CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION ON CHINA AND THE CHINESE Cornell University Library OS 843.K22 1921 The press and politics in Japan:a stud' 3 1924 023 233 434 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023233434 the: PREssi:Air^p\f6viTics ■..•:'.'-JN JAPAN .;.....' THE'lfNiyEfiSlfVOK*<5p];p^GO PRESS ••,• 'CHIOAGO, ILEHSrpift • •',':': THK BAKER & TAYLOR COiff^Y* . ^^ ... ^ tHE CAMfeRlfidEUNltiESiTY PRESS • LOMDON ' *• . .••.THE MARUZEN-KABUSm^lJiUSHA c • « *.-1qe;0, OSAKA, KTOTO, FDKVOEA, 8BNIXL] • •• . • ' -••••• . •,TPB MISSION SOteXJPMPANY THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN A STUDY OF THE RELATION BETWEEN THE NEWSPAPER AND THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN JAPAN By KisABURo Kawabe, Ph.D., LL.B. THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS A- \ ^5" Copyright 192 i By The University or Chicago All Rights Reserved Published February, 1921 Lumposed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago, IlUnote, U.S.A, TO MY FATHER, THE LATE KEISUKE KAWABE WHO, THROUGH HARDSHIP AND TOIL, SACRIFICED THE GREATER PART OF HIS LIFE FOR THE EDUCATION OF BIS SONS AND MY MOTHER WHO HAS MOST UNSELFISHLY DEVOTED HER LIFE FOR THEIR WELFARE THIS BOOK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED My purpose in iJiis'work. is to show the, influence of the press upon the pohtical life of Japan. For such succ^ffs ft,s'I have attained in over- coming the great difficulties caused by .tljel cqiiiplexity of the problem and the lack of access (o'virig to my jfesidep.ce in America) to the original Japanese sources, I am chiefly tnci^bted-to ttiy younger brother Sukejuro Kawabe, who, for four yearfe, -has -constantly labored in Japan to supply me with the necessary information and materials. It was through his imtiring co-operation that I was enabled to complete this book. Special acknowledgment is due also to Dr. Robert E. Park of the Department of Sociology of the University of Chicago for his kind criti- cisms and valuable suggestions. For the improvement of the style I owe much to Mr. Joseph B. Shine, A.M., and to Miss Katherine Bartholomew, Ph.B. To the authors and publishers whose books and periodical articles are quoted or referred to in this work, and to all those who have given me assistance in one way or another, but whose names do not appear here, I take this opportunity to express my gratitude. KlSABXJEO KAWAst Chicago, Illinois 1920 vu ' content's '^^ V-'' HAPTER ' ■ ' ", " ' I'AGE I. Introduction ",.'_, °=^ .... i The r61e of the press in politics; thc.^ress and the poUtical development of New Jiipaii • „ - ;"- ,° n. Communication AND Edijcat CON IN Om5 Japan ... 6 The press and the other means of communication; communi- cation in the Very Early Period; the reform in Taika; the Toku- gawa Period ; education and the press ; education in the Very Early Period; the code of the Taiho Era; the invention of kana and the development of a vernacular literature; the Tokugawa Period. III. The Pre JOURNALISTIC Period (before 1868) . . . 11 The foreruimers of the newspapers; the song; scribbling; tile-block prints; the ballad; the "joke book" and the "yellow cover"; the lampoon; ofl&cial journals; private newspapers; the influence of these devices. IV. The Political Situation at the End of the Tokugawa REGIME 23 Public opinion in Old Japan; the national-seclusion pohcy; Russian and EngUsh expeditions; Commodore Perry's visit and the first treaty of commerce; Townsend Harris; Minister li's coup d'etat ; the factors which worked destruction to the Tokugawa regime; restoration of the poUtical power by Shogun Keiki to the Emperor; ignorance of the people in regard to political changes. V. Development of Communication and Education in New Japan 30 The modern postal system; the telegraph; the telephone; the railroad; water transportation; highways; vehicles; public- school education; school attendance; recent improvements in the system of higher education; libraries. ix X , > QONTEStS: ., CHAPTER , '.' ' ''...~ PAGE VI. Amateur JouX^fr^tSM . . .:../' 38 Appear'ccn^e/of the modern newspaper^. 'translation of Western newspapers; tli^ official'-g£tzet€e'i ; th^ first .private newspaper; JosephHi^ozo ancj GinkoKlsfiKia^^Serryand theBankokuShimbun; the first magazine; difficulties with the'fearly newspapers; dis- covery of nipyable lead types; eariy-Jjisthod of publication; news carrier^ (5f 'the 'JEarly Period.; Tthe "jGreat-Newspaper " and the "Small-NeW^pajpet'''; '.the' ne,-vi*$pap*er dictionary; origin of commercial advertisonents; ' eatfy newspaper advertisements ; the increase in circulation. VII. The Political Situation at the Beginning of New Japan 49 Conflicts between Tokugawa's adherents and western daimyo; expedition of the Imperial Army and the conclusion of peace; origin of free speech; the Charter Oath of five articles; the restoration of feudal fiefs to the Emperor; aboHtion of the feudal system and the estabhshment of the prefectural governments; lower-class samurai the innovators; contemptuous attitude taken by the neighboring states toward Japan; the Korean incidents and the split of national opinion; insurrection of Ito at Saga; the Formosa expedition and the conflict with China; internal discontent; rebeUion of General Saigo's students; assassination of Minister Okubo; the newspapers and Okubo's assassination; the manifesto of the assassins; rigorous newspaper censorship; lack of communication a cause of disorder. VIII. Political Journals and the Movement for a Constitu- tional Government 60 The newspaper as a political force; radicals and malcontents as journalists; rise of the social position of journalists; Fukuchi and the Koko Shimbun; the first prosecution of a newspaper and a journaHst; examples of violent editorials; effort of the authori- ties to make the central government strong; memorials requesting the establishment of a national assembly; estabhshment of a senate and a supreme court as reassuring measures; press-law revision and strict censorship; editorials of radical ideas; growth of public discussion; Western philosophy and pohtical fiction; CONTENTS xi CHAPTER PAGE t newspaper propaganda for the establishment of a national assembly; petitions by the people requesting the estabHshment of a national assembly; public-meeting regulations; Okuma's plot and his expulsion; rise of poUtical parties and the party- organ press; estabUshment of the cabinet form of government; Daido Danketsu (United party); peace-preservation law and banishment of political agitators from Tokyo; promulgation of the Imperial Constitution; treaty-revision problem; the consti- tutional movement a result of the development of the press; growth of the party-organ press; editorial writers highly respected; narrative by Yukio Ozaki; narrative by Ki Inukai; the first session of the Imperial Diet; the second session and the dissolution of the House of Representatives; the government's interference in the election; impeachment of the govermnent by the House of Representatives and mediating measure taken by the Emperor; press-law-revision bUl; memorial impeaching the government on the treaty-revision problem; Ubel suit of the House of Repre- sentatives against a government-organ press; impeachment of Hoshi, the Speaker of the House, and Goto, the Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, and the expulsion of Hoshi from the House; bill to impeach the govermnent concerning treaty revision; the " Chishima-Go " affair; dissolution of the House in the fourth session; government censured by the House of Peers; another impeachment of the government and dissolution of the House in the fifth session; dissolution of the political organizations; growth of constitutionalism and nationalism. IX. The Reactionary Movement and the Growth of Nationalism 98 The worship-the-west mania; awakening of the nation from its blunder; imperial rescript for education; conflict between the native reUgions and Christianity; continued attacks on the government by the House and newspapers regarding the weak diplomacy; the Japan-China War; treaty revision partially success- ful; the Three States' Intervention; pohtical agitations against the" government; conflict of Japanese and Russian interests in Korea. xii CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE X. Commercial Journals 103 Growth of commerce and industry; development of advertise- ments and their effect upon newspapers; Fukuzawa's independent Jiji; Murayama, the pioneer of the commercial press; the development of journahstic style; Yano's innovation on the Hochi; introduction of sensationalism; fiction and personal- advice sections; introduction of the rotary press; increase in national population; war stimulated newspaper circulation; total circulation of newspapers; circulation of the leading news- papers; publishing expenses of newspapers; special methods of increasing circulation; fluctuation in circulation; financial difficulties of newspapers; advertisements; advertising agencies; news-gathering agencies; newspaper-distributing agencies; the chpping-supply business; evening newspapers; provincial news- papers; foreign-language newspapers; make-up of Japanese newspapers; social position of journaUsts; censorship of the press; decline of editorials and the growth of news. XL Independent Journals AND THE Rise OF Public Opinion 122 The party-organ press not an efficient molder of pubhc opinion; gradual growth of the size of the public; increase of circulation of the independent press and growth of the power of public opinion; suppression of freedom of discussion; press-law revision; Okuma's resignation; the journalists' association attack on the government, dissolution of the House and the resignation of the Ministry; invasion of China by the Western powers; attacks on the goverrunent by poUtical parties and newspapers; conflict between Yamagata and Ito, and an unprece- dented method of change in cabinet; organization of the first party government and its failure; estabhshment of the Seiyukai party by Ito; Hoshi's introduction of "Tammany HaU" methods; newspaper attacks oil corrupt practices and the assassination of Hoshi; gradual growth of public opinion clamoring for war against Russia; impeachment of the government; unprecedented ceremonial address by Speaker Kono and the dissolution of the House; the irresistible force of public opinion and change in the CONTENTS xiii PAGE government's attitude; Russo-Japanese War and harmony among political factions; the Russian-spy case; France's violation of neutraUty; the peace treaty and political agitations; conflicts between the police and the crowds; martial law and the suppres- sion of freedom of discussion; troubles caused by the university professors; fall of the Katsura Cabinet; extension of the sphere of public opinion and the growth of imperiahsm. XII. The Political Awakening of the Masses . . .136 Extension of newspaper circulation to the lower classes and the political awakening of the masses; anti-tax agitation by the chambers of conomerce; entente between the Second Katsura Cabinet and the Seiyukai party; the taxation problem and the fall of the Second Saionji Cabinet; unpopularity of the Third Katsmra Cabinet; anti-government agitations by poUtical parties and newspapers; political riots; establishment of the Doshikai party by Katsura; role of the newspaper; naval- scandal case under the Yamamoto Cabinet; poUtical agitations; poUtical riots; newspaper attacks upon Minister of the Interior Hara; petition to the Emperor by the journalists' associations; suppression of the freedom of the press; impeachment biU in the House of Representatives; opposition by the House of Peers and the fall of the Yamamoto Cabinet; the unsuccessful attempt to organize the Kiyoura Ministry; opposition by newspapers; decUne of the power of the elder statesmen; the Second Okuma Cabinet; dissolution of the House by Okuma and the news- papers' support of Okuma in the general election; causes of victory of government parties; faUof the Okuma Cabinet; reaction- ary Terauchi Ministry and newspapers; administrative poUcy criticized by the journaUsts; different attitudes of bureaucrats and party poUticians toward journaUsm; newspaper and mob psychology; "rice riots" and newspaper censorship; the Hara Cabinet organized upon a purely party basis; poUtical progress; labor problems; radical changes in poUtical ideas. Bibliography 169 Index i79 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The organization of the community at any given moment represents an established equilibrium and modus mvendi between opposing forces and contending interests and aims. The form which this equilibriimi takes iis determined, other things being equal, by the means of communi- cation, transportation, and the character of the social contacts. Under, communication are included (1) geographical and natural means of com- munication and transportation, i.e. lakes, rivers, mountain passes, the ocean; (2) roads, railways, both steam and electrical, and automobiles; (3) the post-ofi&ce, the telegraph, and the telephone; (4) printing and the newspapers. Communication by mail and telegraph and through the press depends upon the existence of a common speech, a common literatiure, and general education. The existence of a newspaper depends upon aU these things, and, therefore, its study must be made in con- nection with the development of all the conditions which contribute to its successful existence and growth. Newspapers guide and mold opinion through editorials. Through news they inform it. News is not, however, less important in creating public opinion than editorials. The press in directing the attention of the public selects the materials from which ideas are formed. It may be said to create views and opinions, as well as communicate them. As a means of communication the modern newspapers may be compared to the telegraph, telephone, railroad, steamship, and flying machine. It is a sort of common carrier. It is important to distinguish between communications: those made through the mails, by telegraph, and by telephone; and communications through the medium of the newspapers. While all other means of com- munication treat each person separately, newspapers offer not only a medium for individual expression as in the case of the advertisement and the personal columns, where homes are united, members of a family 2 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN are put in touch with one another, or rendezvous are arranged, but also a medium for the exchange of the news and opinions of the general public. For that reason the newspaper becomes primarily the organ of expression of the group, as well as a means of communication between individuals and groups of individuals. It becomes, therefore, the natural organ for the formation and expression of public opinion, and is the medium par excellence of political life. Because of this function, it becomes of prime importance in countries in which we have a popular form of government, i.e. government by public opinion. In England, where parhamentary government has been most thoroughly developed, the growth of a political democracy has gone on side by side with the development of newspapers. In fact, the history of the transition from personal and feudal to the popular government is largely the history for the freedom of public opinion and of the press. It was in England where that took place first and most completely. As the free goyernment in the period of predominant provincial life and provincial economy was carried on in the town meeting, so, with the development of national life and national economy, it is the press through which distance is reduced, which plays the role of the town meeting. Through the newspaper people are promptly informed of current events and are enabled to ex- change views and express opinions regarding them. Such universal dis- cussion creates public opinion, which controls public affairs and makes democracy possible.' Therefore in a modern state the newspaper is one of the social institutions which are indispensable to seK-government. During the last fifty years there have been going on constant conflicts and adjustment in vivid forms in the political experience of the Japanese, and in these struggles the part played by communication is worthy of special attention. The present work was intended to indicate the process through which a state, where only half a century ago no public opinion was considered in political afifairs, has made remarkable progress mainly through the development of the system of communication, as a result of the modern printing press. In Old Japan, i.e. before the Restoration of 1868, we may say that pubUc opinion played almost no part in the political life of the people at large, due to the fact that communication 1 Robert E. Park, Lecture. INTRODUCTION 3 and general education were greatly hampered, and that freedom of discussion was narrowly limited by a compUcated system of feudal- ism. Subsequent to the Restoration, however, these restrictions were modified, and the printing press rapidly made its appearance. From that time on we can clearly trace how each stage of the political development in Japan made its progress right along with the growth jf the press. In Old Japan only a fraction of the one million upper-class popula- tion — court nobles, lords, and samurai — participated in politics; but the great masses had no part in it chiefly because adequate communication, which is essential to the psychological organization of an intelligent pubhc, was impossible at that time. Japanese newspapers may be divided into ten-year periods, beginning with the Restoration of 1868. This classification is more or less arbitrary, but each one of these periods corresponds with a particular stage in the trend of Japan's political experiences: 1. The first decade (1868-78) might be called "the period of amateur journahsm." The circulation of the newspapers was then insignificant, but it already exerted considerable influence upon state affairs by attracting the attention of the authorities and the people. In this period, because of the lack of communication and of a proper means for dis- cussion, serious misunderstandings arose among different elements of the population, and bitter animosities were stirred up. The result was fre- quent insurrections and assassinations. This was a national unification period. 2. During the second period (1878-90) political journals developed rapidly. The size of the public which gave expression to poUtical affairs was therefore enlarged, although it was still limited to the upper classes. Now the public became more enhghtened, and instead of resorting to force and violence they began to use their new weapon of pubhcity. Various political agitations for the establishment of a more liberal govern- ment took place in different parts of the country, and an earher promul- gation of the Imperial Constitution and the establishment of the National Assembly were promoted. This was a transitional period from autocracy to constitutionalism. 4 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN 3. In the period (1890-97) following the opening of the National Assembly, the newspapers of Japan became party organs, serving the political parties as their strongest weapons against each other and against the government. Bitter conflicts took place between the House of Repre- sentatives and newspapers on the one side and the government on the other, chiefly on account of disputes on matters of foreign relations. Treaty-revision problems and several other international diflaculties created among the people a stronger national self -consciousness and gave birth to a reactionary nationalism which culminated in a war with China. This was a period of the growth of constitutionaUsm and nationalism, both of which were greatly fostered by the press. 4. In the fourth period (1897-1906), i.e. after the Japan-China War, industry developed rapidly, newspaper advertising increased, and journahsm in Japan became a commercial and independent enter- prise. Means of communication, general education, the method of printing and editing, and an unusual stimulus given by the war news increased the newspaper circulation by five times in one decade. This meant at once a similar increase in the power of the public in politics. The organized public now began to include the middle-class population, and constitutionalism made further progress. As a result of the Japan- China War, nationalism took a more active turn and became imperial- istic. The result was the Russo-Japanese War. This war was, however, not due so much to the minority opinion of the dominating militaristic classes as it was to a strong public opinion which was created chiefly through the press. 5. During the fifth period (1906-20), i.e. from the Russo-Japanese War to the present day, most newspapers in Japan became independent and greatly increased their circulation. Public opinion had heretofore been limited to the upper and middle classes. Now, however, due to the diffusion of general education, the increase of wealth, and the stimulus given by the war news, the lower classes began to read the papers. A political awakening of the masses resulted. They entered the field of public opinion and brought about a remarkable transformation in the social, political, and industrial life of the nation. To the already growing idea of democracy the recent Great War gave a strong incentive. The INTRODUCTION $ fall of German militarism and the victory of the cause of democracy gave the people a vivid impression of what liberty and equality meant both in national and international politics. In view of such an extraordinary . change in the attitude, ideas, and ideals of the people at large the bureau- crats and conservatives became alarmed about the future of the Eastern Empire. This was the situation. An increasing number of the national popu- lation had begun to participate in the common life of the state. Nation- alism had been greatly enlightened. A healthy democracy had finally found a strong foothold in Japan. What took England hundreds of years to accomplish has been done in half a century in Japan. The unique history of the political development has, of course, a multitude of different forces back of it. In this volume we are concerned with the study of one of those forces, i.e. the modern printing press. The events and processes heretofore briefly mentioned are more clearly expressed in the following chapters. CHAPTER II COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN OLD JAPAN THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMUNICATION IN OLD JAPAN Essential to the development of the newspaper itself are all other means of communication. Let us, therefore, study them first. Being a narrowly ranged volcanic archipelago, originally consisting of four main islands and several hundred small islands, Japan has always enjoyed the benefit of maritime communication. And, since all the islands are about two-thirds mountain region, and by ravines and rivers blocked out into hundreds of small, isolated geographical areas, land communication did not develop until late in the national history. There- fore in the earlier period the population settled first along the seacoast. In 81 B.C. Emperor Sujin issued a decree to the coast provinces ordering the people to increase the number of ships in order to develop maritime transportation. In 88 b.c. he dispatched four governors- general to the four districts of the country with orders to improve the highways. Succeeding emperors encouraged the development of com- munication and transportation. About 563 a.d. lighthouses were built along the coast, and in 860 a.d., in the reign of Emperor Seiwa, beacons were erected at several channels in order to guide the vessels. By the time of the Taikwa Reformation in 645 a.d. a definite post system for the transmission of official mails was established. The courier was called Hay a Uma (fast horse), for he rode on horseback. In the same Refor- mation, relay stables were established in every village along the main national highways for urgent transmission. Besides the Haya Uma there were couriers on foot called Hikyaku (fleet-legs), who also carried mails by the relay system. At that time in traveling any considerable distance people were required to carry passports with them. This mail system has been maintained ever since, with one exception in the period of civil strife (Gun-yu Kakkyo Period), which lasted from 1573 to 1603. The system was further developed under the Tokugawa regime. 6 COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN OLD JAPAN 7 In 1601 lyeyasu, the first Tokugawa Shogun, provided thirty-six relay stations, with thirty-six horses in each, on the Tokaido highway. He gave 1,440 tsubo of land (a tsubo is 7 feet 5j4 inches square) to each relay station for its maintenance. Licenses were issued only to the official couriers. Other highways such as Nakasendo, Oshu-dochu, Nikko-dochu, Kishu-dochu, etc., had similar systems, and all the routes centered in Yedo (now Tokyo). There were two kinds of mails, the ordinary and the special, the latter being carried by certain swift couriers. The local and minor highways also had couriers under the control of local lords. This system provided for official mail only. The carrying of private mail and the payment of taxes to the central government, which were generally paid in products, were difficult matters, for there was no prac- tical means of communication until 1663 a.d. Travehng priests, pil- grims, and peddlers frequently served as messengers Under the feudal regime the country was divided into hundreds of small dominions, and national communication was hindered by the neglect of local lords: difficulty in crossing streams due to the lack of bridges and boats espe- cially imder flood conditions, and the guard-stations buUt at all the strategic points on the main national highways where travelers were required to show their passports and suspicious-looking persons were detained or imprisoned. In the Tokugawa regime (1602-1867) the Shogun placed the daimyo, or the lords, in such positions that they restrained one another, and thus made their united action against him impossible. Each lord built his castle on a natural stronghold, and set up strong defenses against inva- sion. No attempt was made to facihtate the traffic between different sections of the country. In 1663 a.d. the first public mail service in Japan was established under the direct protection of the government. This was two hundred and fifty-seven years ago. In July, 1664, a regular mail system called Sando-Bikyaku (Three-time Courier) was established and the public mails were dispatched three times regularly every month, at Osaka every second, twelfth, and twenty-second day. When these mails arrived at the destination post-offices, which were generally hotels called Hikyakti-yado (Couriers' Hotel), they were 8 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN emptied on mats in front of the offices and were exhibited on the streets. Addressees found their own mail. In the same year there were four such private post-offices in Osaka, three in Kyoto, and six in Yedo. Eighty- eight years after this, in 1751, the number was increased to twelve in Osaka, sixteen in Kyoto, and nine in Yedo. By 1806 the mails were dispatched more than eighteen times a month. Besides these land couriers there were swift mail boats which handled both letters and parcels, and in 1744 the money-order system and the insurance of mails were introduced. As these private couriers improved, many official mails were also intrusted to them. Postal fees were relatively high, on account of the great difficulties met with in the transmission of the mails, and the rate was frequently changed by the agreement of the Couriers' Association. Under the Tokugawa regime the building of seaworthy vessels was prohibited, so that no one was able to cross the sea to maintain inter- course with any other countries. Only the small coasting, river, and lake boats were allowed to be built. These vessels were too dangerous for traveling purposes, and were primarily used for the transportation of cargoes. EDUCATION m OLD JAPAN The next problem to be studied is that of general education. When the masses are illiterate, there is no hope for the development of the newspapers nor for a general participation in political affairs. Communi- cation and general education lead to a unified national language and the development of a common literature, and thus a way is opened for common discussion by speech and publicity. In Old Japan before the Tokugawa regime education was limited to the upper classes, and the majority of the people were kept ignorant. Originally there was no writing in Japan, but in 284 a.d. Chinese letters ' were introduced by a Korean scholar named Wani, and subsequently written language came into existence. By the Code of the Taiho Era, a university was estabUshed in the capital in 701 a.d., but no one except the children of nobles was admitted to it. This date precedes that of the establishment of any university in Europe by more than a century. COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN OLD JAPAN g All the students were given government scholarships, and the cur- riculum consisted of Chinese classic, philosophy, history, literature and composition, law, music, caUigraphy, and mathematics. Besides the university there were colleges of medicine, of music, and of divination, all of which were maintained by the central government. Provincial colleges with similar courses of lower grades were also estabhshed and were controlled by the local governors. There were also many private colleges and schools maintained by clans, families, and groups of wealthy people to educate their own children. In the seventh, the eighth, and the ninth centuries, many scholars and Buddhist priests were sent by the goverrmient to China, and they brought back the Chinese and Indian civilizations. Although the Japanese now had the Chinese letters, they met with extraordinary difficulties in adapting them for the entirely different language: the Chinese ideographs cannot be adapted to the Japanese language, which has an entirely different origin and therefore different sounds. About the ninth century, kana, or Japanese syllabaries, were invented by the native scholars, and then it became possible to spell the vernacular by its sounds. Subsequently, the native literature was written in a peculiarly mixed form of both Chinese ideographs and kana, and rapidly attained a degree of excellence that has not been equaled since. The literatures of the eleventh and the twelfth centuries are much admired today. The works of such brilUant court ladies as Murasaki-shikibu, Izumi-shikibu, and Sei-shonagon are the flowers of Japanese literature. Literary works gradually accumulated. About 1270 the Kanazawa Library was established, where nearly all the Japanese and Chinese books which existed in those days were kept for the general public. Education was gradually developing throughout the country, although until the beginning of the Tokugawa regime (1602 a.d.) the masses were able to receive elementary instruction only at the Buddhist temples. The Tokugawa Shogunate encouraged education, and a large number of schools were estabhshed under the direction of the central government, of the local lords, and of private scholars. The highest government school for training ofl&cials was the Shohei-ko, which was established 10 TBE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN in 1630 for teaching Chinese classics, history, reading, literature, and Japanese learning. Other provincial schools followed the system of the Shohei-ko and gave similar curricula. The education of the common people was in the hands of the priests at first, but later lay scholars opened private schools and taught there elementary reading, letter- writing, arithmetic, etiquette, and calligraphy. The eighth Shogun, Yoshimune (1713-44), encouraged popular education, and from then on it became widely diffused. About this time several such prominent scholars as Yekken Kaibara and Tekisai Nakamura wrote a number of books which appealed to the less-educated masses, and which therefore accelerated the diffusion of culture among the common people. A con- siderable proportion of the male population could now read and write sufficiently to meet their daily necessities. The majority of the female population remained illiterate. Besides the schools, pilgrimages which were in vogue in Old Japan, popular dramas, and story-telling contributed to some extent to the education of the common people. REFERENCES Education in Japan, 1915, Department of Education of Japan. Graphic Illustrations of Communication in Japan, 1915, Japan Department of Communication. History of Education in Japan, 1910, Department of Education of Japan. History of Telegraphs in Japan, 1892, Japan Department of Communication. Imperial Government Railways, 1915, Japan Department of Communi- cation. Japan Year Book, 1905-17. Japan Year Book, 1915-17. KikucM, Dairoku, Japanese Education. Kokumin, The, Kokumin Nenkan, 1916-18. Mercantile Marine, 1892, Japan Department of Commimication. Nippon Kotsu Shi-ron, Japan Historical and Geographical Association. Okuma, Shigenobu, Fifty Years of New Japan, Vols. I and II. Postal Service in Japan, 1892, Japan Department of Conmiunication. Takegoshi, Yosaburo, Nisen-gohyakunen Shi. CHAPTER III THE PREJOURNALISTIC PERIOD (BEFORE 1868) Illiteracy and segregation of the masses and the poHcy of repression held by the government stunted the development of the newspaper. But a common culture was being slowly diffused throughout the country by the new written language. In Old Japan, previous to the intro- duction of modern journalism in 1868, news and opinions were con- veyed in various ways, imperfect though they were. These methods may be considered as the forerunners of newspapers in Japan, and can be classified into five groups — the song period, the scribbling period, pictorial and ballad period, the joke-book and yellow-cover period, and the lampoon period. Before writing was introduced from China in 284 a.d., news and ideas were conveyed mainly by songs. The Japanese were a poetic people from the earliest period of national history, and poetry had devel- 9ped before written language came into use. Songs of the mythological period are the prototype of later poems. The first legendary song recorded in the history of Japan is probably the stanza which the goddess Uzume sang while she danced before the heavenly cave. The story runs as follows: When Susanowo, the mischievous moon-god, teased his beautiful sister Amaterasu, the sun-goddess, who is said to be the maternal ancestor of the Japanese imperial family of five generations previous to the first x Emperor Jimmu, she hid herself in a heavenly cave and shut the rocky door so tightly that the whole universe suddenly turned pitch-dark. Then eight milliard deities assembled, consulted together, and formed a plan to lure Amaterasu out of the cave. A great musical feast was begim in front of the cave door, and Uzume, the laughing goddess, danced and sang wonderfully. The cele- bration was so great that the sun-goddess could not resist the temptation and at last opened the rocky door slightly and peeped out. Tachikp,rawo, or the heavenly-hand-strength-male-god, suddenly took hold of her hand and pulled 12 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN her out of the cave, and again the heaven and earth brightened and there was light. The stanza which Uzume sang on that occasion was: Gods behold the cavern door, Majesty appears — hurrah! Our hearts are quite satisfied, Behold my charms I ^ When Susanowo, the moon-god, descended from heaven and married an earthly goddess, Kushi-Inada-Hime, and built his august palace in the Province of Izumo (Northern Japan), clouds of eight beautiful colors suddenly arose there. Then Susanowo made a song: Ya-kumo tatsu: Idzumo ya-he-gaki; tsuma-gomi-ni Ya-he-gaki tsukuru: Sono ya-he-gakiwo. This was translated by Chamberlain as follows: Eight clouds arise. The eightfold (or manifold) fence of Idzumo makes an eightfold (or manifold) fence for the spouses to retire within. Oh! that eightfold fence! The old Japanese songs mostly consist of seven and five syllables alter- nating in each line, and the method of expressing the ideas and feeUngs is extremely simple. By a peculiar method of reiteration and pause these primi- tive poems are capable of giving vivid impressions. I will show a few more examples of old songs, translated by Lafcadio Heam. This song from the Gempei Seisuiki (Account of the Prosperity and DecUne of the Two Great Clans Gen and Hei) was composed in the twelfth century. Both form and mind — Lo! how these change! The falling of tears Is like the water of a cataract. Let them become the Pool Of the Lotos of the Good Law! Poling thereupon The Boat of Salvation, Vouchsafe that my sinking Body may ride! 1 Translation by W. G. GriflEis, Japan in History, Folk Lore, and Art, pp. 37-38. THE PREJOURNALISTIC PERIOD 13 Who twice shall live his youth? What flower faded blooms again? Fugitive as dew Is the form regretted, Seen only In a moment of dream.* It is customary in, Japan when young people marry for the woman to enter the man's house. There the mother-in-law and the sisters of the husband are the greatest terrors of the timid bride. EYE OF MOTHER-IN-LAW In the shadow of the mountain What is it that shines so? Moon is it, nor star? — or is it the fire-fly insect? Neither is it moon. Nor yet star; It is the old woman's eye; it is the eye of my mother- in-law that shines. (Chorus) It is her Eye that shines!^ OLD DANCE SONG IN PROVINCE OF SANUKI Oh! the cruelty, the cruelty of my mother-in-law! (Chorus) Oh! the cruelty! Even tells me to paint a picture on running water! If ever I paint a picture on running water. You will count the stars in the night-sky! Count the stars in the night-sky! — Come! Let us dance the Dance of the Honorable Garden! Chan-chan! Cha-cha! Yoitomose, Yoitomose! Who cuts bamboo at the back of the house? (Chorus) Who cuts the bamboo? My sweet lord's [husband's] own bamboo, the first he planted. The first he planted? 1 Translation by Lafcadio Hearn in Shadowings, p. 192. ^ An old folk-song simg in the province of Shinano. Translation by Lafcadio Hearn in Shadowings, p. 171. 14 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN — Come! Let us dance the Dance of the Honorable Garden! Chan-chan! Cha-cha! Yoitomose, Yoitomose! Oh! the cruelty, the cruelty of my mother-in-law! Oh! the cruelty! Tells me to cut and make a hakama [skirt] out of rock! If ever I cut and saw a hakama out of rock, Then you will learn to twist the fine sand into thread, Twist into thread. — Come! Let us dance the Dance of the Honorable Garden! Chan-chan! Cha-cha! Yoitomose, Yoitomose! Chan-chan-chan! ' After the introduction of Chinese ideographs, scribblings on walls of houses and posts became a means of communication. They were mostly satirical matters, such as criticisms of authorities and other dignitaries, and miscellanies. Travelers frequently left messages on the walls of hotels and inns. In 1045 Takakuni Minamoto, a nobleman, built a villa at Uji to provide a free resting-place for travelers. From the various reports of his guests from different parts of the country he composed interesting articles and published two books, Konjaku-Monogatari and Uji-Ishu. About 1600 A.D. lithographing was invented, and subsequently news was printed for the first time on one- or two-page papers, generally with some illustrations. These news sheets were read aloud by hawkers on the streets and in other public places, and therefore they obtained the name yomiuri, or "hawked about." This lithographing was called kawara-ban (tile-block print) because it was engraved on, clay to make the tile block. Later wood-block engraving on cherry wood was introduced, but it stUl retained the name of kawara-ban. The earliest tile-block print known today was made in 1615 with an illustrated description of the battle of Abe, which took place between Hideyori and lyeyasu on May 7 of that year, and in which lyeyasu was 1 Translation by Lafcadio Heam in Shadowings, pp. 171-72. THE PREJOVRNALISTIC PERIOD 15 victorious in vanquishing the Toyotomi Clan. The author is supposed to have been no less than lyeyasu himself. He distributed the news of his victory throughout the country to influence the feudal lords to aid him. At that time there were already movable t3^es made of wood, and several books were printed from these. It is said that lyeyasu, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, gave 300,000 wood types to the Ashikaga school with orders to publish in print many old manu- scripts. It is also reported that, in 1614, 200,000 copper types were cast by the Tokugawa government in order to print the Buddhist scriptures and works of classical literatures. But the illustrated print was still very rare, and for more than sixty years after that time there was no other illustrated newspaper known to have been in existence. In the Genroku Era (1688-1703) love ballads became popular, and every sensational incident in love affairs was hawked by the ballad singers on the streets. This era was one of the most extravagant periods in Japanese history. All the country enjoyed peace and pros- perity; and the luxurious life and general moral laxity supplied endless resources for the popular ballad, which was enthusiastically welcomed by the public. The hawkers of these ballads were called tsurebtishi (singer s-in-pair), for they went around by pairs singing. The majority of these hawkers were people who through misfortune and dissipation were unable any longer to do hard work. However, the literary skill and musical accomplishment acquired in prosperous days enabled them to compose ballads of popular interest and to sing them on the streets. It was a custom of these ballad singers to cover their heads with hats woven of reeds in order to conceal their identity.^ In 1688, when the famous forty-seven ronin (masterless samurai) of Ako had taken up the feud of their former lord, a detailed account of the incident was at once written as a ballad and sold by singers on the streets of Yedo and other large cities. 1 In the chapter called "Fallen Rich Man," of a book entitled The Second Gen- eration of Sensual Mow, published in 1684, the following passage is found: "Messrs. Shichi and Hachi, brothers of Kaneya Company, their mortgaged estate having been forfeited, moved to Matsuyacho, and even very late at night were unmistakably seen going around the streets singing tsure-bushi with hoarse voices," etc. (Kamezo Asakura, Honcho Shimbun-shi, p. 4.) i6 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN It is said that the street ballad was sometimes a means of blackmail. In order to check these scandals and the demoralizing effect of sensual literature, public notices were published by the Shogunate in November, 1684, and again on February 21, 1698, which read as follows: Recently there have been people who are printing current gossip in the form of popular baUads and selling them in the cities. House owners are ordered to scrutinize their tenants and roomers and to prohibit any persons from printing such ballads on their premises. If the city or village officials find the peddlers of such ballads, they must arrest and deUver them to the guardhouses. Upon conviction, both the writers of the baUads and the peddlers shall be punished accordingly. Inspectors wUl soon be dispatched from the central government to investigate local conditions, and the local authorities are expected to have carried out this order effectively before that time. This checked the writing of ballads until about 1704. At this time the ballad adopted the literary and musical form of the saimon. The saimon were chants composed by Shinto priests for funerals and memorial services. As this 5omo«-chanting had an attractive form and senti- mental appeal, it was used as a cloak for the forbidden ballad and gradually brought about a revival of the street singing. Later a banjo player was added to the two ballad singers, and the song attracted , more attention than before. The following is a translation by Laf cadio Hearn of one of the popular street ballads of those days sung by the wandering banjo players: THE DITTY OF 0-KICHI AND SEIZA (0-Kichi-Seiza Kudoki) Now hear the pitiful story of two that died for love: In Kyoto was the thread shop of Yoemon, a merchant known far and near, a man of much wealth. His business prospered; his hfe was fortunate. One daughter he had, an' only chUd, by name 0-Kichi: at sixteen years she was lovely as a flower. Also he had a clerk in his house, by name Seiza, just in the prime of youth, aged twenty-and-two. Yanrei! {refrain for pause) Now the young man Seiza was handsome; and 0-Kichi fell in love with him at sight. And the two were so often together that their secret affection THE PREJOURNALISTIC PERIOD 17 became known; and the matter came to the ears of the parents of Kichi; and they, hearing of it, felt that such a thing could not be suffered to continue. Yanrei! So, at last, the mother, having called 0-Kichi into a private room, thus spoke to her: "0 my daughter, I hear that you have formed a secret relation ■with the young man Seiza, of our shop. Are you willing to end that relation at once, and not to think any more about that man, 0-Kichi? Answer me, O my daughter." Yanrei! "0 my dear mother," answered 0-Kichi, "what is this that you ask me to do? The closeness of the relation between Seiza and me is the closeness of the relation of the iuk to the paper that it penetrates. Therefore, whatever may happen, O mother of mine, to separate from Seiza is more than I can bear." Yanrei! Then the father, having called Seiza to the innermost private room, thus spoke to him: "I have called you here only to tell you this: You have turned the mind of our daughter away from what is right; and even to hear of such a matter is not to be borne. Pack up your things at once, and go! Today is the utmost limit of the time that you remain in this house." Yanrei! Now Seiza was a native of Osaka. Without saying more than "Yes, yes," he obeyed and went away, returning to his home. There he remained four or five days, thinking only of 0-Kichi. And because of his longing for her, he fell sick; and as there was no cure and no hope for him, he died. Yanrei! Then one night 0-Kichi, in a moment of sleep, saw the face of Seiza close to her pillow, so plainly that she could not tell whether it was real, or only a dream. And rising up, she looked about; but the form of Seiza had vanished. Yanrei! Because of this she made up her mind to go at once to the house of Seiza. And, without being seen by anyone, she fled from the home of her parents. Yanrei! i8 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN When she came to the ferry at the next village, she did not take the boat, but went round by another road; and making all haste she found her way to the city of Osaka. There she asked for the house of Seiza, and learned that it was in a certain street, the third house from a certain bridge. Yanrei! Arriving at last before the house of Seiza, she took off her traveling hat of straw; and seating herself on the threshold of the entrance, she cried out: "Pardon me kindly! Is not this the house of Master Seiza?" Yanrei! Then — the pity of it! She saw the mother of Seiza, weeping bitterly, and holding in her hand a Buddhist rosary. "O my good young lady," the mother of Seiza asked, "whence have you come, and whom do you want to see?" Yanrei! And O-Kichi said: "I am the daughter of the thread-merchant of Kyoto. And I have come all the way here only because of the love that has long existed between Master Seiza and myself. Therefore, I pray you, kindly permit me to see him." Yanrei! "Alas!" made answer the weeping mother, "Seiza, whom you have come so far to see, is dead. Today is the seventh day from the day on which he died." .... Hearing these words O-Kichi herself could only shed tears. Yanrei! But after a little whUe she took her way to the cemetery. And there she found the sotoba (a wooden lath, bearing a Buddhist text, planted above the grave) erected above the grave of Seiza; and leaning upon it, she wept aloud. Yanrei! Then — ^how fearful a thing is the longing of a person — the grave of Seiza split asunder; and the form of Seiza rose up therefrom and spoke. Yanrei! "Ah! is not this O-Kichi that has come? Kind indeed it was to have come to me from so far away! My O-Kichi, do not weep thus. Never again, even though you weep, can we be imited in this world. But as you love me THE PREJOURNALISTIC PERIOD 19 truly, I pray you to set some fragrant flowers before my tomb, and to have a Buddhist service said for me upon the anniversary of my death." Yanrei! And with these words the form of Seiza vanished. "0 wait, wait for me! " cried 0-Kichi, "wait one Kttle moment! I cannot let you return alone! I shall go with you in a little time! " Yanrei! Then quickly she went beyond the temple-gate to a moat some four or five cho {cho is about one-fifteenth of a mile) distant; and having fiUed her sleeves with small stones, into the deep water she cast her forlorn body. Yanrei! In 1718 the peddling of ballads was again prohibited, and in Decem- ber, 1722, the following decree was issued: Printing and sale of any unfounded gossip and the news of double suicide of lovers have been heretofore prohibited, but we are informed that there are stiU many violations of this law. Hereafter officers will be dispatched to arrest all such lawbreakers. Whenever persons violating this decree are found, the local authorities are requested to make arrest and deliver them to the nearest guardhouses. Local authorities who intentionally neglect this duty shall also be punished. This law put an end to the making of street ballads in Japan.^ The broadsides published thereafter contained mainly articles on blood-feuds, articles on filial piety, news of great fires, earthquakes, floods, upon the birth of triplets, the visits of distinguished foreigners, festivals, dramas, etc. These sheets lacked the sensational element con- tained in the old love ballads. Furthermore, the peddlers were not allowed to sing or read on the streets, and could merely shout the head- lines. The majority of the common people could not read the sheets, and paid no attention to them. Something else had to take their place. ' It is said that the ballads of the sensational stories of double suicide committed by unfortunate young lovers instigated more such acts, so that the government was forced to put a ban on such ballads. 20 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN After the Restoration of 1868 the ballad again made its appearance. As late as a decade ago the singers of ballads were seen in temple yards, in parks, and on streets, on fSte days, drawing large crowds of people. However, the street ballad was entirely stopped by the government order of 1722, and in its place small-sized pamphlets called "joke books" (share-bon) and "yellow covers" (kibyoshi) made their appearance in the An-ei Era (1722-80). They were stories, sometimes in verse, frequently illustrated, the matter of which was apparently innocent, but often only a disguise for the secrets of the Shogunate court or of the local lords. There were, for instance, stories in which the characters were historical personages who were easily recognized as officials of the contemporary government. These disguises were easily penetrated by the readers, and the books became very popular. Before long, however, a strict law was again introduced against them, and severe punishments were inflicted on the composers and illustrators. Romances based on facts of gossip did not appear again until the beginning of the modern era. Whatever has been said thus far has reference to all publications not directly con- cerned with political matters. As to political topics the restrictions were always severe and writers were summarily punished, often indeed exe- cuted. This was true whether the censored matter was printed or hand- copied, published in the form of news or in the form of fiction. The grievances of the people could not be entirely suppressed, but their ex- pression took a peculiar form. This expression took the form of lam- poons, the natural product of this arbitrary suppression. They were generally comic verses or stories of a satirical nature, aiming at criticism of the government and its authorities, and posted in conspicuous places. The lampoon as a form of political expression had existed from the earliest period of national history, but this form of satire was neither popular nor effective in those days because of the limited literacy. Under the regime of the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603-1868), however, general edu- cation had been encouraged, and the progess of the art of printing had facilitated the distribution of literature. It was a paradox of the Toku- gawa regime that it promoted literacy on the one hand and suppressed the freedom of discussion on the other. That government did not legislate against the political lampoon, although extremely severe regulations were THE PREJOURNALISTIC PERIOD 2i put against all other news-conveying devices. This was perhaps because any prohibition against the lampoon was by its nature futile. The result was that the lampoon enjoyed an unprecedented prosperity. For in- stance, during the Hoei Era (1704^10) lampoons criticizing the misgov- ernment of Senior Minister Yoshiyasu Sawayanagi, lord of Mino, were so numerous that someone pxiblished a large volume entitled Hoei Lam- poon composed of those collections. In those days the Senior Minister's power was absolute, and the slightest sign of irreverence toward him would have cost the guilty person his head. By means of the lampoon, however, people found free and bold expression for their accumulated grievances. Lampoons foresaw their best days in the national crisis at the end of the Tokugawa regime. Radicals, discontented persons, and fanatical patriots freely used this device as an outlet for their suppressed ideas and made it a medium of political discussion. With the beginning of the Meiji Era freedom of discussion was permitted. Consequently the lam- poon lost its significance and together with ballad and pictorial news its r61e was taken up by the modern printing press. There was no regular system of conveying official news under the Tokugawa regime. There were, however, official journals called Govern- ment Orders {Gosata-sho) and Official Clerks' Diary (Goyuhitsu-nikki) which recorded official actions, orders, notices, appointments, dismissals, etc., and which were sold for certain monthly fees. There was no definite form of stating those records, and the completeness of the duplicates largely depended on the amoimt of fees paid. There was also a co- operative organ called Associate Diary (Cho-ai) which the caretakers of the daintyo's (lords') mansions had established. This publication col- lected official proceedings of all daimyo together and distributed the copies among the members. These two sorts of journals were the pro- totypes of the existing official gazette. Among the people there also existed similar organs in narrower schemes. For instance, in the Koka Era (1844r-47) a man by the name of Yoshizo Fujiokaya, who lived in Hatago-cho, Kandaku, Yedo, cir- culated records of important official proceedings and current gossip in the city. 22 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN All these literatures heretofore described had acted, in some way or other, as a means of communication. They conveyed gossip, news, views, and opinions in irregular forms among the people, and to a certain extent aided the development of a common culture in the community. Their r61e in the formation of public opinion, however, was insignificant. Until free communication by speech and publicity develops over a wide area, the participation of the masses in the common life of a large com- munity is impossible. CHAPTER IV THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT THE END OF THE TOKUGAWA REGIME In the strict sense of the term public opinion did not exist among the people of Old Japan. It was impossible to organize public opinion over any large area of the state. Furthermore, views and opinions of the few intelligent persons were suppressed as injurious to the government before they reached the masses. Trained to passive obedience, the common people resorted to their final measure of protest — the riot— only when too harshly oppressed by heavy taxes. As for political affairs in general, the great mass of the people simply kept aloof provided their individual burden remained tolerable. It was only the upper classes — court nobles, lords, and samurai — who were really interested in political matters. Public opinion therefore simply meant the opinion of a small part of one million upper-class people, who dominated the remaining thirty million. It was in this situation that the whole nation was at last aroused from its long-continued political hibernation and was brought into a more or less conscious state in reference to public affairs. The Spanish and the Portuguese missionaries of the sixteenth cen- tury, by their thoughtless interference in the internal politics of Japan, had given the Japanese rulers an unfortunate impression that all the foreigners had an intention of territorial aggression upon the empire. Therefore, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Tokugawa Shogunate closed the country to all foreigners except the Dutch. From that time on Japan enjoyed a peaceful life for more than two and a half centuries in complete isolation from the rest of the world. But by the eighteenth century the Western powers began to press her with the re- quest to open the country for trade and intercourse with them. That was a shock to the long-secluded island people. Fear, excitement, con- flicting opinions, and violent disputes resulted at last in the decay of the Shogunate regime, and the way was opened for New Japan under the direct rule of the Emperor. 23 24 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN The earliest visitor from the Western world, with the exceptions of Holland, Spain, and Portugal, was Russia, whose warship came in October, 1793,^ to the eastern coast of Hokkaido, asking for trade. When this news was spread in the country, the inteUigent classes began to consider the problem of foreign relations seriously. Subsequently, more Russian warships made frequent visits to different parts of Japan, and pillaged the inhabitants in several places. On August 15, 1808, an English ship visited the harbor of Nagasaki, and in May, 1818, another English boat came to Uraga. In August, 1824, an English ship pillaged Takara-shima Island, and again in April, 1848, another English ship pillaged the seaport of Shimoda. All these incidents greatly excited the authorities, but each time they managed to conceal the facts from the public. , On June 3, 1853, four American vessels with crews numbering 560 persons, commanded by Commodore Perry, entered the port of Uraga and asked for trade. The surprise of both the authorities and the people was beyond description. This time the news in a greatly exaggerated form spread like wildfire all over the country, although the authorities tried again to keep it concealed. On June 6 the American ships pro- ceeded to Hommoku, which is near Yokoharha, and pressed an im- mediate reply. There were two parties then in government, one advocating war and the other a peaceful settlement. After a stormy discussion the peace party won, and th6 following reply was handed to Perry: The matter which you proposed is of extremely serious nature in our state, and accordingly we cannot decide it immediately. Please come, therefore, next year to the Port of Uraga and receive the answer. At this time a large number of lampoons were distributed in Yedo and vicinity, a few examples of which are below: Divine-storms belong to the realm of a long past! How ridiculous it is to offer such flattering prayers to Gods and Buddha in a great haste at this time! (Originally a verse.) '■ All dates given for the events which happened previous to January 1, 1873, are by the lunar calendar. The solar calendar was adopted in Japan on January 1, 1873, i.e. December 3, 1872, by the lunar calendar. POLITICS AT END OF TOKUGAWA RMGIME 25 This lampoon ridiculed the attitude of the authorities, who had begun in great haste to complete the national coast defense, and at the same time had ordered the high priests to present prayers for peace at several temples.^ Commodore Perry agreed to wait for his answer until the next year and departed. The following lampoon was distributed: Great Ships: For a long time foreign vessels have been lingering in the Bay. However strongly the lords may defend the coast, they shall expect these vessels to come again in the Uraga Bay. Bang! Bang! Dung! Dung! All minds were bewildered, and the honorable Lords were excited. These vessels, however, seem to be preparing for their honorable return trip. But they will come again in the near future, and then let us enjoy more excitement! Ah, indeed, very precious things have arrived! Yours truly ,2 In January, 1854, Perry came again with four warships and entered deep into the Yedo Bay, which heretofore had been strictly forbidden to aU foreign vessels. The government protested and requested him to return to the port of Uraga for further negotiation. He took a firm stand and said, "We came from far away, and cannot endure to waste 1 In the summer of 1363 a.d., the great Tartar Chieftain Kublai-Khan, with the intention of conquering Japan, sent an expeditionary force of 100,000 strong, rein- forced by 40,000 Koreans, on 3,000 warsliips. Shogun Tokimune Hojo had offered a prayer for victory at the shrine of the sun-goddess at Ise, the traditional maternal imperial ancestor, and then hurried to the front and decisively defeated the invaders in the vicinity of Hakata of Kyushu Island. When the defeated enemy waS preparing to depart for home, a violent storm suddenly stirred up the hitherto calm Japan Sea, and most of their vessels were swallowed up by the raging billows. The few rem- nants were immediately attacked by the Japanese ships and completely destroyed. This incident was called "Divine Wind" and has been transmitted in the memory of the nation ever since. Now, the lampoon ridiculed the greatly confused attitude of the Shogunate Comrt, and laughed at the miraculous "Divine Wind" idea of the authorities, which, how- ever, will not so conveniently occur again. " Originally a verse. 26 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN any more time. If we receive your consent to our request, w^e will leave here. Otherwise, we shall proceed to Yedo at once and decide the matter there, or shall remain here to see a prompt settlement." Thereupon several daimyo became extremely furious and asked the Shogunate Court to permit them to fight the Americans with their own clan forces, but these petitions were all rejected. On March 3, 1854, a treaty of com- merce consisting of twelve articles was concluded, and Japan opened for the first time three of her ports, Shimoda, Hakodate, and Nagasaki, to the foreigners. Again on June 13, 1858, Townsend Harris came with two American warships, and, being joined by a Russian warship, warned Japan that England and France would soon come and demand a treaty by force. They added that if Japan should conclude a satisfactory treaty with America and Russia now, they would mediate in those impending diffi- culties. After a long conference, the authorities decided that the world's situation would not permit an isolated national existence, and that sooner or later the country was to be opened to aU foreigners. The greatest difficulty at that time was the conflicting opinion existing between the Imperial Court and the Shogunate Court. The former, still being blind as to the world-situation, strongly insisted on the exclusion of foreigners, while the latter, having been already enlightened by practical diplomacy, saw the necessity of opening the state. The Shogunate Court at last decided its foreign policy, and Senior Minister Naosuke li, a man of strong will, concluded the treaties without asking for imperial sanction. This fact made the loyalists furious, and gathering in Kyoto, the capital of Old Japan, they began bitterly to criticize the Shogunate 's foreign policy and the arbitrariness of Minister li. Thereupon li started a wholesale execution of the prominent loyal- ists, and also punished a large number of high officials both of the Imperial and the Shogunate courts who had opposed his actions. He, of course, became an object of hatred to thousands of loyalists and foreign exclusionists, and on March 3, 1860, he was attacked by a band of zealots on his way to the Shogunate Court and was assassinated. Regardless of li's death, the foreign policy of the government was not changed. On January 15, 1862, Masanobu Ando, li's successor in the Senior Minister's POLITICS AT END OF TOKVGAWA REGIME 27 office, was also attacked by assassins, but he escaped. Thus the more difficult the foreign relations grew, the bitterer the internal conflict became; and executions and assassinations were daily happenings. The Tokugawa Shogunate even before Commodore Perry's visit was destined to be overthrown in the nineteenth century. Since the latter part of the eighteenth century, Dutch books had become popular. The so-called Dutch scholars, enlightened as to the world-situation through these Western literatures, became the pioneer advocates of the open-door policy, and introduced many new ideas into Japan. Scholars of classical learning and of national history disclosed the original national constitu- tion in which the Emperor had been the supreme chief of the state, both de jure and de facto, and thus impressed the people with the fact that shoguns were merely political usurpers. Subsequently, the number of loyalists rapidly increased, and they boldly discussed the necessity of abolishing the Shogunate. There was stUl another factor which worked against the maintenance of the Tokugawa Shogunate, i.e. the powerful western daimyo. After the fall of the Toyotomi Clan, they had been forced to recognize the supremacy of Tokugawa, and had always been awaiting an opportunity to become independent again. At first the Shogunate persecuted the Dutch scholars and their fol- lowers who had advocated the open-door policy. But, when it was at last obKged to consent to the demands of the Western powers, the loyalists with their foreign-exclusion doctrine bitterly criticized the Shogunate Coiurt, and then the western daimyo availed themselves of this rare opportunity to stand against the Tokugawa Clan. The fanatic loyal foreign exclusionists [and the discontented and ambitious western daimyo gathered in the Imperial Court of Kyoto and made strong pro- tests against the Shogunate in the name of the Emperor. The prestige and power of the Tokugawa regime were thus rapidly declining, and the visit of Commodore Perry was the last and greatest incentive which precipitated the downfall of the Shogunate. The diplomatic difficulties and the internal disturbances now got beyond the control of the Tokugawa Shogunate. The intelligent daimyo became convinced that the Shogunate should restore all political power to the Emperor, and that only under the latter's direct command could 28 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN the nation be unified to safely meet the international difficulties. Yodo Yamanouchi and Shigenaga Asano first of all had advised Shogun Keiki to that effect. Thereupon the latter convoked a great meeting of all daimyo and the influential vassals at his castle in Yedo for discussion. He decided to restore all his political power to the Emperor, and on October 14, 1867, presented a petition to the Throne. It was approved the next day, and October 24, Keiki, the Fifteenth Tokugawa Shogun, resigned his grand political and military posts. Thus the Tokugawa Shogunate, which had been established by lyeyasu, ended after two hundred and fifty-six years of the most successful feudal regime ever witnessed in history. Since Yoritomo had first established the feudal system in 1185, state affairs had been kept in the Shogun's hands, and emperors were mere figureheads of the state for six hundred and eighty-two years. But now the political institution of the state again returned to its original form, and the Emperor became the supreme chief. All these great political transformations, however, had been completed before the masses became aware of them. The system of communication was so defective that the happenings in one part of the country were almost unknown in other distant parts, and even the upper classes had met with great difficulty in finding out the real situation before making their own decisions. Only meager information greatly mixed with scan- dal and exaggerated by wild rumors ran through the country, and the great mass of the people, who were ignorant and therefore credulous, remained in the dark until sometime after the new regime had been established. When the state of affairs was at last made clear, the people could scarcely believe that the Lord Shogun, of absolute power and the dignity of a god, could have been overthrown in such a short time. The western daimyo, the principal force which destroyed the Tokugawa regime, were really the revolutionists, who stood against the long-established Shogunate goverrmient, the de facto sovereign of the state. But by guarding the Imperial Court, the de jure sovereign, they gained the name loyalists, and the Shogun and his followers, on the contrary, were labeled the insurgents. As far as the masses were concerned, the ques- tion as to which was really right was a riddle. Therefore, about this time there was made such a saying as, "Victors of civil war, whoever they POLITICS AT END OF TOKUGAWA REGIME 29 may be, are called the loyalists, and the defeated are indiscriminately called the insurgents." Revolutions in Japan were always different in one respect from those of other countries. The de jure sovereignty of the state has been invariably kept by emperors, and no attempt has been made on them. In the feudal period the victors of civil wars had gained control over the Imperial Court and exercised de facto sovereignty in the state with imperial sanction. They branded aU their rivals "rebels" and proclaimed themselves "loyalists," a term which signified justice and righteousness to the people. If communication had been well developed, there must have arisen a strong public opinion which would have withheld the power from this small niunber of men. Then the solution of the case might have taken a much different course, although the final result was probably the same, i.e. the restoration of de facto sovereignty to the Emperor. CHAPTER V DEVELOPMENT OF COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN NEW JAPAN THE SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION IN NEW JAPAN In this chapter the development of the system of communication and general education from the beginning of New Japan until today will be related to the growth of the printing press. For each period in our succeeding study of the newspaper, therefore, reference will have to be frequently made to the findings in this chapter. The modern mail system in Japan originated in a novel manner. Baron Mayeshima, who, under the old regime, had spent most of his time in traveling around the country, felt deeply the defects of the communication system in Japan. From an American missionary, Mr. Williams, he learned about the Western system of mail transporta- tion and its great influence on the more advanced achievements of the Western nations. Because of his knowledge of the English language, of his broad experience in the matter of communication under the old regime, and of his rare talent, Mayeshima, then a young man, was appointed by the new government as the Chief Secretary of the newly estabhshed Bureau of Transportation {Ekitei Kyoku). Immediately, in May, 1870, he opened a regular mail service between Tokyo and Osaka, covering a distance of 360 miles. In this new mail system postage stamps came into use. At first very thin and fragile paper was used to print them, so that they could be used but once. Later the cancellation method of preventing their re-use was adopted. By 1873 the modern mail system was extended throughout the country, and private couriers had been abolished. People were slow to understand the nature of the public mail service. They tried to beat down the postal fees, asked for the usual gifts of tea and tobacco^ in 1 In Old Japan it was customary for a business house to treat its customers with tea and tobacco. This is still in practice in most country towns. 30 COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN NEW JAPAN 31 post-office, and demanded the personal delivery of each piece of mail by the carrier. It was several years before the general public became convinced of the merit of the new mail system, and the Bureau of Transportation did not have much business to do in the earlier period. For this reason it encouraged the newspapers by giving them special privileges in order to increase its own official functions. All manuscripts were exempted from postal fees, and the delivery of one copy of each paper in the metro- politan district was charged with the postage of only one-eighth of a cent. The private couriers lost their business on transmission of regular mails now, but, under the encouragement of the government officials, they established express agencies and engaged in the transportation of commodities. In 1877 Japan was admitted to the membership of the Universal Postal Union, and soon she was provided with effective postal and telegraphic systems. In 1885 the Bureau of Transportation was advanced to an independent state department, called the Department of Communication {Teishin-Sho). Before the telegraph was introduced rapid communication in Japan was obtained by means of beacons, rockets, and flag signalings. Tele- graphic apparatus was for the first time brought into the country by Commodore Perry of the United States in 1854, and was presented to the Tokugawa Shogun as a gift. In 1858 Nariaki Shimazu, the daimyo of Satsuma, established the wires in his castle and experimented with them for his personal use. In 1869 the new government established telegraphy between Tokyo and Yokohama, and gradually extended it into other localities. In 1885 it was extended throughout the country, and in 1886 both postal and telegraphic services were consolidated. Wireless teleg- raphy has since then been introduced, but is confined to military uses. The table on page 32 shows the development of both the postal and the telegraphic services in Japan : The telephone was estabhshed between Yokohama and Tokyo, in 1877, and the next year the service was extended to several other local- ities, but for official use only. Since 1895, however, it has gradually been introduced into all large cities for general use, and at present small country towns are also provided with it. The applications for telephones 32 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN have been far in excess of the number of installations which the author- ities can undertake with the funds at their disposal. At the end of POST AND TELEGRAPH OFFICES ' Year Postal-Telegraphy Offices Post- Offices Total Number 1871 179 3,738 5,093 4,053 3,367 3,056 3,405 3,283 3,475 3,305 179 1876 3,738 5,093 4,054 3,696 4,325 5,898 6,854 7,243 7,334 1881 1886 1 329 1,269 2,493 3,571 3,763 4,029 1891 1898 1903 1908 1913 1916 March, 1916, the outstanding applications numbered 140,000. The introductory tables given on page 33 show the growth of telephone and telegraph service in Japan. The first railway in Japan was begun in the spring of 1870 and com- pleted in May, 1872. It extended 18 miles — ^between Tokyo and Yoko- hama. In July, 1870, a twenty-mile line between Osaka and Kobe was also started. In 1877 a twenty-seven mile line between Kyoto and Osaka was opened, and subsequently many new lines were gradually constructed year after year both by government and by private corporations. In 1908, however, all the important railroads owned by the private corpora- tions were purchased by the government and put under the control of a special bureau of railways. The opening of highways to build railroads through the mountains was an exceedingly difficult task in Japan. For this reason water trans- portation has always been more efficient since the beginning of national history. Under the Tokugawa regime the building of large boats was strictly prohibited both to the lords and the people, and therefore there was nothing but the small junk. After 1868, however, the number of • This table was made from various sources. This is true of the succeeding tables also. COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN NEW JAPAN 33 TELEPHONE SERVICE IN JAPAN Year Number of Subscribers Number of Exchanges 1893 2,672 8,064 35,013 78,517 157,167 181,881 200,271 211,540 221,048 24 1898 40 1903 356 1908 997 1912 2,497 2 878 1913 1914 3,066 1915 3,135 3,252 1916 TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE LINES (MILES) Year. Telegraph Lines Telephone 1868 8 432 1,517 2,216 2,570 3,070 25,356 52,475 84,587 111,908 117,763 122,830 (Figures for the period between 1877 and 1892 1874 ... . 1879 1884 not obtainable) 1889 1891 1893 4,400 1898 • 31,282 1903 113,415 1908 210,186 1913 458,662 1916 562,352 TABiE SHOWING THE DEVELOPMENT OF RAILWAYS IN JAPAN (MILES) Year Government Owned Private Total MUes 1872 17.69 64.66 181.53 598.14 557.47 771.37 1,244.70 4,542.28 5,860.00 17.69 1878 64.66 1883 63.63 450.03 1,482.11 2,649.13 3,150.56 447.05 1,700.00 245.36 1888 1,048.19 1893 2,039.60 1898 3,420.50 1903 4,495.47 1908 5,019.53 1917 7,600.00 34 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN large-sized seagoing vessels rapidly increased and, together with the development of land transportation, they have been a great factor in the national progress. TABLE SHOWING INCREASE OF SHIPS Steam Vessels Sailing Vessels JlINKS Numbei' Tonnage Number Tonnage Number Tonnage 1872 96 183 344 486 607 1,441 1,988 2,304 2,157 2,129 23,364 49,105 42,107 72,322 95,588 609,951 938,783 1,160,440 1,656,238 1,711,645 35 75 432 798 835 3,977 4,132 5,379 9,031 10,031 8,320 13,648 49,0)94 60,975 50,137 334,507 334,684 384,481 559,677 641,956 18,640 18,964 17,309 17,194 18,701 331,228 1877 325,143 1882 292,876 1887 285,125 316,710 1891 1902 1905 1908 (Figures for the period after 1891 not obtain a.hlp^ 1916 1917 Since the Restoration of Meiji, highways have been fairly well developed throughout the country. Bridges and ferries have been per- fected, mountain passes opened, and various other obstacles, which had existed under the feudal regime, have entirely disappeared. The fol- lowing table shows the extension of highways in the country at the end of 1913: HIGHWAYS IN JAPAN National highways (42 ft. or wider) 2,178 ri* Prefectural highways (24-30 ft.) 9,179 n Village highways (indefinite width) 107,768 ri Total 119,125 ri * A ri is 2.44030 miles. The largest number of vehicles for land transportation are moved by human power. For this reason the traffic is slow and inefficient. Only a small number of automobiles were in use in 1915, although since that time there has been a rapid increase, and we can safely estimate that the figures given on page 35 must now be multiplied by many times. COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN NEW JAPAN 35 NUMBER OF VEHICLES IN JAPAN, DECEMBER, 1915 Vehicles For Business For Personal Use Total Omnibuses Carriages (horse and ox) Jinrikisha (human power) Wagons (human power) 8,516 155,738 113,544 325,169 48,405 419 476 3,967 92,405 10,323 1,339,407 568,779 825 8,516 248,143 123,776 1,664,576 617,184 1,224 Cars moved by human power 476 41 4,008 Total 656,234 2,011,689 2,667,923 EDUCATION IN NEW JAPAN From its beginning the new regime of Meiji paid great attention to the diffusion of culture among all people. First of all, the class bar was removed from the educational circle, and equal opportunity was given to all citizens. In 1869 an ordinance relating to universities, middle schools, and elementary schools was issued, and in 1871 the State Depart- ment of Education was established to supervise and control national education. In 1872 an imperial rescript was promulgated which said, "Henceforward education shall be so diffused that there may not be a village with an ignorant family, nor a family with an ignorant mem- ber." In the same year the compulsory pubhc-school system was first estabUshed; and an entirely westernized education has been rapidly diffused among the younger generation of both sexes. Technical schools and highei>educational institutions were also rapidly developed, and m a decade illiteracy was reduced to a small proportion. In less than a generation after the birth of New Japan she has become one of the states which has the most advanced system of public education. The table introducing page 36 shows the development of public education in Japan. From this table it will be noticed that the increase of the school attendance by girls is remarkable, although earlier in the period it was far inferior to that of boys. The educational system was first modeled on the French and American types, and later, through Herr Hausknecht, on Germanism. However, since the war a reversal has set in. 36 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN NUMBER OF CHILDREN ATTENDING SCHOOLS Total Number op Childken under Obligation (6-12 Year? op Age) Percentage Attending Schools Year Boys Girls Total , Boys Girls Total 1873 28.00 1879 1893 1906 The exact figures for the period 1873- 1906 could not be obtained. 1 58.00 91.00 98.00 23.00 72.00 95.00 41.00 82.00 96.00 1910 1913 3,902,355 3,822,081 3,558,817 3,522,258 7,461,172 7,344,339 98.86 98.80 97.26 97.62 98.10 98.23 1915 3,932,091 3,645,373 7,577,464 98.80 97.67 98.26 The number of schools, teachers, and pupils in 1907 were as follows:' School Number of Schools Number of Teachers Number of Pupils Elementary Schools Schools for the Blind and Dumb Normal Schools Higher Normal Schools for Men Higher Normal Schools for Women Temporary Training Schools Secondary Schools Girls' High Schools High Schools (University Schools) Imperial Universities Professional Schools Industrial Schools Training Schools for Industrial Teachers Various Other Schools Total 27,125 38 69 2 1 4 285 132 7 3 53 5,284 3 2,173 35,179 122,038 208 1,176 122 45 15 5,462 2,011 291 503 1,745 5,738 7,705 5,713,664 4,034 19,359 975 365 87 111,436 40,272 4,888 7,370 26,318 250,090 173 150,668 147,059 6,329,699 Since 1907 there has been a considerable development of all sorts of schools. Especially have the organs for higher education been improved in 1919 by the increase of high schools, higher technical colleges, and imperial imiversities on the one hand, and by recognizing an equal standard of privileges for high schools, colleges, and universities, of private and national establishment, on the other. 1 Okuma, Fifty Years of New Japan, Vol. II, p. 172. COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN NEW JAPAN 37 The first public library was established in 1872. It has developed into the Imperial Library of Tokyo. Since 1881 when library regula- tions were issued the establishment of both public and private libraries has been encouraged. In 1915 there were altogether 667, of which 264 were of public, and 403 of private, maintenance. Many schools also have their own libraries open to the public. The best-equipped libraries are the Imperial Library of Tokyo and the library attached to the Tokyo Imperial University. In 1915 the former contained 522,887 volumes, of which 437,414 were of Japanese and Chinese books and 85,437 foreign. In the same year the latter library had a total of 504,000 volumes — 274,000 Japanese and Chinese and 230,000 foreign books. Thus, since the beginning of the new era, the systems of communica- tion and education have begim to improve. The restrictions against the freedom of discussion have been greatly diminished. The result is a rapid development of the modern printing press. CHAPTER VI AMATEUR JOURNALISM In the preceding chapter we have examined the history of the systems of communication and of education, the two most important factors in the development of pubUc opinion, and we have found that they have had a rapid and constant development. Among all means of communication which grew up with New Japan the most important one for political development was the newspaper. As soon as the barriers against free communication of speech and the press were partially lifted in 1868, newspapers began to make their appearance. During its first several years journalism was run primarily by amateurs who hoped to make themselves known by means of it. From the earliest period the dominant interest in most papers was political, especially anti-govern- ment propaganda. Therefore these early papers may be called political journals, but it is not proper to characterize them as "party organs," because there was no organized political party in Japan until 1880. The modern Japanese newspaper originated in the translation of Western newspapers by the government. In 1811 the Tokugawa Shogunate made it a part of the work of the Astronomical Observatory to translate Western literature. Under the regime of Shogun Yoshimune (1713-44) Dutch literature had been introduced, and until 1860 it was the only Western hterature studied by the Japanese. But in 1860 English, French, German, and Russian were also taken up by the Depart- ment of Translation, which name was then changed to the "Bureau for the Investigation of Western Literatures" {Yosho Shirabedokoro). This bureau was the origin of the Kaisei CoUege, the present Imperial University of Tokyo.' Yorozuya Heishiro, the director of the bureau, 1 In 1868 the new government changed the name of the Kaisei College to the Daigaku Nanko, and in 1877 it was combined with the Tokyo Medical College and was named the Tokyo University. Then it had four departments — law, medicine, science, and literature. In 1886 its name was again changed to the Tokyo Imperial University, and subsequently many more departments were added. 38 AMATEUR JOURNALISM 39 in 1864 published the translation of a Dutch newspaper of Batavia, Java, as the Batavia News (Kamban Batavia Shimbun). This paper was printed by means of movable wood types, invented at the begiiming of the seventeenth century, and was sold to the pubHc through the Rohokan bookstore by the government's order. The contents were a sort of foreign news, which, being quite out of date, could not constitute a newspaper in a strict sense. In the same year the Foreign News {Kaigai Shimbun), a translation of New York war news, and three other papers of similar nature made their appearance. They were the Universal News (Rikugo Sodan), Hongkong Shimbun, and Foreign News {Kaigai Shimpo), all of which were sold through the Rohokan bookstore. They were broadsides, printed on several sheets of hanshi,^ and containing no editorial, no poHtical or other contemporary news of Japan, and no advertising. The readers were limited to a small number of educated samurai, and the circulation was insignificant, perhaps several hundred for each issue. In March, 1868, under the new regime, the Dajokan Nisshi (Diary of the Privy Council) was published in Kyoto, and in May of the same year Kojo Nisshi {Diary of Yedo Castle) was published. As they were government enterprises, a large number of copies were printed and distributed regardless of expense. The subscribers were principally the officers of the central and local governments and school teachers. These two papers were the origin of the new government's official gazette which has further developed. Having been stimulated by the central government's example, organs were published by prefectural authorities, numbers of private newspapers appeared, and by the end of 1868 there were ten official gazettes and fifteen private papers. They had few editorials, and the greater part of the paper was filled with general news of the civil war which was going on at that time. The following article by Mr. Ishikawa illus- trates the situation of those days: The Hochi Shimbun was the first government organ published through the suggestion of Mitsu Mayejima, the Minister of Communication, and was called the Yubin Hochi Shimbun {Mail Reporting News). At that time this paper was proud of being a government organ. 1 Japanese paper 9}4X 12 inches. 40 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN In Matsumoto of the Prefecture of Shinano there is a paper called the Shina.no Nippo, which name was given by nie in 1895. Its origin was the Shimpi Shimhun, which was published by the Prefectural Office when the Chikuma Prefectural Office was in Matsumoto in the early period of the era of Meiji. Prefectural Governor Moriteru Noguyama had consulted with Chiaki Wata- nabe, his first secretary, and reached the conclusion that for the purpose of enlightening the local population there is nothing more effective than the pubhcation of newspapers. Thereupon he established the Bureau of News- papers and summoned the local scholars and influential citizens to his office. There he appointed the former as the officers of the new Bureau and ordered the latter to become subscribers of the newspaper which was to be published by the Bureau. These people considered this command a great honor and privilege. The fact that the newspaper carrier visited a house soon became a sign of an illustrious family, and the wealthy people from every village called at the Prefectural Office to beg for the privilege of becoming an honorable subscriber for the newspaper. Thereupon the petitions were granted for the reason that these people had an admirable mode of thinking. It sounds absurd now, but it was a real fact, and if we further investigate the matter, we might find many such cases in other localities also.' The first modern type of private newspaper was published in 1863 by an Englishman in Yokohama. However, it was a small paper printed only in English and was discontinued in a few months. The first news- paper of this kind published in Japan in the vernacular appeared in 1864. It was published by Ginko Kishida at his home, 142 Umeda- Cho, Yokohama. The following is an extract: I published my first newspaper in 1864. The motive of my newspaper enterprise lay in my acquaintance with Joseph Hikozo , f rom America, whUe I was engaged in the publication of an English- Japanese dictionary in co-operation with Dr. Hebon of Yokohama. Joseph Hikozo is a native of Japan, a fish- erman by name of Hikozo, and was bom in the Prefecture of Harima. In his eleventh year he was cast adrift on the ocean and arrived in America in his Uttle boat. He was educated there, and in 1853 came to Japan as Commodore Perry's official interpreter. He was provided with a residence in Yokohama by the Shogunate. At that time I happened to be living with Dr. Hebon, and there I met Hikozo for the first time. I kept up my friendship with him, dis- 1 Hanzan Ishikawa, special article in Shimbun Kogiroku, pp. 5-6. AMATEUR JOURNALISM 41 cussed with him things about foreign countries, and learned English from him. In those days a Senzo Homma of Kakegawa in the Prefecture of Harima lived in Yokohama studying English, who also visited Hikozo frequently. One day Hikozo told us that in America there is a thing called a newspaper. It collects interesting news of daily events, and the pubhcation of that news is distributed to the public. Previous to this I had been convinced ahready of the usefulness of the newspaper, but simply did not know the method of its publication. Now, having been enlightened and persuaded by Hikozo, I decided at last to try it. Then Hikozo translated Western newspapers, and Homma and I wrote the translations out in plaia Japanese. In those days there were no movable types and I had to write the block copies myself, and engrave and print them on five or six pages of Hanshi (writing paper in size 9}4X 12 inches). This was in 1864, and is the origin of newspapers and periodical press in Japan.i In spite of such strenuous effort, this enterprise did not arouse much interest in the public and failed after only a two months' trial. In January, 1867, a Dutchman named Berry published the Bankoku Shimbun {Universal News). He was a graduate of Cambridge Univer- sity and came to Yokohama as a missionary. With the httle time he could spare he began a trial of newspaper publication, employing Zendo Ajiki as his assistant. At first it contained only the translations of Western newspapers, but after its tenth edition it added domestic news. This was the first newspaper published by a foreigner in the vernacular, and was also the pioneer in the use of Western paper in printing presses. Its price was at first three sen a copy, later two sen. After six months trial it was also stopped. The fourth journal appearing was the Seiyo Zasski (Western Maga- zine), published monthly by Shinzo Yanagawa in October, 1867. It was a translation of scientific articles which had appeared in Western newspapers, and sold for two sen a copy. The first issue contained the following announcement: We beg to announce to the public that our purpose in publishing this magazine is to increase our general knowledge by gathering new theories and opinions from all over the world, hke the "Magazme," a sort of newspaper published monthly in Western countries. 1 Kamezo Asakura, Hompo Shimbun-shi, pp. 29-30, 42 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Only four numbers were issued, but this was the origin of periodical literature in Japan. The same person who had conducted the publication of the Western Magazine established Chugai Shimbun {Domestic and Foreign News) soon after the former was stopped. This paper became so popular that every issue was to have been reprinted. Unfortunately, however, it was also discontinued after February 20, 1870, the date of the death of its proprietor. The success of this paper was probably due to the use of movable wood types. It was an exceedingly difficult task to maintain a newspaper in those early days because of the general ilHteracy, the imperfect printing de- vices, the undeveloped means of communication and transportation, and finally, the limited resources by which the papers were maintained, advertisements being unknown. The possibilities of newspapers could not be realized until the movable types came into use. In the old days there was just one set of movable wood types, which first was used by the government and later was trans- mitted to a private newspaper; but a majority of the newspapers used the hand-engraved wood blocks. In 1870 Shozo Motogi, the superin- tendent of the Nagasaki Steel Mill, studied the art of European printing under a Dutchman, and in 1869, with his two assistants Yo and Ki, he completed the method of manufacturing movable lead types, and sent his men to Osaka to open a lead- type foundry there. M. Izeki, the governor of the Prefecture of Kanagawa, then formed a plan to start a newspaper with Yo as editor, and to introduce his movable lead types. The first issue of the Yokohama Mainichi Shimbun {Yokohama Daily) appeared December 12, 1870. This was the first daily newspaper pub- lished in Japan . It adopted the editorial system of Western newspapers and used Western print paper, although more expensive than the native papers in those days, and its novelty gradually brought it a large circu- lation. Later its establishment was transferred to Tokyo. In the early days most newspapers were printed by large book pub- lishers. They could afford to print a small number of copies and were better able to sell them than the journalists. Later on, however, when circulation increased, every newspaper office established its own printing- AMATEUR JOURNALISM 43 shop and delivered the paper by its own carriers. Thus we see three stages in the development of newspaper pubhcation: (1) Paper was printed and pubhshed by the editors themselves; (2) circulation too large for private control was managed by book publishers; (3) a well- equipped printing-shop was provided in the newspaper office itself. Newspaper carriers in the beginning wore dress coats. They visited houses from the back doors and after talking, smoking, and drinking tea leisurely, pulled out their papers from handbags and slowly left. These carriers were perhaps ex-samurai, who were strictly educated for good manners, but who did not make very prompt messengers. There- upon a new device was introduced. Newspaper carriers were dressed in plain light dress and were given lacquer boxes in which to carry papers. This box was attached to one end of a long pole, and at its other end was fixed a bell which attracted attention as the carrier went about deUvering papers. In November, 1874, Yomiuri Shimbun attached kana (Japanese syllabary) to all difficult Chinese ideographs so that the less-educated people could read them. The circulation increased enormously, and many other papers soon followed that example. The first paper which used kana was the Tokyo Kanaji Shimbun, which appeared on January 25, 1873. In April, 1875, Tokyo Eire Shimbun {Illustrated Tokyo News) was established. It published human-interest stories beautifully illus- trated by the famous artist Yoshichika, and it met with great suc- cess. Its circulation at once reached 30,000. All these popular papers were called "Small-Newspaper," while those which pubhshed the politi- cal matters and editorials without using kana were named "Great- Newspaper" at that time. As time went on, however, each of these classes of papers gradually approached the other, small papers having adopted some poHtical editorials in order to raise their dignity, while the great papers adopted more general news and human-interest stories in order to increase their circulation. In the earlier days the "newspaper dictionary" was in popular use. This contained the words and phrases generally used in journalistic literature. The "Small-Newspaper" diminished the difficulty of read- ing, however, and the demand increased so rapidly that the old hand 44 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN press became inadequate.* This situation was relieved, however, by the introduction of the steam engine from the West, which was first adopted by newspapers about 1874. The steam press stimulated a rapid growth of Japanese journalism. Advertisements in newspapers are relatively late developments in Japan. The earlier newspapers were maintained by the income from subscriptions and gifts. The prototypes of commercial advertisements were signboards, shop curtains, handbUls, posters, seasonal compliments marked with shop names and trade-marks, and musicians who made announcements in the streets. About 1688 a few authors introduced a device for the announcement of new books which was the origin of commercial advertising in pub- lished matter. They printed the names of books, which were to appear on the last page of each new book. Bakin, the greatest novelist of the Tokugawa Period, in his Godairiki, Vol. II, printed the following adver- tisement: CUSTOMARY ANNOUNCEMENT Various new models of tobacco-bags and pipes for sale. Also Tokusho- gan (name of patent medicine) at 1^ momme of silver (momme is about 2 drams) a package. Kikonno-Tanoshimi (patent medicine for indigestion), made of gall of bear without mixture of starch, is newly advertised. Stamps are engraved either on metal or stone as you wish — one word on stone is yi momme of silver. When orders are sent from distant places, patrons are requested to inclose both the materials for engraving and the fee. How the authors of those days managed to live can be imagined from the fact that even with his genius Bakin had to conduct such an irk- some side business. Later advertisements took the form of fiction. Large business houses paid generous fees to popular authors to insert the names of their merchandise in some part of their stories.' Handbills came into use about 1700. These contained names, prices, and descriptions of merchandise. In 1769 a man named Hyosuke 1 Kamezo Asakura, Bompo Shimbun-sM, pp. 21-23. AMATEUR JOURNALISM 45 Ebisuya advertised his tooth powder with an interesting story, written on handbills by a famous writer, Gennai Hiraga. The story was: TOOTH POWDER IN BOX SO-SEKI-KO Whitens Teeth & Purifies Mouth 20 bags in 1 box — 72 mon Refilling empty box — 48 mon MESSAGE Ladies & Gentlemen: Notice! We intended to get so rich that we could build eight magnificent buildings for our mansion, surrounded by beautiful warehouses on all four sides, but alas! in vain. The succeeding misfortunes and continuous failures in our business have pressed us so hard that we can no longer do as we wish. At this very critical moment, however, a certain kind-hearted person has sympathized and taught us how to start a business which does not need any capital. What is it? Since present-day people are all intelligent and well-informed of such simple practices as this, to conceal the source of our prescription must be too absurd a poUcy. Consequently we inform the pubhc as to how this powder is made. It is simply a sort of sand abundantly found in the Boshu district, as aU tooth powders are today. The dealers merely add to it a pleasant odor, and give it different names according to their wits to attract the attention of the patrons. Therefore it is primarily a cheap thing indeed. But by making bags, printing designs, etc., considerable expenses are added to its manufacture, and consequently it is sold at a high price. In order to cut these unnecessary expenses we put the fuU quantity of twenty bags in one large box, and make it handier for the user, so that no bags get soiled and broken nor brush be soUed while in use. With the idea to receive more profit by selling a larger quantity we give this to you directly with more or less smaller profit than the other tooth powders. Although I myself am an illiterate and ignorant person and know nothing about the prescription, a certain person has told me that this tooth powder, first of all, whitens teeth, then purifies mouth, cures the foul breath, refreshes the respiratory organs, and has still innumerably more valuable effects, — as much as the bulk of the Mount Fuji. Whether this guaranty is true or not I do not know at all, being perfectly ignorant in such matters; but at any rate 46 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN its principal end is in cleansing the teeth, and as to other enumerated excellent virtues there should be no harm done even if they were absolutely in non- existence. Furthermore, since the person who gave this prescription to me is not completely an idiot, I beheve that probably there would be no harm in it, and therefore I selected the materials just as he told me, made this powder most carefully, and put it on sale at once because I am very badly in need of money now. If by any chance it may prove no good after a while, you may just cast it away, and, after all, it will be an insignificant loss to you, while as for myself the proverb "httle drops of water make the mighty ocean" may prove per- fectly true, and your little purchase will thus benefit me enormously. Then, if you did not care to buy it again after using it once, I should have no reason whatsoever to be spiteful. Or, on the other hand, if it proves satisfactory to you, please tell your friends of its unusual merit; and then by the patronage of the general public our business wOl more and more prosper and we wiU soon be able to march out in the main street and put up a dazzling golden sign- board. Thereupon our present miserable situation wiU pass away and remain simply as an amusing recollection of the by-gone days' experience. Therefore we beg for the co-operation of all of you from the four corners of the earth! November of the Year of Cow. SosuKE Kawai, without capital, a resident of a back-alley tenement of Teppo-Cho. Sold at the Shop of Hyosuke Ebisxjya, also in a back-alley tenement. South Side, 4 Chome, Moto Shirokane Cho. You will find a cheap sign-board in the alley entrance across the Kannon Temple. Naturally we have no branch stores nor agents at all, nor are our goods sold by auctioneers. But, I myself may call on you once in a whUe.' Books which were made solely for advertising then appeared (1781-88), such as the dictionary of the business houses of Yedo, list of hotels, restaurants, etc. Thus books, patent medicines, toilet articles, and notions were the first things which resorted to commercial adver- tisement. The Bankoku Shimbun, which Berry established in Yokohama, 1866, published advertisements for the first time. Other newspapers foUow- ^ Shimbun Kogiroku, chapter on "Business Methods," pp. 10-13. AMATEUR JOURNALISM 47 ing the example of the Bankoku Shimhun, gave space to a small amount of advertising matter, with no idea of making it a part of their income. At that time advertisements had no prestige, as it was thought that they were used only by adventurers. A sudden change was brought about, however, when in 1890 the corporations were required to advertise their balance sheets regularly in newspapers. About the same time public notices and registrations at courts of law were also required to be published. This convinced the pubhc of the legitimacy of adver- tising. At first the public was persuaded to advertise free of charge in newspapers. A' little later, when the demand for advertising began to increase, small fees were charged and the rate was gradually raised. The real development of newspaper advertising, however, did not come until after the Japan-China War (1894^95). The opening of free communication by the Restoration of 1868 and the imusual interest in news caused by the subsequent civil wars and political disputes gave rise to the modern newspaper. From 1868 to 1873 the newspapers contained primarily news. Editorials were found in the Koko Shimbun and a few others. But soon a change came. In 1874 when the Korean problem split the government and divided national opinion, and again in the same year when a joint memorial requesting an immediate establishment of a national assembly was addressed to the government by Goto, Soyejima, Itagaki, and five other prominent statesmen, political discussions began to attract the attention of the public. The number of newspapers and their circulation suddenly increased. Until then the circulation of large metropolitan papers was not more than a few thousand, but soon it passed the 10,000 mark, and in 1877 the Choya had 19,000. Publishing expenses in those days were small because only a small number of men were employed. The subscription prices were from 60 to 80 sen a month, two or three times the present prices, and business competition was not sharp. Therefore most large newspapers made a fair profit and journalists flourished. By June 28, 1872, there were 79 newspapers, and to these were added 43 in 1874, 59 in 1875, 108 in 1876, and 140 in 1877. Deducting those which were discontinued, there were 253 newspapers in 1881. The total yearly circulation of 225 newspapers at the end of 1877 was 37,683,330. This 48 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN great increase of circulation was due to the civil wars, political agita- tions, development of communication, and diffusion of general educa- tion at that time. The violent tone of anti-government editorials, however, soon necessitated the provision of a stricter press law. This was promulgated in April, 1875, and caused a large number of news- paper offices and journalists to be punished. CHAPTER VII THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT THE BEGINNING OF NEW JAPAN The restoration of political power from the Shogun to the Emperor was smoothly accomphshed by the quick decision and wise management of Shogun Keiki and his officials. Many of his faithful daimyo, who were the hereditary vassals of the Tokugawa Clan, however, began to feel uneasy and indignant when they saw the new government was run by the Westerni) The Independent, February 20, 1913, pp. 429-30. 140 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN The following is an extract from the Outlook: On the eleventh (February) Prince Katsura was stoned by a mob in the streets, and a few hours later, after a great mass-meeting in- Hibiya Park, a crowd of rioters marched to the residence of the premier with the intention of wrecking it. When, after a sharp skirmish, they were driven away by the police, they surrounded the office of the Kokumin Shimbun, a newspaper which supported the Ministry, and attempted to set fire to it with bundles of kerosene-saturated straw. The employees of the paper defended themselves with firearms, and in the fighting that ensued two men were killed and a score or more were seriously wounded. Anti-government rioting soon became general, and resulted in the wrecking of police stations and the burning of street cars in various parts of the city. Troops were then called out; strong guards were placed around the houses of ministers and the offices of news- papers that supported the Katsura administration; and the Minister of the Imperial Household gave notice that, unless the disorder ceased, the Emperor would proclaim martial law. These repressive measures, together with the severely cold weather that happened to prevail, finally compelled the rioters, at a late hour of the night, to seek shelter. In the course of the day's fighting six men are said to have been killed and fifty or sixty wounded. The only other city in which poHtical disturbances occurred was Osaka, where also the offices of government newspapers were attacked by mobs. As a result of these political demonstrations, and of the pressure brought to bear upon the gov- ernment. Prince Katsura resigned, and Count Gombei Yarriamoto was directed by the Emperor to form a new ministry.' Through this bitter experience. Prince Katsura, hitherto a militarist and a strong bureaucrat, learned a new lesson in his defeat by two large political parties, just as Prince Ito had. Soon after his resignation in February, 1913, Katsura began to spread propaganda for a new con- stitutional political party which would place the government on a liberal basis. In the same month, at the last hour of his life, he succeeded in organizing the Doshikai (League of the Similarly Minded) party, which was later changed to the Kenseikai, one of the two largest political parties in Japan today. Although he discovered his mistaken idea of politics too late in life, Katsura was an honest and sincere military man; and his mistakes were committed unconsciously in spite of his intention to 1 The Outlook, February 22, 1913, pp. 376-77. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 141 serve his country to a better end. Perhaps due to his excessive activity in political affairs, his health was seriously affected, and soon after the establishment of the Doshikai he died. As to the role of newspapers in political affairs, the following article of the Literary Digest gives us an interesting account: Consideration of the present turmoil in Japan (political riot under the Katsura Ministry) cannot proceed far without appreciation of the dawn of a new era in journalism. Organs of the old regime have been made to suffer at the hands of irate citizens, and the penalties attaching to subserviency have been made apparent. On the other hand, independent criticism of men and of parties never has flourished so vigorously and with so little regard for possible penal consequences. Even tho a conservative reaction were to follow after the recent xmprecedented outburst of popular independence, it is not probable that conditions of censorship ever again will be as they were prior to recent epoch-making evehts. Public sentiment and opinion long suppressed having at last found vent, they will not submit to a return to a program of secrecy, either in domestic affairs or in foreign policy. Thus the outer world may be permitted to know much more about Japanese history than even foreigners have been permitted to tell of late years.' After this political disturbance, the circulation of newspapers in Japan was increased 20 per cent, that is, 10 per cent less than the rate of increase at the time of the Russo-Japanese War. Under the Yamamoto Cabinet, the successor of the Katsura Min- istry, another sensational incident happened, and the power of the press and of public opinion was again well tested. This incident is called the "naval scandal case" or the "Siemens case." It happened in the spring of 1914. At that time the journalists had aroused public opinion so strongly against the government that the latter was at last destroyed, and Premier Count Yamamoto, the most influential personage in the naval circle and of the Satsuma Clan, was obliged to retire to a secluded life. Karl Richter, an employee of the Siemens & Schucket Company, stole the letters relating to briberies paid by that company to certain Japanese naval oflacials, and blackmailed the company for 25,000 yen. The latter refused to pay it. Then Richter, after making photographic 1 The Literary Digest, March 1, 1913, p. 491. 142 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN copies of the letters, sold the originals to Andrew M. Pooley, a Renter's agent in Yokohama, for 750 yen, and left for Germany. Hearing that Pooley was going to make the stolen letters public at Shanghai, the Siemens Company asked for the official aid of the naval department. Mr. Saito, the Minister of the Navy, refused it, saying that he wished the letters to be pubUshed because he believed there was no such in- famous officers in his department. He also reported the case to the Metropolitan Police Department. Later Richter was caught in Berlin, and his conviction telegraphed back to Japan. A full explanation of the case by the state ministers was requested by the Imperial Diet; and after a close investigation by both the judicial department and a special investigating committee, four officials in the naval department were convicted. This incident was a shock to the people of Japan, who could not imagine such things of their officers whom they considered unselfisli patriots. Therefore a strong political agitation was started, and various mass meetings were held in Tokyo to arouse public opinion against the cabinet authorities. In the Imperial Diet the anti-government parties made a joint attack. From early morning of the day on which the non- confidence resolution was voted in the House, the excited crowd held a mass meeting in Hibiya Park, which is adjacent to the Assembly Hall; and after passing the resolution, "Otur nation requests the House of Representatives to impeach the Cabinet," they marched out of the park, and, surrounding the Diet building, made a vigorous demonstration to encourage the anti-government parties, who had been fighting all day. The impeachment bill was defeated by a plurality of forty-one votes, however, because the Seiyukai, the government party, formed a majority in the House. Hearing of the defeat of the bill, the crowd outside the Diet building grew dangerous. A battahon of armed soldiers and several hundred policemen were called at once, and the mob was subdued only after the steel gate of the Diet building had been wrecked. They marched from there to attack the buildings of the Chu-o and the Mainichi, organs of the government party, but this attempt and each subsequent one were checked by the strong government guard. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF TEE MASSES 143 The riot was now temporarily suppressed. At the first attempt on the building of the Chu-o, Hashimoto, a reporter of the Tokyo Nichi- nichi, had been sabered by the police force while he was observing the progress of the riot. This incident aroused the indignation of his fellow- journalists. Although Hashimoto was in a hospital with a gash on his head, the Metropolitan Police Board denied any violence committed by their men. The representatives of all metropoKtan newspapers and the news-gathering agencies, except three government organs— CAm-o, Tokyo Mainichi, and Tokyo Maiyu— met at Seiyo-ken on February 14 and agreed on the ^Uowing resolution: The fact that the police force have wounded an innocent reporter by their violent conduct endangers the mission of the journalists. Therefore we request the Minister of the Interior, who is officially responsible for this inci- dent, to express an apology in the form of a written letter. On February 16 twelve delegates, headed by Shuroku Kuroiwa, called on Mr. Hara, Mim'ster of the Interior, and requested an apology. The latter refused an immediate reply, saying that there was some doubt as to the police violence according to the report of the police board; and that if it were true, he, the Minister of the Interior, was not responsible. The delegates extended the time limit for his reply until the next day, and at the time stated Mr. Oka, the director of the police bureau, came to the office of the Yorozu with the report that the Minister of the Interior sympathized with the injured reporter. Kuroiwa and Mat- suyama, the representatives of the journalists' association, however, de- nounced the letter he brought as unsatisfactory. On February 18 the representatives of all the newspapers and news-gathering agencies held another meeting, and passed the following resolution: It is atrocious that the Minister of the Interior avoided making a clear apology as a responsible person concerning the outrages committed by the pohce force. As to the fact that a reporter of the Tokyo Asahi was wounded by his gate guards outside of his mansion, the minister concealed the facts and refused the responsibility. Therefore, we consider it proper to make him resign his office. We resolve that we shall resort to any means to accomplish this end; and shall hold a great conference of the delegates of all journals of the country on February 23; shall hold great mass-meetings; and ^Iso hold a 144 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN special conference of the representatives of all associations, groups, and fac- tions in order to present a memorial to the Emperor in impeachment of the Minister of the Interior. At the journalists' conference a resolution was passed to impeach Hara. Spirited speeches were made by the representatives of news- papers, news-gathering agencies, magazines, and political parties. At the same time similar conferences and mass meetings were held in Osaka and Nagoya; and all the newspapers and periodicals of the country, with the exception of a few government organs, violently attacked Hara. The anti-government parties introduced an impeachment bill against Hara, but after a long and exciting debate it was defeated, because the Seiyukai, of which Hara was a leader, had a majority in the House. Consequently the National Journalists' conference, as a last resort, presented the following petition to the Emperor: On the fourth day of the third year of Taisho, Shuroku Kuroiwa and others, your obedient subjects, most respectfully present this petition to Your Majesty Our Emperor, wise and glorious in all civil and military affairs. Your Majesty, having succeeded the great works of the late emperor, we most industriously look for a better government and are deeply moved by Your Majesty's gracious deeds. But, observing that the high officials, who are in your assistance, have grossly mismanaged their duties, we are very much afraid that some unforeseen calamity is likely to fall upon our nation in the near future. Therefore, we appeal now to Your Majesty. Since the naval scandal case became known to the public by the written sentence passed on Karl Richter by the name of the Emperor of Germany in a court of justice at Berlin, our nation expected to see the resignation of Count Gombei Yamamoto, our Prime Minister, and thus to make his responsibility clear to the public, because they feared that Your Majesty's navy may lose its dignity both at home and abroad and thereby injure the honor of our empire. Moreover, in our nation there are some who consider Gombei himself the ringleader of the corrupt politicians, and their suspicions fall upon the sources of the accumulated personal wealth of Gombei. But the subsequent conduct of Gombei and other members of his Cabinet is entirely beyond pop- ular expectation; not only do they lack the sincerity to clean up the Naval Department, but they even seem to conceal certain existing facts about the case. The House of Representatives is also inchned to assist these official rascals by supporting the Cabinet. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 145 Consequently, the public was aroused and has become extremely excited Then Takashi Hara, the Minister of the Interior, without considering the situa- tion seriously, decided to forcibly suppress the irritated public sentiment by the use of police authority; and the result was that some policemen drew their swords and sabered innocent people and wounded a reporter who was on the way to his professional duty of making an observation of the incident. Some plain-clothed detectives had mingled with the crowd and incited them pur- posely with radical speeches, thus turning the innocent children of Your Majesty into a violent and unruly mob. Then Your Majesty's army was imprudently used for the suppression of the disturbances. In one night the indiscriminate arrests of 430 pedestrians were made in the city of Tokyo, and 410 of those arrested were released in a few days because no grounds for their indictment could be found. Lastly, Takashi concealed some bravoes in his mansion and made them assault the reporters who visited his house on profes- sional duty of interviewing him. The above-stated facts prove that the government authorities regard Your Majesty's children as lightly as the dust, and that they are going to annihilate the spirit of the constitution which the late emperor established. This is what we most fear. We, Your Majesty's subjects, request not only the security of the peaceful pursuit of our profession, but we also demand the maintenance of the great spirit of our constitution. Therefore, we requested the resignation of Takashi, the person of&ciaUy responsible for these incidents; but he has tried to avoid his responsibility by making impudent explanations, utterly disregarding the sufferings of our good citizens. He lacks any com- prehension of the serious fact that he is the person who raised the riot in the imperial capital. We, Your Majesty's subjects, respectfully believe that no high ofBcial, whose duty is to assist Your Majesty's state affairs, ever was suspected of such grave misconduct which brings disgrace to his high ofi&ce as that of Gombei. We have heard of no man who so recklessly violated the fimdamental rights of the citizen as Takashi has done. We are seriously afraid that, through such ofi&cial misconduct, justice and humanity will lose their foundations and the lofty spirit of Your Majesty's new regime of Taisho will be seriously hampered; that Your August Virtues may be obscured, and that the great undertakings which have been trans- mitted to You by the late emperor will be kept from their proper develop- ment. Respectfully considering the situation, we feel that we cail not but be alarmed by the great fear of approaching calamities, which may come if Your Majesty allows Gombei to remain in the highest chair of the Cabinet, and 146 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Takashi in that important office of maintaining the public peace and order, and serve as the Director General of the grand ceremony at the great occasion of Your Majesty's coronation, which is to take place next November. We, your subjects, most humbly beg that Your August approval be granted us. We tremble ourselves feeling that we have impaired Your Maj- esty's dignity by presenting this petition to you, and respectfully await your condemnation of our guilt of impropriety. Most respectfully and sincerely. Your humble subjects, (Signed) Shueoku Kuroiwa and Others A special committee visited Prince Yamagata, Prince Oyama, and Marquis Matsukata, the elder statesmen, with this petition to the Emperor. After the presentation of the petition, all non-government newspapers continued their attacks upon the ministers so violently that all the Tokyo papers were punished, and many other periodicals also. The Nippon and Nippon-jin and the Shin-Nippon were twice prohibited from publication. The piore vigorous the government's suppression of the freedom of discussion, the more violent became the tone of attacks. All over the country conferences and mass meetings of journalists were held, and hundreds of impeachment resolutions were passed. There was never a time in the history of Japanese journalism when the journal- ists were so deeply aroused against the government. As a result, even government control in the House of Representatives could not combat the public opinion which had risen up against it. Encouraged by the rise of the journalists and the general public against the government, the united force of the three anti-government political parties decided to resort to the last measure, and introduced a bill to impeach the government. In the general session of March 23 a most exciting debate took place between the government and anti- government parties upon this impeachment bill. Although the govern- ment parties had the majority of seats in the House they were in a very critical situation when an imperial command to adjourn the session was serv6d, and the debate was suspended. Thus the journalists, the popular political parties, and the public worked together to shorten the life of POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 147 the Yamamoto Ministry, whose downfall was at last precipitated by the House of Peers. Relying on the plurality of the Seiyukai, the government party, the cabinet ministers had acted in such utter disregard of public opinion that the hitherto puppet-like House of Peers at last woke up. The speech of T. Miurata in the House of Peers is said to be the most high- spirited one ever deHvered in the Assembly HaU of that chamber of the Diet. In the presence of all the members of the House and the state ministers Murata spoke as follows: Is it not because the nature and the purpose of the budget are ambiguous that the Minister of Finance uses his double and treble tongue in his explana- tion? The Minister of Agriculture and Commerce has also given us an incon- sistent explanation. Such an item as is called "the fund for encouraging industrial development," for instance, may be frankly and properly named "the fund to expand the influence of the Seiyukai" (government party). The fact that our House rejected the budget for naval expansion shows that we do not want to continue the existence of the Vamamoto Ministry, which, relying upon the absolute majority of the government party in the House of Repre- sentatives, ignores public opinion and obstinately chngs to the chair in spite of the fact that it has seriously impaired our national dignity in the eyes of the world. Yom Excellency, Premier Yamamoto! I doubt if you really possess that sense of honor upon which we set the highest value and significance. Don't you hear the public calling you a traitor and the ringleader of the naval scandal? Furthermore, they are saying loudly that we can find in the prison houses many creatures whose physiognomy resembles yours markedly. Such ex- pressions, I beUeve, are the greatest insults, and your honor has been injured thereby. Even a humble and ignorant coohe would never forgive others for making such remarks against him. Is there any excuse for a man who keeps sUenteven in the face of these remarks, if he is called "a kin to cats and dogs" rather than a member of the human family? .... He continued with increasing spirit attacking the Cabinet and finally requested the Premier's immediate resignation. He then presented a letter of resignation, in recognition of his radicahsm, and left for his mansion at Kamakura. The turmoil ended by the enthe cabinet presenting their letters of resignation to the emperor. During this political storm, the circulation of newspapers in the country was increased 15 per cent. 148 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Soon after the letter of resignation was presented to the Throne by the Yamamoto Ministry, His Majesty summoned the elder statesmen to his presence and ordered them to scrutinize their successors. Prince Tokugawa was the first choice recommended by the elder statesmen, but he refused to accept the hard r61e of organizing a new cabinet under such a difficult situation. Viscount Kiyoura, the next choice, willingly accepted the imperial command. The most important problem for the successor of the Yamamoto Cabinet was, naturally, the reform of the naval department. Kiyoura had successfully assigned all chairs except the naval department, but he had neither experience nor friends in the naval circle. In Japan the Minister of the Navy is selected from among the admirals and vice-admirals of the Imperial Navy; and therefore if the administrative pohcy of a new ministry is disapproved by the naval circle, it is hard to secure a promising candidate for Minister of the Navy. Kiyoura at last picked Vice-Admiral T. Kato as the most suitable person for that post; but he refused to accept it because the meager navy budget did not satisfy him.^ Thereupon Kiyoura was discouraged and gave up hope of organizing the new cabinet. The lack of a proper personage for the Minister of the Navy was thus the immediate and apparent cause of Kiyoura's failure in his organization of the new ministry. But, in fact, the indirect and deeper cause seems to have been in the unpopularity of Kiyoura himself in journalistic circles and his lack of popular support. The public was tired of clan government, and had lost faith in the purely bureaucratic or so-called "non-party" government. In utter disregard of this change in the popular demand, however, the elder statesmen and Viscount Kiyoiu-a intended to organize a purely non-party ministry. Soon after the imperial command to organize a new cabinet, S. Kuroiwa, G. Mat- sushita, and S. Otani, representing the United Journalists' Association, had an interview with Kiyoura, and requested him to base the new ministry upon party support, because they believed a purely non-party government could not satisfy the public. He rejected this suggestion, saying that he intended to carry out his own conviction regardless of outside pressure. Thereupon the three delegates of the journaUsts in- formed him that there was no other thing for them to do than to vigor- POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 149 ously oppose such a government, and from then on the newspapers united in giving an unfavorable impression of his political activities. Moreover, the poUtical parties naturally stood against the formation of such a government. Conferences and mass meetings of the combined forces of party men and journalists were held here and there, and the antagonism spread over the country. Therefore the difficulty in the appointment of the Minister of the Navy was indirectly due to this general unpopularity of the existing ministry. The failure to obtain a sufficient budget for the maintenance of the naval strength was already a strong blow to the naval men. To this now was added the unpopu- larity of the Cabinet as a whole. It was no wonder then that a cautious person would not accept the chair of the Minister of the Navy under that Cabinet. It became manifest that the political situation had undergone a radical transformation, and that the power of the press and public opinion had at last got control of national politics to a great extent, so that even the elder statesmen were no more the sanctuary of political institution in Japan. The elder statesmen were extremely surprised at the failure to organ- ize the Eliyoura Ministry. After a careful scrutiny they failed to find any other clan statesman or other bureaucrat who was sufficiently popular to control the situation, and, discouraged and embarrassed by attempts, they were at last obliged to appeal to Marquis Okuma, who had been isolated from ministerial politics for a long time. Okuma had been recognized as one of the most popular leaders of the nation, and the newspapers almost unanimously indicated their friendly attitude toward him. The public looked upon this great old man as their savior at a critical time. Inspired by this recognition, the man of eighty at last emerged from his long seclusion in Waseda and became the champion of the popular form of government. At that time the World's Work remarked about Okuma as follows: The senile elder statesmen appear to have lost their arrogance and to have come to realize the truth of the ancient Chinese proverb, "Heaven hears through the ears of the people." At any rate, the two houses of the Diet for the first time in the existence of the harmless body showed some signs of 150 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN independence and refused to be dominated by the army and navy. So the Cabinet fell, and Count Okuma, the Bryan of Japan, became premier. Less than a month before his appointment was announced, an issue of his magazine was suppressed by the police bureau for its radical statements on governmental questions. Of course, Okuma wiU not accomplish very much. The clans and the bureaucrats are entrenched too strongly to be overthrown by any one premier. But his appointment gave the people a taste of power, and it isn't likely that they will forget it.i In the beginning of his administration Okuma made his policy public. He expressed his desire, first of all, to secvure the constitutionally guar- anteed freedom of discussion, of assemblage, and of association; second, to separate national and local politics and to emancipate the latter from party politics; third, to diminish the burden of the people by a proper tax reform and a new public-loan policy. He made pledges and raised hopes which were all enthusiastically welcomed by the people. In order to carry out his policy, however, Okuma had too small a number of his supporters in the House of Representatives, the absolute majority still being held by the Seiyukai. The only measure he could take to upset this situation was to dissolve the House and appeal to the public in the coming general election. Consequently, he and his fol- lowers waited carefully for their opportunity. In the thirty-fifth session of the Diet a sharp conflict took place between the government and the Seiyukai, and the result was the dissolution of the House of Repre- sentatives. The subsequent general election was an exciting one, because both opponents used all their tactics and resources. On the government side the state ministers broke precedents by traveling about the country themselves making campaign speeches. To distant localities, where they could not go, phonographs with records of Premier Okuma 's campaign speeches were distributed. A political association named "The Asso- ciation to Support Count (now Marquis) Okuma" was organized and took an active part in the election all over the country. Most news- papers indicated their sympathy with the government, consequently creating a public sentiment. Premier Okuma became the idol of the 1 World's Work, May, 1915, pp. 19^20. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF TEE MASSES 151 people. The result of the vote was a great surprise to both sides, for it disclosed an overwhelming victory for the government parties that neither side had anticipated. The Seiyukai could retain only 108 of their previous 205 seats, while the government parties won 210, a majority in the House. The victory of the government parties was due, first of all, to the almost unanimous support of the newspapers of the country for the new cabinet and the popular disgust with the Seiyukai party at that time. But it was also due to the government's interference in the election and the general trend of the people to support their government. When this fact was reconfirmed in the general election of AprU 21, 1917, after the fall of the Okuma Ministry, Marquis Okuma made the following state- ment in an interview with newspaper reporters: The result of the general election was the great victory of the govern- ment party and the bitter defeat of its opponents. But, the former should not be proud of this incident, while the latter need not be too discouraged by it. You may remember that several years ago I made the remark on a public occasion that our political situation closely resembles that of Spain, where the government party customarily wins more than two-thirds of the entire vote. We can say that something like this exists in our own situation. The unfair government interference may account for it to a certain extent, but the chief reason is that the political consciousness of our nation is still immature. The people bhndly inchne to support the governmental side, because they have been accustomed to submission to a strong power in the past. Such is indeed a sad phenomenon in the constitutional development of the state. Since the political life of a nation is nothing but the reflection of the political ideas of that nation, if we wish to see progress, we must first enlighten the people themselves If the nation becomes poUticaUy self-conscious and a healthy public opinion is created, all the undesirable phantoms of the pohtical world will soon disappear just as the rising sun clears away night- mares. Well, then, is there any such force which will accomplish the r61e of the rising sun in the social control of our present state? Alas! there is none. But we can only sustain a slight hope in the newspapers ^ The Okuma Cabinet, organized under such circumstances, was naturally popular at the beginning of its administration. Especially 1 Shigenobu Okuma, the Tokyo Asahi, April 24, 1917, p. 2. 152 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN did the diplomatic policy of promptly joining the Allies in the Great War, which broke out shortly after its organization, obtain the warm approval of the general public; and the subsequent military and diplomatic activities taken by it unified the nation. This ministry, however, could not carry out the administrative policies advocated by its premier at the time of its organization, nor fulfil the expectations of the. public. It had a sort of coalition cabinet, which was being continually torn by factional elements and prevented from being able to carry out a straightforward policy. Furthermore, Premier Okum^ himself did not prove to be a practical statesman, although he was undoubtedly a great idealist and perhaps the most popular leader of public opinion. There was another difficulty with this goverrmaent. Its strong interference in the last general election was a point of severe criticism and attack by the anti-government party. Later Viscount Oura, the Minister of the Interior, who was responsible for the matter, was obliged to resign. Another time at which the Cabinet was censured was in 1915 in regard to its harsh diplomacy in the treaty negotiations with China. Regardless of the mistakes committed during its administration, however, the Okmna Cabinet always enjoyed the support of the majority of the newspapers. Thus with the help of the press, and also because of the serious international situation con- nected with the Great War, the Cabinet survived for three years, a long life for a cabinet in Japan. At the end of that time the public tired of its mediocre administration, and the Terauchi Ministry, a reactionary bureaucracy, replaced it. The Terauchi Ministry, which succeeded the Okuma Cabinet in 1917, was organized on a non-partisan principle, and had a deeply bureau- cratic color. Count Terauchi, a marshal of the Imperial Army, is a very conservative type of nationalist, although he is a most sincere and honest statesman; and, like Yamagata, his chief, he possessed a dogmatic antipathy toward political parties. Consequently his cabinet was dis- tinctly reactionary in spite of a few progressive members in it. More- over, some of his influential lieutenants were very high-handed, and provoked unnecessary disputes with the journalists and their party opponents, arousing their antagonism against the Cabinet. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF TEE MASSES 153 In spite of the Okuma Cabinet's early declaration of policy, the freedom of the press was strictly suppressed. Regardless of this, however, that ministry succeeded in maintaining a much more harmonious relation with the joiurnalists than its successor. This was due perhaps to the radical difference in character and temperament of the personnel of those two cabinets. Okuma and his followers, whatever their adminis- trative practices, had a conceit that they were of the democratic type of statesmen, and manifested a friendly attitude toward the journalists. Terauchi and his colleagues, on the contrary, believed themselves to be distinguished bureaucrats, who were far superior 'mentally to ordinarymen. The result was a general unpopularity of the Cabinet in journaUstic circles, and although it did not commit any more blunders than its prede- cessor the public held an unfortunate impression of it. The following sections give the general account of the relations which existed between the Terauchi Ministry and the press: INSTRUCTION BY PREMIER TERAUCHIi The instruction given by Premier Terauchi to the prefectural governors is a very unpromising one. One-half of it is a lecture on an introduction to the study of classical ethics, and the other half is an awkward report of the pro- ceedings of the Imperial Diet. The general impression given in reading this instruction is Kke that of a second-hand store, especially an unprosperous one, where heaps of valueless junk are scattered about ready to be purchased. This is, of course, extremely disagreeable. For instance, his favorite principle, " thrift and industry," has been most emphatically repeated again and again. But the problem of frugaUty and luxury belongs to the domain of economics as well as social pohtics, and is far more complicated than a problem which can be solved by simple and conservative ethical teachings. More than that, Premier Terauchi is making a great mistake in trying to direct the people with such old-fashioned mstructions in hopeless ignorance of the changes of the times. With this type of mind and disposition, our Premier went on in his in- struction, and advised the local governors as to "careful guidance of the ideas of the people " and expressed his great fear of the "new ideas which are gradu- ally invading the East as situations change." .... Now considering the 1 This is an editorial of the Taiyo, a leading magazine on political matters, which is considered non-partisan. 154 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN delicate process of the psychology of the public, we fear that there is more danger in the constitutional ideas of Premier Terauchi himself than in his worry about the so-called "gradual invasion of the strange ideas from the West.'" An instruction similar to the Premier's was issued by Foreign Minister Goto, who ordered the local authorities to censor the press more strictly. This brought about a conflict between him and the United Journalists' Association. The following article gives the details of it: From the trouble started by Chinese students in Japan, we obtained a hint for the first time as to the existence of some military agreement between Japan and China. Without the students' disturbances, we were destined to go on absolutely ignorant of such great national problems. Not only the mili- tary agreements with other states were generally passed without being made known to the people, but also the commercial agreements. Nevertheless it is ludicrous to see clever foreigners exposing such secrets greatly exaggerated, utterly disregarding the extreme precautions taken by our authorities. The result is that many misunderstandings as to our diplomacy are caused in foreign states In other states, especially in England, our new Foreign Minister is fairly popular. Through Renter's agency he seems to have announced abroad that there will be no change in our foreign policy, and that the imperial government respects the friendly relations with the Allies to the end, and earnestly desires the Allies' final victory This is indeed an inexpensive diplomacy as it is, but we must recognize that even such a formal declaration seems to have had some favorable effects, at least to the extent that it was worth while for the foreign newspapers to publish it. But we the Japanese ourselves have been given no opportunity to learn the reason why the Foreign Minister was changed, nor what the new Minister's foreign policy is ' We are thus entirely ignored by our own authorities In the matter of foreign relations. We have not only been ignored, but at times have been treated similarly to the most dangerous German spies. The new Foreign Minister Goto, at the occasion of the recent meeting of the prefectural governors, very boldly in- sulted our loyal citizens. He said, "Since any unfavorable remarks made against our Allies will create directly or indirectly serious injuries upon our foreign"_relations, you the prefectural authorities are requested to guide the organs of public discussion with more minute and strict care." This instruc- 'Koson Asada, the Taiyo, June 1, 1918, pp. 14-15. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE. MASSES 155 tion sounds as though there were many people among our citizens who would hold discussions hoping to see some disadvantage come to our friendly ADies. Thus he intends to supervise the press, the organs of public discussions, in the same attitude as he does German spies. Although there may be occasionally some expressions, which incidentally conflict with the interests of some of the Allied states we, the people, are not at aU inferior to our authorities in our sincerity and patriotism. Consequently, it is very natural that the reporters, who have been assigned to the Foreign Office, become highly indignant. We cannot bear to be guided with "minute and strict care" by such prefectural authorities, who can Usten most attentively to this sort of instruction without uttering a word of objection.^ The following articles show the general attitude taken by the govern- ment authorities toward the press, as well as the balance of power kept between the two: CONFLICT BETWEEN FOREIGN MINISTER GOTO AND THE JOURNALISTS' ASSOCIATIONS.^ .... Baron Goto, who has realized his long-cultivated aspirations and ambitions by becoming the Host of Kasumigaseki (Foreign Office), was heartily welcomed by the public with great expectations because he is the only person who occupied that chair without having any previous relations with the Foreign Office, with the two exceptions of Marquis Okuma and Marquis Inouye. We can imagine how proud he must have felt in such a great initial success Baron Goto, who by nature cannot remain idle for a moment, hurried to perform some meritorious deeds. First of all he pronounced his policies as the Foreign Minister to the correspondents of the foreign newspapers. But to the native journalists he clung firmly to the customary habit of remaining silent and did not express one word about his political opinion. Meanwhile, the foreign cable brought the news back home that the opinion of the new Japanese Foreign Minister has been received abroad with general approval. Japanese journalists were greatly surprised, and began to make a commotion. In this situation, however. Baron Goto doubtlessly smiled a very proud smile and thought to himself "My ability as the new Foreign Minister is something like this, don't you see?" Thus Baron Goto's so-called "guidance of the organ ' Ihid., editorial, June 1, 1918, pp. 12-14. 2 Editorial in the Sekai-Koron, June, 1918, pp. 32-35. 156 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN for public discussion'' has proved more or less successful in foreign countries at the very beginning of his ministerial career. He is a genius in putting journahsts in his pay and thus making them praise him and attack his oppo- nents. It is said that on every large newspaper he has several reporters paid by him, and many more on smaller newspapers, periodicals, and news-gathering agencies. Furthermore, there are several magazines and news-gathering agencies which have been newly estabUshed with the sole purpose of being fed by him. Therefore, if one censures his conduct, he says haughtUy: "What wrong is there in becoming the great leader of the organs of pubHc discussion? Even single-handed I can tasS^ gather a large number of journahsts under my standard." .... The origin of the present conflict between the Foreign Minister and the journalists' associations is in the ministerial instruction given by him at the prefectural governors' conference. At first he did not expect to make that instruction pubhc; but one of the reporters who was in his pay obtained a copy of the speech from him and published its summary with an apparent intention to distinguish himself in his loyal service to his master. Thereupon the Kasumi Club, the association of the reporters assigned to the Foreign Office, naturally became irritated and rebuked the Baron sharply for the un- fairness of his giving the news; and consequently the Foreign Office was obUged to make that instruction public. In the original statement of his instruction there was a phrase "the supervision of the organs for pubhc discussion," but later the word "supervision" was changed to "lead" because some of his advisers thought the former word too sharp. When this instruction was thus made pubhc, the members of the Kasumi Club became extremely indignant, and sent delegates to negotiate the matter with the Foreign Minister. Then, according to his customary pohcy of deluding the enemies with pleasan© treat- ment, Mr. Goto prepared a splendid table in the special room which is used only for the entertainment of the honored guests, and there he welcomed the delegates. Unexpectedly, however, this diplomacy ended in complete failure this time. It rather intensified the animosities of the delegates, and the trouble had gone so far that the Kasumi Club passed a resolution of non-confidence in the new Foreign Minister. Then Baron Goto, in extreme wrath, took the ungentlemanly measure of ordering those reporters out of the Foreign Office and strictly prohibiting their future entrance there, branding them as the "misbehaved reporters." Similar problems happened previously under the administrations of Baron Makino and Viscount Kato as Foreign Ministers; but in both those cases the Foreign Office paid no attention to the attacks, and POLITICAL AWAKENING. OF THE MASSES 157 therefore the trouble soon ended. But our Baron Goto faced the matter squarely with a very haughty air, and in a furious mood denounced the reporters as insolent lads who stood against such a high dignitary as himself. It may be called childishness, but as the attitude of a state minister, his con- duct was too ridiculous and witless. He reminds us of a short-tempered master, who after a Uttle quarrel with his rikisha-man discharges the latter at once; thus completely disclosing to the public his characteristics as a parvenu. This quarrel, unfortunately, could not be restricted to one comer of Kasumigaseki, but spread to twenty other journalists' clubs in Tokyo. We can imagine how difficult it must be now for the Baron to explain the situa- tion, because he had always taken great pride in his rare ability in the manipu- lation of the journalists, and had just lately announced to the public his lofty policy of "leading the organs for public discussion." Even with Baron Makino and Viscount Kato, both of whom had little sympathy with the journalists and therefore were unpopular among them, the turmoils had been confined to one section of the Foreign Office, and the matter had at last ended indecisively. Nevertheless, it was Baron Goto, who carries with him a large gold sign-board as the "champion manipulator of journalists" who has created this awkward situation. This incident is, perhaps, an instance of the proverbial "The best cart may be overthrown." The sole cause of this trouble seems to be in his miscalculation that, if he expelled the members of the Kasumi Club, the newspaper offices would assign other reporters to their places. Therefore, he wrote suggestions to the direc- tors of all newspapers. But from the standpoint of the newspaper office, a reporter was empowered by it to act in his discretion so far as his assigned post is concerned; and therefore it must protect his position to a certain ex- tent in order to maintain its own dignity. Moreover, a reporter's colleagues have the "knights help each other" spirit, and generally dare not invade another person's territory even if the director of the newspaper office order them to do so. Without any comprehension of such professional ethics existing among journalists, Baron Goto had calculated everything in his bureaucratic mind; and now it was too late for him to adjust his blunder by repentance. At first he must have anticipated that the newspaper offices would soon give in, because they would be extremely perplexed unless they obtained the news from the Foreign Office. But it was not only the newspaper offices that were afflicted, but the Foreign Office itself. Consequently it was announced that the news which was hitherto given out by the Foreign Office would be given out by the Cabinet thereafter. The Nagata Club, the association of reporters IS8 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN who had been assigned the Cabinet news, however, flatly rejected this proposal for the reason that it did not properly come into their professional jurisdiction. Consequently, the Foreign Office was obliged to telephone each newspaper office whenever it had some report to be made pubhc, and each paper office sent an office boy to receive the printed reports. Now the progress of this quarrel is very weU worth seeing. This article is apparently anti-Goto in its tone. The following article, on the contrary, is somewhat pro-Goto; and by comparison of these two the real situation can be judged, and the balance of power between the reporters and ofi&cials made clear: ' QUARREL BETWEEN THE KASUMI CLUB AND BARON GOTO In the quarrel between the Kasumi Club and Goto, the reporters sur- rendered in a short time. It is said that Kuroiwa and other members of the Shinju-Kai had an interview with Goto, expecting to make this incident a serious problem. Then the latter explained the case to them, saying that his instruction "lead the journalists" means simply what those words signify, and he had no intention to oppress or command them; and that, if newspapers publish articles which are injurious to diplomatic relations, the consequence shall be the frequent prohibition of the pubhcation of such papers; and there- fore in order to avoid such inconveniences he hoped to lead the journahsts in a proper direction for the benefit of both the newspapers and the Foreign Office. This explanation of Goto being reasonable, Kuroiwa and others who vis- ited him had no argument with him, and decided to take the role of an arbi- trator between Goto and the Kasumi Club and other journahsts' clubs which opposed him. In the beginning the members of the Kasumi Club were high- spirited, and sent manifestoes to aU other journahsts' clubs, many of which responded and became busy-bodies. But the arbitrator having been the Shinju-Kai, which is the association of directors, editors, and other influential stafi members of large newspapers, the other associations and clubs of reporters could not disregard its advice. Some of the stubborn reporters seem to have been threatened with discharge from the office unless they accepted arbitra- t ion, while others were those who had previously received special favors from the Foreign Office. The situation having been such, it is said that the Kasumi Club, the originator of the trouble, itself first began to soften, and soon POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 159 entreated the other clubs, which went to its aid, to withdraw from the battle- field. What an interesting comedy it was! It is too ridiculous an incident even to be spoken of.' The following anonymous article, signed Sensoku-Rojin (an old ex- journalist), shows the different attitudes generally taken by the bureau- crats and party poHticians, with the consequent effect upon journalism: The majority of writers on political affairs are young men with strong vitality and ambition, who after some of their journalistic experience uncon- sciously begin to assume an air of statesmen themselves. Furthermore, when the artful veteran poKticiins, who for many years have schooled themselves ia the art of controlling the human mind, skilfuUy appeal to their sense of honor, patriotism, and chivalry, it is evident that these young journalists are perfectly happy. If anyone who desires to control politics lacks the power to charm and appeal to young journalists, he will be absolutely unable to become a successful statesman. For reasons such as these the reporters who are assigned to obtain news of political parties, in the course of time become sympathetic to, or even the tools of, the parties whose news they were assigned to report impartially. On the other hand, the reporters who assigned the government ofB.ces live in a place immime from political fever. In addition, the officials generally look down upon the reporters, or consider them as a sort of human being who are an- noying, nuisances, hindrances to business, and frequently men who expose the secrets of other people; in short, thpy are the troublesome persons whom they cannot keep their eyes off for a moment. Consequently they pretend to the utmost that they have no knowledge of the matters inquired about by the reporters. The reporters become reckless on account of such official attitudes, and they determine to stick more obstinately to their inquiries. The result is the growth of mutual ill feehng Therefore the majority of reporters assigned to government offices take an antagonistic attitude toward such offices Those reporters assigned to party news, on the contrary, soon make many friends among the party men, and finally become so intimate that they enjoy personal friendship apart from their professional relations. The government news reporter becomes more and more estranged from govern- ment officials. If he makes friendship with a few officials, his colleagues will backbite him and call him an ambitious co\yard, while such officials are often secretly reported to their chiefs as the violators of public-service regulations. 1 Mumei-Inshi, the Taiyo, July 1, 1918, pp. 27-29. i6o THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN In fact such officials might have intended to smooth over relations existing between the office and the reporters, but by doing so they risk their own positions. Consequently, most of them begin to act coldly toward the reporters, who, on the other hand, not caring to be rumored as having dishonest relations with the officials, take the policy not to fraternize at all. The result is that no cordial relationships between the two can be expected from the present si'tuation. Such is the temperamental difference between the bureaucrats and the party politicians, and this is the reason why government officials are generally unpopular in the journalistic world.' As public education and the system of communication have rapidly progressed, the influence of the press upon the public has grown remark- ably even with the petty local papers. Muckraking articles or articles appealing to patriotism generally have the most marked response. Riots and other public disturbknces such as the burning of street cars by the mobs in Nagoya, the mob attack on the gaslight company of Gifu, mob violence and the attempt on the mayor's mansion in Kanagawa, and the rice riots which occurred last year in many localities of Japan were undoubtedly incited to a great extent by newspaper articles, which were often exaggerated in tone. Japan has been rapidly changing in nearly every aspect of her national life for the past fifty years; and consequently there has been constant social unrest. In such a situation the susceptibility of the public is at its zenith, and the press has un- limited control upon public sentiment. Since the Russo-Japanese War, newspaper circulation has enormously increased, and a mental situation of the masses is more readily created than it was ten years ago. Thus the r6le of the newspaper has become more significant year after year. In August, 1918, there were mob uprisings called "rice riots" in many localities in Japan. The price of rice, which is the principal food of the people of Japan, was raised exorbitantly; and furthermore, many riceshops refused to sell, speculating for further rise in prices. Conse- quently the poorer classes suffered from lack of food, and at last rioting was started in the larger cities and then all over the country. Con- siderable damage was done to property and life. An order was issued 1 Sensoku-Rojin, the Chu-o Koron, March, 1917, pp. 25-29. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES i6i by the Minister of the Interior, prohibiting publication of any news concerning the riots. The following articles which appeared in the Cku-o, a, daily newspaper of Tokyo, clearly shows the development of the matter: PUBLICATION FORBIDDEN BECAUSE OF SINCERE PATRIOTISM so SAYS MIZUNO, T^E MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR The Minister of the Interior, Mr. Mizuno, has said: "The prohibition of the pubhcity of the riot news was very necessary. When the house-wives' riot first took place in Toyama, we did not interfere with the publicity of that news, although we felt that there might be some serious consequences. Then similar riots occurred both in Kobe and Osaka, and came to Tokyo with an epidemic nature. Since the newspapers publish these items in exaggeration, they tend to incite more riots, and the trouble has been spread now even into the northern district which has hitherto been cahn. In other words, newspaper pubhcity undoubtedly tends to incite more riots. Until today, so far as the news was based on real facts, the Department of the Interior itself had made it public. But the situation having grown so dangerous, we are obliged to forbid pubhcity in consideration of the dangerous epidemic nature of the riots. Consequently we were obliged to carry out this prohibition, which decision was prompted by our patriotic sincerity, and we do so suppressing our tears. Therefore, if you journalists think of the interest of the state and of the nation, we beheve that you will undoubtedly share our feehngs. As for this matter I am ready to. take all responsibility. "^ A movement by the journalists to request the cancellation of the prohibition order was then started at once. The following article, also from the Chu-o, describes this affair: SHINJU-KAI MOVES REQUESTS THE MINISTER OE THE INTERIOR TO CANCEL THE PROHIBITION ORDER At noon of the fifteenth, the Shinju-Kai (one of the most influential jour- nalists' associations) held a committee meeting at Seiyoken of Tsukiji; and after a discussion as to the order prohibiting the pubhcation of riot news, which was issued to aU metropohtan newspapers in the night of the fourteenth, made 1 The Chu-o, August IS, 1918, p. 3. i62 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN a resolution. Messrs. Kuroiwa, Yoshiuye, and Matsuyama were appointed as the delegates; and they at once called on Mr. Mizuno, the Minister of the Interior, presented their resolution, and requested his reply by 3:00 p.m. of the sixteenth. Acco^rding to the nature of his reply, it is said that the jour- nalists all over the country will simultaneously rise and begin a great agitation. The following is the resolution passed: "We consider the order issued by the Minister of the Interior in the night of the fourteenth instant, which prohibited the publication of news con- cerning the riots caused by the exorbitant rise in the price of rice, an oppressive measure against the freedom of discussion, and an unprecedentedly unjust act. Therefore, the committee of the Shinju-Kai hereby requests of the Minister of the Interior a cancellation of this order by 3:00 p.m. of the sixteenth instant."! THE PROHIBITION ORDER WAS PARTLY CANCELED THE PROBLEM OF THE SUPPRESSION OF THE FREEDOM OF DISCUSSION — THE SECOND NEGOTIATION BY SHINJU-KAI Regarding the matter of the suppression by the present Cabinet of the freedom of discussion about the rice riot, the Shinju-Kai negotiated the can- cellation of that order with Minister of^ the Interior Mizuno, and rigorously advised him that unless the government changes its attitude at once the Shinju- Kai shall act as it sees best to solve the case. At the fixed time of the sixteenth, Minister of the Interior Mizuno, at- tended by Vice-Minister Kobashi, gave the following reply to Mr. Naotaro Murakami, the representative of the president of the Shinju-Kai: "The government favorably considers the resolution passed by the com- mittee of the Shinju-Kai regarding the order which prohibited the publication of the riot news, and the desires and opinions explained by the gentlemen of the delegates. Therefore, we cancel the said order, and hereafter will permit the pubUcation of the contents of the official reports which are given out by the Department of the Interior and also other facts which are based in such reports." After having examined this reply, the Shinju-Kai again held a committee meeting at 2:00 P.M. at Seiyoken of Tsukiji, and after a long consultation, decided again to negotiate with the Minister of the Interior to request the permission of the pubUcation of the facts which are gathered from private sources, as far as they are correct, because the publication of only official ' The Cku-o, August 16, 1918, p. 2. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF TEE MASSES 163 reports makes it difficult to obtain the correct interpretation of the facts and the right idea of the real situation. Thereupon President Kuroiwa and Messrs. Matsuyama, Yoshiuye, Yamakawa, and Otani, representing the Shinju-Kai, called on the Minister of the Interior. With the attendances of both Vice- Mmister Kobashi and Director of the Police Bureau Nagata, Mizuno carefully considered the matter and promised to give an answer by noon of the seven- teenth instant. Judging from the progress of the matter heretofore, it seemed that the problem would soon be solved most satisfactorily.' THE PROHIBITION ORDER WAS ENTIRELY CANCELED PROBLEM OF THE OPPRESSION UPON THE EREEDOM OF DISCUSSION — A MEMO- RANDUM BY THE MINISTER OE THE INTERIOR .... At noon of the 17th instant, an answer was given by the Minister of the Interior. The Shinju-Kai, however, thought that the reply contained a few points that differed from those that the Minister of the Interior 'had told to its delegates the previous night, and immediately it consulted with him. Consequently, the Minister handed the delegates the following written mem- orandum, and therefore, the committee ended its activities, thinking that they had accomplished what they had first intended to obtain. memorandum: The news regarding the riots, caused by the rise of the price of rice, may be published by the newspapers so far as they are the official reports and the facts which are based upon such reports. As to the other news, it is not our intention to prohibit its publication if it is based on the actual facts and is neither exaggerated nor inciting in its nature. The government only hopes that the newspapers will use serious consid- eration in the treatment of this news, because the situation in the country is very grave." Mizuno, who succeeded Goto as Minister of the Interior, after the latter's transfer to the Foreign Office, took a much more liberal attitude toward the press than had his predecessor, as is shown by the concessions of the Terauchi Cabinet toward the press. The official atttiude in this matter seems to indicate the general trend today in government affairs. Even Count Terauchi himself was not the same man at the end as he Wbid., August 17, 1918, p. 2. ' Ibid., August 18, 1918, p. 2. 1 64 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN was at the beginning of his administration. Practical poHtics will teach any dogmatic bureaucrat or arbitrary conservative the power of the press and of public opinion in the modern world. The Terauchi Ministry did not make any particularly serious blunder; but the day for a distinctly bureaucratic government had already passed, and the people could not be contented with it. During the last decade the general atmosphere of Japan has grown distinctly democratic, espe- cially since the outbreak of the Great War. The people have begun to seek a more liberal government than that of the past. In view of all this, Count Terauchi at last resigned; and on September 29, 1918, the Hara Cabinet was organized on a purely party basis with members of the Seiyu-Kai. This new cabinet is the second party goverimient in the political history of Japan. The first party government was established by the First Okuma Ministry in 1898 as previously stated, but it was unsuc- cessful and short-lived, because the newly organized Kenseito party was soon split into two factions, Okuma's adherents and Itagaki's followers. It was in fact only a pseudo-party government. Therefore, in a strict sense, the Hara Cabinet might be called the first party government in Japan. Heretofore a majority of the cabinet members were nobles. Today Premier Hara himself is a non-title holder, and, with the excep- tion of two barons, the rest of his cabinet members are commoners. Thus Hara has made a new record in the political history of Japan, in accordance with the popular demand. This cabinet started out with the people^'s approval, and, since it was an experiment and a test of the strength of democracy, the whole nation of Japan looked for its success. Even the anti-governmental parties did not provoke unnecessary dis- putes as they had in the past, lest they should give another opportunity for the revival of the mihtaristic and bureaucratic domination. The general tone in journalistic circles was also favorable. It is interesting to see how Hara has profited by his long political experience, and how the spirit of the age has so democratized him. He was in the beginning a strong bureaucrat, and left records of frequent disturbances in the Diet and among the journalists by his high-handed measiures. In the new cabinet he and his followers were busily occupied in keeping abreast of POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 165 the political trend of the age. Many customary ceremonial practices and much "red tape" were abolished; contact between the authorities and the people was made easier; and the educational system was more democratized (see chap, v); and the suffrage reform was far partially accomplished by extending the franchise to nearly 2,500,000 people, 1,000,000 more than the previous number. This suffrage reform is, of course, insignificant in a state which has nearly 60,000,000 popu- lation, but the trend of the times clearly indicates that a far wider franchise wUl soon be given. The popular demand is for universal man- hood suffrage, and there are aheady many advocates of woman suffrage. All the opposition parties and people's suffrage organizations, with the co-operation of newspapers, have launched a vigorous campaign for universal suffrage and are now fighting against the government's con- servative measure. Since the latter part of 1918 labor problems have occupied the center of national attention. Although labor organizations are prohibited by the imperial laws, there have arisen frequent strikes of wage-earners in many branches of industry and commerce all over the country. Previ- ously the laborers of Japan were helpless creatures, who had either to quit work individually and starve or submit themselves to the mercy of their employers. They are now raising a cry for better pay, shorter hours, better working conditions, etc., collectively. Most of these things are those which the laborers of the Western countries acquired a long time ago, but even such conservative requests on the part of the wage- earners were revolutionary in Japan and shocked the upper-class people. Now the press is taking up this problem with enthusiasm and the public is eagerly discussing it. The upper classes, especially the capitalists and the authorities, are extremely anxious about it, and by their consternation they are overemphasizing the seriousness of the situation. The appear- ance of such a new phase of the labor problem was, of course, directly due to the rapid development of modern industry, which has brought many new abuses with it, on the one hand, and an enormous increase in the cost of living on the other, during the past several years in Japan. But the poverty of the laborers is not a new phenomenon there. They have always been extremely hard pressed, having been allowed only 1 66 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN minimum living wages and many of them even less. Taking all the elements of their material comfort into account, their past was no better than their present condition, on the average, and in fact their standard of living has been considerably raised in recent years. Therefore the dissatisfaction was not due so much to the amount of wages or the condition of work itself as it was to their aspirations for more justice and equahty. It seems to be true in any country that at least one-half the causes of labor problems are primarily of a psychological nature, and this fact was keenly felt in the recent labor disturbances in Japan. Previously the wage-earning people of Japan were ignorant and servile creatures who did not realize even the existence of their own person- alities. Due to the gradual diffusion of education and the development of the means of communication, however, they began to wake up and to realize more clearly the significance of human life and the relative im- portance of their place in society. They soon realized that there was something wrong in the system of the distribution of wealth and in the social relations between different classes. They heard of an enormous increase of the national income diuring the Great War, and observed the luxury of financial upstarts who had absorbed the greater part of the war profits. They read in newspapers that a large number of corpora- tions paid extraordinarily high dividend rates, and that the banks are so flooded with money that they do not know what to do with it. But what had happened to them? The raise in wages had scarcely caught up with the increasing cost of living. They felt that, as a member of such a wealth-producing community, they were entitled to fairer treat- ment. As long as this aspiration for justice and equality on the part of the wage-earners remains more or less unsatisfied there will always be some sort of labor problem even if the wages are high enough to sustain a moderate living for their famihes and the working conditions are fairly tolerable; they would request their participation in the manage- ment and control of the industry itseK. This is the reason why we see labor uprisings in Japan while peace and tranquillity still prevail in the labor markets of China, India, and all other neighboring states of Asia. There the condition of the wage-earning classes is far worse than in Japan, but they are not yet conscious of their own human value. POLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE MASSES 167 Recently the general awakening of the masses has been strongly felt by the conservative elements, especially the bureaucrats and the mili- tarists. They are alarmed that the people have grown so undiscipHned and revolutionary; and they fear radical socialism and bolshevism, which may overturn all sorts of existing beliefs, ideals, organizations, and institutions, and throw the nation into poUtical as well as moral anarchy. These alarmists and skeptics, however, do not see in the darkness of national Hfe the bright sparks which will lead the whole nation toward a much healthier development. Since this is a transitional age from the state of political subconsciousness to self-consciousness for the mass of the people, there is a great deal of unrest, excitement, and temporary disorganization, which occasionally may have more or less dangerous tendencies. Only by going through such conflitits and struggles, how- ever, is the real pohtical development of a nation possible. The days of autocracy and benevolent despotism have passed away, and the people are aware of the fact that a state is by no means a sort of superhuman institution destined to be controlled by mysterious might and wisdom kept in the hands of certain authorities or a small number of the privileged classes, but that it is simply the highest social organization existing for the purpose of a co-operative development of the life of all of its con- stituent members. Whether the democracy which is represented by any one of the so-called democratic states of the present day is an ideal poUtical state or not— probably it is not — the goal of a real democracy, political, social, and industrial, is participation by an increasing number of the population in the common life of the community. In this sense the more democratic a community grows the nearer it approaches the ideal state in social and political life. And in the process of democ- ratization of a community the importance of the role played by the press is second to none regardless of the fact that various incidental abuses have accompanied it due to the excessive growth of commercial- ism and of sensationalism. Direction of political affairs in Japan today is no longer a monopoly of the privileged classes, because the power of the people is becoming more and more felt in internal and foreign affairs. Through the press views are exchanged and opinions expressed. And the attitude of the general public, which includes now the great majority i68 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN of the national population; is reflected through it better than through any other medium in Japan. In short, this is a period in which the fetish-like nationalism of the preceding two decades has been greatly enlightened, and in which a healthy democracy has at last found a strong foothold in the Land-of-the-Rising-Sun. BIBLIOGRAPHY There are only a few books and periodical articles written in the Western languages among the valuable source materials for the study of the subject-matter treated in this work. Most of the references given here were printed in Japanese, and therefore their detailed page index is omitted, because it wUl be of no service to Western readers. Book titles are given first in the Japanese way of their reading, and then their meanings in Enghsh within the parentheses; of periodical and news- paper articles only the EngHsh translations are given. BOOKS Asakawa, Kan-ichi. The Early Institutional Life of Japan. Asakura, Kamezo. Honcho Shimhun-shi {History of the Newspaper in Japan). Bryce, James. The American Commonwealth. Bunsei-sha, The. Shimbun Kisha {The Journalists). Communication, The Department of. Postal Service in Japan, 1892. Imperial Government Railways, 1915. -History of the Telegraph in Japan, 1892. -Mercantile Marine, 1892. -Graphic Illustration of Communication, 1915. Cooley, Charles H. Social Organization. Dai-Nippon Shimbun Gakkai. Shimbun Kogirohu {Transcripts of Lectures on Journalism). Dibblee, G. B. The Newspaper. Dicey, A. V. History of the Relation between Law and Opinion in England. Education, The Department of. Annual Report of the Minister of State for Education, 1909-13. History of Japanese Education; prepared for the Japan-British Exhibi- tion, 1910. Education in Japan; prepared for the Panama Pacific Exposition, 1915. EUwood, Charles A. An Introduction to Social Psychology. Finance, The Department of. Financial and Economic Annual of Japan (1906-12). Fukuchi, Gen-ichiro. Kai^o Jidan {Reminiscences of Fukuchi). 169 I70 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Fukuda, Tokuzo. Die GesellschafUiche und WirtschaftUcke Entwickelung in Japan. Fukuzawa, Yukichi. Fuku-o Hyaku-wa {Anecdotes of Fukuzawa) . Fuku-o Jiden {Autobiography of Fukuzawa). Fuku-o Mangen {Miscellaneous Articles by Fukuzawa). Given, J. L. Making a Newspaper. Goto, Samparo. Shimbun oyobi Shimbun-kisha {Journalism and Journalists). Griffis, W. G. Japan in History, Folk Lore, and Art. Hearn, Lafcadio. Shadowings. Higashi, Kaoru. Jinsei Hyaku-Fushigi {Mysteries of Life). Hozumi, N. Ancestor-Worship and Japanese Law. Inada, Shunosuke. Shimbun-shi ni kansuru Seido no Hikaku Kenkyu {Com- parative Study of the Press Law of Different Countries) ; transcript of Lec- tures at the Chu-o University, 1910. Inaoka, Masabumi. Shimbun-Kisha {The Journalists). Ise, Heijiro. Shimbun Hambai no Kagaku-teki Kenkyu {Scientific Study of the Business Side of the Newspaper). Iwami-Ginzan Seiyaku-sho. Omukashi Nezumitori no Kokoku {An Advertise- ment for Poison to Kill Rats). lyenaga, Toyokichi. The Constitutional Development of Japan. Japan Year Book Co. The Japan Year Book, 1905-17. Josei-InsM. Shimbun-sha no Kuzukago {The Waste-Basket of a Newspaper Office). Keizai-Sosho. Keizai-jo-yori Kansatsu-shitaru Shimbun-gyo {Journalism Viewed from the Economic Standpoint). Kikuchi, Dairoku. Japanese Education. Kitayama, Yonekichi. Shimbun-kiji Netsuzo-no Kontan {Fake Reporting of News). Koike, Yojiro. Nippon Shimbun Rekishi {History of the Newspaper in Japan). Kokubu, Tanehiko. Dai-Nippon Gendai-Shi {History of New Japan). Kokumin, The. Kokumin Nenkan {Kokumin Year Book), 1915-17. Koriyama, Keido. Shimbun-Kisha Oitachi-no Ki {Autobiography of a Re- porter). Kudo, Takeshige. Teikoku Gikai-Shi {History of the Imperial Diet). Kure, Bunhei. Hosei-o Chushin-to-shitaru Yedo Jidai Ron {History of the Legal System of the Tokugawa Rigime). Le Bon, Gustave. The Crowd. Library, The Imperial. Shimbun Sho-roku {Abstract of History of Journalism of Japan) ; a manuscript. BIBLIOGRAPHY 171 Library, The Imperial. Shimhun Raireki Ryaku {Summary of the History of the Newspaper in Japan) ; a manuscript of the Department of Education. Lowell, A. L. Public Opinion and Popular Government. Martin, F. L. The Journalism of Japan; a University of Missouri Bulletin. Masaoka, Yuichi. Shimhun-sha no Rimen {The Dark Side of Newspaper Offices). Matsxmaoto, Kumpei. Shimbun-gaku {Journalism). Mayeda, S. Outline of the History of the Telegraph in Japan, 1892. Miyake, Setsurei. Meiji 'Shiso Sho-shi {Graphic History of the Social and Political Ideas in New Japan). Miyatake, Gaikotsu. Shikka-shi {History of Persecution of the Publications in Japan). Kiso Tengai {Wonderful Ideas from Unknown Regions). Moll, Albert. Hypnotism. Morgan, Lloyd. Habit and Instinct. Morimoto, Iwao. Shimbun Zasshi Kisha-to Naruniwa {How to Become a Jour- nalist). Motoyama, Hikoichi. Shimbun Kei-ei Zatsudan {Personal Experiences in Newspaper Enterprise) ; an appendix to How to Make a Newspaper, by S. Uogawa. Nippon Dempo Tsushin-sha. Shimbun Soran {Newspaper Directory), 1910-17 inclusive. Nippon Rekishi-Chiri Gakkai. Nippon Kotsu-shi Ron {History of Communica- tion in Japan). Nitobe, I. O. The Japanese Nation, Its Land, People, and Life. Ogawa, Teimei. Shimbun-kisha Ude-kurabe {Anecdotes of Reporters' Compe- tition in News-gathering). Okuma, Shigenobu. Fifty Years of New Japan. Onose, Fujito. Jissai Shimbun-Gaku {Practical Journalism). Park, Robert E. The Principles of Human Behavior. Lectures in the University of Chicago. Ross, E. A. Social Psychology. Saiki, Uson. Shimbun-kisha no Hyd-ri {Oule, and Inner Conditions of Jour- nalists' Life). Sanshibai Banzuke-hyo. Program of Three Theaters. Satomi, Kingo. Teikoku Gikai no Naimen Bakuro {Exposure of the Real Condi- tion of the Imperial Diet). Sidis, B. The Psychology of Suggestion. 172 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Small, A. W. General Sociology. Statistical Bureau of Japan. Diagrams and Numerical Tables Showing the Growth of Population and the Vital Statistics oj the Japanese Empire, 1915. Statistics, United States Bureau of. Commercial Japan, 1902. Suehiro, Tetcho. Shimbun Keireki Dan {Personal Experiences in a Journal- istic Career); an appendix in Ochibano Hakiyose, a political story by the same writer. . Tetcho Bunshu {Collection of Tetcho' s Editorial Articles). Sugunura, Kotaro. Saikin Shimbun-Gaku {The Latest Journalism). Suifuro-Gakujin. Mukan-no Tei-o {The Emperor without a Crown). Taguchi, Ukichi. Nippon Kai ka Sho-shi {Graphic History of Japanese Civili- zation). Taiyo, The. Shinhorei; Fuzoku, Teikoku Gikai-shi {The New Legislation .and the History of the Imperial Diet); an annual publication (1911-19 inclusive). Takegoshi, Yosaburo. Nisen-gohyakunen Shi {History of Japan). Tarde, Gabriel. Lois de limitation. Thomas, W. I. A Source Book for Social Origins. Toda, Kai-ichi. Nihon-no Shakai {The Japanese Society). Tokuno, T. Japanese Wood-Cutting and Wood-Cut Printing. Tomohisa, Yasumori. Kisha Tambo Rimen-no Tokyo {The Dark Side of Tokyo Studied by a Reporter). Tsumaki, Chuta. Ishin-go Dai-nempo {Great Chronology of New Japan; with an Appendix of the Events at the End of the Feudal Rigime). Uchida, Roan. Kino-Kyo {Yesterday and Today). Umezawa, Asajiro. Nippon Shimbun-shi Seikan {Newspaper Directory of Japan). Uogawa, Sekitaro. Shimbun-ni Narumade {How to Make a Newspaper). Uyehara, George Etsujiro. The Political Development of Japan. Wallas, Graham. The Great Society. Watson, J. B. Behavior. . Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviorist. Yokohama Shogyo Kaigi-sho. Yokohama Kaiko Gojunen Shi {Fifty Years of the Port of Yokohama since It Was Opened to Foreign States), PERIODICALS A. B. C. "Experiences of a Journalist," The Shinkoron, June, 1917. Adachi, Kenzo. "My Prison Experience in Connection with the Queen Bin Affair," The Taikan, October, 1918. BIBLIOGRAPHY 173 Adachi, Motonosuke. "The Unjust Prohibition of Pubhcation," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1916. Aijima, Kanjiro. "My View of Newspapers," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Akagi, Nen. "Competition among the Tokyo Newspapers," The Shinjidai, February, 1918. " Competition among the Newspapers of Western Japan, " The Shinjidai, March, 1918. "Hard Situation of the Tokyo Asahi," The Shinjidai, August, 1918. "By Questioning the Jiji, the Hochi, and the Choya Urge the Honest Reporting of News," The Shinjidai, December, 1918. Akizaki, Sato-o. "I Would Rather Remain Poor and Harmless than to Be Rich and Injurious in Journalism," The Shinjidai, February, 1919. Asada, Koson. "Impression of Current National Politics," The Taiyd, May, 1918. Asahi, Ichikisha. "The Fake Prospectus of the Resigned Journalists," The Shinjidai, February, 1919. Asahi, Kisha. "The Prospectus of the Journalists Who Resigned Their Posi- tions on the Tokyo Asahi," The Shinjidai, February, 1919. Asahina, Chisen. "Prince Ito, Viscount Suematsu, and Viscount Ito," The Taikan, October, 1918. Chautauquan, The, "Pohtical Unrest in Japan," LXX, 139-40, April, 1913. Clement, E. W. "Political Parties in Japan," Political Science Quarterly, December, 1912. Denko-Hanjin. " Criticisms of the Prominent Journalists of the Osaka News- papers," The Shinjidai, June, 1918. . Fuchien-Shujin. "Tokyo and Provincial Newspapers and Their Journalists at Kyoto and Osaka," The Shinjidai, August, 1918. Furai-kyo-Shujin. "A Supervisor of Newspapers," The Yumeno-Sekai, May, 1918. "A Supervisor of Newspapers," The Yumeno-Sekai, June, 1918. Gaimusho-no Koshiben. "The Character of Present-Day Journalists," The Shinjidai, December, 1918. Getsurei-Senkaku. "Elites and Mediocres in the Kokuminto Party," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. Got5, Shimpei. "An Essay on the Improvement of Newspapers," The Shin- jidai, October, 1917. Hayakawa, Tetsuji. "The Successive Foreign Ministers of Japan," The Shin- jidai, July, 1918. 174 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Hayashida, Kametaro. " My Recollection of Speaker Kono's Unprecedented Ceremonial Address in the Diet," The Yumeno-Sekai, May and June, 1918. Higasa-Kyokuto. " Criticisms of the Newspapers of Formosa," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Hirano, Kaso. "The Central Figures of the Kensei-kai Party," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. Hokuto-Sei. "The Dark Side of the Journalists' Associations of Tokyo," The Chugai-Shinron, January, 1918. "The Dark Side of the Political Party Reporters," The Chugai-Shinron, August, 1918. Homma, Hisao. "Censorship of Literature," The Shinkoron, July, 1918. Independent, The. "The Japanese Riots," LXXIV, 429-30, February 20, 1913. Inukai, Ki. "Anecdotes," The Daigaku Hyoron, August, 1917. "Anecdotes of Early-Day JoumaUstic Experience," The Taikan, Octo- ber, 1918. Ishikawa, Hanzan, "A Lecture on the Newspaper," The Chu-o Koron, Septem- ber, 1915. "The Development of the Newspaper in Japan," The Shinjidai, Feb- ruary, 1919. Ishikawa, Kammei. "Consistency Is My Journalistic Policy," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Iwaya, Homei. "The Unjust Prohibition of Publication," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1916. Jonan-Inshi. "Exposure of the Secrecy of Current National PoUtics" (monthly serial), The Shinjidai, December, 1917 — May, 1919. Katsujin-To. "Political Party Reporters of Tokyo," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. Kikuchi, Shodo. "My Opinion of Newspapers," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Kodama, Konan. "My Impression of Journalistic Life," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Koku-Un-Sei. "Prominent Statesmen of the Shinsei-Kai Party and of Inde- pendents," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. Koyama, Nobuyuki. "Rebuke of Count. Terauchi's Declaration of a Despotic Administrative Policy," The Sekai-Koron, June, 1918. Kuratsuji, Hakuja. "The Chivalry of Civilized Society," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Kurohano-Kagebito. "The Conflict between Foreign Minister Goto and the Journalists' Associations," The Sekai-Koron, June, 1918. BIBLIOGRAPHY 175 Matsui, Hakuken. "An Essay on the Journalists' Morals," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1918. "Qualifications of the Journalists," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Mejirodai-Shu. "PoHtical Philosophy of the Non-Party Government," The Shinjidai, January, 1917. Mumei-Inshi. "Conflict between Goto and the Kasumi Club," The Taiyo, July, 1918. Mumei-Shi. "Political Discussions by Journalists Who Are in the Pay of the Government," The Shin-Nippon, June, 1918. Nagashima, Ryuji. "Five Noteworthy Statesmen in Present-Day Japan" (three serial articles), The Shinjidai, April, May, June, 1918. Nakahira, Fumiko. "My Experience as a Woman- JoumaUst Who Was Mis- led Because of the Weakness of the Feminine Nature," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1916. Nakamura, Kichizo. "The Attitude of Our Authorities on Censorship of Plays and Publications," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1916. Nakamura, Seiko. "New Tendencies in Writing Stories," The Shinjidai, October, 1917. -Nippon, The. "Cabinet, Diet, and the Press," March, 1918. Oba, Shigema. "Plea for Civil Suits against Unjust Censorship," The Chu-o Koran, May, 1916. Oishi, Masami. "Short Criticisms of the Prominent Statesmen of Japan," The Shinjidai, April, May, 1918. "Count Itagaki's Trip to Europe and the Subsequent Great Internal Disputes in the Liberal Party," The Taikan, October, 1918. Oka, Ikuzo. "Experience as Proprietor of the Chu-o," The Taikan, October, 1918. Okuma, Shigenobu. "Elections ia Japan and the Causes of Political Weakness in the Nation," The Tokyo Asahi, April 24, 1917. Onose, Fujibito. "Needed Reforms in the Press and the Journalists' Associa- tions," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Otani, Seifu. "The More Might, the More Responsibility," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Outlook, The, "Political Riots in Japan," CIII, 376-77, February 22, 1913. Ozaki, Yukio. "How I Was Banished from Tokyo as a Dangerous Agitator," The Taikan, October, 1918. Renzan-Ujin. "The Leading Figures of the Seiyu-kai Party," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. 176 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Retsugai-Kanjin. "The Financial Reporters of Tokyo," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Sasakawa, Rimpti. "History of the Civilization of Yedo," The Chu-o Koron, September, 1915. Satomi, Kingo. "Bury the Shinju-kai," The Shinjidai, February, 1918. Sawa, Raitaro. "Need for the Revision of the Press Law," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1916. Sensoku-Rojin. "Politicians' Manipulations of the Journalists." The Chu-o Koran, March, 1917. ^ — "Psychology of the Political Parties and the Dispositions of the Party Politicians," The Chu-o Koran, January, 1917. Shimada, Saburo. "Reminiscences of a Journalist," The Taikan, October, 1918. Shinjidai, The. "Peddlers of Evening Papers in Tokyo," January, 1918. "An Instance of the Corruption of Reporters of Economics," May, 1918. "The Hard-Pressed Newspaper Offices," June, 1918. "A Warning to Our Government as to Prohibitions of Publication," June, 1918. "Prohibition of Publication," July, 1918. "The Dark Side of the Social News Reporters," August, 1918. "Directory of the Journalists of Tokyo," October, 1918. "Directory of the News-gathering Agencies of Tokyo," November, 1918. •'An Exposure of the Inner Circumstances of Local Newspapers," December, 1918. Soyeda, Juichi. "Why I Entered the Journalistic Profession," The Shinjidai, February, 1919. Sugimura, Kotaro. "Having Read Dr. Ukita's Article Attacking on the Harm- fulness of the Press, Urge His Serious Reflection upon Himself," The Chu-o Koran, November, 1917. Suginaka, Tanekichi. "The Enslaved Tokyo Asahi," The Shinjidai, October,' 1917. "The Cursed Yarozu," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. "Criticism on the Tokyo Nichir-nichi," The Shinjidai, January, 1918. "Change in the Tokyo Mainichi," The Shinjidai, February, 1918. "Criticism on the Hochi," The Shinjidai, March, 1918. "Criticism on the Kokumin," The Shinjidai, April, 1918. "Criticism on the Yamiuri," The Shinjidai, May,1918. "Criticism on the Yamato," The Shinjidai, June, 1918. ^"The Osaka Nichi-nichi, the Roman Pope of Japanese Journalism," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. BIBLIOGRAPHY 177 Suginaka, Tanekichi. "The Osaka Asahi, a Public Enemy of Humanity and an Incarnation of Dangerous Ideas," The Shinjidai, August, 1918. "The Poor Osaka Asahi, Which Is Now Lying on the Chopping-Block," The Shinjidai, October, 1918. "The Cursed Osaka Asahi," The Shinjidai, November, 1918. "The Subsequent Situation of the Osaka Asahi," The Shinjidai, Decem- ber, 1918. Taiyo, The. Articles printed in 1907-20 inclusive referred to.' Takata, Sanai. "Before the Popularization of Newspapers," The Taikan, October, 1918. Takayama, Kakui. "The Custom of Attaching the Syllabaries to the Ideo- graphs Must Be Abolished," The Chu-o Koron, March, 1918. Takegoshi, Yosaburo. "Count Mutsu and His Success in Making Japan a World Power," The Taikan, October, 1918. Takino, Fuyo. "Gossip about the Nippon Club," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. Tanaka, Kotaro. "History of Official Scandals and Corrupt Practices m New Japan," The ChU-o Koron, March, 1917. Tanizaki, Jun-ichiro. "Prohibition of PubHcations Criticized," The Chu-o Koron, May, 1916. Tokutomi, Soho. "The General Trend of Journahsm and the Mission of the Press," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Toshikaku-Shujin. "Exposure of the Internal Circumstances of Ten Large Tokyo Newspapers," The Chugai, November, 1917. Tsushima, Kennosuke. "The Responsibility of Journalists," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Uchida, Roan. "A Glimpse of Approaching Social Transformation in Japan," The Taiyo, May, 1918. Ukita, Kazutami. "Journalism and Journalists," The Shinjidai, October, 1917. "Reply to the Criticism Passed on My Essay on Journahsm," The Shin- jidai, December, 1917. Uyeda, Mannen. "My Opinion about the Newspaper," The Shinjidai, December, 1917. Uzaki, Rojo. "The Past, Present, and Future of the Military Clan of Japan, The Chugai-Shinron, January, 1919. ' A large number of valuable articles concerning political affairs were published every month in the Taiyo, and they have been referred to by the writer. With the exception of a few articles which were especially quoted, they have been omitted in this bibliography. 178 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Wakamiya, Unosuke. "Organized Violence of the Journalists," The Shinjidai, July, 1918. Yano, Ryukei. "Journalistic Experiences of My Friends," The Taikan, October, 1918. Yoshino, Sakuzo. "My Impressions on Reading the Instructions Given by Our Premier and Foreign Minister," The Chii-d Koron, March, 1917. * NEWSPAPERS AU the leading Japanese newspapers were consulted; but those which are mentioned below have been carefully studied for the periods stated: Asahi, The Osaka (1918). Asahi, The Tokyo (1916-20). Chu-o, The (1916-20). Hochi, The (1918). Japanese-American News, The (1918-20). Jiji, The Tokyo (1918). Kokumin, The (1918-19). Yorozu, The (1917-20). INDEX INDEX Advertising, 44, 45, 104, 116, 117; agency, 47, m, 112; commercial, 44, 46, 103, 104; income from, no, in; increase in, 4, 103, in; in leading newspapers, in; rate of , no, in Agitation, anti-government, 88, 90; anti-tax, 136, 137, 138; political, 74, 7S, 77, 78, 79, 80, 133, 142; public, 90, 123, 133, 162 AkeboHO Shimbun, 82 Akiyama, Teisuke, 132 Amaterasu, sun-goddess, 11 America, 24, 25, 31, 4°, 4i, 69, 83, 84; educational system of, 35; ideas of, 78; independence of, 72 Asabuki, Eiji, 85 Asada, Koson, 154 Asahi, 117 Asakura, Kamezo, 15, 41, 44 Ashikaga school, 15 Assembly, National, 3, 4, 58, 61, 64, 65, 72, 73, 75. 76, 80, 82, 88, 109; Hall, 87, 92, 1 25, 142, 147 Associated Press of America, 113 Association, 59, 6y, of business men, 137; to support Count Okuma, 150 Awa, Katsu, 49, 52 Awakening, of masses, 4, 136, 166, 167; national, 52; political, 4, 136, 137 Bakin, 44 Ballads, 15, 19, 20; singers, 15, 16; street, 15,16 Bankoku Shimbun, 46, 47 Batavia Shimbun, 39 Bentham, 72 Berry, first pubUsher of advertising, 46 BiU, enforcement of foreign treaty, 96; impeachment, 96, loi, 142, 146; Press Law revision, 90, 96, 101, 102; taxation, 125, 137 Budget, 87, 88, 128, 147; naval, 87, 148, 149 Bureau, Imperial Household, 56; for the Investigation of Western Literatmes, 3 8 ; of official gazette, 105; of transporta- tion, 3, 31; Police, 120 Bureaucracy, 127, 132, 138, 149, 150, 164, 167; Prussian, 78; reactionary, 152; attitude toward journalism, 159, 160; decUne of, 136 Cabinet, 50, 125, 130, 139; coalition, 152; the First Okuma, 126, 164; the Fourth Ito, 127, 128; Hara, 164; the Second Okuma, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153; form of government established, 77; Ito, 88, 123; Katsura, 133, 135, 137, 138, 140; Saionji, 135, 137, 138; Second Yamagata, 127; Sho-Wai, 123, 124; Terauchi, 152, 153, 163, 164; win of the, 139; Yamamoto, 141, 144, 147, 148, 150; see also Ministry Carrier, common, i; newspaper, 43, 113 Censorship, 20, 21, 59, 119, 131, 134, 154 China, 9, 32, 53, 100, 122, 125, 129, 152 Chinese, 100; classics, 9, 10, 98; compo- sition, 104; letters, 8, 9; philosophy, 9; proverb, 149; syntax, 105; stu- dents, 154; territory, 53 Chishima Go incident, 95 Cho-ai, 21 Chokai Shimpo, 63 Choya Shimbun, S5i 66, 76, 79, 86 Christianity, opposed by Buddhists and Shintoists, 99 Chugai Shimbun, 42 Chu-o, 117, 142, 143, 161, 162, 163 Circulation, 4, 42, 43, 60, 72, 80, 86, 104, 105, 106, 122; increase in, 47, 48, 104, io8-n, 122, 13s, 141, 147, 160; daily, of leading newspapers, 106, 107; rise and fall of, 109, in, 113 181 l82 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Citizens' Union, 129 Civilization, advancement of, 71; Chi- nese, 9; Indian, 9; Japanese, 98; West- em, 52, 98 Clan, 150; Choshu, 85; decline of, 136; Sat-Cho, 62, 7S, 86, 87; Satsuma, 85, 124, 141; Tokugawa, 62; Toyotomi, 14, IS Class, lower, 4, 105, 136; middle, 4, 105, 122, 135, 136; middle, of Old japan, 51; militaristic, 4; privileged, 167; relation between, 166; upper, 3, 114, 122, 13s, 136, i6s; wage-earning, 166 Colonial papers, 116 Commerce, 103, 137, 165; chambers of, 137; growth of, 103 Comtminication, i, 2, 6, 28, 47,. .160; Department of, 31; in New Japan, 30; in Old Japan, 6; in political development, 80; lack of, a cause of disorder, 59; maritime, 6; means of, 4, 22, 72, 80, 106, 136, 166 Constitution, Imperial, 3, 50, 76, 78, 89, 96, 119, 124, 126; amendment of, 79; spirit of, 14s Coup d'etat of B, 26 Couriers' Association, 8; Hotel, 7; pri- vate, 8, 31 Court, of Berlin, 144; English, 95; Imperial, 26, 29, 50, 52, 131; of Justice, 92, 94; Shogunate, 20, 26, 38; Supreme, 65 Daido Danketsu, 77, 79 Daimyo, 7, 21, 26, 49, 51; western, 27, 28, 49 Dai-Nippon Kokkai Kisei Yushi-kai, 76 Dajokan, 77 Dajokan Nisshi, 39 Democracy, 4, 5, 80, 123, 124, 164, 168; goal of, 167; political, 2, 167 Department, administrative, 78, 90, iig, 123; foreign, 131; Imperial House- hold, 114; of Interior, 121, 133, 161; judicial, 123, 142; of Navy, 142, 144, 148 Despotism, 64, 67; German benevolent, 167 Diet, Imperial, 79, 87, 88, 90, 92, 96, 97, 100, loi, 109, 128, 130, 132, 133, 138, 139, 146, 149-50; dissolution of, 87, 88, 96, 99, 125, 126, 131, 139, 142, 150; disturbance in, 164; suspension of, 88, 96, loi; see also House Diplomatic, Coxmcil, 84, 87; defeat, loi; relations, break of, 131, 133 Discussion, freedom of, 21, 37, 50, 67, 70, 71, 78, 88, 99, 102, 119, 123, 13s, 146, 150, 162; journalism citadel for, 82; political, 66, 80; public, 64, 72, 83, 91, 134, 136; public, organ for, 59; suppression of, S9, 146 Edict, Imperial, 58, 65, 75, 77, 89 Editorial, i, 47, 48, 65, 66, 81, 82, 84, 85, 88,103; biased, 122; lost prestige, 121; radical, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74; signed, 61; violent, 62, 63, 64; writers, 82, 117, 118 Education, 4, 6, 8, 72, 106, 121, 136, 160; democratized, 165; diffusion of, 4, 106, 166; higher, 36; imperial rescript for, 35, 98, 99; in New Japan, 3S; in Old Japan, 8; national, 98; public, 3S Eire Jiyu, 72 Elder statesmen, 124, 126, 131, 138, 139, 146, 148; decline of the power of, 149 Election, 87, 96, 137, 150; government interference in, 87, 88, 151, 152; returns, 88 Emperor, 28, 29, 49, 50, 89, 93, 131, 138, 139, 140; as plaintiff, 95; deceived, 139; Jimmu, II, 63; Meiji, 50; Mut- suhito, 109; Seiwa, 6; Sujin, 6 Empire, centralized, 136; Eastern, 5; honor of, 144; Island, loi; Roman, 72 England, influence of, 76; ally of Japan, 133; suit against, 95; treaty with, 26 Expedition, American, 24; English, 24; Formosa, 53; Russian, 24 Extra-territoriality, 77, 91, 94 Far East, peace in the, 100, 125, 129 Fiction, in newspapers, 105, 121; politi- cal, 72 INDEX 183 Flaubert, 121 Foreign, affairs, 5, 167; exclusionist, 26, 27; judge, 77; office, 155, 156, 157, 158, 163; relations, 4, 49; trade, 103 Foreigners, 91, 94, 98, 100, 141 Formosa, 53, 116 France, 26, 35, 76, 78, 80, 95, 105, 113, 121; in China, 125; in Three States' Intervention, 100; violation of neu- trality by, 132, 133 Franchise, 165 Freedom, 66, 67, 69, 97, 150; constitution regarding, 119 Fujita, Mokichi, 73 Fukuchi, Ochi (Genichiro), 61, 62, 72, 76 Fuku-o Jiden, 72 Fukuoka Nichi-nichi, 115 Fukuzawa, Yukichi, 83, 84, 104, 105, III, 119; editorial of, 72 Ftisai Shimbun, 62, 63 Germany, 78, 100, 125, 142, 144; in Three States' Intervention, 100 Gosaia^sho, 21 Goto, Baron Shimpei, 154, 163; quarrel . with reporters, 154-59 Goto, Count Zojuro, 61, 64, 77, 79, 80, 92 Government, bureaucratic, 148, 164; cabinet form of, 77; central, 51, 64, 65; Clan, 87, 124, 126, 148; constitu- tional, 60, 65, 72, 81, 97; democratic form of, 127; feudal, 2; free, 2, 67, 69; Imperial, 51, 59; liberal, 164; newj 53, 60; non-party, 148, 152; parliamentary, 2; party, 127, 164; popular, 2, 49, 149; representative form of, 54, 62, 64, 7s; tyrannical, 63, 67, 68, 69, 71 Goyuhilsu-nikki, 21 Greeley, Horace, 83 Griffis, W. G., 12 Hara, Takashi, 119, i43) i44, i45) 164 Harris, Townsend, 26 Hausknecht, Herr, 35 Haya Uma, 6 Hearn, Lafcadio, 12, 13, 14, 16 Heian Shimbun, 63 Henry, Patrick, 62 Hibiya Park, mass meeting at the, 133, 140, 142. Hideyori, 14 Highways, 7, 32, 34 Hijikata, 123 Hikozo, Joseph, 40, 41 Hikyaku, 6 Hikyaku-yado, 7 Hiraga, Gennai, 44 Hochi Shimbun, 72, 73, 76, 79, 84, 86, 105, IIS. 117 Hojo, Tokimune, 25 Hongkong Shimbun, 39 House, 87, 89, 90, loi, 139, 149, 150; aroused, 147; of Representatives, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 124, 125, 126, 130, 131, 132, 135, 137, 142, 144, 146, 151; of Peers, 96, 124, 128, 129; see also Diet Ideograph, Chinese, 9, 14, 43, no li, Naosuke, 26, 56 Illustrated print, 15 Imperial, army, 60, 138, 145; command, 126, 138, 146, 148; Court, 26, 29, 50, 52, 131; decree, 19, 51; House, 64, 78, 89, 92, 112; message, 130, 131, 139; order, 139; ordinance, 127; palace, 56; tutorage, 138 Imperialism, 62, 135 Independent, The, 139 Industry, 137, 138, 165; control of, 166; development of, 4, 103 Inouye, Marquis Kaoru, 52, 77, 80, 126 Inouye, Tetsujiro, 99 International, difficulties, 4, 96; law, 132; relations, 4, 97; strife, 135; poli- tics, 5, 167 Inukai, Ki, 82, 84, 118 Iseri, Keishi, 107 Itagaki, Count Taisuke, 61, 64, 76, 77, 126, 164 i84 TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Ito, Prince Hirobumi, 57, 77, 78, 80, 89, 96, 123, 125, 127, 128, 140; Cabinet, 88, 123, 128 Ito, Shimpei, 52, 53 Ito, Viscount Miyoji, 119 Iwakura, Prince, 51, 52, 64, 85 lyeyasu, 7, 14, 15. 28 Izumi-Shikibu, 9 Japan, 2, 5; Advertiser, 116; Chronicle, 116; Eastern, 60; Gazette, 116; Mail, 116; New, 30, 60, 136; Northern, 60, 8s; Old, 2, 3, 6, 137; Times, 116; Year Book, 104, 120, 121 Jiji Shimpo, 72, 73, 81, 104, 117 Jiyu-no Tomoshibi, 72 Jiyu-to, 76, 77, 1 25 "Joke-books," 20 Journalism, amatetir, 3, 38; attitude of bureaucrats toward, 159, 160; atti- tude of party politicians toward, 159, 160; commercial, 4, 103, 104; Japa- nese, handicaps of, no; independent, 4, 122; new epoch for, 103; new era in, 141; political, 3, 38, 60; a stepping- stone to success, 119; Western, 61; yellow, 105, 167; see also Newspaper, Press, and Publication Journalists, 10, 61, 66, 72, 81, 82, 85, 88, I2S, 141, 143. U9, 152. IS3, ^S5, 156; anecdotes of, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88; anti-government, association of, 100, 146; association of, 124, 143, 148, 154, 156; club, 156, 157, 158;- culture of, 84; distinguished, 1 18-19; of early days, 86, 87; fight against censorship, 161, 162; imprisonment of, 66; income of, 117, 118; malcontents and radicals as, 60; mission of, 83, 143; social position of, 61, 8z, 117, 118, 119; Japanese, weakness of, no; United National, conference, 144, 146 Journals, censorship of, 119, 120, 121; commercial, 3, 81, 103, 104; independ- ent, 81, 82, 104, 122; official, 21; pohtical, 3, 38, 60 Jurisdiction, Imperial, 91; foreign, 94; of British consul, 95; police, 94; professional, of journalists, 158 Kabayama, 87 Kaibara, Yekken, 10 Kaigai Shimbun, 39 Kaigai Shimpo, 39 Kai^o Jidan, 61 Kaiser Wilhelm, 63 Kaishin-to, Rikken, 76, 79 Kanaj 9, 43, no Kasumi Club, 156, 157 Kato, Vice-Admiral T., 148 Kato, Viscount Takaaki, 119, 156, IS7 Katsura, Prince Taro, 129, 133, 138, 139, 140 Kawara-ban, 14 Keihan Mainichi Shimhun, 63 Keihin Mainichi, 76, 79 Keio, Gijiku, 84; University, 72 Kdzai Shimpo, 84 Keizai Zasshi, 84 Kenseikai, 119, 140 Kensei-to, 90, 126, 127, 130, 133, 164 Kibyoshi, 20 Kido, Koen, 51, 52, S4, 57 Kishida, Ginko, 40 Kiyoura, Viscount, 148 Kobe Herald, 116 Kojo Nisshi, 39 Koko Shimbun, 47, 60, 61, 62, 70 Kokumin, 104, 117, 133, 140 Kokumin Kyokai, loi, 102, 124 Kokumin Nenkan, 103 Kokimiinto party, 84, 118 Komatsubara, Eitaro, 68, 69 Konjaku Monogatari, 14 Korea, 25, 52, 100, loi, 116, 129, 131; incident with, 52, 53, SS, 64, 7S> 82 Kublai-Kahn, 25 Kuroiwa, Shuroku, 105, 143, 144, 146, 148, 158, 162, 163 Kyoto Nichi-nichi, 8, 26, 63 INDEX i8S Labor, disturbance, i66; markets of other Asiatic states, i66; organization, 165; problems, 121, 165, 166; strikes and uprisings, 165, 166 Laborers, of Japan, 165; of Western countries, 165; poverty of, 165 Lampoon, 20, 21, 24; Hoei, 2r Law, 98; civil service, 127; college of, J34, 13s; Imperial, 91, 94, 165; international, 132; libel, 66, 70; martial, 134, 140; old despotic, 119; press, 66, 70, 81, 90, 96, loi, 102, 120; violation of, 137 League, Anti-Russian People's, 129; of Three States, 100, 120, 125 Liaotung Peninsula, 100, loi, 125 Library, 37; Imperial, 37; Kanazawa, 9 Literary, articles, 116; style in journal- ism, 104, los; work, 9; world, 119 Literary Digest, 141 Literature, Chinese, 9, ro, 98; common, I, 8; Dutch, 38; jomnalistic, 43, 104; vernacular, development of, 9, 98; Western, 27, 38, 105, 117 Lithographing, 14 London, 61, 113; papers, 61; Times, 79 Mail, 7, 8, 30, 31 Makino, Baron, 156, 157 Manchuria, lor, 116, 125 Manifesto, by university professors, 129; for assassinating wicked man, 57, 58; of French Revolution, 67 Martin, F. L., 113 Maruyama, Ryuhei, 104 Masses, 3, 122; meeing of, 78, 79, lor, 133, 140, 142, 149; mental situation of, 160; political awakening of, 4, 136, i65, 167; power of, 125 Matsuda, Masahisa, 119 Matsukata, Marquis, 146 Matsumoto, K., 75 Matsuoka, K., 137 Matsushita, G., 148 Matsuyama, C, 143. 162 Maupassant, 121 Mayeshima, Baron, 30 Meiji, Emperor, 50; Era, 21, 60, 72; regime of, 35 Meiji Shimpo, 119 Memorial, 64,, 75, 78, 79, 89, 90, 91, 95, 96, 131; impeachment, 93; joint, 60 Military party, 138; agreement of, 154;- decline of, 136; domination, 164 Minamoto, Takakuni, 14 Minister, of Agriculture and Commerce, r47; British, to China, 53; of Educa- tion, 69, 134, 13s; of Finance, 147; Foreign, 78, 154, 15 s, 156; of Imperial Hoxisehold, 123, 131, 140; of the Inte- rior, 78, 90, 97, 120, 134, 143, 152, 161, 162, 163; of the Left, 75; Lord, 56; of the Right, 52; of Navy, 120, 142, 148, 149; State, 8s, 86, 89, 95, 142, 146, 147, 150; of War, 120; without Portfoho, 81, 83 Ministry, 124; the First Katsura, 129, 13s; Kiyoura, r48, 149; the Second Saionji, 138; Terauchi, 152, 153, 164; Yamamoto, 147, 148; see also Cabinet Minoura, Katstmdo, 73, 119 Miyatake, Gaikotsu, 67, 69 Mizuno, Minister of the Interior, 161-63 Moshiogusa, 60 Motoyama, Hikoichi, 109 Muckraking, 105, 160 Miurai, Gensai, 105 Murata, T., speech of, 147 Mutsu, Viscount Munemitsu, 119 Nagasaki, 24, 26; steel mill, 42 Nagasaki Press, 116 Nagata Club, 157 Naigai Shimbun, 60 Nakamura, Tekisai, 10 Nation, 136, 142, 144, 167; crisis in, 71; political development of, 167; seclu- sion policy of, 23; self-consciousness of, 4, 97; unified, 97, 135 /Nationalism, 4, s, 97, 102, 168; enlight- ened, 168; growth of, 98, 13s; reac- tionary, 4, 97 i86 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Natural-rights doctrine, 60, 62, 66, 76 Navy, 148, 150; circle, 141, 148; oflBicials, 141; scandal case, 141, 144; strength of, 149 News, 1,4, 66, 121; biased, 122; foreign, 113; general, 117; war, 4, 82, 104 News-gathering agency, 112, 143; inter- national, 112 Newspapers, i, 2, 38, 59, 60, 61, 66, 72, 77, 80, 88, loi, 102, 128, 129, 13s, 138, 139,^ 144, 149, 150; anti-government, 79, 92; brokers, 114; Bureau of, 40; business management of, 81; censor- ship of, 20, 21, 119, 131, 134; Chinese, pro-Russian, 132; clipping supply agencies, 114; colonial, 116; country, IIS, 118; demand for, 59; develop- ment of, II, 43; dictionary for, 43; distributing agencies, 113, 114, 115, early difficulties with, 42; English, 116; evening, 114; expense of pub- lishing, 107, 108; financial condition of, no; the first daily, 42; foreign- language, 116; forerunners of, 11; government, 92, 140; "Great-," 43, 84; Japanese, handicaps of, no; illus- trated, is; independent, 4, 81, 122, 136; Japanese, make-up of, 116, 117; metropolitan, 143, 161; as a political force, 60; power of, 128; private, 60; provincial, iis; publication of, 59, 81, 87; r61e of, 80, 141, 160, 167; sample copies of, 108; "Small-," 43; support of, 151, 152; vernacular, 41, 116; and war, 136; Western, 38, 41, 42, 110,116, 117 Niigata Shimhun, 82 Nippo, 92 Nippon, 79, 123 Nippon and Nippon-jin, 146 Niroku, los, IIS, 132 Nisshin Shinji-shi, 65 Noble, 8s, 114, 164 Oath, Charter, s°) 6s; public, s°; of Restoration of Meiji, s8 Official gazette, 21, 39, 60 Okubo, Toshimichi, 51, S2, S4, 55, S6j 57, S8, 64; assassination of, S4, 59 Okuma, Marquis Shigenobu, 36, S2, 57, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 85, 87, 124, 126, 149, ISO, 151, 152, 153, 164 Organ, of Daido Danketsu, 79; factional, 122; for public discussion, iss, 156, 157; government, 39, 76, 92, 133, 141, 142, 143, 144; party, 4, 72, 76, 79, 81, 82, 103, 112, 116 Osaka, 7, 8, 30, 140, 144, 161; Asahi, 81, 104, los, 117; Mainichi, 81, 104, 109, 119; Nippo, 62, 63; Shimpo, 63, 119 Otani, S., 148, 163 Oura, Viscoimt Kanetake, 152 Outlook, The, 140 Oyama, Prince Iwao, 126, 146 Ozaki, Yukio, 82, 83, 84, 119, 139 Park, Robert E., 2 Participation, i, 22; in common life, s; in control of industry, 166; goal of democracy, 167; in political struggle, 80; in politics, 3; in public affairs and public opinion, 136 Party, poUtical, 37, 76, 77, 82, 90, 99, i°i, 125, 131, 133, 13s, 140, 149; antipathy toward, 1S2; anti-government, 76, 87, 88, 92, 97, 101, 126, 142, 146, 152, 164; clan, 126; conservative, S4, 60, 77; constitutional, 126; Consti- tutional Imperialist, 76; Doshikai, 112, 140; government, 97, loi, 124, 126, 137, 142, 146, 147, 151; Imperial- ist, 54; Liberal, 76, 77, 87, 126; Ken- seikai, 119, 140; Kokuminto, 84, 118; military, $2, 138; Nationalist, loi, 102; Progressive, 87, 76, 78, 79, 87, 90, 124, 126; Seiyukai, 112, 119, 127, 128, 130, 133, 137, 138, 142, 147, 150, isi, 164; subsidies of, 81 Patriotic, Association, 76; League, 74 Peace Preservation Regulation, 78 People, 79, 139, 167; growing revolu- tionary, 167; guidance of the idea of the, 1S3; power of the, 167; will of the, 139 Periodicals, 103, 124, 144 Perry, Commodore, 24, 25, 27, 31, 40 INDEX 187 Petition, to the Emperor, 28, 51, 143, i44j 146; for establishing a national assembly, 74 Philosophy, 80; Buddhist, 98; Chinese, 9; French revolutionary, 80; revolu- tionary, 72; Western, 66, 72, 80 Police, loi, 133, i39, 142, i43, i44; Board of, 142, 143, 150; conflict with, 133; , metropolitan, 133, 142, 143; Supenntendent General of, 134; vio- lence, 143 Policy, administrative, 148, 150, 132; democratic, 124; despotic, 124; financial, 138; foreign, 26, 79, 100, 141, 152; national seclusion, 23; open-door, 27; public-loan, 150 Political, affairs, 141, 167; associations, 7S. 76, loi; awakening, 4, 136, 137; consciousness, 151, 167; corruption, 127, 128; demonstration, 140; devel- opment, 2, 3, 4, 5, 167; institutions, 149, 151; institution, extra-legal, 80; life, 72, 151, 167; offense, 63; organization, 75, 76, 97; riot, 88, 1.33, 134, 139, 140, 141, 143, 160; situation, 149; storm, 147; sub- consciousness, 167; trend, 136 Politicians, 87, 122, 127, 138, 144; attitude of, toward journalism, 159, 160; manipulation of joimialists by, IS9 PoUtics, s, 122, 124, 127, 136, 137, 138, 140; autocratic, 139; control of, 149; corrupt, 127, 128, 144; international, 5, 167; of Ito, 123; local, 150; minis- terial, 149; national, 5, 150, 167; party, 138, 150; practical, 164 Pooley, Andrew M., 142 Population, . 80; increase in, 106; na- tional, s, 168 Portsmouth, Treaty of Peace at, 133, 139 Post-offices, number of, 32; private, 8 Postal system, 7, 8, 30, 31, 72 Power, of the masses, 125; to suspend publications, 123; Western, 23, 27; Western, pressure of the, 94; world-, 98, 100 Prejoumalistic period, 1 1 Press, 1, 3, 165, 168; freedom of the, 78, 153; influence of the, 160; law, 66, 70, 81, 90, 96, loi, 102, 120, 123; non-partisan, 124; political function of the, 80; power of the, 141, 149, 164; printmg, 2, 5, 30, 37, 65; r61e of the, I, 2, 80, 136, 141, 160, 167; rotary, ro5, us; strength of the, 125 Printing, handicaps of Japanese, no; development of, 42, 72 Privy Coimcil, 64, 74, 89 Public, 64, 79, 86, 90, 92, 98, 118, i2i, 131, 133. '^iS, .136, 144, I4S. 148, i49> 152, 165; affairs, 136; appeal to the, 150; denunciation, 128; general, 5°. 61, 133, 152; opmion, i, 2, 4, 22, 23, 58, 60, 65, 80, 81, 100, 122, 126, 132, T^iS, 137, 142, 146, i47i 149, 151, 164; opposition of the, 78, 139; power of the, 4, 122, 141; psychology of the, 154; sentiment, 131, 141, 145, 150, 160; susceptibility of the, 160 Publication, expense of, no; freedom of, 78, 153, 162; power to prohibit or suspend, 123, 124; prohibition of, 120, 121, 146, 161, 162; suspension of, 59. 81, 87, 88, go, 97, loi, 120, 123 Radical, 54, 60, 66, 76, 77, 167 Railways, 32, 33, 72; biureau of, 32 Reactionary, bureaucracy, 152; move- ment, 98 Rebellion, 62; of Kagoshima, 54, 73; of Saga, 52 Reformation of Taikwa, 6 Regime, feudal, 7, 50, 85; of Meiji, 62; new, 28, 49; Shogunate, 23, 27, 60 Resolution, 89, 129, 143; of business- men's meeting, 137; impeachment, 146; of United Journalists, 124, 142, 144, 156, 162; non-confidence, 93, 96, loi, 125, 139, 142 Restoration, 3, 20, 34, 47, 51, 52, 65, 98, 103, 1371 ignorance in regard to, 28; of power to the Emperor, 28; Three Heroes of the, 54 Reuter's Agency, 112, 113, 142 i88 THE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN Revolution, 28, 63; act of, 139; Ameri- can, 72; French, 67, 68, 72; in Japan, 29. 54 Richter, Karl, 141, 142, 144 Rikugo Sodan {Universal News), 39 Riot, epidemic natmre of, 161; house- wives', 161; news, 161, 162; political, 88, 133, 134, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143. 14s, 160; publicity incited, 161; rice, 160, 161, 162, 163 Rohokan bookstore, 39 Ronin, 15, 85; of Ako, 15 Rotary press, 105, 115 Russia, 24, 26, 100, loi, 116, 125, 129, 130, 131, 133, 138; in Three States' Intervention, 100; expedition, 24; in- vasion in Manchuria and Korea, 125, 129; fleet, 125, 129, 131, 132; spy case, 132 Saigo, Marquis Judo, 126 Saigo (great), Takamori, 49, 51, 52, 54, 5S, 57, 82; fall of, 54 Salmon, 16 Saionji, Marquis, 119, 135, 137, 138 Saito, Minister of the Navy, 142 Saito, Shuichiro, 92 Samurai 3, 23, 53, 56, 122; discon- tented, S4; ex-samurai as coxiriers, 43; lower, the innovator, 51 Sando-Bikyaku, 7 Sanjo, Prince Sanetomi, S7 Schools, attendance of, 36; number of, 36; provincial, 9; public, 35; tech- nical, 35 Scribbling, 14 Seiron, 79 Sei-shonagon, 9 Sdyo Zasshi, 41, 42 Seiyukai party, 112, 119, 127, 128, 130, 133, 137. 138, 142, i47> 150, 151, 164 Senate, 65, 74, 75, 79 Sensationalism, 105, 167 Sensoku-Rojin, 159, 160 Seoul Press, 116 Share-hon, 20 Shimada, Ichiro, 55, 56, 57, 58 Shimada, Saburo, 81, 88, 119, 128 Shimbun Kogirohu, 46, 106, no, in, iij Shimizu, Cho, 120 Shin Aichi, 115 Shin-Jidai, no Shinju-Kai, 158, 161, 162, 163 Shin-Nippon, 146 Shogun, 28, 49, 50; court of, 20, 26; Tokugawa, 7, 20, 26, 27, 28, 38 Shohei-ko, 9 Siemens case, 141 Social, control, i, 124, 151; institution, 2; life, 167; organization, i, 167; position of journalists, 61, 82, 117, 118, 119, 137; problems, 121.; scale, 137; unrest, 160 Soms Zasshi, 63 Song, n; old Japanese, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19 Sovereignty, dejaclo, 28, 29; de jure, 28, 29; of the people, 76 Soyejima, Count Taneomi, 61, 64 State, 136, 167; affair, si; common life of the, s; constitutional, 89; councilor, 7S, 8s; family of, 98; foreign, 79,' 96, 100; foundationof the, 137; ideal, 167; neighboring states of. Asia, %2, 53; so-called democratic, 167; Western, 64, 78,98 Statesman, 133; bureaucratic, 138; clan, 126, 149; democratic, iss; and jour- nalism, 159, 160; practical, 152 Story, human interest, 105; newspaper, los; pohtical, 72; serial, los; telling, 10 Subscription, 103; price, 105, no; rebate of price, 108 Suehiro, Tetcho, 66, 70, 71, 73, 74 Suematsu, Kencho, 72 Suffrage, organization, i6s; reform, 165; universal, 165; woman, 165 Syllabary, 9, 43 Taguchi, Ukichi, 84, 8s Taiho Era, 8; Code of the, 8 INDEX 189 Taiyo, 153 Takahashi, Goro, 99 Taketomi, TokitosM, 119 Tax, 89, 136, 137, 138; on foreigners, 94 Teikoku-to, Rikken, 76 Telegraph, 31, 32, 33 Telephone, 31, 32, 33 Terauchi, Count, 152, 163, 164; Instruc- tion by Premier, 153, iS4 Three States' Intervention, 100, 120, Tile-block print, 14 Tokugawa, Shogun, 7, 49, 60; factors worked destruction to the, 27; govern- ment, 14, 23; lyeyasu, 7, 14, 15, 28; Keiki, 28, 49; Prince, 148; regime, 7, 8, 9, 21; vassals of, 49, 60; Yoshi- mime, 10 Tokutomi, Soho, 104, 105 Tokyo, 127, 128, 137, 139, 142, I4S, 161; Akebono Shimbun, 63; Asahi, 117, 151; Bay, 8s; city council of, 133; Eire Shimbun, 43; Jiji Shimpo, 81; -Kanaji Shimbun, 43; Kinji Shimpo, 63; Koron, 79; Mainichi, 115, 128, 142, 143; Maiyu, 115, 117, 143; municipal government of, 128; Nichi- nichi, 61, 76, IIS, 117, UQ; i43; Shinji Shimbun, 63; Shimpo, 76; set afire, 134; Yukan, 115 Tomizu, Kanjin, 134, 135 Toun Shimbun, 79 Translation, department of, ,38;" of. Dutch newspapers, 39; of New'Ynrk ; papers, 39; of Western Bewgpq,p,ers.,VH ; . Transportation, i; Bvw^a, 6(j 3°, 31; water, 32, 34 ',-'.''•'' Treaty, 26, 78, 79, _S2;.pc; 91, 94, 97; Anglo- Japanese, 79', ^S, 133; of commerce, 26; cofitwfled \}y..pe.w?r . papers, 82; enforfcement «f, (j6%Aegc<- - tiations with China, 152; mpfivtuiicot- ■ ing, 97; of Portsmouth, 133, 139; revision, 4, 77-79)*9V94; i°o; Russo- Japanese, 132 ■'•^\.-. Twenty-Sixth Century, '125' Type, no; copper, 15; movable lead, 42, 72; movable wood, 39, 61 Typewriter, no Vji-Ishu, 12 United States, 113, 116; President of the, 83 University, 35, 38; Imperial, of Tokyo, 36, 38, 98, 99, 129, 134; Imperial, of Kyoto, 13s; the oldest, 8; private, 36; professors' trouble, 134 Wages, 165, 166; amount of, 166; earner, 165, 166; minimum living, 166; raise in, 166 War, 136; against the government, loi; against Korea, 52; civil, 47, 49, S2, S3, 72, 80, 106, 136; Germa,n-Japanese, no; Great, 4, 136, 152, 164, 166; Japan-China, 4, 47, 97, 100, 103, 106, 109, 113, 120, 122, 129, 131, 13s, 136; and newspaper circulation, 106; Russo- Japanese, 4, los, 106, 109, 129, 131, i3S> 136, 138, 141, 160. Watanabe, Chiaki, 40 Wealth, distribution of, 166; increase of, 4, 136, 166; producing community, 166 Western, civilization, 52, 98; invader, I2S, .126; journalism, 61; literature, 27,38, 105, 117; Literatures, Bureau for the Investigation of, 38; newspaper, 38, 41, 42, no, 116, 117; philosophy, 66, 70, 80; powers, 23, 27, 94; state, 64, 78^98; visitors, 24 Wood block, 42, 61 'Worid's Work, 149 .Yamafeata", Prince Aritomo, 126, 127, 128, i4-6/is2.. - Yamak-awa^,Kenjiro, 134 Yamamotp, •Count Gombei, 139, 141, 144^ 147 - ■"' ". ysyhavovtchi, Yodo, 28 .Udnjqto Shimbun,'iis, 117 Yamawaki, Ki, 69 Yanagawa,. ^hilizo, 41 Yano, Fi'rfo, 84 Yedo,.7,'8;is-, 24, 26; Bay, 25 IQO TEE PRESS AND POLITICS IN JAPAN "Yellow-covers," 20 Yokohama, 24, 46, 85, 127, 142; Main,- ichi Shimhun, 42 Yokoi, Toki-o, gg Yomiuri Shimhun, 14, 43, 86, 105, 117 Yoritomo, 28 Yorozu, los, lis, n?, i43 Yorozuya, Helshiro, 38 Yoshichika, 43 Yoshiuye, 162, 163 "Zankan Jo," 56, 57 ^ ^ <^m ^^ '^^i^^S ^^^3: -.^^S ^^^^;v ^^^^ u ••■■■■■ ■ N.B.-' BIBLIOCIAST « N.B. • BIBLIOSNITCH • N.a THIS BOOK IS LOANED YOU, READER, TO AMUSE, TO READ, TO TEACH, TO STUDY, NOT ABUSE. DONT dog its EARS, DONt PENCIL ITS INSIDE, DONtTURN IT DOWN NOR OPEN ITTOO WIDE. WHY SPOIL ITS LOOKS AND filVE ITS BACK THE'BENDS"? READ PROMPTLY AND RETURN,ITMAY HAVE OTHER FRIENDS. JF Wi.T es