PliTCE 2/- 253 ' Q/l Q THE Jiasfe (Sreafe [tafe | . by - ^I.neLson Sg/ifo^ti^. CASSELL & COMPANY, Limited: LONDON, VAB1S & MELBOURNE. [all kights reserved.] V QJotttell Iniuerattg ffitbratg ilthaca, iMeiu $nrli BERNARD ALBERT SINN COLLECTION NAVAL HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY THE GIFT OF BERNARD A. SINN, '97 1919 Cornell University Library V253 .S43 The last great naval war. olin 3 1924 030 752 285 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030752285 The Last Great Naval War. THE LAST GREAT NAVAL WAR. Hn Ibistorical IRetrospect. BY A. NELSON SEA'FORTH. FOURTH THOUSAND. CASSELL & COMPANY, Limited LONDON, PARIS &•> MELBOURNE. 1 1 K 1 I V [ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.] If], I nm, o ■) PREFACE. So many able pens have dealt with the last great naval war that an apology is needed for adding to the already copious literature of the subject. Some of the existing histories, such, for instance, as the excellent works of Admiral Colomb and Professor Laughton, are, however, perhaps too strictly professional for the general reader ; while Professor Bryce's " National Federation " deals mainly with constitutional questions. Other books, written for popular con- sumption, are too largely occupied with the many personal and dramatic aspects of the great struggle. I have endeavoured to steer a middle course between the two extremes, and, while not neglecting the human interest, I have striven to set forth the many great lessons of a war which has left an enduring mark upon the nation and the race. Thus this little work is necessarily a compilation ; and to the many accomplished writers from whom I have freely borrowed, my grateful acknowledgments are offered. Their labours have rendered my humbler task possible. Brighton, 1st June, 1930. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE The National Conditions — The European Powers — New Caledonia — The Ultimatum — War . ... i CHAPTER II. The Attitude of Great Britain — The French Press — Alliance? — Preparation — The War Office — Mobilisation — Fortification . . . 16 CHAPTER III. Movements in the Mediterranean — The Scarborough Incident — Alderney — Commerce — Rescue of the Cape Mail — Torpedo Boats as Commerce Destroyers . . . .29 CHAPTER IV. Reinforcement of the Fleets — Sierra Leone — Loss of the Orlando — Mauritius — Humiliation — Cherbourg — The Message from Australia. . 49 CHAPTER V. The Naval Situation — Departure of the French Fleets — Gibraltar — Pursuit 62 CHAPTER VI. Battle of Teneri'fe — Reception of the News — Criticism . 78 CHAPTER VII. Continental Opinion — Military Operations— Mauritius — The Working Classes -—Peace — National Federation ... • 97 Appendix . , . 117 MAPS AND PLANS. Map of the World . . . Frontispiece Map showing Movements of Armour-clad Fleets before the Battle of Tenerife . . ... to face page 31 Battle of Tenerife. Diagram explaining Movement of Admiral Hornby's Flef.t ... . . to face page 77 THE LAST GREAT NAVAL WAR. CHAPTER I. The National Conditions — The European Powers — New Caledonia — The Ultimatum — War. The year 189 — ran an uneventful course. The Session, which ended early in August, was fertile in speech and singularly barren of results. The Opposition was half-hearted ; the eternal Irish question deprived English politics of their reality. The Ministry represented a mere negation, did not pretend to have a policy, and retained office only because the electorate required time to take in the federal idea. The country was exceptionally prosperous — so the newspapers stated, and the Board of Trade returns seemed to prove — but this prosperity could not have borne a searching investigation. The rich were certainly richer, and there were more of them. The poor -were undeniably poorer, and returns furnished by the London School Board showed that 63,000 young children were " habitually in want of food." The enthusiasts who sought to fathom the depths of British poverty reported a state of affairs which would have been regarded as serious, if there had been any to regard. In London, ostentatious luxury reigned side by side with direst misery, and saw it not. The number of wealthy idlers seemed to be ever increasing; but the sweaters' dens were crowded, and there were thousands ready to fight for 2 The Last Great Naval War. the vacant places of the victims of hopeless toil. There had been a Royal Commission which made recommendations of a character somewhat less colourless than is usual with bodies whose strength is generally measured by that of their weakest member. Ireland was believed to have blocked the way to legislation, however, and meanwhile the disestablishment of the Church in Wales came to be regarded as a more burning question than the lives of the op- pressed section of the army of workers. Organised labour had won its triumphs, and did not show any marked sympathy for the helpless strata beneath. Meetings in Hyde Park were not for them. They toiled and suffered in silence. The inarticulate find little sympathy in a voluble age. In the opinion of the cynics, the Session of 189 — showed a marked deterioration in the House of Commons ; since no great question was ever debated, while the tendency to interfere in matters of petty administration was strongly asserted, the House, on several occasions, taking upon itself the functions of police magistrates, vestries, workhouse managers, or keepers of lunatic asylums. The enabling Act on which the federation of Austral- asia depended, like the fateful Stamp Act of 1765, was languidly discussed before empty benches ; while the one crowded debate of the year arose over a police case. The cynics asserted that the House was becoming " steadily less fitted for the conduct of Imperial affairs,'' and elaborate statistics of the work of the Session were brought forward in support of this view. On the other hand, it was pointed out with much force that the standard of eloquence had never been higher. If orators were few, the average level of speech was unexampled. The Colonies were full-grown and quite able to manage their own business. There was really no place left for an Imperial House. What was wanted was a body which could control the national The National Conditions. 3 expenditure,* right all the grievances which the Press selected for proclamation, inspect the machinery of government at all points, and generally deal with matters which affected the electorate. " It is the business of the House of Commons to reflect faithfully the views of the constituencies," is the sum- mary arrived at by one of the writers of the day. If the con- stituencies did not happen to have any views — any " mandate," as it was called — then assuredly all must be well with the State. The fact that, on most Imperial questions, the constituencies could not in the nature of things have any views whatever, was taken to prove that no such questions existed, and no idea of a special responsibility arising out of the ignorance of the average voter seems to have suggested itself. As regards foreign politics, the views of the electors were especially vague. Their dislike of the French was probably hereditary. Germany represented nothing more definite than a vast and irresistible army, and British instincts somewhat resented the high-blown pride of that army — the more so as it was an article of faith that at some remote and unspecified period Great Britain had been the greatest military Power of the world. Russia was variously conceived, as a Colossus invincible and unapproach- able, a nation of slaves honeycombed with secret societies and ripe for revolt, or simply as a numerous and barbarous people who had peculiar methods of dealing with Jews and political prisoners. The " Russian bear " had been familiarised, almost domesticated, by the agency of music-hall songs, and his designs upon India — a distant country mainly remarkable for heat — had been graphically represented in a cartoon which had a considerable circulation. In previous years it had been possible, at suitable intervals, to * So far as can be judged, this function was most imperfectly performed. 4 The Last Great Naval War. arouse furious indignation against Russia as the despoiler, actual or potential, of the Turk, for whom some inexplicable sympathy must have been felt. Russophobia had, however, subsided to a considerable extent, and the country had even grown accustomed to the idea of the Central Asian Railway. The Czar was a popular personage during his short stay in London in 189- and when in the following year the new line from Merv along the valley of the Murghab was commenced, the cry of "Wolf!" which was raised more on political than patriotic grounds, met with no response. While the rest of the European countries were not even geographical expressions to a people, the majority of whom had no conception as to their location on the map, the United States occupied a special position in the popular imagination.^ There were few families who had not sent their contribution to the great Republic, and the ties of relationship could be easily maintained through the medium of the penny post, which had been in operation for two years. Thriving sons in the States supported widowed mothers in many an English village, or made new homes to which younger brothers and sisters could be easily drafted. The very hostility of the emigrated Irish towards the British Govern- ment, which constituted an important political factor at this period, while it frequently embittered diplomatic relations and occasionally even threatened a rupture, was but an indication of a growing inter-community of interests. The idea of America as a foreign State was in fact passing away. The Republic was viewed rather as a larger, happier, and freer England across the seas, where a wider career and fairer chances of success were thrown open to labour. At the same time, the vast Atlantic trade of nearly 130 millions per annum, with the inwoven complexity of commercial interests involved, had a binding force such as no The National Conditions. 5 treaties could create. The touching belief in the efficacy of artificial paper agreements, subscribed by antagonistic States to meet the needs of temporary expediency, of which history furnishes so many examples, was on the wane. There were many writers who delighted to assert that "the heart of the people was sound," and that the popular verdict was invariably just and wise. History does not altogether sustain this view, and at least it is clear that the verdict was generally arrived at too late to be of the smallest value in deciding events, or dictating national policy. There is no evidence that the many small wars of the period — most of which appear to have been easily avoidable — were ever really unpopular. The Zulu and Afghan campaigns, for example, were generally admitted to have been a gratuitous waste of blood and treasure, barren of real advantage to the nation, but the men who were responsible for them received no special condemnation on this account. On the other hand, the electorate demanded victories, and was far more apt to resent defeat than impolicy however gross. The strategic blunder by which the national hero, General Gordon, was lost, passed almost unnoticed, apparently because the British arms suffered no defeat in the field, and the fighting power of the troops received some brilliant illustrations. But the purely military disaster of Majuba Hill at once became a political byword, available for party purposes for a generation. Such were the national conditions in 189-. The House of Lords as a governing body had practically ceased to exist, and the more enterprising peers sought a wider career as governors of colonies, where they sometimes achieved social success. Thus the evil clearly foreseen by the framers of the Constitution of the United States had come about, and a single chamber, the members of which were elected on petty local issues, affected to 6 The Last Great Naval War. govern a vast and ever-increasing Empire. The executive was vested in a committee receiving its impulse from that chamber ; and, since the qualities by which parliamentary success could be attained were easily compatible with a total absence of all administrative power, there was no guarantee that the great departments of State which could make war, alienate colonies, starve the navy, and demoralise the army, should be wisely ruled. Moreover, these departments sometimes treated each other as foreign Powers, so that their harmonious and consistent action could rarely be secured ; while the time wasted in correspond- ence and the misunderstandings arising between two offices a few hundred yards apart, often rendered executive action hesitating and slow. It was frequently asserted that the higher patriotism was dead — " commerce knows no patriotism," says a contemporary writer — and that the fulfilment of national needs was often thwarted by vested interests, asserted in pure selfishness, is certain. Landowners in the full enjoyment of all the rights which freehold then conferred over vast tracts of a little island, were in the habit of placing fancy prices on worthless scraps of ground required for national purposes ; and obstruction to the full extent which the law liberally permitted was by no means uncommon. The great principle that all owe service to the State had long been ignored, and a certain jealousy of military establishments even prevailed. There were observers, however, who maintained that the nobler attributes of the nation had not been killed out by commercial greed ; but that they were merely latent, ready to spring into vivid life if ever a great emergency should arise. The year, which had passed tranquilly throughout the British Empire, was marked by few incidents beyond its wide pale. Africa had been parcelled out under "agreements" which did not entirely The Egyptian Question. 7 agree among themselves, and the new frontier lines were a curious study. But the seeds of future trouble, plentifully sown on good ground, needed time to germinate ; and meanwhile the Powers were engaged in exploring their vague acquisitions with varying energy. The Queen's speech dismissing Parliament laid marked stress upon the amicable relations maintained with all the great Powers; but made brief allusion to the Egyptian Question, which had been raised shortly before the recess. The French Ambassador having again asked if a date could be fixed for the evacuation of the Delta, the vague reply of H.M. Government created an outburst on the part of the Parisian Press which found an immediate echo in England. The Morning Post plainly stated that these periodic questionings were becoming intolerable, and that the time had arrived to end them by annexing a country which could not possibly stand alone, and over which the sway of another Power could not be permitted. " There is but one way out of the Egyptian difficulty, and the dignity of the Empire, as well as the responsibilities incurred, demand that this way should be forthwith taken." A remarkable divorce case served to fill the papers shortly afterwards, and Egypt was quickly forgotten ; but the irritation excited in France did not as rapidly subside. That country showed symptoms of much unrest throughout the latter part of the year. Her army had made great advances in organisa- tion and training, as the autumn manoeuvres between Rouen and Amiens plainly showed. Her navy was reported to be in a high state of efficiency, although during the manoeuvres a certain neivousness was shown in handling the ships which was considered to contrast somewhat unfavourably with the self-reliance shown in the operations of the British fleet carried on without intermis- sion during a heavy gale. The Toulon squadron was, however, 8 The Last Great Naval War. employed in evolutionary exercises for nearly three weeks, and much tactical aptitude was evinced. The fortification of the north and north-east frontiers was completed, and it was generally felt that a German invasion would now be an operation of stupendous difficulty. The very consciousness of strength, however, seemed to intoxicate the French imagination. Possessed of keen weapons, the Republic appeared anxious to prove their temper. The bitter memory of 1870-1 must be effaced before the country could regain its earlier prestige, and the tide of feeling no longer turned against Germany, the relations with which Power, thanks to a popular ambassador at Berlin and to the courtesies exchanged between the Emperor and M. Carnot, were remarkably friendly. Great Britain, not Germany, appeared to thwart French aspirations in many corners of the world, and the Government, loudly accused of weakness in regard to the Egyptian question, was in November tottering to its fall. In Germany there were signs of reaction against the dominant militarism ; at least, the marked growth of socialism appeared in this light to some observers. The Emperor this year made a rapid tour of his African possessions, travelling round the continent in the Hohenzollern, with the Germania and Irene in company. His reception at Cape Town, where he spent a few days after inspecting Angra Pequefia, was not characterised by much enthusiasm, and a certain bitterness inspired the English and German Press at this time. The former had begun to realise that, in face of the hostile tariffs of the adjoining littoral, Zanzibar, for which Heligoland with other concessions had been bartered, was commercially valueless, and that large numbers of Her Majesty's British Indian subjects had been sacrificed to merely prospective German interests. The latter was impressed with the The European Powers. 9 belief that England had prevented the acquisition of a much coveted Siamese port in the Bay of Bengal, while the Samoan settlement had not proved entirely satisfactory, and difficulties had recently arisen in the Solomon Islands. The attempt to press German commercial interests with a high hand and few scruples all over the world threatened to provide ample sources of mutual irritation. Meanwhile, although the Emperor was believed to be incubating a project of European disarmament, the land forces of Germany were regularly increased at short intervals, and her navy was steadily growing. Russia was quietly pushing forward the Siberian Railway, and although vague rumours arrived from time to time of the apparition of her agents in Afghanistan, and latterly of attempts to manipulate the native Indian press, the Eastern question, as a whole, was assumed to be slumbering peacefully. Attention was turned on Persia, where Russian influence was obviously growing rather than on the Afghan or Armenian frontiers. The consolidation of Bulgaria had made great progress, and the relations between Constantinople and Sophia were extremely friendly. Although Bulgarian aspirations were evidently expand- ing, it was fully recognised that development within the existing frontiers needed much time. Bulgaria was in no hurry, and meanwhile, the Sick Man, having ample reasons to doubt the great physicians of Europe, was by no means inclined to despise the young and unknown doctor. Italy, overburdened with an army and navy beyond her means, was suffering from severe financial depression, which her African adventures had brought to a crisis. A large retrenchment was absolutely necessary ; but no encouragement in this direction was forthcoming from Berlin, and the Ministry were at their wits' end. The pressure of taxation was creating widespread discontent, which io The Last Great Naval War. the Republican party turned to full account, their organs loudly proclaiming that the fear of French aggression was a mere bug- bear, and that the country was being ruined solely to meet the supposed requirements of German military policy. Moreover, the Italian Republicans not only displayed pro-French sentiments, but shewed a curious rapprochement to the Papal party, to be probably accounted for by a recent change in the attitude of the Pope towards France, and his practical abandonment of the Mon- archists. Austria was bent on reaching the y£gean at Salonika, and the proved disinclination of the Czar for war, or, indeed, for activity of any kind, had to a great extent allayed the Russian scare, acutely felt a few years previously ; but German permission was withheld, with the result of a certain resentment. Thus the Central European Alliance to which the British Cabinet was believed to be more or less committed, and which was held up by certain writers as a cardinal object of military policy, was not by any means a solid structure. The new year opened somewhat inauspiciously. On the 2nd of January telegrams from Melbourne stated that the steam yacht Southern Cross, belonging to Sir William Clarke, had been boarded at anchor off New Caledonia by twenty-two escaped convicts, who murdered all her crew. The plan was apparently to take the vessel to New Guinea, but ignorance of navigation and want of coal caused her to be wrecked near Rockhampton. Four of the convicts were drowned, and five were reported to be at large ; the rest were with difficulty saved from being lynched by the in- furiated Queenslanders. The strong national sentiment which Federation had quickly created at once showed itself. Australia was no longer an aggre- gate of jealous States engaged in internecine commercial war, but Fall of the French Ministry. ii a young nation conscious of power and somewhat over-anxious for an opportunity of exercising it. The press poured forth bitter indignation against the French Government, which, it was asserted, had not fulfilled its undertaking to send no more convicts to Noumea. The Federal Congress met at Sydney on the 15th of January, and at once passed a strong resolution, which was telegraphed to Downing Street by the Viceroy, the Duke of Connaught, on the same day. The matter was somewhat lightly treated by the Times, which, after pointing out that the occurrence was necessarily exceptional, recalled the desirability of using large scale maps in connection with the New Caledonia grievance, and failed entirely to appreciate the position of the Common- wealth of Australasia in regard to the South Pacific. The Colonial Office, however, was better informed, and a representa- tion was addressed to the French Government. Meanwhile, the Parisian Press again denounced Great Britain in unmeasured terms ; and as the reply to the Downing Street note was re- garded as wanting in firmness, the popular indignation quickly turned against the Ministry, causing its resignation on the 3rd of February. France had tried many Premiers, none of whom appeared to suit her present temper, and a random suggestion thrown out in sarcasm by a Legitimist journal was eagerly caught up. M. Clemenceau was the dark horse of French politics. His great ability was unquestioned. He had shown a will of iron on several occasions. Sprung from the ranks of the people, he was believed to be imbued with "le vrai esprit gaulois." He was emphatic- ally a man of action, and it was action for which France restlessly craved as a means of restoring her European prestige, and assuming the position which her vast military and naval esta- blishments appeared to warrant. M. Clemenceau was thus called b 2 12 The Last Great Naval War. to office by acclamation. It was a national crisis — so the press insisted — and he alone could satisfy the national aspirations. The new Ministry took office on the 15th February, Admiral Lespes being Minister of Marine, and General de Miribel at the head of the War Office. A state of diplomatic tension soon arose, the full extent of which was unknown at the time to the House of Commons or the public. The Egyptian question was again raised, but in another form, a suggestion for the re-esta- blishment of the dual control being strongly pressed. In April, trouble arose in Newfoundland, where some French stake-nets in the Bay of Islands were forcibly removed by the people. Heavy compensation was at once demanded, to which H.M. Government demurred ; and in Newfoundland, feeling rose to fever-heat. On the 15th April, a Reuter telegram reported a serious native rising in Tonking, and an expeditionary force of 5,000 men was quickly embarked at Toulon on board eight transports, which, accompanied by the fast cruisers Tage, Sfax, and Isly, reached Aden on the 7th May. Two days later grave news was telegraphed from Australia. It appeared that a fresh escape of convicts from New Caledonia had occurred, and, carried away by the wave of popular indignation, the Government of Victoria caused every r'ecidiviste on whom they could lay hands to be forcibly placed on board the Messageries steamer Salazie, which was ordered to leave Melbourne within four hours. As the Salazie slowly steamed out of Port Phillip, escorted as far as the Heads by the Colonial gunboats Victoria and Albert, the more sober politicians felt that an irrevocable step had been taken. Young Australia, however, assembled in crowds, wildly cheering. At last the mother country would be forced to realise that the Colonies had a will of their own. That from first The Casus Belli. 13 to last Downing Street had shown an utter want of capacity to grasp the situation in the South Pacific, New Guinea, the New Hebrides, and Samoa combined to testify. It was full time that an enduring lesson should be taught. These were the general sentiments in Victoria, which found an immediate echo in most of the other colonies, but especially in Queensland. The Federal Congress, the session of which had ended a fortnight previously, was immediately re-assembled by the Viceroy's direction in view of the crisis, and all the local parliaments were at the same time called together. The news, which was at first supposed to be greatly exaggerated, reached Paris from London ; but was confirmed by the French Consul at Melbourne a few hours later. A somewhat peremptory note from the Quai d'Orsay reached Downing Street on the nth, and was considered at a meeting of the Cabinet hastily convened. In the House of Commons the same evening a number of ill- advised questions were asked, to which the Under-Secretary declined to reply. While taking a high hand from the first, the French Govern- ment appeared, for some days, indisposed to proceed to extremities, and the- British Foreign Secretary also sought to gain time. " Pending the receipt of full and exact information as to the regrettable incident stated to have occurred," H.M. Government was not in a position to discuss the nature of the amende. It was at the same time pointed out that the act was, in any case, that of a single local executive, for which the Federal Government of Australasia was in no way responsible, and that the British Admiral was at the time cruising among the islands of the South Pacific. The correspondence was kept strictly secret, and although a slight fall in consols took place, the full gravity of the situation was not generally realised. It was meanwhile deemed 14 The Last Great Naval War. inadvisable to take any steps which might arouse French suscepti- bilities, and the Admiralty received orders to hold its hand. Telegrams from Australia, however, stated that great enthusiasm prevailed, that public meetings were being everywhere held at which the French Government was strongly denounced, and that military preparations were in full progress. On the 14th, two French vessels, believed to be the Dupny-de- Lome and Cecille, were reported from the signal station, Gibraltar, going west, and the following day the homeward-bound P. and O. steamer Carthage sighted three ships of war near Finisterre steaming south at full speed. On the same day, the Annamite transport, from Aden, with troops forTonking, coaled at Colombo, having apparently outstripped her consorts. Thus passed an anxious period, during which the French press openly clamoured for war, while in England the language was much more guarded, and a general belief in the intervention of Germany prevailed, the Times addressing a direct appeal to the Kaiser to preserve the peace of Europe. In the afternoon of the 1 6th, the French ambassador presented an ultimatum at the Foreign Office, in which it was demanded that Egypt should be evacuated in six months, that exclusive rights along the " French Shore '' of Newfoundland extending half a mile inland should be admitted, that heavy compensation should be paid to the Mes- sageries Company, that the Victorian ships of war should salute the Tricolor with 101 guns, and that the whole military force in Melbourne should march past the French Consulate with shouldered arms. Failing the acceptance of these terms within twenty-four hours, war was to be declared. The Cabinet met at the Premier's residence ; but the late hour and the urgency of the summons could not be concealed, and crowds assembled cheering Ministers as they arrived. A reply, dignified in tone throughout, War. 15 and showing among other things that the conditions sought to be imposed were such as Great Britain could not, by her simple fiat, enforce upon the Federal Government of Australasia, was delivered at Albert Gate shortly before midnight. The great public offices were open till morning, and cypher telegrams, some of which did not reach their destination, were despatched to all parts of the world, those addressed to Berlin, Vienna, and Rome being of great length. Although the exact nature of the crisis had not transpired, and war was not known to be imminent, the 1 7th May was a black day in the City calendar, and every species of canard descended in flights upon the Stock Exchange. The day-boats crossing the Channel left for England without their mails, after waiting several hours, and troop trains were reported to be arriving at Boulogne, Calais, and Havre. Shortly after eight p.m., the French Ambassador delivered a declaration of war in the name of the President of the Republic. CHAPTER II. The Attitude of Great Britain — The French Press — Alliance? — Preparation— The War Office — Mobilisation — Fortification. The news was known in London about two hours later, and was shouted through the streets all night, but generally dis- believed, till the morning papers put the fact beyond a doubt. War, so long regarded as the chimera of a few alarmists, an evil which afflicted other nations only, and was interesting to the outside British observer, had come at last. The country was staggered for the moment, and the press reflected the general bewilderment. The first impulse was bitter resentment against the Government, which, it was assumed, had either been grossly deceived or lamentably ill-informed. Much was written as to the "undying spirit of the nation," and appeals were freely made to " the great traditions of the past ; " but of confidence in the state of military preparations, and in the administration of the fighting services about to be roughly tested, there was little expression. Distinguished Admirals (some of whom had not been to sea for many years, and had never commanded an armour-clad) had occupied their learned leisure in writing long letters to the Times condemning whole classes of H.M. ships ; and the public, unable to discriminate between thoughtful criticism and the airing of fads, had derived the impression that the great navy of England was in its decadence. The manoeuvres near Aldershot in the previous year had been sharply criticised by a well-known writer, who considered that they revealed " a condition of inefficiency, Public Feeling in England. 17 an unreadiness for action almost incredible, but nevertheless existing, and anything but creditable to those concerned." Some amusement was caused at about the same period by the conferring of a brevet for distinguished service, stated to have been rendered in a small war, at a time when the recipient was buffalo-shooting in South America. Several incidents of the same kind were remembered ; but the point of the jokes, much appreciated at the time, appeared to be lost now that the country was launched upon the unknown seas of a mighty conflict. There was, however, no symptom of panic, except in some commercial circles, and this was quickly allayed by the wise action of certain great firms ; but little enthusiasm appeared among the masses, who, without having the least idea of what war implied, vaguely felt that it would make the struggle of life harder. On the other hand, the music-hall audiences shouted themselves hoarse in chorus to the many bellicose ditties which acquired rapid popularity. Nevertheless, the temper of the nation as a whole showed a marked earnestness. In face of tremendous possibilities, all the pettiness of every-day politics suddenly disappeared. The Empire was to be lost or saved, and it mattered no longer how Irish members were clothed in prison, or whether Mr. Chamberlain's career had been a model of consistency. A new sense of pro- portion was awakened, and narrow issues stood revealed in all their pitiful insignificance. Across the Channel the wildest excitement prevailed when the news became public. Dense crowds thronged the boulevards far into the night singing the "Marseillaise," or howling in the Rue St. Honore in front of the British Embassy. The more enterprising spirits organised themselves into bands which made a tour of the cafes and such shops as were open, insisting on the removal of all advertisements in the English language. In the Chamber on 18 The Last Great Naval War. the following day, the President's message was received with the most intense enthusiasm. Members embraced each other with tears, and shouts of " Vive la guerre! " "A Londres!" "En Egypte!" "Mort cnix tyrans de la mer ! " arose on all sides. The Press went into heroics — " Le chant clair, glorieux, triomphant du libre coq gaulois a re'pondu, comme seul il sait rdpondre, aux rauques rugissements du sinistre leopard britannique. Perfide Albion, belle France; Londres ville-brouillard, Paris ville-lumiere ; pourriture, apotheose : grotesque et sublime antithese ! ! " etc. etc. As for plans of action, they were forthcoming in profusion ; each considerable newspaper had one of its own. Troops were to be massed at the Channel ports. The Mediterranean — " cette mer qui devait etre un lac Frangais," as a French Admiral had prophetically written— was to be swept clear of the White Ensign, Malta and Gibraltar captured (the latter to be given to Spain on conditions), Egypt to be occupied — and then ? Meanwhile, the rich coast towns of England would be mercilessly bombarded if not promptly ransomed, and a guerre de course would be vigorously prosecuted all over the world. The British navy was no doubt numerically formidable ; but its own experts had repeatedly borne witness to the worthlessness of most of the vessels, while the Press teemed with reports of broken-down engines, defective guns, and inefficient stokers — matters carefully kept out of sight in France. Besides, had not M. Canet invented a gun which, though pronounced to be "too terrible for war," would evidently be available for use against perfide Albion ? while le Capitaine Renard had all but completed a dirigible balloon capable of launching dynamite on the deck of any vessel which attempted to approach the shores of la belle France. Finally there was melinite in abundance, the very name of which was a terror on the other side of the Channel. Alliance 1 19 Thus widely differed the attitude of the two nations. In the one confidence, almost joy, appeared to prevail ; in the other, perplexity, almost self-mistrust. There were, however, cool observers on both sides who did not by any means share the general feeling. Many French officers, who had studied war and carefully followed the annual British manoeuvres, were not entirely convinced of the decadence of H.M. navy. They realised, as the soldiers failed to do, that unless that navy could be quickly crippled no deadly blow could be delivered, and that the weakness due to scattered territorities, which was a favourite theme of certain writers, would prove to be a source of strength, unless the sea power of the British Empire could be laid low. And in England there were some who, well knowing the heavy price that must now be paid for the existing want of organi- sation, believed that the nation, if true to itself, would emerge triumphant. In the early days after the declaration of war, it was perhaps inevitable that an alliance should have been somewhat eagerly sought after. " It is almost certain that we shall never have to enter into any quarrel in .which we cannot, on the do tit des principle, obtain alliances," was the dictum of a military writer a few years previously; and to Germany, assumed to be the natural enemy of France, the popular fancy turned. Subsequent revelations, in fact, showed that the Government had endeavoured up to the last to secure German support. The Emperor was, however, engaged in combating one form of socialism by another, reconstructing the whole educational system of the country, and a variety of minor projects, including compulsory inoculation with Dr. Koch's latest lymph. Alsace-Lorraine was becoming reconciled. There was nothing to be gained by a war which, if Germany moved, would probably spread throughout Europe. 20 The Last Great Naval War. Great Britain, not France, was Germany's real rival in her colonial ambitions. On the other hand, the weakening of both Great Britain and France would be to the obvious advantage of Germany. Both navies would doubtless suffer, and German naval aspirations would be furthered. Finally, the Emperor, by holding his hand, would not only preserve the general peace of Europe, but might possibly intervene with powerful effect at some later stage, without expending one Pomeranian grenadier. Whatever were the hopes of a large section of the English people, the tone adopted by the German Press effectually dis- pelled them. Of gratitude for a long course of subservience, which had gone far to alienate the allegiance of the Australian Colonies, there was no sign. Undisguised satisfaction, varying only in the terms of its expression, was everywhere apparent. " Heute stehen sich unsere lieben Feinde und unsere unlieben Freunde im Kampfe um Leben und Tod gegeniiber; franzosischer Leichtsinn gegen britischen Uebermuth. Fiirwahr, ein dem sich emporschwingenden Deutschthum nicht unerfreuliches Schauspiel "* Such was the view of the Berfaier Post. The K'dlnische Zeiiung went so far as to advocate a Franco-German alliance by which the wounds of 1870-1 might be finally healed and the future assured. Such an alliance would secure for the Fatherland a large share of the Colonial Empire of England, and it was even darkly hinted that a partition of Holland and Belgium might be arranged somewhat on the Benedetti lines, by which a strong position in the far East would be established. Some surprise was felt in England that 'in * Literally: — To-day stand our dear enemies and our " undear " friends face to face in a struggle for life and death ; French frivolity against British arrogance. Assuredly for soaring Germandom a not unpleasant spectacle. PR EPA RA TIONS. 2 I bitterness the German Press went considerably beyond that of Russia — " our great enemy," in the language of the strategist above quoted. So little were the sentiments capable of being inspired by commercial rivalry understood by the greatest com- mercial nation of the world. Great Britain had, at the moment, nothing to give. The " do ut des principle " thus broke down, and the struggle was to be fought out alone. France had played the game cleverly, and, by keeping the initiative in her hands, won invaluable time, of which she had made full use. The fear of precipitating matters caused no corresponding steps to be taken till the night of the 1 6th May, and even then no definite instructions were sent to the Imperial stations. The Admiralty, immediately after the Newfoundland fracas, had given orders to the dockyards to press forward the repairs to certain ships ; but it now appeared that the dockyard authorities, who were a little out of hand at the time, had done nothing. England rang with preparations. Chatham, Portsmouth, Ply- mouth, and Pembroke were to take on every man they could employ, and work night and day. The heads of the great private ship-building firms of the North were taken into consultation, and the whole of their energies were directed to meet the national needs. Every available steamship, of not less than fourteen knots, that could be spared from the food-carrying trade, was overhauled and prepared to receive an armament — when it could be provided. Of capable navigating officers there were large numbers, many of whom volunteered to serve for the period of the war and received commissions at once. Good deck hands were wanting, but a liberal rate of pay quickly attracted large numbers of the seafaring population, who provided excellent material. Trained gunners, except the Royal Marines, who were needed elsewhere, were not 22 The Last Great Naval War. forthcoming ; but drill was set on foot at all the great commercial ports, and time would supply the want. It was soon found that, thanks to the intelligence of the men, the long courses prescribed by pedants were not required, and that it was not necessary to preface training in handling the five-inch breech-loader by preliminary drill with demi-culverins, or elaborate courses of instruction in the manufacture of cordite and electric fuzes. Meanwhile the naval reserves were rapidly mobilised, and proved insufficient, large numbers of nominal reservists not being forth- coming. The deficiency of the lieutenants' list was painfully apparent ; and to mitigate the evil, commissions as sub-lieutenants were given to deserving petty officers and qualified yachtsmen. With the assistance of the Post Office authorities, the system of signal-stations which had been tested during the naval manoeuvres of previous years was organised round the coast. A hundred matters, most of which could have been quietly worked out during the long years of peace now ended, demanded attention ; but the Board of Admiralty showed a full appreciation of the magnitude of the task before them, and the many omissions of the past were supplied as far as the difficulties of the present permitted. Unfortunately, there were matters now beyond the reach of immediate remedy. Boilers, incapable of carrying a full head of steam, were dispersed about the world. There were guns afloat with a marked tendency to droop at the muzzle, and others which it was undesirable to trust with a full charge. Powder of erratic proclivities was believed to be carefully stored at certain distant stations, and fuzes of the Alexandria brand were by no means extinct. All these matters, too, could be remedied in time — but meanwhile ? More serious was the want of a reserve of modern guns. So Requirements. 23 much energy and plant had been applied to the manufacture of monstrosities (in order, apparently, to follow the mistaken lead of Italy) that reserves of smaller guns, certain to be needed as soon as something more than " moral effect " was required, were not forthcoming. An urgent demand must therefore be sent to the War Office,* which was also pressed to lend certain guns appropri- ated to coast defence. Meanwhile, the Board of Admiralty demanded and obtained power to deal direct with the civil manufacturers. Guns in large numbers would be available in about eight months, but unfortunately they were needed at once. Worst of all, however, was the deficiency of fast cruisers, of which about thirty-five more were urgently needed. This deficiency had been frequently pointed out by naval officers in the strongest language which the Speaker of the House of Commons and the editors of the Times and Nineteenth Century would tolerate ; but that was in the halcyon days, when, to the well-balanced mind of the politician, war seemed but an idle dream. Cruisers also could be provided in time, and some few could be extemporised ; but they were painfully needed now, in May, 189 — , when every hour was of vital importance to the Empire.t At the War Office, which was engrossed in the preparation of a new retirement scheme, the outbreak of war was regarded as extremely inopportune. There had been three Warrants, dealing with this vital question, in the past two years, of which the last was ill - fated from its birth ; since after being followed * The whole of the ordnance manufacturing departments of the country were, at this time, under the Financial Secretary of the War Office, and might as well — perhaps better — have been under the Lord Chamberlain. t It was subsequently estimated that if an adequate cruiser force had existed at the outbreak of war, a sum of at least forty-three millions would have been saved to the country, and these figures were not disputed. 24 The Last Great Naval War. up within a fortnight by voluminous corrigenda, it was under- stood to be altogether withdrawn, although the Army was not quite clear on this point. The latest scheme, a masterpiece of careful thought, actuarial computation, and delicate compromise, had now to be laid aside, and the Finance Department, which had all but obtained the " concurrence " of the Treasury, was seriously annoyed. A very Niagara of letters and telegrams poured into Pall Mall during the first few days. Everyone able to communicate either wanted something, or requested permission to do something, or asked for information of the most varied character. The huge clerical staff was doubled, and nearly everybody promoted ; but it was wholly impossible to deal with the rapidly accumulating piles of correspondence. The terrible ills of centralisation presented themselves in every form. At the Admiralty, the organisation of which had been little changed since the old French wars, the peace administration passed without shock into one of war. In the army, initiative, long repressed by a Chinese elaboration of regulations, could not be expected to rise from its ruins, and the defect proved to be irreparable. The high officials, who, in piping times of peace, could barely struggle through the mass of petty detail which their subordinates were not trusted to despatch, found themselves overwhelmed — the more so since time was now required for the consideration of matters somewhat more important than the pattern of the soldiers' leggings, or the rival claims of Lieutenants Smith and Brown for the office of musketry instructor at Antigua. The subordinates, totally unaccustomed to deal with any question except through " the official channel " — a labyrinthine arrangement of pipes with sharp bends, branches, constrictions, and ails de sac in profusion — were seriously afraid of exceeding their powers. Chaos reigned supreme until such time as a rough The War Office View. 25 workable system could be evolved, and meanwhile every class of blunder was possible. That any preparations had been made to meet such a con- tingency as an Anglo-French war, there were few signs. The ideal of the military reformers of the day — the formation, co&te que coute, of two Army Corps and a Cavalry Division — appears to have been based upon some contemplated intervention between two exhausted belligerents. The imagination of the country had, however, been deeply impressed by ingenious and vivid fictions, such as the " Battle of Dorking," " Down with England," * &c, in which the British navy was spirited away in the opening pages, and successful invasion, with the occupation of London, quickly followed in logical sequence. All this was, perhaps, now imminent, and a supreme effort must be made to guard the coast-line and the metropolis. This view appears to have been accepted at the War Office, although it was combated at the outset by Rear- Admiral Colomb, who endeavoured to show by appeals to history that invasion was possible only on condition of the total defeat of the Imperial navy, and that the only policy worthy of Great Britain was to develop her full sea power as rapidly as possible, and to use that " tremendous weapon " as remorselessly as Drake or Nelson would have done. Admiral Colomb was, however, sharply criticised by Professor Huxley, who in a series of eight trenchant letters to the Times — subsequently reprinted in pamph- let form — was generally regarded as having effectually disposed of all persons afflicted with what he aptly termed " water on the brain." Two principal tasks thus presented themselves to the War Office authorities — to defend London and the coast-line, and to * A translation from the French. 26 The Last Great Naval War. reinforce certain colonial garrisons which had been kept at a dangerously low strength for some unknown reason. A letter was written to the Admiralty asking if they were prepared to convoy the reinforcements, which might be ready in about three weeks. The Admiralty at once replied that the safety of trans- ports could not at present be guaranteed, and an animated correspondence followed. Meanwhile reserves, militia, and volunteers were called out, and responded with great alacrity. The railway traffic-managers, accustomed to convey crowds, easily met all requirements, and, where not interfered with by the misdirected zeal of inexperienced staff officers, succeeded in transporting the troops to their destina- tions without any serious interruption of the ordinary traffic. Masses of men poured into the numerous fortified ports around the coast, and the country began for the first time to realise that it possessed over half a million of defenders. The trained staff necessary to handle these masses was, however, entirely wanting, and the want of knowledge on the part of some of the officers of the auxiliary forces was apparent. But for the excellent behaviour of the men themselves, and their great tractability, the wildest confusion would have prevailed at Ports- mouth and Plymouth. The many shortcomings of an indifferent peace training had now to be made good, and drill, in every form, began in grim earnest ; but the want of a sufficient number of competent instructors was painfully felt. The country literally swarmed with major-generals, most of whom had never com- manded a battalion, while others, after years of London club- life, had forgotten such knowledge as they once possessed. In the garrisons this did not so much matter ; but a field army was to be formed at Aldershot, of which the first Army Corps — the second turned out to be non-existent — was to be the "nucleus,'' and The Defence of London. 27 brigadiers, staff, even efficient battalion commanders, for the auxiliary forces were wanting. The men, after a month's intelligent- training, would be equal to any French conscripts ; even the transport difficulty could be met in a country covered with railways ; but how was an army to be handled and manoeuvred in presence of an enemy without a trained staff and competent superior officers ? And where was the proper complement ot Field Artillery — that arm of might in modern war — to come from ? The defences of London were divided up into sections and allotted to the great contractors, who quickly brought together whole armies of labourers, and easily managed to feed and direct them. Navvies from the railways, miners on strike, dockers, half the unemployed of the East End, encamped on the Surrey downs or in the glades of Epping Forest. Great earthworks arose every- where as if by magic, and were rapidly converted into museums of venerable guns. The West End, thus fortified by the East End, breathed more freely. The gallant volunteers were anxious that the French should land. Round the coasts, submarine mines were thickly sown ; but the Admiralty refused to permit them to be laid at Portsmouth and Plymouth, while the Chambers of Commerce of London and Liverpool soon demanded their removal from the Thames and Mersey. Luckily this was effected without accident. By night, electric lights flashed across every channel and bay, until the Board of Trade, after the stranding of several ships whose pilots had been blinded by their dazzling rays, insisted on extinguishing most of them. Nor were other preparations neglected. The women of England, with Her Majesty the Queen at their head, organised themselves into a great association for giving aid to the wounded. In palaces and cottages lint was prepared. Volunteer nurses c 2 28 The Last Great Naval War. were forthcoming in hundreds, ready to embark at short notice, if need be. Special hospitals were made ready replete with every comfort. Money poured in from all quarters, and stores of the little luxuries which mean much to sick men were packed and forwarded to the naval ports ready for shipment. In all this labour of love, the Princess of Wales bore an active part, directing, inspiring, and gently smoothing difficulties with a woman's graceful tact. It was a strange time, never to be forgotten. A purer air seemed to breathe over the land. Class jealousy ceased. Im- pending danger caused old enmities to be laid aside. Even the prevailing national snobbishness disappeared, for Belgravia and South Kensington were for once in earnest ; while great thoughts thrilled Camberwell and Clapham. It was noticed that the fighting services sprang into sudden popularity, and uniform, almost re- garded as a badge of servitude a week before, was now a symbol of honour. Bright eyes filled with tears as they gazed wistfully on regiments marching through London, or groups of hardy sailors assembled at Waterloo Station. In these stirring days it was a disgrace not to wear the Queen's livery, and city clerks poured by the thousand into the volunteers ; while hunting men quitted their clubs to drill side by side with young farmers in the ranks of the yeomanry. The country would at least stand in no need of men who would fight if the time came, but how were they to be trained and handled ? The day of organisation had passed. CHAPTER III. Movements in the Mediterranean — The Scarborough Incident — Alderney — Commerce — Rescue of the Cape Mail — Torpedo Boats as Commerce Destroyers. The distribution of ships at the outset of a naval war is a matter on which great issues may depend. A few days gained, even time to communicate with distant stations, may be worth a battle. The normal stations of the French vessels, and the peace strength of the force outside of European waters, were of course known at the Admiralty; but there had been recent movements which could not at present be fathomed. It was strongly suspected that the mobilisation at Brest and Toulon had already been in progress for some days.* On the evening of the 17th May orders had been telegraphed to the naval Commanders-in- Chief, which reached all stations except Hong Kong. But the Admirals were not at the ends of the wire in all cases. The Commander-in-Chief in Australia was at Fiji, and could not hear the news for six days, though the Blonde left Auckland to seek him within two hours. Three days later, telegraph communication with Australia was interrupted altogether ; the West African cable declined to work about the same time, and on the 24th the East African line also broke down. Under the circumstances, the Admiralty were driven to an inevitable decision. The Mediterranean fleet could not be re- * It was afterwards discovered that the French Government meant to declare war after the fracas in the Bay of Islands, and thus gained invaluable time; but the Foreign Office in 189 — was not well served at Paris, to which capital a purely political appointment had recently been made. 30 The Last Great Naval War. inforced for many days. There was reason to believe that the reserve ships at Toulon might be able to put to sea by the 22nd. It was dangerous to risk a first action on very unequal terms, and jeopardise the situation in the Mediterranean. The fleet was therefore ordered to assemble at Gibraltar and await reinforcements, which would be pressed forward with hot haste. Wise as this decision undoubtedly was, it involved a certain initial loss of morale, an admission of inferiority. Great fears were felt, and found expression in the press, for the safety of Malta and the garrisons of Egypt and Cyprus. The small force at the latter place was, however, withdrawn to Alexandria by the prompt action of Major-General Fairfax, commanding in Egypt, who impressed the Hall Line steamer Eden Hall for the purpose. Luckily the sea was calm enough to allow the Cyprus garrison to be quickly embarked, and the whole movement was effected in forty-eight hours. Turkish troops re- occupied the island three weeks later, and the Cyprus " place-of-arms " bubble finally burst. Most unfortunately the Mediterranean fleet had been divided, partly for fear of hurting French susceptibilities — no indication of a tendency on the part of any Power to avoid touching British susceptibilities was apparent at this period — and partly because the strategists had convinced themselves that Great Britain would never have to fight single-handed, and that the Italian fleet could be counted upon under all circumstances. Vice-Admiral Sir G. Tryon, the Commander-in-Chief, was at Mahon greatly inferior in force to the French within 250 miles of him. Rear-Admiral Bedford, with the Levant squadron, was at Crete. The former, forewarned, had ordered the Iris to remain under steam at Barcelona, and thus received his orders at Mahon on the 19th. These orders were as peremptory as unpalatable, and the squadron steamed slowly towards the Straits. Meanwhile the Movements in the Mediterranean. 31 position of the Levant force was somewhat precarious, and grave anxiety was at once felt. If the French admiral acted with promptness, this force now en Vair might be caught and over- powered. Admiral Bedford received his orders by telegram from Whitehall direct, and after assembling his whole command, reached Malta late on the 21st. Here he received despatches, telegraphed his intended movements to Sir G. Tryon, and held a hurried conference with the Governor, General Sir G. Harman, who parted from him at Nix Mangiare stairs with the words — "Never fear; I will hold Malta for six months if necessary." The General in fact scented fighting, and, confident of the strength of his position and his fine garrison, was secretly pleased to be thus abandoned. Intense anxiety prevailed at Whitehall for the next few days ; but in the country generally the critical nature of the movement which Admiral Bedford was about to carry out was not fully realised, and foolish questions were asked in the House of Commons, where some amateur strategists held that the fleet ought to have been tied up to Malta. Admiral Bedford had determined on a bold stroke involving much risk. His only information was to the effect that the Toulon fleet, which had been watched by the Phaeton and Mercury, appeared to be about to put to sea on the 20th. Two days had elapsed, and, assuming this fleet to have sailed, it would probably make for some point on a direct line between Malta and Gibraltar, and establish touch with the cable at Algiers. The British squadron, if it traversed the Straits of Bonifacio unobserved by night, might pass in rear of the French fleet, and rounding the Balearic Islands, effect a junction with the Vice-Admiral near Carthagena. In the very improbability of such a movement being attempted lay its best chance of success. (See map.) Six large steamers, including the P. and O. Victoria, and the 32 The Last Great Naval War. Orient Line Ormuz, filled with passengers, weighed with the squadron and prepared to accompany. They might prove in the way, but they could steam at least two knots faster than the average speed of the squadron, and the Admiral determined to take them, and signalled the stations they were to keep. The Straits of Bonifacio were passed safely on the night of the 23rd. Had the squadron been sighted, and was a fast despatch-boat already steaming from Toulon or Algiers to warn Admiral Gervais ? Such were the possibilities of the telegraph. The British Admiral moved on a narrow front to minimise the chances of being sighted by the French cruisers which were probably keeping up communication with Toulon ; but threw out the Amphion and Bellona to his right, with orders to bring any French cruiser to action if possible, but not to chase far, and to endeavour always to regain the squadron at nightfall. When morning broke on the 24th, a vessel showed three miles to starboard. The luckless Forfait, suspecting nothing, had nearly run right into the thick of the British squadron, and Captain McQuhae, in the Forth, was ordered to capture her. Fight and flight were alike hopeless ; but the Frenchman attempted both. Inexorably the Forth over- hauled him, receiving a 14 cm. shell through the funnel. At about six cables, the Forth opened fire, and her third shell tore its way through the stern of the Forfait, and bursting between decks killed and wounded sixteen men, besides disabling the steering gear. Completely overmatched, the Forfait struck her colours. It was a sorry triumph, and Captain McQuhae, in the best French he could muster, politely expressed to Captain Mirabeau regret that necessity should have compelled his action — "Alors, c'est necessaire — vous voyez ? — N'est ce pas ? " A prize crew was quickly put on board the Forfait, and she was taken in tow by the Ormuz, which had plenty of spare power. Reunion of the Fleet. 33 The danger was still great, and on board the squadron anxious eyes scanned the horizon. On the night of the 25th, Captain Tomlin, R.N.R., of the P. and O. Victoria, volunteered to go into Barcelona and endeavour to telegraph to Gibraltar. The squadron now altered course to the south-west, passing between Iviga and the mainland. At mid-day on the 27th, much smoke was sighted to the south, and the strain of uncertainty was intensely felt. Had Captain Tomlin been able to communicate with Sir G. Tryon ; or had some Corsican lighthouse keeper sighted the squadron and telegraphed to Toulon ? A few words flashed beneath the Mediterranean to Algiers would then serve to make the nature of the movement clear to Admiral Gervais, who would at once know how to act. The ships were cleared for action, and quietly fell into their fighting formation. There was not a man on board the squadron who did not know that if it was the Toulon fleet that was drawing rapidly nearer, the issue was predetermined ; but there were some off chances, and a vague sense of elation was felt in the prospect of fighting for England the first fleet action of eighty years. On the bridge of the Galatea scouting six miles in front, Commander de Lisle was intently watching the slowly rising hulls of the approaching vessels, of which he could already count eleven. As he gazed, the land breeze reached the strangers, and suddenly from one of them the white ensign lazily floated to the east. " The Admiral, sir,'' said the commander, handing his glass to Captain the Hon. Hedworth Lambton, who, after looking through it for a moment and identifying the Sans Pareil, gravely shook hands with him, and gave the order to the signal- man — " Hoist 849." The danger was past, and, on the evening of the 28th, the united fleet anchored at Gibraltar. The Victoria arrived eight 34 The Last Great Naval War. hours later, and after receiving instructions from London made a wide sweep to the westward and reached Milford Haven in safety. On the following day, the Australia, sent out by Sir G. Tryon to scout to the east, arrived, having sighted the French with 17 ships about 130 miles north of Algiers. At Whitehall the relief was intense ; but wise as the decision undoubtedly was, and skilfully as it had been carried out, this scuttle from the Mediterranean had a most depressing effect upon the country, where it was now expected that Malta would be at once attacked and Egypt occupied. A First Sea Lord had some years previously pointed out that supremacy in the Mediterranean was a mere matter of the distribution of H.M. ships ; but war did not come within the purview of politicians engrossed in splitting the delicate difference between " a broad measure of local self-government" and Home Rule. The retirement of the Mediterranean fleet, with the heavy risks incurred, supplied a naval object-lesson of the most practical character, unfortunately too late. While this exciting drama was being played in the Mediter- ranean, events were happening nearer home which appealed even more directly to the popular imagination. The Roland and La Clocheterie left Cuxhaven on the 17th, with sealed orders to be opened at sea. At noon on the 19th, two strange vessels were sighted by the coastguard at Scarborough coming straight from the North Sea. In less than an hour they were off the town, showing the French flag, and a captured fishing smack which had been taken in tow was sent off with a note to the Mayor demanding a ransom of ^40,000, to be paid in two hours) failing which it would be the painful duty of Captain la Fontaine, commanding the Roland, " to lay Scarborough in ashes." The Mayor, occupied at the time with complicated preparations The Scarborough Incident. 35 for an approaching bye-election, all public interest in which appeared to have suddenly ceased two days previously, was thunderstruck. A meeting of the Corporation was quickly con- vened, at which a leading tradesman advocated compliance, pointing out that the sum, which was not excessive, would doubtless be recouped. A crowd had, however, assembled outside the Guildhall, and was addressed by an old soldier who forcibly urged the eternal disgrace involved in submitting to blackmail. "We must not think of Scarborough," he said, " but of England.'' The crowd shouted, " No surrender ! " and this, or a telegram from London, ended the deliberations of the Corporation. The French commander was informed that the traditions of the British nation forbade compliance with such demands, and that it would therefore be necessary for him to land and take the money. Meanwhile, the volunteers quickly assembled on Castle Hill, which flanks the beach, and some thousands of people sought shelter behind Mount Oliver ; although the threat of bombardment was not generally regarded as serious. The realisation of what war might imply had not as yet dawned upon the country. As shell after shell from the Roland tore through the air, its fall marked by a tremendous explosion and a dense column of smoke, women cowered and men swore beneath their breath. Firing ceased in twenty minutes, and as the smoke cleared, the Roland was seen making straight out to sea to join her consort, which had meanwhile picked up two large colliers on their way south. No other course was open to Captain la Fontaine, who, gallant sailor as he afterwards proved himself, detested his task. He could at most have landed fifty men from the two ships, who were no match for the volunteers, and troops from York might arrive at any moment. To ransack the town for money would 36 The Last Great Naval War. take hours, and already from Harwich and Leith H.M.S. Narcissus and Pallas were on their way to Scarborough. To attempt to pass the Downs involved great risk, and making a wide detour in the North Sea, the two French ships coaled in Kirkwall Bay, and after sinking the captured colliers steamed into the Atlantic. La Clocheterie was wrecked on the Lewis in a dense fog, but the Roland, proceeding south-west with the survivors on board, gave chase to a large homeward-bound steamer, which proved to be the Cunard Aurania, possessing at least two knots superiority of speed. Captain H. Walker, R.N.R., as soon as he had gauged his pursuer's power, drew her after him, allowing the distance to be slowly reduced to about three miles. The coast of Ireland was just in sight, when out of Lough Swilly dashed H.M.S. Latona, and a brief action took place. The Frenchman fought bravely, but his crowded main-deck quickly became a slaughter-house; the captain was mortally wounded, and the Roland sank before the Latona could render assistance. At Scarborough, though little damage* had been done to the town, thirteen persons, chiefly women and children, were killed or wounded. The London evening papers were filled with distorted accounts of the affair ; but on the following day a letter from a retired leader-writer of the Daily Telegraph, who chanced to be on the spot, gave a thrilling account of the scene, which rang through the land, and found an echo after many days in Canada, the United States, and Australia. A note of remonstrance was sent to the French Government, and to all the European courts. Twenty-two shell had been fired into Scarborough, and H.M.S. Shannon and Hotspur left Portsmouth the same evening with orders to fire that number into * The damage was subsequently estimated by the borough surveyor at £$4-2. The Channel Islands. 37 Etretat and Fecamp. The hateful duty was accomplished the following morning, and more helpless non-combatants were killed. Such were the only results of the teaching of certain French writers in regard to the conduct of naval war ; for the Scarborough performance was never repeated. No worse measure could well have been taken by the French. The fiercest passions of the democracy were aroused. Here was something the masses could understand. "War, loud war, by land and sea," had invaded their hearths and homes, and the Scarborough incident, by the bitter resentment to which it gave rise, exercised a definite influence upon the subsequent attitude of the nation. Meanwhile, events followed fast in the Channel. It was ex- pected that some movement against the Channel Islands would be attempted, and the question of reinforcement versus withdrawal — " concentration," it was called — led to much animated dis- cussion. The French had, however, laid their plans previously, and on the early morning of the 18th, within ten hours of the declaration of war, 3,000 men disembarked at Alderney. The news of their arrival was telegraphed to England ; but the cable was then immediately cut, and the Jersey steamer Frederica, which reached Southampton in the afternoon, reported that heavy firing was going on. The Immortalite and Malampas, which were coaling at Portland, received orders to go at once to Alderney. Two very weak companies of the East Surrey Regiment were holding Fort Albert, which was being steadily shelled by the coastguard armour-clads, Tempete and Vengeur, while stores were being landed in Plat Saline Bay from two Cherbourg steamers. The Marengo and Suffren -wzxe covering the operation. The presence of these armour-clads was a complete surprise to Captain Bracken- bury of the Immortalite — they had, in fact, only reached Cher- bourg on the evening of the 17th, while the Tempete and Vtngeur 38 The Last Great Naval War. were believed to be under extensive repairs. It was hopeless to engage such a force, though a signal was read from Fort Albert to the effect that the little garrison was hard pressed and could not hold out more than twenty-four hours. Taking advantage of their speed, the Immortality and Malampas steamed round the enemy's ships, keeping at about 2,500 yards range, and firing steadily. This served to draw off the fire from the fort for a time ; but no impression could be produced, and a chance 24 cm. shell from the Marengo passed clear through the Immortalite near the water- line, killing and wounding seven men, but happily bursting out- side. With bitter regret Captain Brackenbury withdrew his ships and made for Guernsey, hoping to telegraph thence. The cable could not be worked, however, and in a rising sea the Immortalite returned to Portsmouth, her large wounds giving rise to much anxiety. The Malampas remained at Guernsey with orders to observe Alderney as closely as possible. The position of the little British force, thus left to its fate, appealed strongly to the public imagination, and the press loudly demanded that Alderney should be relieved. There was, however, no available force at the moment. The reinforcement of the Mediterranean and Channel squadrons was necessarily the first consideration. Brest and Toulon were of infinitely greater importance than Cherbourg. Alderney must wait. Gn the 24th, Fort Albert fell, the garrison, after a brave but hopeless struggle, being reduced to one officer and thirty-three men. Nearly two millions had been expended upon Alderney, which was to serve as an " advanced base " to shelter a fleet blockading Cherbourg : a " post of observation," and what not. Its great breakwater had been partially destroyed ; the debris strewed the harbour bottom. Its numerous forts and barracks were dis- The Channel. 39 mantled and half in ruins. And now, caught unawares, with a mere handful of troops to guard it, the island had fallen. The blow was generally regarded as gravely compromising future operations, and the loss of Jersey and Guernsey was expected to follow. What had become of the naval protection of which so much had been written ? The Channel squadron, which had fortunately been somewhat strengthened in the preceding year, left Vigo on the 16th May for Portland, just missing orders telegraphed on the receipt of the French ultimatum. Vice-Admiral Fremantle was thus unaware that war had broken out, and the Jean Bart — ominous name — going south, passed close to the squadron on the morning of the 1 8th, calmly saluting the Vice-Admiral's flag. Four hours later the Enchantress, from Portsmouth, met the Admiral with orders to proceed with all speed to Scilly, where other ships would join him. Holding the squadron together as far as possible, he was thence to patrol the water between Scilly and Brest with his cruisers, and afford protection to homeward-bound ships. A small squadron under Rear- Admiral W. Kennedy assembled in the Downs on the 20th. The general idea of the Admiralty at this period was to observe Brest closely, and seek to bring to action any fleet issuing therefrom. For this purpose the Channel squadron was to be strongly reinforced from the reserves. Cherbourg, where the French had no great force, was also to be closely observed. Reserve squadrons of coast-guard ships were to be assembled at Portsmouth and Plymouth. A small cruiser force operating from Lough Swilly, was to guard the northern approach to St. George's Channel, and another force, based on Queenstown, was to keep touch with Scilly and guard the southern approach. The Duke of Edinburgh was appointed " Commander-in-Chief in the Channel," and, although some of 4° The Last Great Naval War. the Radical papers raised a protest, it was widely felt that no better selection could have been made. In order to carry out these arrangements it was considered desirable to provide extem- porised defence, both at Scilly and Lough Swilly, where coal was to be accumulated. No armaments were available, however, although the so-called ' : military ports " bristled with superfluous guns ; and after much correspondence, a number of 16-pounders were borrowed from the London fortifications, which answered their purpose. The disposition of the fleet in home waters met with little approval from the public. All the finest vessels were miles away from the shores of England ; the reserve squadrons — the so-called " coastguard ships" — seemed to be always at sea; and fears were openly expressed as to the safety of Portsmouth and Plymouth. "The whole available force here," wrote a correspondent from the former port, " consists of two torpedo boats, one of them disabled, and the Fire Queen. I do not believe there are at this moment more than 4,000 men in all the Isle of Wight, and I tremble to think what would happen were the French fleet to arrive to- morrow." Another correspondent forcibly described the great facilities offered by Southend Pier for a landing of the French army, and pleaded for a fleet at the Nore. In the House of Commons similar sentiments found expression ; but the First Sea Lord, Sir A. Hoskins, proved totally impervious to political pressure, and plainly intimated that he would resign if the Admiralty dispositions were interfered with. A vast game of war was being played all over the world, the moves of which were far beyond the grasp of amateur critics. Commerce was strangely disorganised in these early days. About 160 millions worth of British property was at sea on the 17th May, spread all over the world. The vaguest ideas as to Protection of Commerce. 41 how this enormous floating wealth was to be protected, prevailed. There was no experience to serve as a guide. Was the havoc wrought by the Alabavia and her consorts, which England had every reason to remember, about to be repeated on a vast scale ? Would the huge mercantile marine of the Empire, nearly three- quarters of the steam tonnage of the world, pass to neutral Powers for ever, as had been confidently asserted? Could commerce still be protected under the flag, as naval writers contended ? Would insurance rates kill the shipping trade, whatever the navy might do? Nothing happened quite as was expected. No one proved entirely right. Attempts seem to have been made in a few cases to transfer ships to the Dutch and Italian flags ; but the legal difficulties proved greater than was expected, and as the Govern- ments of these countries were extremely anxious to avoid responsibilities which might involve unpleasant consequences, the transfer was practically limited to vessels trading under the Union Jack between non-British ports. The United States had modified their navigation laws some time previously, and one Atlantic com- pany in which much American capital was invested, passed under the Stars and Stripes. When, however, the French Government, after a delay caused by diplomatic negotiations with Russia, declared food to be the contraband of war, the inducement to transfer British vessels to a foreign flag almost disappeared. The United States, as the Power most affected by this declaration, protested against it, but took no further action at first. No one knew exactly what a great naval war would involve ; or, what the British navy, with its magnificent traditions, would be able to do. Insurance rates were raised at once to twenty per cent. ; but it was noticed that only small owners appeared anxious to insure n 4 2 The Last Great Naval War. war risks. At a great meeting of shipowners held at Liverpool under the presidency of Lord Ismay, it was resolved to form a mutual insurance Association to include all the great, steamer companies willing to impose certain conditions, which the Admiralty was asked to formulate, upon the navigation of their ships. The movement thus set on foot was quickly developed, and proved immensely beneficial throughout the war. The very existence of this powerful Association served to allay panic. Premiums could not be run up on the arrival of every rumour which the underwriters chose to believe. Under the regulated navigation which the Association demanded of its members as the condition of indemnification, commerce soon adapted itself to the restrictions of war. Some large firms, however, among which were the Cunard, and Shaw, Savile and Co., never joined the Association nor insured any war risks, and their losses were stated to be small. Nevertheless, the dislocation of trade in the first two months of war was inevitable. In the Mediterranean, Rear-Admiral Bedford had left instructions that the captains of all British vessels arriving at Suez were to be advised to go back to Aden and await further directions. Large numbers of slow steamers were detained at Malta and Gibraltar. Two were captured by French cruisers and taken to Toulon, but the outward-bound P. and O. Rome ran past the French squadron on the night of the 25th, and was only sighted on the following morning by the Iphigenie, which could not catch her. Similar escapes were frequent throughout the war ; but in some cases the daring shown by the merchant captains led to disaster. The total losses of the first month were necessarily heavy. Thirty-two steamers, with a tonnage of nearly 45,000, and upwards of 40 sailing ships, were captured, chiefly in the East Atlantic. The Rescue of the SS. "Moor." 41 Among the many exciting incidents of these days was the rescue of the homeward Cape mail steamer Moor. This vessel coaled at St. Vincent on the night of the 19th May, and left at 9 on the following morning, dipping her ensign to H.M.S. Medea, which arrived just as she was under weigh. Cable messages had been much delayed during the week, and the news of war only reached St. Vincent at 11 a.m. Realising the great risks that the Moor, with a large number of passengers and a valuable cargo of specie and diamonds, was about to run, Captain Poore determined to follow her at full speed. Swiftly cleaving her way through a sea of glass, the Medea soon after two bells found herself in a dense fog. Sharp ears were listening for the steam whistle of the Moor, when at four bells the distant boom of a gun was heard on the starboard bow, and the Medea, like a Prussian brigade, was steered to the sound and cleared for action. Half an hour later the fog suddenly rolled off, and at four cables' distance two ships were seen alongside each other. The Moor was at once identified in the grip of a large French cruiser. Captain Poore instantly decided upon his course of action. He would lay the Medea alongside the Moor and board as rapidly as possible, hoping thus to cut off a considerable portion of the crew of the French vessel. As the Medea brought up with a shock, the First Lieutenant, Arthur Hallowell, followed by 60 blue- jackets, jumped on board the Moor. At the same moment the machine guns in the tops were manned by picked men ready to play on the deck of the French ship, while another party hastily- made the Medea fast to the Moor. It was a strange scene. The crew of the large cruiser Alger were busily engaged in emptying the coal bunkers, of the Moor, and handing up boxes of specie. They were scattered all over the d 2 44 The Last Great Naval War. ship, many of them unarmed, for the work had been going on for some time. The passengers and crew were crowded together aft under a guard. Dashing on board with a wild cheer, the Medeas cleared the decks ; but several men fell before the guard was finally secured, some stalwart Kimberley miners rendering useful aid. The hatches were closed, and twenty men, led by Sub- Lieutenant Ingles, followed by the engine-room hands of the Moor, descended the main companion. After a short struggle below, the engine-room was occupied and guarded, and in five minutes the engines were moving slowly ahead. Confusion seems to have reigned on board the Alger. Her ship's company was broken up, whole guns' crews being on board the Moor; her armament was not cleared for action; her port guns could not be used, and the machine guns in the tops of the Medea made the upper deck untenable, so that it was difficult to get her clear of the mail steamer. The position was, however, critical, since, though now very short-handed, the Alger carried a heavier armament than the Medea, and had a decided superiority of speed. Twenty-five men were left on board the Moor and the rest ordered back to the Medea, which was hastily cast off. Lieutenant Hallowell, the last to leave, was obliged to jump, missed his footing and fell between the two vessels, striking an open port shutter. In the general excitement his fall was noticed only by one of the passengers of the Moor. A girl sprang to the side of the ship and detaching a life-buoy flung it overboard, grasping the end of the line. Half stunned and incapable of swimming, Lieutenant Hallowell barely succeeded in reaching the buoy, and then drifted rapidly astern. "Lie down all!" shouted a voice, and a deafening crash followed as the Alger, which was now clear, fired one of her port guns into the Moor at close quarters. The deck was ripped, and splinters fell thick ; but the girl, alone The Rescue of the SS. "-Moor." 45 and unmoved, still held the buoy-line, her tall figure standing out against the sky like a Greek statue. Meanwhile the Medea had fallen astern, and was preparing to rake the Alger with her port guns. The French hastily manned their 14 cm. stern gun, and fired a shell into the Medea's port side, which burst after , glancing upwards from the slope of the armoured deck, and wrecked the forward funnel, killing five men, and dismounting one of the starboard six-pounders. Almost at the same moment two of the Medea's port 6 in. guns were fired into the Alger's stern. Both shell were blind* but the damage to men and material on the main-deck was considerable, and one projectile turned down .after contact with an iron carling and passed through the armoured deck and bottom, killing three stokers and causing a large leak. The Alger now stood off, firing slowly, and the Medea ranged up alongside of the Moor to protect her. Pursuit was impossible, as Captain Poore had lost at least two knots speed by the injury to his funnel. Moreover, there were a large number of Frenchmen on board the Moor who must be secured. The Alger, however, showed no desire to continue the engagement, and in an hour was out of sight, apparently mak- ing for Dakar. The Moor was again boarded, order was restored, and thirty- seven unwounded prisoners were transferred to the Medea. The British loss was fourteen killed and twenty wounded ; but the Moor, with the greater part of her valuable cargo, was saved. Captain Poore complimented Miss Stanley, in a few graceful words, upon her brave action, and the girl's beautiful grey eyes filled as the gallant Medeas heartily cheered her. The story of the Moor is * It was afterwards stated that armour-piercing projectiles were used by mistake. 46 The Last Great Naval War. still remembered and will always be associated with the act of a noble woman. The Cape mail reached the Channel safely, taking a far westerly course; and Lieutenant Hallowell, who went home in her with a broken leg, sailed for the East Indies station as Com- mander of the Porpoise five months later. But some days previously the Morning Post announced his marriage to " Maud, only daughter of Lieutenant-General Sir Montague Stanley, K.C.B., commanding H.M. forces at the Cape of Good Hope." The Medea returned to St. Vincent, and found orders to join Rear- Admiral Domvile at Ascension. The rescue of the Moor was but one of many stirring incidents of this period; * when want of knowledge of the outbreak of war led to captures and hairbreadth escapes. The P. and O. steamer Ganges ran under the guns of Colombo with a shot through her hull, having been hotly chased by the Isly. The City of Chester was stopped 150 miles from Cape Clear by the Latouche Treville, and would have been boarded but that H.M.S. Edgar hove in sight, and the French cruiser dropped her prey. The Jean Bart, after passing the Channel squadron, made a cast across the Atlantic trade route, and falling in with three homeward-bound British ships close together, gave chase to the largest, which happened to be the Teutonic. It soon became evident that the White Star liner was not to be overtaken, and, moderating her ambition, the Jean Bart turned to seek the other ships, which had meanwhile run off on widely divergent courses, and, as night was falling, were not to be found. Generally speaking, the faster steamers, when forewarned, reached their ports in safety — the ocean proved, to be broader * See "Stories of the War,' by Rudyard Kipling. Commercial Difficulties. 47 than had been thought — but many captures of slow steamers and sailing vessels occurred in the first fortnight of war. Most of the captured steamers and all sailing vessels were burned after being cleared of coal and valuables, the passengers and crews being landed at the nearest neutral port. In some cases, however, where this course was inconvenient, a steamer was cleared of coal and left to her sailing resources. Thus, during the early days of the war, great irregularity of communication prevailed, causing much commercial disorganisa- tion, and intense anxiety, since losses were at first anticipated far in excess of the actual captures. The fortified ports of the Empire were quickly crowded with slow steamers and sailing vessels, of whose fate the owners were for some time ignorant. Others were laid up in neutral ports awaiting instructions, and perishable cargoes were consequently either lost, or sold far below their values. Australian trade, homeward bound, was at an early date diverted from the Canal route to that round the Cape, whither, also, steamers from India and China were directed, several of which were captured between Colombo and Mauritius. The enormous elasticity which steam confers was manifest ; but, in the absence of preparation for war, it was long before full advantage could be taken of this new power. In the Channel every effort was made to guard the great highway. From Cape Clear to Brest the British fleet kept watch and ward. A raid of cruisers into the Irish Channel, though always possible, would have been a risky venture, and the French Government was particularly anxious not to lose ships. Arrived at Falmouth, merchantmen received instructions from the Ad- miralty before proceeding up Channel. The main danger to be feared in the Channel arose from the torpedo boats, which it was known the French would endeavour to employ. By day the 48 The Last Great Naval War. torpedo catchers actively patrolled the water. On dark nights, ships running without lights incurred moderate risk. In harbour, sufficient protection could be provided. The reckless use of torpedo boats as commerce-destroyers, which French naval writers had advocated, did not prove entirely successful. On the night of the 2nd June the North German Lloyd steamer Neckar, with a large number of passengers on board, was sunk without warning, near the Isle of Wight, by a young French lieutenant who had been little at sea, and mistook her for the British-India steamer Jelunga. This mistake cost the French Government twenty million francs, and the indignation aroused in Germany would probably have led to war but for the Emperor's strength of will. When, further, the British Government notified that, if such an act were repeated, French torpedo boats, wherever met with, would be treated as pirates, this new method of commerce- destroying lost its glamour. CHAPTER IV. Reinforcement of the Fleets — Sierra Leone — Loss of the Orlando — Mauritius — Humiliation — Cherbourg — The Message from Australia. While the preparations for the reinforcement of the Mediter- ranean squadron were in rapid progress, an evening paper, which occasionally stumbled upon a great idea, suggested that Sir G. Hornby should be appointed to the chief command. The press took up the cry. " This was no time for a slavish adherence to regulations arbitrarily framed. Lord Howe was sixty-nine when he fought on the glorious ist June, 1794. Admiral Hornby was little older." The popular instinct, in this case at least, was correct; but the Admiralty could not well have yielded to it, had not Sir G. Tryon, with a large-hearted generosity only too rare, telegraphed his complete willingness to serve under the veteran Admiral of the Fleet. On the 25th May, Sir G. Hornby hoisted his flag on board the Royal Sovereign at Portsmouth, and sailed the following day, " bearing with him the fate of an Empire," as the Daily Telegraph pointed out. Dense crowds thronged the shore as the Royal Sovereign, with five other armour-clads and four cruisers, steamed slowly seaward. Some cheering was heard, but the hearts of the people were full, and the time-honoured mode of expression seemed out of place. ' The Victoria and Albert, with Her Majesty the Queen on board, accompanied the flagship as far • as the Nab, and then fell back, after signalling " God bless you all." Every man in the squadron felt the better for the simple womanly words, and no Queen's speech ever carried with it such power. The reinforcement of the fleets was followed by a period of impatience and depression. Commerce, though not altogether 50 The Last Great Naval War. interrupted, was irregular, and financial tension arose in some quarters. The complex industrial machinery of the country suffered severe shocks, but showed unexpected strength and re- source. Local distress occurred, which, however, was quickly met by voluntary effort. The common trial called forth a wide spirit of charity. Everyone was keenly anxious to do something for the country, and mutual aid was the watchword of all. The price of bread did not rise perceptibly, for Canada and the Western States of America poured „ corn into the Clyde and the Mersey, and after the first weeks of war, few captures were made by the French in the broad Atlantic. The Baltic trade, protected by the close guarding of the Straits of Dover, kept up the activity of the Eastern ports, and the great demand for fast steamers stimulated the ship-building industries. Nevertheless, there was a craving for action, for some definite achievement. The people expected victories in the Mediterranean or the Channel, and none were forthcoming. News from the distant portions of the Empire was intermittent, and generally disappoint- ing. St. Pierre and Miquelon were known to have been captured, but the French force there was too small to offer any effective resistance, and the achievement was of little account. Saigon was believed to be blockaded by Vice-Admiral Hotham, with a portion of the China squadron. From Australia no news was forthcoming. Meanwhile the prevailing depression was amply justified by disaster. On the nth June the Shaw-Savile steamer A new a arrived at Scilly bearing bad news from Rear-Admiral Domvile, who had reached Sierra Leone with the Royal Arthur and Magicie?me to find the defences destroyed, the garrison captured, and the coal burnt. Within a few days of the outbreak of war, a French squadron, accompanied by three steamers packed with troops, arrived from Dakar. About 2,500 men were landed, and Sierra Leone. 51 there was no force capable of resisting them ; although a little detachment' of the Royal Artillery fought to the last, and was nearly annihilated. Atrocities were reported to have been com- mitted on the unfortunate inhabitants of Freetown by the native auxiliaries employed by the French, and the disciplinaires were stated to have been quite out of hand. The French force, having completed the work of destruction, returned to Dakar, and some 40,000 British subjects were not only homeless and starving, but were threatened by the native tribes in their rear. Admiral Domvile was making every effort to succour the un- fortunate colony, and had despatched ships to St. Helena and Lagos to obtain provisions. It was probable that the Jean Bart, Dupuy-de-LSme, and Alger, were operating against the Cape and South African trade routes, and the non-arrival of expected vessels thus assumed a serious aspect. The easy capture of Sierra Leone, popularly regarded as a strongly fortified coaling-station, caused dismay and indignation. Five searching questions were asked in the House of Commons ; but the Secretary of State for War declined to answer them, stating that " this was not the time for inquiry into the merits of past decisions, but for action." The reply was much cheered, but the feeling of indignation remained. On the 17th June, a telegram was received from Hong Kong via, the Siberian line announcing the arrival of the merchant steamer Pathan from Brisbane with news of the total loss of the flag- ship of the Australian squadron. The facts were not fully known till afterwards, when it appeared that the Orlando and Blonde arrived off the Heads, Port Phillip, at 10.30 p.m., and at once entered the channel, the Admiral being in a hurry to reach Melbourne. The navigation is not without difficulties, but the water was well known to the officers of both ships. The tide was running hard, but all 52 The Last Great Naval War. went, well till an electric light in one of the forts was suddenly turned full on the bridge of the Orlando by a zealous corporal of the Victorian Artillery, who fancied the French fleet was arriving in the darkness to lay Melbourne in ashes. The officers could see nothing. The course was lost, and in a few minutes the Orlando struck. Captain W. Wilson in the Blonde, seeing what had happened, proceeded at once to the Admiral's assistance, and all hands were fortunately saved, but the Orlando subsequently became a total wreck. There was not a French ship of war within 1,400 miles of Port Phillip at the time, as the Admiral had notified to the Lieutenant-Governor of Victoria, when telegraphing from Hobart to announce his coming; but the officer in charge of the fort stated before the court of inquiry that he had ordered steam to be raised because he "thought it better to be on the safe side.'' The fact that the message announcing this disaster was the only one which reached England over the Siberian wires at this period was much commented on ; but it was explained by the Golos that a series of violent tornadoes had swept over the steppes. Some days before the receipt of this news, a much more serious event had occurred in the Indian Ocean, but was unknown in England until a fortnight later. Mauritius was lost. Three thousand French troops from Diego Suarez were suddenly dis- embarked in Tamarin and Black River Bays, and the little British garrison was overpowered after eight hours' fighting. A small section of the inhabitants fraternised with the invaders, and the original intention to retire after destroying the defences, coal and shipping, was abandoned, General O'Neill leaving a force in occupation, and proclaiming a republic. It was now under- stood that a descent upon Mauritius formed part of the original plan, and that most of the reinforcements ostensibly prepared for Tonking had been disembarked in readiness for the purpose The Indian Ocean. 53 at Diego Suarez. The French were thus in possession of three fortified harbours in the Indian Ocean, affording them shelter and convenient bases for raids against the trade routes from China and India to the Cape. Rear-Admiral Fisher, commanding on the India station, at once collected six ships at Aden, and proceeded to Mauritius, capturing the cruiser CMteaurenaidt, which had just left for Madagascar. At Port Louis he found four French ships and some torpedo boats. Unfortunately, two of the guns defending the harbour had not been disabled, and the French opened fire as soon as the flag-ship was within range, causing some loss. To silence these guns would have been a useless operation, involving the expenditure of much ammunition, and the Admiral went to Seychelles, whither the Cossack had been despatched previously with colliers from Aden. Operating thence, he endeavoured to prevent communication between Mauritius and Madagascar, and was able to recapture the Conway Castle, which had been taken by the Sfax, and was being conveyed to Diego Suarez. The loss of Mauritius was felt to be a severe blow to the Empire, and Consols fell six per cent. Again a wave of indigna- tion passed over the country, to be succeeded by much depression. The Archbishop of Canterbury proposed that the 16th July should be set apart as a day of national humiliation, and in spite of a strong protest from Professor Tyndall, the general feeling was probably one of acquiescence. The day is still remembered. In London all business was suspended ; the churches were crowded, and men evidently anxious to hide their unfamiliarrty with the surroundings were present in numbers. Rich and poor knelt side by side, and all were, for once, in earnest. Under the great dome of St. Paul's, Canon Eyton preached a powerful sermon from the text, " Quit you like men " ; and although the Spectator 54 The Last Great Naval War. subsequently criticised the tone adopted as "lacking humility, and befitting the eve of a crusade rather than a period of national emergency," the motley crowd which surged out into the streets from the western doors, carried with it something of the spirit in which a national emergency should be faced. The mingled pessimism and impatience which characterised the attitude of the press and the public was by no means shared by cool observers who had studied naval war. "The command of the sea cannot be obtained in a few weeks," said Admiral Mayne in the House of Commons ; and it was pointed out that in the many actions between ship and ship that had taken place, there was no instance of defeat where there was equality of force. True that the Archer had been captured off Tenerife owing to a break-down of her engines; but she had been fought by Com- mander Pelham till reduced to a mere drifting target. On the other hand, near Sandy Hook, the Philomel, commanded by Captain Prince George of Wales, sank the far more powerful Davout in forty minutes, during which the Frenchman was not only outmanoeuvred but outfought.* If a kind of stalemate seemed to have been reached in European waters, the activity of H.M. squadrons in distant seas had been surprising, and French commerce had almost ceased to exist. There were signs that the British mercantile shipping was beginning to accommodate itself to the conditions of war, and that the commerce-destroyers were being hard pressed. The old system of convoys had been applied to the slow ocean-going steamers with marked success, and seventeen vessels from Table Bay, under the protection of the cruisers War- spite, Surprise, and Pearl safely reached the rayon of the Channel * An admirable description of this action, which caused much enthusiasm in the United States, was published in the Century Magazine, of November, 189-. Naval Operations. 55 fleet. Captain A. F. St. Clair, who commanded the force, reported that after a few days at sea, the convoy kept station almost as well as a fleet, and that his cruisers, by their superior speed, would have been easily able to protect their charge from any attack in equal force. A large French cruiser, which was sighted 200 miles south of the Cape Verd Islands, followed the convoy for twenty-four hours ; but declined an engagement. Thenceforth the convoy system for slow steamers was regularly organised between England and the Cape, and eventually extended from the Cape to Ceylon. Meanwhile, the two great fleets under Admiral Hornby and the Duke of Edinburgh were handled with the utmost vigour. Although the enemy's plan of operations was not exactly known, it was regarded as certain that, as in the old wars, an attempt would be made to obtain the command of the Channel by a junction of the Toulon and Brest fleets. It was ascertained that large numbers of troops were massed in the Channel ports ; but, although preparations had been previously made to collect transports, the difficulties had not been overcome, and in view of the great activity displayed by H.M. Navy in the Channel, movements from port to port were extremely hazardous. Torpedo boat activity was no special prerogative of the French. A hundred new boats were nearly completed in England, and in providing material for manning them, the characteristics of the nation at once asserted themselves. " I am perfectly convinced," wrote Burke, " that ' Englishmen ' and ' seamen ' are names that must live and die together," and it was noticed that the British boats kept the sea in all weathers, that in spite of many losses, the service was eagerly sought after, and that the main difficulty was in restraining the impetuosity of young officers burning to distinguish themselves at any risk. During a gale, a brilliant night attack upon the harbour of Cherbourg was delivered 56 The Last Great Naval War. by ten torpedo boats led by Lieutenant Calthorpe. The night was very dark, and the roar of wind and sea prevented any sounds being heard. The little flotilla, keeping well together, steamed slowly to within three cables of the entrance, which was closed by a chain supported by a moored hulk. Two boats were directed to sink the hulk, on which the remainder were to steam full-speed into the harbour. No. 57, missing the hulk in the darkness, was caught by the chain and nearly swamped in the heavy sea ; but at this moment an electric search-light from the breakwater showed the way to No. 162. The hulk sank, and the alarm was given. Wild firing in every direction at once commenced, and words of command were unheard or unheeded. Seven boats dashed into the gloom, directed by the flash of the enemy's guns. No. 44 struck a large mooring buoy and sank, No. 102 received a Hotchkiss shell in her engines, and was rendered helpless ; but Lieutenant Calthorpe, in No. 87, aimed his torpedo between the flashes of two machine guns, apparently firing from the deck of a vessel of low free-board. The Whitehead sped home, and the Vengeur sank in three minutes. A rocket was sent up to order the recall, and the uninjured boats retraced their course. Lieutenant Calthorpe succeeded in taking No. 102 in tow, and altering his course sharp to starboard after passing the breakwater, ran clear of the water on which the electric lights persistently played. The affair well illustrated the risks as well as the possibilities open to torpedo boats. Of the seven boats which entered the harbour, two were sunk and two disabled, of which one escaped. Eight torpedoes were fired, by which the Vengeur and the hulk were sunk. It was afterwards learned that the former was only exposed because, in the gale, an empty collier had broken from her moorings an hour earlier. On any other night, the few French ships of war at Cherbourg would have been practically inaccessible to torpedo Naval Attack on Havre. 57 attack. The value of a quick recognition of distinguished services was beginning to be understood at this period, and four days later Lieutenant Calthorpe and one of his subordinates were promoted. This was but one of the many dashing exploits which marked the war, in which young officers amply maintained the noble traditions of H.M. Navy. The service of torpedo boats proved exactly suited to the genius which makes for sea power, and gave to that genius the- scope assumed to have become restricted since the introduction of steam and machinery. Alderney since its capture had been included in the close blockade which was established, as soon as possible, over Cherbourg. A small squadron under Commodore Pearson with a strong torpedo boat flotilla operating from Guernsey, closely ob- served both, and it was believed that no stores had reached the French. Rumours had, however, arisen, of great preparations at Havre, and, reluctantly yielding to the clamour of the Press and the House of Commons, the Admiralty ordered the Commodore to proceed to Havre, where he was to be joined by two ships from the Downs, and to endeavour to destroy the shipping. The operation signally failed, and a loss of 177 men was incurred, some of the vessels receiving severe injuries from the fire of the forts without having been able to effect anything. Meanwhile, two Cherbourg steamers entered Alderney Harbour, one of which returned safely ; but the other was captured, and from inform- ation derived from prisoners it appeared that a considerable quantity of provisions had been landed. At 2.30 a.m., on the morning of the 3rd August, Valentia re- ceived and passed on to London long messages addressed to the Admiralty and Colonial Office. The news was too late for the morning papers, which merely stated that important telegrams had been received from Australia, and for some hours the suspense was E 58 The Last Great Naval War. keenly felt, while rumours of fresh disaster were rapidly circulated. " Fama, malum quo non aliud velocius ullum," amply justified her reputation, and in the city the early arrivals discussed possibilities with grave faces. Soon after 10 a.m., a notice was posted at the Mansion House, which drew crowds into Cornhill, and half an hour later the newsmen were hoarsely shouting through the streets — " Great Victory ; Capture of New Caledonia." And it was all true. The strong wave of National feeling which swept over Australia had carried all before it. Repub- licans and separatists were submerged. The ostensible casus belli had arisen out of the action of the Government of Victoria, and every loyal-hearted Australian burned to strike a blow for the nation. From Melbourne, Adelaide, and Brisbane, troops were forwarded to Sydney, where Rear-Admiral Fitzroy made arrangements for their transport, New Zealand pleading vainly for delay that she might send her contingent. Four thousand men, including some of the best fighting material in the world, hastily equipped, roughly organised, but filled with the spirit which leads to victory, embarked amid the deafening cheers of thousands. Seven large steamers, convoyed by the Cordelia, Royalist, and Tauranga, carried the expedition which reached New Caledonia on the ist July. The French garrison, though ham- pered by the charge of 8,000 convicts, had roughly entrenched them- selves in Noume'a, and offered a gallant resistance ; but the dash of the citizen troops, in their generous rivalry, was not to be withstood, and it is still a moot point whether the Scottish Rifles of New South Wales or the Ballarat Rangers of Victoria were first represented in the French trenches. The services of the Field Artillery of the latter colony, under Colonel G. Napier Turner were, however, admitted to be conspicuous. The French garrison was conveyed to Hobart, and handed over to the charge The Message from Australia. 59 of the Tasmanian militia ; but the officers on parole were hospit- ably received in the great Australian capitals. Within six days of the fall of Noumea, a force 2,000 strong was en route for Tahiti. This important news was brought by a New Zealand steamer to San Francisco, and thence telegraphed to London, direct communication with Australia not being yet restored. The Duke of Connaught's message ended with the words, " Australia places 10,000 troops at Her Majesty's disposal for any service which the national cause requires.'' The enthusiasm in England was unbounded. After a period of doubt — almost despondency — the light shone clear once more. A new impulse had come from across the world — a messageand an ex- ample from the young andvigorous nation underthe Southern Cross. It may be questioned, however, whether even in London the full significance of the fall of New Caledonia was as completely realised as on the Continent. This was no Metz or Sedan, in- volving the loss of an army, no crushing victory in the field, such as Jena or Austerlitz, implying military inferiority ; but some- thing more. Free Australia, of her own initiative, with her own militia, had proved her capacity for war. Of all the great Powers laboriously striving to accumulate unwilling masses of men by the agency of oppressive laws, not one could boast of a free offshoot ready and able to draw the sword — no conscript sword — in its be- half. The one Power which could count on the offensive action of its own free citizens operating from far distant points, and depend- ing entirely on local resources, was evidently not so far advanced in decadence as had been thought. The Parisian Press was already inclined to regard the pessimistic utterances of English writers as another instance of the characteristic perfidy of Albion ; since even the ships had not shown all the defects which some of the long-retired Admirals had publicly proclaimed. e 2 60 The Last Great Naval War. Thus the effect of the sudden blow dealt by Australia in the South Pacific was widely felt. There are supreme moments in the lives of nations, when a fresh impulse is supplied, or a new sentiment aroused, and the full effect of the fighting at Noumea has not been reached even now. The immediate results were, however, sufficiently important. The Empire awoke to an un- accustomed sense of strength. The Canadians clamoured to be led against the French Antilles. Mr. Rhodes, on behalf of the South African Federation, offered the services of 4,000 local troops, ready to go wherever the national cause demanded. The native princes of India came forward with men and money. All round the world, wherever the British flag flew, men were mustered and drilled in earnest. It was estimated by Sir C. Dilke that the total force under arms in September, 189-, was over 1,100,000 men. The race enthusiasm found an echo in the United Slates, where the association of the " Volunteers of St. George," the members of which were not all British-born subjects, quickly sprang into existence. Blood was, after all, thicker than water, as an American Admiral had pointed out some' years previously. The attitude of Russia had been hitherto regarded as doubtful, although the publicists had so convinced themselves of the certainty of a Franco-Russian alliance as to be astonished that a simultaneous declaration of war had not arrived from St. Peters- burg. Whether the French Government was imbued with the same idea will perhaps never be known ; but the practical difficulties of an alliance between the Republic of 189 — and an autocratic Czar were considerable, even if Russia had not had other motives for avoiding war at this period. The political significance attached to the performances of k the Cossack enthu- siasts who had ridden ponies or carried flags from Moscow to Paris proved to have been overrated. Until such time as the Russian Neutrality. 6i Siberian Railway was completed, the position of Vladivostock was anything but secure. The defences were certainly formidable, but the place was supplied by sea, and it was not clear how the supplies could be kept up in face of a hostile British fleet. It now appeared that Great Britain would have no difficulty in find- ing and transporting troops amply sufficient for the siege of Vladivostock. Moreover, the relations between Russia and China were already somewhat strained, and China with British assistance might evidently exert a force not easily estimated. In any case, Vice- Admiral Hotham soon became aware that instructions of a definite kind must have been received by the Russian Admiral, and that the shadowing of Russian vessels was no longer necessary. A few weeks later, 4,000 native troops from India, fully equipped, disembarked at Suez, although the measure was taken rather with a view to moral effect than on account of any real danger to Egypt, which was effectively guarded by the now reinforced Mediterranean squadron. The message from Australia appears to have caused a violent swing of the unsteady pendulum of public opinion. The fickle Press which had daily chronicled with pride the progress of the fortifications of London, and the proceedings of the field army at Aldershot, suddenly lost its interest in both. The tremendous preparations at all the many fortified ports slackened, and the nation was soon half-inclined to be ashamed of the ugly redoubts which disfigured the Surrey hills. The number of persons who had always held that " Britannia needs no bulwark, no towers along the steep," seems to have been very great, judging from the prevailing tone of the writers of this period. The Times probably expressed the general feeling in the opening words of the first leader on the 6th August, " The time has come to strike.'' CHAPTER V. The Naval Situation — Departure of the French Fleets— Gibraltar— Pursuit. In some military circles, the despatch of an expeditionary force to Algiers or Tunis was strongly advocated. The two Army Corps and a Cavalry Division, now almost complete, would thus find fitting employment. The total French force in North Africa was believed not to exceed 40,000 men, and various tribes, vaguely specified, were stated to be ready to rise in revolt. There was a certain attractiveness about the project, as being almost equivalent to that intervention on a European theatre of war which had been the object of some military ambitions. The Cabinet, by this time heartily sick of the academical memoranda of which it had a large experience, called to its councils the best available naval and military experts, and the North African project was discussed at length. The first great object was evidently to establish the sea power of the Empire throughout the world, and thus to render the ocean highways secure. The conquest of Algeria or Tunis, even if completely successful, would not give security in the Mediterranean, and would leave the risks in the East Atlantic and West Pacific unchanged. The First Sea Lord also pointed out with much force that the Mediterranean squadron, though well able to hold its own and to prevent a French expedi- tion directed against Malta or Egypt could not, unless additional cruisers were available, undertake to observe the Toulon fleet, and at the same time guarantee that no reinforcement should be sent to Algiers from the vast number of troops which France was eager to be able to employ. The Cabinet separated, as frequently The Naval Situation. 63 happened, without any member being clear as to what was decided ; but the project of invading Algeria gave place to other schemes, and the War Office was soon absorbed in arrangements which sadly interfered with the organisation of the two Army Corps. The naval situation at this period strongly resembled those which had arisen in the old sailing days. The battle-ships of France were concentrated at Brest and Toulon, neither of which ports was blockaded in any sense, but both were closely observed. In 1804, Nelson wrote to the Lord Mayor of London — " I beg to inform your lordship that the port of Toulon has never been blockaded by me — quite the reverse ; every opportunity has been offered the enemy to put to sea, for it is there that we hope to realise the hopes and expectations of our country." And Admiral Hornby in 189- might have written the same words. The only difference of conditions was that the fast cruisers took liberties which " Monsieur la Touche " did not attempt with his frigates. Thus the Milan and Wattignies found their way to Alexandria, and venturing too close to Fort Ras-el-Tin, suffered some loss from the fire of field-guns posted there by Major-General Fairfax. They replied by firing a few shells into the town, and then proceeded to Port Said, finding no British ships. Similarly, cruisers left and entered Brest in spite of all the watchfulness of the Duke of Edinburgh, and the Troude was even believed to have passed through the Straits of Gibraltar and joined the Toulon fleet. But although the freedom of action of individual ships proved to be greatly facilitated by steam, the power of observation over large tracts of sea, and of communication over great distances, was enhanced in a greater degree. It would have been impossible, undetected, to carry out, with a squadron in the narrow waters of the Mediterranean, such a movement as that of Napoleon to Aboukir in 1798. 64 The Last Great Naval War. The naval position in European waters was thus practically one of stalemate, and some impatience was manifested in France and England, both nations clamouring for more definite results than the numberless small and often indecisive engagements of which they were becoming weary. In distant waters, H.M. squadrons were mainly occupied in the protection of trade ; but in spite of great efforts, the French cruisers operating from Dakar and Mauritius or Diego Suarez made many captures. In the West Indies, Martinique was closely watched by Vice-Admiral Hopkins, and comparatively little loss occurred ; but a large part of the North American squadron was thus tied to the neighbourhood of a single small island. Meanwhile, Bermuda and Halifax drilled, patrolled, and signalled in vain, much to the disappointment of their garrisons. Rear-Admiral Domvile was labouring to repair, the disaster at Sierra Leone, whither he had, on his own responsibility, conveyed 400 of the Lagos Houssa constabulary, at the suggestion of the Governor. A battalion from England, and six colliers, under convoy of H.M.S. Achilles and Black Prince, arrived shortly afterwards. In the China seas, Saigon was closely sealed, and the French troops in Tonking, now cut off by sea, were seriously threatened by a large force of Black Flags, believed to be acting under orders from Pekin. It was known that five Army Corps were distributed among the Channel ports, where the ever-watchful British cruisers reported a somewhat ostentatious activity,* which served to keep alive the dread of invasion in the minds of a considerable section of the population — in London especially. The Times, however, which seems to have more fully realised the conditions of naval war than * It was afterwards ascertained that there had never been sufficient transport for two equipped Army Corps in all the ports from Havre to Dunkirk. Departure of the Brest Fleet. 65 the Press generally, pointed out that until the large force under the Duke of Edinburgh was not merely defeated, but practically annihilated, invasion was out of the question. It was becoming evident that, in accordance with all precedent, the guerre de course on which France appeared to rely, could" not long be sustained under the existing circumstances ; but although it was clear that some way out of the impasse must be found, the issue seems to have been totally unexpected, in this country at least. From the 30th August the French cruisers showed redoubled activity, taxing the vigilance of the Scilly fleet to the utmost. The diversion of vessels to the protection of trade routes caused the want of an adequate number of scouts to be much felt, even though the deficiency had been partially supplied by mercantile steamers. A French vessel, believed to be the Suchet, recon- noitred Bantry Bay, where three large British steamers were awaiting instructions ; another approached almost within range of St. Helen's Fort, Isle of Wight, and on the same night Portland and Dover were alarmed by torpedo boat attacks, which were not pressed home, but gave rise to some rather wild firing, and still wilder Press reports. On the afternoon of the 5 th September the Tartar, off Brest, reported that the French fleet appeared to be under steam, and, just as night was falling, Commander Keary made out fourteen ships leaving the harbour and steaming up Channel. He followed for an hour, and then losing the enemy in the darkness steamed full-speed for the Start, whence the news was telegraphed to Scilly and London. The Commander-in-Chief ordered a concentration of his fleet, and started up Channel with ten battle-ships, throwing out his cruisers far to the front. The Marathon, reaching Guernsey soon after 10 a.m. on the 6th, learned that nothing had been seen of the enemy, who could not, therefore, have held a straight course from Brest to Cherbourg. 66 The Last Great Naval War. After telegraphing to Dartmouth, Captain Gissing steamed on, meeting the Arethusa, which reported that up to 9 a.m. no vessels had entered Cherbourg. On the morning of the 6th, the Commander-in-Chief was off Portland ; but no news had been obtained, and it soon became certain that the French fleet was not in the Channel. The London papers of the 7 th were full of speculations. Admiral Sallandrouze de Lamornaixwas en route for Gibraltar; he had steered out into the Atlantic, intending to " decoy" away the Duke of Edinburgh and then return to the Channel to cover the passage of an invading army ; he was about to make his way up the Irish Channel to " lay Liverpool in ashes ; " the descent of an expedition upon the coast of Ireland was imminent. The last was probably the view most widely accepted, for Ireland was, as usual, in a state of partial disaffection, and the traditions of Hoche and Humbertwere still remembered, few realising the total change of con- ditions which a hundred years had brought about, and the military inutility of a descent upon the sister island in 189-. The retention of the fleet in close proximity to the Channel was generally insisted upon, especially as the finest brigade of the 1st Army Corps, with a considerable Artillery force was already on the way to the Cape. Meanwhile, equally "important events were occurring in the Mediterranean, where Admiral Hornby had long been vainly endeavouring to entice the French fleet out of Toulon. The British Mediterranean squadron was somewhat scattered on the 3rd September. The Admiral, with the bulk of the ships, was a few miles south of Cape Spartivento, communicating with Malta and receiving constant reports from off Toulon. Only the Inflexible and Rattlesnake were at Gibraltar, the former being under repairs ; the Benbow, Edinburgh, and Agamemnon were coaling at Malta; the Colossus was en route from Gibraltar to rejoin Departure of the Toulon Fleet. 67 the flag. The latest information was to the effect that no signs of special activity were visible at Toulon, but that, on the night of the 1st September two torpedo boats going south had been made out, and fired at by the Phaeton. Another torpedo boat was seen near Oran on the 2nd, and a French cruiser reconnoitred the squadron on the same day, and was chased into Biserta by the Australia. On the 3rd, Admiral Hornby was informed that the French fleet had left Toulon at five p.m. on the previous day, steering south-east, and, almost at the same moment, news arrived from Malta that the Gibraltar cables were interrupted. The object of the French commander seemed clear. He was about to throw his weight against the seven battle-ships with the British Admiral, trusting to overwhelm him before he could fully assemble his command. Admiral Hornby at once called up the ships from Malta, and sent the Galatea and Undaunted at full speed towards the Straits of Bonifacio. Nothing was heard of the enemy till the 7th, when the Barrosa reached the Admiral, bringing news that, on the 6th, a large squadron had passed between Majorca and Ivica, going towards Gibraltar. Admiral Gervais had thus secured a long start, and was by this time nearing the Straits. The night of the 6th was dark and stormy in Gibraltar Bay, and at 11.30 p.m. the garrison were alarmed by firing, and rockets sent up from the patrolling steamers. No one had the smallest idea what was happening till a steam launch of the Inflexible came alongside of the New Mole, with information that a number of torpedo boats had entered the Bay. The firing died away, but the garrison stood to their arms all night, and the Rattlesnake, with four armed steamers and several launches, scoured the bay, discovering nothing. At daybreak, a succession of explosions was heard, and six coal hulks went to the bottom. An exciting scene followed in the dim b'ght, the Rattlesnake chasing the 68 The Last Great Naval War. French torpedo boats, which were recklessly handled, darting among the shipping, and fired at by the guns of the fortress whenever an opportunity occurred. One boat ran the gauntlet of the Line Wall unscathed — though the water all round her was torn into foam by projectiles — and made straight for the Inflexible, alongside the New Mole. Lieutenant Troubridge, handling a six- pounder as coolly as if he were pigeon shooting, sank this boat before a torpedo could be fired. The whole operation was brilliantly carried out by the young French officers, who, after entering the Bay at full speed and passing down near the Spanish shore, lay quietly waiting till the light showed them their targets ; but, of nine torpedo boats, six were sunk (four by the fire of the Rattlesnake) and the rest reached Algeciras in a disabled state, and were taken in charge by the Spanish authorities.* In the afternoon of the 7th, the Barham ran into Gibraltar, having sighted the French fleet off Malaga steering for the Straits. Every gun on the sea-front was loaded, and at 5.30 p.m. the Governor, Sir Lothian Nicholson, rode round the batteries. All was in readiness. By the side of each gun the men stood motion- less, only a boyish face here and there showing any sign that the occasion was not an ordinary parade. A word, and the historic fortress would pour forth a fire such as no fleet had ever yet been called upon to face. The Spanish hills showed black against a crimson sunset * The whole plan was ably conceived, and appears very instructive. Five of the torpedo boats were taken across the Mediterranean to Oran, where they were joined by four from Algiers. The flotilla thence steamed to Tetuan, keeping close to the African coast, and moving mainly by night. After lying off Tetuan during the 6th, they started at nightfall for Gibraltar, encountering a considerable sea in the Straits. Admiral Hornby's Movements. 69 before the leading vessels reached the Straits, and the sight from the signal station is said to have been magnificent as the great fleet swept past. Two shells only were fired from the Hoche, as if in derision, and a Spanish subject and five goats were killed. A gun at Europa Point replied ; but the projectiles dropped far short of the Hoche. Darkness fell before the whole fleet had passed ; but eleven battle-ships, with nine cruisers and other vessels, either transports or colliers, were counted. Thus on the 7th September, the two main French fleets were both in the Atlantic, and their destinations were entirely unknown. So far, therefore, the French plan had succeeded. The Duke of Edinburgh was — for the moment — off the scent of the Brest squadron, and the movement of the Mediterranean fleet was somewhat hampered by the loss of the Gibraltar coal hulks. Sir G. Hornby, however, in offering every inducement to Admiral Gervais to leave Toulon,* had made preparations for the very contingency which had now arisen. Four large steamers, including the Orient and Kaisr-i-hind, had been brought up from Suez to Malta, where they were unloaded and filled up with coal, even the sumptuous saloon of the former being turned into bunkers. Admiral Hornby, who, after learning the movements of the French fleet on the 7th, steamed at once for the Straits, was met by the Barham bearing news of the destruction of the hulks. He immediately ordered the Australia and Forth back to Malta, to bring on the colliers and embark all the coal they could carry. It was no time for ceremony, but the feelings of the commanders of these ships, when their beautiful main-decks were covered with coal-sacks, are stated to have been of the most harrowing * Lord Emsworth has been blamed for showing an over-anxiety to entice the French fleet out of Toulon; but in this respect he merely followed the example of Nelson, and later judgment has been unanimous in his favour. 70 The Last Great Naval War. description.* After arriving at Gibraltar, the Admiral was able, by means of a heavy bribe, to secure three Cardiff colliers, which had managed to reach Cadiz with coal for the Spanish mail steamers now busily engaged in carrying the ocean trade of the Cie. Transatlantique, many of whose steamers had changed their flag. Supreme efforts were made at Malta and Gibraltar, the troops rendering great assistance, and by the evening of the 1 3th twelve armour-clads were ready for sea ; while four cruisers were scouting far out into the Atlantic. No news of the Toulon fleet had yet been received ; but the Admiral had already decided upon his course of action. It was certain that the Toulon and Brest fleets would attempt to unite. Where was the rendezvous 2 If the former were to make for the Channel, it would probably find difficulties in coal supply, and run the risk of having to fight with depleted bunkers before th^ union was effected. A coaling rendezvous in the stormiest waters of the Atlantic was not probable; for a gale might upset the arrangement. Under these circum- stances, Admiral Hornby, strongly impressed with the belief that the French had gone south, determined to follow the great prece- dent set by Nelson. If possible, he would find and fight the enemy before a combination was effected, trusting that in any case, the Duke of Edinburgh would be close upon the heels of the Brest fleet, and taking the precaution to order the cable to the Canaries to be cut outside Cadiz. The British fleet sailed from Gibraltar on the night of the 13th, and on the following day, the Amphion spoke a Dutch sailing-vessel whose master had sighted a large squadron not far from the African coast, apparently steaming slowly south-west. The Admiral's view was thus confirmed, and it now appeared certain that the Toulon fleet had * See an amusing article," Life on Board a Collier," by R.N., U.S. Magazine April, 189-. Admiral Hornby's Movements. 71 gone to the Canaries. On the following night, however, the Bellona, which had been scouting far in advance of the fleet, rejoined the flag, bearing important news. Captain Des Vceux Hamilton had sighted a large squadron in lat. 34, long. 14, \V., steaming in very close order, and gallantly pressed his reconnais- ance home. Three vessels were detached to engage him, and some long-range firing occurred ; but, night falling, the chase was abandoned. From the information obtained, there was little doubt that the Bellona had fallen in with the Brest fleet, which, there- fore, was already far on its way to the rendezvous {see map, p. 31). The situation was thus extremely perplexing. In front of Admiral Hornby were apparently two French fleets, whose com- bination it was now scarcely possible to prevent ; while the move- ments of the Duke of Edinburgh were unknown. At no period of the war was the want of fast cruisers so keenly felt. The detachment of considerable numbers of these indispensable auxiliaries for the protection of trade had left the two great fleets short-handed, and Admiral Hornby had only five efficient scouts.* In England, the outcry for the retention of the Channel fleet in home waters found a loud echo in the House of Commons, which still remained in Session. The question was discussed with little judgment, and wholly fallacious historical precedents were freely brought forward. Nelson had been " decoyed away " by Villeneuve — so it was alleged — and Admiral Sallandrouze de Lamornaix was playing the same game. " Invasion stares us in the face," said one wiseacre, oblivious of the masses of men under arms, of railways, of telegraphs, and ignorant alike of the available transport resources in the French harbours, and of the * Bellona, Forth, Amphion, Phaeton, Fearless. Barham remained at Gibraltar, and Barrosa and Scout had been left at intermediate positions behind the fleet. 72 The Last Great Naval War. elementary principles of naval war. The First Lord of the Admiralty, however, displayed unexpected firmness, and utterly declined to pledge the Government to the retention of the fleet. Secret orders had in fact been already issued to the Commander-in- Chief giving him a perfectly free hand. A number of armour- clads * were ostentatiously paraded in the Channel ports. The French Army Corps did not arrive. The esplanade at Brighton was as crowded as usual, and the House of Commons was soon engrossed in discussing the disestablishment of the Welsh Church, now well "within the scope of practical politics." The proceedings of the Brest fleet did not long remain undis- covered. It was sighted 60 miles south of Scilly by the Mersey at noon on the 6th, and the news taken full speed to the end of the wire. Both its position and course appeared to indicate a movement into the Irish Channel, and the Duke of Edinburgh started at once in pursuit. A day was thus lost, and not till the night of the 7th was certain information received that the French fleet had gone south. On the morning of the 8th the Duke, taking all the colliers he could lay hands upon, followed with his whole command. News of Admiral Hornby's movements had not then arrived ; but the departure of the Channel fleet from home waters was telegraphed to Maltaf on the 9th, and carried by the Rattlesnake in 70 hours to the Straits, so that the Barham, * Including Triumph, Nelson, Northampton, Shannon, and Hotspur. t Communication between England and Malta appears to have been generally reliable at this period ; but during the war the telegraph played some strange freaks. Thus it is a curious fact that the first definite information of the movement of the Toulon fleet after quitting the Mediterranean, reached England vid S. America. This fleet was sighted by Commander Raymond P. Rogers, U.S. cruiser Yorklown, who was proceeding to Madeira. Thinking the information important, he telegraphed it from Funchal to Washington by both routes. The Lisbon message miscarried, but the other reached Buenos Admiral Hornby's Movements. 73 starting at once with secret despatches left by the Admiral, who had sailed only five hours before, met the Duke of Edinburgh south of Finisterre. The movements of the great armoured fleets were necessarily slow. Each had some indifferent steamers apart from its colliers, and all were obliged to economise coal as far as possible. Even thus the Duke was forced to send some of his ships into Gibraltar, whither more coal had been brought up from Malta under escort of the Ajax and Surprise, which, with the Hero, Conqueror, Orion, Spanker, and Rattlesnake, had been left behind in the Mediterra- nean. Little time was lost, however, as the detached vessels followed at full speed. Admiral Hornby, implicitly believing that the Duke could not be far behind the Brest fleet, slowly kept on his predetermined course, unaware whether the French fleets had united ; but now assured that both were in front of him. On the evening of the 15th he stopped about 220 miles N.E. of the Canaries, and was able partially to coal his ships, his cruisers being meanwhile thrown far out to the front (see map, p. 31). All next day the fleet lay as if becalmed ; but a hundred fires were but banked, and each ship was cleared for action. Among the younger officers some impatience prevailed. There were hot heads which chafed at suspense, and would have pressed on to meet any odds ; but the old chief, on whose cool judgment vast issues now depended, was determined to run no unnecessary risks. He would rigidly adhere to the rules of the great war game, and trust nothing to chance. At daylight, on the 17 th, a large steamer showed on the horizon, N.N.E., and in less than Ayres, traversed the Andes, passed on to Panama, and crossing tlie Caribbean Sea, reached Washington via Florida, and thence by some means hitherto un- explained was transmitted to London. F 74 The Last Great Naval War. half an hour, the Elruria, loudly cheered as she brought up in splendid style, was alongside the flagship. All guessed that the Channel fleet was behind her. Admiral Hornby's plan was already made ; and in an hour the Amphion sped north carrying his orders to the Channel fleet ; while the Etruria, at full speed, dashed on towards the Canaries. The movements which followed well illustrate the power which steam confers when controlled by master-hands. Within twenty- four hours, the Etruria, which carried Commander Hon. S. Colville, rejoined the fleet slowly following. Commander Colville had found the French lying to the lee of Tenerife, and had counted thirty-five vessels, some of which appeared to be coaling.* The Etruria, venturing too near, was hit in turning by a shell which passed through her abaft of the engine-room hatch ; and two French cruisers, believed to be the Surcouf and Forbin, chased her, but were easily left behind. The Scout, which had rejoined the flag on the previous day, now followed the Amphion northwards, and Sir G. Tryon in the Sans Pareil, with the Trafalgar, Collingwood, Undaunted, Galatea, Australia, Phaeton, and Bellona, preceded by the invaluable Etruria,^ was detached to gain touch with the enemy, and was soon out of sight of the fleet. Thus, when night fell, the fleet was slowly moving in two divisions, line ahead, Nile, and Royal Sovereign leading. Sir G. Tryon was twenty miles ahead, advancing in line * The French, in addition to colliers taken from Toulon, had ordered four others from Dakar to the rendezvous under convoy of the Cosmao. Two of these colliers were captured by Captain l'Estrange, in the Leander, who was so much puzzled by the movement, and by the evident anxiety of the commander of the Connao to escape him, that he proceeded at once to Sierra Leone to report the circumstance to Rear-Admiral Domvile. f This vessel had been attached to the Channel command at the Duke of Edinburgh's special request. Preparations for Battle. 75 abreast on a broad front, and beyond him was the Etruria, again directed on Tenerife. The barometer fell on the night of the 17th, but the morning broke cloudless over a sea like glass. At seven a.m. the captains assembled on board the Royal Sovereign to receive final instructions. A vivid picture of the scene has been given to us in Admiral Sir Charles C. P. Fitzgerald's " Reminiscences."* In few words Sir G. Hornby unfolded his plan. Little or no experience existed as to the fighting of a great fleet action under steam, and after actual contact with the enemy it was doubtful whether any general direction could be maintained. The signal "Close with the enemy " having been made, therefore, each vessel was to select an antagonist and endeavour to ram. Subsequently each of the three divisions in which the attack would be made was to look to its own Admiral for orders; but if no signals were made, or if none could be read, each captain was to act according to his own judgment of the circumstances around him. "Gentlemen," con- cluded the Admiral, '' to us has fallen the honour of the foremost place in a great battle. Remembering the noble traditions of the British Navy, we shall so acquit ourselves that this day will rank in history with that of Trafalgar." The great ships swept onwards, moving at only about five knots, and all blowing off steam. The perfection of order reigned on board, where the snowy decks and polished brass looked fit for a Spithead review. The men were unusually quiet, for many ill-spelt letters, some of which would be read through a mist of bitter tears in far-off England, had been committed to the chaplain's charge, and unspoken thoughts of home filled all hearts. Suspense was aggravated by inaction ; for all was ready, and there was nothing to do but wait. Shortly after one bell, * Published by Sampson Low & Co., 1908. f 2 76 The Last Great Naval War. distant firing was heard to the south, and the detached vessels were soon sighted, apparently engaged. The fleet now altered course sixteen points, and commenced to retire in the same order, quickening speed to seven knots. This order, the meaning of which was not generally understood, caused the profoundest astonishment. The detached vessels were rapidly overtaking the squadron, and behind them rose the smoke of a great fleet ; but the firing had died away, and far away to the north a dark cloud lay low on the horizon. The ubiquitous Etruria, which arrived and com- municated with the flagship, proceeded on her way, steered towards this cloud at her highest speed, and Sir G. Tryon's ships fell into their stations. The sea was rising slightly, and to right and left of the squadron vessels were sighted, towards which the Bellona, Forth, Phaeton, and Scout were presently moving. A loud cheer burst from the Agamemnon, leading the starboard division, and was caught up by the squadron, as the cloud resolved itself into a host of great ships. The Duke of Edinburgh was fast coming up, and the scheme so well planned by Admiral Hornby was now understood. But another great fleet was rapidly closing upon the squadron, bearing ten thousand Frenchmen wild with excitement at the retreat of the British ships. Trafalgar was about to be avenged. The croakers who had proclaimed to the world the decadence of H.M. navy were right after all. And already smart descriptions of " La retraite en grand desordre de lord Hornbigh " had been penned. The manoeuvring which ensued has given rise to much dis- cussion ; but the following account appears to be substantially correct. The combined French fleets, after a short engagement at long range with the advanced guard, were skilfully drawn in pursuit by Sir G. Tryon, to find the British squadron retreating. No news of the Duke of Edinburgh's movements had reached the Battle of Tenerife. Diagramacp^ f "51 8 ♦ f f V ' f t t Mi t f f In i .s a? s \ ^A> ki \ ♦ * * if 4 i 4 _---'-+■ X- t 4--- \ ■ ^-^-^" a — ->-'' W^X» TV. TV. £. Force 2. b i Admiral Hornby's line formed. Admiral Hornby's Tactics. 77 French admiral, and it seemed extremely improbable that the British public, whose opinion the Press was assumed to represent, would permit the shores of England to be unguarded when General Montgolfier, with five Army Corps, was apparently ready to embark. It was best to strike at once, since the combination of the two British fleets could hardly have been effected as yet, and in any case the numerical superiority would be small. Advancing in two divisions, line ahead, the French fleet was about eight miles from the British squadron, when the Duke of Edinburgh's ships were sighted, and the unwelcome truth realised by Admiral Gervais. He at once reduced speed, and proceeded to form two divisions, line abreast, a movement requiring more than half an hour. This movement was quickly understood by Admiral Hornby, who altered course nine points to port before it was completed, thus passing across the front of the French ; and again altering course at right angles, found himself opposite the French left, in his original order, the three Admirals leading* A few shells were fired from the nearest French ships as the British vessels turned their broadsides, but the range was far too great for effect, and the fire was not returned. Meanwhile, the Duke of Edinburgh was drawing rapidly nearer, and signals were exchanged between the Royal Sovereign and the Hood, which led the Channel squadron. A short pause ensued ; five bells struck ; " silence deep as death " fell upon the most magnificent array of ships which the world had ever seen, now uneasily rolling in the gathering swell as if conscious of the impending havoc. Then a few gaily coloured flags suddenly floated out from the signal mast of the Royal Sovereign, which were instantly read by the squadron, and every man braced himself to meet the unknown. * This movement will be readily understood from the diagram attached. CHAPTER VI. Battle of Tenerife — Reception of the News — Criticism. Slowly the fleets approached each other, in the order shown in the diagram ; the enemy, whose line formation was barely completed, showing a little hesitation. At about 7,000 yards, the French ships in the leading division opened fire. Dense clouds of white smoke shrouded them for the moment, then rolled majestically away, revealing again the formidable lines of black hulls. Round and in the midst of the British squadron, great columns of water leaped high into the air, and huge shells tore their way overhead ; but perfect quiet reigned on board the ships, where the crews were kept under cover. In the formation adopted, the target offered to the enemy was small, and though the Nile was hit by a 34 j cm. projectile in her forward barbette — three men being stunned by the shock — no damage was effected, and the fire became irregular after the first discharge, the smoke rendering accurate laying difficult. On board the French fleet the suspense was intensely felt. Minutes seemed hours. When would the British fire open, and what would it be like? There was something ominous in the delay, and the French right closed in slightly, throwing the long line into a crescent form, and crowding the centre. At 4,000 yards a new signal fluttered from the Royal Sovereign, and the three leading vessels suddenly slackened speed to '' dead slow," the remainder altering course to starboard, and thus forming single line abreast. (See figure.) The movement was scarcely Admiral Hornby's Formation. 79 complete when the flagship fired her two forward 68-ton guns, followed immediately by the whole British line, which at the same time increased speed. The French vessels, owing to the direction ^ 4 A .1 A i i I i i I i i 1 of the advance, showed fore-shortened broadsides, and some of the shells took effect, even on the second line. Volumes of smoke now drifted between the fleets, permitting only occasional glimpses of the enemy. Thus no great injury appears to have been inflicted 80 The Last Great Naval War. on either side, except to upper decks and top-hamper. The Colossus, however, received a bad hit on her port bow, causing her to take in much water forward ; the mast and forward funnel of the Nile were carried away, depriving Rear-Admiral Bedford of control over his division, and a large portion of one of the i io-ton guns of the Sans Pareil had disappeared overboard of its own accord. Still closer drew the fleets, and a further signal ran to the masthead of the Royal Sovereign — the last which the squadron as a whole received from the Admiral — and this time read with difficulty, for the smoke hung low and several signalmen had already been killed.* The auxiliary armaments were instantly manned ; the fire became tremendous, and in a few minutes the fleets were involved in a wild melee. All general control was lost, as Admiral Hornby had foreseen, and each captain fought his ship as best he might. It was a time in which nerve and endurance were strained to the utmost, in which instant decisions had to be taken and acted upon. The scene, which was witnessed from the United States ships Texas and Yorktown — the latter of which was badly hit by a stray projectile — is stated to have been terrific. Great smoke- wreaths sprang into the air, hiding the combatants ; and then, sweeping away in fantastic forms, revealed glimpses of shattered hulls. The roar of the smaller guns appeared continuous ; but above it rose the thunder of the huge ordnance — latterly less fre- quent ; while the crash of shattered ironwork, and occasional faint cheers, could still be distinguished. Out of this vortex of fire, * It was at this moment, or a little earlier according to some accounts, that the thunder of guns on the port quarter announced that the Duke of Edinburgh was also engaged. Incidents of the Battle. 8t fragments of armour-plates, stanchions, and fittings were flying far and wide as from a volcano ; a portion of the breech of a 6-pounder gun, with a hand and wrist attached to it, falling on the deck of the Texas. No connected account of this struggle of giants has ever been attempted, for none is possible. It was an aggregate of tremendous incidents, inextricably intermingled. Each ship had her own adventures, met and wrestled with her own fate; and her crew could not in many cases tell precisely either the damage she inflicted or the assailant from whom she received injury. Many causes operated to change all the conditions under which the logs of Nelson's ships were written. The movements of the combatants were rapid and unexpected ; officers in conning towers, or engrossed with the direction of huge guns, found difficulty in taking in the ever-changing scenes around them, and there was no time for memory to have fair play ; the great range and power of ordnance caused many undesigned blows to be given. From the chaos of narratives, sometimes conflicting, many incidents stand out with vivid distinctness. The Royal Sovereign struck the French line near to the flagship Formidable, and made an attempt to ram ; but the French ship was seen through the smoke too late, and the Royal Sovereign merely grazed her quarter. The slaughter on both sides during these few moments of close quarters was terrible. The great unprotected area of the Formid- able was cut to pieces by the quick-firing guns of the Royal Sovereign; but two 37-cm. shells from the after-barbette of the former, crashed through the thin side-armour of the British vessel, killing and wounding forty-three men, and putting four 6-inch guns out of action. Both ships endeavoured to use their Whiteheads, 82 The Last Great Naval War. and Lieutenant Langston had just directed his torpedo tube, when a Hotchkiss shell struck it, exploding the Whitehead, instantly kil- ling him and causing great destruction. As the Royal Sovereign cleared her antagonist, Lieutenant Mark Kerr, in the after-barbette, fired both his guns into the stern of the enemy, raking the main- deck, and destroying two ammunition hoists, while a huge rent was made near the base of the funnel, through which smoke and scalding air passed into the ship. The port after-gun of the Royal Sovereign, a moment after firing, was hit by a heavy shell from some vessel unknown, which put the whole after-barbette out of action Admiral Hornby wishing to continue the engagement with the Formidable, the Royal Sovereign's helm was starboarded, and she began to circle to port, when she was heavily hit on the starboard side, and out of the smoke the Caiman, apparently from the second line, advanced to ram her. Again the helm was put over, throwing off the guns in the forward barbette, which were on the point of being fired. Communication with the conning tower was severed ; but Lieutenant Fred. Morgan instantly grasped the situation, and seeing that the Caiman would pass close to star- board, swung round his two 68-ton guns and depressed them, firing both simultaneously as she swept past. The effect was tremendous, the Caiman's belt being penetrated and shattered over a length of six yards, and the water rushing in caused her to heel over to starboard. Before the Royal Sovereign could turn she was engaged by the Bayard, on which only two 6-inch guns and three 6-pounders could at the moment be brought to bear. The Bayard, however, kept on her course, and the flag- ship, circling, steered back into the fray, and after ramming' the Magenta, engaged the Amiral Baudin, which had nearly disabled the Colossus. Incidents of the Battle. 83 Only one ship appears to have been rammed at the first contact of the fleets. The Collingwood happened to strike the French line near the centre when a slight crowding had occurred. She had suffered severely during the advance, her forward bulk- head being penetrated by two 42-cm. projectiles, which caused frightful loss. Her main-deck was strewn with the mangled remains of men, and ran with blood. Dead and wounded lay in indistinguishable heaps, and the difficulty of removing the latter to a place of safety proved almost insuperable. Such a con- tingency does not seem to have been anticipated by the naval architects of this period. On the port side lay the wreck of two 6-in. guns, and around them shapeless forms, among which an arm was now and then piteously raised, as if in entreaty. The chaplain, with a small party of stewards, was seeking to separate the living from the horror of their surroundings, when a melinite shell entered, exploding instantaneously, and spreading a hail of splinters in all directions. One of the searching party, nearest the ship's side, was cut in half, his body being hurled across the deck and impaled on the open breech-block of a 6-in. gun in action. Four others, blackened, unrecognisable, were piled upon the com- rades they sought to succour, to whom kindly death had brought relief from torture ; and throughout the deck spread the noisome fumes of the explosive, making the few survivors gasp for breath. But below toiled the stokers, tending the glowing fires in the stifling atmosphere ; and in the conning tower, with eye alert and hand on the telegraph, Captain Rose guided the ship's course. Three points on the port bow were two French vessels, apparently close together, and Captain Rose determined to ram the nearest on her port side, porting his helm to get room. The Collingwood had barely felt her helm when the French ship 84 The Last Great Naval War. suddenly starboarded.* There was not a moment for thought ; but Captain Rose seized his new chance, steadying his helm and increasing his speed. The Collingwood struck the Courbet obliquely on the starboard side, making a large rent, and was almost at the same moment grazed by the Redoubtable on the port quarter. Before the Collingwood could clear the sinking Courbet, the Redoubtable had fired two 27-cm. guns into her. The supports of the after-barbette had already been much injured and the whole mass of iron, weighing more than a hundred tons, fell on and partially through the main-deck, killing two officers and fifteen men, blocking communication aft, and disabling the steering gear. The Collingwood, much shattered, and shipping enormous quantities of water at her unarmoured ends, became nearly unmanageable. More than half her combatants were killed and wounded, and only the armament of the forward barbette remained intact. The engines continued to work, however, and she drove slowly ahead, managing, by means of the twin screws, to keep head to the sea, and thus reduce the roll which threatened to capsize her. In this almost helpless state, the Collingwood was attacked by the Furieux, which after firing her 34-cm. gun, attempted to ram on the port side. Reversing the port engine, Captain Rose just avoided the blow, and Lieutenant A. Lyons fired his two 45-ton guns into the port bow of the Furieux, raking her almost from end to end and causing great destruction. It was the dying effort of the Collingwood, for the movement brought her into the trough of the sea, and after recovering herself with difficulty from a heavy roll she slowly turned over and sank in a few minutes. Captain Rose and Lieutenant Lyons, with the * It was afterwards learned that this was done to avoid collision with her consort. Incidents of the Battle, 85 survivors of the crew of the forward barbette, had barely time to get clear of the ship, and were picked up by a boat of the Furieux, which, much injured, was afterwards taken by the Agamemnon. Thus varied were the fortunes of the fight. The critics have sought to divide it into distinct periods duly labelled ; but the artificiality of the process is evident. The fact seems to be that after the fleets came into contact all order was lost for a time, and it became a struggle of the coolness and endurance of individuals, here and there influenced by the special characteristics of ships and armaments. Thus the want of armoured bulkheads in many of the French ships unquestionably caused a great loss of life from the fire of the small guns, whose shells wrecked everything on the main-decks and in some cases prevented the service of ammuni- tion to the armoured guns. In one or two instances, the effect of the huge guns was decisive, the Victoria, for example, disabling the Devastation by a single 16-in. shell which entered the citadel, hurling fragments of armour in all directions, killing and wounding all the guns' crews inside, and wrecking the base of the funnel, thus filling the space with volumes of smoke. On the other hand, one of the Benbow's no-ton guns was disabled by a comparatively light projectile at 500 yards, and it is doubtful if this gun ever inflicted any injury whatever on the enemy. The destruction of conning towers, and the great amount of wreckage on the upper decks, rendered the command of the ships extremely difficult in several instances. Thus the Thunderer, which proved to have great fighting qualities, had her upper works wrecked before coming to close quarters, Captain Cornwallis being cut to pieces. Commander H. L. Keane then fought the ship sitting on the forward turret till rendered insensible by a shell which burst close to him. Subsequently the Thunderer was handled by Lieutenant A. W. Ewart, from the turret itself. It frequently happened that 86 The Last Great Naval War. a secure position from which a ship could be controlled would have been of more value than all her heavy armament.* Splendid instances of heroism threw a bright light upon the action, and who shall say how many such have never found a historian ? On the port quarter of the Dreadnaught the chains and stanchions became detached, and hung overboard. Were she to increase her speed there would be a great risk of foul- ing the port screw, possibly endangering the control of the ship. The Dreadnaught was at the time engaged on this side with the Charles Martei, which was slowly advancing on a nearly parallel course at a cable's distance. Seeing the danger, Lieutenant A. Warren, with T. Hardy, A.B., t armed with a bow-line, hammer and punch, went coolly aft through the storm of projectiles which swept the deck. In a moment Lieutenant Warren was lowered over the side, and succeeded in freeing one of the shackles, when a shell bursting on deck tore Hardy's right leg from his body. Lying on deck, covered with blood and in agony, he was yet able to make fast the line, and Lieutenant Warren had just freed the second shackle, clearing the chain, when his left arm was broken near the shoulder by a Lebel bullet. Faint with the shock and loss of blood, he swung in mid-air, helplessly striking the ship's side at each roll. The fall of Hardy was seen from the after- turret, and Gunner Duff, R.M.A., went to his assistance, involun- tarily ducking his head as he gained the deck, and then instantly straightening himself as if on parade. But Hardy was dying, and could only say, "Let me alone; stand by Mr. Wan en," and Duff, * These and most of the lessons derived from the action, have been ably dealt with by Sir W. H. White, K.C.B., in a paper read before the Institute of Naval Architects. t Selected from a dozen eager volunteers. Incidents of the Battle, 87 looking over the side, saw what had happened. The Charles Martel was now nearly abreast of the Dreadnaught, and the wind caused by a 34-cm. shell, which missed the after-turret, knocked down Duff, while he was at the same time struck by pellets of burning powder, which caused torturing pain. Immediately after- wards, the two guns in this turret were simultaneously fired into the port side of the Charles Martel, causing her fire to slacken, and veiling both vessel's in smoke. Freeing the line, Duff passed it round the stern, thus bringing Lieutenant Warren under cover, and then hauling him on board under the lee of the turret. Both Lieutenant Warren and Gunner Duff received the Victoria Cross from the Queen's hands, and the honour, which during the war returned to its original objects, was surely never better earned. The gallant action of Assistant-Engineer C. Hardcastle and Stoker Davies, when one of the steam-pipes of the Camperdown was cut by the splinter of a shell from the Amiral JDuperre, is well remembered ; and throughout the fleet, under an ordeal probably as severe as can be conceived, the undying spirit of a race of sea- men everywhere asserted itself. So far as can be judged from the mass of accounts of the great battle, it seems clear that the French Admiral expected a prelimi- nary engagement of some duration at long range, and was somewhat taken aback by Sir G. Hornby's quick onslaught. The British advanced line of twelve ships passed through the leading division of the French, some vessels then becoming engaged with the second line, while others circled and returned to their original antagonists. Thus all order was lost in both lines. The Duke of Edinburgh's attack was delivered in two divisions, line ahead, thus differing from Admiral Hornby's formation in single line abreast, and offering this peculiarity — that the ships in 88 The Last Great Naval War. the two divisions were not mutually abreast, but arranged ns shown below. In this formation, led by the Duke in the Hood, Victoria. the Channel Squadron passed through both French lines, each ship concentrating her fire at short range as she passed. The result was that four ships — Brennus and Indomptable in first line, and Marceau and Tonnerre in second — were disabled, while the Hoive and Camperdoivn were so severely injured as to be with- drawn for a time. After thus passing through the French fleet, the Duke altered course sixteen points to port, and, circling out- wards, followed by his squadron, again engaged the enemy's right flank and rear, his ships becoming thus involved, as Admiral Hornby's had previously been, in a confused melee. The heat of the action lasted less than three-quarters of an hour, which seemed interminable to the eager American watchers, some of whom burned to be in the thick of the fight. Then the fire perceptibly slackened, and the smoke clearing disclosed more than forty vessels, many without masts or funnels, and much dispersed, in irregular groups, from which intermittent firing proceeded. It was a scene of ruin. The ships, two hours before in the full pride of perfect order, were scarcely recognisable in the torn hulls, from whose gaping wounds great jets of water poured at each roll. The precise condition of the two fleets at this period can- not be stated. The Collingwood and Colossus had sunk; the Incidents of the Battle. 89 Camperdown, Howe, Ajax, and Invincible were disabled. Of the French vessels, the Courbet, Bayard, and Magenta had gone down; the Formidable, Caiman, and Brennus had ceased firing; and the Furieux and Redoubtable had been captured. But though the damage on both sides seemed to be nearly equal, and the fleets were perceptibly disentangling themselves from the melee, a difference was manifest. The British vessels drew towards the flagships ; the French appeared to be independently making off to the south, the Amiral Duperre and Charles Martel being already far on their way, pursued by the Nile and Benbow. Many ships on both sides were rolling heavily in the sea-way, apparently unable to move. Thus the Howe lay near the Marceau, each firing at long intervals; while the Ajax had fouled the Requin, and rifle-fire was being exchanged. On board the U.S. ship Texas, Commander Aaron T. Lapham, who had been closely watching the fight, put down his glass, and remarked abruptly to Captain Folger, " I guess, sir, the French are whipped." The Royal Sovereign had lost her masts ; but semaphore signals were received from her by the Thunderer, and transmitted to the Hood, which made — " Reserve ships and unarmoured vessels engage." Admiral Hornby was about to deal a decisive stroke. Throughout the action, unnoticed except by the Americans, Australia, Galatea, Undaunted, Aurora, and Jmmortalite awaited this signal ; while on each flank of the fleets lay a group of unarmoured cruisers. The suspense had been almost unbearable, and anxious eyes strained through the smoke to catch the first fluttering flags. The time had come at last, and cheers arose from the fleet as this new force swept down upon the scene, offering the most striking contrast to the ruin around. The action was renewed for a brief space, but its character entirely changed. G 90 The Last Great Naval War. The reserve ships, at full speed, headed off most of the French stragglers, circling round them and dealing terrible destruction with the overwhelming power of their intact armaments. All the British vessels which remained under control formed for pursuit, and individual vessels, in answer to the signals from the Hood, were directed against special antagonists. Meanwhile, from both flanks, the unarmoured vessels swooped down upon the mass of French cruisers which lay to the south. The effect has been well compared to that of a light cavalry attack. The French were broken up. The Duguay Troicin and Lalande were sunk ; the Hiro}iddle captured ; but the Amphion, while engaged with the Nielly, was sent to the bottom by a 37-cm. shell from the Amiral jBaudin, which had come up astern. The loss of morale occa- sioned by the defeat of the battle-ships was evident in this cruiser action, and is scarcely to be wondered at. Many of the survivors of the earlier fight had been surrendered to avoid the ram ; or had been disabled by the British vessels, which again felt the Admiral's hand. The French cruisers had no support, and the Trafalgar and Thunderer appeared to be bearing down upon them. Under such conditions it is not surprising that a general sauve qui peut occurred, and that they scattered in all directions, hotly chased by the Bellona, Forth, Thames, Tartar, Mersey, Medusa, and Marathon. The victory was complete, but the cost was great. Four British ships had gone down, and eight were badly disabled. The loss in men was very heavy — in the vessels of the Admiral class especially. Some of the ships were literally turned into shambles, from the terrible effect of shells burst inboard. The fighting- decks ran with blood, and above and around, adhering to the deck-beams or driven in among the gear of the guns, were reeking fragments of flesh and bone— all that remained of brave men. Victory. 91 The French vessels were in an even worse plight ; but their con- tinuous belts had saved them to some extent from water-line injuries, and most of them appeared to be seaworthy unless a gale should spring up. Night was coming on, and every available man was needed. Very wisely, therefore, Admiral Hornby recalled the cruisers from pursuit, and all rejoined the flag except the Bettona (which arrived in the morning with the captured Wattignies in tow), and the Medusa, which had been disabled and captured by the enemy. The cruisers thus brought their crews to the assistance of the shattered vessels, and stood by those most severely injured ; while their boats proved invaluable, the fleet having scarcely one capable of being put into the water. The sun went down in a sky wild as the fierce conflict which had so lately raged ; but low down in the far west the glory of crimson and gold seemed to fitly crown the close of four thousand gallant lives. For a moment the warm glow ' softly kissed the torn sides and shattered spars of the great ships ; then swiftly darkness fell, veiling horrors which may not be described. But all night long the work of clearing the ships went on, and weird shadows fell across the decks or trembled on the waves as the cruisers flung their electric lights far and wide ; while on board the Royal Sovereign, ■ the British Admirals decided upon their course of action. Soon after midnight, shouts for help arose from the Caiman, which proved to be sinking. In a few minutes the Australia and Immortalite, signalled by the Admiral, were brought up one on each side of the doomed vessel, and their boats succeeded in taking off 74 men ; but the Caiman was rapidly settling down by the bows, and the boats were only just clear when she plunged heavily forward, recovered herself slightly as the guns rolled out of her barbettes, and then disappeared. G 2 92 The Last Great Naval War. • The Australia and Immortalite at once stood in close, and many men were picked up in the water ; but a large number, with all the wounded, went down. Towards morning the wind fell, but the vessels rolled heavily in the long Atlantic swell. The fleets had drifted southwards during the night, and daylight showed far away on the horizon the sharp outlines of Tenerife, which has given its name to the greatest naval battle since Trafalgar. Order had been restored as far as possible on board the British ships, and the total loss was ascertained to be 1,932 killed, and 1,521 wounded, the former figure including a considerable number of men drowned by the sinking of the Colossus and Collingwood. The captured French vessels were boarded, and assistance was freely offered and received, Admiral Gervais warmly thanking Sir G. Hornby for his promptness in succouring the crew of the Caiman, and adding — '■ Under other circumstances we would have tried to do as much for you." The good feeling shown on both sides seems to have been remarkable. The French had fought bravely, and the victors could well appreciate a gallantry equal to their own ; while the state of some of the captured vessels would have excited pity in the hardest hearts.* The scene on board the Devastation, which had more than three-quarters of her com- batant crew killed and wounded, is described as appalling, and the help of a party with two surgeons, sent from the Hood and Galatea, was gratefully received. The work of the 19th was very severe, and the services of the British cruisers proved in- valuable. Before nightfall, Admiral Hornby's arrangements were com- pleted. The Etruria, with 800 British and French wounded, had * For a statement of the vessels engaged on both sides, and their fate, see Appendix. Return of the Fleets. 93 started for Plymouth direct, and permission had been obtained from the Spanish authorities to land 230 wounded prisoners at Grand Canary. The Marathon, with another batch of wounded, was ordered at full speed to Gibraltar, her coal-supply being made up from the Camperdown, whose engines were totally disabled. The coal-supply of those vessels which were running short was made up from the Orient, Kaisr-i-hind, and the Cardiff colliers. Prize crews were put on board many of the French ships, taken mainly from Inflexible, Camperdown, Howe, and Edinburgh, which required to be towed. The completely disabled French ships Brennus, Indomptable, Devastation, Marceau, Tonnerre, and Furieux were filled with prisoners, and a British vessel was told off to tow each. In this way the fleets were to proceed slowly to Gibraltar, keeping close together, the fast cruisers on the flanks and astern being directed to prevent straggling. The Thunderer (which had been little injured), with the Undaunted, was ordered to tow the disabled and unseaworthy Devastation to the lee of Tenerife, and after taking out her coal, to sink her and proceed to join Rear-Admiral Domvile at Sierra Leone. The fleets started on the morning of the 20th, and reached Gibraltar on the 26th, the voyage being accomplished without incident except that the Inflexible, whose steam pumps proved incapable of dealing with her leaks, sank on the 22nd, no lives being lost. The first news of the battle of Tenerife reached England from France, for the escaped cruiser Coetlogon made straight for Madeira on the night of the 18th, and the authorities of the chaotic Portu- guese Republic, who throughout the war appear to have somewhat strained their neutral rights against Great Britain, now facilitated the transmission of a long cypher message to Paris. Thus on the 20th the streets of London were placarded with the announcement 94 The Last Great Naval War. of a " Great Naval Battle near the Canaries;" but nothing except the bare fact was known, and again, perhaps for the last time in history, the bugbear of invasion loomed large to the vision of the unenlightened majority. Nothing approaching panic occurred, however — greatly to the disappointment of the Stock Exchange bears — and the well-timed statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty, showing the great naval strength still available in borne waters, the magnificent Ramillies * having been just put in commission, served to restore confidence. And again, with merciless logic, Admiral Colomb pointed out in the Times that whatever the issue of the great battle (of which he did not doubt), it was absolutely inconceivable that the French would be left in such a state as to be able to protect a great fleet of transports from the shores of France. " These wretched fears of invasion," he wrote, " unworthy of our nation, are perhaps traceable to that total misreading of the naval history of 1805 which it seems impossible to correct. . . . Even if Nelson had not returned from the West Indies to fight at Trafalgar, there was ample naval force available to shatter Napoleon's plan, assuming it to have been seriously entertained. . . ." The Etruria, in the hands of her gallant commander, Captain W. Hains, R.N.R., made a rapid passage, and signalled the Start at 8 a.m. on the 23rd — "Glorious victory over combined French fleets ; bound for Plymouth with 800 wounded." Like wildfire the telegraph flashed the great news throughout the three kingdoms, passed it under the Atlantic to spread by a hundred wires over the American continents, transmitted it to the European capitals to be received with varying emotions, and launched it far on the way to India, China, Australia, and the * Sister-ship of the Royal Sovereign. Criticism. 95 Cape. One of the most stolid races on earth was for once stirred to its heart's core, and from the Land's End to the Shetlands, from Valentia to Belfast, the most intense enthusiasm, differing only in its modes of expression, was manifested. It seemed, too, as if the Great Republic had caught the infection, and a thrill of generous pride in the triumph of the old country passed through the hearts of its citizens, bringing home to them the truth of their own Admiral's words, and proving that race affinity is still one of the greatest forces by which men are swayed. The Anglo- Saxon people felt the power of a common impulse, and at such a moment the seals of the Behring Sea seemed of very small account. The Red Cross Society made immediate arrangements for the reception at Plymouth and Portsmouth of 3,000 wounded, and nurses who could speak their language were chosen for the care of the French. Later, the Princess of Wales inspected the hospitals where lay the sufferers, speaking kindly words of sympathy never to be forgotten. Critics of all calibres have dealt with the battle of Tenerife and the previous movements, according to their wont. The strategy inspired by Admiral Lespes has been severely blamed, and the tactics of Admiral Gervais have received much condem- nation. On the other hand, while Lord Emsworth's tactics have been universally praised,* his decision to follow the Toulon fleet south, before learning the movements of the Duke of Edinburgh has been pronounced rash, and it has been urged, under cover of a profusion of "ifs," that the Mediterranean squadron might easily * One critic, however, has commented with some severity and little judgment on the stopping of the pursuit, finding a worthless parallel in the supposed proceedings of the German cavalry following an action in the field, and failing to understand the vital importance of the presence of the cruisers after the battle. 96 The Last Great Naval War. have been overwhelmed by the combined French fleets on the 1 6th. Most of the academic discussions, to which the great events of 189 — gave rise may safely be left to the archaeologist. For us it suffices to note that the French plan had many points in its favour, and that either some such plan must have been adopted, or the battle-ships of France must have remained practically locked up in their ports — a course naturally abhorrent to the aspirations of a great naval Power. It is not for us to condemn a plan whose principal merit lay in its boldness of conception ; or to find fault with Admiral Lespes for venturing to run risks for a great end. By such means only can great victories be obtained. Some French writers have attributed defeat to two chance coinci- dences — the meeting of the Amphion with the Dutch barque Van Tromp on the 14th, and the sighting and recognition of the Brest fleet by the Bellona on the 12th — but careful study of the facts does not bear out this view. The failure of the French plan must be attributed mainly to the complete grasp shown by the British Admirals of the possibilities conferred by steam, by which the combination of the two fleets could be exactly timed, once communication had been established; to the tactical genius evinced by Lord Emsworth in his method of attack and employment of a reserve; and to the full reassertion of the traditional fighting power of the British navy — a factor whose weight steam and artillery progress had but served to increase. But, in any estimate of the causes which led to the victory of Tenerife, the confidence shown by Lord Emsworth in his colleague should never be forgotten. He knew that the Duke of Edinburgh would not be far behind the Brest fleet, and this certitude — like that with which Bliicher inspired Wellington — formed the basis of his action. CHAPTER VII. Continental Opinion — Military Operations — Mauritius— The Working Classes — Peace — National Federation. The results of the great naval battle were at once felt far and wide. Australia had already driven home the lesson that it was necessary to strike, and Admiral Hornby's victory, by which the naval situation was at once simplified, cleared the way. Already the British flag upraised by the Commonwealth of Australasia was floating over New Caledonia and Tahiti. The French had disappeared from the South Pacific. Already a considerable force was assembled at the Cape for the recapture of Mauritius. And now the British lion was wide awake. The empire of the sea was no longer even challenged, and all over the world the nation prepared to strike hard. The navy had nobly played its part, and fully sustained its proud traditions; the day of the army had come ■ — not as had been expected, perhaps, but the role to be played was at least more dignified than that of supplying a small con- tingent to render tardy assistance in furthering the ambitions of some European ally. At Halifax a battalion of regulars, with 4,000 Canadian militia, stood ready for transport to Barbadoes, whither three battalions from England with artillery were to proceed. At Cape Town a brigade (late) of the 1st Army Corps, with 1,000 South African Volunteers, was eagerly awaiting orders to start for Mauritius, and at Brisbane 4,000 citizen soldiers, fully equipped, were embarked and prepared to sail for Singapore at an hour's notice; while, by the special request of the Federal Government of Australasia, 98 The Last Great Naval War. the Ringarooma and Wallaroo* stood ready to accompany the Endymion and Thetis to the China seas. The Crescent and Brilliant, from Esquimalt, were steaming across the North Pacific to reinforce Vice-Admiral Hotham in the China station, who had detached two of his vessels to assist in blockading Mauritius, and from Calcutta three battalions of Punjaub troops, with an Artillery force and a small siege train, were en route for Singapore. From Bombay another force, with ten siege guns, was ready to start for Seychelles, whither, also, one British and two Indian battalions were ordered from Egypt, the former to be replaced by troops which could now be spared from Malta. The most alarmist papers had given up the invasion scare as hopeless, and did not even raise a protest at the despatch of the Devastation to join the Dreadnaught at Sierra Leone, and of the Northampton and Hotspur to the Mediterranean, which was soon again traversed by British merchantmen under small convoy ; while at Plymouth and Portsmouth expeditions were fitted out against Dakar and Alderney respectively. Nor were other requirements neglected. Telegraph ships restored communication between Gibraltar and Malta, brought Australia once more in touch with England, and prepared to couple Aden and Seychelles. After the battle of Tenerife, the cables generally appeared to work with greater regularity, and Hong Kong again reached London over the Siberian wires. While the naval victory gave to the whole British nation an unaccustomed sense of power, welding its scattered members into a strong and solid whole, the feelings aroused on the Continent were of a mixed description. The Press generally, except in France, agreed in stating that the victory was no surprise — had, in * Ships belonging to the special Australasian squadron. Foreign Opinions. 99 fact, been expected all along — but as to its significance, every shade of opinion found expression. In the Russian papers, a tendency to minimise the probable results was manifested. " The British fleet, even if as successful as the London journals appeared to believe, had suffered severely in men and material, and would be practically hors de combat for a considerable period. Meanwhile, the commerce-destroying policy which France had carried out with so much vigour might still proceed. The British army was numerically insignificant, and much disorganised, so that were an attempt made to employ it — which, in view of the effect of the powerful menace of invasion upon the mind of the masses in England, was not probable — it would be no match for the vastly superior numbers and better training of the French." In Italy, notwithstanding the growth of Republican sentiment, a vague sense of gratitude to England still remained, and the possi- bilities involved in a French domination of the Mediterranean had been regarded with much misgiving at the time of the temporary retirement of H.M. squadron to Gibraltar. It was not surprising, therefore, that many of the Italian papers, and especially the Diritto, should have openly expressed rejoicing. The German Press was diversely swayed — on the one hand, by a certain bitterness against this country, and on the other hand by the knowledge and hard common sense which could not be blinded to the importance of the battle. In certain quarters, however, satisfaction at the crippling of the French navy was only thinly disguised. France had been, as usual, kept at first in the dark as to the extent of her losses, and the Parisian Press refused to accept the version of the story brought by the Etricria. The arrival of a large number of French vessels in Gibraltar Bay rendered further concealment impossible, and the blow was severely felt — ioo The Last Great Naval War. the more so since the consolatory cry of " Nous sommes trahis" could not well be raised in view of the great gallantry displayed by the French navy and the evident skill with which its Admirals succeeded in evading their watchful opponents and effecting a junction. Thus, while the more rabid section of the Press clamoured loudly for immediate invasion,* the prevailing sentiment was probably one of political discontent, and the popu- larity of the Ministry rapidly declined. Defeat was not what had been bargained for when M. Cle"menceau had been raised to power by popular acclamation. Evidently something was wrong, for great as had been the British losses of commerce at sea since the outbreak of war, the French losses were greater, and much more felt. Prices, even of food, were rising ; many industries were paralysed, and trouble threatened in the large manufacturing towns. Such conditions were evidently favourable to the aspirations of " La Ligue Anarchiste des Antipatriotes," which developed unexpected activity. Wild proclamations were distributed broad- cast over Paris and Marseilles, in which nothing was coherent except the wish to overturn everything and everybody, and a somewhat serious riot occurred in the neighbourhood of Mont- martre, in which many citizens were killed and injured. Mean- while the Ministry behaved with calmness and dignity, endeavouring to allay the popular uneasiness by drawing attention to the activity going on at the French dockyards, and laying a somewhat suspicious stress on the strength and perfection of the coast * . . . "C'est sur terre qu'il nous faut leur repondre. II faut que dans 24 heures cent milles FranQais debarquent a Hastings, a l'endroit meme oil debarqua Guillaume de Normandie, el que dans 48 heures ils soient campes dans Hyde Park, prets a dieter a ce peuple de pirates une paix romaine, dont F article I. sera — L'Angleterre n'a plus et n'aura plus de flotte. " . . . The Army. ioi defences. A successful torpedo boat attack from Boulogne, by which H.M.S Glatton was sunk in the Downs on the night of the 4th October, served for the moment to divert the public mind from impending events.* Want of preparation for some of the most probable contin- gencies of war, combined with a centralised administration, which even in piping times of peace had become a byword of inefficiency, proved a heavy handicap to the British army. Administrative mistakes, which to us now appear incredible, seem to have frequently occurred ; but the unconquerable spirit and stubborn endurance of the men who stormed Badajos and fought at Busaco and Waterloo shone with lustre undimmed in their descendants, and a new source of generous rivalry arose in the employment of Colonial troops. From the end of September Mauritius and Reunion were isolated by Rear-Admiral Fisher with part of the East Indian squadron, reinforced from the China, Australia, and 'South African stations. By the 25th October, a force of 2,500 men under Lieutenant-General Ireton, was assembled at Seychelles, which was made into a depot of stores supplied from India, Aden, Egypt, and Malta. The expedition from the Cape sailed on the 28th October, being timed to meet that from Seychelles at a rendezvous north of Mauritius on the nth November, after calling at Durban to pick up a mountain battery, f Admiral Fisher had * This was the second ship thus lost, solely on account of the want of a harbour at Dover — a want which appears to have been frequently pointed out in previous years. The country could well have dispensed with much of its coast defence ; but a strategic harbour at Dover proved a very r-eal requirement, as Rear Admiral Kennedy, entrusted with the difficult and important command of the squadron in the Downs, had painfully felt. t The colony of Natal offered 600 volunteers, who were bitterly disappointed at being left behind. io2 The Last Great Naval War. already conferred with General Ireton, and a joint plan of action was determined upon. At dawn on the 12th, the Mohawk, Blanche, and Brisk, with six transports, appeared in Petite Riviere Bay. The war-ships took up positions commanding the shore, and behind them 1,200 men were embarked in boats awaiting the signal to land. The enemy showed in small force on the wooded spurs which run down nearly to the sea, and the ships opened fire, under cover of which the boats pushed out for the shore. The French were well hidden, however, and their fire began to tell heavily. The guns of the ships seemed to make little impression, and the water all round the boats was flecked with bullet splashes ; two boats were sunk ; many men were hit, and the order of the flotilla was somewhat disarranged. Still pressing onwards, under a galling fire increasing every moment, eight of the boats reached the shore together, and led by Captain Cutts, a hundred men dashed forward and occupied a slight rise. More boats quickly followed, and about 500 men were engaged with a large force of the enemy in front, when the signal of recall was made from the ships, from whose tops French reinforcements were seen advancing from Port Louis. Slowly and in perfect order the men returned to their boats, the first detachment holding the rising ground to the last to cover the embarkation, assisted by the fire of the Mohawk, which had changed her position so as to rake what appeared to be the position of the enemy. Considerable loss occurred in the return ; but the ships, closing in, checked the French fire as far as possible. This whole operation occupied about three hours, and mean- while nearly' four thousand troops landed unopposed near Cape Malheureux. Soon after 11 a.m. the force detailed for the false attack drew off and joined the Admiral off the north of the island. The work of landing stores and guns went on all day and far Mauritius. i°3 into the night. On the 13th a general advance was made, and Semaphore Hill, on the west spur of Long Mountain, was occupied after hard fighting. Here sixteen guns were placed in position, the naval brigade lending invaluable assistance, and at daybreak on the following morning these guns were ready to open fire on the works defending Port Louis, while seven ships of war lay off Tombeau Creek, prepared to enfilade them from the sea. Under these circumstances, Colonel Chambray, who had only 1,400 men, and was anxious not to bring destruction upon the town, sent an officer to the British General proposing terms, which were readily granted. The occupation of Mauritius had not been originally intended, and the whole of the French troops would have been withdrawn but for the activity of Rear-Admiral Fisher's cruisers, by which Colonel Chambray's force, as well as the Hugon and Boursaint were entrapped. At noon the old flag was run up at the citadel under a salute from the ships, and the Republic of Mauritius ceased to exist ; but the loss directly and indirectly caused to British interests by the capture of the island cannot have been less than ten millions sterling, and has been estimated at a much higher figure.* Reunion could be safely left in charge of the navy, and preparations were at once made for operations against Diego Suarez. Thus at many points scattered over the world, Great Britain struck hard. By the end of October about 30,000 men had been despatched from England, and with Colonial forces the total strength employed (exclusive of the regular garrisons) was over 40,000. This figure could have been soon doubled if necessary, * See a valuable paper read before the Statistical Society by Sir R. Giffen on the 26th May, 189-, in which the effects of the war upon British trade are most ably analysed. i°4 The Last Great Naval War. without any great effort, for many splendid new steamers built on the Clyde and Tyne since the outbreak of war were almost ready for sea, and there was no lack of men. From the Con- tinental point of view such numbers were obviously insignificant ; but these British troops could be carried across the seas at will, while France could not transport a corporal's guard from Toulon to Algiers or Tunis without risk, and nearly a million of men lay perforce inactive, though their comrades were being out- numbered over half the world. So much could the navy do for England, and the country, which had largely ignored its own history, or learned to believe that steam had changed all the conditions of naval war to its disadvantage, was astonished at its own powers. The operations carried out by the British army subsequent to the battle of Tenerife have been fully described by many writers. There was no scope for high military strategy and the grand combinations of Napoleon or von Moltke. The combinations were of another kind, and naval in their essence ; but in the mani- pulation of the great fleet and the organisation of expeditions to act thousands of miles from the shores of England, there were ample opportunities for genius. An indifferent peace training, want of preparation for war, the hopeless confusion which seems to have reigned for some time at the War Office, and one or two unfortunate appointments, told heavily against the army. Stores proved, at critical moments, to be either wanting or inextricably mixed. The siege trains, hastily improvised, were deplorably deficient. The men had little knowledge or training; the material was incomplete, antiquated and insufficient In Mada- gascar, a disaster occurred involving the loss of 342 lives, which was subsequently traced directly to the confusion of the functions of the Army Staff with those of the Commissariat Department. Military Operations. 105 Everywhere, except perhaps at Noumea, where the Australians, unhampered by red tape, struck out straight from the shoulder, the French benefited by British unreadiness for war, by which valuable time was obtained to strengthen their positions. In spite of drawbacks now difficult to realise adequately, the best traditions of the British army were nobly sustained. Among the younger officers especially there were instances not merely of personal heroism, but of initiative and resource — the heritage of the race, when unfettered by maladministration. The troops showed all the qualities which Wellington so well knew how to utilise, and the gallantry displayed — by the 2nd Grenadier Guards especially — in the attack of Fort Desaix, Martinique, recalled the deeds of the Peninsula; while the Colonial forces everywhere proved true comrades in the hour of battle. In the many joint operations, the army learned its dependence upon the ever ready aid of the navy, and the services worked and fought side by side for the national cause in fullest harmony. The difficulties of which Nelson complained in 1794 were unknown, and in 189- there was no officer of the army who would " not entangle himself in any co-operation." Before the end of the year Diego Suarez and Martinique had been captured ; Reunion was daily expected to fall. The defences of the island of Goree had been almost destroyed by the converging fire of the British armour-clads, that of the Thunderer and Devastation proving particularly effective. Saigon was closely invested, and there was no need to hasten the issue, while the French force in Tonking was threatened with annihilation by the Chinese, eager to avenge the slaughter of Foochow. Alderney was found to have been evacuated when the British expeditionary force arrived. All over the world the power of the British navy seemed to be ever increasing ; for a great development of strength 106 The Last Great Naval War. had taken place, and the "sea officers" had well learned the rules of steam warfare. Commerce under the Tricolor had disap- peared, while British trade recovered confidence, and is even said to have increased, as was the case during the wars at the beginning of the century. While the outlook abroad was thus gloomy in the extreme to the French, troubles seemed imminent at home, and the " Ligue Anarchiste des Antipatriotes " took full advantage of its oppor- tunities. There was plenty of real patriotism in France ; but the trading classes were suffering greatly ; taxes were heavily felt, and in Paris nearly 100,000 people were reported to be in want of food. There was no enthusiasm to set against the prevailing depression, for the sea, "plus perfide meme qu'Albion," as a French paper remarked, imprisoned the great army which chafed in vain by its shores. The masses in France were already sick of a war entailing heavy losses, promising no advantage, and for which, perhaps, they had never really cared. The popular feeling found rapid means of making itself felt, and M. Cldmenceau's Ministry, accused on the one hand of undue tenderness in dealing with the anarchists, and, on the other hand, of mismanaging the war, was driven from office. This was the signal for a somewhat serious outbreak in Paris, affording an opening which the Boulangist party sought to turn to account. The time was not well chosen, for the " Brav General," however bellicose in language, did not appeal to the national imagination as a leader likely to succeed where Napoleon had failed, and his partisans, few and noisy, were speedily covered with ridicule. The common sense of the people triumphed, and a moderate Ministry, presided over by M. Waddington, took office. A curious feature of this time, and one which historians have not sufficiently regarded, was an interchange of opinion between NecO TIA T10N. 107 the working classes of France and England. Labour, towards the end of the nineteenth century, had shown cosmopolitan tendencies. Its leaders sedulously preached the doctrines that the interests of the working classes of all countries were identical, that war was in the main a recreation of the aristocracy indulged in at the expense of labour, and that a general disarmament was attainable by the agency of international trades unions. It was natural, therefore, that delegates representing British labour should pro- ceed to Paris with a view to arrange a Convention at which the restoration of peace might be discussed. After experiencing difficulties and delay on the frontier, the delegates succeeded in reaching the French capital, only to receive a discouraging reception. The pluck and earnestness of the men, and of Mr. Ben Tillett in particular, excited some real admiration ; but the party of anarchy was not anxious for peace, and abhorred organ- isation of any kind, even that of labour, while the French trades unions were far behind those of England in numbers and political power. Although the attempt to hold a Convention failed, a deputation of French ouvriers proceeded to London, where they were warmly received. The whole incident appears exceedingly significant as a first attempt of the working classes of two countries to deal directly with each other during a period of war. Meanwhile the situation was much discussed in the news- papers read by the proletariat, and a strong feeling in favour of peace soon asserted itself. " What War means to the Working Man ; " " Who is the Gainer ? " " War is a game which, were their subjects wise, Kings would not play at '' — under such titles as these, the Star, Lloyd's Weekly, and Reynold? Newspaper, set themselves to prove to the masses that peace was their first and greatest interest. Thus the inevitable fickleness of democracies showed itself in England ; the Scarborough incident was for- io8 The Last Great Naval War. gotten, and victories in distant seas seemed of small account in comparison with a perceptible rise of prices. There is little doubt that a free plebiscite of either nation would have resulted in a large majority in favour of peace ; but French pride naturally forbade any admission of the general feeling, and the development of the Sea Power of Great Britain proceeded, till in December the total number of ships in commission, including auxiliary steamers, and exclusive of torpedo boats, was 538. The island of Goree still held out, but 5,000 men had been landed at Dakar, and the position of the French in Senegal was gravely compromised. The hapless force in Tonking had been saved from annihilation by British ships, and a large Chinese army occupied the province. The difficulties of the garrison at Saigon were increasing every day. The situation was a strange one, yet perfectly simple. The army of France was intact. France was unconquered. Yet every day the merciless pressure of the British navy was more severely felt, and outside of France there was no place where the French flag was secure. At this juncture the Emperor of Germany appears to have unsuccessfully endeavoured to mediate between the belligerents. The full facts have never been made public ; but there is little doubt that the British Government was sounded as to its views, and that the. moderation of these views was conveyed to the President of the French Republic, to whom it was pointed out that the honour of France had in no way suffered in a war whose issues were determined wholly by naval conditions. The humilia- tion of 1 8 70-1 was, however, still keenly felt, and the temper of the French nation would not permit the acceptance of the Emperor's well-meant offer ; but it is probable that M. Carnot, when intimating this, gave some indication of the views of his Government, which reached Downing Street. Peace. 109 While diplomatists were seeking some way out of the impasse, and, as usual, obscuring simple issues by the artificial jargon of their trade, Europe was astonished to learn that the mediation of the United States had been accepted by both France and England. The action of the President of the Great Republic has been much discussed, and even in America this bold departure from the traditional policy of non-intervention was severely criticised ; but history can pronounce only one verdict upon it. There was a certain evident fitness in the step. The United States had suffered considerably from the war, and had found their position as neutrals difficult and delicate. Peace was thus their ardent desire. To Great Britain, the good offices of the kindred nation were eminently acceptable ; to France, the mediation of the trans- atlantic Republic was naturally grateful. The very remoteness of the States, and their freedom from European alliances, entangle- ments, and ambitions, endowed them with special sanctions. Thus both belligerents welcomed the action of the uncrowned monarch ruling by the freewill of seventy millions of people, and the United States earned the gratitude of the world. The Treaty of Washington did not contain the article formulated by the French paper above quoted * ; and though it was loyally accepted as a satisfactory arrangement by both nations, each grumbled after its own fashion. The clauses of the Treaty of Utrecht relating to Newfoundland were abrogated, but St. Pierre and Miquelon were given back to France. New Caledonia became British territory — on this point the Australasian Commonwealth was determined — but Tahiti and other islands in the South Pacific were placed under a joint British and United States protectorate. Chinese suzerainty was re-established over Tonking, and the See footnote p. 100. no The Last Great Naval War. frontiers of French Cochin China were defined. The British protectorate of Egypt was acknowledged. Article XIII., by which Alderney was ceded to France, was bitterly criticised at the time ; but it does not appear that the loss of the island proved any real disadvantage to Great Britain during the war, and the wisdom of the measure has since been acknowledged. To this measure may probably be attributed in some degree the friendly relations which have grown up between the two nations since 189- These were the principal provisions of a Treaty, in which Great Britain lost nothing by the moderation which some con- temporary writers held up to scorn. Her only object was to obtain reasonable security for the future, and this object was fully attained. She had given to the world proofs of vigour and resource on which some Intelligence Departments, oblivious of the meaning of Sea Power, had not counted. Henceforth she would occupy a new position in the councils of Europe ; and the weakness, tacitly avowed, which brought mingled contempt and resentment upon her in an age which worshipped strength, was ended for ever. The British nation could well afford to be generous in the hour of triumph. Many still remember the public rejoicing with which peace was welcomed through the length and breadth of the great Empire, whose union they fitly symbolised. The magnificent scene on the occasion of the Queen's visit to St. Paul's — when all London put on holiday dress and forgot for once its life of feverish toil, when rich and poor were stirred to the heart by a common impulse — had a far deeper significance than any mere pageant. More striking, perhaps, was the scene at Spithead when, for the last time, Admiral Hornby's flag waved over the fleet he had handled so well. As the Victoria and Albert slowly steamed Results of the War. hi through the long lines of great ships, many of which still bore the marks of the rough hand of war, and the thunder of the salute was followed by the solemn strains of the National Anthem, a mighty burst of cheering arose from the thousands who lined the shore — the voice of the people acclaiming the splendid navy which had nobly maintained for them the heritage of the sea. No war has left so deep a mark on the history of the nation. The spread of education and the enormous growth of the in- fluence of the press since the Crimean campaign combined to bring home with power the many lessons of 189- to the masses, who were already beginning to think for themselves. The Colonies shared the burden with the Mother Country, and fought side by side with her troops. She and they felt the power which unity of action conferred, and realised, perhaps for the first time, their need of each other. A common danger called forth the true national spirit, submerged all petty issues, and welded the scattered members of the Empire into one solid whole. It is difficult now to believe that the National Federation to which we have grown accustomed should have been regarded as vision- ary before 189-, or that the House of Commons, so many of whose debates now appear utterly trivial, should then have received a kind of fetish worship. The great constitutional changes which followed the war have found many historians, who, while differing as historians must, agree that Great Britain had no constitution in 189-, and has since regained one which has all the elements of stability. Many causes were at work to facilitate the change. The House of Lords had long been hopelessly out of touch with the people, and its need of radical reform had been frequently pointed out. While the Ministry won well-merited praise for the ii2 The Last Great Naval War. conduct of the war — during which the advice of experts was freely, if quite irregularly, taken — the House of Commons stood confessed as utterly inadequate to meet the requirements of a great national emergency. A vestry is sometimes a useful body within the limits of its functions ; but it is scarcely qualified to rule a great nation in the hour of need ; and the masses, who suddenly awoke to the full realisation of a Greater Britain, grasped the necessity of a separation between national and local politics. Many large national questions were raised by the war. Colonies, which had suffered and fought, could not be excluded from a voice in the settlement of the terms of peace involving their interests in a special sense. It was bitterly felt that the nation had suffered great losses, easily preventable if it had possessed any real organisation for war, and there was a stern determination that this at least should not recur. The House of Commons — it was justly pointed out — had arrogated to itself the government of the nation ; but, while wasting sessions in futile talk and the petty strife of ephemeral parties, had neglected its first duty. Thus the mind of the people was quickly made up, and the National Convention assembled in London in 189- laid the foundation of the National Senate which, it has lately been announced, will meet at Ottawa next year, and at Sydney in 1936. The Federation of the Empire, which was the greatest result of the war, brought many changes in its train. Party politics, in the sense understood by our fathers, have ceased to exist. Irish Home Rule, over which they wrangled with apparent seriousness, came into existence almost unnoticed. During the war, Ireland had locked up nearly 40,000 regular troops, and the Irish militia was not even embodied. To-day, the whole of the forces of the Crown stand ready for any national need, and Dublin no more requires a large garrison to secure its internal tranquillity than National Federation. 113 does Manchester; while the Irish militia, yearly called out for training, contains some of the best fighting material in the world. There have been lively scenes in the Parliament on College Green, as at Melbourne, Sydney, and Cape Town ; but that Parliament, like those of the Colonies in which Irishmen have played so great a part, has shown ample capacity for managing local affairs. The very existence of the once prevalent Primrose League has long been forgotten, and there are no strongly-marked lines of party in the National Senate, in which the voice of a great and united people finds expression. The honour of the nation, its- foreign relations, and its preparations to hold its own if need be against the world in arms, demand grave debate, but exclude party rivalry and the jarring elements arising from petty personal ambitions. While the national policy is now in safe keeping, and no longer liable to be changed by a chance vote in a single House, determined, perhaps, by a policeman's mistake, the social and economic conditions of the three kingdoms have rapidly advanced, under the care of the local parliaments elected to deal with them. England no more misunderstands Scotland's needs, or alienates Ireland in pure ignorance ; and the local patriotism which has sprung into being, like that of the American States, shows itself in generous rivalry beneficial to all. Thus it is that, while on the Continent thrones totter, and those of Italy and Spain have already fallen, the British Monarchy stands firm, based upon the nation's will. Immediately after the war, the army was thoroughly re- organised, and, conservative as it was and still is, the great changes seem to have aroused far less resentment than the incessant and futile tinkering of previous years ; for the need of change was universally acknowledged, and the lessons of 189- made a deep impression on all thoughtful soldiers. The forces ii4 The Last Great Naval War. of the nation are now organised for war, trained and ready at all points. There was no attempt to copy German institutions and apply them unintelligently to wholly different conditions. The real requirements of the Empire were taken as the basis of its military organisation, and while estimates have not appreciably increased, the armed strength of Great and Greater Britain has vastly developed. The genius which has so long maintained its pre-eminence in civil science and manufacture no longer finds itself fettered when it turns to weapons of war. Great Britain now leads the Powers of Europe, instead of following them with halting steps. The field-gun, introduced two years ago, is being repro- duced as faithfully as possible in the Continental arsenals, and, although it is maintained in London clubs that the Royal Artillery has lost a little of its polish, there is no more efficient force in the world for the purposes of war. Inspecting generals distinguish carefully between military training and the parade show which is compatible with ignorance of all field requirements. Thus it is that the cavalry force which manoeuvred last year at Cannock Chase called forth the admiration of the foreign critics. Through the whole system the brain of the army is felt, directing and inspiring, quickly amending where amendment is needed in view of the rapid advances of modern science, and well knowing how to control without harassing ; and the army has learned to trust an administration which embodies its best talents, and is in fullest touch with all its needs. Centralisation was killed in 189-, and the art which von Moltke taught to Germany of governing through others, of drawing and sternly maintaining defined lines of responsibility across the whole military system, is now well understood. The army trusts an administration which trusts it, and the result is a mutual loyalty and a standard of higher discipline which have nowhere been surpassed. The Navy of To-Day. 115 Changes have taken place at the Admiralty, where the time of the Sea Lords is no longer encroached upon by details of which their naval assistants effectively dispose. Thus questions of policy receive adequate consideration. The dockyards have been brought under full control by the appointment of officers of the executive branch to some of the subordinate posts. The whole system of reserves has been reorganised, with Colonial branches in Australia, South Africa, and Newfoundland, ready to feed the navy on mobilisation. The many technical lessons of the war were quickly applied. There are now no exaggerated guns, and the latest armour-clads — Victory and America — have little more than 8,000 tons displacement. The attempt to combine every- thing in a single vessel has been abandoned. The gun and ram are considered to suffice for most battle-ships, and the torpedo is generally relegated to special vessels. The navy is now regarded as the first, second, and third line of the national defence. The frontiers are wherever an enemy's ships may be, and we, to-day, should no more dream of fortifying London, than of allowing ourselves to be lashed into a panic over the dangers of the Channel Tunnel, through which more than 200 trains pass every twenty-four hours. We have learned what the navy can do to vindicate the national honour; we can correctly estimate the necessary standard of its strength, and that standard is jealously guarded. No measure would create such a popular outcry as an attempt to starve the navy and fritter away the resources of the country upon subsidiary or superfluous objects. The nation is resolved, at all cost, to hold the empire of the sea, and has learned at last what that empire implies. The world has moved fast since 189-. Great nations have fought, and frontiers have changed. Social and economic problems now occupy, to a large extent, the place of the military 1 16 The Last Great Naval War. speculations which engrossed our fathers. The masses feel their power, and have used it not always wisely— least wisely in the countries which most distrusted them. Russia is passing through a terrible revolution, of which none can see the end, and, although she reached the Persian Gulf in 1922 — thus giving fresh hostages to the British navy — her designs on India, if they exist, seem no nearer of accomplishment than thirty years ago. A counterpoise is arising in the far East, where China is unmistakably awakening from the sleep of centuries ; and who shall say what this awakening may mean ? The British nation has undergone trials of many kinds, and faced and conquered them with all the indomitable spirit of the race; but the greatest Federation which the world has ever known still stands firm, linked together by the " inviolate sea." The future is to the Anglo-Saxon people, whose alliance is the dominating political factor of the present age ; and while on land the nations may still furiously rage, the rule of the sea is in safe guardianship. From the Horn to Table Mountain, from Table Mountain to far New Zealand, and throughout the broad tracts of the three vast oceans which gird the world, reigns a pax Anglo- Saxonica which there is none to challenge : for the lessons of the last great naval war are still remembered. APPE N DIX. FRENCH VESSELS WHICH TOOK PART IN THE BATTLE OF TENERIFE. Toulon Fleet. I. Formidable (Flag) . Taken. Much damaged. 2. Brennus . Taken. Much damaged. 3- Hoche . Escaped. 4- Courbet . Sunk. 5- Amiral Baudin . . Escaped. 6. Amiral Duperre Escaped. Armour- 7- Devastation . Taken. Much damaged. Subse clcicls. quently sunk. 8. Magenta . . Sunk. 9- Marceau . . Taken. 10. Redoutable . Taken. ii. Caiman . . Sunk on night of action. 12. Indomptable . Taken. '3- Terrible . . Escaped. Appears to have sub ^ sequently sunk. Armoured I. Bayard . Sunk. Cruisers. . 2. Duguesclin . Escaped. ' I. Troude Escaped. 2. Lalande . . Sunk. ti si i*mnn rpf\ 3- Forbin Escaped. 4- Surcouf . . Escaped. V L^OWlOi 5- Hirondelle Taken. 6. Milan . Escaped. „ 7- Wattignies . Taken. n8 Appendix. Brest Fleet. ' I. Charles Martel ( Flag) Escaped Armour- clads. Armoured Cruiser r 1 } Unavmoured Vessels. 2. Marengo 3. Requin 4. Tonnerre . 5. Tonnant . 6. Furieux . 7. TempSte . 8. Fulminant 1. Turenne . 1. Duquesne 2. Duguay Tronin 3. Tourville . 4. Primauguet 5. Nielly 6. Suchet 7. Coetlogon 8. St. Barbe 9. Salve 10. Lance . Taken. . Sunk after action. . Taken. Much injured. Taken. Taken. Taken. Sunk. Much inju Much injured. . Escaped. Doubtful if engaged. . Escaped. . Sunk. . Escaped. . Escaped. Escaped. . Escaped. . Escaped. . Disabled. . Escaped. Escaped. Subsequently sunk. Subsequently taken. Subsequently taken. Summary. Taken. Sunk. Escaped. Totals. Armour-clads Armoured Cruisers Unarmoured Vessels 10 4 H 7 1 3 4 2 10 21 3 17 Totals . 11 16 41 Appemdix. Armour- clads. Disabled. Sunk. Sunk on passage to Gibraltar. Sunk. Totally disabled. Disabled. BRITISH VESSELS WHICH TOOK PART IN THE BATTLE OF TENERIFE. Mediterranean Squadron. 1. Royal Sovereign (Flag) 2. Sans Pareil 3. Trafalgar . 4. Nile. 5. Benbow 6. Collingwood 7. Inflexible . 8. Colossus . 9. Edinburgh 10. Thunderer 11. Superb 12. Agamemnon 1. Australia . 2. Galatea 3. Undaunted 1. Forth ■4. Amphion 3. Bellona 4. Fearless . 5. Scout Home and 1. Hood (Flag) 2. Victoria . 3. Anson 4. Camperdown 5. Howe 6. Rodney . 7. Dreadnaught 8. Temeraire 9. Ajax 10. Alexandra 11. Invincible 12. Iron Duke Armoured Cruisers. Unarmoured Vessels. Armour- clads. Sunk. Channel Squadron. Sunk. Disabled. Totally disabled. Sunk. Disabled. Sunk after action. Disabled. 120 Appendix. Armoured ( I. Aurora . . . Disabled. Cruisers. \ 2. Immortalite 1. Thames . 2. Mersey 3 . Marathon . 4. Medusa . . . 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