a solution of the problem despite the difficulty of precise formulation and despite a number of apparent, if not real, exceptions thereto. To begin with group I, verbs having as object only the Uninflected Infini- tive, it is to be observed: — 1. The objective infinitive in most instances appears to the modern Eng- lishman as a direct (accusative) object, and doubtless so appeared to the Anglo-Saxon, for it occurs usually with verbs having the direct object in the accusative, as may be seen by a reference to the list given on page 36. Of this list, the verbs most frequently so used are the verb of commanding Qiatan), the verb of causing and permitting (loetan), the verbs of sense perception, and the verbs of mental perception. 2. Occasionally, however, the uninflected objective infinitive occurs with verbs having another regimen than that of 1, and it occurs: — (o) Occasionally with verbs governing (aa) a genitive or an accusative (cunnian, ' attempt; ' hogian (hycgan), ' think,' ' intend; ' lystan, ' desire; ' tweogean (tweon), ' doubt ') or (bb) an accusative or a dative (wunian, * use,' ' be wont '), though verbs of double regimen usually (especially when one of the cases is an accusative), as we shall see, govern both the uninflected and the inflected infinitive. (6) Very rarely with a verb governing the genitive only {blinnan, ' cease from '). As we shall see below, p. 68, the compound, dblinnan, is followed by either infinitive. (c) Very rarely with a verb not found with a case (onmedan, ' presume,' ' undertake '). As to group II, verbs having as object only the Inflected Infinitive, it is to be noted: — 1. To the modern mind, in the majority of instances, the objective infini- tive appears as the " indirect object," under which phrase I here include geni- tive objects (occasionally also instrumental objects) as well as dative objects; and as a rule it doubtless so appeared to the Anglo-Saxon; for in most instances this inflected infinitive is found as the object with verbs whose noun object is in the genitive or the dative (occasionally the instrumental) ; or with verbs followed by a preposition plus an oblique case; or with verbs followed indiffer- ently by an " indirect " case or by a prepositional phrase. To be more specific, the inflected infinitive as object occurs: — (a) With certain verbs having an accusative of the direct object and a dative of the indirect object, with most of which {csteowan, ' show; ' cySan, ' make known; ' geswuielian, ' show; ' geteohhian, ' arrange; ' Iceran, ' teach; ' tmcan, ' teach ') the infinitive appears to us as the indirect object toward which the action of the main verb tends. With one (geceosan, ' choose ') the simplex governs a genitive; in one (lief an, ' allow ') the datival sense is strong; one (swerian, ' swear ') is found only in the later Chronicle; while the remaining verb (teUan, ' tell ') is found only once. (6) (1) With certain verbs followed by an accusative plus a prepositional phrase (gefon, ' undertake,' + to; Iceran, ' teach,' ' direct,' + to or on; under- 62 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. standan, ' understand,' + he or ymbe; warenian, ' shun,' + from or wiS) or (2) with certain verbs followed by a prepositional phrase (beotigan, ' threaten,' + to; eldan, ' delay,' + to; gehyhtan, ' hope,' + on; gieman, ' desire,' + csfter; higian, ' strive for,' + to; muman, ' lament,' + aefter or for; sierwan, ' plot,' + ymb; smeagan, ' meditate,' + be or on or ynib; Seahti{g)an, 'consult,' + embe). While to us of to-day a few of these infinitives (as with beotigan, gieman, under- standan, and warenian) at first appear as direct objectives, we soon see that this is unnecessary with the two former; and the other infinitives appear to us as genitival, datival, or instrumental in sense, as with the corresponding phrases made up of a preposition and a noun. (c) With certain verbs having the object in the genitive {eldan, ' delay,' also followed by to + a dative). The infinitive at first appears as an accu- sative objective, but later is seen to be an adverbial genitive or dative- instrumental. (d) With certain verbs having the object in the dative (gedihtan, ' direct,' and widsacan, ' refuse '). To the modern Englishman the infinitive appears with the former as a true dative objective; with the latter, as an accusative objective, as would the dative noun therewith. (e) With certain verbs having a double (occasionally a triple) regimen: — (aa) Those governing the accusative or the genitive (adroedan, ' fear; ' anbidian, ' await; ' anSracian, ' fear; ' behatan, ' promise; ' bodian, ' preach; ' geSencan, ' think; ' giernan, ' desire; ' habban, ' have; ' reccan, ' care for; ' weddian, ' contract; ' and vntan (nytan), ' know ' (' know not ')), with which the infinitive appears to the modern reader as accusative objects rather than genitive objects, as would also the noun in the genitive. (bb) Those governing the accusative of the person and the genitive of the thing {goelan, ' hinder from; ' teon, ' accuse '), in which the infinitive after gcelan appears to us moderns as a genitive of separation; that after teon, as a genitive of specification. {cc) Those governing the genitive or the dative (geliefan (also accusative), ' believe; ' getilian (also accusative), ' attempt,' ' strive for; ' onfon (also accu- sative), ' undertake; ' wandian, ' delay; ' and wiScweSan, ' refuse '). The infinitive with geliefan appears to us as a dative or an accusative objective; that with getilian, as the dative of the end toward which; that with onfon and wi&cwedan, as an accusative objective; and that with wandian, as the genitive of specification. (dd) Those governing the dative of the person and the genitive of the thing (formeman, ' prohibit; ' wieman, ' desist from; ' and wiScweSan, ' refuse '). The infinitive with the two former appears to us of the present day as a geni- tive of separation; with the latter, as an accusative objective, as would the noun in the dative. 2. Not a few times, however, the inflected infinitive appears to us modems as a direct object. This is more or less true, as already pointed out, with a few of the verbs treated under 1 above. But the feeling for the direct objective is perhaps somewhat stronger when the inflected infinitive is found as object: — (o) With certain verbs governing an accusative of the direct object. Sev- eral of these are compounds whose simplex governs another case than the ac- cusative or another case beside the accusative (oS'encaw, ' think,' ' attempt; ' forgieman, ' neglect; ' forgiemeleasian, ' neglect; ' oferhogian, ' despise; ' «n- THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 63 der^on, ' undertake ')• With several (tcecan, ' teach; ' tihhian, ' direct; ' pos- sibly, also: murnan, 'lament;' sierwan, 'plot;' smeagan, 'consider'), the infinitive may be considered adverbial (consecutive) rather than objecti ive. Several (anforlatan, ' abandon; ' forsacan, ' refuse; ' forseon, ' despise; ' ieldan, delay; ' lofian, ' allow; ' onscunian, ' shun ') have the inflected infinitive when we should expect the uninflected; but ieldan may follow the analogy of other verbs of delaying, like eldan; while lofian in the passage in question is datival in sense. (6) With a verb not found with a case (gedyrstlcecan, ' presume,' ' dare '), with which the infinitive appears to us as an accusative objective; and mynnan, ' direct one's course to,' ' intend,' with which the infinitive wavers in sense between the direct and the indirect object. In a word, while the inflected infinitive only is found with a few verbs that govern the accusative only, this happens chiefly with compounds whose simplex govern a dative or a genitive; in the main, the inflected infinitive is foimd with verbs that govern an object in the genitive or in the dative (occasionally in the instrumental), or in both; or with verbs that are followed by a preposition plus an oblique case; and, while occasionally, even after verbs governing the genitive or the dative (or both), to the modern mind the infinitive appears as if it were an accusative objective, the same thing would be true of the noun in the genitive or the dative with these verbs. Taken as a whole, the infinitive in this group of verbs normally is a genitive or a dative (occasionally an in- strumental) object to the chief verb, though occasionally the objective idea so pales away that the infinitive may be considered adverbial in the narrower sense, and be regarded as consecutive or final. In group III, verbs having as object the Uninflected Infinitive and the Inflected Infinitive each, we note: — 1. In the majority of examples,* the double construction, with uninflected and inflected infinitive, occurs with verbs having a double (occasionally a triple) regimen, that is, with verbs governing (1) two cases at once ^ or (2) any one of two or three cases (or that govern a case or are followed by a preposi- tional phrase); and the distinction between the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive is in the large such as we find with the different cases (geni- tive, dative, instrumental, and accusative) with these verbs, though with not a few exceptions duly pointed out in the several groups. The objective infini- tive is both uninflected and inflected: — (a) With a few verbs governing the accusative of the direct and the dative of the indirect object (aliefan, ' allow; ' secan, ' seek; ' sellan, ' grant,' ' allow '). The double construction with these verbs is due in part, no doubt, to their double regimen, but the inflected infinitive does not appear to us as an indirect object. With aliefan we have foimd the double construction with the sub- jective infinitive, due partly to its double regimen, partly to the datival sense thereof; and, as a rule, the subjective infinitive is inflected when near aliefan, but uninflected when remote therefrom. So here with the objective infinitive: the uninflected infinitive {Mat. 8.21'') is the second in a series of two, the first of which is inflected and is near to, but not juxtaposed with, the chief verb. 1 If we except onoinnan, an apparent rather than a real exception, as is shown below. 1 (1) K *' double regimen " in the looser sense; (2) <« ** double regimen ** in the narrower sense. 64 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. Both the uninflected iafiuitive and the inflected infinitive in this passage, moreover, translate a Latin accusative and infinitive. In the second example {Mf. L. S. 102.227) the inflected infinitive is separated from aliefan by four words. Hence I think that the datival force is of more importance than the distance from the verb. — In all probability the original construction with secan was the uninflected infinitive, which alone is found in the poetry (twice), and which occurs three times in the prose {Gosp., 2; Bl, Horn., 1). In each of the instances of the inflected infinitive, it is possible that the infinitive is final in sense; that, for instance, in Pr. Ps. 34.4 (tSa Se seca3 mine sawle to fordonne = confundantur . . . qumrentes animam meam), to fordonne is an ad- verbial modifier of secaS rather than its object, — an interpretation favored by the fact that secan at times means ' strive for ' as well as ' seek; ' and that secan is followed by to plus a noun in the dative in Anglo-Saxon, though this phrase expresses, not the object sought, but the source whence something is sought. — In the single instance of selkm followed by an inflected infinitive, the infinitive is juxtaposed with the verb, while the uninflected is separated therefrom, but the double construction is probably due to the double regimen of sellan. Compare " Subjective Infinitive," p. 24. — Forlcetan, ' abandon,' ' omit,' may be put in this group, as it is followed by an accusative and a prepositional phrase introduced by to. (b) With certain verbs governing the accusative of the thing and the dative of the person (bebeodan, ' command; ' beodan, ' command; ' bewerian, ' pro- hibit,' 'forbid:' cf. 1 (c) and (d); forbeodan, 'forbid;' gehatan, 'command,' 'promise:' cf. 1 (d); geSafian (occasionally genitive instead of accusative), ■ allow; ' cf. 1 (d)). With this group of verbs the double construction rests primarily upon the double regimen of the verbs; and it is easy to see how in these verbs, particularly those of commanding and forbidding, the dative and the accusative objectives could be interchanged without any essential altera- tion in sense. Gehatan in the sense of ' command,' like the simplex, katan, governs the uninflected infinitive only; in the sense of ' promise,' the inflected infinitive, though in one of these examples (Bede 316.22) the inflected infinitive is doubtless due to the Latin future infinitive {esse donaturum). (c) With a few verbs followed by (1) an accusative or by a prepositional phrase (gemedemian (accusative or with to), ' humiliate,' ' condescend; ' gemyn- tan (accusative or with to), ' intend,' ' determine; ' tilian (accusative or with to), ' attempt,' 'strive for: ' cf. 1 (d)) or by (2) a prepositional phrase (bewerian {md and dative of the thing), ' prohibit,' ' forbid: ' cf. 1 (6); fon (to or on), 'undertake,' ' begin: ' see also 1 (d); geswican (from), ' stop,' ' desist from: ' cf. 1(d)). With this group, too, the chief factor in the double construction is the double (or triple) regimen. The difference in sense between the uninflected and inflected infinitive in the group as a whole is no greater and no less than that between ' stop ' and ' desist from ' or ' attempt ' and ' strive for ' in present English. Substantially the same situation exists in Greek, as is evident from this statement in Goodwin's Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb, § 807: " After verbs and other expressions which denote hindrance or freedom from anything, two forms are allowed, the simple infinitive and the genitive of the infinitive with tov. Thus we can say (a) dpy€i o-c tovto iroiilv (747) and (6) eipyei ; Fallen Angels 183, 184, 208-209. Moreover, Dr. van der Gaaf declares that only the unin- flected infinitive is foimd in the poetry with this verb. As my statistics show, however, at least one example of the inflected infinitive occurs in the poems {Ps. 118.59: Swa ic wegas tSine wise Sence to ferenne fotum minum), and six more occur in the Charms (V, C, 4*- ''• "• ^, 5*' ''), which six occur in the prose prologue to the Charms, and doubtless were excluded from Dr. van der Gaaf's poetic count, though given in Wiilker's Bibliothek der Angdsdchsischen Poesie. That nearness to or distance from the chief verb is not an important factor in the double regimen with Senear is proved by the fact that we have the in- flected infinitive when separated therefrom (Wcerf. 252.4, 253.7; Greg. 11.14; Oros. 212.29; Chron. 190^ 1065 C^ 229'', 1094 E"*, 233"°, 1097 E"; Mf. Hept: Gen. 37.18, 21; Charms V, C, 4''' "• ^, 5"' '') as well as when juxtaposed there- with (in the remaining instances), as is true, also, of the uninflected infinitive (three of which, however — Oros. 282.9'', 292.29 (with Suhte for Sohtef); j^lf. Hept.: Gen. 48.17'' — are the second in a series of two commencing with an inflected infinitive). As both the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive are found in poetry and in Early West Saxon, it is probable that from the beginning each infinitive was allowable with this verb, though the uninflected was the favorite in poetry in the ratio of 61 to 1.^ — For the same reason it is likely that either infinitive was allowable also with tilian and with v)il(l)nian from the first, but neither verb was common in the poetry, only two examples occvuring therein of each {tilian, 2 U.; wilnian: 1 U., 1 I.). (bb) Those governing the accusative or the dative (biddan (accusative or dative of person), 'request,' 'demand:' cf. 1 (d) (an)). With this verb, > See van der Gaaf,' I. c, pp. 52-62. * Since writing the above, 1 have come upon the following statement by Dr. H. Willert, in his " Vom In- finitiv with To," p. 103: " So aoU, wenn Smcan and wenan sioh mit dem prSpoaitionalen Infinitiv verbinden, die Sache bezeichnet werden, auf welche eich die Gedanken lichten." 66 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. confusion between inflected and uninflected infinitive rests upon the double regimen of the verb, and confusion is peculiarly easy to arise either with in- finitive or with noun. The only instance of the infinitive with this verb in the poetry is uninflected. (cc) Those governing the genitive or the dative {geswican, ' stop,' ' desist from: ' cf. 1 (c) ). Of the very slight difference between the two kinds of infini- tive here, arising from the double (or triple) regimen of gesvncan, I have already spoken in 1 (c) above. This verb is not found with an infinitive in the poetry. (dd) Those governing the genitive or the dative or the accusative (gewiKJ,)- nian, ' desire ')• The double construction here, also, rests on the triple regi- men of the verb; and the difference between the two infinitives is a matter of phraseology rather than reason, as also with the noun in different cases. This verb is not found with an infinitive in the poetry. (ee) Those governing the accusative or the instrumental (Jon, ' imdertake,' 'begin:' cf. 1 (c); gewunian, 'use,' 'be wont'). Of the double construction with fon, due to its regimen, I have already spoken in 1 (c). The twofold construction with gewunian is likewise due to its double regimen. 2. At times, however, we find the objective infinitive both uninflected and inflected after verbs not having a double regimen, as in the following groups: — (a) With a few verbs governing the accusative of the direct object (aginnan, ' begin;' beginnan, ' begin,' ' undertake,' ' attempt; ' findan, ' find,' ' strive; ' forhogian, ' despise,' ' neglect; ' forhycgan, ' despise,' ' neglect; ' ge-eamian, ' deserve,' ' earn; ' leornian, ' learn; ' myntan, ' think,' * intend; ' onginnan, ' begin,' ' undertake,' ' attempt '). Several of these verbs are compoimds whose simplex governs another case besides the accusative (forhogian, forhycgan, ge-earnian), — a fact that may account for the double construction with the compounds. As to the compounds of ginnan^ (aginnan, beginnan, and onginnan), they constitute apparent rather than real exceptions to the principle stated in 1 above, for, while I have found no instance of these verbs governing any case except the accusative in Anglo-Saxon, Professor Delbruck, in his Synkretismus, p. 38, tells us that both the accusative and the genitive are found with biginnan in Old Saxon, that in Old High German the genitive is very common with biginnan, and that the genitive was probably at the outset the normal case in the West Germanic languages with the ginnan compounds. It may be, there- fore, that these compounds had a double regimen in Anglo-Saxon, though not so recorded in the dictionaries; and that the use of the two infinitives is due to this double regimen. It should be added that not only the uninflected infini- tive in -an but also the genitive infinitive in -annes are found after biginnan in Old High German.2 In Middle High German, too, beginnan is followed by both the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive.' That, when in- flected, the objective infinitive is in close proximity to, usually in juxtaposi- tion with, beginnan, but that, when uninflected, it is usually remote therefrom, is an interesting but puzzling fact. This fact seems to me, however, to tend to prove the contention of Professor Delbruck thiat, in all probability, the * Cf . Dr. H. Willert,* Z. c, p. 104 : " Nicht erklaren kann ich mir, warum (finnan [sic for beginnan^] und ongin- nan neben lahlreichen reinen Infinitiven vereinzelt such den mit to aufweiseji uixd warum beginnan- den letzteren beTorzugt." > See Erdmann,' I. c, I, p. 210; Wilmanns, L c, p. 12S. ' See Monsterberg-Milnckenau, I. c, pp. 106, 114-120. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 67 genitive was originally the normal case with the ginnan compounds in the West-Germanic languages, especially with beginnan: in proximity to hegin- nan, we have in Anglo-Saxon the inflected infinitive, which, as we have seen, normally represents an " indirect " case. Which infinitive represents the original construction with beginnan in Anglo-Saxon, it is difficult to determine : only one example of the infinitive occm-s in the poetry (Creed 37), that unin- flected; none is found in Alfred; only two are found in the Chronicle, one un- inflected (201 -", 1067 D) and one inflected (243*, 1110 £*>); and by far the majority of the examples occur in iElfric (73 out of a total of 85). Since, however, the examples of the uninflected form in the Chronicle and in the poetry are each late, and since, out of a total of about 85 examples, 57 are inflected, I am inclined to believe that the inflected infinitive represents the original construction in Anglo-Saxon. This preponderance of the inflected infinitive is quite in keeping with the fact, stated by Professor Delbrtick, that, in Old High German, the genitive case was very frequent with beginnan. Of course, the fluctuation in the two forms of the infinitive may be due in part merely to the lateness of ^Ifric's works, by whose time the distinction between the two forms had begun to break down. However, I believe that the fact that the majority of ^Ifric's examples (54 out of 73) are inflected, probably points to what was the original construction. That with onginnan, on the contrary, the uninflected infinitive was the original idiom, seems probable from these facts: 977 examples of the uninflected infinitive occur to only 37 examples of the inflected; only the uninflected form is foimd in the poems (18 of them in Beovmlf) ; in Alfred there are 246 unin- flected to 2 inflected infinitives; and the majority of the inflected infinitives (25 out of 37) occur in ^Ifric, but even with him the iminflected preponderate in the ratio of 82 to 25. As with beginnan, though not to the same extent, so with onginnan the infinitive, when inflected, is usually near the finite form of onginnan. As stated in the preceding paragraph, the double construction with onginnan is probably due to the assumed double regimen of that verb. The twofold construction may be due in part, also, to the lateness in time of ^1- fric's works; and in part to the two well-known different meanings of onginnan,^ ' begin,' and ' attempt; ' though we find each use in each sense: the former needs no illustration; for the latter cf. Boeth. 127.23 (ic sceal tSeah hwsethwugu his onginnan to Uzcanne = 108.16: aliquid deliberare conabimur) with Bede 200.12 (Da ongunnon . . . oncras upp teon= 158.13: temtabant . . . nauem retinere). Again, in his Grammar, ^Ifric tells us that onginnan plus the inflected infinitive is the proper translation for the Latin inchoative verbs, giving as paradigms, on p. 212, " ic onginne to wearmigenne = calesco," " ic onginne to antSracigenne = horresco," " ic onginne to blacigenne = pallesco;" but he does not state, nor is it easy for me to conceive, why the inflected infinitive is better in such cases than the uninflected infinitive. Alfred evidently thought the uninflected infinitive proper, for in Bede 256.24 (sona swa he trumian ongon = 203.30: cum conuaiescere coepisset) we find trumian ongan translating conualencere coepisset. Be the reason what it may, the inflected infinitive caught the fancy of ^Elfric, and to him we owe 25 out of the total of 37 inflected infinitives after onginnan. On the other hand, ^Ifric uses the uninflected infinitive 82 times, without making any rational differentiation between the two so far as I can 1 Cf . the quotation below from Dr. Henry Sweet. 68 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. discover. It remains only to add that to many grammarians onginnan seems to have paled into a mere auxiliary, and its infinitive seems " complementary " in the narrower sense rather than objective. To me, too, onginnan often seems auxiliary, though oftener not, and the diflSculty of draiving a hard-and- fast line between the two uses has led me to put it here rather than under the complementary use. With aginnan, too, the uninflected infinitive was probably the original con- struction: it is found 28 times, while the inflected infinitive is found only 5 times ; and the latter occurs only in the late manuscript F of the Chronicle or, once, in the later years of manuscript E. With findan, the xminflected infinitive (Ekne 1255) is probably better con- sidered predicative to a subject accusative to be supplied. The inflected infinitive (Daniel 544) is probably due to the fact that findan here means ' to strive for.' In the one example of geleomian with an inflected infinitive (Bede 210.31) the infinitive corresponds to a Latin gerundive; but see the next paragraph, on leomian. Leornian is once followed by the uninflected infinitive, but in all other instances it is followed by an inflected infinitive. In one of the latter instances (Bede 246.7), the inflected infinitive is in translation of a Latin gerund. The only explanation that occurs to me of the six other inflected infinitives is this: possibly leornian denoted the striving for an end rather than the attainment thereof, and was consequently followed by an inflected infinitive.^ Once (in A. S. Horn. & L. S. /. 253% 256) we have a series of two infinitives, each inflected. The only example of the inflected infinitive with myrdan occurs in the later Chronide (265™, 1137 EO, but several times the uninflected infinitive occurs both in prose and in poetry. Possibly the double regimen of the compound, gemyntan (with accusative (or to + dative) of thing and dative of person), has affected the simplex, myntan. (b) With a verb governing the genitive only {ablinnan, ' cease,' ' desist from '). The single inflected infinitive after ablinnan {/Elf. Horn. II. 74*) immediately follows the verb; the one uninflected {/Elf. L. S. XXX. 39) follows with but one word intervening; and the double construction is prob- ably due to the analogy of other verbs of cessation, which, as we saw in the preceding section, have a double regimen with the infinitive as with the noun. (c) With a few verbs not found with a case {gestihhian, ' determine,' ' decide; ' geSristlascan, ' presume '). To smn up the matter for the verbs taking both the iminflected and the inflected infinitive, the double construction is found, in far the larger number of instances,^ with verbs having a double or triple regimen, that is, with verbs governing two cases at once or any one of two or three cases, or with verbs followed by a case or by a preposition plus an oblique case; and the distinction between the uninflected and the inflected infinitive is in the large such as we find with the different cases (genitive, dative, instrumental, and accusative) * After writing the above, I came upon the following sentence inWilmanns, I. c, p. 116: ** Nur bei wenigen bat Bich der blosse Infinitiv behauptet: bei den Prat.-Prasentia auaser wiaaen, also bei ?nigen, kSnnen, dUrfen, aollen, mUsaen, und bei wollen und lemen; doch verbindea wir lemen mit dem Inf. mit 2u, wenii nicht das Objekt, sondern daa Ziel des Lemena bezeicbnet werden soil." * Exclusive of angimian, an apparent rather 'than a real exception. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 69 with these verbs, though with not a few exceptions, duly pointed out in the several groups. But with some verbs that govern only the accusative, or that are not found with a case, we also find both infinitives; and the double con- struction here seems to be due at times to the double regimen of another verb of the same root; at times to the analogical influence of verbs of different roots but of kindred signification; and at times to the fact that some of the in- finitives fluctuate in sense between the adverbial and the objective uses. With all groups, occasional disturbing factors are the occurrence of the infini- tive in a series, in which case at times, but by no means habitually, the second infinitive, even when following an inflected infinitive, is likely to be uninflected; and the influence of the Latin original, which at times, as with the gerund or the gerundive, tends to cause the inflected infinitive to be used, and at other times, as with the accusative and infinitive construction, tends to cause the tminflected infinitive to be used. Once more, the distinction between the two infinitives, which, as stated, rested originally on slight differences in meaning in the chief verb as indicated in the different cases of its noun objects, early began to fade away, and is very pale in Late West Saxon. Despite occa- sional exceptions that I have pointed out to this theory, I hope and believe that the main principles here formulated as to the differentiation of the two infinitives will meet with acceptance, the more so that, as will be seen in Chapter XVI, they seem as applicable to the Germanic languages in general as to Anglo-Saxon. The foregoing has been written concerning the active infinitive with active verbs; but the same general principles apply to the active infinitive with pas- sive verbs. In the group followed by the inflected infinitive only, after deman (WcBrf. 254.14) the inflected infinitive is doubtless due to the gerundial peri- phrastic of the Latin original. Forbeodan and (ge)manian, in the active, are followed by either infinitive, each being a verb of double regimen. (Ge)myngian governs an accusative or a genitive. I do not know of any detailed attempt* by previous investigators to differentiate the two infinitives as object in Anglo-Saxon. Dr. van Draat's " The Infinitive mth and without Preceding to," in his Rhythm in English Prose (1910), does not touch upon the Anglo-Saxon period. But several helpful suggestions have been made by others. In his Anglo-Saxon Grammar, § 453, for instance. Professor March notes this interesting fact: " The gerund [= in- flected infim'tive] as genitive object is pretty common: ondred to faranne, dreaded to go (Mat. ii, 22); wished to see (xiii, 17). Other objects occur, § 448, 2." The second passage cited by Professor March, Matthew xiii. 17 (gemlnudon tSa tJing to geseonne . . . and gehyran tSa tSing) contains both an un- inflected infinitive and an inflected infinitive as objects of the same verb, but no explanation is offered of the double construction. Dr. Wiilfing, likewise, in his Die Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, II, p. 204, tells us that " Der Infinitiv mit to als Objekt an Stelle eines Akkusativs oder eines Genetivs steht bei transitiven Zeitwortern," but he does not indicate when, in his judg- ment, we have an accusative use of the inflected infinitive and when a genitive use; nor does he say anything of a dative objective use of the inflected infini- ' Dr. H. Willert's " Vom Infinitiv with To " is based upon the selections in Zupitza's Alt- und Mittelen- glischea Vbungebuch. As this article appeared after my study had been put in its final form, what seems note- worthy therein has been incorporated in my footnotes. 70 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. tive. Again, Dr. Wiilfing duly records that certain verbs govern both an un- inflected and an inflected infinitive, but he offers no explanation of that fact. Helpful, too, is this statement by Dr. Henry Sweet, in his A New English Grammar, II, p. 118: "The substitution of the supine [= inflected infinitive] for the infinitive [= uninflected infinitive] began in Old English itself. Thus the supine of purpose, as in hie comon Scet land to sceawienne, ' they came to spy out the land,' gradually supplanted the older infinitive with many verbs of desiring, intending, attempting, etc., so that while such a verb as willan, ' will,' continued — as it still does in Modern English — to take the infinitive only, other verbs of similar meaning, such as mlnian, ' desire,' together with such verbs as onginnan, ' undertake,' ' begin,' began to take the supine as well as the infinitive." Nor is Dr. Sweet's view in essential conflict with that given by me above : he mentions here only one factor, while I have discussed in addi- tion other factors. Finally, the quotation from Dr. Sweet raises the interesting question as to whether, in the objective use, the uninflected infinitive or the inflected was the original idiom in Anglo-Saxon. Dr. Sweet seems to declare for the former, as does Dr. Kenyon, who, in his The Syntax of the Infinitive in Chaucer, p. 100, writes: " In 0. E. [= A. S.] the simple infinitive seems to have been the original construction, but the prepositional came in early." My own view, as implic- itly indicated in the exposition of the objective infinitive with the various groups of verbs, is that, while the uninflected infinitive was by far the commoner form and was with most verbs the original construction, the inflected infinitive was with other verbs not uncommon, and was with these verbs the original con- struction. Indeed, Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 100, considerably modifies his first statement above given, as immediately thereafter he adds: "Aside from the general tendency to substitute the prepositional for the simple infinitive, the prepositional is used in M. E. after many words like commeven, compeUen, constreynen, driven, endynen, and the like, after which the original force of the preposition to is still evident and appropriate, and after which to with noun objects is also used, as in Bo. V, p. 3, 166: constreineth hem to a bitydinge . . . This is true of verbs of causing, such as maken, techen, etc., but not of verbs of perception, like sen, heren, etc., which still have the simple infinitive in Chaucer as in 0. E. " The same relation between the prepositional infinitive and the preposi- tions to and for with nouns can be seen also in connection with verbs which take the complementary infinitive (see p. 88, above). It is perhaps noteworthy that there, in connection with auxiliary verbs where such an analogy between to + inf. and to + nouns as R. A. 597, I entende to nothing But . . . for to kernbe and tresse me, did not work, and also here in the case of verbs of percep- tion, the simple infinitive never gave place to the prepositional to any extent. This suggests that the great spread of the prepositional infinitive was not wholly due, perhaps only slightly, to a general substitution of the latter for the simple infinitive, but was rather due to an extension of the original construction of the prepositional infinitive as more closely related to the construction of preposi- tion + abstract nouns. This possibility is to be considered also in connection with the spread of the prepositional infinitive as subject, which, as we have seen under Adjectives, was probably greatly enhanced by a transference of the dependent infinitive to the subject relation, as in it is good to do. See pp. 49 ff." THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 71 If the interpretation given by me of the illustrative examples in this chapter IS correct, Dr. Kenyon's second statement is much nearer the truth than the first. It remains only to add that my interpretation of the Anglo-Saxon statistics had been written out in full before the appearance of Dr. Kenyon's work; and that it is a pleasure to find a conclusion based upon an independent study of Anglo-Saxon so strongly supported by that of Dr. Kenyon based upon an independent study of Middle English. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Finite Verb. Occasionally (about 24 times) the passive infinitive is found as the object of the following active finite verbs: — aginnan, begin. onginnan, geearnian, earn, merit. wil(l)nian, desire. gewilnian, desire. witan, know. habban, have. Typical examples are: — aginnan [-y-], begin: L. 12.45"*: agynS beatan tSa cnihtas . . . and etan and drincan and beon oferdruncen = caeperit percutere servos . . . et edere, et bibere, et inebriari. geearnian, earn, merit: Bede 372.34: geeamode onfongen beon = 275.21: meruisset redpi. — 76. 406.16: tSaet he . . . geeamode . . . onfongen beon = 294.10'': redpi mereretur. gewilnian, desire: Wcerf. 204.4: tSonne hi gewUniaS fuUfremede beon = 249 A^: quatenus dum appetunt perfecti esse. Mat. 20.28'': Ge gewilnia^ to getSeonne on gehwaedum tSinge, and beon gewanod on tSam msestan tSinge = no Latin. habban, have: L. 12.50 : ic haebbe on fuUuhte beon gefvllod = Baptismo autem habeo baptizari. onginnan, begin: Bede 88.3: Sonne onginneS tSser seo syn acennedbeon = 61.14: peccatum incipit nasci. — lb. 128.12: ongon . . . swenced beon= 108.18": coepit . . . affid. — 76.358.14: ongan . . . gewanad beon = 267.11^: coepit , . . referri. Woerf. 74.3: heo t5a ongan . . . beon onstyred = 201 B*: ccepit . . . agitari. — 76. 206.14: Sa ongan Bis . . . beon gedon = 252 B^: Ccepit itaque hoc in- desinenter agere. — 76. 206.24: Sa ongan . . . se hlisa . . . beon gemcersad = 252 B': coepit . . . fama longe lateque cr^escere. Mk. 13.4: hwylc tacen bitS tJsenne ealle tSas tSing onginnaS beon geendudf = quando hsec omnia indpient consummarif wil(l)nian, desire: Bede 234.1'': Woldon heo 7 willnadan . . . lifgan . . . otStJe fortSferde Saer bebyrged beon= 176.30: cupientes . . . sepeliri. Greg. 302.18: tSonne hie [ma] wilniaS oSrum monnum underSiedde beon tJonne hie tSyrfen = 230.1 : cum student plus quam necesse est hominibus siibjid. witan, know: Bede 402.24: Ondswarode ie . . . tSset ic . . . wiste . . . aSwegen beon = 291.13: respondi, quia salutari fonte in remissionem peccatorum essem ablvius. 72 THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 2. With Passive Verbs. In a few instances we have the passive infinitive as " the retained object " after the passive of these verbs; — seteawan [-ie-], show. (ge)liefan, bdieve. ongietan, understand. beweiian, forbid. (ge)seon, see. The examples in full are: — seteawan [-ie-], show: Bede 80.13: is gessegd, tSsette tSaet from . . , Gode unclaene 7 besmiten ceteawed bi3 in weorce beon, tSaette of wyrtrmnan . . . accenned bitS = 57.5: indicatmn est, quia illud ab . . . Deo pollvium esse in opere ostenditur. bewerian, forbid: Bede 78.4: heo wcsron bewered heora weorum gemengde beon = 55.16: uiris suis misceri prohibentur. (ge)liefan [-y-], believe: Woerf. 203.23 : tSaet he nane Singa nces gelyfed beon gefylled = 248 C : ut illis tot virtutibus nisi sciretur esse plenus, nuUo modo crederetur. (ge)seon, see: Bede 424.28: saula . . .,6a . . . gesegene weeran . . . worpene beon = 305.6: quae . . . uidebantur . . , iactari. ongietan [-y-], understand: Bede 88.5: Sonne biS ongyten Sser syn gefremed beon = 61.15: tunc peccatum cognosdtur perfiei. For the objective infinitive in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section ii. NOTES. 1. The Objective Infinitive in a Series. — In the following passages, quoted on the pages indicated, we have a series of infinitives in which the first is inflected, but the succeeding is not: Oros. 282.9='»', p. 49; ib. 292.28, 29, p. 49; — ^f. Horn. II. 196'' '• ", p. 51; ib. 488'"'»,p.53; jh. 588»i'=',p. 55; — Mf. Hept.: Gen. 48.17*^ p. 49;— Mf. L.S. 154.127»■^ p. 47; — Gosp.: Mat. 8.21»•^ p. 46; Mat. 13.17*''', p. 65. In the following passages we have a series of infinitives in which each infinitive is inflected, after an active verb: Bede 330.25*''; 334.4, 5; 430.33"''; — Boett. 41.4, 5; 103.15*''; 110.29^ 30;— Greg. 249.20"'''; 293.3»'''; 423.2, 3; 45S.32''-^; — Laws 414, VII, c. 13, A'-"; 453, c. 3, §!»■''; — Bened. 56.18»'''; — Pr. P«. 34.U^-^; — ^lf. Hept.: Deut.3.25^^; 32.4&'-^;—JSlf. fforo. II. 486'"' »; — ^If. L. S. XXIII B. 223»-''; — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I.: 1. 253^ 256; — Wtdf. 34.14, 15; 200.3*'''; — ' Poems: Charms V, C 4'^^' "' **, 6*'''. It seems unnecessary to give the series in which each infinitive is uninflected. 2. Infinitive after a Finite Verb Passive in Form, bvt Active in Sense. — In the following passages we have an objective infinitive after the passive of (ge)medemian; or, rather, the finite verb, though passive in form, is active in sense, the passive form being due to the trans- lator's mistaking the deponent verb dignor for a passive: — Wcerf. 206.4, 6*: bsed tSaet he wcere gemedemod him forgyfan 7 sellan hwylcehugu frofre to eardigenne = 252 A*'': ab . . . Domino petiit ut ei ad habitandum aliquod solatium donare dignaretur; — Laws 409, Judi- cium Dei IV, c. 2°: Sees ilea Godes allmeehtiges maegen ofer hine tSis gibrehtan sie gimeodu- mad = eiusdem Dei omnipotentis uirtus super eum hoc dedarare dignetur; ib. 409, c. 3: of Mar' hehstald flsesc onfoa gimeodumad arS = ex Maria uirgine camem assumere dignatus es; ib. 411, c. 4, § 5*": tSis giidlage sie gimeodumad - ueritaa hoc euacuare dignetur; — /Elf. L. S. XXIII B. 466: io wees gemedemod gebiddan tSa gerynu Saere . . . rode [MS. G.: to gebiddanne]; — ib. XXX. 354: Sone eac swylce se hselend sylf was gemedemod tSurh tSone heort to his mildheortnesse geeigan; — inflected: Mart. 120.16: drihten God, beo Su geme- demod me to geheranne. The same thing has happened with {ge)eaSmedan in Bede 340.1: Drihten hire fortSfore . , . mid sweotolre gesyhtSe wees geeaSmeded to omereonne = 257.4: Dominus . . . obitimi . . , manifesta uisione reuelare dignatus est. CHAPTER III. OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. Aside from the Subjective and the Objective uses of the infinitive in Anglo- Saxon, we find occasionally the following additional Substantival Uses: (A) as a Predicate Nominative and (B) as an Appositive. Of (C) the infinitive as the Object of a Preposition, I find no clear example. A. AS A PREDICATE NOMINATIVE. The use of the infinitive as a predicate nominative is specifically denied to Anglo-Saxon by some scholars, as by Buchtenkirch, I. c, p. 9; by Ortmann, I. c, p. 53; and by Redepenning, I. c, p. 84. But Matzner, Z. c, III, p. 23, cites what he considers an example of the uninflected infinitive as predicate nominative from Thorpe's Analecta Anglo-Saxonica, p. 1 12 : Me ys geSuht Godes tSeowdom betweoh tSas crseftas ealdorscipe healdan. Possibly healdan is a predi- cate nominative here; but, as has been pointed out by Professor Albert S. Cook,"^ it may be considered as predicative to an accusative subject; or, as the contejct seems to me to make more probable, it may be used predicatively with the quasi-auxiliary, ys geSuht: see p. 82 below. In his The Gerund in Old English, p. 35, Dr. T. J. Farrar writes: "The only instance of the Gerimd as a pure sentence-predicate is in poems 325.4: ^ to findanne nses to otSfeorr- ganne and to witanne nses to otSwyrceanne and to lufianne nses to otSlsedanne." Dr. Farrar does not quote the first part of this clause, swa ic Sence Sis feoh, — a fact that may in part account for his interpretation? At any rate, I take these infinitives to be objects of Sence, and noes to be an adverb instead of a verb. As indicated, most, if not all, of the examples cited below, admit of a different explanation. I quote all of the less doubtful examples that I have observed, giving first the uninflected infinitive and then the inflected. (1) Uninflected: Bl. Horn. 189.30: hit is mycel nedtSearf tJaet h[ie] man forspille, & mid irenum Sislum & ordum hie man slea in anr[e] stowe for (sic!) niman mid witum (or subjective?). [Possibly an and has dropped out before /or?] JElf. Horn. I. 490' *• *: Hwaet is lange lybban buton lange swincan (or sub- jective?)? — 76. I. 584'>' ^•'•'': Hwaet is god willa buton godnys, tSset he otSres mannes ungelimp besargige, and on his gesundfulnysse fsegnige, his freond na for middengearde ac for gode lufige; his feond mid, lufe forberan, nanum gebeodan tSset him sylfum ne licige, his nextan neode be his mihte gehel- pan, and ofer his mihte wyllan (the infinitives may be appositive)? j^lf. L. S. XXIII B. 643: to tSam mynstre ferde on Ssere ylcan tide tSe heora easter-gewuna woeron togaedere becuman [Bosworth-Toller, svb v. gewuna, suggests wees for wceron]. — lb. XXV. 310'': Nis nan earfotSnyss tSsem . . . • In Ms A First Book in Old BngUsh, p. 131. Thorpe's quotation is from ^Ifrio's CoUojuv, a work not in- cluded in my " Statistics," and is found on p. 30 of the edition of the Analecta cited in my bibliography. > = Charms V, C. 4 *> »■ "• ^ 5'. ". — M. C, Jr. 73 74 OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFIKITIVE. gode on feawtim maimum otStSe on micclum werode to helpenne on gefeohte and healdan tSa tSe he wile (or subjective?). (2) Inflected: With beon + a noun or pronoun, arranged in alphabetic order of noun or pronoun: — earfotSnes, difficulty: Mlf. L. S. XXV. 310»: Nis nan earfo3nyss tSsem aelmihtigan gode on feawum mannum otStSe on micclum werode to helpenne on gefeohte and healdan ?5a ?Sp he wile (or subjective?). — frecednes, difficulty: MIS. f^"^- II- 160-: «;cBs tJam gebrotSrum micel Srec^ny, to astigenne dffighwomhce of ?5am cludum to wseterscipe (or subjective?) "^'^enne — gemet, propriety, right: A. S. Horn &L. S. II. 10.521: He tJa loseph cwsetJ mid bifiendre stefne- — hwsBt, whatf ne ,fh{;f T:,S' « '; """"^ '"' ^ '^'^^'^' «»* ^^ man us to Sam wingearde ne gehyrde, buton Jst nan man us ne bodade lifes weig? - lb. II. 574'- Hw• =■<».= = 55.32, quoted on p. 3 above. Mk. 12.33: tSset he si gelufod of ealre heortan . . . and lufigean his nehstan swa hine sylfne, &oet is mare eallum onsaegdnyssum and offrungum = ut diligatur ex toto corde . . . et diligere proximum tanquam se ipsum, majus est omnibus etc. (2) Inflected: segtSer [egtSer], each: Solil. 16.16, 17: fortJam me ys egSer t5ara alyfad, ge tJaet good to lufianne ge tJaet yfel to hatianne = Licet enim mihi in quovis amare rationem, cum ilium jure oderim qui male utitur eo quod amo. [Or is the infinitive a genitive appositive to : hu meahte ic bu somod ge in heofon geheran ge her sprecanf hwaet, what: Laws 455, Gerefa, c. 13*"'^ : A he maeig findan, hwoet he maeig on byrig betan — ne Searf he na unnyt beon, tJonne he Saer binnan — : otStSe hus godian, rihtan 7 weoxian 7 grep hegian, dicsceard betan, hegas godian, weod wyrtwalian, betweox husan bricgian, beoddian, bencian, horsan styllan, flor feonnian oStSe synnes (sic!) sum tSing t5e to nyte msege, naSer, neither: Pr. Gu. XVI. 14*- ^: swa sarlice he waes mid tSam sare geswcnced, Saet he THE APPOSITIVE INFINITIVE. 77 na&er tSara ne gesittan ne standan mihte = ut sedere aut stare veljacere nequivis- set (see note to o&er below). otSer, one: Boeth. 53.20"' ••: 6a wilniaS oSfer twega, otStSe him selfe ricsian, otStJe hi to tJaera ricena freondscipe geSiodan = 52.20, 21 : hi uel regnare ipsi uolunt uel regnantibus adhaerere conantur (the infinitives may be considered appositive to the genitive, twega, but are more probably appositive to o3er: see examples from Orosius below). Oros. 44.9: secgan het tSset hie oSer sceolden, otStSe tSset land set him alesan, otStSe he hie wolde mid gefeohte fordon 7 forhergian =0. — lb. 120.31'- *". tSaet hie sitStSan oSer sceoldon, otSSe for metelieste heora lif alcetan otStJe Somnitum an hand gan = 0. — lb. 138.32*- '': to tacne tSaet hie oSer woldon, otJSe ealle libban oSSe ealle licgean = 0. Maldon 208"- •>: hi woldon tSa ealle o&er twega, lif forlcetan oStJe leofne gewrecan (see note to examples from Boethius above). weorc, work: Beow. 76: ic wide gefraegn wecyrc gebannan manigre maegtSe geond tSisne middangeard, folcstede frcetwan. Bede 458.24: he serest ongan tSaet weorc Cristes godspell lceran= 326.18: ipse primus ibi opits euangelicum coepit. (2) Inflected: aegSer, each: Greg. 355.22*- '': fortSsem he wisse tSaet hit bitJ switSe unieSe oegcSer to donne, ge wits 6one to eidanne Se yfel detS, ge eac sibbe witJ to hahbenne = 276.1 : Diffi- cile quippe erat ut si male acta corriperent, habere pacem cum omnibus possent. weorc, work: Bede 56.2i: Agustinus . . . hwearf eft on 6aet weorc Godesword to Iceranne 7 com on Breotone = 44.29: A. . . . rediit in opus uerbi, peruenitque Britan- niam (or does to Iceranne modify weorc attributively instead of being apposi- tive thereto?). A careful inspection of the foregoing examples will show that normally the appositive infinitive is uninflected. If inflected, the infinitive is inflected because of its relative proximity to some word that is usually accompanied by the inflected infinitive (as aliefan: Solil. 16.16, 17; eaSlicre: Mat. 9.5»- ''; eaSre: Mk. 2.9% L. 5.23''; gebyrian: Pr. Ps. 39. Intr.; onhagian: Solil. 2.16, 17; syn: Boeth. M.Z2; unieSe: Greg. 355.22'-^; behatan [(?): or on rihtf]: Chron. 227'', 1093"). I know not how to account for the inflected infinitive in Chron. 227'', 1093« (in which an inflected infinitive occurs after three preceding uninflected infinitives) unless it be due to the disturbing influence of rihte; in Bede 56.24, as there stated, the infinitive may modify the noun (weorc) as an attributive genitive instead of as an appositive. — In two instances (Mk. 2.9'', L. 5.23'', p. 75 above) the uninflected infinitive occurs in a series beginning with an inflected infinitive, while in one instance (Chron. 227'', 1093°), as already stated, the reverse is the case. For the appositive infinitive in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section iii. 78 OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. C. AS THE OBJECT OF A PREPOSITION. Aside from the inflected infinitive made up of the preposition to * plus a dative of the verbal noun in -ne, which we regard as a unit and which, therefore, does not strictly fall under the above heading, I have found no clear case of an infinitive used as the object of a preposition. Dr. T. J. Farrar, I. c, p. 35, cites Bede 82.22 (tSes mon is his seolfes dome to forlaetenne, ot5t5e be cirican ingonge, otStSe to onfonne tSaem geryne = 58.25: iste profecto siue de ingressu ecclesiae, seu de sumendo dominici corporis sanguinisque mysterio, suo est iudicio relin- quendus) as an example of the inflected infinitive used with the preposition be; and it is possible so to construe to onfonne, especially in view of its close correspondence to the Latin de sumendo. It is also possible, however, to con- sider to onfonne as an adverbial infinitive of specification without dependence upon the preposition be: see Chapter XII, section B. In sentences lUce Widf. 279.5'' '■ (ne gebyreS set cyrican aenig Sing to donne, butan god to herianne and hine to gebiddanne), butan is probably a conjunctive adverb instead of a prepo- sition, and the infinitives, instead of being objects of butan, are nominatives. — In Woerf. 71.11 (he waes geornful mid teolone his singalra gebeda = 200 B: continuae orationis studio) one is tempted to consider teolone an inflected infini- tive that has lost its to and that is the object of the preposition mid. But more probably teolone is a noim, though I do not find it so recorded in the dictionaries. To turn to the uninflected infinitive, it is probable that in such instances as ^If. Horn. I. 490* 2 (Hwaet is lange lybban buion lange swincan) and ^If. L. S. XXV. 198, 199 (hwset wille we leng don buion licgan ealle set his arwurSum cneowum and eadmodlice biddan tSast he us getSingie to tJyllicum gode?) buion is a conjunctive adverb, not a preposition. — So, too, in Bede 78.26 (Ond hwset elles is to secenne witS Ssem hungre nemne ondlifen, wit5 tSurst drync, witS hseto celnis, wiS cyle hraegl, witS werignesse reste, wi6 untrymnesse lacedom secan = 56.3 : Et quid est aliud contra famem alimenta, contra sitim potiun, contra aestum auras, contra frigus uestem, contra lassitudinem requiem quaerere, nisi medicamentum quidem contra egritudines explorare) nemne is probably a conjunction, as is the Latin nisi; and secan in reality completes the sense of is, as does to secanne, but, owing to its remoteness from is, is uninflected: see Chapter VII, p. 98. — In Lcece. 5.37 (gif mon on sinwe beslea wt blodlwtan and 45.10 (Gif mon cet blodlcetan on sinwe beslea), we have a compound noun, I think, although I do not find this word so recorded in the dictionaries. For the idiom in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section iii. > Also sporadically of for to. CHAI'TER IV. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. Perhaps the most frequent use of the active infinitive in Anglo-Saxon is to complete the sense of these auxiliary verbs: agan (nagan), owe {not), ought (not). mot, may, must. ciuman, know, can. sculan, owe, shaU. dear(r), dare. tSurfan, need. magan, can, may, willan/ desire, will. No doubt, as is generally believed, the complementary infinitive after these verbs was originally scarcely, if at all, distinguishable from the objective in- finitive, treated in Chapter II; for the auxiliary verbs originally were transitive in sense and could govern a noun object, as is still true of vdllan in its primary sense of ' desire.' As, however, the transitive sense more and more paled away in the auxiliaries, the latter came to seem more and more to be mere copulas between the subject and the infinitive; and the infinitive, instead of seeming to be the object of the auxiliary, appears to us as the most significant element in the verb phrase. Hence it is that I have put the use of the infinitive with auxiUary verbs under the general heading of the more verbal (or the predica- tive) uses of the infinitive. The predicative infinitive with auxiliaries is habitually uninflected, though occasionally it is inflected. The examples of the uninflected infinitive are so numerous and are so normal that it has not seemed profitable to me either to collect or to publish the complete statistics thereof. Sufiice it to say that this infinitive is very frequent in poetry and in prose, in Early West Saxon and in Late West Saxon, and in the more original works as well as in the translations. Nor have I sought with a verb like willan, which is sometimes a transitive verb and sometimes an auxiliary, to separate the two uses. In a word, the paucity of my statistics as to the predicative uninflected infinitive is intentional, and is based on the belief that what is peculiar in such verbal phrases rests on the shift in meaning of the auxiliaries, and belongs rather to a history of the auxili- aries than to a history of the infinitive. Moreover, the history of the auxiliaries has already been worked out to a greater or less degree, especially in the case of the two most interesting ones, sculan and willan.^ A few examples, there- fore, will suffice for the uninflected infinitive as the complement of auxiliary verbs. On the other hand, I have tried to collect all the examples of the rarer construction, the inflected infinitive as complement to the auxiliaries. I do not forget that this use of the inflected infinitive as complement to auxiliary verbs is denied by some careful students of Anglo-Saxon, as by Dr. K. Kohler, I. c, p. 45, Professor Blackburn,^ I. c, p. 57, and Dr. Riggert, I. c, pp. 9, 68, 70, > For reasons already given, I do not put here, but under the objective use, heginnan, don, gewuniari, hdbban, onginndn, and wunian. Bean (weaan) is treated in Chapter VII. Dr. Kenyon, I. c, pp. 88 ff., uses the terms complement and comvlementary so as to include a very large number of verbs, transitive and intransitive. ' See,- in the bibliography, the works by Blackburn, C. B. Bradley, H. Bradley, Graef, K. Kohler, H. Kurrelmeyer, Liunggren, Mttgens, and Kiggert. _ . , i 79 80 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. and 75; but I think that the scarcity of examples in the poetry has misled these gentlemen, and that the construction will hardly be questioned by any one after reading the complete statistics thereof given below. It is difficult to discover the view of Dr. Wulfing and of Dr. Farrar: the fonner, I. c, II, pp. 209-210, gives one example of the inflected infinitive after vrillan^ and agan each, but calls it objective; the latter nowhere differentiates the complemen- tary and the objective uses of the inflected infinitive. As to the position of the iminflected infinitive with auxiliary verbs, my observation tallies with that of t)r. Riggert, who, /. c, p. 10, declares: " Der Infinitiv pflegt im Hauptsatze dem Hilfsverb zu folgen, im Nebensatze ihm voranzustehen. Zwar ist die Regel nicht streng durchgefiihrt, jedoch sind die Abweichungen vielleicht des ofteren aus metrischen Rticksichten zu erklaren." The inflected infinitive follows the auxiliary except in a very few instances (Laws 396 and 400, quoted below under agan, p. 81; Bened. 135.11, quoted under durran, p. 82). Whether uninflected or inflected, the predicative infinitive that is active in form is active in sense. The following are typical examples of the uninflected infinitive with auxil- iary verbs: — agan, owe, ought: Wulf. 294.26'': ac man ah cyrican and haligdom to secanne and tSaer hine georne iime to gebiddanne and mid eadmodnysse hlystan. cimnan, know, can: Beow. 2372: he . . . eSelstolas heaMan cuSe. — lb. 91: se tSe cuSe frum- sceaft fira feorran reccan. dear(r), dare: Beow. 528: gif t5u Grendles dearst nihtlongne fjTst nean bidan. — 76. 684'': gif he gesecan dear wig ofer wsepen. magan, can, may: Beow. 2954, 2955: tSset he ssemannimi onsacan mihte, heatSoliSendum hord forstandan, mot, may, must: Beow. 1939, 1940: tSset hit sceadenmael scyran waste, cwealmbealu cySan. sculan, owe, shall: Beow. 1464: tSaet hit ellenweorc oefnan scolde. — 76. 3078: Oft sceall eorl . . . wrsec adreogan. tSurfan, need: Beow. 2874: nealles folccyning fyrdgesteallum gylpan Sorfte. — 76. 446»: Na t5u minne Searft hafalan hydan. willan, desire, will: 5eow. 2148, 2149: matJmas . . . SaicSe . • . bringan wyUe, estvan geywan. Below I cite, in alphabetic sequence of the auxiliaries, all the examples of the complementary inflected infinitive that I have observed: — agan (nagan), owe (not), ought (not): Chron. 206', 1070 A*: he . . . saede tJset he hit nahte to donne. — 76. 216", > Boeth. 110.29, but the text used by me, Sedgefield's, has here wilnaS. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 81 1085 £■*: oWSe hwilce gerihtse he ahte to habbanne to xii montSum. — 76. 266", 1140 E'': De eorl . . . benam him al Sset he ahte to hauen (sic!). Laws 30, Alfred, Intr., c. 12»: nage he hie ut on elSeodig folc to bebycgganne. — 76. 48, Alfred, c. 2: age he tSreora nihta fierst him to gebeorganne (or final?). — 76. 116, Ine, c. 62: nah iSonne self nane wiht to gesellanne beforan ceape. — 76. 228, III iEthelred, c. 3 : hlafordes gif u, tSe he on riht age to gifanne. — 76. 284, I. Cnut, c. 4, § 1 : understande se tSe cunne, my eel is 7 maere tSset sacerd ah to donne folce to tSearfe. — 76. 304, 1 Cnut, c. 22, § 5»: FortSam he nah aefter forSsitSe Cristenra manna gemanan ne on gehalgedan lictune to restene. — 76. 304, I Cnut, c. 22, § S*": ne he nah tSses halgan busies to onfonne her on hfe. — 76. 304, I Cnut, c. 22, § 6: ne he nah mid rihte otSres mannes to onfonne set fuUuhte. — 76. 328, II Cnut, c. 24, § 3: tSaet nan man hit nah to geahnianne raSost tSinga. — 76. 376, Duns., c. 6: nah naSer to farenne ne Wilisc mon on ^nglisc land ne ^Englisc etc. — 76. 396, Swerian, c. 3, § 3: swa hit me se sealde, tSe hit to syUanne agte. — 76. 400, BecwajS, c. 2 : swa hit se sealde, Se to syllanne ahte. — 76. 442, Wifmannes Beweddung, Inscr., MS. B : Hu man maeden weddian sceal: 7 hwylce forewarde tJser aghon to beonne. — 76. 477, Episcopus, c. 2'': Saet heora selc wite, . . . eac hwset hy woruldmannum agan to beodanne. Woerf. 241.18: Sset se tSe agymeleasede, Saet he heolde his lichaman forhaefed- nesse, nahte sona na ma to sprecenne Sses wundorlican maegnes word buton lich- amlicre tungan = 296 A^: ut qui carnis continentiam servare neglexerat, sine lingua carnea non haberet verba virtutis. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II.: 15.252: Hwanan wearS eow, Saet ge mihton ahan (sic!) godes tJeowes to besmcenne = 216.281 : Quis te genuit, vel quis vobis praecepit in sancta opera insidiari f Wulf.ZQ.ll: bene . . . naA mid rihte aeniges mannes set fuUuhte io ow/onrae ne set bisceopes handa. — 76. 123.2: fortSam nah senig man mid rihte tofullianne haetSenne man. — 76. 135.31: tSset se deofol eow nage nabt on to bestelenne on tSam ytemestan daege. — 76. 238.2: nan man nah to . . . cyrican ne to '. . . weofode idelhende to cumene. — 76. 279.19: witodlice nah man on aenigne timan . . . set godes huse unnyt to donne. — 76.290.18: 'Su. ahst to fyllenne 'Sine seoien tidsangas. — 76. 292.2: hu ge agan her on life rihtlice to libbanne. — 76. 294.20, 24: tSset man ah to forganne ealle fulnyssa; . . . aelc gemot senig mann to fremmanne. — 76. 294.25, 26": ac man ah cyrican and haligdom to secanne and tSaer bine georne inne to gebiddanne and mid eadmodnysse hlystan (dd). — 76. 294.30": 8aet man ah seoce men to geneosianne and deade bebyrian (sic!), earmingas . . . fedan (sic!) and scrydan (sic!). — 76. 295.5: man ah on tSam daege bine to gesibsumianne. — 76. 302.5: ne he nah mid rihte aeniges mannes set fuUuhte to onfonne ne set bisceopes handmn. ■ — 76. 307.27: ne he nah mid rihte otSres mannes to onfonne set fuUuhte. cunnan^ know, can: Ex. 437: He atS sweretS, engla tSeoden, . . . t5set Sines cyimes and cneow- maga, randwiggendra rim ne cunnon yldo ofer eorSan ealle crsefte to gesecgenne sotSum wordum, nymtSe etc. [In his edition of Exodiis and Daniel, Professor F. A. Blackburn comments as follows on this passage: " The object of cunnon is rim, ' know not the number ... to tell it,' i. e. will not be able to count thy descendants, to gesecgenne cannot be joined directly to cunnon, ' can tell,' since cunnan in this sense takes the pure infin., not the phrasal form." Simi- larly Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 75, expresses himself: " In loser Beziehung zum 82 THE PBEDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. Satze stehend mochte ich den prapos. Inf. Exod. 435 [= my 437] auffassen ... Da sich in der ae. Poesie Kein Beispiel fiir die Verbindung von Hilfsverb mit prapos. Inf. findet, ist auch hier wohl nicht to gesecgenne als unmittelbar abhangig von cunnan z\i betrachten." The interpretation of Drs. Blackburn and Biggert is, of course, possible; but it does not seem probable to me in view of the fact that we have a second instance of to gescegenne after cunnan in Anglo-Saxon poetry {Rid. 37.13), and not a few clear examples of the inflected infinitive used predicatively with other auxiliaries in Anglo-Saxon prose.] Rid. 37.13: Du wast gif Su const to gesecganne, tSaet we sotS witan hu tSsere wihte wise gonge. [In his edition of The Riddles of the Exeter Book, Professor Frederick Tupper, Jr., does not comment on the inflection of the infinitive here, but cites two analogous passages: And. 603 (Miht tSu me gesecgan, tJaet ic sotJ wite) and Chr. 442 (tSaet tJu sotS wite). But Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 70, and Mr. Wyatt, I. c, p. 95, consider to gesecganne the object of wast, not the complement of const, — an interpretation that seems to me quite doubtful.] dear(r), dare: Bened. 135.11: fortSi ansetles wununge geceosatS, tSset hi getSwsere and eatS- mode getJuhte syn and hi nan man gegremianne (sic!) dyrre = 0. [Cf. Farrar, I. c, p. 22, where attention is called to the absence of to, but no explanation is suggested for the inflection of the infinitive.] nagan: see agan above. sculan, owe, shaU: Chron. 30*, 656 E"*: 3a waertS he switJe glsed, heot seonden . . . sefter alle tSa t5e Gode luuedon, tSaet hi scoJdon to him cumene (sic!). Somewhat akin to the predicative use of the infinitive with auxihary verbs is the use of the infinitive in the following sentences, after cuman, ' come,' gebyrian, ' be fitting,' and Syncan, ' seem: ' Chron. 177", 1052 E": Da com hit to witenne tSam eorlimi ut to Sandwic; — Laws 483, Wilhelm I, c. 1': Gif Englisc man beclypaS aenigne Fraencisne mann to orneste ... for anigan tSingan, tSe gebyrige ornest fore to beonne; — Wcerf. 179.9: Nu ic Sus swiSe behealde tSa neahfaedras, tSe mid us wseron, maran 7 getSungenran manna dseda ic forlet, swa tSaet me SynceS of gemynde heon Paulines wimdor Nolane burge biscopes, se manige maen tJara, ?5e ic gemunde, segtJer ge on tida gegange ge eac on wundrum ofertSeah = 216 C: Dum vicinis valde Patribus intento, majorum facta reliqueram, ita ut Paulini miraculum, Nolanse urbis episcopi, qui multos quorum memini virtute et tempore praecessit, memoriae defuisse videatur. In the following passages we seem to have an active infinitive used as the complement of the passive of gewunian, ' habituate one's self: ' Wcerf. 181.13: grene wyrta he is gewunod me to bringanne = 220 A^ : herbas mihi ad prandium deferre consuevit; — j^lf. Horn. II. 358'*: tSatSa se brotJor wees gewunod to muBssigenne; — ib. II. 570'': Ge tJe waeron geimmode to underfonne manna herunga for eowerum godimi weorcum, faratS etc. See, too, p. 73 above. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. How shall we account for the instances in which we have an inflected infini- tive as the complement of an auxiliary verb? With all the strict auxiliaries except agan, the predicative infinitive is normally uninflected, and the straggling xamples of the inflected infinitive are clearly the exceptions that prove the THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 83 rule. With agan, however, the predicative infinitive is frequently inflected; why? ^ Because of the strong datival sense of the verb, — its signification of propriety or fitness, I think. In Wulfstan we find the infinitive uninflected four times after agan (nagan), in a series, once (294.26'') in a series of three in- finitives and three times (294.30'', 3P- '') in a series of four infinitives, with the first infinitive inflected in each of the two series, and also the second infini- tive in the former series. As stated above, Dr. K. Kohler and Dr. Riggert both deny that we have any clear examples of the inflected infinitive as the complement of an auxiliary verb; hence they do not attempt to differentiate the uninflected infinitive from the inflected infinitive in this use. The most specific deliverance that I have observed as to the differentiation of the two infinitives after auxiliaries is the following by Professor Einenkel, in his " Der Infinitiv im Mittelenglischen," p. 88, written primarily with reference to Middle English: " Eine der altesten Verbindungen ist die des Objectsinfinitivs mit einem Hilfszeitwort. Hier ist der reine Infinitiv die fast ausnahmslose Regel. Haufiger findet sich die Praposition dort, wo das Hilfszeitwort dem pragnanteren Sinne des Begriffsverbs sich nahert. Die Grenze zwischen diesen beiden Verwendungen ist oft schwer zu Ziehen." As to the complementary infinitive with the passive of gevmnian, the inflected infinitive is what we should expect and what we find. In the kindred Germanic languages, too, we occasionally find the active infinitive inflected after auxiliary verbs: see Chapter XVI, section iv. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. The passive infinitive as the complement of an auxiliary verb is not nearly so frequent as is the active infinitive in the same use, but it is far more frequent than in other uses of the passive infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. It is very rare in the poems, and is found chiefly in the prose translations. The passive infini- tive is made up normally of the verb heon plus the past participle, but occasion- ally of weor&an or of wesan plus a past participle. I do not see any difference in sense between the passive infinitive made with beon and that made with wesan; but that made with weorSan denotes, originally at any rate, an ' im- perfect ' action, while the other two denote a ' perfect ' action, in the technical sense of these terms. Typical examples are: — cunnan, kvmo, can: Greg. 113.22: se tSe conn wel strsec heon & ahafen wi6 t5a unryhtwisan = 78.26: qui sdt per illam super culpas erigi. dear(r) dare: Wcerf. 132.17: swa tSeah he ne dorste beon beforan him upp arcered of tJsere eorBan = B. 162 A': sed ipse ante eum de terra erigi non auderet. • — 76. 232.7: be tJam ne dorste us nan wen beon ge&uht = 284 A: de quibus nil coelestis glorise prcesumi posse videbatur, oborta occasione, contigit ad martyrii coronas pervenisse? magan, can, may: Bede 20.14: ©sere lichama on byrigenne gewemmed beon ne mihte = 243.2: cuius nee corpus in monumento corrumpi potuerit. — 76. 76.2: hwelce rehte mceg tSonne bewered beon from gife . . . fulwihtes? = 64.17: qua ratione potmt 84 THE PKEDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AtTXILIAKY VERBS. a sacri baptismatis gratia prohibere? — lb. 92,6: swa efne tSaes tSe meahte midmeten beon Saule= 71.13: ita ut Sauli . . . comparandus uideretur. — lb. 186.25: hu tSu gehmled beon meaht= 151.3: quomodo eureris. — lb. 308.12: tSaet heo . . . meahton . . . beholene beon= 237.25: ocadendos se . . . credi- dissent. — lb. 328.34: he . . . ne meahte gehea&erod beon = 251.19: uidisset . . . eum non potuisse cohiberi. — lb. 472.10: be Sam mmg Saet . . . word cweden beon = 346.31: de quibus apostolicum ilium licet proferre sermonem. Greg. 85.20: we magon beon getrymede mid lobamies cuide = 56.27: Johamiis voce roboramur. Chron. 229*, 1094 E'': gesemede beon ne mihtan. Wwrf. 55.2: hit mceg beon tSe gecySed = 188 B*: valet probari. — 76. 60.33'>: swa t5eh hit forholen beon ne mihte = 192 B*: taceri non potuit. Bened. 5.16: tSses weges ongin . . . ne meg {dc!) beon begunnen= 10.26: viam . . . , quse non est . . . indpienda. Bl. Horn. 19.22 : heo mihte beon acenned. JSlf. Horn. I. 48'': Hwa mceg beon rihtlice gedeged mannes Beam? — lb. II. 28': tSeah hi ne magon beon ealle gegaderode. Mlj. L. S. 98.137: hu magon hi beon gegladode? . Mlf. Hept.: Deut. 3.23'': Se mcege . . . beon wiSm^ten Sinre strengSe = qui possit . . . comparari fortitudini tuae. Gosp.: Mk. 10.38: mage gyt . . . beon gefullod? = potestis . . . baptizari? With weorSan plus a past participle (all examples) : Gen. 261 : ne mihte him bedyrned wyrSan. Chr. 1431 : Su meahte minum weorSan msegwlite gelic, mane bidceled. Met. 11.19: ForSsem sefre ne magon Sa unstillan woruldgesceafta weorSan gestilde. — lb. 11.98*''': gif Mora modsefa meahte weorSan staSolfaest gereaht Surh Sa strongan meaht / geendebyrd swa swa oSra sint woruldgesceafta. — lb. 20.97: tSset hio siSSan mceg for Ssem sype weorSan geleht lyftum. Boeth. 92.29: ©set fyr . . . ne m^eg nsefre weorSan todceled = 80.81: ignis uero omnem refugit sectionem. Greg. 395.34: gebidde hira segSer for oSer Saet hie mmgen Surh Saet weorSan geh(Blede= 314.9: exhortantes invicem salvent. — lb. 399.18: Sonne magon hie Seah weorSan gehcelede suiSe ieSelice Surh forgiefnesse & Surh gebedu = 318.4: et tamen venia salvantur. — 76. 431.24: Ac hit wilnaS Sat hit to Son onwsecne Sset hit m^ge eft weorSan oferdruncen = 356.18: Quae quidem, evigilare optat, ut rursum vina reperiat. Oros. 64-34: Saet hie mid nanum Singe ne mehton gesemede weorSan = 0. — 76. 94.15: Sa hie ne mehton from . . . iyie forbcsrnede weorSan = 95.12: quod inmissa per hostem flamma non adiit. Wulf. 96.14: swa aefre aenig gold mceg claenost amerod weorSan. — 76. 103.20: f orSam Surh Saet we magan mycle Se yS raSe gehcelede weorSan. With wesan plus a past participle (all examples) : A. S. Horn. & L. S. II.: 18.424: Saet sio geSungennes ne moeg naefre wesan besmitan (sic!). LcBce. 19.14: mceg wesan sio wund gehceled. — 76. 152.19: nueg seo wund wesan gehceled. mot, may, must: THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE, 85 Bede 72.11: hwailSeT mot hiscop halgadbeonf = 52.6: andebeat . . . episco- pus ordinari? — lb. 182.31: tSaette . . . reliquias . . . gehealdne beon moston = 148.26: conderentur. Greg. 171.18: naefre ne moton him beon ofatogene= 126.13: nee umquam extrahentur ab eis. TTtEj/. 35.19: moste beon geloeded to Romebyrig = 172 B' : ut ad Romanam urbem deduct debuisset. jElf. Horn. I. 292'': Saet nan man ne mot beon tuwa gefullod. Mlf. L. S. 270.142: he ne m^t na beon eft gefullod. Wulf. 32.9, 10: tJonne mot he beon serost tSinga gemynegad and gewisod. Note. — No example of the infinitive made up with weorSan or with wesan plus a past participle has been fotmd with motan. sculan, owe, shall: Chr. 213: sceolde witedom in him sylfum beon sotSe gefyUed. Bede 18.16: getacnod waes, hwaer gesette beon sceoldon Sa hchaman = 219.10: poni deberent. — 76. 74.1»- ••: hu t5a gerehte 7 gebette beon scylen = 53.4: qualiter . . . corrigantur. — 76. 96.28, 29 : heo sculon of Godes yrre beon abrogdene, 7 to . . . miIdheortnesse3eceg'de= 80.18, 19: Deiri; de ira enifo, et ad misericordiam Christi uocati. — 76. 110.32*- '': tSaet he tSurh Sa gedcensed 7 gereht beon sceolde = 90.34'' '': Nee supernae flagella distrietionis perfido regi castigando et com- gendo defuse. — 76. 288.22: ahefen beon sceolde = 222.24: leuanda esset. Boeth. 95.15: ©set eorn sceal bion aweht = 81.12.: excitatur. Greg. 251.1: euaetS S. tSaet fremde ne scoldon beon gefyllede ures maegenes = 190.1: Ne forte impleantur extranei viribus tuis. Ores. 20.33: Donne sceolon beon gesamnode ealle t5a men = 0. Chron. 145*, 1014 £*>: aele tSaera ^iaga, forgifan (sic!) beon sceolde. Laws 448, Rectitudines, c. 5, § 3: he sceal beon gehorsad. Weerf. 54.18: tSaet hi sceolon beon eft mid benum begytene= 188 B': ut preeibus obtineantur. — 76. 181.7: hu sceole geseted beon Waendlariee = 220 A^: qualiter disponi debeat. — 76. 213.4: he sceolde beon eall tosliten = 260 B^: discerpi potuisset. Bened. 43.20: seahnas scidon beon tododede = 80.24 dividendi sunt. Bl. Horn. 9.6: Adames gylt tSurh tSe sceal beon geSingod. Mlf. Horn. I. 24'': cydde hire, tSaet Godes Sunu sceolde beon acenned of hire. Mlf. L. S. 30.82: heo sceolde . . . beon gescyld. Mlf. Hept.: Gen. 27.45'': hwi sceal ic beon bedceled aegtSer (sic!) minra sunena on amun daege? = eur utroque orbdbor filio in imo die? Gosp.: Mat. 3.14: Ic sceal from tSe beon gefuUod = Ego a te deibeo baptizari. — Mk. 2.22: Ac niwe win sceal beon gedon on niwe bytta = sed vinum novmn . . . mitti debet. Mlf. Gr. 255.12: se tJe sceal beon gehyred - avdiendus. Widf. 96.5, 6: fortJam tSe hy sculon beon ratSe gedcensode and amerode. Loece. 58.21: baetS . . . sceal beon geworht. With weorSan plus a past participle (all examples) : Gen. 1102: min sceal switSor mid grimme gryre golden wurSan fyll and feorhcwealm, tJonne ic fortS scio. Chr. 1617: tSaet he, fah, scyU from his Scyppende ascyred weorSan. 86 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. Ju. 416: se tSe on legre sceoX weorSan in worulde wyrme to hrotSor bifolen in foldan. El. 581 : tSset eow sceal tSaet leas awundrad weorSan to woruldgedale. Ih. 688: tSaet Su hungre sceali for cneowmagum cwylmed weorSan. And. 758: Saet of his cynne cenned sceolde weorSan wuldres god. Ph. 378: tSaet he swa wrajtlice weorSan sceolde eft tSset ilce, tSset he aer tSon waes, fetSrum Ufongen. — Ih. 564: tSeah min lie seyle on moldaerne molsnad weorSan wyrmum to willan. Met. 25.72 : Seah he oferwunnen weorSan sceolde. — lb. 29.89, 91 : seghwylc hiora wratSe tostencte weorSan sceolden: seghwilc hiora ealle to nauhte weorSan sceoldon wratSe toslopena. Bede 38.30»' ^ : stow . . . , t$e ef t sceolde mid . . . blode . . , gewurSad 7 gehalgod weorSan = 20.34: qui beati martyris cruore dicaretur. Bl. Horn. 77.29, 30: tSaet seo burh sceolde ahrocen weorSan & bereafod. — lb. 117.18: hie tealdon tSsette Israhela rice sceolde . . . geibletsod weorSan. — 76. 121.33*' '': heora etSel sceolde eft gebiien 7 geseted weorSan mid halgum sawlum. — lb. 185.6 : tSset he sceole to heofenum ahafen weorSan. A.S.Hom.&L.S.I.9.14:7: Wite . . . 'Sast ^vivmrSanscealt . . . ofslagen. Wulf. 88.19: saede . . ., tSaet his sceolde weorSan seghwylc stan . . . toworpen. — lb. 103.24: men . . ., tSe nyde sculan . . . ascadene , . . weorS- an. — 76. 140.21 : wa me earmre, tJaet ic sefre geboren sceolde wurSan. — 76. 276.1 : biterlice seel hit him wyrSan forgolden on tJam toweardan life. — 76. 277.5: bitere seel hit him wyrSan forgolden. Nic. 504.3: ne foresaede ic . . . tSaet deade men arysan sceoldon 7 maenige byrgena geopenod weorSan ? With wesan plus a past participle (all examples) : Gen. 1310: Daer sceal faesl wesan cwiclifigendra cynna gehwilces on Saet wudufaesten wocor geloeded eortSan tudres. — 76. 2286: ic . . . secge, Saet se magorinc sceal mid yldum wesan Ismahel haten. — 76. 2318"- ''• ": Sceod monna gehwilc tSaere cneorisse cildisc wesan waepnedcjTines, tSses t$e on woruld cymtJ, , . . geagnod me otStSe of eortJan tJurh feondschipe feor adoeled, adrifen from duguSum, Dan. 560: tSaet tSaet treow sceolde ... his wyrtruman foldan befolen fyrst- mearc wesan, stille on statJole, swa seo stefn gecwaeS, ymb seofon tida saede eft onfon. Surfan, need: Greg. 83.16: tSaet he . . . ne eac ne Syrfe bion to upahcefen for nanum wlen- cum = 56.3: Non hunc prospera elevent. — 76. 413.16: tSonne hi hi gesewene haebben, gedon Saet hie ne Syrfen bion gesewene aet tSaem nearwan dome = 334.8: vivendo agant, ut a districto judice videri non debeant. Wcerf. 222.15: tSaet se feond . . . ne Searfbeon ondrceded = 272 B^: timeri non debeat. — 76. 269.16'': ne Searf tJaet beon gelyfed = 329 A^: Nam credi jam non potest quod videri potest. — 76. 336.28: Saet Surfe beon andswared = 405 A: Non est jam quod responderi debeat apertae rationi. — 76. 345.17'': tSaet hi tSonne mihton otSSe Sorfton beon getoslede = 421 A^: unde reprehendi potuissent. Bl. Horn. 135.25: Ne Surfe ge beon unrote, ne gedrefed eower heorte. ^If. Horn. II. 48'" 1; ne Searf he beon eft gefullod. Mf. L. S. 176.130: tJaet ic . . . ne Surfe . . . beon gefyled. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 87 Note. — I have found no example of the passive infinitive made up of weorSan or wesan and a past participle after durfan. willan [nyllan], will (not) : Bede 112.12: Gif ge vdUcUS onSwegene beon= 91.16: Si uuUis ablui. — Ib. 308.3: Sa Se woldon gehalede beon= 237.16: qui saluari uellent. — lb. 366.5: Gif me seo . . . geofu . . . forgifm beon wile = 271.13: Si mihi . . . gratia . . . donauerif. Boeth. 36.2: mid hwelce hieahtre ge woldon bion astered = 41.17: quanto nvmeris cachinno. Greg. 135.26: noldon beon abisgode nane wuht on eortSIicum tSingum = 96.29: ut rebus exterioribus nullatenus occupentur. Oros. 128.5: Da Darius geseah tSaet he oferwunnen beon wolde = 129.3: Sed Darius cum vinci sues tdderet. Wwrf. 88.34: nelle tSu nu beon ma geswenced = 212 C: noli fatigari. — 76. 279.3, 4: tSa geceas heo ma, tSset heo wolde . . . beon Gode gegearwod Somie heo . . . wolde beon to hwylcum woruldmen geSeoded = 340 B'- «: elegit magia spiritalibus nuptiis copidari Deo . . . quam carnalibus nuptiis subjici. Bened. 112.16: Gif he . . . nelle beon underSeoded Sam halgan regole » 178.20: ut snbdi aut obedire Regulse nolit. Bl. Horn. 33.13: tJaet he acweald beon wolde. iElf. Horn. I. 34': Crist wolde on ytinge beon acenned. Mlj. L. S. XXXII. 88: ic . . . wille beon ofslagen. ^If. Gr. 143.19: ic wylle beon gelufod= amari valo. — lb. 144.6: ic loylle beon gelufod = amatum iri uolo. Mat. 2.18: heo nolde beon gefrefed= et noluit consolari. — lb. 19.21: Gyf 8u wylt beon fullfremed = Si vis per^edus esse. Wvlf. 194.3: 6aet he wolde tJaer beon geboren sotJ man. Note. — I have found no example of the passive infinitive made up of weorSan plus a past participle with willan, and but one example of the passive infinitive made up of wesan plus a past participle: (ru. 575: him geornlice gaestgemyndum toiKe wideferh wesan un<2er3'^(fed. With a few verbs not auxiliary, we find the passive infinitive used in a way quite similar to that with the genuine auxiUaries. The verbs in question are gedafenian, ' be fitting; ' gewunian, ' be wont; ' weorSan, ' become; ' and vmnian, ' be wont.' The infinitive after gewunian and wunian may be con- sidered objective, as is the active infinitive after these verbs; but the verbal power seems to me diminished in them when followed by the passive infinitive. I cite all the examples that I have observed: — gedafenian: Mlj. L. S. XXIII B. 743: geseah . . . t5a handa swa heo gedafenodon alegdon (sic!) beon and eastweardes gewende; — gewunian: Bede 172.28: monig weorc ... 7 monig tacen . . . wundra . . . gewuniaS . . . scegd beon = 143.3 : solent opera . . . et signa . . . narrari; — ib. 270.33: gevmniaS . . . wundor haelo geworden beon =212.9: solent . . . miracula operari; — ib. 474.14: tJe hie nsefre aer gewunedon in Ssem stowum weorSade beon= 348.4: nunquam . . . ceUbrari solebat; — Wcerf. 183.17; be . . . lohanne Sis wundor gevmnode beon seed fram urum witum = 224 A: De quo etiam illud mirabile . . . narrari solet; — weorSan: Wulf. 217.9: Saet tSeos weoruld mihte eft beon geedstaSoled weorSan and eft of awecnigan; — wunian: Bede 340.7'- •>: tSser heo vmnedon to gebediun gecegde 7 awehte beon = 257.10*' '': quo . . . excitari uel conuocari solebant. 88 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AXJXILIAKY VERBS. For the passive infinitive with auxiliary verbs in the other Germanic lan- guages, see section iv of Chapter XVI. NOTES. 1. The Predicative Infinitive in a Series vn(h AuxOiary Verbs. — We haVe a series of two inflected infinitives after the auxiliary agan in Wvlf. 294.20, 24 and 294.25, 26, quoted on p. 81 above. We have a series of infinitives in which only the first is inflected after agan, »a Wvlf. 294.26»-'' and 294.30*-'', 3P-'', quoted on p. 81 above. 2. The Inflected Infinitive withmit " To " occurs in Bened. 135.11, quoted on p. 82; Chron. 30*, 656 £■!, quoted on p. 82. 3. A Passive Infinitive as Complement to an Auxiliary, htct with Bean (TFesara) Understood, is occasionally found, as in Mlf. Gr. 227.10, Chr. 1260, Gncmic Sayings 94»' ^, 122»' ''. 4. The Predicative Infinitive Is Omitted after Auxiliary Verbs at times, especially if the omitted infinitive denotes motion, as in Oros. 86.3: Deh io ser ssede tSaet we to helle sceolden = 0. Cf . Wulfing, I. c, II, §§ 388-397; Riggert, I. c, pp. 9 ff. 5. The Auxiliary Verb Is Omitted occasionally, as in Mf. Horn. II. 560': Se bitS wuitSe 5Sset hine man arvmrSian, setSe of tSisum life faertS to engla gefean and heofenlicum wurSmynte (or predicative with accusative subject?); ^If. L. S. XXIII B. 168: tSa geseah he him on Sa BwiSran healf e tSser he on gebedum stod swa swa he on mennisce gelicnysse on Uchaman hine wteowan, and "Sa wses he serest switSe afyrht (or predicative with accusative subject?); Laws 166.3: sjmoS . . . , on tSam waesse eercebisceop Wulfhelme mid eallum tSaem setSelum mannum 7 wiotan, ?Se .iEtSelstan cyning gegaderian (Liebermann would supply mihte); ib. 222(2): seliJ ceapscip fritS hsebbe, Ve binnan mutJan cuman (sic!). In the following passages, the italicized words may be infinitives with auxiliaries to be supplied, or they may possibly be plural subjunc- tives to the indefinite man: Laws 241 (14 D) : And sancta Marian freolstida ealle wurSian (other MSS.: wurSie) man geome; i6. 263 (3 D): tSonne bete man' tSset ciricgritJ ... be tSses cyningea fuUan mundbryce 7 Sa mynsterclasnsunge begite, swa Sarto gebirige, 7 wiS God huru &ingian (other MSS.: Single) geome; ib. 264 (4 D): fcetaw (other MSS.: 6e, in which the infinitive follows stondan] and Mlf. L. S. 512.417, in which the infinitive follows licgan. Moreover, the scope and the life of this idiom in the prose have been underrated by both Dr. Schrader ' and Dr. Shearin: ' instead of being found only in Alfred, in the non-^lfrician Homilies, and in Wssrferth, it occurs also, as the above list shows, in the prose ' L. c, II, p. 61. This term is the one most frequently used by writers upon Anglo-Saxon syntax. > L. c, § 448.4: " General motion defined by specific motion: fieon gewat" etc. » L. c, p. 337. « L. c, § 142. B Shearin,^ I. c, p. 13. It is only fair to add. however, that the idiom under discussion by me was only in- directly connected with the main theme of Dr. Shearin's monograph, The Expression 0/ Purpose in Old EngUsh Prose, and that he devoted thereto only a brief note. * Schrader, h c., p. 70, declares that this use of the infinitive is not found in .£lfric, but, when he wrote, in 1887, the third volume of Skeat's edition of JEUric'e Lives of Saints, in which the example occurs, had not been published. ' Shearin,' !. c, p. 13.. _. 89 90 PREDICATIVE mFINITIVE WITH VBBBS OF MOTION AND BEST. w«„rp S scri^ran sceadugenga), but occasionaUy it precedes/ especially in dependent clauses, as in Dan. 698 (tSeah Be feonda folc feran cwmrn) and Ps. 76.15 (Sonne ligette lixan cwmnan). The infinitive is active in sense as well as in form. The following verbs of motion are followed by a predicative infinitive of a verb of motion (occasionally of other verbs, as blican, lixan, and scinan, each meaning ' shine; ' and hlynnan, ' resound ') : becmnan [bi-], come. fleon, fly. cuman, come. gewitan, go, depart. dselan (7), diatHbvie. The verbs most frequently so used are cuman and gewitan. The various infinitives that follow the verbs named above are given, in alphabetic sequence after each verb, in my statistics, and need not be named here. The number of infinitives is far larger than the number of finite verbs; but, as the usage is substantially the same, regardless of the verb, I quote only a few examples. It remains only to add that at times it is difficult, if not impossible, to decide whether we have the predicative or the final use of the infinitive in some pas- sages, — concerning which see section v of Chapter XIV. Typical examples are: — becuman [bi-], come: And. 789: tSaet he on Mambre becom beorhte blican. Beow. 2553: stefn in becom heatJotorht hlynnan under harne stan. [But Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 41, construes differently.] Chr. 1114: tJser blod ond wseter butu setsomne ut bicwaman fore eagna gesyhS, rinnan fore rincum 8a he on rode waes. cuman, come: A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 15.329: And tSa ure drihten him self am of heofonum to eortJan astigan, and hire sona to cwsetJ = 218.370: loose paraphrase. Bede 400.28: tJa ic hreowsende waes, ?5a ic mid tJy heafde 7 mid honda wn on tJone stan dryfan; 7 se ?5uma gebrocen waes, 7 eac swylce seo getSeodnes tSses heafdes tobrocen waes 7 tolesed = 290.19: euenit . . . ut hunc [= lapidem] capite ac manu, quam capiti ruens subposueram, tangerem, atque infracto poUice capitis quoque iunctura solueretur. Beow. 2915: sytJtJan Higelac cwomfaran flotherge on Fresna land. Gen. 852: Da com feran frea selmihtig ofer midne daeg. Pr. Gu. X. 5: tJa comon tJaer semninga in twa swalewan fleogan = forte hirundines duae subito domum intranfes, velut magna laetitia . . . sese non haesitantes humeris . . . Guthlaci imposuerunt. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 15.292: And Sa Saer com fleogan drihtnes sengel and he tSa gehalgode tJset . . . waster = 217.326: veniat super me sancta tua columba, . . . et benedicat aquam. * See Riggert, /. c, p. 41. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION AND REST. 91 Boeth. 8.16: Sa com tSaer gan in to me heofencund Wisdom = 4.2: adstitisse mihi supra uerticem uisa est mulier. Beow. 1163: Da cwom WealhtSeo fortS gan. — lb. 1644: Da com in gan ealdor tSegna (may be final, as Dr. Shearin,^ I. c, p. 237, holds). Pr. Gu. I. 26: tSa com tJaer sum wif yrnan of Sam huse, . . . and cleopode - ecce ex aula propriante {sic!), . . . mulier . . . currens clamabat. /Elf. L. S. XXXI. 1039: tSa com tJser fserlice yrnan an tSearle wod cu. [Cf. ib. XXXI. 1043: com . . . ymende.] Rid. 23.2 : ^tsomne cwom sixtig monna to waegstsetSe wicgum ridan. Pr. Gu. V. 7: Sa comon semninga twegen deoflu to him of tSaere lyfte slidan, and t5a to him cutSlice sprsecon and cwsedon = subito coram illo, velut ex aere lapsi, efferis vultibus duo zabuli humano habitu se obtulerunt, ac etc. daelan, distribute, diffuse: Gen. 2192: tungel, ?Sa nu rume heora wuldorfaestne wlite wide dcela3 ofer brad brymu beorhte sdnan (or may be final?). fleon, flee: Doomsday 240: se earma flyhS uncraeftiga slaep, sleac mid sluman slincan on hinder. gewitan, go, depart: Beow. 124: tSanon eft gewat hutSe hremig to ham faran. Beaw. 27: Him tJa Scyld gewat to gescaephwile felahror /eran on frean waere (predicative according to Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 39, but final according to Dr. Shearin," I. c, p. 237). And. 786: Gewat he 1Sa.feran. Gen. 1471 : gewat fleogan eft mid lacum hire. Gen. 1050: Him tSa Cain gewat gongan geomormod gode of gesyhtSe. And. 238: Gewat . . . gangan on greote. Beow. 234: Gewat him t5a to warotSe wicge ridan tJegn HrotJgares. Beow. 2569, 2570: Gewat t5a byrnende gebogen scriSan, to gescipe seyndan. Gen. 2161 : Gewat him tSa se healdend ham siSian. The predicative use of the infinitive after verbs of motion is common in the Low Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI, section v. Occasionally, too, after verbs of rest we have a similar predicative use of an infinitive, as in the following: — Mf. L. S. 512.417: Da gelamp hit on Sam dagum Se Sas forsprecenan Singe gewurdon, Saet god selmihtig gescifte senne swa geradne mann, Se ahte geweald ealles Saes splottes set celian dune, Saer Saet scraef waes tomiddes Se Sa seofon halgan lagon inne slapan;^ — And. 1712: Hie Sa gebrohton set brimes naesse on waBgSele wigan unslawne; stodon him Sa on ofre aefter reotan (but Dr. Riggert, I. c. p. 45, considers the infinitive final in sense); — Pr. Gu. V. 274''''': Sa geseah he Saer standan twegen Sara awerigdra gasta wepan swySe and geomrian = a sinistra stantes duos satellites lugentes . . . conspicit (or possibly wepan and geomrian are co-ordinate with standan f). In the former of the two following examples the infinitive may be predicative, but it is more probably final in each: Mf. Hept.: Judges 4:.18^: He eode Sa in earhlice swiSe, and seo wimman mid hire hwitle bewreah hine sona, let hine licgan swa oetluUan his feondum = Qui ingressus tabemaculum ejus > Cf. Einenkel,' I. c, p. 1076. 92 PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OP MOTION AND REST. et opertus ab ea pallio, dixit ad earn; — Gen. 842: sceton onsundran bidan selfes gesceapu heofoncyninges: see Chapter X, pp. 134 and 142. This predicative use of the infinitive after verbs of rest is common in the High Germanic languages, especially in New High German: see Chapter XVI, section v. Gradually the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion and of rest began to be supplanted by the predicate nominative of the present participle, com . . . yrnan becoming com . . . yrnende (as in ^If. L. S. XXXI. 1039, 1043), — an evolution discussed in the chapter on " Some Substitutes for the Anglo- Saxon Infinitive." CHAPTER VI. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "WUTON."i Predicative, too, may be considered the use of the infinitive to complete the sense of the adhortative {w)uton, ' let.' When so used in Anglo-Saxon, the infinitive is uninfiected. Regularly, too, the infinitive is active, only three examples having been found of the passive infinitive so used. Whether active or passive, the infinitive invariably follows (w)uton. Regularly the infinitive that is active in form is active in sense. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. Of the active infinitive used as the complement of (w)iUon about 614 ex- amples have been found, 572 in the prose and 42 in the poetry. As in the poetry, so in Early West Saxon, the idiom is relatively infrequent: only 25 examples occur in the whole of Alfred. No example has been found in the Chronicle or in Wserferth. On the other hand, the construction is relatively frequent in the Laws, in the Blickling Homilies, and in the Gospels, and is quite frequent in iElfric (about 168 examples) and in Wulfstan (about 231 examples). The construction is found with a large number of verbs, and these have such a diversity of meaning as not to admit of helpful classification. The follow- ing verbs occur approximately twenty times or more: beon, ' be; ' biddan, ' pray; ' don, ' do,' ' make; ' gan [gangan, -a-], ' go; ' yeSencan, ' thinlc,' ' con- sider; ' habban, ' have; ' healdan, ' hold,' ' preserve; ' lufian, ' love; ' and wyrcan, 'work,' 'make.' The following verbs occur in the poems: ader- ran [-€-], 'turn;' agan, ' own;' beorgan, 'protect;' biddan, 'pray;' cuman, ' come; ' cunnian, ' attempt; ' cweman, * please; ' cySan, ' make known; ' eamian, ' earn,' ' merit; ' efstan, ' hasten; ' feogan [feon], ' hate; ' feran, ' travel; ' gan [gangan, -o-], ' go; ' gebeodan, ' offer; ' gedon, ' cause; ' geSencan, ' think,' ' consider; ' habban, ' have; ' healdan, ' hold; ' helpan, ' help; ' herian, ' praise; ' hycgan, ' think; ' hyhtan, ' hope; ' lufian, ' love; ' oferhycgan, ' de- spise;,' oliccan, ' please; ' oSwendan, ' escape; ' scyndan, ' hasten; ' secan, 'seek;' settan, 'setup,' 'establish;' stadelian, 'establish;' tilian, ' strive for,' ' attempt; ' toweorpan, ' destroy; ' wilnian, ' desire; ' and wuldrian^ 'honor.' The following are found in Alfred: acrmftan, 'devise;' agi{e)fan, ' give; ' bidan, ' await; ' biddan, ' pray; ' biegan [-e-], ' bend; ' bringan, 'bring;' brucan, ' enjoy; ' cuman, ' come; ' don, ' do,' ' make; ' endian' [ce-], ' end; ' fon, ' begin; ' forlmtan, ' leave; ' gebetan, ' amend; ' gebiddan, ' pray; ' geliefan [-y-], ' believe; ' gereccan, ' account,' ' consider; ' healdan, ' hold; ' hebban, ' lift up; ' iecan [e-], ' increase; ' Man, ' allow; ' secgan, ' say,' ' re- late; ' sellan, ' give; ' spyrian [-u-], ' inquire; ' and tellan, 'tell,' ' relatie.' As the construction is quite the same regardless of the verb used, it seems necessary to give only a few examples: — ^ Variant forms are uton, (w)utan, {.w)tUun, uten, ute: see notes at the end of this chapter. For th^ evolution in the meaning of (,w)titon, see Chapter XIV, section vi. . ■ ■ 93'' ■• ' ' 94 THE PBEDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "WUTON." acierran, turn, go: Fallen Angels 217: Uton acerran Sider. agi(e)fan, give back: Boeth. 103.5: Wutun agifan Saem esne his wif = 87.42: Donamus comitem uiro. beon, be: Laws 300, 1 Cnut, c. 20*': vtan beon a urum hlaforde holde. Bl. Horn. 131.1: C/ton 6eon selmesgeorne. JElf. Horn. I. 414'': Ac uUm we beon carfulle, tSset etc. Wvlf. 119.12'': vian beon a urum hlaforde holde. — lb. 145.33°: uton beon eadmode. biddan, pray: Chr. 774: Utan . . . biddan Beam Godes ond t5one bliSan Gsest, Saet he us gescilde witJ sceatSan wsepnum. Bede 98.27*: Uton biddan . . . God = 81.29=: Obsecremus Deum. Bl. Horn. 159.32: utan we biddan t5a femnan S. Marian tSaet heo etc. ^If. Horn. I. 364*: Uton nu biddan tSone . . . Hselend, tSset etc. Wvlf. 142.13: uton biddan urne drihten. brucan, enjoy: Oros. 86.1: Uton nu brucan tSisses undernmetes swa tSa sculon tSe hiora aefengifl on helle gefeccean sculon = 85.33: Prandete, tamquam apud inferos coenaturi. ^If. Horn. I. 618'' ': Uton forSi brucan t5ses fyrstes tSe us God forgeaf. don, do, make: Boeth. 75.16*: Uton nu, gif t5e swa t5ince, ecan Sone anwald 7 tJaet geniht, don tSser weortSscipe to, 7 gereccan Sonne tSa Sreo to anum = 68.22: Addamus igitur suflBcientiae potentiaeque reuerentiam, ut haec tria unum esse iudicemus. Laws 268, VIII .^thelred, c. 43*: Ac uton don, swa us ?Sea[r]f is, Bened. 21.9: Utan don swa swa se witega myngatJ = 42.7: Fadamus quod ait propheta. Bl. Horn. 205.28: uton wit . . . don . . , faesten. JElf. Horn. II. 100'' 2 : uton don ?5earfum and wannspedigum sume hiSt5e ure goda. Mf. L. S. XXX. 368: Uton don criste Sancung. jElf. Hept.: Gen. 37.20*". C/ion hine of slean and don hine on tSone . . . pytt and secgan =» Venite, occidamus eum et mittamus in cisternam veteremi dicamusque. Wulf. 20.1': utan we don, swa us mycel tSearf is (a very common locution in Wulfstan). — 76. 166.1 : utan don, swa us neod is. efstan, hapten: Beow. 3101 : Uton nu efstan dSie si?$e seon and secean searogetSrsec, wimdur under wealle. Bl. Horn. 109.9: Uton we nu efstan etc. JElf. Horn. II. 526'': Uton fortSi efstan to urum eSele. Wulf. 75.21 : uton nu efstan and ealle ure lifwegas geornlice rihtan. forlsetan, leave, abandon: Solil. 49.12: uton ne forlatan gyet tSas hoc = Non sinam omnino condudi hunc libellum. ^Elf. Horn. II. 380'^^: t^tonweherian . . . Drihten . . . and yf el /ortefan. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 95 Wulf. 141.28": Uton nu, leofan men, gebeorgan us witJ swilce eardungstowe and wendon (jdc!) anraedlice to urum drihtne and forlastan sbIc unriht and don to gode, locahwffit we magon. gau [gangan, -o-], go: Beow. 2648: wutun gangan to, helpan hildefruman. Gen. 839: Uton gan on Bysne weald innan. And. 1356: Utan gangan eft. Bl. Horn. 247.1: utan gangan . . . and hine ut forlsetan. ■^If. Hept.: Gen. 4.8: Uton gan ut = Egrediamur foras. — Deut. 13.6": Uton gan and tSeowian fremdum godum = Eamus et serviamus diis alienis. Gasp.: Mk. 6.37'': Uton gan, and mid twam hundred penegon hlafas bicgan = Euntes emamus ducentis denariis panes. — Mk. 14.42: ArisaS, uton gan = Surgite, eamus. getSencan, think, consider: Har. 278: Uton, la, geSencan geond t5as worulde tSset we haelende heran onginnen. Laws 146, I ^thelstan, c. 2»: Uton geSencan, hu Jacob cwsetS. Bl. Horn. 91.13: Uton we fortJon gedencean etc. Wulf. 112.6: utan geSencan, tSaet we habbatJ senne . . . fseder. lufian, love: Hymn 3: Wvton wuldrian weorada dryhten halgan hliotJorcwidum, hio- fonrices weard lufian liofwendum, lifes agend. Laws 268, VIII iEthelred, c. 43, § 1: utan God lufian. Mf. Horn. I. 52'' 2: Uton lufian ure gebroSra. — 76. II. 316'": Uton lufian God. Wvlf. 94.13: utan lufian god ofer ealle otSre ?5ing, wuldrian, glorify: See Hymn under lufian. wyrcan [wircean], work, make: Mlf. Horn. I. 160*": vion . . , god weorc wyrcean. Mlf. Hept.: Gen. 1.26: Uton wircean man = FadamViS hominem. Mat. 17.4'': uton wyrcean her tSreo eardungstowa = /aciamws hie tria tabernacula. Wvlf. 41.1: utan Surh seghwset godes willan wyrcan. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. The passive infinitive as the complement of (w)uton is found only three times, as follows: Mf. L. S. 242.68: uton beon gehyrte; — Mf. Ham. I. 602* »: Uton awurpan tSeostra weorc, and beon ymbscrydde mid leohtes wsepnum; re- peated in the same, I. 604' *. The predicative infinitive with (w)uton is occasionally found in the other Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI, section vi. 96 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "WUTON." NOTES. 1. The AdharUUive " Veni " (or " Venite "). — Several times in the Latin original we have the adhortative veni or venite in addition to the subjunctive of exhortation, in the Hepta- teuch: Gen. 11.7*: SoSIice tUon cuman and tododan tSaer heora spraece = Venite igitur, descen- damus et confundamus ibi linguam; — ib. 19.32*' •*: Uton fm-drencan ume faeder mid wine, and uUm Megan mid him = Veni, inebriemus eum vino dormiamusqae cum eo; — ib. 37.20*' *"' ': Uton hine ofslean and don hine on tJone . . . pytt and secgan = Venite, ocddamus eum et miitamus . . . dicamusque; — ib. 31.44: Ga hider near and itUm syllan wedd = Veni, ergo et inemus foedus. The same idiom is foimd, also, in the Gospels: Mat. 21.38*' '"' ': vton gan and ofslean hjme, and habban us hya sehta = Venite, ocddamus eum, et habebimus {sic!) haereditatem ejus. With the foregoing, compare L. 20.14: Her ys se yrfeweard: ewmaS, vton hine ofslean, tSaet seo seht ure sy = Hie est haeres, ocddamus ilium, ut nostra fiat hsereditas; and notice, also, the use of ga in Gen. 31.44, quoted in the preceding part of this note. 2. " iyV)uton " to Be Supplied. — In Laws 280, 1 Cnut, e. 2 (And Godes cjrrican griSian 7 friSian 7 gelomhce secean saulum to hsele 7 us sylfum to tSearfe), {jD)vton is to be supplied, as Dr. Liebermann indicates. 3. " XJten " for " iW)uton." — Occasionally we have ulen instead of (w)iiton, aa in A.S. Horn. & L. S. I. 7.322 (uten wurcan (sic!) mihte on Sone . . . god); Bened. 3.13 (lUen ahsien ume drihten); etc.; etc. 4. " Ute " for " (W)uton." — Occasionally we have vte instead of (w) uton: Boeth. 17.8: Vte nu teUan beforan swilcum deman swilce tJu wiUe = 27.6: quouis iudice de opmn dignita- tvunque mecimi possessione contende; — A.S. Horn. & L. S. II. 14.51 : Ac vte we beon gemyn- die ure sawle tSearfe; — ib. 14.53: Ute gemunan tSaene . . . dseg; — ib. 14.77: ute gehyran hu etc.; — Wulf. 173.7: vie don eac swa, ealswa hi dydon. 5. Infinitive in " -e-." — Occasionally, as in Laws 269, I JEthehed, Expl.* (vton aenne God . . . and aenne Cristendom ealle healde and aelcne haeSendom mid ealle aweorpan), we have an infinitive in -e. 6. The Infinitive Is to Be Supplied with " (W)uton " in Boeth. 75.18: Uton tSaes, foitSaem hit is soS = 68.22: a loose paraphrase with a subjunctive; Solil. 55.5: Uton Saes = 0; and possibly in Laws 269, IX .Slthelred, Expl.,*" but the text is here defective. CHAPTER VII. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "BEON" ("WESAN"). The Predicative Infinitive with beon or wesan normally denotes (A) Neces- sity or Obligation, but occasionally denotes (B) Futurity or (C) Purpose. As will be seen, save in a few sporadic cases of (A) the infinitive is inflected. No example of the compoimd passive infinitive has been found. A. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES NECESSITY OR OBLIGATION. As to the voice of the infinitive with beon (wesan) denoting necessity or obligation, most students of the construction believe that, while the infinitive is normally passive in sense, occasionally it is active in sense. Among those that have expressed themselves to this effect may be mentioned Dr. Farrar, I. c, pp. 34r-35, 37; Dr. Kenyon, Z. c, p. 136; Matzner, I. c, III, p. 37; Dr. Tanger, I. c, p. 312; and Dr. Wtilfing, I. c, II, p. 47. Indeed, I know of but one ' noteworthy divergent opinion; and this divergence, I must believe, is apparent rather than real. Dr. Henry Sweet seems to hold that the infinitive is always passive in sense. In his Anglo-Saxon Reader, 7th ed. (1894), p. Ixxxiv, he says of the inflected infinitive: " With the verb be it expresses neces- sity or duty in a passive sense: monige scylda beoS to forberanne, ' many sins are to be tolerated ' (3.24). So also 3, 100," which reads: " Eac is to metanne Scet (jeres6 biS se wah SurhSyrelod." Again, in his New English Grammar, II. (1898), p. 119, we read: " In Old English the supine is used in a passive sense to express what must be or ought to be done: 3a Sing Se to donne sind, ' the things which are to be done.' We still keep up this passival use in the phrase a house to let; but, as we cannot do this with other verbs, we have to use the passive form in such constructions as this house is to be let or sold, whence there is a tendency to say a house to be let. Originally these passival uses were prob- ably simply ambiguous: to donne meant indifferently ' for some one to do ' or ' to be done by some one.' " But, in the last sentence quoted by me. Dr. Sweet may intend to modify the earlier unqualified statements so as to allow that occasionally in Anglo-Saxon we have with beon (wesan) an infinitive that is active in sense. The foregoing opinions are with reference to the inflected infinitive only. This general view seems to me substantiated by the investiga- tion of Dr. Farrar and by the present study. As already indicated, I find a few sporadic instances of the uninflected infinitive denoting necessity, some active in sense and some passive in sense. Normally the infinitive follows the principal verb, as in Bened. 39.5: eal tSenimg is to donne on Sset ylce gemet = 72.12: ita agatur; but at times it pre- cedes, as in Wulf. 57.15": geredaS sefre, hwset him to donne sy and hwaet to forlsetenne; and at times the same principal verb is both preceded and followed by the infinitive, as in the passage just quoted from Wulfstan. The foregoing « I am not sure as to the position of Dr. Riggert. On p. 68 of hia dissertation we read: " Der Infinitiv hat stets aktive Form; Jedoch wird durch den aktiven Infinitiv ein passiver Sinn zum Ausdruck gebracht (of. ahd. nist iu thas zi toizzanne).'* 97 98 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "bEON" ("wESAN")- applies primarily to the infinitive that is passive in sense, for, when active in sense, the infinitive usually precedes the finite verb, as may be seen by an in- spection of the examples given later in this chapter. 1. The Infinitive Passive in Seiise. I. THE INFINITIVE UNINFLECTED. In the two following examples, one from Alfred and one from iElfric, we have an uninflected infinitive denoting necessity or obligation and passive in sense: — Bede 78.26: Ond hwset elles is to secenne witS tJsem hungre nemne ondlifen, wits tSurst drync, wiiS haeto celnis, witS cyle hrsegl, witS werignesse reste, wiS untrymnesse lacedom secan? = 56.3 : Et quid est aliud contra famem alimenta, contra sitim potum, contra aestum auras, contra frigus uestem, contra lassitudi- nem requiem quaerere, nisi medicamentum quidem contra egritudines explorare? [Secan may be considered active here. See p. 78 above.] ^If. L. S. 336.223: tSas feower ana syndon to underfonne on geleaiifulre gelatSunge and forlmtan {sic!) Sa oSre t5e lease gesetnysse gesetton. n. THE INFINITIVE INFLECTED. Of the inflected infinitive denoting necessity or obligation and passive in sense, about 894 examples have been found; of which only ten examples occur in the poetry. As is evident from the instances quoted below, sometimes (about 654 times) the subject of the principal verb is personal, sometimes (about 240 times) the subject is impersonal. The ten examples in the poems are as follows: — S. & S. 54:: Ac hulic is se organ ingemyndum to begonganne tSam Se his gast wile meltan wi; 430.32''' ^i — Bened. 5.8'- ''; — Boeth. 72.27»' ''• "; — Greg. 183.3*' ''; — Loece. 25.30*' ''; — Laws W-b."; 46*. b; 474»' '' ; — TTfErf. 108.32*-''; 239.26, 27; 348.9*-''; 349.27*-''. 2. Predicative Infinitives Becoming Absolute. — In Bede 88.23 (Ono se mon bitS, tSses ?Se swa to eweSenne sy, seghwaetJer ge gehsefted ge freo = 62.1: Ecce itaque homo eat, ut ita dixerim, captiuus et liber etc.), in Boeth. 39.10 (Swa hit is nu hraSost to seeganne be eallum tSam woruldgesaeltJum = 42.63: conckidere . . . licet), and in Wvif. 158.16 (and hroedest is to cweSenne) and 204.2 (and raSest is to soecgenne), we have inflected predicative infinitives of necessity on the way to becoming absolute in use. Cf., too, Boeth. 41.3 (Daet is nu hradost to seeganne, tSset ic wilnode weortSfullioe to libbanne etc. =0). 3. Predicative Inflected Infinitive voithmd. " To." — In Laws 442 (2), quoted on p. 101 above, we have, in one manuscript, an inflected infinitive of necessity without to. 4. The Inflected Infinitive with " Habban." — As stated in Chapter II, p. 43, occasion- ally the inflected infinitive with habban denotes obligation or futurity. See the examples there given, and compare the statement of Wilmanns, who, {. c, p. 128, after speaking of the infinitive of obUgation after the verb to be, adds: " Ahnliche Bedeutung nimmt hc^en mit dem Inf. mit su an: Tat. c. 138.8: ih hahen tiiir sihwaz zi guedanne, habeo tibi aliquid dicere." 5. A Mixed Construction occurs in Greg. 23.1 (Daette hwilum tSa leohtan scylda beoS beteran to forloetan (sic! but Cotton MS.: to forlcetonne) = 388.21: Quod aliquando leviora vitia relinguenda sunt) : the inflected infinitive may be considered as predicative with beoS or aa modifying the adjective beteran; but, although I have put it under the former head, it really belongs under each. CHAPTER VIII. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. The uninflected infinitive active as the quasi-predicate of an accusative subject, in object clauses, is found about 1512 times in Anglo-Saxon. It is common in Anglo-Saxon prose, early and late, and in Anglo-Saxon poetry, after certain verbs (1) of Commanding, (2) of Causing and Permitting, (3) of Sense Perception; is less frequent after (4) verbs of Mental Perception; and is almost unknown after (5) verbs of Declaring.^ The passive infinitive in this construction is far less common, being restricted almost exclusively to the translations. In subject clauses, the predicative infinitive with accusa- tive subject, whether active or passive, is very rare, and with one exception is found only in the translations. In object clauses, the infinitive phrase usually follows the principal verb, as in Bede 156.21: Da gehyrde he sumne Sara brotSra sprecan Saet etc. = 130.19: audiret unum . . . disposuisse; but occasionally it precedes, as in Beow. 1346 : Ic tSaet londbuend leode mine selersedende secgan hyrde, tSset etc.; and occasion- ally it partly precedes and partly follows, as in Bede 190.1: tSset he hine . . . herde secgan = 152.15: eunt audierit . . . narrare. In subject clauses, the situa- tion is practically the same : see examples toward the end of this chapter. Whether in objective or subjective clauses, the infinitive that is active in form seems to me active in sense. Some hold, however, that, after verbs of commanding, of causing, and of sense perception, we sometimes have a predi- cative infinitive that, though active in form, is passive in sense. The grounds for the active interpretation have been given in Chapter II, pp. 29 fi^. ; where I have stated that to me the infinitive in examples of the sort there cited seems, not predicative, but objective, and the accompanying accusative, not sub- jective, but objective. I consider first the idiom in object clauses. AS OBJECT. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. I. UNINFLECTED. The active uninflected infinitive occurs as the quasi-predicate of an accusa- tive subject with the following groups of verbs: — 1. Oftenest with Verbs of Commanding ^ and the like, of which group the chief representative is hatan, ' command,' ' order.' The complete list of verbs belonging to this group is as follows : — bebeodan [bi-], command, order. forbeodan,' forbid, hiddan, reqitest, command. bAtaa, command. 1 As is evident from thia statement, I include Grimm's ' non-genuine ' as well as his * genuine ' accusative with infinitive, — oonoeming .which see. Cliwter XIV, section viii. • Cf Gorrell, I. c, pp. 371 ff.; Zeitlin,' I. e., pp. 55 £f. " Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 373. 107 108 THE PEBDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 2. Next most frequently with Verbs of Causing and of Permitting,' of which the chief representative is Man, ' allow,' ' cause.' The full list follows : — alsetan, allow. geSafian, aUow. biegan [began], urge, force. getSolian [gi-], allow. don, make, came. geunnan, grant. forlsatan, idlow. Isetan, allow, permit, catLse. gedon, make, cause. niedan [-e-, -y-], compel, force. 3. Only slightly less frequently than with the preceding, with Verbs of Sense Perception,^ of which the chief representative is geseon, ' see.' This group is composed of the following: — behealdan [bi-], behold, see. hieran [-e-, -y-], hear. gef elan, /eeZ, perceive. ofseon, see. gehawian, see. sceawian, see. gehieran [-e-, -y-], hear. seon, see. geseon, see. 4. Far less frequently with Verbs of Mental Perception,^ the chief repre- sentatives of which are findan, ' find,' gefrignan, ' learn by asking,' gemetan, ' find,' ongietan, ' understand,' and mtan, ' know.' The full list follows: — aeteawan, show. gemittan, meet, find. afindan, find. gemunan, rem^rnher, recaU. eowan, show. getriewan [-eo-], trust, hope. findan, find. gewitan, perceive, observe. geacsian [-ah-], learn by asking. Iseran, teach. gecytSan, make known. onfindan, find. gefrignan, learn by inquiry. ongietan, understand, perceive. gehatan, promise. tali(g)an, consider, account. gehyhtan [-i-], hope. tellan, tdl, consider. geliefan [-e-, -y-], believe. wenan, hope. gemetan, meet, find. witan, know. 5. Very rarely with Verbs of Declaring,* of which this is a complete list: — cwetSan, say. ondettan, confess, declare. foresecgan, foretell, predict. secgan, say, relate. 6. Very rarely with Other Verbs: once only with the verb habban, have, and the verb todselan, divide, which do not easily fall under any of the pre- ceding groups. Typical examples are: — 1. Verbs of Commanding, etc. : — bebeodan, command: Ex. 217*' ••, 218»- '', 219»' •>: otS Moyses behead eorlas . . . folc somnigean, frecan arisan, habban heora hlencan, hycgan on ellen, beran beorht searo, beacnum cigean sweot sande near. Pr. Ps. 41.9*: On dseg behead God his mildheortnesse cuman to me = In die mandabit Dominus misericordiam suam. — 76. 43.6: Bu tSe b^mde hceU) cuman to lacobes cynne? = 43.5: qui mandas salutes Jacob? biddan, request, command: Gen. 2031: heed him tJraecrofe, tSa rincas tSaes raed ahicgan. Dan. 359: boedon bletsian bearn Israela, eall landgesceaft ecne drihten. > Cf. ZeHlin.i I. c, pp. 43 ff. ' Cf. Gorrell, I. c, pp. 395 S.; Zeitlin,> 2. e., pp. 66 ff. • Gf. Gorrell, I. c, pp. 384 ff. ; Zeitlin,' I. c, pp. 78 ff. « Cf . Gorrell, /. c, pp. 414 ff. ; Zeitfin,' I. c, 99 ff. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 109 El. 1101: Cyriacus . . . bced him engia weard geopenigean uncutSe wyrd niwan on nearwe. Gu. 1133: bced hine tJurh mihta scyppend . . . sprsece dhMan. And. 1614: hoed haligne helpe gefremman gumena geogotSe. Bede 6.13: bced hine cristenne beon = 16.3: Christianum se fieri petierit. Chron. 173*, 1048 E»: se cyng . . . bced hinefaran in to cent. ^If. L. S. 76.439, 440: boed hi ealle wacian Saer on niht mid him and Singian tSam . . . men. — lb. 266.70: Da smue daeg boed he tJone bisceop aelfeh blaetsian his ful. forbeodan, forbid: Mai. 19.14: Nelle ge hig forbeodan cuman to me = nolite eos prohibere ad me venire. hatan,^ command, order: Beow. 1869"- '•: het hine mid tJaem lacum leode swaese secean on gesyntum, snude eft cuman. Gen. 122: Metod . . . heht leoht . . . forS cuman. Ex. 254: heht '&& folctogan fjn:de gestillan. Dan. 431 : Het tSa se cyning to him cnihtas gangan. Az. 183: Het Sa of tSam lige Ufgende beam Nabocodonossor near cetgongan. Chr. 1024, 1026: hateS arisan reordberende of foldgrafum, folc anra gehwylc cuman to gemote. El. 999: Hie se casere heht gearwian sylfe to sitJe. Ju. 523: Sa he mecferan het tJeoden of tJystnmi. And. 365, 366, 367: aelmihtig heht his engel gan, ... mete syllan, frefran feasceaftne. Rid. 7.5: Sonne mec min tvea feohtan hated. Jud. 54: njTntSe se modga hwcene nitSe rofra him tSe near hete rinca to rmie gegangan. Ps. 80.12: Ac hi lifian het lustimi heortena. Bede: 34.25*''': Da het he . . . his Segnas hine secan 7 acsian= 18.25: iussit milites eum . . . inquirere. — 76. 58.28: Da het se cjroing hie sittan = 46.5: Cumque ad iussionem regis resicfenfes . . . uerbum praedicarent. — 76. 118.8, 9: heht his Segnas hine . . . beran ... 7 asettan = 94.22: iussit se . . , efferi. — 76. 138.11*- '': heht his geferan toweorpan . . . tJone herig . . . j for- bceman= 113.19"''': iussit sociis destruere ac succendere fanum. — 76. 232.8: cwom serendwraca, se 6e hine to cyninge feran het = 176.1: uenit qui clamaret emu ad regem. Greg. 279.19: Se gemetgaS irre, se tSe Sone disigan hcett gesvmgian = 210.26: Qui imponit stulto silerdium. Oros. 202.8: Sone here he het mid Saem scipum tSonan M;endan= 203.1: deflexo cursu. — 76. 280.12: hiene het ieman on his . . . purpurum = 281.13: ut per aliquot millia passuum purpuratus ante vehiculiun ejus concurrisse referatur. Chron. 12', 449 A»: Se cing het hifeohtan agien Pihtas. Wcerf. 10.4: Hu man het Mquitium cuman to Rome= 0. — 76. 58.13: het ealle tSanon utgan= 189 C: omnesque exinde egredi prcecepit. — 76. 297.9*' i": hine het fortS gan 7 him gearwian his hraegl = 360 A^- ": vocavit puerum suum, 1 Hatan is followed, alao, by a substantive clause introduced by Scet, as in £lf.L. S. 142.404; 154.99; 162.245; 224.68; 396.218; 400.261; 406.360; 442.37; 464.373; etc.; etc. Cf. Goirell, J. c, p. 375. 110 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. pararique sibi vestimenta ad procedendum jussit. — Ih. 337.37: drihten Se het faran = 408 A: Paratus esto, et quia Dominas jussit, migra. Bened. 70.18: oS . . . hine geswican hate = 134.7: usque dum ei jubeat iterum Abbas, ut quiescat ab hac satisfactione. Bl. Horn. 21.30: hateS tSa eor&an eft agifan tSaet heo ser onfeng. jElf. Horn. I. 28*: het hi faran geond ealne middangeard, bodigende fuUuht and sotSne geleafan. ^If, L. S. 98.142: Martianus het his . . . cwelleras tSone halgan heatan. JElf. Hept.: Gen. 22.6: Abraham tSa het Issac heran tSone wudu = Ligna holocaust! imposuit super Isaac. — Ex. 32.5"- '' : het hydelas beodan and Bus cweS'aw = prseconis voce clamavit dicens. — Num. 31.17: het hig tSa aojvellan ealle tSa wif = Ergo mulieres . . . jugulate. — Judges 16.25: heton hine standan betwux . . . swerum = feceruntque eum stare inter . . . columnas. Gasp.: Mat. 14.19: And Sa he het tSa menegu ofer tSset gaers hi sittan = Et quum jussisset turbam discuinbere super fcenum. — Mk. 8.6: Da het he sittan Sa menegu ofer tSa eortSan = Et prcecepit turboe discunibere super terrain. Wulf. 235.16: tSa deoflu hy potedon . . . and heton hy ut faran ratSe. Lcece. 55.25^- '': hine mon sceal swiSe hlude hatan grcedan otStSe singan. 2. Verbs of Causing and of Permitting: — alsetan, allow: Beow. 2666: tSaet Bu ne alcste be tSe lifigendum dom gedreosan. Dan. 591 : Oft metod alcet monige Seode [lacuna] wyrcan. biegan [began], urge, force: Ps. 143.14: Dara beam swylce begaS seSelum settum beamum samed anlice standan on statJule stitSe witS geogutSe = 143.12: Quorum filii sicut novelise plantationes constabilitm in juventute sua. don, make, caun'se: Ps. 103.30: He on tSas eortSan ealle locatS, deS hi for his egsan ealle beofian = qui respicit super terram, et fadt earn tremere. Bede 98.27'': se 6e eardigan deS tSa anmodan in his fseder huse = 81.29'': qui habitare fadt unanimes in domu Patris. Laws 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 4, § 1: tSu onsiist ofer eartSe 7 Bu doest Sa fyrhta (sic!) = qui respicis super terram et fads ea[m] tremere. Mlf. Horn. I. 468™ i- ^•^•^•. Swa swa Su dydest minne broSor his god forlmtan, and on tSinne god gelyfan, swa do ic eac Se forloetan tSinne god, and on minne gelyfan. Wulf. 196.1, 2: treowa he de3 fserlice blowan and eft ratSe asearian. forlaetan, allow: Beow. 3167: forleton eorla gestreon eorSan healdan. Gen. 1406: 6a hine halig god . . . forlet edmonne streamum stigan. El. 598: Hio on sybbe /orZe< secan gehwylcne agenne eard. Gu. 1148: naefre ic lufan sibbe, tSeoden, set tSearfe tJine/orfete asanian. And. 836: dryhten /orfe< dcegcandelle scire sdnan. Bede 318.4: Bsed heo . . . Sone cyning tJset . . . heo forlete . . . Criste Seoman = 243.28: postulans . . . Christo seruire permitteretur. Greg. 467.11: ForSaem oft se . . . God fo[r]let tJset mod his gecorenra. gesyngian on sumum lytlum Singum = 404.1: imperfedas tamen ex parva aliqua parte derelinquit. t:he active infinitive. Ill Solil. 21.22: Sonne /ortei he tSset scyp standan = eos dimisi. Chron. 5*, Introd. E: Sa heforlet his here ahidan mid Scottum. W(Brf. 294.5: tSset se . . . God swa, forlceteS sweltan his gecorenan = 356 A^: Quid est hoc, quseso te, quod . . . Deus sic permittit mori, quos tamen post mortem cujus sanctitatis fuerint, non patitur celari? Bl. Horn. 87.14: neforlcet tSu us nu on witum wunian. Mf. Horn. II. 192* 2; beod him tSset he min folc forMe of his leode faran. ^If. L. S. 144.429: forleton hine swa licgan for deadne. Mf. Hept: Judges 3.21: He forlet tSa tSset simrd stidan on him = Nee eduxit gladium, sed reliquit in corpore. Wulf. 232.17: 6set geforlcetan tSa unnyttan sprceca gewurSan and tSa unnyttan geSancas of eowrum heortum. gedon, make, cause: Bl. Horn. 239.16: Matheum he gedyde gangan to Sam eastdsele. Mf. L. S. XXXIII. 316: gebide to drihtne for us Saet he gedo us werlice becuman to hselo hySe. geSafian, allow: Bl. Horn. 45.19: gif he ne geSafaS Sset godes folc heora Hf on woh lybban. JElf. Horn. II. 92': ne geSafiaS godne willan infaran to his heortan. Mf. L. S. 108.323, 324: GeSafa Saet min modor me gesprcecan and sume Sreo niht on minum raede beon. geSolian [gi-], allow: Laws 412, Judiciimi Dei V, c. 2, § 4'': unscyldigo hwoeSre 7 Singleaso from Sissum synne unascendedo wosa giSolaSes = innocentes uero et inmunes ab hoc crimine inlesos esse patiaris. geunnan, grant: Mlf. Mhelw. hZ: icbidde . . . Sset Su ffewwjia »we 3"MrAwMman Sone towear- dan daeg on Sinum halgum Seowdome = deprecor . . . ut concedas mihi diem uenturum sic in tuo sancto seruitio peragere (or objective?). Isetan, aMow, permit, cause: Beow. 1490: Icet . . . widcuSne maw heardecg Aa&6on. Gen. 438': Sittan loete ic hine wiS me sylfne. — lb. 1349: Ic . . . sigan late wmllregn ufan widre eorSan. Dan. 683 : ht Babilone bleed swiSrian. Chr. 159: ne Icet awyrgde ofer us onwald agan. El. 237: Leton Sa ofer fif elwseg /amigfe scriSan, brontne brimSisan, Ju. 200: Lcet Sa sace restan. Gu. 924: Da se sehnihtiga let his hand cuman. And. 832, 833: Leton Sone halgan . . . swefan . . ., bliSne bidan, Bede 256.29: Sa onlesde he hine 7 let feran sefter Sam biscope = 204.4: absoluit eum, et . . . ire permisit. Boeth. 6.10: forhwy se . . . God Icete senig yfel beon =0.^ lb. 8.23: LcBtaS hine eft hweorfan to minum larum = 5.39: meisque eum musis curandum sanandumque relinguite. Greg. 139.8: hi Sonne IcetaS acolian Sa innecundan lufan = 100.4: ab intimo amore frigescunt. — lb. 171.1: lcet hi stidan Sseron = 124.24: qui semper erunt in circulis. — lb. 193.25: Dset is Sonne Sset mon his eage Icete slapian = 144.29: Somnum quippe oculis dare est etc. — lb. 457.13: ForSsem sceal se gesceadwisa Isece Icetan ser weaxan Sone Icessan = 390.3: ut . . . unum patiatur crescere. 112 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCITSATIVE SUBJECT. Oros. 126.15: he . . . tSset/ofc sum tSaer sittan let = 0. SolU. 14.2: ne Icet me nanmht oferwinnan on Sis wege = niMque mihi repugnare facias tendenti ad te. — Ih. 48.19: Icet beon tSone wop and tSa unrot- nesse = cohibe te a lacrymis, et stringe animum. Pr. Ps. IS.IO"-'': ne tSinne gehalgodan ne Icetst forrotian ne forweorSan = neque dc^xis sanctum tunm videre corruptionem. Chron. 161'', 1038 D: tJaet he hine ne lete lybban. — lb. 164^ 1046 C": let hi sytSSan faran ham. Laws 160, II ^thelstan, c. 20, § 6: Gif he nylle hit geSafian, leton hine licgan. — 76. 454, Gerefa, c. 7: Ne Icete he naefre his hyrmen hyne oferwealdan. Wcerf. 234.3: sacerdas . . . seo arfaestnes ne laeteS ehian 7 oferswiSan tJone geleaf an = 285 B : ut . . . sacerdotes . . . fidem persequi minime permittat. — lb. 276.3: ne let Le naefre hi him neh gan= 336 C: presbyteram . . . ad se proprius accedere nunquam sinebat. Bened. 120.8: tSaet he leahtras fyrtSrige and wehsan loete= 186.13: ut per- mittat nutriri vitia. Bl. Horn. 69.17: laetaS Sis tSus wesan to cytSnesse minre bebyrgednesse. Pr. Chi. V. 153*: tSa UUm hi hine ane hwile abidan and gestandan = sistere ilium paullisper fecerunt. ^If. Horn. 1. 12* 1: hi ealle adrsefde of heofenan rices myrhtS, and let befedUan on tSffit ece fyr. — 76. 1. 522'": Fseder, setSe Icet his sunnan scinan ofer gode and yfele. ^If. L. S. 18.147: gif heo Icet rixian on hire t5a gewUnunge. Mlf. Hept.: Ex. 9.24: drihten let rinan hagol witS fyr gemenged = pluitqjie dominus grandinem. — Lev. 1.15: Imte yrnan Saet blod nySer = decurrere fadet sanguinem. — Num. 11.24: folce, Sa he let standan . . . ymbutan tSa eardung- stowe = guos stare fecit circa tabernaculum. Gosp.: Mat. 8.22: Icet deade bebyrigean hyra deadan = dimitte mortuos sepelire mortuos sues. — Mk. 5.37: he ne let him cenigne fyligean = non admisit guemquam se sequi. — Mk. 10.14: LcelaJS tSa lytlingas to me cwman= Sinite parvulos venire ad me. — L. 9.60: Lad tSa deadan byrigan hyra deadan = Sine ut mortui sepeliant mortuos suos. — L. 9.61 : Icet me seryst hit cySan Sam tSe set ham synt = permitte mihi primum renuntiare his, quae domi sunt (or objec- tive?). — J. 18.8: lceta& Sas faran = sinite hos abire. Wulf. 10.7, 8: hy tSurh heora synna god to tSam swytSe gegremedon, tSset he let set nehstan flod gan ofer ealne middaneard and adrencan eal. — 76. 14.3*' '': tSaet folc tSa wearS swa witS god forworht, Saet he let faran hseSenne here and forhergian eall Sset land. Lcece. 12.2: Icet gedreopan on ?5a eagan senne dropan. — 76. 97.22: Icet gerestan tSone man. niedan [-e-, -y-], compel, force: Mk. 6.45: Da sona he nydde his leomingcnihtas on scyp stigan = Et statim coegit discipulos suos adscendere navim. Cf. p. 166 below. 3. Verbs of Sense Perception: — behealdan [bi-], behold, see: jSlf. Horn. II. 32™: Dset folc beheold tJone broSer standan buton . . . cwacunge. gefelan, feel, perceive: THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 113 Bede 156.32: ne wiste he hwost he gefelde cealdes set his sidan Megan = 130.30: sensit nescio quid frigidi suo lateri adiacere. Wcerf. 236.1: tSa semninga gefeldon hi an swyn yrnan hider 7 Sider = 288 B: porcum . . . discurrere senserunt. gehawian, see; Wcerf. 250.26: tSa tSa hi naht ne gehawedonflowan tSaes eles = 305 C: Cumque illi ex oUvis oleum defiuere non cernerent. gehieran [-e-, -y-], hear: Beow. 786, 787: anra gehwylcum tSara Se of wealle wop gehyrdon gryreleotS galan godes andsacan, sigeleasne sang, sar wanigean heUehoefton. Gen. 508*- •>: ic gehyrde hine tSine dsed and word lofian on his leohte and ymb ■Sin lif sprecan. Chr. 797, 798: gehyreS Cyning moedlan, rodera Ryhtend, sprecan retSe word. El. M3»- '': Gif . . . tSu gehyre ymb Saet . . . treo f rode frignan 7 geflitu Tceran. Ju. 629: gehyrde heo hearm galan helle deofol. Bede 400.18: tSa geherde ic Sone biscop . . . cweoSan = 290.8: audiui ilium . . . dicentem. Wcerf. 117.22: gehyrde tSone hlisan weaxan = B. 148 A': Cumque . . . conspiceret . . . conversationis illius opinionem crescere. Bl. Horn. 15.15: Sum blind Searfa . . . ge%rde myccle wem'jfo him beforan Jeran. Pr. Gu. XX. 75: ic &e gehyrde sprecan on aefenne and on seremnergen = te loqueniem vespere et mane audiebam. Mlf. Hom. II. 518* ' : Hwaet tSa gehyrdon gehwilce on hfe halige englas singan on his forSsitJe. ^If. L. S. XXXI. 80: gehyrde . . . martinus tSone hcelend clypian to his . . . englum. Mk. 14.58: SotSes we gehyrdon hine secgan= Quoniam nos audivimus eum dicentem. geseon, see: Beow. 1517: fyrleoht geseah, blacne leoman beorhte sdnan. Gen. 548: t5aer he tJaet wif geseah, on eorSrice Euan stondan. Ex. 104: for? gesawon hfes latSeow Uftweg metan. Dan. 553 : wundor . . ., Scet tSu gesawe t5urh swefen cuman. Chr. 498: Gesegon hi on heahSu Hlaford stigan. El. 1111: leode gesawon hire mllgifan wundor cySan. Gu. 28'"' *>: gesihS he tSa domas dogra gehwylce wonian and wendan. Rid. 69.1 : Ic tJa wiht geseah on weg/eran. Bede 102.32: tSa geseah he . . . sacerdas . . . sundor stondan = 84:.7 : Cumque . . . uideret sacerdotes . . . consistere. — lb. 112.8^' •>: Mid tSy heo , . . gesegon Sone biscop msessan onsymbelnesse mcersian . . . 7 . . . husl sellan= 91.10, 11: Cumque uiderent pontificem, celebratis . . . missarum soHem- niis, eucharistam dare. — lb. 128.16: 6a geseah he . . . sumne mow wiS his gongan = 108.22: uidit . . . adpropinquantem sibi hominem. — lb. 430.31: seo denu . . ., Se tSu gesawe egesUce beon = 308.11 Uallis ilia, quam aspexisti . , , harrenda . . ., ipse est locus. Boeth. 97.18: ic tSaet lytle leoht geseah twinclian = 0. — 76. 111.13: Da we gesio& sittan on 6am . . . heahsetlum = 95.1 : Quos uides sedere. 114 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. Greg. 255.24, 25: Dset wses fortSsemSe se assa geseah Sone engel ongean hine standan, & him tSaes issreltes forwiernan = 194.5: Prohibitione quippe immorata asina Angelum videt. Oros. 162.6, 7 : mon geseah weallan blod of eortSan 7 rinan medic of heofonum = 163.5: sanguis e terra, lac visum est manare de coelo. Pr. Ps. 48.8: Somie he gesyhS tSa welegan and tSa weoruldwisan sweltan = 48.11: cum viderit sapieriies morientes. Woerf. 95.15: ac tSa Sa he geseah manige men gan = B. 126 A: Sed cum in eis multos ire per abrupta vitiorum cerneret. — lb. 116.15 : tSa ylcan ic geseah me upp gelcedan of tSam wsetere = B. 146 C: ipsum me ex aquis educere considerabam. Bened. 25.20: Sylaes Se God . . . us geseo bugende to yfele and to nahte gehweorfan = 50.18: ne nos declinantes in malo, et inutiles /ados . . . aspiciat. Bl. Horn. 187.34: nu git geseoS hine geond heofenas /eron. Pr. Gu. IX. 8: tSa geseah he Sone href en Sa cartan beran = volantem alitem chartulam in ore suo portantem prospidt. Mart. 16.25: Antonius geseah tSses Paules sawle . . . stigan to heofoniun. ^If. Horn. I. 42'': Da geseah heo Sast did licgan on binne. — lb. I. 48'' *: Se eadiga Stephanus geseah Crist standan. Mlf. L. S. 64.242: Da geseah se biscop . . . Marian cuman. — 76. XXVII. 92: gesawon . . . rode . . . Sser scinan. Mlf. Hept. : Gen. 28. 12» : Da geseah he on swef ne standan ane hlcedre = Viditque in somnis scalam stantem super terram. — Gen. 37.25: hig gesawon twegen . . . men cuman of Galaad = viderunt . . . viatores venire de G. — Gen,. 41.2: him Buhte tSset he gesawe gan upp . . . seofon fsegre oxan = a:scendebant septem boves. Gosp.: Mat. 20.3: he geseah oSre on strsete idele standan = vidit alios stantes in foro otiosos. — L. 21.1 : he geseh Sa welegan hyra lac sendan on Sone sceoppan = vidit eos qui mittebant munera sua in gazophylacium, divites. Wvlf. 187.11"' '': we daeghwamlice geseoS beforan urum eagum ure Sa nehstan feallan and sweltan. hieran [-e-, -y-], hear: Beam. 1346: Ic Saet londbuend Zeode mine selersedende secgan hyrde,^ss:t etc. El. 241 : Ne hyrde ic siS ne aer on egstreame idese loedan . . . msegen faegrre. Ju. 1 : we Saet hyrdon heeled eahtian . . . Saette etc. Bede 190.1: he hine . . . herde secgan = 152.15: eumavdierit . . . narrare. Chron. 258°', 1127 E": Sa muneces herdon Sa horn blawen {sic!). ofseon, see: Mlf. Ham. II. 508"°: Sa ofseah he feorran Sa hceSenan ferian an lie to eorSan. sceawian, see: Wcerf. 206.27*' '': Sonne Se he sceawaS Sa godan fremian 7 weaxan to Godes wuldre = 252 C': bonos cernit enitescere ad gloriam. seen, see: Rid. 32.3 : Ic seah sellic Sing singan on raecede. Mart. 2.18, 19: manig seah meoloc rinnan of heofonum ond lamb spcecan on mennisc gecynde. — lb. 144.4: ac Surh Sa wundor Se he seah Sebastianum don he onfeng fulwihte. 4. Verbs of Mental Perception: — seteawan, show: THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 115 Bede84.2: tSa ateawde he tSaer sj/nrje iweosan = 59.4: culpam esse demonstrauit. afindan, find: A. S. Horn. & L. S. I. 9.364: se afunde his hlaford licgan heafodleasne. eowan, show: Wcerf. 200.14: he eowde hine sylfne ... on gebede standan = 244 O: qui se tribus diebus et noctibus orare ante oculos hominum demonstraret. findan, find: Beow. 119: Fand Sa tSser inne aetSelinga gedriht swefan sefter symble. Jul. 364: Sser ic Mnefinde fertS stadelian to Godes willan, ic beo gearo sona etc. Jvd. 278: funde tSa on bedde blacne licgan his goldgifan. Oros. 128.14: funde hiene senne be wege licgan, mid sperum tosticad, healf-r cucne = 129.12: invenit in itinere solum relictum confossima vulneribus. jElf. Horn. I. 452': funde his spere standan mid blode begleddod. L. 19.32: fundon . . . tSone/oZan standan = invenerunt . . . stantem pullum. geacsian [-ah-], learn by asking: Bl. Horn. 109.2*- '': manig yfel we geaxiad her on life gelomlician & woestmian. Wulf. 2.2, 5: we Sa geacsodon be tSam heofonlican et51e, and we geacsodon his geceasterwaran beon godes englas, and we geacsodon tSa;ra engla geferan beon tSa gastas sotSfeestra . . . manna. gecySan, make known: Wcerf. 137.7: to San tSset he gecySde hine sylfne cunnan, hwylce wseren Godes gestihtunge = B. 166 A: ut se ostenderet nosse quae Dei sunt. gefrignan, learn by inquiry: Beow. 2695: Da ic set tSearfe gefrmgn tSeodcyninges andlongne eorl ellen cySan. Gen. 2060: Da ic neJSan gefrcegn under nihtscuwan hceleS to hilde. Ex. 99: Da ic on morgen gefrmgn modes rofan hebban herebyman hludan stefnum. Dan. 1, 2, 3: Gefrcegn ic Hebreos eadge lifgean in H., goldhord dcelan, cyning- dom hdbban. Chr. 79: Ne we sotSlice swylcne gefrugnan in serdagum aefre gelimpan. And. 1706: Da ic laedan gefrcegn leoda weorode leofne lareow to lides stefnan. Jvd. 8, 9: Gefrcegen ic t5a Holofernus winhatan wyrcean georne, and eallum wundrum tSrymhc girwan up swaesendo. Har. 161 : Da ic gongan gefregn gingran aetsomne ealle to Galileam. gehatan, promise: Bede 122.34: geheht hine sylfne deofolgildum ii^t^socan = 99.25: promisit se, abrenuntiatis idolis, Christo seruiturum. — lb. 316.29: se t5e hine gehatende wees mid us eac wunian = 243.22: qui se nobiscum . . . manere pollicetur. — lb. 394.27: ic . . . mec gehet wedlum selmessan sellan = 287.15: promittens . . . me elimosynas . . . dare. gehyhtan [-1-], hope: jElf. L. S. XXIII B. 557: ic to so6an gehihte me cetstandan. geUefan [-e-, -y-], believe: Wcerf. 207.25: gelyfaS we gewislice Soet beon hefige synne 7 myccle = 253 B: Nungwidnam valde grave esse credimus etc.? gemetan, meet, find: 116 THE PEEDICATIVE INFINITIVE "WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. And. 145: Hie . . . gemetton . . . haligne hcele bidan beadurofne. — Ih. 1062 : otSSaet he gemette be mearcpatSe standan strsete neah stapul serenne. Bede 386.3: gemaetton we . . . naenig hyht hselo in us to lafe stondan = 282.5: inuenimus . . . nullamque spem nobis in nobis restare salutis. — lb. 398.19: Daes biscopes lif . . . ic gemette biscobwyrtSe 6eon = 289.12: Uitam . . . illius . . . episcopo dignam conperi. Boeth. 61.18: he Mne gemette sittan on . . . scridwsene = 58.7: Catullus licet in curuli Nonium sedentem struman tamen appellat. Greg. 415.23: Sihhem . . . geniedde . . . Dinan, t5a he hie gemette swa wandrian. Swa detS se dioful tSaet mod tSset he gemet on unnyttum sorgum: he hit awiert (sic!) = 336.22: Quam Sichem . . . opprimit: quia videlicet inven- tam in curis exterioribus diabolus corrumpit. Chron. 124'', 982 C : tSa gemette he . . . mycele fyrde cwnan up of sse. W(Erf. 99.23: Sa gemette he Mne lutian in aniun seraefe = B. 130 B: ewmque latere in specu reperit. Bl. Horn. 237.18: hie tSser gemetton seofon hyrdas standan. Pr. Gu. XX. 49: Sa gemette he Mne M onian on tSam hale his cyrcan = invenitgue eum recumbentem in angulo oratorii sui. Mart. 112.5: tSa gemette heo sume dsege tJser ute standan twegen godes Seowas. JElf. Horn. I. 502™: a)t nextan Mne gemette standan uppon tSam cnolle. Mlf. L. S. XXXIII. 185: gemote Mne ... on eortSan licgan. gemittan, meet, find: Gen. 2426: Hie Sa set burhgeate beorn gem/itUm sylfne sittan. Spirit of Men 46 : Nu tSu cunnan meaht, gif tSu tJyslicne Segn gemiUesi vmnian in wicum. gemunan, remember, recall: Bede322.19: ic gemonmec . . . beran . . . Sa . . . byitSenne = 246.9: me memini . . . pondera portare. Wcerf. 281.9: be Son eac ic geman me sylfne secgan = 341 B^: Unde in Homiliis quoque Evangelii jam narrasse me memini. — lb. 283.1: ic gemune . . . me sylfne secgan= 344 B: In eisdem quoque Homiliis rem narrasse me recolo. Mlf. Horn. I. 48™: forSi gemunde switSe gedafenlice Bset godcunde gewrit, mannes Sunu standan set Godes switSran. getriewan [-eo-], trust, hope: Bede 190.30: ne getreowe me onfoende beon= 153.14: me accepturum esse confidam. gewitan, perceive, observe: And. 802*: geweotan tSa 6a witigan Sry modige mearcland tredan. Iseran, teach: Bede 460.3: bodedon 7 Icerdon aenne vnllan 7 ane wyrcnesse beon on Drihtne= 326.27: qui unam in Domino . . . uolurdatem atque operationem dogmatizabant. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 14.108*' '': God us IcereS fcestan and aelmessan syllan earmum mannum. L. 11.1 : loer us us gebiddan = doce nos orare. onfindan, find: Beow. 2842: gif he wseccende weard onfunde buon on beorge. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 117 ongietan, understand, perceive: Beow. 1432: bearhtm ongeaton, guShorn galan. Bede 178.32: tSa onget he hwcethwugu ... in Saere stowe beon= 146.12: intellexit aliquid . . . inesse. — lb. 266.27: Gif . . . Su . . . werod ongete ofer us . . . cuman = 209.30: Si . . . superuenire coetus cognouisti. Woerf. 74.20: swa myccle ma he ongcet him ongsen standan in anum lichaman Sset weorod= 201 B*: contra se assistere legionis aciem invenit. — lb. 130.6: swa mycclum swa he hine sylfne ma ongcet aefweardne agyltan beforan . . . eagum Benedictes = B. 160 A^: quanto se cognovit etiam absentem in Benedicti Patris ocuhs deliquisse. — lb. 139.14: 6a 6e ic S'e ongat secgan = B. 139 C: quae te dixisse cognovi. taligan, consider, account- Alex. 39*' '' : Nu ic hwaeSre gehyhte and geljrfe Sset Su t5as tSing ongete swa tSu me ne talige owiht gelpan and secgan be Saere micelnisse ures gewinnes and compes. tellan, tell, consider: Bede 82.4: ne tella& we synne weosan gesinsdpe = 57.29: Nee haec dicentes culpam deputamus esse coniugium. wenan/ hope: Bede 430.24: Mid tSy ic unc wende inngongende beon = 308.4: in cuius amoenitatem loci cum nos intraturos sperarem. Wcerf. 181.25: ne wene ic ne Sysne wer swa mycelre geearnunge swa swiSe beon t5issere worulde man = 220 B^: nam hunc tanti meriti virum . . . esse non suspicor. Mlf. Horn. I. 590'': Saet Su wenst me for tintregimi t5e geopenian Sa god- cundan gerynu. witan, know: Ju. 92: tSaer he glsedmod geonge wiste wic weardian. Gu. 1312: se tJe his mondryhten life bilidenne last weardian wiste wine leofne. And. 183: Daer ic seomian wat tJinne sigebro&or. Rid. 50.1: Ic wat eardfaestne anne standan deafne dumban. Wids. 102 : hwser ic under swegle selast wisse goldhrodene cwen gief e bryttian. Bede 36.17: tSonne vnte 6u me cristene beon= 19.19: Christianum iam me esse . . . cognosce. — lb. 408.21 : Dara cynna monig he wiste in Germanie wesan = 296.13: quarum in Germania plurimas nouerat esse nationes. LcBce. 105.32: tJaer 6u wite elenan standan. 5. Verbs of Declaring: — I quote all the examples observed by me: — cwetJan, say, declare: Wcerf. 203.25: hwaet cweSe wit &is beon? = 248 D: Quidnam, quseso te, hoc esse didmusf foresecgan, foretell, predict: Bede 406.21 : Done . . . riim wintra hiene hoebbende beon, he . . . forescegde = 294.23: quern semunerumannorum/msse/ioMwrMm . . . praedicere solebat. ondettan, confess, declare: Bede 84.17: aer tSon Dauit ondete heo fram wiifum claene beon = 59.16: nisi prius mundos eos Dauid a mulieribus fateretur. ^ Gorrell, /. c, p. 386, holds that in Beow. 933 we h&ve an accusative with an infinitive after wenan. but. with most translators of the poem, I take me to be dative. 118 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. secgan, say, relate: Bede 340.20, 22: hire saegde . . . Hilde ... of worulde geleoran 7 ... to . . . leohte . . . astigan = 257.24, 27: nuntiauit matrem . . . Hild . . . mi- grasse . . . et . . . ascendisse. L. 24.23 : engla gesihtSe, tSa secgaS hine lybban = qui dicunt eum vivere. 6. Other Verbs : habban, have, and todselan, divide: Mlf. Horn. II. 440™: Seo swuster hi wolde habban to hire bysegan. Oros. 46.16, 17, concerning which see Chapter XII, pp. 169 ff. II. INFLECTED. Occasionally we seem to have an inflected infinitive as the quasi-predicate of an accusative subject. As indicated below, some of the examples admit of other explanations; but a few of them seem to me to belong here. I discuss the cases under the same general groups as I did the uninflected predicative infinitive. The examples occur in the prose texts only. Under Verbs of Causing we have don, make, cause, and its compound, gedon, make, cause. The verbs of compelling (geniedan, neadian, niedan, etc.) might be put here, but the infinitive after them seems to me consecutive rather than predicative: see Chapter XII. I give all the examples that I have observed: — don, make, cause: Bede 334.18*: heo . . . leornunge . . . gewreota . . . 7 . . . weorcum hire underSeodde dyde to bigongenne = 254.18: Tantum lectioni . . . scripturarum suos uacare subditos, tantum operibus iustitiae se exercere fadebat. Greg. 357.5: Swa hwa swa urum wordum & gewritum hieran nylle, do hit mon us to witanne = 276.10: Si quis non obedit verbo nostro per epistolam, hunc notate (or final? see Oros. 126.131 under gedon below). Chron. 257", 1127 E°: se ilce Heanri dide Sone king to understandene tSset he hififde Iseten his abbotrice. — lb. 259', 1128 E: He dide tSone king to under- standen (sic!) Sset he wolde . . . forlseten tJone minstre. gedon, make, cause: Oros. 126.31: Genoh sweotollice its gedyde nu to witanne Alexander hwelce t5a hseSnan godas sindon to weortJianne, tSset etc. = 0. [Or is us dative, as is claimed by Matzner, I. c, III, p. 12, who compares the New High German Ich thue Dir zu wissenf The examples of the infinitive after don given above argue for the accusative and the predicative infinitive, but the follow- ing example from Cato 10 argues for the dative and the final infinitive: Donne Su eald sie and manegra ealdra cwidas and lara geaxod hsebbe, gedo hie tJonne Bam geongum to witanne. Likewise, the following passage from Otfrid argues for the dative and the final infinitive: I, 17, 48: dust ouh thanne iz mir zi wizzanne. See Chapter XVI, section x, and cf. Wiilfing,^ I. c, II, p. 209; De Reul, I. c, p. 131; and Kenyon, I. c, p. 103.] Verbs of Mental Perception: — findan, find. Iseran, teach. gereccan, direct. taecan, teach. The examples in full follow: — findan, find: THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE, 119 Mlf. L. S. XXXI. 980: Da comon his geferan and fundon hine licgenne (sic!) on blodigum limum and tobeatenum lichaman. gereccan, direct: JElf. L. S. XXIII B. 76: god . . . us gerecce tSa weorc to begangenne tSe him Hcige (or final?). Iseran, teach: Bede 100.28: tSaet he Cristes geoc bere 7 eow loere to beorenne= 83.1: quia iugum Christi et ipse portet, et nobis portandum offerat (or final?). — lb. 226.27: he . . . heo Icerde to healdanne regollices liifes tJeodscipe = 173.11: dis- ciplinam uitae regularis . . . custodiri docuit. — lb. 472.6: tSara Singa, tSe he oSre Iwrde to donne, he sylfa wses se wilsumesta fylgend 7 Isestend = 346.27: et eorum, quae agenda doc^at, erat exsecutor deuotissimus (or final?). Bl. Horn. 131.32: To eow cymeS Halig frofre Gast, . . . se eow ealle tSing IcereS to donne. taecan, teach: Boeth. 149.21: tcec me tSinne willan to wyrcenne = (or final?). Hept.: Pref. to Gen. 24.19: Crist . . . and his apostolas us tcehton segSer to heoMenne. — Cf. Zeitlin,* I. c, p. 50. Of Verbs of Declaring only one word is found in this construction, foresecgan, foretell, predict, in Wcerf. 10.22: Hu Bonefatius foresoede to sweUenne tSone dnibalgliwere = 0; which is repeated on p. 61.20 = 192 C: 0. Once, in Luke 1.73, we have an inflected infinitive with accusative subject, and the infinitive phrase is in apposition to a noun: he alysde us of urum feon- dum . . ., mildheortnesse to wyrcenne mid urum fsederum, and gemunan (sic!) his halegan cytJnesse: hyne us to syllenne Bone at5 6e he urum f seder Abra- hame swor = Sicut locutus est per os sanctorum . . . prophetarum ejus: salutem ex inimicis nostris ... ad faciendam misericordiam cum patribus nostris, et memorari testamenti sui sancti: jusjurandum quod juravit ad Abra- ham patrem nostrum, daturum se nobis. The inflected infinitive is evidently caused by the future of the Latin, daturum, and is used to denote futurity. Note. — Other Supposed Examples of the Inflected Infinitive Used Predicalively have been suggested. Matzner, I. c, III, p. 31, apparently would put here Pr. Ps. 34.13 {gebigde min mod tofcestenne = humiliabam inj^unio animam meam) and JElf. Horn. 1. 114* (Baet se . . . God nsenne mann ne neadaS to syngigenne), but I have put both under the consecutive use. Stoffel, I. c, p. 53, thinks that in Mat. 17.4 (god ys us her to beonne = bonum est nos hie esse) we have an accusative with a predicative inflected infinitive, but to me it seems more probable that us is a dative and that the infinitive is subjective: see Chapter I, p. 12 above; and cf. De Reul, I. c, pp. 136-137; Zeitlin,' I. c, p. 115. It may be that in Mat. 8.21* we have an accusative with a predicative inflected infinitive after aliefan, but I believe that the pronoun is dative and that the infinitive is objective: see p. 46 above. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. The foregoing statistics make clear that the predicative infinitive with accusative subject is normally iminflected in Anglo-Saxon. Of the possible examples of the inflected infinitive used predicatively above given, several, as there indicated, may be considered final rather than predicative in sense; several (after Iceran) are in translation of a Latin gerund or genmdive; several occur after a verb (tcecan) denoting tendency, with which we should expect the 120 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. inflected infinitive; two (after foresecgan) are probably due to the desire to denote futurity, as one other (Luke 1.73*, translating a Latin future participle) undoubtedly is, for, as iElfric, I. c, 246, tells us, the denotation of futurity is one function of the inflected infinitive. The clearest cases occur in the later Chronicle and in ^Ifric, by which time the distinction between the two infini- tives had begun to break down appreciably. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. The passive infinitive with accusative subject as object of active verbs is very rare in Anglo-Saxon, only about 52 examples having been found. It is almost unknown in the poems, only two examples having been foimd (with Icetan: see below). Verbs of Commanding: — bebeodan, command. hatan, command. biddan, request. The examples in full are: — bebeodan, command: Bede 14:.13: behead deofolgyld bean toworpene = 0. — 172.9: bebead t5ffit feowertiglice fcesten healden beon = 142.8'': ieunium xl dierum obseruari . . , praecepit. biddan, request: Bede 38.31: heed . . . Albanus fram Gode him wceler seald beon to sumre his Senunge = 21.1: Albanus dari sibi a Deo aguam rogavit. hatan, command: Bede 18.2: mid . . . gewritum 7 stsefcraftum hi georne het heon geloerede = 204.11: coeperint studiis imbui. Woerf. 194.18: tSa het he tSysne biscop beon gekeded to Ssere stowe = 237 B': hunc . . . jussit deduct. Verbs of Causing and Permitting: — don, make, cause. laetan, aUow. forlaetan, aUow. The examples in full are: — don, wMke, cause: Wulf. 196.2: see he deS on lytelre hwile beon ungemetlice . . . astyrode. forlaetan, allow: Bl. Horn. 33.11: se hine sylfne forlet from deofles leomum & from yflum mannum heon on rode ahangenne. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 18.237: tSa ne forlet tSsere lyfte smyltnes [senig Sing] wesan gederede. laetan, allow: Gen. 2194: Ne loet tSu 'Sin ferhS wesan sorgum asceled. Chi. 1235: nelle ic Imtan Se aefre unrotne sefter ealdorlege meSne modseocne minre geweorSan soden sorgwselmum. Wcerf. 294.6: his gecorenan, Sa tSonne hwaetSre he ne IceteS na beon forholene sefter deaBe = 356 A^: quas non . . . paiitur celari. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 121 Mf. L. S. 250.215: loet me hem geteaU to heora getele. — 76. XXX. 443: loet hi beon her atgaedere gelede. Mk. 7.27=': Lcet serust Sa beam beon gefylled = Sine prius saturari filios. L(Bce. 101.12: bewreoh Sset mf wel 7 loet beon swa bedoemed lange tide. Verbs of Sense Perception: — gefelan, feel, perceive. geseon, see. gehieran, ' Typical examples are: — gefelan, feel, perceive: Bede 378.24: tSa gefelde he his lichoman . . . geslcegene beon =278.14: sensit dimidiam corporis . . . langore depressam. gehieran i [-e-, -y-], hear: Bede 310.4: gehyrde Theodor t5one geleafan . . . gedrefde (sic!) beon = 238.28: audiens Theodorus^em . . . multum esse turbatam. Chad. 112: Sa geherde he . . . tSone ilcan blisse song upp astigan 7 Sy wage ?Se he com to hefonum beon gecerredne mid . . . swetnisse. geseon, see: Bede 24.4: geseah him fram deoflum tobrohte beon Sa 6oc = 311.1: dblatum sibi a daemonibus codicem . . . widerit. — lb. 34.17: mid t5y Se he hine tSa geseah on . . . gebedum 7 wseccum . . . beon abysgadne= 18.16: quern dum orationibus . . . studere conspiceret. — lb. 80.33: se Se hine gesiiS hefigadne beon = 57.23: qui se grauari . . . uidet. — lb. 340.12: t5a geseah heo . . . sawle ... to heofonum up borenne (sic!) beon = 257.16: uidit animam . . . ad caelum ferri. Wcerf. 171.22: Sa geseah he Germanes sawle . . . fram senglum beon borne in Sone heofon [MS. H.: t5a geseah he englas ferian etc.] = B. 198 B': vidit Germani . . . animam ... in caelum /em. Verbs of Mental Perception: — geleomian, learn. gemunan, remember. geliefan, believe. ongietan, understand. gemetan, meet, find. tweogian, doubt. The examples in full are: — geleomian, 2 learn: Bede 90.16: edneowade . . . tSa cirican, de he ser geara geo geleomade ealde Romanisce weorce geworhte beon= 70.13: ecclesiam, qiiam . . . opere = factamfuisse didicerat. geliefan, believe: Bede 208.1: tJa ariste he gelyfde on anum tSara restedaga beon gewordene = 162.10: resurrectionis, gwam una sabbati /actom . . . credebat. gemetan, find: Bede 354.17: nwnigne . . . ic gemette . . . abisgodne beon = 265.10: nemi- nem . . . occupatum repperi. Wcerf. 68.24: tSa gemette heo hire hwoete ealne beon neah gedcdedne fram hire 1 Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 401. 2 Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 403. In Bede 404.21, cited by Dr. Gorrell as having an accusative and active infini- tive, I take the infinitive to be objective. 122 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. . . . suna tSearfendum mannum = 197 B' : peae omne triticum . . . invenit a filio suo pauperibus expensum. gemunan, remember: Bede 440.24, 25, 26: tSaet we gemundon tSaette usse doede 7 usse geSohtas . . . in idelnesse toflowenne, ah . . . gehaldene beon 7 us . . . oeteowde beon = 313.11, 12, 13: ut meminerimus facta et cogitationes nostras non in uentum diffluere, sed . . . seruari; et . . . nobis ostendenda. ongietan,^ understand: Bede 330.16: feola otJerra gescrepa 7 gesynta ... he oncneow 7 ongeat heofonlice iumforgifen weosan = 252.3: alia . . . fuisse donata intellexit. — lb. 340.14: Dsbongetheo . . . ateawed weosan, Scette heo geseah = 257.19: intellexit . . . ostensum sibi esse quod uiderat. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 485: Da ic tJas stemne gehyrde and for minum Singum ongeat beon geclypode, ic wepende spraec. tweogian [twygian],'' dovbt: Bede 190.22*' '■: Ne twygeo ic . . . mec . . . gelced beon 7 . . ■ underSeoded . . . ne beon= 153.5, 6: nee diibito . . . me . . . rapiendum ac . . . sub- dendum esse. Verbs of Inclination and of Will: — gefeon, rejoice. villan, desire. geomrian, lament. The examples in full are: — gefeon, rejoice: Bede 470.24, 25: 7 hi swa swa niwe discipulhada Saes eadegestan ealdres Sara apostola See. Petres underSeodde beon 7 mid his mundbyrde gescylde 7 (sic!) eall seo tSeod geriht gefeah 7 blissade = 346.12*- ■>: et quasi nouo se discipulatui . . . Petri subditam, eiusque tutandam patrocinio gens correcta geomrian, lament: Bede 88.15: geomraS hine swa gebundenne beon = 61.23: ligatum seuehemen- ter ingemiscat. wUlan, desire: Bede 322.21: ic gelyfo, tJaette me . . . seo . . . arfsestnis wolde mec gehefigade beon = 246.10: credo, quod . . . me . . . pietas . . . uoluit grauari. Verbs of Declaring: — cwetSan, say. secgan, say. The examples in full are: — Bede 64.24: nsenig . . . owiht his beon onsundrad cwceS = 49.1: nuUus . . . aliquid suum esse dicebat. Bede 398.15: Nis ?5aet wundor to forswugianne, tJaet Herebald scegde from him ge Scet eac swylce geworden beon in him selfum = 289.7: Heribald in se ipso ab eo factum solet narrare miraculum. We find, too, what may be considered an elliptical passive infinitive with accusative subject, made up of an accusative noun and of a past participle 1 Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 399. 2 Of. Gorrell, I. v., p. 394. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 123 after an active transitive verb; and the infinitive (beon or wesan) is under- stood, or, at least, it may be considered as being understood. Since in most, if not all, of the instances the supplying of the infinitive is a matter of taste rather than of necessity, I cite only a few examples, after the different groups of verbs: — Verbs of Sense Perception: — gehieran, hear: El. 957: Sefa wses tSe glsedra, t5sBS Se heo gehyrde tSone hellesceaSan ofer- svnSedne. hieran, hear: And. 361 : ^fre ic ne gehyrde Son cymlicor ceol gehladenne heahgestreonum. Verbs of Mental Perception: — findan, find: Bid. 44.7: hy gesunde set ham findaS witode him wiste and blisse. geaxian, learn by inquiry: Bl. Horn. 107.28: we . . . geaxiaS . . . rfea3"as geond t$eodland to mannum cumene. gefrignan, learn by inquiry: Gu. 1335: se selesta . . . Sara Se we on Engle sefre gefnmen acennedne Surh cildes had gumena cynnes. geUefan, believe: Chr. 120: Nu we hyhtfulle ha;lo gelyfaS Surh Saet Word Godes weorodum brungen. getacnian, signify: Mart. 104.10: mid tSy he getacnode Crist cumenne in Ssere clsenan fsemnan innoS. ongietan, understand: Greg. 211.3*''': Da, fortrwwodnesse & Sa anwilnesse an Corinctheum Paulus ongeat suiSe wiSerweardne wiS hine, & betweoh him selfum suiSe aSundene & upahcefene = 158.6: Unde cum proterve Paulus Corinthios adversum se invicem tnderet inflates . — 76. 211.22: gif we hwoet ongietaS on him ungesceadwislices gedoon= 158.24: Et si qua ab eis inordinate gesta sunt, non jam tamquam ■perpetrata corripimus. — lb. 295.24, 25: Sonne hie ongietaS hwelcne monnan gesuencedne mid irre & mid hatheortnesse onbcernedne = 224.6 : cum per abrupta furoris mentem cujuspiam/eTri conspidt. Ps. 61. ll*": sene ic god sprsecan gearuwe gehyrde and Saet treowe ongeat tidum gemeldad. witan, know: Gen. 42*' *", 43: Da he hit geare wiste synnihte beseald, susle geinnod, geond- folen fyre. Gu. 1327: wat his sincgiefan holdne biheledne. And. 942, 943: Wat ic Matheus Surh msenra hand hrinen heorudolgum, heafodmagan searonettum beseted. Bl. Ham. 81.34: we witon eall &is Sus geworden. — 76. 85.34: Sset Su wistest Crist on rode ahangenne. Verbs of Declaring: — bodian, announce: Wcerf. 250.3 : se bodode me Sone ylcan wer for&feredne = 305 B : quia eumdem virum obisse nuntiavit. 124 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SrBJECT. It should be added that by some it is claimed that this predicative use of the participle (and, also, of the adjective and of the noun) had much to do with the origin of the predicative iniBnitive Mdth accusative subject, — a claim dis- cussed in Chapter XIV, section viii. AS SUBJECT. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. That the accusative with an infinitive is used, though very rarely, as the sub- ject of an impersonal verb in Anglo-Saxon, is admitted by Erckmann, I. c, p. 6; by Matzner, I. c, III, p. 22; by De Reul, I. c, p. 135; and by Stoffel, I. c, p. 52. And what seems to me a clear example of the passive infinitive so used in Anglo-Saxon {Bede 338. ll*- ''), is given by Matzner, and is copied by Dr. Stoffel. But, in his recent The Accusative vnth Infinitive, p. 167, Dr. Zeitlin denies the existence of this construction in Anglo-Saxon: "The use of a sub- stantive with infinitive as the subject of a neuter or impersonal verb ... is not foimd at all in Old English [= Anglo-Saxon]." Below I give all the clearer examples that I have observed of this construction, with both active and passive infinitive. Although, as indicated, some of the examples are doubt- ful, and although the total number of clear examples is not large, it is suffi- cient, I believe, to establish the existence of the idiom in Anglo-Saxon. As is evident from my examples, the use of this idiom in Anglo-Saxon is due to the influence of the Latin originals. gebyrian, be fitting: Gosp.: — Mat. 17.10: Hwset secgeatS Sa boceras 6set gebyrige aerest cuman Heliamf = Quid ergo scribse dicunt quod Eliam oporteat primiun venire. — Mk. 8.31''' °: Da ongan he hi Iseran tJset mannes Sunu gebyreS fela tSinga Solian, and beon aworpen fram ealdormannum . . . and beon ofslegen, and . . . arisan = Et coepit docere eos quoniam oportet Filium hominis pati multa, et reprobari a senioribus . . . et occidi; et . . . resurgere. — L. 13.33: Deah hwaeSere me gebyreS to dseg and to morgen and tSy sef teran dsege gan = Verumtamen oportet me holdie et eras et sequenti die ambulare (or is me dative and gan subjective?). L. 24.46°" ^ : Bus gebyrede Crist Solian, and Sy tJriddan dsege of deaSe avisan = sic oportebat Christum pati, et resurgere a mortuis tertia die. [In his 1893 edi- tion of The Gospel of Saint Luke in Anglo-Saxon, Professor J. W. Bright has, in 24.46, Criste, dative, instead of Crist, accusative. Three manuscripts have the accusative, while only one has the dative here.] gedafenian, befitting: Mat. 3.15: Sus unc gedafenaS ealle rihtwisnesse gefyllan = sic enim decet nos implere omnem justitiam (or is unc dative and gefyllan subjective?). Possible, but not probable, examples of the active infinitive with accusative, as subject of a finite verb (impersonal), are found in the following passages, the infinitives in which seem to me rather subjective than predicative, and have accordingly been put in Chapter I, pp. 15, 16, and 17 : after gebyrian, Mat. 18.33, L. 11.42'', 12.12; after gedafenian, Bede 342.18; L. 4.43; after lician, Bede 276.12. See, too, p. 73 above, the comment on healdan. Once we have the inflected infinitive with accusative subject as subject of a passive verb, in the Chronicle 252'', 1123 E": Sset wses fortSan tSset hit woes don '5one pape to understanden {sic!) tSaet he hsefde etc. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 125 B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. The passive infinitive with accusative subject as subject of an active verb is found a few times (7 in all) with the following verbs: — gebjrrian, befitting: Gosp.: Mk. 8.31'- ^ already quoted on p. 124 above under Mk. S-Slb. «.— Mk. 13.10: And on ealle tSeoda aerest gebyraS beon tSset gods-pel gebodvd = Et in omnes gentes primum oportet prcedicari evangelium. — L. 24.47: Sus gebyrede Crist tSolian, and tSy tJriddan daege of deatSe arisan; and beon bodud on his narnan dosdbote and syiuia forgyfenesse on ealle tSeoda = sic oportebat Christum pati, et resurgere a mortuis tertia die; et prcedicari in nomine ejus posniterdiam, et remissionem peccatorum in omnes gentes. gedafenian, befitting: Bede 294.11: Ssette swelces modes wer ma gedafonade beon to biscope gehalgad, tSonne cyning wsere = 225.24: quia talis animi uirum episcopmn magis quam regem ordinari deceret. lician, be pleasing: Bede338.11^' ^: ^alicede "Sasm . . . foreseonde . • . tSa . . . sawle . . . ademde 7 asodene beon= 256.14: placuit . . . prouisori . . . animam . . . examinari. Once we have a passive infinitive with accusative subject as subject of a passive verb, in Bede 70.32: tSy laes on him gesegen sy tSa Sing onwrecen beon, in tSsem heo tSurh unwisnesse gesyngodon ser fulwihtes bsetSe = 51.24: ne in eis ilia uldsd uideantur, in quibus se per ignorantiam ante lauacrum baptismatis adstrinxerunt. For the predicative infinitive with accusative subject in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section viii. Occasionally in Early West Saxon and frequently in Late West Saxon, the predicative infinitive with accusative subject is supplanted by the predicative present participle with accusative subject, and I heard her sing becomes I heard her singing, — a topic discussed in Chapter XV. NOTES. 1. Ambiguous Infinitives. — It may be that, in Mat. 8.21'' (Drihten, alyfe me aerest to farenne and bebyrigean minne feeder = Domine, permitte me primum ire, et sepelire patrem meum) and in Luke 9.59 (alyf me aeryst bebyrigean minne faeder = permitte mihi primum ire, et sepelire patrem meum), we have an accusative and predicative infinitive, but I am inclined to believe that we have rather a dative (me) and an objective infinitive, for in the only in- stance in which we have aliefan followed by an infinitive plus a pronoun whose case is cer- tain, in ^If. L. S. 102.227 (jSam alyfde se casere heora cristendom to kealdenne), we have the dative case. — Me and an infinitive occur after other verbs, but in most cases it is clear whether the accusative or the dative is intended from the construction of the verb with other pro- nouns or with nouns. 2. Future Active Infinitive. — We have a kind of future infinitive active in the following: Bede 406.21: Done . . . riim wintra hierie hcebbende beon, he . . . forescegde = 294.23: se numerum annorum fuisse hahiiurum . . . prmdicere solebat; i6. 190.30: ne getreowe ms onfoendebeon = 153.14: lae accepturum esse confidam; t&. 430.24: Mid tSyicuncwende inngon- gende beon = 308.4 : in cuius amoenitatem loci cum nos intraturos sperarem. 3. Alternation of Participle and Infinitive. — Occasionally we fiind the predicative present participle alternating with the predicative infinitive active, as in: Bened. 25.20: tSylaes tSe God on aenigne timan its geseo bugende to yfele and to nahte gehweorfan = 50.17: ne nos 126 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. declinantes in malo, et inutiles factos aliqua hora aspidat Deus; Bl. Horn. 177.15"''': mon geseah hine blinde onlyhtende, & hreofe clcmsian. 4. An Infinitive Phrase Introduced by " Bed." — Occasionally in the Blickling Homilies we have the infinitive phrase introduced by the conjunction Scet: 217.21 : Da he tSa Sanctus Martinus Sset geseah, Scet ?Sa otSre broSar ealle swa unrote ymb tSaet lie utan standan {sic I), tSe (sic!) weop he & code into him; 45.19: gif he ne geSafaS Scet Godes /ofc heora lif on woh lyhban (or subjunctive?); ia Bede: 440.24, 25: tSset we gemundon Scette usse doede 7 usse geSoMaa . . . in idelnesse fo,^owenne, ah . . . gehoMenebeon =313.11, 12: \it meminerimus facta et cogitationes nostras non in uentum diff/uere, sed . . . seruari; and in .^Ifrics's lAvea of Saints: 108.323, 324: GeSafa Sat min modor me gesproecan and sume tSreo niht on minum raede beon. Cf . Note 5 to Chapter IV. 5. Inflected Infinitive mthout " To." — An inflected infinitive without to is found in Mlf. L. S. XXXI. 980, quoted on p. 119 above. 6. The Accusative Sulfject of the Passive Infinitive Is to Be Supplied in Wcerf. 337.20"' *": swa Su sylf gelomlice gehyrdest mid me beon seed 7 reht be sumum halgum were = 405 C? : sicut narrari de quodam sancto viro mecum frequenter audisti; or one may prefer to consider the infinitive as merely objective. 7. The Infinitive " Beon " or " Wesan " May Be Supplied in such sentences as the fol- lowing, but this is not necessary: Greg. 291.21,22: buton tSset he ongeat Titum hwene montSwserran & getSyldigran Sonne he sceolde, & Tirmtheus (sic!) he ongeat hatheortran t5onne he sceolde = 220.22: nisi quod mansuetioris spiritus Titum, et paulo ferventioris vidit esse Timotheum. 8. Position of the Accusative Subject. — Normally the accusative subject precedes its predicative infinitive, but occasionally it follows the infinitive, in both objective and sub- jective phrases, as in the following passages, quoted on the pages indicated: Gen. 438" and 1439, p. Ill; ^f. L. S. 18.147, p. 112; Beow. 786 and 787, p. 113; Oros. 162.6, 7, p. 114; Wcerf. 74.20, p. 117; Mat. 17.10, p. 124; etc. CHAPTER IX. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT. The first to suggest that in the Germanic languages, specifically in Gothic, there occurs after an impersonal verb (wairpan) a dative with predicative in- finitive substantially identical with the well-known accusative with predicative infinitive, was Jacob Grimm, who, in his Deutsche Grammatik, IV, p. 131, cited the following as an example in Gothic: Mark 2. 23: jah warp pairhgaggan Vmma pairh atisk = Kal iytvero TrapwrroptvecrOai avTOV . . . Sto. tGv a~7ropifi(DV. To me the infinitive here seems subjective, not predicative, and the dative seems governed by the finite verb, not to be the subject of the infinitive; but not so to Grimm: " Auf warp beziehen mag ich den Dat. nicht (etwa in dem Sinn: es geschah, begegnete ihm, dass), dann wiirde er immittelbar daneben stehen." Further discussion of this locution in Gothic is deferred to Chapter XVI, section ix; and the example is quoted here merely to define the idiom under discussion and, incidentally, to give a bit of its earliest history. For the moment accepting Grimm's theory, have we such a dative-with- infinitive construction in Anglo-Saxon? True, Grimm says that not a trace of the idiom occurs in any other Germanic language besides Gothic: " In keinem andern deutschen Dialect die Spur einer solchen Construction, wie sie auch im Goth, nur nach warp vorkommt." ^ But I cannot see that the dative with infinitive in the following examples differs essentially from that in the Gothic sentence above quoted: — (1) Uninflected: Gosp.: Mk. 9.47: betere Se is mid anum eagan gan on Godes rice = 9.46: bonum est tibi luscum introire in regnum Dei. — L. 12.12: Halig Gast eow IsertS on tJaere tide tSa tSing tSe eow specan gebyraS = Spiritus enim sanctus docebit vos in ipsa hora quid oporteat vos dicere. — L. 15.32''''': Se gebyrede gewist- fullian and gebKssian= Epulari autem et gavdere oportebat.^ — L. 24.26'- '': Hu ne gebyrede Criste tSas Sing Soligean, and swa on his wuldor ganf = Nonne hsec oportuit pati Christum, et ita intrare in gloriam suam? — Pr. Gu. V. 67, 68, 69 : swa tJonne gedafenaJS Sam men [Vercelli MS. : Sane man] geHce tSurh six daga faesten Sone gast gefrodman, and Sonne Sy seofoSan daeg mete Sicgan and his licbaman restan = ita etiam hominem decet sex diebus per jejunii plasma spiritu reformari, et septimo die comedendo carni requiem dare. — L. 4.43 SotSlice me gedafenaS oSrum ceastrum Godes rice bodian = Quia et aliis civitatibus oportet me evangelizare (may be accusative and infinitive). (2) Inflected: Mat. 19.24: ea^elicre byS Sam olfende to ganne Surh nsedle eage, Sonne se welega on heofona rice ga = faelUus est camelum per foramen acus transire, quam diAntem intrare in regnum ccelorum.' — Mk. 10.25: EaSere ys olfende to farenne Surh nsedle Syrel = Fadlius est camelum per foramen acus transire. — > Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 131. 2 Cf. Tatian's translation of the same passage, in Chapter XVI, section ix. ' Cf. Tatian's translation of the same passage, in Chapter XVI, section viii. 127 128 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT. Mat. 17.4*: god ys us her to beonne = Domine, bonum est nos hie esse.^ — ^If. Hept.: Gen. 2.18*: Nis na god tSisum men ana to wunienne = Non est bonum hominem esse solum. — Mk. 14.31 : And tSeah me gebyrige mid tSe to sweltenne = Et si oportuerit me simul common tibi. — L. 11.42*: Sas tSing eow gebyrede to donne, and Sa tSing ne forlaetan {sic!) = hsec autem oportuit facere, et ilia non omittere. — Bede 196.17: Hwset woldest tJu, min domne biscop, t5aet cynelice hors tSsem tSearfan syllan, tSe tSe gedafenade agan (sic.') to habbanne = 156.18: Quid uoluisti, domine antistes, equiun regium, quern te conueniebat proprium habere, pauperi dare? True, in the Anglo-Saxon examples, the dative usually is next to the finite verb, but at times it is not, as in L. 12.12; and in the examples from the Old High German, below. Chapter XVI, several times the dative is separated from the principal verb. Moreover, while Professor Streitberg emphasizes the fact that, in the examples which he cites of the Gothic dative with infinitive, " der Dativ steht fast ausnahmslos hinter dem Infinitiv, wie im Griech. das Subject des Akk. m. Inf.," ^ at times, as in 2 Cor. 7.7, cited by Professor Streitberg him- self, the dative precedes the infinitive as in the Greek original the accusative precedes its infinitive; and both pre-position and postposition of the dative seem to me to result from a slavish rather than an independent handling of the original. Moreover, in our Anglo-Saxon examples the dative regularly pre- cedes the infinitive, while in Old High German it sometimes precedes and some- times follows it. These facts lead me to the conclusion that little, if any, significance is to be attached to the fact that the dative generally follows the in- finitive in Gothic. Nor do I think that in the Gothic examples much, if any, weight is to be attached to the separation of the dative from the chief verb, since this separation, too, comes of following the order of words in Greek. Two of the chief arguments offered for setting up a genuine dative-with-infinitive construction after impersonals seem to me, therefore, considerably weakened, if not nullified. It may be urged, however, that the above examples from Anglo-Saxon differ radically from the Gothic example in that in the latter we have a well nigh colorless word, warp, translating the Greek lyevero, while the chief verbs in Anglo-Saxon (gebyrian, gedafenian, and bean (wesan) + an adjective are more datival in sense. There is a difference, to be sure, but not such as to preclude the Anglo-Saxon examples from being included in the same general category with the Gothic, I think; for the dative-with-infinitive in the Slavic languages — where the construction in question is most frequent — arose, as Miklosich ' tells us, because of the very large number of dative-governing verbal nouns therein; — a fact of which I was not aware until I had independently come to the conclusion that, in the Anglo-Saxon examples above given, we more usually have the dative and the infinitive because of the datival force of the chief verbs, a force, however, that is occasionally overcome by the trans- lator's following the Latin original and giving us an accusative and infinitive. When we have the dative, though, we have not in Anglo-Saxon, I think, a gen- uine dative-with-infinitive construction: the dative depends on the chief verb, and the infinitive is subject thereto. This conclusion is rendered the more ^ Cf. Tatian 185.23; guot iat une hir zi wesanne = bonum eat nobis hie esse (from Denecke, I. c, p. 71). ' streitberg,^ I. c, p. 213. ' See Miklosich,' I. c, p. 494, and Jolly, I. c, p. 269; also Vondrak, I. c, II, pp. 366-368, 420-422. Pro- fessor C. D. Buck, of the University of Chicago, kindly called my attention to the grammar by Vondrak. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT. 129 probable, not only for Anglo-Saxon but also for Gothic, I believe, by the similar development in Old High German, especially after gilimphan, concerning which see Chapter XVI, section ix. Moreover, this interpretation of the dative with the infinitive in Anglo- Saxon tallies, so far as I have been able to discover, with that given of the dative with the infinitive in Latin. In Allen and Greenough's Latin Grammar, § 272, a. 1, we read: " With certain impersonal verbs and expressions that take the infinitive as an apparent subject (§ 270. b), the personal subject of the action may be expressed (I) by a dative depending on the verb or verbal phrase or (2) by an accusative expressed as the subject of the infinitive. Thus: rogant ut id sibifacere liceat (S. G. i. 7), 'they ask that it be allowed them to do this; ' — si licet ^ vivere eum quern Sex. Naevius non volt (Quind. 94), ' if it is allowed a man to live against the will of Sextus Nsevius (whom S. N. does not wish).' " The phrase, " the dative with an infinitive," occurs in but few of the Latin grammars that I have consulted, and, when it does occur, is employed, as in the Allen and Greenough Latin Grammar, to designate a dative that is governed by the finite verb and an infinitive that is the subject thereof. No- where have I found a claim, implicit or explicit, that the Latin infinitive in such locutions is genuinely predicative.. It will have been observed that, in some of the Anglo-Saxon examples above given, we have sometimes a dative and an uninflected infinitive, sometimes a dative and an inflected infinitive, and sometimes with the same verb a dative and both an inflected infinitive and an uninflected infinitive. This interchange of uninflected and of inflected infinitives has already been explained in the consideration of the Subjective Infinitive, Chapter I, pp. 20-26 above, under which head, as already implied, I have put all of the above examples. Here it remains only to add that, regardless of our attitude to the so-called dative- with-infinitive construction, our explanation of the interchange between the uninflected and the inflected subjective infinitives is strengthened, if not con- firmed, by the Miklosich theory of the dative with infinitive in the Slavic languages. So far as I have been able to discover, the phrase, " the dative with infini- tive," in the sense assigned to it by Grimm, is confined in the grammars to the dative with infinitive after impersonal verbs, as illustrated in the preceding section of this chapter. But, if the phrase is to be used at all, I do not see why it should not be used with reference, also, to the dative after certain per- sonal verbs. Note, for example, how close to the accusative with infinitive after permitto in the Latin Mat. 8.21 (Domine, permitte me primum ire, et sepelire patrem meum = Drihten, alyfe me serest to farenne and bebyrigean {sic!) minne fseder) is the dative with infinitive after the same verb in Luke 9.59 (permitte mihi primum ire, et sepelire patrem meum = dlyf me seryst beby- rigean minne fseder), at least as close, in my judgment, as is the dative with infinitive after the impersonal, licet, to the accusative with infinitive after the same, in the passages quoted above. In Anglo-Saxon, too, we have an unin- I According to Zumpt, I. c, S 601, licet is more frequently followed by a dative with an infinitive than by an accusative with an infinitive. I have found no clear example in Anglo-Saxon of alie/an, * to be allowable,' * to allow,' followed by an accusative with an infinitive; but gebyrian ' to happen,' * to be fitting,' and gedafenian, ' to be fitting,' are followed by both the accusative with an infinitive and the dative with an infinitive. — M. C, Jr. 130 THE PREDICATiyE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT. fleeted active infinitive with a dative after (1) certain verbs of Commanding {beodan, ' command; ' hatdn, ' command ') and (2) certain verbs of Causing and Permitting {aliefan, ' allow; ' don, ' make,' ' cause; ' Icetan, ' let,' ' cause '). I quote only a few examples: — ■ beodan: — Chron. 173"", 1048 E": se cjTig . . . head heom cuman to Gleaweceastre. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 15.280'', 281: Da bet se gerefa hio genimon (sic!) and bead heom hire claSes of niman and hi up ahon bi Bam fotum= 217.312"- ^: Praefectus dixit: Exspoliate earn et in aerem suspevdite. hatan: — Wasrf. 202.13: Sa het he heora wghwylcum gesomnian his bjrrtSene wyrta = 245 C^: Quos statim collectis oleribus onustari fecit. — Mart, 210.6, 7: Sa het he hym gebindan anne ancran on his sweoran and hyne forsendan on sse. — JElf. Horn. I. 416': Da fserlice het he his gesihum Sone biscop mid his preostum samod geandwerdian. aliefan: see Mat. 8.21 and L. 9.59, as given above in connection with the comment on the Latin permitto; in these examples, of course, me may be con- sidered accusative instead of dative, but it is more probably dative. don: — Chron. 266'', 1140 E": Be biscop . . . dide heom cumen Sider. — lb. 262'', 1132 E*' '': king . . . dide him gyuen up tSset abbotrice of Burch 7 faren ut of lande. — ^If. L. S. 464.376: gif him tSyrste, tSu do him drincan (or is drincan a noun?), — Lcece. 141.5: do sumne dael pipores 7 do him ete (sic!) tSreo snseda on nihtnyhstig. Isetan: — Chron. 56^ 796 F'-'': Ceolwulf Myrcna cing . . . gefeng Ead- berht Praen . . . 7 let him pytan ut his eagan 7 ceorfan of his handa. — lb. 116', 963 E"^: se arcebiscop . . . com Sa to tSe cyng, leot him locon (sic!) 8a gewrite tSe mr wseron gefunden. — lb. 210'', 1075 D*": se scirgerefa . . . let him findan mete. — lb. 225'', 1090 E: he ... let heom swa weorSan. Some of these examples are doubtful. But a few (those Tilth don and teton) admit of no other explanation than to consider that we have an infinitive with dative subject, unless we hold that at that stage in the history of the language the dative form, him, had already begun to supplant the accusative forms, hine and hie, — a possibility suggested by the fact that most of the clearer examples (those after don and, in a less degree, Icetan) occur in the later Chronicle and, usually, in the later manuscripts of that work. With the verbs other than don and Icetan the infinitive seems to me objective, not predicative; and the examples have been included in Chapter II. Aside from the confusion of the dative and the accusative forms of the pronouns already suggested, the dative instead of the accusative seems to be due to the fact that in some instances we have verbs (jbeodan and Icetan) which are sometimes followed by a dative as well as by an accusative, and that in other verbs of kindred signification Qiatan^) the same usage arose out of analogy. Concerning this idiom with personal verbs in the kindred Germanic lan- guages, see Chapter XVI, section ix. At times, too, we have an inflected active infinitive with a dative after (1) certain verbs of Commanding {bebeodan, ' command; ' beodan, ' command; ' a,nd forbeodan, ' forbid ') ; (2) one verb of Sense Perception once (hieran, ' hear ') ; and (3) certain verbs of Causing and ' Perrnitting (aliefan, 'allow;' g&don, ' cause; ' lief an, ' allow; ' and wyrcan, ' make,* ' cause '). < Cf. Zeitlin,' I. e., p. 66. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT 131 As before, I quote only a few examples: — bebeodan: — Bede 350.28: Swa hwaet swa tSu me onsettest / bebeodest to donne = 263.25: quicquid mihi imposueris agendum (or, as the Latin suggests, to donne modifies hwwtf). — Wcerf. 9.31: hu he behead tSsere rmdran tSa wyrta to healdenne = no Latin. beodan: — JElf. HepL: Deut. 32.46*''': beodaS tSa word eowrum bearnum to healdenne and to donne = ut mandetis ea filiis vestris custodire et facere. forbeodan: — JSlf. L. S. XXV. 36: mete, Se moyses forbead godes folce to Sicgenne (or final?). — lb. XXV. 42: Moyses /or&ead . . . tSa nytenu to etanne Bam ealdan folce (or final?). — lb. XXXII. 105: 'Se forbead petre mid waepnum to winnenne witS tSa . . . iudeiscan. hieran: — Wcerf. 221.25: waes cutJ, tSset se . . . deofol . . . him hyrde tJa scos of to donne = 269 D' : Ad cujus vocem mox cceperimt se caligarum corrigise in sim[una velocitate dissolvere, ut aperte constaret quod ei ipse qui nominatus fuerat ad extrahendas diabolus caligas obedisset. aliefan: — /Elf. Hept.: Deut. 3.25: Alife me to farenne and to geseonne tSaet seloste land = Transibo igitur et videbo terram hanc optimam. lief an: — .^f. Hept.: Num. 21.22: Ic bidde Saet t5u me lyfe ofer t5in land to ferenne = Obsecro ut transire mihi liceat per terram tuam. Some of the foregoing examples, as indicated, are doubtful. In most of them, however, we have a dative and an inflected objective infinitive, and, with the exception of the infinitive after hieran, all have been put under the objec- tive use, in Chapter II. A few examples are quoted in this chapter on the Predicative Infinitive with a Dative Subject merely to show the affinity of these inflected infinitives with a dative, like the uninflected infinitives with a dative already treated, to Grimm's dative-with-infinitive construction. But in none of the foregoing examples does the infinitive seem to me predicative with the possible exception of the infinitive after hieran. In this example the inflected infinitive is probably due to the gerundive of the Latin original. The inflected infinitive with the other verbs has been explained already in Chapter II. For the dative with inflected infinitive after personal verbs in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section ix. In a word, I doubt whether we have a genuine dative-with-infinitive con- struction in Anglo-Saxon, that is, a predicative infinitive with dative subject substantially equivalent to a predicative infinitive with accusative subject, after either impersonal or personal verbs. Normally, after the former class of verbs the infinitive is subjective, and after the latter class the infinitive is objective; and after both the dative depends on the chief verb. In a few sporadic cases, almost exclusively in Late West Saxon, after a few personal verbs like don and Imtan, we do have an uninflected predicative infinitive whose subject is dative in form, but probably by that time the distinction between the accusative forms (hine and hie) and the dative form (him) had broken down to such an extent that him was felt as an accusative. And once possibly (after hieran) we may have an inflected infinitive used predicatively with a dative ; if so, the inflected infinitive is probably due to the gerundive in the Latin original. This general conclusion is fortified, I believe, by what we learn of the same construction in the other Germanic languages, especially in Old High German: see Chapter XVT, section ix. CHAPTER X. THE FINAL INFINITIVE. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Finite Verb. The active infinitive denoting Purpose after active verbs is quite common, being found about 983 times. Of these infinitives about 442 are uninflected, and 541 are inflected. The total number of final infinitives in prose is about 849, of which 323 are uninflected, and 526 are inflected; the total number in poetry is about 134, of which 119 are uninflected, and 15 are inflected. As a rule, therefore, the final infinitive is inflected in prose, and is uninflected in poetry. To me the final infinitive, both inflected and uninflected, seems dominantly, if not exclusively, active in sense as well as in form. Dr. Farrar,! however, holds that in sentences like the following the inflected infinitive is passive in sense: Bede 22.18: Dset . . . cyning to gefuUianne com to Rome = 292.9: Ut . . . rex . . . baptizandus Romam uenerit; ib. 124.3 : his dohtor to gehalgienne Criste tSam biscope to wedde gesealde = 99.30: filiam suam Christo consecrandam . . . episcopo adsignavit; Greg. 277.17: suelce he . . . sua nacodne hine selfne eowige to wundigeanne his feondum = 210.2: Totam vero se insidiantis hostis vulneribus detegit; ^IJ. Horn. I. 46.35: hine ... of tJsere byrig gelceddon to stcenenne. Personally I think that in such sentences the infinitive is possibly, but not probably, passive in sense; and it may be that this is what Dr. Farrar intends to assert. The grounds of my own opinion are these: (1) In most, if not all, of such sentences, an active translation is allowable, though a passive translation is more common. (2) We find in the original Latin an interchange between gerund and gerundive, as in Bede 76.34: Sas wiif, tSa tSe heora beam . . . o'Svura to fedenne sellaS = 55.13: quae filios suos . . . aMs ad nutriendum tradunt; ib. 150.8: tSa [= these] eft seo modor aefter tSon onsende ... in Gallia rice to fedanne Dsegbrehte tJsem cyninge = 126.4: quos . . . misit in Galliam nutriendos regi Dsegberecto. (3) We find the final infinitive not infrequently translating a Latin active infinitive or subjunctive. (4) The Anglo-Saxon had little feeling for a genuine passive infinitive, as I tried to show in the dis- cussion of the voice of the objective infinitive. This conclusion tallies with that of Dr. Shearin,^ who, I. c, p. 28, writes as follows of the voice of the prepo- sitional infinitive of purpose: " It is doubtful whether this can ever be with certainty called passive, since the infinitive may be felt as a mere verbal noun, as in John 17.4: tJset weorc Sset tSu me sealdest to donne, where the Latin quod dedisti ut fadam, and the concurrent Lind. and Rush, glosses, Scette ic gedoe, show plainly that to donne = not ' to be done,' but ' for doing.' " "Mien uninflected, the infinitive is far less frequently of doubtful voice. While, again, I believe, that the. infinitive is prevailingly, perhaps exclusively, ' L. c, pp. 16, 19, 25. 132 THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 133 active in sense, in the following we have active infinitives that are apparently but not really passive in sense: JElf.HepL: Jos. 11.6: to mergen ic hig sylle on Sisre ylcan tide ealle gewundigean on Israela gesihSe = eras enim hac eadem hora ego tradam omnes istos vulnerandos in conspectu Israel; Laws, Ordal, c. 4, § 1: sylle heom eallum cyssan boc; Bede 192.14: Da gehalgode ic wseter 7 scseftSan dyde in tSaes . . . treoes, 7 sealde tSam untruman drincan = 153.32: benedixi aquam, et astulam roboris praefati inmittens obtuli egro potandum (with which compare Greg. 329.3'': Me Syrste, & ge me ne sealdon drincan = 254.4: sitivi, et non dedistis mihi bibere); Mk. 6.37°: we him etan syllaS = ddbimus illis manducare. Again I am in substantial agreement with Dr, Shearin,! who, I. c, p. 16, declares: "Only the active meaning of the simple infinitive in final function is found in Old English, as may easily be noted in the examples already quoted, in which the Latin original is of like voice." The last clause of his statement, however, is somewhat too sweeping, as in some of the examples given by him and by me the Anglo-Saxon infinitive corresponds to a passive locution in Latin. Normally the final infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, follows the verb that it modifies, as in Beow. 115 (Gewat Sa neosian . . , hean buses) and in Mat. 9.13 (sotSlice ne com ic rihtwise to gecigeanne = Non enim veni vocare justos), but occasionally it precedes it, as in Gen. 2262 (Heo Sa fleon gewat tSrea 7 tSeowdom) and in Bede 22.18 (to gefullianne com to Rome = 292.9: baptizandus Romam uenerit). In many instances, the pre-positive final infini- tive in Anglo-Saxon prose corresponds to a pre-positive word (infinitive, gerund, or gerundive) in the Latin original, as in the example just quoted from Bede. In not a few instances, as Dr. Riggert, passim, suggests, pre-position seems due to the fact that the infinitive occurs in a dependent clause, as in Ex. 472 : hwonne waSema stream . . . neosan come. As stated in Chapter V, with verbs of motion and of rest it is at times diffi- cult to decide whether an infinitive is final or predicative in use. This difficulty arises out of the close kinship of the two uses at the outset, — a topic discussed in section v of Chapter XIV. Again, at times it is difficult to determine whether an inflected infinitive is final or adjectival, as in Bede 150.8 (Sa eft seo modor . . . onsende ... in G. rice to fedanne= 126.4: quos . . . misit in Galliam nutriendos), with which compare Bede 76.30'' (tSaette wiif forhycgatS heora beam fedan, tSa tSe heo cennatS, 7 heo otSrum wiifum to fedenne sellaS = 55.10: eosque aliis mulieribus ad nutriendum tradant). I. Only the uninflected final infinitive is found with the following verbs: — 1. Certain Verbs of Motion: — gensegan, approach. gewitan, depart. gengan, go. hladan, load, draw. 2. Certain Verbs of Rest: — gesittan, sit. licgan, lie. 3. Certain Verbs of Commanding and Requesting: — abiddan, request. biddan, reqtiest. 4. Certain Other Verbs: — gewyrcan, make. scieppan, create. 134 THE FINAL INFINITIVE, Typical examples are: — 1. Verbs of Motion: — genaegan, approach: Ex. 131 : wiste g&noegdon modige meteSegnas hyra maegen beton (sic!). [The construction of beton is doubtful. In the original and in the recent editions of Grein's Sprachschaiz der Angels&cshischen Dichter and in Blackburn's edi- tion of the Exodus, beton is entered as an infinitive; but in the latter with this query: " or pt. 3 p. for betton (?)."] gengan, go: Beow. 1413: He • . . gengde . . . wong sceawian. gewitan, depart, go: Beow. 291 : gewitaS fortJ beran waepen and gewsedu. — lb. 1275 : tSa he hean gewat, dreame bedaeled deatSwic geseon. — lb. 2820: him of hreSre gewat sawol secean sotSfsestra dom. Gen. 1649: OewUon him tSa eastan aehta Icedan. — 76. 1920: Him Sa Loth gewat land sceamigan be lordane. hladan, load, draw: Greg. 469.7: Ac hladaS iow nu drincan = 0. Wcerf. 220.22: tSaer hlodon heom drincan = 269 A^: ad bibendum hauriebant aquam. 2. Verbs of Rest: — gesittan, sit: And. 1162: Gesmton searutJancle sundor to rune ermtSu eahtigan. [Or predi- cative? Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 45, considers the infinitive final.] licgan, lie: JElf. Hept.: Judges 4.18'': He code tSa in earhlice switJe, and seo wimman mid hire hwitle bewreah hine sona, let hine licgan swa mtlutian his feondum = Qui ingressus tabemaculum ejus et opertus ab ea pallio, dixit ad eam (or predi- cative? see Chapter V, pp. 91-92). 3. Verbs of Commanding and Requesting: — abiddan, request: Bede 392.32 : Wilt Su wit unc abidde {sic!) ondrincan ? = 286.13 : Uis petamus biberef biddan, request: Mlf. Hept.: Judges 4.19: boed him drincan, and heo him blitJelice sealde, beheold hine eft =» Da mihi, obsecro, paululum aquae, quia sitio valde! Quae dedit ei bibere et operuit ilium. J. 4.9: Humeta bitst Su aet me drincan = Quomodo tu Judaeus quum sis, bibere a me poscisf 4. Other Verbs, with each of which the construction is doubtful, as is ap- parent from the examples (complete) : — gewyrcan, make: Gifts 66: Sum mag waepenSraece wige to nytte modcraeftig smi?5 monige gefremman, (Sonne he gewyrceS to wera hilde helm otSSe hupseax otStSe heatSu- byrnan, scirne mece otSSe scyldes rond, faeste gefegan wiS flyge gares (or ac- cusative and infinitive?). THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 135 scieppan, create, make: Gnomic Sayings 129: Gold gerisetJ on guman sweorde, sellic sigesceorp, sine on cwene; god scop gumum, garniS werum, wig towitJre wicfreoSa healdan (?). The following is a complete alphabetic list of the verbs followed by the un- inflected final infinitive only: — abiddan, request. gewitas, go, depart. biddan, request. gewyrcan, make, build. gensegan, approach. hladan, lade, draw. gengan, go. licgan, lie. gesittan, sit. scieppan, make, create. II. The final infinitive is found both uninflected and inflected with the following groups of verbs: — 1. Chiefly certain Verbs of Motion: — arisan, arise. forlaetan, leave. asendan, send. fundian, set out, strive. becuman, coTne. gan [gangan], go. beran, bear. gecierran, turn, go. cuman, come. onsendan, send. efstan, hasten. sendan, send. faran, go. wendan, turn, wend. feran, go. 2. Frequently certain Verbs of Offering and of Giving: — beodan, offer. giefan, give. gesellan, give. sellan, give. Sellan is the verb most frequently used, occurring over 200 times. 3. Occasionally certain Verbs of Rest: — sittan, sit. standan, stand. 4. Occasionally certain Other Verbs: aliesan, release. The following are typical examples: — 1. Verbs of Motion: — arisan, arise: (1) Uninflected: And. 829, 830: cining engla [lacuna] t5a tSa aras siSigean, eadige on upweg etJles neosan. (2) Inflected: Pr. Ps. 26.4: tJeah hi arisan ongean me to feohtanne = 26.3: Si insurgat in me bellum. Wcerf. 201.23: he aras ... lof to secganne = 245 B': ad exhibendas laudes Domino surrexisset. Bened. 40.11: ic aras . . . Se io andettenne = 74.19: surgebam ad confiten- dum tibi. ^f. L. S. 456.233 : hi swa oft arisan (sic!) . . . to singenne Sone lofsang. asendan, send: (1) Uninflected: j:Elf. Hept.: Judges 15.18: bsed Cone . . . god Sset he him asende drincan, 136 THE FINAL INFINITIVE. for Sam tSe on tSsere neawiste nses nan wseterscipe = clamavit ad dominum et ait: en siti morior. (2) Inflected: Mf. Horn. I. 402'': Se asende . . . Titum to ofermnnenne tSa , . . ludeiscan. ^If. L. S. 104.236: hselend hi asende . . . tSa men to fullienne. Mk. 3.14: he hi asende godspell to bodigenne = fecit . . . ut mitteret eos prcedicare. becuman, come: (1) Uninflected: Ermahnung 53: getSancas, tSe on niht hecumacS, synlustas foroft swiSe fremman. Beow. 2366: lyt eft becwom . , . hames niosan. (2) Inflected: Bede 22.26: becuman wolde on Germaniam to bodianne godcunde lare = 296.3: ad praedicandum in. Gerxaamaxn. uenire uolnent. — /&. 486.8"' *>: ic . . , bidde Ssette to eallum Se Sis ylce staer to becyme ures cynnes to rcedenne oSSe to gehyrenne, Sset hi . . . Singien etc. = 8.10*-'': Praeterea omnes, ad quos haec eadem historia peruenire potuerit nostrae nationis, legentes sine avdientes, suppliciter precor, ut etc. beran, bear: (1) Uninflected: Bede 396.8: Ssem biscupe beer drincan = 287.26: obtulit poculum episcopo. ^If. Horn. II. 180*: Se deofol cwaeS Saet he wolde beran drincan his gebroSrum. (2) Inflected: Bede 440.2'': heht me beran to rcedanne = 312.16*: iussit . . . mihi ad legendum deferre. Wcerf. 128.11: beer mid him mettas to Sicgene = B. 158 C: qui sumendos cibos in itinere portabat. ^If. Horn. I. 512'': SaSa him man to boer cild to bletsigenne. cuman, come: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 2010: Ic . . . cwom to Sam hringsele HroSgar gretan. — lb. 268: We . . . hlaford Sinne . . . secean cioomon. Ex. 92: Saet Sser drihten cwom . . . wicsteal metan. El. 152: Com . . . cyning burga neosan. Ex. 416 : Da him styran cwom stefn of heofonum. Bede 296.10: Sone Se hy untrumne neosian cwomon = 226.24: quem lan- guentem uisitare uenerant. Wcerf. 251.9: Saet se Se Sider com eles biddan = 308 A': quia is qui olexim petere venerat, etc. ^If. L. S. XXX. 49"' '': ic com Saet ic me Se aetyivde Surh Sysne heort and for hine Se gehuntian and gefon mid Sam nettmn minre mildheortnysse. Mat. 10.35: Ic com . . . mann asyndrian ongen hys Faeder = Veni enim separare hominem adversus patrem suum. (2) Inflected: Ps. 97.8'': forSon he eadig com eorSan to demanne = quoniam venit jvdicare terram. Bede 22.18: to geftdlianne com to Rome = 292.9: baptizandus Romam THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 137 V£nerit. — lb, 96.8: monige cwomon to bicgenne tSa t5ing= 79.30: multi ad emendum confluxissent. — lb. 158.28: coman . . . word to gehyranne= 132.19: confluebant ad audiendum uerbum. — lb. 220.13: tSane {sic!) cwom tSider to halgianne . . . se biscop = 169.15: quern ordinatwus uenit illuc . . . antistes. Wcerf. 46.2: se ceorl, Se Sider com hine to geseonne = 180 B^: is qui ad videndum eum venerat. ^If. Horn. I. 142'' ^: Crist, setSe com to gehwlenne ure wunda. Gosp.: Mat. 9.13: sotSlice ne com ic rihtwise to gedgeanne = Non enim veni vocare justos. — /. 9.39: Ic com on Sysne middaneard to demenne = In judicium ego in hunc mundum veni. — /. 12.47: ne com ic middaneard to demanne, ac Sset ic gehaele middaneard = non enim veni utjudicem mundum, sed ut salvificem mimdum. Wulf. 219.26: drehten cwaetS, tSaet he come to demanne cwicum. efstan, hasten: (1) Uninflected: Beow. 3103''''': uton nu efstan otSre sitSe seon and secean searogetSrsec,. wundur under wealle. (2) Inflected: Bede 376.6*' *>: efestton tSsem biscope to cy&enne j secgenne {sic!) t5a t5ing, = 276.25: festinarunt referre antisti. ^If. Horn. II. 130™': Ongunnon . . . menige e/sion , 656 E«: preost tSe seo kyning . . . seonde to bodian {sic!} Cristendome on Wiht. Laws 42, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § l*" : hie sendan aerendwrecan . . . Cristes se to Iceranne. Mlf. Horn. I. 372'': Du, . . . Se us sendest to bodigenne Sinne geleafan. /Elf. Hept.: Num. 13.17: manna . . ., tSe Moises sende to sceawienne Chanaan = quos misit M. ad cormderandam terram C. L. 9.2»: quoted on p. 139. Wtdf. 295.32*' '': ic sende ofer eow Sa tSeode eow to hergianne and eower land to awestenne. wendan, turn, wend: (1) Uninflected: S. & S. 20: Ic . . . wende mec on willan on waeteres hricg ofer Coferflod Caldeas secan. (2) Inflected: ^If. L. S. XXVII. 13: wende ham ... to hire . . . sunu his geleafan to getrymm^nne. 2. Verbs of Offering and of Giving: — beodan, offer, entrust: (1) Uninflected: j^lf. Horn. II. 254": and him budon drincan gebitrodne windrenc. (2) Inflected: Bede 114.19: t5set . . . eowde . . . , tJaette he him bead to healdanne = 92.22: gregem . . . quem sibi ipse crediderat. gesellan, give: (1) Uninflected: Oros. 136.16: him gesealdon ator drincan = 137.10: cum . . . ministri insidiis venenum potasset. (2) Inflected: Bede 124.3 : his dohtor to gehalgienne Criste tSam biscope to wedde gesealde = 99.30: filiam suam Christo consecrandam . . . episcopo adsignauit. Oros. 54.11: gesedlde Ircaniam Sa tJeode on anwald to habbane = 55.3: eumque Hyrcanorum genti praeposuit. giefan, give: (1) Uninflected: Ps. 79.5: tyhst us 7 fedest teara hlafe 7 us drincan * gifest deorcum tearum manna gehwylcum on gemet rihtes = 79.6: Cibabis nos pane lacrjrmarum, et potabis nos in lacrymis in mensura? * In Bede 486.4 (io Ve bidde, dugutSa Hslend, tSset Su me milde forgi/e swetlice drincan Sa word tSines wia- domee— 360.4: Teque deprecor, bone lesu, ut cui propitius donaati uerba tuae scientiae dulciter haurire, doiie» etiam etc.), the infinitive seems to me to be objective rather than final, and has been put in Chapter II, THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 141 (2) Inflected: Bede 236.1: Saet he Gode geaf mynster on to timbrenne = 177.30: ad con- struenda monasteria donaret. — lb. 242.7: bee on to leornienne . . . gefon = 192.17: libros . . . ad legendum . . . pra^bere curabant. Chron. 117°, 963 E°: ic gife tocnawlece . . . Peter min messehacel . . . Criste to Seuwian (sic!). sellan, give: (1) Uninflected: Rid. 13.5: Hwilum ic deorum drincan selle beorne of bosme. — lb. 72.7: swaese brotSor, tSara onsundran gehwylc daegtidum me drincan sealde tSurh t5yrel tSearle. Laws 387, Ordal, c. 4, § 1 : sylle heom ealimn cyssan boc. Bede 30.7: tSa sceafSan dyde on wseter, / sealde drincan tSam manniim = 13.4: ipsam rasuram aquae inmissam ac potui datam. — 76. 156.7: tSaet wseter . . . drincan syllaS = 129.18: astulas . . . quas cum in aquas miserint, eisque . . . homines aut pecudes potauerint. — 76. 192.14: Da gehalgode ic waeter 7 scaefSan dyde in tSaes . . . treoes, 7 sealde t5am untruman drincan = 153.32: benedixi aquam, et astulam roboris praefati inmittens obiuli egro potandum. Greg. 329.3*": ge me ne sealdon drincan = 254.4: non dedistis mihi bibere. — 76. 459.18*: tJy ic sceal sellan eow giet mioloc drincan nalles flaesc etan = 392.16: Tamquam parvulis in Christo lac vobis potum dedi, non escam. Ores. 136.1 : Da nam he tSa [= wyrt] on mergen, 7 sealde hie tJaem gewimdedum drincan = 135.35: ac post herba per somnium sibi ostensa in potum sauciis data. Woerf. 161.5: ic wille faran to t5am brotSrum 7 him syllan drenc drincan = B. 188 A': Ecce ad fratres vado potionem eis dare. Bl. Horn. 229.9: hie him sealdon attor drincan. Mlf. Horn. I. 582'=: Swa hwa swa syVS ceald waeter drincan anum Syrstigan menn Saera t5e on me gelyfatS, etc. jElf. Hept.: Gen. 21.19: sumne waeterpytt . . ., and heo of t5am sealde tJam cnapan drincan = dedit puero bibere. — Ex. 2.19: hlod waeter mid us and sealde Sam sceapum drincan = potumque dedit ovibus. ^If. Gr. 111.6: syle us drincan = da nobis bibere. Gosp.: Mat. 25.35'': ge me sealdun drincan = dedistis mihi bibere. — Mat. 25.42'': ge me drincan ne sealdun = non dedistis mihi potum. Wulf. 288.32: ge me drincan ne sealdon. LcBce. 8.21: geseotS cerfillan on waetere, sele drincan. So 170 times in all in Loece. Greg. 329.3": ge me nawuht ne sealdun eian= 254.3: non dedistis mihi manducare. Gosp.: Mat. 14.16'': sylle ge him etan = date illis vos manducare. — So: Mat. 25.35% 42"; ML 5.43% 6.37»; L. 8.55^, 9.13; J. 6.31. Loece. 21.39: sele etan. So 27 times in all in Lcece. Mlf. Hept.: Jos. 11.6: to mergen ic hig syUe on Sisre ylcan tide ealle gewun- digean on Israela gesihtSe = eras enim hac eadem hora ego tradam omnes istos mdnerandos in conspectu Israel. LcBce. 37.19: tSaet seaw sele on cuclere supan. So 8 times in Loece. Lcece. 55.34: sele Sicgean. So: 69.21»-'>; 150.6. (2) Inflected: Beow. 1731 : seleS him on etJle eortSan wynne, to healdanne hleoburh wera. Ps. 54.6: Ic tSa on mode cwsetS, hwa me sealde tofleogenne fitSeru swa culfran 142 THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 7 ic tJonne ricene reste sytStSan = Quis dahit mihi pennas sicut columbse? et volabo et requiescam. Wids. 134: se bitS leofast londbuendum, se tSe him god syleS gumena rice to gehealdenne. Bede 76.30'': heo otJrum wiifum to fedenne sella6 = 55.10: eosque aliis mulieribus ad nutriendum tradant. — lb. 104.29: his gyfe sealde . . ., him to brucanne = 85.29: in usum eonma. — lb. 158.29: sealde aehte 7 land mynster to timbrianne = 132.21 : donabantur . . . possessiones . . . ad instituenda mo- nasteria. — lb. 232.25 : Sealde se biscop tSaet mynster to reccenne . . . Ceaddan his bretSer = 176.18: Dedit . . . episcopus regendum post se monasterium fratri suo. — lb. 480.29, 30: ealle geornesse ic sealde to leornienne j to smeagenne halige gewritu = 357.11: omnem meditandis scripturis operam dedi. Greg. 369.14: tSonne he us sel& micle getyngnesse & wlitige sprsece ymb sotSfsestnesse to cySanne = 286.17: cum nobis luce veritatis plena eloquia subministrat. Oros. 42.29: ealle . . . beam . . . sealdon 'Sana Minotauro to etanne = 43.29: qui . . . filios Minotauro . . . devorandos addicebant. Laws 48, jElfred, c. 1, § 2'': selle ... his waepn 7 his sehta his freondum to geheaJdanne. Wcerf. 253.13: he bsed hi, tSset hi hine sealdon him to healdene = 309 B': petiit ut sibi ad custodiam tradi debuisset. JElf. Ham. II. 244*': gelaehte aenne calic, . . . and sealde his gingmm, of to supenne aefter gereorde. ^If. Hept.: Gen. 28.20'': Gif drihten . . . syl& me hlaf to etenne = si deus . . . dederit mihi paneTa ad vescendum. — So: Ex. 16.15; Num. 11.4. J. 6.52'': Hu mseg tSes his flaesc us syllan to etanne f = 6.53: Quomodo potest hie nobis carnem suam dare ad mandticandum? Loece. 65.8: sele to etanne liferseocum men. — 76. 17.11: sele tSry dagas tSry boUan fuUe to drincanne. So 9 times in all. — 76. 87.8 : syle tSonne Sses waeteres bollan fulne to gedrincanne. — 76. 66.11: t5am mannum sceal man sellan segra to supanne. — 76. 65.26: selle him mon leohtes hwaethwega to Sicganne. So 8 times in all. ^If. Hept.: Ex. 6.8: tJaet ic sylle eow to agenne = daboque illam vobis possidendam. Mat. 27.26'': tSone Haelynd he let swingan, and sealde heom to ahonne = Jesum . . . tradidit eis ut crudfigeretur. 3. Verbs of Rest: — sittan, sit: (1) Uninflected: Gen. 842: sceton onsundran bidan selfes gesceapu heofoncyninges (or predi- cative? see Chapter V, pp. 91-92). (2) Inflected: /Elf. Horn. I. 542": he him behet • . ., tJset hi on tSam micclum dome ofer twelf dorasetl sittende beoS, to demenne eallum mannum. standan, stand: (1) Uninflected: Gen. 526: me her standan het his bebodu healdan, / me Sas bryd forgeaf (or healdan mayJbe objective, co-ordinate with standan f). THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 143 (2) Inflected: MIJ. Horn. I. 48° *: gemunde . . . gewrit . . . Sunu standan set Godes switSran to gescyndenne tSsera ludeiscra ungeleaffulnysse. ^If. Hept.: Deut. 27.13: tSas sceolan standan on H. dune to wirgienne Ruben = stc^ant ad maledicendum . . . Ruben. Mk. 11.25: tSonne ge standaS eow to gebiddenne = Et quum stabitis ad orandum. 4. Other Verbs: — aliesan, release: (1) Uninflected: L. 1.72'': he alysde us of urum feondum, . . . mildheortnesse to wyrcenne mid urum faederum, and gemunan his halgan cySnesse = Sicut locutus est per os sanctorum . . . prophetarumejus: salutem ex inimicis nostris . . . adfaciendam misericordiam cum patribus nostris, et memorari testamenti sui sancti. (2) Inflected: L. 1.72": quoted under "Uninflected" above, L. 1.72''. The following is a complete alphabetic list of the verbs followed by both the uninflected infinitive of purpose and the inflected infinitive of purpose: — aliesan, release. fundian, set out, strive. arisan, arise. gan [gangan, -o-], go. asendan, send, oger. gecierran, turn, go. becvunan, come. gesellan [-ie-, -y-], give,. beodan, command, ofer. giefan, give, ofer. beran, hear, offer. onsendan, send, offer. cuman, come. sellan [-ie-, -y-], give, offer. efstan, hasten. sendan, send. faran, go, depart. sittan, sit. feran, go, depart. standan, stand. forlsetan, leave. wendan, wend, go. III. The inflected final infinitive only is found with a very large number of verbs of such varied significations that it seenis unwise to attempt to classify them. Accordingly, I give merely an alphabetic list of the verbs followed only by the inflected final infinitive: — steowan [-ea-], show, appear. bringan, bring. stwindan, escape, fly away. cyBan, make known. afaran, travel, go. don, do, make, put. agiefan [-y-], give. eowian, show, expose. alsedan, lead away. findan, find. aliefan [-e-, -y-], allow. fleogan, [-e-], fly. araecan, reach, hand. forestihtian, arseran, disseminate. forgiefan [-y-], give. astigan, ascend. forsendan, send. aweccan, bring to life. gadrian, gather. awendan, transhie. gearcian, prepare. beciepan [-y-], sell. gearwian, make ready, prepare. befsestan, entrust, commit. gebindan, bind. belsefan, leave. gebredan, draw, hence /eiffn' (reflexive). beteecah, entrust, commit. gebugan, turn, go. . betStfffan, fteed. gebycgan, buy. biegan, bend, turn. geceosan, choose. bindan, bind. geeuman, come. brecan [hine], retch. gedon, commit, entrust. 144 THE FINAL INFINITIVE. ge-emtigian [-sem-], keep one's self free. gefreogan [-freon], free. gefultumian, help. gegripan, seize. gehwierfan, turn. gelaecan, seize. gel sedan, lead. geliefan [-e-, -y-], believe. gelogian, arrange. gemearcian, mark, plan. genealiecan, approach. geniman, take, accept. gesamnian [-0-], assemble. gescieppan, create, make. gesecan, seek. gesettan, set, establish. gestandan, stand, stand up. geteon [-tion], draw, attract. geSafian, grant, give. ge-unnan, grant, give. gewendan, wend, go. habban (nabban), have (not). healdan, hold, keep. iecan [aecau], increase. ieman, run. ingan [-gangan, -o-], go in. Isedan, lead. laefan, leave, entrust. Isenan, lend. latan, leave. lecgean, lay, place. libban, live. liehtan, light. logian, arrange, frame. lufian, love. nimaTi j take. niSerastigan, descend. ondfon, receive. onfindan [?], find, receive. onfon, receive, undertake. onginnan, begin. onlaenan, lend. ontynan, open. raecan, reach, seize. reccan, care. sceawian, grant. scyndan, hasten. secan, seek. settan, set, place. siSian, travel, go. sniSan, cut open. stician, stick. teon, make, create. tocuman, come, come to. tofaran, separate, disperse. toferan, separate, disperse. tosendan, send. tSrowian, suffer, endure. Surfan, need. utgan i-gangad, -o-], go out. wegan, carry, manifest. weorpan, throw, cast. wil(l)niaji, desire, wish. winnan, struggle, strive. wunian, dwell, remain. wyrcan, make. I quote only a few examples: — befaestan, entrust, commit: Woerf. 111.3'', 4»: ongunnon • . . Sa . . . weras . . . him befmstan heora suna to fedanne 7 to Iceranne = B. 140 C^: Ccepere . . . ei filios omnipotenti Deo nutriendos dare. — lb. 254.1: bsedon, ?5set he heom tSone agaefe, tSe hi him aer befceston to healdenne = 309 C^: quem dederant petiermit (but cf. 309 C^: qui diaconum ad custodiendum dederant). Mlf. L. S. XXXVI. 76: gif tSu wilt me befaestan cnapan to Icerenne. Apol. 32.4: ic . . . Sas mine dohtor befoeste tJam . . . mannan to fedanne = 49*: hanc vero . . . filiam meam nutriendam . . . hominibus commendavi. gedon, entrust, commit: Cato 10: Donne Su eald sie and manegra ealdra cwidas and lara geaxod hsebbe, gedo hie tSonne tSam geongum to mtanne. [Cf. Greg. 357.5, Oros. 126.31, and the comments given thereon, p. 118, above. Koch, I. c, II, p. 64, quotes, without a reference, the following passage, which I am unable to locate: " Ic do eow to witanne (thu euch zu vnssen)."] secan, seek: Bede 50.11*' '': hwser him waere fultum to secanne to geweamienne 7 to wi&scufanne swa retJre hergunge 7 swa gelomlicre tSara norSSeoda = 30.17*' ••: ubi quaerendum esset praesidium ad euitandas uel repellenddas tam feras tamque creberrimas gentium aquilonialium inruptiones. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 145 Mat. 2.13: toweard ys tJset Herodes sedS t5set Cild to forspillenne = futurum est enim ut Herodes quoerat puerum ad perdendum eum (may be objective in Anglo-Saxon). ^If, L. S. 368.78: tSset eower nan . . . ne galdras ne sece to gremigenne his scyppend. 2. With Passive Verbs. The active infinitive of purpose is found uninflected only with the passive of the following verb : — (ge)wealdan, instruct (?). I quote all the examples noted: — Gifts of Men 47: bond bitS gelsered wis and gewealden, swa biS wyrhtan ryht, sele asettan. Both infinitives are found with the passive of: asendan, send. (ge)settan, appoint. Typical examples are: — asendan: (1) Uninflected: L. 1.19*' ^: ic eom asend witJ Se sprecan and tSe t5is bodian = missus sum logui ad te, et haec tibi evangelizare. (2) Inflected: Chron. 11'', 430 E: Her Patricius wees asend fram Celestine tSam papan to bodianne Scottum fuUuht. JSlf. Horn. II. 488'* ^' ^ : We sind asende to gedgenne mancynn from deaSe to life, na to scufenne fram life to deatSe. (ge)settan: (1) Uninflected: Bl. Horn. 157.35: nu syndon gesette Sa apostolas inhlet as hie bodian hire. (2) Inflected: Bede 396.28*: in Saere he to bebyrgenne geseted beon scolde = 228.16": in quo sepeliendus poni deberet. But normally the infinitive of purpose is inflected with passive verbs; it is so found with the passive of the following verbs: — aliefan, allow. gehalsian [gi-], request. iecan [-y-], increase. bef sestan, commit, entrust. (ge)healdan, preserve. nacian, make naked. beran, bear, give birth. (ge)leedau, lead. onfon, receive. betsecan, commit, entrust. (ge)latSiaii, invite. onsendan, send. bringan, bring. (ge)rsedan, advise. ontendan, kindle. ceosan, choose. (ge)sainman, assemble. sellan, give, entrust. forgiefan, give. (ge) sellan, give. sendan, send. (ge)beodan, offer. (ge)sniyrian, anoint. todrifan, drive. gebringan, bring. (ge)tacniaii, signify. yean: see iecan. (ge)gadrian, gather together. (ge)wyrcan, make, buUd. ymbsellan, surround. (ge)gearwian, prepare. gierwan, prepare. A few examples will suffice: — aliefan [-y-], allow: 146 THE FINAL INFINITIVE. Mat. 12 A: hu he ... set tSa offringhlafas Be ruKrun him alyfede to etynne = Quomodo . . . panes . . . cpmedit, quos non licebat ei edere. ceosan, choose: Mf. L. S. XXXII. 223: tSe heo3 gecorene gpde to Segnigenne. (ge)laSian, invite: Bede 394.19: woes tSyder gelaSod circan to halgianne = 287.6: Contigit . . . uirum . . . ad dedicandam ecclesiam . . . uocari. (ge)w3rrcafl, make, build: Bede 354.19"- »>: tSa hus t5a Se in to gebiddenne 7 to leornienne geworhte woeron = 265.13'' •>: quae ad orandum uel legendum factae erant. sellan, give, entrust: Bede 480.26, 27: t5a wees ic . . . seaM to fedanne 7 to larenne tJam . . . abbude Benedicte = 357.9: datus sum educandvs . . . abbati Benedicto. sendan, send: Bede 108.23: A. ... to Ueranne OngoltSeode sended woes = 89.5: ad praedi- candum genti Anglorum missus est. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. We find that in the poetry practically only the uninflected infinitive of purpose is used, that it is very frequent after verbs of motion, and is very rare after other verbs; that in the prose we have the uninflected infinitive of pur- pose after certain verbs (1) of motion and (2) of giving only,* but that more frequently the inflected infinitive is found, in prose, with these two groups of verbs, while with a very large number of verbs only the infiected infinitive is found. Moreover, as will be shown in the section on the origin of the final infinitive, in Chapter XIV, the Latin original has much to do with whether or not the infinitive is inflected in Anglo-Saxon prose: in a number of instances the uninflected infinitive in Anglo-Saxon translates a Latin final infinitive after verbs of motion and of giving; and the inflected infinitive, with verbs of all kinds, the Latin gerund or gerundive. Not a few times, however, the inflected infinitive is found, especially in the Gospels, translating a Latin final infinitive after verbs of motion, — a circumstance doubtless due in part to the fact that the inflected infinitive had by that time become a common instrument for the expression of purpose owing to the Early West Saxon's frequent translation of the Latin gerund and gerundive by an inflected infinitive and in part to the superior clarity ^ of the inflected infinitive as a means of expressing purpose. At any rate, purpose was normally expressed by the inflected infinitive in all Anglo-Saxon prose, early and late, except in the Gospels, in which the unin- flected infinitive slightly predominates owing to the large number of final infinitives in the Latin original, and except in the Loecehoc, in which the unin- flected infinitive decidedly predominates owing to the very frequent use of the uninflected infinitive after sellan, ' give ' (especially with drincan, ' drink,' and etan, ' eat '). The probability that the few instances of the inflected infinitive of purpose in Anglo-Saxon poetry are due to Latin influence is discussed in the section on the origin of the final infinitive, in Chapter XIV. 1 Sporadically, also, with certain verbs (3) of rest and (4) of commanding; in (4) in direct translation of Latin final infinitives. • On the ambiguity of the uninflected infinitive ae the complement of the verb of motion see Chapter XIV, section x. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 147 In a series of co-ordinated final infinitives, each infinitive is, as noted by Professor Shearin,' I. c, p. 30, usually preceded by to, though occasionally to appears only before the first infinitive, and the succeeding infinitive is unin- flected. A complete list of the final infinitive in a series is given in Note 1 at the end of the present chapter. In the four examples of the uninflected in- finitive following the inflected there cited, I believe the absence of inflection is largely due to the remoteness of the infinitive from its chief verb, for, although the examples are too few to demonstrate this, this is in keeping with what we have seen to be the influence of proximity and of separation in the subjective use of the infinitive. Once, however, as shown by Dr. Shearin,i I. c, p. 31, we have an alternation of uninflected with inflected infinitive that is probably due to a slavish following of the Latin ' original, in Luke 1.76-79, in which the Anglo-Saxon has twice an uninflected infinitive for the Latin infinitive, and twice the inflected infinitive for the Latin gerundive. On p. 27 Dr. Shearin' declares: "A separable adverbial prefix seems to have the effect of divorcing sellan from the following purpose idea enough to cause this to be expressed by the prepositional, not the simple, infinitive; e. g. ^H. ii. 244.12: eft swagelicegelaehtesennecalic . . , and sealde his gingrmn o/ to suppenne aefter gereorde; L. S. ii. 142.264: sealde tSam adligan of to supenne. The same effect is seen after the passive; e. g. Lch. i. 370.15: eft wetSe '^ hundes heafod and his lifer gesoden and geseald to etaime . . . gehseleS; aswellaswhen the infinitive precedes sellan; e. g. 0. 108.28: and hit on mete o8tSe on drynce to getSicgenne gesellan." Personally, however, I believe the inflected infinitive is, in each of these cases, to be accounted for by the general principles laid down above rather than on the special grounds suggested by Dr. Shearin; at any rate, my statistics show that we have, also, the uninflected infinitive when the infinitive precedes sellan and when it follows it at an appreciable distance. Substantially the same differentiation between the uninflected infinitive of purpose and the inflected infinitive of purpose is found in the other Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. I have not found a cle^r example of the passive infinitive of purpose in Anglo-Saxon, For the final infinitive in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section x. NOTES. 1. The Final Infinitive in a Series. — Dr. Farrar, I. c, p. 16, cites only one example {Bede 250.20, 21) of an inflected final infinitive's being followed by an uninflected in a series, and Professor Shearin,' I. c, p. 30, cites only three: Bede 250.20. 21, quoted on p. 139 above; L. 1.72"-'', on p. 143; and L. 9.2'-^, on p. 139. To these examples, however, should be added Bede 376.6«' ", quoted on p. 137, and Mf. L. S. XXXI. 917«' ^ quoted on p. 138. On the other hand, twice (in L. 1.76, 77, 79»- '', quoted on p. 138) we have an uninflected infini- tive succeeded by an inflected infinitive, owing no doubt to the influence of the Latin onginal, as suggested by Professor Shearin,' I. c, p. 31, though Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 2, is inclined to believe that the uninflected infinitive is here used, not because of the Latin mfinitive, but be- cause it follows a verb of motion in Anglo-Saxon. In the following passages we have a series of inflected infinitives: Bede 2.3-•^4••^ SO.ll"."; ee.S"."; 116.32'-''- '; 124-30 31; 172.17*'''; 272.25'-''; 372.11"-''; 438.14, 15; 454.9°-''; 480.29, 30; 486.8--'';— goetft. 19.22, ' Dr. Kenyon demurs: see Note 1 below. a WeSe should read wede: see Cockayne, I. c, I, 370.16. — M. C, Jr. 148 THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 23;— Gre^. 307.17»-'^; 373.8, 9; — Oros. 188.10, 11; — TTcer/. lll-3\4"; 218.4^-^^— ^''^^i^- 253',1123 E"'-"; 256^ 1127 E"- <»; — Lotos 38, c. 36»-'>; 42,c.49''- =• ^; 366, c. 79»' How. 1. 320* «• »; 582* '• s; II. 444* i- «; — ^2/. ffepi.; Gen. 28.20"' •»; — ^i/. i. S. XXIII B. 418, 419; — ^i/. 7tc<. 155"'''; —Mat. 20.19»- ''■'=; — TTw?/. 295 .32»-^; — Poems: Cfemi 1621 ■ , 1622. With this list should be compared that given by Dr. Shearin,' I. c, pp. 30-31. The differences are slight, and arise from the fact that he gives statistics for one work, Kemble s Codex Dvplomaiicus Mvi Saxonid, to which I have not had access; that he includes a few inflected infinitives that modify a noun {Bede 62.8»''', 9; ^If. Horn. II. 360'' i- »• '• *; Wulf. 202.1»' ''), one that seems to me consecutive {Bede 330.18*- ^, 19), and one that seems to me objective (Greg. 293.3"' ''). Dr. Farrar does not give a hat of this series; nor does Dr. Riggert. 2. A Clause Alternates with an Infinitive occasionally, as in ^If. L. 8. XXX. 49*' , quoted on p. 136; J. 12.47, quoted on p. 137; and L. 1.17, quoted on p. 138. Dr. Farrar, I. c, pp. 28 and 33, cites only the example from John. In the two examples from the Gospels we have the same alternation of clause and of infinitive in the Latin original. 3. An Inflected Infinitive Alternates with a Prepositional Phrase at times, as in Bede 162.7, quoted on p. 139; Oros. 138.8, quoted on p. 140; JElf. Horn. II. 340™: Ne lufode he woruld- lioe sshta, for his neode ana, ac to dcelenne eallum wsedliendum; — ib. 430'': tSes sunderhalga . . . hisfde opens eagan to foThmfednysse, to celmes-dcedum, to Sandgenne Gode. 4. " For To " with the Inflected Infinitive of Purpose is found in Chron. 256^ 1127 E"- ^i se kyng hit dide for to hauene sibbe of se eorl Angeow, for helpe to hauene togsenes his neue. Cf . the New English Dictionary, sub v. for IV, 11, where the earliest example given of this idiom is dated 1175 (Cotton Homilies). 5. An Inflected Infinitive without " To " is found in ^If. L. S. 222.39: tSa petrus siSode neosigenne [MSS. U. and B.: neosigende] Sa geleaffuUan. 6. The Uninflected Infinitive after " Beran," " Hladan," and " Sellan." — Dr. Wulfing,' I. c, II, pp. 178 and 181, seems to consider as objective the uninflected infinitive after beran, hladan, and sellan, but the Latin equivalents in most cases show, I think, that the infinitive is final, as in the Latin da bibere etc. Occasionally in Anglo-Saxon, drincan (after sellan) may be a noun instead of an infinitive, as it at times corresponds to the Latiii noim, potum, instead of to the infinitive, bibere, as in ^If. Hept: Ex. 2.19 (hlod wseter mid us and sealde tSam Bceapum drincan = hausit aquam nobiscum potumqae dedit ovibus). The infinitive after these verbs is considered final by Dr. Shearin,' I. c, pp. 13-15. 7. A Final Infinitive as Modifier of a Verb to Be Supplied. — Occasionally a final infini- tive modifies an infinitive that is to be suppUed as the complement of an auxiliary verb, as in ^If. Hept: Gen. 22.4 (Da on tSone tJriddan d»g, tJa hig tSa dune gesawon, tSaer tSser hig to sceoldon to ofsleanne Isaac = vidit locum procul) and in A. S. Horn, dk L. S. II, 15.218 (Ge- swic tSu earming, ne miht tSu to nahte minne maegShad me to beswicenne). 8. The Uninflected Infinitive as a Translation of the Latin Supine in " -um." — .^Ifric, in his Grammar, p. 134, gives several examples of an uninflected infinitive translating a Latin supine, after a verb of motion in each language, and seems to say that the infinitive denotes futurity, but in each example the infinitive, while future in sense, also denotes pur- pose, I think. The examples are: vis amatum ire? = wylt tSu faran lufian? uenatum pergo = ic fare huntian; uis doctum ire? = wylt tSu gan leomian? leotum pergit = he gaetJ raedan; bibitum pergo = ic gange drincan. 9. Final or Predicative Infinitive? — Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 137, considers the two infinitives (beon and faran) after todceldon, in Oros. 46.15, 16, as final. To me, however, they seem predicative, and the infinitive phrase seems absolute: see Chapter VIII, p. 118, and section D of Chapter XII, p. 169. 10. Infinitive or Indicative? — In Ex. 166 (Wulfas sungon atol aefenleotS setes on wenan, carleasan deor, cwyldrof beodan on latSra last leodmaegnes ful), as Grein, in his Sprachschatz, sub V. beodan, states, we may have the infinitive of beodan, ' announce,' or the preterite plural of bidan, ' await.' Professor J. W. Bright kindly writes me that the presumption is certainly against the infinitive, and that he would leadfyl for ful. Accordingly, I have omitted beodan from my statistics. 11. " The Split Infinitive." — In the second infinitive quoted in Note 4 above, we seem to have the earUest instance of splitting the infinitive in the English language, though it is of the compound prepositional infinitive introduced by for to, not of the simple prepositional infimtive introduced by to, to which latter idiom the phrase, " the split infinitive," is usually applied. Of the latter idiom, the earliest instance cited by F. Hall is from Wycliffe: see his " On the Separation, by a Word or Words, of To and the Infinitive Mood," as cited in my bibliography. CHAPTER XI. THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES.^ A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. Usually the active infinitive that modifies an Adjective is inflected, but occasionally it is uninflected. There are 241 examples of the former to 6 ex- amples of the latter. Of the inflected infinitive, 217 examples occur in the prose, rather widely distributed, in Early West Saxon and in Late West Saxon, and 24 examples in the poetry. Of the six uninflected infinitives, four are found in the prose and two in the poetry. Although Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 71, declares that " Ein reiner Infinitiv in Verbindimg mit einem Adjektiv ist in der ae. Poesie nicht zu belegen," he practically withdraws this statement in his com- ment on Guthlac, 1. 1050. In discussing the simple infinitive of purpose after verbs of motion, he adds, I. c, p. 44: " Anzufiihren ist hier endHch Gu. 1050, wo ic eom sides fus als Ausdruck der Eile auf zuf assen ist und demgemass mit dem reinen Infinitiv steht; Gu. 1050: ic eom siSes fus upeard niman edleanan georn in Sam ecan gefean, sergewyrhtum geseon sigora frean." To me the active infinitive with adjectives seems almost, if not quite, ex- clusively active in sense. Dr. Farrar, however, I. c, pp. 16 and 19, contends that the infinitive is passive in the following: Bede 174.22: wundro, , . . Sa Se nu to long to secgenne syndon = 143.30: sed haec nos ad aha tendentes, suis narrare permittimics; Greg. 173.11 : Ne brede ge no Sa stengeas of Ssem hringmn, Sylses sio earc sie ungearo to beranne= 126.28: Ut ad portandam arcam nulla mora prapeditat. Undoubtedly each of these infinitives may be translated as if passive, but I see no necessity therefor in either sentence. The Latin in the second sentence seems to me distinctly to suggest that to beranne is to be taken as active, not passive, in sense; and with the former sentence should be com- pared Greg. 239.10 (nawuht nis ieSre to gesecgenne, ne eac to [ge]hefanne tSonne sots = 180.21 : Nil autem est ad defendendmn puritate tutius, nil ad dicendum veritate fadlius), in which ad dicendum likewise suggests the active sense for to (ge)secgenne. More doubtful than the two cases cited by Dr. Farrar, in my judgment, are the following: — Oros. 80.11, 12»' '': SwatSeahseo . . . menegeo tJaes folces wses tSa ieSre to oferwinnanne tSonne heo us sie nu to gerimannexy'S<8e to geliefanne= 81.7, 8: Huic tam incredibili temporibus nostris agmini, cujus numerum nunc diffidlius est adstrui, quam tunc fuit vind; Greg. 459.9**'': sio hea lar is betere manegum monnum to helanne, & feawum to secgganne = 392.7, 8: Alta enim quseque debent multis audientibus contegi, et vix paucis aperiri. However, despite the presence of the Latin passive infinitives in these sentences, I see no necessity for considering the corresponding infinitives in Anglo-Saxon as passive; it seems to me that the utmost that we can say is this: the infinitives may be passive in sense, but are probably not. The general contention of the preceding paragraph is supported, it seems to me, by what we know of the infinitive with adjectives in Greek. In his * Also Bporadieally with a few Adverbs, 149 150 THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. Syntax of Classical Greek, I, § 143, " Infiaitive Active Apparently as Passive," Professor Gildersleeve tells us: " The infinitive being a verbal noun is not so strictly bound by the voices as the finite form. The infinitive as a complement to adjectives and the so-called epexegetic infinitive often coincide with the English idiom in which ' good to eat ' is ' good for food,' ' fair to see ' is ' fair to the sight,' and in Greek the active form is more common and, if anything, more natural than the passive. KaXos ISelv, 'fair to see;' KaXc^ra evpuv, Plato, Rpb. 412 B, 'hard to find;' but /caXeirol . . . yvdxT&nvai, Antiphon, 2 a I, 'hard to recognize.' " The infinitive usually follows its adjective, at times immediately, as in And. 73 (ic beo sona gearu to dreoganne tSset tSu . . . deman wille); at times with several words intervening, as in Chron. ISQ"", 1009 E« (eall iolc gearu was heom on to fonne). Occasionally the infinitive precedes the adjective, as in Hept.: Gen. 2.9 (treow ... to brucenne wynsum = lignum . . . ad vescendum suave). Not infrequently the adjective immediately precedes the noun that it modifies (apparently attributively but really appositively, as a rule), and sometimes it is not easy to tell whether the infinitive modifies the adjective or the inter- vening noun, as in Bede 60.29: heo haefdon geara mod . . . deatJ sylfne to &rowianne= 47.6: paratum ad . . , moriendum . . . animum habendo; Beow. 2416 : nses Sa)t ySe ceap to gegangenne gumena senigum. As stated in Chapter I, some of the infinitives there classed as subjective may possibly belong here; and this difficulty, if not impossibility, of precise demarcation ^ accounts for the chief divergences of my statistics from those of my predecessors. The differences occur chiefly in pronominal clauses of the sort discussed in Chapter I, pp. 9 ff. Aside from this. Dr. Wulfing'' puts here Bede 468.30 = 643.7 (Sende him crseftige wyrhtan stsenene cyricean to timhrianne= 333.12: misit architectos), which I consider final; and Bede 202.28 = 543.27, which he ' rightly puts here, has no infinitive in the text used by me. Once more : as stated below, in the discussion of the inflected infinitive with adjectives, I have put a few infinitives with adjectives in the chapter on " Other Adverbial Uses of the Infinitive," in the section treating of the con- secutive use. I. THE INFINITIVE UNINFLECTED, Of the six examples of the uninflected infinitive modifying an adjective, three occur with gearu(-o), ' ready,' ' prepared for; ' two with fits, ' ready,' ' prepared; ' and one with wierSe (-M-, -y-), ' worthy.' I give the examples in full: — fus, ready, prepared: Gu. 1051, 1053: ic eom siSes/ws upeard niman edieanan georn in Sam ecan gefean, sergewyrhtum geseon sigora frean, min tSaet swaese beam! [See Dr. Riggert's comment on this passage, above, p. 149.] gearu, ready: Bede 56.21: fortSon he gearo waere in tJam ylcan gewinne mid him beon = 43.21 : quia laborare scilicet uolo. Mlf. Horn. I. 534'' '; ic eom gearo to gecyrrenne to munuclicere drohtnunge. 1 On this topic see, too, Eineiilcel,! I. c, pp. 243-244. « wolfing,? I.e., II, p. 199. The. numbec after, the equal sign is that of th« text used by WUIfine namelv Smith's. *- Walfing,« I. c, II, p. 203. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 161 and woruldlice tJeawas ealle forlcetan (sic!). — lb. II. 130' *: gearowe wseron ehtnysse to tSoligenne, and deatJe sweltan. wierSe, worthy: Mlf. L. S. ISS-SSS"": biddende mid wope tJaet hi ivurSe waeron for criste to tJrowiganne and becuman (sic!) to his halgum. II. THE INFINITIVE INFLECTED. The inflected infinitive occurs with numerous adjectives to specify the tendency, the purpose, or the activity appropriate to the quality denoted by the adjective, about as does the Latin phrase made up of ad + a gerund (or ad+ a. gerundive), or the Latin gerund in the genitive or the dative or the ablative, or the supine in -u-, — idioms to which the Anglo-Saxon inflected infinitive often corresponds in the translations. The Infinitive of Specifica- tion occurs with the following groups * of adjectives (and adverbs) : — 1. Adjectives Denoting Readiness, Capacity, Inclination, and the like, with their opposites, the chief representatives of which are gearu, ' ready,' and its negative, ungearu: — semetig, at leisure, free. hrsetS : see hraed. bealdra, holder. last, slow. behydigest, most solicitous. latheort, slow of heart. freora, freer. listhendig, skiUfid. from, energetic. lustbsere, desirous. fus, ready. lustfull, desirous. gearu, ready. lustlic, desirous. gedyrstig, audacious. mi(e)htig, mighty, yowerfvl. gemyndig, mindful. open, opera. geornfull [giom-], eager, desirous. scearp, sharp, eager. geomost, most eager. Strang [-o-], strong, powerful. geris(e)ne, suitable, apt. strengra, stronger. geSancol, thoughtful. swift, swift. gif re, eager. tnun, firm, strong. hal, whole, able (?). Surhwsccendlic, very vigilant. hraed, quick. ttngearu[-o], unready. 2. Adjectives Denoting Ease and Difficulty and the like, of which the chief representatives are ieSe, ' easy,' its negative, unie&e, and earfoS(e), 'difficult:' — deop, deep, profound. iet5re, easier. earfoS(e), difficult. lang [-o-], long, tedious. earfoSest, most difficult. langsum [-0-], Itmg, tedious. earfotSlic, diffieuU. leoht, light, easy. hefig, difficult. leohtest, lightest, easiest. ietJe [y-, e-, ea-], easy. lytel, little, insignificant. ieSelic, easy. unieSe [-ea-, -e-], not easy, difficult. 3. Adjectives Denoting Goodness, Usefulness, Necessity, and the like, of which the chief representatives are god, ' good; ' sel, '- excellent; ' wierSe, ' worthy,' and its compounds; nyt, ' useful,' with its compounds; and niedSearf, ' necessary,' with its compounds: — teSele, excellent, valuable. frymful, ben^cial. betere, belter. god, good. betst, best. maere, glorious, famous. • The groups are substantially those given by Dr. Waifing,' I. c, II, pp. 197-206. A few adjeotives appear in more than one group. 152 THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. niedbeSearfest [-ea-, -e-], most necessary. niedSearf [-ea-, -e-], necessary. niedtSearflic, necessary. nyt(t)wiertSe [-y-], usefvl. nyt(t)wiertSlic [-y-], useful, rsedlicost, most advisable. selost [-a-, -e-], most exceUerU. selra, more exceUeni. til, excellent. wierSe [-U-, -y-], worthy. wierSelic, worthy. vieifSost, mxist worthy. 4. Adjectives Denoting Pleasantness and Unpleasantness and the like, of which the chief representatives are leaf, ' dear,' with its compounds; and ivynsum, ' winsome,' with its compounds: — andrysnlic [on-], terrible. arwurSlic, venerable. bitterre, jmwe bitter. eatolice, terribly. egeful, terrible. egeslic, terrible. f aeger, fair, beautifvl. gecweme, agreeable. gesom, agreed, friendly. glsd, bright, clear. glae5hIut(t)or, clear as glass. grimlic, terrible. grimre, more terrible. halwende, beneficial. leof, dear, desirable. leofra, dearer, etc. leofost, dearest, etc. licwierSe [-u-], pleasing, acceptable. litSe, pleasant. lustbsre, pleasant, fruitful (also in 1). lustbarre, more pleasant. lustfullic, pleasant. lustlicre, more pleasant. lustsumlic, pleasant. myrige, pleasant. ondersiic, terrible. reow [reoh], rough, fierce. scir, white. swete, sweet. tSearlic, painful. unwerodre, more unsweet. unwynsum [-i-], unmnsome. wered [-od], sweet. wynsum [-i-], winsome, pleasant. wynsumre [-i-], more winsome, etc. 5. Adjectives Denoting Right and Wrong, Suitability and Unsuitability, the Customary and the Strange, and the like, of which the chief representatives are rihtlic, ' right; ' gecoplic, ' suitable; ' getriewe, ' true; ' gewuna, ' accus- tomed; ' socSlic, ' true; ' unrihtlic, ' wrong; ' loundorlic, ' wonderful: ' — deaflic, suitable. diegol [diegle], mysterious. gecoplic, fit, suitable. gehendast, most convenient. gehytJ, convenient. getriewe [-e-], true, safe, cible. gewuna, accustomed. lang [-0-], long (also in 2). langsiun [-0-], long (also in 2). manigfeald [-0-], manifold. manigfealdlicor, more manifoldly. 6. Other Adjectives: — ana, alone. feald [god and — ], suitable (?). f eorr, far. Typical examples are: — 1. Adjectives Denoting Readiness, Capacity, Inclination, etc.: — fus, ready: Beow. 1805: waeron seSelingas eft to leodum/wse tofarenne. gearu [-o], ready: micel [-y-], great, wonderful. rihtlic, just, proper. soSlic, trus. unaberendlicre, more intolerable, ungeliefedlic, incredible. ungewunelic, unusual. unrihtlic, wrong, improper. unscende, honorable. wraetlic, rare, wonderful. wundorlic, wonderful. liene, fleeting, deceptive. toweard, toward, coming. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 153 And. 73: quoted on p. 150. fiede 60.29: quoted on p. 150. — 76.98.4: tSset he selfa gfeom waere . . . Saet weorc tofremmenne = 80.27: ipsum paratum esse in hoc opus . . . perficendum. Boeth. 107.32: Su eart gearo to ongitanne= 93.69: quoniam te ad intelle- gendum promptissimum esse conspicio. Greg. 45.9: SceawiaS iowre fet, tSaet ge sien gearwe to ganganne on sibbe weg = 22.28: Calceati pedes in proeparatione Evangelii pacis. — lb. 173.5: tJornie hi suiSe hrsedlice biotS gearwe to lceranne= 126.24: protinus decent. — lb. 173.8*- ^: BioS simle gearwe to laranne & to forgiefanne selcum etc. = 126.26: Parati semper ad satisfactionem omni poscenti vos rationem etc. — 76. 203.12: Sonne beoS Sa heortan suiSe gearwe wisdomes to anfonne= 152.10: quasi ad suscipiendum sedificium corda paraverunt. — 76. 423.28: fortSaemSe he nsefS gearone willan Sset woh to fulfremmanne = 346.21 : nee bonos mala inconsum- mata condemnant. Solil. 11.11: t5e ic eom gearu to Seowianne = tibi soli servire paratus sum. Pr. Ps. 7.13: he bende his bogan, se is nu gearo to sceotanne = arcum suiun tetendit, et paravit ilium. Chron. 139'', 1009 E": eall folc gearu waes heom on tofonne. Laws 166, V iEthelstan, Prol., 1 : Nu hsebbe ic funden mid tSajm witum . . . Sset 8a ealle beon gearwe . . . mid eallum tSingum to farenne tSider ic wille. Wcerf. 80.27: we syndon gearwe tSaet to done [sic! but MS. H.: to donne] = 205 C^: facere parati sumus. JSlf. Horn. I. 406'': gif hwa . . . wolde his lac Gode offrian, Sset he on gehendnysse to bicgenne gearu haefde. ^If. L. S. XXXVII. 110: ic . . . gearo eom witu to Srowienne. Mlf. Hept.: Num. 15.40: We syndon gearwe nu to gewinnanne Sset land = Parati sumus ascendere ad locum. A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 15.104: ic eom geara ... on drihten to gelefanne = 210.90: ego ilium adoro. L. 22.33 : ic eom gearu to farenne mid tSe = tecum parat^is sum . . . ire. gemyndig, mindful: Pr. Ps. 9.12: he is swytJe gemyndig heora blod to wrecanne = 9.13: requirens sanguinem eorum recordatus est. geomfull [giom-], eager, desirous: Boeth. 51.9: tSset t5u swiSe geomfxdl waere hit to gehyranne = 50.14: te avdiendi cupidum. Greg. 281.5'': Sie aeghwelc mon suitSe hrsed & suitJe geomful to gehieranne, & suitJe Iset to sprecanne = 212.9": Sit omnis homo velox ad audiendum, tardus autem ad loquendum. geris(e)ne, suitable, apt: Bede 274.7: tSa gemette he sume gerisne stowe in H. mynster on to tim- brienne = 213.24: inuenit locum in H. . . . aptum monasterio construendo. gifre, eager: Boeth. 50.24*- ••: ic heora eom switSe gifre segtSer ge to geheranne ge eac to gehealdenne = 50.8: audiendi auidus (or are the infinitives appositive ?). laet, slow, tardy: Greg. 281.6: see under geomful. listhendig, skillful: Gifts of Men 96: Sum bitS listhendig to aioritanne wordgeryno. 154 THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. lustbsere,^ desirous: Boeth. 50.10: ic . . . wses . . . switSe lusfbcere hine to geheranne^ 50.1: me attdiendi auidum. Mlf. L. S. 96.117: waeron lustbcere . . . wita to Srovnenne. mi(e)htig, mighty, powerful: Greg. 91. IS"- •»: se lareow sceolde beon miehtig to tyhtanne on halwende lare, & eac to Sreanne tJa tSe him [witSJstondan wiellen = 62.3, 4: Ut potens sit exhortari in doctrina sana, et eos, qui contradicunt, arguere. Surhwseccendlic, very vigilant: Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 44: mid Surhwmccendlican mode forS heonon to under [form^ tSa toweardan mede. ungearu [-o], unready: Greg. 173.11 : quoted on p. 149. 2. Adjectives Denoting Ease and Difficulty, etc.: — earfotS(e) [-etS(e)], difficult: Boeth. 81.3'- '': Swa swa nu eortSe ... 7 waeter sint switSe earfoSe to geseonne otStSe to ongitonne dysgum monnum = 0. — lb. 92.24: 8a stanas . . . biotJ earfoSe to tedoelenne {sic!) = 79.77: nes facile dissoluantur. Chron. 218°, 1086 E»: unriht . . ., tSe sindon earfeSe to areccenne. Mlf. Horn. II. 542'': M\g ehtnys bitS earfoSe to Solienne. ietSe [etSe], easy: Beow. 2416: quoted on p. 150. Boeth. 16.13'': tSing 6a tSe nawSer ne sint getrewe to habbanne, ne eac ieSe to forlmtanne = 25.38: quam non relicturam nemo umquam potent esset securus. An uero tu pretiosam aestimas abituram felicitatem? — 76. 92.27: hi biotJ switSe eSe to tedoelenne (sic!) = 79.79: facile quidem diuidentibu^ cedunt, ieSelic, easy: Greg. 419.10: Da cySde se witga hu ie'Selic biS" to forgiefenne sio geSohte synn = 340.22: quam sit super hsetcfacUis venia ostendit. ietJre, easier: Greg. 239.10, 11: nawuht nis ie3"re to [ge]secganne ne eac to \ge]hefanne Sonne sotS = 180.21 : Nil autem est ad defendendum puritate tutius, nil ad dicendum veritate facilius. langsum ^ [-0-], long, tedious: Mlf. Ham. II. 170'' ^' *: tSing . . ., Se us sind langsume to gereccenne, and eow to gehyrenne. leoht, light, easy: Greg. 23.13: Sylaes hi hwaem leohte tSyncen to underfonne= 2.3: quse ne quibusdam levia esse videantur. unietSe [uneatJe], not easy, difficult: Greg. 385.10, 11 : Du gionga, bio tSe uniSe to dipianne & to teranne = ^00.16: Adolescens loquere in causa tua vix. — lb. 409.20: saede tSset he unieSe wssre to gehealdenne = 330.1: et dum prsedicit quia difficile capitur. Bl. Horn. 59.15: se deada hyS unea&e selcon men on neaweste to habbenne. [Cf. Einenkel,^ I. c, p. 244.] > Also under 4. . t gg^ ^|,|, ijnder 5. THK ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 165 3. Adjectives Denoting Goodness, Usefulness, Necessity, etc.: — betere, better: Greg. 457.7: Daette hwilum tSa leohtan scylda biotS beteran to forlcetenne " 388.21 : Quod aliquando leviora vitia relinquenda sunt. betst, best: LcBce. 44.29: wyrta tJonne sien betste to wyrcenne. god, good: Bened. 127.7": crseftas, tJe synd gode to beganne = 194.13: ut . . . artes diversse . . . exerceantur. ^If. HepL: Gen. 3.6: tSaet treow wses god to etanne = bonum esset lignum ad vescendum. Lmce. 34.10: fifleafe awrungenu 7 witJ win gemenged god biS to drincanne. niedbetSearfost, most necessary: Greg. 7.7: bee, tSa tSe niedbeSearfosta sien eallum monnum to wiotonne = 0. niedtSearflic [ned-], necessary: Bl. Horn. 225.26: gif ic nugit sie Sinum folce nedSearJlic on worlde to hcebbenne. n3rt(t)wiertSe [-y-], useful: Greg. 275.14, 15: ac tSonne he nytwyrSne timan ongiet to sprecanne, he f orsihtS tSa swigean, & spricS eall Sset he nytivyrSes ongiet to sprecanne = 208.8 : ut nimirum cum opportunum considerat, postposita censura silentii, loguendo quae congruunt, in usum se utilitatis impendat. — lb. 255.12: se gaestSlica Fffider he us laertS nytwyrSlicu Sing to underfonne, Saet is tSset we ge(e)arnigen ?5set ece lif = 192.23: Et illi quidem in tempore paucorum dierum secundiun voluntatem suam erudiebant nos; hie autem ad id quod utile est in redpiendo sanctificationem ejus. selra, more excellent: Beow. 1851 : Wen ic talige . . . t5set Se Sse-Geatas selran nsebben to geceo- ternne cyning senigne, hordweard haeletSa. S. & S. 406: Swilc biS seo an snaed aeghwylciun men selre micle, gif heo gesegnod biS, to Sycgganne. wierSe [-u-, -y-], worthy: Gen. 622: ne wite ic him Sa womewidas, Seah he his wyrSe ne sie to alostanne Sees fela he me laSes sprsec. /J?Z/. L. S. 138.353': biddende mid wope Sset hi wurSe wseron for criste to Sroungenne and becuman (sic!) to his halgum. Mat. 3.11: Saes gescy neom ic wyrSe to berenne= cujus non sum dignus calceamenta portare. wiertSelic [-y-], worthy: Woerf. 230.16: bebodu, Se wyrSelice waeron to gehyranne= 281 B: ei per quos potuit quae fuerat dignus avdire mandavit. wierSost [-y-], most worthy: Mf. L. S. XXXI. 637: he wurSost waes sefter him to drincenne. 4. Adjectives Denoting Pleasantness and Unpleasantness, etc.: — andrysnlic, terrible: Bl. Horn. 33.5: Donne SincS Sis geleaffuUum monnum swiSe andrysnlicu vnae to gehyrerme. f seger, fair, beautiful: 156 THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. Oros. 74.13: Seo burg . . . waes switSe/flE^er an to locianne = 75.11: natura loci laetissima. Bl. Horn. 113.22: tSaer ?Su ser gesawe . . . fcegre leomu on to seonne. glad, bright, dear: Boeth. 14.14: Seah heo [= sse] ser gladu wsere on to lodenne = 23.12: 0. grimlic, terrible: Chr. 919'' : he bitS Sam yflum egeslic and grimlic to geseonne. leof, dear, desirable: Bede 450.3*' •>: Waes he . . . ealre his Beode leof heora rice to habbanne 7 to healdenne = 322.8, 9: genti ad tenenda seruandaque regni sceptra exoptatissirnvs. leofost, dearest, most desirable: Bl. Horn. 55.18: tSa word 6e he went5 Sset him leofoste syn to gehyrenne. — 76. 111.26*' '': eall forlseteS tSset him . . . wynsumlic waes, & leofost to agenne & to hcebbenne. leofra, dearer, more desirable: Oros. 286.8*' '': him leofre waes se cristendom to beganne Sonne his scira to habbanne = 287.8: omnes ofEciimi quam fidem deserere maluerunt. Bl. Horn. 195.8: him waeron aer his aehta leof ran to hcebbenne tSonne Godes lufu. [Cf. Einenkel,! I. c, p. 244.] lustbaere,' pleasant, fruitful: Mlf. Horn. I. 130°": Das word sind lustbosre to gehyrenne. lustlicre, more pleasant: Bened. 3.3: Hwaet is hisUicre to gehyrenne Sonne tSeos . . . stefn? = 6.7: Quid duldus nobis hac voce? onderslic, terrible: Bede 144.18'': waere aeghwaetSer ge arwyrSIic ge onderslic on to seonne = 117.29'': uenerabilis simul et terribilis aspectu. swete, sweet: Boeth. 51.5: he [= se laececraft] . . . swiSe swete to bealcetenne = 0. Bl. Horn. 59.10: geogoSIustas . . . Sa Se . . . him swete wseron to armf- nenne. [Cf. Einenkel,* I. c, p. 244.] unwynsum, unwinsome: Mlf. Horn. I. 184*: swa Saet heo foroft biS swiSe unwynsum on to eardigenne. werod [-ed], sweet: Mlf. Hept: Ex. 15.25'': het don Saet treow on Saet waeter, and hit wearS siSSan wered to dri.ncanne = lignum, quod cum misisset in aquas, in dulcedinem versse sunt. wynsum [-1-], winsome: Met. 21.19: Saet is wynsum stow aefter Sissum yrmSum to aganne. Bede 346.4: his song 7 his leoS waeron swa wynsumu to gehyranne, Ssette ... his lareowas aet his muSe wreoton 7 leornodon = 260.32: suauiusque resonando doctores suos uicissim auditores sui faciebant. Solil. 51.11: deoplicu is seo ascung and vnnsumu to witanne = 0. Mlf. L. S. XXX. 315: Waes seo wunung Saer . . . wynsum on to wicenne. wynsiunre [-1-], more winsome: > Also under 1. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 157 Boeth, 52.8: Swa bitJ eac micle tSe winsumre sio sotSe gesaeltJ to hahbenne efter tSam eormtSum tSisses . . . lifes = 0. 5. Adjectives Denoting Right and Wrong, Suitability and Unsuitability, the Customary and the Strange, etc. : — getriewe [-trewe], true, safe: Boeth. 16.13*: tSing tSa t5e nawtSer ne sint getrewe to habbanne, ne eac ietSe to forlaetanne = 25.36: quam non relicturam nemo umquam poterit asset securus. An uero tu pretiosam aestimas abituram felicitatem? gewvma, accustomed: Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 614: ne oferfar tSu na iordanen swa swa gewuna synt of eowrum mynstrum tofarenne. rihtlic, just, proper: Wanrf. 345.14: tSing . . ., tSe heom symle gelyfde wseron genoh rihtlice to habbanne = 421 A': cceperunt singuli extrema quseque et vilia, et quse els habere regulariter semper licuerat (or does the infinitive modify gelyfde f). soSlic, true: Mlf. L. S. 182.226: scyppend soSlic to vmrdigenne. ungewunelic, unusual: Wcerf. 17.28: ongan tSencan, t5set tSyllic wundor waere mannum ungewunelic to wyrcanne = 160 B^: At ille inusitatum habens tale miraculum, expavit petitionis illius juramentum. unrihtlic, wrong, improper: Wcerf. 209.23": Seah Se heo [= sprsec] si us unwyrSelice (sic.') 7 unrihtlic to sprecane (sic!) = 256 C^: locutionem quae nobis indigna est etiam delecta- biliter tenemus. WTjetlic, rare, wonderful: Rid. 40.25: Saet [is] wroetlic tSing to gesecganne. wundorlic, wonderful: Wulf. 15.14: seo menniscnes is wundorlic ymbe to smeagenne. 6. Other Adjectives: — ana, alone: ^If. L. S. 182.225: Eala tSu selmihtiga god ana to gebiddene (sic!). f eald [god and — ], suitable (?) : Lcece. 87.15, 16: se petraoleum ... is god and feald to drincanne wi?5 innan tiedernesse 7 utan to smerwanne on wintres dsege. feorr, far: And. 424: Mycel is nu gena lad ofer lagustream, land sw'iSe feorr to secanne. [Cf. Beow. 1922 in Ch. I, p. 13.] Isene, fleeting, deceptive: Wulf. 189.4: gecnawan hu Icme . . . tSis lif is on to getruwianne. toweard,' toward, coming: Bede 270. 2: hwonne he . . . toweard sy in . . . wolcnum . . . todemanne cwice and deade = 211.7: uenturus est ... ad iudicandos uiuos et mortuos. Bl. Horn. 81.35, 36: we eac witon Sset he is toweard to demenne, & tSas world to geendenne. 1 See Chapter VII, p. 105. 158 THE INFINITIVE WITH APJECTIVES. Mf. Horn. I. IQC: Godes Sunu, se tSe waes toweard to alysenne ealne mid- dangeard fram deofles anwealde. Chad. 188: tSorme he bitJ toweard to demenne cwice 7 deade. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. Although twice in the poetry an uninflected infinitive is found with an adjective, we may be reasonably sure that, in the poetry as in the prose, the infinitive with adjectives normally was inflected: of the 26 examples of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon poetry, only two are uninflected; of the 221 examples in the prose, only four are uninflected. The lack of inflection in both poetry and prose appears to be due chiefly to the remoteness of the infinitive from the adjective that it modifies, since in each ' of the examples the infinitive is ap- preciably separated from its adjective. As, however, in three of the examples {j^lf, Horn. I. 534b », II. 130**; Mf. L. S. \dS.353^) the uninflected infinitive is the second of a series of two infinitives the first of which is inflected, some may prefer to consider that the force of to is carried over to the second infinitive, or, to state the matter another way, that the presence of to with the first infini- tive accounts for its absence with the second infinitive. What seems to me to militate against this latter view and to favor the former, is the fact that in Bede 56.21, where we have only a single infinitive and that separated from its adjective by a number of words, the infinitive is uninflected; and the further fact that in sixteen series we have only the inflected infinitive, while in only three series have we an uninflected infinitive following an inflected. More- over, we have seen that in some other uses remoteness from a word normally requiring an inflected infinitive, tends to cause the infinitive to lose its inflection. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. Of an adjective modified by an infinitive that is passive in form I have found only one example, in ^If. Horn. II. SIS^ ': we Se nseron wurSe beon his wealas gedgde. For the infinitive with adjectives (and adverbs) in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section xi. NOTES. 1. The Infinitive in a Series with Adjectives. — In the following passages, of which only the last is cited by Dr. Farrar,' we have a series of infinitives with adjectives in which the first infinitive is inflected, but the succeeding is not: JElf.Hom. I. 534'' »• ', quoted on p. 150; II. 130* '• », quoted on p. 151; JElf. L. S. 138.353'''', quoted on p. 151. In the following passages we have a series of infinitives in which each infinitive is inflected: Bede 410.4'', ^', iBO.Z'- ^; — Boeth. 50.24"•^ Sl.S"-'';— Greff. 91.15"-''; ITB-S"-*"; 239.10, 11; 385.10, 11; 459.9»,b. _Oros. 80.11, 12"-''; 286.8»'''; — TFier/. 27.8, 9; — Bl. Horn. 81.35, 36; 111.26*'''; — Mf. Horn. II. 170'' '■ »; — Mf. L. S. XXV. US"- ''; — Lcsce. 87.15, 16. 2. An Infinitive ivith an Adjective That Is to Be Supplied. — We have an inflected infini- tive dependent upon an adjective that is to be supplied from the context in the following: Oros. 120.9: tSonne sceoldon ge swa lustlice eowre agnu brocu araefnan, Seh hie Isessan sien, Bwa ge heora sint to gehieranne [= (as Dr. Wulfing,' I. c, II, p. 199, states) swa ge lustlice sint heora to gehieranne]. 1 Except in Ou. 1051, in which only one word intervenes: aee pp. 149 and 150. ' L. c, pp. 25 uid 34. NOTES. 159 3. An Inflected Infinitive AUemates with a Prepositional Phrase in j^lf. Horn. II. 322": Wa tSan tJe Strang biS to swiSlicum drencum and to gemencgenne tSa micclan druncennysse. 4. Confusion of Adjective with Adverb. — Occasionally confusion seems to arise between an adjective and an adverb, as in the following: Bede 240.21: ©a wsbs geworden ymb syx hund wintra / f cower 7 sjrxtig sefter Drihtnes menniscnesse edipsis solis, tSset is sunnan asprungennis, tSaet heo sciman ne hsefde: / wees eatolice on to seonne = 191.29: facta erat eclipsia solis; — Warf. 49.8: tSohte . . . Viet seo ylce stow mihte beon gecoplice wyrta on to seltanne " 184 A: cogitaret, quod saltern ad condimenia olerum niUrienda locus idem aptTis potuisset existere; — Alex. 66: tSy Ises Sset eow seo ssegen monigfeaMlicor bi t$on &uhte to writanne. 5. The Infinitive with Adverbs. — In the following passages, all quoted in the preceding note, we have an inflected -infinitive modifying an adverb, not an adjective: Bede 240.21: eatolice; Woerf. 49.8: gecoplice; Alex. 66: monigfeaMlicor. Dr. Shearin,* 2. c, p. 26, would put here the following, the only examples given by him of the infinitive with adverbs: " In two instances the infinitive depends upon an adverb in the main clause and the purpose idea fades into one of mere reference, e. g. M. H. ii. 78.14 [- my Mlf. Horn. II. 78.14]: ge habbatJ hwonlice to swincenne = ' little time to labor;' Int. Sig. 285 [= my Mlf. Int. 285]: Hwaet is, tSset God gelogode Cherubim and fyren swurd and awendedlic to gehealdenne (= Quid est: Cherubin vel flammeum gladium atque versatilem ad custodiendum viam ligni vitse posuit)." To me, however, to svoincenne seems rather the object of hahbaJS (see p. 43 above, in Chap- ter II); and to gehealdenne, the adverbial (final) modifier of gelogode. Dr. Ktihn, Z. c, p. 36, considers that the infinitive depends on an adverb in the following passages in ^If. L. S.: — 126.150: gearcodon heora mod to tSam martyrdome caflice to campienne for oristes geleafan; 182.226: Eala tSu ffilmihtiga god, ana to gebiddenne, ondrsedendlic scyppend, soSlic to wur- Sigenne; 274.186: Hi wurdon 6a beswungene and swytSlice getintregode, swa swa t5a wses ge- wvndic to witnigenne forligr. But to me it seems that, in the first example, the adverb modifies the infinitive, which latter is final; that, in the other two examples, we have, not adverbs, but adjectives; that, in the second example, the infinitive modifies the adjective; and that, in the third example, the infinitive is the subject of the verbal phrase made up of the copula plus the adjective. CHAPTER XII. OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. Besides denoting purpose and specification (with Adjectives), the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon is occasionally used to denote other adverbial relationships: (A) Cause; (B) Specification with Verbs; (C) Result; and (D) Absoluteness. Possible examples of an infinitive denoting (E) Condition and (F) Manner, are given at the end of this chapter. In each of these uses, the infinitive that is active in form seems to me active in sense with the possible exception of the absolute infinitives, to metanne vnS and to gesettanne vxiS: see D below. A. THE CAUSAL INFINITIVE. With a few verbs denoting emotion the infinitive is occasionally used to denote the Cause of the emotion. The little that has been written about this use of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon is referred to under the specific examples. At this place I need to quote only the statement of Matzner, who, I. c. III, p. 40, in speaking of the inflected infinitive of cause after verbs of emotion in Modern and in Middle EngUsh, declares: " Im Ags. trifft man nichts Ent- sprechendes." While some of my examples are doubtful, I think those with the inflected infinitive (especially after forsceamigan) are less doubtful than those with the simple infinitive. I give all the clearer examples that I have observed: — (1) The Uninflected Infinitive: cearian, care: Gen. 2279: Ne ceara 6u feor heonon fleame, dcelan somwist incre (or objec- tive?). — lb. 2733: Ne ceara incit dugutJa of tSisse eSeltjTf ellor secan winas uncutSe, ac wuniatJ her (or objective?). [Cf. Matzner, I. c, III, p. 40, who also seems in doubt as to whether to consider the infinitive here as objective or as causal.] gefeon, rejoice, delight: Bede 484.15: mynstres, on tSam ic gefeo Siovoian tSsere uplican arfsestnesse = 359.13: in quo supernae pietati deseruire gaudeo. — lb. 478.32: sibbe y soS- fsestnesse mid . . . Godes ciricean gifeS (= gifehS) daelnimende beon= 351.7: pacis ac ueritatis cum universali ecclesia particeps existere gaudet. [Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 69, cites this example, and adds: "Gefeon takes the simple infinitive, but it may as well be complementary as causal in conception. I find in Wiilfing no cases of the prepositional infinitive that can be distinctly treated as causal."] gelustfullian, rejoice in: ^If. L. S. XXIII B. 535 : ic gewilnode tSses wines on tSam ic ser gelustfvllode to oferdruncennysse brucan. lustfullian, rejoice in: Bede 432.32: ic lustfullede Saere stowe swetnesse / wlite, tJe ic Sser geseah, 7 eac somod tSara gemaenan 7 eadignesse brucan, t$e ic on tSaere stowe sceawade 160 THE INFINITIVE OF SPECIFICATION WITH VERBS. 161 = 309.11: delectatus nimirum suauitate ac decore loci illius, quern intuebar, simul et consortio eorum quos in illo uidebam. (2) The Inflected Infinitive: aforhtian, be afraid: A. S. Horn. & L. 8. II. 18.357: ic earma nu aforhtige to secgenne hwaet me becom (or objective?). bisorgian, regret: Chr. 1555: Ne bisorgad he synne to fremman (sic!), wonhydig mon. [On this infinitive, Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 71, speaks as follows: " In a sentence like Christ, 1556, Ne bisorgaJS he synne to fremman, it is hard to say whether we have a complementary or a true causal infinitive. Such an example in O. F. would be explicable as causal, with a or de + infinitive, on the ground of the original meaning of the preposition itself, but hardly so in 0. E. It may be that in many such cases in 0. E. the present object of the infinitive {synne) was originally object of the main verb (bisorgad), so that the infinitive could have its natural purpose force, as further expHcation. But in both O. F. and O. E., constructions like this with verbs of dislike, sorrowing, etc., would easily arise by analogy of words like desire + infinitive."] forhtian, be afraid, fear: Mlf. Horn. I. 538'': Be tSam weforhtiaS fela to sprecenne (or objective?). — lb. II. 554* ' : tSeah ne forhtiaS to wunigenne on heora unrihtwisnyssum (or objective?). forsc(e)ami(g)an, be ashamed: A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. 18.189: ic nu forsceamige to secganne mine un- geleaffulnesse. Wulf. 275.23: fortSam na Set he naht, forsceame he tSset riht to secgenne. geunlustian, loathe: Bl. Horn. 59.9: se lichoma geunlustaS t5a geogoSlustas to fremmenne (or objective?). B. THE INFINITIVE OF SPECIFICATION WITH VERBS. Aside from denoting Specification (or Respect Wherein) with Adjectives (already treated in Chapter XI), occasionally the infinitive, always inflected, seems to be used with a verb to denote Specification: — I. With an Active Finite Verb. drefan, trouble: Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 283: To hwy gedrefest tJu abbot tSine getSohtas to gecesmcianne on me (or final?). efstan, hasten: Mf. Horn. II. 364: swa miccle switSor we efsta& to lybbenne swa micclum swa we swiSor on tSissere oncnawennysse tSeonde beotS (or final?). forlaetan, leave: Bede 82.22: tJes mon is his seolfes dome toforlatenne, otSSe be cirican ingonge, oSSe to onfonne tSsem geryne = 58.25: iste profecto sine de ingressu ecclesiae, seu de sumendo dominici corporis sanguinisque mysterio, suo est iudicio re- linquendus. [Cf. Chapter III, p. 78.] slawian, be or become sluggish: 162 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. Mf. L. S. XXIII B. 224: hwses wilnast tSu fram me to hsebbenne otSSe to witenne 6set tSu ne slawedest swa micel geswinc to gefremmanne for minum tSingum? 2. With a Passive Finite Verb. abysgian, occupy, engage: - _ Wc^f. 88.18: tSaet se mjessepreost woes unwenlice abysgod wingeard to settanne= 212 C^: Qui videlicet sacerdos inopinate contigit ut ad putandam vineam esset occupatus (or final?). (ge)lasran, teach, instruct: Wcerf. 180.26: tSaet he gelcered woes wyrta to hegangenne = 217 C: Quod vir gentilis valde libenter accepit, cum in nutriendis oleribus quia peritus esset audivit. All of the foregoing examples, with both active and passive verbs, seem doubtful to me except Wcerf. 180.26. C. THE CONSECUTIVE INFINITIVE. I have found very little concerning the Consecutive Use of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. Dr. K. Kohler and Dr. Wulfing do not treat this use apart from that of purpose. In his " The Clause of Result in Old English Prose," Dr. A. R. Benham does not include the infinitive. Professor Einenkel treats the construction in Middle English, but says nothing of it in Anglo-Saxon. Matzner treats the consecutive infinitive after particles (so, as, such, enough, too, more than), in III, 48-49, and the infinitive of result that is loosely con- nected with the rest of the sentence, in III, 49-50, but he says nothing of either use in Anglo-Saxon. Koch, too, has a word about the infinitive after particles, in II, 64, but likewise says nothing of the idiom in Anglo-Saxon. Aside from these two statements, the most specific comments are those by Dr. Buchtenkirch, Dr. Hoser, and Dr. Kenyon, which are quoted below. At times the inflected infinitive denotes Tendency or Result, and in such use is found (a) with Adjectives and (b) with Verbs. 1. With Adjectives. It is difficult to distinguish this use of the inflected infinitive with adjec- tives to denote tendency or result from its use with adjectives to denote speci- fication (or respect wherein). But in the examples below, those in which the adjective is preceded by an adverb (swa or to) seem to me pretty certainly to denote tendency or result, and thus to be clearly differentiated from the in- flected infinitive with adjectives as treated in Chapter XI. Even this use with swa and to has been denied to Anglo-Saxon, as by Dr. Buchtenkirch, I. c, p. 41, who, in speaking of this construction in Occleve, declares: " Im Angel- sachsischen scheint der Infinitiv in dieser Verbindung garnicht vorzukonamen; wenigstens fiihren Matzner und Kohler keine Belege an." I cite all of what seem to me the clearer examples: — With several adjectives: Bl. Horn. 109.29, 30: Ne beo nsenig man her on worldrice on his getSohte to modig, ne on his lichoman to Strang, he nitSa to georn, ne bealwes to beald, ne bregda to full, ne inwit (sic!) to leof, ne wrohtas to webgenne, ne se&roto.renigenne. THE CONSECUTIVE INFINITIVE. 163 Nic. 506.1: OStSe hwset eart 8u swa mycel 7 eac swa lytel 7 swa nySerlic 7 eft up swa heah 7 swa wunderlic on anes mannes hywe us to oferdryfenne? Wulf. 253.7'"' *>, 8"' ''■ °: ne syn we to gifre ne tofrece ne to firenliistgeorne ne to mfestige ne to inwitfulle ne to tmlende ne to tmigspraece ne mortSor to begangenne ne aSas to swerianne ne nitSas to fremmanne ne leasunga to scecganne ne Seofenda to begangenne. selenge, tedious: Solil. 59.31 : ac me tSinctS nu tSset to lang seall to rimande {sic!) and t5e to alenge to gehyranne = 0. beald, bold: Woerf. 132.13: he naes naht beald him to to ganne = B. 162.A2: non awsws accedere sese in terram dedit. earful, careful: Mlf. Horn. I. 340'' ^■. tSaet hi ne beo8 ealles swa carfulle to beganne 6a ear- fotSlican drohtnunge. eald, old: Mlj. L. S. XXV. 94: ic eom eald to hiwigenne (or specification?). genoh, enough: Boeth. 135.9: Ac on tSsem hi habbatS genoh to ongitanne tSset etc. = 114.189: Hoc tantum perspexisse suffidat. Greg. 415.35 : hwilum him SyncS tSaet he hsebbe fierst genogne to hreowsiarine = 338.2: modo adhuc tempus subsequens ad paenitentiam pollicetur. Woerf. 49.16: geweartS Sam gebroSrum tSar genoh rmn stow wyrta on to settanne = 184 B : invenerunt . . . suoque secessu largum fratribus spatium dedisse. Hept.: Ex. 16.16: Saet selc man gadrie swa micel tSaet he genoh hsebbe to etanne= colligat . . . quantum sufficit ad vescendum. — Ex. 17.6: tJset waeter gaeS ut of him, tJaet tSaet folc hseftS genoh to drincanne = exibit ex ea aqua, ut bibat populus. geomful, eager: Solil. 63.11: Acsa tJin agen mod for hwi hyt swa willen si and swa geomful to witanne t5sette aer wses = 0. lang [-0-], long, tedious: Bede 174.22: wundro . . ., tSa Se nu to long to secgenne syndon = 143.30: sed haec nos ad alia tendentes, suis narrare permittimus. Solil. 59.30: ac me tSinctS nu Sset to lang seall to rimande (sic!), and tSe to selenge to gehyranne. LcBce. 56.19: laecedomas . . . ne sculon on ane Srage to lange beon to donne. lustsumlic, pleasant: Oros. 120.3: Ic nat ... for hwi eow Romanum sindon Sa aerran gewin swa wel gelicad 7 swa lustsumlice on leotScwidum to gehieranne = 0. mihtig, powerful: Bl. ZTowi. 223.22: ToSsesmiM^he . . . wses . . . untrumnesse to A^fenne. — lb. 235.36, 237.1: ic eom mihtig . . . eal to donne & . . . to ateowenne swa hwset me licatJ. j^lf. Horn. I. 296''^: we beotS . . . mihtige to gefremmenne swa hwset swa us licatJ. Strang [mihtig and — ], strong: 164 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. A. S. Horn. & L. S. I. 9.127"- '': he gedyde hi sona mihtige and strange to vridstandenne heora feondum. swiS, strong, powerful: Dan. 285: tSu eart mihtum svn3 nitSas to nergenne! Az. 6: tSu eart meahtum svnS nitSas to nergenne. ungeomful, negligent: Greg. 239.2: otStSe eft sio bilewitnes & sio anfealdnes hine to ungeomfulne gedoo to ongietanne, Sylses he weortSe besolcen = 180.14: quatenus nee seducti per prudentiam calleant, nee ab intellectus studio ex simplicitate torpescant. unstrang, not strong: Mart. 146.14: his Srowung wses tSe lengre ond By heardre Sy tJe hyra handa wseron unstrange hine to acwellane. Wcerf. 63.19: se tSe naht unstrang nis wraece to donne= 193 B': qui ad inferendam ultionem quam voluerit, invalidus non est (or final?). tmswete, unsweet: LoBce. 16.2: gif ?Su hine nimest 7 gaderast set fylne tJonne ne bitS he to un- swete to gestincanne. 2. With Verbs. Verbs meaning to incite, to persuade, to compel, to prepare, to suffice, and the hke are followed by an inflected infinitive denoting tendency or result. It is diflicult, if not impossible, to draw a hard-and-fast line between the consecu- tive use of the infinitive denoting tendency or result and the final use of the infinitive denoting purpose, so imperceptibly does the one use pass into the other. Accordingly, as noted below, a few of my examples for the consecu- tive use are by others, notably by Dr. Kenyon, put under the final use. In- deed, Dr. Kenyon's second subdivision of the " The Prepositional Infinitive of Purpose," in which, as he states, I. c, p. 18, " The infinitive often denotes, not so much a consciously conceived, final purpose of the action of the govern- ing verb, as simply the direction, tendency, or destiny of it," is scarcely dis- tinguishable from what he (on p. 59) and I both consider the consecutive use. On the other hand. Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 60, considers that, in ^If. L. S. 368.78 (ne galdras ne sece, to gremigenne his scyppend), the infinitive is consecutive, but to me it seems final. Once more: unquestionably to some the inflected infinitive after verbs like tilian, ' strive for,' may seem to belong either here under the consecutive use or in Chapter X under the final use; but, as this verb is followed also by the uninflected infinitive, I have considered the infini- tive, whether uninflected or inflected, after it as objective rather than as adverbial. Again, in some of the examples below (especially with verbs of compelling) we may have an inflected predicative instead of a consecutive infini- tive: see the note to neadian. Finally, it should be added that Dr. Hoser, I. c, p. 38, cites Doomsday, 1. 186 (naenig spraec mseg beon, spellum areccan aenegum on eortSan earmlice witu), as having an uninflected infinitive of result, and that he is quoted approvingly by Professor Kenyon, /. c, p. 60, but to me areccan seems predicative after mceg. I. WITH AN ACTIVE FINITE VERB. The inflected infinitive is found after the active of the following verbs to denote tendency or result : — ' THE CONSECUTIVE INFINITIVE. 165 aweccan, awake, incite. gremian, -provoke. badan, comyd. hleonian, lean, incline. deah, avail. manian, admonish, urge. gearcian, prepare. neadian, compel. gebiegan, bend, force. niedan [-y-], compel. gegearwian, make ready. onselan, incite. gehwierfan, turn. onstyrian, stir. gelsedan, lead. sellan, give. gemedemian (hine), humble one's self, condescend. teon, draw, induce. geneah, suffice. trymman, strengthen, encourage. geniedan, force. Seowan, force, threaten. genihtsumian, suffice. tSreatian, force. gescierpan, sharpen. tSywan [-i-], force, threaten. geweman, persuade. weaxan, grow. The clearer examples in full are: — aweccan, awaken, incite: Bede 268.31: Sset he eortS-bigengan awecce hine to ondrcedanne = 211.1: ut terrigenas ad timendum se susdtet (considered by Wtilfing,'' I. c, II, p. 217, as final; by Kenyon, I. c, p. 60, as consecutive). Chad 185 : he leotSratS of heof one tSset he Sa eorSHcan mod awecce& hine to ondredenne. bsedan, compel: Lcece. 86.27*: bcede to spiwanne. deah, avail: Loece. 68.27: Dicge Saet brotS 7 eac deah netlegesoden on wsetre 7 geselt to Sicganne 7 eac ellenes leaf etc. — Ih. 72.11 : wyrt, seo deah to drincanne. — lb. 122. 12*' •>: tSeos sealf deah wiS aeghwylcum geswelle to Sicganne 7 to smergenne on swa hwylcum lime swa hit on biSJ gearcian, prepare: j^lf. Ham. II. 84": He gearcaS urne godan willan to fultumigenne. gebiegan, bend: Pr. Ps. 34.13: Ic . . . gebigde imn raod to fosstenne = humiliabam in jejunio animam meam. [Matzner, I. c, III, p. 31, seems to consider this an instance of the accusative with predicative inflected infinitive, while Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 19, considers the infinitive to be final in sense j but see neadian.] gegearwian, make ready: Wulf. 35.11: tSset is, tSaet he gegearwaS his heortan gode on to wunianne. gehwierfan, turn: Greg. 255.16: for Saem sio medtrymnes Saet mod gehwierfS gehwelces monnes hine selfne to ongietanne = 192.26: molestia corporalis, quse ad cognitionem sui mentem revocat. gelaedan, lead: Bede 468.7*- '' : he hine 7 his tSeode geloedde to mcersianne 7 to weor&ianne 6a . . . tide =332.19: se suosque omnes od . . . tempus celebrandum perduxit. gemedemian (hine), humble one's self, condescend: see pp. 54r-55 above. geneah, suffice: Bl. Horn. 165.5: naenig . . . tunge ne geneah t5ses . . . engles godcund maegen to gesecgenne. geniedan [-y-], force, compel: Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 360: miltsa me tSset t5u me ne genyde to areccenne mine gescyndnysse. — lb. XXIII B. 381 : hu ic to syngigenne genydde aegtSer ge tSa earman willendan and tSa earman syllendan. 166 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. Wulf. 200.6 : araeratS him anlicnesse, and tSaerto hi genydaS men to gebiddanne. genihtsumian [-y-], suffice: Mart. 104.12: ne genyhtsumaS senigum men to asecganne tSses acennedan angles msegen Johannes. Mf. Horn. II. QO'"!-^: heorte . . ., tSe ne genihtsumaS to urderfonne Godes word, ne naenne weestm to spryttanne. Mf. L. S. XXIII B. 788: seo leo . . . scraef geworhte swa micel swa genihtsumode tSsere halgan to byrgenne. gescierpan [-y-], sharpen: Woerf. 269.21 : buton hit gescyrpe Sa tSing to geseonne seo unlichamlice wise = 329 A^: nisi hmic res incorporea ad videndum acueret. geweman, persuade: Mlf. Int. 504: tSset is seo costnung Se gewemJS tSone man to synnigenne = qua [= tentatione] peccato implicamur. gremian, provoke: Lcece. 55.26: hine mon seel neahtnestigne tyhtan and gremian to spiwanne. hleonian, lean, incline: Bede 258.21: ealra willa hleonade to geheranne t5a gefean = 205.8: omnium uota ad nuper audita . . . gaudia penderent. manian [-o-], admonish, urge: Seafarer 38 : monaS modes lust maela gehwylce fertS to feran (sic!), tJset ic feor heonan eltSeodigra eard gesece. Woerf. 265.20: for hwan wolde he Sonne ealle men mxmegian samod mid him to gehyranne t5one sende tSsere spraece? = 324 B : cur ad avdiendum loquendi finem secmn pariter omnes admonebatf Mlf. Horn. II. 520'' ^•^: Des apostolica freolsdseg mxmaiS us to sprecenne, and sum tSing eow to secgenne be tSam gesseligan heape. neadian, compel: Mlf. Horn. I. 114*: HealdaS Sis faeste on eowerimi heortum, Saet se . . . God naenne mann ne neadaJS to syngigenne. [Cf. Matzner, I. c, III. p. 31, who seems inclined to consider this an instance of the predicative infinitive with accusative subject.] Mlf. Hept.: De N. T. 21.31 : se ?Se ot5erne neadaS ofer his mihte to drincenne. niedan [-y-], compel: Greg. 271.16: forSaem hie hie selfe nidaS to healdonne ungemetlice swigean, & forSsem beoS suiSe fortSrycte = 204.19: ut eo plus cogitationes in mente ferveant, quo illas violenta custodia indiscreti silentii angustat. Mart. 166.21 : Done nydde Decius se casere deofolgeld to begangenne. Mlf. Hom. II. 376": Far nu geond wegas and hegas, and nyd hi inn to farenne. [Cf . L. 14.23 : Ga geond Sas wegas and hegas and nyd hig tSaet hig gan in = Exi in vias et sepes, et compelle intrare.] Napier's Ad. to Th. 102.36': Ga geond wegas and hegas, and nyd hi in to farenne. Laece. 86.24: nede hine to spiwanne. onselan, incite: Woerf. 109.30: he tihte and oncelde oSre men tSus to arcefnienne = B. 140 A^: qui passionum certamina non solum ipse appetit, sed ad toleranda haec et alios accendit. onst3rrian, stir: THE CONSECUTIVE INFINITIVE. 167 Wwrf. 224.23: ne mihte na onstyrian his fet to ganne = 273 C*: gressum movere non potuit. sellan [-i-], give: Mlj. Hept.: Num. 11.13: Site us flsesc to etanne = Da nobis carries, ut comedamas (or final?). teon, draw, induce: Mlf. L. S. 316.148: On hwilcum godum tihst tSu us to gelyfenne? trymman, strengthen, encourage: Bede 124.26: gewrit, mid tSy he hine trymede to onfonne Cristes leaf an = 100.18: exhortatorias ad fidem litteias . . . accepit (or final?). tSeowan, force, threaten: A. S. Horn. & L. S. I. 9.342: Seah t5e he mid huxe hine hete gebindan and hine Seowde to ofsleanne mid Sam folce (or objective?). t5reatian, force: Boeth. 138.2: wyrde 6e oft SreataJS Sa yflan to witnianne= 117.27: iusto suppUcio malos cohercet. tSywan [-!-], force, threaten: Mlf. Horn. II. 174*^ *: Benedicte, Se hi aer for heora stuntiun wordum &iwde to amansumigenne (or objective?). — lb. II. 308'': Da Sywde se casere hine to smngenne (or objective?). weaxan, grow: Greg. 263.18: hie sculon uparisan & weaxan a ma & ma to lufigeanne tSa godcundan weorc = 198.20: sed ad amoris gratiam nutrimento caritatis ex- crescant (cited also by Dr. Kenyon, p. 60, as consecutive). II. WITH PASSIVE VERBS. Occasionally the inflected infinitive is used after the passive of the follow- ing verbs to denote tendency or result: — afysan, impel. (ge)fysan, incite. onaelan, kindle, incite. ascierpan, sharpen. (ge)lEedan, lead. onwendan [-wasnd-], move. baeman, incite. (ge)manian, admonish. settan, set, appoint. forSgelsedan, lead forth. (ge)neadian, compel. sponan, persuade. (ge)b8edan, compel. (ge)medan, compel. underSeodan, subject. (ge)cieiTan, turn, move. I cite all the clearer examples that I have observed: — afysan, impel: Ph. 275: Donne afysed hid agenne eard eft to secan (sic!). ascierpan, sharpen: Greg. 69.13: tSonne we mid tSsem Isecedome godra weorca gefultuma'S urum ondgite Sset hit bi& asdrped to ongietenne Sa bierhtu tSses sot5an leohtes = 44.1 : cum ad cognoscendam veri luminis claritatem intellectus nostri aciem medica- mine operationis adjuvamus (or final, as Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 19, holds?). baeman, incite: BededdO.18^-^,19: men . . . wceronbcernde . . . to gebiddenne ge a&lmesssin to sellenne ge Gode assegdnesse to beranne= 252.5*' ''■ ": accensi sunt . . . ad arandum uel ad elimosynas fadendas, uel ad offerendas Deo uictimas sacrse obla- tionis (or final, as Dr. Shearin,i I. c, p. 31, holds?). forSgelaedan, lead, induce: Oros. 290.10: Firmus wearS gefangen, 7 forSgelceded to sleanrie = 291.9: Firmum coegit ad mortem. 168 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. (ge)bse(lan, compel: Greg. 251.13: Sonne hio hire untSonces geboedd vnerS Saet yfel to forlatanne = 190.14: cum jam egredi anima urgetur. (ge)cierran, turn, move: Greg. 99.19: for mildheortnesse wobs t5onon gederred to smeaganne hu flsescli- cum mo(n)num gedafenode on hira burcotum & on hiera beddmn to donne = 68.17: tamen per condescensionis viscera carnalium cubile perscrutatur. (ge)fysan, incite: Beow. 2562: tSa woes hringbogan heorte gefysed saecce to seceanne. (ge)laedan, lead: Wcerf. 227.26: Sonne Saet . . . mod by& gelceded oferhit self hwsethwylces to geseonne = 277 D> : cum mens . . . ultra se ad videndum dudtur, necesse est ut etc. (ge)maman, admonish: Greg. 259.20: tSonne beo we suigende gemanode mid tSsere mettrymnesse ura synna to gemunanne = 196.9 : ad peccatorum nostrorum memoriam taciti afflictique revocamur. (ge)neadian, force: Mlj. Horn. II. 376''^: Se hijS geneadod to cumenne. (ge)medan [-e-], compel: Bede 368.17: he wees oferswiSed 7 geneded to onfonne ?Sa tSegnunge bisco- phades = 272.29 : ad susdpiendum episcopatus officium collum submittere compellitur. Greg. 302.19"' '': weorSen geniedde h[i]era untSeawas to herianne & to weorSi- anne = 230.2: compellantur eorum etiam vitia venerari. onaelan, kindle, incite: Greg. 383.18, 19: Godes Segn se t5e mid tSsem andan onceled biJS godcundre lufan unSeawas to ofsleanne = 298.16: Si ergo ille Dei dicitur qui ad ferienda vitia zelo divini amoris exdtatur. onwendan [-wsend-], move: Wcerf. 195.10: tSa woes eac se cyning . . . onwmnded to begangenne tJses biscopes arwyrtJnysse = 237 C^: Tunc ad ejus reverentiam colendam rex ipse permotus est. settan, set, appoint: Wulf. 304.29: eac is geset switJe micel daedbot swylcum mannum to donne and to betenne (or final?). sponan, persuade: Bede 220.31: he wees swiSust gesponen to onfonne Cristes geleafan from Oswies suna = 170.7: persuasus maxime ad percipiendam fidem a filio regis Osuiu. underSeodan, subject: jElf. Horn. II. 116*: forSan Be we sind eadmodlice, mid lichaman and mid sawle, godcundlicum spraecum underSeodde to gefyllenne his beboda, tSaet he us his behat gelseste. Note. — Possible but not Probable Examples of the Inflected Infinitive of Result occur after the active of the following verbs, which have been left under the Objective Use: — ceteowan, 'show:' Bl. Ham. 169.9; heotigan, 'boast,' 'threaten:' Chad 193; eldan, 'delay:' Mlf. Horn. II. 282; gedihtan, ' direct: ' Wulf. 10.10; higian, ' strive for,' ' be intent on: ' Wcerf. ITS.S"' •'; tcecan, ' teach: ' Greg. 165.10; ^If. Hmn. II. 216''. THE ABSOLUTE INFINITIVE. 169 D. THE ABSOLUTE INFINITIVE. The Absolute Use of the Infinitive Matzner, I. c, III, p. 53, characterizes as follows: " Von anderer Art sind prapositionale Infinitive, zum Theil paren- thetischer Natur, welche eine Reflexion des Redenden, die Absicht desselben bei der Darstellung ihrem Gehalte oder ihrer Form nach, eine Erklarung, Erinnerung oder Versicherung dem Zuhorer oder Leser gegenuber enthalten." After giving examples like to be short, to say truth, etc., in Modern English and in Middle English, he adds, p. 54: " Im Ags. sind mir dergleichen unabhangige Infinitive nicht aufgestossen." I had discovered the examples of the absolute use of hrosdest to secgenne in Wulfstan before I came upon the following from Sohrauer, who, I. c, p. 27, after quoting the foregoing passage from Matzner, adds: " Einen beleg fiir das ae. bietet Napier's Wulfstan, 36.6," and quotes one example of hrcedest to secganne ' given below, but not the others. Wiilfing,^ I. c, II, p. 224, calls attention to the absolute use of to metanne wiS in Boethius. Professor Einenkel,' I. c, p. 240, speaks of the construction in Middle English and declares that it exists in Anglo-Saxon, but he does not give any examples from the latter. Koch, I. c, II, p. 69, Dr. Scholz, and Dr. Druve treat the idiom in Modern English only; Dr. Zeitlin, in Middle English only. The idiom is not discussed by Dr. Karl Kohler. For the construction in Anglo- Saxon, Dr. Kenyon merely refers to the above passage from Sohrauer. Drs. Farrar and Riggert do not mention the idiom. The infinitive is inflected in all cases except two. The two uninflected infinitives and several of the inflected infinitives are doubtful. I give all the examples that I have observed: — (1) The Uninflected lufinitive: Oros. 46.16, 17'': Heora twa wseron heora cwena, Marsepia 7 Lampida wseron hatene. Hie heora here on tu todseldon; oSer set ham beon heora lond to healdanne, otSer ut faran to winnanne = 47.16: Harum duae fuere reginae, Marsepia et Lampedo, quae agmine diviso in duas partes, vicissim curam belli et domus custodiam sortiebantur. [The foregoing seems to me to be a possible instance of what I should call an absolute infinitive with an accusative subject, by which I mean an accusative-and-infinitive phrase standing in an absolute or loose relation to the rest of the sentence; and I have put the passage in Chapter VIII, p. 118. It is possible, of course, as claimed by Drs. EinenkeP and Zeitlin,' that oSer here is nominative, not accusative; but I prefer to be- lieve with Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 137, that o&er is accusative neuter, possibly due to the influence of tu. Dr. Kenyon, however, considers oSer to be, not the subject of the infinitive, but an appositive each to butu; and the infinitives to denote purpose after todceldon. Somewhat similar, apparently, is the view of Dr. Wiilfing," I. c, II, § 487 : " Im Or. [46.16, 17''] steht der Infinitiv einmal ganz imabhangig zur Angabe des Zweckes; " though he clearly considers that the use leans more to the absolute than does Dr. Kenyon. Whether Dr. Wulfing considers these infinitives, also, to be the predicates of oSer-oSer is not clear. And there is the same uncertainty on this point in the statement of Dr. Shearin,* > Mohrbutter, I. c, p. 35, conaiderB that the infinitive is, not absolute, but dependent on hradest, which he takes to be an adjective. s Einenkel,' I. c, p. 1076. ' Zeitlin,' I. c, p. 145. « Wttlfing.s I. c,-., II, p. 224. 170 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OP THE INFINITIVE. I. c, p. 15: "Twice we find the simple infinitive following loosely the main verb as a final element." He then cites the Orosius passage as one example and huke 1.17 as another. Concerning the latter see Chapter X, p. 148, Note 2,] (2) The Inflected Infinitive: Perhaps the clearest example of the absolute use of the inflected infinitive is to be found in the phrase hrcedest to secganne, ' to speak briefly,' of which I give all the clearer examples observed: Wulf. 27.1: tSyder sculon wiccan and wigleras and, hrcedest to secganne, ealle tSa manfuUan, tSe ser yfel worhton and noldan geswican ne witS god Singian; — ib. 36.7: tSonne wyrS tSaet wseter mid tSam halgan gaste tSurhgoten, and, hrcedest to secganne, eal, tSset se sacerd deS tSurh tSa halgan tSenunge gesawenlice, eal hit fulfremeS se halga gast gerynelice; — ib. 115.3: tSider sculan tSeofas . . . and, hrcedest to secganne, ealle t5a man- fuUan. — With this infinitive phrase compare the following: Boeth. 39.10: Swa hit is nu hraSost to secganne be eallimi tSam woruldgesaeltSum Se seo wyrd brengtS, tSaet etc. = 42.63: Postremo idem de tota conclvdere fortuna licet etc.; — ib. 41.3: Daet is nu hraSost to secganne, [tSaet ic wilnode] weortSfullice to libbanne = 46.80: 0; — Wvif. 158.16: godcunde hadas waeron nu lange swa forsawene . . . and hrcedest is to cwe&enne godes laga latSe and lara forsewene; — ib. 204.2: tSider scylan wiccan and wigleras, and, rarest is to sacgenne, ealle tSa manfuUan. Another phrase Used absolutely is to metanne vnS, ' to compare with,' ' in comparison with,' which, as stated above, is mentioned by Wiilfing,^ and occurs as follows: Boeth. 29.6: fort5sem tSe otSer twega oStJe hit nan god nis for eow selfe, otStSe ?5eah forlytel god wiS eow to metane = 36.28: quae tametsi conditoris opera suique distinctione postremo aliquid pulchritudinis trahimt, infra uestram tamen excellentiam conlocatae ammirationem uestram nullo modo merebantur; — ib. 36.3: Hu micle mare is Sonne 6aes monnes Uchoma to metenne witS Sast mod Sonne seo mus witS Sone mon =41.18: 0; — ib. 41.24: Sonne meaht Su ongetan Sset he is eal wiS Sone heofon to metanne swilce an lytlu price on bradum brede =44.11: ad caeli spatiiun puncti constat optinere rationem, id est ut, si ad caelestis globi magnitudinem conferatur, nihil spatii prorsus habere iudicetur; — ib. 44.26: Seah he [= hUsa] hwilum lang sie, 7 fela geara Surhwunige, he biS Seah swiSe scort to metanne wiS Sone Se naefre ne geendaS = 46.58: ita fit, ut quamlibet prolixi temporis fama, si cum inex- hausta aetemitate cogitetur, non parua sed plane nulla esse uideatur; — ib. 72.18: Sonne magon ge ongitan Sset he [= heofon] is eaUes nauht wiS his sceppend to metanne 7 wiS his wealdend = 65.17: 0; — ib. 89.22: Sonne wile he cweSan Saet sio beorhtnes Ssere sunnan sciman sie Sesternes to metanne wiS Sa ecan birhtu Godes = 77.17: 0; — *. 130.29, 31*-'': Swylc is Saet Sset we wyrd hataS be Sam godcundan foreSonce, swylce sio smeaung 7 sio gesceadwisnes is to metanne wiS Sone gearowitan, 7 swylce Sas laenan Sing bioS to metanne wiS Sa ecan, 7 swilce Sset hweol biS to metanne wiS Sa eaxe = 110.74, 75, 76: Igitur uti est ad intellectum ratiodnatio, ad id quod est id quod gignitur, ad aeterni- tatem tempus, ad punctum medium circulus: id est fati series mobilis ad prouidentiae stabilem simplicitatem. — Boeth. 36.3 above. Dr. Wiilfing" (II, 213) puts, allowably, under the infinitive with beon denoting necessity, as he probably does Boeth. 72.18 and 130.29, 31»' *>, none of which are given by him THE MODAL INFINITIVE. 171 under the absolute infinitive. I have put these examples here, despite their doubtfulness, primarily to show how the predicative infinitive of necessity passes over to the absolute infinitive. With the examples of to metanne above given, compare those that I have given under the Infinitive of Necessity with hem, Chapter VII. Perhaps Met. 21.42 (tSonne wile he secgan tSset tSsere sunnan sie beorhtnes tSiostro beorna gehwylcum to metanne witS tSset micle leoht godes selmihtiges) belongs under the absolute use rather than under necessity. Possibly we have the absolute use of the infinitive in the Metres of Boethius 6.7: fortSsem hiora birhtu ne biS auht to gesettanne witS tSaere sunnan leoht; if not, we have an infinitive of necessity on the road to becoming an absolute infinitive. In the following, the infinitive, though predicative and therefore given in Chapter VII, reminds one of our modern idiom, ' so to speak: ' Bede 88.23: tSses tSe swa to cweSenne sy = 62.1 : ut ita dixerim. We have an infinitive loosely connected with the rest of the sentence in the following from the Loeceboc: 1 .26''' ^ : Lsecedomas gif men yrne blod of nebbe ; eft blodsetena, ge on to bindanne ge on eare, to donne ge horse ge menn; 67.3: Wit5 wlsettan / to hcetanne magan. But the idea of purpose is evident, and I put these examples in the present chapter only because of the looseness of the connection with the rest of the sentence, or, better, because of the elliptical nature of the sentence. To the same purport is the following from Dr. Shearin,i I. c, p. 23 : " The following infinitives are used absolutely, yet implying a pur- pose relation to a main verb to be supplied, whose grammatical subject will be logically the subject of the phrase; e. g., Lch. ii, 188.19: To rymanne' tSone cealdan magan . . . (sc. * genim '); id. 304.9: gealdor on to singanne." E. THE CONDITIONAL INFINITIVE. In the Martyrology 54.11 (Des biscop is swiSe mihtig on frecnum wisum gescyldnesse to biddanne), Dr. Herzfeld, the editor, translates the infinitive as if it were used to denote a condition: " This bishop is very powerful, if asked for protection in dangerous condition." To me, however, the infinitive seems to specify the respect wherein the bishop was powerful, viz., ' in praying for protection,' and to belong in Chapter XI. F. THE MODAL INFINITIVE. As stated in Chapter V, some consider that the infinitive in the com . . . fleogan construction denotes manner. But I have there tried to show why it seems better to me to consider that the infinitive is predicative in use rather than modal. Possible, but not probable, examples of the inflected infinitive used to denote manner are found in the Prose Psalms, 34.13 (quoted under gebiegan) and Boeth. 138.2 (quoted under Sreatian) in the section on the consecutive use of the infinitive. See gemedemian in the same section. In Orosius 188.10, 11 (sum his folc sende gind t5set lond to boemanne j to hangenne= 189.7: vastatione circumjacentium locorum Flaminium in bellmn 1 To rymanne should read to wyrmanne: see Cockayne, I. c, II, 188.22; and Lcsce. 57.9. In the former of these two passages, the infinitive is probably absolute; but, in the latter, the infinitive seems to me to modify the noun, gealdor. See LoBce. 93.22. 172 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OP THE INFINITIVE. excitavit) and in Bede 66.5"- '' (6aet heo godum tSeawum lifgen under ciriclecum regole 7 sealmas to singenne 7 wseccan to bigongene, 7 from . . . unalyfed- nessum heora heortan . . . clsene healden = 49.10*-'': bonis moribus uiuant et canendis psalmis inuigilent, et ab . . . inlicitis et cor et linguam et corpus Deo auctore conseruent), the infinitives are possibly modal, but are probably final, and have been left in Chapter X. Differentiation of the Two Infinitives. In the main, the differentiation between the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive in the preceding adverbial uses is clear. The infinitive of specification with verbs, the consecutive infinitive, and the absolute infinitive are regularly inflected, as would be expected from the meaning, the infinitive habitually denoting a relationship normally expressed, in nouns, by a case other than the nominative or the accusative. In the only two instances in which we have an uninflected infinitive in the adverbial uses just named, in Ores. 46.16, l?*" (already quoted), we have, as I believe, an accusative and infini- tive very loosely connected with the remainder of the sentence, and it is natural that the infinitive is not inflected. In the causal use of the infinitive we have both the uninfiected infinitive and the inflected, but in the former the infinitive may possibly, as there indicated, be considered objective (accusative). We naturally expect cause to be expressed by the inflected infinitive, as we know that, with nouns, cause is often expressed by the genitive case in Anglo-Saxon. For the other adverbial uses of the infinitive in the kindred Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section xii. CHAPTER XIII. THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS.i A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. When a Noun is modified by an infinitive, the infinitive normally is inflected, but in a few cases is uninflected. About 242 instances of the former occur to four of the latter. The infinitive regularly follows the noun that it modifies, sometimes immedi- ately, as in WcETJ. 198.17 (onfangenre leaje to lifigenne = 241 C*: vivendi licentia accepta); sometimes with a few words intervening, as in Wcerf. 211.20*-'' (gif Su hwylce leafe habbe me to sleanne 7 to vmndianne = 257 C^: Si licentiam accepisti ut ferias, ego non prohibeo). To me the infinitive with nouns seems prevailingly, if not exclusively, active in sense as in form. Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 71, declares, " Es steht nur der Infinitiv des Aktivs, der jedoch passiven Sinn haben kann," but he does not specifically cite any infinitives as passive in sense. If we have an infini- tive that is passive in sense when used with a noun, we probably have it in such sentences as these: And. 23: naes tSser hlafes wist werum on tSam wonge, ne wseteres drync to bruconne; ^If. Hept.: Ex. 16.12: ic sende Sisiun folce floesc to etanne = Vespere comedetis carnes; Mk. 3.20: 8set hi nsefdon hlaf to eianne = ita ut non possent neque panem manducare. But, as the Latin sug- gests, there is no necessity for considering the infinitive passive, and, in all probability, to the Anglo-Saxon mind the infinitive was active in his transla- tion as in his Latin original; perhaps it was active to him even when trans- lating a Latin passive, as in L. 24.41: Hsebbe ge her senig &ing to etanne? =Habetis hie aliquid quod manducetur? though, of course, it is possible that in the latter case it seemed to him passive. Dr. K. Kohler and Dr. Farrar say nothing as to the voicfe of the infinitive with nouns; nor do Dr. Wiilfing and Dr. Kenyon. — In the adjectivized infinitive, discussed below (pp. 180 ff.), on the other hand, the inflected infinitive is probably passive in sense. I. THE INFINITIVE UNINFLECTED. Of the four examples of the active uninflected infinitive modifying a noun, three occur in the prose and one in the poetry: — anweald, power: L. 12.5: adraedatS t5one t5e anweald hseftJ, setStJan he ofslyhS, on helle asendan = timete eum qui, postquam occiderit, habet potestatem mittere in gehennam. m3aie, purpose, intention: And. 1538: Weox waeteres Brym; weras cwanedon, ealde sescberend; wses him ut mynefieon fealone stream, woldon feore beorgan, to dunscraefum drohtatJ secan, eortSan ondwist. [On this passage Dr. Riggert, I. c, p. 67, comments as follows: " Der reine Infinitiv nach einem Substantive erscheint nur An. 1537 [= my 1538], und zwar bezeichnet das Hauptwort eine Absicht, einen Plan."] ^ In some ioatancea the infioitive modifiea, not a noun, but a pronoun. 173 174 THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. neod, need, necessity: Mf. Horn. II. 372" ^r Ic bohte senne tun, and me is neod to farenne and Sone geseon (sic!) [Cf. L. 14.18: Ic bohte senne tun, ic hsebbe neode tJaet ic fare and bine geseo = Villam emi, et necesse hdbeo exire, et videre illam.] Napier's Ad. to Th. 102.35*^^: me is neod to farenne and tSone sceawian {sic!). II. THE IliTFINITIVE INFLECTED. The inflected infinitive modifies a large number of nouns. As is shown by the Latin originals, this infinitive often stands in the relation of a genitive modifier of the noun, and translates a Latin gerund or gerundive in the geni- tive (occasionally a noun in the genitive). This genitival infinitive, like the Latin genitive, has various uses, and denotes the characteristic, the object, the tendency, the purpose, etc. But the infinitive at times stands in a datival relation, and translates a Latin gerundive in the dative or accusative, or ad plus a gerund or gerundive in the accusative, or an infinitive that modifies a noun; and this datival infinitive habitually denotes the tendency or the pur- pose of the thing indicated by the noun. At other times the infinitive stands in an ablative relation, and translates a supine in -w. This is not a complete list of the Latin correspondents of our infinitive, for that is not called for here;' but these correspondents are given merely to help define the use of the infini- tive in Anglo-Saxon. The idiom is not common in the poems, less than a dozen examples having been found in a total, in prose and poetry, of about 242 examples. It is rela- tively frequent in Early West Saxon, Alfred having about 81 examples, not a few suggested by the Latin gerund or gerundive. It is rare in the Chronicle and in the Laws, neither furnishing more than a half dozen examples. It is not infrequent in ^Ifric and in the Gospels, but is rare in Wulfstan. At times it is difficult to decide whether the infinitive modifies a noun and is adjectival, or a verb and is adverbial; and this difficulty accounts for the chief differences between my statistics and those of others. For instance, Dr. Wulfing,2 1, c, II, pp. 219 ff., puts here Bede 98.18 (5D2.9 ^), 242.7 (558.27), 330.18»- »> (592.25=' »>), 480.29, 30 (647.26»- >>), while to me the infinitive seems rather to modify the verb. The nouns modified by an infinitive may be roughly subdivided, as by Dr. Wiilfing,' into two big classes: (a) those Denoting Ideas and (b) those De- noting Things. 1. Nouns Denoting Ideas. Nouns denoting ideas may be subdivided as follows: — 1. Nouns Denoting Permission and Prohibition: — bewerenis, prohibition. leafnes, leaue, permission. leaf, leave, permission. 2. Nouns Denoting Power, Might, Capacity, and the like: — aiidgi(e)t, inteUigemx, ability. gelaeredness, learning, skill. anweald, power, authority. getydnes, learning, skiU. bieldo, boldness. geweald, power, atUhority. » The complete list of Latin correepondents is given in Chapter XIV, section xiii. ^-The numbers in parenthesis refer to the edition oiBede used by Dr. Wiilfing, namely, Smith's. 3 Wiilfing,^ Z. c, II, pp. 219.fi. ' My minor. subdivisions, too. in the main follow Dr. Wiilfine's. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 175 giefu, gift, power. gleawnes, wisdom, intelligence. magen, strength, ahility. maetS, ■power. iniht[meaht], might, power. ondefn [an-], capacity. : strengtS(o), strength. 3. Nouns Denoting Time and Place faec, interval. fierst [-y-], period of time. ielden [y-], delay, respite. mael, time. rum, space, opportunity. 4. Nouns Denoting Necessity: — neod, need, necessity. niedSearf [nyd-], need, necessity. 5. Nouns Denoting Will, Purpose, Inclination, and the like:— ^ sped [and leafnes], opportunity (?). stow, place. tid, time. tima, time. tSearf [tJerf ], need, necessity. lufu, love. lustbaemes, desire. mod, mind, mood. riht, right, reason. sorg, sorrow, grief. wen, hope, expectation. willa, will, desire. bliss, bliss, joy. geornfulnes, eagerness, desire. gescea(d)wisnes, intelligence. getSoht, thought, intention. geSyld, patience. giemen, care, concern. hyht [-i-], hope. intinga, cause, sake. 6. Nouns Denoting Help: — fultum, help, assistance. 7. Nouns Denoting Office and Work ealdorlicnes, authority, office. tSegnung [Senung], service. 8. Nouns Denoting Usage, Custom: — setSelo, haMt (?). tSeaw, custom, habit, 9. Nouns Denoting Example and Teaching: — bisn [-y-], example. lar, teaching. 2. Nouns Denoting Things. As I cannot think of any helpful grouping of these nouns, I merely give them in alphabetic sequence: — weorc, work. SBcer, field. seht, property. anweald, power, aS, oath. auiit, aught. cild, child. eyre, choice. drenc, drink, drinc, drink. eage, eye. eare, ear. fela, much. feoh, money. flssc, flesh. forebeacen, portent. gast, spirit. gealdor, charm. genoh [-g], sufficiency. gierd [-y-J, rod. god, god, God. god, good. giyre, horror. heafod [haefod], head (metaphorically chief), hlaf, loaf, bread. hoi, ftote, cave. hwst, what, something. lac, offering. Isecedom, remedy. lacnimg, remedy. lamb [-0-], larrib. land [-0-], 2an<2. mare, more. mete, meai, /ooii; mildheortnes, clemency. 176 THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. naht, rumght. sprsec, speech. nanwiht [-wuht], naught. staf, stick. onlegen, medicinal application. tol, tool. pening, penny. Searfa, poor man. petraoleum, petroleum. tSing, thing. rod, rood, cross. wegnest, provisions for a journey. son, sound, musio. wela, wealth. spell, story, narrative. wundor, wonder. Typical examples are: — 1. Nouns Denoting Ideas. 1. Nouns Denoting Permission and Prohibition: — beweren(n)is, prohibition: Bede 86. IS"- ^: tSonon hafatS tSset mod hwylcehugu scylde, nales hwaetJre otJ bewerennisse to onfonne tSaem halgan geryne, oStSe ?5a symbelnesse to mwrsienne maessesonges = 60. 12"' '*: non tamen usque ad prohibitionem pecipiendi sancti mysterii uel missarum solemnia celebrandi. leaf, permission: Boeth. 120.28: habbaS leafe yfel to donne = 102.76: malorum potestas. Greg. 397.26: seftertSaemtSe he hwelcehwugu gerisenlice leafe dyde tSsem gesinhiwon hira willan to fremmanne, he cwsetS = 316.8: Quibusdum in magna honestate conjugii aliquid de voluptate largiretur, adjunxit. Chron. 260', 1129 E: se kyng hem geaf ealle leue ham tofarene. Laws 483, Wilhelm I, c. l*" : habbe he fuUe leafe swa to donne. Wcerf. 10.2: Hu ^quitius onfeng leafe to bodianne = 0. Bened. 21.17: leaf geseald sie to sprecenne = 42.17 : loquendi concedatur licentia. ^If. L. S. XXXI. 384, 385: sealde him leafe to si&igenne ioT'5 and tSset lie to berenne. ^If. Hept.: Gen. 42.34: tSset ge . . . leafe habbon (sic!) to bicgeanne tSset tJset ge wyllatJ = emendi habeatis licerdiam. leafnes [lef-], permission: Bede 112.6: heo . . . lefnesse sealdon deofolgyld to bigongenne 6am f oleum = 91.9: idola colendi . . . dare licerdiam. — 76. 400.8*''': lefnes . . . to cer- nenne j to flitenne= 289.29: certandi , . . copia. 2. Nouns Denoting Power, Might, Capacity, etc.: — andgi(e)t, intelligence, ability: Mlf. Hom. I. 344™: men . . . Se habbatS lytel andgit to understandenne t5a deopnysse Godes lare. anweald, power, authority: Mlf. L. S. XXXIV. 322*- '': me is geseald anweald to ofskanne and to edcucigenne. Mk. 3.15"' *»: he him amveald sealde untrumnessa to hcelanne, and deofol- seocnessa ut to adrifanne = dedit illis potestatem cwrandi infirmitates et ejiciendi dsemonia. gelaeredness ] and [ , learning, skill: getydness | Bede 362.28''''': wses . . . CutJbyrhte swa mycel getydnes y geloerednes to sprecenne = 269.32: Cudbercto tanta erat dicendi peritia. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 177 geweald, power, authority: Ermahnung 36: Ceapa t5e mid sehtum eces leohtes, tSy Ises t5u forweorSe, tSsenne Su hyra geweald nafast to syllanne. Gen. 281: ic hsebbe geweald micel to gyrwanne godlecran stol, hearran on heofne. Pr. Gu. V. 227: tSaet ge min ahton geweald on Sas witu to sendanne = si vestrae potentiae sit istis me tradere poenis. giefu, gift, power: Bede 20.22: tSam . . . forgifen wees seo gyfu to singanne = 25S .25: cui donum canendi . . . sit . . . concessum. gleawnes, wisdom, intelligence: Bede 206.10^- *>: He hsefde tSa gleavmesse Godes bebodu to healdanne j to Iceranne = 161. 20*- '': industriam faciendi simul et docendi mandata caelestia. maegen, strength, ability: Wcerf. 244.1: he sealde me Sy dsege mcegn to fcestane= 297 C: eumque peterem quatenus mihi ut die illo virtics ad jejunandwn daretur. miht [meaht], might, power: Bede 146.22: haefde meahte ot5erne biscop his stowe to halgianne= 120.20: habeat potestatem alterum ordinandi in loco eius. ^If. Horn. I. 560* '■ ^: Si t5e forgs^fen miht to gebindenne and to alysenne. J. 19.10"' •> Nast Su t5set ic haebbe mihte t5e to honne, and ic hsebbe mihte tSe to forlcetenne f = nescis quia potestatem habeo crudfigere te, et potestatem habeo dimittere te? 3. Nouns Denoting Time and Place : — mael, time: Beow. 316 : Moel is me toferan (sic!) . [Cf . K. Kohler, I. c, p. 48, and Kenyon, I. €., p. 31.] rum, time, opportunity: Jud. 314: rum wses to nimanne londbuendum on tSam latSestan, hyra eald- feondum . . . heolfrig herereaf. stow, place: Bede 230.17: stowe geceas mynster to getimbrigenne = 175.13: elegit sibi locum laonastern construendi. — J6. 238.24: Sset he . . . forgefe stoiwe mynster on to timbrenne= 180.1: ut donaret . . . locum monasterio construendo. — lb. 436.7, 8: tJaet he stowe hsefde in Ssem streame to standenne oSSe hiene to biscenc- enne = 310.23"' '' : locum standi siue inynergendi in fluuio. Wcerf. 231.14: sohton maran stowe on to sittanne = 281 C: majora sessionis loca quserentibus dicit. tid, time: Bede 262.21"' ° : tSsette tid wsere stanas to sendenne 7 tid to somnienne = 207.19, 20: tempus mittendi lapides, et tempus colligendi. Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 478"' *•: nu is seo tid to gefyllenne and to gefremmane. tima, time: Mlf. Horn. I. 602': nu is tima us of slaepe to arisenne. — lb. II. 360'' i- ^' '' ^: He geceas him timan to acennenne on menniscnysse, to Srowigenne, to arisenne of deatJe, to astigenne up to heofenan. /Elf. Gr. 135.3: hit ys timM to erigenne = tempus est arandi. — 76. 151.11: timu hyt ys to tcecenne = tempus est docendi. 178 THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. 4. Nouns Denoting Necessity: — need, need, necessity: Laws 256, VI ^thelred, c. 42: ealswa us neod is gelome to donne. Bened. 127.7'': tSset nan neod ne sy munecum utan to farenne = 194.14: ut non sit necessitas Monachis vagandi foras. ^If. Horn. II. 372" i; Ic bohte aenne tun, and me is neod to farenne and Sone geseon (sic!). Mlf. L. S. XXIII B. 70: Nis me nan neod f seder Se to secgenne hwanon ic come. Napier's Ad. to Th. 102.35'' ' : me is neod to farenne and Sone sceawian (sic!). Mat. 14.16*: Nabba?5 hi neode to farenne = Non habent necesse ire. niedtSearf [nyd-], need, necessity: Pr. Ps. 15.1 : for tSam Su me eall Ba god sealdest Se ic hsebbe, and Se heora nan nyd&earf nis eft on me to nimenne = 15.2: quoniam bonorum meorum non eges. tSearf, need, necessity: Gen. 279: Nis me wihtse Searf hearran to habbanne. Greg. 67.4'' : angiennaS Sonne . . . mare secgean & smeagean suiSor Sonne him Searf sie to begonganne = 40.26 : ssepe se in quibusdam inquisitionibus plus, quam necesse est, exercentes, ex nimia subtiUtate f alluntur. Laws 256, VI ^thelred, c. 42, § 2: Saet mannum is msest Searf oftost to gemunenne. Wcerf. 79.6: he gebohte Sset him nan &earf nses to habbenne = 205 A: emit quod necessarium non habebat. Bl. Horn. 63.5: us is mycel Searf to witenne. Wulf. 308.22: Sast mannum is msest &earf oftost to gemunanne. 5. Nouns Denoting Will, Purpose, Inclination, etc. : — geornfulnes, eagerness, desire: Bede 206.11, 12: he hsefde Sa geomfulnesse haligu gewritu to rcedanne 7 wseccean to beganganne = 161.21^' '': solertiam lectionis et uigiliarum. gi(e)men, care, concern: Bede 482.1: t5a dseghwamlican gimene to singanne = 357.13: cotidianam cantandi in ecclesia curam. intinga, cause, occasion: Bede 120.7: intinga to onfonne Cristes geleafan = 97.21 : occasio . . . perdpiendae fidei. lufu, love: Bede 82.25: Mid tSy Sonne seo lufu ne biS tudres to tilienne = 58.29: Cum uero non amor ortandi subolis . . . dominatur. lustbasmes, desire: Boeth. 74.7: ne furSum nane Iv^tboernesse nabbaS hi to secanne = 66.16: 0. willa, will, desire: Boeth. 107.13: habbaS emnmicelne willan to to cumenne = 0. JElf. Horn. I. 394': SaSa hi forleton Sone willan to agenne. 6. Nouns Denoting Help: — - fultum, help, assistance: Solil. 39.15, 16: Ic hi lufige for freoridscype and for gefersedenne and Sa THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 179 6eah ofer sealle otSre tSe me msestne fvltum dotS to ongyttanne and to witanne gesceadwisnesse and wisdom = 0. 7. Nouns Denoting Office and Work: — ealdorlicnes, authority: Bede 206.13: he haefde . . . ealdorlicnesse t5a ofermedan to &reageanne = 161.22: auctoritatem . . . redarguendi superbos. Segnung [tSenung], service, office: Bede 402.30*' *>: he nffifre ... 8a Senunge to cristienne otStSe to fullwienne . . . leornian meahte = 291.18*' '': cathedzandi uel baptizandi ministerium. weorc, work: Bede 418.27: 6set willsume weorc . . . godspel to Iceranne = 301.23: euan- gelizandi gentibus opus. 8. Nouns Denoting Usage, Custom: — aetJelo, habit (?) : Boeth- 91 .20 : of Sasre stowe tSe his eard and ceSelo biS on to wexanne = 79.56 : 0. tSeaw, custom, habit: Beow. 1941 : Ne biS swylc cwenlic Seaw idese to efnanne Seah Se hio senlicu sy (?). Bede 258.31 : se . . . regollicne &eaw to lifgenne Ongolcynnes ciriciun ssegde 7 laerde = 205.18: catholicimi uiuendi morem . . . didicit. 9. Nouns Denoting Example and Teaching : — bisn [bysn], example: Greg. 307.9: us salde bisne ur[ne] willan to brecanne = 234.27: ut exemplum nobis frangendce nostrae voluntatis prsebeat. lar, teaching: Bede 160.8: betwih otSre lare mannum to lyfigeanne= 135.21: inter alia uiuendi documenta. 2. Nouns Denoting Things. I give only a few examples : — drenc, drink: Loece. 42.1: Drenc wiS feondseocum men of ciricbellan to drincanne. drinc, drink: And. 23 : nses tJaer hlaf es wist werum on Sam wonge ne waeteres drync to bruconne. eage, eye: Mf. Hept.: Deut. 29.4*: drihten eow ne sealde undergitende heortan, ne eagan to geseonne ne earan to gehirenne = non dedit vobis dominus cor intelligens et oculos videntes et aures quae possunt audire. eare, ear: Mlf. Hept: Deut. 29.4'', quoted under eage. Napier's Ad. to Th. 102.32*: Se t5e hsebbe earan to gehyrenne, gehyre Sas word. [Cf. the following examples from the Gospels.] Gosp.: Mat. 11.15: Se tSe earan haebbe to gehyrynne (sic!), gehyre = Qui habet aures audiendi, audiat. So: Mat. 13.9, 43; Mk. 4.9, 23; L. 14.35. fela, much: Greg. 237.13: Fela ic hsebbe eow to secganne= 178.28: Multa habeo vobis dicere (or objective?). 180 THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. gast, spirit: Greg. 263.21 : Ne underfengon ge no tJone Gast set fuUuhte to Seowigeanne for ege = 198.22: Non accepistis spiritum servitutis iterum in timore. gierd [gyrd], rod: Greg. 127.1 : Gif tSser tSonne sie gierd mid to Sreageanne, sie tJser eac stsef mid to wret5ianne= 88.14: Si ergo est districtio virgae, quae /eriai, sit et consolatio baculi, quae sustentet. W'; XXXI. 384, 385; XXXIV. 322»- ^; XXXIV. 328, 329; — Mk. 3.15^- *>; — Wulf. 52.3»-''; 202.1"-''; — LcEce. 52.30, 31; 54.36^ 37; — Chad71, 72. 2. The Inflected Infinitive Used as a Latin Gerundive. — In sentences like the following, the Anglo-Saxon inflected infinitive closely approximates a Latin gerundive: Bede 82.19: seo gemengnes Saes flaesces seo for intingan beama (sic!) to cennenne - 58.22: camis commixtio creandorum liberorum sit gratia. Clearly the genitive beama is due to the too close following of the Latin idiom, for I do not find in Bosworth-ToUer's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary any example of cennan's governing a genitive. This same infiuence of the Latin gerundive is seen in this passage: Wcerf. 114.1: tSset tJser nses eallunga nan wen tSses geloman ofer tSset to secanne = B. 144 C*: ut spes requirendi ferramenti nulla jam asset. CHAPTER XIV. ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. I. THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE.! A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1, With an Active Finite Verb. The active infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, as the subject of active verbs was probably an idiom native to Anglo-Saxon. For we find: — 1. That about 34 examples occur of the subjective infinitive in the poems, of which 8 are uninflected and 26 are inflected. Of this total, several examples are found in Beowulf, all with heon plus an adjective except in one instance. 2. That while, in the prose translations, the Anglo-Saxon subjective infini- tive corresponds nearly a fourth of the time to a Latin infinitive that is the subject of a finite verb, about half the time it corresponds to various other idioms; and in niunerous cases the subjective infinitive is found without any Latin correspondent. It should be added, however, that, in the case of no Latin correspondents, the Anglo-Saxon subjective infinitive occasionally is identical with an infinitive that elsewhere has a Latin infinitive as its original; and that, in the case of some of the Latin correspondents other than a sub- jective infinitive (as, for example, with the other uses of the infinitive indicated below and with the uses of the gerund and the gerimdive), some, though not, perhaps, a determining, influence is exercised by the Latin original. It is noteworthy, too, that the Latin expressions containing an adjective are usually rendered by an inflected infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. In a word, the Latin in- fluence is probably stronger than a first glance at my statistics would lead one to suppose. The Latin chief correspondents are: an infinitive that is the subject of a finite verb (U.^: 24, 1. ; 7) or of a finite verb + an adjective (U. : 1, 1. : 13). About half the time it corresponds to various other idioms, as follows: an objective infinitive, U. : 4, I. : 2; an infinitive as predicate nominative, U. : 0, 1. : 2; a predicative infinitive with an auxihary verb, U. : 0, 1. : 1 ; an accu- sative and infinitive as subject to a finite verb, U. : 9, I. : 5; an accusative and infinitive as subject to a finite verb + an adjective, U.: 0, I.: 5; an accusative and infinitive as object, U.: 8, I.: 3; a gerundial periphrastic, U.: 0, I.: 4; a gerund in the genitive, U.: 1, I.: 0; a gerund in the ablative, U. : 1, I.: 0; a gerund in the accusative, U,: 0, I.: 1; an adjective + an infinitive, U.: 0, I.: 1; an adjective + ad + a gerund in the accusative, U.: 0, I.: 1; an adjective + esi + a supine in -m, U. : 0, 1. : 3 ; an adjective + a noun in the ablative, U. : 0, 1. : 2; an adjective + a supine in -m, U. : 0, 1.: 1; an adjective + est without an infinitive, U.: 0, I.: 4; an indicative + the adverb /oCT7e, U. : 0,1.: 1; ojnts es< + an lii-clause, U. : 0, I.: 1; a .relative clause with est + an adjective, U.: 0, I.: 1; a passive indicative with an ablative phrase, U.: 0, I.: 1; an indicative active, U.: 2, I.: 1; an adhortative subjunctive, U.: 0, I.: 2" a noun in -do, U. 7, I.: 0; a noun in the genitive, U.: 1, 1.: 1; a noun in the accusative, U.: 1 I.: 0; a noun in the ablative, U.: 2; I.: 1; a substantivized past participle + an in- dicative, U.: 0, 1.: 1; a prepositional phrase + a verb, U.: 1, I.: 1; a loose paraphrase, U.: 0, 1.: 5;' no Latin, U.: 17, I.: 43. 1 C£ Chapter I, pp. 7 ff. 2 U. = uainfleoted; I. = inflected. 183 184 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 3. That the construction occurs, though not frequently, in the more original prose: the Chronicle, the Laws, and Wulfstan. 2. With a Passive Finite Verb. On the other hand, the active infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, as the subject of a passive verb in Anglo-Saxon. is probably due to Latin influ- ence; or, at any rate, the influence of the Latin is stronger here than with the active infinitive as the subject of an active verb, for we find: — 1. That only one example, that inflected, occurs in the poetry, in Guthlac, and that as the subject of aliefan. Gvihlac, it is well known, is based on a Latin original; moreover, as we shall see below, aliefan with a subject infinitive, in the prose translations, is usually due to Latin influence. 2. That, in the prose translations, the Anglo-Saxon subjective infinitive usually occurs in translation of a Latin infinitive that is the subject of a finite verb (active, U.: 6, I.: 9; passive, U.: 1, I.: 2), though occasionally in transla- tion of other idioms (an accusative and infinitive as the object of an active verb, U.: 0, I.: 2; a gerund in the genitive, U.: 0, I. : 1; wf + a passive subjunctive as the object of an active verb, U. : 0, I. : 1), and very rarely without any Latin correspondent (U.: 0, L: 2). It is noteworthy that the active infinitive occurs most frequently as the subject of the passive of aliefan, and that, in the prose translations, the Anglo-Saxon aliefan with a subject infinitive corresponds to the Latin licere with a subject infinitive. 3. That in only one of the more original prose monuments, Wulfstan, is the idiom foimd, then only a few times and only as the subject of the one verb, aliefan, which idiom, as we have above seen, is an imitation of the Latin in the Early West Saxon translations. It should be added that, as subject to both active and passive verbs, the active infinitive is more frequently inflected than not, both in prose and in poetry, — a fact discussed in Chapter I; and that both infinitives are found as subjects from the outset, the differentiation resting upon the principles discussed in the conclusion of Chapter I. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. In all probability, the Anglo-Saxon passive infinitive as the subject of active verbs (of which only a few examples occur, all quoted above. Chapter I, pp. 26- 27) is due to Latin influence. No example has been found in the poems. In the prose translations the idiom is found very rarely, and always in transla- tions of a Latin passive infinitive, though the infinitive in Latin is occasionally used objectively, as in Wserferth, and occasionally predicatively with a subject accusative, as in Bede and in Luke 17.25. The idiom is not found in the more original prose, and is very rare even in ^Ifric. The situation is much the same in the other Germanic languages with reference both to the active and to the passive infinitive: see Chapter XVI, section i. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 185 n. THE OBJECTIVE mFINITIVE. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With an Active Finite Verb. I. THE INltolTIVE UNINFLECTED ONLY. 1. Verbs of Commanding.' The objective infinitive after hMan is undoubtedly of native origin in Anglo-Saxon. (1) It occurs over a hundred times in Anglo-Saxon poetry, and nearly twenty times in Beowulf. (2) In the Early West Saxon transla- tions, though it occasionally answers to a Latin objective infinitive (active or passive), it usually answers to some other idiom, most commonly to a Latin co-ordinated finite verb. (3) It is common in the Chronicle. (4) It is very common with iElfric, who has nearly 500 examples. (5) The idiom is, we know, characteristic of the Germanic languages as a whole. — As to abiddan we cannot decide, as only one example occurs, in ^Ifric. The Latin correspondents are: a co-ordinated finite verb (usually active (63), but occa^ sionally passive (13)) or a Latin accusative and infinitive (usually passive (58), but occa- sionally active (5)). Other correspondents are: the infinitive as retained object (active, 1; passive, 5) ; a subordinated finite verb (active, 15; passive, 1) ; an absolute participle (active, 2; passive, 7); an appositive participle (active, 2; passive, 8); ad + a, gerund, 4; a gerun- dive in the accusative, 1; an indicative with an accusative + ad + a, gerundive in the accusa- tive, 1; an accusative and a gerundial infinitive passive, 2; an indicative with ad + a gerund, 1; an indicative with ut + a subjunctive clause as object, 2; an adhortative subjunctive, 1; a loose paraphrase, 4; no Latin, 35. 2. Verbs of Causing and Permitting.^ The objective infinitive after Icetan is probably of native origin. (1) It occurs in the poems, though rarely. (2) In the Early West Saxon translations, it corresponds once to a Latin objective infinitive (active), but usually to a co-ordinated finite verb (active, 3; passive, 1) or to an accusative and infinitive (active, 1; passive, 2), but occasionally to other idioms (a passive final infini- tive, 1; a passive subordinated finite verb, 1; a supine in -wm, 1; no Latin, 3). (3) It is very common in the Chronicle, occurring over fifty times, though usually in the later years. (4) The idiom is common in the other Germanic languages. — As only two examples occur after don and one after forgiefan (the text of the former is in doubt), we cannot decide as to them, though the Anglo-Saxon infinitive aitei forgiefan corresponds to a Latin objective infinitive after donare. 3. Verbs of Sense Perception.^ The objective infinitive with each of the verbs of sense perception (gehieran, geseon, hieran, ofseon, and seon) is doubtless of native origin in Anglo-Saxon. Seon is found only in the poetry; ofseon only once, in -iElfric. As to the objec- tive infinitive with the remaining three verbs: (1) it is found in the poems; (2) in the Early West Saxon translations it corresponds to various Latin idioms- and (3) it is found in the Chronicle except with geseon. 1 Given in Chapter II, p. 31. " Given in Chapter II, p. 31. ' Given in Chapter II, p. 31i 186 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. The Latin correspondents are: — for gehieran: objective active infinitive, 1; predicative passive infinitive with an auxiUary verb, 1; co-ordinated finite verb (active, 5; passive, 1); subordinated finite verb, active, 3; appositive participle (active, 5; passive, 1); no Latin, 6; — for geseon: objective active infinitive, 5; predicative accusative of the participle (active, 1; passive, 1); accusative and passive infinitive, 2; no Latin, 1; — for hieran: objective passive infinitive, 2; subordinated finite verb (active, 1; passive, 1); predicative accxisative of the past participle, 1; accusative and infinitive (active), 1; no Latin, 2. 4. Verbs of Mental Perception.' The objective infinitive occurs so seldom with verbs of mental perception that it is difficult to arrive at a positive conclusion concerning its origin in Anglo- Saxon. But what evidence we have seems to indicate that the idiom is, in the main, native. With two of the verbs concerned (gefrignan and gehogian), the objective infinitive is found only in the poetry, two out of three times in Beowulf. With geteon, on the other hand, the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon cor- responds to a Latin objective infinitive active, and may have been suggested by the Latin. With hogian, the infinitive is found four times in the poetry and twice in the prose (in the Soliloquies and in ^Ifric), in the former translat- ing a Latin accusative and gerundial infinitive. With tweogan [tweon], the infinitive translates a Latin accusative and future active infinitive. 6. Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing.^ With each of the three verbs of beginning, delaying, and ceasing (blinnan, forieldan, and ginnan) the objective infinitive translates, in Bede, in which alone it occurs, a Latin objective infinitive active. Probably, therefore, the objective infinitive with these verbs is due to the Latin. 6. Verbs of Inclination and of Will.^ Of the verbs of inclination and of will, two {behealdan and onmedan) are found with the objective infinitive only in the poetry; two (cunnian and gegiern- ian) are found only in ^Ifric; while with five (Jorefon, ge-ea3modi{g)an, ge&yrsti(g)an, lystan, and wunian) the Anglo-Saxon infinitive invariably trans- lates a Latin objective infinitive active. Possibly the infinitive in the last group is due to the Latin. To sum up the matter thus far: the uninflected infinitive as object is doubtless a native idiom with the first four classes of verbs enumerated above ( (1) of Commanding, (2) of Causing and Permitting, (3) of Sense Perception, (4) of Mental Perception (except with geteon) ); it is possibly due to Latin influence in the fifth class (verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing); and it is partly of native origin and partly of foreign origin in the sixth class (verbs of IncUnation and of Will). IL THE INFINITIVE INFLECTED ONLY. 1. Verbs of Commanding.^ . With only one verb of commanding (gedihtan) do we find the inflected objective infinitive, once, in Wulfstan. The infinitive seems to be a dative object, and the idiom here seems of native origin. 1 Qiven.in Chapter II, p. 31. 2 Given in Chapter II, p. 31. s Given in Chapter II, p. 31 « Qiven in Chapter II, p. 37. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 187 2. Verbs of Permitting.' With this group, only two verbs {li^an and lojian in the sense of ' allow ') are found with the objective infinitive. lAefan is not found in the poetry; in the translations it corresponds once {Mat. 19.8) to a Latin objective infinitive active, once {^If. Hept.: Num. 21.22) to a subjective infinitive, and once (Greg. 451.29) it has no Latin correspondent; the other example is found in Wulfstan. Lofian is found once, in the Chronicle. The infinitive with these verbs is probably of native origin. 3. Verbs of Mental Perception.' Of this group, only three verbs (aSencan, mynnan, and witan [nytan]) are found with the inflected objective infinitive in the poems. The following fifteen are found in the Anglo-Saxon translations: behatan, gehyhtan, geliefan, gesvmtelian, geteohhian, ge&encan, leer an, sirwan, smeagan [smean], tcecan, ieohhian [tioh-], 3eahti{g)an, understandan, weddian, and witan; and have vari- ous Latin correspondents, as indicated below. The following occur in texts other than the poems or the translations; wteowan, anbidian, bodian, cySan, geceosan, tacan, and tellan. In all probability, therefore, the inflected infinitive as object with the verbs of mental perception as a whole is a native idiom. The Latin correspondents for the words above specified are: — for behatan: objective active infinitive, 1; accusative and future active infinitive as object, 1; ut + the subjunctive in an object clause, 1; — for gehyhtan: objective active infinitive, 1; — for geliefan: accusa- tive and gerundial infinitive as object, 1; — for geswutelian: objective active infinitive, 1; — for geteohhian: objective active infinitive, 1; accusative and active infinitive as object, 1; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; subordinated finite verb, active, 1; substantivized past participle, 1; no Latin, 3; — for geSencan: objective active infinitive, 1; — for Iceran: gerund- ive in the genitive, 1; gerundive in the accusative, 1; no Latin, 1;^ — -for sirwan: final active infinitive, 1; — for smeagan [smean]: accusative and future active infinitive, 1; no Latin, 1; — for tcecan: co-ordinated finite verb, passive, 1; — for techhian: objective active infinitive, 1; complementary infinitive to an auxiliary verb, 1; ut + a, subjunctive, 2; genin- dive in the predicate nominative, 1; no Latin, 3; — for Seahti{g)an: accusative and future active infinitive, 1; — for understandan: no Latin, 1; — for weddian: objective active infini- tive, 1; — for mtan: no Latin, 1. 4. Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing.^ The inflected infinitive as object with this group of verbs is not found in the poems. Except with three verbs found in this idiom only in jElfric {eldan, forwiernan, and gefon), it is represented in the Anglo-Saxon translations; in which, as my statistics below show, it answers most frequently to a Latin objective infinitive active or to various locutions made up of the. Latin gerund or gerundive, and occasionally to other idioms. As the simplex, wiernan, and other compounds of fon occur in the translations, it is probable that, in the main, the infinitive in this group of verbs was due to the influence of the Latin originals. The Latin cori-espondents are: — for anforlcetan: objective ^.ctive infinitive,, 1;; — for gcelan: co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; — for ifeHarj[eHora, j/Wan]: objective, active in- finitive, 3; appositive participle, deponent, 1; — for onfon: gerundive in the accusative, 3; gerund in the genitive, 1; — for underfon: gerundive in the accusative, 2; ad + a gieruhd, 1; it« + a subjunctive of purpose, 1; no Latin, 2; — for wiernan: objective active infinitive, 1. "i Given in Chapter II, p. 37. " « Given in Chapter II, p. ,37., 3 Given in Chapter II, p. 37. ■" ''• 188 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OP INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 6. Verbs of Inclination and of Will.^ Of the verbs belonging to this group, none is found with an inflected objec- tive infinitive in the poems. In the translations, the Anglo-Saxon infinitive corresponds oftenest to a Latin objective infinitive active, but occasionally to other idioms. A number of the verbs do not occur in the translations (anSra- dan, forsacan, murnan, oferhogian, reccan, swerian, teon, wandian), but with the exception of the first two (in ^Ifric) they are found in the Chronicle or in the Laws, and with them all the infinitive is probably native. The verbs fol- lowed by an objective infinitive in the translations are so sparingly represented as to preclude confident conclusions, but to me the infinitive with these, as with the verbs above mentioned, seems in the main of native origin. The Latin correspondents are: — for adrcedan: objective active infinitive, 1; — for beo- tigan: ad + a, gerund in the accusative, 1; — ior fleon: objective active infinitive, 1; — for forseon: objective active infinitive, 1; — for gedyrstlcecan: objective active infinitive, 5; adhortative subjunctive, 2; — for getilian: accusative and gerundial infinitive, 1; — for giernan: objective active infinitive, 2; absolute passive participle, 1; — for higian: objective active infinitive (or final ?), 1; ad + a gerundive in the accusative, 2; — for onscunian: loose paraphrase, 1 ; — for warenian: co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1 ; — for vnSsacan: accusative and active infinitive as object, 1. 6. "Habban," 'have.' An inflected infinitive is not found with habban in the poems; in the transla- tions, the infinitive corresponds to several Latin idioms (ad + an accusative, a gerundial periphrastic, a co-ordinated indicative active; and a periphrastic future indicative active). It is possible, perhaps probable, that the Latin exercised a slight influence in these instances. In a word, the inflected infinitive as object seems of native origin in the first three groups of verbs above given ((1) of Commanding, (2) of Permit- ting, (3) of Mental Perception), also in group 5 (verbs of Inclination and of Will) in the main; but the idiom is more or less due to Latin influence in group 4 (verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing) and in group 6 (habban). in. THE INFINITIVE XJNINFLECTED AND INFLECTED. 1. Verbs of Commanding.^ Of this group of verbs, bebeodan, beodan, and biddan are found with an ob- jective infinitive in the poems. In the translations the Anglo-Saxon objective infinitive, both uninflected and inflected, corresponds to several different Latin idioms, and in all probability the idiom is native to Anglo-Saxon with this whole group of verbs. The correspondents in Latin are: — for bebeodan: U. : accusative and passive infinitive as object, 3; — I.: gerundive in the accusative, 1; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; — for beodan: U.: 0; — I.: subjective active infinitive, 1; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; — for bewerigan: U. : subjective passive infinitive, 1; — I.: objective active infinitive, 1; — for biddan: U.: objective active infinitive, 1; accusative and passive infinitive as object, 2; appositive participle active, 1; no Latin, 1; — L: 0; — tor forbeodan: U.: objective active infinitive, 1; — I.: noun in the accusative, 1; no Latin, 1; — for gehatan: U.: absolute participle passive, 1; accusative and passive infinitive as object, 1; — I.: accusative and a future active infinitive, 1. ' Given in Chapter II, p. 37. a Given in Cliapter II, p, 44. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 189 2. Verbs of Pennitting.* Of the three verbs in this group (aliefan, geSafian, and sellan), sellan is found with an objective infinitive (U.: 1, I.: 1) only in the poems. In the translations, aliefan is found with an infinitive, uninflected and inflected, that corresponds now to an objective infinitive, now to a predicative infinitive with accusative subject, now to a finite verb in the Latin original; and ge&afian is found once with an inflected infinitive as object translating a Latin objective infinitive active. Aliefan and geSafian are each found, also, in works not known to be translations. The infinitive, both uninflected and inflected, with this whole group of verbs is probably of native origin. 3. Verbs of Mental Perception.* Of this group of verbs, findan, gemyntan, myntan, Sencan, and wenan are found with the objective infinitive in the poems, findan and &encan with the infinitive both uninflected and inflected, the other verbs named with the un- inflected only. In the translations, the Anglo-Saxon infinitive, both uninflected and inflected, has various Latin correspondents. In all probability, therefore, the objective infinitive, both uninflected and inflected, is of native origin with this group of verbs, though no doubt the Latin original occasionally accounts (as in geleornian) for the infinitive's being inflected. The Latin correspondents are: — for geleornian: U.: objective active infinitive, 1; — I.: gerundive in the accusative, 1; — ior gemyntan: U. : 0; — I.: objective active infinitive, 1; — for geslihhian: U.: objective active infinitive, 1; — I.: no Latin, 1; — for leomian: U. : 0; — I.: objective active infinitive, 2; gerundive in the accusative, 1; — for myntan: U.: objec- tive active infinitive, 1; no Latin, 2; — I.: 0; — foi Sencan: V.: objective active infinitive, 11; ad + Bj gerundive in the accusative, 2; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 2; accusative and active infinitive as object, 1; accusative and passive infinitive as object, 1; noun in the accusative, 1; loose paraphrase, 1; no Latin, 9; — I.: objective active infinitive, 7; co- ordinated finite verb, active, 2; subordinated finite verb, active, 1; od + a gerundive in the accusative, 1; noun in the ablative modified by a genitive, 1; indicative passive with a prepo- sitional phrase, 1; no Latin, 5. 4. Verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing.^ Of this group of verbs, only the following have the objective infinitive in Anglo-Saxon poetry, and that uninflected: forlceian, and beginnan and onginnan, the two most frequently recurring of the whole class. In the Chronicle, this idiom with these two last verbs occurs, though not frequently: in the transla- tions, the Anglo-Saxon objective infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, has various Latin originals, though the most frequent is an objective infinitive. That the objective infinitive, when uninflected, was a native idiom in Anglo- Saxon with these two verbs seems highly probable, therefore, though the fre- quency of the construction in the translations must be in no small part due to the frequency of coepit (and kindred verbs of beginning) followed by an ob- jective infinitive in the Latin original. As to the inflected infinitive as object after these two verbs, I have spoken above, in Chapter II, pp. 67 ff . ; where I have tried to show that the use of the inflected form was not due to foreign in- 1 Given in Chapter II, p. 44. ' Given in Chapter II, p. 44. 3 Given in Chapter II, p. 44. 190 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. fluence. The objective infinitive after the other verb of beginning (aginnan), when uninflected, is doubtless original, and on substantially the same grounds given for beginnan and onginnan. The inflected infinitive as obj act with aginnan is found only in the later Chronicle (1006 E*") or in the early years in the late and imperfect MS. F. The objective infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, after /on is doubt- less of native origin. The uninflected infinitive occurs only twice, in Wulfstan; the inflected is found in Wserferth, in ^Ifric, and in Wulfstan, though the example in Wserferth, corresponding to a Latin gerundive in the accusative, may be considered final in sense. As to the verbs of Ceasing {aUinnan and geswican), as the objective infini- tive occurs only in Late West Saxon (^Ifric and the Gospels), we cannot decide as to its origin. Forlcetan, as stated above, is found once in the poems unin- flected (in And.), and once in the prose inflected (in Greg.), translating here an objective active infinitive; and the idiom with this verb maybe partly due to Latin influence. The Latin correspondents are: — for aginnan: U.: objective active infinitive, 13; co- ordinated finite verb, active, 2; appositive participle, active, 2; — I.: 0; — for heginnan: U.: objective active infinitive, 1; no Latin, 2; — I.: objective infinitive (active, 6; passive, 1); co-ordinated finite verb, active, 4; od + a gerundive in the accusative, 1 ; appositive participle, active, 1; no Latin, 7; — iorfon: U.: 0; — I.: gerundive in the accusative, 1; co-ordinative finite verb, active, 1; no Latin, 1; — tor forlcetan: U.: 0; — I.: objective active infinitive, 1; — for geswican: U. : objective active infinitive, 1 ; — I. : 0; — for onginnan: U. : objective infinitive (active, 333; passive, 5); subjective active infinitive, 1; active infinitive as retained object, 2; accusative and active infinitive as object, 1; complementary infinitive (active, 2; passive, 1); causal active infinitive + a predicate nominative, 1; co-ordinated finite verb (active, 31; passive, 2); subordinated finite verb, active, 20; gerund in the ablative, 2; a + a gerund in the ablative, 1; absolute participle (active, 4; passive, 6); appositive participle (active, 25; passive, 6); noun in the ablative, 5; loose paraphrase, 6; no Latin, 87; — I.: objective active infinitive, 4; subordinated finite verb, active, 1; appositive participle, active, 1; inchoative indicative, 3; loose paraphrase, 1. 6. Verbs of Inclination and of Will.^ Of this group, the following are found in this idiom in the poetry: forhogian (I.: 1), gieman (I.: 1), secan (U.: 2), tilian (U.: 2), wil{l)nian (U.: 1, I.: 1). Two of these (tilian and ml(l)nian) are the most frequently used of the whole group, the next most frequent being gewil{l)nian. Although only the first of the following verbs is found in either the Chronicle or the Laws, the objective infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, with these three verbs (_geml{l)nian, tilian, ml(l)nian) is probably of native origin: as we have seen, two of the three are found in the poems; and in the translations, the objective infinitive, though often translating a Latin objective infinitive, often has other corre- spondents in the original. For substantially the same reasons, the objective infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, is probably of native origin after forhogian, gieman, and secan. With forhycgan, the objective infinitive occurs twice uninflected in Bede in translation of a Latin objective infinitive, and once inflected in the Blickling Homilies, but, as with the i^indred forhogian, the infinitive with forhycgan may be native. 1 Given in Chapter II, p. 44. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 191 Twice the uninflected infinitive is found as object to ge-earnian, in Bede, each time answering to a Latin objective infinitive, and thrice in ^Ifric; and once inflected in ^Ifric. The examples are too few for a confident decision; but the sentences in Bede sound stiff and unnatural to me. Similarly with the objective infinitive after gemedemian, occurring twice uninflected in the Laws, and once inflected in ^Ifric, in each translating a Latin objective infinitive, decision is impossible, but my feeling is against the native origin. The objective infinitive, both uninflected and inflected, after geSristlmcan, occurring as it does in the Laws, is probably of native origin, although in Wserferth it translates a Latin objective infinitive. The objective infinitive, both uninflected and inflected, after gewunian, is probably due to Latin influence: the infinitive is not found in the poems; in the prose occurs chiefly in the translations, and usually renders a Latin objec- tive infinitive with consuescere or with solere. The objective infinitive after ondrcedan, whether uninflected or inflected, is probably of native origin, for, while we find in the translations the Anglo-Saxon infinitive corresponding usually to a Latin objective infinitive, it at times (as in Greg. 49.18) corresponds to a Latin finite verb without an infinitive. The Latin correspondents are: — for forhogian: U. : objective active infinitive, 2; — I.: objective active infinitive,!; — for forhycgan: U.: objective active infinitive, 2; — I.: 0; — for ge-earnian: U. : objective active infinitive, 2; — I.: 0; — for gemedemian: objective active infinitive, 2; — I.: objective active infinitive, 1; — for geSristlcecan: U. : objective active infinitive, 1; — I.: 0; — for gewilnian: U.: objective active infinitive, 4; — I.: ob- jective active infinitive, 2; — for gewunian: U. : objective active infinitive, 25; — I.: objec- tive active infinitive, 3; loose paraphrase, 1; no Latin, 1; — for gieman: U.: objective active infinitive, 3; no Latin, 1; — I.: objective active infinitive, 2; — for ondrcedan: U.: objective active infinitive, 2; — I.: objective active infinitive, 2; accusative and active infinitive as object, 1; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; — for secan: U. : objective active infinitive, 2; — I.: objective active infinitive, 10; appositive participle, active, 1; — for tilian: U.: ob- jective active infinitive, 1; gerund in the ablative, 1; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; — I.: objective active infinitive, 11; co-ordinated finite verb (active, 3; passive, 2); subordi- nated finite verb, active, 1; loose paraphrase, 2; appositive participle, active, 1; no Latin, 3; — for v)il{l)nian: U.: objective active infinitive, 22; accusative and active infinitive as object, 1; co-ordinated finite verb (active, 6; passive, 1); subordinated finite verb, active, 1; no Latin, 9; — I.: objective active infinitive, 19; complementary infinitive, active, 1; co-ordinated finite verb, active, 2; subordinated finite verb (active, 2; passive, 1); gerundial periphrastic, passive, 2; gerundive in the genitive, 2; de + a. gerundive in the ablative, 1; noun in the accusative with a gerund in the genitive, 1; noun in the accusative, 1; noun in the accusative modified by an infinitive, 1; absolute participle, passive, 1; loose paraphrase, 2; no Latin, 30. In brief, the objective infinitive, uninflected and inflected, is probably of native origin with group 1 (verbs of Commanding) ; group 2 (verbs of Permit- ting); group 3 (verbs of Mental Perception), though, no doubt, the Latin original occasionally accounts for the infinitive's being inflected (as with geleornian); with f on of group 4 (verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing); and with all the verbs of group 5 (verbs of'IncUnation and of Will) except possibly ge-earnian, gemedemian, and gewunian. The infinitive, both unin- flected and inflected, as the object of aginnan, beginnan, and onginnan, in group 4 (verbs of Beginning, Delaying, and Ceasing), is doubtless of native origin, though the frequency of the idiom is partly due to the Latin original. With the verbs of Ceasing (ablinnan and geswican) in group 4, the origin of the 192 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. objective infinitive, uninflected and inflected, is indeterminable, so few are the examples; with forketan, the infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, is partly due to Latin influence. 2. With a Passive Finite Verb.^ The active infinitive as "the retained object" of passive verbs is most prob- ably of Latin ^ origin. The idiom is found only once, if at all, in Anglo-Saxon poetry (Exod. 44), and then in a poem based on a Latin original. In the Anglo- Saxon translations it is rare, and usually corresponds to the same construction in the Latin originals (8), though occasionally to other Latin idioms (an indica- tive active, 1 ; a gerundial periphrastic passive, 1; ad+a, gerund in the accusative after a passive verb, 1). It is almost unknown in the more original Anglo-Saxon prose (the Chronicle and the Laws) and, strange to say, in ^Elfric. The fore- going statement is substantially true whether the objective infinitive is unin- flected or inflected, concerning which see Chapter II, p. 69 above. As stated in Note 2 to Chapter II, owing to the Anglo-Saxon translator's mistaking a deponent verb for a passive verb, he occasionally gives an active infinitive (uninflected and inflected) after an Anglo-Saxon finite verb that is passive in form but active in sense. Despite the statement of Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 100, that " In 0. E. [= A. S.] the simple infinitive seems to have been the original construction, but the prepo- sitional came in early," it seems probable that, from the outset, both the unin- flected infinitive and the inflected inflnitive could be used as the object of active verbs, the differentiation between the two forms resting on the principles laid down in Chapter II, pp. 60-69. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE.' 1. With an Active Finite Verb. The passive infinitive as the object of active verbs is of Latin origin. The idiom is not found in the poetry. In the Anglo-Saxon translations it is rare, and almost invariably corresponds to the same construction in the Latin, though occasionally it corresponds to a Latin objective infinitive active {Wcerf. 206.14, 24), occasionally to a Latin passive subjunctive (Bede 402.24), and once it has no Latin correspondent {Mat. 20.28''). It is unknown in the more original Anglo-Saxon prose (the Chro-nicle, the Laws, and Wulf stan) and, strange to say, in ^Elfric. 2. With a Passive Finite Verb. The passive infinitive as " the retained object " after passive verbs, found four times in Bede, each time translates the same idiom in the Latin original, as it does also in the one example in Waerferth. In the other Germanic Languages we find matters surprisingly similar as regards the objective inflnitive, both active and passive: see Chapter XVI, section ii. » See Chapter II, p. 59. ' Cf. Erckmann, I. c, p. 11: " This personal conatniction [= infinitive as retained object of a passive verb] is very rarely to be found in the former stages of the language, in Anglo-Saxon and Semi-Saxon. We may there- fore ascribe the modern usage principally to the influence of the classic languages." " See Chapter II, pp. 71 ff. OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. 193 m. OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE.! A. AS A PREDICATE NOMINATIVE. As to the origin of the infinitive as a predicate nominative, it is difficult to speak with any confidence. Only two examples occur in the poetry (Beow. 473: Sorh is me to secganne, and *. 1724: Wundor is to secganne), both of which are doubtful, and only one in Early West Saxon {Bede 202.29: Dset eac swilce his tJeaw waes on otJrum cyninges tune to donne = 160.1 : quod ipsum et in aliis uiUis regiis facere solebat), which is also doubtful. One example each occurs in the Gasp. (J. 19.40) and in the A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. (10.521); three, in Wulf. (214.22, 279.5»' •>); and the remainder, constituting the major- ity, in jElfric. It is possible that the infinitive as a predicate nominative is an extension of the inflected infinitive as subject of a verb + a noun or pronoun, or as the modifier of a noun, but the fact that the predicate infinitive does not occur, save sporadically, until Late "West Saxon times, and that, in the example from the Gospels, the Anglo-Saxon infinitive corresponds to a Latin infinitive as predicate nominative, makes it probable that Latin influence contributed some- what to the result. What is here written applies primarily to the inflected infinitive, which, as we have seen above. Chapter III, p. 74, is the normal form in this idiom. For the explanation of the few uninflected infinitives in this construction, see above. Chapter III, p. 75. In the other Germanic languages the infinitive as predicate nominative is rare: see Chapter XVI, section iii. B. AS AN APPOSITIVE. The appositive infinitive, normally uninflected, is rare in Early West Saxon and in Late West Saxon, and only three examples, all uninflected, occur in the poetry (Beow. 76, Maldon 208*- '■). In the translations it corresponds to an appositive infinitive (Gosp.: Mk. 2.9*' ^; L. 5.23^' ''; Mat. 9.5^' ''); to a subjective infinitive (Bede 78.22»- »>■ «■ ■!• "; Greg. 355.22^' b; Oros. 50.16; Solil. 16.16, 17; Mk. 12.33 (?) ); to a subjimctive (Greg. 273.3 (?) ); to an objective infinitive (Boeth. 53.20*'''; Pr. Gu. IV. 58, XVI. 14^-'>); to an attributive adjective (Bede 458.24); to a prepositional phrase (Bede 56.24); and occasionally has no Latin correspondent (Boeth. 84.32; Pr. Ps. 39. Intr.; Solil. 2.16, 17; Oros. 44.9, lO^'i-; 120.31»-''; 138.32*-''; 178.10,11). The construction is found occasionally, too, in the Chronicle and in the Laws. The idiom may be native, but it is probable that in a number of instances the construction is due to Latin influence: probably but not necessarily, in those in which the appositive infinitive occurs both in the Latin original and in the Anglo-Saxon translation, but also in a number of other instances in which there is no such correspond- ence in the specific sentences, but in which the Latin pattern (of other sentences) is followed. The occasional inflection of the appositive infinitive is due to its proximity to some word requiring a case other than the accusative, as explained in Chapter III. In the other Germanic languages this use, also, is rare: see Chapter XVI, section iii. ' See Chapter III, p. 73. 194 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGIjO-SAXON. IV, PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS.i A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. The predicative use of the active uninflected infinitive with auxiliary verbs is of native origin in Anglo-Saxon, for it is found innumerable! times in poetry and in prose of all periods and authors in the Anglo-Saxon epoch. It has seemed unnecessary to gather statistics on this construction. The predicative use of the inflected infinitive active with auxiliaries occurs only sporadically except with agan, concerning which see Chapter IV, pp. 80-81, 82-83. The construction with the uninflected infinitive active is Hkewise native in the other Germanic languages; with the inflected infinitive, only sporadic: concerning both see Chapter XVI, section iv. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE, Contrary to my expectation, the passive infinitive as complement to the auxiliary verb is due to Latin influence. This use is almost vmknown in the poetry, only 25 examples being found (1 with the infinitive made up of the past participle and beon; 7 with the infinitive made up of the past participle and wesan; and 17 with the infinitive made up of the past participle and weor&an), and all of these in poems known to be based on Latin originals {Gen., Dan., Chr., Gu., Ju., El., And., Ph., and Met.). In the prose translations, the passive infinitive regularly corresponds to a complementary passive infinitive in the Latin, though occasionally it has other correspondents. The other correspondents in Latin are: the passive subjunctive, 45; the passive indica- tive, 32; the accusative and passive infinitive (as subject, 1; as object, 19); the passive in- finitive as retained object, 1; the objective passive infinitive, 5; the appositive participle, passive, 8; the attributive participle, passive, 1; the complementary infinitive, active, 5; the objective active infinitive, 1; the accusative and active infinitive as object, 4; the active indicative, 4; the active subjunctive, 15; a noun, 3; a gerundive, 1; a gerund, 2; a loose paraphrase, 1; no Latin, 14. V. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION AND OF REST.2 Of the nature and the origin of the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion and of rest in Anglo-Saxon, I have seen no thoroughly satisfactory explanation. But several helpful suggestions have been offered, and in the following pages I attempt a synthesis of these suggestions. The more modern view seems to be that the infinitive in this construction at times denotes the manner of motion indicated by the chief verb, and at times expresses an action co-ordinate with that of the chief verb, which uses may be designated as modal and co-ordinate respectively. C. F. Koch's ' statement, in his Englische Grammatik (1865), II, p. 61, is brief and exphcit. Speaking of the simple infinitive after verbs of motion, he says: " Hier erscheint der Infinitiv in doppelter Bedeutung. Er nennt aa) die Weise der Bewegung oder eine sie begleitende Handlung: Fleon gewat (er • See Chapter IV, p. 79. 2 See Chapter V, p. 89. ' Koch's firat ed. of Vol. II appeared in 1865; my quotation is from the second ed. (1878). PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OP MOTION AND REST. 195 gieng fliehen = floh), C. 136.23; . . . bb) den Zweck der Bewegung: Gewat se wilda fugel earce secan," etc. Clearly our idiom is referred to in Koch's first subdivision, which takes account of both the modal and the co-ordinate uses. Since in his discussion of the infinitive after verbs of motion, especially in his paragraph on this construction in Anglo-Saxon, Matzner * clumps together examples in which the infinitive is pm-ely final (as in Bemo. 396: Nu ge moton gangan . . . HrocSgar geseon) with examples of the dubious sort now under discussion (as in Beow. 234: Gewat him Sa to waroSe wicge ridan &egn HroS- gares), it is impossible for me to be sure of his view as to the ultimate nature of the infinitive in question. I quote, however, his introductory comment (p. 16) : " Bei intransitiven Verben der Bewegung war in alterer Zeit der reine Infinitiv gelaufig; gegenwartig trifft man ihn noch bei go, friiher auch bei come. In diesem Falle bezeichnet der Infinitiv theils eine zweite Thatigkeit, welche mit der Bewegimg verbunden ist, theils eine solche, welche ihren Zweck ausmacht." Then follow examples of the sort indicated from Modern English and from Middle EngUsh. The paragraph on this infinitive in Anglo-Saxon is thus introduced (p. 17) : " Wie im Franzosischen bei aller, venir, courir und bei denselben Begriffen in altgermanischen Mundarten, steht auch im Ags. bei gangan, gewitan, aiman, faran, feran haufig der reine Infinitiv." Then follow examples from Anglo-Saxon, specimens of which I have already quoted. Then comes this concluding paragraph concerning the infinitive after verbs of motion in English of the three epochs: " Dass in den angefuhrten Beispielen theils eine mit der Bewegung zeitlich zusammenfallende Bethatigung, theils eine der Bewegimg folgende und durch sie erzielte Handlung dargestellt wird, ergiebt sich leicht; wie aber beide Verhaltnisse oft thatsachlich nahe an einander grenzen und selbst in einander tibergehen, so ist beiden syntaktisch dieselbeForm zu Theil geworden, worin die Bewegung gleichmassig als die Voraussetzung einer anderen Handlung erscheint. Wo der begriff des Zweckes hervorgehoben wird, tritt auch in friihester Zeit schon to zum Infinitiv, woriiber beim prapo- sitionalen Infinitiv gehandelt wird." (Cf. ibidem, p. 38.) He seems, also, to attribute to our infinitive both the modal and the co-ordinate uses. Professor March, in his A Comparative GrammMr of the Anglo-Saxon Language (1869), § 448 (4), under " Direct Object," speaks of this use of the infinitive as follows: " General motion defined by specific motion: fieon gewat, ' he went to fly ' = ' he flew away' (C. 136, 23) ; comfleogan, ' came flying ' (89, 10) ; com gongan (B. 710) ; com drifan, ' came driving ' = ' fell (on a rock) ' (Bed., 5, 6); so with faran, feran, glidan, ridan, scri&an, si&ian, tredan, etc. See further under Participles, § 458, 2." This section on the participle deserves quoting, as throwing some light on the statement just quoted concerning the infinitive. In § 458, under the heading " Objective," we read in (2) : " Defini- tive after verbs of motion: com ridende, ' came riding ' (Hom., 2, 134); com gangende (Matt., XIV, 25, and often) ; cwom gefered (Sal., 178; perhaps never exactly the Germ, kam gegangen) ; wind wedende fasreS (El., 1274) ; Surhwunedon acsiende, ' they continued asking ' (John, VIII, 7)." * It may be, however, that Professor March, by his translation of Jleon gewat as " he went to fly " 1 Englische Grammatik (1S65), Vol. Ill, pp. 16-17; my quotation is from the third ed. (1880). ^ Of these examples only the first two seem to me strictly analogous in use with the infinitive under dis- cussion. Gefered is excluded as being a past participle; wedende is more a participial adverb than an adverbial participle, as I have tried to show in my The Appoaitive Participle in Anglo-Saxon, p. 275; while aceiende is in sense utterly different from the infinitives like gangan, fleogan, etc. 196 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. intends to imply that ultimately fieon denotes purpose, though the probability of such an implication is somewhat weakened by his adding immediately " = he flew away," as also by his translation of the other infinitives above. In a word, he seems to consider the infinitive modal in use. Quite similar to the statement of C. F. Koch is that of Theodor Miiller, in his Angelsdchsische Grammatik (1883), p. 247: " Der reine Inf. steht . . . c) nach Verben der Bewegung, um den Zweck der Bewegimg auszudriicken; zuweilen auch um die Art und Weise der Bewegung naher zu bezeichnen, im letzteren Falle das Part. Praes. vertretend: Gewat tSa neosian . . . hean huses, Beow. 115; he com gangan, Beow. 710 (cf. Koch, II, 55)." The view of Dr. Steig is given in his discussion of human, in his article " Ueber den Gebrauch des Infinitivs im Altniederdeutschen " (1884) : " Bei kuman scheint die Infinitiv-Construction besonders beliebt gewesen zu sein. Indess ist eine doppelte Gebrauchsweise wohl zu unterscheiden: Erstens wird namUch dem Verbum kuman pleonastisch der Infinitiv eines Verbs der Bewegung beigeftigt; ahnlich bei Homer, z. B. ejlrj Ijicv, I/Jt; 6Uiv u. dgl. m." ^ He then cites examples, of which I quote only one, Heliand 503 : tho quam en uuif gangan. The second use of the infinitive after kuman is, as Steig indicates, purely final. Quite similar is the view of Dr. Pratje, in his " Syntax des Heliand " (1885), § 142, which is headed " Einfacher Infinitiv, abhanging von Verben der Bewe- gung: " " Man kann zwischen dem phraseologischen, oder, wie Steig es aus- driickt, pleonastischen und dem finalen Gebrauch des Infinitiv unterscheiden." He then gives illustrations of these two uses of the infinitive with various verbs of motion. But neither he nor Steig expresses a definite opinion as to the origin of the phraseological (or pleonastic) infinitive. Of the same import is the statement of Dr. Karl Kohler, who, in his disser- tation, Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs und Partidps im " Beowulf " (1886), p. 29, declares that the infinitive expresses " entweder die Weise der Bewegung oder eine sie begleitende Handlung." Dr. B. Schrader, in his Studien zur Mlfricshen Syntax (1887), p. 70, at- tributes to the infinitive the modal use: "Um bei Verben der Bewegung die Art derselben zu bezeichnen, wird im alteren ae. [= A. S.] stets der einfache Inf. gebraucht (he com gangan)." Dr. Sweet's statement, in his Anglo-Saxon Reader (1894), p. Ixxxiv, is brief, and non-committal as to the origin of the idiom: " The infinitive is often used in poetry after a verb of motion where we should use the present participle: Sa com inn gan ealdor Segna, ' the prince of thanes came walking in * (20.394)." Professor C. A. Smith seems to think that the infinitive is primarily modal in sense. In his Anglo-Saxon Grammar (1898), p. d38, in commenting on Beowulf, 1. 651 (scaduhelma gesceapu scrUSan cwoman), he expresses himself as follows: " The student will note that the infinitive {scri&an) is here employed as a present participle after a verb of motion (cwoman). This construction with cuman is frequent in prose and poetry. The infinitive expresses the kind of motion: ic com drifan = ' I came driving.' " Dr. Wulfing's statement, in his Syntax (1900), II, p. 194, is as follows: " Der Infinitiv bezeichnet die Art und Weise der Bewegung oder eine gleich- zeitige Handlung, als Vertreter eines Partizips. Diese in der Poesie so tiberaus haufige Redewendung habe ich bei ^Elfred nur zweimal bei cuman gefunden." » steig, I. c, p. 337. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION AND REST. 197 He then quotes Bede 619.23 and Boethius 6.9, and refers to Matzner, to Schrader, and to an article by himself in Englische Studien, Vol. XIX, 1894, pp. 118-119. In this last article, in reviewing A. MuUer's Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Verbums in dem Angels&chsischen Gedichte von der Judith (a Leipzig disserta- tion of 1892), Dr. Wtilfing discusses the origin of the infinitive with gehen in such expressions as essen gehen, sitzen gehen, stehen gehen, schlafen gehen, liegen gehen, particularly in modern Niederdeutsch (liggen gan = ' sich legen; ' lopen gfan = ' weglaufen; ' stan gan = 'sich stellen '), and concludes: " Sicher ist die Beziehung des Zweckes in diesen Infinitiven bei gan das urspriingliche, spater aber verwischte sich die Bezeichnung des Zweckes mit der der Gleich- zeitigkeit, und das Ganze wurde zu einer pleonastischen Umschreibung; ob dies aber schon in ags. Zeit der Fall war, lasst sich bezweifeln." In his The Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose (1903), p. 13, Pro- fessor Shearin thus comments on the idiom: " There is met four times, in the prose of the early period, the infinitive of a verb of motion after another verb of hke kind, used pleonastically to express manner of motion." Professor Strunk, in his Juliana (1904), thus comments on cwom blican, 11. 563-564: " A common idiom in 0. E. poetry: a verb of motion followed by a complementary infinitive," a definition which seems to hark back to the statement of Grimm given jaelow. The most recent expressions of opinion as to the nature of the idiom that I have seen are by Dr. Kenyon, in his The Syntax of the Infinitive in Chaucer (1909), and by Dr. Riggert, in his Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der Altenglischen Poesie (1909). Says the former, I. c, p. 6: "As in O. E., so sometimes in Chaucer, the simple infinitive with verbs of motion represents a simultaneous action, denoting the manner or specifying the nature of the governing verb. Cf. Beow. 711: tSa com of more under misthleotSum Grendel gongan (K[6hler], p. 31)." Dr. Riggert, I, c, pp. 38 ff., lists the examples of our idiom under this heading: " Der Infinitiv bezeichnet die Art und Weise der Bewegung oder eine gleichzeitige Handlung." He adds : " Der Infinitiv, der die Art und Weise der Bewegung ausdrtickt, enthalt ein Verbum, das mit dem Verbum Finitmn sinn-verwandt ist; in Ausdriicken wie gewat him 3a Andreas gangan steht der Infinitiv rein pleonastisch." But, while helpful, none of these more modern statements are so helpful as this brief statement by Grimm: " Ferner stehn die Verba gehen, fahren, kommen auxiliariseh mit dem blossen Inf." ^ Grimm then cites numerous examples of the uninflected infinitive after these and similar verbs of motion in the various Germanic languages, among the rest (p. 108) in Anglo-Saxon. In the last, as in the other Germanic languages illustrated by Grimm, sometimes the in- finitive is clearly final (as in Beow. 1601 (Grimm's reading) : gewat him secan) and sometimes predicative (as in Gen. 1471: gewat fleogan) . Personally I beUeve that the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion was originally final in sense in Anglo-Saxon, a use of the uninflected infinitive very common in the poems and not unknown in the prose. Later the principal verb of motion paled down to a mere auxiliary (whence Grimm speaks of the use of the finite verb of motion as auxiliary, as already stated), and the infini- tive after this verb of motion came to complete the sense of this verb of incom- plete sense when used as an auxiliary: thus, to take again the example cited by 1 Grimm, 1. 1., IV, p. 107. 198 ORIGIN OP CONSTEtrCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. Professor March, fleon gewat first meant " he went (in order) to fly," or " he tended to fly," and finally merely " he flew." How close the border line is between the final infinitive and the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion in Anglo-Saxon, and how easily the former may pass into the latter, may be made clear by a few illustrations, I believe. Take this sentence from the Lceceboc, edited by Dr. Leonhardi, 68.29: Sume alwan leaf selldS, Sonne mon wile slapan gan; or this irom Beowulf, 239: Sus brontne ceol ofer lagvMrmte Icedan cwomonf or these from Genesis: — 1774: Ba com leof gode on Sa eSelturf idesa Icedan; 1746: Gewit &u nu feran j Sine fare Icedan, ceapas to cnosle; 1767: Him Sa Abraham gewat oehte Icedan on Egipta eSelmearce. The infinitive in each of these sentences may be considered either as final or as predicative, though it now seems to me to lean slightly more to the former use in the passages in question. But, in most of the examples cited as predicative in Anglo-Saxon, the final sense has well nigh completely faded away from the infinitive; the infinitive seems to carry the chief idea in the verb phrase; and the principal verb seems to have become a mere auxiliary; for which reason it has seemed to me best to call this the predicative use of the iminflected infinitive after a verb of motion which has paled into an auxiliary, as has long been the habit in char- acterizing the infinitive after (w)uton. This seems more nearly in accord with the facts than to consider that the infinitive has paled, and that the finite verb carries the sense of the verbal phrase, as do those who call the infinitive pleonas- tic; or than to consider that neither finite verb nor infinitive has paled, as ap- parently do those who call the infinitive either modal or co-ordinate. This development of the verb of motion into an auxiliary and of the final infinitive into a predicative infinitive, here postulated as a fact for the Anglo- Saxon, is supported by what we learn of similar constructions in the kindred languages, especially in the Germanic languages. Thus, the infinitives Ohar and t/A6i', cited from Homer by Dr. Steig and by Dr. Shearin, are considered final by Goodwin, in his Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb, § 772. Grimm's numerous examples prove that such may have been the evolution in High German with verbs of rest; and Dr. Wiilfing holds that such has been the case in Low German as a whole after verbs of motion, a fact already illustrated in this section for Old Saxon. Again, this explanation is in line with Grimm's explanation of the High Germanic kam gelaufen.^ For further details as to the idiom in the Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section v. More than this: as we have tried to show, this theory comes nearest to explaining the numerous infinitives after verbs of motion in Anglo-Saxon poetry and prose, whether final or predicative. It corresponds to the well nigh imiversally accepted behef that the infinitive after iw)uton in Anglo- Saxon was originally final in sense, but early in Anglo-Saxon times became predicative, as will be seen in the chapter on this idiom. It tallies with the development of the infinitive with to in Modern English after verbs of motion, as in / went to sleep = * I slept,' etc. Finally, that the Latin had no influence in the development of this use, is evident from the fact that, in the very few examples of the predicative infini- tive after verbs of motion in the Anglo-Saxon translations, no such infinitive occurs in the Latin original. » See Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 9. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "(w)tJTON." 199 This theory as to the origin of the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion seems applicable likewise to the predicative infinitive after verbs of rest, — a construction very rare in Anglo-Saxon (only fom* examples occur), but not uncommon in the High Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI, section v. VI. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "(W)UTON."i A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. As stated incidentally in the preceding section, the predicative infinitive after (w)uton was probably originally final in sense, as in the case of the predica- tive infinitive after verbs of motion in general. The purpose idea paled away, and the infinitive came to be complementary instead of final in sense. This view is generally accepted, and has been several times expressed by others, as by Professor C. A. Smith '' and by Professor Shearin.* Not quite so definite is the statement of Professor Einenkel: " gon mit reinem Infinitiv ist entweder auxiliar und periphrastisch und zwar in den Fallen, in denen es dem AE. wutan, vtan entspricht, also in der 1. Person Pluralis steht: go we then soupe, quod he, III, 16; . . . oder es ist Begriffsverbum und der abhangige Infinitiv hat, wie oben bei gon to, nur eine etwas schwachere, finale Bedeutung: Go brynge Mr Jorth and put Mr in Mr warde. III, 81." * The idea of motion pales away in (;w)uton, and it becomes equal to the modern let as an exhortation. The infrequency of the construction in Anglo-Saxon poetry, where less than fifty examples are found, and in Alfred, where about twenty-five examples are foimd, was noted above. Chapter VI, p. 93. No example occurs in the Chronicle, but the construction is frequent in ^Ifric, and very frequent in Wulfstan. In the Anglo-Saxon translations, (w)uton plus an infinitive usually ^ renders a Latin adhortative subjunctive corresponding in sense to the Anglo-Saxon infinitive. In a few instances, however, the Latin has an adhortative verb of motion in addition, as in Mf. HepL: Gen. 37.20'': Uton hine ofslean and don hine on Bone . . . pytt and secgan = Venite, ocddamus eum et mittamus in cisternam veterem! dtcawiusque. All examples observed of this use of veni and of venite are given in a note to Chapter VI, p. 95; as are, also, the Anglo- Saxon imitations of the same. While, as indicated in the preceding paragraphs, I believe the {w)uton construction to be of native English origin, it is impossible to resist the belief that its great vogue in Anglo-Saxon is in no small measure due to Latin influence. This belief rests not only on the statement just given as to the Latin correspondents in the Anglo-Saxon prose translations, but on the further fact that only four examples of the infinitive with wuton have been found in Beowulf, and that most of the remaining examples in Anglo-Saxon poetry occur in poems known to be based on Latin originals (fien., 3; Ghr., 4; And., 1; Ps., 14; Minor Poems, 16). Concerning the predicative infinitive in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, secti on vi. ' See Chapter VI, p. 93. ^ lo hia explanatioa of uton in his An Old English Grammar, p. 184. > Shearin," I- c, p. 12. * Einenkel.i I. c, p. 238. ,. . 1 , 5 About 76 timea out of a total of 94 examples. The other correapondenta are : an appoaitive participle, 1 ; an imperative, 1 ; no Latin, 15. 200 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. As to the origin of the passive infinitive as complement to {w)vion, I cannot speak with certainty, as only three examples occur, all in ^Ifric. Vn. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH " BEON " ("WESAN'').i A. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES NECESSITY. As to the inflected infinitive with heon (wesan) denoting necessity and pas- sive in sense, it seems to me highly probable that, in Anglo-Saxon, the con- struction was first suggested by the Latin, because: — 1. Only ten examples in all have been found in the poems {S. & S. 5A: to begonganne; Seizure and Death of Alfred 13 : to gelyfenne; Rid. 42.8 : to geSenc- anne; Rid. 29.12 and 32.23: to hycganne; Met. 21.42: tometanne; Gu. 502 and 510: to secganne; And. 1481: to secganne; and Ps. 77.10: to wenanne); of which examples the majority come from poems known to be based on Latin originals {Met., And., Gu., and Ps.). Three examples come from a poem (the Riddles) beheved ^ to be by an author, C5Tiewulf, some of whose works are known to be based on Latin originals. As to the other two poems concerned, Salomo and Satumus and the Seizure and Death of Alfred, although the direct som-ce of the former has not been discovered, the poem is beheved to be based on Latin originals; * and the second poem occurs in the later part of the Chron- icle. Again, in three of the ten examples the same infinitive, to secganne, occurs, while two others show to hycganne; and all of the words so used in the poems occur also in the prose, most of them in direct translation of the Latin periphrastic conjugation. In the face of these facts, no one, I think, will claim that this construction is organic in Anglo-Saxon poetry. 2. Although, as we have seen already, the construction is very common in Early West Saxon, still, in Alfred and in Waerferth, out of a total of about 552 examples, 478 correspond to the Latin periphrastic conjugation (either complete, 445; or elliptical, 33) made up of sum and the gerundive; while 29 others correspond to Latin locutions of similar form or meaning {ad + a gerund (1), ad+ Bb gerundive (3), an adjective in -bilis (2), ddieo+ an infinitive (5), a gerundive in the genitive (1), dignum + an ablative (2), possum+a, passive infinitive (1), sum + a,n infinitive {2) ; licet + an infinitive (1); — and less closely akin: an accusative and a passive infinitive (1), a passive indicative (8), or a passive subjunctive (2) ). I believe, therefore, that the inflected infini- tive of necessity or obligation in Anglo-Saxon was first suggested by, and was used normally in translation of, the Latin passive periphrastic conjugation, though it was occasionally suggested by the other Latin locutions of kindred signification above named. 3. Nor is the induction of 2 invalidated, I think, by the fact that we have about forty-five infinitives in Early West Saxon not yet accounted for by the Latin originals. Of these forty-five, seven {Bede 88.23: cweSan; 128.13: don; 1 See Chapter VII, p. 97. » The claims of Cynewulf to the authorship of the Riddles has been much strengthened by Dr. F. Tupper. Jr.'s recent article, " The Cynewulfian Bunes of the First Riddle," in Modem Language Notes for December, 1910. ' See Vincenti, I. c, pp. 122 S. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "bEON" ("wESAN"). 201 234.13: geli^an; 334.30: secgan; Boeth. 16.19: Sencan; Greg. 249.7: habban; 377.22 :_ ongietan) correspond to an active subjunctive, which may suggest obhgation or necessity.i While four {Bede 230.21: ongietan; Boeth. 64.18: tfdan; Boeth. 64.19: herian; Greg. 455.28: gieman) correspond to a present indicative, each infinitive except tcelan is one that has elsewhere occurred in translation of a Latin periphrastic conjugation; besides, such differences naturally arise owing to the difference in point of view of translator and of author. Two (Boeth. 113.14: lufian; 127.25 (?): loeran) are loose periphrases of the Latin text. Of the 32 infinitives occurring without any Latin corre- spondent (arian: Boeth. 72.25, 27^; — biddan: Solil. 30.8; — cySan: Greg. 287.3, 311.14; — don: Bede 72.26; — geSencan: Boeth. 52.2, 76.1; Greg. 29.6; — girnan: Boeth. 90.13; — herian: Boeth. 69.3; — Iceran: Greg. 341.15; — Zm- fian: Boeth. 108.21; — manian: Greg. 265.14; — metan: Boeth. 72.12;' — on- droedan: Greg. 383.26; — ongietan: Wc^f. 66.26, 245.21, 295.22, 322.25''; — onscunian: Boeth. 41.9; — secgan: Boeth. 41.3; — sprecan: Wcerf. 263.6; — tellan: Boeth. 111.2; — wenan: Boeth. 37.30, U8. 27 ;— weor3ian: Boeth. 72.27°, 75.14; Oros. 126.32; — vmndrian: Boeth. 72.27^; Oros. 34.31, 134.24), all, except biddan, girnan, and onscunian, occur in Alfred and in Wserferth, in other places, in translations of the regular Latin correspondent, the peri- phrastic passive. 4. The construction is relatively rare in the more original Anglo-Saxon prose (Chron., 4; Laws, 20; Wulf., 34). 5. Save in this use with beon (wesan), the inflected infinitive is habitually active in sense. 6. The Latin gerundial periphrastic is often rendered otherwise than by the infinitive with beon (wesan). 7. Originally, no doubt, the inflected inflnitive with the verb beon (wesan) denoted purpose, and the purpose idea passed into that of necessity, as has several times been conjectured. The most detailed statement of this view is that by Dr. Tanger, in his interesting article, " Englisch to be to un Vergleich mit I shall:" "Was bedeutet nun to be mit folgendem Infinitiv eigentlich? An eine Erganzung von obliged (to be obliged to do a thing), wie sie friiher ofters (so noch in Rauchs Rep. Gr., § 148) angenommen wurde, ist nicht zu denken, denn to be obliged heisst miissen und nicht sollen, und ferner schliessen ja auch. die ae, Beispiele, die schon vorhanden waren, ehe oblige ins Englische aufge- nommen wurde, eine solche Erklarung aus. Wir haben es hier vieknehr wohl mit der grundbegrifflichen Bedeutung von tobe= ' da sein, existieren' zu thun. Die darauf folgende Praposition to deutet fur die Verbindung auf einen Grund- begriff des Zweckes hin (vgl. Koch-Zup. II, § 78"'''), wie wenn wir sagen: wir sind da oder existieren zum Arbeiten und zwoo Kampfen. Aus diesem Zweck- begriff ergeben sich unschwer die anderen Schattierungen des Geeignetseins (es ist zum Lachen, zum Weinen, est ist zu bedauern, zu bewundern) und des Bestimmtseins (das ist zum Aufbewahren, zum Wegwerfen). Von hier gelan- gen wir leicht zu den weiteren Bedeutungen der ObUegenheit, Verpflichtung, Notigung, d. h. zur Notwendigkeit, zum Sollen: I am to stay at home. Unsere Konstruktion bedeutet also urspriinglich : jemand oder etwas ist vorhanden (geeignet, bestimmt) zur Ausfiihrung einer Thatigkeit (resp. zum Befinden in einem Zustande)." ^ This view of Dr. Tanger's is substantially the one held > See Hale and Buck, I. c, pp. 270-271; and Hale, I. c, pp. 424-425. 2 Tanger, I. c, pp. 312-313. 202 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. by Dr. Shearing I. c, p. 26, and by Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p. 133. No opinion as to the origin of the idiom is expressed by Dr. Farrar, Dr. K. Kohler, Dr. Jost, or Dr. Riggert. In the kindred Germanic languages the origin was probably the same as in Anglo-Saxon: see Chapter XVI, section vii. The inflected infinitive with beon (wesan) denoting necessity or obligation and active in sense is, likewise, in all probability due to the Latin periphrastic passive conjugation, and for substantially the same reasons as those given in the discussion of the Anglo-Saxon inflected infinitive passive in sense. No example of this infinitive used in an active sense occurs in the poems; with one exception {Boeth. 44.20: FortSsem hit nis no to metanne tSaet geendodlice witS Sset ungeendodlice = 46.57: infiniti uero atque finiti nulla umquam poterit esse coUatio) the infinitive in Alfred ' corresponds each time to the Latin passive periphrastic (complete or elliptical), while the single example in Wserferth (340.29: warnian) corresponds to ad + a, gerundive. If it should seem odd that the Latin passive periphrastic should suggest the active as well as the passive use of the inflected infinitive in Anglo-Saxon, the explanation seems to be this: in one instance (Bede 224.19, quoted in Chapter VII, p. 103) the active use comes from a too close following of the Latin accusative and periphrastic in- finitive {Deum potius intellegendum); in some instances (as in Greg. 125.13, 187.15; Pr. Gu. III. 63), the fact that the Latin gerundive precedes the verb sum in the periphrastic conjugation has led the Anglo-Saxon translator to put the inflected infinitive first in his translation, to consider it active in sense, and consequently to put what is the subject nominative in Latin into the objective case (accusative, genitive, or dative) in Anglo-Saxon; in a word, in these latter cases the precedence of the infinitive (or occasionally of the finite verb, as in Lcece. 68.30) seems to lead to the objectifying of the noun. This same principle of precedence may in part account for the active use in the ex- amples from ^Ifric, from the prose Gutfdac, and from the Lmceboc. But occasionally (as in Mart. 72.25 and Loece. 76.33 — with which latter, however, compare Lcece. 63.37, in which the infinitive has precedence — ) the infinitive is active in sense though it follows its object. — That ad+ a gerundive should be translated actively (as in Wcerf. 340.29) is what we should expect; but this is the only instance in which it is so translated: normally it is rendered by an inflected infinitive passive in sense. — The fact that the same form, -ndus, in Latin could be used actively or passively in all probability contributed to the double use of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon; as may, also, the fact that in other uses than with beon (wesan) the inflected infinitive is habitually active in sense in Anglo-Saxon. B. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES FUTURITY. The inflected infinitive with beon (wesan) denoting futurity corresponds regularly to the Latin periphrastic conjugation made up of sum + the future active participle in all the examples from the Anglo-Saxon translations from the Latin given in Chapter VII, pp. 104 if. above. The construction occurs but once in Alfred (Bede 224.26), and translates the Latin active periphrastic; is unknown in the poems, in the Chronicle, in the Laws, and in Wulfstan; is relatively frequent in the Gospels, where every occurrence corresponds to the > The same is true of Pr. Gu. Ill, 63, but not of Pr. Qu. V, 58; for both of which, see Chapter VII, pp. 104 and 102 above. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 203 Latin active periphrastic; and is very rare in ^Ifric. I think, therefore, that we are justified in concluding that in Anglo-Saxon the inflected infinitive de- noting futurity is due to Latin influence. I wish to add, however, that, as said earlier, there is at times room for difference of opinion as to whether an infinitive with beon (wesan) is present or future in sense; but that, in Chapter VII, pp. 104 f. above, I have given all the instances in which the infinitive seemed to me clearly to denote futurity. The inflected infinitive of futurity in the other Germanic languages, like- wise, is probably due to Latin influence: see Chapter XVI, section vii. C. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES PURPOSE. The inflected infinitive with beon (wesan) denoting purpose, in all of the few examples occurring in the Anglo-Saxon translations from the Latin (given in Chapter VII, pp. 105 f.), corresponds to ad + a gerundive (or occasionally ad+a gerund) except in Greg. 131.21, in which it corresponds to a Latin com- plementary infinitive. One example only is found in the poems {Gen. 703), which is doubtful because of a defective text. It seems probable, therefore, that these inflected infinitives of purpose are here due to the Latin. Concerning the infinitive of purpose with be in the other Germanic lan- guages, see Chapter XVI, section vii. Vm. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT.i AS OBJECT. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. I. UNINFLECTED. It is not my purpose to give a survey of the various theories concerning the ultimate origin of the predicative infinitive with accusative subject in the Indo-Germanic languages; for an excellent survey has recently been given by Dr. Jacob Zeitlin in his dissertation. The Accusative with Infinitive and Some Kindred Constructions in English (1908), pp. 1-12. I merely wish to state that, with Dr. Zeitlin, I have long thought that the theory first suggested by Curtius and later amplified by Professors Brugmann and Delbriick comes nearest to solv- ing the problem. Professor Brugmann,^ I. c, § 807, thus states the theory: — " Ein bestimmtes Subjekt der Inf.-Handlung brauchte nioht vorhanden zu sein, ihr Subjekt konnte aber das Subjekt des regierenden Verbums sein oder eia zu diesem gehoriger Dat. Oder Akk. " Der letzte Fall, z. B. ai. tvdm indra srdmtavd apds kah, ' du, I., hast die Wasser fliessen maehen,' gr. Sap^ial i xiXeve . . . 'Axotoiis, ' heiss ihn wappnen die A.,' gab die Grundlage fiir die Konstruktion des Ace. c. Inf. ab, wie sie das Griech., Ital., und teilweise das Germ, aufweisen. Der ursprunglich zu dem transit. Verbum gehorige Akk. wurde als Subjekt zum Inf. gezogen, eine Verschiebung der syntaktischen Gliederung, die zumteil sichfer dureh die Analogie zu abhangigen Satzen mit selbstandigem Subjekt hervorgerufen worden ist (vgl. etwa ich sah ihnfliehen = ich sah, [doss] erfloh). Alsdann eigneten sich auch Verba, die eiaen Objektsakk. nicht zu sich nahmen, dieae Konstruktion an, /i. B. horn, oi ae &i/ce KUKhv &% SaSiffaeaeat, ' nicht ziemt es sich, dass du verzagst,' lat. gaudeo te valere, got. jah warp afslaupnan allans, 'xal iydvero ein^os iirl vdin-as.' Vgl. § 815 uber die absoluten Partizipial- konstruktionen . ' ' « Cf. Chapter VIII, pp. 107 S. 204 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. If, for the moment, we assmne that the Anglo^axon developed the predi- cative infinitive with accusative subject for itself instead of merely inheriting it or borrowing it, it is easy to see a development parallel to that indicated by Professor Brugmann in the older Indo-Germanic languages going on in Anglo- Saxon itself, or, rather, to see what appear to be traces of such a development. For instance, despite the frequency of the infinitive with accusative subject in Anglo-Saxon after verbs of commanding {hatan, etc.) and of causing and permit- ting {Icetan, etc.), the infinitive without a subject accusative was far more fre- quent after hatan than the infinitive with a subject accusative, and was quite frequent with Icetan. Moreover, when the infinitives following these two groups of verbs have an accusative with them in the Germanic languages, the relation between accusative and infinitive, to many Germanic grammarians (among them the great Grimm ^), seems so loose that they hold that the accu- sative is to be considered, not as the subject of the infinitive, but solely as the object of the finite verb, — a view that, though in my opinion not tenable, is enlightening in calling attention as it does to the looser ^ union between infinitive and accusative after these two groups of verbs than after other groups, as after verbs of mental perception. Moreover, in Anglo-Saxon the infinitive without subject accusative is more common after hieran, ' hear,' than with subject. In a word, it seems to me that a careful study of the two constructions after these three groups of verbs in Anglo-Saxon lends considerable strength to the Brug- mann theory as to the origin of the infinitive with accusative subject; and that we may consider that this theory likewise appUes to Anglo-Saxon as a whole unless it can be shown that this idiom is merely an importation, say, from the Latin. Is the infinitive with accusative subject in Anglo-Saxon borrowed from the Latin, either in part or in whole? In attempting to answer this question, first purely from a consideration of the idiom in Anglo-Saxon, it will be best to consider group by group the verbs followed by an infinitive with accusative subject. 1. Verbs of Commanding,' To begin with the most frequently used group, verbs of commanding (6e- beodan, biddan, forbeodan, and hatan), it seems to me that, with the exception of forbeodan (of which we have only one example * followed by the infinitive with accusative subject, that in direct translation of the Latin), we are pre- cluded from assuming that the predicative infinitive is due to the influence of the Latin originals, and for the following reasons: — 1. With each of the three remaining verbs the infinitive with accusative subject is found freely in the poetical as well as in the prose texts, with two of the verbs (bebeodan and biddan) more freely in the poetry than in the prose, though not in Beowulf. 2. That, while a goodly number of the examples in the Anglo-Saxon prose translations are in direct translation of the accusative and infinitive in the Latin originals, a not inconsiderable number are not, but correspond to various other constructions in the Latin. 1 L. c, IV, pp. 129 flF. Among those that have adopted this view of Grimm's I may mention T. Miiller and Dr. Kiggert. ' a. Zeitlin.i I. c, pp. 36-37. » Cf. Chapter VIII, p. 107. • Cited in Chapter VIII, p. 109. THE PBBDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 205 The Latin correspondents are: — for bebeodan: a noun in the accusative, 2; — for bid- dan: an accusative and active infinitive, 1; — for katan: an accusative and infinitive (active, 30; passive, 5); a dative and infinitive, 3; an active infinitive as retained object, 3; a co-ordinated finite verb, active, 15; a subordinated finite verb, active, 4; an appositive par- ticiple (active present, in the nominative, 3; passive in the accusative, 1); an absolute parti- ciple, passive, 1; a gerund in the ablative, 1; od + a gerund, 1; a noun in the accusative, 1; two nouns, 1; an adverb, 1; no Latin, 16. 2. Verbs of Causing and of Permitting.' In verbs of causing and of permitting {aladan, biegan [began], don, forMan, gedon, geSafian, geSoUan, geunnan, Man, and niedan), all, except loetan and its compound, forlcetan, occur with a predicative infinitive so seldom as to make trustworthy conclusions concerning any of the words except Icetan and forlcetan difficult, if not impossible. The probabihty seems to be, however, that alcetan, occurring only twice, in the poems, is in no wise due to Latin influence. Began [biegan] is followed by the accusative and infinitive only once (Ps. 143.14), and there the infinitive corresponds to a Latin appositive participle. See the statements concerning don and niedan. The only instance in Early West Saxon {Bede 98.27'') of don followed by the accusative and infinitive is in translation of the same idiom in Latin, as is also true of the one example in the Laws; the only example in poetry is from the metrical Psalms; while the remaining examples are from Late West Saxon (iElfric and Wulfstan). Latin influence is, therefore, highly probable in the case of don. Gedon occurs only twice (once each in Bl. Horn, and in ^If. L. S.), and, like don, is doubtless ultimately due to Latin influence. GeSafian, occurring only four times {Bl. Horn., 1 doubtful example; ^Elfric, 3), is possibly indirectly due to Latin influence. GeSolian is clearly due to Latin influence in the only example found (in the Laws), the Latin occurring by the side of the Anglo-Saxon. Geunnan occurs only once {Mlf. JEthelw.), and is followed by what may indifferently be considered an accusative with predicative infinitive or a dative with objective infinitiva In either case, Latin influence is probable, the Latin having concedas followed by a dative and objective infinitive. In the one example found of niedan {Mk. 6.45), the Anglo-Saxon accusative and infinitive translate the same idiom of the Latin. As to both Icetan and its compound, forlcetan, Latin influence is out of the question; for, as our examples given above (pp. 110 ff.) show, the accusative- and-infinitive construction with each occurs frequently in the poetry, and in the prose translations often occurs when the accusative with infinitive is not found in the Latin original. The correspondents in Latin are: — ior forlcetan: an accusative and infinitive (active, 2; passive, 1); an active infinitive as retained object, 1; a co-ordinated finite verb, active, 2; a predicative participle, passive, accusative, 1; no Latin, 1; — for Icetan: an accusative and active infinitive, 38; a dative and active infinitive, 1; a complementary infinitive, active, to an auxiliary verb, 1; an active infinitive as retained object, 1; a subjective infinitive, active, 1" an active infinitive as predicate nominative, 1; a co-ordinated finite verb (active, 23; 1 Cf. Chapter VIII, p. 108. 206 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OP INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. passive, 1); a subordinated finite verb (active, 9; passive, 1); a gerundive in the accusative, 1; an appositive participle, passive, nominative, 1; a loose paraphrase, 1; doubtful, 1; no Latin, 16. To sum up this group, the predicative infinitive with Imtan and its compounds, alcetan and forloetan, shows no trace of Latin influence; with all the other verbs of the group it shows appreciable traces of such influence. 3. Verbs of Sense Perception.* As to the verbs of sense perception (behealdan, gefelan, gehawian, gehieran, geseon, hieran, ofseon, sceawian, and seon), with the exception of hieran and seon and their compounds, we have too few examples of them followed by the accusative-with-infinitive construction to draw confident conclusions. Behealdan is found but once, in iElfric, followed by an accusative and infinitive. Gefelan is in each of its two occurrences {Bede, 1; Wcerf., 1) due to Latin influence. Gehavyian, occurring once, in Wcerf., is due to the Latin original. Sceawian, occurring twice, in Wcerf., is likewise due to Latin influence. On the contrary, hieran and its compound (gehieran) and seon and its com- pound ^ {geseon) show little or no trace of Latin influence, occurring with the accusative and infinitive frequently in poetry, and in the prose translations often not having the accusative and infinitive in the Latin originals. The Latin correspondents are: — for gehieran: an accusative and infinitive (active, 11; passive, 1); a predicative present participle, accusative, 3; a loose paraphrase, 1; — for geseon: an accusative and infinitive (active, 61; passive, 2); an active infinitive as retained object, 6; a subjective infinitive, active, 1; a predicative participle (nominative: active, 3; accusative: active, 29; passive, 4); an appositive participle, passive, nominative, 1; an absolute participle (active, 1; passive, 1); a co-ordinated finite verb, active, 3; a subordi- nated finite verb, active, 4; a predicate noun in the accusative, 1; a prepositional phrase, 1; a gerundive in the nominative, 1 ; no Latin, 8; — for hieran: an accusative and active infini- tive, 1 ; — for ofseon: 0; — for seon: 0. In all probability, therefore, the accusative with infinitive after hieran and seon and their compounds is not due to Latin influence; but this idiom after all other verbs of sense perception in Anglo-Saxon (except behealdan) is prob- ably due to Latin influence. 4. Verbs of Mental Perception.' In the verbs of mental perception (ceteawan, afindan, eowan, findan, geacsian, gecySan, gefrignan, gehatan, gehyhtan, geliefan, gemetan, gemittan, gemunan, getriewan, gewitan, leer an, onjlndan, ongietan, tali(g)an, tellan, wenan, and witan), again, a number of words occur so seldom with the predicative infinitive as to make deductions difficult concerning them, Mteawan, found only once, in Bede, has an accusative and an infinitive that are clearly due to the Latin original. Of afindan all we can say with certainty is that the idiom occurs with it once only, in A. S. Horn. & L. S. In all probabihty, what is said below of the simplex, findan, is true of the compound, afindan. 1 Cf. Chapter VIII, p, 108. 2 Ofseon occurs only once in this construction (in ^If. Horn.). ' Cf. Chapter VIII, p. 108. THE PREDICATIVB INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 207. Eowan, occurring once, in Woerf., is due to the Latin original. The predicative infinitive with findan is not due to Latin influence, for in the translations it corresponds to another idiom of the original (a predicative past participle, accusative, once), and is more frequent in poetry (7 examples, 5 in Beowulf) than in prose (3 examples). Geacsian with accusative and infinitive is found twice each in the Blickling Homilies and in Wulfstan. Whether or not the idiom is due to Latin influence, cannot be decided. In the single example of gecy&an, in Wcerf., the accusative and infinitive translate the same idiom of the Latin original. The idiom with gefrignan is imdoubtedly native, occurring only in poetry, there forty-one times, and being widely distributed. With gehaian the idiom is probably due to Latin influence, two examples occurring in direct translation of the Latin, and a third example, though itself corresponding to a Latin ablative absolute, is perhaps suggested by a neigh- boring accusative and infinitive of the Latin. As to gehyhtan, occurring only once, in ^If. L. S., there is no need of suppos- ing direct Latin influence, as by -^Elfric's time the idiom had become common. With geliefan, occurring only once, in Woerf., the accusative and infinitive correspond to the same idiom in the Latin. With gemetan and gernittan the idiom is doubtless native: both are found in poetry, the latter in poetry only; and the former has, in the Anglo-Saxon translations, various Latin correspondents (an accusative and infinitive (active, 3; passive, 1); a predicative present participle, accusative, 6; a predicative adjective, accusative, 1; an appositive participle, passive, accusative, 1). With gemunan the idiom is doubtless due to Latin' influence: the verb is not found with this construction in the poetry; and in Bede and in Wserferth the accusative and infinitive correspond to the same idiom in Latin. With getriewan, the idiom occurs only once, in Bede, and in direct transla- tion of the Latin. With gemtan, found only once, in Andreas, the construction is doubtless native, as with the simplex, witan, which see below. As to loeran, the examples (only four in all, in prose, given in Chapter VIII, p. 116) are too few to be decisive, but Latin influence is clear in two of the ex- amples {Bede ^ and Gospels), in each of which we have the accusative and infini- tive in the original. The other two examples occur in 4. S. Horn. & L. S. II. With onfindan, found only once (in Beow.), the idiom is doubtless of native origin, as with the simplex, findan, which see. With ongietan, found once in poetry (Beow.) and 6 times in prose, the idiom is probably due to Latin influence, translating, as it does, a Latin accusative and infinitive in each of the examples in Bede and in Waerferth.' As to tali{g)an, found twice with this construction, in Alexander, I dare not venture an opinion. With tellan, the sole example of the idiom, in Bede, is in direct translation of the Latin. With wenan, the idiom is doubtless due to Latin influence, the single ex- 1 Cf. Gorrell, I. c, pp. 369, 475. ' Cf. Gorrell, I. c, p. 375. » Except that once in the latter (Wterf. 285.1) it translates a noun in the accusative modified by a sub- stantivized present participle in the genitive. 208 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. ample each in Bede and in Waerferth corresponding to the Latin accusative and infinitive. With vntan, the idiom is possibly native, as with the compound, gewitan: the accusative with infinitive after vntan is more common in poetry (7 examples) than in prose (3 examples). It should be observed, however, that, in the two examples from Bede, the accusative with infinitive translates the same idiom in Latin; and that several of the poetic examples occur in poems based on Latin originals {Ju., 1; Gu., 1; And., 1). To sum up the matter: the predicative infinitive is probably native after these verbs: afindan, findan, gefrignan, gehyhtan, gemetan, gemittan, gevntan, onfindan, and witan; but the idiom is probably due to Latin influence after these verbs: ceteawan, eowan, gecy&an, gehatan, geliefan, gemunan, getriewan, Iceran, tellan, and wenan. The data are insufficient to decide about the idiom after these verbs: geacsian and tali{g)an. 5. Verbs of Declaring.^ With verbs of declaring {cweSan, foresecgan, ondettan, and secgan) the accusative with infinitive in Anglo-Saxon is clearly due to Latin influence, translating, as it does, in each of the few examples the same construction in the Latin. 6. Other Verbs: "habban" and "todaelan," The origin of the idiom is indeterminable with habban, found only once, in /Elf. Horn., and with todoelan, found only twice, in Oros. Concerning the latter, see Chapter VIII, p. 118, and Chapter XII, p. 169. To sum up the matter as a whole, the predicative infinitive with accusative subject is probably native with: (1) certain verbs of Commanding (bebeodan, biddan, and hatan) ; (2) certain verbs of Causing and Permitting {Icetan and its compounds, alcetan and forlcetan); (3) certain verbs of Sense Perception (hieran and seon, and their compounds) ; (4) certain verbs of Mental Percep- tion {afindan, findan, gefrignan, gehyhtan, gemetan, gemittan, gewitan, onfindan, and witan). It is probably due more or less to foreign (Latin) influence with: (1) this verb of Commanding, forbeodan; (2) certain verbs of Causing and Permitting Qnegan [began], don, gedon, ge&ajian, geSolian, geunnan, and niedan); (3) cer- tain verbs of Sense Perception (gefelan, gehawian, sceawian) ; (4) certain verbs of Mental Perception {ceteawan, eowan, gecySan, gehatan, geliefan, gemunan, getriewan, loeran, ongietan, tellan, and wenan); (5) all the verbs of Declaring represented {cweSan, foresecgan, ondettan, and secgan). Its origin is indeterminable with: (1) this verb of Sense Perception, he- healdan; (2) certain verbs of Mental Perception {geacsian and tali{g)an)\ (3) with certain Other Verbs {habban and todcelan). In the large, the foregoing result tallies with the conclusion reached by previous students of the construction. No investigation of the idiom covering the whole of Anglo-Saxon literature has hitherto been made so far as I am aware; and, in the limited investigations that have been published, for the most part little direct consideration of the question as to the origin of the con- 1 Cf. Chapter VIII, p. 108. THE PBEDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 209 struction has been given. Still, a few noteworthy deliverances have been made. One of the earliest statements is that by Dr. Ludwig Erckmann, in his Infinitive and Gerund as a Means of Abbreviating Substantive Sentences in the English Language (1875), p. 21: "The Gothic followed upon the whole the Greek use of the accusative c. inf., whilst the Anglo-Saxon seems to prefer the substantive sentence." Dr. Carl Krickau, whose work deals primarily with the construction in Elizabethan times, in 1877 declared (p. 4) " dass diejenigen Anwendungen, welche beiden i verwandten Sprachgruppen gemeinsam sind, als die altesten und ursprtinglichsten zu betrachten sind. Als solche ergeben sich sein Ge- brauch nach den Verben, welche 1) ein Bewirken, eine Bitte oder einen Befehl, 2) eine sinnliche Wahrnehmung ausdrucken. Das Angelsachsische, Altsach- sische und Althochdeutsche zeigen namlich, soweit ihre Quellen nicht durch das Lateinische beeinflusst sind, unsere Construction nur nach jenen beiden Classen von Verben. Was das Angelsachsische betrifit, so kommt sie nach folgenden Verben vor: Imtan, don, biddan, beodan, bebeodan, hatan; seon, geseon, her an, hyran, gehyran, findan, gemetan, gemittan, fandian, afandian." In Theodor Miiller's Angelsachsische Grammatik (1883), p. 248, we read: " Es wird der reine Inf. auch in der Konstruktion des Ace. mit dem Inf. ange- wandt. Dieselbe findet sich aber im guten Ags. nur selten, eigentlich nur nach den Verben, gefrignan und gehyran, wahrnehmen, erfahren . . . Wenn nach den Verben hatan, heissen, letan, lassen, imd Verben des Wahrnehmens ein Ace. mit dem Inf. folgt (ic hate hine cuman) so ist das nicht die eigentliche Kon- struktion des Ace. mit dem Inf., worin ja der Ace. und der Inf. zu einer Begriffs- einheit verschmolzen sind, sondern es hangt der Ace. und der Inf. und zwar jeder besonders vom Verbum ab, jener als personliches, dieser als sachUches Objekt. In ags. Uebersetzung^n lat. Werke findet sich der eigentliche Ace. mit dem Inf. in ausgedehnterem Masse in folge willktirlicher Uebertragung lat. Konstruktionen auf das Ags." Less definite is Dr. Karl Kohler, who, in his Der SyntaMische Gebrauch des Infinitivs und Particips im " Beowulf" (1886), p. 62, declares: " Fiir das Ags. ist bislang auch die Untersuchung iiber die mehr oder weniger geringe Abhan- gigkeit der Ace. c. Inf.-Konstruktion vom Lateinischen noch nicht gefiihrt worden.** Denn dass ein solcher Einfluss sich geltend gemacht hat, darf man von vornherein annehmen; hat doch wohl kein Volk des friihen Mittelalters sich so eifrig mit der Uebersetzung lateinischer Schriften befasst wie die Angelsachsen." In his Streifziige durch die Mittelenglische Syntax (1887), p. 252, Professor Eugen Einenkel thus delimits the construction in Anglo-Saxon: " Im AE. halt sich der Accusativ-mit-Infinitiv im wesentlichen innerhalb der bei uns im NHD. beobachteten Grenzen. Er steht vornehmlich nach den Verben des Veranlassens und Zulassens, sowie nach denen der geistigen Wahrnehmung. Doch finden sich schon im AE. nicht selten Belege freierer Verwendung," which statement is repeated in substance in his treatment of English Syntax in Paul's Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie, 2nd ed., 1899, p. 1076. • That is, the Classical and the Germanic. ' " Die einiige mir bekannte Specialsohrift fiber den Aco. o. Inf. im Englischen von Karl Erickau (Gott. Dia. 1877) behandelt besonders die Elisabethanische Periode und giebt nur einen Gesammtttberblick ttber die vorhergehende Zeit. 210 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON, Brief is the statement of Dr. Leon Kellner, in his Historical Outlines of English Syntax (1892), p. 253: " The accusative + inf. as object of verbs like biddan (ask), hatan (bid), seon (see), gehyran (hear), findan (find), is quite common in Old English." In his " Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon " (1895), p. 485, Professor J. H. Gorrell reaches this conclusion: " The infinitive clause is mostly used after hatan, with less frequency after other verbs of command. The subject-accusa- tive construction is in general use only after verbs of perception in the pictur- esque language of poetry; its occurrence after verbs of saying or thinking is very rare, and is mostly confined to direct copyings of the corresponding Latin construction; this method of rendering the Latin prevails, however, to no great extent even in the closest translations." On pp. 476-477 we read: " There are in Bede 331 Latin infinitives following verbs which act as introductions to indirect discourse; in 263 instances the Latin infinitive is rendered by the regu- lar Anglo-Saxon construction with the subordinate clause; in 68 cases only does the Anglo-Saxon agree in construction with the Latin: 28 of these are found after hatan (its usual native sequence), 8 follow geseon, 6 occur after gehatan, 4 after gehyran; witan, twygean, gelyfan, gelimpan, and secgan are each followed twice by the infinitive; while bebeodan, biddan, bewerian, oetiewan, gemunan, geleornian, Ueran, oncnawan, ongytan, tellan, Syncan, and wenan are followed once by this construction. Since the infinitive clause is quite frequent after hatan and verbs of perception, we may conclude from the above statistics that the influence of the Latin infinitive construction upon the Anglo-Saxon is very slight even in the closest translations." For reasons given below, in the discussion of the view of Dr. ZeitUn, it seems to me that Dr. Gorrell somewhat imderestimates the influence of the Latin. Dr. Wiilfing, in his Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen (1900), II, p. 182, merely quotes with approbation the statement of T. Mliller, given above. In his Studies in the Language of Pecock (1900), p. 119, Dr. Fredrik Schmidt incidentally expresses his view concerning the construction in Anglo-Saxon: " Pecock's extensive use of the accusative and infinitive after this third group of verbs is characteristic of his style. Krickau (Ace. mit dem Inf., p. 17) calls him the writer ' welcher mit der Einfiihrung des Ace. mit dem Inf. nach den Verben des Sagens und Denkens in Originalwerken begonnen hat.' And thus much is certain that before Pecock this construction is very sporadically to be found. Einenkel (AngUa XIII, 94 sqq.) gives a few examples from Chaucer (after conferme, deeme, holde, wite) and two from 0. E. (after weene)." ' In substantial agreement with Dr. Schmidt are the views expressed by the follow- ing investigators of the idiom in Middle English and in Modern English, the title of whose works are given in my bibliography: Rohs, 1889; Zickner, 1900; De Reul, 1901; Ortmann, 1902; and Gartner, 1904. General but pronounced is the statement of Professor Otto Jespersen, in his Growth and Structure of the English Language (1905), p. 127: " The exten- sive use of the accusative with the infinitive is another permanent feature of English syntax which is largely due to Latin influence." * ■ See, further, Schmidt, F., I. c, p. 112. 2 As this statement is omitted in the second edition (1912) of this work, Professor Jespersen has probably changed his opinion with reference thereto. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 211 One of the most recent as well as one of the most stimulating discussions of our Idiom is that by Dr. Jacob Zeitlin, in his above mentioned dissertation (1908). On p. 108 we read: " From the very earliest times English, in common with other Indo-Germanic languages, employed, after certain verbs of express or implied causation (Icetan, forlostan, hatan, biddan), an accusative with an infini- tive. • . . Verbs like beodan, don, macian, tcecan, and loaran, though found very rarely with an accusative and infinitive in late Old English, began to em- ploy the construction more and more frequently in early Middle English, and by the opening of the fourteenth century that was the prevailing locution and practically the only one employed." Concerning the idiom after verbs of sense perception, on p. 109 we are told: " This construction is regular in all periods of the English language with verbs expressing an immediate sense perception, and therefore requires no extensive comment." Of the idiom after verbs of mental perception, we read on p. 78: " The dividing line between verbs of sense and mental perception is not one which can be precisely marked. It will be noted that in a number of the citations grouped under sense percep- tion the verbs have a derivative force which tends to place them in the other class. The fact that the same verbs assume the two significations naturally involves the extension of the construction in vogue after the primary class to the derivative class. But, further than this, there are in Old English a number of verbs which are not associated with any idea of sensation and which admit after them an accusative with infinitive of a more developed type than any thus far noticed." Finally, concerning the idiom after verbs of declaring, this statement is given, p. 99: "The accusative with infinitive after verbs of declaration is found in Old English only in translated documents in imitation of the Latin original." My own view of the construction with this last class of verbs could not be better expressed than by the sentence just quoted; and I was delighted to find my own view confirmed by the investigation of Dr. Zeitlin, for, although his study was published four years ago, my own statistics had been gathered and tabulated before the pubUcation of his work. But Dr. Zeitlin's statement on page 99 seems to me to be considerably modified by that on page 110: " After verbs of declaration the early language, in its original literature, shows only the faintest beginnings of the construction in the form of an accusative followed by a predicate noun, adjective, or participle. The importance of the use of the latter forms as predicates is fundamental in the development of the accusa- tive with infinitive. The frequency with which these predicate forms occur in Old English after verbs of mental perception, and their employment after verbs of declaration previous to any similar use of the infinitive, may be treated as a confirmation of the view that they preceded the accusative with infinitive in time, and, in fact, afforded the model ' by analogy to which the latter con- struction was more fully developed. The relation between the accusative and the predicate, whatever form that predicate may take, — whether infini- tive, substantive, adjective, or participle, — is the same. The practical identity of the two locutions is illustrated by the fact that it is possible to convert every non-infinitive predicate into an infinitive by the introduction of the copula to be." 1 More guarded is the statement of Professor Gorrell, I. c, p. 475: " After verbs of saying there is a near approach to this construction [infinitive-with-accusative] by the use of the accusative of the substantive and the predicate adjective, as Gu., 90, tSas eor^an ealle ssgde l Moat of these may be considered passive infinitives with esse understood. 214 ORIGIN OF CONSTEUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. idioms. It is evident, therefore, not only that the idiom was not native to Anglo-Saxon, but also that it was never natm-alized therein. The situation is substantially the same in the other Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI, section viii. AS SUBJECT. Whether containing an active or a passive infinitive as predicate to an accusa- tive, the infinitive phrase as subject is manifestly of Latin origin,* occurring only ^ in the Anglo-Saxon translations and each time corresponding to the same idiom in the Latin originals (except in one instance, Bede 70.32, where it corresponds to a complementary passive infinitive after a passive verb), as will appear from an examination of the examples, already quoted on pp. 124 f. above. In the other Germanic languages, the accusative with infinitive, as subject, is rare in subject clauses, and is an importation: see Chapter XVI, section viii, IX. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT.^ In Chapter IX, I have tried to give grounds for the belief there stated that in Anglo-Saxon we have no genuine predicative infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, with dative subject; that the infinitives sometimes cited as predi- cative are either subjective or objective; and that the dative noun or pronoun depends on the finite verb instead of being subject to the infinitive. The origin of these so-called predicative infinitives with dative subject has been discussed in sections i and ii of the present chapter. In Chapter IX, however, were given several sporadic examples of an ap- parent, if not a real, predicative use of an uninflected infinitive with a subject dative in form after don and Icetan, but these occur almost exclusively in the later Chronicle, by which time the dative and accusative forms of the personal pronoun of the third person may have become interchangeable. The solitary example cited of an inflected infinitive used predicatively with a dative subject (after hieran) occurs in a doubtful passage, but the inflection of the infinitive is probably due to the presence of a gerundive in the Latin original. In a word, the following statement of Professor Einenkel * as to the interrelation of the infinitive-with-dative to the predicative infinitive-with-accusative construction is correct, but, as implied by him, the assiunption of predicative force by the former did not occur until Middle Enghsh times: " Die gesamte altenglische so beliebte Konstruktion, Subjekts-Inf. + Dat. com. ist in diese Ace. mit Inf.- Bewegung hineingezogen worden [ae. Micele swiSor gedafenaS Sam moedenum to Sencanne, Ags. Pr.]." For the so-called predicative infinitive with dative subject in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section ix. • De Reul, I. c, p. 135, says of this idiom in Middle English: " The construction is a Latinism which was introduced either directly or through the French.'* ■ Except that once we have an inflected infinitive with accusative subject as subject of a passive verb in the late Chronicle: see p. 124 above. > See Chapter IX, p. 127. < Einenkel,> I. c, p. 1076. See, too, Oe Beul, I. c, pp. 136 ff. THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 215 X. THE FINAL INFINITIVE, i A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Verbs. In all probability, the uninflected infinitive of pm-pose after verbs of motion was a native idiom in Anglo-Saxon, for it is habitual in the poems, occurs several times in Early West Saxon prose, and is not infrequent in Late West Saxon prose, especially in the Gospels. The relative frequency of the idiom in the Gospels is due in part to the frequent presence of the final infinitive in the Latin vulgate. In ^Ifric's Grammar, it may be added, the uninflected final infinitive several times translates the Latin supine in -um. The infrequency of the uninflected final infinitive after verbs of rest makes it difficult to draw confident conclusions; but the idiom is probably of native origin, occurring as it does chiefly in the poems. In the one instance in the prose translations (_^lf. Hept.: Judges 4.18''), the Latin has no infinitive. This probability of native origin is further enhanced by the fact that we have the un- inflected predicative infinitive after verbs of rest. The uninflected infinitive of purpose after verbs of commanding and re- questing is probably due to Latin influence, as no example occurs in the poetry, and in the three examples from the prose (Bede 392.32, JElf. Hept.: Jvdges 4.19, and J. 4.9) the infinitive translates a Latin final infinitive {petamus bibere, dedit . . . hibere, bibere . . . posds). Probably, too, the uninflected flnal infinitive after verbs of giving was first suggested by the Latin da bibere and similar locutions. The idiom is very rare in the poetry: of the three examples, one occurs in the metrical Psalms, and two in the Riddles. When found in the translations, it is about two-thirds of the time in direct translation of a Latin final infinitive. The Latin cor- respondents are: a final infinitive, 18; a gerundive in the accusative, 2; a co-ordinated finite verb, active, 1; a subordinated finite verb, active, 1; a prepositional phrase, 1 ; a noun (dative, 1 ; accusative, 5) ; no Latin, 2. The uninflected infinitive of purpose after " other verbs " occurs twice in the poetry (Gifts 66: gewyrceS . . . gefegan; Gnomic Sayings 129: scop . . . healdan), each doubtful, and once in prose (L. 1.72'': alysde ... to wyrcenne . . . and gemunan), in which last the uninflected infinitive is pre- ceded by a co-ordinate inflected infinitive, and is appreciably separated from its principal verb. But the inflected infinitive and the uninflected infinitive in this verse may each be due to the Latin original: see p. 143 above. The inflected infinitive of piupose, after verbs of whatever kind, was prob- ably first suggested by the Latin; for we find: — 1. That, of the fifteen examples occurring in Anglo-Saxon poetry, all but two (Beow. 1731 and Wids. 134) occur in poems known to be based on Latin originals, and in the two exceptional examples the infinitive may modify the noun rather than the verb. 2. That while, in the Early West Saxon translations, the inflected infinitive of purpose occasionally ^ translates a Latin final infinitive, it usually translates » Cf. Chapter X, p. 132. * In the Late West Saxon Gospels, the Latin final infinitive after verbs of motion is often translated by an inflected infinitive instead of an uninflected, there being IS inflected to 24 uninflected infinitives in that text corresponding to a Latin final infinitive. !216 ORIGIN OP CONSTRUCTIONS OP INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. a Latin gerund or gerundive, each -writh and without a preposition, which Latin idioms doubtless first led to the use of the inflected infinitive to denote purpose in Anglo-Saxon, although the Latin prepositional phrase made up of a prepo- sition and a noun instead of a gerund or a gerundive, and the Latin subordinated verb introduced by ut may have contributed somewhat thereto. The Latin correspondents are approximately as follows: ad + a. gerundive in the accusa- tive, 38; ad + a, gerund in the accusative, 31; pro + a gerundive in the ablative, 2; a gerund in the accusative, 4; a gerundive (nominative, 1; dative, 2; accusative, 13); an infinitive (final, 24 (18 in Gosp.); as predicate nominative, 1); a subordinated finite verb (active, 5; passive, 2); a co-ordinated finite verb, active, 3; an appositive participle, active, 6; an ab- solute participle, passive, 1; a prepositional phrase, 3; a noun (nominative, 1; accusative, 3; ablative, 2); a loose paraphrase, 2; no Latin, 13. Of the thirteen examples without a Latin correspondent, eleven occur in Alfred, but, in six of these examples, the inflected infinitive occurs elsewhere in Alfred corresponding to a Latin gerund or gerundive; while, in five ex- amples (Bede 16.9: onfindan; Boeth. 19.22, 23: onkenan; and Oros. 292.28*: betcecan, 64.26; geunnan), no such equivalent is found. Finally, it should be stated that it is possible that the Anglo-Saxon prepositional phrase of purpose, made up of a preposition 4- a noun or a pronoun, may have contributed somewhat to the development of the inflected infinitive of purpose. 3. That, according to iElfric's Grammar, the Latin gerund and the Latin future active participle are properly rendered by the Anglo-Saxon inflected infinitive; for on p. 134 he has " amandi = to lufigenne; " on p. 135, " amandum = to lufigenne; " and on p. 167, " ruiturus = to hreosenne." It seems likely that, because of its superior clarity,^ the inflected infinitive became, in prose, the normal form of the final infinitive, though not to the total exclusion of the uninflected infinitive. 2. With Passive Verbs. The preceding applies to the active infinitive of purpose with active verbs. As to the active infinitive with passive verbs, it is habitually infiected; has substantially the same Latin correspondents as with the active infinitive ex- cept that the final infinitive is not found; and was probably suggested by the Latin substantially as when used with active verbs. The correspondents in Latin are: ad + a gerundive in the accusative, 10; ad + a, gerund in the accusative, 6; a gerundive (nominative, 4; accusative, 1); an infinitive (subjective, 3; as a retained objective, 1; predicative with an auxiliary, 1); a co-ordinated finite verb, passive, 4; a predicative participle, accusative, passive, 1; a prepositional phrase, 2; a noun in the accusative, 1; no Latin, 3. Of these last three examples, all except one {Greg. 347.6: gadrina) are elsewhere found in Alfred corresponding to a Latin gerund or gerundive. B, THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. As already stated, I have not found in Anglo-Saxon a clear example of the passive infinitive denoting purpose. I have found few suggestions as to the origin of the final infinitive in Anglo- Saxon, The most direct and the most helpful single statement is that of Pro- fessor Shearin, who, in discussing " the Prepositional Infinitive after Sellan," declares: " The prepositional infinitive seems to be preferred in translating the Latin gerund or gerundive constructions of purpose. As already seen (v. p. 13), the simple form is usual in translating the Latin infinitive and supine." ^ ' Cf. Chapter X, p. 146 above. ' Shearin," I. <,-., p. 27. THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. 217 He then quotes a few examples of the inflected infinitive translating a Latin gerund or gerundive after sellan, and adds this note: "The presence or absence of ad may have been to some extent a determinant of the use or omission of to." These statements by Professor Shearin, however, are, as is evident from our statistics just given, far too restricted, being made solely with reference to the inflected infinitive after sellan, whereas the former statement is true of all verbs. As to the second statement, the absence of ad, in gerund or gerundive constructions, has next to no weight in bringing about the omis- sion of to, as an inspection of our statistics will show. Dr. Shearin does not express any opinion as to the origin of the final infinitive in Anglo-Saxon after the other groups of verbs further than to cite (p. 17) with approbation Grimm's statement as to the origin of the inflected infinitive in general: " Anfangs verstarkte die prap. in gewissen fallen den infinitivischen ausdruck: iddja du saian sagt etwas mehr als das blosse iddja saian." ^ Dr. T. J. Farrar, in his The Gerund in Old English, p. 36, exphcitly dechnes to discuss the origin of the construction in Anglo-Saxon; nor have I found any helpful comment in any of the other treatises on Anglo-Saxon syntax accessible to me. In the other Germanic languages the origin of the final infinitive was prob- ably the same as in Anglo-Saxon: see Chapter XVI, section x. XI. THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. ^ The inflected infinitive with adjectives seems to be a construction of native origin in Anglo-Saxon, because: — 1. It is found not infrequently in the poetry, occurring in Beowulf (4 times) as well as in the poems known to be based on Latin originals. 2. In the translations it corresponds to various Latin idioms, and not a few times occurs without any Latin correspondents. The Latin correspondents are: an adjective with a preposition + a gerund in the accusa- tive (11) or + a gerundive in the accusative (15); an adjective with a gerund (genitive, 4; dative, 1); an adjective with a preposition + a gerund in the ablative, 1; a verb + a gerund in the dative, 2; an adverb + a gerund in the ablative, 1; an adjective with a prepositional phrase (6), or a supine in -m (2), or a noun in the ablative (3), or an infinitive (8) ; an infinitive (subjective, 1; objective, 4; predicative with an auxiliary, 3; as a predicate nominative, 1); an accusative and passive infinitive as subject, 3; an indicative (active, 3; passive, 3); a subjunctive (active, 1; passive, 2); an imperative, 2; a noun in the nominative, 1; an adjec- tive (attributive, 1; predicative, 8); a participle (attributive, passive, 1; appositive, active, 4); a gerundial periphrastic, passive, 1; a loose paraphrase, 3; no Latin, 21. 3. It occurs, though not frequently, in the Chronicle, in the Laws, and in Wulfstan. But, while the construction is doubtless of native origin, and is analogous to the modification of an adjective by any other prepositional-adverbial phrase, the use of the idiom has doubtless been somewhat increased by the Latin original, especially by the frequency of the construction made up of gerund and gerundive just mentioned. And it is possible that, in the few examples in which the infiected infinitive is clearly genitival in function (as in Boeth. 50.10, 24"' *"; 51.9), the idiom is an imitation of the Latin gerund in the genitive. The construction of the adjective with an uninflected infinitive occurs only 1 Grimm, {. c, IV, p. 121. ' See Ciiapter XI, p. 149. 218 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OF INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. sporadically, and is probably due to the distance of the infinitive from the governing adjective: see Chapter XI, p. 158 above. The passive infinitive with adjectives is probably, like the passive infinitive in other uses, due to Latin influence, though this cannot be demonstrated in the solitary example foimd, in ^Elfric. For the infinitive with adjectives in the other Germanic languages, see Chapter XVI, section xi. Xn. OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. A. THE CAUSAL INFINITIVE.i So few examples of the causal infinitive, whether uninflected or inflected, occur in Anglo-Saxon (only about a dozen in all) that a confident conclusion as to its origin is impossible. Still the fact that only three examples occur in the poetry (Gen. 2279 and 2733, after cearian; Chr. 1555, after bisorgian), each of which is doubtful; that, of the three examples in Early West Saxon, two {Bede 478.32, 484.15, after gefeon) are in translation of Latin infinitives of cause; and that most of the remaining examples occur in .^Ifric or in Wulfstan, renders it probable that the construction in Anglo-Saxon was due in part to Latin influence. This seems the more probable to me in view of the fact that cause in Anglo-Saxon was from the beginning usually expressed by an oblique case of Scet (with or without a preposition) plus a finite verb or plus a dependent clause in apposition to the oblique (adverbial) case of Scet. It is possible, how- ever, that the causal use in Anglo-Saxon may be in part merely an extension of the objective use of the infinitive. The causal infinitive is rare in the other Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI, section xii. B. THE INFINITIVE OF SPECIFICATION WITH VERBS." In this use the infinitive is always inflected. No example has been found in the poetry. In the two examples from Waerferth (88.18 and 180.26), each after a passive verb, and in the solitary example from Bede (82.22), the in- finitive corresponds in the Latin to a phrase made up of a preposition plus gerundive and noun. Only three other examples occur, in ^Ifric. All of the examples are doubtful except Wcerf. 180.26. It seems probable, therefore, that this use of the infinitive was first suggested by the Latin. In the other Germanic languages, likewise, this use is of foreign importation: see Chapter XVI, section xii. C. THE CONSECUTIVE INFINITIVE.' The consecutive use of the infinitive, always inflected, with adjectives is probably a native extension of the infinitive of specification with adjectives: this consecutive use is occasionally found in the Anglo-Saxon poems; though more frequent in the translations from the Latin, yet in only two of these ex- amples (Wcerf. 63.19 and Mf. HepL: Ex. 16.16, in each of which the Anglo- Saxon infinitive corresponds to a Latin phrase made up of ad + a gerund or a gerundive) does the Latin seem to have had any appreciable effect, for in the other examples the Latin equivalent is varied. ' See Chapter XII, p. 160. > See Chapter XII, p. 161. » See Chapter XII, p. 182. OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OP THE INFINITIVE. 219 The consecutive infinitive with active verbs is found in the poetry only once {Seafarer 38). In the Anglo-Saxon translations it corresponds most frequently to a Latin prepositional phrase made up of ad plus a gerund or gerun- dive, though occasionally to other idioms (an imperative; no Latin; a noun in the accusative; a noun in the dative; in + a noun in the ablative; a noun in the nominative; a noun in the accusative; ut + a, subjunctive). It occurs a few times in the Martyrology and in the Loeceboc, and relatively frequently in ^Ifric. It seems probable, therefore, that the Latin influence, if appreciable, was very slight and indirect; more probably we have the native development of the idiom from the inflected infinitive after verbs naturally calling for an inflected infinitive or for a prepositional phrase (to plus a noun). In the other Germanic languages the situation concerning the consecutive infinitive, both with adjectives and with verbs, is much the same as in Anglo- Saxon: see Chapter XVI, section xii. The Latin influence is somewhat stronger in the consecutive use of the infinitive after passive verbs, the Anglo-Saxon infinitive oftener corresponding to a Latin gerund or gerundive here than with active verbs. But, on the other hand, two examples are found in the poems. On the whole, therefore, the situation is substantially the same as with the consecutive infinitive after active verbs: the construction is chiefly a native extension of the idiom with verbs calling for an inflected infinitive or for a prepositional phrase, somewhat influ- enced by the Latin idiom in gerund and gerundive constructions. D. THE ABSOLUTE INFINITIVE.i As was intimated in the citing of the examples of the absolute use of the infinitive above, pp. 169 S., it is probable that, in the two examples of such use with the uninflected infinitive (Oros. 46.16, 17''), we have merely an accusa- tive and infinitive loosely connected with the remainder of the sentence. In the examples of the absolute inflected infinitive, in the clearer cases Qircedest to secganne, hrcedest to cweSenne, and to metanne vnS), the absolute use has arisen from the shortening of fuller expressions (such as Boeth. 39.10: Swa hit is nu hraSost to secganne be eallum etc.; Wulf. 158.16: godcunde hadas wseron nu lange swiSe forsawene . . . and hrcedest is to cweSenne etc. ; see further exam- ples in Chapter VII), in which we have the inflected infinitive of necessity after beon, in which latter idiom, as we have seen, the infinitive was originally final in sense. In the less clear cases, quoted in Chapter XII, section D, we seem to have the abridgment of a final clause into a phrase. I think, therefore, that the absolute infinitive is of native origin in Anglo-Saxon, sparing though its use is. This statement of the origin of the absolute use of the infinitive is, I think, in substantial accord with that of Professor Einenkel, who, in discussing the prepositional infinitive of purpose, writes " Hierher gehoren auch die Falle, wo €in Verbum (don so, sayn so) unterdruckt ist; und wo in Folge dessen die pra- positionalen Infinitive elliptisch verwendet werden; " ^ and with that of Dr. Kenyon, I. c, p 79: " The purpose infinitive becomes stereotyped, sometimes hy an eUipsis that can be more or less definitely suppUed." Each of these scholars is writing of Middle English only. The absolute infinitive probably arose in the same way in the other Germanic languages: see Chapter XVI, section xii. 1 See Chapter XII, p. 169. " EinenkeH ;. .;., p. 240. 220 ORIGIN OF CONSTRUCTIONS OP INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. To sum up these adverbial uses: the causal is partly due to Latin influence, and is partly of native origin; the specificatory use with verbs is certainly due to the Latin original; the consecutive use, with adjectives is of native origin, and with verbs is largely native but partly foreign; and the absolute use is wholly native. Xm. THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS, i The inflected infinitive with nouns is probably, in the main, of native origin in Anglo-Saxon, because: — 1. Though rare in the poems, eight clear examples occur, one of which is in Beowulf (316; Beow. 1941 is doubtful). 2. It is frequent in Alfred ; and while, in the majority of instances (in about 48 examples out of a total of 81), it corresponds to a gerund or gerundive, which may partly have suggested the inflected infinitive in the Anglo-Saxon translation, in twelve of the examples there is no Latin, and in the remaining cases the Latin correspondents are too varied for the Latin to have had a determining influence in the choice of the Anglo-Saxon method of translation. The Latin correspondents to this idiom in the Anglo-Saxon translations as a whole are: a noun (or a pronoun) with a gerund in the genitive (63) ; or with a gerundive in the genitive (9) or in the dative (1) ; or with ad + a, gerund in the accusative (6) or with ad + a, gerundive in the accusative (3); or with an infinitive modifying it (14); or with a noun in the geni- tive (5) ; an adjective with a supine in -m (1) or with a prepositional phrase (1 ) ; an infinitive (ob- jective, 1; predicative with an auxiliary (4) or with an accusative subject (1)); a subjunc- tive (active, 5; passive, 2); an indicative, active (3); an attributive participle, active (1); a loose paraphrase (13); no Latin (15). 3. Though rare in the Chronicle and in the Laws, six clear examples occur in the former, and four in the latter. I believe, therefore, that the idiom in Anglo-Saxon is probably in the main of native origin, and that the infinitive phrase modifying the noun is analogous to other prepositional adjectival phrases modifsang a noun. I think, however, that it is highly probable that the frequency of the idiom in the Anglo-Saxon translations (especially in Alfred and in the Gospels) is partly due to the fre- quency of the constructions with gerund or gerundive in the Latin originals. Moreover, it seems hkely that the use of the inflected infinitive as a genitive modifier of the noun is in no small measure due to the influence of the Latin genitive of gerund or of gerundive of the original, since (1) the clear cases of the genitive function of the inflected infinitive are restricted largely to those passages translating such Latin constructions; and since (2) we have next to no prepositional adjectival phrases of genitive function in Early West Saxon aside from those in which the inflected infinitive occurs. As stated in Chapter XIII, p. 181, in the four instances of a noun modi- fied by an uninflected infinitive, the lack of inflection is probably due to the remoteness of the infinitive from the noun in all cases except one {And. 1538), and in this instance it may be due to the peculiar significance of the noun modified (myne) or to the exigencies of the meter. In the other Germanic languages the situation is much the same: see Chapter XVI, section xiii. > See Chapter XIII, p. 173. CHAPTER XV. SOME SUBSTITUTES FOR THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. I. THE PREDICATE NOMINATIVE OF THE PRESENT PARTI- CIPLE FOR THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE AFTER VERBS OF MOTION. Though not correct in saying that in Late "West Saxon the present parti- ciple had completely supplanted the present infinitive after verbs of motion, Dr. Schrader * was undoubtedly pointing out, though by no means for the first time, a tendency of Anglo-Saxon that made large headway in Late West Saxon, and became the law in succeeding epochs. What led to this partial supplant- ing of the predicative infinitive of motion after verbs of motion by the present ^ participle in Anglo-Saxon? What led, for example. He com fleogan, He com gangan, He com ieman, and He com ridan to become He com fleogende, He com gangende, He com iernende, and He com ridende ? If any adequate explanation of the fact has been offered either for Anglo-Saxon or for the Germanic languages as a whole, it has escaped me. Personally I think the chief causes of the sub- stitution to be these: — First, the relative rareness of the predicative infinitive of motion ' even in Anglo-Saxon poetry and its still greater infrequency in Anglo-Saxon prose, would tend to bring about the disuse of the idiom, especially in prose. Secondly, I doubt not that the well established, perhaps native, Anglo- Saxon use of an appositive participle to denote manner* with other verbs than those signifying motion (as in Boeth. 8.15: Da ic Sa 8is leoS, cwseS B., geomriende asungen hsefde, tSa com etc.; Gen. 1582: ac he hlihende brotSrum saegde) and its occasional use to denote what looks like manner with verbs of motion (as in j^lf. Horn. I. 566*: com seo sse fserlice swegende; Az. 144: heofon- fuglas, tSa Se lacende geond lyitfaraS; Met. 20.216: hwilum eft smeaS ymb tSone ecan god sceppend hire, scri&ende foer& hweole gelicost, hwasrfS ymb hi selfe) tended to the gradual extension of the use of the participle. Potent, too, was the influence of the periphrastic tenses made up of the verb to be plus a present participle, an idiom common in all stages of Anglo- Saxon, as shown by Dr. Constance Pessels, in his The Present and Past Peri- phrastic Tenses in Anglo-Saxon. Slight, if not inappreciable at first, this influence would become the stronger as the principal verb of motion paled more and more into a jnere auxiliary. Noteworthy, also, was the influence of the appositive participle of words not denoting motion used in connection with verbs of motion, as in L. 3.3 : he com into eall Iprdanes rice, bodiende dsedbote fulluht on synna for- gjrfenesse = venit in omnem regionem Jordanis, prcedicans baptismum poeni- tentise in remissionem peccatorum. ' L. c, p. 70: see Chapter V, p. 89 above. ' Though Professor Einenkel.i I. c, p. 238, considers that the past participle is similarly used in Salomon and Saturn, 1. 178 (hwsetSre wses on sselum, se !5e of siSe cwom feorran gefered) , and that awom . . . gefered = the German kam gegangen, I must hold with Professor March, I. c, p. 201, that the Anglo-Saxon phrase is not the equivalent of the German: gefered is used appositively, not predioatively, I think. ' See Chapter V, p. 89. * See the writer's Ths Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon, pp. 274-278. 221 222 SOME SUBSTITUTES FOR THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON, Strong, too, was the influence of the appositive participle of words denot- ing motion used with verbs of motion, as in L. 2.16: And hig efstende comon = Et venerunt festinantes; Mat. 14.25: Da com se Hselend embe iJone feorSan hancred to him, ofer t5a sae gangende = venit ad eos ambvZans super mare; Chron. 204", 1069 D*": 7 heom com Sser togenes Eadgar cild ... 7 ealle Sa landleoden ridende 7 gangende mid unmaetan here switSe fsegengende. How easily these appositive participles of motion may become predicative in func- tion is easily seen by comparing with the sentence just quoted from the Chronicle such sentences as the following, in which the participle is clearly predicative: ^If. L. S. 396.206: Da com him gangende to se godes witega helias; ibid. 408.412: him com gangende to godes witega isaias; — ^If. Horn. II. 134'' M him com tSa ridende to sum arwurSe ridda; ^If. Horn. I. 466*: tSaer com tSa fleogende Godes engel scinende swa swa sunne; — ^If. L. S. XXXI. 1043: Heo com tSa yrnende mid egeslicum eagum, with which compare JElf. L. S. XXXI. 1039: t5a com tSaer fseriice yrnan an Searle wod cu. Of no small weight, finally, was the predicative use of present participles not denoting motion after verbs of motion, as in Mat. 11. 18*- '': SotSlice lohannes com ne etende ne drincende = Venit enim Joannes neque mavducans neque Hhern, — a locution almost invariably borrowed from the Latin of the Gospels; — J. 9.7 : He for and tSwoh hine, and com geseonde = Abiit ergo, et lavit, et venit videns. Substantially the same evolution from infinitive to participle has taken place in the other Germanic languages. Examples of the predicative use of the in- finitive after verbs of motion and of rest will be given in Chapter XVI. Here I merely give a few examples of the predicative participle in the nominative after verbs of motion: — Gothic: I have found no examples in Gering or in Grimm; and Dr. A. Kohler declares that the idiom is not found in Gothic. Scandinavian: Messrs. Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 218, write as follows: "Til koma og fara f0ies i oldnorsk praesens particip for at betegne bevsegelsens art: pa komu par fljugandi hrafnar tveir. Ligedan i det senere sprog ved ' komme ': kommse l0bendiss (Mand.) ; komme ridende, roende. Ogsaa perfektum parti- cipium synes i seldre tid — vistnok efter tysk m0nster (er kam gegangen) — at kunne anvendes saaledes: tha kom the in gongen (K. Magn.); oc Roland kom standen paa iorden (ib.)." — See, too, Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 9. Old High German: Notker, I. 75.22: Tanne cham der uictor fone uige ritende in curru; Rol. 7129: Ther kuninc Marsilie kom fliehende etc.^ Middle High German: Eneide 4219: Vliende skiet he dannen met den bloden mannen; Engelhard 5345: Der brunne luter und kalt gienc ruschende unde klingende.^ Old Saxon: Hel. 4965: huarbondi geng forth. — 76. 5962: thuo quam im thar thie belago tuo gangandi godes suno (or appositive?) .' Be the cause of this substitution of the predicative participle of motion after verbs of motion for the predicative infinitive of motion after verbs of motion what it may, that such an evolution actually took place in Anglo-Saxon is conclusively proved by a brief survey of the statistics of the construction of the predicative participle of motion with verbs of motion. 1 From Crenshaw, I. c, p. 36. Cf. Gooking, I. c, p. 8; Rick, I. c, pp. 28-31 ; K. Meyer, I. c, pp. 29, 43. s From Crenshaw, I. c, p. 37. » From Pratje, I. c, p. 76. PREDICATE NOMINATIVE OF PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 223 In Anglo-Saxon poetry clear examples are seldom if ever found. In the following I give all the apparent examples that I have observed in the poems; but, as is evident, in most instances the participle hovers between the predica- tive use on the one hand and the attributive or the appositive on the other: — Maldon 65: comflowende flod sefter ebban (or attributive?). Az. 144: heofonfuglas, tSa Se lacende geond lyitfaraS (or appositive?). Met. XX. 216: Swa detS monnes saul hweole gehcost; hwserfetS ymbe hy selfe, . . . hwilum eft smeatS ymb tSone ecan God sceppend hire, scri&ende foer& hweole gelicost, hwserfS ymb hi selfe = no exact Latin equivalent, but the corresponding passage of the Latin Boethius (III, metre 9) has numerous ap- positive participles (or appositive?). Met. XXXI. 11: sume fotum twam foldan peStSaS, sume fierfete; sume fleogende vxindaS under wolcnum = 138.5: Et hquido longi spatia aetheris enatet uolalu (or appositive?). Wids. 127: Ful oft of Sam heape hmnendefleag giellende gar on grome tSeode (or attributive?). Wids. 135: Swa scriSende gesceapum hweorfaS gleomen gumena geond grunda fela, tSearfe secgatJ, tJoncword sprecatS, etc. (or appositive?). Ps. 103.24: His is mycel sae 7 on gemserum wid: tSser is unrim on ealra cwycra mycelra 7 msetra, ofer tSsene msegene oft scipu scri&ende scrinde fleotaS = 103.26: lUic naves pertranseunt (or appositive?). Gen. 2557: Strudende fyr steapes 7 geapes swogende forswealh eall eador, tSffit on Sodoma byrig secgas ahton 7 on Gomorra (or appositive?). Beow. 2832: tSaet se widflogawundum stille hreas on hrusan, hordserne neah, nalles aefter lyfte lacende hwearf naddelmhtmn, maSm-sehta wlonc ansyn ywde: ac he eorSan gefeoll for Sses hildefruman hondgeweorce (or appositive?). [Dr. K. Kohler, I. c, p. 70, considers the participle predicative.] In Early West Saxon, likewise, it is difficult, if not impossible, to find clear examples. A few examples occur in the Chronicle (265*, 1137 E'^: Gif twa men otSer Sreo coman ridend (sic!) to an tun; — 47*, 744 E: steorran /oran swytSe scotienda; — 244™, 1143''' ": on Sis ylcan geare waes swa mycel ebba . . . swa tJaet rasmferde ridende 7 gangende ofer Tsemese), but only in the late MS. E (written from 1121 to 1154^) and, with one exception, in the later entries (years) of that manuscript. Only one example have I found in Alfred, viz., in Greg. 415.21 : Donne gaeS Dine ut sceawian Sa elSiodigan wif , Sonne hwelces monnes mod forlaet his aegne tilunga, & sorgaS ymb oSerra monna wisan, Se [him] nauht to ne limpS, & fcer& swa wandriende from his hade & of his ende- byrdnesse = 336.21 : Dina quippe ut mulieres videat extraneae regionis egredi- tur, quando unaquaeque mens sua studia negligens, actiones alienas curans, extra habitum atque extra ordinem proprium vagatur. Here the complemen- tary participle translates a finite verb, but the participle in Anglo-Saxon is doubtless due to the influence of the two Latin appositive participles immedi- ately preceding vagatur. In Waerferth's translation of Gregory's Dialogues, also, one example occurs, 98.18: Sa se halga man ferde Sider fleonde, hine gemette sum munuc = B. 128 C : Quo dum fugiens pergeret, monachus quidam Romanus nomine, hunc euntem reperit, quo tenderet requisivit. * Plummer, I. c, II, p. xxxv. 224 SOME SUBSTITUTES FOR THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. But in Late West Saxon the predicative participle is quite frequent, as may be seen from this list ^ of the clearer examples observed by me, arranged ac- cording to the words, not the authors: — becvunan, ' come ' (3) : — — iernende [y-], ' running ' (1): Mf. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 196. — rowmde, ' rowing ' (1): Mf. L. S. (1): XXXII. 36. — swymmende, ' swimming ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 162™. cuman, ' come ' (20) : — — creopende, ' creeping ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 488''. —fleogende, ' flying ' (6): Mf. Horn. (6): I, 466*; II. 14', 144'', 342-°, 504^ 510-". — gangende, ' going,' ' walking ' (7) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 388'>. — Mf. L. S. (4): 206.199; 302.263; 396.206; 4:08.4:12. — Mf. Hept. (1): Judges U.3.— Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.37™ ^ (but may be appositive). — iernende [y-], 'running' (1): Mf. L. S. (1): XXXI. 1043 (cf. xxxi. 1039: com . . . yrnan). — ridende, ' riding ' (4) : Mf. Ham. (1) : II. 134'' K — Mf. L. S. (3) : XXV. 491, 773; XXVII. 84. — stceppende, ' stepping ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 452™. faran, ' go,' * travel ' (1) : — — worigende, 'wandering' (1): Mf. Hept. (1): Gen. 4.11. feran, ' go,' ' travel ' (8) : — — forSsidigende, 'journeying' (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 140*. — ridende, 'riding' (1): Mf. Hept. (1): Num. 22.21 (or appositive?). — dSigende, 'journeying' (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 136''- — worigende, ' wandering ' (5) : Mf. Horn. (4) : I. 148*, 168*; II. 30'', 188-. — Mf.Int. (1): 154. gan [gangan], ' go,' ' move ' (1) : — — worigende, ' wandering ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 160™- ieman [y-], ' run ' (1) : — — dwoligende, ' straying ' (1) : Chad. (1) : 224. To the foregoing verbs of motion followed by a predicative participle of motion, I add a few examples of the predicative present participle after verbs of rest: — licgan, ' lie,' ' recline ' (2) : — — anbidiende, ' awaiting ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 260''. — bemcenende, ' lamenting ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 312''- sittan, ' sit ' (4) : — — ceteowiende, ' showing ' (1) : Wulf. (1) : 198.3 (or appositive?). — biddende, ' begging ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 156*. — hleowinde, 'warming' (1): Neot (1): 161. — wepende, 'weeping' (1): Mf. Hept. (1): Gen. 21.16. standan, ' stand ' (5) : — — byuigende, ' trembling ' (1) : Mf. L. 8. (1) : 206.176. — cwacigmde, ' trembling ' (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 32'' 3. — geanbidiende, ' awaiting ' (1) : Gosp. (1) : L. 23.35. — starigende, ' gazing ' (2) : Mf. Horn. (2) : I. 296* »• \ 1 I do not here repeat the examples, above given, from the later Chronicle, PREDICATE ACCUSATIVE OP PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 225 n. THE PREDICATE ACCUSATIVE OF THE PRESENT PARTI- CIPLE FOR THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. It is interesting to trace the gradual springing up of the predicate accusa- tive of the present participle as a partial substitute for the predicative infini- tive with accusative subject. True, Dr. Zeitlin, as stated in Chapter XIV, section viii, p. 212, claims that in Anglo-Saxon the infinitive was substituted for the participle, a claim earlier made for the Germanic languages as a whole by Becker and after him by other scholars, as is shown below. But the claim is untenable, I beUeve, either for Anglo-Saxon alone or for the Germanic lan- guages as a whole. To begin with Anglo-Saxon: as our statistics show, the predicate accusative of the present participle is practically unknown in Anglo-Saxon poetry, only four examples being found therein, each in a poem believed to have a Latin original, as follows: — Chr. 536 : Gewitan him tSa gongan to Hierusalem hseleS hygerof e in t5a halgan burg geomormode, tSonan hy God nyhst up stigende eagum segun, hyra Wilgif an. Chr. 891 : Dser mou mseg sorgende folc gehyran, hygegeomor, hearde gefysed, cearum cwiSende cwicra gewyrhtu forhte afserde. Gu. 1120: Ongon Sa snottor hsele ar onbehttSegn setSeles neosan to Sam halgan hofe, fond tSa hlingendne fusne on forSsitS frean unwenne gsesthaligne godes temple, soden sarwylmum. Charms IV. 55 (really prose) : Ic ana wat ea rinnende ond Sa nygon naedran behealdaS. In Early West Saxon, the predicate participle is rare, and, in the transla- tions, usually is traceable either directly or indirectly to a, Latin predicate participle, though occasionally the Anglo-Saxon participle, especially if of slight verbal power, has other correspondents in the Latin (an accusative and infinitive, 2; a gerund in the ablative, 1; a predicate adjective, 3; an apposi- tive adjective, 1; a noun in the accusative, 1; an ablative absolute (passive), 1; no Latin, 1). The examples in full are: — Alfred (20) : — Bede(8): — gefelan, ' feel,' ' perceive ' (2) : — batiende, 'convalescing' (1): 404.1«': t5a sona instepe gefelde ic mec bati&nde 7 werpende = conf estim me melius habere sentirem. — werpende Me-], 'recovering from illness' (1): 404.1»: quoted in preceding. gemetan, ' find ' (2) : — — sittende, ' sitting ' (1): 402.20": Da gemette he mec sittende, 7 ic sprsecan meahte = 291.8: me reuisens, inuenit sedentem, et iam loqui ualentem. — sloepende, 'sleeping' (1): 244.3: Sa gemette 6one bis geSoftan slmpende = 193.17: invenit sod^lem dormientem. geseon, ' see' (4): — fleogende, ' flyiiig ' (1): 214.16: Geseah he eac swylce tSa wergan gastas tSurh tSset iyv fleogende = 166.9: ?7idif autem et dcemones per ignem uolarites incendia bellorum contra iustos struere. 226 SOME SUBSTITUTES FOR THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. — standende, 'standing' (1): 444.15: geseahhe . . . 'Sone Hcelend standende Godes on tSa switSran = 314.31 : uidit . . . lesum stantem a dextris Dei. — utgangende [-o-], ' going out ' (1): 386.5: t5a gesegon we . . . tSone leofan feeder ... of his deagolnissum utgongende = 282.6: uidimus . . . egressum de latibulis suis . . . patrem. — widfeohtende, ' fighting ' (1): 88.18: Ic geseo otSere cb in minum leomum wiSfeohtende tSsere se mines modes = 61.26: Video aliam legem in membris meis repugnantem legi mentis meae. BoETHius (7) : — forlsetan, ' leave ' (1) : — sorgiende, ' sorrowing ' (1) : 20.31 : HwaeSer ?Se tSu hi forseo, 7 t5ines agnes tSonces hi f orlete buton sare, tSe tSu gebide hwonne hi t5e sorgiendne for- Iceten? = 31.48: Quid igitur referre putas, tune illam moriendo deseras an te ilia fugiendo f gedon, ' make,' ' cause ' (3) : — — wealdende ^ [-Or], 'controlling' (3): 5.16: moege senigne mon weligne 7 waldendne gedon = 0. — lb. 38.16: ne se anweald ne mceg gedon his waldend weaMendne = 42.55: nee potestas sui compotem fecerit quem uitiosae libidines insolubilibus adstrictum retinent catenis. — 76. 38.30: otStSe se anweald, Soime he ne mceg his waldend waldendne gedon = 0, but of. 42.55 in preceding. gehealdan, ' hold,' ' keep ' (1) : — — wuniende, 'continuing' (1): 27.12: ForSamtSe God Mne geheU seg- hwonan singallice wuniendne on his modes gesseltSum = 35.21 : Tu conditus quieti felix robore ualli, duces serenus aeuum. geseon, ' see ' (2) : — murdende, 'complaining' (1): 11.3: Sona swa ic Se serest on tSisse unrotnesse geseah 6us murdende = 18.3 : Cum te . . , mcestum lacrimantemqae uidissem. — swellende, 'dying' (1): 23.1*: maenegum men is leofre ?5aet he ser self swelte ser he gesio his wif 7 his beam sweltende = 0. Ghegory (3) : — findan, 'find' (2): — — frinende, 'interrogating' (1): 385.23'': Sa fundon hie hiene tomiddes Sara wietena Se tJaer wisoste wseron in Hierusalem, hlystende hiora worda & frinende hiora lara = 300.29'': Invenerunt ilium in templo sedentem in medio doctorum, audientem illos et interrogantem. [Cf. L. 2.46.] — hlystende, 'listening' (1): 385.23*: quoted in preceding, geseon, ' see ' (1) : — — eadende, 'increasing' (1): 231.19: tJonne hie geseoS tSara otSer[r]a gesmlSa eadende, Sonne tSynctS him Sset hie wiellen acuelan etc. = 174.27: dum- que augmenta aliense prosperitatis aspieiunt. Orosius (2) : — geseon, ' see ' (1) : — — feohtende, ' fighting ' (1), 92.10: tSa gesawan hie Romana cerendramn on hie feohtende = 93.7: legatos . . . adversimi se videre pugnantes. metan, ' find ' (1) : — ' As is evident from the tliroe examples, wealdende is more an adjective than a participle here. PREDICATE ACCUSATIVE OF PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 227 — sittende, 'sitting' (1): 134.31: tSeh tSe hie hiene metSigne on cneowum sittende metten = 135.18: fixo genu eatenus pugnavit. In Wserferth, however, the construction is somewhat more frequent than in Alfred, Waerferth having, in his one book {The Dialogues of Gregory), 27 examples; of which number, 25 are in direct translation of Latin predicate accusatives of the present participle; 1 (169.7), of a Latin predicate past parti- ciple; and 1 (335.26), of a Latin accusative and infinitive. No examples have been found in the early part of the Chronicle, the earliest occurring in the year 1107, in the late manuscript E. Only three examples occur in all, and these belong, therefore, to Late West Saxon. Moreover, not only is the predicate accusative of the present participle with real verbal power rare in Anglo-Saxon poetry and in Early West Saxon prose, and, when occurring in either, is traceable to Latin influence, but we have un- mistakable evidence that the Early West Saxon translators constantly shunned rendering the Latin predicate accusative of the present participle by the corresponding construction in Anglo-Saxon. A reference to the Latin corre- spondents to the predicative infinitive with accusative subject after verbs of perception (sense and mental), given on pp. 206 f., shows that often the predicate participle is translated by a predicate infinitive. Once more: we find the idiom only sparingly used in the more original Anglo-Saxon prose, whether early or late; for the Chronicle has only three examples, all after the year 1100; and Wulfstan, only four; while the Laws and the Lceceboc have no example. As to other relatively early West Saxon works, the Prose Psalms shows only two examples, in one of which (34.14"=) an Anglo-Saxon predicate parti- ciple = a Latin appositive participle, and in the other (41.10) a slightly verbal participle = a Latin genitive phrase; Benedict, three examples, in each of which the Anglo-Saxon predicate participle translates a Latin predicate parti- ciple; the Blickling Homilies, 17 examples; the prose Guthlac, two examples, in one of which (VI.9) the Anglo-Saxon predicate participle = a Latin apposi- tive participle, and in the other (1.16) the Anglo-Saxon predicate participle in the accusative = a Latin predicate participle in the nominative with a passive verb; the Martyrology, five examples; the A. S. Homilies and Lives of Saints II (non-^lfrician), three examples; Apollonius, no example; and the Minor Prose, ten examples, distributed as follows: Nicodemus, 1; Napier's Addi- tions to Thorpe (really, therefore, to be credited to .^Ifric), 4; Benediktiner- Offizium, 1; Chad, 2; Alexander, 2. But in Late West Saxon times the idiom is quite common, about 75 examples occurring in ^Ifric and 80 in the Gospels. Of these 80 examples, all except two * are in direct translation of a Latin predicate participle. Of JElfric's familiarity with and his addiction to Latin idioms, especially those concerned with the participle, abundant evidence has been given in the present writer's discussion of iElfric's frequent use of the absolute ^ participle and of the apposi- tive participle,' in which discussion were pointed out the chief Latin sources of 1 The two exceptions are: Mat. 15.32: ic hig nelle foBstende forhetan = dimiUere eosjejunos nolo, in which a Blightly verbal participle = a Latin adjective; Mai. 27.32: t5a gemetton hig senne Cyreniscne mann cumende heom togenes = Exeuntes autem invenenint hominem CyrensBmn nomine Simonem, in which a predicate accusative participle is suggested by a Latin appositive participle. 2 See The Absolute Parliciple in Anglo-Saxon, p. 28. • See The Appositive Participle in Anglo-Saxon, pp. 297 £f. 228 SOME SUBSTITUTES FOR THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. iElfric's works. Here it needs only to be said that ^Elfric is likewise strongly influenced by the Latin, especially by ecclesiastical Latin, in his use of the predi- cate accusative of the present participle, a construction that, as shown above, is very frequent in the vulgate Gospels. It is likewise not uncommon in the vulgate Old Testament. ^Ifric several times translates the Latin predicate participle by an Anglo-Saxon predicate infinitive (about four times in all). And, while occasionally ^Ifric, in his Heiptateuch, has a predicate accusative of the participle where another construction is found in the original Latin,^ the participles so occurring are such as are not infrequent elsewhere in ^Ifric and in other Anglo-Saxon prose (especially the Gospels) ; and such as are frequent in ecclesiastical Latin. I believe, therefore, that no one who examines my statistics as a whole will question the statement that iElfric's use of the predicate accusative of the participle is due to Latin influence. When we consider, then, that the predicative use of the present participle with full verbal power is practically unknown in Anglo-Saxon poetry; that it very rarely occurs in Early West Saxon, and then usually in translating a Latin predicate participle; that it is very rare also in the more original prose; but that it is frequent in Late West Saxon, especially in the Gospels and in ^Ifric, and that of the 80 examples in the Gospels all but two are in direct translation of Latin predicate participles; — when we consider all this, the conclusion seems irresistible that this predicative use of the present participle was not a native Anglo-Saxon idiom, but was imported from the Latin, chiefly through the instrumentahty of ^Ifric and of the translator (s) of the Gospels. As to this theory of the Latin origin of this idiom in Anglo-Saxon, I have seen no statement favoring it except this of Dr. Axel Erdmann,^ which state- ment, it will be noted, ascribes the frequency, not the origin, of the idiom to Latin influence: " In the ancient period, the infinitive [i. e., the infinitive with accusative subject] prevailed instead of the Participle [i. e., the predicative participle in the accusative]. In Beowulf, Caedmon's Genesis, and even in the Enigmas it is employed exclusively, and in the whole A. S. poetical literature in by far the majority of cases. The Part, seems to owe very much of its frequency at a later time to Latin influence. In the Gospels it is decidedly preponderant. The infin. for inst. Lucas, XIX.32, XXI.l, 2. Cf. March, I 449." But we are told by scholars of the highest distinction that, on the contrary, in the Germanic languages as a whole, the infinitive has been substituted for the participle. As already incidentally stated, this latter theory was proposed at least as early as 1836, by K. F. Becker, who, in his Ausfiihrliche Devische Grammatik, Vol. I, pp. 193-194, expressed himself as follows: " Der Gebrauch eines objectiven Infinitivs nach den Verben: sehen, horen, fuhlen, finden, z. B., ' Ich sehe ihn laufen/ ' Ich hore ihn singen,' ist uralt und findet sich auch in dem Angelsachsischen.* Statt dieses Infinitivs finden wir aber nicht nur im Griechischen und Lateinischen, sondern auch im Gothischen das Partizip des 1 The divergent examples are: Deut, 11.25: gehirdon his word Cus cweSende— et locuius est vobis; Judges, Epilogue, p. 264, 1.22: hi gemetton . . . godes engel him togeanea gangende mid him= 0; Exod. 22.19; Sa geseh he . . . Soetfolc eall 3ingende= vidit . . . choros; Qen. 18.2: And Abraham beseah upp and geseah tSri weras standende him gehende =» Cumque elevasset oculos, apparuerunt ei tre8 viri atantes prope eum. The remaining four examples of the predicate accusative in the Anglo-Saxon Heptateuch (pen. 28.12l>' ", 29.1; .IVwn. 22.23) translate Latin predicate participles. 2 L. c, p. 32. a " S. Otfrid, I, 4.21; 15.47; 25.15, 23; — Nibslungenlied, 5365; — Hiokes, ». a. O., p. 93." PREDICATE ACCUSATIVE OF PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 229 Prasens, z. B., L. vidit jacentem, G. gasahw ligandein} Auch im Alt- xmd Mitteldeutschea Kommt nicht selten das Partizip vor; ^ und im Englischen wird gewohnlich das Partizip und nicht der Infinitiv gebraucht, z. B., / heard him singing. Obgleich wir im Neuhochdeutschen nur den Infinitiv gebrauchen, und auch die romanischen Sprachen diesen Gebrauch angenommen haben; so hat sich doch der Gebrauch des Partizips im Allgemeinen waiter verbreitet; und wir miissen schon darum das Partizip als die ursprtingliche Form dieses Verhaltnisses ansehen und den Gebrauch des Infinitivs aus dem leichten Wechsel der Partizipialformen herleiten (§ 98). Aber noch bestimmter spricht fiir diese Annahme das Beziehungsverhaltniss selbst. So ist zwar in: ' Ich hore den Vogel singen ' das Mittelwort dngen Objekt des Verbs horen; aber es wird vermittelst des Pradikats horen als ein Attribut von Vogel ausgesagt, und fordert daher die adjektivische Form des Partizips, an welchem auch in den alten Sprachen — auch im Gothischen — die attributive Beziehung durch die Flexion bezeichnet wird." Substantially this same view was taken by Grimm, in 1837, in the fourth volume of his Devische Grammatik, p. 740 ; and by Theodor Vernaleken, in 1861, in his Deutsche Syntax, Vol. I, p. 125. In more recent times, too, this theory has not lacked advocates. It was espoused in 1885, by Professor Sylvester Primer, in his " The Factitive in German," pp. 47 ff.; in 1905, by Dr. C. Grimberg, in his " Undersokningar om Konstruktionen Ac- cusativ med Infinitiv i den Xldre Fomsvenskan," pp. 226-227; and in 1908, by Dr. Jacob Zeitlin, in his dissertation referred to above. But, despite the contention of these scholars, I must hold that, as in Anglo- Saxon, so in the Germanic languages as a whole, the predicative participle was a borrowed, not a native idiom, — a view that is held by several Germanic gram- marians of note, as will be seen below. True, in Gothic we find the predica- tive participle far more frequently than the predicative infinitive after verbs of sense perception, but this comes, as I believe, merely of the translator's slavish following of the Greek original; for Professor Gering, I. c, p. 428, and Professor Streitberg,^ I. c, p. 216, tell us that only twice after this group of verbs does Ulfilas fail to render the predicative participle of the Greek by the same idiom in the Gothic. Dr. Grimberg, I. c, p. 226, holds that in the Scandinavian the use of the predi- cate participle preceded that of the predicate infinitive after verbs of sense per- ception, — a view adopted apparently by Dr. Zeitlin.* But Messrs. Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 218, seem to think that the predicative present participle was substituted for an original predicative infinitive: "Participiet betegner ob- jektets tilstand under handlingen (se § 68, 1, b, y) : peir drapu hann sofanda; hann fann pa drepna. Ved ' finde ' er den gamle infinitiv (§ 127) nu erstattet af nutidsparticip (undtagen i overf 0rt betydning) : han fandt samme Trold siddende ved en H0y at grsede (Holb, for: og grsede); ved indflydelse heraf ogsaa: hvor jeg ofte saa ham siddende at flikke gamle Skoe (ib., for: sidde og flikke). Ved assimilation staar i seldre tid efter perfektum imdertiden fortids- for nutidsparticip: hvor tidt har jeg funden dig sprungen herom (Dass.)." For the High Germanic languages, the evolution of the predicative infinitive from the predicative participle was denied by Dr. Arthur Denecke,7. c, p. 26, who, in 1880, declared: " Die Ansicht Koch's {Deutsche Gramm., § 269), dass 1 " S. Ulfila, Matih., 6.16, 18; 8.14; 9.9." ' " S. Isidor, 4.1; Parziml, 516.23; IwHn, 283." ' L.c, pp. 66 and 110. 230 SOME SUBSTITUTES FOB THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. der Inf. bei den Verbis der Wahrnehmung aus Particip entstanden zu seia scheine, ist aus historischen Griinden falsch." That the predicative use of the accusative of the present participle was not native to the High Germanic lan- guages in general, but was with them, as with Anglo-Saxon, an importation from the Latin, was demonstrated by Professor J. B. Crenshaw, in his doctor's dis- sertation. The Present Participle in Old High German and Middle High German, Baltimore, 1901,^ pp. 14r-20: " Present Participle after Verbs of Perception." His general statement is given on p. 14: " In Old High German and in Middle High German the Infinitive was the regular construction after Verbs of this class; the Participle was the exception, and the instances, cited from the works examined, will show that the usage was borrowed from the Latin. In Middle High German the Infinitive alone ^ is used, and the Participle has been dropped entirely." The general results of Professor Crenshaw's investigation have been confirmed, so far as Old High German is concerned, by the investigation of Dr. Karl Rick, in his dissertation, Das Prddikative Partidpium Praesentis im Althochdeutschen, Bonn, 1905, pp. 34-37; and by the less specialized investi- gations by Dr. Gocking and by Dr. K. Meyer cited in my bibliography. How closely the Old High German parallels the Anglo-Saxon may be gathered from these few examples taken from Rick: — Tatian 19.3: gisah^ zuene bruoder rihtenti iro nezi = vidit fratres refidentes retia; ib. 16.2: tho gihortun inan thie iungiron sprechantan = audierunt eum discipuli loquentem; ib. 181.3: f ant sie slafente = invenit eos dormientes. Finally, in Old Saxon the predicative participle is very rare, Pratje, I. c, p. 77, giving only four examples for the whole of the Heliand: — 4024: that sia im uualdand Crist tuo . . . farandian uuissun; 4356: that hie in . . . slapandia . . . ne bifahe; 4797: /and sia slapandia; 5731: thar hie uuissa that godes barn, hreo hangondi herren sines. What Professor Wilmanns, professedly following Dr. Rick, says (L c, p. 109) of Old High German, is true in my judgment of the Germanic languages as a whole: " Pradikativ gebrauchte Part. Pras. waren in der alteren Sprache offenbar wenig beliebt, wenn auch die tJbersetzer sie nach dem Muster ihrer Vorlagen oft genug zulassen." 1 Though 1893 appears on the title-page, the monograph was not printed until 1901. 2 According to Professor Crenshaw himself, al(me is too strong, for he cites on p. 15 sixteen examples of the predicate participle in Middle High German after the verb sehen, > Wilmanns, I. c, p. 110, tells us that after sehan Tatian uses the infinitive only 6 times, the participle 40 times, in strict accord with the Latin original; and that Otfrid uses the participle only once. CHAPTER XVI. THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. In this chapter I attempt to give a very brief conspectus of the Infinitive in the Germanic Languages other than Anglo-Saxon, primarily for the light thus to be derived for the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. I trust, however, that the preceding detailed discussion of the uses of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon may enable me to throw some light on the construction in the kindred Germanic languages. The main authorities, aside from the standard grammars by Grimm and by Wilmanns (the latter still unfinished), are for Gothic: the Ele- mentarlmch by Streitberg and the special articles by Arthur Kohler and Otto Apelt; for the Scandinavian languages: the treatises of Falk and Torp, of Holthausen, of Kahle, of Lund, of Nygaard, and of Grimberg; for Old High German: the works of Apelt, Crenshaw, Denecke, Dietz, 0. Erdmann, Gocking, K. Meyer, Mourek, Rannow, Rick, Seedorf, Seller, and Wunderlich; for Middle High German: those of Paul, of Michels, and of Monsterberg-Mtincke- nau; for New High German: those of Blatz, Curme, Herford, Thomas, Von Jageman, and Whitney; and for Old Saxon: those of Behaghel, Holthausen, Pratje, and Steig. It will not be considered improper, I trust, to add that, while the examples given below are borrowed from the aforementioned au- thorities, the interpretation thereof is my own. I. THE SUBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. In Gothic we find as subject both the simple infinitive and the prepositional infinitive (with dv): — Mk. 7.27: unte ni gop ist niman hlaif barne jah wairpan hundam = ou yap ecmv KaXov Xa/Seiv tov aprov t^v xiKviav koI ftakeiv rots KvvapioK ', ^ Rom. 7.18: unte vnljan atligip mis = to -yap 6i\ew irapaKeiTaC /xot ; ^ Mk. 10.24: hvaiwa aglu ist paim hugjandam afar faihau in piudangardja gaps gal&ifian = TTus SvcTKokov icrn Toiis ircTrotSdras in Tois }(pri(iaa'W £ts Tiji' /SacrtXetav rov Beav eto-cMetv ,- ^ I. Cor. 11.6: i]> jabai agl ist qinon du kapillon aifpau skaban = d Se aixrxpov ywawi to KcCpag-dai ^ ^paxrdcu. ^ As is evident from the preceding ex- amples, the Greek articular infinitive is represented by both the simple infini- tive and the prepositional infinitive in Gothic. In Gothic itself the infinitive is at times preceded by the article, as in Philip. 1.29: izwis /roffifeaw isi faur Xristu ni patainei du imma galaubjan, ak jah pata faur ina winnan = oti viiiv ixo^^cOy TO WTTtp Xpio-ToS, oil jiovov to eis avrov Trurreveiv, dWa Kai to_ inrep avrov ruo^etv.* Worthy of note, too, is the tendency to use the prepositional in- finitive instead of the simple infinitive after the verb to be plus an adjective, but the tendency is not so strong as in Anglo-Saxon. Finally, it should be mentioned that Professor Streitberg,'' I. c, § 318, considers as predicative infin- i From Wright,' I. c, | 435. ' From Kohler,' A., I. c, p. 421. > Ibidem, I. c, p. 434. * From Bernhardt,' I. c, p. 111. 231 232 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. itive with dative subject what to me seems a subjective infinitive, a topic dis- cussed in section ix of the present chapter. In Old Norse, likewise, we find, as subject, both the simple infinitive and the prepositional infinitive (with at), but the latter the oftener, as we learn from Drs. Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 195: " Som subjekt staar infimtiven saerlig hyppig ved upersonlige udtryk: mik fara tiSir; lysti harm at kyssa hana; samt i udtryk med vera: lett er lav^s at fara. Modsat af hvad man skulde vente, staar her allerede i oldnorsk mest at. Sagen er den, at i de fleste tilfselde var en dobbelt opfatning mulig: i mik fara tiSir er infinitiven ligefrem subjekt for verbet (at fare udgj0r min lyst) ; men verbet kan ogsaa tages rent upersonligt: jeg har en lyst som gaar i retning af at reise = mik tiSir at fara. Den af denne dobbelte opfatning fremkaldte vaklen i brugen af at oph0rte efterhaauden, og 'at' blev det herskende." See, further, Lund, I. c, pp. 357 ff.; Nygaard, I. c, p. 220. In Old High German we find the same fluctuation between the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive as subject that we have found in Anglo- Saxon: — uninflected: Tatian 148.11: obais arloubit si wola iwon, heila turn oda furliosan = si licet bene facere, salvam facere an perdere;^ — B. R. 35.3: pezzira ist svngeen denne kisprehhan wesan = melius est silire, quam loqui;^ — Tatian 191.26: guot ist thir einougen richison, thanna habenten gisentit werden = bonum tibi est luscum regnare quam habentem mitti; * — inflected: Horn, de voc. 29.14: iugarisit goteswovt zaquedanne = vobis oportebat loqui verbumdei;* — Tatian 100.30: gilimphit mir zi gotspellone= oportet me evangelizare;* — Is. 9.9 : so zi chilavbanne mihhil wootnissa ist = itg, existimare magnae dementiae est;^ — Tatian 171.7: nist guot zi nemenne . . . brot inti zi werfenna = non est bonum sumere panem . . . et mittere.^ And the chief cause of this fluctua- tion appears to be the same as in Anglo-Saxon, namely, the disturbing influence of the datival verbs and verbal phrases; though a slight factor may be that suggested by Denecke with reference to the uninflected infinitive with guot ist in Tatian 191.18, 26: " In beiden Stellen scheint theils das Pass, gisentit werden, theils der vom Uebersetzer dem Lat, nachgeahmte Ace. das Eintreten von zi verhindert zu haben." ' In his elaborate treatise, Der Injinitiv in den Epen Hartmanns von Aue, Dr. Monsterberg-Miinckenau gives a unique classification of the uses of the infinitive, and on page 7 declares that " nie ist der blosse Infinitiv bei Hartmann Subject." Despite this statement, he gives examples from Hartmann of what others consider the subjective use of the infinitive; and all recent authorities* tell us that the infinitive is found as subject in Middle High German. But the usage, especially as to the presence or omission of the preposition with the subjective infinitive in both Middle High German and in New High German, has diverged so far from the earlier status represented in Old High German and in Anglo-Saxon that it seems useless for our purpose to cite examples. Suffice it to say that the confusion between uninflected infinitive and iaflected infinitive grows in Middle High German, and becomes almost hopeless in New High German. In Old Saxon we have clear examples of the inflected infinitive as subject, ' From Denecke, I. c, p. 20> ' Ibidem, I. c, p. 22. ' Ibidem, I. c., p. 23. 4 Ibidem, I. c, p. 66. » Ibidem, I. c, p. 70. « Ibidem, I. c, p. 71. ' Denecke, I. c., p. 23. > See Michels, I. c, § 245. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 233 with datival verbs and verbal phrases: — Hel. 975: uuest thu, that us so girisid allaro rehto gihuuilig te gifuUeanne; i ib. 3138: god is it her te uuesanne.^ In the following the uninflected infinitive may be considered as subject or as predicate nominative: Hel. 5825: ik uuet that is iu ist niud sehan an theson stene innan.* It seems probable, therefore, that the use of the infinitive, whether unin- flected or inflected, as the subject of active verbs, is of native origin in the Ger- manic languages; and that the differentiation between the two infinitives is much the same as in Anglo-Saxon: often the datival verbs or verbal phrases cause the inflected (or in Gothic the prepositional) infinitive to be used as sub- ject instead of the uninflected. The passive infinitive as subject, as, indeed, the passive infinitive in any use, is very rare in the earlier Germanic languages. Concerning the passive infinitive in general, we know that in Gothic the passive infinitive of the Greek is usually rendered by an active infinitive; that, while the passive infinitive is not infrequent in some Old High German translations, as in the Benedictiner- Regel, in the better translations it is often avoided, and that in the more original prose it is almost unknown, only two examples (with an auxiliary) occurring in Otfrid; that the passive infinitive is not frequent in Old Saxon or in Old Norse. The situation, therefore, in the Germanic languages as a whole as regards the passive infinitive is strikingly similar to that found in Anglo-Saxon. See Denecke, I. c, p. 5; Pratje, I. c, pp. 78, 80; Streitberg,!* I. c, § 312; Wil- manns, I. c, p. 165; Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 194; Kahle, Z. c, § 432; Lofiler,. I. c, pp. 10-11; Oberg, I. c, pp. 24-25. n. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. It is clearly out of the question at this place to do much more than call attention to a few of the most striking instances of the interchange of unin- flected infinitive and of inflected infinitive as object in the Germanic languages other than Anglo-Saxon. As in Anglo-Saxon, so in the other Germanic languages the object infinitive is very common with verbs (1) of commanding, (2) of causing and permitting, and (3) of sense perception, as may be seen by a brief inspection of the treatises named for the respective languages at the beginning of this chapter. It is far less common with other groups of verbs. According to the statistics of Dr. A. Kohler, there is next to no interchange of simple infinitive and of prepositional infinitive as object in Gothic. True, a, few verbs that he discusses under the objective use * (giban, saihvan, meljan, anabiudan, sokjan) are followed by both the simple infinitive and the preposi- tional infinitive, but each time he holds that the prepositional infinitive is final, not objective, in which supposition he is usually correct As, however, w& saw the same sort of wavering between the two infinitives in the Anglo-Saxoa cognates, beodan and secan, I cite an example each of anabiudan and of soh- jan followed by the prepositional infinitive: L. 4.10: patei aggilum seinaim ' From Steig, I. c, p. 493. = Ibidem, I. v., p. 496. « Ibidem, I. c, p. 344. Steig, however, considers that sehan modifies niud. See p. 264 below. t- Kohler,' A., I. c, pp. 435-450. 234 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. anabivdifi bi J>uk du fastan puk = on rots dyyeXois airov ivreXeiraL Trepi l>ai auhumistans gudjans jah alia so gafaurds sokidedun ana Jesu weitwodi]>a du afdaupjan ina = ot 8k dpx«pe« f<»i oW to Ibidem, p. 204. " OelbrSck,' I. c, p. 93. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 235 ally an accusative in Old High German; i fwrhten, an accusative of the thing or person feared and a genitive of cause; ^ gibiotan, a dative of the person and an accusative of the thing; » and beginnan, an accusative or a genitive.* In the series of two infinitives after gibot in Tatian 196.34, quoted above, as already- stated, I think that the absence of inflection is due to its remoteness from the chief verb. In Tatian 83.6, the inflected infinitive may be due in part to the presence of the gerund in the Latin original. Purposely, again, I ignore the objective infinitive in Middle High German except to say that Dr. Monsterberg-Munckenau,i Z. c, p. 11, denies this use to Hartmann, though what others consider such infinitives are abundant therein; and that in Middle High German the confusion between uninflected and in- flected objective infinitives grows rapidly. In New High German the differentiation between the two is as difficult as in Modern Enghsh. In Old Saxon a similar interchange between the iminflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive is found after giuualdan: Hel. 5345, 5346: that ik giuualdan muot so thik te spildianne an speres orde, so ti quellianne an crucium, so quican latan? In Old Saxon, uualdan governs the instnunental or the genitive,* but the exchange of uninflected for inflected infinitive in the pre- ceding example is probably due, not only to the double regimen of uualdan, but also to the remoteness of the third infinitive from the chief verb. In all probability the original construction was with the inflected infinitive. The following verbs have only the inflected infinitive as object in the Old High German texts discussed by Denecke: luston and lusten, ' desiderare '; giflizzan, 'studere'; vnzzan, 'cognoscere'; argezzan, 'oblivisci'; sichbichnaan (?), 'agnoscere'; leren, 'docere'; gizdhhancm, 'demonstrare'; farbiotan, ' pro- hibere '; and the following in Old Saxon, according to Steig, I. c, pp. 491-494: bifelhan, ' lecommend' ; gemavMgfeldiani?), 'multiply'; Zinon, ' learn ' ; menian ' intend '; thenkan, ' think,' ' think of '; ruokan, ' hope,' ' care '; biodan, ' com- mand.' Even a cursory examination of the examples in which these words occur, will show that in the main the inflected infinitive represents an ' indirect case ' in the sense in which that term was defined above, in Chapter II, p. 61. As in the case of the subjective infinitive, so with the objective infinitive the statistics accessible to me are too incomplete to warrant speaking with con- fidence concerning the origin of this use in the Germanic languages other than Anglo-Saxon. But so far as it goes, the evidence seems to me to tend to show that the idiom is native in the languages considered, both with the uninflected infinitive and with the inflected infinitive, and for the same kinds of reason that were given in the discussion of the idiom in Anglo-Saxon. Moreover, the grounds of differentiation between the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive, in the objective use, appear to be substantially the same in the Ger- manic languages in general as in Anglo-Saxon: in the main, the simple infini- tive only is used with verbs governing an accusative; the inflected infinitive only, with verbs governing an indirect case; both infinitives, with verbs of double regimen. The passive infinitive as object is very rare in the Germanic languages, and 1 DelbrOok,' I- c, p. 37. ' Ibidem, p. 34. ' Ibidem, p. 12. 1 Ibidem, p. 38. ' From Pratje, I. ^., p. 73. « Delbrtlck,« I. c, p. 112. 236 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHEK GERMANIC LANGUAGES. usually, when it occxirs, is due to foreign influence, as in the Old High Gennan Tatian 145.1: thanne thisu ellu biginnent gientot wesan= cum haec omnia incipient consummari.^ See the note on the passive infinitive as subject in section i of this chapter and the references there given. " The retained object " with passive verbs is rare in the Germanic languages. Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 143, records no example from the Gothic and only one ex- ample from the Old Norse (hann kvadhst vera brautingi einn ok utlendr, fornm. sog. 2, 73); and only two from Old High German (N. Cap. 318»: dannan wirf er sie gesaget zunden; N. Arist. 386'': ist er gesaget ouch wesen homo). Dr. Rannow, I. c, p. 99, tells us that, of the 14 examples of the infinitive as retained object in the Latin original of Isidor, only two are kept in the Old High German. Professors Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 196, declare that " En ' nominativ med infinitiv' i strengere forstand (som passiv of 'akkusativ med infinitiv,' hvorom se § 128) findes saaledes ikke i oldnorsk; " but they give several ex- amples that in my judgment belong here: see my quotation from them in section iii of this chapter. m. OTHER SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. In my reading I have found only a few examples of other substantiv£tl uses of the infinitive in the kindred Germanic languages. They are as follows : — A. AS A PREDICATE NOMINATIVE. In Gothic: Rom. 10.6: pat-^sf Xristu dalap attiuhan= tout' goTt Xpurrw Karayaytiv ; similarly Rom. 10.7; Rom. 7.10, in which latter the Gothic infini- tive translates a Greek pronoun; with article: Mh. 9.10: hva ist pata us dauj'aim itsstandan f = tC Icm ro Ik vcKpHiv avcwTrjcrai ; ^ Of this use in the Scandinavian languages. Professors Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 196, speak as follows: " Som rent prsedikatsord kan infinitiven kun sjeldea forekomme: sligt er at friste Gud; dette maa kaldes at komme fra asken i ilden. Derimod staar det oftere som del af prsedikatet. Saaledes i oldnorsk ved pykkja: peim potti hann vera katr. Videre ved de refleksive verber som betyder ' sige sig at vsere:' hon lezk vera Iceknir. Endelig undertiden, men yderst sjelden, ved passiv af de i § 126 naevnte verber: rytningar erufyrirboSnir at bera (det er forbudt at bsere dolke) ; samt ved passiv af verbet sja (§ 127) : varu senar storar eldingar fljuga or nor&ri; var pa seinn eldligr stopull falla af himni. Ellers anvendes ved passive verber en ssetning med at: Helgi ok Svafa, er sagt, at vwri endrborin = siges at vsere gjenf0dt. En * nominativ med infini- tiv' i strengere forstand (som passiv af ' akkusativ med infinitiv,' hvorom se § 28) findes saaledes ikke i oldnorsk." See, too, Lund, I. c, pp. 376-378. In Old High German: Taiian 327.13: wisa ist zi bigrabanne = mos est sepelire,^ In Old Saxon: Hel. 5825: see p. 233 above. Clearly my examples are too few to warrant any conclusion as to the origin of this idiom in the Germanic languages. > From Wilmanns, Z. c, p. 165. - - -.. ^,- . ! From Kohler,* A., I. c, pp. 421-422. In Mk. 9.10, the infinitive may be subjective. »a is claimed by Bernhardt.^ I. c, p. 111. > From Denecke, 2. c, p. 70, OTHEK SUBSTANTIVAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. 237 B. AS AN APPOSITIVE. In Gothic : II. Cor. 7.11: saihv auk silbo ]>ata bi gup saurgan izwis hvelauda gatawida izwis Usdaudein = i8oii yip airo tovto, to Karh 6e6v XvTnjerjvai i/*as TrOtTrjv KaT«pyao-aTo i/iiv (tttovSiJ*'; ' Mk. 2.9: Hvapar ist azetizo, du qipan pamma uslijjin: afletanda Jjus frawaurhteis peinos, J)au quipan: urreis etc. = n iariv evKorrwrepov, enreiv tw TrapaXvriKi^, 'AiavTtu a-oi al afUiprCai, rj uireiV *Eyfip€, etc. In the Scandinavian languages: S. E. 32.1: helzt vill hann fat taka til at preyta drykkju vitS einhvern mann; S. E. 75.5: hon hafSi pess heit strengt at eiga pann einn mann.^ In Old High German: Otfrid IV, 17.29: sie sahun ungimacha, egeslicha sacha, druhtin iro bintan;^ — B. R. 39.7: hweo imsenfta racha intfianc zeke- rihtanne . . . indi deonoon = quam dificilem rem suscepit, regere . . . et ser- vire;^ — Ev. Matth. 1.14: Hwedar ist gazelira za guedanne . . . odo za guhedanne ? = Quid est f acilius dicere . . . aut dicere f ^ Again, the collection of examples is too small to warrant any confident deductions as to the origin of the infinitive as an appositive in the Germanic languages. C. AS THE OBJECT OF A PREPOSITION. It seems unnecessary to give illustrations here of the well known use of the infinitive as the object of various prepositions other than those representing the Anglo-Saxon to in the kindred Germanic languages, — a topic treated well in Grimm, in Erdmann, and in Denecke. IV. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. The predicative use of the uninflected infinitive with auxiliary verbs is so common in the Germanic languages other than Anglo-Saxon as not to call for illustration here. Of the inflected infinitive in this use I cite a few illustrations : — In Gothic: no instance of the prepositional infinitive is found with the auxiliaries, according to A. Kohler," I. c, p. 425. In Old Norse, according to Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 197, both the uninflected infinitive and the prepositional occur with kunna, ' can; ' pora, ' dare; ' purfa, ' need; ' eiga, ' own,' ' ought.' See, too, Delbriick,' I. c. p. 355. In Old High German: — eigan: Denkm. Ivi. 97: ci arstandanne eigun = resurgere habent; ^ — Otfrid V. 19.2: zi sorganne eigun wir bi thaz; ' — seal: Otfrid III, 20.124: waz seal es avur thanne nu so zifragenne ^ (though Denecke, Z. c, p. 10, holds that the infinitive here does not depend on seal). In Old Saxon: — can: Hel. 2531: nio hie so uuido ni can te githenkeanne thegan an is muode.' That the predicative use of the uninflected infinitive active with auxiliary verbs is native to the Germanic languages, as to Anglo-Saxon, is indisputable; ' From Kohler' A.., I. c, p. 422. — Commenting on the difference between Mo(. 9.5, in which we have the simple infinitive {hmpaf iit raihtis azetizo gipan) and Mh. 2.9, in which we have the prepositional infinitive. Gabelentz and Loebe, I. c, p. 202, declare: "... scheint der Unterachied za sein: ereteres heisst: was ist leichter, zusaeen . . .. letzerea: wasist leichterzusagen. . . ." „ „ , , » From Nveaard. I. c, pp. 228 f. ' From Erdmann," O., I. c, p. 199. • From Denecke, I. c. p. 59. s /Mm, p. VI. " ^""^ Denecke, I. c, p. 61. „ ' From Erdmann.' O., I. c, p. 212. 8 Ibidem V. 212. See, too, Delbruck,' I. c, p. 355. » From Pratje, I. c, p. 73. See, too, Delbruck,' I. c, p. 355, who says that thurban, also, has the prep- ositional infinitive as its complement. 238 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES, this use of the inflected infinitive is sporadic except with eigan (agan), concern- ing which see above, Chapter IV, pp. 80-82; and except with the several verbs named under Old Norse above. On the other hand, the passive infinitive with auxiliaries is almost unknown in the more original prose (only two examples occur in Otfrid *), and in the prose translations usually renders a Latin passive infinitive. In a word, as in Anglo- Saxon, so in the Germanic languages the idiom is borrowed. See the references at the end of section i in this chapter. V. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION AND OF REST (EXCLUSIVE OF "(W)UTON»). Of the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion, as in the Anglo-Saxon com . . . fleogan, I find no examples in Gothic or in Old Norse unless the follow- ing, quoted from Grimm, I. c, IV, pp. 107-109, be such: — Gothic: Mk. 1.44: gagg fuk ataugjan = viraye, aeavrbv Beljov i Mat. 5.24: gagg gasibjon = wove, Sia\Xa.y7i9L ; J. 9.7: gagg pwahan= virayi vLipoj. ; — Old Norse: Hym. 14.7: ba]> sioSa ganga = jussit coctum iri; Vol. 56.3: gengr vega; 'ib. 54.3: ferr vega; — ib. 55.1: kemr vega. Nor have I found any example in Old High German unless these quoted from Grimm, I. c, IV., p. 109, be such: 0. Ill, 24.25: iUi loufan; N. Cap. 361°: ilton chomen. With a verb of rest we find the predicative infinitive in Notker's translation of Capella ^ (782.9 : stuont si sorgen) and in Otfrid. Concerning the latter Erdmann,^ I. c, p. 203, speaks as follows: " gistantan hat noch die Bedeutung: dastehen, indem der Inf. die aus dem ruhenden Zustande sich entwickelnde Tatigkeit angibt, in den Stellen: I, 9.23: gistuantun sie tho scouon; IV, 18.24: ih gistuant thin warten (dagegen stantan und irstantan mit zi und Inf., §§ 350- 352)," to which he adds: " dann bezeichnet es formelhaft den Anfang einer Handlung: I, 17.42: gistuant er thingon," etc. According to Monsterberg-Miinckenau, I. c, p. 31, this infinitive is not found after verbs of motion in Hartmann, but instead we have the predicative present participle, already illustrated in Chapter XV, section i. But this infinitive is found after verbs of rest in Hartmann, in the following, I think, though the infinitive is considered final by Monsterberg-Miinckenau (p. 29) : E. 9699: als si frou Enite gesach dort sitzen weinen; G. 2279: da ich in da stende sach klagen. It seems, however, that in Middle High German, while the pres- ent participle was occasionally used, the preterite participle was used habitually, as in the following: Iw. 785: kom gegangen; Mar. 170.28: kom geflogen; Pan. 16.23 : kom gesigelt,^ an idiom that, according to Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 9, is unknown in Old High German, but which, as is well known, is very common in New High German. After verbs of rest in New High German, of course, the predicative infin- itive is very common, as in blieb sitzen, stehen, etc. : see Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 10. But in Old Saxon we have the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion quite as in Anglo-Saxon, only not so many verbs are so used. According to Steig, » Wilmanns, I. c, p. 165. ' From Manthey, I. c, p. 39. Cf., too, Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 106. * The examples are from Grimm, L t., IV, pp. 9, 146. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OP MOTION AND REST. 239 he, p. 342, we find human, ' come,' followed by gangan, ' go,' faran, ' go,' gifaran, 'go,' suogan, 'blow,' and uucdlan, 'boil;' giuuitan, 'go,' followed by gangan, sithon, ' journey,' and faran, ' go; ' and sithon followed by gangan. Typical examples are: Hel. 503: the quam en uuif gangan; ib. 5796: thuo thar suogan quam engil thes alouualdon fan radure faran; — ib. 425: giuuitun im te Bethlehem siSon; — *. 5783: sithodun idisi te them grabe gangan.^ I believe that the predicative use of the infinitive after verbs of motion in the Low Germanic languages was a native idiom, and sprang from an original final use, as explained above. Chapter XIV, pp. 194 ff.; and that the predica- tive use of the infinitive after verbs of rest was native to the High Germanic as well as to the Low " Germanic languages, and that it, too, sprang from the final use. As in Anglo-Saxon, so in the other Germanic languages the predicative present participle was at times substituted for the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion and of rest: see Chapter XV, section i. VI. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH «{W)UTON.'* The predicative infinitive with (w)vion is found only in the Low Germanic languages, so far as I can discover. Three examples are found in the Helia,nd, according to Steig, I. c, 344 : — 223 : uuita kiasan im oSrana niudsamna naman; 228: uuita is thana iadevfragon; 3995: uuita im uuonian mid, tholoian mit usson thiodne. In Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 98, footnote, a number of examples are given of the Mnl. weten: weten hem volghen! weten vechten! weten gaen! weten varen! etc. In the Low Germanic languages this predicative use possibly was native, and arose from an original final use. Compare what is said concerning the origin of this idiom in Anglo-Saxon, above. Chapter XIV, pp. 199 f. Vn. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "BEON" ("WESAN"). The predicative infinitive of necessity with the verb to be is not found in Gothic, according to Wibnanns, I. c, p. 128. Nor, despite the statement of Dr. Karl Kohler, I. c, p. 8, to this effect, does du saihvan seem analogous in Matthew 6.1: Atsaihvip armaion izwara ni taujan in andwairpja manne du saihvan im = TipoaixeTC t^ SiKOUKnivriv vfiSiv fi.rj ttoiciv ifiirpoaOev rS>v avOpilrmav irpoi TO OeaOip/ai avroii. But the idiom is common in Old Norse. Of it Messrs. Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 206, speak as follows: " Infinitiv f0ies paa friere vis till verber i folgende tre tilfselde: a. Til verberne ' vaere ' og ' bli (vorde).' Ved ' vsere ' betegnes enten en pligt, n0dvendighed eller en mulighed (§ 122, 3) : per er at pegja; hvat er at gera; nu er at segja; gnyr var at heyra; der var icke Korn at bekomme (P. CI.) ; der var ikke et menneske at se; han er ikke (til) at sp0ge med. Merk: ok var par mikilli qsku af at moka, hvor vi anvender personligt udtryk. Ved ' vorde (bli) ' betegnes en n0dvendighed eller en sikker fremtidighed (= komme til at, 1 From Stcig, I. c., pp. 337-340. s Th< section v. 1 From Stcig, I. c, pp. 337-340. ^ ,„ , ..... .j- .. u • ■ ^i, . yrrtr s The views of Grimm, of Steig, and of Pratje conoermng this idiom have been given in Chapter XIV, 240 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. § 96) : verS eh nu (at) flyja (jeg blir n0dt til at flygte) ; nw worder jeg ath fly (K. Magn.) ; thi worder ieg nw ath kallis en forredere (Chr. Ped.) ; sporsmaalet blir at anse for ul0seligt." In Old High German this infinitive, inflected, is quite common, and corre- sponds, in the closer translations, usually to a gerundial periphrastic: Tatian 133.24: win zi sentenne ist = vinimi mittendum est; ib. 189.12: sun ist zi seUenne = filius tradendus est; — 7s. 9.10: hwemu ist dhiz nu zi guhedanne = cui ergo didturJ- So common is the idiom in Middle High German and in New High German that illustration is unnecessary here. But I quote Wilmanns's state- ment concerning the voice of the infinitive in this construction, I. c, p. 167; " Noch entschiedener gilt passive Auffassung fiir die Infinitive mit zu, durch die wir neben manchen Verben bezeichnen, dass etwas geschehen kann oder muss (§ 70, 6). In der jetzigen Sprache schliessen sie sich namentlich an es ist (steht, bleibt): Es ist oder steht zu erwarten, ist nicht zu sagen, nicht auszuhalten, Oder mit bestimmtem Subjekt, das zugleich Objekt des Infinitivs ist: Er ist hart zu tadeln; sein Ubermut ist nicht zu ertragen; eine schwere Pflicht ist oder bleibt dir noch zu erfiillen. tjberall behauptet sich die reine aktive Form." Once in Otfrid we have after sin an uninflected infinitive denoting purpose: II, 14.100: sie warun in theru burg, koufen iro notdurft.'' Similarly in Old Saxon, according to Pratje, I. c, p. 70, we have an uninflected infinitive of pur- pose in Heliand 389: thia thar . . . ute uuarun uueros an uuahtu uuiggeo gomean.^ In the Benedictinerregel 114.5 (sciat se servaturum = ze haltane) we have an inflected infinitive after sin denoting futurity. In the Old Saxon Psalms, 70.18 (thie te cumene ist = quae ventura est^), we have the inflected infinitive after ist denoting futurity and translating, as in Anglo-Saxon, a Latin future active participle. But the predicative infinitive of necessity is not found in Old Saxon. According to Wilmanns, I. c, p. 128, the infinitive of necessity in the Ger- manic languages arose from an original final use: " Eine eigentumliche Bedeu- tung gewinnt der Inf. mit zu in Verbindung mit sein; mit der Vorstellung des Zieles, auf das die Praposition hinweist, verbindet sich die Vorstellung der Notwendigkeit." This does not, however, preclude the possibihty that this infinitive was first suggested to the Germanic peoples by the Latin gerundial periphrastic, and at the outset was only an imitation thereof, — a theory we found applicable to Anglo-Saxon and that seems also applicable to the Germanic languages as a whole, especially in view of the frequency with which this infin- itive is found as a translation of the Latin gerundial periphrastic in Old High German.^ The only examples of the inflected infinitive of futurity are in translation of the Latin future participle, as shown above. 1 From Denecke, p. 60. See, too, Wilmanns, I. c, p. 128. ' From Erdmann,' C, 1. c, p. 204. Cf. section x, 2, below. < Cf., too, Steig, I. c, p. 316; and see section x, 2, below. • From Steig, I. c, p. 489. * After writing the above, I came upon the following in Wunderlich,^ I. c., I, p. 384; *' Besondersbegilnstigt wurde die Ausbreitung dieses Infinitivs mit zu in der althochdeutschen UebersetzerHtteratur durch die Not- wendigkeit, das lat. Gerundium und Gerundivum wiederzugeben: Pediu iat nu zesagene . . . An dero aaso iA tea ahton zeereat ze fragenne, demonairandum . . . i-nqwirendum., Notker, Boethius, 131* u. a." THE PBEDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 241 Vm. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. I. THE INFINITIVE UNINFLECTED. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. AS OBJECT. The predicative infinitive with accusative subject, in object clauses, is common m the Germamc languages after (1) verbs of commanding, (2) verbs of causing and permittmg, and (3) verbs of sense perception, although, as stated above, p 107, some scholars, including Grimm, prefer to consider the infamtive after these verbs as objective rather than predicative. And after these verbs the idiom is common in the more original literature (as in Otfrid in Old High German) as well as in the translations (as in Gothic: in Tatian and Notker in Old High German) .' A few examples will suffice for illustration: — (1) Verbs of Commanding: Gothic: Mat. 8.18: haihait galeipan siponjans hindar marein = JKeXeva-ev aire\$tlv elg- to Trtpav (with an accusative implied in the preceding clause). Old Norse: — ba3 hann segja ser.'* Old High German: — Tatian 161.38: hdz mih queman = juhe me venire;^ — *. 161.1: gihot her thie jungiron stigan . . . inti furifaran = jussit discipulos ascendere . . . et precedere^ Old Saxon: Hd. 5831 : Met sia eft thanan gangan endi/oran te them jungron, seggian * etc. (2) Verbs of Causing and Permitting: ^ Gothic: Mat. 8.22: jah let fans daupans filhan seinans daupans = koX S.K Tous V€Kpovi ggi^at Tous UvtSsv vcKpou's J Mat. 5.32: taujlp pO horinon = Troiet avTrjv Old Norse: leto hannfara naut5gan metS ser.« Old High German: Tatian 127.7: laz mih fursagen = permitte mihi re- nuntiare; ' Old Saxon: Hel. 1986: tho let hie that uuerod siSon.^ (3) Verbs of Sense Perception: Gothic: J. 6.62: jabai nu gasaihvip sunu mans ussteigan = lav ovv OeoiprjTe tov '"''■ov • • • avalSaivovTa. [But more Usually this and the other verbs of this group are followed by the accusative and the predicative participle in Gothic, in strict conformity with the Greek original.^] Old Norse: sal ser hon standa.^" Old High German : Otfrid I, 25.23 : gisah er queman gotes geist; — ib. I, 25.15 : then fater hort er sprechan.^ • See for Gothic: Apelt.i I. c, pp. 280-297; Streitberg," I. c, pp. 211-212; Van der Meer, I. c, pp. 55-59; — for Old Norse: Falk and Torp, I. c, pp. 201-203; Kahle, I. c, p. 139; Lund, I. c, pp. 381-384; Nygaard, I. c, pp. 231-232; for Old High German: Apelt,2 I. c, pp. 1-7; Denecke, I. c, pp. 25-53; Erdmann,' O., I. c, pp. 205- 210; Wilmanns, I. c, pp. 118-119; — for Middle High German and New High German: Apelt,^ I. c, pp. 8-21; Blatz, I. c, II, pp. 657-569; Herford, I. c, pp. 8-13; Wilmanns, I. c, pp. 120-121; — for Old Saxon: Pratje, ic, pp. 70-72; Steig, i.e., pp. 470-^84; BehagheM i.e., pp. 211-212. ' From Kahle, I. c, p. 139. ' From Denecke, I. c, p. 35. • From Kahle, I. c, p. 139. > See Streitberg.s I. c, pp. 211, 216. 4 Ibidem, p. 41. ' From Denecke, I. c, p. 35. " From Kahle, I. c, p. 139. 6 From Steig, I. c, p. 476. ' From Steig, I. c, p. 477. " From Erdmann.i O., I. c, pp. 207-208. 242 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. Old Saxon: Hel. 474: he gisah that ham cuman; — ib. 2777: so sie that gihordun thea magad sprekan} But with (4) verbs of mental perception the construction is less common, and with (5) verbs of declaring it is ahnost unknown, except in the translations. After (4) and (5) we have what Grimm called the " genuine " accusative and infinitive construction. This idiom is frequent in Gothic, but I quote only a few examples: — (4) Verbs of Mental Perception: Mk. 14.64: eis aUai gadomidedun ina skula Wisan daupau = ol Se Traires KariKplvov avrov evoxov eivai Oavdrov; L. 4.41: Unte wissedun silban Xristu ina wisan = ort j^Seto-av tqv -xpurrov avrov etvai ; ^ — (5) Verbs of Declaring: Mk. 8.27: hvana mik qipand mans wisan = rCva j^e keyova-iv ol av6pu>iroi eij/at ; ' J. 12.29: qepuu peJhvon wairpan = ekeyov fipovTrjv ycyovivaL. ^ Inmost instances given by Apelt^ the accusative with infinitive is in translation of the same idiom in the Greek original, — a fact that makes me doubt whether the idiom is native to Gothic after these verbs (groups (4) and (5)). Apelt,^ I. c, p. 297, does not go so far: " Da bei der Mehrzahl der oben angefuhrten Verba ein Nachweis daruber nicht moglich war, dass der mit ihnen verbundene Ace. c. Inf. als dem Gothischen fremdartig anzusehen ware, so sind wir nicht berech- tigt, der Constr. fiir diese Falle das Burgerrecht in der Sprache abzusprechen. Im allgemeinen jedoch scheint mir so viel fest zu steheh, dass der Gothe aus iibergrosser Treue gegen das griechische Original nicht selten iiber das seiner Sprache Gelaufige hinausgieng." * Dr. Zeitlin is more pronounced against for- eign influence: " Gothic, and, even more, Icelandic, show the locution likewise after verbs of declaration, where the relation of the accusative to the main verb is no longer obvious. In the former, this phase of the construction has sometimes been unnecessarily attributed to the influence of Greek." * Professor Streitberg admits the close correspondence between the Gothic and the Greek, but would not deny the construction to Gothic : " Wenn diese Konstruktion auch zweifellos unter dem Einfluss des griech. Originals weit haufiger erscheint, als es sonst wohl der Fall gewesen ware, so haben wir doch schwerlich das Recht, sie ganz dem Goti- schen abzusprechen, da im Nordischen eine analoge Fugung nicht ungebrauchlich ist." ^ With all due respect, this judgment, it seems to me, lays too much weight on the apparent state of affairs in the Scandinavian languages and too little weight on that in the High Germanic and the Low Germanic languages. In Old Norse, also, the idiom is not infrequent after these two groups of verbs. Examples" are: — (4) Verbs of Mental Perception: Egilss. 169: ek hygg hann vera engan vin finn; — Sn. Edd. 148: feir truSu hann guS vera; — Voliisp. 62.19: ask veit ek standa; — (5) Verbs of Declaring: Hrafnk. 13: hann kvaS pat eigi vera; — Kristn. 22: peir sbgSu okkr eiga born saman. The idiom is frequent, also, in the closer Old High German translations (Notker * and Tatian ^), in both authors, especially the latter, corresponding 1 From Steig, I. c, pp. 480-481. 2 From Apelt.i I. c, p. 294. a Ibidem, I. c, p. 292. ^ Apelt 1 then adds that the accusative and infinitive after impersonals is certainly of foreign origin, con- cerning which see below, p. 245. ^ Zeitlin.i I. c, p. 40. — Bernhardt,^ I. c, p. 113, says; " Man hat im zusatz des subjects den einfluss der latei- nischen version erkennen wollen; allein das Altnordische und Angels^chsische bieten ganz ahnliches, wie denn iiberhaupt die construction des accusativs mit infinitiv in der Edda und im Beowulf hinxeichend belegt ist, um zu erkenne~n, dass dieselbe den germanischen sprachen keineswegs fremd war, auch nach verben wie wiljan und bidjan." e Streitberg,= I. c, p. 212. ' From Lund, I. c, pp. 381-383. See, too, Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 201. » See Erdmann.i 0., I. c, pp. 209-210; Manthey, I. c, pp. 44^6; Wunderlich,» I. c, pp. 122-123. " See Denecke, I. c, pp. 34-44. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 243 very closely to the original Latin: (4) Verbs of Mental Perception: Tatian 335.41 : wantun sih geist gisehan = existimabant se spiritum videre;^ — ib. 136.32: ih wdz megin uzgangen = ego novi virtutem exisse; — (5) Verbs of Declaring: Tatian 182.37: wenan. qv^dent mih man wesen mannes sun? = quern me dicunt homines esse filium hominis? ib. 334.18: quaedent inan leben = dicunt cum vivere.^ But it is found only twice in Isidor' (each time in translation of the Latin), though occurring thirty-six times in the Latin original; and it is unknown in Otfrid.* These facts lead me to believe that the so-called " genuine " accusative- with-infinitive construction was not a native idiom in Old High German, — a conclusion substantially identical with that of most investigators of the idiom in Old High German. In his Syntax der Sprache Otfrids (1874), I, p. 208, after stating that the accusative with the infinitive in Otfrid is about as restricted as in present German, Erdmann continues: " Dasselbe gilt nicht von den ahd. Prosaikern. Bel ihnen, die meist direct und wortlich aus dem Lateinischen iibersetzen, finden wir eine viel ausgedehntere Anwendimg des Ace. mit dem Inf., die entschieden dem Lateinischen nachgebildet, in originaler deutscher Rede aber, wie ich glaube, im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert ebensowenig heimisch gewesen ist als im neunzehnten." In the following year (1875), Dr. Otto Apelt concluded his special investigation, " Bemerkungen iiber den Accu- sativus cum Infinitivo im Althochdeutschen und Mittelhochdeutschen," with these words: " Das Ergebniss der Untersuchung fiir das Ahd. ist demnach dahin zusammenzufassen, dass sich in den literarischen Denkmalern dieser Periode keine geniigenden Anhaltepunkte fiir die Ansicht bieten, dass der Ge- brauch der Construction in der lebenden Sprache wesentlich iiber diejenigen Grenzen hinausgegangen ware, innerhalb deren er sich noch bei ims bewegt, d. h. uber die Anwendung derselben bei den Verbis der sirmlichen Wahrnehmimg. DeutUch zeigte es sich, dass der Umfang, in welchem die Fiigimg erscheint, in umgekehrtem Verhaltniss steht zu der Selbstandigkeit der literarischen Produc- tion; je imabhangiger die Entstehung eines Werkes, um so geringer die Zahl der Falle, in denen die Construction auftritt." This statement of Apelt is confirmed by the subsequent investigations of Denecke, Der Gebrauch des Infinitivs bei den Ahd. Ubersetzern des 8. and 9. Jahrhunderts (1880), p. 53; of Wunderlich, Beitrage zur Syntax des Notkers'chen Boethius (1883?), p. 122; of Behaghel, Die Deutsche Sprache (1887), p. 127; of Rannow, Der Satzbau des Ahd. Isidorim Verhaltniss zur Latein. Vorlage (1888), p. 92; and of Manthey, Syntaktische Beobachtungen an Notkers Uebersetzung des Martianus Capella (1903), pp. 44 ff. But, on the other hand, not a few distinguished scholars have held that this so-called " genuine " accusative with infinitive was a native idiom in Old High German. So held Grimm, I. c, IV, pp. 129 ff. So held Herzog, " Die Syntax des Infinitivs " (1873). So holds Professor Jolly, who, in his Geschichte des Infinitivs (1873), p. 260, declares: " Wenn aber im Got. sich hier wie iiberall schwer entscheiden lasst, ob idiomatische Constructionen vorliegen oder der Ace. cum Inf. dem griech. nachgebildet ist, so zeigt dagegen das Ahd. und Mhd. unwiderleglich, dass der Accus. c. Inf. unserer alteren Sprache in ziemhch wei- tem Umfange eigenthiunlich war, woriiber J. Grimm, Gramm., IV, 105 ff., ausfiihrUch gehandelt hat." So holds Lohner, as cited by Rannow, I. c, p. 92. So apparently holds Dr. Zeitlin, who, after quoting some examples of the accu-: 1 From Denecke, I. c, pp. 37-38. ^ ibidem, pp. 38-39. s See Rannow, I. c, p. 93. • See Erdmann.i O., I. c, p. 208. 244 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHEK GERMANIC LANGUAGES. sative with the infinitive after verbs of mental perception in Old High German (chiefly from Tatian and Notker) and of the accusative with predicate parti- ciple in Old High German, declares, I. c, p. 32: "The persistence of the con- struction after these verbs of perception in Middle High German is an indica- tion of its genuine Germanic character." On the same page he adds: " The accusative with infinitive after verbs of speaking is hardly found outside of Tatian and Notker, but we are not therefore justified in attributing it to Latin influence, since plentiful analogies exist in other Germanic dialects; " by which, I presume, he intends to refer to the Gothic and to the Old Norse. Indeed, Dr. Zeitlin goes so far as to declare that the accusative and infinitive in subjec- tive clauses is also a native development in Old High German: see p. 246 below. So holds Professor Wilmanns, who, in his Deutsche Grammatik (1906), declares it difficult to determine how far the construction was native in High German (" wie weit er im Hochdeutschen heimisch war ") because of the diversity of usage by Otfrid and by Notker; who allows that Notker " imter dem Einfluss des Lateinischen den Gebrauch der Konstruktion uber seine urspriingUche Grenzen hinausgetrieben hatte; " who allows that Latin influence is evident in the Middle High German writers and in some New High German authors; but who adds, on p. 121 : " Aber wie stark auch die Einwirkung der lateinischen Schulsprache gewesen sein mag, so hat man doch anderseits zu bedenken, dass auch dem Germanischen von Anfang an der Akk. c. Inf. nicht fremd war, imd dass man keinen Grund hat, flir den ahd. Gebrauch so enge Grenzen vorauszu- setzen, wie wir im Heliand und im Ags. finden." But despite the eminence of some of these advocates of the theory that this construction was native to Old High German and despite the cleverness of some of their arguments, they do not seem to me to upset the interpretation given above, based as it is on abundance of material, gathered from various texts by various scholars of acknowledged accuracy and acumen. In his monograph (1875) above quoted from. Dr. Apelt has shown that the so-called genuine accusative and infinitive is very rare in Middle High German, and, when found, is probably due to Latin influence. In New High German ^ the idiom is very rare, though, as Dr. Herford has shown in his " Ueber den Accusativ mit dem Infinitiv im Deutschen " (1881), not so rare as has occasion- ally been stated. In Old Saxon ^ a few examples are found after verbs of mental perception, but none after verbs of declaring : Hel. 807 : fundun ina sittean an them uuiha ; — ib. 4:771: fand sie that barn godes slapen; ib. 1590: that thu us bedon teres. In a word, the situation in the Germanic languages as a whole is quite sim- ilar to that in Anglo-Saxon: the accusative and infinitive is quite common after verbs (1) of commanding, (2) of causing and permitting, and (3) of sense percep- tion; * but is relatively rare after verbs (4) of mental perception, and is practi- cally imknown after (5) verbs of declaring, except in the closer translations. It is probable, therefore, that the idiom is native to the Germanic languages when occurring after verbs of groups (1), (2), and (3), and after a few verbs of group (4) ; but that it is due to foreign influence after some verbs in group (4) and after all verbs in group (5). Under the separate languages above I have • See, too, Wilmanns, I. c, p. 121, for an excellent brief statement as to the idiom in New High German; also Blatz, I. c, II, pp. 6S7-569. ' See Pratje, I. c, pp. 71-72; Steig, I. c, pp. 480, 482-483. ' Except in Gothic: see above, p. 241. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 245 stated with some fullness the grounds for this belief with respect to each, and in connection therewith have given a good deal of the history of the opinions concerning the construction. Here I need only add that the cumulative weight of the evidence should not be lost sight of. Perhaps I should add here that some scholars, among them Drs. Becker, Grimberg, Primei, and Zeitlin, hold that the accusative with infinitive in the Germanic languages is in part a native development from the accusative with predicative participle, and that in the Germanic languages the latter idiom was prior to the former. In Chapters XIV and XV, however, I have tried to show that, while, in conformity with the Greek original, the accusative with predica- tive present participle is commoner in Gothic than is the accusative with predi- cative infinitive after verbs of sense perception, the reverse is the case in the Germanic languages as a whole, especially in Anglo-Saxon and in High German, and that in these languages the predicative infinitive was prior to the predicar tive present participle. AS SUBJECT. Despite Dr. Stoffel's contention that " we are almost forced to the conclu- sion that the Ace. cum Inf. as the logical subject of a quasi-impersonal verb, must once have been as common in the Germanic tongues as we find it to have been in the classical languages," * I must hold that, in the Germanic languages, as in Anglo-Saxon, the idiom is relatively rare, and occurs for the most part only in translations. In Gothic we occasionally have the infinitive phrase as subject to the verb to he plus an adjective {gup ist, azetizo ist, gadob ist, etc.), but, as Apelt,' I. c, pp. 290-291, shows, only because of the influence of the Greek original, the Goth usually translating otherwise the Greek accusative and infinitive in such expressions. Examples are: (1) of accusative and infinitive: L. 16.17: ip azetizo ist hintin jah airpa hindarleipan ]>siu witodis ainana writ gadriusan = evKovuyrepov 8e' OTTt Tov ovpavov koX Trjv yrjv irapekOiLv etc.; — (2) of other translations: Mk. 10.25 : azetizo ist ulbandau fairh Jjairko neplos galeipan, etc. = (.vKOTriitTepov la-nv Kd.iir]\ov . . , SieXOeiv, etc. This view as to the foreign origin of the accusative and infinitive as the subject of impersonals, in Gothic, though once opposed by Albrecht ^ and by Miklosich,* is now generally accepted: see Apelt,^ I. c, p. 290; Bernhardt,^ I. c, p. 113; Streitberg,^ I. c, p. 212; Zeitlin,i I. c, p. 28; and Wil- manns, I. c, p. 119. Quite recently, however. Professor G. O. Curme,^ I. c, pp. 359-367, has attempted to overthrow this theory, but without success in my judgment. That the construction is rare, also, in Old Norse, I judge from the fact that I find no examples cited by Lund or by Falk and Torp. In Old High German, too, the construction is rare * with impersonals, and as a rule is found only in translation of the same idiom in Latin. Usually, however, the translator uses another idiom, generally a dative dependent on the chief verb, with a subjective infinitive, either uninflected or inflected. Ex- amples are: (1) of accusative and infinitive: Tatian 187.9: gilimphit mih gangen = oportet me ambulare;^ — (2) of dative and infinitive: Tatian 85.22: gilimphit 1 Stoffel," I. c, p. 54. " L. c, p. 18. ' Miklosioh.i I. c, p. 483. • No one of the five Latin examples of his original is retained by Isidor: see Rannow, I. v., pp. 87-88. 5 From Deneolce, I. c, p. 42. 246 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GEKMANIC LANGUAGES. nvir wesan = oportet me esse; ^ ib. 100.30: gilimphit mir zi gotspellone = oportet me evangelizare.^ I, therefore, consider this idiom borrowed from the Latm originals in Old High German. But not so Dr. Zeithn.^ who, I. c, p. 33, thus expresses his view: " In considering the usage with impersonal and neuter verbs we must remember that many Old High German expressions of this class govern an accusative case as direct object, e. g., Otfrid V, 1.1 : ist lilu manno wuntar, 'great wonder is on the men;' ih. I, 9.27: wuntar was thia menigi, ' wonder was on the multitude; ' *. V, 6.14: thes thih mag wesan wola niot, ' of this you it may well be pleasing (you may well rejoice at this) ; ' ib. V, 22.7: thes ist sie iamer filu niot, ' they are ever pleased at this; ' ib. V, 9.11: ward wola thiu selbun mennisgon. When an object infinitive is added to sen- tences like the preceding, we have a combination which is hardly distinguish- able from the free Latin accusative with infinitive. But it is quite apparent from these illustrations that the assumption of Latin influence is not necessary, that the accusative, indeed, is almost always felt as directly connected with the main verb, and that these cases, therefore, do not differ from the other cat- egories of the accusative with infinitive which are found in Old High German." He then gives examples of the idiom after gilustan (?), gilimphan, and hifahan, all from Tatian except the first example, after gilustan, which seems doubtful to me. He concludes: " In Notker, impersonal verbs with this construction seem to follow Latin models in most cases, since often the accusative has no connec- tion whatever with the main verb, which is followed by another substantive in the dative case as indirect object." Of his examples from Notker I cite only one: III, 124''.29: fone diu ist not, chad si, misseliche namen haben diufinuiu und siu doh ein uuesen, ' hence it is necessary , . . that the five should have different names and yet be a single thing.' This is a clever, but to me not con- vincing plea: it allows more weight to a bare possibility than to the demon- strable and, as I believe, demonstrated origin of the construction in Gothic and in Anglo-Saxon ; and it underrates the fact, stated by Dr. Zeitlin ' (L c. , p. 35) , that the idiom is not found in Old Saxon. In Old Saxon I find no example of the accusative and infinitive as subject, but frequent examples of the dative and subjective infinitive, as in Hel. 3298: that uuari an godes riki unot5i odagumu manne up te cumMnne.^ In the Germanic languages, then, as in Anglo-Saxon, the accusative and in- finitive as subject of a finite verb is an imported idiom. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. The passive infinitive with accusative subject, whether in objective or in subjective clauses, is rare in the Germanic languages, as in Anglo-Saxon. Dr. Apelt does not gather together in one place the passive infinitives in Gothic with accusative subject. But we find examples here and there of this idiom in subjective clauses, as in Skeir. I c : gadob nu was mais pans . . . ufhaus- jandans . . . gaqissans uairpan, and in objective clauses, as in / Cor, 10.20: ni wiljau auk izwis skohslam gadailans wairfian = ov 6e\(o 8e vtias Koivavovs tu>v Sat/ionW ytVeo-gat, in the latter in imitation of the Greek. Often, however, the Greek passive infinitive with accusative subject is rendered in Gothic by an 1 From Denecke, I. c, p. 42. ! Ibidem, p. 66. = From Steig, 1. 1., p. 496. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 247 active infinitive witli a noun object, as in Mat. 27 M: hait nu witan famma nla/iwa = KeXeuo-ov ow atr^aXuiBrivai rov ratjiov.^ In Old Norse, also, the construction is quite rare. In Old High German, likewise, the idiom is rare, and is due to the Latin: Tatian 183.32: gilimphit inan varan inti thruoen inti arslagan wesan inti arstan- tan = oportet eum ire et pati et occidi et resurgere; " ib. 171.6: laz eer thiu kind gisatotiu werdan = sine prius saturari filios? The passive infinitive is oftener translated by the active, as in Tatian 199.7: wenan wollet ir iu fon thesen zwein forlazzan? = quern vultus vobis de duobus dimittif* See, too, under " the in- flected infinitive with accusative subject," p. 248 below. In Old Saxon we habitually have, not the passive infinitive with accusative object, but the active infinitive with objective accusative, as in Hel. 527: gihordun uuilspel mikil fon gode seggean. Steig, I. c, p. 309 ff., holds that in such expressions the infinitive, though active in form, is passive in sense, and that the accusative is the subject, not the object, of the infinitive; but, for rea- sons given above, in Chapter II, pp. 29 f ., this seems untenable to me. I have not found an example of the compound passive infinitive with accusative sub- ject in Old Saxon. It seems probable, therefore, that this idiom was imported into the Germanic languages from the Greek and the Latin. n. THE INFINITIVE INFLECTED. Although Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 130, declares, " Sicheres kennzeichen der con- struction des ace. cum inf. ist, dass sie nie die prap. zu vertragt," it seems to me that in the Germanic languages we occasionally come upon an accusative with a prepositional infinitive that is almost, if not quite, identical with an accusative with an uninflected predicative infinitive. Concerning possible ex- amples of the idiom in Anglo-Saxon, I have spoken in Chapter VIII. I here add a few words concerning the construction in the other Germanic languages. One apparent, if not real, example of the prepositional infinitive with an accusative subject occurs in Gothic in correspondence with the same construc- tion in Greek: I Thes. 2.12: weitwodjandans du gaggan izwis wairj>aba gu]>s! = /AapTupou/xevot eh to TnpnraTUv v/jlS.^ d^iais rov Oeov.^ But Usually the Greek idiom is avoided, as in II Thes. 1.5: taikn garaihtaizos stauos gups du wairpans briggan izwis piudangardjos gups = ek o/Seiy/ta t^s SiKaias Kpto-ems tov oeovj ets to KaTaiuoOfjvai u//,as r^s Bao-iXstas tov Oeov.^ In Old Norse, apparently, the prepositional infinitive was not used with accusative subject, though in earlier Danish it was occasionally so used: see Nygaard, I. c, p. 235; Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 201, where Danish examples are given; Lund, I. c, pp. 381 £f.; Delbrtick,' I. c, p. 355. In Old High German, in sentences like the following, Tatian 196.34: gibot inan ther herro zi vorkoufanne inti sina quenun inti . . . inti vorgeltan = jussit eum dominus venundari et uxor em ejus et . . . et reddi,'' apparently we have an inflected infinitive with an accusative subject, and the phrase is the object > From Streitberg,2 ;. «., p. 208. 2 From Deneoke, I. c, p. 42. » Ibidem, p. 35. * From Apelt,' I. c, p. 5. < Bernhardt,' I, c, p. 114, seema to consider that the infinitive phrase here ia subjective, but surely U is objective. ' See Apelt,' I. c, p. 292. ' From.Denecke, I. c, p. 65. 248 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. of gibot, but in reality the inflected infinitive (like the uninflected in this sen- tence) is the object of gibot, not the predicate of the accusative noun or pronoun, the accusative being objective in the Old High German, though subjective in the Latin; for, as we saw above, p. 247, in Old High German, as in Anglo- Saxon, the predicative passive infinitive is normally turned by an active objec- tive infinitive. In Aug. serm. 33.8: manot unsih za forstantanne = admonet nos intelligere,^ we may have an inflected infinitive used predicatively, but more prob- ably we have an inflected infinitive denoting result. But at least two clear ex- amples of the inflected infinitive with an accusative subject occur in Old High German, in a subjective phrase: Tatian 331.2: inan gilimphit zi arstantanne = oportet eum resurgere; * and ib. 206.26: odira ist olbentun zi faranne, thanne otagan zi ganganne = fadlius est camelum transire, quam divitem intrare? The inflection of the predicative infinitive here, as indeed in the instances of the sub- jective infinitive, is due to the datival sense of gilimphit and of ist plus an adjec- tive, I believe; while in the instances with the uninflected infinitive, especially when predicative, this datival sense is resisted owing to the influence of the Latin original. In Tatian 342.13: leret sie zi bihaltanne alliu = docenfes eos servare omnia,* we possibly have a predicative infinitive, but the infinitive is inflected because the chief verb, leret, hovers between a transitive and a con- secutive-final sense: cf. the inflected predicative infinitive with Anglo-Saxon loeran in Chapter VIII, p. 119. In Old Saxon I have found no example of the inflected infinitive with accusative subject unless the following be such: Hel. 2752: huo thu gilinot hahis livdeo menigi te blizzenna;^ ib. 976: that us so girisit . . . allaro rehto gihuilik ti gifullanne; but more probably the infinitive here is subjective: see above, p. 232. As is evident, most of the examples cited of a supposed predicative use of the prepositional infinitive in the Germanic languages, are doubtful. In a few instances, however, it seems to me that the inflected infinitive is really predica- tive, and has an accusative subject. In such cases the infinitive becomes in- flected because of its proximity to a dative-governing finite verb, or because it follows a verb denoting tendency, or, occasionally, in Gothic because the Greek original has a prepositional infinitive. IX. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT. As stated above. Chapter IX, p. 136, I doubt whether we have a genuine predicative infinitive with dative subject in Anglo-Saxon, but, as this inter- pretation of the dative and infinitive after impersonal verbs in Gothic is given by such eminent scholars as Grimm, Miklosich, Jolly, "Winkler, and Streitberg, it is incumbent upon me to give a brief survey of the construction in the Ger- manic languages other than Anglo-Saxon. For the Gothic I cannot do better than to quote entire Professor Streit- berg's paragraph on this idiom, in his Gotisches EUmentarbuch, 4th ed., § 318: "Der von Jakob Grimm entdeckte, von Miklosich und Jolly verteidigte Dativ ' From Deneoke, I. c, p. 66. ' Ibidem, p. 67. s From Denecke, I. c, p. 71, who adds: *' Der Aco. ist sioher mix dem Lat. aus NachlSssigkeit nachgeahmt." < From Deneoke, I. c, p. 65. ' From Pratje, I. c, p. 73. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH DATIVE SUBJECT. 249 m. Inf. dari heute trotz aller Einwendungen als gesichert gelten. Got. warp in Verbinding mit einem Infinitiv und einem Dativ dient zur Uebertragung von jyeveTo mit dem Akk. m. Inf. Der Dativ hat naturlich urspriinglich zum Verbum finitum gehort, es ist jedoch, wie schon Grimm erkannt hat, eine Ver- schiebungdes Abhangigkeitsverhaltnisses erfolgt : der Dativ steht fast ausnahms- los Mnter dem Infinitiv, wie im Griech. das Subjekt des Akk. m. Inf., ist also wahrscheinlich znm Infinitiv in engere Beziehung gesetzt. Am besten diirfte man wohl mit Winkler, S. 17, das Verhaltnis so charakterisieren, dass der Dativ von der Verbindung warp m. Inf. abhange, warp gaswiltan pamma unledin = eyivero airoOaveiv rbv Trroixov, Luk. 16.22, demnach heisse: ' es kam zum Ster- ben fur den Armen.' Die Ausdehnung, die der Dat. m. Inf. in der got. Bibel erlangt hat, ist sicherlich dem Bestreben zuzuschreiben, den Anschluss ans Original so eng als moglich zu gestalten, ohne in direkten Widerspruch mit den got. Sprachgesetzen zu geraten. Vgl. z. B. jah warp in sabbato anparamma frumin gaggan imma pairh atisk = iyivero, kv o-a/J/Jaroi SevrepoTrpwra SiaTropeiioBai. avTov Sia tS)v (nropi/itav, Luk. 6.1; warp . . . galeipan imma in sunagogein — eyeVcTo dizai managein = koL eStSou tow fiaOrfTali avrov TrapaOetvai t<3 o)(\io ; J. 6.31 ; hlaif US himina gaf im du matjan = aprov £K Tov oipavov IgcoKfv aurois tftayeiv', — J. 6.52 : hvaiwa mag unsis leik giban du matjan ? = 6.53 : TrSs SvvaraL oCtos ■^fuv rijv (rdpKa iavrov So vvai ay£lv ? Col. 1.25: bi ragina gups, patei giban ist mis in izwis du usfulljan waurd gu]JS = Kara rr/v olKovofitav rdv &eov ttjv SodeTcrav fjLoi eis vfia^ TrX.r)pS>a-ai tov Xoyov tov 6eov. As is apparent, in the preceding examples, the Gothic simple infinitive and the prepositional infinitive both correspond to a Greek final infinitive. But com- pare / Cor. 11.22: ibai auk gardins ni habaip du matjan jah drigkan? = [it] yap oiKia's ovK ex^Te ets to ia-Otuv Koi mveiv, which Seems to me to belong here, though Dr. A. Kohler,'' I. c, p. 460, thinks not. Compare, too, II Thes. 3.9: ak ei uns silbans du frisahtai gebeima du galeikon unsis = dAA' tva iavroiis tvttov SiSfiev v/xiv iU TO tiL/xela-Oai ruia.'i (A. Kohler,^ Z. c, p. 462). For the Old Norse compare the following example, given by Falk and Torp, 1 From K6hler,2 A., I. c, p. 457. 2 From Deneoke, I. c, p. 63. ' From Erdmann,' O., I. c, p. 212. THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 255 I. c, p. 208: gaf hrpfnum blo& at drekka. I find no example of the infinitive with- out at after verbs of giving in Falk and Torp; in Lund, I.e., p. 368; or in Nygaard, I. c, p. 228. In Old High German, we have after geban both uninflected and inflected infinitives of purpose, in Tatian,^ with whom, however, the uninflected infini- tive is much the more common. In Isidor,^ in Otfrid,^ in the Murbacher Hymns, '^ and in the Benedictine Rule ^ we have only the inflected infinitive, in the last two invariably translating a Latin gerund or gerundive. In Tatian the infinitive corresponds usually to a Latin infinitive, but occasionally to a Latin noun or to ac?+ a gerund, especially when the infinitive is inflected. Examples are: uninflected: Tatian 321.25: gabun imo gimorrotan uuin tnncan= dedertmt ei vinum murratum bibere; ib. 283.22: uuanne . . . uuir . . . gabunmes thir trinkanf = quando . . . dedimus tibi potumf;* — inflected: Tatian 165.37: sin fleisc geban zi ezzanne = carnem suam dare ad mandvxandum; ib. 121.31 : zi tnncanne gibit kelih = potum dederit calicem; ib. 169.4: thiu gigebanu sint in zi haltanne = quae tradita sunt illis servare.^ Sellan is found only with the inflected infinitive according to Denecke, p. 62: Ev. Matth. 11.11: selent inan deotom za bismeronne enti za bifillanne enti arha- hanne = tradent eum gentibus ad illudendum et flagellandum et crudfigendum; ib. 19.17: mrdit gaselit in cruci za slahanne = tradetur ut crucifigatur.^ It seems probable, therefore, that the uninflected infinitives, trinkan and ezzan, after geban are largely due to the Latin original; and that the inflected infinitive after verbs of giving is often due to a Latin gerundial construction. In Old Saxon, geban is followed by both the uninflected inflnitive and the inflected, but drincan and etan are found uninflected only: Hel. 1965: thoh hie . , . manno huilicon uuillandi forgebe uuatares drincan; ib. 4640: gibu ik iu hier bethiu samad etan endi drincan; ' — ib. 4763 : that ik minan gebe lioban lichamon for liudio barn te uuegianne te uuundron; ib. 5225: so man mi gabi Judeo liudiun te uuegeanne.^ Despite the evident incompleteness of our data, the facts detailed above tend to show that the uninflected infinitives, drink and eat, after give are due largely to Greek and Latin influence in the Germanic languages as a whole; and that the inflected infinitive after verbs of giving is largely due to the influ- ence of the Latin gerund and gerundive construction in Old High German as in Anglo-Saxon. 4. With Other Verbs. Dr. A. Kohler,* I. c, pp. 458 £f., gives a large number of other verbs that in Gothic are followed by a final infinitive, simple or prepositional. With very few exceptions, the Gothic simple infinitive corresponds to the same in Greek; while the Gothic prepositional infinitive usually corresponds to a Greek prepo- sitional infinitive or to the articular infinitive in the genitive, though it occasion- ally corresponds to an articular infinitive without a preposition, as in Philip. 4.10; or to a preposition plus a noun, as in I Tim. 4.3; or to a dependent clause introduced by hm, as in J. 17.4. It seems highly probable, therefore, that the final prepositional infinitive in Gothic, after whatever group of verbs, is due largely to the fact that in the I See Denecke, I. c, p. 15. ' Ibidem, p. 16. ' Erdmann,' O., !. c, p. 213. ' From Denecke, I. c, pp. 15-16. ' Ibidem, p. 62. ' From Denecke, I. c. p. 62. ' From Pratje, I. c, p. 70. ' From Steig, I. c, p. 494. 256 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. Greek we have one of the analytic equivalents above mentioned instead of a simple infinitive. , The lists of final infinitives given by Lund, I. c, pp. 367-368, by Nygaard, I. c, p. 228, and by Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 208, contain so few except after verbs of motion, of rest, and of giving, as to make it impossible for me to form there- from any definite opinion as to the final use of the infinitive in the Scandinavian languages after verbs other than those already treated. As to Old High German, Denecke, I. c, p. 23, merely gives two or three examples of an uninflected infinitive of purpose with verbs other than those signifying motion or giving, and suggests that the uninflected infimtive is due to a slavish following of the Latin original; as in B. R. 87.4: kechriffe puah lesan = arrijmerit codicem legere; while Erdmann,i I. c, p. 212, cites a few verbs (ziahan, duan, geron, ratan, birinan, dragan, irougen) that in Otfrid are followed by the inflected infinitive of purpose. Of these I cite only one, that after dvun, for the light it throws on a somewhat similar expression in Anglo-Saxon: Otfrid, I, 17.48: duet iz mir zi wizzanne. For the corresponding Anglo-Saxon expres- sions, see Chapter VIII, p. 118. In Old Saxon I find no clear case of a final infinitive with verbs other than wesan and verbs of motion and of giving. To sum up the final infinitive in the Germanic languages, we may say that, despite the confessed meagerness of our statistics, the evidence, as far as it goes, reveals a situation surprisingly similar to that in Anglo-Saxon. As in the latter, so in the former it seems probable that (1) after verbs of motion the uninflected infinitive was a native idiom, but that the inflected infinitive was first suggested in Gothic by the Greek prepositional infimtive or by the Greek articular infimtive in the genitive, and was first suggested in Old High German by the Latin gerund and gerundive constructions; (2) after verbs of giving, the uninflected infinitives, drink and eat, are largely due to Greek and Latin influence, but that the inflected infinitive after verbs of giving is largely due to the influence of the Latin gerund and gerundive constructions, especially in High German. Concerning other groups of verbs than these two our statistics are too meager to warrant the drawing of conclusions. XI. THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. The infinitive with adjectives is common in the other Germanic languages. Professor Wilmanns, I. c, p. 167, has an interesting comment on the voice of the infinitive with adjectives in High German, and holds that in the main the prepositional infinitive is active in sense, but that occasionally it is passive. In Gothic, only a few adjectives are followed by the infinitive. Usually we have (a) the simple infinitive, corresponding generally to the same in Greek, at times to an articular infinitive or to a finite verb; occasionally we have (6) the prepositional infinitive, corresponding to the articular infinitive in Greek: (a) L. 14.31: siaiu mahteigs mip taihun pusundjom gamotjan famma = d Sworos eoriv ev Sexa xt^taq"tv vTravrrja-ai ; ' Rom. 8.39: nih hauhipa nih diupijja nih gaskafts anj>ara mahteigs ist uns afskaidan af friapwai gups = ovt€ . . . Sw^a-eTai yfiS.'s XMpurat ;'^ I Cor. 16.4: jah pan jabai ist mis wairp galeipan = iav 8* y aiiov toS 1 From Kohler,' A., I. c, p. 425. THE INFINITIVE WITH ADJECTIVES. 257 Kafit TTopeuea-daj.; '^ — (&) Philip. 1.24: ajfan du wisan in leika, paurftizo in IZWara = to 8t hnftivuv h/ a-apKi avayKiuarepov Si iifias ^ (or Subjective?). As the Gothic infinitive (simple) after adjectives has several different cor- respondents in Greek, the construction is probably native. In Old Norse, on the other hand, the infinitive, usually with at, is frequently used with adjectives. Concerning this idiom we read in Falk and Torp, I. c, p. 204: " Til adjektiver f0ies infinitiv paa en tredobbelt maade: a. Som til et ved substantiv dannet udsagn kan i oldnorsk infinitiv ogsaa f0ies til et adjek- tivisk, ikke til adjektivet alene. Saadanne adjektiver er de som betegner vane, beredthed, skikkethed, begjserlighed, berettigelse, osv. : vapn er hann var vanr at hafa; vera buinn at riSa; vera lystr at Ufa; ufuss em ek at latapetta band a mikleggja. Kun i det poetiske sprog kan undertiden a< mangle. • . . b. Medens ved den foregaaende gruppe infinitiven er styret af hele det verbalt f0lte udtryk, kan ved andre adjektiver infinitiv staa paa en friere maade, som betegnelse for den handling med hensyn til hvilken egenskaben fremtrseder. Denne infinitiv nedstammer direkte fra det gamle gerundium, hvorfor at her aldrig (udenfor poesien) kan mangle: drjugr at Ijuga (droi til at lyve); firSir illir yfir at far a; hroeSiligr at sja (frygtelig at skue). Saaledes fremdeles: den er let at lokke, som efter vil hoppe; han er ikke god at komme til rette med. c. Hvor adjektivet har adverbiet ' saa ' f oran sig, betegnes ved infinitiven en f0lge : vaer saa snil at sige mig. Ved imperativ bruges ogsaa sideordning: vser saa snil og sig mig, ligesom i svensk dagligtale samt tysk (seien Sie so gut und tun Sie das) og engelsk (be so kind and tell me). Hvor 'saa' mangier, gaar betydningen over i kausal: er du gal at baere dig saadan ad." See, too, Lund, I. c, pp. 371 ff . ; Nygaard, I. c, p. 225. In Old High German, the uninflected infinitive (a) is much less frequent than the inflected (6). The iminflected infinitive habitually answers to a Latin in- finitive; the inflected often does, but it corresponds also to a Latin future par- ticiple and to ad + a gerund. Some adjectives are followed by each infinitive. Examples are: — (o): Tatian 88.21: mahtig ist arwekkan = potest suscitare; Is. 37.21 : chiwon was ardhinsan = solebat rapere; ^ Otfrid 1, 17.43 : giwon was queman zi in; * B. R. 36.1 : fora wesan wirdiger ist = preesse dignus est; ^ — (6) Tatian 318.27: was giwon ther grauo zi forlazzanne einan = consuerat preses dimittere imum; ib. 90.4: ni bim mrdig zi traganne = non sum dignus portare; ib. 291.19: garo bin zifaranne = paratus svun ire; ib. 334.25: lazze in herzen zi giloubanne •= tardi corde ad credendum.^ So divergent are the Latin correspondents to the infinitive with adjectives in Old High German that it seems probable that the idiom was native thereto, whether the infinitive was uninflected or inflected. In Otfrid and in Tatian the inflected infinitive is the rule. In Old Saxon, (o) the uninflected infinitive is rare; (6) the inflected, common: (a) Hel. 4720: thar uuas hie upp giuuono gangan; ib. 3821: thia scattos thia gi scuMiga sind an that geld (te C) geban; * — (6) Hel. 1794: hie ist garo , . . ti gebanne; ib. 650: uuarun . . . fusa tifaranne; ib. 3988: te hui bist thu so gern . . . tharod te faranne ? * Most probably, therefore, the infinitive, iminflected and inflected, with ad- jectives is an idiom native to the Germanic languages. > From Kohler,' A., I. c, p. 452. ' Ibidem, p. 430. • From Deneoke, I. c, p. 22. • From Erdmann,' O., I. c, p. 204, who tells ua that giwon is the only adjective that is followed by au un- inflected infinitive in Otfrid, and that only twice. ' From Denecke, I. c, p. 22. " Ibidem, p. 71. ' From Pratje, I. c, p. 70. » Ibidem, p. 74. 258 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHEE GERMANIC LANGUAGES. XII. OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. A. THE CAUSAL INFINITIVE. I have not found a clear example of the causal infinitive with verbs in Gothic. The infinitive after ogan, ' fear,' may be considered causal, but to me, as to Dr. A. Kohler" (I. c, p. 438), it seems objective; and faurhtjan, 'fear,' according to Dr. Kohler, is not found with an infinitive. Concerning the causal use of the infinitive with adjectives in some of the Scandinavian languages, see the passage quoted from Falk and Torp in the preceding section of this chapter, p. 257. Nor have I found more than a few clear examples of the causal infinitive with verbs in Old High German. Wavering between the objective and the causal use are the infinitives after forhten, found once iminflected and once inflected: Tatian dAAZ: forhta imo thara /are?i = timuit illo ire;^ — ib. 76.35: ni curi thaforhtan zi nemanne = noli timere CLCcipere.^ Betolon, in Tatian 208.21 (betolon seamen mih = mendicare ervbesco^), may denote cause. In Isidor 39.8 {lustida sic chihoran = delectantur avdire*), chihoran is doubtless subjective. But in the following passages from Otfrid, given by Erdmann,^ I. c, p. 210, we seem to have genuine causal infinitives in the genitive: V, 7.21: mag unsih gilusten weinonnes; V, 23.138: er sih lade forahtennes = ' sich beschwere durch Furchten.' In Murb. H. 20.8 (tod farloranan sih einun chuere = mors perisse se solam gemai^) we have a preterite participle instead of a predicative infinitive after a verb of emotion. In Tatian 339.20 (mitferennu qvMmun = navigio venerunt^) we have an in- strumental infinitive, but this belongs more properly under the Infinitive with Prepositions. Possibly we have a causal infinitive in -nes (-ndes) in these Middle High German passages given by Wilmaims, I. c, p. 125: Der tiuvel irret dich betendes ( = betehnes); er irret dich bihtendes; Der Kunec sich vragens sumte niht; — and with an adjective in: Du wirst niemer vehtens sai. Nor do I find a causal infinitive in Old Saxon. The infinitive after ruokan in the following is probably objective: Hel. 61.11 : ne ruokil gi te truone . . . ne ruokit te gerone . . . ne ruokit herta te settane = nolite sperare . . . concupiscere . • . apponere? Our statistics are too meager to warrant a confident opinion as to the origin of the causal infinitive in the Germanic languages. The two examples of the uninflected infinitive in Old High German correspond to the Latin infinitive; the two examples of the genitive infinitive in -nes, in Otfrid, may be of native origin, occurring as they do a,fter verbs governing a genitive with nouns. The double construction with forhten, as already stated, probably arises from the double regimen of that verb. 1 From Denecke, I, c, p. 19. ■ " a From Denecke, I. c, p. 64, who adds; " Vielleicht ist die Anwendung von zi hier begiinstigt worden durch die Abneigung vor zwei nebeneinander stehenden reinen Infinitiven," — a hypothesis'-wliich aednis very doubtful to me. More probably the double construction with /orAien results from the double regimen of that verbr-which is followed by an accusative and a genitive (Delbrack,' U c, p. 34). •From Denecke, I, c, p. 36. < Ibidem, p. 46. 5 Ibidem, p. 34. « Ibidem, 1. c, p. 56. ' From Steig, I. t., p. 492. OTHEB ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. 259 B. THE INFINITIVE OF SPECIFICATION WITH VERBS. Of the infinitive of specification with verbs I find no clear example in Gothic, in Old Norse, or in Old Saxon. But in Old High German the following is probably an example: B. R. 45.9: saar so eoweht kipotan fona meririn ist, samaso cotchimdlihho si kepotan tuuala kedoleet wesan ni-uuizzin zetuenne = Mox ut aliquid imperatum a maiore fuerit, hacsi diuinitus imperetur moram pati nesciant in faciendo. With the foregoing compare the following phrases, in which the infinitive is governed by a preposition other than zi: B. R. 41 (title) :/o»ia tuenne ze keratte pruadero = de adhibendis ad consilium fratribus; ib. 121.5: in kankanne=in ambulando; Tatian 335.26: in brehchanne thes hrotes = in fractione panis.' Specification is denoted, too, by the participial (adverbial) form in -do {-to) translating the Latin gerund in the ablative, as in Hatt. II, 116 b. 28: fure mit fahindo pist du Satanas, mir nah kando wirdistu min scuolare = precedendo Satanas es, seguendo discipulus.^ In all probability the infinitive of specification with verbs is due to Latin influence in the Germanic languages (Old High German and Anglo-Saxon). C. THE CONSECUTIVE INFINITIVE. (a) With Adjectives. In his section on " Der Infinitivus Effectus s. Consequentiae," I. c, pp. 450-453, Dr. A. Kohler^ mentions, among adjectives, only wairps, 'worthy,' as being followed by a consecutive infinitive. The infinitive after this adjective has been illustrated above, p. 256; it does not seem necessary to repeat the illus- trations here, the more so that the use does not to me seem consecutive. For the consecutive infinitive with an adjective preceded by saa in the Scandinavian languages, see section xi of this chapter, p. 257. In Old High German, clear examples of a consecutive infinitive after an adjective are difficult to find. Perhaps this is an example: Is. 7.25: endi joh dhazs ist nu unzwiflo so leohtsamo zi firstandanne dhanne dhazs dhiz ist chi- quhedan.* Wirdig occurs with both the iminflected infinitive and the inflected, as we saw above, p. 257, but, despite Dr. A. Kohler's statement as to wairps, the infinitive after wirdig does not seem to me consecutive in sense. Possibly we have a consecutive infinitive after an adjective preceded by ze in Middle High German, as in E. 7483 : so waerz iu ze sagenne al ze lane; ib. 7572 : daz waer ze sagenne ze lane, both from Monsterberg-Miinckenau,' I. c, p. 104. In Old Saxon I find a few examples of the infiected infinitive following an ad- jective preceded by an adverb (fe) : Hel. 5846 : uuas im thiu uuanami te Strang, te suithi te sehanne; ib. 143: it is unc all ti lat so te giuuinnanne.* In the Germanic languages, as in Anglo-Saxon, the consecutive infinitive with adjectives seems merely an extension of the native infinitive of specifica- tion with adjectives. (b) With Verbs. Under the verbs followed by a consecutive infinitive in Gothic, Dr. A. Kohler,^ I. c, pp. 450-453, names: taujan, ' make,' ' cause; ' gataujan, ' make,' 1 From Denecke, I. c, pp. 56, 57. * From Erdmann,' O., I. c, p. 231. » From Deneoke, I. c, p. 71. ♦ From Pratje, I. c, p. 74. 260 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 'cause;' waurkjan, 'make,' 'cause;' naupjan, 'compel;' baidjan, 'compel; afhugjan, ' bewitch,' ' entice; ' gahvotjan, ' threaten; ' and ga-arman, passive, in the sense of ' be worthy.' However, for reasons given above, concerning wairps, I should exclude the verb last named; and the factitives (taujan, gatau- jan, and waurkjan) I should likewise exclude, as they occur almost exclusively in the accusative-with-infinitive construction, already treated. I quote a few illustrations of the infinitive with the remaining verbs: L. 14.23: jah naupei innatgaggan = koX avdyKaa-ov da-eXOeiv ; Gal. 6.12: pai naupjand izwis bimaitan = ovTot avayKd^ova-iv £|uas TeptTejuveo-^at ; — Gal. 2.14: hvaiwa Jiiudos baideis judai- wiskon f = Ti Ta idvYj avayKdjei^ tovSagttv ? Gol. 3.1 : hvas izwis afhugida sunjai ni Vfhausjan? = rts v/ta^ e^da-Kave ry aXrjOeiq. /jltj ■n-eCOea-OaL ? — Skeir. I, C: diabulau pairh liugn gahvotjandin ufargaggan anabusn. In all the foregoing examples, it will be observed, the Gothic uses the simple infinitive, which corresponds to the same construction in Greek. Very rarely does Ulfilas translate the Greek consecutive infinitive preceded by Smttj by a consecutive infinitive in Gothic; he usually renders it by a finite verb. Examples of the infinitive are: II Cor. 2.7: swaei pata andaneipo izwis mais fragiban jah gaplaihan = aa-re ToivavTCov /laXXov vfiS,'; yapL^aaOcu koI irapaKoXe- a-ai; Mat. 8.24: swaswe J>ata skip gahulip wairpan = Za-Te to vkoiov KoXuTrreafai} It is agreed on all hands * that the infinitive in Gothic here is due to Greek influence. Of the consecutive infinitive with verbs in the Scandinavian languages, Professor Nygaard, I. c, p. 229, speaks as follows: " Infinitiv bruges efter sva at for at betegne f0lgen af det udsagtes maade eller grad, naar subjektet for infinitivens handling er det samme som for hovedudsagnet, og handlingen udsiges som en forestilling, ikke som noget virkelig stedfindende." I quote only one or two of the examples given by Nygaard: S. E. 30.8: ef harm kvaemi sva i foeri at sla hann it friSja h9gg; — S. E. 26.21: spurtJi hverr annan, hverr J>vi hefSi rat5it at spilla loptinu ok himninum sva at taka paSan sol ok tungl. In Old High German the following verbs are followed by an infinitive that may be considered consecutive: spanan, ' persuade; ' ganuhtsamon, ' suffice; ' noten, ' compel; ' ginoten, ' compel; ' beiten, ' compel; ' cruazzit, ' provokes; ' manon, ' admonish; ' irfaran, ' reach.' Typical examples are: (1) uninflected: B. B. 102: spanames kihaltan = suademus custodire; ^ ib. 34.4: die kenuhtsamont fehtan = qui suffidunt pugnare; ^ Denkm. liv. 21: daz er za sonatage ni uuerde canaotit vadja urgepan = ne ante tribunal Christi cogatur rationem exsolvere; ' Tatian 233.22: beiti ingangen = compelle intrare; ' — Otfrid IV, 13.53: ther thir so irfare, gisunten uns thir derien = ' der dich so erreicht, dass er dir schaden konnte, so lange wir wohlbehalten sind.' On this passage from Otfrid, 0. Erd- mann, ^ I. c, p. 204, comments: " Freier schliesst sich der Inf. einmal in consecu- tivem Sinne an ein mit demonstrativem so verbundenes Verbum an; er gibt die Tatigkeit an, zu welcher in dem mit so angezeigten Zustande die Bereitschaft und Fahigkeit vorhanden ist." He adds: " Auf ahnliche Weise denke ich mir an das stark betonte thu angeschlossen den scheinbar absoluten Infinitiv, III, > From Apelt,> L c, p. 290. « See Gabelentz and Loebe, I, c, p. 273; Apelt,' I. c, p. 290; Streitberg,' I. c, p. 205; Wilmanns, I. c, p. 119. — Since the above sentence was written. Professor G. O. Curme,' t. c.,pp. 359ff.,haa published what seems to me an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow this theory of Greek influence. ' From Deneoke, I. c, p. 20. * Ibidem, p. 21. ' Ibidem, p. 34. » Ibidem p 35 OTHER ADVERBIAL USES OF THE INFINITIVE. 261 20.163: thu bist al honer, in sunton giboraner, thu unsih thanne bredigon = ' du (bist) einer, welcher uns zurechtweisen konnte (um uns zurechtzuweisen).' " (2) Examples of the inflected infinitive are: Murb. H. 12.1: unsih za petonne cruazzit= nos ad orandum provocat;^ — Aug. serm. 33.8: manot unsih za for- stantanne = admonet nos intelligere; " — Denkm. Ivi. 70: ci gigehanne ginotames = confiteri compellimur." Says O. Erdmann,! I. c, p. 213: " Ohne dass die Bedeutung des Verbums wesentlich ist, schliesst sich nicht selten zi mit Inf. als freiere consecutive oder finale Ausfuhrung an den Inhalt des ganzen Satzes an." Of the several ex- amples given by him, the following seem to me consecutive: IV, 13.24: mit thir bin ih . . . in karkari zi faranne joh dothes ouh zi koronne = ' bis zu Kerker imd Tod; ' V, 16.35: zeichono eigit ir gewalt zi wirkenne ubar woroltlant = ' so dass ihr sie wirken konnet.' Professor Wilmanns, /. c, p. 127, gives a few examples of the consecutive inflected infinitive in Middle High German, and states that the idiom does not survive in New High German: " Fremder ist uns der Inf. mit zu geworden, wo er die Wirkung bezeichnet; z. B. Er. 5586: im ze sehenne er in sluoc, so dass er es sah; Gudr. 499.3: daz man des fiuwers wint sluoc uz herten helmen ze sehenne schaenen frouwen, so dass sie es sehen konnten; Nib. 382.3: sin solden da nihi sten denfremden an ze sehenne." Dr. Monsterberg-Miinckenau,i I. c, pp. 77-104, gives an extended treatment of the consecutive use of the infinitive in the epics of Hartmann von Aue, but includes under his general heading, "Der Infinitiv der Richtung," a number of uses that are otherwise classified by the standard grammars, for example, the infinitive with auxiliaries and the infinitive with impersonal verbs. Dr. Pratje, I. c, p. 73, cites what he considers an example of the consecutive inflected infinitive in Old Saxon: " Auch schliesst sich, wie bei Otfrid (vgl. Erdmann, I, § 351), ein Infinitiv als freiere konsekutive Ausfuhrung an den Inhalt des ganzen Satzes an: uuarth im giuuendid thuo hugi an herten after thero heri Judeonno te uuerkeanne iro uuillion, 5471." It seems to me that in most of the foregoing examples the consecutive infini- tive is a native development of the infinitive after verbs calling for an accusative infinitive (when uninflected) or for a dative infinitive or a prepositional phrase (when inflected), in the latter case, however, somewhat influenced, in Old High German at least, by the presence in the original of gerund and gerundive con- structions. The infinitive of result preceded by swaswe and by swaei in Gothic, however, is in direct imitation' of the Greek consecutive infinitive preceded by uKTTe. D. THE ABSOLUTE INFINITIVE. Of the absolute use of the infinitive in Gothic, I have not found a clear example. Messrs. Falk and Torp, I. c, pp. 208-209, give several examples of the ab- solute infinitive in the Scandinavian languages: " Den absolute infinitiv, hvis subjekt er den talende eller et ubestemt 'man,' f0ies til det hele udsagn: fyrst at segja fra OSni (for nu f0rst at tale om Odin) ; nw at tale om thenne artikel (P. Elies.); med faa ord at sige (Abs. Ped.); kort at sige (Holb.); sandt at sige; at sige, hvis du 0nsker det; efter udseendet at d0mme; vel at merke; (for) ikke at tale om." They then give a short paragraph on the elliptical use of the in- 1 From Denecke, I. c, p. 59. ' Ibidem, p. 66. See the references given in the second footnote on p. 260 above. 262 THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. finitive: " En elliptisk infinitiv bruges i sp0rsmaal og indignerede udraab: hvorfor ei Skaftet tage og dermed Hunden fra dig jage (Wess.); hvi dig omsonst umage (ib.); komme her og fortoelle mig sligt. Ved tysk indflydelse ogsaa i bissBtninger efter verbet ' vide: ' jeg neppe veed for Fryd paa hvilken Fod at staae (Wess.) ; ligedan i engelsk, fransk, italiensk og spansk." Concerning an apparent, not real, example of the absolute infinitive in Old High German, see above, p. 260, the quotation from Erdmaim. Grimm, I. c, IV, p. 98, differs with Erdmann, and holds that the infinitive in both of the examples from Otfrid are absolute: " Man kann sich einen ganz unabhangig gesetzten inf. denken. Jener imperativische (s. 87) ist ein solcher, werm die schlep- pende erklarung durch ellipse nichts gilt. Es scheint, dass der inf. auch als ausruf hingestellt wurde." He then quotes Otfrid III, 20.163, and continues: "Es konnte auch fragweise gesagt sein," but he gives no example of this type from Old High German. Of the imperative infinitive in asseverations he thinks we have an example in piladi quedan = verbi gratia. But examples are given from Middle High German and from New High German, not only of the interrogative type but also of the exclamative type: Ludw. Kreuzf. 7144: waz biten langer unt niht stritenf Lessing 2.104: ich schwbrenf — Kdsersb. Omeiss. 19^: jawol jetzbistumb aufgeben! Goethe 7.13: ich verreisen! ich dich nicht lieben! Grimm concludes: "infinitivische beteu- rung: mhd. friuntel machen, nimmer ticon (im mimde eines thoren), Frib. Trist. 5239, 5241; nhd. diesmal tanzen und nicht wieder! ahd. piladi quedan (verbi gratia), Graff 3.97, d. h. mn ein beispiel zu sagen." — See, further, concerning the idiom in Middle High German, Monsterberg-Munckenau,^ I. c, pp. 98, 134. In Old Saxon I find no example. The absolute infinitive, in most of its uses, in the Germanic languages is probably, as in Anglo-Saxon, derived by ellipsis from the predicative infinitive after the verb to be, though occasionally it arises from the abridgment of a final clause into an infinitive phrase: see the Hst of examples illustrative of this evolution in Anglo-Saxon, given in Chapter XIV, section xii. Of the four adverbial uses of the infinitive treated in this chapter, then, one, that of specification with verbs, seems wholly due to foreign (Latin) in- fluence; one, that of cause, seems partly of native and partly of foreign origin; one, that of result, with adjectives, is wholly native, but with verbs is largely native but partly foreign; while the remaining use, the absolute, is wholly native. Xm. THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. Both the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive are foimd with nouns in the Germanic languages, but the latter the oftener. In Gothic we have both ^ infinitives, but oftener the prepositional. More frequently (a) the simple infinitive corresponds to the same in Greek, but oc- casionally to an articular or a prepositional infinitive; while (b) the prepositional infinitive more commonly corresponds to a Greek articular infinitive in the gen- itive or to a prepositional, though occasionally to a simple infinitive or to a preposition + a noun: — (a) Mat. 9.6: patei waldufni habaip sa sunus mans ana * On p. 459 Dr. A. Kohler ^ seems to say that only the prepositional infinitive is found with nouns in Gothic, and DeneckOr pp. 22, 70, was misled thereby; but what Kohler really says is that he is about to give a group of finite verbs -H a substantive that are followed only by a prepositional infinitive. At other places he gives clear examples of a noun followed by the simple infinitive^ as is evident from my citations. THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. 263 airfai afleitan frawaurhtins = 5ti ^mxrCoLv lyet 6 vih% toC Av6p,Lnov hrl t^s y^s a^t^at d^aprtas;' L. 10.19: atgaf izwis waldufni trvdan ufar waurme jah skaurpjono = 8i8a)/it u/itj/ T^i/ egouo-tgy ToS TraTe?!/ cTravM o(;b£w /cat (TKopTrtW ; ^ Philip. 1.23: pauuh Zms See p. 232 above. CHAPTER XVII. RESULTS. I briefly sum up what seem to me to be the results of this investigation, first, concerning the active infinitive and, secondly, concerning the passive infinitive: — I. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. In respect of the Form, the Anglo-Saxon has two active infinitives: (1) the uninflected, ending in -an, with phonetic variants, which in origin is the petrified nominative-accusative case of a neuter noun of action; and (2) the inflected, made up of the preposition to plus the dative case of the uninflected infinitive, ending in -enne {-anne), with phonetic variants. Occasionally, how- ever, we have a compromise between these two, as in to singan or in singenne without to, both of which forms are coimted as inflected in this investigation. And very rarely, in Late West Saxon, we have the infinitive in -enne preceded by for to, as in for to hatiene. 2. As to the Voice of these two infinitives, it seems to me that the unin- flected infinitive is habitually active in sense as in form in each of its various uses, after verbs of commanding, of causing, and of sense perception as well as in other uses. The inflected infinitive, also, is usually active in sense except when used predicatively with beon (wesan) to denote necessity or obligation, in which use it is normally passive, though occasionally active. Probably, too, the adjectivized inflected infinitive with nouns, a construction that may be con- sidered an abridgment of the infinitive of necessity with beon (wesan), is also passive in sense. Possibly, but not probably, the inflected infinitive is occasion- ally passive in sense when used to denote purpose, and when used with adjec- tives. But the Anglo-Saxons at the outset had little feeUng for a true passive infinitive, and very slowly acquired it through the Latin: see the section below on the passive infinitive. 3. In keeping with its origin, the infinitive is of dual Nature, partaking, at one and the same time, of the nature both of the noun and of the verb. But, despite this fact, one of these two tendencies, the substantival and the verbal, usually predominates; and from this standpoint we may roughly divide all infinitives into two big classes, (1) substantival and (2) verbal (or predicative). More generally useful, however, is the classification according to the dominant Function of the infinitive; according to which an infinitive is substantival^ predicative, adverbial, or adjectival. A. The Uses of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon are fourfold: — (1) Substantival, subdivided into: (a) Subjective, oftenest with the infinitive inflected, but often uninflected. 265 266 RESULTS. (b) Objective, oftenest with the infinitive uninflected, but often inflected. (c) Other substantival uses: (aa) As a predicate nominative, infrequent, oftener with the infinitive inflected. (bb) As an appositive, infrequent, oftener with the infinitive uninflected. (cc) As the object of a preposition: the examples cited are all very doubtful. (2) Predicative (or more verbal), in which we have the infinitive: (a) As the predicative complement after: (aa) Auxiliary verbs, with the infinitive normally uninflected, but sporad- ically inflected. (bb) Verbs of motion and of rest, with the infinitive invariably uninflected. (cc) The adhortative {w)uton, with the infinitive invariably uninflected. (dd) Beon (Wesan) to denote habitually necessity, but occasionally futurity and purpose. In each of these three uses the infinitive is habitually inflected except occasionally in the first. (&) As the quasi-predicate of: (aa) An accusative subject after certain groups of verbs ( (1) commanding, (2) causing and permitting, (3) sense perception; less frequently: (4) mental perception; very rarely: (5) declaring and (6) other verbs), with the infinitive habitually uninflected, but occasionally inflected. The accusative-with-infini- tive construction is much more frequent in objective than in subjective clauses. (bb) A dative subject apparently but not really, with the infinitive sometimes uninflected and sometimes inflected. (3) Adverbial, subdivided into: (a) Final, frequent, with the infinitive both uninflected and inflected. (b) Causal, rare, oftener with the infinitive inflected. (c) Specificatory: with verbs, rare, always with the infinitive inflected; with adjectives, frequent, with the infinitive habitually inflected, but sporadically uninflected. (d) Consecutive, with adjectives and with verbs, with the infinitive habitu- ally, if not exclusively, inflected. (e) Absolute, with the infinitive habitually inflected, but sporadically uninflected. (4) Adjectival, to limit a noun or a pronoun, in which use we have habitu- ally the inflected infinitive, but sporadically the uninflected infinitive. In a few of these examples the inflected infinitive is almost a pure adjective; and in a few others it closely approximates a Latin gerundive. 5. The Differentiation between the Uninflected Infinitive and the Infieeted Infinitive seems to rest upon this general principle, though not without a few apparent, if not real, exceptions: the uninflected infinitive is used normally, in substantival uses, as a nominative or an accusative of a verbal noun; in predica- tive and in adverbial uses, as an accusative; the inflected infinitive is used nor- mally, in substantival (objective), in predicative, in adverbial, and in adjectival uses, to represent a case other than the nominative or the accusative, what for lack of a better term I have designated an " indirect case," which corresponds oftenest, as would be exf)ected from its composition, to the dative case, but also to the genitive case and to the instrumental case. And, owing to the influence THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE . 267 of neighboring datival verbs and verbal phrases, we have, from the outset, the inflected infinitive as subject oftener than the uninflected. In accordance with this general principle we find that: — (1) Normally the Uninflected Infinitive is used to denote: (a) The subject of a few finite verbs. (b) The direct object of most verbs governing an accusative of the direct object. (c) The appositive to a noun or a pronoun. (d) Purpose after a few verbs of motion, of rest, of commanding and requesting. (e) The predicative complement of (aa) the auxiliary verbs (except agan, which not infrequently has the inflected infinitive) and of (bb) verbs of motion and of rest, as in com fleogan and uton gangan. (/) The quasi-predicate of (aa) an accusative subject. (2) Normally the Inflected Infinitive is used to denote: (a) The subject of datival verbs and verbal phrases, especially when in proximity thereto. (6) The " indirect case " object of verbs governing a noun object in the genitive, or the dative, or the instrumental. (c) The predicate nominative after certain datival verb phrases. (d) The predicative complement of beon (wesan) to denote necessity or obligation. (e) The " indirect case " adverbial modifier of (aa) verbs, to express (a) purpose, (/J) result, (y) absolute relationship; and of (bb) adjectives, to express (a) specification, (/J) result. (f) The " indirect case " phrasal, adjectival modifier of nouns or pronouns, in which construction the infinitive usually represents a genitive or a dative case, but occasionally an instrumental case. (3) The Uninflected Infinitive and the Inflected Infinitive are each used to denote: (a) The object with a number of verbs of double regimen. (6) The adverbial (final) modifier of certain verbs (1) of motion and rest and (2) of giving, the uninflected infinitive in (1) representing the earlier (poet- ical) usage. (4) Datival verbs or verbal phrases at times attract what would normally be an uninflected infinitive into an inflected infinitive, especially if in proximity to the infinitive. (5) The presence of gerund or of gerundive in the Latin original (whether with or without a preposition) tends to the use of the inflected infinitive in Anglo-Saxon; as does, also, the presence of the Latin future participle. (6) Analogy at times upsets original conditions. (7) Naturally, in Late West Saxon the distinction between the two infini- tives is less strictly observed than in Early West Saxon; and, in keeping with the analytic trend of the English language, the inflected infinitive gains upon the uninflected infinitive. (8) Sporadically the Uninflected Infinitive is used to denote: (a) The subject of verbs that normally have the inflected infinitive. 268 KESULTS. (6) The object of verbs that normally have the inflected infinitive. (c) The predicate nominative where we should expect the inflected infinitive, as in the later members of a series of co-ordinated (inflected) infinitives. (d) The predicative complement to beon (wesan) to denote necessity or obligation. (e) The quasi-predicate to a dative subject, apparently but not really. (f) Purpose where we should expect the inflected infinitive, especially in the later members of a series of co-ordinated (inflected) infinitives. (g) Specification with adjectives. (h) Cause with verbs. (i) The absolute relationship with verbs. 0) The adjectival complement of a noun or a pronoun. (9) Sporadically the Inflected Infinitive is used to denote: (a) The subject of verbs that normally have the uninflected infinitive. (6) The object of verbs that normally have the uninflected infinitive. (c) An appositive to a noun or a pronoun, when in proximity to some word usually followed by the inflected infinitive. (d) Possibly, though not probably, the object of a preposition. (e) The predicative complement of (aa) auxiliary verbs (except agan, which not infrequently has the inflected infinitive) and of (bb) beon (wesan) to express futurity or purpose. (/) The quasi-predicate of (aa) an accusative subject; and of {bb) a dative subject, apparently but not really. (gr) Purpose where we should expect an iminflected infinitive, as in a series of co-ordinated (iminflected) infinitives. (h) Cause with verbs. (i) Specification with verbs. 6. As to the Position of the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon, pre-position is the commoner (i) with beon (wesan) when denoting necessity and active in sense; (2) in the absolute use; and (S) in dependent clauses. In other uses, post-posi- tion is the commoner. At times, the position of the infinitive in the Latin original is a determining factor; oftener, as already indicated, the subordinate nature of the Anglo-Saxon clause is a determining factor; but not infrequently each of these factors is ignored. At times, the position of the infinitive seems to be determined by the exigencies of the meter; at any rate, pre-position is relatively more frequent in the poetry than in the prose. As stated in 4, prox- imity to datival verbs and verbal phrases is favorable to attraction, and tends to cause the infinitive to be inflected. 7. As to Origin, the active infinitive in Anglo-Saxon is in some uses (A) native and in others (B) foreign (Latin). A. NATIVE. (1) In the following uses the infinitive appears to be a native English idiom: — I. SUBSTANTIVAL: (a) Subjective, uninflected and inflected, with active verbs. (6) Objective with active verbs, as indicated below: THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 269 Group of Verbs: (flo) Commanding: (6&) Causing and Pennitting; (cc) Sense Percep- tion: (dd) Mental Per- ception: (ee) Beginning, Delaying, Ceasing: (ff) Inclination and Will: (gg) Other Verbs: < Kefan, lofian. i FoUowed by Uninfl. Followed by Infl. Inf. Inf. Only: Only: hatan.^ Icetan.^ gehieran, geseon, hie- ran, ofseon, seon. In the main: gef rig- nan, gehogian, hogian, tweogan [tweon] (?). In part: behealdan* onmedan. Followedby Uninfl. and Infl. Inf.: bebeodan, beodan, be- werian, biddan, for- beodan, gehatan. all e fan, geSaflan, sellan. { { See the long list on p. 187. In the main: see the list on pp. 37 and 188. habban in part. In the main: see the list on pp. 44 and 189. fon," farlcetan, and the compounds of ginnan, in the main. In the main: see the list on pp. 190- 192. (c) Predicate nominative, in part, normally inflected. (d) Appositive, in part, normally uninflected. n. PREDICATIVE (OR MORE VERBAL): (a) With auxiliary verbs, uninflected save in a few sporadic cases. (6) With verbs of motion and of rest, uninflected. (c) With {w)uton, in the main, uninflected. {d) With accusative subject, as object, uninflected save in a few sporadic instances, after {aa) verbs of commanding: bebeodan, biddan, hatan; (66) verbs of causing and permitting: Icetan and its compounds, alcetan and forlatan; (cc) verbs of sense perception: gehieran, geseon, hieran, ofseon, seon; and (dd) verbs of mental perception: afindan, findan, gefrignan, gehyhtan, gemetan, gemittan, gewitan, onfindan, witan. (e) With accusative subject, as object, inflected, after this verb of mental perception, tcecan. [The inflected infinitive with accusative subject is found once each after findan and gereccan, in .^Ifric] (/) With apparent but not real dative subject, uninflected and inflected. m. ADVERBIAL: (a) With Verbs: (aa) Final, uninflected, after verbs of motion and of rest. (66) Absolute, inflected; possibly, also, the sporadic uninflected infinitive. (cc) Causal, uninflected and inflected, in part. (dd) Consecutive, inflected, in the main, with both active and passive verbs. (6) With Adjectives: (aa) Specificatory, normally inflected, except when the infinitive is clearly genitival in function: (66) Consecutive, habitually inflected. I Indeterminable: abiddan. ' Indeterminable: ablinnan, geawimn. ' Indeterminable: don, forgiefan. * Indeterminable: cunnian, gegi&mian. 270 RESULTS. IV. ADJECTIVAL: (a) With noun or pronoun, habitually inflected, except, possibly, when the inflected infinitive is equivalent to a genitive phrase or when the infinitive is used strictly as a Latin gerundive (see Chapter XIII, Note 2, p. 182). (2) The grounds of the foregoing statement as to which uses of the infini- tive are native to Anglo-Saxon are briefly these: (1) that these uses are, in general, found in the poems and in the more original prose ; (2) that, in the Anglo- Saxon translation from the Latin, no dominant influence of the original can be demonstrated; and (3) that what we know of these uses in the kindred Germanic languages tends to support the theory that these uses are native in Anglo- Saxon. B. FOREIGN (LATIN). (3) In the following uses, on the other hand, the infinitive appears to be borrowed from the Latin: — I. SUBSTANTIVAL: (a) Subjective, uninflected and inflected, with passive verbs. (6) Objective, with active verbs, as indicated below: Group of Verbs: {aa) Commanding: (Jbb) Causing and Permitting: (cc) Sense Percep- tion: (dd) Mental Per- ception: (ee) Beginning, Delaying, Ceasing: (ff) Inclination and WiU: (.39) Other Verbs: Followed by Uninfl. Inf. Only : Followed by Infl,. Only: In part: geteon. blinnan, forieldan, ginnan. In part : forefon, ge- eaSmodigan, geSyrs- tigan, lystan, vnmian. In the main: see the Ust on pp. 37 and 187. hdbban in part. Inf. Followed by Uninfl. and Infl. Inf.: \ leomian; see p. 189. fon, forlmtan, and the compounds of ginnan, only in part. In part only: ge- eamian, gemedemian, gewunian; see pp. 190-192. (c) Objective, uninflected and inflected, with passive verbs. (d) Predicate nominative, in part, normally inflected. (e) Appositive, in part, normally uninflected. n. PREDICATIVE (OR MORE VERBAL): (a) With (w)vi(m, in part, uninflected. Q}) With accusative subject, as object, uninflected except sporadically, after (aa) verbs of commanding: /orfteodora; (6&) verbs of causing and permitting: Megan [began], don, gedon, geSdfian, geSolian, geunnan, niedan; (cc) verbs of sense perception: ^ gefelan, gehavnan, sceavoian; (dd) verbs of mental percep- tion:* ceteawan, eowan, gecySan, gehatan, geliefan, gemunan, getriewan, leer an, 1 TJie origin is indeterminable aiter'behealdan. 2 The origin ia indeterminable aiter geacaian and taligan; and after hdbhan&ni lodalanf oi ' other vetbs." THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 27L ongietan, tellan, wenan; and (ee) verbs of declaring: cweSan, foresecgan, ondettan, secgan. (c) With accusative subject, as object, inflected, after {aa) verbs of causing and pennitting: doni?); (66) verbs of mental perception: Iceran; (cc) verbs of declaring :/oresecffan(?); and (dd) in L. 1.73: hyne us to syllane tJone aS. (d) With accusative subject, as subject, uninflected except sporadically, with both active and passive verbs. (e) With beon (wesan), inflected except sporadically, to denote necessity or I obligation (in both passive and active senses) ; to denote futurity; and, probably, to denote purpose, m. ADVERBIAL: (a) With Verbs: (aa) Final, inflected, after verbs of whatever kind, both active and passive. (66) Final, uninflected, after verbs (1) of commanding and requesting and (2) of giving. (cc) Causal, uninflected and inflected, in part. (dd) Specificatory, always inflected. (ee) Consecutive, inflected, in part, with both active and passive verbs. (6) With Adjectives: (aa) Specificatory, inflected, when the infinitive is clearly genitival in function. IV. ADJECTIVAL: (a) With noun or pronoun, habitually inflected, when the infinitive is equiv- alent to a genitive phrase, and when the infinitive is strictly equivalent to a Latin gerundive (see Chapter XIII, Note 2, p. 182). (4) The grounds of the foregoing statement as to which uses of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon are of foreign (Latin) origin are briefly these: (1) that these uses are, in general, not found in the poetry except in poems known to be based on Latin originals, and in these only sparingly; (2) that they are found very rarely in the more original prose; (3) that, in the Anglo-Saxon translations from the Latin, the dominant influence of the original is demonstrated; and (4) that what we know of these uses in the kindred Germanic languages tends to support the theory that these uses in Anglo-Saxon are borrowed from the Latin. (5) Ultimately, in Anglo-Saxon as in the Germanic languages in general, the predicative use of the infinitive with auxiliaries was objective; and the predicative use with (w)iUon, with other verbs of motion, and with beon (wesan) was final. n. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 8. Anglo-Saxon has a compoimd passive infinitive, made up usually of the present active infinitive, 6eon (occasionally luesdw or weor&an), plus the past participle. The strictly infinitive part of the compound is uninflected; the par- ticiple part is sometimes inflected, sometimes not. ' '" ' 9. This infinitive is passive in sense as well as in form. 10. Though far less frequently used than is,the.active infinitive, the passive infinitive is found, in Anglo-Saxon, in the following uses: — 272 KESULTS. (1) Substantival: (a) Subjective occasionally. (6) Objective occasionally. (2) Predicative (or More Verbal) : (a) With auxiliary verbs frequently. (6) With {w)uton occasionally. (c) With accusative subject, the phrase being the object of an active transi- tive verb, not infrequently. (d) With accusative subject, the phrase being the subject of an active verb occasionally and of a passive verb once. (3) Adverbial: (0) With an adjective once. 11. In each of its uses, the Anglo-Saxon passive infinitive is of Latin origin. The grounds of this statement are these: (1) that these uses are, in general, unknown in the poetry except in the poems known to be based on Latin orig- inals, and are rare even in these; (2) that they are rare in the more original prose; (3) that, in the Anglo-Saxon translations from the Latin, the dominant influence of the original is demonstrated; and (4) that what we know of these constructions in the kindred Germanic languages tends to support the theory that these uses in Anglo-Saxon are borrowed from the Latin. m. SUBSTITUTES FOR THE INFINITIVE, 12. In course of time there were developed some Substitutes for the Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. (1) Gradually the nominative of the present participle came to be substi- tuted for the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion (and occasionally of rest), com fleogan becoming com fleogende. Despite the encroachment of the present participle, the predicative infinitive, contrary to the usual statement, survived into Late West Saxon times, and is occasionally found in ^Ifric. (2) Gradually the predicate accusative of the present participle came to be used side by side with the predicate infinitive with accusative subject after verbs of sense perception, etc. (3) The substitution of the predicate nominative of the present participle for the predicative infinitive after verbs of motion and of rest seems to have been due to these causes: the appositive use of the participle, especially of words denoting motion, with verbs of motion; the predicative use of the participle in the present and past periphrastic tenses; and the superior clarity, in such locutions, of the participle over the infinitive. (4) The substitution of the predicate accusative of the present participle for the predicative infinitive with accusative subject was due to Latin influence. IV. THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 13. Despite the incompleteness of my statistics concerning the Infinitive in the Other Germanic Languages, they seem to make probable the following conclusions: — THE INFINITIVE IN THE OTHER GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 273 (1) The Uses of the Infinitive, active and passive, are substantially the same in the other Germanic languages as in Anglo-Saxon, though, naturally, with some variations in the several languages, as indicated in the discussion thereof. (2) The Differentiation between the Uninflected Infinitive and the Inflected Infinitive rests upon the same general principles as in Anglo-Saxon. (3) The Voice of the two infinitives active in form, in the High Germanic languages, tallies substantially with that of these two forms in Anglo-Saxon. (4) In the main, the Origin of the Constructions of the Infinitive is in sub- stantial agreement with that of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. (5) The same Substitutes for the Infinitive are found as in Anglo-Saxon. (6) The substitution of the predicate nominative of the present participle for the predicative infinitive was probably due to the same general causes as in Anglo-Saxon, but the statistics available on this point are too meager for a confident conclusion. (7) The substitution of the predicate accusative of the present participle for the predicative infinitive in the High Germanic languages was due to Latin influence. In Gothic, owing to the closeness of the translation, the predicative participle was from the outset more common than the predicative infinitive after verbs of sense perception. Appendix A. STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. Except in Sections VI and VII, the initial verb in the sections below is, not the infinitive, but the finite verb of the passage in question cited in the infinitive form and given in alpha- betic sequence. Under each word are given all ' the occurrences, first, of the uninflected infini- tive (= U.) and, secondly, of the inflected infinitive (= I.), first in the prose works and then in the poems, cited in each case in the approximate chronological order, except that the Minor Prose Works and the Minor Poems are given, each, in alphabetic sequence. In Mlf. Horn., in Chron., and in Napier's Ad. to Th., the superior letters (t, m, and 6) refer respectively to the top, the middle, and the bottom of the page; while the superior figures distinguish the several examples. In other texts, the superior letters distinguish the several examples within the same lines or verse, or larger whole (as in the Latin of Wcerf.). The totals for each use are given at the beginning of the chapter in which the particular use is discussed and in the Synoptic Tables of Appendix C. The abbreviations for the texts are explained in the " Bibliography." For convenience, I have not distinguished S and p, but have tini- formly used S. As a rule, contractions in the texts have been expanded. /. The Subjective Infinitive. k. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. The infinitive is found both uninflected and inflected. 1. With Active Finite Verb, alef an : see aliefan. aliefan [-e-, -y-], he allowable: U. (10): Bede (4): 74.15 = 53.29; 74.18=-'' = 53.32»- ^i 78.17 = 55.28.— Gosp. (6): Mk. (3): 3.4''- <=; 10.2; — L. (3): 6.9*- ''• °. — L (3): Pr. Gu. (1): xx.85. — Mk. (2): 3.4"; 12.14. alyf an : see aliefan. anhagian : see onhagian. atSreotan, weary: U. (0). —I. (1): Oros. (1): 42.13 = 43.12. becuman, happen: U. (1): Minor Prose (1): Chad, Anhang (1): 11. — I. (0). behofian, behoove: U. (0). — I. (1) : Solil. (1) : 27.12. been, 6e: U. (0). — I. (1) : Mat. (1) : 20.23. been + an adjective (occasionally an adverb or a noun) : — — aetJiyt, troublesome: U. (0). — I. (.l):Mf. Horn. (1): II. 2°"- — arwierSUcost [-y-], honorable: U. (0). — L (1): Greg. (1): 401.16 = 320.6 (or with adjective?). — betere, better: V. (1): Mk. (1): 9.47 = 9.46. — L (6): Greg. (1): 457.21 = 390.13. —Soiii. (1) : 36.8 ^O. — A.S. Horn. & L. S. I. (1) : 3.406. — Mat. (1) : 18.9. — Gen. (1) : 660. — Ps. (1): 83.10. — • betst, beat: U. (0). — I. (2) : SolU. (2) : 3.6, 7. — deoplic, difficuU: U. (0). — I. (1): .^If. Horn. (1): II. 386* (or with adjective?). — deorwiertSe [-U-], precious: U. (0). —I. (l):Mf. Horn. (1): I. 582*' 2. — dysUc, foolish: U. (0). —I. (1) : ^If. L. S. (1) : XXXVI. 325. — earfet5(e): seeearfoff(e). , ., , — earfo«S(e) [-feSS(e)], difficult: V. (0).— I. (9): Boeth. (1): 127.22'' = 108.13 (or with ad- jective?).— GVej. (1): 61.5 = 28.3. — Oros. (1): 212.30 = 0. — Chron. (1): 170^ 1050 D — Laws (1): 455, Gerefa, c. 18. — Bened. (1): 67.1 = 126.10. -^EZ/. Horn. (1): II. 466b _^. s. Horn. & L. S. I. (1): 8.15.— Gu. (1): 1039. — earfotSUc, diffi = 16.13*' •>. — selest [-ost], best: V. (0). — I. (4): Bened. (1): 15.19 = 26.20. — Bl. Horn. (1): 205.27. — Beow. (1): 174 (or with adjective?). — Prayers (1): IV. 11. — scire, better: U. (2) : ^If. L. S. (1) : XXV. 144''. — iSlfric's Minor Prose (1) : Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 101.322*1.-1. (2):^/. Horn. (1): I. im^K — ^lf. L. S. (1): XXV. 144». — softe, soft: V. (1):^J/. Horn. (1): I. 164'.— I. (0). — sorhlic, grievous: U. (0). — I. (3) : Wvlf. (3) : 161.22*; 241.21*' •>. — Strang [-0-], distressing: U. (0). — I. (1): Wvlf. 225.13. — strong : see Strang. — sweotol, clear: U. (0). — I. (1): Bodh. (1): 36.16 = 41.25 (or with adjective?). — treowlicre, safer: U. (0). — I. (2) : Minor Prose (2) : Cato (2) : 63*' ^- — unacumendlic, intolerable: U. (0). — I. {\): Mf. L. S. (1): XXXI. 956. — unalefedlic : see unaliefedlic. — unaliefedUc [-e-, -y-], unlawful: U. (0). — I. (3) : Pr. Pa. (1) : 16.14*. — Wcerf. (2) : 334.22, 23 = 401 D (or with adjective?). — unalyf edlic : see unali^edlic. — unaraefnedUc, intolerable: U. (0). — I. {X):mf. L. S. (1): XXX. 133. — uneaSe : see unieSe. — ungeUefedUc, incredible: U. (0). — I. (4): Oros. (4): 74.7 = 75.8; 134.15 = 135.13; 238.2 = 0; 240.16 = 0. — unietSe [uneatSe], difficult, grievous: V. (0). —I. (4): Greg. (1) 355.21 = 276.1. —Oros. (1): 52.8 = 53.4. — Wcerf. (1) : 112.17 = B. 142 D. — And. (1): 206. — unriht, wrong: U. (0). — I. (1) : Wcerf. (1) : 308.18 = 372 C (or with adjective?). — wacUc, mean: U. (0). — I. (1) : jElf. Horn. (1) : I. 400™. — weorc, hardship: U. (0). — I. (1): Ju. (1): 569 (or with noun?). — weorce, grievous: U. (0). — I. (2): Beow. (1): 1419. — And. (1): 1659 (or with adjective?). — wundorlic, wonderful: U. (0).— I. (2): Wvlf. (2): 206.29''; 217.11'' (or each with adjec- tive?). — wynsumere, vrinsomer: V. (0). — I. (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. I. (1): 1.275. dafenian, befitting: U. (0). — I. (1): Solil. (1): 32.17 = 0. derian, annoy: U. (0). —I. (l):Greg. (1): 237.11 = 178.25. fremian: see fremrrtan. frenunan [fremian], advance, help: U. (1) : Mf. Ham. (1) : I. 394™. — I. (1) : Mat. (1) : 19.10. gebyrian, befitting, proper: U. (7): Gosp. (7): Mat. (1): 18.33; — L. (6): 11.42''; 12.12; 15.32*'''; 24.26*''';— I. (11): Laws (2): 446. c. 3 (with gebyriaS tor gebyraS by sen- bal error?); 477. c. 2. — Mf. Hmn. (1): II. 492*. —^J/. Hept. (1): De N. T. 20.30. — jElfric's Minor Prose (1) : Mlf. Gr. (1) : 245.9. — Gosp. (5) : Mat. (1) : 26.54''; — Mk. (1) : 14.31;— Z,. (2):2.49; 11.42*; — /. (\): 9.^. — Wvlf. (1):279.4. gedaf(e)ni(g)an, be fitting, proper: U. (11): Bede (2): 74.22 = 54.2; 342.18 = 259.12 (or pre- dicative with accusative subject?).- Pr. Gu. (3): V. 67, 68, 69. — ^i/. Horn. (1): II. 318™ K — Mlf. L. S. (2): 240.31; XXIII B. 261. — iElfric's Minor Prose (2): Napier's Ad. to Th. (2): 102.34* ='».- L. (1): 4.43. — I. (18): Bede (2): 2.13 = 0; 196.17 = 156.18. — Solil. (2) : 32.16*' i' = 0. — Laws (1) : 248, VI. — Mlf. Horn. (3) : 1. 124''; 386* 2; II. 318™. —Mf. L. 5.(6): 228.131; 240.30; 314.127; XXIII B. 228*'*'; XXX. 124.— A. S. Hom. & L. S. I. (1): 3.4M. — Wulf. (2): 227.22; 269.24. — Minor Prose (1): Alex. (1):59.. geUcian, please: U. (1): L. (1): 12.32.— I. (3): Oros. (2): 106.23 = 107.24; 250.19 = 0. — Chron. (1): 182*, 1052 C'' (or appositive?). gelustfullian, delight: U. (0). — I. {\): Mlf. Hom. (1): I. 360'". gelystan, please: U. (3) : Laece. (3) : 69.31*' '', 32. — I. (0). gemhtsumi(g)an, suffice: U. (0). — I. {l): Bened. (1): 90.15 = 158.13. gerisan, befit: U. (0). — I. (2): Oros. (1): 54.30 = 0. — .illfric's Minor Prose- (l): Mlf. Mthelw. (1):2. getSyncan, seem good: U. (1): L. (1): 1.3. — I. (0). 278 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. geweorSan [-u-], happen: U. (1): Gen. (1): 1692. — I. (0). gewurtJan : see geweorSan. helpan, help: V. (0). — I. (2) : ^If. L. S. (1) : XXXVI. 183. — Lcece. (1) : 41.12. lician, please: U. (2): Bede (1): 276.12 = 214.31. — ^Z/. L.S. (1): 308.32. — I. (4): Pr. Ps. (1) : 43.5 = 43.4. — Laws (1) : 46, iEIfred, Intr., c. 49, § 10. — ^If. L. S. (1) : 308.30. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II. (1): 18.293. lystan, please: U. (61): Bede (2): 398.7»' •» = 288.26, 27': — Boeth. (8): 1.11 =0; 39.21 = 0; 59.9 = 26.23; 78.32 = 70.93; 88.19 = 76.125; 91.8 = 78.46; 121.12, 20 = O.—Greg. (1): 279.6 =210.15. — Ores. (1): 50.17 = 0. —,Soia. (11): 1.6; 14.22; 34.9; 39.1; 42.4''•^ 7^-^; 52.4; 64.12; 67.22. — PF>. onhagian [an-], please: U. (1): Greg. (1): 289.16 = 218.19.-1. (7): Greg. (2): 341.13 = 264.6; 417.17 = 338.21.— So?a. (2): 26.7; 65.10. — Chron. (1): 175^ 1052T>''. — Mf. Horn. (1): I. U8*K~JElf. L. S. (1): 4.37. sc(e)amian, shame: U. (0). — I. (5): Chron. (1): 170", 1050 B. — Mf. L. S. (4): 200.76; 202.125; 370.100; XXIII B. 327. «Syncan, seem: U. (0). — I. (l):Greg. (1): 177.19 = 132.17. Syncan + an adjective (or occasionally a noun) : — — aeSryt, trovblesome: U. (0). — I. (l):JElf. Horn. (1): II. 374''. — dyseUg, foolish: U. (0). — I. (1) : ^If. Horn. (1) : I. 94'' ". — eatSre, eoHer: U. (0). — I. (,2):Solil. (2): 21.24; 22.1. — hefigtime, troublesome: U. (0). — I. (1) : Mf. Hept. (1) : Pref. to Gen. 22.5. — lang [-0-], hmg, tiresome: U. (0). — I. (1): Solil. (1): 52.17. — langsum [-0-], hng, tiresome: U. (0). — I. (1): Widf. (1): 100.23. — leofra, deorer; U. (0). — I. (1): Wvlf. (1): 196.7. — sceamu, shame: U. (0). — I. (1): Chron. (1): 216^ 1085 E"". — selest [-est], best: U. (0). —I. (2): El. (2): 533; 1165 (or each with adjective?). — seUe, better: U. (0). — I. (1): Ju. (1): 408. — seUic [-y-], strange: U. (0). — I. (2): ^If. L. S. (1): XXV. 564 (or with adjective?).- Wvlf. (1): 269.26. — syllic : see sdlic. — wierse [-y-], worse: U. (0). — I. (1): Solil. (1): 36.7, — wyrse : see wierse. 2. With Passive Verbs. alefan: aeealiefan. aliefan [-e-, -y-], allow: U. (5): Bede (5): 84.20 = 59.20; 278.10, 11 = 216.7, 8; 278.22 = 216.22; 280.1 = 217.1. —I. (29): Boeth. (1) 121.19* = 103.93*. — Wceif. (3): 39.21 = 176 A; 156.3 = B. 182 B^; 214.8 = 261 A. — Bened. (1): 86.6 = 154.7. — B«. H, 13; 285.12, 13. — Minor Prose (2): Nic. (2): 476.16, 478.1. — Gm. (1): 1223. alyfan: see aliefan. bebeodan, command: U. (2): Mf. Hom. (2): II. SQS'"-^. — I. (3): Bede (1): 206.16 = 161.27. — Boeth. (2): 40.10 = 0; 40.24 = 0. bewerian, prohibit: U. (2): Bede (2): 76.19 = 54.31; 78.31 = 56.9. —I. (0). forgi(e)faa, give, grant: U. (0). — I. (2): ^f. L. S. (2): XXIX. 134*,". (ge)sellan, give, allow: U. (0). — I. (2): Gosp. (2): Mat. (1): 13.11; — Mk. (1): 4.11. lafan, leave: U. (0). —I. (1): Boeth. (1): 42.9 = 44.18. tJencan, consider, + an adjective: — — halwende, salutary: V. (0).— I. (1): Mf. L. S. (1): XXV. 479. Syncan, seem, consider(?), + an adverb: — — wiertSUcor [-u-J, worthily: U. (0). — I. (1): ^If. Hom. (1): I. 48**. — wurtJlicor : see wierSlicor. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 279 B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. Given in full in Chapter I, pp. 26-27. //. The Objective Infinitive. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. The infinitive ia found both uninflected and inflected. 1. With Active Finite Verb. abiddan, Ud, command: U. (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 422*' '. — I. (0). ablinnan, cease, desist from: U. (1) : ^If. L. S. (1) : XXX. 39. — I. (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 74'. adrsedan, fear: U. (0). — I. (1) : Mk. (1) : 9.32. ateowan, show: V. (0). — I. (1): Bl. Ham. (1); 169.9. aginnan [-y-], begin: U. (28): Pr. Ps. (1): 9.30. — Chron. (2): 7^47F,• 206"°, 1070 A".— Laws (2) : 310, II Cnut, c. 4; 472, GriS, c. 21. — Gosp. (14) : Mat. (1) : 24.49; — Mk. (3) : 6.7; 14.65^-''; — L. (10): 5.21; 12.45*' •>■ "; 14.29,30*-''; 22.23»; 23.2% 30. — Wulf. (7): 14.14»-b; 85.1; 88.17, 21; 105.18; 216.33. — Minor Prose (2): Apol. (2): 19.28, 25.9.— I. (5): Chron. (5): 6^ 40 F; 8^ 49 F, 116 F, 137 F; 137°", 1006 eK agynnan: ase aginnan. alefan : gee aliefan. aU(e)fan [-e-, -y-], aUow: U. (2) : Gosp. (2) : Mat. (1) : 8.21''; — L. (1) : 9.59. — I. (5) : Laws (1) : 30, ^fred, Intr., c. 12'' (or final?). — .®?/. Hept. (2): Deirf. 3.2^-\ — Mf. L. S. (1): 102.227. — Mat. (1):8.21». alifan \ ,., , , alyfan/^^"'*^*)-'^""- anbidian, expect: U. (0). — I. (1): Laws (1): 438, Excommunicatio VII, c. 2, § 3. anforlaetan, abandon: U. (0). — I. (1) : Warf. (1) : 337.2 (syngiende = syngienne f) = 405 B. anginnan [-y-] : see onginnan. antSracian,/eor: U. (0). — I. (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 554*. atSencan, intend: U. (0). — I. (1): Beow. (1): 2644. bebeodan [bi-], command, order: U. (11): Bede (3): 36.3P> •' = 19.31; 388.20 = 283.27.— Laws (1) : 46, iElfred, Intr., c. 49, § 7. — .lElf. Horn. (2) : I. 380'' '• «. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (2): Napier's Ad. to Th. (2): 101.314*1- ^. — El. (1): 1018. — Ju. (2): 232; 295. — I. (16): Bede (2): 350.28 = 263.25 (?); 412.1 = 297.30. — Ores. (1): 292.27 = 293.28. — Solil. (1): 4.2.— Chron. (1): 206*, 1070 A". — Laws (2): 42, JElfred, Intr., c. 49»; 46, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § 9". — Wcmf. (2) : 9.31 = 0; 23.5 = 0. — ^If. Horn. (2) : 1. 240*; II. 316^— ^i/. Hept. (1): Deut. 25.7. — ^If. L. S. (2): 22.203; 456.243. — PTtrf/. (2): 294.28; 296.5. beginnan, begin: U. (28): Chrm. (1): 201°, 1067 D.—Mf. Horn. (4): II. 142'», 142'', 19ef\ 302'. — ^i/. L. S. (14): 216.96; 230.186; 242.56; 248.153; 296.200; 298.203; 414.24*' ^ 25, 26; 502.263; 604.296; 538.811; XXXI. 893. — ^If. Hept. (1): De N. T. 18.1. — L. (1): 7.49. —A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (5): 18.21, 25, 40, 74, 97.— Wulf. (1): 214.24. — Minor Prose (1) : Benediktiner-Offizium (1) : 64.29. — Creed (1) : 37. — I. (57) : Chron. (1) ; 243*, 1110 E^. — Bened. (2): 32.1 = 60.1; 63.2 = 118.10.-^2/. Horn. (16): I. 10", 22^ 46* =, 66^ \ 152™, 170*, 258*; II. 146* \ 148"°, 154™, 158™, 196^ 392*, 412^ 418*, 502''. — mf. L. S. (17): 36.184; 264.61; 530.704; XXV. 419, 609, 664; XXVI. 215; XXXI. 96, 165, 406, 535, 992; XXXV. 24, 30, 172"; XXXVII. 34, lU. — ^lf. Hept. (17): De V. T. 4.8: De N. T. 16.42; 17.13, 16; 17.18; 18.21; Pref.toGen. 22.33; Gen. 8.3; 9.20; 11.6; 18.27, 31; Num. 3.10; Jvdges 7.19, 22; 10.6; 15.8. — .4. S. Horn. & L. S.I (2): 7.81; 8.148. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (2): Napier's Ad. to Th. (2): 102.34**, 102.42™. behatan, promise: U. (0). — I. (7): Chron. (3): 226*, 1091 E; 236*, 1100 E*-- ".-Mf. Hept. (1): Deut. 10.11.— Gosp. (2): Mat. (1): 14.7; — Mfc. (1): lA.ll.-Wvlf. (1): 172.14. behealdan, take care: U. (1): Ex. (1): 110 (?). — I. (0). beodan, command: U. (10): Chron. (1): 173™, 1048 -£,'. — Mf. Horn. (1): II. 262*, — A. S. ■ Horn. & L. S. II (2) : 15.280'', 281 . — And. (6) : 780, 781»- ^ 782, 783, 784. — I. (6) : Greg. (1): 47.13 = 24.24. — Pr. Ps. (1): 39.7. — Laws (1): 42, .Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § 3». — Mf. Hept. (2) : Deui. 32.46*' ". — Wulf. (1) : 231.1. 280 STATISTICS OP THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. beoti(g)aii, threaten: U. (0). —I. (1): Minor Prose (1): Chad (1): 193. bewerian [bi-], prohibit, forbid: U. (1): Bede (1): 82.24 = 58.27''.— I. (1): Bede (1): 80.7 = 56.32. bibeodan: Beehd)eodan. biddan, request, demand: V. (6): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 182°'. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (3): 15.162° = 0; 15.288»- 1' = 217.320^ »>. — Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 23.34» = 42*. — Versuchung (1): 9. — I. (1): Loece. (1): 58.27. biweri(g)aii : see bewerian. blinnan, cease: V. (7): Bede (7): 44.2 = 25.7; 202.21 = 159.21; 338.16, 17*''' = 256.19, 20; 474.9»- » = 347.32. — I. (0). bodian, preach: U. (0). — I. (1): ^If. Horn. (1): II. 344''. cunnian, try, attempt: tJ. (1): Mlf. Ham. (1): I. 450''- — I. (0). cytSan [+beodan], make knoion: U. (0). — 1. (1): Laws (1): 483, Wilhelm I, Prol. don, do, cause: XT. (2): JElf. L. S. (1): 214.90. — Ps. (1): 118.25. — I. (0). elcian, delay: U. (0). — I. (1) : ^. Horn. (1) : II. 282*. eldan: BeeieMan. Sudan, find, strive(.?):V. (1): El. 1255(?). — I. (1): Dan. (1): 544. fleoa, shun: U. (0). — I. (1) : Greg. (1) : 33.12 = 14.4. fon, undertake, begin: U. (2) : Wulf. (2) : 133.14*' •>. — I. (6) : Wcerf. (1) : 197.6 = 240 D. —Mf. L. S. (2): 70.345; XXXIV. 64..— Mf. Hept. (2): Judges 3.6 = 0; 13.1. — Wulf. (1): 105.33. foraeldan: see forieMan. forbeodan, forbid, prohibit: U. (1) : Bede (1) : 70.8 = 50.34. — I. (18) : Greg. (1) : 369.3 = 286.5. — Laws: (1): 214 Kronungseid, Prol— ySlf. Hem. (4): 1. 122*, 218''; 11.308"", 534''. — Mf. Hept. (1) : De V. T. 4.43. — Mf. L. S. (5) : XXV. 36, 42(?), 89; XXXII., 105, 221. — A. S. Ham. & L.S.I (3) : 1.213; 3.9; 7.115. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1) : Mf. GV. (1) : 242.7. — Wulf. (2) : 200.3»- ''. forefon, presume, undertake: XJ. (1): Laws (1): 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 4, § 4. — I. (0). forgi(e)fan, grant, allow: U. (I): Bede (1): 486.4 = 360.4 (or final?). —I. (0). forgieman [-y-], neglect: U. (0). — I. (2): Laws (2): 453, Gerefa, Inscr., c. 3, § l"-^. forgiemeleasian [-y-], neglect: U. (0). — I. (l):Mf. Hom. (1): II. 102*'- forgyfan: see forgiie)fan. forgyman: see forgieman. f orgymeleasian : see forgiemeleasian. forhogian, despise, neglect: V. (2): Bede (1): 464.10 = 329.29. — TFpe: V. (0). —I. (1): Bede (1): 164.21 = 138.1. gehyran: see gehi{e)Tan. gelefan : see geliefan. geleornian, learn: U. (1): Bede (1): 404.22 = 292.17. — I. (1): Bede 210.31 = 164.22. geliefan [-e-, -y-], believe, hope: U. (0). — I. (2): Bede (2): 330.25*''' = 252.13. gelyfan : see geliefan. gemed(e)mian [gi-], deign, vouchsafe: U. (5): Laws (2): 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 3, § 2% §4.— ^Z/. Horn. (1): I. BO^K—Mf. L. S. (2): XXIII B. 713, 738. — I. (1): iElfric's Minor Prose (1) : ^Z/. Mthelw. (1) : 51. [See pp. 64-55 above.] geman : see gieman. gemyntan, intend, determine: U. (5) : Chrm. (2) : 22^ 616 F*- ''. — Mlf. L. S. (2) : 154.127''; 502.255. — .Ba:. (1): 199. — I. (7): mf. Horn. (2): I. 414'; II. 578* K — JElf. L. S. (3): 154.f27»; 212.51; XXV. 769. — Mf. Hept. (1): Num. 24.11. — TFui/. (1): 277.26. geseon, see: U. (20) : Greg. (1) : 49.25 = 26.28. — Oros. (1) : 138.26 = 0. — Wcerf. (2) : 99.9 = B. 130 A"; 273.20 = 33 AK — Mart. (1): 148.3.— ^i/. Horn. (6): I. 146' i- "•>; II. 184", 186', 34:6* K — mf. L.S. (2): 112.399; 250.204. — L. (1): 12.55. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2): 16.82; 18.84. — Leece. (1): 97.34. — Beow. (2): 231; 1024. — Bid. (1): 57.12. -I. (0). gestihhian [-styohhian], determine, decide: U. (1) : Bede (1) : 218.9 = 168.2. — I. (1) : SolU. (1): 38.1 = 0. gestyohhian : see gestihhian. geswican, stop, cease from: U. {2):mf. L.S. (1): XXXIII. 206. — L. (1): 5.4. —I. (9): ^If. Horn. (5) : I. 46*, 596;" '; II. 126^ 156', 206'. — ^If. L. S. (3) : XXXI. 497, 1049; XXXII. 246. — Minor Prose (1) : Neot (1) : 64. geswutelian [-sweot-], show, explain: U. (0). — I. (1): Mat. (1): 3.7. geteohhian, think, determine: U. (0). — I. (12): Boeth. (4): 117.21 = 0; 127.27 = 0; 139.29" = 121.10; 143.23 = 0. —Greg. (3): 251.24 = 190.22; 419.13 = 340.23; 445.7 = 372.19. — Solil. (1) : 37.5. — Pr. Ps. (1) : 10.3. — Wcerf. (1) : 54.26 = 188 B^ — Mf. Hom. (1) : I. iggb. — Mf. L. S. (1) : XXXI. 677. geteon, determine: U. (1): Bede (1): 332.9 = 253.1. —I. (0). getilian, strive for, attempt: U. (0). — I. (1) : Solil. (1) : 35.17. getSafian, allow, permit: U. (1): JElf. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 606. — I. (3): Bede (1): 276.31 = 215.24. —^f. Hom. (2): I. 4^ 604™ ». geSencan, think, strive: U. (0). — I. (2) : Mf. Hept. (1) : Job, XII (= 6.27). —Minor Prose (1) : Alex. (1): 11. getSristlsecan [-y-], presume, undertake: V. (5) : Laws (1) : 46, ^Elfred, Intr., c. 49, § 9°. — Wwif. (1) : 207.24 = 253 A. — ^If. L. S. (3) : XXIII B. 277, 645, 745. — I. (6) : Laws (2) : 414, Judicium Dei VII, c. 13 A'- ^.—Mf. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 721. — A. S. Hom. & L. S. II (1): 11.122. — Wulf. (2): 34.14, 15. geSiystlsecan : see geSrisUeecan. ge5yrsti(g)an, presume, undertake: U. (2): Bede (2): 70.16 = 51.8; 78.33" = 56.10". — I. (0). gewil(l)man, desire: U. (7): Wc^f. (1): 208.14 = 253 CK — ^lf. Hom. (2): I. 608'; II. 588' ^. — Mf. L. S. (1) : XXIII B. 187. — Gosp. (3) : Mat. (1) : 13.17''; — L. (2) : 15.16; 22 15. — I. (15) : Chron. (1) : 219"^, 1086 E". — Laws (1) : 45, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § 3''. — ^If. Hom. (7): I. 550', 552', 556', 596', 612"; II. 154'' », 588*. — ^If. L. S. (4): 196.22; XXIII B. 183, 358; XXXVI. 159.- Mat, (1): 13.17". — Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 18.17. 282 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. gewunian, use, he wont: U. (31): Bede (16): 62.4 = 47.13; 172.16 = 142.19; 188.30 = 152.11; 266.12 = 209.14; 272.8»-'' = 212.19"'''; 336.23''- •> = 255.26; 342.5 = 258.29; 364.3,4 = 270.5"''; 368.32 = 273.17; 386.29 = 283.2; 442.19"-'' = 314.6; 442.21 = SU.Q. — Laws (2): 38, Alfred, Intr., c. 30; 410, Jud. Dei IV, o. 3, § 5. — Wogrf. (9): 4.19 = 152 A; 181.3, 4 = 217 C; 183.4 = 221 B; 185.24 = 225 B^; 201.15 = 245 B'; 206.16 = 252 B^; 207.4 = 252 O; 242.9 = 296 C — ^J/. L. S. (4): XXIII B. 164"- ^ 165; XXXIII. 177. — I. (8): Greg. (1): 273.17 = 206.14. — Oros. (1): 34.5 = 35.3. — Woerf. (3): 161.19 = B. 188 C; 163.37 = B. 190 B^; 289.10 = 349 C^: no Latin. — /EZ/. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 368. — ^If. Hept. (1): Num. 22.4:. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 12.45. gieman [-e-, -y-], care: U. (4): Bede (4): 364.1 = 0; 412.26 = 298.25; 442.2, 3 = 313.19, 20. — I. (3) : Bede (2) : 208.16 = 162.28; 362.10 = 269.16. — Beow. (1) : 2452. gieman [-y-], desire, yearn for: V. (0).— I. (4): Bede (1): 480.11 = 351.21. — SZ. Horn. (1); 53.25. — Pr. Gu. (2): I. 7; II. 93. ginnan, hegin: U. (1): Bede (1): 60.23 = 46.32. — I. (0). gyman : see gieman. gyman : see giernan. habban, have: U. (0). — I. (7): Boeth. (1): 52.27 = 52.10. — Laws (1): 106, Ine, c. 42.— ^If. Horn. (1): II. 78'^.—Mf. Hept. (2): Ex. 16.23; Judges 3.20". — 4. S. Hom.db L. S. II (1): 15.U9. — MaL (1): 20.22. hatan, command: U. (1124): Bede (66): 36.3"' ^ = 19.6; 38.5 = 20.3; 40.18 = 21.21; 44.8 = 25.10; 46.5"' *> = 27.19; 50.26 = 31.5; 58.19 = 0; 88.28 = 0; 90.20 = 70.20; 104.4"-'' = 84.23; 104.22"- " = 85.18; 104.26, 27 = 85.26; 110.12 = 90.12; 114.12 = 92.16; 116.7, 8 = 93.12, 13; 116.17 = 93.24; 126.25 = 107.30; 136.12 = 112.25; 140.22 = 115.16; 166.6, 7 = 138.20; 166.28 = 139.16; 168.12"- ^ = 140.4, 5; 172.7, 8 = 142.7, 8; 188.21"- '' = 152.1; 194.1, 29 = 154.20, 155.27; 196.13 = 166.14; 238.27 = 180.4; 254.5 = 202.11; 308.14 = 237.26; 326.20" = 250.12"; 344.20 = 0-344.21, 22 = 260.17"- ''; 344.34 = 260.29; 366.28 = 272.4; 388.21 = 283.29; 388.25"-'' = 283.32"- ^; 388.27 = 284.2; 388.33 = 284.10; 406.5 = 293.3; 416.28"-'' = 300.23, 24; 418.17, 18 = 301.12, 13; 440.2" = 312.16''; 456.5 = 325.2; 458.8 = 326.2; 460.5"- '' = 326.27, 28; 460.30 = 0; 470.19"- ''- = = 346.6"- ''- "; 470.21 = 346.8. — Boeth. (12): 3.3 = 0; 7.11 = 0; 37.8"- ^ = 41.35; 39.19 = 43.2"; 39.22 = 43.2''; 66.32, 67.1 = 61.30; 99.8 = 0; 144.30" -''- " = O.—Greg. (3) : 3.1 = 0; 3.2 = 0; 9.14 = 0; — Oros. (81) : 1.19 = 0; 3.18 = 0; 5.25 = 0; 44.8 = 45.6; 44.13 = 0; 52.24"- " = 53.19; 54.31, 32 = 0; 68.10, 11, 12 = 69.8, 9; 76.31, 32 = 77.19, 20; 80.26 = 0; 84.4 = 83.34; 96.18 = 0; 108.12 = 0; 114.33 = 0; 120.33 = 121.26; 122.1 = 121.27; 126.21 = 127.23; 128.16 = 129.15; 130.17 = 131.15; 132.25 = 133.20; 148.24 = 0; 150.11 = 151.5; 156.7 = 167.3; 164.32, 33 = 165.27; 168.27=169.25; 174.15, 16"- •' = 175.12; 186.19"-'' = 187.15; 196.31 = 0; 198.30"-'' = 199.30; 202.23"-'' = 203.11; 212.10"-'' = 213.16, 16; 218.12 = 219.12; 218.32"-'' = 219.31, 32; 224.15, 16 = 225.14; 228.8"-'' = 229.7; 242.17, 18 = 243.16; 242.23 = 0; 246.1 = 245.32; 246.23 = 247.26; 246.24"- •' = 247.28; 246.32 = 0; 250.13 = 0; 256.4 = 257.2; 258.3 = 259.2; 260.20 = 261.19; 260.23 = 261.22; 260.30 = 261.29; 264.22 = 265.20; 266.14 = 267.13; 268.22 = 269.19; 268.28 = 269.29; 270.8 = 271.8; 270.13 = 271.13; 274.4 = 275.3; 282.16 = 0; 282.32 = 283.30; 284.7"- '' = 285.7; 286.30 = 0; 288.12 = 289.8; 290.4 = 0; 290.5"- '' = 291.2; 290.30 = 291.28; 290.31 = 0. — Chron. (58): 12', 449 A''- "; 25", 626 E"- "; 26", 643 A; 28^ 650 E; 30*, 656 E"; 39™, 685 E; 54™, 792 A; 90™, 897 A"; 90'', 897 A''; 91™, 897 A"; 92', 901 A; 94', 906 A; 96™, 913 A; 100™, 919 A; 101', 921 A"- ''• "; 103^ 922 A"; 104', 922 A''- "; 104', 923 A"- *>- <=; 104™, 924 A"- ''• "; 112^ 952 D"- '•; 119', 969 E; 121™, 975 E"; 127™, 992 E; 127\ 993 E; 128^ 995 F-^; 135', 1002 E; 136™, 1006 E"; 139™, 1009 E''; 145', 1014 E"; 145^ 1014 E«; 146', 1016 E"-''; 155', 1017 E; 164^ 1046 C"; 190^ 1065 C"; 229™, 1094 E°; 231', 1096 E"; 231™, 1095 E''; 231^ 1096 E"- ''- '; 231^ 1095 E'- «; 232', 1095 E"- '; 232™, 1096 E"- ''- °- — Laws (2) : 46, Alfred, Intr., c. 49, § 9"; 182, VI ^thelstan, c. 12, § 1. — Woerf. (24): 39.10, 11 = 173 D; 50.29, 30 = 185 A; 61.17, 18 = 185 A^; 60.33" = 192 B»; 123.19 = B. 154 B; 158.16 = B. 184 C; 169.14 = 186 A^; 182.10 = 220 C; 193.22 = 236 C; 195.17 = 237 C2; 198.7, 8, 9 = 241 C- "■ '; 201.19 = 245 B^; 201.25, 26 = 245 B*- s; 202.1 = 245 B«; 202.7 = 246 C; 202.13 = 245 0"; 240.19 = 293 B"; 318.10 = 384 B. — Btmed. (3) : 15.8 = 26.19; 86.15 = 154.17; 88.18 = 156.20. — Bl. Horn. (20) : 15.21; 96.13; 175.1; 177.2; 177.4"- ''; 179.29, 30; 183.3, 16, 19, 26, 27; 187.12, 15; 189.20, 33, 36; 243.30; 247.27. — Pr. Gu. (2) : II. 43; XX. 9. — Mart. (146) : 4.11; 6.11"- ^ 13, 14; 10.5, 16"- ''; 20.1 ; 22.25, 26"- ''; 24.19, 22, 23, 27; 26.3, 5, 24; 28.17*- ", 24, 28, 30; 30.18; 38.1; 42.7; 46.25; 54.2; 56.17; 58.6, 8, 19; 60.8; 64.22, 23, 24"; 66.10, 11"- "; 68.3; 70.18, 26, 26, 27: 78.26; 80.25; 82.8, 13; 90.13, 16; 92.4, 19, 20"- ''; 96.5, 6, 21, 22; 98.23, 24; 100.23, 24; 106.6S 16, 28; 114.10, 24, 26; 118.8, 18, 26; 120.9; 122.23, 24; 124.3, 4; 130.16; 132.6, 7, 8''; 134.1, 12; 140.5; 142.2, 3; 144.18, 24; 148.7, 15; 150.20; 152.17, THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 283 21; 154.3,8; 156.1, 12, 13»'^23; 158.8,14; 162.6; 166.15", 17,21; 168.4, 18; 170.27; 172.17; 174.6, 22; 178.8, 9; 188.15; 194.16; 196.14"' *>, 21, 22; 198.24; 200.7, 8, 11; 202.25, 26; 204.23; 208.20; 210.6, 7; 212.6, 7; 214.7, 8, 9, 14, 30; 216.2P ■^ 22, 25; 218.6, 7, 17, 23. —JElf. Horn. (153): I. 32^ 58" 1- ^ 60™, 66^ 74*' i- ', 82*, 86'' !■ '■ ^ 88' i- ', 142*, 152^ 186^ 190', 208' '■■ «, 210', 266'' 2, 376*, 380* '■ \ 382' i- «, 416', 420*, 424* i- », 426*. 426'", 426'' ', 428* i- ^ 428"", 428" ', 432' !• 2, 432" 3. 4. B. 6^ 434m^ 442t^ 453*, 458-», 464'", 464^ 468" i> 2, 470*, 478' i- «, 484' 2, 508", 524" 1' 2, 560" '• % 570' i- 2, 572'", 574' 2, 588', 590', 590" 2, 592", 594" >- ^' \ 594''; II. 20* '■ "■ », 40ti,!!,3.4.6.6^ 122", 144' '■ 2, 166', 166"', 168', 170"* 174", 178"', 186"i'2-3, 192', 198" 2- s, 210", 252", 274" !• 2, 290*i'2.3, 304"", 304" i- 2, 304"*, 308*, S0&^ '■»■*, 310* i'", 310"l■2■^ 312* »• 2, 336*, 358' >• =, 376'' »• 2, 384' »• 2, 406'' ", 408" 2- «, 422', 422", 422" 2, 424" «■ ', 434", 436" !• 2, 478", 480", 482", 484* i- 2- «, 484", 486', 488" 2, 490', 490" '• 2, 502", 514", 572', 572". — Mf. L. S. (276) : 28.74; 30.113; 36.191; 42.298; 46.363, 378; 48.389, 390, 396; 56.94; 58.126; 62.190, 191, 195, 214,215; 68.297; 74.409; 76.438; 86.606; 96.120, 121; 100.178, 181, 182; 104.243, 249, 251, 263; 106.270; 108.300, 301, 332, 333; 110.334, 353, 363, 364; 112.369, 392, 393; 114.403, 420; 124.134; 128.183; 140.371, 374, 383; 142.410; 144.422, 423, 424; 146.450, 455; 154,112; 156.165; 160.206,209, 211; 162.237; 174.82,92; 178.141, 142, 143^'"; 182.218, 219; 184.244; 186.289; 190.365; 194.418"-"; 196.9; 198.39, 69; 200.92, 101; 202.112, 113, 122, 123, 128, 129; 204.154, 168, 170; 206.182; 214.81; 216.104, 106, 117, 118, 126; 218.144; 230.169; 238.280, 291; 240.38; 242.54, 63, 66; 244.99, 111; 246.131; 252.245, 246; 254.260; 278.248; 308.8; 310.42, 43, 44, 45, 46*-'', 48, 49, 60; 312.83, 84»'", 86, 87, 88»'"; 316.131, 162; 388.92; 390.125; 398.233; 402.317; 404.337, 345,350; 406.365, 369, 377, 378*' "; 410.430; 414.6; 416.33, 45; 418.74, 82; 422.130; 438.86; 480.135, 136, 137, 142; 484.194, 203; 488.20; 498.178, 179, 191»' "; 600.228; 502.264; 504.295; 506.316; 614.444; 634.758, 761; XXIV. 9, 29"' ", 40, 41, 47, 51, 63, 133; XXV. 24, 115, 116'''", 117"-", 118, 130, 380, 448, 835; XXVI, 96»-", 162, 163; XXVII. 37, 76; XXVIII. 26, 98; XXIX. 200, 211, 230, 231, 237, 239, 241, 245, 249, 252, 263, 256, 257, 277, 278, 283, 284, 314, 327, 328; XXX. 294, 296, 378, 409»- ", 414, 416, 421»' ", 422, 456, 458; XXXI. 116, 364, 509, 553, 656, 782, 1176, 1409; XXXII. 122, 215, 234; XXXIII. 41, 208, 264; XXXIV. 204, 211, 215, 217, 280, 308, 343*- "; XXXV. 47, 49, 136, 138, 188, 194, 195, 22.5»- ", 226, 227, 294, 311, 312, 324, 325, 326'' ", 336, 337; XXXVI. 117, 119, 210, 360, 366, 390, 397; XXXVII. 46, 62, 166, 157. — ^If. Hept. (38): De V. T. 8.26; De N. T. 16.19, 16.16, 16.17, Gen. 12.18, 20.2, 27.42% 27.45% 37.3, 40.19, 40.22, 41.10; Ex. 2.6, 4.22, 5.1, 8.1, 9.7, 12.31, 16.26% 16.33''' ", 19.23»- ", 32.24, 33.7; Num. 21.32, 24.10, 25.5, 31.18; Jos. 2.1, 2.3, 4.9, 7.2, 8.29, lO.lS*-'', 10.27. — ^Elfric's Minor Prose {«): Mlf. Gr. (1): 126.7; Napier's Ad. to Th. (7): 101.318", 321'i; 102.36"', 38"' % 41", 42".— Gosp. (10); Mat. (3): 18.25; 27.68; 27.64; — Mfc. (4): 5.43"; 6.17; 8.7; 10.49; — L. (3): 8.55»; 18.40; 19.15. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (16): 5.132, 157; 7.187; 8.10, 76, 103, 125, 189, 210*'", 223; 9.153»'", 164, 341. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (27) : 13.102»; 15.14: 16.77»- " = 210.68; 15.88^' " = 210.80; 16.95, 96 = 210.84; 16.118, 119=- " = 211. lOO*'"; 15.152"''' = 212.134; 16.163 = 212.135; 15.169 = 212.159; 15.280* = 0; 15.282 = 217.312°; 16.287* = 0; 15.287" = 217.320; 15.304 = 218.342; 16.26*- ", 230, 236*-", 257, 278. — Wulf. (6): 99.8, 26; 148.20, 21; 237.1; 2QS.2. — Lcece. (1) : 88.7. — Minor Prose (50): Alex. (26): 151(?), 233'', 248, 252, 274, 279»■^ 282, 283, 294, 382, 383, 386, 387, 417, 467, 460, 496% 528, 55P-"'% 563, 598(?), 636; — Apoi. (17): 21.3 = 39"; 21.35*- " = 40'; 22.17 = 40"; 26.2* = 43"; 27.10, 12% 19, 22 = 44, 46; 28.23, 29.1 = 46'; 32.25, 26 = 49"; 33.5, 25, 26, 29 = 50; — Benediktiner-Offizium (1): 64.23;— Nic. (7): 472.2, 9, 15; 474.17; 476.24, 482.19, 5U.U. — Beow. (18): 199; 386; 391; 674; 1036; 1054; 1116; 1116*-"; 1807; 1808; 1920; 2162; 2190; 2337; 2892; 3095; 3110. —Gen. (8): 960; 1060; 1856; 1869; 1867; 2456; 2628; 2666. — Dan. (11): 63; 126; 225; 229; 242; 511; 512; 514; 519; 621; 704. — C^tr. (2): 253; 1375. — El. (26) : 46*- "; 80; 104; 106; 107; 108; 109; 129; 276; 279; 510; 691; 692; 862; 864; 876; 1003; 1023; 1026; 1062; 1160; 1174; 1198; 120i. — Ju. (23): 142*-"; 143; 161; 187; 188; 228*- "; 231; 254; 266; 303; 309; 333; 632; 575; 577; 579; 580; 584; 603; 604; 613.— Gu. (3): 661; 1344; 1348. — And. (8): 687; 1146; 1229; 1230; 1272; 1390; 1633; 1634:. — Jud. (1): 35. — Met. (6): 1.43, 73; 9.9, 24, 30. — Ps. (6): 50.18*-" (Cot.); 50.21 (Cot.); 54.8; 103.25; 118.138. — Fates of AposOes (2) : 46; 69. — Gifts (1) : 60. — H. L. (2) :. 12; 20. — Maldon (3) : 30; 102*- ". — S. & S. (5) : 173; 275; 277; 278; 458. — W. C. (1) : 15. — I. (0). Meran" [-e-, -y-], hear: U. (26): Bede (4): 190.7 = 152.18; 348.26 = 262.20; 426.3 = 305.16; 430 12 = 307.26. — Oros. (3): 138.18 = 139.18; 156.9 = 0; 286.7 = 2S7.7. — Chron. (7): 30', 656 E"; 64", 861 A; 205', 1070 E"- "; 207", 1070 E; 245", 1114 E^; 267", 1140 E'^. — Wcerf. (1): 2.16 = 0.— Minor Prose (1): Goto, Zuaatze (1): 53.21.— Beow. (4):38;273; 5S2;875.-r-Chr. (1): 73. — El. (2): 671; 853. — And. (1): 1176. — Hoi. (1): 83.— Partridge (1): 1. — I. (0). 284 STATISTICS OP THE INPINITIVB IN ANGLO-SAXON. higian, strive for, be intent on: V. (0). — I. (3): Greg. (1): 105.14 = 72.18. — TTora/. (2): 178.3"' " = B. 204 CK hogian [hohgian], think, intend, determine: U. (6) : Solil. (1) : 35.19. — ^If- L. S. (1) : XXXVI. 363. — Gen. (3) : 691 ; 692"' •>. — Jud. (1) : 274. — I. (0). hohgian : see hogian. hyran : see hieran. ieldan [e-, y-], delay: U. (0). — I. (5): Bede (3): 132.16 = 110.24; 430.33'-'' = 308.13"'''.— Woerf. (1): 119.1 = B. 148 C\ — Bl. Horn. (1): 7.33. laeran, teach: U. (0). — I. (4) : Bede (2) : 258.8 = 204.20; 276.6'' = 214.27''. — Boeth. (1) : 79.17 = 0. — L(Bce. (1): 35.10. laetan, permU, cause: U. (121): Boeth. (3): 38.12 = 42.53; 133.25 = 113.142; 134.31 = 114.174. —Greg. (2): 229.1 = 172.16; 349.12 = 270.3. — Oros. (3) : 258.18, 19 = 0; 296.29 = 297.27. — Chron. (56): 28°', 648 F; 36^ 675 E»; 37*, 675 £*>; 115^ 963 E"; 116', 963 E"; 157^ 1023 C; 158", 1035 C; 159^ 1036 D; 162*, 10400"- ''; 162*, 1041 C; 162^ 1043 C; 168'', 1049 C- "; 175-", 1052 D''; 176', 1048 E"; 178", 1052 C»; 184", 1053 C; 185^ 1055 D"- ''; 186', 1055C"; 186", 1055 &; 192", 1065 C^; 204^ 1071 D; 209", 1073 D; 211^, 1076 D; 212*, 1075 E; 214" 1079 D; 215", 1083 E''; 216', 1085 E»- ''; 216", 1085 E"=- "i; 216", 1085 E^; 220", 1086 £<*-« ; 225*, 1087 E"; 229*, 1094 E"; 233", 1097 E*"; 236", 1100 E"'- *■ ' ; 237", 1102 E; 243", 1112 E"- "; 244', 1114 E»; 246", 1116 E"; 250', 1121 E; 251', 1123 E*-; 253^ 1124 E"; 254', 1124 E"; 256", 1126 E»; 256", 1126 E"- "; 256^ 1127 E»; 265", 1137 E^ — Wcerf. (1) : 341.36 = 416 B. — Bmed. (1) : 110.19 = 0. — Bl. Horn. (4) : 13.9; 33.10; 33.17»;85.2. — Mf. Horn. (3) : 1. 150", 598"; II. 488'' *; —Mf. L. S. (8) : 106.272; 128.204; 130.213; 512.417; 530.680; XXV. 239; XXXI. 523; XXXIII. 22. — ^If. Hept. (3): Ex. 12.23; Deut. 32.39; Judges 16.18. — Mat. (2) : 6.45; 27.26. — A.S. Horn. & L. S. I. (4) : 8.155, 205, 298; 9.137. — A.S. Horn. & L. S. II. (2) : 16.231 ; 17.29. — Wul}. (10) : 23.4; 45.25; 110.14, 15; 111.1; 125.13; 195.9; 230.19; 271.5, 7. — Lcece. (14): 37.36; 47.4; 80.6; 82.6; 86.27"; 88.28; 105.24; 106.9; 126.13; 138.2, 3»-"-«, 4. — Minor Prose (2): Bene- diktiner-Offizium (1) : 74.6; — Chad, Anhang (1) : 5. — And. (1) : 397. — Ps. (1) : 103.13. — Whale (1):65. — I. (0). lef an : see liefan. leornian, learn: U. (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 416''. — I. (7) : Bede (1) : 246.7 = 194.29. — Greg. (2): 441.17 = 368.15; 441.28 = 368.25. — ^Z/. L. S. (2): 132.242; 344.127". — A. S. Horn. &L.S.I (2): 1.253", 256. Uefan, aUow: U. (0). — I. (4) : Greg. (1) : 451.29 = 382.10. — Mf. Hept. (1) : Num. 21.22. — Mat. (1): 1%.%. — Wvlf. (1): 174.7. lofian, -praise, but here allow {1): U. (0). — I. (1): Chrm. (1): 185", 1054 D. lyfan: see liefan. lystan, desire: U. (1): Wcerf. (1): 45.22 = 180 B^. — I. (0). muman, care for, lament: U. (0). — I. (1): Laws (1): 474, Judex, c. 3. mynnan, dired one's course to, intend: U. (0). — I. (2) : Gu. (1) : 1062. — And. (1) : 295. myntan, think, intend: U. (17): Bede (1): 392.20 = 286.1. — Wcerf. (3): 12.11 = 15 A"; 123.1 = B. 154 A; 254.35 = 312 A'. — Bl. Horn. (4): 223.7, 11, 16; 225.12. — A. S. Horn. & L. 8. II (3): 13.57, 167,251. — Minor Prose (1): Alex. (1): 33i. — Beow. (3): 713; 763; 764. — CAr. (1): 1058. — Jlfe«. (1): 26.72. — I. (1): Chron. (1): 265", 1137 E'. njrtan : see tcitan. oferhogian, despise: U. (0). — I. (2): Laws (2): 453, Gerefa, Inscr., c. 3, § 1»-"- ofseon, see: U. (l):Mf. Horn. (1): II. 184". —I. (0). ondrsedan, /ear; U. (3): Bede (2): 72.9" = 52.2; 326.15 = 250.8.— ^Z/. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 552. — I. (8) : Greg. (1) : 49.18 = 26.23. — Solil. (1) : 43.3. — Mlf. Ham. (1) : II. 104". — Mat. (2): 1.20; 2.22. — Wulf (2): 248.14; 286.27. — Minor Prose (1): Nic. (1): 600.15". onfon, undertake, begin: U. (0). — I. (5): Bede (2): 334.4, 5 = 25^.3. — Wwif. (1): 75.33 = 204 A. — Bened. (1): 14.17 = 26.1. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 10.650. ongietan, understand: U. (0). —I. (1): ^i/. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 801. onginnan [an-, -y-], begin, attempt: U. (977): Bede (121): 24.23 =0; 28.17 = 12.10; 34.19 = 18.18; 40.19 = 21.22; 44.10»- "-« = 25.25; 48.23 = 29.22; 48.27 = 29.31; 62.17"-'' = 32.5; 54.9 = 33.8; 56.1 = 42.24; 56.2"- '' = 42.25; 56.16 = 43.9; 62.6"- "• «• ^ 7"- " = 47.14"- ''• ", 15"- "- "; 62.11=47.19; 62.14"- •» = 47.23''; 88.2 = 61.13; 98.16, 17 = 81.16; 106.19 = 86.29; 106.25 = 87.6; 106.27"- •» = 87.8; 112.4 = 91.8; 118.10 = 94.26; 122.30"- " = 99.22"- •>; 122.33 = 99.25; 138.25"-" = 114.13; 148.30 = 125.22; 154.34 = 129.11; 172.31 = 143.6; 174.12 =143.19; 176.3 = 144.9; 178.19"- " = 145.31"- "; 178.28, 30 = 146.8, 9; 180.3"- " = 146.17"- "; 180.16"- •» = 147.3; THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 285 180.29 = 147.17; 182.8 = 147.27; 182.30 = 148.24; 184.24, 25«' •• = 149.23*' •>; 184.27 = 149.24; 190.14, 15 = 152.28; 198.4, 5 = 157.5, 6; 200.12 = 158.13; 210.21 = 164.11; 242.25 = 193.3; 246.22, 23, 24 = 195.18, 19, 21; 250.10, 11»' ^ = 199.19*- *'; 256.24 = 203.30; 258.26 = 205.13; 276.6^ = 214.27»; 284.2»- ^ = 219.22; 286.12 = 221.9; 286.22 = 221.21; 286.23 = 221.22; 288.10 = 222.12; 290.14 = 223.19; 294.26 = 226.8; 296.18 = 226.33; 318.12 = 244.5; 326.10 = 250.3; 326.20''' " = 250.12''; 328.4, 5 = 250.27*' ^i 342.12 = 259.5; 344.30*- ^ = 260.25; 352.21 = 264.18; 354.33, 356.1 = 265.29, 30; 358.13 = 267.1P; 362.29 = 269.33; 390.9 = 284.18; 394.1 = 286.15; 400.1 = 289.23; 400.16 = 290.7; 402.20''' "= = 291.9; 406.29 = 295.4; 414.3 = 299.3; 426.2 = 305.14; 426.8*' = 305.22"; 428.24 = 307.6; 428.29 = 307.11: 430.11 = 307.25; 438.4 = 311.17; 442.27 = 314.14; 444.5"' »' = 314.20; 450.30"- "' = 323.4»' '; 454.4 = 324.3; 454.15 = 324.15; 462.17 = 329.4; 466.22 = 331.34. — Boeth. (80): 3.6 = 0; 3.22 = 0; 7.17"' '' = 0; 8.5 = 0; 9.9, 10 = 6.48; 9.16 = 0; 9.19 = 0; 9.29 = 0; 14.5 = 22.55; 19.14 = 0; 21.1 = 0; 25.9 = 34.65; 26.22 = 0; 27.15 = 0; 33.21 = 0; 34.11 = 40.30; 39.16 = 0; 41.8 = 0; 45.5 = 46.65; 45.10"' " = 46.70; 46.2" = 0; 47.4 = 0; 48.22 = 0; 51.27 = 0; 52.16 = 51.2; 57.2 = 0; 57.12, 13 = 55.13, 14; 58.5 = 0; 60.27 = 0; 61.2 = 0; 61.23 = 0; 64.24 = 0; 65.2 = 0; 67.26 = 0; 68.7 = 0; 69.17 = 0; 70.2 = 0; 71.4 = 0; 71.10 = 0; 73.22 = 0; 74.16 = 0; 79.8 = 70.100; 82.19 = 0; 89.5 = 0; 91.2 = 78.39; 94.26 = 0; 94.29 = 81.3; 101.19 = 0; 101.26 = 0; 102.11, 12 = 0; 102.16"''' = 0; 102.18 = 0; 102.25 = 0; 102.26 = 87.33; 102.28"-'' = 0; 104.31 = 89.34; 105.4 = 0; 107.16'' = 0; 111.11 = 0; 112.3 = 0; 112.13 = 0; 115.11 = 0; 116.8 = 0; 116.13 = 0; 124.2 = 0; 125.31 = 0; 126.25 = 0; 127.2 = 107.5; 127.33 = 108.20; 135.23 = 0; 137.14 = 0; 141.10 = 0; 147.2 = 0. — Grej. (15): 7.18 = 0; 25.20 = 6.9; 67.3, 4" = 40.25, 26; 197.10 = 146.31; 213.8 = 160.2; 225.25, 227.1 = 170.25; 227.11"-'' = 172.3; 333.1 = 256.17; 341.4"-'' = 262.26; 445.27 = 374.12; 447.4 = 374.22. — Oros. (29): 1.3 = 0; 5.12 = 0; 28.27 = 29.26; 52.3 = 0; 56.32"-'' = 59.1; 60.18 = 61.19; 60.30, 31 = 0; 62.2 = 63.4; 74.9 = 75.9; 94.34 = 0; 106.6 = 0; 110.6 = 111.6; 116.28 = 0; 124.30 = 125.27; 142.1 = 141.33; 144.30 = 145.30; 160.9"-'' = 0; 164.25 = 0; 182.7 = 183.6; 204.24 = 205.24; 218.14 = 219.15; 222.25 = 223.26; 232.17 = 233.17; 252.11 = 0; 262.16 = 263.17; 288.1 = O.—SoUL (1): 10.6. — Pr. Ps. (2): 3.4 = 3.6; 31.3. — Chrm. (6) : 20", 597 A; 28"", 654 A; 38™, 685 A; 130^ 995 F"; 135™, 1003 E; 175*, 1052 D". — Laws (1): 306, 1 Cnut, c. 26, § 1. — Wcerf. (225): 2.20"- '' = 0; 7.34 = 153 A'; 11.14 = 153 C^; 11.27"-'' = 156 Ai; 14.14 = 157 B; 14.27, 28, 15.1 = 157 C- »; 16.15 = 160 A; 17.27 = 160 fii; 27.3 = 165 C; 28.30"-'' = 168 B; 31.13 = 169 A; 32.18 = 169 B^; 36.18, 19, 20 = 173 A'- 2; 37.6 = 173 A^; 38.4 = 173 B; 38.12 = 173 C; 42.28 = 177 A'; 47.3, 4 = 180 C- »; 53.24 = 188 A; 58.21, 22 = 189 C- *; 58.33 = 189 C»; 64.2, 3 = 193 C; 64.23, 24"- '' = 193 C', D^; 64.34, 65.1 = 196 Ai-2; 65.10 = 196 A'; 68.27 = 197 B^; 69.1 = 197 B^; 69.18 = 197 C; 72.29 = 201 A; 73.21 = 201 Bi; 73.25 = 201 B*; 74.4 = 201 B*; 75.6 = 201 C; 84.10 = 209 A"; 84.18 = 209 A^; 88.27 = 212 C; 89.3, 4 = 212 O; 89.18 = 213 A; 97.10 = B. 128 A; 99.7 = B. 130 A'; 100.19"- '' = B. 132 Bi; 102.4 = B. 132 C; 104.11 = B. 136 A; 104.27"- '' = B. 136 A^; 104.29 = B. 136 A'; 106.33 = B. 138 A; 111.2^ 3" = B. 140 C^- s; 111.7 = B. 140 C; 111.20 = B. 142 A; 113.11 = B. 144 A'; 114.8 = B. 144 C; 115.33 = B. 146 B; 117.13, 14 = B. 148 A^-'; 118.28, 29 = B. 148 B'-S 123.31"-'' = B. 154 C^-'; 126.8, 9 = B. 156 C; 130.4"-'' = B. 160 A'-^; 130.28 = B. 160 C; 143.10 = B. 170 C; 144.5, 6 = B. 172 A'- 2; 144.13"-'' = B. 172 A'-"; 145.17"-'' = B. 172 C^-'; 156.15, 16 = B. 182 C'-^; 163.19 = B. 190 B^; 164.2"-'' = B. 190 B«; 164.14 = B. 190 C; 164.18 = B. 190 O; 165.17 = B. 192 B'; 165.20"- '' = B. 192 B^; 168.9"- '' = B. 194 D, 196 A'; 168.22 = B. 196 A'; 181.1, 2, 3 = 217 C^- a- "; 183.11"- ^ 12"- '' = 221 C- "• '; 184.5 = 224 B'; 184.11 = 224 B^ 184.16 = 224 C; 184.18 = 224 C^; 185.2 = 225 A'; 185.7"- ^ = 225 A3- «; 187.22 = 228 C; 188.24 = 229 B^; 189.9 = 229 C; 192.22 = 233 D; 195.4 = 237 B'; 200.12, 13 = 244 C- '; 200.20"- '' = 244 D; 200.27 = 245 Ai; 200.29"- '' = 245 A^; 206.28 = 252 C2; 207.3 = 252 C; 207.6 = 252 C^ 207.10 = 252 C; 211.12 = 257 Bi; 211.15 = 257 B^; 211.16 = 257 C; 213.22 = 260 D; 214.17 = 261 B; 216.14"- " = 264 B^- '; 216.21"- ^ 22 = 264 C- 2- 3; 219.6 = 268 A^; 219.10"- '' = 268 A'; 221.23 = 269 D'; 221.26, 27 = 272 A'- 2; 222.22, 28 = 272 B^ C; 224.25 = 273 C*; 228.18 = 280 B'; 229.1 = 280 B^; 229.20 = 281 A; 232.14 = 284 B; 234.12 = 285 C; 237.2 = 289 A^; 237.23"- ^ 24 = 289 C'-=; 238.4, 5 = 289 C- *; 240.12 = 293 B'; 242.14 = 296 C"; 243.4 = 297 A^; 244.8 = 297 0=^; 245.6 = 300 B^; 250.28 = 308 A2; 251.18 = 308 B; 255.1 = 312 B^-'; 255.11 = 312 B»; 266.28 = 325 B; 276.23"-'' = 337 Ai-2; 278.8"- "> = 340 A'-^; 278.11=340 A'; 279.9 = 340 C; 282.3 = 341 D; 285.9 = 345 C; 286.22, 23 = 348 B*- '; 288.13"- '' = 349 A'- '; 289.15"- '' = 349 O; 290.7 = 349 D^; 290 9 = 352 Ai; 292.14 = 353 A; 293.11 = 353 C; 298.18 = 360 C; 298.29 = 360 D; 299.4 = 361 A- 308.20 = 372 C^; 308.22 = 372 C^; 309.1 = 372 C*; 312.3, 4 = 376 C-'; 314.8 = 380 A*- 317 2 = 381 C; 320.12 = 385 B; 321.27 = 388 B^; 322.4 = 388 B'; 324.20 = 392 A'; 324.22, 23"'-'' = 392 A'-*; 325.2 = 392 A'; 325.7 = 392 B'; 325.8"-'' = 392 B^-s; 325.29 = 392 C^; 286 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 325.30, 3V-^- "• * = 392 C»- *•»■«•'; 326.12^ 13 = 393 A^; 331.5 = 397 D; 341.31 = 416 A^ 342.9^'b = 416 C»; 343.34 = 417 C; 344.23» = 420 fii; 345.18, 19*''' = 421 A'' *; 345.20*' = 421 AK~Bl. Horn. (24): 55.10»-b; 105.6; 113.15, ZV"-^-"; 143.8; 149.29, 33; 161.1, 4 157.18; 165.22; 187.28; 199.19»; 201.22; 221.6, 8, 12»' ^ 18; 229.22; 239.19. — Pr. Gu. (10) : II, 100, 105; III. 17, 34; IV. 27, 34; XIV. 16; XVII. 13; XX. 33, 45. — Mart. (21) : 10.24; 26.23 34.12; 70.16, 24; 80.22; 82.5; 88.7; 92.27; 98.13; 106.4% 25; 120.11; 140.22; 152.27, 28; 154.15 170.6; 178.15; 206.22; 214.6.— yEJ/. Horn. (32): I. 48*, 50*, 62^ 380°', 414* 2. a-*- b 428* » 534''; II. 8*, 32'' % 130" ', 138'', 140"", 170^ 294'', 296* i- \ 298'', 300" ', 300'', 414^ 472'', 488'' ', 494ml. 2^ 494b 49et^ 502b s^ 514b 2^ 518*". — yBi/. L. S. (47): 32.118; 34.153; 118.48, 49, 51 124.118; 252.247; 426.199; 488.27; 520.546; XXIII B. 65, 190, 234, 243, 249, 265, 275, 322 323*' ", 326, 402, 405, 407, 410, 411, 420, 427, 428»''', 508, 532, 615, 687"- ^ 723, 736, 748, 767, 777; XXVIII. 92; XXXI. 157, 1365; XXXIII. 178, 202, 239, 311.—^?/. Hept. (2) Gen. 4.26; Deut. 3.23*. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.35'' i".— Gosp. (,55): Mat. (12): 4.2, 17*-''; 11.7% 20; 12.1; 16.21*; 20.11; 22.15; 26.37»-''; 27.3; — Mfc. (27): 1.45*'''; 2.23; 4.1; 5.18, 20; 6.2, 34; 8.11, 31% 32; 10.32, 47*- ''; 11.15; 12.1; 13.5; 14.19*' •>, 33»' ^ 69, 7P' '', 72; 15.8, 18; — L. (16) : 3.8; 4.21; 7.15, 38; 11.38*' '', 53*- ^ 54; 13.26; 14.18 15.24, 28; 19.37, 45; 20.9. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (17): 10.62, 100, 159, 566, 567; 13.102''^ 103, 113, 259; 18.152, 160, 225, 271, 311, 330, 331, Si5. — Wulf. (23): 9.5»-''; 44.26, 27 141.3*' ^ 20; 191.9; 206.19; 210.15; 213.11, 13; 217.29; 222.2; 236.2, 3; 237.20; 250.17; 255.9 262.11, 12; 277.18»'''. — L(Bce. (3): 14.27; 60.31; 63.36. — Minor Prose (14): Akx. (5): 535^ 536, 640, 641, 728; — Apol. (6): 23.35 = 42*; 27.12^ 14, 28 = 46; 31.28"-'' = 48^; — Chad. (1): 1; — Neot (2): 58, 59. — Beow. (19): 101; 244; 872; 873; 874; 1607; 1985; 2045; 2046 2112; 2211; 2312; 2313; 2702; 2713*- ••; 2791; 2879; 3144. —Gen. (58) : 21; 30; 31*' ''; 77; 259 262; 275; 294; 298; 408; 442; 495; 590; 592; 649; 650; 706; 717; 863; 966; 995; 1067; 1118 1132; 1171; 1228; 1239; 1249; 1302; 1316; 1365; 1413; 1498; 1556; 1557; 1594; 1681; 1823 1880'-''; 1881"-''; 1899; 2238; 2241; 2282; 2405; 2635; 2716; 2750; 2811; 2846; 2860; 2866 2887; 2901^^. — Ex. (1): 5Si. — Dan. (7): 49; 170; 190; 468; 539; 599; 750. — Chr. (2) 1363; 1414. — El. (21): 157; 199; 226; 287; 303; 306; 311; 385; 559; 560; 570; 697; 828; 849 900; 1067; 1093; 1148; 1156; 1163; 1205. — Ju. (14): 27; 270; 271; 291; 298; 346; 637"'' 538; 595; 630; 631; 638" K — Gm. (16): 73; 261; 533; 542; 699; 975; 983; 1036; 1083; 1088 1089"'''; 1119; 1130; 1175; 1214.— And. (20) : 13; 353; 428; 450; 469; 671; 764; 850; 1022; 1127 1128; 1170; 1315; 1342; 1419; 1666; 1607; 1608; 1698*' ^ — Met. (12): 1.60; 7.1; 8.3; 13.29*' '' 14.12; 25.50, 69; 26.73, 80, 84; 28.77. — Ps. (25): 68.27; 75.5; 76.1, 6, 9, 10; 77.2, 11; 97.8" 101.6; 104.21, 24; 106.12, 14, 17"- ^ 27«'''; 106.36; 118.145, 148, 161; 128.2; 138.16; 146.7.— Rid. (5) : 10.4; 23.8; 29.11; 32.9; 55.10.— /wd. (6): 42; 81;270"-'';271;281. — Pft. (3):188 189; 225. — CaZ. (1): 73. — Charms (2): VI. 13, U. — Doomsday (1): 97.-7). R. (6): 20: 27; 65; 67; 73; 116. — Fallen Angels (2) : 78; 248. — F. I. (4) : 33; 44; 60; 76. — Gnomic Say- ings (1): 52.— Har. (2): 279; 280. — Hoi. (2): 2; 36. — ff. L. (1): 25.— Maldm (8): 12 17; 86; 90; 91; 228; 261; 266. — Pharao (1): 3. — Pray&s (1): III. le.—S.&S. (1): 451.— Song of Runes (2) : 92»' ''. — Versuchung (2) : 67"- ''. — Wald. A (1) : 27. — W.C.{1): 11. — I. (37) : Boeth. (1) : 127.23 = 108.16. — Greg. (1) : 423.8 = 344.29. — Pr. Ps. (1) : 48.7. — ChrorL (2) : 30*, 656 E"; 147*, 1016 E". — Bened. (1) : 62.5 = 116.9. — Mf. Horn. (13) : I. 60"; 1«", 150', 314*, 448''; II. 78^ 128^ 160*, 178'", 486" i- 2, 488'", 488^\—jElf. L. S. (4): 228.154; 328.112; 538.820; XXVI. 45. — ^i/. Hept. (3): Jos. 3.7, 16; Judges 13.5. — iElfric's Minor Prose {5):Mlf. Gr. (3): 212.3, 4, 7; — Napier's Ad. to Th. (2): 102.31", 37'' ». — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2): 12.143, 146. — Wvlf. (3): 195.1; 199.8; 200.1. — Minor Proso (1): Nic. (1): 476.25. ongjmnan : see onginrum. onmedan, presume, undertake: U. (1) : Rid. (1) : 56.16. — I. (0). onscunian, shun, fear: U. (0). — I. (2) : Mlf. Hem. (1) : II. 346* '. — Mf. Hept. (1) : Ex. 8.26. reccan, care {far): U. (0). — I. (2) : Laws (1) : 40, iElfred, Intr., c. 40. — Mlf. L. S. (1) : 440.122. secan, seek: U. {5):Bl. Horn. (1): 167.2.— Gosp. {2): Mat. (1): 12.46; —L. (1): 20.19. — PFoW. A. (2): 18; 20. — I. (11): Pr. Ps. (2): 34.4; ZQ.Z2. — Mlf. Hept. (1): Ex. 2.15.— Gosp. (8): L. (1): 6.19; — J". (7): 5.18; 7.19, 20, 25, 30; 8.37, 40. sellan [-ie-, -y-], grant, allow: V. (1): Beow. (1): 3056. — I. {1): SchSpf. (1): 30. seen, see: U. (2): Rid. (2): 14.1; 53.1. — I. (0). siellan : see sellan. sirwan, plot: U. (0). —I. (1): Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 31.34 = i^^. smeagan [smean], think upon, meditate: U. (0). — I. (3): Greg. (1): 55.22 = 32.10. — Pr. Ps. (1): 18.12 = O. — ^lf. Horn. (1): II. 146*. THE OBJECTIVE INFINITIVE. 287 smean : see smeagan. swerian, swear: U. (0). —I. (2): Chron. (2): 268", 1140 E'- «. syllan: Beese22an. tacan, take: U. (0). —I. (1): Chrm. (1): 263"", 1135 E. taecan, teach, direct: U. (0). — I. (2) : Greg. (1) : 165.10 = 120.12. — Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 216''. tellan, account, consider: U. (0). — I. (1): ^If. Horn. (1): I. ISS''. teohhian: aee tih(h)ian. teolian : see tilian. teon, accuse: U. (0). — I. (1): Laws (1): 102, Ine B, c. 30. tai(h)ian [tioh(h)-, teoh(h)-], think, determine: U. (0). — I. (8): Boeth. (3): 61.6 = 51.15''; 116.12 = 0; 143.19 = O. — Greg. (3): 305.4 = 232.12; 305.5 = 232.13; 445.8 = 372.20. — Sola. (1): 36.12 = 0. — Pr. Ps. (1): 39.16 = 39.15. tiohhian: see tih(h)ian. tUian [teolian], strive after, attempt: U. (8) : Bede (1) : 230.26 = 175.23. — Greg. (1) : 233.22 = 176.20. — Pr. Ps. (1) : 25.5. — Bl. Ham. (2) : 165.31"' ^. — Mlf. L. S. (1) : XXIII B. 403*. — Met. (2) : 10.22; 11.79. — I. (28) : Bede (4) : 210.32 = 164.23; 372.12 = 275.2; 372.14 = 275.4; 486.13 = 8.17. — Boeth. (5) : 23.1'' = 32.22; 31.16 = 37.60; 43.15 = 45.33; 133.14 = 0; 135.5 = lU.lSO.~Greg. (11):61.18 = 36.20;273.3» = 206.2;363.1 = 280.19; 363.10 = 282.1; 393.26 = 310.24; 419.24 = 342.8; 423.2, 3 = 344.26; 453.23 = 384.18; 453.26 = 384.21; 463.5 =398.11. — Pr. Ps. (4): 25.3; 34.14"- •'; 48.12. — fiZ. Horn. (1): 219.18. —Jlf art. (1): 104.11. — ^i/. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 686. — Minor Prose (1): Alex. (1): 131. tweogan [tweon], dovbt: U. (1): Bede (1): 308.26 = 238.7. — I. (0). iSeahti(g)an [smeagan and — ], think upon, meditate: U. (1): Greg. (1) : 55.22 = 32.10. — I. (0). Sencan, think: U. (92): Bede (2): 36.8 = 19.11; 456.2 = 324:.32. — Boeth. (3): 93.31 = 80.99; 93.32 = 80.100; 103.20 = 0. —Greg. (2) : 55.12 = 32.2; 343.21 = 266.1. —Oros. (17) : 44.32 = 45.30; 54.21 = 55.18; 78.30 = 79.26; 132.12 = 0; 150.12 = 151.7; 182.25 = 183.23; 200.17 = 201.9; 212.3 = 213.5; 230.2 = 0; 236.12 = 0; 242.6 = 0; 258.15 = 259.14; 258.29 = 0; 282.9'' = 283.8; 286.6 = 0; 292.3 = 293.2; 292.29 = 293.29.-1^66?/. (1): 239.6 = 292. B^ — Bmed. (1): 23.3 = 46.4. — ^i/. L. S. (1): XXXI. 1059. — /««/. Hept. {I): Gen. 48.17''. — L. (1): 1.1. — Minor Prose (2): Benediktiner-Offizium (1): 62.24; — Cato (1):46. — Beou). (8) : 355; 448; 541; 739; 800; 801; 964; 1535.— Gere. (5) : 401; 1274; 1275; 2437; 2891. — Ex. (,1):51.— Ju. (l): 637.— El. (1):29Q.—Gu. (4):260;274; 277;298. — Ared. (5): 150; 151; 152; 213; mS.-Met. (1): 1.12. — Ps. (17): 61.4; 63.3; 88.22, 30; 93.20"- *■; 102.13; 107.8; 118.91, 107, 109; 131.15; 141.3; 149.7*- ^ 8"- ''. — /ud. (2) : 59; 208.— Charms (2): V. C. 16, 17. — D. i2. (1): 121.— Fallen Angels (5): 183; 184; 208; 209; 364. — Gnomic Sayings (1) : 116 (Exeter). — L. P. (1) : II. 25. — MaMon (3) : 258; 316; 319. — Seaf. (1): 52. — Wold. B. (2): 5; 7. —I. (34): Boeth. (1): 53.11 = 0. —Greg. (3): 11.14 = 32.6; 433.31'' = 360.1; 447.17 = 376.5. —Oros. (5): 56.22 = 0; 212.29 = 0; 282.9" = 283.8; 292.28'' = 293.29; 296.4 = 297.6. — SoZiZ. (1): 42.23 = 0. — Chron. (5): 190^ 1065 C*"; 222^ 1087 E"; 224™, 1087 E"; 229^1094E''; 233°', 1097 E". —Laws (1): 206, IV Edgar, o. 1, § 2. — Wi^f. (3) : 119.9 = B. 148 C; 252.4 = 308 C; 253.7 = 309 A^. — Mf. Horn. (1): II. 454'' 2.— ^2/. Hept. (5): Gen. 27.41, 42''; 37.18, 21; 48.17". —A. S. Hom. & L. S. I (2): 1.261; 5.30. — Ps. (1): 118.59. — Cftarms (6): V. C. 4"- ''-"-'*, 5"- ''- underfon, undertake: U. (0).— I. (6): Greg. (4): 77.4 = 50.6; 161.12 = 116.25; 293.3"-'' = 220.26. — Wcerf. (2): 113.22 = B. 144 C; 325.10 = 392 B* (or final?). understandan [-0-], understand: U. (0). — I. (1): Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 19.19. wandian, hesitate, be neglectful: U. (0). — I. (6) : Chron. (1) : 178*, 1052 E''. — Laws (1) : 138, I Eadweard, Prol. — ^If. Hom. (1) : II. 554* K — Mf- L. S. (2) : XXXI. 699, 1036. — Wulf. (1): 191.6. warenian, shun: U. (0). — I. (1): Bede (1): 474.20 = 348.9. weddian, contract, agree: U. (0). — I. (1): L. (1): 22.5. wenan, hope, expect: U. (3): Beow. (1): 93i. — Met. (1): 1.83. — Ps. (1): 123.4. — I. (1); Chron. (1) : 267^ 1140 E". wi(e)rnan, desist from: U. (0). —I. (l):Greg. (1): 381.6 = 296.9. wil(l)man, desire: V. (45): Bede (14): 182.17 = 148.9; 208.9 = 162.20; 218.6 = 167.31; 234.1" = 176.29; 274.3 = 213.21; 294.23 = 226.6; 324.10 = 246.33; 358.12 = 267.9; 404.20 = 292 15; 406.14 = 294.10"; 418.28 = 301.26; 420.5"- '' = 302.2"- ''; 456.8 = 325.5; —Boeth. (9) : 51 = 0; 14.19 = 23.22; 31.24 = 38.66; 52.19 = 52.5; 52.20 = 0; 118.10 = 0; 118.11, 12 = 0; 135 24 = 115.2.— Greg. (14): 11.13 = 32.5; 17.19 = 246.11; 27.5 = 6.13; 43.1 = 20.25; 49.16 288 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. = 26.21; 55.14 = 32.5; 63.20 = 38.15; 101.22*-'' = 70.10; 129.5 = 90.15; 143.6 = 102.12; 147.22 = 106.21; 149.7 = 108.1; 241.3 = 182.5. — SolU. (1): 13.1. — Pr. Ps. (2): 13.9 = 13.4; 14.6 = 14.5. — ^If. Horn. (2) : I. 432'' i- ». — ^If. L. S. (1) : XXXIII. 142. — L. (1) : 23.8. — Met. (1) : 29.3. — I. (76) : Bede (1) : 68.13 = 50.12. — Boeih. (26) : 41.4, 5 = 0; 42.12 = 44.20; 46.2" = 46.1; 53.10 = 0; 53.12 = 0; 55.23 = 53.52; 56.4 = 53.58''; 56.19 = 54.67; 56.20 = 54.68; 92.17 = 79.70; 93.27 = 80.96; 93.29 = 0; 94.7 = 80.106; 103.15"- ^ = 0; 106.25 = 91.26; 106.31 = 91.32; 107.16= = 0; 108.5 = 0; 110.29*•^ 30 = 95.130; 124.11 = 105.6; 133.15 = 0; 133.17 = 0. — Greg. (18): 11.11 = 28.23; 25.9 = 4.8; 53.3 = 28.23; 65.18 = 32.7; 93.26 = 64.12; 145.12 = 104.17; 203.8'' = 152.6; 247.15 = 186.27; 249.20»-'» = 188.25; 327.25 = 252.29; 333.6 = 256.21; 371.21 = 288.19; 383.29 = 298.28; 399.3 = 316.20; 453.32*' '' = 384.30; 463.36 = 400.18. — Oros. (1) : 54.16 = 55.16. — Soiir. (19): 2.22; 31.25; 32.20; 35.6; 37.1; 41.3; 46.7, 18, 19; 49.9; 50.3; 56.5; 57.2; 59.35; 63.15, 18, 26; 67.4, 11. — Pr. Ps. (1) : 40, Intr. = 0. — ^If. L. S. (3) : XXIII B. 223''- ''; XXXIII. 253.— Mat. (1):20.2S\ — A.S. Horn. & L.S. 77 (1): 13.241. — Minor Prose (4): Alex. (3) : 107, 231, 409; — Cato (1) : 25. — Met. (1) : 19.44. ^tan [nytan], know [know not]: U. (0). — I. (7) : Oros. (1) : 220.9 = 0. — Chron. (1) : 224™, 1087 E"*. — Laws (2) : 166, V iEthelstan, Prol., 3; 180, VI ^Ethelstan, c. 8, § 8. — Mf. Horn. (1): II. 506''.— Gm. (1): 243. — Jm. (1): 557. -wiScwetSan, refuse: U. (0). — I. (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 516''. ■wiSsacan, refuse: U. (0) : — I. (1) : Greg. (1) : 383.19 = 298.17. •minian, use, be wont: U. (1): Bede (1): 230.23 = 175.19. — I. (0). yldan: seeieWon. 2. With Passive Verbs. Given in full in Chapter II, pp. 59-60. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Finite Verb. aginnan [-y-], begin (1): L. (1): 12.45''. geearnian, earn, ment (2): Bede (2): 372.34 = 275.21; 406.16 = 294.10''. gewilnian, desire, wish (2): Wcerf. (1): 204.4 = 249 A^. — Mat. (1): 20.28''. habban, have (1): L. (1): 12.50. onginnan [-y-], begin (15) : Bede (3) : 88.3 = 61.14; 128.12 = 108.18"; 358.14 = 267.11''. — Warf. (11): 48.6 = 181 B; 74.3 = 201 B'; 160.12 = B. 186 C; 175.16 = B. 202 A^; 201.6 = 245 A'; 206.14 = 252 B'; 206.24 = 252 B'; 222.13 = 272 B'; 222.27 = 272 O; 223.7 = 272 C; 284.23 = 345 B. — Mk. (1) : 13.4. -wil(l)nian, desire, wish (2): Bede (1): 234.1'' = 176.30. — Gre». (1): 302.18 = 230.1. -witan, know (1): Bede (1): 402.24 = 291.13. 2. With Passive Verbs. Given in full in Chapter II, p. 72. ///. Other Substantival Uses of the Infinitive. Given in full in Chapter III, pp. 73-78. IV. The Predicative Infinitive with Auxiliary Verbs. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Fmite Verb. A few illustrative examples of the uninflected predicative infinitive with auxiliary verba are given in Chapter IV, p. 80; and the examples of the inflected predicative infinitive are given in full in the same chapter, pp. 80-82. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. 1. The Infinitive Made Up of " Beon " + a Past Participle. «unnan, know (1): Greg. (1): 113.22 = 78.26. dear(r), dare (2): Wceif. (2): 132-17 = B. 162 A»; 232.7 = 284 A. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. 289 gedafenian, he fining (1): Mf. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 743. gewunian, be wont (4) : Bede (3) : 172.28 = 143.3; 270.33 = 212.9; 474.14 = 348.4. — Woerf. (1) : 183.17 = 224 A. magan, may, can (269): Bede (36): 20.14 = 243.2; 44.34 = 27.12; 50.7 = 30.14; 68.2 = 50.2; 76.2 = 54.17; 76.26 = 55.4; 78.8 = 55.20; 80.28 = 57.18; 90.23 = 70.22; 92.6 = 71.13; 92.11 = 71.19; 114.5, 6 = 92.9, 10; 120.23 = 98.10; 186.25 = 151.3; 230.11 = 175.5; 250.12 = 199.20; 254.21 = 202.28; 254.32 = 203.5; 288.18 = 222.20; 296.30 = 227.16; 300.28, 29 = 230.6, 7^; 308.12 = 237.25; 320.26 = 245.19; 328.30 = 251.17; 328.34 = 251.19; 334.18*' = 254.21; 336.20 = 255.22; 350.17 = 263.14; 366.18 = 271.26; 388.19 = 283.26; 400.26 = 290.16; 428.18 = 306.31; 442.4 = 313.21; 472.10 = 346.31. — JSoei^s. (3): 15.17 = 0; 38.10 = 42.51; 100.31 = 85.96. —Greg. (6): 85.20 = 56.27; 87.20 = 58.18; 147.14 = 106.13; 153.23 = 112.2; 225.22 = 170.21; 393.10 = 310.11. — Oros. (1): 238.4 = 0. — C^row. (1): 229*, 1094 £*>. — TFcErf. (103): 13.7, 8 = 156 C^ 40.17 = 176 B; 54.30 = 188 B'; 55.2 = 188 B<; 60.20 = 192 B"; 60.33*' = 192 B<; 65.19 = 196 B; 78.1 = 204 C; 84.2 = 209 A'; 90.23 = 213 B^; 90.26 = 213 C; 91.1 = 213 C; 100.21 = B. 132 B^; 111.2" = B. 140 Qi; 118.25 = B. 148 B"; 123.4 = B. 154 A^; 129.5 = B. 158 Di; 131.27 = B. 160 D; 134.28 = B. 164 A; 139.24 = B. 166 D^; 139.26 = B. 166 D^; 145.11 = B. 172 C; 163.13 = B. 190 B^; 164.16*' *> = B. 190 C^- 3; 174.8, 9 = B. 200 B; 177.8 = B. 204 Ai; 184.3 = 224 B^; 191.18 = 233 A; 195.5 = 237 B<; 210.21 = 257 A; 213.1 = 260 B»; 213.8 = 260 C; 219.9 = 268 A^; 220.25 = 269 A'; 223.25 = 273 A; 226.14 = 276 C; 231.22 = 284 A; 238.8 = 289 D; 239.27*' = 292 O; 247.10 = 301 C; 256.23 = 313 C; 263.8 = 321 A'; 264.7 = 321 B; 268.12 = 328 B; 269.15"' ^ 16» = 329 A'- ^- '; 270.12 = 329 B^; 270.17 = 329 B3; 290.18 = 352 A^; 291.21 = 352 C^; 294.26 = 356 C; 295.10 = 356 D; 295.16 = 357 Ai; 301.24 = 364 C^; 303.8 = 365 B^; 303.22 = 365 D; 304.1, 3 = 368 A'- 2; 304.26*'*' = 368 W' 2; 312.6 = 376 C; 313.22 = 377 B; 314.19 = 380 B'; 314.28 = 380 B^; 315.1*' = 380 B»; 315.19 = 380 D; 318.5 = 384 A^; 319.7 = 384 C; 320.17 = 385 B^; 321.15 = 388 fii; 321.23 = 388 B2; 322.14 = 388 C^; 322.25* = 388 D^; 323.6 = 389 Ai; 323.12 = 389 B^; 326.12* = 393 Ai; 327.12 = 393 C^; 327.14 = 393 C; 328.9 = 396 A"; 328.10, 11 = 396 B'; 328.13 = 396 B^; 330.14 = 396 B'; 333.12 = 401 A'; 336.5 = 404 O; 336.6 = 404 C*; 339.13*', 14*' = 412 Ai; 340.27* = 413 Ai; 340.27^ 28 = 413AS- 341.1 = 413 B; 344.2*' *' = 417 C*; 344.15 = 420 A'; 344.23*' = 420 B^; 345.17* = 421 A^; 348.31 = 428 Ai; 348.33 = 428 A^; 348.34 = 428 A'. — Bmed. (4): 5.16 = 10.26; 18.19 = 36.8; 65.1 = 122.14; 136.27 = O. — Bl. Horn. (6): 19.22; 69.7^ 8; 73.15*'; 111.1; 161.20. — Pr. Gu. (1): V. 266. — Mart. (4): 74.13, 14; 110.21; 176.25. — Mf. Horn. (44) : I. 26"", 48^ 94^ 130^ 176*, 236*, 280*, 282"^, 286*, 286*', 292*' \ 314^ 320^ 342*, 346^ 500*, 544* i- ^ 552"°*, 582 '' s, 588*' ^ 594* 2; II. 28*, 48*, 120*, 204^ 234*, 236", 268*, 284*', 336", 344*", 362*, 366^ 388* '• ^ 406*', 410^ 428* ", 560", 562*' «, 576", 690^ 606*'- — Mf. L. S. (15): 22.207; 98.137; 174.85; 196.31; 198.68; 202.119; 214.71; 282.287; 286.44; 524.604; XXIII B. 722; XXXI. 735, 736, 1213; XXXV. 10. — ^Elf. Hept. (2) : Deut. 3.23*'; — Lev. 10.8.— .(Elfric's Minor Prose (17): Mf. Or. (15): 5.12, 12.17, 99.2, 107.10; 130.2, 4; 223.2, 242.11, 246.4*, 250.17, 257.17, 267.15, 273.9, 278.1, 280.1; — Mf. Int. (2) : 160; 336. — Gosp. (11): Mat. (4) : 5.14; 26.9*- ^ 54*; — ilffc. (3):' 10.38; 14.5*-*';- L. (1): 8.43; — J. (3): 3.4*' *'; 10.35. — A. S. Horn. & L.S.I (1) : 8.72. ^ A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (3) : 10.207; 11.54; 13.236. — Widf. (1) : 96.8. — Lcece. (4) : 48.5; 52.15; 56.30; 83.40. — Minor Prose (6) : Alex. (3) : 34, 55*- *'; — Apol. (1) : 23.32; — Neot (2) : 9*.- *', mot, may, must (24): Bede (7): 70.2 = 50.28*'; 72^11 = 52.6; 74.16 = 53.30; 182.31 = 148.26; 290.2 = 223.7; 290.24 = 223.28; 374.3 = 275.23. — Boeth. (1): 121.19*' = 103.93^-— Greg. (1): 171.18 = 126.13. — TFcbt/. (3): 35.19 = 172 B'; 112.25 = B.144A1; 276.9 = 336CK — BI. Horn. (1) : 185.4. — Mf. Horn. (6) : I. 56*, 292^ 414*' », 546*'; II. 46^ 602*. — ^If. L. S. (1) : 270.142. — jElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mf. Gr. (1): 246.4*'. — Widf. (3): 32.9, 10; 228.22. nyllan : see iviOan. sculan, shall (275): Bede (37): 18.16 = 219.10; 44.28*-'' = 27.5; 68.28 = 50.28*; 74.1*' *» = 53.4; 74.11 = 53.26; 74.23 = 54.7; 76.5 = 54.19; 78.2 = 55.15; 78.7 = 55.19; 78.29 = 56.6; 80.21 = 57.13; 80.26*-*' = 57.17; 84.9; = 69.10; 96.28, 29 = 80.18, 19; 110.32*-'' = 90.34**'; 156.10 = 129.23; 190.16 = 162.29; 194.30 = 156.28; 230.9 = 176.3; 246.8 = 194.30; 270.8 = 211.14; 288.22 = 222.24; 308.20 = 238.2; 350.15 = 263.12; 364.30*- *> = 266.26; 374.8 = 275.30; 380.4 = 278.23; 396.20 = 288.9; 396.28*' = 288.16*'; 442.23 = 314.12; 468.22 = 333.2. — Boeth. (3) : 36.32 = 41.34; 43.27 = 46.40; 96.16 = 81.12. — Greg. (26) : 77.6 = 250.8; 77.9*- *» = 50.11; 77.11 = 50.13; 81.20, 21 = 64.14; 83.8 = 54.28; 83.22, 24 = 56.10; 91.17 = 62.5; 93.4 = 62.17; 93.7 = 62.20; 107.10 = 74.6; 117.20 = 82.10; 137.13 = 98.14; 161.24, 25 = 118.11; 169.1 = 124.3; 171.15 = 126.10; 251.1 = 190.1; 253.18 = 192.8; 305.9 = 232.17; 308.4 = 236.14; 329.9 = 254.10; 395.22 = 312.29. — Oros. (3): 20.33 = 0; 148.23 = 0; 206.4 = 207.2. — Pr. Ps. 290 STATISTICS OP THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. f5V 22 Intr • 26 Intr • 26.2; 28. Intr.; 29. Intr. - Chron. (4): 129^ 995 P^l 145*, 1014 E^ & Tosf f: ^I'nA-Laws (3): 106, Ine, c. 40; 448, Bectitudmes, c. 5 § 3, 4|^ SctitudLs c 6, §3 -TF<^. (43): 13.6 = 156 0; 33.14 = 169 C; 38^0 = 173 C^«>^ =T^S 54 18 = 188 B- 55.28 = 188 O; 55.34 = 188 C»; 118.12 = fJ^'^l^'^S^^^Q A; a- 181.7 = 220 A»; 184.27 = 225 A>; 208.12 = 253 CM 213.4 = 260 BS 220. A. ^ 225 2-' ^ = 273 C; 227.27 = 277 D-, 239.3 = 292 B- 245.5 = 300 Bi; 253^9 = 309 A ^^o« ! 317 A; 267 22 = 325 D; 282.5 = 344 A; 288.19 = 349 B- 294.14- J> = 356 B; 297^6^^ 3W A , 302 15 = 365 A-, 310.4 = 373 B; 314.6 = 380 A^; 314.23 = 380 BM 31^29 = 380 f ^15^ - 380 B»- 316.17 = 381 B; 317.12 = 381 C^ 324.21 = 392 A»; 331.22 = 400 A 335.11 -ff^' 336 33 = 405 BM 337.16 ^ 405 CM 338.40, 41 = 409 A; 339.13% l*! = f^ A^i'-^^T^'-io i8 6.21=72.17; 6.22 = 74.10; 6.23 = 76.1; 31.11 = 58.15; 39.13 = 72.17; 40-3 = 74^W, 40.18 = 76.1; 43.20 = 80.24; 43.25 = 82.2; 112.22='.^ = 180.2; 127-4 = 194 11. - B • H'^- (2^; 5.17, 23; 9.3, 6, 8; 19.14; 21.20; 33.23-"; 69.7», 19-^ 71.16, 17, 20; 73 16; 85.17 95.20 101.20"; 163.11; 183.20; 189.27; 191.5, 6, 7. - Pr. Gu. (1): XX. 28. - Mart. (7): 24^',80_15' 96 27; 112.16; 176.23- "; 220.1. - mf. Horn. (39) : I. 24"- 88", 96-, 124" S ISf. Ig?' ^J^*' 180^ 188", 202" ^ ^ 204*, 204", 214", 236", 248", 262*, 266*, 322*, 428", 594* S 596" ^ 604* »; II 12" 18'^ 38" \ 48" S 130», 200*, 212* i- % 278*, 338" ^ ', 422", 424-, 464", 532* i- K - Mf. L S (14)-'30 82; 46.372; 176.120-"; 204.156; 368.74; 512.428; XXIV. 120; XXX. 20, 21, 198- XXxi. 667, 1160; XXXIV. 98. — Mf. Hept (3) : De V. T. 4.29; Gen. 27.45"; Lev. 6.21. — i;ifric's Minor Prose (6): JElf- Gr. (3): 255.12, 14»; 279.8;— Napier's Ad. to Th. (S): 101 315", 102.29" 1- 2. — Gosp. (3) : Mat. (1) : 3.14; — Mk. (1) : 2.22; — L. (1) : 22.37. — A. S. Horn &L S. I (2): 9.408, 409. - A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (8): 10.560; 11.99-"; 12.100, 142; 13 109 143; 18.266. — Wulf. (16): 96.5, 6, 17; 135.21; 141.2; 192.17; 194.6; 196.16; 218.15; 2413- 24816- 261.11-"; 291.16; 295.15; 300.17. — Losce. (5): 58.21; 60.38; 61.18; 89.12; 127!8.' — Minor Prose (10) : Alex. (1) : 658; — Neot (3) : 6, 7, 146; — Nic. (6) : 474.5, 500.23, 604.8; 510.8, 10*' ". — Chr. (1) : 213. tSurfan, need (9): Greg. (2): 83.16 = 56.3; 413 16 = 334.8. -W. (4): 222 15 = 272 BM 269 16" = 329 A*; 336.28 = 405 A; 345.17" = 421 A^ - Bl. Horn. (1): 135.25. -^«/. Horn. (1): II. 48". — JSJi/. L. S. (1): 176.130. :£7yl^^^\Sf^'lr^n'^-- Be^ (4): 112.12 = 91.16; 112.18 = 91.22; 308. = 2'?7 16- 366 5 = 271 12. — Boeth. (2) : 36.2 = 41.17; 51.8 = 51.15». —Greg. (1) : 136.26 = S.-bros. (1 : 128.5 = 129.3. - F<.r/. (6):83.2 = 208 B- 88^4 = 212 C?; 11014 = B. 140 B; 243.22 = 297 B; 279.3 = 340 BM 279.4 = 340] B^ - f^«J»«^2): 112.14 = 178 16- 112 16 = 178.20. — Bl. Horn. (2) : 33.13; 217.14. — Pr. Gu. (1) : XX. 65. — m- ir (iS- i. 32*3'34*%2*, 80", 84"-: 196*. 480*, 48|; 522"S 598*. 604"; II 3^^". 606* 512" — Mf. L. S. (2): 444.58; XXXII. 88. — ^Ifric's Mmor Prose (5): Mf. Or (5):'ll9.3; 143.19, 20; 144.5, Q.-Gosp. (5): Mat. (3): 2.18; 16-21/ l^fJ-^.^ ^ ; 12.38"; -L. (1) : V.e! - A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (3) : 16.200; 18.134, 297. - Wvlf. (3) : 105.32; 194.3; 277.3. ^ . wunian, be accustomed (1): Bede (2): 340.7*° = 257.10*-"- 2. The Infinitive Made Up Of " WeorSan " + a Past Participle. Given in full in Chapter IV, pp. 84 ff. "' 3. The Infinitive Made Up of " Wesan " + a Past Participle. Given in full in Chapter IV, pp. 84 ff. V. The Predicative Infinitive with Verbs of Motion and of Rest.^ Only the uninflected infinitive, active, is found. 1. Verbs of Motion, becuman [bi-], come (4) : — blican, shine (1): And. (1): 789. — hlynnan, resound (1) : Beow. (1) : 2553. — rinnan, run (1): Chr. (1): 1114. 1 In this section, besides the finite verb Cthe initial word) I cite the infinitive, also. PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH VERBS OF MOTION AND REST. 291 becuman sneowan, hasten (1) : And. (1) : 1668. bicninan : see hecuman. cuman, come (70): — astigan, descend (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 15.329. — bUcan, shine, beam (4) : Chr. (1) : 903. — Ju. (1) : 564. — And. (1) : 838. — Ph. (1) : 95. — drifan [-y-], drive (1): Bede (1): 400.28 = 290.19. — dryf an : see drifan. — faran, go (3): Beow. (2): 2915; 2945. — And. (1): 1279. — feran, go (5) : Gen. (2) : 852; 2759. — Dan. (1) : 698. — Jiid. (1) : 12. — Fallen Angels (1) : 110. — fleogan,^2/ (7) : Pr.Gu. (1):X. 5.— Mart. (2): 26.10; 200.12.— A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 15.292 = 217.326. —ffen. (1): 1479. — Ps. (1): 104.35. — Charms (1): IV. 53. — gan [gangan, gongan], go, walk (16): Boeth. (1): 8.16 = 4.2. — MaH. (1): 90.14. — 4. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 15.178 = 0. — Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 29.10. — Beow. (6): 324; 711; 1163; 1642; 1644 (or final, as Shearin, I. c, p. 237, holds?); 1974. — Dan. (1): 737. — Ps. (1): 104.30. — Bid. (2): 55.1; 86.1. — Charms (2): VI. 9, 15. — gengan [geongan], go (2): And. (2): 1095; 1311. — geongan : see gengan. — gUdan, glide (1): Ph. (1): 102. — hweorfan [-u-], wander, go (1) : Dan. (1) : 110. — hwurfan: see hweorfan. — ieman lyman], run (3): Pr.Gu. (1): I. 26. — Mart. (1): 182.4:. — JElf. L. S. (1): XXXI. 1039. — litSan, go by water, sail (4): And. (1): 256. — Met. (1): 26.60. — Bid. (1): 34.1.— Gnomic Sayings (1) : 109. — lixan, shine, glisten (2): Ph. (1): 94. — Ps. (1): 76.15. — ridan, ride (1): Rid. (1): 23.2. — sc(e)acan, shake, move quickly (1) : Beow. (1) : 1803. — scinan [-y-], shine (2): Chr. (1): 901.— Gu. (1): 1257. — scriSan, glide, go (3): Beow. (2): 650; 703. — Cal. (1): 77. — scynan : see scinan. — sigan, descend, go (1) : Chr. (1) : 550. — slSian, travel, go (4): Beow. (1): 720.— Gen. (3): 154; 1577; 1844. — sUdan, slide (1): Pr. Gu. (1): V. 7. — sneowan, hasten (1) : And. (1) : 242. — snican, creep (1) : Charms (1) : IV. 31. — stigan, descend (1) : Dan. (1) : 510. — ■ swunman [-y-], stvim (1) : Beow. (1) : 1624. — swynunan: see swimman. — tSringan, crowd, throng (1): Gu. (1): 868. — wadan, advance, go (2): And. (1): 1271. — Schopf. (1): 61. dselan, distribute (1) : — scinan, shine (1): Gen. (1): 2192 (or final?). Aeon, fly (1): — slincan, creep (1): Doomsday (1): 240. gewitan, go (49) : — drefan, stir up (water) (1): Beow. (1): 1904 (or final?). — faran, go (3) : Beow. (1) : 124. —S.&S. (1) : 501*'- — SchSpf. (1) : 69. — feran, go (12) -.Wceif. (1) : 63.28 = 193 B*. — Beow. (2): 27; 301.— Gen. (5): 1211; 1731; 1779; 2398; 2849. — And. (1): 786; — Bid. (2): 30.11; 40.6. — W. C. (1): 9». — ferian, carry (1): Gen. (1): 2154 (or final?). — fleogaa, fly (2): Gen. (1): 1471.- Ph. (1): 163. — gan [gangan, gongan], go, walk (13) : Wwrf. (2) : 84.20 = 209 A«; 84.25 = 209 A.' — Gen. (6) : 858; 1050; 1345; 1487; 2574; 2592.-^2. (1): 180. — C^sr. (1): 633. — And. (2): 238; 1059.— i^mns. (1):45. — gUdan, glide (2): And. (2): 1248; 1304. — lecgan lastas, traxel (1): Gen. (1): 2850. — ridan, ride (2): Beow. (2): 234; 855. — sc(e)acan, shake, move quickly (3): Gen. (1): 135. — And. (1): 1594. —/«d. (1): 291. — scritJan, glide, go (2): Be; II. 22'' \ 36", 50*, 292'' *, 328*', 408''.— A. 8. Horn. & L. S. II (1) : 16.105.— Wulf. (10): 109.12; 112.1; 119.3, 4, 12''; 129.10''; 145.33°; 182.2''; 209.1; 268.30''. beorgan [beorhgan], preserve, ■protect (8): Wulf. (7): 94.11»; 144.25; 145.17; 166.2; 167.7; 178.6''; 188.12='. — Chr. (1) : 771. beorhgan: see beorgan. besceawian, consider (2) : Bened. (1) : 45.9 = 84.10. — Mf. Horn. (1) : II. 84* '. betan, amend (5): Laws (1): 298, I Cnut, c. 18, § l-^- — Bl. Horn. (1): 125.4. — Wulf. (3): 115.13"; 166.5"; 303.5. bidan, abide, await (1) : Bede (1) : 348.16 = 262.9. biddan, ask, pray (37) : Bede (2) : 98.27" = 81.29"; 154.30 = 129.8. — Solil. (1) : 64.27. — Laws (1) : 246, V jEthelred, c. 35". — Bl. Horn. (5) : 125.5; 159.32; 205.29; 209.26; 211 .7. — Mf. Horn. (15): I. 158'' '■ ', 204'' ', 364*, 434'', 500'', 556", 562*, 564", 598''; II. 302'', 380" 2, 444'' 5, 498", 518''. — JElf. L. S. (3) : 80.516; 390.107; XXVI. 20. — A. S. Ham. & L. S. II (2): 10.700; 11.114''. — Wulf. (6): 80.6; 115.7; 142.13; 175.2; 299.17''; 306.7. — Minor Prose (1): Neot (1): 217. — Chr. (1): 774. began : see biegan. biegan [-e-], bend (1): Bede (1): 154.29 = 129.6. blissian, rejoice (1) : Mf. Ham. (1) : II. 292'' 2. bringan, bring (2): Bede (1): 234.30'' = 177.2Q.—Mf. Horn. (1): I. 116'' ^ brucan, enjoy (2): Ores. (1): 86.1 = 85.33. —^Z/. Horn. (1): I. 618'' 1. bttgan, bow (2): Mf. L. S. (1): 52.52. — Wvlf. (1): 272.26". cestian [ciest-, cyst-], put in coffin (2) : Widf. (2) : 119.10; 209.7''. cierran [-y-], turn (1): Wulf. (1): 265.4''. ciestian : see cestian. cigean, call (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 247.3". clansian, cleanse, purify (2): Wulf. (2): 144.23; 167.4. clipian \ , . cUpiganr'^^'^^'P*^"- clypian [cUp-, -igan], cry out (4): Mf. Horn. (2): I. 452''; II. 8i^K — Mf. L. 8. (2): 242.81; XXV. 349. cuman, come (6): Greg. (1): 415.6 = 336.4. —/Bi/. Hept. (I) -.Gen. 11. 7. — A. 8. Horn. & L. 8. II (1): 11.114". — Minor Prose (1): Nic. (1): 494.8''. — Ps. (2): 73.8"; 82.4. cunnian, try (2): .Slf. Horn. (1): I. 450". — Ps. (1): 70.10. cweman, please (2): Laws (1): 368, II Cnut, c. 84, § 3. — Ps. (1): 94.1". cwetSan, say, speak {Z): Bened. (1):' 31.16 = 58.20. — Bl. Horn. (1): 247.3''. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. //(l):16.153^ cyrran: see cierran. cystian : see cestian. cySan, make known (1) : Fallen Angels (1) : 298. dslan, deal out, distribute (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 241.22. don, do, make, cause (47): Boeth. (1): 75.16" = 68.22. — Laws (3): 268, VIII iEthelred, c. 43"; 300, 1 Cnut, c. 20"; 354, II Cnut, c. 68". — Bened. (2) : 21.9 = 42.7; 40.4 = 0. — Bl. Hom. (2) : 205.28; 241.21^. —Mf. Hom. (4) : I. 180'' i- ^; II. 52'', 100'' K—Mf. L. 8. (2) : 362.364; XXX. 368. — ^If. Hept. (1): Gen. 37.20^ — A. 8. Hom. & L. 8. II (1): 13.199^ — Wvlf. (31): 20.1"; 28.20"; 29.2''; 38.14"; 40.23; 94.10; 109.5", 11; 112.1", 14; 116.13°; 119.12; 122.4"; 124.11"; 125.17"; 127.9"; 129.10"; 134.24"; 136.26", 28"-''; 143.19; 150.10''; 152.2; 166.1, 3; 169.9; 178.6"; 182.1"; 189.1"; 268.30". earnian, earn, merit (2) : Wvlf. (1) : 155.30. — Partridge (1) : 13''. efstan, hxisten (7): Bl. Hom. (1): 109.9.-^2/. Hom. (1): II. 526^. — Wvlf. (4): 40.24''; 75.21; 141.29''; 145.7. — Beow. (1): 3101. endian [sendian], end, finish (1) : 8olil. (1) : 49.10". etan, ea< (1):!-. (1): 15.23". fadian, arrange (3): Wvlf. (3): 143.22; 144.22; 167.3. fsegnian, rejoice (1): Mf. Hom. (1): II. 292'' ^ faran, go (13) : Mf. Hom. (1) : I. 422''. —Mlf. L. 8. (2) : XXX. 85", liXf'.-Mf. Hept. (4) : Gen. 33.11; Ex. 5.8"; 14.5''; Num. 13.31". — Gosp. (4): Mat. (1): 26.46; — ilf/c. (1): 4.35; — L. (1): 2.15"; — /. (1): 11.7. — A. 8. Hom. & L. 8. II (1): 16.106". — Minor Prose (1): Nic. (1): 488.27". feallan, faU, how (1): Mlf. L. 8. (1): XXVI. 19". feligian: aeefolgian. 294 STATISTICS OP THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. f eogan [feon], hate (1) : Partridge (1) : 13». feohtan, fight (l):^lf. L. S. (1): XXV. 661. feran, go (1) : Beow. (1) : 1380. fleon, fly (1) : JElf. Horn. (1) : 11. 124" K r d ^ • T folgian [feUgian, fyUan, fyUgean], follow (6): Bl. Horn. (1): im.\7 . — -^V- Ham. W- i- l6(f>K—JSlf. Hept. (1): Deui. lZ.2^. — Wvlf. (3): 143.21°; 146.2°; 166.6". fon, seize upmi, begin (3): SolU. (1): 55.4''- — ^Jf. Hcrni. (2): I. 114*', 148*'. forbugan, avoid, turn away from (3): Wvlf. (3): 112.2*"; 134.24; 188.14. fordrencan, intoxicate (1) : jSllf. Hept. (1) : Gen. 19.32'. forfleon, avoid (3) : Mlf. Horn. (1) : I. 602'' K — Wvlf. (2) : 115.8; 145.19. forgeofan: e&& forgiefan. forgiefan [-geofan], give up (1): A. S. Hem. & L. S. II (1): 13.201''. forhradian, hasten (1): /Eff. Horn. (1): II. 124"*. forlsetan, leave, fm-sake (7): Solil. (1): 49.12. — BZ. Horn. (1): 247.2. — ^J/. Horn. (1): II. SSO"'.- A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2): 13.201»; 14.112. — TTul/. (2): 141.28»; 166.4''. forstandan, oppose, mthstand (,l):^f. Horn. (1): II. 336' *. frefrian, comfort (2): Wvlf. (2): 119.8»; 209.5. friSian, protect (1): Laws (1): 280, 1 Cnut, e. 2'' (tUon to be supplied). ^liSan) = ^^fo^^- gan [gangan], *. geefenlaecan, imitate {2): Mf. Horn. (2): I. 52", 158"'. gefaran, go (,l):Mf. Hom. (1): I. 40* i. gefremman, assist (1) : ^If. Hom. (1) : I. 602" ^. gegearwian, prepare (1): A. S. Hom. & L. S. II (1): 11.107. gehealdan, keep, preserve (1) : Wvlf. (1) : 263.3. gehienan [-y-], oppress (,l):Mlf. Hept. (1): Ex. 1.10. gehieran [-y-], hear (4): Bl. Hom. (2): 83.28; 165.16. — Mf. Hom. (2): I. 280* »; II. 272". geh3rran : see gehieran. geinsegUan, seal (1) : .lElf. L. S. (1) : 70.329. gelaedan, lead (1): Minor Prose (1): Nic. (1): 494.9*. gelastan, perform, pay (3): Wvlf. (3): 38.14"; 116.1; 144.21". geUefan [-y-], believe (3) : Solil. (1) : 55.6. — ^If. Ham. (2) : I. 134* i, 228". gemunan, remember (5): Bl. Horn. (2): 125.3, 7.—M.f. Hom. (2): II. 84*, 124" '. — Wulf. (1): 283.18. geneosian, visit (2): Wulf. (2): 119.9"; 209.7*. geniman, take (1): Bl. Hom. (1): 149.34°. THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "(w)rrTON." 295 geoffrian, of&r (1): Mf. Kmn. (1): I. lie*". geomrian, mourn (1): Mlj. Horn. (1): I. 348'". gereccan, account, consider (1) : Boeth. (1) : 75.16'' = 68.22. gesceawian, see, examine (1) : Bl. Horn. (1) : 167.4. gescieldan [-y-], protect (1): Wvlf. (1): 145.17. gescyldan : Bee gescieldan. geseon, see (4) : mf. Horn. (2) : I. 40* \ 4Sp. — Gosp. (2) : Mat. (1) : 27.49; — L. (1) : 2.15*'. gesettan, provide (1) : j^lf. Hept. (1) : Num. 14.4». geswican, cease, desist from (10): Laws (1): 298, I Cnut, c. 18, § V. — Widf. (9): 29.4; 112.2'; 115.13''; 129.11"; 130.7; 150.10"; 174.30"; 188.12*'; 268.30''. geSencan [-tSencean], think, consider (19) : Laws (1) : 146, 1 iEthelstan, c. 2". — Bl. Ham. '&) : 83.29; 91.13, 18; 97.1; 115.5", 20. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2): 13.262; 14.113. — Wvif. (9): 109.14; 112.6; 135.14, 19; 136.9, 26''; 144.20; 182.2; 272.29^— Har. (1): 278. geSencean: see geSencan. geiSeodan, attack, join (1): Wulf. (1): 147.19. gewistfullian, /eosi (1): L. (1): 15.23''- gewitnian, punish (1) : ^f. Horn. (1) : II. 124" ». gewrecan, avenge (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 16.106''. gewyrcan, make, do (3): Laws (1): 300, 1 Cnut, c. 20'^.— .^f. Horn. (2): I. 16*, 288*. gi(e)man [-y-], take care {of), observe (2): Lows (1): 268, VIII jEthelred, c. 43, § l''. — Wulf. (1): 112.15. gladian, rejmce (2): Wulf. (2): 112.12; 169.10". giiSian, protect (1): Laws (1): 280, I Cnut, c. 2" (uton to be supplied), gyman: Beegi(e)man. labban, have (17) : ^f. Horn. (2) : 1. 512'' «; II. 46". — Mat. (1) : 21.38°. — Wulf- (13) : 28.20''; 101.23; 112.12''; 122.4''; 124.11''; 125.17''; 127.9''; 137.20; 151.9; 167.5; 282.5; 299.17"; 306.8. — Ps. (1):73.8''. lialsian, entreat (1): Minor Prose (1): Nic. (1): 494.9''. healdan, hold (16): Boeth. (1): 138.5 = 118.30. — Laws (4): 181, VI .ffithelstan, c. 8, § 5; 246, V ^thelred, c. 35"; 268, VIII iEthelred, c. 44, § 1; 269, IX ^thelred, ExpV. — Mf. L.S. (1): XXXV. 21.— A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 13.199".— TFmZ/. (8): 20.2; 29.2"; 144.24"; 152.3''; 167.5; 169.10"; 189.2; 272.27''. — Ps. (1): 117.25^ liebban, raise (1): Boeth. (1): 146.26 = 0. helpan, help{S): Laros(l): 354, II Cnut, c. 68^. — Wulf. (6): 40.24"; 94.ll''; 119.5; 129.13; 155.29; 209.2. — Beow. (1) : 2649. beran : see hieran. berian [herigean], praise, honor {2): Mlf. Horn. (1): II. 380" '. — Ps. (1): 94.1''. berigean: see herian. bieran [-e-, -y-], hear (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 115.22". biertan [-y-], encourage (1) : Wulf. (1) : 119.8*'- Meotan, cast lots (1):J. (1): 19.24. bUewan [-y-], warm (2): Wulf. (2): 119.6"; 209.3". blywan : see hliewan. hogian, reflect, consider (1) : ^If. Horn. (1) : I. 38*'- bycgan, reflect, consider (3): Har. (1): 229. — Predigtbruchstuckuber Psalm 28 (1): 44*. — Seaf. (1):117. bybtau, ?iope (1) : Predigtbrachstuck iiber Psalm 28 (1) : 44''. byran : see hieran. iecan [ecan], increase (1) : Boeth. (1) : 75.15 = 68.21. Isetan, aUow, leave (3): Boeth. (1): 88.32'' = 0. — JSlf. Hept. (1): Ex. U.5\ — Wulf. (1): 145.33". latian, delay (1): Wvlf. (1): 75.22''. libban [-y-], live (1): Wulf. (1): 150.13''. licgan, lie, recline (1): ^If. Hept. (1): Gen. 19.32''. lufian, love (22) : Laws (2) : 268, VIII ^thelred, c. 43, § 1" ; 269, IX ^Etheked, Expl". — Mf. Horn. (2): I. 52''2; II. 316^'.— Wulf. (17): 20.2''; 29.1; 94.13; 109.6; 115.11"; 124.12; 127.10; 143.4,20; 145.32 ; 146.2"; 150.13"; 152.3"; 166.6"; 189.1''; 239.6; 272.2^.— Hymn (1):3. lybban: see libban. niman, take (4) : Laws (1) : 268, VIII ^thelred, o. 43''. —^If. Horn,. (1) : I. 164* K—Mf. L. S. (1): XXX. 160". — TFui/. (1): 174.9. 296 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. oferhogian, desvise (1): Laws (1): 268, VIII ^thelred, c. 44''. oferhycgan, despise (1): Fallen Angels (1): 252. offrian, ofer {2): JSlf. Horn. (1): I. 116*' ^. — Mlf. Hept. (1): Ex. 5.&^. ofslean, slay (5): mf. Hept. (2):Gen. 37.20^; Ex. 14.5°.— Gosp. (3): Mat. (1): 21.38°;— Mfc. (1): 12.7; — !,. (1): 20.14. oliccan, please (1): Partridge (1): 12. oncnawan, know, understand (2) : Bl. Horn. (1) : IIS.S.*" — Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 254^. ondraedan, fear (1) : Wulf. (1) : 136.28''. onettan, hasten (1): Wulf. (1): 141.29*. otSwendan, take away (1) : Gen. (1) : 403". rseran, raise (2): Laws (1): 300, I Cnut, c. 20"=. — Wulf. (1): 119.14*. rihtan, rectify (1) : Wulf. (1) : 75.22*. rihtisBcan, correct (1) : WuZ/. (1) : 174.30*". sceawian, examine (1) : JElf. Horn. (1) : II. 58* ^. sceofan [scufan], shove, push (1): JSlf. Horn. (1): II. 300°" ». sceotan, refer {l):m,f. Horn. (1): II. 338*' ^. scieldan [-y-], shield, guard (3): Laws (1): 368, II Cnut, c. 84, § ^. — Wvlf. (2): 115.10; 134.19. scyldan: see scieldan. scyndan, hasten (1) : Reimlied (1) : 84. secan [secean], seeA; (6) : Laws (1) : 280, 1 Cnut, c. 2" (uton to be supplied). — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 10.450. — Wulf. (2): 146.2*'; 150.14*. — Ps. (1): 94.2. — Whale (1): 87. secean : see secan. secgan, say (4) : Solil. (1) : 49.10''. — Bl. Horn. (1) : 115.22*'. — ^If. Horn. (1) : II. 530^.— Mf. Hept. (1): Gen. 37.20°. seglian, sail (1) : L. (1) : 8.22. seUan [-y-], give (5) : Bede (1) : 234.30* = 177.26. — Mf. Hept. (1) : Gen. 31.44. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 16.153*. — Wvlf. (2): 119.7; 209.4. sendan, send, put (2): Bl. Horn. (1): 241.20. — ^//. Hept. (1): Deut. 1.22. settan, set (1): Ps. (1): 117.25*. singan, sing (1): J^i/. ffom. (1): II. 126*'. smeagan [smeagean], reflect, consider (4) : Laws (2) : 254, VI.S)thelred, c. 31; 314, II Cnut, c. 8. — Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 348*' '. — Wulf. (1) : 169.11. smeagean : see smeagan. spirian: see spyrian. sprecan, speak (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 216*' ^. spurian: see spyrian. spyrian [-i-, -u-], follow (2): Solil. (1): 45.22''. — Wvlf. (1): 130.11. standan, stand, arise (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 126*'. statSelian, establish (1) : Chr. (1) : 864. suwian, be silent (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 348'' '. sweltan, die (1): /. (1): ll.ie**. syllan : see sellan. teolian : see tilian. teon, draw (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 241.21*. tilian [teolian, tiligean], strive, attempt (6): Bl. Horn. (3): 111.18''; 129.36. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2): 13.197, 265. — Wvlf. (1): 109.5*". — Ps. (1): 138.17. tiligean: see tilian. timbrian, build {1): Mf. Hept. (1): Gen. 11.4*. tobrecan, break, destroy (1) : Pr. Ps. (1) : 2.3*. todaelan, confound (1): Mf. Hept. (1): Gen. 11.7''. toweorpan [-wurp-, -wyrp-], disperse, destroy (2) : Ps. (2) : 73.8°; 82.4''. towurpan 1 towyrpan / = ««« toweorpan. tylian : see tilian. Sencan, think (2): Mlf. L. S. (1): XXVIII. 119. — Wvlf. (1): 232.20. tSeowian, serve (2) : ^If. Hept. (2) : Deut. 13.2°, 6*'. tSingian, intercede (1) : Wulf. (1) : 130.8. tinderstandan, understand (7): Mf. Horn. (2): I. 160'' '; II. 58* K — Wulf. (5): 38.8; 112 3''^i 144.24*'; 167.6, 11. / / , . , THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "bEON" ("wESAN"). 297 upastigan, ascend (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 300" i. waefan, dothe (2): Wvlf. (2): 119.6''; 209.3*' warnian, take warning, beware of (4): Wvlf. (4): 80.4; 130.14; 147.18; 188.11. wendan, wend, turn (3): Wulf. (3): 141.27; 142.9; 265.4". wenian, accustom, train (1) : Wvlf. (1) : 76.1. weortSan, become (1): Wvlf. (1): 169.11''. weortJian [wurtS-], honor (7): Laws (2): 268, VIII ^thelred, c. 44="; 269, IX^thelred, ExpP. — Mlf. Horn. (1):I. 446''.— ^Z/. L. S. (1): 260.363. — /Ei!/. Hept. (1): Gen. 11.4''.— Wvlf. (2): 143.21*; 272.27^ werian, de/end (2): Laws (1): 246, V ^thelred, c. 35'' — Wulf. (1): 143.22''. wilnian, vnsh, desire (1) : Chr. (1) : 773. wircean : see wyrcean. wistfullian, /eas<, delight (1): ^Ifric's Minor Prose {V):Mlf. Gr. 263.16. witSstandan, withstand (1) : Mlf. Horn. (1) : I. 604* *. wuldrian, honor, glorify (1): Hymn (1): 1. wurcaen: see wyrcan. wurtSian : see weorSian. wynsumian, rejoice (1) : Bl. Horn. (1) : 91.8. wyrcan t-i-, -u-, -cean], work, make, do (21) : JElf. Horn. (1) : I. 160'' ". — Mf. Hept. (6) : Pref. to Gen. 23.25, 26; — De V. T. 11.41; —Gm. 1.26; 2.18''; 11.3*. — mine's Minor Prose {4:):JSlf. Int. (4): 163, 169, 170, 173. —Gosp. (3): Mat. (1): 17. i^; — Mk. (1): 9.5; — L. <1): 9.33. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (1): 7.322. — Wulf. (6): 41.1; 94.14; 109.7; 119.14"; 124.13''; 127.11. wyrcean : see wyrcan. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. Given in full in Chapter VI, p. 95. Note 1. " Vie " and the Infinitive: given in full in Note 4 to Chapter VI, p. 96. Note 2. " (,W)vton" with the Infinitive to Be Supplied: see Note 6 to Chapter VI, p. 96. Vn. The Predicative Infinitive with "Beon" ("Wesan"). A. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES NECESSITY OR OBLIGATION. I. The iNPmrrrvB Passive in Sense. Sporadically the infinitive is uninflected, but normally it is inflected. 1. The Infinitive Uninflected. Given in full in Chapter VII, p. 98. 2. The Infinitive Inflected. aberan, bear with: P.i (1): Wmrf. (1): 108.32* = B. 138 C^. — I. (0). ademan, judge: P. (1) : Bede (1) : 430.32* = 308.12*. — I. (0). adreogan, tolerate: P. (1): Wcerf. (1): 108.32'' = B. 138 C — I. (0). agietan, consider: P. (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 12.31. — I. (0). ahabban, abstain: P. (0). — I. (1) : Bede (1 ) : 82.6 = 57.31. ahsian, ask, inquire: P. (1) : Bened. (1) : 22.1 = 44.5. — I. (0). aleogan, deny: P. (1): Laws (1): 46, .lElfred, c. I, § 1. — I. (0). aUesan [-y-], redeem: P. (2): Laws (2): 14, Wihtraed, c. 28<=; 98, Ine, c. 20°. — I. (0). alysan: eeealiesan. anlsetan, continue: P. (1): Bened. (1): 66.1 = 124.10. —I. (0). anscunian : see onscunian. apinsian, prnider, weigh: P. (0). — I. (1): Wvlf. (1): 245.9''. arsefnan, tolexate: P. (1): Bede (1): 72.7 = 51.34. —I. (0). arsran, raise, erect: P. (2): Bened. (1): 23.4 = 46.5. — ^i/. Horn. (1): I. 498*'.— I. (0). 1 Throughout this section, P. indicates that the subject is personal; I., that the subject is impersonal. 298 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. areccan, relate: P. (1) : ^IJ. L. S. (1) : XXIII B. 330. — I. (0). arian, honor: P. (3): Boeth. (2): 72.25 = 0; 72.27=' = O. — Wcerf. (1): 98.27 = 244 A. —I. W- arisan, arise: P. (0). — I. (1): Bened. (1): 32.12 = 60.9. arweortSian [-wurtS-], honon: P. (1): Tfcer/. (1): 13.25* = 157 A.i — I. (0). arwurtSian : see arweorSian. asmeagan, consider: P. (1): Bede (1): 86.23 = 61.1. — I. (1): Wtdf. (1): 245.9*. atSwean, vxish: P. (1): Bede (1): 84.31 = 59.32. —I. (0). batSian [betSian], hathe:^. (1): Lcece. (1): 62.11. — I. (0). bebeorgan, avmd: P. (1): Bl. Ham. (1): 63.32. — I. (0). begangan : see began. began [-gangan, -gongan], practise, exercise: P. (2) : ^If. Horn. (1) : II. lOO*". — S. & S. (1) : 54.— I. (0). beginnan, begin: P. (3): Bmed. (3): 33.2 = 0; 33.7 = 0; 37.10 = 70.7. — I. (0). begongan: see began. behealdan, consider: P. (1) : Bened. (1) : 75.11 = 142.19. — I. (1) : Greg. (1) : 139.4 = 100.1. belean, forbid, destroy: P. (1) : Greg. (1) : 203.9 = 152.7. — I. (0). bemsenan, lament: P. (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 12.119. — I. (0). beran, bear, carry: P. (1): Wcerf. (1): 84.1 = 209 A>. — I. (0). besceawian, consider: P. (1): LcBce. (1): 63.22". — I. (2): Bmed. (1): 116.16 = 18i.2.—Mf. Horn. (1):I. 486". besceawigan : see besceavrian. bescerian [bi-, -scyrian, -igan], depnve: P. (2) : Bede (2) : 70.31 = 51.24; 72.6 = 51.33. — I. (0). bescyrian : see bescerian. betan, improve, correct: P. (1) : Laws (1) : 474, Judex, c. 2*. — I. (1) : Laws (1) : 274, Cnut, c. 14 (or with adjective?). beSian : see baSian. biddan, pray, request, seek: P. (2): Sola. (1): 30.8 = 0. — Bened. (1): 55.19 = 104.12. —I. (0). biscergan: see bescerian. blinnan, cease: P. (0). —I. (1): Wterf. (1): 178.1 = B. 204 C. bUssian [-igan], rejoice: P. (0). — I. (2): Greg. (1): 409.11 = Z2%.2l. — Mf. Horn. (1): II. 82*. blissigan: see blissian. bodian, announce: P. (0). — I. (1): Warf. (1): 120.3 = B. 160 A. bregan, terrify: P. {2): Greg. (2): 181.7 = 134.22; ISS.S*" = 136.15. — I. (0). celan, cool: P. (1): Lmce. (1): 25.30*. — I. (0). Clsensian [-igan], deanse: P. (4): Bede (1): 430.32'' = 308.12*'. — ^Z/. Horn. (1): I. 552» K — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 12.123. — Lcece. (1): 78.19. — I. (0). cisensigan: see cUmsian. cuman, com^: P. (0). — I. (1): Wcerf. (1): 185.19 = 225 B'. cwetJan, say, caU: P. (4): Bede (1): 370.16 = 274.6. — Bened. (2): 6.25 = 78.4; 41.19 = 78.4. — Wulf. (1) : 185.7. — I. (4) : Bede (2) : 88.23 = 62.1 ; 334.28 = 254.28. — Mf. L. S. (1) : 228.133. — Widf. (1): 158.16. cySan, make known: P. (3): Greg. (3): 187.16 = 140.11; 263.9 = 198.12; 287.3 = 216.19. — I. (l7):Greg. (17): 189.1 = 140.20; 201.15 = 150.15; 201.18 = 150.18; 201.19 = 150.19; 253.8 = 192.4; 281.23 = 212.25; 299.2 = 226.4; 299.5 = 226.5; 301.14 = 228.6; 305.13 = 232.21; 305.15 = 232.23; 305.18 = 232.25; 306.2 = 234.2; 311.14 = 238.27; 315.20 = 242.27; 349.5 = 268.27; 441.11 = 368.8. deman, judge: P. (1): Bede (1): 78.34 = 56.11. — I. (0). don, do: P. (26): Bede (10): 50.10* = 30.16; 72.26 = 0; 112.27 = 91.32; 124.20 = 100.12; 124.23* = 100.15 (or with adjective?); 128.13 = 108.18'' (or with adjective?); 132.18 = 110.26 (or with adjective?); 162.30 = 137.10; 216.11 = 167.4; 248.5 = 196.7 . — Chron. (1): 215*,1083 E*. — Laws (1): 368, II Cnut, c. 84*. — Bened. (2): 15.4 = 26.14; 39.5 = 72.12. — Bl. Horn. (1): 199.30. — JElf. Horn. (3): I. 314'' ', 502^ 5m^.—mf. L. S. (1) : XXXVI. 206. — Wulf. (5) : 51.20*; 57.15; 123.15*; 150.15; 290.4*. — Loece. (2) : 9.27; 62.21.— I. (2): Bede (1): 68.7 = 50.7. — Wulf. (1): 173.4. 4rohtnigan, pass life, live: P. (0). — I. (1): ^If. Horn. (1): II. 130''. eadgian, bless: P. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): ll.ll^ — I. (0). efstan, fiasten: P. (0). — I. (4): Bede (1): 98.30 = 81.32. — Benerf. (1): 5.8* = 10.16*. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 12.135. — Wulf. (1): 36.1. eri(g)an, plough: P. (0). —I. (1): iEltrie's Minor Prose: Mf. Gr. (1): 135.5. faestan, fast: P. (1): Mart. (1): 72.24. —I. (0). THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "bEON" ("wESAN"). 299 findan, find: P. (1) : Wcerf. (1) : 8.6 = 153 A^. — I. (0). fleogan, flee: P. (1) : Lcece. (1) : 9.19. — I. (0). fleon,/ee:P. (1): Lcece. (1): 63.31. — I. (0). forbeodan, /orftii: P. (1): Lcece. (1): 63.28. —I. (0). forberan, bear vnth, tolerate: P. (2): Bede (1): 70.11 = 51.3. — Grefl'. (1): 153.1 = 110.8. —I (l):Greg. (1): 151.10'' = 108.21. forbugan, avoid: P. (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 234". — I. (0). foreseen, foresee; P. (0). — I. (1) : Bede (1) : 66.4'' = 49.8''. foreswigian: Bee forsv/igian. tttrgaa, forego: P. (11): Laws (1): 368, IlCnut, c. m^.~Wulf. (1): 123.15^. — Ltece. (9): 5.27: 44.20», 21; 48.44; 50.20'', 38; 63.17, 24; 76.35. — I. (0). forgiefan [-y-], forgive: P. (1) : Laws (1) : 474, Judex, c. 2''. — I. (0) forgietaa [-y-], forget: P. (1) : Chron. (1) : 220", 1086 E". — I. (0). forgyfan: see forgiefan. forgytan: see forgietan. forlsetan, pass over: P. (15) : Bede (3) : 70.12 = 51.3; 82.21*' = 58.27; 292.14 = 224.20. —Greg. (1): 23.1 = 388.21. — Wcerf. (3): 23.18 = 164. B"; 67.3 = 196 C; 109.18 = B. 140 A>. — Pr.Gu. (2): XVII. 1; XIX. l. — Mf. L. S. (1): XXXI. 4&3. — Wvif. (3): 51.20''; 67.16''; 290.4''- — Lcece. (2) : 5.28; 60.12. — I. (0). forseon, despise: P. (1): Boeth. (1): 75.12 = 67.18. —I. (l):Boeth. (1): 56.3 = 53.58^ toiseon, foresee, protkde: P. (1): Bede (1): 76.24 = 55.1. — I. (0). forswigian [fore-, -u-, -y-], ya^s over in silence: P. (8) : Bede (4) : 96.3 = 79.25; 326.2 = 249.23; 380.28 = 279.19; 398.14 = 289.6. — Wcerf. (4): 157.2 = B. 184 A; 248.10 = 304 B; 301.15 = 364 B; 344.3 = 420 A'. — I. (2): Bede (2): 182.9 = 147.30; 308.5 = 237.18. forswugian: see forswigian. foitSyldigaa, bear patiently: P. (1): M.f. Horn. (1): I. 552'' 2. — I. (0). forwieman [-j-], forbid: P. (0). —I. (1): Lcece. (1): 16.12. forwyman: see forwieman. frefran, comfort: P. (1) : Greg. (1) : 181.6" = 134.22. — I. (0). fjlgan, follow: P. (l): Bede (1): 98.29 = 81.31. — I. (0). gan, go: P. (0). — I. (1) : .Blfric's Minor Prose (1) : ^If. Mthelw. (1) : 113. gebeodan, oger: P. (1) : Bmed. (1) : 130.12 = 200.20. — I. (0). gebeoran: see geberan. geberan [-beoran], bring: P. (1): Bede (1): 76.25* = 55.2. — I. (0). gebetan, reform: P. (2) : Bede (1) : 74.3 = 53.5. — Mf. L. S. (1) : XXIII B. 635. — I. (0). gebiddan, pray: P. (1): Wvlf. (1): 197.24". — I. (1): Wcerf. (1): 336.2 = 404 CK gebindan, Und: P. (1) : Greg. (1) : 275.11 = 208.6. — I. (0). gefaran, travel: P. (1): Bened. (1): 5.22 = 12.2. — I. (0). geferan, go, travel: P. (0). — I. (1): Minor Prose (1) : Alex. (1) : 603. gefremman, perform, administer: P. (2): Bede (2): 76.25*' = 55.2; 86.10*' = 60.8. — I. (0). gegearwian, prepare: P. (1): Bened. (1): 130.11 = 200.20. — I. (0). gehaelan, heal: P. (l):Mf. Ham. (1): I. 498* K — I. (0). gehealdan, observe: P. (1): Wulf. (1): 102.13. — I. (0). geheran: see gehieran. gehieraa [-e-, -y-], hear: P. (4): Greg. (1): 316.23 = 244.1. — ^Zf. Horn. (1): I. 302*.— .Elfrio's Minor Prose (1) : Mf. Gr. (1) : 255.13. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (1) : 1.101. — I. (4): Wcerf. (1): 177.9 = B. 204 A'. — Greg. (1): 439.31 = 366.16. —^^. Horn. (1): II. 518". — JSi/. L. S. (1): 640.831. gehycgaa, think, consider: P. (0). — I. (2) : Wcerf. 63.4 = 193 B»; 348.9*' = 425 C. gehyran : see gehieran. gelastan, perform, do: P. (1) : Laws (1) : 46, .^Elfred, c. 1, § l'' (or with adjective?). —I. (0). gelefan : see gdiefan. geleoran, depart, die: P. (2): Bede (2): 286.29 = 221.30; 318.27 = 244.20. — I. (0). geUefan[-e-, -y-], believe:^. (5): Bede (2): 224.22 = 172.6; 372.27 = 275.16.— BoeiA. (1):84.2 = 73.32. — TF(B7/. (1): 328.6 = 396 K^. — Mf. L. S. (1): 100.176.— I. (21): Bede (2): 228.23 = 174.9; 234.13 = 177.4. — CArw. (1): 158^ 1036 C. — Wcerf. (11): 146.2 = B. 174 A; 246.19'' = 301 A»; 275.18 = 336 A^; 288.21 = 349 B^; 288.23 = 349 B'; 303.6 =. 365 B^; 303.17 = 366 C; 327.20 = 393 C*; 328.14 = 396 B'; 332.10 = 400 CS 333.13 = 401 AK — Bl. Horn. (3): 29.15; 31.2; 209.18. — /EZ/. Horn. (1): I. U2^—mf. L. S. (1): XXII B. 108.— A. S. Horn. L. S. II (1): 11.06— Seizure and Death of Alfred (1): 13. 300 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. gel3rfan: see gdiefan. geopenian, reveal: P. (0). — I. (1): mf. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 104. geortriewan [-y-], despair of: P. (1): Bede (1): 316.26 = 243.19. — I. (0). gerestan, rest: P. (0). — I. (1): WcErf. (1): 178.2 = B. 204 C^ gerihtan, correct: P. (1) : ^If. L. S. (1) : XXIII B. 634. — I. (0). geswencan, moHify: P. (1): ^Z/. Horn. (1): I. 408''. — I. (0). geSafian, allow, toUrate: P. (1) : Greg. (1) : 135.21 = 96.24. — I. (0). getSencan, think, consider: P. (7): Boeth. (1): 52.2 == 0. —Greg. (2): 29.6 = 0; 385.24 = 302.1. — Bl. Horn. (3): 19.31; 27.26; 29.2. — Rid. (1): 42.8.— I. (16): Bede (1):84.3'' ^5Q.5. — Boeth. (1): 76.1 = O.—Greg. (4): 53.17 = 30.15; 59,2P = 34.27; 119.3 = 82.17 302.20 = 230.3. — T^CEJ-/. (6): 239.27* = 292 C^; 270.11 = 329 B'; 328.26 = 396 C^ 348.9" = 425 B; 349.19 = 428 B; 349.27'' = 428 C. — Bl. Horn. (4): 31.20; 33.25; 35.10 39.1. gewiscan: see geivyscan. gewitan, know: P. (0). —I. (3): Mf. Horn. (3): I. 638'' "; II. 556", 562". gewyscan [-i-], vrish, desire: P. (0). — I. (1): Mf. Horn. (1): I. 612". gieman [-y-], take care: P. (0). — I. (3) : Greg. (3) : 123.24 = 86.17; 455.10 = 386.15; 455.28 = 388 7 gi(e)maii," 2/earn /or: P. (0). — I. (1): Boeth. (1): 90.13 = 77.20. gyman : see gieman. habban, have, keep: P. (7): Boeth. (1): 68.26 = 63.17. —Greg. (2): 249.7 = 188.11; 351.16 = 272.4. — TFtET/. (1): 8.7 = 153 A\ — JElf. Horn. (1): I. 2^.—Mlf. L. S. (1): 270.131. — iElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mf. Gr. (1): 255.14". — I. (0). haldan : see healdan. halgian [haligian], hallmv, consecrate: P. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 29.5. — I. (0). halsian [heals-], supplicate: P. (1): Bened. (1): 45.17 = 84.19. — I. (0). healdan [haldan], hold, preserve:!?. (28): Bede (3): 68.16" = 60.14; 124.23" = 100.16; 132.19 = 110.27.— Gre^. (1): 119.2* = 82.16. — Bened. (17): 6.16 = 64.10; 6.17 = 66.1; 6.18 = 68.13; 6.19 = 70.1; 6.20 = 72.9; 7.4 = 90.13; 12.18 = 0; 34.5 = 64.10; 35.1 = 66.1; 36.9 = 68.13; 37.4 = 70.1; 37.6 = 70.4; 39.2 = 72.9; 48.14 = 90.13; 49.3 = 92.1; 60.11 = 112.14; 110.5 = 176.11. — Mart. (1): 74.3. — .iElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mf. Mhelw. (1): 6. — Wvlf. (3) : 270.16; 282.7; 296.7. — LoBce. (2) : 49.1; 63.18. — I. (0). helan, conceal: P. (1): Wcerf. (1): 278.22 = 340 fii. — I. (0). herian [herigan], praise: P. (8): Bede (1): 78.33" = 66.10". — Boe^A. (2): 32.28 = 39.89; 69.3 = O.—Greg. (2): 237.7 =178.22; 353.25 = 274.6. — Bl!. Horn. (2): 63.21"; 223.27.— Wvlf. (1) : 197.24". — I. (2) : Boeth. (1) : 64.19 = 60.44. — Greg. (1) : 53.19 = 30.17. hiersumian [-y-], obey, serve: P. (0). — I. (1): Bened. (1): 1.15 = 4.3. hogian, think, consider: P. (0). —I. (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 558". hopi(g)an, hope: P. (0). — I. (1): ^Elfric's Minor Prose (1): JE'Z/. Int. (1): 270. hradian, hasten: P. (0). — I. (1): Bmed. (1): 5. 8* = 10.16". hycgan, think, cmsider: P. (2): Rid. (2): 29.12; 32.23.— I. (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. IT (1):12.2. hyrstunian : see hiersumian. ieldan [yldan], delay: P. (0). — I. {\): Mf. Horn. (1): I. 350". lacnian, treat medically: P. (3): Lcece. (3): 25.30"; 73.36"; 78.22. — I. (0). Iseran, teach: P. (9): Greg. (9): 26.15 = 6.1; 119.2" = 82.17; 179.21 = 134.24; 205.21 = 164.13; 233.23 = 176.21; 277.3 = 208.21; 341.16 = 264.7; 409.24 = 330.3; 441.6 = 368.1. — I. (1): Boeth. (1): 127.25 = 108.15. laetan, lei (blood): P. (4): Lcece. (4): 26.1; 44.20"; 76.26; 77.3. —I. (0). latSian, inmte: P. (1): Wo^. (1): 263.4 = 321 A». — I. (0). lean, blame: P. (2) : Laws (1) : 254, VI ^thelred, c. 29". — Bl. Hom. (1) : 63.21". — /. (0). Ubban [lifigan], live: P. (0). — I. (2): Bede (1): 424.4 = 304.14. — TFasr/. (1): 317.16 = 381 D. liefan [-y-], believe: P. (0). — I. (1): Bl. Hom. (1): 11.12. lifigan : see Ubban. lufian, love: P. (12) : Bede (2) : 66.24, 25 = 49.29. — Boeth. (2) : 108.21 = 0; 113.14 = 97.25. — Greg. (2): 133.15 = 94.18; 441.16 = 368.12. — Pr. Ps. (1): 18.9 = 18.11. — Laws (1): 254, VI ^thelred, c. 29^. — ^If.L. S. (1): 310.38". — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): ^If. Gr. (1) : 144.11. — A. S. Hom. & L. S. I (1) : 3.573. — Wvlf. (1) : 73.8". — I. (0). maersian [rigan], ffZora/y, praise: P. (2): Bl. Horn. (1): 161.6".— ^Z/. Hom. (1): 1.324'.— I. (0). THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH "bEON" ("wESAn"). 301 manian [monian], admonish: P. (243): Bede (2): 70.26 = 51.19; 72.4 = 51.31. — Grej. (241): 13.20, 22, 24 = 130.6, 8, 9; 15.1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22 = 130.10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20; 17.3, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 17, 20, 24 = 130.23, 24, 26, 26, 27, 28, 132.1, 3, 6; 19.1, 3, 7, 12, 17, 20, 23 = 132.7, 8, 11, 15, 18, 20, 21; 21.1, 4, 7, 11, 15, 18 = 132.23, 25, 27, 29, 134.1, 3; 177.11 = 132.8; 179.14, 15, 19 = 134.10, 14; 181.3, 5 = 134.20, 21; 187.12, 14 = 140.8, 9; 189.12, 14 = 142.2, 3; 191.12, 16, 19, 21 = 142.21, 23, 24; 195.15, 25 = 146.13, 22; 197.4 = 146.26; 201.7, 9, 10, 11, 13 = 150.8, 9, 10, 11, 13; 203.3, 5, 6, 8» = 152.2, 3, 4, 5; 205.19 = 154.12; 209.1, 4 = 156.13, 14; 215.3, 5 = 162.2, 3; 220.18 = 166.28; 229.3, 10, 12, 13 = 172.19, 26, 27, 28; 231.15 = 174.24; 237.4, 6, 14 = 178.20, 21, 23; 247.3, 5, 6, 11, 14 = 186.17, 18, 19, 24, 27; 251.20 = 190.20; 253.23 = 192.12; 255.13 = 192.25; 257.19 = 194.19; 261.1 = 196.15; 263.1, 6, 7, 14 = 198.7, 9, 10, 17; 265.14 = 200.10; 271.6, 9 = 204.12, 13; 273.2 = 206.1; 275.2 = 206.23; 281.16, 18, 19, 21 = 212.20, 21, 22, 23; 287.20, 22 = 218.5, 6; 289.4 = 218.11; 291.3, 4 = 218.26, 220.2; 299.1, 3 = 226.2, 3; 302.13, 15 = 228.27, 28; 305.10, 12 = 232.19, 20; 307.4, 7, 19 = 234.21, 24, 236.8; 308.13, 16 = 236.21, 33; 313.6, 18 = 240.21, 29; 315.8 = 242.15; 319.11, 14, 16 = 246.11, 13, 15; 321.5 = 246.26; 227.12, 24 = 252.18, 29; 335.1, 5, 9 = 258.13, 16, 19; 337.5 = 260.16; 339.6, 22, 24 = 262.7, 21; 341.8 = 262.29; 345.4, 6, 7 = 266.8, 9, 10; 349.18 = 270.10; 351.3, 18 = 270.20, 272.6; 355.8, 11 = 274.14, 16; 357.12, 14, 15 = 276.18, 19, 20; 361.5 = 278.30; 363.8 = 280.27; 365.1, 5, 7, 13 = 282.16, 18, 20, 26; 369.1, 22, 25 = 286.3, 24, 27; 371.28 = 286.27, 288.7; 375.12, 17, 21, 22 = 292.2, 5, 7, 8; 383.20, 31, 34 = 298.19, 27, 30; 387.1, 5, 8, 16 = 302.16, 18, 21, 304.1; 389.28 = 306.16; 393.13, 20, 22, 23 = 310.13, 20, 21, 22; 395.31 =314.7; 397.8 = 314.20; 399.36 = 318.23; 401.1 = 318.23; 401.22, 31 = 320.12, 21; 403.7, 10, 11, 18, 27 = 322.5, 7, 8, 15, 24; 405.7 = 324.10; 407.19, 22, 27 = 326.25, 27, 328.3; 409.22, 28 = 330.3, 8; 411.20 = 332.4; 413.3, 5, 6, 14, 22, 32 = 332.21, 23, 24, 334.6, 15, 26; 415.8 = 336.6; 417.3, 31 = 338.8, 340.5; 419.17, 20, 22 = 342.2, 4, 6; 421.24, 36 = 344.13, 23; 423.29 = 346.23; 427.8, 11, 12, 17, 20 = 350.13, 16, 18, 23, 25; 429.2, 7, 29, 33 = 352.18, 24, 354.19, 21; 431.1, 11 = 354.23, 356.4; 433.31* = 360.1; 435.29 = 362.6; 437.1, 5, 7, 23, 32, 33 = 362.11, 14, 17, 364.14; 439.7, 9, 17 = 364.21, 366.2; 441.1, 4 = 366.25, 27; 445.4, 26 = 372.17, 374.11; 447.22, 26, 28, 31 = 376.10, 12, 15, 18; 449.11, 20, 22 = 378.7, 19. —I. (0). maniean \ . } : see manian. mamgean J metan, measure, compare: P. (3): Boeth. (2): 29.4 = 36.28; 72.12 = O.—Met. (1): 21.42 (or absolute?).— I. (0). midligan, hridk: P. (l):Greg. (1): 275.10 = 208.5. — I. (0). monian : see manian. myndgian, remind: P. (1) : Greg. (1) : 303.7 = 230.5 — I. (0). nemnan, name: P. (1): Bened. (1): 139.29 = 0.-1. (0). niman, take: P. (1): .• '• ', 264''; II. 80', 210*, 244", 270'' »• ', 362^ 554* », 564^ 566". — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): ^If. Int. (1): 17«- — Wulf. (1): 192.21. —I. (9): Mf. Horn. (5): 1. 132^ 492''; ("wesan"). 303 II. 204*, 458*, 538™. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (3) : .Elf. Int. (3) : 18, 145, 152. — Wvlf. (1) : 113.8. wafian, wonderat: P. (5) : Wcerf. (5) : 82.24 = 208 B»; 120.12 = B. 150 B; 172.22 = B. 198 C; 187.8 = 228 B; 240.24 = 293 C^. — I. (0). wanlan, reduce: P. (1): Loece. (1): 153.1. — I. (0). warnian, fake care: P. (0). — I. (9): Laws (1):444, Wifmannes Beweddung, c. 9. — Bened. (2): 25.18 = 50.15; 129.4 = 198.12. — ^Z/. Horn. (1): II. 536'. — A. S. Horn. & L. 8. II (4): 11.24, 62, 119; 12.90. — Wulf. (1): 147.9. wenan, expect, hope: P. (2): Boeth. (2): 39.9 = 42.62; 148.27 = 0.— I. (3): Boeth. (1): 37.30 = 42.43. — Solil. (1) : 65.25. — Ps. (1) : 77.10. weortSian [wurtS-], honor: P. (10) : Boeth. (3) : 72.27° = 0; 75.13 = 67.18; 75.14 = 0. —Greg. (1) : 181.20 = 136.6.— Ores. (1): 126.32 = 0. — Bi. Horn. (2): 161.6''; 197.5^— ^i/. L. S. (1): XXXI. 462. — Wulf. (2): 73.8''; 197.24°. —I. (0). weotan : see witan. wieman [-y-], forbid: P. (0). — I. (1): LoBce. (1): 100.37. wilnian, wish, desire: P. (2): Boeth. (1): 31.3 = 37.53. — TF(Er/. (1): 91.17*' = 216 A. — I. (2): Boeth. (2): 39.11 = 43.64; 110.25 = 95.128. witan [weotan], krum: P. (5): Bede (1): 76.10 = 54.23. — IFcBrf. (1): 329.4 = 396 C^. — Bl. Horn. (1) : 129.26.— A. S. Ham. & L. S. II (2) : 11.86; 12.140. —I. (46) : Bede (1) : 334.26 = 254.27. —GVeff. (8): 135.15 = 96.13; 151.8* = 108.18; 157.14 = 114.9; 269.19 = 204.1; 293.14 = 222.4; 306.18 = 234.16; 306.20 = 234.16; 459.6 = 392.4. — Laws (1): 442, Wifmannes Beweddung, Inscr., c. 2. — Wcerf. (6): 281.3 = 341 B'; 291.24 = 352 D; 323.25 = 389 C; 339.1 = 409 B'; 348.4 = 425 B; 349.18 = 428 B. — Bl. Horn. (2): 63.35; 209.19. —^«/. Ham. (4): 1. 110*; II. 292^ 546*, 608^. — ^If. L. S. (7): 424.155; 458.284; 460.307; 466.403; 470.464; XXV. 812; XXVII. 143. — ^Z/. Hept. (1): Pref. to Gen. 24.16. —^Ifric's Minor Prose (10): Mf. Gr. (10): 18.20; 31.15; 60.2; 75.4; 113.13; 118.18; 154.1; 179.6, 16; 198.4. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (3) : 11.49; 12.21, 33. — Wulf. (2): 201.23; 218.6. — Minor Prose (1): Neot (1): 196. wiSmeotan : see wiSmetan. wiSmetan [-meotan], compare: P. (5): Bede (1): 408.5 = 295.24. — J?J/. Ham. (4): I 596'';II. 230''. — I. (0). wuldrian, glanfy: P. (1): Bl. Ham. (1): 197.5''- — I. (0). wundrian [wynd-], wonder at, admire: P. (13): Bede (2): 178.11 = 145.23; 188.2 = 151.16. — Boeth. (2) : 72.27'' = 0; 104.4 = 88.12. — Oros. (2) : 34.31 = 0; 134.24 = 0. — Solil. (1) 12.24. — Waerf. (3): 67.31 = 197 A; 90.19 = 213 B^ 240.23 = 293 CK — Bl. Ham. (1) 33.12. — A. S. Ham. & L. S. II (1) : 18.322. — Minor Prose (1) : Alex. (1) : 26. — I. (1) Minor Prose (1): Nic. (1): 492.30. wyndrian : see wundrian. wyrcan, work, make: P. (2): Lwce. (2): 5.30; 70.28. —I. (0). wyman: see meman. yidan: see iddan. II. The Inpinitivb AcrrvE in Sense. Given in full in Chapter VII, pp. 102-104. B. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES FUTURITY. Given in full in Chapter VII, pp. 104-105. C. THE INFINITIVE DENOTES PURPOSE. Given in full in Chapter VII, pp. 105-106. 304 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. VIII. The Predicative Infinitive with Accusative Subject AS OBJECT. A. THE ACTIVE HSFINITIVE. Normally the infinitive is uninflected, but sporadically it is inflected. 1. Uninfected. seteawan, show, demonstrate (1) : Bede (1) : 84.2 = 59 4 afindan, find (1): A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (1): 9.364. alsetan, allow, permit (2) : Beow. (1) : 2666. — Dan. (1) : 591. andettan: see ondettan. bebeodan [bi-], command (16): Pr. Ps. (2): 41.9»; 43.6. — Ex. (6): 217*'''; 218*'^; 219'''''. — El. (1) : 980. — And. (7) : 729; 730; 773; 775"- *>; 777; 779. began [biegan], urge, force (1): Ps. (1): 143.14 (?). behealdan [bi-], hehold, see (1): M,f. Horn. (1): II. 32". bibeodan: see heheodan. biddan, bid, request, command (12): Bede (1): 6.13 = 16.3. — Cfcron. (1): 173*, 1048 E». — Mf. L. S. (3): 76.439, 440; 266.70. —Gen. (1): 2031. — Dan. (2): 359; 642. — El. (1): 1101. —Gu. (1): 1133. — And. (1): IGU. — Maldm (1): 170. bihealdan : see behealdan. cweSan, say (1): Wu^f. (1): 203.23 = 248 D. don, make, cause (14): Bede (1): 98.27'' = 81.29''- — Laws (1): 410, Judicium Dei IV, c. 4, § \.—mf. Horn. (9): 1.64"", 468"" i- 2- 3- <; II. 216", 296^ 442^ 600". — FttJ/. (2): 196.1, 2. — Ps. (1): 103.30. eowan, slwu) (1): Wcerf. (1): 200.14 = 244 C*. findan, find, discover (10): Oros. (1): 128.14 = 129.12. — Mf. Horn. (1): I. 452*. — L. (1): 19.32. — Bemv. (5) : 119; 1268; 1415; 2271; 3034. — Jul. (1) : 364. — Jud. (1) : 278. forbeodan, /orbid (1): Mat. (1): 19.14. ioiesecgasi, foretell, predict (1): Bede (1): 406.21 = 294.23. forlaetan, aUow, permit (53): Bede (1): 318.4 = 243.28. —Greg. (1): 467.11 = 404.1. —Oros. (1) : 212.17 = 213.22. — Solil. (3) : 5.6; 21.22; 62.27. — Chron. (1) : 5*, Intr. E. — Wwrf. (1): 294.5 = 356 AK — Bl. Horn. (6): 59.29; 75.26; 87.14; 127.22; 227.21; 249.15.— Mart. (1) : 156.21. — Mf. Hom. (4) : II. 192* ", 194*, 396'' i- ^. — Mf. L. S. (6) : 144.429; XXIII B. 389, 703; XXXI. 1062; XXXIII. 304; XXXIV. 355.— Mf. Hept. (1) : Jvdges 3.21.— ^If. Minor Prose (1) : Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.38*. — A. S. Hom. & L.S.I (1): 9.101. — Wulf. (5): 232.17; 254.21; 256.4»■^ 5. — Beow. (1): 3167.— Gen. (2): 1406; 1450. — .EZ. (2): 598; 794. — Jm. (1): 489.— Gu. (1): 1148. — And. (2): 836; 1589. — Rid. (2) : 39.4»- ^. — Ps. (1) : 124.3. — D.R.il): 62. — F.I.(1): 75. — Mal- don (3) : 150; 156; 322. — Prayers (1) : IV. 49. —S.&S. (1) : 456. — ScMpf. (1) : 101. geacsian [geaxian], learn hy asking (4) : BI. Ham. (2) : 109.2'' '' — Wulf. (2) : 2.2, 5. geaxian : see geacsian. gecySan, make knovm (1): Wcerf. (1): 137.7 = B. 166 A. gedon, make, caiise (2): BI. Hom. (1): 239.16. —^Z/. L. S. (1): XXXIII. 316. gefelan, feel, perceive (2): Bede (1): 166.32 = 130.30. — Wxrf. (1): 236.1 = 288 B. gefricgan: see gefrignan. gefrignan [gefricgan], learn by inquiry, hear (41): Beow. (9): 1012; 1029; 1970; 2485; 2695; 2754"- "; 2773; 2775.— Gen. (5): 1961; 2060; 2242; 2483; 2540. — Ex. (3): 7; 99; 286.— Dan. (6): 1; 2; 3; 57; 459; 739. — Chr. (1): 79. — And. (1): 1706. — i?id. (5): 46.1, 2«- "• <=; 49.1. — Jud. (4) : 8; 9; 247; 249. — Har. (1) : 161. — FaUm Angels (1) : 226. — Finns. (2) : 40; 4:1.—S.&S. (2) : 179; 181. — Wids. (1) : 10. gehatan, promise (4): Bede (3): 122.34 = 99.25; 316.29 = 243.22; 394.27 = 287.15. — ^if. L.S. (1): XXIII B. 693. •' gehawian, see (1) : Wcerf. (1) : 250.26 = 305 C. geheran: see gehieran. gehieran [-e-, -y-], hear (53): Bede (11): 156.21 = 130.19; 174.17=143.22; 212 9».I>_ 164.31; 264.21 = 208.22; 264.28 = 208.29; 322.3 = 245.28; 352.10'-'' = 264.7, 8: 400 is ~ 290.8; 470.17 = 346.3. - Wcerf. (3): 117.22 = B. 148 A'; 153.22 = B. 180 B- 320 o ° 39&D.—BI. Hom. (4): 15.15; 19.18; 73.36; 75.1. - Pr. Gm. (1): XX. 74 -IJ;/ THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 305 Horn. (4): I. 142^ SW", 420™; II. 518*'.— ^Z/. L. S. (2): XXXI. 80, 1597. — Mk. (1): 14.58. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (3): 10.371; 15.297 = 217.337; 18.381. — Minor Prose (5): Chad (5): 103; 105; 111; 142; 145. — J5eow. (2): 786; 787.— Gen. (3): 508^- '' ; 2409. — Chr. (2) : 797; 798. — El. (2) : 443"- ^. — Ju. (2) : 609; 629. — Ps. (1) : ei.lV. — Met. (2): 9.15; 1Z.A7 .— Fallen Angels (1): 134. —Fates of Avosaesil): 24. — H. L. (1): 22. —S. & S. (2): 425"' •>. gehihtan : see gehyhtan. gehyhtan [-i-], hope (1): ^Z/, L. S. (1): XXIII B. 557. gehyran : see gehieran. gelefan : see gdiefan. geliefan [-e-, -y-], believe (1): Wo^f. (1): 207.25 = 253 B. gelyfan: see geliefan. gemetan, meet, find (26): Bede (2): 386.3 = 282.5; 398.19 = 289.12. — Boeift. (1): 61.18 = 58.7.— Oreg. (1): 415.23 = 336.22. — C/iron. (1): 124^ 982 C. — Woerf- (6): 99.23 = B. 130 B; 124.11 = B. 164 O; 156.10 = B. 182 B^; 206.6 = 252 A*; 330.3*' '' = 397 B^'K-Bl. Ham. (2): 237.18; 239.23. — Pr. Gu. (1):XX. m. — Mart. (1): 112.5.— Mlf. E, 17*' ''; 187.34; 191.23; 199.19^ 26; 217.21; 227.24; 237.23; 239.21; 245.17. — P>-. Gu. (11): II. 55, 56, 57; V. 181, 196, 198, 273; VIII. 4; IX. 8; XI. 17; XXI. 23. — Mart. (18): 2.13, 15; 8.1; 16.25; 24.16, 18; 38.2r> ^■, 56.9, 10, 19; 70.15; 82.11; 84.11; 96.9; 158.21; 168.20; 172.5.— Mf. Horn. (29) : 1. 42^, 48* ^ 48*' \ 68*, 72* ^- \ 72'', 74^ \ 238°', 310* !■ «, 330"", 422"", 562* ^, 578*', 584'' i- 2- 3.4; II. 28'', 150^ 272"", 304', 468*, 468"", 514', 516* "'S 518^.— JElf. L. S. (20): 64.242; 80.503; 184.250; 394.164; 518.508; XXIII B. 174, 180, 401, 773; XXVI. 156; XXVII. 92; XXXI. 357, 682, 1091, 1184, 1314, 1315, 1364; XXXIII. 303; XXXIV. 272.— JElf. Hept. (10); Gm. 28.12"; 37.25; 41.2, 3, 5; — .&a;. 2.13; 20.18; 23.5; — Jos. 5.13; 8.20. — .^Ifric's Minor Prose (2) : Mf. Gr. (1) : 150.16; Najrier's Ad. to Th. (1) : 102.34''. — Gosp. (16) : Mat. (1) : 20.3; — Mk. (5): 5.15; 7.2; 13.14; 14.62"; 16.14;.— L. (3): 21.1, 2; 24.39; — /. (7): 5.6, 19; 6.19; 20.5, ■6, 12; 21.9. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (3): 2.115; 3.476; 5.134. — A. S. Horn. & L. 8. II (7): 10.228; 13.127; 15.129, 130 = 211.116, 117; 15.207; 18.361, 376. — Wulf. (4) : 140.12; 187.11"'''; 199.14. — Minor Prose (7): Alex. (2): 255, %43,; — Apol. (3): 18.19; 24.15, 3&; — Chad (1): •214; — Nic. (1) : 504.30. — Beow. (18) : 222; 729; 1348; 1426; 1427; 1517; 1586; 1662; 2545; 2546; 2605; 2758; 2760; 2767; 2824; 3040; 3128; 3129. -Gen. (13): 109; 134; 548; 669; 773; 1321; 1822; 2088; 2403; 2578; 2778; 2877; 2927. — Ex. (7): 104; 156; 157"' ''; 160"'''; 571. — Dan. (8) : 22; 23; 24; 545; 553; 602; 603; 727. — Chr. (10) : 498; 507; 513; 522; 741; 925; 1129; 1249; 1253; 1291.— .Bi. (5): 244"' i-; 245; 246; 1111.— G«. (2): 28"•^ — ^nd. (9): 495; 849; 882; 993; 1006; 1448; 1494; 1502; 1691. — Bid; (6): 30.2; 37.1; 57.2; 69.1; 75.1; 76 1 — Jvd. (1) : 137. — Ps. (1) : 127.7. — D. R. (6) : 5; 15; 22; 34; 36; 52. — Fates of Men (1)' 47 — Hoi. (2): 51; 53.— S. & S. (2): 235^' ^.— Versuchung (1): 51. — Wald. A. (3): 15"' ''; 16. — Wand. (3) : 47"- •>; 48. getreowan : see getriewan. 306 STATISTICS OP THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. getriewan, irwsi, ^iope (I): Bede (1): 190.30 = 153.14. o /ov getSafian, allow (4): Bl. Horn. (1): 45.19. — /Ei/. Horn. (1): II. 92*. — ^J/- i^- *• W- 108.323, 324. getSolian [gi-], allow (1) : Laws (1) : 412, Judicium Dei V, c. 2, § 4*'. geunnan, grant (1) : .Sllfric's Minor Prose (1) : ^If. Mthdw. (1) : 53. gewitan, perceive, observe (1) : And. (1) : 802*. gitSolian : see geSolian. habban, have (1): Mlf. Horn. (1): II. 440". hatan, command, order (448): Bede (26): 34.25"- "^ = 18.25; 58.9 = 45.17; 58.20 = 45.29; 58.28 =46.5; 118.8, 9 = 94.22; 138.1P''' = 113.19'-''; 186.4*''' = 150.6, 7; 232.8 = 176.1; 260.32 = 206.27; 266.2 = 209.5; 320.3, 4 = 244.31; 340.23 = 257.28; 350.30 = 263.27; 366.17 = 271.24; 388.24 = 283.31; 388.28 = 284.3; 388.31 = 0; 392.28 = 286.8; 398.8 = 288.27*'; 438.2 = 311.16; 462.19 = 329.5. — Boe«;i. (2): 36.21 = 41.26; 136.26 = 116.39. — Greff. (1): 279.19 = 210.26. — Oros. (9): 3.13=0; 68.23 = 0; 80.30 = 0; 202.2"-'' = 201.32, 33; 202.8 = 203.1; 212.6 = 213.10; 222.3 = 0; 280.12 = 281.13. — Solil. (1) : 49.1 = 0. — Chron. (9) : 12', 449 A"; 22"', 616 A"- 1'; 104', 923 A"*- «• '; 121'', 975 D; 130", 995 F'; 130'', 995 F^. _ Wcerf. (12): 2.7 = 0; 10.4 = 0; 34.22 = 172 B'; 58.13 = 189 O; 58.17 = 189 C; 69.3 = 189 D; 80.13 = 206 C; 144.20 = B. 172 A^; 175.18 = B. 202 A"; 297.9"-'' = 360 A'- 2; 337.37 = 408 A. — Bened. (1): 70.18 = 134.7. — Bi. Horn. (10): 21.30; 41.34; 139.13; 173.11; 181.5; 217.26; 219.16"-''; 229.15; 247.26. — MaH. (25): 24.29; 32.5; 58.14, 15; 80.1"-''; 82.6"; 94.3; 96.14; 108.19, 20, 26; 114.20"-''; 118.9; 120.4; 132.8"; 136.16; 166.15''; 170.13; 184.23"-''; 214.10; 216.23, 24.— Mf. Horn. (61): I. 28*, 58* 234"", 460'' \ 460^ 466", 526'' '■ '; II. 32* \ 32^ 36*, 66* i- ', 106"", 136* 1- 2- », 146^ 162*, 168^ », 170'' s, 178* 2, 178", 178'' ", ISO*" 2- », 190'', 196*, 196", 198^ 234b 1. 2^ 242'' 1- 2, 244* 2, 246'' i- 2, 248", 304'' «, 310'' * 330*, 338*, 346* >- 2, 384" >- 2, 388'' \ 390^ 398^ 416*, 440*, 470'', 474'' »• 2, 476^ 486* 2, 500'' 2, 510'', 516" i- % 548''. —^Z/. L. S. (94): 38.215; 46.361; 64.235; 78.465, 474; 84.577; 94.66; 96.112; 98.142; 104.230; 108.329; 114.409; 116.14; 146.464"- ^ 467; 148.13; 190.357"- ^ 360; 194.411; 234.241, 242, 246"''; 236.268; 240.15; 302.277; 308.24; 310.56; 314.104"- ''• "; 320.12, 13, 16, 17; 344.127", 128; 354.262; 388.72; 390.96; 392.145; 394.163"-''; 406.375"-''; 462.342; 606.308; XXIV. 16, 62"- ^ 170'', 174; XXV. 21, 23, 136, 217, 218"- ^ 689, 792, 848; XXVIII. 41, 56"- H 65, 106; XXIX. 79; XXX. 410; XXXI. 214, 538, 541, 554, 632, 914, 931, 1044, 1110, 1133, 1156"''; XXXII. 52; XXXrV. 59, 86, 222, 223, 352; XXXV. 172", 277, 308, 309; XXXVI. 229; XXXVII. 122. — Mlf. Hept. (21): De V. T. 8.30, 38; Gen. 15.5; 22.6; — Ex. 7.25; 14.6"; 32.6"-'';— Num. 13.28; 25.4; 31.17; — Jos. 1.11"; 4.3; 8.4"-''; 23.2; — Judges 4.22''; 7.16"-"; 16.21, 26.— iElfric's Minor Prose (11): Mf. Gr. (3): 125.3"-''; 227.8; — Mlf. Int. (3): 493, 494"-'';— Na- jner's Ad. to Th. (5): 101.321*2 (or objective?), 321''; 102.36, 37'' 1 (?), 38*2.— Gosp. (9): Mat. (8): 8.18; 14.19, 22"-'', 28; 20.28"- "i; 22.34; — ilfft. (1): 8.6. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (13): 1.123, 124, 241, 253", 257; 2.84; 8.129; 9.19, 266, 267, 268, 291, 303. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (5): 10.217; 15.49; 16.274, 280; 18.101. — Wulf. (3): 2.19; 236.16; 287.24. — Loece. (3) 65.26"- ''; 126.9. — Minor Prose (22): Alex. (13): 186; 187; 212"-''; 237; 253; 276; 388; 485 495''; 496"- *>(?) ; 558; — Apol. (3) : 18.14 = 37"; 26.2'' = 43''; 33.13 = 50"; — Nic. (6) : 472.1 13; 476.22; 478.21; 480.3; 510.32. — Beow. (8): 69; 71; 296; 1045; 1869"- ''; 2802; 2812.— Gen. (28): 39; 45; 122; 145; 158; 346"- ''; 517; 525; 537"- ''; 638; 830; 832; 866; 942; 943; 1047; 2040; 2228; 2234; 2370; 2506"-''; 2508; 2783; 2785; 2799. — Ex. (3): 66; 177; 254. — Dan, (4): 79; 431; 615; 516. — Az. (1): 183. — Chr. (8): 295; 297; 888; 1024; 1026; 1227; 1342 1343. — El. (4) : 215; 216; 999; 1006. — Ju. (6) : 60; 76"- ''; 77"- ''; 523. — Gu. (1) : 676. — And. (16): 330; 366; 366; 367; 7192; 795; 796; 809; 810; 822; 824; 931; 1467; 1676"- ''; 1623. — Rid. (4): 7.6; 41.8, 39; 91.11.— Jud. (6): 54; 149; 150; 173; 174. — Met. (1): 1.71. — Ps. (7) 77.25"- \ 68; 80.12; 104.34, 36; 118.4. — Bar. (3) : 166; 158; 237. — Creed (1) : 32. — D. R. (1): 31.— Gnomic Sayings (1): 166 (Ex.). — Maldon (7): 2; 3"-''; 4; 62"- ''; 74. — F. C. (1):27. heran : see hieran. hieran [-e-, -y-], hear (13): Bede (1): 190.1 = 162.15. — Chron. (1): 258", 1127 E". — Beow. (3): 1346; 1843; 2023. — El. (2): 241; 540.— /m. (1): l. — Met. (1): 8.32. — Cal. (1): 102. — Panther (3): 9; 11"- ''. hyran: see hieran. Iseran, teach (4): Bede (1): 460.3 = 326.27.-4. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2): 14.108"-'' — L (1): 11.1. laetan-, allow, permit (occasionally cause) (414) : Bede (2) : 156.30 = 130.28; 256.29 = 204 4 — Boeth. (14): 6.10 = 0; 8.23 = 5.39; 23.7 = 33.31; 23.9 = 0; 26.7 = 34.83; 49.27 = 0; 49.36 THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH ACCUSATIVE SUBJECT. 307 = 0; 72.19 = 65.17; SS.SS**- <= = 0; 104.2 = 88.11; 117.6 = 100.4; 123.27 = 104.137; 136.9 = 0. — Greg. (17): 65.14 = 0; 139.8 = 100.4; 139.13 = 100.9; 139.25 = 100.20; 141.1 = 100.25; 171.1 = 124.24; 193.25 = 144.29; 279.14 = 210.22; 283.14 = 214.11; 287.12 = 216.26; 289.2 = 218.9; 306.9 = 234.6; 321.13 = 248.6; 327.6 = 252.12; 457.13 = 390.3; 457.23 = 390.15; 469.5 = Q.—Oros. (3): 126.15 = 0; 168.24 = 0; 290.23 = O.—Solil. (5): 14.2; 48.19; 53.16; 59.23; 67.10. — Pr. Ps. (8) : 15.10"' ^■, 29.1 = 29.2; 30.21 = 30.20; 35.11 = 35.12; 37. Intr. = 0; 41.11 = 41.10; 42.2. — CAron. (9): 133*, 999 E; 139*, 1009 E»; 161^ 1038 D; 163^ 1043 D; 164^ 1046 C''; 199", 1066 D; 216"", 1085 E"; 241", 1106 E; 256'', 1127 E''. — Laws (4): 160, II jEthelstan, c. 20, § 6; 236, V ^thelred, c. 1, § 1; 270, X ^thelred, c. 2; 464, Gerefa, c. 7. — Woerf. (10): 24.13 = 164 C; 132.29 = B. 162 B; 188.21 = 229 B'; 206.1 = 252 A'; 234.3«''' = 285 B; 239.20*' •> = 292 C; 276.3 = 336 C; 289.26 = 349 D. — Bened. (1) : 120.8 = 186.13. — Bl. Horn. (10): 23.15; 51.3; 67.31; 69.11, 17; 75.31; 159.17"- *>; 181.33, 34. — Pr. Gu. (2): V. 153"' *». — Mart. (2) : 8.3; 10.25. — Mlf. Horn. (17) : 1. 10", 12*- '• ", 20", 276*, 292'' ^, 406^ ^ 522''; II. 208^ 358'' 2, 408*, 416''=, 426^ 466', 486", 508'', 594*. — ^i/. L. S. (34): 18.147; 20.173; 70.353, 354; 120.80; 130.231, 232"- •', 233, 234; 176.113, 114; 250.187; 348.167, 168, 176, 177; 402.290; 530.681; XXVII. 72; XXVIII. 112; XXX. 134, 433, 442; XXXI. 387, 1004, 1452; XXXIII. 120, 293; XXXIV. 70; XXXV. 265, 275; XXXVI. 192; XXXVII. 48. — Mf.Hept. (24): De N. T. 17.10; — Gm. 30.25; 38.16; 44.33; 45.24;— .Bx. 5.17"'''; 6.10, 27; 7.13;8.15;9.24; 14.5«; 22.18; 23.11; — iew. 1.15; 19.29; 23.10;— Num. II. 2i; — Dmt. 15.13; Jos. 2.18; 7.3; Judges 4.18»; 7.2. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.39.— Gosp. (13): Mat. (2): 8.22; 13.30"; — ilffc. (4): 1.34; 5.37; 7.12; 10.14; — L. (5): 8.51; 9.60, 61; 10.40; 18.16; — X (2): 11.44; 18.8. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (1): 8.233.— A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (5) : 15.67"- ^ 68 = 209.56, 57; 15.97 = 0; 15.176 = 213.172. — Wvlf. (12): 10.7, 8; 14.3"- ^ 12; 84.11"-''; 185.14; 213.30; 224.16; 272.24"- ''. — Lcece. (96): 6.31, 36; 7.5; 8.26, 36; 11.1, 4, 16, 23; 12.2, 6, 16; 13.2"-''; 14.20; 16.31; 21.3, 9; 23.20; 24.14; 27.21; 31.7; 32.18, 22; 33.28, 29; 35.36; 36.18, 31; 37.1; 38.8; 41.1", 37; 43.27; 54.16; 57.31; 61.15; 61.20"; 62.20; 65.36; 72.19; 79.42; 81.6, 16, 18, 30; 82.10; 86.19; 87.26; 94.29; 95.7; 95.25; 97.22; 99.23", 30; 100.2; 101.18; 102.27, 34"; 104.1; 105.7, 34; 106.1, 3; 108.3, 11, 13; 121.7, 13; 122.1; 127.19, 20, 34; 128.12, 19; 129.9, 22", 27", 29; 130.5; 131.8, 19; 135.22; 136.8, 15, 26; 138.5; 140.5; 141.21; 142.7; 144.30; 145.5, 21; 146.26; 150.15; 151.22. — Minor Prose (6) : Apol. (1): 25.13; — Cato (2): 38, 69; — C/iad (Anhang) (1):21; Nic. (2): 480.18, 490.27. — Bemi). (16): 48; 397; 864; 865; 1490; 1728; 1996; 2389; 2390; 2551; 2980; 3082; 3083; 3084; 3132; 3133. -Gen. (19) : 239; 253; 258; 438"; 955; 1198; 1349; 1373; 1375", 1441; 2111; 2112"- '"; 2130; 2167; 2231; 2471; 2664; 2796. — 2>are. (2): 683; 722. — CAr. (3): 159; 344; 1596.— El. (3): 237; 253; 820. — Jw. (3): 200; 275; 622.— (?u. (7): 336; 491; 749; 921; 924; 1029; 1030. — And. (9): 832; 833; 957; 1099; 1181; 1293; 1295; 1331; 1503. — iJti. (10): 4.39; 4.46^ 56; 14.11"; 21.14; 35.8, 9"-''-"; 51.10. — Jud. (1): 221. — Met. (4): 1.67; 4.50; 5.31; 11.80. — Ps. (6): 65.8; 77.21, 46; 104.12; 118.126; 140.4. — Brun. (2): 60; 63. — fa<«s 0/ Apostles (1): %5. — Faies of Men (1): 83. — F. /. (3): 72; 83; 85.— ffar. (2): 42; 78.— Hoi. (1): 125.— .ff. L. (2): 23; 24. — L. P. (5): I. 9; III. 104, 105"-''; 112. — Maldon (3): 7; 109; 140. — Prayers (5): III. 56, 57, 58; IV. 44, 52. — Ruin (1): 43. — S. & S. (2): 100; 130. — Song of Runes (1) : 33. — Spint of Men (4) : 11; 38; 41; 42. — Wald. A. (2) : 7"- ''. niedan [-y-], compel, force (1) : Mk. (1) : 6.45. nydan : see niedan. ofseon, see (l):Mf. Horn. (1): II. 508". ondettan, confess, declare (1): Bede (1): 84.17 = 59.16. onfindan, find (1): Beow. (1): 2842. ongietan, understand, perceive (7): Bede (2): 178.32 = 146.12; 266.27 = 209.30. — Wcerf. (4): 74.20 = 201 B5; 130.6 = B. 160 A'; 139.14 = B. 139 C; 285.1 = 345 B. — Beow. (1): 1432. sceawian, see (2): Wterf. (2): 206.27"-'' = 252 C. secgan, say, relate (3): Bede (2): 340.20, 22 = 257.24, 27. — L. (1): 24.23. seen, see (14): Mart. (3): 2.18, 19; 144.4. — Rid. (11): 20.3; 32.3; 33.3, 4"-''; 43.2; 52.2; 54.1; 60.2; 65.1, 2. tali(g)an, consider, account (2) : Minor Prose (2) : Alex. (2) : 39"' - teUan,teH, consider (1): Bede (1): 82.4 = 57.29. todselan, distribuie (2): Oros. (2): 46.16, 17 = 47.16, 17 (but the infinitive phrase is probably used absolutely; hence I have put these, also, in Chap. XII). wenan, hope, expect (3) : Bede (1) : 430.24 = 308.4. — Warf. (1) : 181.25 = 220 B^ — Mf. Horn. (1): I. 590^. 308 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. witan, know (10): Bede (2): 36.17 = 19.19; 408.21 = 296.13. — £cBce. (1): 105.32. — /"•(1) = 92. —Ou. (1): 1312. — And. (1): 183. — Rid. (3): 50.1; 55.2; 59.1. — Wids. (1): 102. 2. Inflected. Given in full in Chapter VIII, pp. 118-119. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. bebeodan, command (2): Bede (2): 14.13 = 0; 172.9 = 142.8''. biddan, request (1): Bede (1): 38.31 = 21.1. cwetSan, say, maintain (1): Bede (1): 64.24 = 49.1. don, make, cause (1) : Wid}. (1) : 196.2. forlsetan, oLlov) (2): Bl. Horn. (1): 33.11. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 18.237. gef elan, /eeJ, perceive (1): Bede (1): 378.24 = 278.14. gefeon [and blissian], rejmce (2): Bede (2): 470.24, 25 = 346.12*' ^. gehieran [-i-, -y-], hear (2): Bede (1): 310.4 = 238.28. — Minor Prose (1): — Chad (1): 112. geleomian, learn (1): Bede (1): 90.16 = 70.13. geliefan [-e-, -y-], helieoe (1): Bede (1): 208.1 = 162.10. gemetan, meet, find (2) : Bede (1) : 354.17 = 265.10. — Wcerf. (1) : 68.24 = 197 B'. gemunan, remember (3): Bede (3): 440.24, 25, 26 = 313.11, 12, 13. geomrian, lament (1): Bede (1): 88.15 = 61.23. geseon, see (16) : Bede (9) : 24.4 = 311.1. ; 34.17 = 18.16; 80.33 = 57.23; 340.12 = 257.16; 386.9 = 282.11; 440.21 = 313.9; 444.2 = 314.17; 444.3 = 314.19; 444.8 = 314.24. — Tr(E)/. (6): 171.22 = B. 198 B'; 204.24, 25 = 249.Bi' 2; 272.15 = 332 C'; 319.17 = 385 A; 335.23 = 404B2. — Mart. (1): 186.9. hatan, command (2): Bede (1): 18.2 = 204.11. — Wcerf. (1): 194.18 = 237 B'. latan, aUow (7): Wcerf. (1): 294.6 = 356 K^.—Mf. L. S. (2): 250.215; XXX. 443. — Mk. (1): 7.27». — LcBce. (1): 101.12. —Gew. (1): 2194.— Gm. (1): 1235. ongietan, undersUmd (3): Bede (2): 330.16 = 252.3; 340.15 = 257.19. —^i/. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 485. secgan, say, relate (1): Bede (1): 398.15 = 289.7. tweog(e)an [twyg(e)an], doubt (2): Bede (2): 190.22=- •• = 153.5, 6. twyg(e)an : see tv)eog(e)an. willan, loish, desire (1): Bede (1): 322.21 = 246.10. AS SUBJECT. Given in full, both active and passive, in Chapter VIII, pp. 124-125. IX. The Predicative Infinitive with Dative Subject. See Chapter IX, pp. 127 £f. X. The Final Infinitive.^ A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. 1. With Active Finite Verb. The infinitive is found both uninflected and inflected. abiddan, request: U. (1) : — ondrincan, drink (1) : — Bede (1) : 392.32 = 286.13. — I. (0). aecan : see iecan. seteawan : see ceteowan. seteowan [-ea-], show, appear: U. (0).— I. (4): Bede (1): 270.4 = 211.10. — Bi. Horn. (2): 235.4, 24. — JElf. Horn. (1) : I. 230*'. atwindan, escape, fly away: U. (0). — I. (1) : ^Slf. Horn. (1) : I. 84'" '. ' In this section, besides the finite verb (the initial word) I give the infinitive when uninflected, but not when inflected. THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 309 afaran, travel, go: U. (0). — I. (1): Greg. (1): 385.9 = 300.16. agi(e)fan [-y-], give: U. (0). — I. (1): Jud. (1): 131. agyfan: see agHe)fan. alaedan, lead away: U. (0). — I. {V): Mlf. Hept. (1): De N. T. 21.20. alefan: see alieSan. aHefan [-e-, -y-], aOm): U. (0). — I. (1): TFcer/. (1): 254.9 = 309 C» (or objective?). aliesan [-e-, -y-], reieose; U. (1) : — gemunan, remewfeer (1) : L. (1): 1.72^ — 1. (1): L. (1): 1.72». alyfan: see aliefan. alysan : see aliesan. araecan, reach, hand: U. (0). — I. (1) : Mf. Horn. (1) : I. 88' '. araeran, disseminate: U. (0). —I. (1): JElf. L. S. (1): XXXV. 111. arisan, arise: V. (2) : — neosan [-io-], visit (1) : And. (1) : 830. sitSi(ge)an, go (1) : And. (1): 829. — 1. (6): Pr. Ps. (1): 26.4 = 26.3. — Wc^. (3): 201.23 = 245 B'; 227.4 = 277 B; 240.3 = 293 AK — Bened. (1): 40.11 = 74.19. — ^if. L. S. (1): 456.233. asendan, send: U. (1): — drincan, drink (1): ^If. Hept. (1): Judges 15.18. — I. (13): .^If. Horn. (6) : 1. 388"", 402''; II. 74* ", 74*' ", 372* 2, 452*. — ^If. Hept. (2) : De N. T. 19.36; — Job YlV.—jElf. L. S. (4): 104.236; 400.266; XXXVI. 20, 35. — Mk. (1): 3.14. astigan, ascmd: U. (0). — I. (2):^lf. Horn. (1): II. 388*. — ^?f. L. S. (1): 284.13. aweccan, bring to life: V. (0). —1. {I): Greg. (1): 443.10 = 370.14. awendan, translate: U. (0). — I. (1): ^If. Horn. (1): II. 2*. beciepan [-y-], sell: U. (0). —I. (1): ^If. Hept. (1): Ex. 21.7. becuman, come: U. (2): — fremman, perform (1): Ermahnung (1): 53. neos(i)an [nios(i)an], visU: (1) : Beow. (1) : 2366. —I. (3) : Bede (3) : 22.26 = 296.3; 486.8*' *> = 8.10*' ^. becypan : see beciepan. hefsesta.n,mirust,commit:V.(0). — I. (9): Ckron. (1): 80™, 886 A. — TFcer/'. (3) : 111.3^ 4» = B. 140 O; 254.1 = 309 C^ — ^If. Horn. (1) : II. 554* >. — Mlf. L. S. (1) : XXXVI. 76. — A. S. Horn. &L.S. II (2): 10.453; 15.16 = 0. — Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1) : 32.4 = 49*. belsefan, leave: U. (0). — I. iX):Mlf. Hom. (1): II. 90* K beodan, commit, entrust, offer: U. (1) : — drincan, drink (1) : ^If. Horn.. (1) : II. 254™- — I. (1): Bede (1): 114.19 = 92.22. beran, bear: U. (2): —drincan, drink (2): Bede (1): 396.8 = 287.26.— ^If. Hom. (1): II. 180*. — I. (8) : Bede (1) : 440.2'' = 312.16". — Wcerf. (2) : 128.11 = B. 158 C; 186.24 = 228 A. — BI. Hom. (1): 189.8. — Mf. Hom. (4): I. 60*, 66™, 512''; II. eO*". betaecan, entrust, commit: U. (0). — I. (16): Oros. (2): 292.28^ = 293.28; 296.2 = 297.4.— Chron. (4): 127', 992 E: 157^ 1023 C*; 253*, 1123 E^' e. _ Bened. (1): 90.2 = 158.2. — Mf. Hom. (1): II. 380^.-^2/. L. S. (5): 118.33; 152.67; 484.222; XXXVI. 50, 105. — Mf. Hept. (1): Gen. 39.4. — A. S. Hom. & L. S. I (2): 8.294; 9.383. beStirfan, need: U. (0). — I. (1): Boeth. (1): 97.1 = 83.30. biddan, request: U. (2): — drincan, drink (2): ^Z/. Hept. (1): Judges 4.19. — J. (1): 4.9. — I. (0). bi(e)gan, bend, turn: U. (0). — I. (2): Woerf. (2): 218.4"''' = 265 B. bindan, Mnd: V. (0). — I. (1): Mat. (1): 13.30^ brecanhine, retch: U. (0). — I. (4): Chron. (1): 135™, 1003 B. — Loece. (3): 51.22; 53.2; 81.8. bringan, bring: V. (0). — I. (6): Bede (3): 108.16 = 0; 294.21 = 226.4; 366.24 = 0. — Woerf. (1): 11.16 = 153 C\ — ^lf. Hept. (2): Gen. 4:3.21; — Lev. 1.3. cuman, come: U. (35) : — acsian, ask (1) : Gen. (1) : 2453. asyndrian, separate (1) : Mat. (1) : 10.35. biddan, ask, request (1) : Wcsrf. (1) : 251.9 = 308 A^^. clypian, caU (1) : L. (1) : 5.32. don, make (1) : L. (1) : 19.10''. geci(e)gan, caU (1) : Minor Prose (1) : Chad (1) : 148. gefon, seize (1) : ^If. L. S.(l): XXX. 49''. gefyUan, fulJiU (1): Mat. (1): 5.17°. gehuntian, hunt (1): ^If. L. S. (1): XXX. 49='. gretan, greet (3) : Beow. (2) : 1646; 2010. — Gm. (1) : 2104. laedan, lead, bring (2) : Beow. (1) : 239 (or predicative?). — Gen. (1): 1774 (or predicative?). metan, measure, lay out (1): Ex. (1): 92. neosan [neos(i)an, niosian], visit (7): Bede (1): 296.10 = 226.24. — Beow. (2) : 2074; 2671. — Ex. (1) : 474. — Gu. (.1): 321. — El. (1) : 152. — And. (1) : 1389. raeran, raise (1): Gu. (1): 157. sceawian, see, examine (1): Gen. (l): 1679. scyJJfSan [scetStSan], injure (1) : And. (1) : 1047. sec(e)an, seek (3) : L. (1) : 19.10*. — Beow. (2) : 268; 1597. secgan, say (1) : Gen. (1) : 438'". sendan, send (1): L. (1): 12.51. stenan [stsenan], adorn (1): El. (1): 161. styran [-ie-]. 310 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. restrain (1): Ex. (1): 416 (or predicative?). towurpan [-weorpan], destroy (2): Mat. (2): S.!?*'*". ymsnitSan, cirmmeise (1): L. (1): 1.59. — I. (80): Bede (8): 22.18 = 292.9; 96.8 = 79.30; 158.28 = 132.19; 158.31 = 132.25; 208.21 = 163.4; 220.13 = 169.15; 388.10 = 283.15; 422.14 = 303.17. —GVeff. (4): 185.17 = 138.19; 187.7 = 140.1; 307.17^- " = 236.6, 7. — Pr. Ps. (1): 41.9''. — CAron. (4): 12^ 448 P''*'; 18*, 565 A; 238", 1103 E. — Laws (3) : 42, .Elfred, Intr., c. 49''- "• ^. — TT^er/. (5) : 46.2 = 180 B'; 113.16 = B. 144 B; 235.2 = 285 C^; 236.24 = 288 C; 343.30 = 418 C. — Bl. Horn., (3): 11.3; 71.26; 113.19. — Jlf art. (1): 72.19.— ^If. Horn. (15): I. 142'"', 320* ''S 548^ 582' »• 2; II. 12°, 236'', 388"", 454", 470'' ', 578*, 586', 596^ 598*. -^i/. L. S. (3): XXIII B. 625; XXIV. 182; XXIX. ii. — ^lf. Hept. (5): De N. T. 13.43;— Gen. 42.12; — Sa;. 2.16; — Num. 22.6; — Job XI. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.45. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (4): 1.78; 4.11, 92, 156. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 18.222.— Gosp. (16): Mat. (9): 2.2; 8.29; 9.13; 10.34»' 2; 12.42; 18.11; 20.13; 26.55; — Mk. (3): 1.24; 14.8; 15.36''; — L. (2): 4.34; 11.31; — /. (2): 9.39; 12.47. — Wulf. (4): 201.26; 219.26; 222.22; 294.11. -Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 30.34 = 47''. — P«. (1): 97.8''. cytSan, make known (1): U. (0). — I. (1): Bl. Ham. (1): 205.32. don, do, make, put: U. (0). — I. (6): Bede (1): 330.30 = 262.19. — C^sron. (2): 256^ 1127 E<=' ^. — mf. Horn. (1) : II. 450^ i. — ^If. L. S. (1) : XXVI. 202. — mf. Hept. (1) : Job VIP. efstan, hasten: U. (2): — sec(e)an, seek (1); Beow. (1): SIOS*". seon, see (1): Beow. (1): 3103^ — I. (6): Bede (2): 376.6*- '' = 276.25. — J?i/. Horn. (1): II. ISOP'K-Mf. L. S. (3): 312.91 = 312.90; XXIII. B. 784; XXXV. 221. eowian, show, expose: U. (0). — I. (2) : Greg. (1) : 277.17 = 210.2. — Mf. L. S. (1) : 522.568. faran, go: U. (5) : — cunnian, try, test (1) : iEKric's Minor Prose (1) : Napier's Ad. to Th. (1) : 102.36'' 5. fandian, try (1): Mf. Horn. (1): II. 372'' ». huntian, hunt (1): ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1) : JElf. Or. (1) : 134.12''- lufian, love (1) : .ffillfric's Minor Prose (1): Mf. Gr. (1): 134.12» (or futurity?). sec(e)an, seek (1): Met. (1): 26.14.— I. 0.5): Greg. (1): 89.21 = 60.13. —Oro«. (1): 46.17° = 47.16. — TF(E7:f. (1): 237.11=289 B. — Bl. Horn. (2): 229.4; 233.17. — Mf. Horn. (1): II. 372\ — Mf. L. S. (3): 330.138; 398.237; XXV. 402. — Mf. Hept. (4): Gen. 38.13; — Dew*. 11.29; 28.63; 32.47. — A. -S. Ham.& L. S. 7/(1): 15.91. — Minor Prose (1): Apol. (1): 31.37. feran, go, depart: U. (7): — gebiddan, pray (1): L. (1): 6.12. gefon, seize, take (1): Mk. (1): 14.48. geseon, see (2): L. (2): 7.24, 26. sceawi(g)an, see (2): Beow. (2): 840; 1391. streonan, beget (1): And. (1): 331.— I. (19): Bede (4): 372.1P''' = 274.30; 410.19 = 297.14; 410.29 = 297.24. — Wc^. (2): 28.18 = 168 A; 63.29 = 193 B^.—MaH. (1): 21Q.17. —Mf. Horn. (2): II. 88", QO*K — Mf. L. S. (5): 404.327; XXVIII. 58; XXXI. 646, 966; XXXV. 329. — Mf. Hept. (2): Ex. 3.4; Jos. 7.4.— ^Ifric's Minor Prose {2): ^If. Int. (2): 166*'''. — L. (1): 7.25. flndan,^nd.- U. (0). — I. (1): Mlf. L. S. (1): XXXV. 52. flegan: seefleogan. fleogan [flegan], /i/: U. (0). — I. (3): Bede (3): 116.32*-''' " = 94.10, ll»•^ forestihtian, predestinate: U. (0). — I. (1): Pr. Gu. (1): III. 67. forgi(e)fan [-y-], give: U. (0). — I. (6) : JElf. Horn. (2) : II. 190*, 364* ^. — Mf. Hept. (3) : Gen. 15.7; 23.6; — Deut. 32.49. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1) : Napier's Ad. to Th. (1) : 102.35". forgyfan: see forgi(e)fan. forlsetan, leave: U. (2): — neosan, visit (1): Ju. (1): 554. weardiau, guard, protect (1): Beow. (1): 971. — I. (1): Bede (1): 138.28 = 114.16. forsendan, send: U. (0). — I. (1): Chron. (1): 188", 1067 D. ftindian, set out: U. (4): — dreogan, perform (1): Gen. (1): 2270. secan, seek (2): Beow. (1): 1820. — Z). B. (1): 104. witan, know (1): Spirit of Men (1): 16. —I. (9):Boeth. (1): 98.4 = 83.49.— Greg. (2): 93.24 = 64.10; 127.21 = 90.8. — SoiiZ. (1): 63.20. — Bl. Horn. (2): 93.4»-''. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. I (1): Q.lO. — Loece. (2): 6.15; 46.17. gadrian, gather: U. (0). — I. (1): y®Z/. Horn,. (1): II. 474'' 2. gaa [gangan, gongan], go: U. (40) : — ahyrian, hire (1) : Mat. (1) : 20.1. cytJan, make known (2): Jud. (2): 56; 243. don, do (1): ^If. L. S. (1): XXXI. 917^ drincan, drink (1): .lElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mlf. Gr. (1): 134.14. feccan, fetch (1): ^If. L. S. (1): XXX. 176. gearwian, prepare (1): L. (1): 1.76. — — gegear- wian, prepare (1) : L. (1) : 1.17. geseon, see (4) : Mat. (3) : 11.7^ 8, 9. — Beow. (1) : THE FINAL INFINITIVE. 311 396. gesittan, sit (1): Bede (1): 186.30 = 151.8. gretan, greet (2): Gen. (1): 2430. — Bid. (1) : 5.6. hladan, load (1) : Wcerf. (1) : 115.7 = B. 146 A^. leor- nian, learn (1): iElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mlf.Gr. (1): 134.13*. neosan, visit (2): Beow. (1): 1786. — Ji«i. (1): 63. onlihtan, iUumine (1): L. (1): 1.79^ ple- gean, vlay (1) : Greg. (1) : 309.14 = 238.10. raedan, read (1) : ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Mlf. Gr. (1): 134.13*'- reccan, rmrrate (1): Dan. (1): 159. sceawian, see, examine (4) ; Greg. (2) : 415.14 = 336.13; 415.19 = 336.18. — Bemo. (2) : 2744; 3032. secan, seek (1) : Minor Prose (1) : Apol. (1) : 28.18 = 45*'. seen, see (2) : Bemo. (2): 387; 920. sittan, sit (6): Bede (1): 198.2 = 157.3. — ^i/. Horn. (1): II. 242*' ». — Mlf. L. S. (1) : 404.348. — Bemu. (2) : 493; 641. — Jvd. (1): 15. slapan, sleep (2): Lcece. (2): 58.5; 68.29. taecan, ieacA (2) : .ffillfric'a Minor Prose (1): Mlf. Gr. (2): 150.18 (?); 151.14 (?). — I. (20): Bede (3): 76 12 = 54.24; 162.7 = 136.17; 362.18 = 269.22.— Gregf. (1): 165.25 = 122.1. — Bi;. Horn. (2): 165.3,15.-^2/. Horn. (4): II. 428', 428", 444' !■ 2. — ^i/. L. S. (2): XXXI. 917=; XXXVI. S27. — Mlf. Hept. (2): Gen. 2.10; 22.5.— Gosp. (4): Mat. (1): 13.3; — MA;. (1): 4.3; — L. (2): 1.77, 79^ — A.S. Horn. & L.S.I (1): 9.276. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 15.50 = 209.40. gangan [-0-] : see gan. gearcian, prepare: U. (0).— I. (3): Mlf. Horn. (1): II. 570*. — ^//. L. S. (1): 126.151.— Mlf. Hept. (,l):Jos. Lll*". gearwian, make ready, prepare: U. (0). —I. (1): Bede (1): 296.17 = 226.32. gebindan, Und: U. (0). — I. (3): W(«rf. (3): 316.2, 4, 11 = 381 A'- '• K gebredan, draw, hence, to feign (reflexive) : U. (0). — I. (1): Chron. (1): 134™, 1003 F. gebugan, turn, go: U. (0). — I. (1): Oros. (1): 54.1 = 53.34. gebycgan, buy: U. (0). — I. (2): Bede (1): 274.9 = 213.25. — Mai. (1): 27.7. geceosan, choose: V. (0). — I. (3): Bl. Horn. (1): 157.1. — Mlf. L. S. (1): XXIV. 127.— A.S. Hmi.&L.S. I (1): 2.87. gecierran l-y-],tum, go: U. (2): — benemnan, declare, certify (1): H. L. (1): 49. be- ran, bear, carry (1): And. (1): 1079 (or predicative?). — I. (1): Bede (1): 12.8 = 92.12. gecuman, come: U. (0). — I. {l):Mlf. L. S. (1): XXIV. 179. gedon, commit (?) : U. (0). — I. (1) : Minor Prose (1) : Cato (1) : 10 (?). geemtiglan [-semtigian], keep oneself free: U. (0). — I. (1): Wterf. (1): 52.9 = 185 B'. gefreogan [-freon], free: U. (0). — I. (1): Bede (1): 236.25 = 178.26. gefultumian, help: U. (0). —I. (2): Bede (2): 124.30, 31 = 107.3''' *>. gegripan, seize: U. (0). — I. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 167.1. gehwi(e)tfan, turn: U. (0). — I. (2): Greg. (2): 373.8, 9 = 290.2. gelaecan, seize: U. (0). — I. (1): Mlf. L. S. (1): 4.39. gelaedan, lead: U. (0). — I. (3): Wcerf. (1): 301.27 = 364 C'.—Mlf. Horn. (1): 1.46'''.— Mlf.L.S. (1): XXIII B. 80. gelefan : see geliefan. geUefan [-e-, -y-], believe: U. (0). —I. (1): Mlf. Hom. (1): I. 64'' (or objective?). gelogian, arrange: U. (0). —I. (1) : .^Elfric's Minor Prose {l):Mlf. Int. (1): 286. gemearcian, mark, plan: U. (0). — I. (1) : Gen. (1) : 364. gensgan, approach: U. (1): — betan, improve, revive: (1): Ex. (1): 131. — I. (0). genealaecan, approach: U. (0). — I. (2) : Pr. Ps. (1) : 26.3 = 26.2. — Mlf. Hom. (1) : I. 82*'. gengan, go: U. (1) : — sceawian, see, examine (1) : Beow. (1) : 1413. — I. (0). geniman, take, accept: U. (0). — I. (2): Wcerf. (1): 98.29 = B. 130 A.— Mlf. Hom. (1): II. 420*. gesamnian [-0-], assemble: U. (0). — I. (2): Bede (2): 132.6 = 110.14; 362.25 = 269.29. gescieppan, create, make: U. (0).— I. (3): Greg. (1): 319.1 = 246.1. — Pr. Ps. (1): 18. Intl.— Mlf. Hept. (,l):Gen. 2.3. gesecan, seek: U. (0) . — I. (1) : Mlf. Hom. (1) : II. 110"- , o^ i n t gesellan [-ie-, -y-], give, offer: U. (1): — drincan, drink (1): Oros. (1): 136.16 = 137.10. — I. (5): Bede (2): 124.3 = 99.30; 306.26 = 237.9. — Oros. (2): 54.11 = 55.3; 108.28 = 0. — Laws (1): 10, Hlothsere and Eadric, c. 6. eesettan, set, establish: V. (0). — I. (6): Bede (2): 66.23-= 49.28; 114.15 = 92.18.— Greg. (1): 131.15 = 92.22*. — ^i!/. L. S. (1): XXV. 403.— ^Z/. Hept. (1): Gen. 3.24. — CAr. (1): 1390. gesiellan : see gesellan. gesittan, sU: U. (1) : — eahti(g)an, consider (1) : (or predicative?) : And. (1) : 1162. — I. (0). gesomnian : see gesamnian. 312 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. gestaadan, stand, stand up: U. (0). — I. (1): W(er:f. (1): 109.12 = B. 138 C^ gesyllan : see gesdlan. geteon [-tion], draw, attract: U. (0). — I. (1): Boeth. (1): 28.28 = 36.21. getion: see geteon. geSafian, grant, give: U. (0). — I. (1): Pr. Ps. (1): 43.13 = 43.12. geunnan, grant, give: U. (0). — I. (1): Oros. (1): 64.26 = 0. geweadan, wend, go: U. (0). —I. (1): ^If. Horn. (1): II. 424''. gewitan, depart, go: V. (54):— beran, bear, carry (1): Beow. (1): 291 (or predicative?). — — feran, go, journey (1): Gen. (1): 1746" (or predicative?). fleon, flee (2): Beow. (1) : 1264. — Gen. (1) : 2262. geseon, see (2) : Beow. (2) : 1126; 1275. getSafian, endure (1): Dan. (1): 633. Isedan, lead, carry (7): Gen. (6): 1357; 1649; 1746''; 1767; 2621; 2870 (or all predicative?). — And. (1) : 1044. neos(i)aii [niosian], visit (6): Beow. (6): 115; 125; 1125; 1339; 2388; 3045. nerg(e)an, save, rescue (2): Gen. (2): 2000; 2509. niosian: see neos{i)an. sceawian, see, examine (4): Beow. (1): 2402. — Gen. (3): 1780; 1920; 2593. seccan: see secean. sec(e)an, seek (22): Beow. (2): 2820; 2950. —Gen. (8): 1461; 1818; 1966; 2006; 2020; 2099; 2266; 2293. — Daw. (1): 441.— And. (4): 226; 698; 977; 1677. — Ph. (1): S20. — Rid. (3): 3.2; 17.2; 93.9. — Brun. (1) : 65. —S.dkS. (1) : 204. — Wife's Compl. (1) : 9''. seon, see (2) : Gen. (2) : 1743; 2084. sigan, descend (1) : Gen. (1) : 1461'' (or predicative?). — — tredan, traverse (2) : Beow. (1) : 1964 (or predicative?). — Rid. (1) : 14.11''. wlitan, look (1): Gen. (1): 1794. — I. (0). gewyrcan, make: U. (1) : — gefegan, join (1) : Gifts of Men (1) : 66 (?). — I. (0). gi(e)fan, give: U. {l):~-dnnca.n, drink (1): Ps. (1): 79.5. — I. (4): Bede(3): 236.1 =177.30; 242.7 = 192.17 (or with noun?); 262.8 = 207.4. — Chron. (1): 117", 963 E^ habban [nabban], have [not]: U. (0). —I. (19): Bede (1): 420.2 = 301.28.— Greg. (2): 121.18 = 84.24; 127.19 = 90.6. — Laws (5) : 38, ^Elfred, Intr., c. 36»' *> (or with noun?); 116, Inc, c. 60; 366, II Cnut, c. 79*'''. — Bened. (1): 88.12 = 156.14. —2®Z/. Horn. (2): II. 430^ 534". —^If. L. S. (2) : XXIII B. 354; XXXI. 655 (or both with noun?). — ^Z/. Hept. {\):Gen. 1.30. — iElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mlf. Gr. (1): 215.14 (or with noun?) — A.S. Horn. & L.S.I (1) : 3.520. — L. (1) : 14.28. — Mmor Prose (2) : Apol. (2) : 24.21, 24 = 42^ 1. 2. healdan, hoU, keep: U. (0). — I. (2): A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): IQ.m. — Mf. L. S. (1): 60.163. hladan, load: U. (2): — drincan, drink (2): Greg. (1): 469.7 = 0. — TFter/. (1): 220.22 = 269 A". — I. (0). iecan [aecan], increase: U. (0). —I. (2): Ps. (2): 60.90, 91 (Cot.). iemaa, run: U. (0). — I. (1): iElfric's Minor Prose (1): Mf. Int. (1): 217. ingan [-gangan, -gongan], go in: U. (0). — I. (2): Bede (2): 438.14, 16 = 311.25, 26. ingangan \ ingongan/ : see tn^an. laedan, lead: U. (0). — I. (4) : Bede (1) : 356.31 = 266.27. — Mart. (1) : 64.24''. — JElf. L. S. (1):418.85. — Mai. (1): 27.31. laefan, leave, entrust: XJ. (0). —I. (3): JSlf. Horn. (2): II. 90*, 450'' K—jElf. Hept. (1): Job VII''- lanan, lend: U. (0). — I. (2): ^If. L. S. (1): 358.328. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Mf Gr. (1): 135.8. latan, leave: U. (0). —I. (2): Boeth. (1): 24.11 = 33.46. —Oros. (1): 46.22 = 47.20. lecgean, lay: U. (0). —I. {\):Greg. (1): 143.14 = 102.21. Ubban, live: U. (0). —I. (3): Bede (3): 66.5»''' = 49.10^' t"; 408.17 = 296.9. licgan, lie, recline: V. (1): — astlutian, hide from (1): ^If. Hept. (1): Judges 4.18'' (or predicative?). — I. (0). U(e)htan, light: U. (0). — I. (1): Chron. (1): 266", 1140 E^ logian, arrange, frame: TJ. (0). — I. (2): ^If. Horn. (1): II. 454''. — ^Z/. Hept. (1): /o6XII (= 6.26). lufian, love: V. (0). — I. (I): ^If. Hom. (1): II. 340". nabban : see habban. niman, take: U. (0). —I. (,l):Greg. (1): 381.24 = 296.25. nitSerastigan, descend: V. (0). — I. il):Greg. (1): 105.11 = 72.16. ondfon, receive: XJ. (0). — I. (1) : Bede (1) : 98.18 = 81.17. onfindaa(?), receive: U. (0). — I. (1): Bede (1): 16.9 = 0. THE PINAL INFINITIVE. 313 onfon, receive, undertake: U. (0). — I. (1): Woerf. (1): 265.11 = 324 A. onginnan, begin: U. (0). — I. (1): A. S. Horn, dk L. S. II (1): 10.448. onlaenan, lend, grant: U. (0). — I. (2): Boeth. (2): 19.22, 23 = 0. onsendan, send; U. (1) : — ondrincan, drink (1) : Bede (1) : 398,1 = 288.20. — I. (2) : Bede (1) : 150.8 = 126.4. — Dan. (1): 76. ontynan, open: XJ. (0). — I. (1): Gr«?. (1): 349.19 = 270.11. rsBcan, reach, seize: U. (0). —I. (3J: Chr. (3): 1621*'''. 1622. reccan, care: U. (0). — I. {l):^lf. HepC. (1): De V. T. 6.27. sceawian, grant: U. (0). — I. (1): Chron. (1): 176*, 1048 E"*. scieppan, create, make: U. (1) : — healdan, hold, preserve (1) : Gnomic Savings (I) : 129. — I. (0). scyndan, hasten: U. (0). — I. (1): Bede (1): 62.14" = 47.23*. secan, seek: U. (0). — I. (5) : Bede (2) : 50.1P' •> = 30.17''' >'. — Bl. Horn. (1) : 73.15*. ~^lf. L. S. (1): 368.78. — Mat. (1): 2.13. sellan [-ie-, -y-], give: TJ. (257): — cyssan, kiss (1): Laws (1): 387, Ordal, c. 4, § 1.— — drincan, drink: (203): Bede (5): 30.7 = 13.4; 156.7 = 129.18; 178.8 = 145.20; 192.14 = 153.32; 204.33 = 161.8. — GVej. (2): 329.3'' = 254.4; 459.18* = 392.16. — Oros. (1): 1.36.1 = 135.35. — TFosr/. (1): 161.5 = B. 188 A^.~Bl. Horn. (2): 229.9, U. — Mart. (2): 44.8; 94.20. — ^i/. Horn. (3): I. 574*', 582''; II. 108"". -- ^Z/. L. S. (2): 312.70, 77.— ^If. Hept. (2) : Gen. 21.19; — Ex. 2.19. — ^Elfric's Minor Prase (1) : ^If. GV. (1) : 111.6. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (2) : 16.55, 224''. — Gosp. (7) : Mat. (4) : 25.36^ 42''; 27.34, 48; — Mk. (1) : 15.36*; — /. (2):4.7, 10. — Wulf. (1) : 288.32. — itece. (170): 8.21; 9.6; 18.24, 26, 29, 30, 31; 19.15, 17, 18, 32, 33, 36; 20.1, 4, 15, 26, 33, 34; 21.10; 24.21; 28.5, 7, 10, 13, 18, 23, 25, 27; 30.20, 23, 26; 31.24; 33.17, 39; 34.3, 5, 8, 15, 16; 35.27; 37.23, 29, 31, 33, 37, 39; 38.22, 29; 41.1''; 42.28; 56.9, 10, 33, 36, 37, 41; 57.4, 7, 11, 22, 39; 61.8, 20''; 62.24; 64.13, 19, 25, 28, 30, 33, 38; 65.1, 4, 6; 66.3; 68.40; 69.3, 10, 16, 22, 24; 70.30; 71.19, 25, 27, 31, 36, 40; 72.1, 14, 22, 32; 75.6, 7, 9*•^ 22, 36; 76.5; 77.15; 80.2, 17, 30, 31; 81.33; 82.19; 83.10, 18, 20, 21; 86.22; 87.2, 7; 96.14; 97.27, 31; 98.2% 5, 10, 38; 99.10, 23^ 26; 100.9, 19, 35, 36; 101.6; 102.10, 29, 34''; 103.1; 104.11, 31; 108.23; 109.3, 11; 123.17; 125.25; 127.37; 128.13; 129.14, 22^ 27''; 130.6, 25^ 32; 131.7, 9; 135.14, 18; 136.3, 16, 19; 140.33; 141.10; 142.16, 26; 143.12, 23; 144.14; 146.5, 8, 18; 151.17, 33; 152.3, 20, 22. — Bid. (2): 13.5; 72.7. etan, eat (40): Greg. (2): 329.3* = 254.3; 459.18'' = 392.16. — Mart. (1): 82.6''. — A. S. Horn. & L. S. II (1): 16.224*. — Gosp. (Q):Mat. (3): U.ie*-; 25.35*, 42*; — il/A;. (3) : 5.43*; 6.37*' "=; — L. (2) : 8.55''; 9.13; — /. (I): 6.31. — LcBce. (27): 21.39; 28.6; 39.26; 54.27; 79.37; 80.22; 95.38; 96.16, 20, 30; 97.29; 98.2"; 99.5; 100.28*; 101.4*; 103.7; 109.9; 128.28, 31; 130.25*, 27; 131.3, 15; 141.12; 143.26; 145.18; 149.30. gewundigean, wound (1): .iElf. Hept. (1): j^os. 11.6. supan, sup, drink: Loece. (8): 37.19; 81.11; 82.26; 100.28*'; 101.4''; 103.3; 143.15, 27, Sicgan, take (food, medinne), drink, eat (4): Lcece. (4): 55.34; 69.21*-''; 150.6. — I. (76): Bede (15): 16.14 = 0; 76.30'' = 55.10; 76.34 = 55.13; 104.29 = 85.29; 158.29 = 132.21; 232.25 = 176.18; 272.9 = 212.21; 396.4 = 287.21; 438.24 = 312.5; 454.9*-'' = 324.9; 456.19 = 325.15; 464.5 = 329.23; 480.29, 30 = 357.11.— Greg. (1): 369.14 = 286.17. — Ores. (1): 42.29 = 43.29.— Pr. Ps. (1): 38.10 = 38.9. — Chron. (2): 34*, 669 A; 72", 874 A. — Laws (3): 14, Wihtraed, c. 22, 23; 48, iElfred, c. 1, § 2*'. — Wcerf. (6) : 201.1 = 245 A'; 206.5'' = 252 A'; 253.13 = 309 Bl; 253.14 = 309 B"; 253.28 = 309 C; 336.3 = 404 CK — Mart. (1) : 54.22. — mf. Horn. (1) : II. 244*'. — ^Z/. L. S. (2): 330.149; XXVI. 264. — ^Z/. Hept. (6): Gen. 28.20*-'' (or with noun?); — fe. 6.8; 16.15; Num. 11.4 (or with noun?); Deut. 1.27. — jElfric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.42*. — Gosp. (5): Mat. (1): 27.26''; — i. (1): 20.20; — ^. (3): 6.52"; 17.4; 19.16. — A. S. Horn. & L. 8. II (2): 10.547; 18.238. — Lwce. (25): 8.24; 8.27; 9.2; 17.11; 54.36*; 56.39; 57.14; 65.8; 65.26, 29; 66.11; 69.13; 71.13, 30; 72.12; 75.1, 35; 79.15; 80.25; 85.7,21; 86.20, 26; 87.8, 10. — Minor Prose (1): Chad (1): 235. — Beow. (1): 1731 (or with noun?). — Ps. (1): 54.6. — Wids. (1): 134 (or with noun?). sendan, send: U. (8) : — bodian, preadi (4): Bede (2): 54.31 = 42.22; 226.11 = 172.26.— L. (2): 4.18*, 19. gecegan [-ie-], call (1): Bede (1): 250.21 = 199.26. gehaelan, heal (2): L. (2): 4.18"; 9.2". gretan, greet (1): Bede (1): 2.1 = 5 (heading). — I. (47): Bede (13)- 23*-" 4*- '' = 5.3*- ", 4*-''; 10.2 = 42.10; 10.14 = 63.1; 104.14 = 85.6; 142.23 = 116 28- 172 17*- " = 142.19, 20; 244.30 = 194.20; 250.20 = 199.25; 468.30 = 333.12.— Greg (3): 49.3 = 26.9; 49.17 = 26.22; 405.34 = 326.4. — Oros. (4): 96.12 = 0; 138.8 = 139.5; 188 10 11 = 189.7.— Chron. (5): 20", 604 A; 32", 656 E^; 222", 1086 E^^; 227", 1092 E*-".— Laws (1): 42, Alfred, Intr.,,c. 49, § l\ — ^lf. Horn. (8): I. 206", 372", 380', 520*, 578*; II. 74'' 1 202" 372* \ — ^If. L. S. (3) : 436.76; XXV. 470; XXIX. 163. — yElf. Hept. (2) : Gen. 314 STATISTICS OF THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. 46.5; Num. 13.17. — iElfric's Minor Proae (3): ^If. Int. (2): 377, 473;— Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 101.319".— Gosp. (3): L. (1): 9.2»; — /. (2): 1.33»; 4.38. — Wvlf. (2): 295.32»' •>- settan, set, place: V. (0).— I. (3): Chron. (1): 115^ 963 E^—^lf. Ham. (1)= H. 404*.— ^If. Hept. (1): Ex. 16.33°. siellan : see settan. sittan, sit: U. (1): — bidan, await (1): Gen. (1): 842 (or predicative?). —I. (1): ^S- Horn. (1) : I. 542". sitJian, travel, go: V. (0). — I. (I): Mf. L. S. (1): 222.39. snitJan, cut open: V. (0). — I. (1): Gregt. (1): 367.15 = 284.22. staadan [-0-], U. (1) : — healdan, hold, keep (1): Gen. (1): 526. — I. (3): ^If. Horn. (1): I. 48™ 2. — ^J/. Hept. (1): Deut. 27.13. — Mk. (1): 11.25. stician, stick: V. (0). — I. (.l):Greg. (1): 171.7 = 126.3. stondan : see standan. syllan : see sellan. teon, make, create: U. (0). — I. (1): Ps. (1): 143.1. tocuman, come, come to: U. (0). — I. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 59.11. [todselan, distribute: U. (2) : Oros. (2) : 46.15, le** = 47.16. But the infinitives more probably are absolute: see Chapter XII, p. 169. — I. (0).] tofaran, separate, disperse: U. (0). — I. (1): Laws (1): 42, jElfred, Intr., c. 49, § 1*. toferan, separate, disperse: U. (0). — I. (1): Wvlf. (1): 21.6. tosendan, send: U. (0). — I. {l):jElf. Hom. (1): I. 232'. tSrowian, suffer, endure: U. (0). — I. (2):^lf. L. S. (2): XXIII B. 418, 419. Surfan, need: U. (0). — I. (1) : Solil. (1) : 45.5. utgan [-gangan, -o-], go out: U. (0). — I. (1): Warf. (1): 114.27 = B. 146 A', utgangan [-0-] : see utgan. wegan, carry, manifest: U. (0). — I. (1) : Gen. (1) : 2349. wendan, wend, go: U. (1): — secan, seek (1): *S. & S. (1): 20.— I. (1): ^If- L. S. (1): XXVII. 13. weorpan, throw, cast: U. (0). — I. (1): Woerf. (1): 194.20 = 237 B^ wil(l)nian, dedre, wish: U. (0). — I. (1): Boeth. (1): 40.25 = 43.3 (or with noun?), winnan, struggle, strive: V. (0). — I. (2) : Greg. (1) : 77.21 = 50.22. — ^If. L. S. (1) : XXVI. 23. wunian, dweU, remain: U. (0). — I. (1): Bede (1): 388.8 = 283.14. wyrcan, m. —^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 101.314™. gierwan, prepare: U. (0). — I. (1): Wcerf. (1): 302.10 = 365 A'. iecan [y-], increase: U. (0). — I. (1): Az. (1): 37. nacian, make naked: U. (0). —I. (1): Wcerf. (1): 287.3 = 348 B*. onfon, receive: U. (0). — I. (1): Bede (1): 232.5 = 175.32. onsendan, send: V. (0). — I. (4): Bede (2): 16.21=0; 16.30 = 201.1. —Gres-. (2): 429.15 = 354.3; 441.30 = 368.27. ontendan, kindle: U. (0). — I. (1): Laws (1): 36, iElfred, Intr., c. 27. sellan, give: U. (0). — I. (5): Bede (2): 480.26, 27 = 357.9. — PTcBr/. (3): 309.2*- •> = 372 D'' ^" 327.9 = 393 C. sendan, send: U. (0).— I. (9): Bede (7): 108.23 = 89.5; 160.7 = 135.18; 260.12 = 205.3; 260.13 = 206.1; 272.25''' *• = 213.9; 420.15 = 302.14. — CAron. (1): 55', 785 E. — Bl. Horn. (1): 137.25. todrifan, drive: U. (0). — I. {l): Mf. Hept. (1): Ex. 5.12. yean : see iecan. ymbsellan, surround: U. (0). — I. (1): Bl. Horn. (1): 11.25. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. No clear example has been found. XI. The Infinitive with Adjectives. A. THE ACTIVE INFIITITIVE. Normally the infinitive is inflected, but sporadically it is uninflected. 1. TTiiinflected. fus, ready, prepared (2):Gu. (2): 1051; 1053. gearo [-u], ready (3): Bede (1): 56.21 = 43.21. — ^i/. Horn. (2): I. 534'' »; II. 130* K wiert5e [-u-, -y-], woHhy (,l):^f. L. S. (1): 138.353''. X f : see wierSe. wyroe J 2. Inflected. aemetig, at leisure, free (1): Greg. (1): 191.24 = 144.2. aetSele, exceUent, valuable (1) : Lcece. (1) : 89.18. ana, only one (V): Mf. L. S. (1): 182.225. andrysnlic, terrible (1) : Bl. Horn. (1) : 33.5. arwyrtSUc, venerable (1): Bede (1): 144.17" = 117.29*. bealdra, bolder (1) : Greg. (1) : 361.14 = 280.6. behydigest, 7?ios : see wierS-. wtirSost J wynsum [-i-], winsome, pleasant (6): Bede (1): 346.4 = 260.32.— SoZii. (1): 51.11. — Mf. L. S. (1): XXX. 315. —^//. Hept. (1): Gen. 2.9. — Minor Prose (1): Neot (1): 48. — Met. (1): 21.19. wynsumre [-i-], more winsome, more pleasant (1): Boeth. (1): 52.8 = 0. ySe : see ieSe. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. Given in full in Chapter XI, p. 158. XII. Other Adverbial Uses of the Infinitive, Given in full in Chapter XII, pp. 160 ff. XIII. The Infinitive with Nouns. A. THE ACTIVE INFINITIVE. Normally the infinitive is inflected, but sporadically it is uninflected. THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. 319 1. Uninflected. anweald, -power, aiUhorify (1) : L. (1) : 12.5. myne, purpose, intention (1) : And. (1) : 1538. neod, need (2): yElf. Horn. (1): II. 372"" 2. — iEIfric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.35''*. 2. Inflected. aecer, field (1): ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Mf. Gr. (1): 135.7 (or final?). seht, property, possessions (3): Bened. (2): 55.7 = 102.19; 104.8 = 170.17.-^1!/. Horn. (1): I. 580*2. seSelo, habit (?) (1): Boeth. (1): 91.20 = 79.56. andefn: see ondefn. andgit, intellect {\):.Mlf. Horn. (1): I. 344". anweald, authonty, power (12): yElf. Horn. (4): XXXIV. 322»' '', 328, 329. —Gosp. (8): Mai. (1):9.6; — il/A;. (3): 2.10; 3.15*'*>; — L. (2): 5.24; 10.19; — /. (2): 10.18»'''. atJ, oath (1): Chron. (1): 242", 1109 E. auht, aught (1): Boeth. (1): 13.14 = 22.35. bewerenis, prohibition (2): Bede (2): 86.13*- •' = 60.12*-''. bieldo [-y-], boldness (2): Wcerf. (2): 243.10 = 296 A^; 295.3 = 356 C^. bisn [bysn], example (1): Greg. (1): 307.9 = 234.27. bUss, bliss, joy (1): ^If. Horn. (1): II. 368". cUd, child (1): jEIfric's Minor Prose (1): ^If. Gr. (1): 151.13 (or final?) cyie, free-iDiU (2): JF//. Horn. (2): I. 212*; II. 490"- (benc, drink (1): Lcece. (1): 42.1. drinc [-y-], drink (1) : And. (1) : 23. drync: see drinc. cage, eye (1): Mf. Hept. (1): Deut. 29.4*. ealdorlicnes, authority (1): Bede (1): 206.13 = 161.22. eare, ear (8) : ^If. Hept. (1) : Deut. 29.4''. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1) : Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.32*. — Gosp. (6): Mat. (3): 11.15; 13.9, 43. — Mfc. (2): 4.9, 23; — L. (1): 14.35. fsBC, period of time, interval (1): Bede (1): 190.26 = 153.10. fela, much (4): Greg. (1): 237.13 = 178.28. —/. (3): 8.26"-''; 16.12. feoh, money (2): Oros. (1): 116.15 = O.—^lf. Horn. (1): II. 178*. fierst [-y-], period of time (3): Wcerf. (1): 53.16 = 185 D. — Wulf. (2): 202.1*- ''. flaBsc,^esA {ly.Mlf. Hept. (1): Ex. 16.12. forebeacen, portent (1) : Mk. (1) : 13.22. fultum, assistance (2):Solil. (2): 39.15, 16. fyrst: eeejlerst. gast, spirit {\):Greg. (1): 263.21 = 198.22. gealdor, charm (1): Lcece. (1): 93.22. gelsrednes, learning, skill (1): Bede (1): 362.28'' = 269.32. genog [onoh], sufficiency (1): Chron. (1): 264", 1137*. genoh : see genog. geomfulnes, eagerness, desire (2): Bede (2): 206.11, 12 = 161.21*-''. gesceadwisnes, intelligence, discernment (1): Solil. (1): 16.21. getydnes, skiU (1): Bede (1): 362.28 = 269.32. getSoht, thought, intention (1): Greg. (1): 71.22 = 46.1. geSyld, patience {\):JElf- i- S. (1): XXX. 135. geweald, pmver, authonty (3) : Pr. Gu. (1) : V. 227. — Gen. (1) : 281. — Ermahnung (1) : 36. giefu, gift (1): Bede (1): 20.22 = 258.25. giemen [gimen], care (1) : Bede (1) : 482.1 = 357.13. gierd [-y-], rod (2): Greg. (1): 127.1 = 88.14. — Wcerf. (1): 20.27 = 161 C. gilnen: see giemen. rieawnes, inteUigence (2): Bede (2) : 206.10*- '' = 161.20*-''. God, God (2): JElf. L. S. (2): 478.93; XXXV. 117. god, good (1): Boeth. (1): 94.24 = 80.107. giyre, horror (1): Bede (1): 364.5 = 270.6. gyrd : see gierd. 320 STATISTICS OP THE INFINITIVE IN ANGLO-SAXON. heafod [hsefed], head (2): Chron. 258, 1127 £'•«. hiht: see hyht. hlaf, bread (1): Mk. (1): 3.20. hoi, hole, cave (1): Boeth. (1): 19.8 = 29.14. hwaet, anything (1): Oros. (1): 142.25 = 0. hyht [-H, hope (1): Bede (1): 366.32 = 272.7''. ieldea [ylden], respite (1): Bede (1): 190.30* - 153.13. intinga, cause, sake (5): Bede (3): 82.19, 21» = 58.22, 24; 120.7 = 97.21. — Mart. (2): 86.5"- ^. lac, offenng (1): ^If. Hmn. (1): I. 584™. laecedom, remedy, medicine (3): Lmce. (3): 4.41; 48.8; 52.37. lacnung, medicine (2): Losce. (2): 49.32; 70.33. lamb [-0-], Umb (1) : Bl. Horn. (1) : 23.26. land [-0-1, land (1): BoeJft. (1): 40.21 = 0. lar, instruction, advice (1): Bede (1): 160.8 = 135.21. leaf, leave, permission. (16): Boeth. (1): 120.28 = 102.76.— GVe^. (1): 397.26 = 316.8.— Chron. (1): 260', 1129 I^. — Laws (1): 483, Wilhelm I, c. l^. — Warf. (7): 10.2 = 0; 31.27 = 169 B'; 198.17 = 241 C*; 200.4 = 244 C; 211.20* »> = 257 C; 295.4 = 356 C — Bened. (1) : 21.17 = 42.17. — Mf. L. S. (3) : XXIII B. 442; XXXI. 384, 385. — Mf- Hept. (1): Gen. 42.34. leafnes [-nis], leave, permissim (7): Bede (7): 62.8»•^ 9 = 47.16, 17»'''; 112.6 = 91.9; 256.10'' = 203.15; 400.8"''' = 289.29. lomb : see lamb. lond : see land. lufu, love (1): Bede (1): 82.25 = 58.29. lustbsemes, desire (1) : Boeth. (1) : 74.7 = 66.16. inaBg(e)n, power, strength (4) : Greg. (1) : 399.21 = 318.6. — Oros. (1) : 174.12 = 0. — Wwrf. (2) : 178.4 = B. 204 C; 244.1 = 297 C. mael, time (1): Beow. (1): 316. mseS, poiwer (1): J?Z/. Horn. (1): II. 456''. mare [more], m^ore (1): CAron. (1): 264'', 1137 E''. meaht : see miht. mete, meat (1) : J. (1) : 4.32. miht [meahtl, might, power (11): Bede (1): 146.22 = 120.20. — Pr. Gu. (1): V. 212. — Mf. Horn. (6) : I. 322^ 560* i' % 588'' »• "; II. 244'. — Mf. L. S. (1): XXXI. 484. — J. (2) : 19.10*' ''. mUdheortnes, mercy (1): Bede (1): 206.14 = 161.24. mod, mind, mood (1): ^If. L. S. (1): XXIII B. 540. more : see mare. naht, naught (1): Wcerf. (1): 290.21 = 352 A'. nanwiht [-wuht], naught (3): Boeth. (1): 24.16 = 33.4:9. — Solil. (2): 12.12; 46.6. nanwuht : see nanwiht. neod, need (9) : Laias (1) : 256, VI iEthelred, c. 42. — Bened. (2) : 94.16 = 0; 127.7'' = 194.14. — ^If. Horn. (1): II. 372'^ K—JElf. L. S. (3): XXIII B. 70,220, 222. — ^Ifric's Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.35^ '.— Mat. (1): 14.16^ niedtSearf [nyd-], need (1): Pr. Ps. (1): 15.1. nydtSearf ; see niedSearf. ondefn [an-], capacity (l):Greg. (1): 95.1 = 64.12. onlegen, medicinal application (2) : LoBce. (2) : 54.36'', 37. onoh : see genoh. pening, penny (l):Greg. (1): 327.18 = 252.22. petraoleimi, petroleum (2): Lcece. (2): 52.30, 31. riht, right, reason (1): Bede (1); 470.11 = 345.31. rod, rood (1): ^If. L. S. (1): XXVII. 118. mm, space of time, opportunity (1) : Jud. (1) ; 314. son, musical sound (1): Bede (1): 258.24 = 205.11. sorg, sorrow, grief i\):Greg. (1): 431.8 = 356.2». sped, opportunUy (1): Bede (1): 256.10* = 203.15. spell, matter, material (1): Oros. (1): 94.16 = 95.16. spraec, speech (1) : Greg. (1) : 197.2 = 146.24. THE INFINITIVE WITH NOUNS. 321 st«f, stick (1): Greg. (1): 127.2 = 88.15. stow, place (7) : Bede (4) : 230.17 = 175.13; 238.24 = 180.1: 436.7, 8 = 310.23»- •>. — Wcerf. (2) : 226.23 = 277 A; 231.14 = 281 C. — Minor Prose (1): Neot (1): 43. streng»(o), strength (1): Wcerf. (1): 214.28 = 261 C. tid, time (10) : Bede (4) : 262.21''- «• = 207.19, 20; 366.31 = 272.7"; 444.7 = 314.23. — MaH. (1) : 42.13. — m. L. S. (3) : XXIII B. 403^ 478»' ••. _ Minor Prose (2) : Chad (2) : 71, 72. tana, time (9) : JElf. Horn. (7) : I. 602* i- *; II. 340', 360'' '• '■ >• K — .ffilfric's Minor Prose (2) : ^J/.(?r. (2): 135.3, 151.11. tol, tool (1): Boeth. (1): 40.16 =• 0. tSat, which (1): JMric'a Minor Prose (1): Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 102.40''. «earf [Serf], need (13): Greg. (1): 67.4'' = 40.26. — SoR (1): 14.17. — Laws (2): 68, Alfred, c. 34; 256, VI iEthelred. c. 42, § 2. — Wcerf. (1) : 79.6 = 205 A. — Bl. Hrnn. (2) : 63.5; 97.17. — Wvlf. (5): 62.3»-i'; 78.9; 179.19; 308.22. —Gen. (1): 279. tSearfa, pow man (1): Mf. L. S. (1): XXXI. 924. tSeaw, emtam (3): Bede (2): 258.31 = 205.18; 472.27 = 347.18. — Beow. (1) : 1941. Segnttng [Senung], service, office (3): Bede (3): 300.30 = 230.7"; 402.30"-'' = 291.18"'''. Senttng : see Segnung. Serf : see Searf. Viae, thing (11) : Mf. H&m. (3) : I. 222*; II. 178^ 500''. — Mf. L. S. (1) : XXX. 167. — Mf. Hept. (1): Num. 11.6. — .lElfric's Minor Prose (3):l^lf. Gr. (2): 119.10"-''; Napier's Ad. to Th. (1): 101.316''. —Gosp. (3): L. (2): 7.40; 24.41; — /. (1): 4.11. wegnest, prooisiona for a journey (1): Waaf. (1): 338.1" = 408 A'. wela, wealth, riches (1): And. (1): 1160. wen, hope, expectation (1): Woeif. (1): 114.1 = B. 144 C*. weorc, work (1): Bede (1): 418.27 = 301.23. wiUa, vnU, desire (4): Boeth. (2): 107.13 = 0; 111.7 - O.—Mf. Him. (2): I. 394*, 580*. wundor, wmder (1): Bede (1): 164.27 = 138.9. ylden: see ielden. B. THE PASSIVE INFINITIVE. No example has been found. Note. — Less Regular Examples of the Inflected Infinitive Modifying a Noun are given in Chapter XIII, pp. 180-181. Note: Dotibtful Passages. — Owing to the corruptness of the text, it is impossible for me to classify the infinitive in the following: — (1) in the prose: Pr. Ps. 26.5"- '': geseon and on- gitan; Chron. 128'', 995 F''- ": sprytan and wyrcan; Bl. Horn. 179.31: sellan [syUan]; — (2) in the poetry: Gen. 2fiZS:feaUan (or should hefeollon, as Grein gives it?); Ju. 289: sellan [syllan]; Chr. 24: sprecan; And. 1025: neosan. — The context shows that we probably have a finite verb, not an infinitive, in the following passages: /SoKJ. 14.2: gecyrran; Lcece. 128.7: teon (should be teol); Pr. Ps. 16.14'': healdan (though it is possible that heaJdan may be an infinitive of purpose). Appendix B. BIBLIOGRAPHY. /. Texts Read. a. ANGLO-SAXON. Mf. ^tkdw. = Bieek, E.: Fragment of JSlfric's Translation of ^thdwold's De Consue- tvdine Morvachorum, Leipsic Dis., 1887. Mf. de V. et N. Test. = Grein, C. W. M. : Mfric de Veteri et de Novo Testamento, Pentateuch, Josva, Buck der Richteir, und Hiob, vol. I of Grein's Bibliothek der Angelsachsis- chen Prosa, Cassel, 1872. JElf. Gr. = Zupitza, J. : Mlfrics Grammatik und Glossar, Berlin, 1880. Mf. Hept.^ = Mf. de V. et N. T. ^If. Hem. = Thorpe, B.: The Homilies of Mfric, 2 vols., London, 1844, 1846. Mf. Int. = MacLean, G. E. : " jElfric's Version of Alcuini Interrogationes Sigeuvlfi in Gene- sin," in Anglia, VI, 1883, pp. 425-473; VII, 1884, pp. 1-59; also as Leipzig Dis., Halle, 1883. Mf. L. S. = Skeat, W. W.: Mlfric's Lives of Saints (= Early English Text Society's Pvhli- cations, nos. 76, 82, 94, 114), London, 1881, 1885, 1890, 1900. [Vols. I and II are cited simply by page and line; vols. Ill and IV, by niunber of homily and of line.] Alex. = Baskervill, W. M. : " The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Epistola Alexandri ad Aristote- lem," in Anglia, IV, 1881, pp. 139-167; also as Leipzig Dis., Halle, 1881. And. = Krapp, G. P. : Andreas and the Fates of the Apostles, Boston, 1906. Apol.^ = Zupitza, J., and Napier, A. S.: " Apollonius of Tyre," in Herrig's Archiv fur das Studium der Neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, XCVII, 1896, pp. 17-34. A. S. Horn. & L. S. = Assman, B. : Angelsachsische Homilien und Heiligerdeben, vol. Ill of Grein-Wulker's Bibliothek der Angelsachsischen Prosa, Kassel, 1889. [Subdivided into I = nos. 1-9, by .iElfric; and II = nos. 10-19, not by jElfric] Bede'^ = Miller, T.: The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People (= Early English Text Society's Piiblications, nos. 95-96, 110-111), Lon- don, 1890, 1891, 1898. Bened.^ = Schroer, A. : Die Angelsachsischen Prosdbearbeitungen der Benedictinerregel, vol. II of Grein- Walker's Bibliothek der Angelsachsischen Prosa, Kassel, 1885, 1888. Bened. Of. = Feiler, E.: Das Benediktiner-Offizium, Ein Alfenglisehes Bremer aus dem 11. Jahrhundert (= Anglistische Forschungen, no. 4), Heidelberg, 1901. Bl. Hom. = Morris, iR. : The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century (= Early English Text Society's Publications, nos. 58, 63, 73), London, 1874, 1876, 1880. Boeth.^ = Sedgefield, W. J. : King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius De Consohtione Philosophiae, Oxford, 1899. [For the prose only; the Metres are taken from Grein- Wulker's Bibliothek der Angelsachsischen Poesie.] Cato = Nehab, J. : Der Altenglische Cato, Eine Uebertragung und Bearbeitung der Disticha Catonis, Goettingen Dis., Berlin, 1879. Chad = Napier, A. S. : " Ein Altenglisches Leben des Heiligen Chad," in Anglia, X, 1888, pp. 131-156 (with an Anhang, pp. 154-156). Chr. = Cook, A. S. : The Christ of Cynewulf, Boston, 1900. Chron. = Plummer, C, and Earle, J.: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 2 vols., Ox- ford, 1892, 1899. Gosp.'^ = Bright, J. W. : The Gospel of Saint Matthew in West-Saxon, The Gospel of Saint Mark in West-Saxon, The Gospel of Saint Uike in Westr-Saxon, The Gospel of Saint John in West-Saxon, Boston, 1904-1906. Greg.^ = Sweet, H. : King Alfred's West^Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (= Early English Text Society's Publications, nos. 45, 50), London, 1871, 1872. Jvd. = Cook, A. S.: Judith, Boston, 1904. 322 Missing Page 324 BIBLIOGEAPHY. Albrecht, C: De AecusaUm cum Infinittvo Coniundi Origine et Usu Homerico, Le'Pf'S Dis., 1871; also in Stvdim zur Grieehischm und Lateinischen OramnuitiK, ed. by G. Curtius, vol. IV, pp. 1-58, Leipzig, 1871. r.i.7- ; /-< h Allen, H. F. : The Infinitive in PolyUus Compared with the Infinitive vn, BMical ureeK, Chicago, 1907. Allen, J. H.: see Greenough. . -v-ty iq-t/i APEi/r,» O. : " Ueber den Accusativus cum Infinitivo im Gothischen," in Germama, XI A, 1S74, pp. 280-297. Apelt," O.: " Bemerkungen iiber den Accusativus cum Infinitivo im Althochdeutscnen und Mittelhochdeutschen," in Weimar Jahresbericht, 1875, pp. 1-23. Abmstbong, J. L. : " The Gerund in Nineteenth-Century English," in Publications of Modem Langvage Association of America, VII, 1892, pp. 200-211. Baldwin, C. S.: The Inflections and Syntax of the Morte d' Arthur of Sir Thomas Malory, Boston, 1894. Babtlett, Helen: The Metrical Division of the Paris Psalter, Bryn Mawr Dis., Baltimore, 1896. Bakz, R. : Das Partidpium im Iwein und Nihelungenliede, Riga Prog., 1880. Bech, F. : Beispiele von der Abschleifung des Deutschen Partidpium Prasentis und von Seinem Ersatz durch den Infinitiv, Zeitz Prog., 1882. Becker, K. F.: AusfUhrliche Deutsche GrammaMk, 3 vols., Frankfurt, 1836, 1837, 1839. Beer, A. : Kleine Beitrdge zur Ootischen Syntax, Prag, 1904. Behaghel,' O. : Die Modi im Heliand, Paderbom, 1876. Behaghel,^ O. : Die Deutsche Sprache, Leipzig, 1887. Behaghel,' O. : Die Syntax des Heliand, Wien, 1897. Belden, H. M. : The Prepositions In, On, To, For, Fore, and Mt in Anglo-Saxon Prose, Johns Hopkins Dis., Baltimore, 1897. Benham, A. R. : " The Clause of Result in Old English Prose," in Arulia, XXXI, 1908, pp. 197-255. Bennett, C. ^.-.Syntax of Early Latin, Vol. I, " The Verb," Boston, 1910. Bernhardt,' E.: " Zur Gotischen Syntax," in Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Philologie, IX, 1878, pp. 383-384. Bernhardt, 2 E.: Kurzgefasste Gotische Grammaiik, Halle, 1885. Blackburn,* F. A.: The English Future: Its Origin and Development, Leipzig Dis., 1892. Blackbt7RN,2 F. a.: Exodus and Daniel, Boston, 1907. Blain, H. M.: Syntax of the Verb in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, University of Virginia Dis., New York, 1901. Blatz, F. : Neuhochdeutsche Grammatik, 2 Bde., 3. Aufl., Karlsruhe, 1895-1896. Blume,' R. : Ueber den Ursprung und die Entwickelung des Gerundiums im Englischen, Jena Dis., Bremen, 1880. Blume,' R.: Die Sprache der Pastern Letters, Bremen Prog., 1882. Bodtker, a. T.: "The Split Infinitive," in ilfoiero Language Notes, XXVII, 1912, pp. 229- 230. B3HME, W.: Die Temporalsdtze in der Uebergangszeit vom Angels&chsischen zum AUerir- glischen, Leipzig Dis., Halle, 1903. BoBST," E.: " Split-Infinitive," in Englische Studien, XXXVII, 1906, pp. 38fr-393. BoRBT,2 E.: "Pro-Infinitive," in Englische Studien, XXXIX, 1908, pp. 413-418. Bradhering, H. : Das Englische Gerundium, Emden Prog., 1895. Bradley, C. 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Zeitlin,! J. : The Accusative with Infinitive and Some Kindred Constructions in English (= Columbia University Studies in English, Series II, vol. Ill, no. 3), New York, 1908. Zeitlin,* J.: "i''or + Subject + Infinitive," in The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, X, 1911, pp. 649-650. Zethiletjs, a. G. : Om AnvSndandet af Partidpium i Engelskan, Stockholm, 1860. ZiCKNER, B. : Syntax und Stil in B. Pecock's Repressor, Greifswald Dis., Berlin, 1900. ZuMPT, C. G. : Lateinische Grammatik, 13th ed., revised by A. W. Zumpt, Berlin, 1874. ZupiTZA,' J.: "Zur Lehre vom EngUschen Infinitiv," in Herrig's Archiv fiir das Studium der Neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, LXXXIV, 1890, pp. 117-122. Appendix C. ADDENDA. f},n+'!fJif f *^® preceding pages were about to go to press, two articles appeared that call for an additional note. «.r, i!l +1 **^,f '^^"^ °^ Englische Studien (vol. XLVI, p. 8), Mr. Olaf John- sen jias the following note concerning the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon: plImtiV^lNf fw^°"-i'^^^® """"^ ^<"^°ss one instance of the infinitive mark to being used Ep hiJ'J» '^ ^^^ ^^^ infinitive understood from the foregoing: 7 gif us hwa abylgtS, SXe:ten rcS.'sa'):^''' ^*' ^^"^^^^" «^ "^ '"^«°"' ^^ ^^"^'"'^^ '"' '*^°"^'^ Possibly, as claimed by Mr, Johnsen, we have here an elliptical infinitive; if so. It stands alone in Anglo-Saxon literature so far as my observation goes. As the editor of the BUckling Homilies, Dr. Richard Morris, indicates, the text of the passage in question is defective. The earliest examples hitherto cited of the elliptical infinitive are centuries later: see Borst,'' I. c, pp. 413-418; Jespersen,* I. c, § 211; and the New English Dictionary, as cited below. With Professor Toller, in his "Supplement" to Bosworth-ToUer's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, sub v. beotian, I consider that to belongs to beotiaS, not to an infini- tive to be supplied from the preceding part of the sentence. The second article is that on to in the most recently published fascicle of the New English Dictionary {Ti-Tombac), "B. To before an infinitive (or gerund)," pp. 87-90. Concerning the differentiation of the uninflected infinitive and the inflected infinitive and the subsequent confusion of the two forms, there is given this interesting statement, under "History," p. 87: "Originally, to before the dative infinitive had the same meaning and use as before ordinary substantives, i. e. it expressed motion, direction, inclination, purpose, etc., toward the act or condition expressed by the infinitive; as in 'he came to help (i. e. to the help of) his friends,' 'he went to stay there,' 'he prepared to depart (i. e. for departure),' 'it tends to melt,' 'he proceeded to speak,' 'looking to receive something.' But in process of time this obvious sense of the preposition became weakened and generalized, so that to became at last the ordinary link expressing any prepositional relation in which an infinitive stands to a preceding verb, adjective, or substantive. Sometimes the relation was so vague as scarcely to differ from that between a transitive verb and its object. This was especially so when the verb was construed both transitively and intransitively. There were several verbs in Old English in this position, such as onginnan to begin, ondrcedan to dread, bebeodan to bid, order, bewerian to forbid, prevent, geliefan to believe, Sencean to think, etc.; these are found construed either with the simple (accusative) infinitive, or with to and the dative infinitive. There was also a special idiomatic use (sense 13a) of the infinitive with to as an indirect nominative, where logically the simple infinitive might be expected. From these beginnings, the use of the infinitive with to in place of the simple infinitive, helped by the phonetic decay and loss of the inflexions and the need of some mark to distinguish the infinitive from other parts of the verb and from the cognate substantive, increased rapidly during the late Old English and early Middle English period, with the result that in modem English the infini- tive with to is the ordinary form, the simple infinitive surviving only in particular connexions, where it is very intimately connected with the preceding verb (see below). To a certain extent, therefore, i. e. when the infinitive is the subject or direct object, to has lost all its meaning, and become a mere 'sign' or prefix of the infinitive. But after an intransitive verb, or the passive voice, to is still the preposition. In appearance, there is no difference between the infinitive in 'he proceeds to speak,' and 'he chooses to speak;' but m the latter to speak is the equivalent of speaking or speech, and in the former of to speaking or to speech. In form, to speak is the descendant of Old English to specanne; in sense, it is partly the rep- resentative of this and largely of Old English specan." 335 336 ADDENDA. With this general statement should be compared the section on "the Differ- entiation of the Two Infinitives" in my several chapters, especially that in Chapter II on the Objective Infinitive, pp. 60 ff. I am glad to see that the explanation of the differentiation of the two in- finitives as subject is substantially identical with that offered by me, pp. 20 ff. above. Under 13a, p. 89, "with infinitive as subject, or as object with complement, introduced by it or an impersonal verb, in quotations c. 1205 without it," we read: "Here the infinitive apparently originally depended on the adjective or substantive in the it clause (as in sense 9), or on the impersonal verb, and was therefore put in the form with to. Thus hmlum Sa leohtan scylda hioS heteran to forlcetenne, 'sometimes the slight sins are better to let alone' (K. ^If. Pa. C. 457), might also be expressed hmlum hit is betre Sa leohtan scylda to forlcetenne (cf. hit is god godne to herianne, quotation c. 890), 'sometimes it is better to let alone the slight sins;' and this easily passed into the later 'to let alone the slight sins is sometimes better,' where the infinitive clause becomes the subject as in b." Under 14, p. 89, "with infinitive as direct object of a transitive verb," we read: "Old English normally had the simple infinitive, like modem German. . . . Many of the verbs which in Old English took the simple infinitive could also be followed by to with the dative infinitive. But the auxiliary verbs (see History above) have always been followed by the simple infinitive; e. g. Hwcst can ic sprecan? 'What can I speak?' We magon gehyran, 'We may hear.'" But see Chapter IV, pp. 79 ff., where I have tried to demonstrate that the inflected infinitive is occasionally foimd with atixiliary verbs in Anglo-Saxon. In 15a, p. 89, two examples are given of the inflected infinitive as the pred- icate of a subject accusative in Anglo-Saxon, one after toecan, 'teach,' and another after laeran, 'teach.' See section IV, p. 338, below. As to the syntactical uses of the infinitive, the classification, given at the end of "History," p. 87, tallies in the main with that given by me: "The infinitive with to may be dependent on an adjective, a substantive, or a verb, or it may stand independently. To an adjective it stands in adverbial relation: ready to fight = ready for fighting; to a substantive it stands in adjectival or sometimes adverbial relation: a day to remember = a memorable day; to a verb it may stand in an adverbial or substantival relation: to proceed to work = to proceed to working; to like to work = to like working." It is clear that, in the large, these groups correspond respectively to the adverbial, the adjectival, and the substantival uses as given in my "Introduction," pp. 2 ff. Later, on p. 89, the Dictionary gives a fourth use, "with infinitive equiv- alent to a finite verb or clause," which in part corresponds to my predicative (or more verbal) use of the infinitive. But several noteworthy differences appear when we come to the delimita- tion of the several groups. Under "I. With infinitive in adverbial relation," the differences are fewer and less significant than under the remaining three groups. The subdivisions given under I in the Dictionary are as follows: — " * Indicating purpose or intention," in which we have the inflected infini- tive occasionally modifying a noun, though regularly modifying a verb or an adjective. Here, too, the Dictionary puts the "absolute or independent con- struction, usually introductory or parenthetic," of which the earliest example given is c. 1305, from St. Kenelm, 266: "& to telle hit wiSoute rym tSuse wordes rigt hit were." See Chapter XII, pp. 169 ff., where I have given several examples of the absolute use of the infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. ADDENDA. 337 ** Indicating objectivity," in which the inflected infinitive is " dependent various verbs, chiefly transitive, passive, or reflexive, with weakened sense purpose," on various adjectives, and on various abstract substantives (as nouns of action). indicating appointment or destination," in which the infinitive is dependent on verb, adjective, or substantive. No example is given from Anglo-Saxon, the earliest in the Dictionary dating from 1380. *** Indicating result or consequence," especially after so, such, enough, too. No example is given from Anglo-Saxon; ' but see Chapter XII, pp. 162 ff. above, where numerous examples are given of the consecutive infinitive in Anglo-Saxon. "***** Indicating occasion or condition," which corresponds to my in- finitive of cause and my infinitive of specification: see Chapters XII and XI, pp. 160 f . and 149 ff. The Dictionary's earliest example of the causal infinitive is from the fourteenth century {The Seven Sages and Chaucer). Under this heading, the Dictionary includes, also, the conditional use of the infinitive, of which, however, no example has been found in Anglo-Saxon by the author of the article on to or by myself: see p. 171 above. Clearly the chief difference between the classification of the Dictionary and of the present monograph, in group I, arises from the inclusion by the former of certain infinitives modifying substantives, concerning which this explanation is offered on p. 88 (Ic): "The adverbial use may be explained as qualifying the adjective 'intended, adapted' before to." While not denying the permissibility, perhaps even the desirability, of this subdivision, I am inclined to believe that, in some of the Anglo-Saxon examples quoted, the infinitive is adjectival rather than adverbial in use. But, under "II. With infinitive in adjectival relation" (pp. 88-89), the Dictionary includes not only the infinitive immediately modifying a noun, as in Greg. 127.1, 2 (gif tSaer tSonne sie gierd mid to Sreageanne, sie tSaer eac staif mid to wre&ianne), but also the infinitive used "as predicate after the verb to be " and "expressing duty, obligation, or necessity," as in Chron. 215,* 1083 E (tSa munecas . . . nyston hwet heom to donne wcere). As was stated on p. 5 above, the infinitive of necessity is by most scholars^ put under the predicative (or more verbal) use; nor does the Didionary seem to me to justify its de- parture here from the general custom. The subdivisions of group II, as given by the Dictionary, are: — "a. Expressing intention or appointment (cf. I, 6), and hence simple futurity (thus equivalent to a future participle)," as in Greg. 127.1, 2 above. See, too, Chapter XIII, pp. 173 ff., above. "b. Expressing duty, obligation, or necessity," as in Chron. 215, 1083 E above. "c Expressing possibility or potential action," of which the following is given as an example in Anglo-Saxon: — JFZ/. Hept.: Gen. 28.20: Gif Drihten sylS me hlaf to etenne and reaf to werigenne. "d. Expressing quality or character," of which no example is given from Anglo-Saxon, the earliest in the Dictionary belonging to the fifteenth century. "12. With infinitive equivalent to a relative clause with indicative; chiefly J The earliest example in the Dictionary is from 1300 (A Sarmun). ' Mr. Onions, however, I. c, § 169, puts this infinitive under the adverbial use. 338 ADDENDA. after first, last, or the like (in this case = in with gerund) : as the first to come= 'the first in coming,' 'the first who comes or came.'" The earliest example given is from Coverdale (1535): ^ Sam. 19.11: "Why wyl ye be the last to fetch the kynge agayne unto his house?" Under "III. With infinitive in substantival relation," the Dictionary gives two larger subdivisions: — "13a. With infinitive as subject, or as object with complement, intro- duced by it or an impersonal verb; in quotations c. 1205 without it:" see the paragraph on the differentiation of the two infinitives as subject, in the present note. "b. With infinitive as direct subject or predicate, or in apposition with a substantive or pronoun, or after than: often replaceable by the gerund or verbal substantive in -^ng." Of this use no example is given from Anglo- Saxon, but see Chapter I, pp. 7 ff., and Chapter III, pp. 73 £f., above, where examples are given from Anglo-Saxon. " 14a. With infinitive as direct object of a transitive verb," of which ex- amples are unnecessary here. See the paragraph on the differentiation of the two infinitives as object, in the present note, and Chapter II, pp. 28 ff., above. The Dictionary puts here, allowably, the infinitive with auxiliary verbs, while I have put this under the predicative use: see p. 79 above. "6. Rarely as object of another preposition, instead of the verbal substan- tive or gerund. (Probably imitating French use.)" No example is given from Anglo-Saxon; nor have I found any clear example. But see Chapter III, p. 78, above. Under "IV. With infinitive equivalent to a finite verb or clause," we have these subdivisions in the Dictionary: — "15. With infinitive as complement to a substantive or pronoun, forming a compound object or substantive phrase, corresponding to the 'accusative and infinitive' construction in Latin and Greek." The Didionary states that the prepositional infinitive is found in this construc- tion (a) "after verbs of commanding, teaching, desiring, causing, allowing, or the like; equivalent to a : "She hath no wight to whom to make hirmone." ADDENDA. 339 omittld- £ S£at°oii''e^rpfr* "T^'^"*^"'^' ^^^ «^^i«<'t ^^^^^^ (i"i nominative) or interjectio^HoS?' "'^'"''"'^ astomshment, indignation, Borrow, or (after O or other tfohritir^^lL^T ^'•^^^^gloSaxon, but compare my comment on is dated 14'Sn;.^^ f f Tu J^^ ^^""l^^^* ^'^^"^Ple given by the Dictionary to a:i::^SS^"X^:£rS^- SS - -^^^^ e.i.a.ent B.«rSJ' " A^w V'"""" Anglo-Saxon, but the following is from Layamon's Brut, 21655: Ah ArSur com sone mid selere strengBe, And Scottes to fleonne feor of tSan serde. See my note concerning supposed examples of the his- torical infinitive m Anglo-Saxon, p. 6, above. As implicitly stated already, I should put under group IV the infinitive with auxihary verbs and the infinitive of necessity with beon (wesan), although the Dictionary puts the former under the substantival (objective) use and the latter under the adjectival use. Besides these four chief groups, the Dictionary has another group, "V. Peculiar constructions," subdivided as follows: — " 19. To was formerly often used with the second of two infinitives when the first was without it, especially after an auxiliary, with words intervening between the infinitives. (See also note s. v. than, conj.*)" The earUest example given is from Layamon's Brut, 1220: "Swa he gon slomnen & tSer sefter to slepen." For a somewhat similar phenomenon in Anglo-Saxon, see pp. 77 and 147 above. "20. Occasionally an adverb or adverbial phrase (formerly sometimes an object or predi- cate) is inserted between to and the infinitive, forming the construction now usually (but loosely) called 'split infinitive.' (See Onions, Advanced English Syntax, 177.)" The earliest example given is from the Cursor Mundi, 8318 (Cott. & Fairf.) : "To temple make he sal be best." See p. 148 above, where I have given a brief note on this construction in Anglo-Saxon. "21. Used absolutely at the end of a clause, with ellipsis of the infinitive, which is to be supplied from the preceding clause. Bare before 19th century; now a frequent colloquialism." The earliest example given is from the fourteenth-century Minor Poems from Vernon Manuscript, xxxiii. 74: "Be soules of synners, . . . tSer to take and resseyue so As tSei on eortJe deserueden to." See, at the beginning of the present note, the quotation from Mr. Olaf Johnsen and my comment thereon. "22. Instead of the dative infinitive, the gerund in -ing was sometimes used after to: probably originating in a phonetic confusion of -en and ■4n(g), but later perhaps with the notion of a future action (cf. llo); as to coming = 'to come,' or 'coming:' see also come, v., 32 P (after c). Obsolete." The earliest example given is from Wyclif, Num. 32.7: "Thei doren not passe into the place that the Lord is to gyuynge to hem." M. C, Je. 1. IN PROSE. Use: Total In Prose and In Poetry. Total In Prose. Total In Poetry. Bede. Boeth. Greg. Oros. SoUI. Summary o( Alfred. Pr. Ps. Chron. Laws. Waerf. Bened. Bl. Horn. Pr. Gu. U. 104 2709 44 9 I. 252 529 15 13 38 240 23 1 15 541 241 17 7 29 46 4 242 U. 96 2218 41 9 20 572 646 17 10 1037 7 323 4 2 4 3 I. 226 512 15 11 30 238 23 1 15 526 21.7 16 6 27 45 4 234 U. 8 491 3 109 42 8 1 475 119 2 2 1 I. U. I. U. I. U. I. U. I. u. I. U. I. u. I. u. I. U. I. U I. U. I. u. I. U. I. Subjective 26 17 2 2 2 15 24 1 1 2 1 8 9 262 6 1 6 62 1 88 15 1 3 8 26 1 1 19 2 4 88 17 1 5 1 47 8 110 2 1 8 30 21 11 42 1 10 1 1 7 17 9 1 1 11 2 39 1 291 1 23 8 22 59 2 56 2 1 28 37 2 3 13 1 134 7 2 3 27 2 2 17 9 1 1 1 13 14 1 4 11 4 9 2 9 18 26 4 1 2 4 3 6 31 549 15 2 26 387 1 1 168 25 1 2 3 76 163 6 1 86 5 1 7 138 89 9 ' 8 9 1 81 7 2 1 11 2 12 1 7 3 1 1 137 3 2 2 22 10 26 2 4 2 2 24 4 6 12 12 33 16 6 1 7 22 14 4 14 5 4 12 276 3 37 2 77 4 9 19 1 41 1 2 36 9 3 4 20 2 5 7 41 3 6 11 1 8 3 3 5 2 71 1 44 17 55 2 1 6 13 1 17 12 1 5 1 3 3 14 2 5 2 15 1 2 2 1 1 2 Objective Other Substantival Uses: (1) As an Appositive (2) As a Predicate Nominative .... Predicative with Auxiliary Verbs* . . Predicative with Verbs of Motion and Rest Predicative with (,W)uton Predicative with Beon {Wesan): ** (1) Of Necessity, Passive in Sense . . . (2) Of Necessity, Active in Sense . . . (3) Of Futurity 129 614 654 17 11 1512 7 442 6 2 C (4) Of Purpose (1) As Object Final Infinitive with Adjectives Other Adverbial Uses: (1) Absolute Use (2) Of Cause (3) Of Result, with Adjectives .... (4) Of Result, with Verbs (5) Of Specification, with Verbs . . . Infinitive with Nouns 4 Subjective 9 .W 9 18 3 38 6 3 1 80 15 2 1 1 1 1 2 7 6 1 2 17 3 4 6 6 2 1 7 6 5 2 25 10 1 1 3 4 2 4 3 1 1 14 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 Objective 19 6 O 1 81 17 2 Predicative with Quasi-Auxiliary .... Predicative with Accusative Subject: (1) As Subject Final 4 Other Adverbial Uses: (1) Of Result (2) Of Specification 8 24 641 40 10 52 7 3 1 8 24 640 23 3 50 7 3 1 1 17 7 2 1 7 89 2 31 3 •• 9 1 1 36 3 •• 5 2 1 8 139 8 31 3 5 5 3 1 12 162 9 18 35 6 1 3 Predicative with Auxiliary Verbs: (1) With Beon (2) With WeoriSan (3) With Wesan Predicative with Accusative Subject: (1) As Object (2) As Subject Predicative with (W)uton Infinitive with Adjectives 1 Objective Predicative with Accusative Subject: (1) As Subject 5 1 5 1 4 1 _ 4 1 1 ■• Appendix D. synoptic tables of the uses of the infimtive in anglo-saxon. The Active Infinitive with Active Verbs in Anglo- ■Saxon : Synoptic Table 3f the Uses of • Pr. Ps. Chron. Laws, Wtert. Bened. Bl. Horn. Pr. Gu. Man. jElf. Hon). Hept. MU. L. S. A. S. Horn. and L. S., I. MUrtca Minor Proae. Summary of M\Mc. A.S. Hom. and L. S., II. G OS PC Is: Summary of Gospels. Wulf. Mat. Mk. I.. J. u. I. U. I. U. I. U I. U. I. U. I. u. I. u. I. U. I. U. I. tJ. I. u. I. U. I. V. I. u. I. U. I. U. I. u. I. U. I. u. I. U. I. u. I. > [ i ) I ) ) i i I '7 2 1 11 2 12 1 7 3 1 1 137 3 2 2 22 ] e !6 2 4 2 2 >4 4 6 12 12 33 16 6 1 7 22 14 4 14 5 4 12 276 3 37 2 77 4 9 19 1 41 1 2 36 9 3 4 20 2 5 7 41 3 6 11 1 8 3 3 5 2 71 1 44 17 55 2 1 6 13 1 17 12 1 5 1 3 3 14 2 5 2 15 1 2 2 1 1 2 168 2 4 1 2 50 3 4 2 3 4 217 4 6 100 40 133 6 2 1 28 71 5 25 5 72 26 2 2 9 1 31 51 36 1 1 56 7 5 42 41 8 5 5 374 2 2 25 11 1 166 7 1 1 23 60 1 12 4 2 55 19 1 5 2 17 20 2 2 19 6 9 10 1 2 1 11 11 5 6 1 18 9 1 2 9 18 1 12 1 2 10 20 673 4 8 2 168 59 1 3 392 29 3 1 2 64 191 6 56 11 3 190 55 2 6 18 3 63 62 3 26 7 4 1 22 3 1 7 1 1 11 8 2 2 1 21 6 2 4 12 2 15 6 9 2 15 1 5 4 34 2 5 12 2 5 5 2 1 6 7 12 39 1 • • '7 1 6 1 11 3 18 1 2 2 1 9 2 5 6 1 9 4 1 7 1 7 1 9 17 94 3 24 3 11 1 44 7 42 1 14 20 4 1 37 4 26 3 56 230 24 28 1 26 19 2 15 10 8 10 3 1 1 2 '7 4 20 46 100 211 2 2 4 3 32 11 4 2 7 10 ** In this block, the first column gives the total of Personal Subject; the second, of the Impersonal Subject; — each with the infinil The Active Infixiitive with Passive Verbs in Anglo-Saxon: Sjmoptic Table of the Uses of. > > > ) 1 1 3 4 2 4 3 1 1 14 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 5 2 9 2 '2 3 4 10 1 2 2 3 9 2 2 23 2 1 6 5 2 1 2 1 2 8 7 8 1 1 The Passive Infinitive with Active Verbs in Anglo- Saxon: Sjmopti c Table of the Uses of. 5 5 3 1 12 1&2 9 18 35 6 1 , 3 11 106 2 1 5 3 34 3 1 3 1 .. 1 29 4 177 1 3 3 1 14 1 1 •• 1 8 1 5 1 3 2 2 3 1 3 2 4 19 1 • 4 24 7 1 9 2 1 \\ The Passive Infinitive with Passive Verbs in Anglo-Saxon: Sjmoptic Table of the Uses of. 1 2. IN POETRY. - Summary of Gospels. Wult. Liece. Minor Prose. Beow. Gen. Ex. Dan. Az. Chr. El. Jul. Gu. And. Rid. Ph. Jud. Pa. Met. Minor Poemd. u. I. U. I. u. I. u. I. U. I. U. I. U. I. u. I. u. I. U. I. u. I. U. I. u. I. u. I. U. I. U. I. U. I. U. I. u. I. u. I. T J 17 94 3 24 3 11 1 44 7 42 1 14 20 4 1 37 4 26 3 56 230 24 28 1 26 19 2 15 10 8 10 3 1 1 2 7 4 20 46 100 211 2 2 4 3 32 11 4 2 7 10 2 76 1 10 2 44 2 6 13 3 7 8 1 1 3 1 58 1 22 4 65 37 6 2 2 1 4 2 1 74 25 3 1 72 34 2 1 1 2 1 2 4 19 4 1 18 5 23 3 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 6 5 4 24 1 1 4 3 1 52 20 2 3 40 1 15 i 2 1 24 2 2 13 2 2 * * 1 1 1 43 17 1 1 50 12 i 3 1 3 2 9 7 3 41 '7 1 1 2 3 4 1 io 2 12 4 1 1 52 3 14 18 1 6 1 1 5 1 6 23 1 1 8 1 1 1 1 1 76 2 14 16 1 94 io 1 7 1 1 6 1 1 Subjec t; — each with the infinitive inflected. For the few instances of Beon {Wesan) followed by the uninflected infinitive, see Chapter VII. 2 8 7 8 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 i 2 4 19 1 • 4 24 7 1 9 2 1 16 1 2 5 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 '7 ■■ ••