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Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028227902 
 
TWO HISTORIC DISSERTATIONS. 
 
 I. 
 
 ON 
 
 THE SILESIAN WAR, 
 
 CONCLUDED 
 
 BY THE TREATY OF BRESLAU, 1742. 
 
 n. 
 
 ON 
 
 THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT 
 
 OP 
 
 LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE, 
 
 SUBSEQUENT TO THE REVOLUTION, 1798. 
 
 BY WILLIAM BELSHAM. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED FOR G. G. AND J. ROBINSON, PATERNOSTER-ROW; 
 
 BY J. CROWDER, WARWICK-SaUABE. 
 
 M. DCCC. 
 
 9 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 1 O the Edition of the Hiftory of Great-Britain now in con- 
 templation of the Author, but the public appearance of which is re- 
 mote and uncertain, it is his intention to annex Six Hiftoric Differta- 
 tions, containing original vouchers for fuch parts of the work as may 
 be regarded either as moft important or moft problematic. 
 
 The Differtations are on the following fubjefts : — 
 
 I. On the Charafiter of the Earl of Shaftefbury. 
 
 II. Onthe MinifterialSeceffion, 1717. 
 
 III. On the Treaty of Hanover, 1725. 
 
 IV. On the Eirft Silefian War, 1740-2. 
 
 V. On the Adminiftration of Mr. Haftings.. 
 
 VI. On the Charaaer of Louis XVI. 
 
 ¥our of thefe have already been fubmitted, in one mode or other, tO' 
 
 the public eye. But as the purchafers of the various editions of the 
 
 Hiftory a£tually printed, are entitled to every reafonable and prafti- 
 
 cable accommodation, it has been deemed expedient to publifh the 
 
 remaining ones feparately, both in quarto and oftavo, in order, if the 
 
 poffeffors of the Hiftory fo pleafe, to bind with the different copies of 
 
 the work. 
 
 , A very 
 
iv PREFACE. 
 
 A very rare and curious Indian publication having recently been 
 put into the hands of the Author, fome extrafts from which he pur- 
 pofes hereafter to fubjoin to the DifiTertation, comprizing the fubftance 
 of the Anfwer to Major Scott's Ofefervations, he has embraced the 
 prefent opportunity to offer them alfo to the Public in a diftinft and' 
 feparate form. 
 
 ON 
 
ojsr 
 
 THE SILESIAN WAR, 
 
 A. D. 1740. 
 TERMINATED BY THE TREATY OF BRESLAU, 
 
 A. D. 1742, 
 
 HOUGH it Would be abfurd and' ludicrous to enter into a very 
 formal difcuffion, and much lefs vindication of the claims of the King 
 of Pruffia, refpefting. Silefia, yet as a matter of hiftoric curioiity, it may 
 not be improper concifely to ftate the nature of them. The principality 
 of Jagerndorf with its dependencies, appertaining to that extenfive pro- 
 vince, itfelf a fief of the kingdom of Bohemia, was in the beginning of 
 the feventeenth century iii poffeiTion of a younger branch of the Bran- 
 denburg family, the Margrave John George ; who having efpoufed 
 the caufe of the unfortunate Frederic, Ele£lor Palatine, was outlawed by 
 the Emperor Ferdinand II. and hi-s principality coiififcated^ notwith- 
 ftanding the refiftance and proteft of the Electoral Houfe of Branden- 
 burg, who, on the extinftion of the Margravian line, confidered thefh- 
 felves as the lawful heirs of the principality. 
 
 The Dutchy of Lignitz alfo, and feveral adjoining diftri£ts, were, in 
 virtue of an antient treaty of conrfraternity, forniaHy devifed by the laft 
 Duke to the Elefilor Frederick William, commonly ftiled the Great 
 Eleftor. But the Court of Vienna, refufing to acquiefce in this difpofi- 
 lion, a treaty was at length concluded at Berlin, A. D, 1686, by which 
 the Court of Berlin relinquiflied all her obfolete and hopelefs pre- 
 teufions* not only to the Dutchy of Lignitz, but to the Principality of 
 
 B Jagerndorf, 
 
^2 ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 
 
 Jagendorf, in exchange for the fmall territory of Schwibus in Sllefia • 
 And even this was fliortly after reftored to the Imperial Court by the 
 fucceeding Eleaor, Fjederic I. King of Pruffia, who received for the 
 fame an equivalent, or fatisfaftion, in money. 
 
 In his public Manifefto, the reigning Monarch declared that his an- 
 •ceftor had been inveigled into making the ceffion in queffion, inferring 
 from this circumftanee the nullity of the treaty, and the juftice of a 
 claim which had not been heard of for half a century. But this plea 
 he had too much refpeft for his readers to admit into his hiftory. He 
 infifts, however, with fome apparent reafon, on the invalidity of the 
 affent given by the lat^ King to the edift of the Pragmatic San£Vion, 
 ^hich he fays was wholly conditional ; being infeparably connefted 
 with the reciprocal guarantee of the fucceffion of Bergue and Juliers by 
 the Emperor Charles. But fuch was the weaknefs and duplicity of this 
 prince, that he fcrupled not at the fame time to grant the Imperial gua- 
 rantee of that difputed fucceffion to the Houfes of Brandenburg, 
 Saxony, and Sultzbach. 
 
 The thoughts of the King of Pruffia were, however, much lefs en- 
 gaged in weighing the equity of his own pretenfions, than in devifing 
 means to render them efFeftive. " Frederic I." fays this Monarch, 
 with his charadteriftic franknefs, " En erigeant la Pruffe en Royaume 
 " avoit par cette vain grandeur, mis un germe d'ambition dans fa pof- 
 " terite, qui devoit fruftifier tot ou tard." " The King determined, as 
 he tells us, on a mature confideration of the forlorn fituation of Auftria, 
 whofe finances were miferably deranged, whofe armies were ruined by 
 the late unfuccefsful war with Turkey, and which was now governed 
 by a young Princefs, without experience, under the additional difad- 
 vantage of a doubtful title, to affert, what in his manifefto he is pleafed 
 to ftile his inconteftible rights to Silefia." So chimerical, neverthelefs, 
 did his claims appear to the Court of Vienna, that when in confequence 
 of the military preparations aftually carrying on in the Pruffian domi- 
 nions, M. Damrath, the Imperial Envoy at Berlin, warned his Court 
 that a ftorm was gathering which might poffibly burft over that pro- 
 vince i 
 
ON THE SILESIAN WAR. s 
 
 vince ; the Council of the Queen replied, " Nous ne voulons ni ne 
 ■pouvons, ajouter foi aux nouvelles, que vous nous mandez." 
 
 A war with the Houfe of Auftria, notwithftanding its prefent ftate of 
 depreffion, appeared in the view of the King of Pruffia bimfelf fo 
 novel and daring an undertaking, and the final iffue fo doubtful, that 
 he would readily have compounded his claims for a very moderate 
 equivalent. " My intention," fays this Monarch, in a letter addreffed 
 to the Count de Gotter, his Minifter at Vienna, " is not to difturb the 
 " repofe of Europe, and much lefs that of the Empire. This is a refo- 
 " lution which I will endeavour to preferve, and I will do my utmoft 
 " to remove the obftacles that may be formed againft fo falutary an 
 " end as that which I propofe to myfelf, which tends only to fecare 
 " the liberty of the Germanic Body, and fupport the Houfe of Aullria. 
 " — I have declared to the Court of Vienna the motives to this ftep, in 
 " fuch a manner, as will in a fhort time convince that Court, as weH as 
 " all Germany and the reft of Europe, of the uprightnefs of my inten- 
 " tions. And you may mention to the Duke of Tufcany, that I may 
 " even abate fomething of my demands, upon condition that the Queerr 
 " of Hungary will be pleafed to agree with me in a reafonable and fincere 
 " accommodation, and enter into clofe engagements fuitable to our 
 " reciprocal interefts." 
 
 The King of Pruffia foon afterwards declared his readinefs to accept 
 the Dutchy of Glogau and fome adjacent diftrifts, in lieu of all his 
 pretenfions ; to enter into ftriO: alliance with the Queen of Hungary, 
 andto guarantee the Auftrian fucceffion, agreeably to the Pragmatic 
 Sanftion ; to employ his intereft for the ele£tion of the Duke of Lor- 
 raine to the Iihperial Crown, and to pay two millions of florins as an 
 indemnification for the expences of the war. By acceding to thefe 
 terms, the Queen of Hungary might doubtkfs have firmly eftablifhed 
 herfelf in her remaining hereditary poflfeffions, and fecured the throne 
 of the Empire to her confort. But the Auftrian pride, moft impoli- 
 tically foftered by England, chofe rather to put all to the hazard than to 
 Cacrifice the fmaileft iota of its rights. The applications of the Count- 
 
 B 8, de GottcE 
 
^ ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 
 
 de Gotter were treated with inefFable difdain, and that Minlfter had 
 the boldnefs to fhew to the Duke of Tufcany a difpatqh, in which the 
 fong had ufed the expreflTon, " Si le Grand Due veut fe perdre qu'il 
 " fe perde." The Courtiers of the Queen declared, in a tone of infult- 
 , ing raillery, that it did not belong to a Prince whofe duty it was, in the 
 capacity of Chamberlain of the Empire, to prefent the Emperor with 
 a bafon to waf^i his hands, to prefcribe laws to his daughter. The 
 Count Kinfki in particular, who paffed for the proudeft man in that 
 proud circle, exclaipied againft all the propofitions of the Pruffian Am- 
 baflador, " as difgraceful to be liftened tp by the , fucceffors of the 
 " Csefars." A,nd Mr. Robinfon, the Englifli Ambaffador at Vienna, 
 aflPefting to confider the whole; enterprize as an extravagant and in- 
 fenfate attempt, protefted, " that the name of the King of Pruffia 
 " ought to b^ ftruck out of the lift of politicians." 
 
 The vigour, decifion, and promptitude with which that young Mo- 
 narch afted on this occafion, were however, by judges of a different 
 clafs, regarded as indicatory of great fucceeding events — as the early 
 dawnings of an extraordinary and illuflrious reign. The attention of 
 all Eurppe was ftft^gly attrafted by fo bold a ftep, and the feelings of 
 men were powerfully interefted and divided in contemplating the ca- 
 taftrpphe of this political drama. The perfon of the King of Pruffia, 
 at this period of his life, is by a coteraporary writer thus defcribed. 
 '^ His JPruffian Majefty is rather under the middle ftature, very ftrait, 
 " and extremely well fhaped, fomewhat inclining to plumpnefs. He 
 " has a round j fmooth, and well proportioned face, a fair complexion, 
 " light hrown hair, large eyes, grey and fparkling, his npfe is ftrait and 
 " handfome, his countenance full of majefty, but yet pleafant. He is 
 « fufficiently ftrong, very aftive, and can bear fatigue of ftudy, travel, 
 " or any exercife, to admiration." 
 
 It muft be remarked, that at the period when the King of Pruffia en- 
 tered Silefiai which was little more than two months after the death 
 of the Emperor Charles VI. no other power had declared againft the 
 Queen of Hungary, whofe fucceffion was guaranteed by almoft all 
 
 Europe. 
 
ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 5 
 
 Europe. The Courts of Vienna and London, therefore, hoped to taakc 
 him quickly repent his temerity. As the original documents relative 
 to the plan, univerfally believed to be projefted for diveftingthe Sang 
 of Pruflia of a part of his dominions, by way of punifliment for his pre- 
 fumption, have never been made public, it is irapoffible precifely to 
 afcertain what fhare the King of England took in that dark tranfaSion. 
 Tindal, the beft cotemporary authority, is evidently anxious, when 
 touching on this topic, to avoid whatever might implicate the charafter 
 of his Sovereign. Speaking of the oflfers of the King of Pruflia, he 
 fays, (Vol. XX. p. 484.) " The Minifter and his friends fecretly wifhed 
 " that they had been accepted ; but the nature of his Majefty's en- 
 " go^€ment$ dki not admit of their making any public declaration on 
 " that head." And again, (p. 497.) " The friendfliip of Great Britain 
 " fcrved only to make her Hungarian Majefty more haughty ; — ^her 
 " Miniftry formed a fcheme of general coi&deracy againft the King of 
 « Pruflia, in which his dommions were to be partitioned out, and his 
 *f Britannic Majefty, as EleSor of Hanover, was to have his fliare of 
 *' them. It is more than probable, that this projeft was under a ftrong 
 *' feal of fecrefy communicated to the Court of England, but it is cer- 
 « tg.ia it njet there with rio approbation. His Pruflian Majefly, through 
 ^ the imprudence of the Auftrian Mituiftry, came to the knowledge of 
 *f tjtjs affeir, and heariing notHng of it from, England, he concluded, or 
 ^ affe£ted to. conclude, that the meafure had been entered into by hi$ 
 *f Britennic Majefty. He inftantly formed the defign of uniting himfelf 
 <' clofely with France, and of joining to raife the Eleftor of Bavaria to 
 " thg throne of the Empire." 
 
 " In. the papers relating to Foreign, afeirs, laid before Parliament, 
 " January 1742, was found," as the fame hiftorian tells us, (p. 459) 
 " A plan of the alliance already noticed betvveen the Queen of Hun- 
 " gary. Great Britaiuj Holland, Hanover, Saxony, and' Mufcovy, in 
 " order to attack Pruflia all at once; and to make a partition of his 
 " dominions : each, power referving to itfelf that portion of them it 
 " fhould conquer. Aprodigious clamour was raifed, in England againft 
 •« thisprojeft ; butall that appeared was> thatfuch a projeft had been 
 
 " communicated 
 
6 ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 
 
 " communicated to Count Oftein, the Imperial Minifter at I^ndon, 
 " and by him tranfmitted to Vienna. But it did not appear that it 
 " came from the Britifh Miniftry." An addrefs being prefented by 
 the Houfe of Commons, for letters and memorials, &c. between the 
 Courts of London and Berlin, in order to throw fome light on this affair ; 
 it was artfully evaded in the reply ; his Majefty affirming " that he 
 " had direfted all the tranfaftions to which it relates to be carefully 
 " examined, in order to fee how far the fame may be complied with, 
 " without prejudice to the public, and confiftently with the confidence 
 " repofed in him by other princes." In the fucceeding feffion, a fimilar 
 motion was made, for copies of all memorials, &c. which had been 
 fent to or received from the Court of Vienna. " The chief aim of the 
 " movers," fays the hiflorian Tindal, " was to fix upon the late or the 
 " prefent Miniflry the charge of having contrived that partition of the 
 " PrufBan dominions, which had fo greatly difgufled his PrufBan Ma- 
 " jelly." After much debate the motion was finally rejefted in a very 
 full Houfe, by. a majority, of 58 voices onlyj the numbers being on 
 the divifion, 212 to i54. 
 
 Upon comparing the different parts of this account, it is obvious to 
 remark : Firft,. That the plan faid to be originally formed by the Auf- 
 trian Miniftry was, in fa£t, and by the fubfequent acknowledgment of the 
 hiftorian, tranfmitted by Count Oftein from London to Vienna; and who 
 in London could prefume to form, and much lefs to propofe to the re- 
 prefentatives of foreign Princes, fchemes of this nature, but the Minifters 
 themfelves, or thofe of them who pofTefTed the Royal confidence, by 
 whom it was no doubt communicated to the Court of Vienna through 
 the medium of the Auftrian AmbafTador. Secondly., It appears that 
 Sir Robert Walpole, and the party which adhered to him in the Court 
 and the Cabinet, were folicitous that the Court of Vienna fhould accede 
 to the propofals of the King of PrufTia ; but the engagements, and no 
 doubt the inclinations and defigns of the Englifh Monarch were adverfe 
 to his wiihes. The influence of that great ftatefman was at this time 
 almoft extingiiifhed, and a romantic fpirit of. enterprize and adventure 
 predominated. Thirdly, It is incontrovertible, that although an uni- 
 
 verfal 
 
ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 7 
 
 verfal opinion was entertained of the reality of a proje£t for partitioning 
 the dominions of the Pruffian Monarch, originating in the Britifh Ca- 
 binet, and which excited very great clamour and difcontent, yet that 
 the Court refufed, on two fucceffive and celebrated motions, to produce 
 any papers or documents which might in anywife counteraft a notion 
 very open, if unfounded, to the cleareft confutation. 
 
 But it may be proper to compare with the imperfe£l, inconfiftent, 
 and apparently relufitant information of Tindal, the account given by 
 the King of Pruffia himfelf, of the conduft of the Court of Lotidon at 
 this important crifis. That Monarch is very far from countenancing 
 the idea, that the proje£l of partition was firft fuggefted by the Court 
 of Vienna. His words are thefe : " The greateft enemies of the King, 
 " as it generally happens, were his neareft neighbours. The Kings of 
 " England and Poland, depending upon the intrigues carried on by 
 " Count Lynar (the Saxon Minifter) in Ruffia, concluded an ofFenfive 
 " alliance, by which they divided between them the Pruffian pro- 
 *♦ vinces. Their imaginations battened on the profpeft of their prey — 
 " les engraijait de cette proie — and whilft they declaimed againft the 
 « ambition of a young Prince their neighbour, they already believed 
 " themfelves in poffeffion of his fpoils, hoping thlat Ruffia and the 
 « Princes of the Empire would concur in promoting their ambitious 
 « defigns. This was the moment which the Court of Vienna ought 
 " to have feized in order to efFe£l: an accommodation with the King. 
 « If .the Dutchy of Glogau had then been ceded to him, he would have 
 « remained content, and the Ciueen of Hungary might have fecured 
 " his affiftance againft all her other enemies. But it is very rare that 
 « we find perfons who always difcem the proper times for conceffion 
 « or ftedfaft refolution*." 
 
 After the viftory of Molwitz, where, to the aftonifliment of Europe, 
 the veteran troops of Auftria were defeated by the inexperienced forces 
 of Pruffia, the King of England fent two Minifters to Berlin, Lord 
 
 * CEuvres de Roi de Prvjffc, Vol. V. p. 92. 
 
 Hyndford 
 
8 ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 
 
 Hyndford in his regain and M. Schwichelt in his Ekftoral capacity. 
 Theobje£l of the latter was to fell the neutrality of Hanover at as dear 
 a rate as poflible : of the former to mediate between the Courts of 
 Vienna and Berlin, and to offer the good offices of his mafter, to engage 
 the Queen of Hungary to cede certain diftrifts of the Lower Silefia to 
 obtain a peace ; the dreams of conqueft being now at an end. But the 
 King being, as he declares, well apprized of the duplicity of the Englifh 
 Court, which was at this very time esertiag all her influence at the 
 Court of St. Peterfljurg and elfewhere to his prejadice, determined to 
 Cgn the treaty of alliance which France propofed to bim, by M. de 
 Belleifle. 
 
 The Queen of Hungary at kngth began to fee the dangfer vtfhkh 
 threatened ber ; and the armies, of Fraace being now ©n their march 
 to the Danube, that Prineefs difpatched Robinfonj the Eniglifl> Minifter 
 at Vienna, to the King of PralSa, with offers of accomBaodati®». Ro- 
 binfon aflumiag; a tone of ridieubus and illrtimed anFogance^ toM the 
 King,. " that her Hungsarian Majefty was willing to- fotg«ff all that had 
 " padTed* and to cede limburg and Gueldres, with two millions of 
 " crowns, as an eqiaivaknt ion his; pwetenfions on Silefia, pro^idiedt be 
 « inftantly evacua,ted that Dutchy-" Tlie Kia»g diverted r^AeF fhan 
 offended at this curious offeEj and equally defpifing tbe Hieffage, and the 
 Hadlengej;, repKed, as hie tells w&,m te^mst no lefe ftately, " that it was 
 *■■ fo» piinaces withottt hofi&ur to fell their rights for Ba<mey, and that 
 " thefe offeis. were more i^iurioHtS thaft the fortnee coHteifnptnous treats 
 ** ment c£ the Cowt s( Vieft-lia." The Praflsaia Monaarch iBwaediately 
 upen this figned a treaty of aJlianee and mi*tiial defence with the EkScw 
 of Bavaria, then in the fu-ll eareei! of vi£t®*yj to whom', m setujHrfoir 
 Silefia, he guaranteed, together with his vote at the- app*oaehi»g Diet 
 of Eleftidn, the poflTeffion of the Upper Auftria, the Tyrol, the Brifgau, 
 and the King,dQmj of Bohenaia. Even the King of Poland,, pevo&mng 
 the fine fchemes he had concested with the King ef En^and Mtteslji 
 hoj)elefs,,joiH:ed th6lwi^;Tafi againA the Hodc of Auftria. 
 
 The 
 
ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 9' 
 
 The Court of Vienna now thoroughly alarmed, and preffed on all 
 fides, offered, through the intervention of the Englifli AmbafTador, the- 
 ceffion of a confiderable part of Silefia. ITiis propofition, fays the 
 King, was coldly received, and an intimation given, that what may be 
 good' at one time is not fo at another. The affairs of the Queen be- 
 coming every day more defperate. Lord Hyndford made on the part of 
 her Majefly another propofal ; to relinquiih to him the- whole of Silefia, 
 excepting NeifTe, on condition of his aflifting her with all his forces. 
 The King replied, that he could not violate the faith of the treaties' 
 which he had made. Even in this extremity of diflrefs and misfortune, 
 Vienna itfelf, expe£ting in helplefs conflernation the approach of the' 
 enemy, the pride of that Court feemed to fuffer little abatement. " The 
 allisKice of fo many powers againft the Houfe of Auftria was regarded,'" 
 fays his Pruflian Majefly, '" as a new war of the Titans, to fubvert the 
 " throne of Jupiter." 
 
 At length, a private compromife and temporary ceflationof hoftilities' 
 took place, in confequence of which the whole of Sifefia was aban- 
 doned to the Pruflians, after a ftiow of defending the town of NeifTe, 
 the only fortrefs which remained unfubdued, on a verbal engagement 
 from the King, not to take any a£tive part in favour of the confederate 
 powers. But with a view to excite lafling diflention amongfl her 
 enemies, the Court of Vienna, as the Pruflian Monarch had previoufly 
 expe£ted, divulged the fecret of this agreement. . And the furprifing 
 turn, which the war had taken during the winter of .1741-2, in favour^ 
 of Auftria, revived all her former difdain, filled her with new hopes,, 
 and made it apparent, that no permanent peace could be obtained- 
 for Pruffiai till her Hungarian Majefty had fuflained another reverfe of: 
 fortune. The war' therefore recommenced with redoubled fury ; but 
 the battle of Czaflau, fought in the month of May 1742, once more 
 awaked the apprehenfions and reftored the pacific views of the Court 
 of Vienna. And the Earl of Hyndford being now vefl:ed with full 
 powers, the treaty of Breflau was figned in June following, under the: 
 the mediation of the King of England. 
 
 c By 
 
10 ON THE SILESIAN WAR. 
 
 By the terms of this celebrated treaty, both the Upper and Lower 
 Silefia, the principality of Tefchen excepted, were, together with the 
 County of Glatz, yielded to Pruflia in full fovereignty — the Kingof Pruffia 
 renouncing all pretenfions upon the remaining territories of the Queen 
 ■of Hungary, and charging himfelf with the payment of the. loan ad- 
 vanced by the Englifli merchants in 1755, upon the credit of the 
 Silefian revenues. Such were the eafy conditions upon which an ac* 
 quifition was made, which laid the foundation of the prejfent greatnefs 
 of Pruffia. The ceffions comprized in this treaty fo far exceeded the 
 moft fanguine hopes originally entertained by the Pruffian Monarch, as 
 to caufe him to fpeak of it publickly in terms of the higheft exultation, 
 declaring himfelf willing to part with his right hand to enfure the per- 
 '^tual and faithful obfervaiice of it. 
 
 The King of Pruffia does by no means afcribe the merit of this tran- 
 faftion to the exclufive influence of his own talents. " Circum- 
 itances," fays he, *' feconded this enterprize throughout. In order 
 " to render it fuccefsfijl, it was neceflary that France fhould have 
 " taken the part {he did in the war againft Auftria ; that Ruffia fhould 
 *' have been attacked by Sweden ; that the Hanoverians and Saxons 
 " fhould have been reftrained by timidity from timely and vigorous 
 " aftion ; and that the Ki,ng of England, the enemy of Pruffia, fliould 
 *' have become, in his own difpute, the inflrument of their aggran- 
 *' dizement. If this great undertaking, had failed, the King would 
 " have been cenfured as an inconfiderate Prince, who had at- 
 *' tempted an enterprize beyond his fhrength. Succefs eflabliflied his 
 " reputation." 
 
 Upon the whole, it is evident to demonflration, that from an eager 
 and ambitious defire to make acquifitions at the expence of Pruffia, 
 to be added to the Eleftorate of Hanover, the Court of London did 
 not exert her powerful influence with the Queen of Hungary to 
 accept of tlie firft moderate propofals of the King of Pruffia, by which 
 the peace of Europe would probably have been preferved 3 nay, that 
 the Court of Vienna was encouraged by the King of England to 
 3 rejeft 
 
ON THE SILESIAN WAR. n 
 
 reje£l them with difdain, and in this inftance, as well as in many 
 others,, there appeared reafon amply fufficient to excite the deepeft 
 regret at the abfurd and unnatural conneQ:ion fubfifting between the 
 Kingdom of Great Britain, and that infignificant German Dutchy. 
 But what avails this elaborate deduftion of fadls ? All can fee the 
 folly of the follies that are paft j while* the more gigantic ones of the 
 time prefent, as by feme ftrange enchantment, elude the obfervatioo^ 
 and vanifh entirely foom^the view ! 
 
 C2 ON 
 
ON 
 
 THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT 
 
 OF 
 
 LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE, 
 
 SUBSEQUENT TO THE REVOLUTION, 
 A. D. 1789. 
 
 A HE fincerity of the late King of France, and the reality of his 
 attachment to the conftitution, eftablifhed A. D. 1791, have been fre- 
 quent and ferious topics of difcuffion in this countiy, and there are 
 many perfons fo immoderately indulgent, or fo imperfeOrly informed, 
 as to imagine, that this unfortunate Monarch was chargeable with no 
 violation of good faith and integrity during the laft eventful years of 
 his life. But if it appear on a difpaffionate and impartial inveftigation 
 of fafts, that the diffimulation of the King was uniform and fyftematic, 
 from the period of his affembling the Eftates General, to the day of 
 his dethronement, the French Nation will be refcued from a part, at 
 leaft, of that intolerable load of reproach, under which, from a variety 
 -of caufes, but chiefly from the praftical abandonment of their fpecu- 
 lative principles, they at prefent unavoidably fuffer. Truth is facred, 
 and we have no right to be unjuft, even to thofe who are charged or 
 chargeable with afts of the moft atrocious injuftice to others. There is 
 furely no neceffity to heighten the deep and fombre tints of the pifiture. 
 
 Although 
 
14 ON THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 Although every art and every effort had been tried on the part of 
 the Court to prevent the meeting of the Eftates General, the King of 
 France, in his opening fpeech (May 5, 1789) affumed the merit of con- 
 vening that affembly from the pureft motives of patriotifm and good- 
 will ; and he cqngratulatjdt them *' on ^e arrival of'the day which he 
 " had long panted to fee." But M. Bertrand de Moleville, who filled 
 for fome months, during the years 1791 and 1792^ the office of Minifter 
 of Marine, and was known to be in the highefl: confidence of the King, 
 fpeaks in his Memoirs a language widely different., " Bec?iufe," fays 
 he, " the Stat-es Generftl prodliced • the moft execrable revolution that 
 " ever exifted, is it Louis we ought to accufe ? No one is ignorant that 
 " it was not in his power to refufe af^mbling the States General. He 
 " was forced to it, not only by the univerfal cry of the Kingdom, but by 
 " the deplorable imprudence of the Parliaments in declaring, that they 
 *' did not reprefent the Nation ; and that they would no longer ufurp 
 " a right which conscience and honour compelled them to relinquifh." 
 The rafh and violent proceedings of the Archbiftiop of Toulpufe had 
 been attended with confequences which flruck the Court with confler- 
 natiqi), and. in adopting the conciliatory line of eondu^t. recommended 
 by M. Necker, the Monarch was influenced by no other motive than 
 fear. But his underftapding was too circumfcribed to allow him long 
 to follow any confifient and uniform fyftem of a£lion. After the actual 
 convention of the Eflates,, he evidently wavered between oppofite 
 counfels. 
 
 The famous Royal Declaration of the 23d June (.1789) was origi- 
 nally, drawa by M. Necker, but alterations^ fo material were fubfe- 
 quently engrafted upon it by the fecret- advifers of the Crown, that 
 h? no longer acknowledge4 it as his; refufing even to attend the King 
 on this occafiop to the Affembly. 1 . The declarration, in its original 
 flate, did not pretend to annul the refolution by which the Tiers Etat 
 announced itfelf to be the^ NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, but on the 
 contrary it authorized the Affembly during the prefent feffion to vote 
 individually. II. The plan of M. Necker contained an article which 
 declared, that the -citizens of every clafs fhould be admitted equally 
 
 to 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 15 
 
 to all offices, without any other diftinftion than that of abilities and vir- 
 tues ; a conceffion which at once overthrew all: the ancient and odious 
 ariftocratic privileges. III. By an article of M. Necker's plan, the 
 affembly voting individually, was empowered to regulate the organiza- 
 tion of all future aflenablies of the Eftates General ; the fpirit of the 
 declaration therefore in its original frate was entirely in favour of the 
 Tiers Etat, who would have been highly gratified at this critical mo- 
 ment by fuch gracious and open manifeftations of the Royal counte- 
 tenance and proteftion. And the fpecific propofitions of the King, 
 confifting of thirty-five articles, as they came from the hands of M. 
 Necker, might eafdy have been modified and reduced to a regular 
 fyftem. But the haughty and peremptory manner in which the Tiers 
 Etat were recommended to refcind the decifive ftep they had juft 
 taken totally counterafted every good effeft the declaration was other* 
 wife calculated to produce. 
 
 The King even ventured to thrown out an indirect menace of diflblving- 
 the Affembly in cafe of difobedien^e. " Vous venez, Meffieurs," faid 
 he, " d'entendre le refultat de mes difpcrfitions, & de mes vues. 
 " Elles font conformes au vif defir que j'ai d'operer le bien public ; et 
 " fi par une fatalite loin de ma penfee vous m'abandojaniez dans une 
 " fi belle enterprize, S€uI]q ferai le bien ce mes peupies : Seul,]?: ipe 
 '' confiderai comme- leur veritable repr!6fentant ; et connoiffant vos 
 " cahiers, connoiffant I'accord parfait qui exifte entre Je vceu le plus 
 " general de la Nation, et mes intentions bienfaifantes, j'aurai toute la 
 " confiance qui doit infpirer une fi rare harmonic, et je marcherai vers 
 " le but auquel, je veux attendre avec tout le Courage, et la fermetei 
 " qu'il doit m'infpirer." 
 
 Such language as this was calculated to produce the higheft degree 
 of irritation, and the authority of the CrowB at this peripd was utterly 
 unequal to the execution of thefe lofty ideas. Arrogant and boaflful 
 words, unaccompanied by 'the reality of power, will inevitably excite 
 at the fame time refe^Jiojent and contempt. M. Necker was certainly 
 
 ■ bv 
 
16 ON THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 by no means a man of firft-rate talents; but it is no more than juftice 
 to fay, that the failure of his projefts arofe not from any inherent ab- 
 furdity in their nature, but from the fecret and powerful oppofition 
 made to them by perfons poffeffing the fubftance of that confidence of 
 ■which he had only the name and the Ihadow. But when he found 
 himfelf unable to carry thofe meafures, of which he difcerned the 
 wifdom and the reftitude, into efFe£t, he ought doubtlefs inftantly to 
 have refigned his office. To remain for a moment in a place, lending 
 his fanftion to meafures which he was no longer allowed to guide, 
 muft ever be regarded as demonftrative evidence of a mind devoid of 
 that refolution and energy which his fituation demanded. 
 
 The charafter of that unfortunate but well-intentioned Minifter is- 
 thus drawn by M. Bertrand de Moleville, with a pen dipped in galL 
 " I knew him well enough to be firmly perfuaded, that he never de- 
 « figned the ill he has done, or that he had the leafl: notion that his. 
 " meafures would produce it. I only blame his vanity, and his extra- 
 « vagant prefumption. He fa completely in his confcience believed 
 " himfelf to be the ableft Minifter that ever exifted, that he would 
 " have been mortified to have only been compared with Sully and 
 " Colbert. He did not hefitate to believe, that he combined in a 
 " fuperior degree all the great qualities of the greateft Minifters, with- 
 *' out any of their faults. Pofterity will fee in him a man, felfifti, am- 
 " bitious, and vain : foolilhly intoxicated with the merit which he fan- 
 " cied himfelf to poffefs, and jealous of that of others ; defirous of ex- 
 " cefs of honour and of power ; virtuous in words, and through often- 
 " tation, more than in reality. In a word, he was a prefumptuous 
 " empiric in politics and morals." The colleague of M. Necker, 
 M. de Montmorin, is declared by M. Bertrand, " to have been 
 " neither Conftitutionalift, nor Democrat, but a real Royalift. — I 
 " muft," fays he, " at the fame time acknowledge, that the ex- 
 " treme weaknefs of his character prevented him from being ufeful 
 " to his Majefty in circumftances that required much energy." This 
 is equivalent to an affertion, unfortunately too well fupported by col- 
 lateral 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 17 
 
 lateral and independent evidence of the political hypocrify of M. de 
 Montmorjn, during the whole term of his adrainiftration, even when 
 he feemed moft friendly to the eftablifhment of a free Conftitution. 
 
 Louis XVI. of whom M. Bertrand fpeaks in terms of high-flown 
 panegyric, appears, neverthelefs, throughout thefe memoirs, in a light 
 by no means advantageous. Weak, diftruftful, fuperftitious, inconftant, 
 ftrongly affefted by minute circumftances, inceffantly, and idly bufy 
 in the purfuit of petty, and at the fame time often pernicious objefts. 
 Mild, humane, and indulgent by nature, but jealous to the laft degree 
 of any diminution of power j and when occafionally forced to con- 
 ceffions, artfully and oftentatioufly reprefenting them as the effeft of 
 his own royal and fpontaneous beneficence ; perpetually hearkening 
 to, and in part following, the counfels of fome rafh and defperate men, 
 falfely calling themfelves " the King's friends," whom, in defiance of 
 the public opinion, and of the common diftates of prudence, he re- 
 tained near his perfon, and of whom M. Bertrand was the chief. 
 
 On the capture of the Baftile, on the memorable 14 th July, 
 1789, the King profeffed, and moft unfortunately for himfelf, only pro- 
 feffed, to change the whole courfe of his policy. " When the Baron 
 « de Breteuil," fays M. Bertrand, " left Verfailles at the period of M. 
 " Necker's recal, he was invefted with the power of treating with 
 " foreign Courts, and of propofing any meafure in the King's name, 
 « which, in his opmion, tended to promote the re-eftablilhment of the! 
 " Royal authority." 
 
 For two years this Nobleman appears to have poffeffed the higheft 
 place in the Royal confidence ; and during this period political in- 
 trigues were inceflantly carried on by the French Court, and a clandef- 
 tine and dangerous correfpondence maintained with that of Vienna. 
 This was well known by thofe, who were moft interefted in counter- 
 afting them. The plaineft truths were fpoken in the plaineft language ; 
 but to thofe who had ears, and would hear not, fpoken, alas ! 
 in vain. 
 
 D While 
 
18 ON THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 While the infididus pirojeft for the vifit to St. Cloud was in con- 
 templation, the following fpirited expoftulatory addrefs to the King, 
 appeared in the periodical publication, ftiled " L' Orateur du Peuple." 
 " Louis XVI. aujourd'hui encore Roi des Francais arrete ! Ou 
 " cours-tu Monarque,. abufe par des confeils per|ides ? As-tu bien 
 " pefe les fuites de ce depart, I'ouvrage de ta femme ? Le peuple 
 " ignore-t-il que de St. Cloud tu te difpofes a partir pour Compeigne, 
 " at de-la pour la frontiere ? Ne favons-nous pas que la bouche des 
 " rois fut toujours I'antre du menfonge ? Une furie te pouffe dans le 
 ''. precipice ! Eh bien, fi tu pars nous ne voyons plus en toi que 
 " Tarquin chaffe de Rome." 
 
 Had the King of France been a man capable of philofophic reflec- 
 tion, the axiom of the Roman hiftorian might probably have occurred 
 with fufficient force, to have reftrainedhis fubfequent a£ls of delirium." 
 ", Regum raajeftatem difEcilius ab fumrao faftigio, ad medium detrahi, 
 " quam a mediis ad ima prascipitari."* 
 
 The moft direfil and decifive evidence of the deceitful condu£l of 
 the King, is, however, furniihed by M. Bertrand himfelf, who acknow- 
 ledges, that in May 1791, M. Le Compte Alphonfe D'Urfort, was 
 difpatched on a fecret commiflion from their Moft Chriftian Majefties 
 to the Emperor, then at Mantua ; and in a (hort time he returned 
 with a declaration, ligned by his Imperial Majefty, conta:ining the out- 
 lines of a plan for effefting a counter-revolution, concerted between 
 the Courts of Vienna, Madrid, Turin, and Naples ; conformably to 
 which, France was to be invaded by- the combined forces of thefe 
 confederate powers, amounting to 100,000 men, at the end of July ; 
 and their Moft Chriftian Majefties are earneftly exhorted " to employ 
 " every polTible means to increafe their popularity, in order to take 
 " advantage, of it, when the time fhould come ; and fo that the people, 
 " alarmed at the approach of the foreign armies, fhould find their 
 « fafety, only in the' King's mediation, and their fubraiffion to his 
 
 * Livy. 
 
 Majefty's 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 19 
 
 " Majefty's authority. His Imperial Majefty intreats their Moft 
 
 " Chriftian Majefties to drop every idea of procuring their liberty ; 
 
 " and adds, that their fureft dependence is on the movement of the 
 
 " armies of the allied powers, preceded by menacing manifeftoes."* 
 
 Unfortunately the King and Queen, deaf to every fuggeftion of 
 policy and prudence, from whatever quarter originating, adopted 
 meafures equally fatal to'themfelves and to the kingdom. 
 
 By the advice of the Baron de Breteuil, an attempt was made by 
 their Majefties, notwithftanding the diffuafives of the Emperor, to 
 efFeft their efcape to Montmedi ; a proje£t no lefs abfurd in the defigrt, 
 than unfuccefsful in the execution, and mifchievous in the confequences. 
 Senfible by dear-bought experience, of the falfe ftep he had taken, the 
 King withdrew his confidence from the Baron, but unhappily without 
 transferring his faivour to thofe who were more deferving of it. From 
 this fatal sera, the Republican party became every day more daring 
 and formidable. The King having declared in the paper which he left 
 behind him, all his oaths and promifes null and void, it was not poffible, 
 in the nature of things, that confidence, untainted by fufpicion, fhould 
 ever again be reftored. Sentiments of loyalty and generofity, however, 
 upon the whole prevailed ; the apology of the King was received by 
 the Affembly with indulgence, and even complacency ; and in a fhort 
 time, powers were vefted in the hands of the Monarch, infinitely dan- 
 gerous both to himfelf and to the nation. 
 
 The Adminiftration which prefided over the affairs of France, from 
 the period of the King's acceptance of the Conftitution in the autumn 
 of 1791, to March 1792, was compofed of perfons prefumed, with 
 one exception, to be well affected to the Gonftitution, but apparently- 
 devoid of the zeal and vigour neceffary to couiitera£t the defigns of 
 
 * Vide alfo Dr. Moore'e account of this tranfaftion in his valuable Hiflory of the 
 Caufes and Progrefs of the French Revolution. 
 
 D 2 the 
 
20 ON THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 the Court. During this term, M. de Montmorin, and afterwards 
 M. de Leflart, were at the head of the Foreign Department,, and 
 M. Cayer de Gerville, of the Interior; M. de Narbonne was Minifter 
 of AVar, and M. Bertrand de Moleville, of Marine; M. Tarbe, of 
 Finance, and M. Duport du Tertre, of Juftice. But of thefe Mi- 
 nifters M. Bertrand, an open and determined enemy of the Confti- 
 tiition, enjoyed incomparably the moft credit with the King. A 
 reprefentation from the Aflembly againft him was treated with con- 
 tempt, while M. Narbonne, who had refufed any longer to fit in 
 Council with M. Bertrand, was difmifled with difgrace. Both M. de 
 Montmorin and M, de Leflart were, according to the reprefentation 
 of M. Bertrand, concealed Royalifts, and abfolutely hoftile to the new 
 order of things. The other three Minifters were men of probity and 
 confl:itutional principles, who harboured with extreme reludance any 
 fufpicions of the King. M. Gerville in particular was convinced, 
 upon very falfe ground as it now appears, of the rectitude of the 
 King's intentions ; but the Queen he regarded, M. Bertrand tells us, 
 " as a haughty, perfidious, and wicked woman, who thought of 
 " nothing but re-eftablilhing defpotifm ; and his idea of her Majefty 
 " was fuch, that when the Miniflerial Committee was held in the 
 " Palace, he never would fpeak with freedom, from a notion that the 
 " Queen, or fome of her fpies, liftened at the door, or behind the 
 " wainfcot." 
 
 But even thofe who were willing and defirous to believe, that the 
 King did not entertain any fixed or regularly- formed defign of fub- 
 verting the Conftitution, could not but acknowledge, that he obfti- 
 nately withheld his fupport and confidence from thofe who were moft 
 zealoufly attached to it. Inftead of cultivating a good underftanding 
 with the Aflembly, by an open and fl:eady courfe of aftion, he had 
 recourfe to the vile arts of corruption and bribery, to leflen the weight 
 of the oppofition againfl: the Court ; and vafl: fums were expended to 
 no other purpofe, than to make the Government contemptible and 
 odious. " During the firft Aflembly," faid the King to M. Bertrand, 
 
 " the 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 21 
 
 " the attempt to gain the Tribunes coft the Civil Lift more than 
 " three millions j and the Tribunes were conftantly againft me not- 
 « withftanding." 
 
 In the fpring of the year 1792, the pilbllc difcontents ran fo high, 
 that the King was compelled to make an cyitire change of Admini- 
 ftration, and to replace his fornjer Minifters with another fet of 
 men, upon whofe zeal, vigour, and ability, the nation relied with 
 perfeft fecurity. The new, or Jacobin Miniftry, as it was invi- 
 dioufly and moft improperly ftiled,* confifted of M. Dumourier for the 
 Foreign, and M. Roland the' Interior Department ; M. Servan, Mi- 
 nifter of "War, and M. de la Cofte, of Marine; M. Clavieres, of Fi- 
 nance, and M. Duranton, Garde des Sceaux, or Minifter of Juftice — 
 men whofe ^counfels might, if the infatuation of the Monarch had 
 permitted, ftill have availed to fave the King and Country from ruin. 
 
 In the month of April the fatal war, which has for fo many years 
 defolated Europe, commenced after an atrocious feries of provocations 
 on the part of Auftria, and a long and unexampled forbearance on 
 that of France ; fo that upon which of the two nations the heavy 
 charge of aggreffion refted, was abundantly manifeft to every im- 
 partial and difpaffionate perfon. 
 
 AVhen the combined armies were on the point of invading France, 
 M. Bertrand, as he himfelf informs us, counfelled the King to fend 
 off M. Mallet du Pan with fecret difpatches for the Baron de Breteuil, 
 and direftions how to a£t. This the King, with marks of emotion, 
 refufed, faying, " It was be that prompted us to take that accurfed 
 " journey to Varennes." In the ftead of M. Breteuil, therefore, 
 
 •* " Neither La-Cofte or Duranton were ever Members of the Jacobin Society. 
 
 " Dumourier, Roland, and Clavieres, were three very ftudious and laborious men, 
 
 , " who lived at home, aflifted but very feldom at the debates of this Club previoufly 
 
 " to their entrance into the Adminiftration, never afterwards, and who confidered it 
 
 « as a dangerous Affembly, which it was neceffary either to fupprefs or lull afleep." 
 
 MEMOIRS OF DUMOUBIER. 
 
 the 
 
22 ON HIE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 the letters were addrefled to the Marechal de Caftries, advifmg that 
 the entrance of the Auftrians and Pruffians into France ftiould be pre- 
 ceded by a Manifefto, in which they fljould declare, " that forced to 
 " take arms againft an unjuft attack, they did not impute that ag- 
 " greffion either to the King, Or to the French nation, but to a criminal 
 " faflion which oppreffed both. Confe'quently, far from departing from 
 " the fentiments of amity which united them to France, that their 
 " intention, on the contrary, was to deliver that nation from tyranny, 
 " and to reftore it to legal order and tranquillity. That their Ma- 
 " jefties, the Emperor and King, took all peaceable and faithful 
 " fubjefits under their protection ; that they conlidered as their 
 " enemies thofe only, who were the enemies of France, namely, the 
 " faftlon of the Jacobins and all its adherents." This advice, as 
 appears by referring to the proclamation of the Duke of Brunfwick, 
 was ftrifitly conformed to ; and from M. Bertrand we learn, that 
 the King of France entertained the firmeft affurance of the fuccefs 
 of the Duke of Brunfwick's expedition, though his perfonal fituation 
 filled him with alarming apprehenfions. 
 
 But exclufive of the irrefragable evidence recently produced, in 
 confequence of the publications of Dumourier, De Bouille, Bertrand 
 de Moleville, Madame Roland, &c. th^ treachery of the King might, 
 at the period when the Auftrian and Pruffian armies entered France, 
 be without hefitation inferred -from the general tenor of his condufiV, 
 fince the period of his acceptance of the Conftitution ; from his 
 fyfteitiatic abufe of the Veto ; from the defencelefs ftate of the 
 kingdom, and more efpecially of the principal fortreffes on the German 
 frontier; from the recal of Marechal Luckner, and the myfterious 
 military movements of M. Fayette, now in clofe and intimate union- 
 with the Court. M. Dumourier himfelf informs us, that he learned 
 on his arrival at Douay, July 1792, that Marechal Luckner, after 
 having held a council of war, though there was no enemy to oppofe 
 him, had evacuated Courtray and Menin, and was returning to the 
 camp of Valenciennes. " This fliameful retreat," fays he, " evidentlr 
 " proceeded from patty fpirit, in confequence of fome great proje£t 
 
 " broached 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 23 
 
 " broached by La Fayette's faftion, of which Luckner, befet by his 
 " own ftafF-ofEcerSj was at once the inftrument and the dupe." 
 
 It did not efcape the obfervation of the military men in the Af- 
 fembly, that M. Fayette h^d drawn back his army from Longwy 
 to Sedan, on the approach of the Duke of Brunfwick's forces; 
 whereas he ought, as they affirmed, to have retired towards Verdun, 
 and, croffing the Meufe, have occupied the camp of Sivry-la-Perche, 
 a very ftrong pofition, fecuring a fafe retreat to the Gorge of Cler- 
 mont; inftead of which, by turning afide to Sedan, he left the route 
 open to Paris.* 
 
 From the general complexion of M. Fayette's condu£l and cha- 
 rafter, it cannot indeed be fuppofed, that his views extended further 
 than to fupport the Conftitutional Monarchy, in oppofition to the 
 riling fpirit of Jacobinifm and Republicanifm ; and fo egregioufly was 
 he impofed upon by the artifices of the Court, as to entertain the 
 extravagant belief, that the invaders of France were aftuated by the 
 fame moderate and patriotic motives. But fubfequent events have no 
 doubt fully convinced that refpe£table but miftaken man, that if the 
 dark deligns, at this time in agitation, had ultimately proved fuc- 
 cefsful, he would have fallen the firft vi£lim of his own credulity 
 and folly. 
 
 For a Ihort time after the appointment of the patriotic Minifters, 
 Roland, Clavieres, and Servan, as Madame Roland informs us, they 
 were almoft perfuaded of the fincerity of the Monarch, who appeared 
 fo pnxious to infpire them with confidence, that Roland declared, " If 
 " the King was not an honeft man, he was the moft arrant cheat in 
 " the kingdom ;" adding, " diffimulation can hardly go fo far." But 
 they were foon convinced that they were in a fatal error. At times, 
 indeed, they thought thaf the King appeared impreffed with the force 
 of their reafonings ; but at the fubfequent meeting of council, he was 
 
 * Vide Major Money's Memoirs of the Campaign, A. D. 1792. 
 
 hardened 
 
24 ON THE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 hardened into refiftance ; and the fame round of argument was urged 
 with ceafelqfs and unavailing folicitude. Servan had the boldnefs to 
 declare to the King, " that his weaknefs was criminal, and would 
 " never be a fliield againft the indignation of the people." No re- 
 gifter of the tranfa£iions, and deliberations of the council was per- 
 mitted by the King, nor any fecretary allowed, although exprefsly 
 enjoined by the Conflitution, and repeatedly infifted upon by the 
 Minifters. " Want of ability," fays Madame Roland, " had difabled 
 " him from preventing the eftabliftiment • of the new government ; but 
 " honefty alone would have been fufficient to have faved him, if he 
 " had been fincere in executing, when he had accepted the conftitu- 
 " tion. Unhappily for himfelf, with one hand to fupport what he was 
 " overthrowing with the other, was his crooked policy ; and this per- 
 " fidious condu£t firft excited miftruft, and finiflied by kindling general 
 " indignation." 
 
 After the difmlffion of this honeft, wife, and popular Adminiftration, 
 the Monarch appears to have been guided by no fixed principle of 
 aftion. The refolution fuddenly taken to difcard the late Minifters, 
 proceeded not from any concerted plan of policy, but from the mere 
 impulfe of pride and paffion. He could not endure the language of 
 fincerity and truth. Even yet he was the arbiter of his own fate. 
 M. Bertrand himfelf admits, that at this period the faftion of the 
 Gironde, though undoubtedly Republican in fpeculation, harbored no 
 defign of fubverting the Conftitution ; and a letter was at this critical 
 and decifive moment tranfmitted to the King, figned by Vergniaud, 
 Guadet, and Genfonne, three chiefs of the party, ftating the terrible 
 confequences likely to enfue ; and pledging themfelves for the fecurity 
 of the public peace, in the event of the reftoration of the Gironde 
 Adminiftration. To this letter the King, bent on his own ruin, dif- 
 dained to reply. Equally devoid of energy and of judgment, he waited 
 with impatience for the approaching time, when by the intervention of 
 a foreign and military force, that new order of things, which he had 
 repeatedly and folemnly fworn to defend, fliould be completely over- 
 turned. The edifice of the Conftitution was indeed deftroyed, but the 
 
 Monarch 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 2i 
 
 Monarch was at the fame time, as might eafily be forefeen, cruflied 
 under its ruins. 
 
 To affirm that the oaths of the King of France were of no validity, 
 as being the efFe£t of coercion, muft tend to diffolve all moral obliga- 
 tion. The King of France was no otherwife under coercion at Paris, 
 when he fwore to maintain the Coniiitution of 1791, than the King of 
 Erigland in fubmitting to the oath tendered to him on his coronation at. 
 Weflminfter, in 1761., He could not be King if he refufed it : and 
 the violation of it at the fame inftant diflTolved and nullified the bond of 
 allegiance. In neither country was the Monarch fubjeft to perfonal 
 refponfibihty in the regular courfe of Government ; but if the func- 
 tions of fovereignty were perverted to a purpofe dire£tly contrary to 
 th^t which the Conftitution intended ; if inftead of protecting, a defign 
 was evidently formed for fubverting the Conftitution, the Monarch 
 could not in equity claim the benefit of thofe ettabliflied rules and 
 maxims of government in his own favor, which might operate to the 
 detriment, or perhaps the ruin of thofe, for whofe fake all govern- 
 ment is inftituted, 
 
 Exclufive, however, of the fanfition of oaths, the King of France 
 made repeated and fpontaneous proteftations of attachment to the 
 Conftitution ; and on one folemn and memorable occafioni to the 
 Affembly in perfon, February 1790, by a declaration equally unfo- 
 licited and unexpefted. " Let us," faid the Monarch, in a ftrain of 
 the moft , infidious hypocrify, " give ourfelves up with good faith to 
 " the hopes that we ought to conceive. Continue your labours. Let 
 " it be known that your Monarch applauds them. I fhould have 
 « many lofles to recount, but I find my happinefs in that of the 
 " nation. From the bottom of my heart do I exprefs this fentimerit. 
 « I will maintain the Conftitution with my whole power. May 
 
 : " this day, in which your Monarch comes to re-unite himfelf to 
 "you, efFe£t in like manner, the re-union of all." "How," exclaims 
 M. de Bouille, a man diftinguiflied araongft the Royalifts for honour 
 
 .and capacity, " could he retrafit fuch a ftep, thus voluntarily taken, 
 
 E " without 
 
26 ON tHE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF 
 
 " without that degradation of chafafter, than which a King can incur 
 " no greater misfortune." 
 
 And when after the abortive and juftly fufpefted attempt to with- 
 draw from Paris to St. Cloud, the King appeared for a time to adopt 
 a new fyftem, and had been prevailed' upon to announce the new 
 Conftitution in form to the different Courts of Europe, he was con- 
 gratulated by the Prefident of the Affembly, for having thus impofed 
 filence on detraftors, he declared himfelf " charmed beyond exprefSon, 
 " at the warmth of efteem which the National Affembly had been 
 'f pleafed to exprefs towards him. — If they could but read my heart," 
 faid he, " they would there fee fentiments engraved on it, that 
 " would well juftify the confidence of the nation. — All diftruft would 
 " then be banifhed from our bofoms, and we ftiould all be happy." 
 Is there not fome ground of excufe for the ftrong expreflion, that " the 
 " mouth of royalty is the cave of falfehood," when in lefs than two 
 fliort months, the King, abandoning his honor and his duty, and 
 putting his crown upon the hazard of a die, ventured by an inftrument 
 under his own hand and feal, to pronounce all his former declarations- 
 null and void, as extorted from him in dire£l oppofition to his real 
 fentiments 1 
 
 All the feelings and fympathies of our nature are neverthekfs 
 awakened, when Louis XVI. a Monarch poffefEng undoubtedly many 
 virtues, fuch indeed as were chiefly calculated to bloffom in the fliade, 
 prefents himfelf to our imagination as a prifoner at the bar, and much 
 more as a criminal on the fcaffold. But the French iiation themfelves, 
 through the medium of their reprefentatives, were the prefer and 
 only competent judges, how lar the fafety of the country demanded, 
 by an imperious and terrible neceffity, fo fignal and melancholy a 
 facrifice. And however we may diflblve in tears of compaflion over 
 the viftim, we can have no right to brand it as an afl: of national 
 injuftice. That there were men in that Affembly which paffed fentence 
 of condemnation on the King, of the moft flagitious and unpriacii^ed 
 ambition, who under pretext of patriolifni, fought only for oecafions 
 
 to 
 
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE. 27 
 
 to carry into efFe£t their own black and nefarious defigns, can in no 
 degree invalidate the truth of the fa£ts here dated, or of the conclu- 
 fions deducible from them. There were others who were as certainly 
 a£luated by an high fenfe of duty, who fealed his doom with a bleed- 
 ing heart j and who would with pleafure have devoted their lives for 
 their Sovereign, had they confidered him as the protefitor and guardian 
 of the Conftitution which he had fworn to defend, inftead of a traitor 
 and a hypocrite, juftly accufed of confpiring its deftruftion. 
 
 The laft eventful years of the reign of this unfortunate Monarch, 
 brought his character into hill and perfefl: view. It was confpicuoufly 
 tearked by imbecility and duplicity — by inconftanCy, with ftrange 
 alternations of obftinacy — by temerity fuddenly fubjfiding into fear — 
 by a perpetual diflruft of his own judgment, and a tranfient and 
 limited confidence in that of others. So ftrongiy was the idea impreffed 
 •upon the public mind of the want of genius, and even of common 
 undeiftanding in the King, that a general emotion of farprize was 
 created by the calmnefs and propriety of the anfwers -grven by him to 
 i3\e interPogatories of the Convention, during his trial ; and they have 
 been unavailirigly urged as proofe of capacity, 'wiiieh -ftie whole tenor 
 of his condua demonftrates that he did no* poffefe. Good-nature 
 bordering upon weaknefs ; humanity allied to iadoJejace ; piety tinc- 
 tured with fuperftitibn ; and a defire feeMe and inefficient to diffiife 
 happinefs, were the -vhtues which muft be oppofeti to his moral and 
 mesatal defefts ; and had not the unexampled malignity of his deftiny 
 forbidden, they would have unqueftionably fufEced to have carried him 
 through life with the reputation of a beneficent and virtuous Monarch. 
 His laft moments were ennobled by the calmnefs of refignation, and 
 an unafFe£ted difplay of firmnefs and fortitude. We are told of him, 
 that he was highly offended at the freedom with which the famous 
 work of the Abbe Raynal was written. The Republic of Geneva 
 was , folicited to prohibit the publication; the Parliament of Paris 
 received an injunftion to fulminate their judicial, and the Sorbonne 
 their thedogtcal cenfures againft it. Raynat's work, neverthelefs, ftill 
 
 E 2 exifts. 
 
28 ON TliE CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF, Sic. 
 
 exifts, to inform and enlighten the world ; but the Genevan Republic, 
 the Parliament, the Sorbonne, and Louis XVI. are no more ! 
 
 How incalculable would have been the difference in favour of the 
 facred and eternal interefts of liberty and happinefs, had England 
 accepted with magnanimous fincerity, the overtures of amity made, by 
 France, through the medium of her patriot Minifters, in the fpring of 
 1792 ; and had frankly and generoufly offered her guarantee of the 
 Conftitution, as ratified by the King. Saturnian times might then 
 have rolled round again. But fuch wifdom, perhaps, in fuch circum- 
 ftances, is not given to man — certainly not to fuch men as then ruled, 
 and who fiill, to the inexpreflSble misfortune of mankind, continue to 
 rule the counfels of this once free and flourifhing, but now degraded 
 and devoted country, 
 
 Amongft the days which have been folemiily fet apart by the State, 
 to weary Heaven with petitions for fuccefs in a war which has defolated 
 and deftroyed the fineft countries of Europe, how congenial would it 
 be with the fpirit of philofophic and Chriflian benevolence, to inter- 
 mingle one eameft and devout wifh for its termination — 
 
 Imploring Him who bids the tempeft ceafe. 
 To wrap the infuriate world in laiiling peace ; 
 Nor fuffer fiatefmen, rancorous, bold, and blind. 
 For prieftg, or peers, or kings, to facrifice mankind. 
 
 WODHULL. 
 
 EXTRACTS 
 
EXTRACTS 
 
 FROM 
 
 A HISTORY OF INDIA, 
 
 BY 
 
 SEID GHOLAM HOSSEIN KHAN. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL PERSIAN 
 
 PRINTED AT CALCUTTA, A. D. 1789. 
 
 xT has often been the fubjeft of boaft on the part of- thofe who 
 applaud the juftice and the re£iitude of Mr. Haftings's adminiftration 
 in India, that no complaints of oppreffion have been tranfmitted 
 from thence to England. But it is obvious to afk, what clafs of 
 natives., however exalted in rank or dignity, after the terrible ca- 
 taftrophe of Rajah Nundecomar, could in reafon be expe£led to 
 venture the confequences of ftanding forward as the public accufers 
 of Mr. Haftings? To whom were they to apply for redrefs? Who 
 would undertake to plead their caufe? In what Court would it be 
 advifeable for them to inftitute their fuit? Have we not invaded 
 the territories of an unoffending people, and broken down the bar- 
 riers which Nature herfelf feems to have ereSled as limits to our 
 ambition, and as leflbns to our avarice? We cannot, indeed, hear the 
 execrations which we may have provoked, for oceans divide us from 
 them. We cannot hear the cries of the nations that have been fubjg^ed 
 to the dominion of our rapacity and oppreffion. The natives of India 
 do not reprefent their wrongs by Ambaffadors. But we may read them 
 
30 EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
 in the very nature of fflan, and in thofe feelings which teach him to revolt 
 at tyranny and ufurpation in every climate and quarter of the globe. 
 
 Great ftrefs alfo has been laid on the flattering circumftance, that 
 the evidence of the Englifh, who have returned in fucceffion from 
 India, has been almoft uniformly favourable to Mr. Haftings. But 
 then it is neceflary to recolleft, that the Engliih, refident in India, 
 live there without fympathy with the natives. " They have," to 
 adopt the energetic language of a celebrated writer,* " no more 
 *' focial habits with the people, than if they ftill refided in England, 
 " nor indeed any fpecies of intercourfe, but that which is neceflary 
 " to the making a fudden fortune, with a view to a remote fettlement. 
 " Animated with all the avarice of age, and all the impetiiofity of 
 " youth, they roll in one after another, wave after wave, and there is 
 " nothing before the eyes of the natives but an endlefs, hopelefs 
 " profpefl: of new flights of birds of prey and paflTage, with appetites 
 *' continually renewing for a food that is continually wafting." 
 
 The Hiftory of Gholam Hoflein Khan, a petfon of great dif- 
 tinftion in the Court of Mobrfliedabad, which principally relates 
 to the ttanfaOiions which took place in Bengal, and the adjoifting 
 provinces, ftibfequent to the death of Ali Vetdi iKhan, contains many 
 ftriking proofs of the intelligence atld humanity of the author, who, 
 confiderin|f the nature of his fituation, fpeaks in terms of boldnefs 
 and ihdignatioft little to be expe£led, of the direful eflFefits refulting 
 from the Englifh fyftera bf government ; and the Opinions of tliofe 
 who regard the adfnihifttatioh bf affairs in India for the laft forty 
 years, as fbuiided in the llioft prb'fligate pblitical idiepravity, will re- 
 ceive a ifigWal confirmatioti 'from &e narrative of ibis ^od and vir- 
 tubus Muffulman, 
 
 VOL. I. 4to. 
 Of the diaraaer and govetwttient of die Nabob Coffiin Ali -Khati, 
 •this Hiftorian exprefles himfelf in the fbllbwitig manner: 
 
 * Burke's Speech on thf India Bill of 1 783. 
 
 <• Althougl^ 
 
EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. si 
 
 " Although the perpetual infidelities of the troops, as well as of 
 the Commanders and Grandees of Bengal, had rendered him exceed- 
 ingly fufpicious, and ever prone to confifcations of property, con- 
 finemtent of perfons, and efFufion of blood, he had admirable qualities 
 that balanced his bad ones. In unravelling the intricacies of affairs 
 of government, and efpecially the knotty myfteries of finance; in 
 examining and determining private differences, in eftablifhing regular 
 payments for his troops and his houfehold; in honouring and rewarding 
 men of merit and men of learning; in conducting his expenditure 
 exa£tly between the extremes of parfimony and prodigality; and in 
 knowing intuitively where he mult fpend freely, and where with 
 moderation; in all thefe qualifications he was an incomparable man 
 indeed, and the moft extraordinary prince of his age ; nor was any 
 man daring enough in his Court to touch a bribe, or to fpeak in 
 behalf of an unjuft pretenfion. 
 
 " At this period nothing was more common than to fee Englilh 
 agents of all colours, and denominations (and they fwarmed in every 
 part of Bengal) take up the farm of a town, mart, village, or diftrift, 
 hoift up the Englifh flag on it of their own private authority, pay to 
 the Nawaub fuch a rent as they chofe to part with, keep the reft to 
 themfelves, and aft meanwhile as the moft relentlefs, rapacious 
 tyrants, fetting at defiance the Nawaub's authority every where and. 
 in every inftance." 
 
 «* It was noon-day when the Nawaub Coflim Ali Khan received 
 intelligence of the Englifh having feized the City ©f Azem-abad. 
 In the middle of the night another letter came, that mentioned how 
 the Governor had recovered the City, with a great flaughter of the 
 Englilh. As foon as it was day-break, every one made hafte to offer 
 their congratulations. At the end of the public audience, the 
 Nawaub wrote circular letters throughout his dominions, by which he 
 informed his officers of this event,^ and g,aYe them notice of the rupture 
 
 betweeij 
 
32 EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
 between him and the Englifh, as well as of the proofs they had fur- 
 niflied of their hatred and enmity to him V commanding them at the 
 fame time to put thofe perfides to the fword wherever they ihould 
 find them. It is uncertain whether he may have comprized in this 
 order M. Amyatt himfelf, with all thofe of his retinue j or whether 
 thofe that killed that ill-fated man^ availed themfelves of the general 
 order which had reached Moorfhedabad." 
 
 ", Goveraor Vanfittart would not permit Meer Jaffier to carry out 
 of Calcutta, Nundecomar, a man of an intriguing fpirit, who bore the 
 higheft fway upon his mind. On his being returned to Moorfhedabad, 
 he worked himfelf into fo much authority, that he undertook to 
 demolifli no lefs a man than Mahomed Reza Khan. In compliance 
 with his will the Nawaub difmifled that Nobleman from his office, 
 and moreover had him brought prifoner to Moorlhedabad. Luckily 
 for him, that Meer Jaffier fell fick at this very time, and became 
 worfe and worfe. At laft on the 14th ofShaaban, in the year 1178 
 of the Hegira, he departed this life, and pafled over the ftream which 
 divides the confines of this fragile world from the regions of eternity. 
 Some monients before his demifg he had, as affirmed, on Nunde- 
 comar's p^rfuafion, ordered to be brought to him fome water that had 
 been poured in libation over the idol at Kyruf-conah, a famous temple 
 of the Gentoos, in the neighbourhood of Moorfhedabad, and that 
 fome drops of it were poured down the dying man's throat, this being 
 the laft water which he tafted. Preferve us, oh God! as well as all 
 believers, from fuch a ficknefs and fuch a death. Lord Clive difmiffed 
 Npndecomar from his office^ with an injun£tion not to leave Calcutta.'' 
 
 « After tbefe arrangements. Lord Clive journeyed to Illahabad,, 
 where he had the honour to pay his refpefts to the Emperor, after 
 which he vifited the Vizier, and having exchanged with him fome 
 
 fumptuous 
 
EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 83 
 
 futnptuous entertainments, and feveral curious and magnificent pre- 
 fents, he explaiAed the proje£t he had in his mind, and alked thatthe 
 Company fhould be invefted with the Dewannee of the three pro- 
 vinces of Bengali Bahar, and Orifla, of which office he requefted the 
 proper patents from the Vizier and the Emperor. As both the 
 Emperor and the Vizier were already in their minds fubdued by the 
 fuperior courage and prowefs of the Englifh, as well as over-awed 
 by the ftrength of mind and penetration of Lord Clive, they were 
 obliged to grant the requeft, although relu£lantly. Haviilg therefore 
 ordered the furmuds or patents to be drawn up in the manner that 
 had been defired, they delivered them into the hands of Lord Glive. 
 Thus a bufinefs of fuch magnitude was done and finifhed in left, 
 time than would have been taken up for the fale of a head of cattle. 
 The Lord having accomplifhed his purpofe, returned to the feat of his; 
 command." 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 " Matters have come to fuch a pafs, that the books and memoirs, 
 compofed by the Englifh upon interefted reports, have come to be 
 trufted as fo matiy vouchers ; \Vhereas they convey bnly fome faint idea 
 of the exterior and bark, but not of the pith, or real reafon of the antient 
 inftitutions. Meanwhile, as thefe ftrangers are men of penetfatioii,, 
 and extreme keennefs of mind, and they have been fent by God 
 Almighty to chaiflife this guilty race of Hindoftanees, fo they are 
 come at laft to make no account of the natives from the higheft to the 
 loweft." 
 
 T^ ^ ^ ^ 7P 
 
 " The Governor, in the month of the firft Rabi of the- year 1186,. 
 came to Moorfliedabad, where he fperit two months and a half in 
 putting in order the affairs of the country. He reduced the Nawaub's 
 allowance to fixteen lacksj. fo that thofe ill-fated meii, and efpecially 
 the Moorfhedabad penfioners, who in thefe hard times have not a 
 
 F fingle 
 
34 EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
 fingle refource under the canopy of the Hindoftanee heaven, are re- 
 duced to fuch miferies as God relieve mankind from ! 
 
 " Men's minds were engroffed by the diffentions in the Council, and 
 by the'fate of Governor Huflitin, (i. e. Haftings). This man has been 
 endowed by nature with a keen penetrating genius, and a fuperior 
 intelligence; and his wifdom in matters of ftate and in politics, has not 
 been equalled by any one. Mahomed Reza Khan, who has a great 
 deal of haftinefs as well as inconftancy in his difpofition, no fooner 
 obferved the prevalence of General Clavering's party, than he con- 
 ceive^i a defire of joining him, and opened a correfpondence with the 
 General and his adherents. Such a ftep could not but difpleafe the 
 Governor, who however faid nothing.* 
 
 " Meanwhile the General recommended him to the offices of 
 Deputy of the Nizamut, and alfo to the General Fodjdary, or Criminal 
 Jufticiary. Mahomed Reza Khan fet out on the 15th Ramazan, 1189, 
 and arrived on the 2d Shevval at Moorfhedabad, where he applied 
 hitnfelf clofely to the bufinefs of his office ; and the inhabitants of that 
 great city, accuftoined to him long . ago, Ihewed themfelves fubmiffive 
 to his authority. He, on his fide, pleafed with a return of good for- 
 tune, took care to difplay broad open the ftandard of authority and 
 command." 
 
 ^ -^ ¥^ -^ ^ ^ 
 
 " From the time of the death of General Clavering there accrued 
 to the Governor an acceffion of power. Mahomed Reza Khan" was 
 difmiffed from his two offices of principal Magiftrate and Deputy 
 to the Nawaub. Sadr-El-Hoc-Khan was appointed to fucceed him, 
 although the Governor himfelf mufl have been fenfible that fo much 
 tufinefs was by all means above the old man's capacity and ftrength. 
 
 • This is probably the true key to Mr. Haflings's condufl: refpefting Mahomed 
 Beza Khan. 
 
 Neverthelefs, 
 
EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 35 
 
 Neverthelefs, as he had proved himfelf an affiduous worfhipper at the 
 altar of his power, and as great men are apt to prefer a perfonal 
 attachment to a public qualification, the Governor devifed thefe two 
 offices for him as a reward for his attachment, although they feemed to 
 be fo much above his defert." 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 " As hatred to the Afghan name was hereditary in the Vizier^s 
 family, he undertook to put an end to the Rohilla dominion. Full of 
 thefe ideas, he applied to Governor Hufhtin for his confent to that ex- 
 pedition, and promifed a fum of money to the Englifli for their affifting 
 him vigoroiifly. The Goverrior had no orders from the Company to 
 fend troops out of the Englifh dominions, for the purpofe of making 
 conquefts ; but Sujah Dowla prepared himfelf for a war, with a pro- 
 mife of being fupported. The Rohilla Princes, young, ignorant, and 
 proud, preferred war to a payment. The time appointed by the 
 Omnipotent Avenger was come. Sujah Dowla, informed of their 
 obftinacy, put himfelf at the head of his victorious troops, and marched 
 into their country. 
 
 " The engagement commenced by the artillery of the Englifh. 
 The Rohillas were foon thrown into a complete diforder, and fled 
 in crowds towards the fields, but in reality to the regions of eternity. 
 Hafiz Rhamet, without being difmayed by the flaughter which furr 
 rounded him, flood his ground with a firmnefs and an intrepidity 
 that did him honour. He was. followed everywhere by a number 
 of faithful men, all refolving to fhed their blood in his company ;. 
 and he was feen whereever the danger called for his prefence, until 
 at lafl a batl of cannon came, pierced his heroic breafl through and 
 through, and parted his foul from his body. 
 
 " Sujah Dowla, after this fignal vi£k)ry, being become mafler of 
 the country, fpread his victorious troops far and near,, with orders, ta 
 put to the fword all that fhould appear in arms, or did not fubmit. 
 
 F 2 <* Althoughi-. 
 
36 EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
 " Although, according to the fcriptural fentence, the moment of 
 death is not to be advanced or retarded by a fingle inftant, aiwi a 
 delay is undoubtediy beyond the reach of human power, neverthlefs, as 
 the divine goodnefs, inftead of bringing forth the events of this world 
 by abrupt tranfitions, hath vouchfafed to make them grow out of one 
 another by a concatenation of fecond caufes, fome of which remain 
 concealed, while others become open to view; thefe laft are often 
 attended to, and obferved by men of fenfe, who difcover in the planning 
 ifliem tokens of an attentive wifdom." 
 
 ^ * * * * * 
 
 « It is in confequence of fuch and the like divifions (alluding to 
 the fa£tions in the Court of Poonah, fubfifting previous to the Mah- 
 ratta wars), that moft of the- ftrong holds, nay almoft the whole 
 of Hindoftan, have come into pofleflion of the Englifli. He (i. e. 
 Mr. Haliings) knew, that this Prince Raganaut Row, being himfelf 
 a man of importance, and the fon of a man of importance in that 
 nation, there was no doubt but feme great men would join him of 
 themfelvcs, and that fome others would be eafily brought to do the 
 fame, whether by perfuafion or ' force ; and as the Englifh, led by a 
 deftiny which defigned to make ufe of that nation for punifliing a 
 wicked thoughtlefs race of men, unmindful of their God, had fo 
 fuccefsfully fought bat-ties, made fuch amazing conquefts, and with a 
 deal of eafe pufhed their viftories as far as almoft within fight of 
 Shahrjehan-abad, the capital of Hindoftan ; fo the Governor thought 
 the war in the Decan would' prove full as eafy ; and that after beating 
 and difperfing the Mahratta armies, it would prove an eafy taflc to 
 reduce Haider Naic (i. e. Hyder Ali) to ftraits ; after which operation 
 he might, without any anxiety from the French, or other European 
 powers, and without much hindrance from the Princes of India, 
 bring, in a certain number of years, and with proper management, 
 all Hindoftan into fubmiffion, and then fit down in eafe and content 
 to enjoy his profperity. 
 
 « It 
 
EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 37 
 
 " It was reported, that this fcherae of the Governor's not having 
 met with Mr. Francis' and Mr. Wheeler's approbation, two members 
 of the Committee, the y contended that they ought to remain fatisfied 
 with fo much dominion as they had already acquired, without 
 ftretching their feet out of their frontiers ; and it may be that fuch 
 likewife were the orders from the Council of Europe, and fuch the 
 fafeft party ; but the Governor, difapproving of fuch timid opinions, 
 took upon himfelf fingly all the rifques of this bufinefs, and fet out in 
 earneft with this war." 
 
 vp" vjf "^Ic ■3J?' TJt ^ 
 
 " Now that the whole Council is reduced to the Governor's own 
 perfon, and to that of Mr. Wheeler, he is become fole mafter of bind- 
 ing and unbinding, of appointing and difmiffing in every department, 
 without either control or difpute. Time only can fhew in what man- 
 ner fliall end thefe diflentions^ as well as thefe troubles, which arejuft 
 commencing; and time alone fliall determine what completion his 
 fchemes are likely to have. ' Then fliall we know fomething of what is 
 to become of the poor injured people of this land, who now have no 
 other friend, and no other comforter but God Almighty. 
 
 " The princes of Hindoftan lived amongft their people and amongft 
 their nobles, as kind and condefcending parents amongft their children -, 
 nor did they fufFer the duft of forrow to darken the hearts of any of the 
 people of God, by a fliew of tendernefs to one part of the people, 
 and of rudenefs to the other ; for they looked upon them all with an 
 equal eye; fo that far feveral ages together, down to the times of 
 Shah Jehan, everything in Hindoftan was qwetnefs, love, qnd har- 
 mony. It is only fince the times of Aore^g-fib-Aalem-ghir, his fon, 
 a prince extremely warlike and ambitious, that evils have crept upon 
 the land. Matters grew worfe in the reign of Ferok-fyur. 
 
 " Amidft the ftrange events which thefe revolutions have brought 
 about, the introdu£tion of European foreigners in the heart. of the 
 
 land 
 
38 EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
 land is an important one. The wife men of Europe have been calling 
 their eyes upon the conqueft of India, and have contrived to atchieve 
 great part of that conqueft, having already acquired an abfolute 
 dominion in feveral tra£ts. But fuch is the complete difference and 
 the total diffimilarity betwixt the manners of their own country and 
 the cuftoms and ufages of Hindoftan, that all the endeavours of their 
 chief rulers, and all the reforts they have put in motion, have anfwered 
 no purpofe at all; nor has the face of regulation in the country, and 
 of eafe to the inhabitants, made its appearance yet. But over and 
 above thefe confiderations it may be faid with great truth, that fuch 
 is the averfion which the Englifh openly fhew for the company of 
 the natives, and fuch the difdain which they betray for them, that no 
 love and no coalition, can take root between the conquerors and the 
 conquered. 
 
 " Perhaps it is the peculiar fate of the people of this land, that 
 after having been fubjefted by Providence to the yoke of thefe 
 ftrangers, they are ftill deftined to find them fuch inattentive rulers, 
 as do not think it worth their while to mind the welfare of thofe 
 proftrated at their feet ; and fuch fupreme matters, as to make nothing 
 of leaving them at the difpofal of their own fervants and fubftitutes ; 
 although nothing fhould be fo important to the Sovereign as the care 
 of the fubjefit, and he ought never to lofe fight of the Indian adage — 
 
 " Do not refer his complamt to your Divan, 
 
 " Since Ms complaint is probabjy againft that very Divan." 
 
 The Englilh are a race of men who are keen-fighted, and full of 
 policy and fecrecy ; but none fo much as the Governor hirafelf,. whofe 
 breaft is a cafket full of inacceffible fecrets, and a repofitory of 
 impenetrable views and proje£ts. Wha is. the man that can make him. 
 fpeak againft his mind?" 
 
 * 
 
 The 
 
EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 39 
 
 The conclufion of this hiftory, excellent as it is throughout, does 
 the writer peculiar credit ; and it affords a ftriking proof how indelibly 
 the fame immutable fentiments of juftice and reflitude are engraven 
 on the hearts of the truly virtuous and benevolent, under every variety 
 and modification of religion, country, and climate. No diverfity of 
 names or of fefts, can obliterate the grand and eternal diftinaion 
 between the friends and the foes of humanity. 
 
 " When ordinances afFeft only the Impotent, without having any 
 energy over the headftrong and refradory, they ceafe to be laws, and 
 they difhonour all government. After all, it muft be remembered, that 
 as princes and kings are reputed the fhadows of God, they ought, in 
 humble imitation of his divine attributes, to accommodate themfelves 
 to the difpofitions and minds of their fubjefts, fo as to carry an equal 
 hand over them, without exception, without predileftion, and without 
 fhewing a diflike or hatred to any fpecies of men. Such impartiality 
 is incumbent upon princes, if they intend to be the fathers and 
 cherifhers of the people entrufted to their care ; and if they really wifh 
 that every man Ihould look up to the monarch as to his benevolent 
 forgiving father. This is a duty incumbent upon them, if they wifh 
 that every one fhould think himfelf happy under their government ; 
 for the fubjeft muft be cherifhed in the very palm of the rrionarch's 
 hand, if the monarch really intends to difcharge his duty, and to let 
 the world fee that he feels all the meaning of thefe verfes of Saadi's — 
 
 "■ That beneficent Being which from its invifible treafury 
 
 " Feeds with an equal hand the believer, the unbeliever, the weak and the firong, 
 
 " Might, if it had fo pleafed him, have created men of one opinion, 
 
 *' Or have converted them at one word to one and the fame religion," 
 
 If then converfion is intended, lenity and benevolence, efpecially to 
 the poor and impotent, will go a great way in reconciling the hearts 
 of mankind. Let then kings and monarchs look day and night into 
 
 the 
 
40 EXTRACTS FROM A HISTORY OF INDIA. 
 
 the book containing the a£tions and fayings of the prince of prophets 
 and chief of meffengers. Let them admire with what fweetnefs and 
 forbearance that noble being ufed the unbelievers of his time, his 
 perfonal enemies ; and how he opened the receffes of thofe ftubborn 
 underftandings with the key of his goodnels and liberality. He gained 
 their hearts at laft fo far, as to convert them into fo many friends. 
 Never take your ownfelf for the ftandard to which virtue can rife in a 
 virtuous heart." 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 PRINTED BY J. CROWDEKj WARWICK-SftUAKE.