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FURTHER RESEARCHES 
 
 INTO THE 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 FE RRAR-GROU P. 
 
EonDon: C. J. CLAY and SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 
 
 AVE MARIA LANE. 
 
 ffilaagoto: so, WELLINGTON STREET. 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 lUtujig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. 
 
 £rto gotfe: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 
 
 Bnmfmg: E. SEYMOUR HALE. 
 
FURTHER RESEARCHES 
 
 INTO THE 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 FERRAR-GROUP 
 
 BY 
 
 J. RENDEL HARRIS, M.A. 
 
 FELLOW OF CLARE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 LONDON: 
 C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 
 AVE MARIA LANE. 
 
 19OO 
 
 [All Rights reserved^ 
 
31 
 
 A^Uvsio 
 
 ©amfatoge : 
 
 PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Mr Pepys tells us in his diary that he was waked one morning 
 between four and five by a blackbird which he had purchased, which 
 whistled as well as ever he heard any ; only it was ' the beginning 
 of many tunes very well, but there leaves them and goes no further.' 
 I am afraid that my writings on the text of the New Testament 
 have the defect which Mr Pepys found in his blackbird's song ; they 
 do not beat their music out, and they always stop short before the 
 problems stated are properly solved. The present volume is 
 certainly a case in point, and my fear is that, through its incomplete- 
 ness, it may irritate rather than please. But if life should happen 
 to be prolonged (which is itself the preliminary piping of a bird 
 of passage), I shall hope to return to the Ferrar problem again 
 and perhaps, with the aid of my friend, Mr Lake, who is busy with 
 the same researches, to finally edit and explain the archetypal text 
 which underlies this curious group of manuscripts. 
 
 RENDEL HARRIS. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the present tract I return to the study of a conspicuous 
 group of New Testament MSS., marked by peculiar features of the 
 highest interest, and containing a text widely divergent from any 
 accepted or canonical form, known amongst scholars by the name of 
 the Ferrar-group, a title of identification for all MSS. which show 
 textual parallelism with the first members assigned to the group, 
 a title also of honour for the scholar who first engaged in the task of 
 reconstructing the original from which the various members of the 
 group are descended. 
 
 Since the problems involved in the text and history of the Ferrar- 
 group were first opened by the Dublin scholars (Ferrar and his 
 literary executor Abbott), New Testament Criticism has made great 
 advances on all sides : the copies are becoming better known, the 
 versions which render the text and the fathers who quote it are 
 receiving a more scientific treatment ; activity rules all along the 
 line, and even the reactionary critics, who are at their wits' ends to 
 establish what they consider to be a Catholic text, have, by their zeal, 
 contributed largely to that increase of knowledge which must, in the 
 end, result in the demolition of the fetish which they worship. But 
 nowhere has the activity been more conspicuous than in the study of 
 what is called the Western text, to which the Ferrar-group con- 
 tributes so much support. After the Codex Bezae, it may be 
 doubted whether any Greek text is so important to the student as 
 that lost archetype from which the members of the Ferrar-group 
 depend, and which is capable of a restoration out of the evidence 
 which is furnished by the individual members of the group. 
 
 h. i 
 
2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 For this reason we do not consider that the time and pains, which 
 have been expended by other scholars as well as ourselves in the 
 elucidation of this group, have been lost. Here, if anywhere, we 
 can verify the importance of Dr Hort's canon, that "all trustworthy 
 restoration of corrupted texts is founded on the study of their 
 history" ; for this group has a history which, with some lacunae, as is 
 inevitable in all history, can be written out with definiteness and 
 clearness, and almost all the peculiar readings furnished by the 
 group will be traced before long to their ultimate source and have 
 their final and complete explanation. 
 
 The first thing for us to do is to survey the field of study, and 
 examine what points have been reached by the investigators. The 
 bibliography of the investigation is something as follows. We start 
 with Ferrar and Abbott, whose work is entitled A collation of Four 
 Important Manuscripts of the Gospels, which appeared at Dublin, in 
 1877, after the death of Professor Ferrar. 
 
 The next stage is the Abbe Martin's epoch-making tract, entitled 
 Quatre Manuscrits Importants du Nouveau Testament, auxquels on 
 peut en ajouter tin cinquihne, which appears in 1886 as a reprint from 
 the Revue des Sciences EccUsiastiques x . The value of this tract lies 
 in the proof which it furnished that three out of four of the Ferrar- 
 group could be definitely traced to South Italy or Sicily, and in the 
 intimation that the group could be expanded by the addition of fresh 
 members, more or less closely related to the main line of transmission 
 of the Ferrar-text. The group which consisted originally of Ferrar's 
 four, scattered over the wide area represented by England, France, 
 Italy and Austria, has now undergone a geographical limitation to 
 Calabria or Sicily, while at the same time it experiences an expansion 
 numerically by the addition of hitherto unrecognized relatives to the 
 family. Ferrar had started with the following MSS. in constituting 
 his group, and reconstructing their archetype: Cod. Evv. 13 in the 
 Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, Cod. 69 in possession of the 
 borough of Leicester in England, Cod. 124 in the Imperial Library 
 at Vienna, and Cod. 346 in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. The 
 
 1 Paris, Maisonneuve et C'°. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 three whose Calabrian affinities were successfully demonstrated by 
 the Abbe Martin were 13, 124, and 346. To these he added Cod. 
 348, also at Milan, a not very close ally of the group 1 , and intimated 
 that Dr Scrivener had drawn his attention to a MS. coinciding in all 
 respects with the Ferrar tradition, which was to be found in a 
 collection of MSS. purchased at Janina in Epirus for the Baroness 
 Burdett-Coutts. This MS., which Scrivener denoted by the number 
 556, but which Gregory marks as 543, will turn out to be a most 
 important addition to the historical knowledge of the group. As it 
 comes from a geographical centre so little removed from Calabria or 
 Sicily, we might almost assume it to be South Italian in its origin, on 
 the ground of its coincidence with the first four Ferrars ; but it is 
 sufficient, for the present, to remark that there is no need to change 
 the geographical description of the group, from Calabro-Sicilian to 
 any wider term, until we have examined the new member and made 
 him tell his own story. Up to this point, then, the group is marked 
 in New Testament symbols as 
 
 1 3— 6 9—i 24—346—543, 
 and has attached to it the epithet Calabro-Sicilian on the ground of 
 locations made for 13 — 124 — 346 — [543]: the brackets denoting a 
 partial or doubtful coincidence of origin. 
 
 The Abbe also expressed suspicions that a Graeco-Arabic MS. 
 at Venice (Cod. Evv. 211) was in some way connected with the 
 Ferrar-group. These suspicions were provoked by the existence 
 of appended matter similar to what we find in Cod. 69 and 
 Cod. 346. But he did not carry the enquiry beyond the point of 
 speculation. 
 
 The next stage in the investigation is the publication in the 
 year 1887 of my own work on The Origin of the Leicester Codex 
 of the New Testament 2 . The object of this work was to determine 
 whether the youngest member of the Ferrar-group, the celebrated 
 Leicester Codex (Cod. Evv. 69), could be geographically located 
 
 1 Mr Lake, to whose studies in this field of consanguinity between 348 and the group 
 we shall presently draw attention, tells me 13—124—346. 
 that it is not a Ferrar-text, and that the 2 London : C. J. Clay and Sons. 
 
 Abbd Martin is mistaken in his assumption 
 
 1 — 2 
 
4 INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 in the same way as had been done by the Abbe Martin for the 
 other members of the group. I was able to show that the MS. 
 had at one time been in the possession of the Convent of the 
 Grey Friars at Cambridge, and although I was not able to carry 
 the investigation much further, there were a number of palaeo- 
 graphical straws in the breeze which led me to conclude my 
 enquiry in favour of an ultimate Italian origin in the following 
 words : 
 
 "There is reason to believe that before the Leicester Codex came into the 
 possession of the Cambridge Franciscans, it was to be found upon Italian soil ; for 
 there is a suspicion derived from the handwriting, from the vellum-paper arrangement 
 in the quires, and from the paper-mark, which seems to indicate that it is an Italian 
 production not half a century anterior to the invention of printing ; but it must be 
 remembered that this conclusion is not of as great a probable weight, in the matter 
 of the reasonings upon which it is based, as the arguments by which we referred 
 the book to Franciscan hands. If, however, our conclusion be valid we shall 
 probably some day discover the ancestor of the MS. in some one of the Italian 
 libraries." 
 
 We shall in the following pages resume the investigation, with 
 a view to deciding some at least of the questions which are thus 
 raised. 
 
 The next step in the solution of the Ferrar problem should 
 perhaps be found in the publication in 1890 of that part of 
 Dr Gregory's Prolegomena to Tischendorf which deals with the 
 Catalogue of the cursive MSS. of the Gospels. Dr Gregory is 
 careful to note the occurrence in the MSS. which he examines 
 of any of those peculiarities, either in the text or in the supple- 
 mentary matter, which are characteristic of the Ferrar-group or of 
 any of its leading members. For example, he describes the MS. 
 Evv. 543, to which we alluded above, in the following manner : 
 543. Lond. Burdett-Coutts iii. 5. 
 
 Saec. xii., 28-5x22-5, membr.,' foil. ?, coll. 2, 11. 27—30; capp. t, capp, tit], 
 sect, can, lect, syn, men, subscr, p>?>, trrix'. Evv ; Mt Mc i< tov rara; desunt 
 Mt 12, it— 13, 10 Mc 8, 4—28 Lc 15, 20—16, 9 Joh 2, 22—4, 6 4, 52—5, 43 
 11, 21 — 47; insunt nonnulla de patriarchatibus etc., e familia Evv. 13. 69. 
 124. 346 esse videtur (cf. Evv. 13). 
 
 In this description there are a number of points registered 
 
INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 which are pure Ferrarisms, or which are shared by the Ferrar- 
 group with a few other MSS. Such are the enumeration of the 
 pyj/xara and the cttlxol contained in the separate books, the de- 
 scription of the gospels as Ik tov koltol M.o.t6(uov, &c, the peculiar 
 tract on the limits of the patriarchates, which is also a feature of the 
 Leicester and Milan MSS. By the registration of these peculiarities 
 the student is directed in his search after other members of the 
 family which he is engaged on. The same thing is the case 
 when Gregory notes definite traces of Calabrian or S. Italian 
 peculiarities, either in the hands or in the notes of ownership. 
 Sometimes he actually draws the conclusion that the MS. in 
 question belongs to the Ferrar-group, as in the case of Evv. 788 
 in the National Library at Athens ; in other cases he furnishes 
 the data upon which the student can build his own super- 
 structure. It was certain that the publication of such an excellent 
 catalogue of the MSS. of the New Testament would be the 
 starting point for a great deal of further investigation into the 
 history of the text 1 . 
 
 The next step in the investigation is my lecture On the Origin 
 of the Ferrar-group, delivered on Nov. 6th, 1893, at Mansfield 
 College, Oxford 2 . 
 
 In this tract a very important point was gained for the eluci- 
 dation of the Ferrar origins, by an examination into the meaning 
 of the two counts of prj/xara and of arlyoi in the separate Gospels. 
 
 It was shown that the py\p,ara were a literal translation of the 
 Syriac word rdsa^Ava, which means verses, so that we had the 
 
 1 There is an illustration of this in the I do not think this partial collation was 
 
 account of certain MSS. at Grotta Ferrata. ever published : it is important to note that 
 
 Thus in describing Cod. Evv. 826, Gregory it adds another member to the group, 
 
 notes Mr K. Lake, to whose work on this MS. 
 
 Adult (i.e. pericope de adultera) sequitur we shall presently refer, points out that 
 
 Lc. 21, 38; videtur esse familiae Evv. 13 et Gregory omits to notice that this MS. has 
 
 Codici 69 simillimus. In Calabria exara- the prjixara reckoned as well as the ort^oi, 
 
 tus. V. cl. Guil. Henr. Simcoxius me sua- and also that the peculiar description of the 
 
 dente maiorem Lucae partem, Apr. 1886, Gospel as e'k tov Kara MarBalov is found, 
 
 amicissime contulit et consanguinitatem cum 2 London: C. J. Clay and Sons, 
 ilia familia detexit. 
 
6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 verses counted twice, once from the Greek as cniyoi, and once 
 from the Syriac, which had itself derived its reckoning from the 
 Greek. The way being thus opened for the recognition of the 
 existence of a Syriac element in the MSS. in question, it was 
 further suggested that a number of readings in the Ferrar-text 
 might be explained by the influence of Tatian and his Diatessaron. 
 The importance of these considerations for the right understanding 
 of the story of the text is certainly very great. 
 
 In the same year 1893 was published posthumously the 
 Adversaria Critica of Dr Scrivener. The importance of this work 
 for the Ferrar problem consists in the fact that it contains a 
 detailed description of Cod. 543 (Scrivener's 556) and a collation 
 of it with the four MSS. of Ferrar. We shall use this description 
 and collation in our further enquiry. 
 
 From 1893 the study seems to have dropped until 1898 when it 
 was taken up by my friend Mr Lake, of Lincoln College, Oxford, 
 who took the pains to examine a number of Italian MSS. that had 
 been suspected of affinity with the Ferrar-group. The results of his 
 investigation are published in the Journal of Theol. Studies, vol. 1. 
 pp. 117 — 120. The first MS. examined by him is the MS. Evv. 211 
 at Venice, the Graeco- Arabic MS. to which we have alluded above. 
 Mr Lake finds "that there seems little reason for doubting the 
 accuracy of the Abbe Martin's suggestion that 2 1 1 was written in 
 Calabria or Sicily, by either an Arabic scribe, or some writer or 
 writers who were interested in Arab settlers in that district." He 
 finds further that the text of the MS. does not supply many 
 coincidences with the Ferrar-text, and suggests finally that " the 
 verdict on 2 1 1 must therefore be that in all probability it represents 
 two scribes, one a Calabrian Greek, the other a North African, who 
 adopted much of the additional matter frequently connected with the 
 Ferrar-text as well as the reckoning of the pr/iiara. There is a 
 somewhat less degree of probability for supposing that he knew the 
 Ferrar-text, but only used it in the pericope adulterae, preferring to 
 use another text which seems to have had some readings perhaps 
 connected with Tatian." 
 
INTRODUCTION. , 7 
 
 If, however, Mr Lake was disappointed in not finding as close a 
 connexion as he anticipated between the main body of the text of 
 Ev. 2 1 1 and the Ferrar-group, he was successful in proving that two 
 other MSS. which he examined were primary members of the 
 group. The two MSS. in question are preserved in the library at 
 Grotta Ferrata : one of them has already been alluded to in these 
 pages, viz. Cod. 826 in Gregory's Catalogue. But Mr Lake shows 
 that Cod. 828 is a companion text, that both codices "possessed 
 (1) the transpositions of Jo. vii. 53 — viii. 11 to Lc. xxi. 38, and 
 Lc. xxii. 43, 44 to Mt. xxvi. 39 ; (2) the reading c£ jxvrj(jTev8ela-a 
 -rrapOevos Mapiap. iyevvr)<rei> Tv tov Xeyo^evov ^v, otherwise only found 
 in 346 and 543 ; (3) the addition /ecu iv rqj Trpoa-ev^ecrdab clvtovs in 
 Mc. ix. 3 and all the other passages quoted [in my lecture] except in 
 Jo. xx. 20 where 828 agreed with the T.R. ; (4) the subscriptions" 
 [in the Ferrar form, with numbered p-r)\x.a.Ta and cttiy_oi]. The 
 menology in either case shows Calabrian traces. Mr Lake's re- 
 searches bring the Ferrar-group into the form denoted by 
 
 13 — 69 — 124 — 346 — 543 — 788 — 826 — 828. 
 Observe the point that has been reached in the determination of the 
 geographical origin of these codices : of the eight mentioned five are 
 already traced to a Calabro-Sicilian origin ; of the remaining three 
 one is under critical suspicion of an Italian origin (the Leicester 
 Codex), the other two are from Epirus or near it ; Cod. 543 was 
 purchased at Janina in Epirus, and Cod. 788 came into the National 
 Library at Athens from the Monastery twv fieydkatv ttvXojv or 
 Sovctikov, which, according to Gregory, is in Thessaly on the borders 
 of Epirus. Of this last MS. Gregory says expressly, "In Calabria 
 exaratus, jubente ut videtur Leone." The two on which light is 
 needed are therefore the Leicester Codex and the Burdett-Coutts 
 MS. ; between these two, as we shall see presently, there is a close 
 nexus. Let us tabulate the geographical results already reached, 
 adding the date of the MS., and the reason for its local assignment : 
 we have 
 
 Cod. 13 — Saec xiii — Calabro-Sicilian saints (Martin). 
 Cod. 69 — „ xv — unknown. 
 
8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Cod. 124— Saec. xii —brought to Vienna from Naples by JohnSambucus (Martin). 
 Cod. 346— „ xii —purchased at Gallipoli in 1606: Calabro-Sicilian saints 
 
 (Martin). 
 
 Cod. 543 — „ xii— purchased at Janina in Epirus. 
 
 Cod. 788— „ xi —written in Calabria (Gregory). 
 
 Cod. 826— „ xii— Calabro-Sicilian saints (Lake). 
 
 Cod. 828 — „ xii — Calabro-Sicilian saints (Lake). 
 
 It will be convenient also, for purposes of reference, to tabulate 
 roughly the tracts which are found attached to some of these 
 Calabrian MSS. : 
 
 1. Explanation of the Creed and the principal Councils, Cod. 69. 
 
 2. Lives of Apostles, 69, 346. 
 
 3. Limits of Patriarchates, 69, 211, 346, 543. 
 
 4. Climates of Africa, 2ri, 346, 543. 
 
 5. Appearances of Christ at Resurrection, 211, 346. 
 
 6. Symbols of four Evangelists, 124, 211, 346. 
 
 7. Concerning the Angels, 211, 346. 
 
 8. Nicene rules for Easter, 211. 
 
 9. Questions and Answers on Scripture, 211. 
 
 Under (3) it is to be observed that the order of the Patriarchates 
 is as follows : 
 
 Jerusalem, Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, according to 69, 211, 
 346. 543- 
 
 but in the tract ascribed to Leo Sapiens in Migne PG (torn. 107), 
 from which the Abbe Martin thought the extract taken, it is 
 Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem ; 
 
 and in the similar tract ascribed to Nilus Doxapatrius in Migne PG 
 (torn. 132) 
 
 Antioch, Rome, Alexandria, Constantinople, Jerusalem. 
 
 We have now brought together all the data that have hitherto 
 been collected for the study of the Ferrar-group, and may take up 
 the question afresh with the view of still further extending our 
 knowledge. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 OF CODEX 13 AND THE CALABRO-SICILIAN SAINTS IN ITS MENOLOGY. 
 
 At first sight it might seem as if there was not much further to 
 be said with regard to the Paris representative of the Ferrar-group, 
 beyond the elucidations which have been thrown upon its palaeography 
 and its calendar by the Abbe Martin. But as this is, as far as I 
 know, the first instance in which the treatment which is commonly 
 bestowed on Latin Missals and Horae has been applied to Greek 
 Gospels, and since the method applied to this one codex is capable 
 of extension to other members of the group, it may be worth while 
 to spend a little more time and attention on the points raised by the 
 Abbe. 
 
 If the menology attached to a copy of the Gospels has a group 
 of saints from some special locality, the Gospels are themselves 
 localised ; always bearing in mind that in these matters great saints 
 do not count for as much as small ones, and that one swallow is not 
 the conclusive harbinger of summer. Supposing, then, that a MS. 
 has an overplus of Calabrian or Sicilian saints, we are entitled, if the 
 menology is contemporary with the rest of the MS., to call it a 
 Calabro-Sicilian MS.; and even if the menology should be later in 
 date than the main body of the MS., we can still infer that the book 
 has passed through Calabro-Sicilian hands. 
 
 In the case of Cod. 13, Martin gives the following South Italian 
 features from the menology : 
 
 a. S. Elias %TT-q\iti>Trf<i 1 1 Sept. 
 
 p. S. Leo of Syracuse 20 Feb. 
 
 y. S. Conus 3 June. 
 
 S. S. Fantinus 24 July. 
 
 e. Translation of S. Fantinus 30 Aug. 
 H. 2 
 
IO 
 
 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Reviewing this list of festivals as a whole, we are able at once to 
 
 say that they are sufficient to establish Calabrianism. Moreover one 
 
 s. Conon f t he group is not a very bright star and is a star of recent appear- 
 
 sain"' a " ance. He can, therefore, only have been honoured in his own 
 
 locality. 
 
 We find from Ferrarius, De Sanctis Italiae, p. 1 70, the following 
 
 allusion to S. Conus 1 : 
 
 Conon, qui et Conus, monachus S. Basilii, Naxi seu Nasi in Sicilia honestis 
 parentibus ortus, etc. 
 
 a Basilian 
 monk, 
 died in 
 1236. 
 
 Fantinus, 
 a famous 
 Basilian 
 saint, 
 
 Naxi, where the saint was born, is in the neighbourhood of 
 Taormina (Taurominium), and the date of his death is given by 
 Ferrarius as 1236. 
 
 From this we see (1) that the MS. cannot be as old as the 
 twelfth century, as Scholz said ; we must place it, with Gregory, in 
 the thirteenth, and not very early in the thirteenth : (2) we are 
 thrown amongst the Greek Basilian monks, either in the N.E. angle 
 of Sicily or on the opposite mainland. 
 
 We pass on, in the next place, to discuss the case of S. Fantinus, 
 for if S. Conon helps us to fix more accurately the date of the MS., 
 Fantinus helps us to fix its geographical origin. It will be noticed 
 that, in distinction from the other saints, S. Fantinus has two days 
 assigned to him, one for his regular commemoration, probably the 
 day of his death, the other for his translation. This second festival 
 is almost meaningless, except for the community amongst whom 
 S. Fantinus is buried or where he is held in peculiar honour. Can 
 we determine where S. Fantinus lived and died, and whither his 
 relics were removed ? 
 
 Fantinus is the foremost of a group of S. Italian saints at a time 
 when monachism was very much in vogue amongst the Greek 
 population, something like, though on a lesser scale, the state of 
 things which we find in the Thebaid. The principal members of the 
 group are Fantinus, his brother Lucas, and their friends or im- 
 mediate disciples Nilus, Bartolomaeus and Zacharias 2 . 
 
 1 Ferrarius is working from the Martyr- 
 ology of Maurolycus of Syracuse, and from 
 a MS. of the Church at Nasi. 
 
 Reference should also be made to Gaetani, 
 
 Vitae Sand. Sicul. published at Palermo in 
 1657. 
 
 2 Ughelli, Italia Sacra, IX. 174. Plurimos 
 Calabria caelicolas tulit in quibus...con- 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 ii 
 
 Their monastic head-quarters is a Basilian convent at Taurianum, Abbot of 
 on the Italian coast not very far to the north of the strait of Messina, i^caia" 
 Fantinus was the Abbot of this convent, which had formerly been bna ' 
 known as the convent of S. Mercurius. The town of Taurianum and 
 presumably the convent in its neighbourhood were destroyed in an 
 invasion of the Saracens, and apparently the monks fled, for a time, 
 to some safer retreat further inland. 
 
 Although there are many ecclesiastical and monastic notices 
 connecting Fantinus with Taurianum, I have not succeeded in 
 finding an early testimony that he is buried there 1 . The suggestion 
 arises that his body has been removed, or as the menology 
 says, translated. And as we shall find several other cases of the 
 translation of ecclesiastics and monks, belonging properly to Tauri- 
 anum, to neighbouring towns, we are inclined to look to some one of 
 
 fessores ex ordine quidem divini Basilii 
 viginti tres, Nilus scilicet abbas. ..Elias, Za- 
 charias, Fantinus, Ioannes, Lucas, Georgius, 
 Stephanus, Proculus, Bartholomaeus, Nico- 
 laus. 
 
 Barrius, De Antiq. et situ Calabriae, lib. V. 
 p. 1 190. Haud dubium est multos alios 
 Calabros viros divi Basilii monachos per 
 ea tempora sanctitate floruisse, tantis ac 
 talibus ducibus florentibus, utpote Phantino, 
 Zacharia, Helia, Ioanne, Bartholomeo aliisque. 
 
 1 Barrius, De Antiq. et situ Calabriae, II. 
 1078. 
 
 Inde est Parma [ = Palmi] oppidum super 
 mare cum oleo nobili, distat a Geolia millia 
 passum sex : non longe est beati Phantini 
 delubrum, olim beato Mercurio dicatum, divi 
 Basilii monachorum monasterium. 
 
 I do not suppose that we can conclude 
 from this notice that Fantinus is actually 
 buried there. 
 
 Barrius is usually explicit on the question 
 of relics. If he meant us to draw the con- 
 clusion that the "delubrum" was a shrine 
 containing the relics, he would probably 
 have said so directly. 
 
 Ferrarius, Catalogus novus sanctorum, 
 p. 318, indicates the following festival: 
 
 Tauriani in Calabria, S. Fantini Abbatis. 
 At first sight this looks like the festival of 
 
 the translation of the saint ; but a note which 
 Ferrarius adds shows that he is not thinking 
 of the translation ; for he says, 
 
 Hie diversus esse videtur ab eo de quo in 
 Martyrol. Rom. die 30 Aug. agitur. De hoc 
 in Chron. Calab. 
 
 Here he argues that there must be two 
 saints of the name of Fantinus, for there are 
 two festivals. He is clearly wrong, as our 
 Synaxarium shows, for the second festival is 
 the translation of the saint honoured in the 
 first. Ferrarius was not, however, consciously 
 referring to a translation festival when he 
 gave the notice above. 
 
 Or take an earlier writer, almost contem- 
 porary and collocal with Codex 13. Nilus 
 Doxapatrius, writing his Notitia Patriarcha- 
 tuum in 1143A.D. to Roger, King of Sicily 
 and Calabria, says : 
 
 17 5e KaXa/3pt'a izahiv eva pr)TpOT7o\'tT7)v tov 
 'Prjylov' ei%e Se ras aWas eTrto-KOwas v<fr 
 eavrrjv, rjyovv tt)v Tavptdvrjv, ottov 6 ayios 
 fyavrlvos [? + £'x et ] r0 Movaarrjpiov, ttjv Bifiatvrjv 
 avd fjs vvv to MlXtjtov, tt)v K.o}v(TTavTtav Tr)v 
 Kal KovafVTLav vvv \eyOfxevijv, Ka\ ras Xoi7ra? 
 Tra<ras, Tas €tt\ ttjv Ka\a{3piav. 
 
 Observe that Nilus, writing at a time when 
 the festival of the translation of Fantinus 
 was certainly kept, does not say positively 
 that Fantinus is buried at Taurianum. 
 
 2 — 2 
 
12 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 these towns with their associated churches and monasteries as the 
 place of his deposition. In order, however, to avoid hasty con- 
 clusions, we will go into the matter at some length, with the view of 
 finding out all that can be known as to the origin and last resting- 
 place of the saint. 
 
 First of all, Fantinus is a Greek saint ; the conventional Greek 
 view of him may perhaps be given from the modern Swafap io-t^s of 
 Nicodemus Hagioreites 1 . 
 
 'Ek Ka.\afipia<s Trjs iv 'iTaXia oJros Karayofievos, $tov v ' os Taopyiov Kai Bpvat'1/175, 
 
 a<f>iepu>9eh Si eis rbv Oeov e£ av™v (T^eibv tcui' /Jpec/uKcov <nrapyavu>v, brav e<f>@ao-ev eU 
 
 KaTaXXrjXov rjXiKiav, elo~rj)(6rj ets Movatrr^'piov, et'Oa p.£T€;(apt£eTo ■Ka.o-a.v aperqv • E7reio^ 
 
 Si 'iyivv ipydrrj? Sd/ap,os Ttov ivroXwv tov ©eoC, Sib. tovto ko.1 rj^tuidrj aTTOKaXvifJeiav. 
 
 Oijtos BirjXdt vfj(TTL<; tiKocriv bXoKXijpov; r/Liipas, kcu ep.eiv€ yvLivoi Tccnrapa err], Kai 
 
 S. Fanti- 7roXAa? aAAas KaKorvaOeias koX kivSwous V7ri(pcpev 6 doi'Si/xos, orav ol Sapa/c^voi 
 
 nUS rTt tUri(Sa\ov XycrTpiKwi cis ttjv TtoAiW, keijkaTovvTes toi>s tottovs avrijs. Acp ov A0171-01/ 
 
 perils at iv toiovtol% Triipacr pols Si-qvvaev ££r/KOVTa erq, trapaXafiuiv vcrrepov tovs Svo p.adrjTa.<; 
 
 e . Jl . tov, Bi/raAiov Kai NiK?;<jbopov, i;7nJyEv €ts t-^v IIeA.07rdi'v)jo-ov, Biarpitpas Si eis tt)v K.6piv8ov 
 
 lems in 7roAt>i' ^pdvov, eyivev eis 7roAAoi>s 7rpd^ei'OS ua)T?;pias. Mcto. TavTa fierefir] eis Tas 
 
 95 1 A,D ' ■ 'A^'vas, /cat irpoo-Kvvrjo-as rbv e/cei tvpiuKou-tvov rrj's ©cotokou radv, aVe^copryo-ev ets 
 
 earlier. ttjv AapLO~o~av ' iKeWcv Se, d(f> ov 7rpoo~ep.avev apKerbv Kaipbv ets tov rdtftov tov ayiov 
 
 'A^lXXlov tirio-KOirov Aapurcr^s, iwijytv £is T?)v ©ecrcraAoviKijv, Kai dep' ov dVr^Aavcre «at 
 
 KO.TtTpv<pr]crev eis to. 6a.Vfxa.Ta. tov p.eyaXoLidpTvpo'S ArjfxrjTpiov iirl eTrj oktw, pieTa^eipi- 
 
 £dp.evo9 tov avvrjOr) Kavova, ttJs eyKpaTCtas, T€Aetdvet tt)v L,wrjp tov p.i yfjpas ayaQov, /cat 
 
 iKBrjLi.il 7rpd? 6V irroOrjcri Kvpiov. 
 
 The account is at once recognised as, in the main, conventional, 
 S. Fantinus doing all the things proper for saints to do, and finishing 
 up with a regular pilgrimage to all the famous Greek shrines. We 
 suspect that none of this is history, nor are the names of his parents 
 or disciples to be trusted. The Synaxaristes does not know when 
 he was born, nor where, and is equally ignorant of his death and 
 burial. What it does know is that he suffered in the Saracen 
 invasion of Italy; this is history and almost sufficient to be chron- 
 ology : for the time when the Saracens began to harry the Italian 
 coasts can be determined with some closeness 2 . 
 
 1 Zacynthi, 1868 a.d. on Sicily and Calabria. Here are some 
 
 2 The Cambridge Chronicle of Sicily (ed. specimens for Sicily : 
 
 Caruso) which runs from A.D. 827 to A.D. 964, A.D. 827 the Moslems arrive in Sicily, 
 furnishes a good many of the chronological 831 „ „ capture Messina, 
 
 landmarks for the assaults of the Moslems 832 „ „ „ Palermo. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 13 
 
 We must turn to Italian writers if we are to get more definite 
 information. 
 
 So far we have seen reason to believe that Fantinus is buried, 
 either at Taurianum or in some not very distant church or monastery. 
 
 But when we begin to consult the Calabrian and Sicilian writers Is claimed 
 we find a strife amongst them, some claiming Fantinus for Taurianum lycns for 
 
 dr c Syracuse, 
 
 some for Syracuse. 
 
 Barrius, in his third book, attacks Maurolycus, of Syracuse, for 
 
 claiming Fantinus as a citizen of that city : 
 
 " Franc. Maurolycus in suo martyrologio divum Phantinum Taurianum sancti 
 Basilii monachum, de quo dudum scripsimus, quasi Licinia et Mucia lege, ut 
 Ciceronis verbis utar, repetit Syracusas, illiusque parentes martyrio vitam finisse 
 blaterat." 
 
 The charge of inaccuracy is repeated again in c. 22, 
 " Beatum Phantinum, Calabrum hominem, quasi Iulia lege, repetit Syracusas." 
 
 Barrius is referring to Cicero, Brutus xvi. 63, 
 
 " Lysias est Atticus, quamquam Timaeus eum quasi Licinia et Mucia lege 
 repetit Syracusas," 
 
 a beautiful and apt quotation, which he may be forgiven for repeating. 
 It is certainly too bad of the Syracusans to steal our saints, and they 
 deserve to be belaboured with appropriate quotations from choice 
 writers. 
 
 A.D. 926 Hageb came to Oria, which he 
 captured ; that he made a 
 truce with the Calabrians, 
 taking- Leo the bishop of 
 Sicily and the prefect of Cala- 
 bria as hostages. 
 In A.D. 929 we find Saklab raiding the terri- 
 in 872 are defeated at Salerno, tory f tne Lombards, probably 
 
 j j n Beneventum by way of Bari, 
 
 878 capture Syracuse, after a terrible and takin & man y ca P tives - 
 
 s ; eee In A.D. 930 Saklab raids Calabria, captures 
 
 Raids into Calabria occur constantly the citadel of Termulah and 
 
 throughout the earlier years of the tenth takes 12,000 captives. 
 
 The destruction of the monastery of S. 
 century. . / 
 
 From the same chronicle we learn that in Mercunus appears to belong to the date 
 
 „ . . . , • *i,„„„a 951 A - D -> though it is open to question 
 
 A.D. 924 Saklab, whose name is Masud, ^ .» & r } 
 
 y , . . . , ,. , whether it may not be a century earlier, 
 
 came from Africa, and took 
 
 S. Agatha. 
 
 A.D. 845 the Moslems 
 
 capture Motrica. 
 
 847 „ 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 Leontini. 
 
 848 „ 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 Ragusa. 
 
 859 „ 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 Castrum Ennae 
 [Castrogiovanni]. 
 
 Again in 
 
 
 
 
 870 „ 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 Malta, 
 
14 
 
 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Rocchi Pirro in his Syracusanae Eccl. Notitia 1 , lib. in. takes the 
 
 Syracusan side : 
 
 " S. Fantinus conf. Syracusanus sub Const. Imperat. 24 lulu apud oppidum 
 Tabaritanum Calabriae obiit ex Cajetano," 
 
 i.e. he quotes Cajetanus (Gaetani) as the authority for the statements 
 that Fantinus is a Syracusan, and that he dies at Taurianum 2 . He 
 continues : 
 
 "Per tab. Syrac. narrat idem Cajet. in sua Idea fol. 90 se habere Petri Occidentis 
 episc. narrationem de vita et miraculis S. Fantini transl. ex Graeco": 
 
 the Syra- 
 cusan ori- 
 gin being 
 
 conceded and here it seems as if a direct appeal had been made to the Greek 
 Greektife n ^ e °f Fantinus in favour of the opinion that he was a Syracusan. 
 Tauria" ° f -^ ^ east > tne Syracusans say so. Have a care, O Calabrians, that 
 num. your saints be not stolen ! To steal a saint, it is flat burglary. 
 
 Against this opinion Marafioti, in his Croniche di Calabria?, makes a 
 
 vigorous protest : 
 
 p. 55. " Scrisse questo Francesco Maurolico, che S. Fantini di Tauriano (citta 
 antica di Calabria ma hoggi distrutta, della quale ragionaremo nel fine di questo 
 primo libro) fosse stato Siracusano, e ch' il padre Fanto e la madre Diodata fossero 
 stati martiri. E non d' altra occasione si mosse, solo perche nel tempo della dis- 
 truttione di Tauriano, il beato Fantino fuggendo la guerra (secondo alcune non 
 certe opinioni) and6 ad habitare in Siracusa. Ma io dico che si deve dare piu 
 
 1 Reprinted in Graevius, Antiq. Sic. Vol. II. 
 
 P- 575- 
 
 2 Gaetani, Vit. Sand. Sic. Vol. 1. pp. 160 
 sqq. is working from a Greek MS. in the 
 monastery of S. Salvatore at Messina, at- 
 tributed to Peter, Bishop of Taurianum. The 
 bishop is reported as having seen with his 
 own eyes a marvellous shipwreck of Moslem 
 corsairs at the hands of S. Fantinus, who 
 appeared miraculously for their destruction. 
 As the tale is reported in Amari, Storia dei 
 Mitsuhnani, I. 230, the storm which Fantinus 
 raised took place on the 14th July, which is, 
 as the menologies show, the proper day for 
 him to raise the wind. But why Amari 
 should call him a thaumaturge of the fourth 
 century, and label him Fantinus of Syracuse, 
 does not appear, unless it be that having 
 made two Fantinuses out of one, one of the 
 pair has to be provided with a fresh chrono- 
 logy. Amari's report is as follows : " ci si 
 
 narra che san Fantino di Siracusa, tauma- 
 turgo del quarto secolo, vivuto da solitaria 
 in Calabria, apparue un di, ventiquattro luglio, 
 tra i turbini e le folgori su la spiaggia di 
 Seminara per afifondare una nave musulmana 
 venuta a corseggiare in quelle parti. E tal 
 miracolo, di cui si dicono testimonii i Musul- 
 mani che camparono dal naufragio, va rife- 
 rito ai tempi di Leone." Amari tries to prove 
 that this storm occurred between A.D. 813 and 
 820 ; Fantinus was, as we suspect, of much 
 later date than this, and a fortiori so was his 
 ghost. Note that Gaetani's transcripts, in 
 eight volumes, are preserved at the National 
 Library, Palermo (see Martini, Manoscritti 
 Greci, I. 135). Amongst the pieces described 
 as contained in these volumes, I do not see 
 the life of Fantinus, though it may very well 
 be there. 
 
 3 Padova, a.d. 1601. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 15 
 
 fede a quelle legende de' Santi approbati della Santa Chiesa, quali continuamente 
 si leggono da monaci dell' ordine di S. Basilio, nel recitare del loro uffizio, che non 
 si devono credere le scritture di Maurolico, e se in quella legende si ritrova scritto, 
 che S. Fantino e stato cittadino di Tauriano, per quel cagione egli lo scrive cittadino 
 Siracusano ? di cio posso dare certezza vera, perche, con gli occhi proprii, cosi ho 
 veduto scritto, in un libro greco, degli uffizii di quelli predetti monaci, nel collegio 
 del Salvatore di Messina, e F istesso ho veduto in un altro libro d' uffizii, nel 
 monasterio di San Bartolomeo, dell' istesso ordine, posto in un casale di Calabria 
 detto S. Eufemia, nel territorio di Sinopoli. E nel martirologio antico d' Usuardo 
 si leggono queste parole, Calabriae oppirfo Tabritano sancti Phantini confessoris." 
 
 The last quotation does not seem much to the point ; Fantinus 
 might surely be commemorated at Taurianum, and yet have been 
 both born and buried in Syracuse. 
 
 Marafioti returns to the charge again on p. 73 : 
 
 "In questa citta Tauriano e stato nativo cittadino S. Fantino monaco dell' ordine 
 di S. Basilio, abbate del monasterio allhora detto S. Mercurio, ma hoggi chiamata 
 la Chiesa dal suo nome S. Fantino, poco lontano da Parma. La vita di S. Fantino 
 e stata scritta in lingua greca d' uno cittadino di Tauriano, ed hoggi si ritrova 
 appresso i monaci di S. Basilio, in un libro di carta pergamena, nel monasterio di 
 S. Bartolomeo, posto poco lontano da S. Eufemia, casale di Sinopoli, dal quale 
 hauemo fatto ricordo poco inanzi." 
 
 So far, then, as our examination of the question has gone, there 
 is a conflict of opinions as to whether S. Fantinus was born at 
 Taurianum or at Syracuse ; it is, however, certain that the greater 
 part of his life was spent in the Basilian monastery at Taurianum ; it 
 is extremely likely that he died there, and the ultimate question will 
 then be whether his relics are at Syracuse or in some church or 
 monastery not far from Taurianum. Probably the best way to settle 
 this point would be to examine the Greek life of Fantinus, of which 
 there is almost sure to be a copy in the Library at Grotta Ferrata or 
 at Messina. 
 
 But without exploring for the Greek life, we may perhaps decide 
 the matter by a tradition which was current in the middle of the 
 sixteenth century. In the year 1 55 1, a visitation of the Basilian 
 monasteries was made by order of Pope Julius the third. The 
 visitors made a report of all the monasteries in Calabria, and they 
 expressly state that they found the body of S. Fantinus in the 
 monastery at Seminara 1 which bears his name. 
 
 1 Seminara is close to Palmi (Parma) but a little more inland. 
 
1 6 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 The following extract from the Acts of the Visitation (an 
 important document for the history of the Basilian monasteries) 
 contains the statement to which we refer 1 : 
 
 Die 27 Aprilis discessimus a Sancta Maria de Molochi et accessimus ad monasterium 
 Sancti Heliae et Sancti Philareti de Siminara, distans a Siminara duobus millibus, et 
 invenimus ibi priorem cum quinque monachis, et invenimus competenter ornatum. 
 
 Die 28 Aprilis discessimus a monasterio Sancti Heliae et Sancti Philareti, et accessi- 
 mus ad monasterium Sancti Ioannis de Lauro, et invenimus ecclesiam quasi speluncam 
 latronum et sine cultu divino, discoopertam, et domos dirutas, quia erat abbas dicti loci 
 Ioannes Baptista de Cavaleriis canonicus basilicae Sancti Petri Romae, qui Romae 
 morabatur. 
 
 Die predicto discessimus a monasterio Sancti Ioannis de Loro, et accessimus ad 
 Abbatiam Sancti Phantini de Seminaria ubi invenimus corpus Sancti Phantim, sed 
 ecclesiam destructam a Mauris vel Turcis, quia situm erat circa mare dictum mona- 
 sterium. 
 
 There is a flavour of traditional information about the statement 
 of the destruction of the Church of S. Fantinus by Moors or Turks, 
 for this can only be a reminiscence of the raids made in Fantinus' 
 own day ; still, if we could trust the eyes of the commissioners, or 
 rather the tradition as to the identity of the relics exhibited, we 
 should have to allow that the bones of Fantinus were preserved 
 in the monastery that bears his name 2 . 
 
 While we are discussing the question of the translation of the saint, 
 
 it is well to keep in mind that translations of two of his companions 
 
 are recorded. For example, we shall presently see that the body of 
 
 s. Bartho- g. Bartholomeo 3 was transferred to the island of Lipari, probably 
 
 lomew re- x L J 
 
 moved to 
 
 Lipari 
 
 1 The complete text will be found in relics had really been removed, the cult of 
 
 Batiffol, L'Abbaye de Rossano, p. 109, from S. Bartholomew in Lipari would have ceased 
 
 the Paris MS. Lat. 13,081. before the eleventh century. However, here 
 
 2 There is, as Batiffol shows, another is what Amari says : he is describing the 
 famous monastery of S. Fantinus at Bova : conflicts between the Lombards of Benevento 
 so that the centres of his praise are princi- under Sicardo, and the Moslems who were 
 pally three, Seminara, Bova and Syracuse. raiding Brindisi. " Tra questa sconfitta e la 
 
 3 It will be seen that we reject as a morte, il tiranno beneventano ottenne singo- 
 legendary accretion the statement that this lar favore dal cielo, dicono i cronisti narran- 
 is Bartholomew the Apostle. doci tuttavia le orribilita sue : assassanii, 
 
 It is stated by Amari that, as early as 838 stupri, tradimente, ruberie, carnificine. Av- 
 
 the body of the Saint had been stolen by the endo appreso che la superstizione potesse far 
 
 Beneventans, who were threatened by the ammenda dei delitti, Sicardo mandava a 
 
 Moslems on the side of Brindisi. It seems cercare per ogni luogo ossami di santi : 
 
 to me that this is too early, and that if the spesso a rubarne ; e n' avea raccolto un 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 17 
 
 because it is his native soil. We shall also see in the case of S. Elias and s. 
 Speliotes, to which we shall presently refer, that his body lies in the Gaiau-o. 
 church at Galatro, which does not, however, claim to be his birth- 
 place. On the other hand, there is a record that two bishops of 
 Taurianum, George and John, both of whom appear to be Basilian 
 saints, are buried in the church of S. Fantinus at Taurianum. The 
 inference is that Fantinus is himself buried there, but, as we have 
 pointed out, it is not quite a secure inference 1 . 
 
 It will, however, be admitted that the place of translation is 
 located within a very moderate geographical radius, and hence we 
 infer that Cod. 13, which belongs to some church or monastery 
 celebrating the double festival of Fantinus, is also geographically 
 located within narrow limits, which may be capable of still further 
 contraction. 
 
 S. Elias Speliotes, who is also found in the menology of Cod. 13, 
 is one of the same group of Basilian saints. He also was an Abbot 
 of Taurianum, and over his birthplace also, there is a strife between 
 Calabria and Sicily. 
 
 Ferrarius, De Sanctis Italiae, p. 588, speaks of him as follows : 
 
 "S. Helias, abbas apud Taurianum. Helias Ennae in Sicilia natus &c. Vitam s. Elias 
 primum apud Taurianum urbem in Calabria excisam in monte prope Parmam Speliotes 
 oppidum solitariam egit : postea, multis ad eum ob sanctitatis famam confluentibus, Enna 
 seque ejus disciplinae committentibus, extructo monasterio...autoritate praefuit... ° ecame a 
 corpus hoc tempore Galatri oppido proximo in ecclesia, quae de illius nomine Tauria- 
 S. Helias vocatur, pie asservatur. Colitur autem non solum Bovae, ubi natus ab aliis " u ? 1 ' • , 
 putatur, sed et Ennae et alibi." at Galatro, 
 
 and his 
 
 The 'alibi' probably refers to Rhegium, where a Greek life of U pat S Ga P 
 him fixes his birthplace. The case is very similar to that of Fantinus. indEnna? 
 Two of the saints in the menology of Cod. 13 are thus Basilian 
 abbots of Taurianum. For the honour of having given birth to 
 
 tesoro, quando gli capito alle mani una re- finche i Musulmani non guastarono ogni 
 
 liquia miracolissima, s' altra mai ne fa. Le cosa. In piu lieve barca, viaggiarono le 
 
 nave longobarde che giravan le isole dando reliquie da Lipari a Salerno, onde poi furono 
 
 la caccia ai Saraceni, 1' ottocente trentotto, tramutate a Benevento." 
 
 approdate a Lipari, trovaron bello ed intero 1 Barrius, lib. III. c. 69, quoting Mauro- 
 
 il corpo di San Bartolommeo, che chiuso in lycus, " in aede divi Phantini quae non 
 
 uno avel di marmo era venulo a galla a galla procul a Parma oppido extat, sepultos ait 
 
 dalle foci del Gange alle isole Eolie; dove esse Ioannem et Georgium Episcopos Tauri- 
 
 riconosciuto, e come no? ebbe culto e altari, anos." 
 
 H. 
 
1 8 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 According either of them, Sicily and Calabria contend. Marafioti, in his Croniche 
 fi°oH, ara di Calabria, p. 155, has the following notice of S. Elias : 
 
 S. Elias " In questa citta [Bova] e stato nativo cittadino S. Elia abbate, monaco dell' ordine 
 
 in a Bo°r di S - Basilio > n q uale fior e nel tem P° del beat0 Nil °---- Questo S. Elia portb 
 but some 1' origine sua da Reggio dall' antica cassata la bozzetta, e nel tempo ch' egli vivendo 
 
 '? ay a ' essercitava la vita monacale, dimord molt' anni nel monasterio di S. Mercurio edificato 
 
 Reggio: ' 
 
 he was a in luogo poco lontano da Parma, la cui cliiesa sta hoggi sotto '1 nome di S. Fantino 
 
 monk of a bbate, come habbiamo detto nel primo libro. Soleva fare la sua vita solitaria '1 beato 
 
 the con- l 
 
 vent at Elia su 1' altezze d' un monte vicino alia predetta habitatione Parma in una grotta 
 
 Taunanum c i 1 j amata a iihora S. Michele Arcangiolo, ma hoggi dal nome del Santo e chiamata 
 
 near which ° °° 
 
 he lived as S. Elia 1 . Quivi era '1 santo spessissime volte visitato dal Beato Nilo suo coetaneo. 
 
 a solitary. p asso eg ij <j a q uesta v j ta ne l monasterio posto in Melicocca, dove insino ad hoggi 
 
 friend of dimorano i monaci del suo ordine, laqual chiesa e dedicata al suo nome, il suo santo 
 
 h' dl'dat cor P° sta se Polto in Galatro nell' anticha chiesa del suo nome, laqual' anticamente 
 
 Melicocca, era monasterio del predetto ordine di S. Basilio. La festivita del detto glorioso santo 
 
 ? nd '5 . si suole celebrare a el' undici di Settembre. 
 
 buried at ° 
 
 Galatro. 
 
 It will be seen that this notice dates S. Elias in the days of 
 S. Nilus. The latter saint is a special friend of St Fantinus, from 
 which it perhaps follows that Elias is either the predecessor or the 
 successor of S. Fantinus in the monastery of Taurianum. At all 
 events they were warm friends and close neighbours 2 . 
 
 The last of the special saints mentioned by Martin from Cod. 13 
 is S. Leon of Syracuse, celebrated on Feb. 20. From the form of 
 the statement, one might perhaps infer that the writer of the 
 menology was not himself a Syracusan, but this would be too hasty 
 a conclusion. He might be distinguishing him from some other 
 Leo, or he might have appropriated the saint from some other place, 
 which was better entitled than Syracuse to do him honour. This 
 latter alternative appears to be defensible, for Ave find on examination 
 that his right title is S. Leon of Catana. 
 
 1 The chapel of S. Elias is marked on the singing" the Psalms in Church with S. Fan- 
 Italian Ordnance Maps. tinus. The notice suggests that Nilus suc- 
 
 2 Barrius, lib. v. 1154, describing the life ceeded Fantinus. It appears, further, that 
 of S. Nilus, says " ad coenobium beati Mer- he had some difficulty in getting admissidn 
 curii secessit monachalem habitum susceptu- to the order : he first tried S. Maria in 
 rus in quo turn plerique sancti viri degebant, Patirio, which convent passed him on to 
 atque inter caeteros erant divini ill i viri S. Nazarius, from which place he found his 
 Phantinus, Zacharias et Lucas." He also way to S. Mercurius and to the cave of his 
 tells (p. 1 186) how he was cured of a wound election on the mountain side. 
 
 inflicted on him by the devil, as he was 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 19 
 
 Thus the Synaxaristes from which we have previously quoted 
 gives the following sketch of his life, with excellent legendary 
 accretions, but at the same time with chronology and geography that 
 can probably be tested, according to which the saint was born in According 
 
 . to modern 
 
 Ravenna, and nourished in the latter part of the ninth century 1 . Synaxaria, 
 
 Ovtos 6 ayios t)To Kara tows \povov<; Ac'ovtos tov 2o<£ov iv eVet uyrrS"'- Karrjyero in the year 
 
 Se €K T17S 'Paj8e'vv>is TroAetos Tr/s IraAt'as, vtds yoveW f.vo-e/3uiv iv Tavr<i> k<u evyevwv. fl our i s h e( ] 
 
 Ata de rrjv ttJs t,mrjs tov KaOapoTrjTa, Biyj\0ev oAovs tovs ftaOjiovs Tfjs Iepajrrvvr/s, S. Leo of 
 / > / * s / s / * / > - ov /i .. v Ravenna, 
 
 yevopevos avayvtocrTr/s, V7rootaKovos, otaKOi/os Kat 7rpeo-pvTepos - TeAevratov oe, p.e oeiicqv 
 
 if/rjfpov, eytve Kai e7rio"K07ros T17S M7jTpo7rdA.£u)S KaTavrjS, 77' owoia KetTat Kara rijv 7rep«pr;p.ov who be- 
 
 ~ -c w « </ ^vov - *» s«-,*/ ,-. , came Bi- 
 
 vt/o-ov Tr/s .SiKeAias, 07ron evptcrKerat Kat to povvov tt?s A1TV77S, to o7rotov egepevyet cpAoyas snop M e _ 
 
 Trvpos f-^XP 1 T V S cijpepov. Ovtos AotTrdv 6 p.aK<£ptos, (Js Aeojv 7re7rot#ws Kara, to ovo/xd tropolitan 
 v ;.-, ., o - - , v k \ > / », , ■ , n , , - v of Catana, 
 
 tov, Kat Qijaov e^ojv ota to koAop Kat Tijv aperr/v, eAap.i^ev cos <pu)CTTr)p eis eKetva Ta 
 
 /xe'pTj, e7np.eA.ov/ie1/os TcoV xj/vyiav, tow xrjpdiv u>v 7rpoo"TaTr)S, tows 7TTOj^oi)S iraprjyopwv, 
 
 to 0"kotos T?/s 7rAdv?7s dtojKtov, Kat Ota t^s 7rpoo"€u^s tov Kp7ip.vtcras ^ap-at ^ etbcoAtKOv destroyed 
 
 ayaApa. Ovtos €KTto~e Kat vadf p.eyaAojTaTOv ets to dvopa TTys KaAAtvtKov MapTvpos AovKtas, ,■ 
 
 t-^s ex 2tKeAt'as, p,e eStKa tov <pi\oT€)(vrj p.ara, Kai KaTeVaurre tov fxdyov xat TeparoTroiov and built a 
 
 'HAtdbojpoi/. e7retS?7 yap avTOS dey eVave pev evoyAwv oAovs tovs eKet evpto~Kop.eVovs XptCTtavovs, , r 
 
 Te'para 7roiojv ipevSrj Kai <pai'rao-t(od?j, lirrrepov Se eVe^et'p7io"e vet (pepdfj Kat ivavriov Trjs tov S. Lucy of 
 
 ■v « = \ ' " l ' ^ a ' > ' v v j Palermo ; 
 
 Apicrrov eKKAr;crtas, tovtov ereKa o pawaptos ovtos Aeuii/ eKparrjrre tov TepaT07rotov £Keti/ov 
 
 5. - / / * c. - , v > v , v /.. / c , i. v at the last 
 
 Ota Te^i/acrp.aTwv Trai'Totojv', Kat oeo"as avTO^ /xe to tepof eTTtTpa^Ator tov, oteTa^e va ^g en _ 
 
 dva<f>6fj /xcydXr] irvpKa'id iv toj p.e'o-oj T7S 7rdXetos' Kat a(j> ov 6 "Ayios eS7yp.oo-t'eticre Kat countered 
 ,/) , - ,*",'» , - . / , /, /, < the Devil 
 
 efeaTpto-e iratrav p.ayeiav, rjv eTe^cevero eKetvos o Trapacpptov, peAojv va irapaaTtjcrrj ; n t ] le p er . 
 
 Kaf5apo3s ets oAovs tt)v e8tK7;i' tov p.ev evo"e'^etav Kat dA.7;#etav, eKetvov 8e tov dXtTriptov son °f a 
 
 T^f Satyaoi'tojSr/ KaKOTe^vt'av, ijx/3'fJKe p,eTa tov 'HAioSojpov ev pe'croj T77S 7rvpKatas, Kat Sev M age 
 
 i£rjk6tv ef avT^s, et p,^ dc/)' ov KareKay] TeAetios 6 af^Atos eVetVos Kat Set'Aatos. whom he 
 
 m - .«».,*/ i > . s ' < « ». ./ »,.. t < tricked in- 
 
 I.OVTO to e»avp.a eceTrAri^ev aTravras, otOTt o^t /jlovov o Aytos ep.etvev acpAeKTOs vtto to a bonfire 
 
 Toi) 7rvpds, aAX' ovSe ets to tepa tov a/xcita yjyyLue StdXov 17 <po>Tia. 'OOtv erretSr) 1^ ' n ' ne 
 ,/. - , a , ,,a > - s » . « . market- 
 
 07^p.?i tov TOtovTOV c?avp,aTos ecppacrev ets Ta TrepaTa tov koc/xov, ota tovto Kat ot avTO- place pre- 
 
 KpctTopes Ae'wv 6 2o<^>ds Kat Ko)VO"Tai/Tti'os o vtos tov, aKovVavTes, ecrTetXav Kat icpepav tov serving 
 
 "Aytov ets Ka)0"TavTtvov7roAtv, Kat Aap./?avovT£S tovs tepovs 7roSas tov, TrapeKaAow avTOV t }) e v ; r t ue 
 
 va. BirjraL tov ©eov V7rep avTtuv. Ovros d 'Aytos d^t fiovov £ojv fjTo iieytcrTOs ets T a,°f mcom - 
 
 a ' >\\- - 'j.' * * 'fl - ' J. ' d > ' ' a ' bustibility, 
 
 Cavp,aTa, aAAa Kat act* ov aTrePave Kat eveTatptacp?;, evr/pyu 7repto'croTepa pavp-acna. an( j be- 
 
 coming at 
 
 Such is the story of S. Leon of Catana, and here we may say Mage him- 
 
 again, in Ciceronian language, "Cod. 13 repetit S. Leonem Syra- world re- 
 nown. 
 
 1 The date assigned must be too early, for " bishop of Sicily " is significant. We shall 
 
 we find in the Cambridge Chronicle of Sicily see that this means Catana, and that the 
 
 that in A.D. 926, Hageb came to Oria in chronicler concedes that this place is the 
 
 Calabria and captured it, that he made a religious metropolis. The Leo mentioned is 
 
 truce with the Calabrians and took Leo, the the Leo of our Menology. 
 bishop of Sicily, as a hostage. The language 
 
 3—2 
 
20 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 cusas." Perhaps the explanation lies in the fact that Catana, 
 which appears to have been originally the seat of the Archi- 
 episcopate, or at the least an independent Episcopal see, with- 
 out subordinate dioceses, has been brought under the rule of 
 Syracuse. We have some early evidence on this point from the 
 pen of Nilus Doxapatrius (a.d. 1143), to whom we previously al- 
 luded. 
 
 Nilus tells us 1 that, in his time, Sicily had only one metro- 
 politan, viz. the bishop of Syracuse : elye Se 77 %LKe\Ca -rrao-a eva 
 prjrpoTroXlTvjv top XvpaKova-qs. But he recognises that Catana was 
 also the seat of an Archbishopric and explains it as follows : 
 
 p. 249. dAAd «ai olvtt) t] Kardv?;, ovcra to iraXaiov toB [sc. e-rno-Koirovj Supa/cow?;?, 
 (.TLix-qOrj irapa. tujv /3acriXiu)v Sid tov ayiov Acdvriov [1. Aiovra] tov Tavrrjs eiri&Kowov eis 
 dpyteTriaKOTrou. 
 
 p. 259. 'H Kardvij £7rio"KOTr>) ovcra SvpaKoiJcrrys, Ti/j.rj8elcra Si Sid tov ayiov Aiovra. 
 
 From this it is easy to see that there has been a strife in the 
 matter of ecclesiastical dignity between Catana and Syracuse. 
 Hence also we see clearly that S. Leon is really S. Leon of 
 Catana and not of Syracuse, and that our MS. (Cod. 13) is 
 again suspect of ecclesiastical felony 2 . If this suspicion could in 
 any way be confirmed, we should locate the MS. in one of the 
 churches or monasteries of Syracuse 3 . 
 
 1 Ed. Le Moyne, p. 248. 3 In the time of Nilus Doxapatrius, the 
 
 2 In confirmation I note that the Meno- following bishoprics in Sicily, and five bishop- 
 logy in Cod. Evv. 561 expressly says Catana, rics in Calabria, were subject to Constanti- 
 Feb. 20, tov ayiov AeovTos cttlo-kottov Kardvrjs, nople : 
 
 and that this is right appears also from 'H Supa/coCca rfjs SiKfXiar, 'i\ovo-a enio-K.o- 
 
 the Greek life, preserved in Gaetani's tran- nas ko! tov (a) 17 Karai/r;, (j3) ij Tavpopivrj, 
 
 scripts at Palermo [Vol. VIII. = 11. E. 15] where (y) 7 Mecrrjva, (8) to KetpaXovb'r], (e) to. Qeppd, 
 
 the heading is Bios <a\ TroXireia tov iv ayiois (S~) Udvoppov, (£) AiXvfiaiov, (rj) TpoKaXa, 
 
 ttcitoos rfp-iov AeovTos €7tio~k6ttov Karats, (a) AKpdyas, (1) Tvvddpiov, (ta) KapiV^, (t/3) Ae- 
 
 It is further confirmed by the heading of ovrlvn, (ry) "AXeo-is, (18) raMos vfjo-os, (le) Me- 
 
 3. hymn in honour of S. Leo, also preserved X1V77 vrjo-os, ij Xeyopevrj MdXra, (iS~) Aiwapis 
 
 amongst Gaetani's papers [Vol. HI. = 11. E. 10], vr/o-os, (if) Bovpicd-rtos, (itj) Aldvp.os, (16) Owre- 
 
 headed " Sancti Iosephi hymnographi in D. va, (k) Taivapos, (ko) BaoiXovSr] ; while of 
 
 Leonem Epm. Catanensem hymnus." Calabria he says : 
 
 In the same volume will be found again 'H ayia 2(/3eptvrj ttjs KaXa/3pi'ns, i\ovo-a 
 
 the Greek life of S. Leo, headed Bios ktc imo-Koiras e'. 
 KaTavr]s as above. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 21 
 
 We have now discussed the Calabrian elements in the menology 
 of Cod. 13. The impression which the enquiry leaves on the mind 
 is that the MS. is of Syracusan origin ; but we have not been 
 able to decide definitely between the neighbourhood of Syracuse 
 and the neighbourhood of Taurianum, though the balance of 
 opinion is perhaps in favour of a Syracusan origin. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 OF THE CALABRO-SICILIAN SAINTS IN COD. 346. 
 
 It will be convenient, while we are on the question of hagiology, 
 to add a few words to what the Abbe Martin has said with regard 
 to the menology in Cod. 346. His statement of the case is as 
 follows : 
 
 " Parmi les noms certainement Siciliens ou Calabrais, nous citerons saint Elie le 
 Speleote, au n septembre : tQv Tt/xitav £v\wv e! tov 'rlXiov tov lv o-rrvkaiu> {sic) ; saint 
 Gregoire d'Agrigente au 24 novembre; saint Marcel de Syracuse, au 4 mars; saint 
 Fantinus au 24 juillet. Ce saint est uni ici, comme dans le synaxaire de Paris, a saint 
 Christine, martyre ; la deposition de saint Barthelemi dans File de Lipari, au 25 aout : 
 (K<XTa#ccris tov ayiov awoo-Tokov cis vrjcrov Ar;W/DE<os). Enfin, au 30 aout, on signale, sous 
 une denomination plus simple, la seconde fete de saint Fantinus, fete que le synaxaire 
 de Paris caracterise par l'epithete de Translation (tov ayiov Efiyeiwu koI Maptas /cat tov 
 oo-iov 7rarpos ijfuiov QavTivov) 1 . Ces noms ne laissent pas subsister l'ombre d'un doute 
 sur la provenance du cursif 346. Nous sommes ici evidemment en presence d'un 
 volume redige dans la Calabre ou la Sicile, pour une des eglises de la grande Grece." 
 
 The selection made by the Abbe Martin is certainly very 
 striking; Fantinus is described as " our holy father," but this may 
 be merely conventional, and not local : we are certainly in one 
 of the places where Fantinus is celebrated, and almost certainly 
 we are amongst Basilian monks. Observe, further, how Bartho- 
 
 1 The expression tov 60-lov narpos fjfimv expression tov ayiov ttotoos r]u.wp for at least 
 
 does not necessarily help us in locating a twenty saints. Of these nine are patriarchs 
 
 menology ; it would do so, if it were applied and bishops of Constantinople or monks in 
 
 only to those saints that are especially near the immediate neighbourhood. Of the re- 
 
 and dear. For example, the menology in mainder, a few are universal favourites like 
 
 Cod. Evv. 561 is singularly full and ap- S. Nicolas and S. Spyridion, the rest being 
 
 parently Constantinopolitan. It uses the scattered all over the Levant. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 23 
 
 lomew, who is surely the companion of Fantinus, has become an 
 apostle ; in doing so, he loses his influence as a factor in geo- 
 graphical determination, for he is no longer S. Bartholomew of 
 Lipari, but, as an apostle, belongs to the whole world ; but as he is 
 still S. Bartholomew at Lipari, the S. Italian identification has not 
 wholly been obscured. 
 
 Two new saints come forward, significantly both are Sicilians. 
 S. Gregory of Agrigentum, if I may depend upon my recollection 
 of menologies, is so common a saint that one hardly ventures to 
 use him for geographical purposes. 
 
 With S. Marcellus of Syracuse, however, the case is different : 
 and perhaps the note of place may be significant. He is, pro- 
 bably, not historical, but one of the many mythical founders of 
 Christianity in the different countries and governments of the 
 world. His ecclesiastical duty is to found the Church in Sicily 
 and to represent S. Peter. Curiously he is not appointed by 
 S. Peter on the way to Rome, as in the case of some Calabrian 
 churches, but by S. Peter at Antioch. Whether this is an 
 ecclesiastical way of saying that the Sicilian, or rather the 
 Syracusan, Church is an original Antiochene foundation, 1 do not 
 know. 
 
 In the Synaxaristes to which we have previously referred, he 
 is commemorated on Feb. 9th, along with two other saints, as 
 follows : 
 
 TAvrij>.r] twv dyiwv 'lepOfnapTvpwv, MapKtWov Ittiukottov S'KeA.i'as, <&i\ayp[ov Ittktkottov 
 K.VTTpov, Kail Ua.yKpa.Ttov £7ricrK07rou Tavpop.evLOV. 
 
 The third of these, the bishop of Taormina, is the son of 
 Marcellus, and he also is appointed by Peter. The Synaxaristes 
 has very little to say of their history. Pancratius and his father 
 went to Jerusalem to see the Lord, then to Antioch where he 
 attached himself to Peter. It is interesting to note that when 
 Pancratius was made bishop of Taormina, he was done to death 
 by the Montanists, on account of his faithful preaching of Christ. 
 There is no impiety of which the Montanists were not capable : 
 they would even live a century before their right time, in order 
 to damage the Catholic Church, with regard to which they are 
 allowed by the Synaxarist to have pre-existed. As for Marcellus 
 
2 4 
 
 HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 he was made bishop of Sicily and died in peace, no Montanist 
 making him afraid. He is therefore the first, though probably 
 apocryphal, for in these matters we follow phantoms, of a long 
 line of metropolitans of Syracuse. It must be admitted that, if 
 the evidence of the menology in Cod. 13 arouses suspicions of a 
 Syracusan origin, the evidence of the menology in Cod. 346 
 goes in the same direction with regard to the origin of that MS. 
 It will be convenient to tabulate the saints that we have come 
 across in the course of the enquiry. 
 
 Codd. 13 124 346 543 788 826 828 
 
 St Elias Speliotes 11 Sept. 
 
 St Gregory of Agrigentum . . . 24 Nov. 
 
 St Leo of Syracuse 20 Feb. 
 
 St Marcellus of Syracuse ... 4 March. 
 
 St Cosmo of Naxi 3 June 
 
 St Fantinus 24 July 
 
 St Bartholomew in Lipari...25 Aug. 
 St Fantinus (translation) ...30 Aug. 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 
 . . + 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .. + 
 
 
 + 
 + 
 
 
 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 
 A few more Calabro-Sicilian saints belonging to the same or 
 a slightly later time should be looked for in the Menologies ; 
 they may throw much light on dates and localities. Such are 
 
 S. Nilus of Rossano a.d. 
 S. Vitale of Castronovo 
 S. Luca of Demona 
 S. Simeon of Syracuse 
 S. Filareto of Sicily 
 S. Agrippina of Mineo ' 
 
 903— 998 (?) 
 948 — 1061 (?) 
 95°— 954 [Oct. 13] 
 964—1034 
 1020 — 1070 [Ap. 6] 
 
 [June 23] 
 
 1 S. Agrippina is a peculiarly interesting 
 case, because, like Fantinus and Bartholo- 
 mew, she is a translation, apparently from 
 Rome. Thus Amari, Storia, I. 279 : 
 
 "Nella nuova religione la rocca di Ducezio 
 s' affidava alia protezione di Sant' Agrippina, 
 martire Romano, le cui ossa trafugate da pie 
 donne, recate in Mineo, onorate di tempio e 
 di culto, si teneano come palladio della citta." 
 
 And very serviceable the citizens found 
 their palladium, if we may believe the Greek 
 
 legend which Amari quotes, according to 
 which Agrippina inflicted a severe check on 
 the invading Moslems: "appariva Santa 
 Agrippina levando in alto una croce e man- 
 dava giu a precipizio gli assalitori, che un 
 solo non ne campo." The date of this ap- 
 parition seems to be a.d. 828. For further 
 information on S. Agrippina, consult Gaetani, 
 Vit. Sand. Sic. 1. 18 and the Bollandist 
 Acta Sanctorum, June, torn. IV. p. 458. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 OF CERTAIN MSS. WRITTEN BY THE SAME HAND AS THE 
 LEICESTER CODEX. 
 
 The Leicester Codex, to which we now return, is in some 
 ways the most difficult of the members of the Ferrar-group to 
 treat historically. The absence of synaxarium and menology, the 
 peculiarity of the handwriting and a number of other isolated and 
 unusual features, have perplexed the investigators and made it 
 difficult to find the provenience of the MS. 
 
 The first step to the solution of the enigma was taken in my 
 book on The Leicester Codex, in which I showed that, however 
 peculiar the handwriting might be, it was not absolutely unique, 
 for there was a Greek Psalter in the library of Caius College, 
 Cambridge, written by the very same hand, and which could be 
 proved to have been at one time in the possession of the Friars 
 Minors of Cambridge. And it was easy to infer, since the 
 Leicester Codex had certainly passed to Leicester from Cambridge, 
 that it also was a Franciscan MS. 
 
 Since then another MS. has been found in Cambridge written 
 in the same hand. It, too, is a Greek Psalter, in the Library of 
 Trinity College, and it adds, in all probability, one more volume 
 to the Franciscan collection. Dr James, who drew my attention 
 to this MS., has described it as follows in the Catalogue which 
 he has made of the MSS. from the Gale collection in the possession 
 of Trinity College : 
 
26 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 [O.3. 14] Psalterium graece. 
 
 Vellum, 1 if x 8£, ff. 152 + 7, 19 lines to a page. Cent, xv, in the peculiar hand of 
 the Leicester Codex. 
 
 Binding : stamped leather over boards. The principal ornaments on the first 
 cover are 
 
 1. a square : a fleur de lys, with one quatrefoil in upper /. corner ; 
 
 2, 3. square stamps of leaves and flowers ; 
 4. square stamp of crowned lion. 
 
 On the second cover 1, 3 occur, and also a small square stamp of a dolphin, a 
 band of vine-ornament, two large lozenges with 4-petalled flower, and the inscription in 
 black letter 
 
 33halc. 
 
 Collation : 4 fly leaves j a 8 - 16 s | 3 fly-leaves. 
 
 The quires are numbered in the original hand in Greek : the first four leaves are 
 marked in this way (e.g. in quire 5), 
 
 I e°". 2 <t>v^(3 e ou . 3 4>v>^y e ov . 4 <f>v^8 e ". 
 Also they are numbered by a Latin scribe from a to t : both in ink and with 
 pencil : the latter marking ceases towards the end. 
 
 There is a third numbering (partial) in Arabic figures : on the fly-leaves are old 
 press marks, all of xvnth and xvmth cent. 
 
 No. 339. 
 H.25. 
 . 10 . 29. 
 O. 3.14. 
 
 and on the fourth fly-leaf these notes (c. xvn., xvm.) : 
 
 (1) In hoc codice absunt Psalmorum tituli universi, 
 
 (2) trj/j-uovrai collatum esse hoc exemplar cum novem codicibus 
 
 MS. Regio MS. 
 
 Aldina Editione A. 
 
 Compl. Editione C. 
 
 Romana Editione R. 
 
 Chrysostomo] Ch. 
 
 Theodoreto j- in Psalmos Th. 
 
 Euthymio I Eu. 
 
 Catena Corderih . _ , Cc. 
 
 _, . T . y in Psalmos _ 
 
 Catena NicetaeJ Cn. 
 
 Cod. Ravii in Ps. 18. 
 As a matter of fact the collation does not extend beyond f. 17 (Ps. xxii. lat). 
 At the top of f. 1 in a xvith cent, hand is 
 
 No. 1255. 
 The initial to each Psalm is on pale red, usually with some foliated ornament ; 
 quickly and rather poorly done. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 27 
 
 Each verse has a small initial in the same red. 
 
 The first quire is written in a hand slightly larger than the rest : but I see no 
 reason to doubt that it is the same hand. It seems not unlikely that the first quire was 
 early worn out or lost and supplied by the same scribe. 
 
 With the second quire (Ps. xiv) the Latin incipits of the Psalms begin to be added, 
 and are continued to the end of the Psalter. There are none in quire 1. They are in 
 a late xvth cent, hand, in a pale red, not distinguishable from that of the initials. 
 
 Contents. The Psalter : various readings from the authorities named above are 
 noted in the margin up to Ps. xxii. Lat. There are interlinear Latin glosses in red (in 
 the hand which wrote the incipits) in quire 2 : they are few in number in the early part 
 of the book, and soon cease. But in Ps. cxviii. (cxix.) — Ps. cxxii. (cxxiii.) they are 
 fairly continuous ; they then cease. 
 
 At the end of Ps. cl. in red is written : Finitur psalterium. Then follow : 
 
 Ps. cli. Miicpos rjli.'qv. 
 
 Song of Moses, (1) Exod. xv. 
 
 (2) Deut. xxxiii. 
 Song of Hannah. 
 Prayer of Habakkuk. 
 Isaiah : ck vvktoi opdpi^ei. 
 Prayer of Jonah. 
 Prayer of Azarias. 
 Song of Three Children. 
 Magnificat. 
 Benedicite. 
 Prayer of Hezekiah. 
 Prayer of Manasseh. 
 ending f. 151 a. 
 
 f. 151 b and the fly-leaves are blank. 
 
 Thus far Dr James. The main points to be noticed are 
 (i) that a new MS. has been added to those known as "Leicester 
 Codices" (xxi.); the facsimile which we give will enable us to 
 verify the identification of the hand ; (ii) the marks of the foliation 
 are the same as in the Leicester Codex and Caius Psalter ; 
 (iii) as the facsimile shows, the illuminated initials are in an Italian 
 hand. 
 
 It will be observed that the evidence furnished by this new 
 MS. is not very clear or striking. The mark of ownership in 
 the binding has not yet led to an identification. And there seem 
 to be no marks of ownership in the text itself. What is really 
 important is that the ornamental initials in the MS. are of a 
 pronounced Italian hand. They must be taken as a proof of the 
 
 4—2 
 
28 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Italian provenience of the MS. It was either brought from Italy 
 or written by an Italian scribe in England. In the latter case, 
 the occurrence of three Leicester-hand MSS. traceable to Cam- 
 bridge, or actually existing there, would lead us to assume that 
 they were written there, and to find the Scriptorium from which 
 they emanated in the Cambridge Grey-friars' convent. But we 
 have not yet decided that the MSS. were produced there : they 
 may have been imported. 
 
 So we must go further afield again with our enquiries. And 
 the next point gained is that there are two more Greek MSS. 
 in the same peculiar hand in the Chapter Library at Durham. 
 This identification is, I believe, due in the first instance to 
 Dr Sanday, but whether he followed up the clue which they 
 furnish, I do not know. 
 
 The two MSS. are described as follows in Thomas Rud's 
 Catalogue of the Durha,m MSS. 
 
 C . IV . 2. Platonis libri nonnulli graece. 
 lis praefigitur 
 This title x ' Ti/xaia) tco AoKpco irepl i/ai^as Kocrfjiw, kou Qvaio'i. 
 
 \ n0 } °y Sic incipit : Tijucuos 6 AoKpos raSe i<f>a Svo curias eip:ev tojv <rwfid.T<ov. 
 
 hand. In editis pro o-up-aVeoi/ legitur a-vp.TTa.vTwv. Titulum hunc (cum nullus sit in Msto) 
 
 apposui ex Platonis operibus, inter quae legitur in Tomo 3''°, pag. 93, in editione 
 Henr. Stephani. 
 
 2. nXarmvos M.evuiv, rj irepl Aperies. fol. 10. 
 Titulus hie non est in Msto. 
 
 Sic incipit E'^cis p-oi, eirrelv, m StuKpares, apa SiSaKTcV rj Aperr). 
 Legitur in operum ejus Tomo 2 do , pag. 70. 
 
 3. "Iinrias ft£i£u>v, rj, irepl tov KaAov. fol. 32 b. 
 Sic incipit : '\inriax o «aA.o's re ko.1 a-otpos, u>s 81a xpovov. 
 
 In Tomo 3"° operum ejus, pag. 281. 
 
 4. 'lTT7ria<s 6 eKo.TT<ov, rj, Trepl tov KaAou. fol. 54 b. 
 Pro KaXov libri editi habent *€v'<5ous. 
 
 Sic incipit : %v Si Orj ri <riy£s, tn %u>Kpa.Tes. 
 In Tomo i m ° operum, folio 363. 
 
 5. I'lov, 17, Trepl IAidSos. fol. 63. 
 Sic incipit : tiova xaipew IId#ev ra vvv rj/uv eTTi8e&r]p.r]Ka.s. — 
 
 In Tomo i m0 operum, pag. 530. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 29 
 
 6. [MW^eiW] ' 7;, E7riTa<£ios. fol. 74. 
 Sic incipit : [E£]ayo£as, 7; [7ro'(9ev] Mci/e'&vos. — 
 
 Voces uncis inclusae exciderunt e Msto. 
 In operum tomo 2 do , pag. 234. 
 
 7. KA.€ito<£(3v, rj, H.poTpeirriKO'S. fol- 08 b. 
 Sic incipit : KXeiTo^xuvra tov ApicrTeovilpiou tis ij/xiv. — 
 
 In Tomo 3" operum, p. 406. 
 
 8. IIoXiTctai, rj, Tre.pl AiKaiov, AiaAoyoi 1, fol. 93. 
 
 Sic incipiunt, KaTe/Jiji/ x#es «s Ilapaia /A€ra rAaiixuvos. — 
 
 In operum Tomo 2 d0 , pag. 327. 
 
 Scriptus est hie Codex, ut Aristotelis libri Logici (supra, in Pluteo 1. Cod. 15), 
 partim in membranis, sed majorem partem in Charta; (eaque, magna libri parte, in 
 summis praesertim foliis, humore corrupta) lineis continuis, Uteris cursivis ; et eadem 
 cum Aristotele aetate. 
 
 The description which Rud gives of the Aristotle is as 
 follows : 
 
 Porphyrii et Aristotelis Libri Logici. (O'pyavov vulgo dicti) Graece. 
 
 1. Tloptpvptov <$>t\oo-o<pov Eto~ay<oy>?. 
 Sic incipit : Ovtos avayKaiov, Xpva-aopie. 
 
 2. ApicTTOTcXovs Kaniyopicu. 
 Sic incipiunt : Op.o>vvp.a AeyeTai, wv ovop,a jxovov koivov. 
 
 3. ApioroTe'Aous TTf.pl 'Ep/A??vetas. 
 Sic incipit : Ilpa/rov Set Otcrdai, rl O'vo/xa kolI rl Pij/m. — 
 
 4. ApitrroTeAous AvoXvtikuiv Trporepuiv to Trpwrov. 
 Sic incipit : Upwrov etirelv ircpl rl, kcu tivo's, 60"tiv 'rj o~Kei/as. — 
 
 5. ApioroTeAous Av<xAim/«3v irpoTepmv to Sevrtpov. 
 Sic incipit : Ei/ iro'o~ois fiiv ovv o-)0fiao-i, koX Sia ttoloiv. — 
 
 6. AptOTOTcAoUS AvaAuTlKuiv VCTTepOlV TO TTpWTOV. 
 
 Sic incipit : II5o"a SiSao-icaAia xol 7racra fxaO-qo-is. — 
 
 7. ApioroTeAous AvaXuTtKCOi/ vo-repdiv to SevTepov. 
 Sic incipit : Ta tprjTov/xeva coriv tcra tov api9fwv. — 
 
 8. — Toiri/cdiv to TrpwTov. 
 Sic incipit : 'H fi.lv wpoOems Trjs 7rpay/xaT£tas. — 
 
 9. — to Sevrepov. 
 Sic incipit : Eori 8e tcov irpo/3Ai?p:aT<ov, m /t£V. — 
 
 10. TO TpiTOV. 
 
 Sic incipit : noYtpov 8e alperunepov, rj /3iXriov. — 
 
 1 MS. damaged. 
 
 
 
 C. t. 15 
 
 folio. 
 
 fol. 
 
 10 b. 
 
 
 fol. 28. 
 
 
 fol. 
 
 37 b. 
 
 
 fol. 
 
 73 b. 
 
 
 fol. 
 
 97 b. 
 
 
 fol. 
 
 120 b. 
 
 
 fol. 
 fol. : 
 
 132 b. 
 142 b. 
 
 
 fol 
 
 • iS°- 
 
 
30 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 11. — to Teraprov. fol. 154- 
 Sic incipit : Mera Se Tavra -rrepl tcuv 7rpos to Twos. — 
 
 12. TO TrifXTTTOY. fol. 102 D. 
 
 Sic incipit : IIo'Tcpoi' 8e i'Sio]/ tj ovk iSlov — 
 
 13. TO CKTOV. fol. I 73- 
 
 Sic incipit : T77S Se 7r£pi tops opous 7rpuyp,aT€t'as /Ae'piJ e. 
 
 14. to ip&ofnor. fol. 185 b. 
 Sic incipit : IIoTtpov Se TauTor, i) tTtpoi'. 
 
 15. TWikwv to 0'ySoo>\ fol. 190. 
 Sic incipit : M«tol Se ravra 7rept ti^s Ta^caj;. 
 
 16. 7repi T(ui' 2o0tO"TtKioi' EXey^tov. fol. 200. 
 
 Scriptus est hie Codex partim in membranis, sed majorem partem in charta; 
 lineis integris; litteris currentibus, non bene formatis ; ante annos (ut videtur) vix 300- 
 
 It will be seen from these descriptions that Rud had noticed 
 (a) the similarity between the two MSS., (6) the peculiar arrange- 
 ment of leaves, consisting of mixed paper and vellum, with more 
 paper than vellum ; (c) the ungainliness of the hand. He does 
 not, however, go so far as to actually identify the hands, one 
 with another. Neither does he explain why the paper is in the 
 case of the Plato MS. in excess of the vellum, through the 
 placing of the two vellum double-leaves in a quire on the inside 
 and outside of the quire, with three paper leaves between these 
 two in a quire of five double leaves. (This is the peculiar 
 arrangement which we described in the Leicester Codex.) Rud 
 has moreover made the two codices younger by nearly a century 
 than they should have been reckoned; for, writing in 1825, he 
 thinks the two volumes under 300 years old, which brings them 
 down to 1525. As we shall see, this is seventy-five or a 
 hundred years later than it should have been. 
 
 We will now turn to the Codices themselves, and to the 
 facsimiles that we have made of them. From the latter it is 
 easy to see that the handwriting is the same as that of the 
 Leicester Codex, the Caius Psalter and the Trinity Psalter. We 
 have, therefore, five Greek MSS. written in the same mysterious 
 hand, three of which have been traced to Cambridge, and two of 
 which are in Durham. Moreover, of the five, three, viz. the 
 Leicester Codex and the two Durham MSS., are in paleographical 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 31 
 
 agreement, by being written on mixed paper and vellum. In the 
 case of the Plato MS. the agreement in the vellum-paper arrange- 
 ment with the Leicester Codex is exact : in the case of the 
 Aristotle nearly exact. It must be allowed that the evidence 
 for the emanation of the MSS. from a common scriptorium is 
 very strong. 
 
 Of the two MSS. the Aristotle is much the finer ; it is not 
 only larger, being a folio with fine wide margins, and better pre- 
 served, having escaped the damp which has so much damaged 
 the Plato, but it is also much more carefully written. In the 
 Plato, on the other hand, all the severe criticisms which have 
 been passed on the Leicester script are abundantly justified. 
 There is very little difference in the structure of the two Durham 
 MSS. : the Plato comes nearest to the Leicester Codex, with 
 which it agrees in having the half-quire of ten leaves arranged 
 in the sequence VPPPV (i.e. three paper leaves between two 
 vellum leaves). In the Aristotle the central vellum double-leaf 
 is replaced by a paper leaf, giving the half-quire in the form 
 V P P P P. Each of the MSS. has the characteristic Leicester 
 catchwords and leaf-signatures. In the Plato, for instance, where 
 these catchwords are mostly cut away by the binder, we find 
 on fol. 36 r. the note that it is the fifth leaf of the fifth quire 1 , 
 and so on with other leaves and quires throughout the book. 
 
 The Aristotle has the same leaf numeration, e.g. on fol. 2 
 
 we have 
 
 <f>v xx S" t« a TV ', 
 or <j)v\\oi> hevrepov tov a rerpaSiov, 
 
 and there are also catchwords for the leaves through the first 
 half of the quinion. In the Plato, the catchwords run from quire 
 to quire. 
 
 In neither of the two MSS. does there appear to be any 
 mark of authorship or ownership, by which we might be enabled 
 to locate or to date the Leicester group. We do not even 
 know whether the books at Durham came from Cambridge or 
 not, and at first sight it looks as if the problem had been 
 
 1 Perhaps by an error of counting for the the error, marking cbv^ 8 tov r', if I have 
 fourth quire : on fol. 45r., the count conserves rightly read the abbreviations. 
 
32 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 made no easier by the addition of the new members to the 
 group. 
 
 We will now turn to the paper-marks of the two Durham MSS. 
 and see what light they throw upon their provenience. 
 
 The Plato has for the first 190 leaves a paper which is marked 
 by a pair of crossed arrows in a circle. Can this mark be localised 
 within a given area or placed within outside limits of time ? It is 
 well known that in consequence of the extraordinary development 
 in the early paper trade, and the frequent persistence of given marks 
 through long intervals, it is not an easy thing to fix places and dates 
 for paper by merely looking at the water-mark. Special varieties of 
 paper travelled far and wide, both by land and by sea, and the result 
 is that the provenience of the paper mills is obscured by the multi- 
 plicity of the markets. In the case of the cross-arrows we have an 
 easy instance before us for investigation. I have not yet found it 
 amongst English papers. Nor is it found amongst the papers of the 
 Low Countries. The whole of the collection made by Mr Ottley in 
 his researches into the origin of printing does not show, amongst the 
 papers of the Netherlands, a single instance. And this is remark- 
 able, in view of the fact that Mr Ottley had access to all the Dutch 
 archives, and that his collection covered the whole period from 1350 
 a.d. to 1550 1 . 
 
 This collection of paper-marks is now in the Cambridge 
 University Library {Add. 2878 and 2878 a], and we have examined 
 both the volumes in which it is contained. At the close of the 
 collection will be found a few tracings taken from Italian letters; 
 amongst these there is a case of the crossed arrows (not enclosed in 
 a circle), the letter being written from Suana in Tuscany and dated 
 in 1468. 
 
 From the circumstance that books and papers of the Low 
 Countries do not show the crossed arrows, we might almost conclude 
 
 1 Sotheby says, in his Principia Topo- leaves, and also tracings from the Public 
 
 graphica, Vol. III. p. 2, that " Mr Ottley Account Books preserved at Haarlem and 
 
 amassed an interesting and large collection elsewhere, he was enabled to form a series 
 
 of the specimens of the Paper made in the of the drawings of the various water-marks 
 
 Netherlands from as early a period as 1350 he had met with, arranging them according 
 
 to 1550: from which, together with the trac- to dates, and to the different parts of the 
 
 ings he obtained of marks in dated volumes Netherlands whence the folio books of ac- 
 
 of accounts, wherein there were no blank counts had been forwarded." 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 33 
 
 that it was as little a French mark as a Dutch, for there is a great 
 trade in paper between Northern France and the Netherlands, and 
 many of the marks collected by Ottley are in evidence on the point. 
 But to make the point clear, we may examine the collection of 
 marks (filigranes) published by Matton and Midoux from French 
 sources 1 . 
 
 Amongst the 600 specimens there does not seem to be a single 
 case of crossed arrows. 
 
 So far then, our only instance is the Tuscan letter of 1468. 
 
 Let us now turn to the collection of marks published by Jansen, 
 in his Essai sur t'origine de la gravure. We find two cases of crossed 
 arrows, numbered respectively 55 and 287. Turning to p. 341 we 
 find that No. 55 is an Italian mark, apparently one that is employed 
 by Nicolas Jenson the Venetian printer. The passage runs as 
 follows : 
 
 "les Fleches placees en sautoir, No. 55, sont egalement de 1470, et servent de 
 marque au papier de quelques villes Venetiennes, ainsi qu'a celui de Bologne et de 
 Rome 2 ." 
 
 The other numbered drawing (No. 287) will be found to be a 
 mark from a paper employed by a printer at Treviso, one Bernard 
 Celerino di Luere 3 . 
 
 These two marks then are North Italian. 
 
 Next let us try the collection made by Sotheby, in his Typography 
 of the XVth century. We find the crossed arrows in the following 
 printed books : 
 
 Tortellius 
 
 at 
 
 Rome in 
 
 1471 
 
 Ulrich Callus 
 
 Strabo at 
 
 Venice 
 
 in 
 
 1472 
 
 Vindelin de Spira 
 
 Cicero ,, 
 
 
 >5 
 
 ;> 
 
 I480 
 
 Jenson ? 
 
 Valerius Maximus „ 
 
 
 >> 
 
 >! 
 
 1471 
 
 Vindelin de Spira 
 
 Cicero „ 
 
 
 5> 
 
 55 
 
 1475 
 
 Jenson 
 
 Dante ,, 
 
 
 )> 
 
 1) 
 
 1477 
 
 Vindelin de Spira 
 
 1 Etude sur les Filigranes des papiers V esame sui principii delta francese ed itali- 
 employe's en France aux Xiv e et xv* siecles, ana lipografia, overs storia critica di Nicola 
 accompagnee de 600 dessins lithographies, Jenson; Lucca, 1797. 
 
 par Etienne Midoux et Auguste Matton. 3 Here he is borrowing from an Eclair- 
 
 Paris, 1868. cissement sur les marques du papier par 
 
 2 The author is borrowing from Sardini, M. de la Serna. 
 
 H. 5 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 to which may be added from Bodemann (Xylographische und Typo- 
 graphische Incunabelrt) : 
 
 Augustine : Venice, 1470, by John and Vindelin de Spira. 
 
 It will be seen that these marks must be North Italian, and 
 probably not very far, as to their place of manufacture, from Venice. 
 The collection made by Briquet 1 from the Genoese archives, which 
 contains nearly 600 watermarks, ranging from a.d. i i 54 to 1700, 
 does not exhibit a single case of the crossed arrows, a result which 
 is very striking as a confirmation of our belief that we have rightly 
 located the paper-mill which used the sign in question in the N.E. 
 of Italy. It is, moreover, striking that they appear to be confined 
 almost to a single decade. Unless, then, we can find earlier 
 specimens, or can trace them further afield, we are almost driven to 
 conclude that the Durham Plato is a North Italian product, and that 
 it is not earlier than the invention of printing. 
 
 We have discussed this single watermark at length, because it 
 seems to afford ground for definite conclusions. It is not, to be 
 sure, impossible that Italian paper of the kind described might 
 be exported to England, either from Genoa or Venice. But the 
 evidence, in the shape of extant papers, for such a belief is not 
 forthcoming. We shall conclude, therefore, provisionally that the 
 scriptorium that we are in search of was in some North Italian city, 
 probably in the neighbourhood of Venice 2 . 
 
 1 Papiers et Filigranes des archives de Very similar marks will be found in Briquet, 
 Genes par C. M. Briquet. Nos. 403 — 406, under the dates 1408 — 1448. 
 
 2 While we are engaged upon this point, A single instance will be found in Midoux 
 it may be well to recall what we said with and Matton (No. 422) from a MS. at Soissons. 
 regard to the watermarks of the Leicester The mark is surmounted by a Latin cross as 
 Codex in our first discussion of that MS. in the case of some of the Genoese examples. 
 The marks of the paper used in that MS. I have no doubt of its Italian origin. 
 
 were not easy to decipher or to locate. The The Leicester mark B is suspected by 
 
 one which is marked A in my book (a Sir E. M. Thompson to be a faintly impressed 
 
 trident-shaped mark) is declared by Sir bull's head. It is one of the commonest 
 
 E. M. Thompson to be nothing else than and most widely diffused of paper marks, 
 a letter M, and I see now that he is right. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE COMMON ORIGINAL OF THE LEICESTER CODEX, THE MILAN MS. 
 AND THE BURDETT-COUTTS MS. 
 
 We have now definitely taken the Leicester Codex back into 
 Italy. The next step is to find a local home for the MS. from which 
 it is most nearly derived. We do not mean by that term the MS. 
 which is the ancestor of the whole group, and which is commonly, but 
 perhaps erroneously, supposed to be an uncial MS. of great dignity 
 and critical weight. We have only to look at the common matter 
 which is found attached to Codd. 69, 346, 543, to be convinced of 
 the close relation that subsists between these three, at all events. 
 Each of them, for example, has the peculiar tract on the Patriarchates 
 followed, in two cases out of the three, by the tract on the Climates 
 of Africa : and unless these tracts have been removed from the 
 ancestry of the other members of the group, they constitute a special 
 bond of propinquity between the MSS. in which they occur. Is it 
 possible by a scrutiny of the tracts to find out anything further with 
 regard to the common form from which this subordinate group 
 has been derived ? Let us see whether the question can be 
 answered with a sufficient degree of clearness. 
 
 In the first place, we remark that the two tracts in question belong 
 together : we shall find them occurring not only in Cod. 346 and 
 Cod. 543, but also in the Graeco-Arabic MS. of the Gospels Cod. 
 211. The second is an appendix to the first, goes with it tradi- 
 tionally, and we shall, I think, see reason to believe that it is by the 
 same hand as the first. Hence the absence of the tract on the 
 Climates of Africa in the Leicester Codex is merely a case of 
 
 5—2 
 
36 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 omission, perhaps of deliberate omission on account of the unin- 
 telligibility of the matter 1 . We might, therefore, treat the two tracts 
 as a single work, if we wished. It will, however, be convenient to 
 begin our investigation with the small fragment on the Climates of 
 Africa. 
 
 In the Burdett-Coutts manuscript this fragment reads as follows : 
 I take the text from Scrivener, Adversaria Critica (p. xx and p. 57), 
 where the MS. is described and collated. 
 
 Ai Ta£eis TiGv K\ip.d.TU>v t^s a<pptKrjs- 
 
 •n-pcoTOi' kXijao. rj Xifivri KaXovjuevr) kov/3ia kcu paid oi 
 
 Atvnpov k\i/j.o. rj jxavpovuia rjToi aWioTrla /ue'A.eoi 
 
 e? ae ovS 
 
 Tpirov K?upa r/piftaK r/yovv (re^eA. 
 
 TtTapToi' K\lp.a. rj povpe&a. tfyovv £«/3 
 
 TiepLTTTOv K\2pa a<f>ptKTi rjv... 
 
 Of one leaf only a few letters remain. 
 
 This is how the text is given on p. xx, but on p. 57 it 
 appears again with the following variations : 
 
 A.ov/3i€ for A.ov/?ia 
 
 es ere ov&£ 
 
 a<f>pLKTl 71... 
 
 end of leaf: one leaf torn out : only a few fragments remain. 
 
 Our business is to explain this perplexing and barely intelli- 
 gible little document. 
 
 In the first place we remark that the writer has used the 
 word Africa in two different senses : in his headline it is a 
 continent : in his divisions of the continent it appears to stand 
 for proconsular Africa. He is working from a source which has 
 used words in a sense different from his own. 
 
 The same thing may be suspected, though we cannot be sure 
 on this point, in his use of the word climate. In the tract on 
 the Patriarchates the word appears to be used in an indefinite 
 
 1 Another conclusive argument for the KXipdriov ktc. : 
 
 accuracy of this view lies in the fact that where the twelve enumerated metropolitans 
 
 part of the matter which Cod. 543 adds to belong to the fifth patriarchate in the previous 
 
 Cod. 69 belongs to the latter : thus Cod. 543 tract . Cod. 69 has therefore discarded a 
 
 continues little too much, if it deliberately omitted 
 
 ex« 8<f priTponokiras t/3'. A! ri^eis ra>v the climates. The text must go further. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 37 
 
 sense : the patriarchate of Constantinople is said to include all 
 the northern climes, that of Alexandria all the southern, and 
 so on. Clearly the word is' here used indefinitely. But we must 
 examine whether in the subdivision of Africa the word has a 
 technical or a general meaning, and, if it should be the former, 
 whether our writer has taken over this technical meaning from 
 his sources, though he was himself capable of using the word 
 somewhat differently. 
 
 What then is the original meaning of the word climate, and 
 how could the world be divided into climates ? 
 
 Our modern maps and geographies still retain traces of the 
 earlier cosmographies, according to which the Greeks divided up 
 the known and the habitable parts of the world. We still see 
 marked on the globe temperate, torrid and frigid zones, probably 
 without suspecting that they are the substitute for an older and 
 at one, time universally accepted division of the world, invented 
 by the Greeks, and taken over from them by the Arabs at the 
 time when Islam stood for civilization as well as faith 1 . 
 
 According to the Greek cosmographers, the world is (a) habit- 
 able (ij oLKov/jLevi)) and (6) uninhabitable. The second division is 
 a negligeable quantity : we do not, in the early days of geography, 
 make maps of countries where people do not live. Accordingly the 
 ground to be studied excludes both the Arctic and the Equatorial 
 regions : and when these are excluded, the remainder is divided 
 into a series of parallel zones, called AcX.t/iara. The name shows 
 that the division has something to do with the height of the 
 sun in the sky, and its inclination (kXlvoj) relatively to the 
 equator, the elevation being measured either by the shadows 
 which it casts or by the length of the day. Without going into 
 a detailed account of the progress made by inquisitive man into 
 astronomical truth, it is sufficient to observe that the division 
 into climates, between certain arbitrary limits which define the 
 inhabited portion of the earth, is made practically by observing 
 the length of the longest day at different places on the meridian, 
 
 1 Another curious instance of survival is literates the "last longitude" of Arab maps 
 the term Ultima Thicle for the end of the and geographies, 
 world, which merely translates and trans- 
 
38 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 and drawing a line of latitude across the meridian each time 
 that the length of the longest day increases by a given amount. 
 Usually there are seven such zones, and these zones are the 
 Greek climates. What we are concerned with is not the question 
 of scientific accuracy, either in the conception or in the delimitation 
 of these zones, but with the historical question of their relative 
 positions as marked on the earliest maps by the first geographers, 
 and as brought down out of the Greek world into the middle 
 ages by the savants of Islam 1 . 
 
 We shall examine carefully into the meaning of the climates 
 of the world in the Arabic geographers, remembering that all 
 through the middle ages geography is practically an Arabic 
 monopoly ; we shall trace the change that slowly comes over the 
 word climate as the conventional division of the world's surface 
 into zones is recognized as insufficiently scientific : and then we 
 shall turn to the little tract on the climates of Africa in our 
 group of MSS. and examine in what sense the term is there 
 to be understood. 
 
 For instance, if we turn to Amari, Biblioteca Arabo-Sicula, 
 P- 359> we find the following statement : 
 
 "'Iqlim, dima, divisione geografica degli antichi. 
 
 Provincia, distretto o contado. In tale significato Edrisi usa questa voce 
 al singolare, come sinonimo di '■ami." 
 
 Here it is noted that the Arabic climate is usually the con- 
 ventional one of the geographers, but that in Edrisi (fl. 1150 a.d.) 
 it is sometimes used in the general sense of district. 
 
 In a note on p. 9 of the same work, Amari again observes, 
 with regard to the fluctuation of the meaning of the word climate 
 in Edrisi, 
 
 " L' arabo 'iqlim, trascrizione di xXi'/xa, vuol dire una delle divisioni della Terra 
 secondo gli antichi geografi ed anche una provincia. Non e uopo aggiungere che qui ha 
 il primo significato e che gli Arabi non danno mai a questo vocabulo quello che ha 
 preso nelle lingue raoderne dell' Europa." 
 
 1 As we shall frequently have to quote lished translations of the greatest works on 
 
 from these Arabic geographers, let us say Arabic geography will be found sufficient, 
 
 once for all that we make no pretence to Into the minutiae of Arabic criticism we do 
 
 more than an elementary knowledge of not need to enter. 
 Arabic, and that, for our purpose, the pub- 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 39 
 
 This statement of Amari, that the Arabs never use the word 
 climate in the modified sense, had itself to be modified, as being 
 far too rapid a generalisation : and in his Storia dei Musulmani 
 di Sicilia (11. p. 275) we find him speaking as follows: 
 
 " La prima cosa e da vedere che valga qui iklim ; la qual voce gli Arabi tolsero del 
 greco, al par di noi ; le serbarono il significato che aveva in geografia fisica ; e v' aggi- 
 unser quello di circoscrizione territoriale. Cosi la troviamo in Affrica nel decimo 
 secolo [sc. Ibn Haukal], in Sicilia nel duodecimo [sc. Edrisi] e in Egitto nel decimo- 
 quarto [sc. Abdallatif]." 
 
 It thus appears that the word climate underwent in Arabic 
 a slow change of meaning, and came at last to be used in the 
 sense of district or province just in the same way as it passed 
 over in Greek from one meaning to the other, and as, for 
 example, we find it in the tract on the Patriarchates. 
 
 Saving this gradual substitution and encroachment of a later 
 meaning, the usage of the Arabic geographers is steady in the 
 maintenance of the word 'iqlim as an earth-zone. 
 
 For example, Massoudy, writing in the middle of the tenth 
 century, composed a cosmographic and philosophic work which 
 is described as follows in Reinaud's Introduction to the Geography 
 of Abzdfeda (p. lxvii) : 
 
 "Outre les Prairies d' Or, Massoudy a compose un traite intitule Livre de 
 Vindication et de I 'admonition .. .on trouve dans la preface plusieurs details inte'ressants 
 sur les travaux litteraires de Massoudy. En voici quelques fragments : 
 
 ...Maintenant il m'a paru convenable de joindre aux ouvrages precedents un traite 
 auquel je donne pour titre Lindicateur et le moniteur. J'y insererai d'une maniere 
 abr^gee ce qui concerne...les vents, le lieu d'ou ils soufflent, leurs effets et leurs 
 influences; la terre, sa figure,. ..la distribution des septs climats et leur attribution a 
 chacune des sept planetes." 
 
 Observe that Massoudy's map contains the seven zones 1 , which 
 are the traditional division of the earth's surface. Notice also 
 the conventional elements which go to make up a geography : 
 the chapter on the winds is an important one, because we shall 
 
 1 Massoudy speaks of having seen maps dtaient rested intacts, s'exprime ainsi, 'J'ai 
 
 with the climates marked in different colours. vu les septs climats enlumines de diverses 
 
 " Massoudy, qui dcrivait dans la premiere couleurs, dans plusieurs livres '." Abulfeda, 
 
 moitie' du x e siecle de notre ere, a une epoque Introd. p. xliv. 
 oil les monuments de la literature arabe 
 
40 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 find presently that Nilus Doxapatrius in his tract on the Five 
 Patriarchates also introduces the winds, a point which sadly 
 perplexed M. l'Abbe Martin. As we shall see, the wind-rose is 
 purely conventional and answers to what sailors call "boxing the 
 compass." 
 
 One of the most famous of Arabic savants is the great Edrisi, 
 and he will be especially important for our enquiry, because he 
 resides in Sicily and is an exact contemporary of Nilus Doxapatrius 
 to whom we shall have presently occasion to refer in connexion 
 with the tract on the Patriarchates which is contained in our 
 group of MSS., and whom we shall identify as its author. 
 Nilus, whoever he was, wrote in Sicily and dates his dedication 
 of his work to the Norman King Roger in 1 143 a.d. Con- 
 cerning Edrisi we are told as follows in the Prolegomena to 
 Abulfeda (p. cxiv) : 
 
 "On sait qu'Edrisi se trouvait en 548 (1154 de J. C.) en Sicile 1 , a la cour du 
 prince normand Roger II qui etait tres-zele pour les sciences, notamment pour la 
 geographic Ce fut pour ce prince qu'Edrisi composa le traite auquel il doit sa 
 celebrite en Orient et en Occident. L'ouvrage d'Edrisi porte le titre d' Amusement de 
 celui qui desire parcourir le monde....Voici ce qu'on lit dans le Dictionnaire 
 biographique de Khalyl Alsefedy, a l'article Roger: 'Roger avait beaucoup de gout 
 dans les etudes pbilosophiques. II fit venir des cotes d'Afrique le scherif Edrisi et le 
 
 chargea de construire quelque chose a l'image du monde Un jour le roi dit a Edrisi, 
 
 Je voudrais avoir une description de la terre, faite d'apres des observations directes et 
 non d'apres des livres. La-dessus le roi et Edrisi firent choix de quelques hommes 
 intelligents et honnetes. Ces hommes se mirent a voyager a l'orient, a l'occident, au 
 midi et au nord :...a mesure qu'un de ces hommes arrivaient, Edrisi inserait dans son 
 traite les remarques qui lui etaient communiquees. Voila comment fut compose le 
 Nozhat-al-Moschtac' 
 
 A l'epoque ou Edrisi sejourna en Sicile, la puissance normande avait atteint son 
 apogee, et cette circonstance ne contribua pas peu aux facilites de tout genre 
 qu'Edrisi trouva pour son travail. Outre la Sicile, Roger possedait une grande partie 
 du continent italien. D'ailleurs, en Sicile, une partie de la population se composait 
 des anciens Arabes et Africains qui avaient ete si longtemps maitres du pays et qui 
 continuaient a professer l'islamisme. La civilisation chretienne et la civilisation 
 musulmane se trouvaient en presence a Palerme et a Messine, et ces deux ports 
 
 1 The date given is that of the death of cinquecenquarantotto (29 marzo 1153 — 17 
 
 Roger II. Cf. Amari, Bid/. Arabo-Sicu/a, marzo H54)...egli fece venire della costiera 
 
 p. 289, from an Arabic necrology : d' Africa [lit. 'al 'adwah, la terra del passagio] 
 
 " Rag^ar (Ruggiero) re dei Franchi, prin- lo sarif 'al 'Idrisi (Edrisi), autore di Nuzhat 
 
 cipe della Sicilia, mori di angina 1' anno 'al Mus"taq." 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 41 
 
 voyaient arriver chaque jour des navires de tous les points de l'horizon. Edrisi profita 
 des renseignements que lui communiquaient les voyageurs des cotes de l'Afrique, de 
 l'Egypte, et de la Syrie : en meme temps, il tira un parti fort utile des notions que lui 
 fournirent les Chretiens ; non seulement il redigea une description detaillee de la 
 Sicile, de l'ltalie, de la France, de l'lllyrie, et de l'Allemagne, mais encore il traga un 
 dessin assez exact de la presqu'ile de Scandinave, dont les anciens n'avaient eu qu'une 
 idee tres-vague. En ce qui concerne les lies situees sur les cotes occidentales de 
 l'Afrique, dont le nombre avait ete exagere, il puisa dans la legende d'un saint 
 Irlandais, appele saint Brandaine, qui a cette epoque jouissait d'un grand credit en 
 Occident." 
 
 The foregoing passage is of the utmost importance in our 
 investigation : we shall show that Edrisi's geography is based, 
 like the rest of the Arabic treatises, on the seven zones, although 
 there are cases where he uses the word climate in a more general 
 sense. But even more important than this fact is the glimpse 
 that we get into the intellectual life of the Norman court, at 
 a time when Nilus Doxapatrius either composed or transcribed 
 from some existing source the tract on the Five Patriarchates. 
 Certainly no one will be disposed to deny that the intellectual 
 environment was favourable to the production of either of the 
 tracts which we are discussing. Geography was in the air, and 
 a knowledge of the seven earth-zones was a mark of good- 
 breeding and an introduction to royal favour. Edrisi himself 
 tells us that Prince Roger desired to know the boundaries of 
 his possessions, the lines of communication, the climates in which 
 they were situated, &c. He had a planisphere made, of an 
 enormous size, on which were engraved the configuration of the 
 seven climates, the regions, countries, &c, seas, gulfs, &c. To 
 accompany the planisphere a book was necessary which should 
 treat of the products of each country, of the peculiarities of each 
 climate, the state of the populations, &c. Such a work was 
 accordingly composed by Edrisi 1 . 
 
 1 Edrisi's statement concerning the seven des lignes ideales imagines par les astro- 
 climates is as follows (tr. Jaubert, p. 5) : nomes. II y a dans chaque climat un grand 
 
 " La partie habitable de la terre a 6t6 nombre de villes, de forts, de villages et de 
 
 divisee par les savants en sept climats, dont peuples qui ne se ressemblent point entre 
 
 chacun s'etend de 1'occident a l'orient. Cette eux." 
 
 division n'est point e"tablie d'apres des lignes Note that Jaubert's translation of Edrisi is 
 
 naturellement existantes, mais bien d'apres severely criticized by Dozy and de Goeje for 
 
 H. 6 
 
42 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 We have shown, then, that his geography, however reinforced 
 by fresh observations, followed the conventional method, and that 
 the seven zones were incorporated in it. But we have done more 
 than this, we have reproduced and recalled the state of learning 
 at the court of King Roger II, and have found that it was exactly 
 the place where such tracts as we are studying would have been 
 welcomed, if they were not actually produced under the stimulus 
 of the royal zeal for Cosmography. The whole court of Sicily 
 was a Royal Geographical Society with Edrisi for President and 
 King Roger for Treasurer. We shall frequently have to allude 
 to Edrisi's work in the following pages. 
 
 Without making any attempt at an exhaustive enumeration of 
 the Arabic writers who make maps of the climates, it may not 
 be amiss to give a few more references. 
 
 Al-Kazwini (Zakariya ibn Muhammad ibn Mahmud) is another 
 famous African geographer, somewhat later than Edrisi. He died 
 in 1283, and is the author of two famous geographical works, 
 one of which is called The Wonders of Creation, the other Places 
 of countries \athar el-belad^. The former of these works has been 
 translated by Dr Hermann Ethe, from whom I extract the follow- 
 ing statement of Kazwini with regard to the climates. It is 
 accompanied by a rude representation of the order and content 
 of the climates on the surface of the Earth. 
 
 Wisse dass das bewohnte Viertel sich nun wieder in siehen Abschnitte theilt, deren 
 jeder ein Klima oder eine Zone genannt wird, und aussieht als ob sie ein aus- 
 gebreiteter Teppich sei, dessen Lange von Osten nach Westen und dessen Breite von 
 sudlicher nach nordlicher Richtung sich erstreckt. Diese Zonen sind nun von 
 verschiedenartiger Lange und Breite : die langste und breiteste derselben ist die erste 
 Zone, denn deren Lange von Osten nach Westen betragt ungefahr 3000 Parasangen, 
 und ihre Breite von Siiden nach Norden ungefahr 150 Parasangen. Die kiirzeste aller 
 Zonen an Lange wie an Breite ist die siebente, denn deren Lange von Osten nach Westen 
 betragt nur ungefahr r5oo Parasangen, und ihre Breite von Siiden nach Norden 
 ungefahr 70. Was die iibrigen Zonen zwischen beiden betrifft, so ist deren Lange und 
 Breite verschieden, bald etwas mehr, bald etwas weniger. Dies ist die Gestalt der 
 sieben Zonen : 
 
 the nonchalance with which it is made : the Edrisi's description of Africa and Spain 
 critics publish with a translation the text of [Leyde, 1866]. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 43 
 
 
 / Lander 
 ' von Java 
 
 
 S 
 
 > 
 
 in 
 
 Ln 
 
 5' 
 
 
 a ;r — \ 
 f rt r; \ 
 
 3 rS \ 
 
 
 'Oman 
 
 Aequinoctial-linie 
 
 Jamen \ 
 
 
 China 
 
 Hig'az 
 
 Aegypten 
 
 Berber- \ 
 lander \ 
 
 3^ 
 
 p" 
 
 Siraz 
 Sindia 
 
 
 
 
 Lander 
 Afrikas 
 
 \ 
 
 Korasan 
 
 
 Berge 
 
 von 
 Irak 
 
 
 Diarbekr / 
 
 \ 
 
 Turkestan 
 Transoxanien 
 
 
 Russen 
 
 Scyth 
 
 en Deutschen / 
 
 \ 
 
 Romer 
 
 
 Bulgaren 
 
 
 Gog / 
 u. Magog / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 N 
 
 Kazwini's adhesion to the system of zones, and the rudeness of 
 the map by which he explains them, will assist our imagination to 
 realize the sources which were available to the author of our tract on 
 the Climates of Africa, for if he were really treating of the same 
 climates as the ordinary geographers of the time, he must have either 
 taken them from a book, or from some rude system of cartography 
 such as is found in the Arabic geographers. 
 
 We will conclude this part of our enquiry into the meaning of 
 climates in early geography by examining what is said on the subject 
 by the great Arabic scholar Abulfeda. 
 
 Abulfeda was born in 1273 a.d. and died in 133 1 a.d. His 
 
 geography has already been quoted by us in the excellent edition of 
 
 Reinaud and Guyard. To this translation we shall constantly have 
 
 to refer for the description of the climates and their identification. 
 
 In his Prolegomena 1 Abulfeda says : 
 
 1 p. 8. 
 
 6—2 
 
44 
 
 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 "Sache que la plus grande partie du monde habite est situee entre le io e degre de 
 latitude septentrionale et le 50 01 . Or les hommes de Fart ont divise cet espace en sept 
 climats, de maniere que chaque climat format une espece de zone offrant un caractere 
 commun a tous les pays qui en font partie. Les climats s'etendent en long de l'orient 
 a l'occident. Pour leur largeur, elle est comparativement petite : c'est l'espace 
 necessaire pour que le plus long jour du pays que chaque climat represente ait une 
 demi-heure de plus que le climat precedent." 
 
 Abulfeda's idea of the surface of the earth is illustrated by the 
 following figure 2 : 
 
 1 The limits are not the same in all geo- 
 graphers. 
 
 Shems eddin Abou Abdallah of Damascus, 
 whose Manual of Cosmography was trans- 
 lated by Mehren, makes the climates extend 
 from 12° to 6oj°. 
 
 " Bien que les anciens n'aient pas 6t6 
 d'accord dans leurs opinions sur la division 
 de la terre, les astronomes et les ge"ographes 
 admettent gfeeValement la division de la 
 terre en climats, qui s'etendent du sud au 
 nord depuis le 12 degrd de latitude septen- 
 
 trionale jusqu'au 62^° et de l'ouest a Test, 
 depuis les iles Fortune"es et Eternelles situdes 
 h. une distance de dix degre"s dans la mer 
 occidentale ou l'oce'an jusqu'au bord de la 
 Mer Te'ne'breuse...un parallele de l'ouest a 
 Test fait la frontiere du premier climat. Tout 
 ce qui se trouve entre l'Equateur et ce paral- 
 lele... est considere" hors des sept climats:... 
 sa largeur est de 12}°, le jour le plus long 
 pendant le solstice d'e'te' durant 12J heures." 
 2 It is evidently a circular disc with the 
 equator for one diameter. 
 

 Latitude N. 
 
 ;j t0 
 [from 
 
 5°r 
 
 47l°- 
 
 rto 
 
 [from 
 
 47F 
 
 43f°- 
 
 rto 
 
 [from 
 
 43f° 
 
 3»tV. 
 
 /to 
 
 3»tV 
 
 [from 
 
 33f°- 
 
 rto 
 
 [from 
 
 33f° 
 
 *7i°- 
 
 rto 
 
 [from 
 
 2 7i° 
 
 2 °2V- 
 
 rto 
 
 [from 
 
 20-t' 
 zu 2 
 
 I2| 01 . 
 
 HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 45 
 
 In dividing the climates he gives the latitudes of the Northern 
 and Southern boundaries of each zone, the reckoning beginning from 
 the south. The division is as follows : 
 
 Climate 
 7th extends 
 
 6th „ 
 
 5th „ 
 4th 
 
 3rd „ 
 
 2nd „ 
 1st 
 
 Abulfeda prides himself on assigning each place to its right 
 climate. He criticises other geographers for their carelessness in 
 this respect ; 
 
 " la plupart des personnes qui ont publie des tables de longitude et de latitude, ou 
 des ouvrages analogues, n'ont pas tenu un compte exact du climat propre a chaque 
 lieu, et ils ont transporte les lieux d'un climat dans un autre. ...Pour nous, nous avons 
 fait attention a cela, et nous avons place chaque lieu dans le climat qui lui appartient." 
 
 And now let us turn to the little document on the Climates of 
 Africa and see whether it is made on the ancient lines which the 
 tradition of Arabic geographers favours, or whether it is merely a 
 rough enumeration of countries. The first glance at the list is 
 discouraging ; the writer speaks of five climates. There ought to be 
 only four in which any part of Africa is contained. Most of Sicily, 
 says Ibn Said 2 , is in the fifth climate, which practically shuts up pro- 
 consular Africa, with the rest of Sicily, to the fourth climate 3 . 
 
 1 Edrisi on the other hand, according to Taqwim 'al Buldan (Tavola sinottica de' 
 M. Reinaud, Proleg. to Abulfeda, p. cclxxvii, paesi). 
 
 commenced his climates at the equator and " Nel quinto de' climi, comunemente cosi 
 
 terminated them at the 64th degree of lati- dette, quello [cioe che abbraccia] le isole de' 
 
 tude, on the supposition that outside these mari di Ponente [e noverata] la Sicilia, che 
 
 limits the world was not habitable. [sta] realmente [entro i limiti] del quarto 
 
 2 Muhtasir gigrafia. clima, nel Mediterraneo, di faccia all' [Africa] 
 
 3 Cf. Amari, Biblioteca, p. 63, quoting the proprie." 
 
46 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Another discouraging sign is that the first climate is said to 
 contain Libya : but it is evident that in enumerating climates from 
 the south to the north, Libya ought to be a good way further on ; it 
 certainly cannot be the first climate. 
 
 On the other hand we note that if the writer were really working 
 from south to north, the province of Africa is rightly placed at the 
 end of the list. 
 
 Looking closely at the list of climates as given in the Burdett- 
 Coutts MS., we see, amongst other unintelligible matter, the words 
 
 69 ere ovb 
 
 descriptive of something in the second climate. This is evidently 
 the name of a place, and stands for Assiout on the Nile. 
 
 We observe, in the next place, that it is an Arabic name, or more 
 exactly, a Greek transcription of an Arabic name. That it is Arabic 
 is shown by the prefixed article : the Coptic form would be simply 
 Siout 1 ; it is much the same as if the name of Cairo appeared 
 in English as al Cairo ; we should at any rate know that we were 
 •dealing with a bona-fide Arabic name 2 . The name, then, is Arabic, 
 the article in its assimilated form, es- Siout, shows that. But further 
 it is a transliteration and not simply the borrowing of an Arabic 
 name. Scrivener notes that there is another letter which belongs to 
 the word, and suggests that we read 
 
 es ere ouS£. 
 
 Now the Arabic form of the name is 1»^*~ II, and if Scrivener's 
 alternative reading be correct, the S£ of the transcription shows that 
 the writer of the tract has read the final letter as J», and given a 
 proper Greek equivalent. 
 
 If this be correct, he is working either from an Arabic text or 
 from an Arabic map. But, as we shall see presently, it is very 
 doubtful indeed whether Scrivener's reading is correct. 
 
 To verify this identification, we remark in the next place that his 
 description of the second climate ends with the word Siout ; this can 
 
 1 The Greek name being Lycopolis. this may be called an Arabism ; if they said 
 
 2 The French actually translate the article al Caire it would be an Arabic translitera- 
 in such a case, and say le Caire, ate Caire ; tion. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 47 
 
 only mean that the second climate contains or extends as far as Siout. 
 Is that correct ? We can easily test the matter. 
 
 Abulfeda's description of Egypt contains the following state- 
 ment : 
 
 p. 154. Osyouth ou Soyouth (ou bien encore Asyouth), 
 d'apres l'Athoual 22 10' N. Lat., 
 
 „ le Canoun 23J , 
 
 „ un auteur 26° 48'. 
 Osyouth se trouve dans le Sayd, a Vextremite du deuxieme cliinat. 
 
 Edrisi's Geography will also tell us that Siout is in the second 
 climate, though he does not so definitely say that it is in the limit of 
 the climate. 
 
 Edrisi's method is to work across the climates from west to east, 
 telling all the countries, cities and peoples passed on the way. For 
 example, he begins his first climate as follows : 
 
 " Ce climat commence a l'ouest de la mer occidentale, qu'on appelle aussi la mer 
 des tenebres. C'est celle au dela de quelle personne ne sait ce qui existe. II y a deux 
 lies, nommees les lies Fortunees, d'ou Ptolemee commence a compter les longitudes." 
 
 He thenworks across Africa to Nubia, Abyssinia, and so on to 
 China. When he comes to the second climate, he begins again at 
 the west, and crossing the central parts of Africa he reaches the 
 mountain Tailamoun. Then he says : 
 
 " De la montagne de Tailamoun a Assiout (Osiout ou Siout), ville considerable sur 
 la rive occidentale du Nil, dont les environs sont tres fertiles, on compte une journee 
 de navigation." 
 
 It follows that Siout is, according to Edrisi also, in the second 
 climate. We need not hesitate to say that, as far as we have gone, 
 the evidence is in favour of a belief that the climates in our tract 
 are not very different from the conventional zones of the Arab 
 geographers. But here we must pause and reflect : for while it is 
 quite clear that we have rightly identified in our tract the name 
 Siout, and have also proved that the second climate is the right place 
 for Siout, still there is so much that is perplexing or unintelligible in 
 the rest of the tract, that we ought not to draw any definite conclusions 
 until we have a better text of the fragment itself and have eliminated 
 some of the disorder and unintelligibility which characterise it. 
 So leaving the identification of Siout as a certain point which is 
 
43 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 clear, and its place in the second climate as a probable explanation, 
 let us return to Scrivener's text and see if we can improve it. 
 
 In my tract on the Leicester Codex I quoted only the first 
 two lines of the tract, as follows (p. 65) : 
 
 Cod. B.-C. pergit. e^ei 8k jU.1jrp07roA.tVas ifi'. At ra^eis ruiv k\ijx6.tu>v rrj's atppLKrjs /cat 
 
 7T<3s KdXovVTCU. TTpujTOV kXijXO. T) Xl/3vY] 7] KaXovp.€l'TJ Xovfilt KOU jXaipaKl KTC. 
 
 Upon this Scrivener remarked that the last words were in- 
 correct 1 : "yu.ai.aSt, not fJiaipaKL kte. as in Harris." 
 
 This note is repeated on p. 57 as follows: 
 
 " kclI ixcllolSl (videtur : non fieipaKL with Harris)." 
 
 The whole of the text is given by Scrivener from the MS. as 
 we have transcribed it above, and with the variations that we 
 have noted. In order to clear up the disputed reading and to 
 settle the internal dissonances in Scrivener's two presentations of 
 it, I have retranscribed the text from the MS., and here is the 
 result. 
 
 At Ta£ets Ttov KXipdrbiv Trj<; a<ppiK7~js ko.1 7ra>s KaXovvrai'. 
 
 a. irpStTOv xXipa rj Xiflvr) rj Ka.Xovp.cvT] A.ou'/3ie xal p.apa.Ki 3 . 
 
 f}. Sevrtpov KXipa yj p.avpov<ria- rjTOi aWiOTia- f3eXt& es 0"€ ov 4 . 
 
 y. Tpirov KXt/xa 77 /3t^aKtvta rjyovv <T€^gX. 
 
 S. TiTaprov xXipa rj vovp.r)&ia 6 - -qyovv £,ij$. 
 
 €. iriiXTTTOv xXtp-a atppixrj ff. 
 
 And now consider the form in which the tract lies before us, 
 and it will be clear that almost all the unintelligible readings 
 are gone. The names of well-known African provinces spring 
 to light : /j-apaKL probably stands for ^apfiapLKt] where a syllable 
 
 1 Adv. Crit. Sac. p. xx. alike in the MS., only p. has a very small 
 
 2 The last three words appear to be want- stroke to the left : the S over ov has a curved 
 ing in Scrivener. nourish which Scrivener has read as a f: it 
 
 3 It seems that there is a superfluous iota probably does not mean anything of the 
 in my transcription, unless it should be kind. There is no t after pcXeS, the curve 
 covered by a slight ridge in the vellum. I of the 8 is merely brought down vertically, 
 do not think it is there ; and the accent also 6 This is what Scrivener reads as riptftaK, 
 seems to be wrong. Scrivener's reading taking the minuscule /3 for a p, and giving a (3 
 does not exist. of the later cursive form for £ : the four last 
 
 4 Note that Scrivener has mistaken a letters of the word he altogether drops, 
 minuscule /3 for a p : they are certainly very 6 This has been wrongly read as povpeSa. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 49 
 
 has been lost by haplography ; jxifiaK has become the province 
 Byzacene ; [xov^eSa has turned into Numidia. 
 
 But this is not all : we removed the impossible word /xeXeSt 
 before Assiout, and restored /3e\eS. It is the exact transliteration 
 of the Arabic word for country, introduced no doubt unconsciously 
 by a person acquainted with the language : the second climate 
 is, according to the writer, 
 
 the country of Siout. 
 
 It is now perfectly certain that the document in question comes 
 from a Graeco-Arabic hand. 
 
 In confirmation of the correctness of our transcriptions and 
 interpretation, we append the complete text as in stands in 
 Cod. 346, from photographs which have been supplied to us 
 through the kind offices of Dr Ceriani. The text thus furnished 
 is as follows : 
 
 At ragis Ttov KX'qjxarijiV tvj<; a<f>ptKfj<; xal 7rc3s kglXovvtclc irpiaTOV KXrjjxa rj XifSvrf rj 
 KaXovfievT) \ov/3lc kcll yuapaxie. &evrepov KXrjjxa -q [xavpovaia.- ijtoi aidiOTria- /Je'AeScs (re 
 ov (sic)* TptTOV K\yjpia r] fii^aKivio.' rjyovv CTe^eX' riraprov KX.yjfia' rj vovfieSia' -yjyovv 
 4ep * 7re/A7TTOv KXyjpjx • a<j>piKrj • rjyovv KapOayevvi} 
 
 where the facsimile should be studied, and the close relation of 
 the MSS. to one another observed. The final words that are 
 added verify our statement that the fifth climate is Proconsular 
 Africa. 
 
 There are still a few points doubtful. We ought to be able 
 to clear up the words a-e^eX and £e'/3, as well as one or two 
 residual confusions in the arrangement of the climates. 
 
 Of o-e^eX. I cannot speak very confidently : it may, perhaps, 
 be an attempt to transliterate the Arabic Jj»-L> (sahil), which is 
 used for the sea-shore. But on this point I am not quite easy. 
 
 More certain is the recognition of £e'/3 in the name which 
 the Arabic geographers give to the Western Soudan, the hinter- 
 land of Numidia, which they call the country of Zab. 
 
 And now we come to the residual difficulties, as well as to 
 the previous question whether the climates are zones or provinces. 
 The correction of the text has certainly brought the provinces 
 to the front, and made the conventional zones retire somewhat 
 into the background. It is not necessary for our investigation 
 
 H. 7 
 
50 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 into the origin of the group of MSS., to decide the point one 
 way or another. We are quite satisfied with having established 
 a Graeco-Arabic origin for the MSS. that we were engaged on. 
 We will, however, spend a little time in examining the residual 
 difficulties. If the climates are merely districts, the only difficulty 
 of any moment appears to be the equation of ^avpovcrCa, which 
 ought to mean Morocco, with Ethiopia. If, however, they are 
 the ancient zones, we ought to explain also why Libya has the 
 first place. The difficulty with fiavpovaia might perhaps be 
 resolved by regarding it as a corruption of Meroe. Meroe is 
 a city and district which has certainly great importance with 
 ancient geographers, and is synonymous with Ethiopia in one of 
 the senses of that geographical term 1 . 
 
 The importance of the district lay in the assumption of the 
 ancient geographers that the country between the great bend of 
 the Nile was in reality an island, and that in this island of 
 Meroe the traveller would notice the phenomenon that the solar 
 shadow at midday might fall either north or south. Milton, who 
 knew his ancient geography well, catches the point in Paradise 
 Regained, where he speaks as follows 2 : 
 
 " Some from farthest south, 
 Syene, where the shadow both way falls, 
 Meroe. Nilotic isle, and more to west 
 The realms of Bocchus to the Blackmoor Sea." 
 
 The identification of Meroe and Ethiopia is confirmed by 
 the following passages from Strabo : 
 
 Lib. xvii. 2. ion oi to /xiyiOTOv airois (sc. toTs KlBlottikoZ';) (3acri\eiov ij M.€p6rj, 
 7rdAi5 6/j.<ovvfj.o<; rfj vrjoui' ttjv Bi vfjoov Bvptouofj (paoi to oxfj/xa ktL 
 
 xvii. 3- *( AAcfai/Spetas £is Mtpdr/i/ to fiao-iXttov T(3v AWiottiuv 7rpds votov invTi 
 OTaoioi eitri TTipi fxvpiov;. 
 
 The perplexity, then, over fxavpovcria may perhaps be re- 
 moved by a plausible emendation. 
 
 There remains, then, the question whether it is possible to 
 arrange the five provinces so as to throw them nearly into 
 agreement with the conventional zones. The only way that I 
 can think of by which the correction can be made is as follows. 
 
 1 E.g. it is customary to refer Queen Can- dom of Meroe. 
 dace, queen of the Ethiopians, to the king- " Par. Reg. IV. 69. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 51 
 
 Remembering that we are certainly working over Graeco- 
 Arabic materials, perhaps even on Arabic documents, it is a fair 
 conjecture that AovySie in the first climate is merely a misreading 
 for vovfiue, "SUj^j having been put for <uj>j. The words kifivr) 
 KaXovfjLtvr) are then a gloss which must be bracketed for removal, 
 as having been introduced to explain Xov/Sie 1 . 
 
 We should then rearrange the climates so as to give Ethiopia 
 the first place, and then follow with Nubia. But perhaps it 
 would be wiser to leave the text as it stands and definitely 
 accept a rough enumeration of African provinces in place of 
 the zones. 
 
 For our purpose, as we have said, the great value of the 
 investigation lies in the demonstration of the Arabic element in 
 the tract which we have been discussing. No purely Greek 
 scribe or author produced that tract. The writer was bilingual. 
 And the common origin of the Leicester Codex, the Milan Codex 
 and the Burdett-Coutts MS. must be sought for under Arabic 
 influences, amongst a people who to some extent at least are able 
 to read, write and transcribe Arabic, as well as Greek. This 
 at once removes the ancestry of the Leicester Codex from North 
 Italy to either South Italy or Sicily : it makes also the bridge 
 over the Adriatic by which the Burdett-Coutts MS. comes back 
 from Janina into the same region as the Leicester Codex. For 
 the Milan MS. we have already shown the high probability of 
 a Syracusan origin ; and bearing in mind the close consanguinity 
 of the three, we shall be justified in labelling them all as Sicilian 
 MSS., if not actually Syracusan. It will be remembered that 
 we have traced the Paris MS., Codex 13, to the same quarter. 
 And, in fact, wherever we can trace the history of the members 
 of the group, the same geographical and chronological unity is 
 apparent. They are Calabro-Sicilian codices of the twelfth century 
 at the highest 2 . 
 
 We proceed, in the next place, to confirm our result as to 
 
 1 We have an almost exactly similar case more modern form, 
 in the tract on the Patriarchates, where the 2 Gregory has dated one of the MSS., that 
 
 writer speaks of 77 Ao/xn-apSla ko.1 17 vvv which is now at Athens, in the eleventh 
 \eyofiivr) Aoyyifiapdia, where the ancient century : but this is probably a misapprehen- 
 name Aoyyifiapdla has been replaced by the sion. 
 
 7—2 
 
52 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 the Graeco-Arabic hand in the ancestry of 69 — 346 — 543 (to 
 which may in a secondary sense be added Cod. Evv. 211) by 
 proving the same thing for the tract which immediately pre- 
 cedes it. 
 
 The tract on the Five Patriarchates was published, in part, 
 by Martin, from Cod. 346, along with the patristic parallels in 
 the works of Nilus Doxapatrius and Leo the Philosopher. To 
 this I added 1 the text of the tract as found in the Leicester 
 Codex and some variants from the Burdett-Coutts MS. 
 
 According to Martin, the text of the tract on the Patriarchates 
 in the Ferrar-group is an abbreviation of what we find in 
 Nilus Doxapatrius, who has himself drawn upon the writings of 
 Leo the Philosopher. Nilus, whoever he may be, is known 
 both as to time and place, for we are told in the preface 
 (Migne, Pair. Gr. cxxxn.) that he composed his tract on the 
 Patriarchates for King Roger II of Sicily, when he was in the 
 castle at Palermo, in the year 1 143 a.d. We observe that we 
 are taken again into Sicily at the very time when Edrisi was 
 conducting geographical researches for King Roger II. If, then, 
 the group 69 — 346 — 543 has been borrowing from Nilus Doxa- 
 patrius, we cannot put their common ancestor earlier than 1143. 
 An objection may be taken that, according to Martin, the same 
 tract, with slight variations, is found in the writings of the emperor 
 Leo the Philosopher (a,d. 886 — 911). 
 
 The tract in question is indeed bound up with the works of 
 Leo, but who put it there ? The answer is that the Patrology 
 has taken it over from printed editions which run back into an 
 editio princeps based upon a MS. in the Vatican Library, but 
 neither the editio princeps nor the MS. from which it is taken 
 appears to have the slightest idea that it is from Leo the 
 Philosopher. It is a mere editorial guess. The tract first ap- 
 peared in the Geographia Sacra of Carolus a Sancto Paulo 
 (Carolus Vialart), bishop of Avranches, in 1641. It is merely 
 a parergon appended to the Geographia Sacra, and headed 
 
 'AraKe^aXauutris twv a.yw>To.Tijiv HaTpiap^wv twv opoBiaiuiv koX crvvapid /J.tj(r is tiuv 
 
 a7TOOToA.lKa)V OpOViJiV 
 
 e\ vetusto codice MS. Vaticano. 
 1 Leicester Codex, p. 64. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 53 
 
 Not a word, you see, about Leo the Wise. Nor does there 
 seem any reason for inserting that name in preference to Nilus 
 Doxapatrius, to whom the same tract in a somewhat extended 
 form is referred in other MSS., or at all events what seems to 
 be the same tract, with slight variations. Observe, it is not 
 questioned that Nilus Doxapatrius may have used all kinds of 
 sources of information, including lists of episcopates which may 
 run back to Leo the Philosopher, or to any one else. All that we 
 say is that the tract which we find in the Ferrar MSS. is so 
 intimately connected with the tract published in the name of 
 Nilus Doxapatrius, and with another tract, ascribed on insufficient 
 evidence to Leo the Wise, that we are justified in treating 
 them as variants of a single document, to which it seems 
 reasonable to attach the name of Doxapatrius rather than any 
 other. 
 
 It is certain that the documents are very closely connected ; 
 the internal variations of the text show that : let us take one 
 or two examples. 
 
 In the description of the Roman Patriarchate, we are told by 
 Nilus that it extends as far as the setting of the sun, and the 
 pillars of Hercules, and the Ocean, in which Ocean there are 
 waters that are dead and muddy, 
 
 iv oi elcri I'cxpa vSara xai iA.vu)8»;. 
 
 The Leicester Codex says : 
 
 iv c5 eicrt veKpa uSa/ra /cat d/aV^ra {1A.C0817. 
 
 Cod. 346 says almost exactly the same. 
 
 When we turn to Leo the Wise we have, according to 
 Martin, 
 
 iv u> eitriv veKpa vSara Kal d.KivrjTa kou v\wSrj, 
 i.e. waters that are dead and immoveable and woody. 
 
 Clearly the original text of the tradition did not have either 
 IXvaiSr) or vXcoSr], but vaXciSyj, glassy. The writer of the tract 
 has found out in his geographical researches that the Arctic 
 Ocean is frozen, and he must needs incorporate the information. 
 The authorities are closely related by their error. 
 
 Take another instance that lies near at hand. The text of Nilus 
 
54 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Doxapatrius tells us that the Roman Patriarchate contains a part of 
 Sicily and of Calabria, where the following winds blow : 
 
 ev ots 8ta7rXeovcrti/ ol av^fxoi A^kto?, Ilapatas kt£. 
 
 We translate SiairXeovcrLv in this way, although it ought literally 
 to be rendered, ' the winds sail about,' for it is clearly only a phonetic 
 variation for Stanveovcnv. We find the same phonetic error in the 
 Codex Bezae 1 , and it is not unnatural in view of the relation between 
 the Latin flo and the Greek Trveco. Now observe that the Cod. 346 
 has the correct form and reads 
 
 kv ots §ia.irveov<Tiv avefjLOL, 
 
 and so has the Leicester text. 
 
 But what of the text which has been referred to Leo the Wise 
 and taken for the source of all the variant traditions ? Leo reads 
 
 hi oTs 7repi7rA.covTES hiairviovcriv avefxoi, 
 
 where the error has been conflated with its correction. It is quite 
 clear from this single instance that the supposed text of Leo is not 
 the archetype ; i.e. it cannot be Leo. 
 
 Having said thus much, we may banish Leo, except in the case 
 of materials possibly borrowed from other works of that writer. The 
 tract itself must be labelled Nilus Doxapatrius, and it is reasonable 
 to regard him as the source from which our MSS. derive their know- 
 ledge of the patriarchates. 
 
 The Abbe Martin, who followed the existing identification of Leo, 
 was, 1 suspect, influenced by the fact that in the published text 
 ascribed to Leo, the Roman Patriarchate has the first place ; it 
 is attractive, as a theory of ecclesiastical pre-eminence, to be able to 
 produce testimony to one's right to a top seat, from some one who 
 is lower down the table. But it ought to have provoked at least 
 a suspicion, as to whether the Emperor of Constantinople was likely 
 so distinctly to have said to Old Rome that her place was at the very 
 front. However that may be, we shall set Nilus to deal with the 
 subject and not Leo. 
 
 And this brings us to the important point that we are working 
 towards ; who was Nilus ? and why is he called Doxapatrius ? The 
 cognomen is sufficiently remarkable to provoke criticism. Does it 
 
 1 Luke 12. 55 votou irXeovra. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 55 
 
 mean Praise God, and is he an ecclesiastical double of Praise Barbon 
 in the Long Parliament whom the wits christened anew by the name 
 of Praise God Barebones ? 
 
 The answer is that the name has nothing to do with the praise of 
 God the Father at all ; it is apparently an attempt to imitate a 
 Moslem title, perhaps Abou Hamid or Abou Mohammed. The 
 writer is a converted Moslem, done into Greek and supplied (i) with 
 the name of a famous South Italian saint, viz., Nilus : (ii) with 
 a title that shall replace and imitate his ancient one, ' the father of 
 the praised one,' Doxapatrius. 
 
 The result is exactly parallel to what we said of the tract on the 
 Climates, that is, it has passed through Arabic hands, and is derived 
 from Arabic sources. And we are more than ever confirmed in our 
 belief that the same hand wrote the two tracts 1 . 
 
 Is it possible to identify the hand and to point out the author ? 
 We have already seen that Nilus Doxapatrius is one of the savants 
 to whom King Roger II appealed for help. He was at Palermo 
 with the king in 1 143, and from the fact that he was singled out to 
 write on the subject of ecclesiastical limits, he appears to have been 
 a person of some distinction. And we have further shown that he 
 was an Arabic scholar and probably a convert from Islam. As we 
 know his place, his date and approximately his name, it ought not to 
 be impossible to identify him. 
 
 The Arabic method of supplementary naming of fathers after 
 their sons and of sons after their fathers is open to some confusion 
 when there are more sons than one. For in that case the sons, so far 
 as they are known as ibn Mohammed, will all have the same name, 
 and the fathers will have as many names as there are male heirs 2 ; 
 abu Mohammed, abu Hassan, &c. 
 
 We must bear this in mind in searching- for the missine Arabic 
 geographer. Our first suggestion is that perhaps the person re- 
 sponsible for the tracts may be Edrisi himself. 
 
 1 In which connexion it may be worth the writings of Edrisi. 
 
 noting that the writer on the Patriarchates 2 There will be no confusion in such a 
 
 uses the word Kki/xa in the same general case as the English poet has imagined, who 
 
 sense that we were disposed to attribute commences his work with the line 
 
 to the other tract, which general sense is Abou ben Adhem, may his tribe increase ! 
 also found, as we have said elsewhere, in 
 
56 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Edrisi and Nilus Doxapatrius are certainly contemporary Sicilian 
 sages. They are both in the service of King Roger II, especially in 
 connexion with the Royal Geographical Society of Palermo. Is it 
 possible that we are dealing, not with two Arabic geographers, but 
 with one ? 
 
 The first objection is that Edrisi's name does not exactly fulfil the 
 requirements. His name is Abu Abdallah Mohammed ; and unless 
 we can assume that he had another son besides Abdallah whose 
 name was Hamid or Mohammed, we can hardly equate him with 
 Doxapatrius. On the other hand, it is possible that the Abu is meant 
 to cover both the names that follow, in which case Edrisi is really Abu 
 Mohammed and so is the equivalent of Doxapatrius. 
 
 The second objection lies in the ecclesiastical position of Nilus 
 Doxapatrius. It looks as if he were not only a converted Moslem, 
 but even a Christian monk. In the preface to the Greek tract he is 
 called an Archimandrite, and in his own narrative which follows the 
 preface he says that he is not only ready to do ' whatever your 
 Eminence may require,' but that he is also acting under the direction 
 of his ecclesiastical superior (^era koX TrporpoTrrjs rov ayCov Trarpos 
 p,ov). 
 
 Now we are ready to admit that Edrisi was much in sympathy 
 with Christian circles, for it is certain that he got out of sympathy 
 with the Moslem world. Moslem writers say very little about him, 
 though he is a star of the first magnitude : and M. Quatremere has 
 pointed out that this coolness is explained by the fact that they con- 
 sidered it an act of treason for a descendant of the Prophet, as Edrisi 
 was, to take up his residence at the Norman Court 1 . 
 
 But it is one thing to make Edrisi a warm friend and loyal 
 servant of Christian princes, themselves the very patterns of religious 
 tolerance, and it is quite another thing to make a monk of him and 
 put him under an ecclesiastical superior, or promote him to the 
 rank of archimandrite. The case, then, for the identification ap- 
 pears to break clown, nor does there seem to be a second candidate 
 for the place that seemed at first to be the very one that Edrisi 
 could fill. 
 
 There is, indeed, a celebrated geographer named Abu Hamid 
 
 1 Journal des Savants, 1843, p. 214, 215; quoted in Dozy and de Goeje, p. 11. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. $7 
 
 who is almost the exact contemporary of Edrisi and Nilus Doxapa- 
 trius. We learn from the Introduction to Abulfeda that the first half 
 of the 1 2th century was occupied by the travels of an Arab from 
 Spain, who would have rendered signal services to geography and 
 natural history, if he could have joined to his natural inquisitiveness 
 a larger measure of criticism and research. Abu Hamid 1 was born 
 at Granada in a.d. 1080, and when he left home on his travels, 
 Sicily was the first place that he visited. The following account 
 of his travels is given by M. Reinaud : 
 
 " L'an 511 (11 17 a.d.) il se mit en mer et relacha dans 1'ile de Sicile. II 
 passa le reste de cette anne"e et l'anne'e suivante a Bagdad, ou il fit quelque 
 sejour. L'an 525 (1131) il s'embarqua sur la mer Caspienne et arriva sur les 
 bords du Volga. Pendant plusieurs annees, il parcourut les pays des Khozars 
 et des Bulgars, &c. II mourut a Damas, l'an 565 (1170). Outre les regions 
 deja indique'es, Abou-Hamid parait avoir visite' l'Arabie, le Khorassan, l'inte'rieur 
 d'Afrique et d'autres pays." 
 
 Amari remarks that in his geographical work published in 1162 
 he speaks of the islands of the Mediterranean and of Etna, but 
 apparently only from descriptions made by others. If this statement 
 be correct he can hardly be credited with the authorship of the tracts 
 we are studying, one of which betrays a close knowledge of Sicily. 
 Moreover there is not the least suspicion that he was not a good 
 Moslem. We conclude, therefore, that although the name and the 
 date of Abu Hamid are such as are satisfactory to the conditions 
 required, the identification with Nilus Doxapatrius cannot be made. 
 
 On the whole, then, we have reached a limit in our investigation. 
 The personality of Nilus Doxapatrius seems too decided to be 
 reduced to a mere pseudonym : but as he does not seem to stand for 
 Edrisi and cannot be equated with the Abu Hamid mentioned 
 above, there must be an unknown person in or near the Sicilian 
 court who satisfies the conditions, a contemporary of Edrisi and one 
 who was occupied in the very same researches. To his hand" we 
 
 1 He is sometimes called Abu Hamid one who was familiar with his work.' Strictly 
 and sometimes Abu Abdallah, on account speaking, this would perhaps be better. But 
 of his two sons, as explained above. remembering that two of the MSS. involved 
 
 2 The question may be asked whether we are 12th century hands, and that the assumed 
 should not rather say 'to the hand of some Abu Hamid is no earlier than the middle of 
 
 H. 8 
 
58 HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 may refer the original MS. from which the group 69 — 346 — 543 is 
 derived. Whether this original MS. is the parent of the whole 
 Ferrar-group remains to be investigated. 
 
 the 1 2th century, there is little probability Hamid and the parentage of the group in 
 of another person intervening between Abu question. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 A FEW FURTHER REMARKS ON NILUS DOXAPATRIUS. 
 
 We have now said all that is necessary with regard to Nilus 
 Doxapatrius from the point of view of the New Testament ; and 
 having found out by his means the kind of influence which has been 
 at work upon the text of a certain group of New Testament MSS., 
 we might very well leave him, and go on with the main problem of 
 the Ferrar-group and its meaning. 
 
 But as there are still some interesting points in the explanation 
 of the tract on the Patriarchates which require to be cleared up, we 
 give a little further space to the tract in question. 
 
 We have already pointed out the impossibility of ascribing the 
 tract to Leo the Philosopher ; and we are, therefore, thrown back on 
 Nilus and upon his own statements with regard to his work, and 
 upon the MSS. in which that work has come down to us. 
 
 According to Nilus' own statement, then, he wrote the tract 
 twice, first when he was at Palermo and then a second time, at 
 greater length, when he was not at Palermo ; and on either occasion, 
 at the request of King Roger. 
 
 The proof of this lies in his own words : 
 
 TlavevyevecrraTe Avdivra pov -rrept r)<; jxol iypa\pa% {nro#«recos, fn,£p,vr]p,at, otl iv tw 
 KaoreAAiu) Havop/xw <i>v, eypaif/a 7rp6s rrjv crr/v avri\-qipiv irX-qv ou^ outco trXarvrepov, ojs 
 vvv rjpwTrjcras. vvv Se woXko, eurt Ta ipinT-qBivra kcll \ptLa XcTTTOTepa? ypacpyjs «ai 
 SirjyT^treoDS. Sia tovto kcll 7ravTO? irovov KaTa<ppovr)o-a<s, tovto yap ii< ^piov; larlv 
 aTrapair>]TOV ocp£ik6p.£VOv, to oXoi^u^tos eKirAripow to 7rapa tiJs 0-775 fieya\vTrcp6)(Ov 
 VTrepoyrjs iirLTaTTop.ev6v lioi, /i€Ta koX TrpoTpoTrrjs toij ayiov p.ov 7raTpos, Trcipao-o/xai 81a 
 Bpayztov ocrov to Kara 8vvap.1v, Sia. ypacprjs aa<povs irapacrTrjaai TravTa Ta iwiTtTayp^iva 
 p.01. apKTtov Se OVTCO. 
 
 We should naturally conclude from this that Nilus had written 
 (i) a short tract on the Patriarchates and ecclesiastical boundaries, 
 
 8—2 
 
60 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 and then, at renewed request, (ii) a longer tract on the same subject. 
 Nor can there be any reasonable doubt that the long tract is what 
 passes under the name of Nilus Doxapatrius in the Patrology, which 
 was printed by Le Moyne in his Varia Sacra from a MS. at Leyden, 
 which tract is prefaced by the statement that the writer is now going 
 to discuss the matter more at length than upon a previous occasion, 
 and that he is going to reply to fresh questions 1 . 
 
 If then the tract as presented by Ps. Leo, and in part by the 
 Ferrar-group, is a shorter text, the natural inference is that this 
 stands for, or is derived from, Nilus' first edition. 
 
 Now, in order to understand Nilus' tract, we must understand 
 the method of its composition. 
 
 He tells us himself that he goes for his information to the 
 geographers ; as follows : 
 
 irapix Toil -n-aAaiot? o-fxpois loropiKois tc kou yea)ypa<£ois, ets rpla p-ipi) y oIkov- 
 fitVT] iracra Si^p^Tat, 
 
 and the opening sentence betrays the method. We have already 
 seen that the methods of the ancient geographers are faithfully 
 imitated and conserved in the Arabic writers on the subject. An 
 Arabic geography contains a description of the climates of the world, 
 and of the countries and cities in the separate climates ; it tells the 
 rivers, the mountains and the roads, marks the number of days that 
 it takes to travel from point to point, discourses of the stars, meteors, 
 winds, &c. 
 
 Thus Kazwini's Geography is described as follows by Reinaud 
 (p. cxlv) : 
 
 " Les ecrits de Kazwini, sans etre parfaits, donnent une idee avantageuse 
 
 de son savoir et l'on fait surnommer le Pli?ie des Orientanx L'auteur traite 
 
 successivement des elements en general, et de chacun en particulier, des meteores, 
 des vents, &c. De la il passe a la division de la terre en sept climats, aux 
 differentes mers et aux principales fleuves, etc." 
 
 1 It is interesting to observe that the MS. part referring to our tract is described in the 
 
 from which the text was taken was written Leyden Catalogue, p. 337, as follows : 
 
 in Jannina, as late as 161 1, so that the text 2vyy pappa NfiXou povaxov tov Ao^arrpovov 
 
 of Nilus had crossed the Adriatic precisely (sic) 7repl rdv wevre Tvarpiap-^iicav dpovav ko\ 
 
 in the same direction as the Burdett-Coutts twv eV avrav dpxifrt-o-Konovv k<u prjTpo-n-o- 
 
 MS. had done. \eav (sic). 
 
 The MS. is Cod. Leid., No. 76. The Sub Rogerio Siciliae rege &c. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 61 
 
 Or, to take another instance, the writings of a certain Arabic 
 geographer named Esseriph Essachali 1 are thus summed up by 
 John Leo Afer in his work De Medicis et Philosopliis Arabibus 2 . 
 
 " Esseriph Essachali, e progenie Maumedis, natus est civitate Messara in 
 Sicilia... ; fecit quendam librum cujus titulus erat Nushat alabsar, hoc est spatia- 
 torium (si dici potest) locorum 3 , quern divisit in septem partes, secundum mundi 
 climata ; et recensere incepit de civitatibus existentibus in eo climate, turn 
 antiquis, turn etiam modernis, et de earum aedificatoribus, et de dirutis earum- 
 que causis recensuit ; sic etiam meminit de viis inter unam civitatem et aliam, 
 et de mirabilibus earundem, et de natura et moribus et de animalibus unius- 
 cunque climatis. Postquam narravit de omnibus insulis ab Occidente usque 
 Orientem existentibus, deinde de montibus excelsis, et de fluminibus memorandis, 
 de lacubus, et de origine et ortu eorum, de metallorum numeris, et de omnibus, 
 de quibus natura exornatur." 
 
 When we get our ideas cleared as to what Nilus was likely 
 to find in ancient geographies, we begin to see the origin of certain 
 obscure sentences in his book. 
 
 For instance why does he bring in a list of winds that blow 
 in the several patriarchates 4 ? does the East wind always blow on 
 the Patriarch of Antioch and the South on the Patriarch of Alex- 
 andria ? The supposition is evidently absurd. It only means that 
 Antioch lies East and Alexandria South. The Abbe Martin, 
 finding the description of Calabria and Sicily followed by a descrip- 
 tion of the winds that blow there, expressed himself in the following 
 witty manner : 
 
 " Nous voila bien renseignes sur les vents qui soufflent en Calabre et en 
 Sicile ! Nous en connaissons au moins les noms. Quant a dire ce que sont 
 ces vents, c'est un probleme que nous ne nous chargeons pas de resoudre. 
 
 1 The noble Sicilian (?), as being sprung, Qpaa-Kias, 'ApKraos, icai 'AnapKrias, ko\ 
 like Edrisi, from the loins of the prophet. Xopeos 6 eV rals 7rpafe<ri rdv diroo-roXav uti- 
 
 2 In Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. XIII. 278. pevos, 6 pia-os 6 Zecpvpos, 6 'Ea-n-ipws, 6 Aim- 
 
 3 Lege oculorum (j-^u)- K ° f > ° Atys ° Ai06votos. 
 
 4 The winds that blow in the Roman The writer is clearly ' boxing the compass' 
 Patriarchate are, according to Nilus, from the No " h t0 the South- West points. 
 
 "ApKros, TlapaLas, Xco/3ec«, Ztyvpos, Aur <K( k, It would be absurd to suppose that in 
 
 v . a , Calabria or anywhere the wind always blew 
 
 Kat AipovoTos. J J 
 
 For this Cod. ^46 has f rom one ^ a '^ °^ l ^ e s ^y anc ' never ft" om the 
 
 Qpia-Kias, llapaias, Xwpaos, kcu 6 Zecpvpos other. 
 Avr lK «, A'4 <a\ A^oVoror, Note that there a PP ear t0 be tw0 ze P h y rs ' 
 
 and Ps. Leo has 6 ^ os and 6 8vtik6s - 
 
62 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 Nous laissons cette question aux directeurs des bureaux mete'orologiques. — Que 
 ceux qui veulent en savoir davantage sur cette rose des vents aillent prendre 
 des informations en Calabre ou en Sicile. Nos voeux les accompagnent, qu'ils 
 fassent bon voyage et soient pre'serves du cholera ! " 
 
 The humour of this passage is delightful and it is quite a pity 
 to spoil it : but what are we to do, if it should turn out that what 
 Nilus has quoted is really only a bit out of a wind-rose, that is to 
 say, an enumeration of a certain number of points of the compass ? 
 We can hardly catch the cholera from the mariner's compass, or from 
 the weathercock ! Nor does it seem necessary to go to Sicily in 
 order to learn the cardinal points, nor to invoke the meteorological 
 service to decide such questions as to whether the Roman patriarch- 
 ate contains regions lying to the west or to the south-west, nor 
 to put ourselves under the Abbe's prayers before reading Aristotle's 
 Meteorology ! 
 
 What does come out of the observation on the winds is the 
 anacoluthic character of Nilus' work ; he has picked up a number of 
 sentences out of one or two books on geography, and strung them 
 loosely together, without any literary skill. 
 
 This helps us to understand what he means when after alluding 
 to the fact that the western ocean has its waters dead and frozen, 
 he goes on to describe a certain island in the western sea, which 
 according to his description is very populous, contains an innumer- 
 able host of Christians, the men [? of which island] are big and 
 hardy, as far as Ravenna and the country of the Lombards, &c. : 
 
 kv to [tuKeayw] etct vtKpa voara kol vaXworj, iv aj Kat' vfjcros tis €ts *ra aupa twv 
 lOKeaveiwv TreA.ayuJV TroXvavopos, ypifTT ia.v<Zv a-rrtLpov irXyjvos l^oucra, avSjoes ev/XT/Kets Kat 
 pw/xaXeoi Kal 7rai'aA.K«FnXTO(,, a-XP l T?afiivVf)<i ktL 
 
 Commentators have rushed to the conclusion that he was describ- 
 ing Ireland with its lavish allowance of pristine sanctity. It is much 
 more likely that he was alluding to S. Brandan's Isle, which 
 occupied such a prominent place in the Geographies of the Middle 
 Ages, and of which traces may be found in Edrisi. The populous- 
 ness, as regards Christians, to which he refers is, however, not that 
 of the island, but of the patriarchate ; in the same way the descrip- 
 tion of the men is only an imitation of the way in which ancient 
 geographers describe the kind of humanity that inhabits the separate 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 63 
 
 climates. It relates, again, to the patriarchate, and not to the 
 island. The men in this patriarchate, says Nilus, are strong and 
 hardy, and the patriarchate itself extends as far as Ravenna and 
 Lombardy. It will be seen that the whole composition is loosely 
 strung together, and cannot be grammatically interpreted : and it is 
 no wonder if it should turn out that King Roger sent it back, and 
 asked to have it done more in detail. 
 
 We have said enough, perhaps, on this point and do not need to 
 burden ourselves with the re-editing of the tract in question. It was 
 certainly written by a Sicilian Christian who had access to books on 
 geography in Arabic and perhaps in Greek. He has done his best 
 to answer King Roger's geographical questions, though it must be 
 owned that the best was not very good. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CONCERNING OTHER WORKS ASSIGNED TO DOXAPATRIUS. 
 
 Our identification of Nilus Doxapatrius, and our explanation of 
 his peculiar name, is somewhat weakened by the fact that there are 
 traces of the existence of a Doxapatrius in Constantinople and 
 apparently in close connexion with the Imperial Court. Such a 
 discovery would apparently remove Doxapatrius from Sicily, detach 
 him from the Court of King Roger, and consequently, by taking 
 him out of the Arabic environment, render illusory the explanation 
 which we have suggested for his name. 
 
 For consider that if we discover a Doxapatrius at Constantinople, 
 he must be either the one we have already found engaged in the 
 geographical delimitation of the patriarchates, or some other. If he 
 is the same, we have to connect him in some way with Constanti- 
 nople, and to the same extent remove him from Arabic surroundings. 
 If he is a different person, the explanation of his name by Arabic 
 influence becomes altogether unlikely, and should probably be at 
 once discarded as a piece of unnecessary ingenuity. Let us then 
 examine into the further evidences in history and in literature for 
 the clan of the Doxapatrii. 
 
 We will begin with a reference to a MS. described by Mont- 
 faucon in his Diarium Italicum as the work of a certain Doxapatri 
 who was chief secretary and master of the rolls at Constantinople. 
 The MS. in question is one of the collection of the Basilian Fathers 
 at Rome : and it is referred to the twelfth century. Montfaucon 
 describes it as follows : 
 
 " In codice xn. saeculi membraneo Nomncanon Doxapatris jussu Ioannis Comneni 
 imp. editus, ut ex titulo fides, nam sic habet : 
 
 No/iOKaVOVOV (sic) (TVV ®€(S TTCpteXOV (TVVOTTTLKW'i cIAovs tous xavdvas T<3v ayttav KOI 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 65 
 
 oiKovp.eviKwv e7TTa (Tvvo&oiv, Kai Tcov dyuov aTTOdToXuiv, Kol tov /j,eyd\ov Bao"iA,eiou, Kai 
 
 €T€pcov 6eo<f>6puiv iraTtpuiv, kp/xrjvtvOkv TrpOTpoirrj tov evatfieo-TaTov /3ao-iA.e'<jt)s Kvpov '\u>dvvov a.d. 1119 
 
 toC Ko/j.vr)vo5, 7rapa tov AoytwTdYov Sta/coVou riys ©toD MeydA^s CKKX^<n'as, Kai voixo<pv\a.Kos 
 
 ttjs tuiv Pco^anuv j8ao"i\eias, iraTpiap-^iKov vorapiov, Kai irpunoirpoib'pov twv irpttiToavyKtWwv 
 
 Ao^aTraTprj. 
 
 Deinde sequuntur canones cum explicationibus Doxapatris." 
 
 So far Montfaucon ; and it must be admitted that the description 
 does not savour of Sicily, but of Constantinople. The conviction is 
 deepened by observing that the wealth of titles lavished upon the 
 collector of the Canons intimates the autograph of the collector. 
 No one else would have so sedulously enumerated the details of his 
 ' little brief authority.' The person who added up the long list of 
 decorations in the preface must have been in consanguinity with 
 Mr Justice Shallow, in the Merry Wives of Windsor, who is careful 
 to emphasize the fact that he is Robert Shallow, esquire, in the 
 County of Gloucester, justice of the peace, and Custos Rotulorum, 
 who writes himself Armigero in any bill, warrant, quittance or 
 obligation. But if the preface go back, either wholly or in part, 
 to Doxapatrius himself, it may well be urged that it is demonstrated 
 that we are to find him in Constantinople and not in Sicily. There 
 is, however, further evidence with regard to the MS. in question 
 which goes quite in the opposite direction. It will be observed 
 in the first place that the fact of the MS. being found amongst 
 the Basilian Collection at Rome is a strong presumption that it came 
 thither from one of the South Italian monasteries. Examination of 
 the supplementary notes contained in the book leads to a similar 
 result, as will be seen from the following considerations. 
 
 It was pointed out by Montfaucon in his Paleography, pp. 62, 
 302, that at a very early stage of its history this book was in Arabo- 
 Sicilian hands. It contains certain entries made by a thirteenth- 
 century owner, as follows, relating to family joys and sorrows, such 
 as usually are recorded in the big Bible of the household : 
 
 Kara tov 'hirpiWiov /xrjva eh T-qv vt) ■ ttj ay Co. Kai fieydky TptTrj, u>pa. 6', Iv8lkt. £, Itu a.d. 1234. 
 Ti/'/x/S' kyevvrjdrj 17 OvydrTjp k/j.ov (TiKXTopos tjJs Kpt"", -q iv ra dyiiu) ftairTio-fJiaTi 6vop.ao-8eio-a 
 ' A\(j>dtfl.v, /3a<ri\evovTOS rjixlv tov 6e.oo-TkitTov p.eydAou /JacrtXetos Kai avTOKpaTopos 'Pcop.aiW 
 Kai del Aiyovo~TOv <E>peSSeptKoi>, St/caTU) TtTapra) xpovto Trji avTov /JacriAeias, fiacri\evovTO<; 8k 
 2i.KcA.ias rpia/coo'Tcu kf386/j.<t>, 'lepovcraXyj/A Si kvdrw. 
 
 Kara tov %eTTTep./3piov fx.rjva eis ttjv vr\ rj\)-kpa TpiTy -n-pos ko-izkpav, u>8. 6', tVei ri/z/xS' -q a.d. 1236. 
 
 H. 9 
 
66 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 tTv^vyos ifj.ov eriraTopos t-^s KpC, Kvpd Tovdlpis, iyevvrjat tto.lo'lov Sevnpov apcrev, oirep 
 u>vojxd(raft,iv Mt)(aij\, irrep ov fieydXr] X°-P a lra P VP^ V kyeydvei- oviroi Sc fiadeLa*; i<nr€pa<; 
 KaTaA.a/3owrjs r] irpopprjdeLcrd /xol (Tv^vyos to iri/ev/xa t<3 xvpiui 7rap€0U)K£, kou rjfuepq. Teraprr] 
 tov pr)6ivTo<; fx-qvo'; eis ttjv i& erri/icos erdcpy] kv t<3 7ra.vo~e7TTa> vaai tt/s virepaytas ocotokov t^s 
 d^€ipo'7rot7)Toi;, KaraXtii^acra ra pifOtvTa 8vo Trajn^iXraTa. p.01 rinva, ttjv AA<pa4av Kit TO" 
 Mi^aijA., ols 6 #eos Swrj TrpoKcnrrjv koI av^r/cnv, cKctirg Se drpecnv d/xapTicSf icai dva7rauo"iv cv 
 Tots rar SiKaiW ^(opot?. 
 
 Upon these entries Montfaucon noted: "hie vero Senator Arabicae originis fuisse 
 videtur ex nominibus : nam Arabes, qui Siciliam obtinuerant, domiti post Nortmannis 
 paruerunt." 
 
 Certainly the notes, with their mixture of traces of Greek and 
 Arabic life, with an occasional dash of Latin, betray the fact that the 
 MS. was in Sicily or Calabria in the 13th century 1 . Yet we should 
 hardly have expected this, but for the existence of the fragments of 
 the family registers. If the book was ever in Constantinople, it did 
 not long remain there : and it is open to question whether it ever 
 was there at all. 
 
 We remark further that amongst the contents of the book, which 
 is chiefly made up out of the canons of councils and synods, there is 
 a tract on the seven oecumenical councils. We strongly suspect, 
 though we are not able to verify the suggestion, that this tract agrees, 
 wholly or in part, with the tract on the same subject which we find 
 embedded in the Leicester Codex of the New Testament, which is 
 described in my book on that MS. as 
 
 The explanation of the Creed and the Seven Councils : 
 
 7ri(TTevui ets €va Oeov ktL 
 
 The same tract, with slight variations, will be found in Le Moyne, 
 Varia Sacra, 1. p. 118. 
 
 If it should turn out to be a part of the Nomocanon ascribed to 
 Doxapatrius, we should have one more tract added to the Doxa- 
 patrian group in the tradition of the Ferrar MS. 
 
 In any case it will be clear, from the coincidence of dates and 
 places, and the similarity of the matters discussed, that there are not 
 two Doxapaters, but one. We may not say that Doxapatrius never 
 
 1 I see from Batiffol's description of this given above as to the burial of his wife in the 
 
 MS. in his Abbaye de Rossano, p. 57, that it is church, rijs in-epayias Biotokov ttjs dxeipowoir)- 
 
 from the library of St Maria of Rossano, for tov, and points out that this is the cathedral 
 
 he quotes from fol. 155 the note of the copyist church of Rossano. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 67 
 
 was in residence or in office at Constantinople, but we may decline 
 to treat him as other than a Sicilian or Calabrian. So far, so good ; 
 for if he is a Sicilian, there is nothing against our explanation of his 
 name : as far as we have gone, we are dealing with a single person- 
 ality of the twelfth century. But, having proved this, we have to 
 face the fact that more Doxapaters begin to come upon the scene ! 
 
 For example, Oudin, in his De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, t. 11. 
 p. 1 1 80, tells us that there is in the Imperial Library at Vienna 
 a MS. by a certain Nicolaiis Doxapatrius. 
 
 "Extat autem in codice MS. Graeco-historico bibliothecae Caesareae Vindobonensis 
 cod. 47, mem. 2, ut habet Petrus Lambecius torn. viii. Commentariorum hujus 
 Bibliotecae p. 457, his verbis. Secundo et quidem a fol. 125, pag. 1 usque ad fol. 153, 
 pag. i, Nicolai notarii patriarchalis magnae ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, et proto- 
 proedri syncellorum, simul etiam nomophylacis imperii Romanorum, cognomine 
 Doxapatri, Expositio in S. Gregorii Nazianzeni Tetrasticha iambica, et alia ejus 
 nonnulla carmina. Inscribitur ea atque incipit hoc modo. NikoAooi; 1-175 KcovcrravTi- 
 voTTo\ao% tov ©eoC jU.eyaA.17s CKKA^crias irarpiapyiLKOv vorapiov, Kol 7rpu>TOTrpoiSpov Ao£a Trarpl, 
 ec^y^crts tuv T€Tpao~Tt')(iiiV ia/j./3iKuJi/, irapaiveTiKov iv dyi'ois iraTpos rjp^uiv Vpyjyoptov tov 
 v€o\oyov." 
 
 A comparison of the titles here given to the notary with those in 
 the previous case is conclusive that the same person is intended. 
 Nicolaos is to be equated with Nilus. The evidence for Constanti- 
 nople is increased, but that which makes for a Sicilian origin is not 
 diminished. 
 
 We have now shown that three Doxapaters are in reality one 
 and the same person. But we are not yet out of the wood. 
 
 On turning to the Biographie Universelle under the name Doxa- 
 pater, we come across traces of another individual of that name, 
 apparently distinct from the three foregoing cases. This time it is 
 a student of rhetoric. 
 
 The reference is as follows : 
 
 Doxipater (Ao^tVarpos) ou Doxopater (Jean), grammarien ou rhe'teur Byzantin, 
 vivait probablement vers la fin du onzieme siecle de l'ere Chretienne. Nous avons 
 sous son nom un commentaire e'tendu sur Aphthonius : il a ete' imprime' pour la 
 premiere fois par les Aide, en 1509 : on le trouve aussi dans les Rhetores Graeci de 
 Walz: (Stuttgard, 1832 — 1836). Ce commentaire porte le titre d' 'Oyu.1A.ta1 d% 
 'A<p66vtov: il est extremement diffus et occupe plus de 400 pages. II est plein de 
 longues citations de Platon, de Thucydide, de Diodore, de Plutarque et des Peres de 
 l'Eglise. Les explications de l'auteur sont empruntees a d'anciens commentateurs 
 
 9—2 
 
68 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 d'Aphthonius. On a aussi, sous le nom de Doxipater, un ouvrage du meme genre, 
 intitule ITpoXcyo^tva t??s p-qropLKrj<;. Comme l'auteur y fait mention de l'empereur 
 Michel Calaphates on peut le regarder comme poste'rieur a l'annde 1041. Ce traits a 
 ete' imprime dans la bibliothique Coislin p. 590, dans l'ancienne Edition de la Bibliotheca 
 Graeca de Fabricius et dans les Rhetores Graeci de Walz, t. vi. Enfin, on a de 
 Doxipater un Commentaire sur le Traite de P Invention insure dans les Anecdota 
 Oxoniensia de Cramer (1837, t. iv.)." 
 
 The article to which we refer lays a mass of works on grammar 
 and rhetoric on the back of a certain Doxapater, whom it assigns 
 to the ninth century. It becomes, therefore, necessary to examine 
 some of the references. For, if he should turn out to be a ninth- 
 century writer on rhetoric, he clearly cannot be the same as Nilus 
 Doxapatrius in the twelfth : moreover, in that case, a clan of Doxa- 
 patrii would have to be recognised, and not a single individual. 
 
 The criticism of the sources of these tracts and commentaries 
 upon the writers of rhetoric is not very easy : but a very little 
 study will show that much of the matter is edited and re-edited 
 under different names ; for example, a great deal of what is claimed 
 for Nilus passes under the name of Troilus ; and some of the 
 material becomes anonymous when we go far enough back. 
 
 For example, the introductory tract to which the Biographie 
 Universelle refers, is found in a MS. which, according to Montfaucon, 
 belongs to the tenth century. It is anonymous, as far as we can 
 judge from Montfaucon's text, which is followed by Fabricius. This 
 appears to be fatal to the authorship of Doxapatrius 1 ; as it is 
 also fatal to the assumed reference to Michael Calaphates in 104 1, 
 a reference, indeed, which we fail to verify. 
 
 On the other hand it seems clear that the text was written in 
 Sicily : the writer discusses the employment of rhetoric (i) by the 
 gods ; (ii) by heroes and demi-gods ; after which he discusses the 
 subject historically, and finds the origin of rhetorical studies in 
 Sicily, and in particular at Syracuse. He becomes diffuse on the 
 subject of Sicily and tells stories of famous Sicilian rhetoricians, of 
 whom we may fairly count him a descendant. There is, however, 
 as we have said, not the least necessity to credit the ascription of 
 the work to Doxapater. 
 
 1 Walz points out that it is not only in the auctoritate nititur.' It appears to be a mere 
 Coislin MS. that the reference to Doxapater guess, 
 is wanting, but that ' titulus hie nullius codicis 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 69 
 
 Turn in the next place to the ' Commentaire sur le traite de 
 l'invention ' which is mentioned in the Biographie Universelle. 
 Here we are on firmer ground in making a reference to Doxapater 
 as author ; for according to Walz {Rhet. Gr. vol. vi. ) this treatise on 
 the work of Hermogenes irepl evpecreav; is headed in Cod. Barocc. 175 
 as 'latdvvov SiKeXt&JToi; tov \eyop,£vov Ao^avaTpC, and in Cod. Paris. 
 2922 as 'loidwov tov AogaTraTprj. To the same authority is ascribed 
 in Cod. Med. lvii. 5 the work 
 
 l£rjyr]<Ti'S eis Tas iScag tov 'EpyaoyeVous a.7ro cjxavrjs 'Iwavvov <j>i,\o<jo<f>ov tov %iKe\iurrov, 
 
 and in Cod. Med. lvii. 5 and Cod. Vindob. xvi. the work entitled 
 
 tov Ao£o7ra.Tpi7 'lutavvov bfj.i\iai eis tol tov A<f>9ovLov TrpoyvjxvacrixaTa. 
 
 If we are to treat these headings as trustworthy, we can only say 
 that they represent works on rhetoric by Sicilian hands : the date 
 of the writer has never been satisfactorily determined, and it is 
 perplexing that he should here be called John Doxapater and not 
 Nilus or Nicolaus. The nationality, however, stands out with 
 sufficient clearness : so that the main difficulty would be the recon- 
 ciliation of John with Nilus, or the accurate distinction of one of 
 them from the other. We shall leave the perplexity to be resolved 
 by further and future investigation. Perhaps the explanation may 
 be that Doxapater had published a fresh edition of the works of 
 John the Sicilian, and that their names have run together in the title- 
 page. 
 
 One other literary trace of the perplexing Doxapater has come 
 to my notice. There is in the Cambridge University Library a 
 MS. collection of Sibylline oracles in Latin (Mm. 1. 16), which is 
 described as follows in the Catalogue : 
 
 Mm. 1 . 16. (xivth cent.) 
 ff. 24— 46 a . 
 
 Excerpta de libro qui dicitur Vasilographus qui interpretatur imperials scripta 1 , 
 quam Erithea Babilonica tempore Priami regis ad petitionem Graecorum edidit, quern 
 de Caldeo sermone in Graecum Doya peritissimus transtulit de herario Hemanuel 
 imperatoris eductum. Eugenius regni Siciliae ammiratus de Greco transtulit in 
 Latinum. 
 
 Here Doya peritissimus is a scribe's blundering reproduction 
 of Doxapatrius: and we have the statement that Doxapater obtained 
 
 1 1. scriptura ?. 
 
7o FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 a MS. from the treasury of the Emperor Manuel, which MS. was 
 written in Chaldean ; he turned it into Greek, and presumably- 
 called the translation BacnAdypa^os. A famous Sicilian admiral 
 (for so we must render ammiratus, with reference etymologically 
 to the Arabic emir) made a further translation from Greek into 
 Latin. Extracts from this translation are contained in the MSS. 
 which we have been describing. 
 
 A similar MS. is in the Library of Corpus Christi College, where 
 it is described as follows : 
 
 Cod. cxxxviii. (saec. xv). 
 § 8. Liber extractus de libro qui dicitur Vanlographo, i.e. imperialis scriptura, 
 quam Sibilla Erithea Babilonica condidit ad petitionem Graecorum, ipsa Priami regis 
 Trojae filia; quem Vedoxa peritissimus pater in Graecum transtulit de Caldeo; tandem 
 de errario Emmanuelis imperatoris Graecorum editum Eugenius regni Siciliae admiratus 
 [cod. admiratus] de Graeco transtulit [cod. + in latinum]. 
 
 Here we have clearly the same work as before : Vanlographo 
 must be at once corrected to Vasilographo ; while the reading 
 Vedoxa peritissimus pater, which is a conflation of \_Ve~\doxa peritis- 
 simus and [ Ve\doxa pater, must be restored to Doxapater^. 
 
 The book purports to be the prophecy of a certain Sibyl. That 
 it also professes to be translated from Chaldean is worthy of the 
 same confidence that we should give to the Sibylline authorship. 
 It is a mere literary artifice, like that which is used in a certain 
 apocalypse assigned to Methodius of Patara which an angel brought 
 to him in Hebrew and Greek. A mere glance at the extracts shows 
 that there is no truth whatever in the statement. The prophecy 
 opens in the Cambridge University MS. in the following style : 
 
 Exquiritis me o illustrissima turba Danaum quot Graios eventus Frigiasque ruinas 
 in scriptis referam. 
 
 This is in Hercules' vein, but the lofty measure can hardly be 
 said to Hebraize. But that is not all ; it doesn't look like translation 
 
 1 Amari (Storia dei Musulmani, ill. 661) terzo sembrano del xiv secolo, il secondo del 
 
 examined four MSS. of the work in Paris. xv, e il quarto e del xvi. II libro e intitolato 
 
 His note is as follows: "Son essi notati: anche, Vasilographi id est imperialis nel 
 
 MSS. Latins, Anciens Fonds, 3595, 6362, 6362." The name of the author is given as 
 
 7329, e Sorbonne 316, dei quali il primo e il Toxapater, D ox pater or daxopetri. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 71 
 
 from Greek. The expressions are Virgilian, and a very little change 
 is necessary to throw the opening into Latin Hexameters. A trans- 
 lator from the Greek would not have given us Graios eventus, 
 nor would he have found in the description of the Trojan downfall 
 in a Greek text the very Virgilian ' Phrygiasque ruinas. ' But if 
 we are dealing with Sibylline doggrel in Latin, there is as little 
 need to invoke Doxapater as the Sibyl : nor have we to take the 
 trouble to justify the reference to the Admiral Eugenius. 
 
 A glance at the Sibylline prophecy is sufficient to show that 
 the events recorded are those of the Italian history from the time 
 of the Lombard invasion onwards, and the fortunes or misfortunes 
 of the leading Italian cities are clearly intimated. The margins 
 of the text are usually accompanied by explanations of the places 
 described. The rise of the two great monastic orders is spoken 
 of as a sign of recovery {restaurationis), in the shape of two stars, 
 against which the scribes have written the identification with the 
 Franciscan and Dominican orders : if this is correct, the prophecy 
 must be as late as the thirteenth century 1 . We, clearly, need not 
 trouble over Eugenius or Doxapater at such a date. They are 
 as mythical as the Sibyl. But even if the names are imaginary, 
 they have a geographical value. Eugenius was known in Sicily 
 as the translator of the Optics of Ptolemy out of Arabic, and 
 Doxapater has also, as we have seen, a Sicilian reputation : it is 
 a legitimate inference that this peculiar Sibylline composition eman- 
 ated from the country to which its assumed translators belonged. 
 We have now said all that needs to be said in this connexion with 
 regard to Doxapater. As we pointed out above, the chief residual 
 difficulty is to explain how he is both John the Sicilian and Doxa- 
 pater. The subordinate question as to his possible connexion with 
 Constantinople may also be left. Perhaps Doxapater was himself 
 the Basilographus, and his supposed book named after him ; but 
 I do not know how to demonstrate the use of the title 2 . 
 
 1 Cf. Amari, p. 660, "gli avvenimenti ai 1' Europa nel duodecimo e decimoterzo 
 
 quali si allude sotto strano velame di Ieoni, secolo." 
 
 serpenti, aquile, vulcani, tremuoti, tempeste 2 I see that Batiffol draws attention to 
 
 del cielo e misfatti degli uomini, sono evi- another work of Nilus Doxapatrius (Abbaye 
 
 dentemente quei che commossero V Italia e de Rossano, p. 93). It is the MS. Vat. 1426, 
 
72 
 
 HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 and is described as a Historia novi Adam. 
 This MS. was copied from one made in 1213, 
 by Simeon Boulcaramos of Messina for 
 Lucas the Archimandrite, of the MS. of San 
 Salvatore of Messina. No doubt that the 
 Nilus Doxapatrius is our author. Observe 
 how close the MS. from which Cod. 1426 is 
 taken was to the time of Nilus ; also that we 
 are still in Sicily ; note likewise the Arabic 
 name that lies behind Boulcaramos, for does 
 not this stand as a Greek form of Abou A I 
 Karim ? Here is another converted Arab 
 writing Greek MSS. 
 
 There is also in the Inventaire des MSS. 
 du Saint Sauveur de Messine which Batiffol 
 has published (1. c. p. 128 sqq.) another trace 
 of Doxapater, as follows: 
 
 [21] Fragmenta quaedam cujusdam libri 
 Nili Indoxaprimi, continens acta septem 
 conciliorum et disputationes quasdam sacras. 
 
 This is no doubt our Nilus Doxapatrius, 
 and perhaps the tracts referred to may turn 
 out to be the very ones contained in the 
 Ferrar-group. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 HINTS FOR FURTHER INVESTIGATION. 
 
 We have now, by the help of Nilus Doxapatrius, carried at least 
 a part of the Ferrar-group into Graeco-Arabic surroundings in Sicily 
 in the twelfth century : and in proving this for the group 69 — 346 — 
 543 we are helped to take a further step by the observation that the 
 Venice Codex 2 1 1 has the same appended matter, and is itself 
 a Graeco-Arabic Codex. We shall, therefore, suggest that this 
 subordinate group is descended from a Graeco-Arabic bilingual, 
 apparently of the twelfth century. And here some important con- 
 siderations suggest themselves. 
 
 It is not necessary, as far as our investigations into the history 
 of the group have gone, to assume any higher date than this for 
 the ancestry of the whole Ferrar-group. The MSS. are none of 
 them to be referred to the eleventh century, much less to any earlier 
 date. True, Gregory has suggested that the Athens MS. Cod. Evv. 
 788 is of the eleventh century, but we venture to question the 
 dating ; every one, who works at these matters, knows how per- 
 fidious the judgment often is, in deciding between the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries. We may suspect that this MS. has been ante- 
 dated a century and wait for the verification of our audacity. And 
 we shall say that, as far as we have yet gone, the Ancestry of the 
 Ferrar-group is not necessarily higher than the twelfth century, and 
 this almost invites us to send the much-vaunted lost uncial, from 
 which they are supposed to be derived, into the limbo of unnecessary 
 hypotheses. 
 
 But if this be so, then we may modify another hypothesis. 
 
 It will be remembered that, in writing on the Ferrar-group, 
 we explained the double registration of its verses as pijfiara and 
 
 H. 10 
 
74 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 ort^oi as being the result of the retranslation of a Syriac word which 
 was meant to express merely the conventional o-tiy/h : and we argued 
 from this in favour of a direct Syriac re-action upon the Greek text 
 of the group, by which many of its peculiarities might be at once 
 explained. 
 
 But obviously we do not need to invoke a direct Syriac influence, 
 when we have a proved and demonstrated Arabic influence ; if the 
 Arabic be itself derived from the Syriac, the supposition of Arabic 
 influence carries and includes the supposition of Syriac influence, and 
 we have no need to multiply hypotheses in order to explain the 
 re-actions. Let us then see whether this supposition of Arabic 
 influence can fairly be applied to the whole group. 
 
 Observe that the existence of the double count of prjjxaTa and 
 crrt^oi is certainly characteristic of the Ferrar-ancestry. Does it 
 appear anywhere else, and at an earlier date than that which we have 
 suggested for the Ferrar origin ? The MSS. in which Gregory has 
 noted the double numeration are as follows : 
 
 Evv. 9 a.d. 1167 (fortasse in Sicilia exaratus). 
 
 „ 9 a saec xv. a copy of the foregoing (written in North Italy). 
 
 „ 13 saec xiii. (Ferrar-group). 
 
 ,, 48 saec xii. (not a Ferrar). 
 
 ,, 163 saec xi. 
 
 ,, 168 saec xiii. 
 
 ,, 173 saec xii. vel xiii. (a Basilian MS.). 
 
 ,, 174 a.d. 1052 (a Basilian MS. and certainly Calabrian). 
 
 „ 211 saec xii. (the Graeco-Arabic MS.). 
 
 ,, 230 a.d. 1013 (now in the Escurial). 
 
 „ 233 saec xiii. (al. xi.) (now in the Escurial but formerly at Venice). 
 
 „ 345 saec xi. (at Milan). 
 
 „ 346 saec xii. (Ferrar-group). 
 
 ,, 427 saec xiii. 
 
 „ 507 saec xi. (from Pantocrator). 
 
 „ 543 saec xn. (Ferrar-group). 
 
 ,, 592 saec xv. (at Milan). 
 
 „ 709 saec xi. (from Rhodes, not a Ferrar 1 ). 
 
 ,, 715 saec xiii. 
 
 „ 716 saec xiv. 
 
 „ 826 saec xn. [prjjxaTa not noted by Gregory) (Ferrar-group). 
 
 ,, 828 saec xn. (Ferrar-group). 
 
 ,, 873 saec xi. (Calabrian). 
 
 1 So Lake, who denies the existence of the prjfiara. 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 7$ 
 
 The foregoing list is instructive ; seven of the MSS. which show 
 the reckoning of prjfiara go back to the eleventh century ; nine 
 of them are traced to a Calabro-Sicilian origin, of which five 
 belong to the recognised Ferrar-group. The result certainly en- 
 courages the belief that the reckoning of the p-q^aTa is a Sicilian 
 phenomenon, occurring for the first time at least as far back as the 
 beginning of the eleventh century, but probably not much earlier. 
 Everything, therefore, tends to a belief that the phenomenon is 
 Arabic rather than Syriac : and this means that the hypothesis 
 of Arabic influence can be applied to the whole group and not merely 
 to a subordinate section of it. 
 
 What further can be said in the way of suggestion for the final 
 elucidation of the riddle appears to lie in the direction of a Graeco- 
 Arabic bilingual, in which the columns have reacted on one another, 
 which we showed to be probable for certain members of the group. 
 This finds, as we said above, its confirmation in the Venice MS. 211, 
 which is an actual bilingual of the kind suggested, and with the very 
 same tracts appended which we have been discussing, together with 
 some other pieces that are more or less represented in the Ferrar- 
 family. Its text does not, indeed, appear, from the single page 
 which we have examined, to be the Ferrar-text. If it were, the 
 argument from it would be almost final. As it is, the text seems to 
 have been altered, and we can only suggest that it looks outwardly 
 like what the Ferrar-ancestor may have been. We may call it a 
 Pseudo Ferrar MS. 
 
 Two directions open before us in which investigation appears to 
 be imperative, if the foregoing suggestions are to be tested and 
 verified. One of them is the examination of all the MSS. showing 
 a similarity of textual arrangement with the leading members of the 
 Ferrar-group. For example, the MSS. which have the numbered 
 p^/Aara ought to be further tested for Sicilianism or Calabrianism. 
 We should then speak more confidently on the geographical origin 
 of the phenomenon in question. 
 
 Another direction is the search amongst the existing Arabic 
 Gospels for a text which answers to the Ferrar-text. If such a 
 text could be found, it is probable that so many of the Ferrar 
 readings could be explained by re-translation from it, that we should 
 
 10 — 2 
 
76 FURTHER RESEARCHES INTO THE 
 
 be able to banish the Ferrar-readings from the apparatus of the 
 New Testament ; these readings would only be veiled Arabisms and 
 doubly-veiled Syriasms ; they would thus only survive (if one may 
 indulge in a Hibernianism) in their ancestors. 
 
 But, on the other hand, the problem may not turn out to be quite 
 as simple as is here suggested. And the proof of the Arabic re- 
 action needs to be carefully reinforced. 
 
 In proving or testing for Sicilianism or Ferrarism amongst the 
 MSS. tabulated above, we must be to a large extent dependent 
 upon fresh examinations and further collations. It is, however, 
 interesting to note that in the case of some of the MSS. referred to, 
 including the least accessible of them, the Ferrarism, or the Sicilian- 
 ism, can be clearly made out. 
 
 Let us begin with the first MS. on our list. This is our 
 Cod. Evv. 9, alluded to above as being probably Sicilian. On 
 turning to Montfaucon we find the reason for calling it Sicilian, 
 for it has a subscription as follows, in the hand of Solomon the 
 notary 1 . 
 
 A.D. 1168. €Te\u<j)8r) Se iv era ™ ct7ro KT«reo>s Koo-pov t S"y(pS"', IvS. a ktc, /Jao-iAciWros iv KojvcrTavTi- 
 
 vovTroXei Mavoi^A. tov iropfyvpoyevqTOv Kal ivSo^ordrov /3acrt\ea)S* Kal iv Tots TepoaoXv/AOis 
 'Afx.appyj tou Kparaiov p[£. iv Si rfj vrjato SiKeAias YovWUXpov tov Sevripov pr/yov i<fi 
 ijp.a<; 'lr)o m ov's Xpio"To's. (J rj So'£a «ai to k/dcitos as tov<s aiiova; tiov aioivcov, cLp.rjv. 
 
 The Latinisms are sufficient evidence that the MS. is Sicilian 
 and not from Jerusalem or Constantinople. Even without the 
 Latinisms, the Sicilian origin is almost certain. We note in passing 
 that Montfaucon says that the MS. has also the tract on the appear- 
 ances of Christ after the Resurrection, which he transcribes. This 
 tract is also found (v. supra) in Codd. 211 and 346. Next return to 
 
 1 Montfaucon says voraplov 2o\opa>vTos diro Solomon is Notary to the city of Palermo, 
 
 Noraplmv, but Gregory thinks the last words the name being written in detached letters 
 
 denote the locality in which Solomon lived. aota ( or somet hing of the kind. But 
 
 Batiffol gives a fresh transcription of this note n n p m I 
 
 made for him by Omont, according to which l gather that this is not so. 
 
 the MS. was written vnt, X upbs voraplov From Noto k passed into North Italy, 
 
 SoXo/xti^ 6 a\no Notov. (Noto is in Sicily, a where it became the parent of the MS. Cod. 9 a , 
 
 little to the south of Syracuse.) If it were which is n ° w in Oxford. This MS. appears 
 
 not for this express testimony from an expert, to have been transcribed in the 15th cent. 
 
 I should have guessed that the perplexing for an Augustinian house, perhaps at Pavia 
 
 characters stood for Uavoppirdvav, and that or Ficino (Gregory). 
 
HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 77 
 
 the Escurial MS. Evv. 230 and let us see whether we can connect it 
 also either with Sicily or with the Ferrar-group. The MS. was 
 examined and in part collated by Moldenhawer for Birch. 
 Moldenhawer describes his work on it as follows : 
 
 " Accurate contuli Matt, i — v., xxiii., xxiv. John i — v. 4, xvi. Praeterea codicem 
 tractans potiora et horum et reliquorum Evangeliorum loca adii, ubi a textu vulgari 
 dissensus vel cum ipso conspiratio adjudicandi de codicis indole ac pretio facultatem 
 conferre censetur. Antequam de nostra sententiam proferam, hie commemoranda erit 
 lectionis e Joanne excerpta varietas." 
 
 The readings which he gives are as follows, to which we append 
 any attestation from the original Ferrar-group. 
 
 John i. 28 
 
 f3rjBavia 
 
 124 (not Ferrar reading?). 
 
 32 
 
 wcrei] (1)9 
 
 I2 4 >> yj >> 
 
 36 
 
 iSe + 6 xpio"Tos 
 
 124. 
 
 38 
 
 Se — 
 
 124. 
 
 40 
 
 S<E — 
 
 four. 
 
 44 
 
 avTta + I«roDS (1. Itjctovs) 
 
 13. 124.346. 
 
 5 2 
 
 Kai Kara/iaLvovTa'; — 
 
 
 ii. 22 
 
 aVTOLS — 
 
 124. 
 
 2 3 
 
 €v tois Itpocr. 
 
 four. 
 
 iii. 2 
 
 TOV IjJO'OUl/] avrov 
 
 four. 
 
 27 
 
 (1. 19) avriov rrovqpa 
 
 four. 
 
 20 
 
 avrov + on rrovqpa kcrriv 
 
 I3-346. 
 
 27 
 
 dvOpoiiros + d<$> iavTOV 
 
 four. 
 
 33 
 
 Xa/3coi'] XafjL^avwv 
 
 124. 
 
 36 
 
 tyjv tfirt]v 
 
 four. 
 
 iv- 35 
 
 Terpa.p.-qvo'i 
 
 four. 
 
 41 
 
 iTriarevaoLv + eis avrov 
 
 four. 
 
 v. 4 
 
 asteriscis notatur. 
 
 
 15 
 
 dirq\6tv + ovv 
 
 13.124.346. 
 
 vii- 53 
 
 Kai dirq\6f.v CKaerros 
 
 four. 
 
 
 Ab his inde verbis usque ad viii. 
 
 1 1 cuivis lineae asteriscus miniatus 
 
 
 appingitur. 
 
 
 viii. 2 
 
 km 7ras ad avrov; — 
 
 four. 
 
 3 
 
 dyovcriv Se] Kai rrpoo"r)v(.yKav airw 
 
 four. 
 
 
 6iri /xoi^eia 
 
 four. 
 
 
 eU TO) p.€0~(X) 
 
 69.124. 346. 
 
 4 
 
 Xeyowcriv] eirrov 
 
 four. 
 
 
 KaTei\rj<p6rjj elk-qiTTai 
 
 four. 
 
 5 
 
 rjp.iv Ma)orr;s 
 
 four. 
 
 
 \i6oj3o\tio-6ai\ \i$a£eiv 
 
 four. 
 
 
 Aeycis] ire.pi avri)% 
 
 four. 
 
four. 
 
 
 four (?) 
 
 
 four. 
 
 
 four. 
 
 
 13.69. 
 
 124. 
 
 13.69. 
 
 124. 
 
 four? 
 
 
 124. [ 
 
 13.69.346.] 
 
 78 HISTORY OF THE FERRAR-GROUP. 
 
 6 Karrjyopiav kot avrov 
 6 Se 'Irjcrovs xui/'as eypaij/ev 
 
 7 C17T£ aVTOl? 
 
 7Tp<i)Tos \180v /SaXcTO) eV avrr/v 
 9 yiji' Kai i^7]k6ov eis Ka^' €is 
 /j.oi'os — 
 
 /uctriu oixra - ai/a/JA.ci/'as 8c 6 I?j(70vs eioev 
 avrrjv Kai elwev -ywat 7rov €ta*tv; ovocts 
 ere KaT€Kpivev 
 1 1 K.wpi€ • 6 Se 'Iijcrou? cotci' air^ • owSe 
 
 In hac pericopa omni fere perpetuo facit cum 69. 
 
 xvi. 7 iav yap + iyui four. 
 
 11 irtpi 8e Kpicreux; ex emend. 
 
 1 6 iyw — four. 
 
 20 Ppiyv^crtTc] Trevdrjatre 1 24. 
 
 22 w/xeis /u.€v Xvirev (1. Av7r?;v) /xev 69. 
 
 33 e&re] ex £ i" c - 
 
 It will be admitted that this MS. is a Ferrar MS. It may not 
 have the textual displacements, but it clearly has the readings. 
 It would be superfluous to enlarge on this. The MS. which 
 Moldenhawer calls Escurialensis 9, but which we call Evv. 230, 
 must be added to the list of Ferrar MSS. We may not, as yet, 
 see how it reached the Escurial from Sicily, but it must have come 
 from that neighbourhood, probably by way of Venice. 
 
 A similar investigation ought to be made for all the MSS. in the 
 list given above, as containing the p-q/xaTa and the o-riyoi. We are 
 confident that in many cases they will betray their origin and their 
 textual affinities. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
Plate i. 
 
 I 
 
 'L? ) = SS 
 
 1 
 
 ' \ ' t , . ~ ■» "» I i, 6-1/ 
 
 \ V i ' -lit ' 
 
 7/«>. e«A'. cj-d.J. mum.'. 
 
 \, I >' «-# 'c f f I ' 
 
 jCd/«t<j«/ ^mo^vAo|/ Tn-Tr^tpir/tcujuccyoy -m^ficL-r*tc, 
 
 I ii -. , t -, »~ ' ~ 
 
 O TO [Htctp-jfzyycctr/o Kt^Lx*>a^{ U,y H-C*1 f*Ot> cCl>jt> O 
 
 \LfiH -m^YTr*- 0<rcc OLy ~m>IH*sxl£*>bX>6Htr£fct4 
 O VJpyJTt&e, Of cceyx^bq t, Oi^XTTOOc, 
 
 ^' Aajoyrro 0v^a^a.c^CcT>yTa4 cortege, e^y npiczf 
 
 r ~ ..'. is i 
 
 k O *n pVCoenuf He, *J^yJ^><jai&\rfh^o*jLo^c^6£\>ciTx^ 
 
 *m~ I i 
 
 I 
 atzy nuy <*~ - 
 
 j'^, yl^ 
 
 A*"«je. Ro-'Ajj* 
 
 ,.*. K.-.-K 
 
 
 LIBRARY ; * 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 ^ (ixreek. "Psalter in the library of Trinity (^allege, Cambridge. 
 
 (o. 3. 14). 
 
r : 
 
 Piatt 
 
 «o^-«r*<4/ /Jut', rzif-iut \ *tl-TT*> JixJcf <*"*4 I |» e *'f ' X**«' J Hf'«!' 
 
 »i"«V<«iiU hcv ^ -rf U\^ w Ll oij\At> otiok" -T-e*>H foiou 
 ^ tt iy,A.-rro^J«vi 1 ' W 1,-ft i( •« -7tu\ 7a) »« »M? ; jf"««A> 
 -raujuUi'v CMOO <ri '«* M j f • i»T«M - ■— ""»» t**-rf '-»Sr*** *, 3 «r» 
 
 / t .1 »< " -r ' t~' 
 
 •' -T ' ' -*■ '. ' ' -#/ 
 
 f vl l«) » f , ,. 
 
 f / s > ' 1^ / 
 
 A_ci f-«r«*/ -f-»0> /i v»S ""'Vov ■ CywTrox^^Woi^.jOiJ* 
 tJrVv »U(-rtf ««-'i» f «f-r»V» «=^ji^> o «_ »««><; ^C* >» • outrnju 
 
 »»t «.yu - ♦-"-T-i'tRc TtOy vifvtrt **-"f -Ml*. \fa> £ \t[tt>\f ft, 
 » -f • > ' st — / -/' 
 
 v*r»tvy**<*-V«' u - " r * v'"« '*■« Top , «*- JTV«/et/oJ/- C«J\»rftt'r^ 
 V^-TTt-ik. << /«» View •"-*** -T-ov K»«**^- • "T-e>y r*^- "»»« O.VVU/0 
 
 t."^. 
 
 *>«r *«• 
 
 The ©u-rham, Aristotle. (c. i. If). 
 
zyc 
 
 • t / ^— r f I 
 
 V«f> |-fc vi# /«tf -n' f<^> f- UetLl-04 -rr**vT«* I * w t.*r»i* w 
 
 ctJU-t-ov u_ 
 
 ^-t-uj^cc/a^Lu/V c^^t Ktt A^"C, y ^Tr^cM/^» 
 
 ' >-r» i • J', ' 
 
 ,T^ 
 
 »\J v/ 
 
 
 
 TKe ©urhain "Plate. 
 
 c. iv. i 
 
Plate 4. 
 
 -r ■■:,.:-.■-. — 
 
 t -> «o K 1 ' OH*p 
 
 • *N i 
 
 «- ' ,. ou * - ' - ~ -*< ,r 
 
 -{EH? »V 
 
 e 1 er""*T J wY7ei h p 
 
 "••"■•rrreT Sr ,' ; w" 
 
 ' ^— - _ >-VL Px f 
 
 - Q "~*1 o "TOOV X<5 
 
 *-t^ -re wvusrrnpo^ 
 
 -. -, g. v «th £ *ryjaJT* v %1_E * i ■• .. ==»■>*?- 
 
 ev.' 
 
 pep -T--0 fe pe«y Jf«H -it? oa Tt) ji TirjaLJXpi «-£ -yi« V i>? o «^3 
 pyi jinn-.i «<.»u**i»» o«jnr»^- > >v e, v K^«uK>v4« ©f °^ 
 
 %-rzM^ 
 
 ~~Pt tt .,"5 OL_JL*_J «LB- j . A Vx 
 
 
 • u a-!»* cs^s j^,. Q pi «-Kj«. 
 
 , » ta_» 
 
 
 
 (Led. E.w. 3A6. 
 ©rder and limits of the Inve "Patriarchates. 
 
Plat 
 
 < J 5- 
 
 * 
 
 v tri (jKi ■' 
 
 ><* - i ■ yc« . : =*4J -■■•• 
 
 »>ye> f 01 - :■•■'•' 
 
 ^ „ « a du_2Sjxj3- "t:^ PV«' sr*»v» -'cijy-p* -to oV c »"* ^^ynoo v 
 
 ^™0~ tcfl p pot; y>.<i jaoutol; -ttte pi /s«_fjLi4-rf-V « K _ 
 
 P * v»<^ ^^.tl^eix^f • *"*-« -yP 1 * Tn ' ' V^ m ^ xrr * > T>' 
 
 1 ^p-n»vMJ<vV r,,,Tt * J '' 6.<»(rTii«rKUi(!feii 7/rM.^f 
 
 ~" -* ' - I — ' 'is ' * 
 
 ^-rmy Qfi t« jj .en y »< f rm V i gt-O " • *TT«-f> *» P KFM E .V*— 
 j_i_j« -ran -jj • K°»-i *-*-* CT ^ aa *Tr*/«-MJ ««j»- ■ 7<°«-t «--tp I A' uj • - 
 
 -t-ccr^ T c -t-uj ri ^.>v« >-*J«J i -- *T-x «T s*!^ f I? tC IT K^ 'N* -V 'S' " 
 . . o r.j «W>> *Oo; >jU» H^f rj-w w- h j<oO\e-o >MVHA.o" t_*4£- 
 
 ■ A? 
 
 ! W 
 
 >^ 
 
 
 »V»v >-'-? -^? 
 
 
 (led. Eyv. 3A6. 
 The ?Five "PatnarcKaies and THe (Lli mates of Africa. 
 
Plate 6. 
 
 *W** 
 
 \-^ 
 
 v- -*, 
 
 
 ¥ 5 *^ «e 
 
 f ej: .tsj> 
 
 1 ^s ea 
 
 .•■( 
 
 ..t- 
 
 ' Ca ''; 
 
 •A.'-?.r 
 
 ■ i -J er 
 
 < 'Say ■.- r- u)- K.vj j , s . 
 
 ■^^1 
 
 ■ -*• J 
 
 •KX. 
 
 
 :--jt^; w oSc 'C'TT-A 
 
 C ' ° -*» "}£l 6 TXT) QTj^li 
 
 nm : 
 
 -')■ o > 
 
 .. Ti-^a-f 
 
 ?JS "J, UJJ ess y 
 
 I fc? j at,,* - <» t r '■- • nrn ; . „ - 
 
 S^a£ri3 S»3 ^-^slssul —IT: ■ ■ ia-» .-x s r."vi . %y-*\ w™»-n lv ,. —Si '•' a _ «£.~:s^ 
 
 
 ei - r .'s l ^ ^ „. . - 
 
 '^1 
 
 e 
 
 1 o 
 
 > M , ' I I ' ' , «. > X \ ■> 
 
 o3^M 
 
 
 
 •■S^oG'' : 
 
 ■J i'. 
 
 
 dod. Xw. 3A6. 
 
 ©n the sj^agelic ©rders and on. the Appearances of (Xhrist 
 
 after the Resurrection. 
 
Plate 7. 
 
 - ia~-i t e-v ur 
 
 t ->®^cfoV : ' lA-uraetf r»"VT. <Jle ;J acr 
 
 :. is$_^isu>.h *r j i' ra as 6 fc * rr:,,) S^ ?JLBup°rVf <r -art Jb* 7 ' 
 
 : • ■ - - . - „ r -t- 
 
 ' v ! - 'i 
 
 ' c_ -. ' A/ - ■ ' 1— ' 1 
 
 -rnnrvrw 
 
 ft 
 
 Ht ua-wui 
 
 >• 
 
 ai'Y'l'taai-'V '• w—^-ro v4-V -\ cr't^-i : o'?- rrH ~ eJ '"'" c ^"' s XEcr»C' "«& 
 
 '..;*. " < v . - ■ ' \ . ' • o _. f 
 
 v -■ • , v - ' •• *- '. •- '' v *•• '' t\J 
 
 a ' , -r- * — rr- ■ ~ .- - . — •':-- •■"■- 
 
 -xroo-o w * £ K f-M* ' 
 
 l^t QTM-4J ■ J-J-f O- 
 
 «T[ cy-3 <5i 
 
 cra.J["i > »-a«J • "H y j o \ >• '-to t -Txri 
 
 ilOt) T«LH - 
 
 J-CS-JEjrrfloCS 
 
 u yLa/ • -ice t "P-cm 
 
 I a-^unKjr ; e K. tit? w ° 1 «i <aso^+»o let : - }-j-p «r J rj ^c 
 
 »-f S « A" V*-*sm. «>»-,£ K-Tcrf w «r»-'.>^E V » <-«? • V-f <r ° v p c +'l r J* ' 
 
 (Led. Iw. 3A6. 
 Appearances of dhrist and history of The Apostles. 
 
Plate ,V. 
 
 ~*7^ 
 
 "W 
 
 ?&*%> 
 
 Tiro -rrvi v. cJ-p" f-xJS? criKjps^, 
 
 
 ■''T ; ET? .fisr^rrc^f r^r* 1 *^ e2 -i *-'.^j 
 
 *f? 
 
 '& r% 
 
 ;i-£^.tii «r ^;^ UT3t>^&^'<^ 't%?j$$j? **"*' %'* £|^ 
 
 H-W 
 
 i%F^- 
 
 
 * : 'TPTg \rroy _ 
 
 MhH 
 
 #2 
 
 "was'Vtt-K' ^*" 'l^t poor/ «X«> •*-*<?"■ EtftTS- ;— - 
 
 ' 1 r— wcsy V O K^VVO 11 >-*-* f « « ^ 
 
 — t ' > 
 
 fk; : -31tf » ." 711 V o v « a - * S3 
 
 A>-v* « i v <~. iJ '. '-in * IT ft \fi £ h 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 . » ; r - ■ •" .. f " . 
 
 1. 
 
 . 
 
 - 
 
 T"E1 W.' i iA' s 
 
 ■«m a 
 
 
 -***' 
 
 (Lsdd. Xv 1 /. 3io. 
 3(istory of the ^?(postle£