'il»»"»"«>fV"»«J»»«T ■■:mm \f£^^>;vH, ■^^^4!^ ^smun^v. "-■■t-i^.^Aiv."*.',; <» -«!>;»**>< •^t^*? «,«>«^ TTfiviiv"""" ■-'—• ■• ■' '' ..-^,-. -- i^y. u.v , ,- - ,, *»-•-< -v» »",•»• > -_■-', -^f.^; -j,?_e,>iii^;M« #.-*#»*.■ ftl-»>^'»' • ■■ '.■,.»*-'»*iS-ViP»»-v- -'•.K^.i^^i^kw-.-t-i-lf'- ■.-Ht ? »«*-■■ »*-^ -.-^-v-^^- >i ■'-■it- 'Mm^t^ (!M(-«V' -'-^♦'.•i m .. ., ^l:3'^^,v^45,i^^ »<.■■•,».■■• ^*~ '.-••' tJf^.*»* *^l .^*^%«^ ,:W.r.».^'t»- . ,;,,^:,\;t.... J- CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF BX841 .AsTsw"*'"*^ '■"^'"^ ^'^llffiiiiate^^^^^ some ac olin 3 1924 029 365 313 1 1 III \<^y Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://archive.org/details/cu31924029365313 CATHOLIC DICTIONARY A CATHOLIC DICTIONARY CONTAINING SOME ACCOUNT OF THE DOCTEINE, DISCIPLINE, RITES, CEREMONIES, COUNCILS, AND RELIGIOUS ORDERS OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH BY WILLIAM E. ADDIS SOMETIME FELLOW OF THE ROYAL UNIVERSITY OP IRELAND AND THOMAS AENOLD, MA. FELLOW OF THE SAME UNIVERSITY NEW EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF THE EEV. T. B. SCANNELL, B.D. ovSe viv dvara (pixTis aj/epwv triKTiv, oiiSh fiT}!/ TTore AoiOa KaTaKoifji.da€i' /xeyas iv rovrois Be6s, ovSe yripd(rKei Soph. (Ed. Bex, 841 LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. Ltd. PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD 1893 iZ' Nihil Obstat. FE. DAVID, Provincialis O.S.F., censor deputatus. Imprimatur. HERBBRTUS, CARD. ARCHIEP. WESTMONAST. Die 1 Feb., 1893. {The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved) PEEFACE TO THE NEW EDITION. In the present edition the whole work has been revised ; most of the articles formerly contained in the Appendix have been inserted in their proper places in the body of the volume ; a considerable number of new articles and headings have been added ; and the statistics and other information have been, as far as possible, brought up to date. The services of one of the original authors being no longer available, his place has been taken by the Eev. T. B. Scannell, B.D. The American editor, the Eev. T. F. Galwey, and the Eev. Joseph Wilhelm, D.D., have also contributed articles. PEEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. The work here submitted to the public is intended to meet a practical want which has long been felt among English-speaking Catholics — the want, namely, of a single trustworthy source of information on points of Catholic doctrine, ritual, and discipline. All existing English works of a similar character — such as Hook's " Church Dictionary," Blunt's " Dictionary of Theo]ogy," Blunt's " Dictionary of Sects,'' &c. — were compiled by Protestants, and it is scarcely possible to turn over ten pages in one of them without meeting with some more or less open a.ttack upon Catholicism. To this censure the " Dictionary of Christian Antiquities," conducted by Dr. Smith and Professor Cheetham, is not open; but the large scale of that work, and the fact of its stopping short at the age of Charlemagne, are sufficient of themselves to prevent it from meeting the need above indicated. Their Eminences the Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster and Car- dinal Newman have been pleased to express their approbation of the undertaking. Cardinal Manning wrote : " I am very glad to hear that it is proposed to publish a ' Dictionary of Catholic Theology and His- tory.' It will supply a great want in our English literature. Such works exist in French and German, but we have nothing worthy of the name." Cardinal Newman, after saying that such a work had been long " a desideratum in our literature," added : " Our doctrines, rites, and history have been at the mercy of Protestant manuals, which, however ably written, and even when fair in intention, are not such as a Catholic can approve or recommend. So much have I felt the need viil PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. that once, many years ago, I began such a work myself, though 1 was soon obliged to give over for want of leisure." The Rev. W. E. Addis, of Lower Sydenham, and Thomas Arnold, Fellow of the Royal University of Ireland, have written nearly the whole work. They are indebted, however, to American contributors for a cer- tain number of articles ; to the Very Rev. Father Bridgett, of the Con- gregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, for the article " Redemptorists "; and to the Rev. S. H. Sole, Missionary Rector of Chipping Norton, foi the article " Plain Chant." As a rule, the articles on dogma, ritual, the ancient Church, and the Oriental rites, are by Mr. Addis ; those on mediseval and modern history, the religious orders, and canon law, by Mr. Arnold. Theological subjects have been regarded chiefly from an historical and critical point of view, and questions of School theology avoided as far as possible. In almost every case the quotations of Scripture are made from the original texts, and not from the Latin Vulgate. In conclusion, the Authors offer their best thanks to many kind friends who have helped and encouraged them in their labour. Their gratitude is due in a very special degree to the Rev. Father Keogh, of the London Oratory. The office of Censor which he undertook was in itself a tedious one, but besides this, and on points which did not con- cern him in his official capacity, he furnished the writers with many valuable suggestions and corrections. At the same time it is right to add that the " Nihil obstat " appended by him certifies indeed that the limits of Catholic orthodoxy have been observed, but by no means implies the Censor's personal agreement or sympathy with many of the opinions expressed. Novembei' 3, 188a A CATHOLIC DICTIONARY ABBACOIVXZTSS. The abhacomites or abbates milites, count abbots or noble abbots, were lay intruders, to whom courts gave abbacies for pecuniary pro- fit. Thus Bernard, the youngest of Charles Martel's six sons, was lay abbot of Sithiu or St. Quentin, Sons, daugh- ters, wives, &c., were thus benefited before the time of Charlemagne, who, however, efiected a reform and made monasteries the seats of schools and literature. In latter days other princes, claiming the right of investiture, rein- troduced similar abuses ; secular priests were often made commendatory abbots. .A.BBSSS, from Ahbatissa. The su- perior of a community of nuns, in those orders in which convents of monks are governed by abbots. The dignity of an abbess cannot be traced back so far as that of abbot ; it appears to have been first regularly instituted about 591, in the time of Pope Gregory the Great. Regu- lations touching their election, powers, and rights were gradually framed, and in- corporated in the canon law. The elec- tors must, as a general rule, be professed nuns. The age at which a nun can be elected abbess has been variously deter- mined at different times ; finally the Council of Trent ^ fixed it at not less than forty years, of which eight should ' have been passed in the same monastery. The voting is secret ; generally a simple ma- jority of votes is sufficient for a valid election, but in the convents depending on Monte Cassino a majority of two- thirds is required. In the case of a doubtful election, the ordinary intervenes, and selects the nun whom he may think most suitable for the office. The bene- diction of an abbess, a rite generally but not always necessary, may be performed 1 Sess. XXV. c. 7. De Reg. et Mon. by the bishop on any day of the week. When elected, the abbess has a right to the ring and staff, as in the case of abbots, and to have the abbatial cross borne be- fore her. In certain orders where there were usually double monasteries, one for monks the other for nuns, as in the Bri- gittines and the order of Fontevrault, the monks were bound to obey the abbess of the related nunnery. An abbess, more- over, could, and often did, possess and ex- ercise large ecclesiastical patronage, sub- ject to the approval of the ordinary. These powers are included within that capacity of ruling and possessing property which every truly civilised state has re- cognised in woman no less than in man ; but when the power of the keys, or even any exercise of authority bordering on that power, is in question, the abbess is no more than any other woman. Thus she cannot, without the bishop's sanction, choose confessors either for herself or for her nuns ; nor can she dispense a nun from the obligations of the rule of her own authority, nor suspend nor dismiss her. ABBEY. A monastery governed by an abbot. [See Abbot.] ABBOT. The "father" or superior of a community of men living under vows and according to a particular rule. The transference of the idea of fatherhood to the relation between the head of a con- gregation or a religious community and his subjects is so natural that already in the apostolic times we find St, Paul reminding the Corinthians ^ that they had not many fathers in Christ ( " for in Christ Jesus I have begotten you," &c.), notwithstanding the apparent prohibition in the gospel of St. Matthew.^ But it was customary to call bishops by the Greek word for father ; hence the corresponding designation for 1 1 Cor. iv. 15. 2 xxiii. 9. 2 ABBOT tlie head of a community of monks was taken, to avoid confusion, from the Chal- daic form {obhaj abbas) of the word which means "father" in the Semitic languages. In a paper of extraordinary research, but more learned than lucid, contributed by the late Mr. Haddan to the "Dictionary of Christian Antiquities," at least a dozen transitory uses of the word Abbot, in ancient times alone, are enumerated. But these are of little or no importance. The true Abbot, being a natural outgrowth of the Christian doctrine and spirit, comes into sight in the third century, and still fulfils— though under a variety of desig- nations — his original function in the nineteenth. The name imports the rule of others, but as the essential foundation for such rule it implies the mastery of self. The monk was before the abbot. Eusebius has no mention of monks as such in his "Ecclesiastical History;" but when he tells u s of persons, male or female, living austere lives and aiming at perfec- tion, when he notes that Narcissus, bishop of Jerusalem at the end of the second cen- tury, retired into the desert on account of difficulties arising in his diocese, and lived there for many years as a solitary contemplative, we see already the germs of the monastic life. St. Antony (250- 355) is usually regarded as the patriarch of the monks. But if we hear much in his later years of the numbers and the reverent devotion of his disciples, we know that for twenty years after his first quitting the world he lived in nearly ab- solute solitude, conversing with God and taming his own spirit. The clamours of persons desiring to see him and ask coun- sel of him forced him at last from his cell ; and he, who in conflict with his own lower nature or with evil spirits had at- tained an unwonted spiritual strength and a vast breadth of spiritual experience, consented now to take upon him the direction of a number of men of weaker will and less regulated mind. If he was to do them any good, they must place themselves in his hands, and do exactly what he bade them. That mastery of the passions, and subjugation of the natural man under the yoke of reason, which he, aided by the Holy Spirit, had worked out for himself, they, following his directions, must win through him. Hence we find the principle of unquestioning obedience — what Gibbon calls the " slavish" spirit of the monks — laid down from the first. St. Pcemen, a famous Egyptian abbot of the fourth century, said to his disciples, ABBOT "Never seek to do your own will, but rather rejoice to overcome it, and humble yourselves by doing the will of others And, "Nothing gives so much pleasure to the enemy as when a person will not dis- cover his temptations to his superior or director." Induced partly, no doubt, by the confusions and oppressions of the empire, but chiefly by the hunting thirst to know the secret of the perfect life, and solve the riddle of existence, great numbers of men towards the end of the fourth century sought the deserts that hem in the valley of Egypt, and were formed into monastic communities under abbots. Great captains of the spiritual life arose, such as Pachomius, Hilarion, Pambo, and Macarius. Speaking of the effect pro- duced by Antony in Egypt even in his lifetime, St. Athanasius says : " Among the mountains there were monasteries as if tabernacles filled with divine choirs, singing, studying, fasting, praying, exult- ing in the hope of things to come, and working for almsdeeds, having love and harmony one towards another." For full information on these "fathers of the desert," the reader should consult the celebrated work of the Jesuit Rosweide, "Vitae Patrum." The status of these early abbots, as of the monks whom they governed, was a lay status. In the great monastic colonies of Palestine and Egypt, each containing several hundreds of monks, there would be but one or two priests, admitted in order to the celebration of the divine worship. But the proportion of ordained monks gradually increased, the bishops being generally glad to confer orders upon men, most of whom were of proved virtue. For abbots ordination before long became the rule : yet even in the ninth century we read of abbots who were only deacons, and a Council of Poitiers in 1078 is still obliged to make a canon enjoining upon all abbots, on pain of deprivation, the re- ception of priests' orders. The original lay character here referred to must of course not be confounded with the status of those profane intruders described by Beda in his letter to Egbert, archbishop of York, who were rich laymen pretending to found monasteries for the sake of ob- taining the exemption from civil burdens which monastic lands enjoyed, and could only be called pseudo-abbots. The election of an abbot originally rested with the monks, according to the rule " Fratres eligant sibi abbatem." We meet, indeed, with many cases of episcopal ABBOT intervention in elections, but the right of the monks is solemnly recognised in the body of the canon law. In the West, as the endowments of monasteries increased, temporal princes and lords usurped the right of appointing abbots in the larger monasteries, no less than of nominating bishops to the sees ; our own history and that of Germany is full of stories of dis- putes thence arising. [See Investitttre.] At the Council of Worms in 1122 Pope Oalixtus obtained from the emperor the renunciation of the claim to invest with ring and crosier the persons nominated to ecclesiastical dignities. The first article of Magna Charta (1215) provides that the English Church shall be free\ by which, among other things, the right of monks to choose their own abbots was understood to be conceded. Practically, the patronage of the larger English abbeys for two centuries before the Reformation was divided by a kind of amicable arrange- ment between the Pope and the king. St. Benedict (480-543), the patriarch of Western monachism, allows in his rule (which from its greater elasticity superseded other rules which were for a time in competition with it [see BEiiTE- DiCTiNES; Rtjlb, Religious]) a, large discretion to the abbots of his convents, who were to modify many things in accordance with the exigencies of cli- mate and national customs. Such modi- fications led of course in time to relaxa- tion, the reaction against which led to reforms. A curious report of the dis- cussion between the monks of Molesme and their abbot Robert (1076), who wished to restore among them the full observance of the rule of St. Benedict, may be read in the eighth book of Ordericus Vitalis. X^ot prevailing, St. Robert, with twelve companions, left Molesme and founded Citeaux, under a reformed observance. [ClSTEKCIANS.] The privileges of abbots grew to be very extensive. They obtained many episcopal rights, among others that of con- ferring minor orders on their monks. A practice which had arisen, by which abbots exempt from episcopal jurisdiction [Ex- emption] claimed to confer minor orders even on seculars, was condemned by the Council of Trent. 1 The use of mitre, crosier, and ring was accorded to the ab- bots of great monasteries ; these mitred abbots were named abbates infulati. In England mitred abbots had seats in Parlia- ment i twenty-eight, with two Augustinian 1 Sess. xxiii, De Reform, u. 10. ABBOT 3 priors, are said to have sat in the Par- liament immediately preceding the disso- lution of monasteries. A remarkable privilege is noticed by Beda,^ in virtue of which the abbots of Ion a exercised a quasi-episcopal jurisdiction in the west of Scotland and the Hebrides. The name of abbe, abate, has come to be assumed by a class of unbeneficed secu- lar clerks in France and Italy, apparently in the following manner. The practice by which laymen held abbeys in commen- dam — commenced in troubled times in order that powerful protectors might be found for the monks, and might have in- ducements to exercise that protection — grew by degrees into a scandalous abuse. Young men of noble families were nomi- nated to abbeys, and could enjoy their revenues, long before they could take priests' orders ; they were not bound to residence ; and under Louis XIV. and Louis XV. many of these abbes commen- dataires never saw the abbeys of which they were the titular rulers. The possi- bility of winning such prizes drew many cadets of noble families, who had only just taken the tonsure, to Versailles ; those who had succeeded in obtaining nomina- tions still fluttered about the Court, not being bound to residence ; and the name Abb«5, which was really, though abusively, apphcable to these, came to be applied in social parlance to the aspirants also, whom no external signs distinguished from the real abb^s. By a further exten- sion, the name came to be applied as a title of courtesy to unbeneficed clerks generally ; just as in England the title " esquire," which is properly applicable only to persons entitled to bear arms, is extended by the courtesy of society to anyone who, as far as outward marks go, seems entitled to take the same social rank. Benedictine abbeys, following the gen- eral Oriental rule, have always been inde- pendent of each other in government ; but an honorary superiority was accorded in the middle ages to the abbot of the mother house at Monte Cassino ; he was styled abbas abbatum. In other orders various names have replaced that of " abbot ; " the head of a Franciscan friary is a " guardianus," that of a Dominican convent a ** prior," that of a Jesuit house a " rector." There is a prior also in Bene- dictine convents [Peioe], but his normal position is that of lieutenant to the abbot; sometimes, however, he was al- most practically independent as the head 1 Hist, EccL iii. 4. J3 2 4 ABBREVIATORS of a priory, a cell founded by monks migrating from some abbey. The duties of an abbot in early times may be learned from Rosweide ; some- what later, and in the West, they were defined with great clearness and wisdom in the rale of St. Benedict. A deeply interesting sketch of the manner of life of an English abbot in the seventh cen- tury is preserved for us in Beda's " Lives of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow." Even more trying was his work in the twelfth century, as we know from the narration by Jocelyn de Brakelonde of the government of the abbot Samson at Bury St. Edmunds ; with which may be read the striking, and on the whole ap- preciative, commentary of Mr. Carlyle.^ The name corresponding to Abbot in the Greek Church is Archimandrita, or Hegumenos. ABBRBVZATORS. Thenamegiven to d. class of notaries or secretaries em- ployed in the Papal Chancery, They are first met with about the beginning of the fourteenth century ; were abolished in the fifteenth, but afterwards restored. They are generally prelates, and the office is considered one of great dignity and im- portance. It is not incompatible with Church preferment. The name arose from this, that the ahbreviator made a short minute of the decision on a petition, or reply to a letter, given by the Pope, and afterwards expanded the minute into offi- cial form. (Ferraris.) ABJURATION- OF HERESY. This is required in the canon law as a prelimi- nary to baptism, or, when there is no question of that (as in the case of con- verts from the Eastern Church), before the convert makes his confession of faith. There are decrees of several councils to this effect : thus the Council of Laodicea (about 364) ordains that Novatian and Photiuian heretics, ''whether they be baptised persons or catechumens, shall not be received before they have anathe- matised all heresies^ especially that in which they were held." A celebrated instance of abjuration is that of Clovis (496), to whom St. Remy said before baptising him, "Meekly bow down thy head, Sicambrian; adore what thou hast burnt, and burn what thou hast adored." An early German council requires the Saxon converts to renounce belief in " Thor and Woden and Saxon Odin " before beiog received into the Church. Ferraris sums up the canonical re- 1 Past and Present, part ii. ABRAXAS quirements in the matter of abjuration as follows :— that it should be done without delay ; that it should be voluntary ; that it should be done with whatever degree of publicity the bishop of the place might think necessary; and that the abjuring person should make condign satisfaction in the form of penance. The modern discipline insists mainly on the positive part, the profession of the true faith. Thus in the Ritual of Stras- burg (1742) the abjuration required is merely general : " Is it your firm purpose to renounce in heart and mind all the errors which it [the Catholic religion] condemns ? " In England at the present time the abjurationis,sotospeak, taken for granted in ordinary cases, since converts are not admitted into the Church except after suitable instruction, and the Creed of Pope Pius IV., which everyone desir- ing to become a Catholic must read and accept, expressly denounces most of those errors which infect the religious atmo- sphere of this country. ABliUTloST. A name given, in the rubrics of the Mass, to the water and wine with which the priest who celebrates Mass washes his thumb and index-finger after communion. When he has con- sumed the Precious Blood, the priest purifies the chalice ; he then, saying in a low voice a short prayer prescribed by the Church, holds his thumb and index-finger, which have touched the Blessed Sacrament and may have some particle of it adhering to them, over the chalice, while the server pours wine and water upon them. He then drinks the ablution and dries his lips and the chalice with the mundatory. This ceremony wit- nesses to the reverence with which the Church regards the body and blood of Christ, and to her anxiety that none of that heavenly food should be lost. It is impossible to say when this rite was in- troduced, but we are told of the pious Emperor Henry II., who lived at the be- ginning of the eleventh century, that he used when hearing Mass to beg for the ablution and to receive it with great de- votion. This ablution is mentioned by St. Thomas and Durandus. The former, however, gives no reason to suppose that it was consumed by the priest, and the latter expressly says that the ablution used formerly to be poured into a clean place. (Benedict XIV. " De Missa," III. xxi. C.) ABRAKAMITB. [See Patjlicians.] ABRAXAS, 'AjSpa'^a? or 'A/3pao-a^. ABSOLUTION A magical word used by the Basilidians, a Gnostic sect. They believed in the existence of 365 heavens, over which Abraxas presided, the numeral value of the Greek letters which composed the word being 365.^ Many gems still exist with this word inscribed on them. An account of them and of the immense literatm'e to which they have given occa- sion, will be found in Kraus' " Archaeolo- gical Dictionary," under Abraxas. ABSOXiTTTZOSr. Classical authors use the Latin word ahsolutio (literally, un- binding or unloosing) to signify acquittal from a criminal charge, and ecclesiastical wiiters have adopted the term, employing it to denote a setting free from crime or penalty. But, as crime and its penalties are regarded even by the Church from very different points of view, " absolution " in its ecclesiastical use bears several senses, which it is important to distin- guish from each other. I. Absolution from Sin is a remission of sin which the priest, by authority re- ceived from Christ, makes in the Sacra- ment of Penance. It is not a mere announcement of the gospel, or a bare declaration that God will pardon the sins of those who repent, but as the Council of Trent defines (sess. xiv. can. 9), it is a judicial act by which a priest as judge passes sentence on the penitent. With regard to absolution thus under- stood, it is to be observed, first, that it can be given by none but priests, since to them alone has Christ committed the necessary power; and, secondly, that since absolution is a judicial sentence, the priest must have authority or jurisdiction over the person absolved. The need of jurisdiction, in order that the absolution may be valid, is an article of faith defined at Trent (sess. xiv. cap. 7), and it follows from the very nature of abso- lution as defined above, since the reason of things requires that a judge should not pass sentence except on one who is placed under him, as the subject of his court. This jurisdiction may be ordinary — i.e. it may flow from the office which the con- fessor holds ; or delegated — i.e. it may be given to the confessor by one who has ordinary jurisdiction with power to con- fer it on others, as his delegates. Thus a bishop has ordinary jurisdiction over secu- lars, or religious who are not exempt, in his diocese, and within its limits he can delegate jurisdiction to priests secular or ^ Iren. i. 24. Many other Fathers mention the word. ABSOLUTION 5 regular. Again, the prelates of religious orders exempt from the authority of the bishop, have jurisdiction, more or less ample, within their own order, and they can absolve, or delegate power to absolve, the members of the order who are subject to them ; nor is it possible, ordinarily speaking, for the bishop, or a priest who has his powers from the bishop only, to absolve such religious. Moreover, a bishop or a prelate of a religious order, in conferring power to absolve his subjects, may reserve the absolution of certain sins to himself. [See under Reserved Cases.] The Church, however, supplies all priests with power to absolve persons in danger of death, at least if they cannot obtain a priest with the usual '' faculties " or powers to absolve. Thirdly, absolution must be given in words which express the efficacy of absolution, viz. forgiveness of sin. The Roman Ritual prescribes the form "I absolve thee from thy sins, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." . Beyond all doubt, the form " I absolve thee from thy sins " would suffice for the validity of the sacrament. But would a precatory form avail — such for example as, " May Jesus Christ absolve thee from thy sins " ? The affirmative has been maintained by the celebrated critic Morinus, while Tourneley and many others have followedhis opinion. They maintain their contention chiefly by two arguments: viz. (a) that the Sacra- men taries, Pontificals, and Penitential Pti- tuals used in the Western Church during the first thousand years after Christ con- tain only precatory forms of absolution ; (/3) that such forms have been employed from time immemorial by the Greeks. On the other hand, many even among modern theologians adliere to the opinion of St. Thomas, and insist on the strict necessity of an absolute form ('* I absolve thee," &c.). It seems possible to reconcile the two opinions. A precatory form is enough, if it is used in an absolute sense — if, in other words, the circumstances in which the prayer is uttered make it more than a mere prayer. So that the priest, when he says, " Absolve, God, this man from his sins," means " Absolve this man through my ministry," and intends at the same time to utter a prayer which must needs be granted, provided that the requisite con- ditions h ave been fulfilled. Still it must be remembered that in any case it is unlawful to use such a form even in the East, since Clement VIII. in his instruction on the 6 ABSOLUTION rites of the Greeks, issued 1695, required them to employ the form prescribed in the Council of Florence — viz. "I absolve thee," &c. Lastly, the form of absolution must be uttered by the priest himself in the presence of the person absolved. This follows as a necessary consequence from the nature of the form of absolution sanctioned by the perpetual tradition of the Church; for the very words, " I absolve thee" imply the presence of the penitent; and the contrary opinion held by some Spanish theologians, who considered that absolution could be validly given by letter or by means of a messenger, was expressly condemned by Clement VIII. in the year 1603. [N.B. For full information on the proofs from Scripture and antiquity for the Catholic doctrine of Confession and Absolution, see Penance, Saceament oe.] II. Absolution from censures is widely diflerent from absolution from sins, be- cause whereas the latter gives grace, removes guilt, and reconciles the sinner with God, the former merely removes penalties imposed by the Church, and re- conciles the offender with her. [See under Ceitsuees.] It may be given, either in the confessional, or apart altogether from the Sacrament of Penance, in the external forum — i.e. in the courts of the Church. It may proceed from any cleric, even from one who has received the tonsure only, without ordination, provided he is invested with the requisite j urisdiction. This juris- diction resides, in the case of censures im- posed by an individual authority through a special sentence, in the ecclesiastic who inflicted the censure, in his superior, in his successors, and in those to whom com- petent authority has delegated power of absolution. For example, if a bishop has placed a subject of his under censure, absolution may be obtained (1) from the bishop himself, (2) from a succeeding bishop, (3) from the metropolitan, in certain cases where an appeal can be made to him, or if he is visiting the diocese of his suffragan ex officio, (4) from any cleric deputed by one of the above. With regard to censures attached to certain crimes by the general law of the Church, unless the}' are specially reserved to the Pope or the bishop, any confessor can absolve from them ; and this is generally considered to hold good also of censures inflicted by the general (as opposed to a particular) sentence of a superior. Again, it is not necessary that the person absolved ABSTINENCE from censure should be present, or contrite, or even that he should be living. As the effects of censures may continue, so they may be removed after death. Excom- munication, for instance, deprives the ex- communicated person of Christian burial. It may happen that he desired but was unable to obtain remission of the penalty during life, and in this case he may be absolved after his soul has left the body, and so receive Catholic burial and a share in the prayers of the Church. III. Absolution for the dead {pro defunctis). A short form, imploring eter- nal rest and so indirectly remission of the penalties of sin, said after a funeral Mass over the body of the dead person, before it is removed from the church. IV. Absolutions in the Breviaiy, Cer- tain short prayers said before the lessons in matins and before the chapter at the end of primp.. Some of these prayers ex- press or imply petition for forgiveness of sin, and this circumstance probably ex- plains the origin of the name Absolution which has been given to such prayers or blessings. ABSTZNEM'Cz:, in its restricted and special sense, denotes the depriving our- selves of certain kinds of food and drink in a rational way and for the good of the soul. On a fasting day, the Church re- quires us to limit the quantity, as well as the kind, of our food ; on an abstinence- day, the limit imposed affects only the nature of the food we take. The defini- tion given excludes three possible miscon- ceptions of the Church's law on this point. First, the Church does not forbid certain kinds of food on the ground that they are impure, either in themselves or if taken on particular days. On the con- trary, she holds with St. Paul^ that "every creature of God is good," and has re- peatedly condemned^ the Gnostic and Manichean error, which counted flesh and wine evil. Next, the abstinence required is a reasonable one, and is not, therefore, exacted from those whom it would injure in health or incapacitate for their ordinary duties. Thirdly, Catholic abstinence is a means, not an end. Abstinence, says St. Thomas, pertains to the kingdom of God only so far " as it proceeds from faith and love of God."^ But how does abstinence from flesh- 1 1 Tim. iv. 4. I Canon. Apost. 53. Concil. Ancyr. can. 14. 3 2a 2» 146 1 See also the prayer of the Church m the Mass for the third Sunday of Lent. ^ ABSTINENCE meat promote tlie soul's health? The answer is, that it enables us to subdue our flesh and so to imitate St. Paul's example, who " chastised his body and brought it into subjection." ^ The perpetual tra- dition of the Church is clear beyond possibility of mistake on this matter, and from the earliest times, the Christians at certain seasons denied themselves flesh and wine, or even restricted themselves to bread and water.^ Moreover, by abstain- ing from flesh, we give up what is, on the whole, the most pleasant as well as the most nourishing food, and so make satis- faction for the temporal punishment due to sin even when its guilt has been for- given. [See also Fast and Penance (4).] The abstinence (as distinct from fast- ing) days to be observed in England are, all Fridays, except that on which Christ- mas Day may fall, and the Sundays in Lent, though on these last the faithful now receive an annual dispensation from the abstinence. Saturday was an absti- nence-day in England, till it ceased to be so in virtue of a Rescript of Pius VIII., in 1830. It may be of some interest, in conclu- sion, to trace the history in the Church of abstinence as distinct from fasting. Ab- stinence-days were observed from ancient times by the monks. Thus Cassian tells us that in the monasteries of Egypt, great care was taken that no one should fast between Easter and Pentecost, but ' he adds that the *' quality of food " was unchanged. In other words, the religious fasted all the year, except on Sundays and the days between Easter and Pentecost. These they observed as days of abstinence. Again, it is certain that the faithful gene- rally did not, and, indeed, could not, fast on Sundays in Lent, for the early Church strongly discouraged fasting on that day ; but it is also certain that they did ab- stain on the Sundays in Lent. For, during the whole of that season, says St. Basil, "no animal has to eufier death, no blood flows." We learn incidentally from Theophanes and Nicephorus, that no meat was exposed during Lent in the markets of Constantinople. The Sun- days, then, in Lent were kept in the ancient Church as days of abstinence. With regard to the abstinence-days of weekly occurrence, Thomassin shows that Wednesday and Friday have been from ancient times observed in the East, not only as abstinence, but asfasting-daya. Clement 1 1 Cor. ix. 27. 2 Concil. Laod. can. 50. ABYSSINIAN CHURCH 7 VIII., in 1595, in laying down rules for Catholic Greeks under Latin bishops, ex- cuses them from some of the Latin fasts, on the ground that, unlike the Latins, they fasted every Wednesday and Friday. Thomassin illustrates the custom of the West, by quoting a number of statutes, &c., prescribing sometimes abstinence from flesh, sometimes fasting and absti- nence, on Friday. His earliest authority is Nicolas I. (858-867), and he con- cludes, "even after the year 1400, the Saturday abstinence was rather voluntary than of obligation among the laity ; but the Friday abstinence had long since passed into a law. I say abstinence, for, in spite of efforts made, the fast was never well es- tablished." (See Thomassin, "Traits des Jeunes," from which the foregoing histo- rical sketch is taken.) ABSTZTJE^TS. A name given to the Encratites (q.v,), or Manichees, be- cause of their professed abstinence from wine, marriage, &c. ABYSS ZN'Iii.ir or ETHZOPZAir CHURCH. Tradition relates that the officer of Candace, Queen of Ethiopia, whom Philip the Deacon met and con- verted near Gaza,^ on his return home spread the Christian faith among the peoples dwelling on the Upper Nile. But if this were so, the seed then planted must have withered away, for in the middle of the fourth century — when the narrative of Rufinus, in his "Ecclesiastical History," casts a strong light for us on Abyssinian aflairs — the zeal of Athanasius appears to have raised up a church in an absolutely heathen land. Frumentius of Tyre, the apostle of Abyssinia, first visited the country, when a mere youth, in 316 ; his uncle, with whom he travelled, was murdered by the natives : he was himself brought up as a slave in the court of Axum ; but his virtue and intelligence led to his being enfranchised ; and in his per- son Christianity, to which he had strictly adhered, appeared attractive. Repairing to St. Athanasius, then recently raised to the patriarchal chair of Alexandria, Fru- mentius was consecrated by him the first bishop of his adopted country. When he returned, the king and his people willingly received baptism. He chose Axum for his see; and this place remains to this day the official centre of Abyssinian Chris- tianity. As the work of conversion pro- ceeded, this see became the residence of a Metropolitan (abuna, father), having under him seven suft'ragans. The name 1 Acts viii. 27. 8 ABYSSINIAN CHURCH and rank of " Abuna '' are still retained, but the seven suffragans have disappeared. The bright promise of this commence- ment was soon overclouded. An effort, indeed, of Constantius to introduce Arian- ism failed ; but when, in the fifth century, Alexandria, along with the majority of the Eastern churches, rejected the decrees of Chalcedon, and the patriarchate became Monophysite, the Abyssiniaas followed ia the wake of their mother church, and they have never unanimously, or for long toge- ther, shaken off the heresy down to this day. In the sixth century the country was the object of a religious rivalry be- tween Justinian and the Empress Theo- dora, the former wishing to attach it to the Roman Church, the latter to preserve it for her Monophysite friends at Alexan- dria.i The empress, aided by the popular sympathies, prevailed; and the Abyssinian church, cut off from true OathoUc com- munion, and severed from the chair of Peter, became in the course of ages the strange, unprogressive, semi-pagan insti- tution which modern travellers have de- scribed. Thus, although never persecuted for the faith like the Irish and the Poles, the Abyssinians allowed its lustre to be tarnished and its moral fruits to pine and wither, through casting off that vitalising communion with the Holy See which has keptaUve the Irish and Polish nationalities in the face of secular persecution. In the seventeenth century, Abyssinia having been almost an unknown land to Europe for a thousand years, it was en- tered by Portuguese Jesuits, whose preach- ing was attended for a time by marked success. Two emperors in succession be- came Catholics ; a Jesuit was nominated patriarch of ^Ethiopia, and an outward reconciliation with Rome was effected. But the masses of the people remained un- influenced, and their hearts still yearned towards Egypt ; the patriarch Mendez is said to have acted imprudently in attempt- ing to ^abolish the rite of circumcision ; ^ the second Catholic emperor died, and his son expelled the Jesuits, and restored the connection with Alexandria. After a long interval of exclusion, Catholic missionaries have again entered Abyssinia in our days, and flourishing congregations have been formed in the northern and north-eastern districts, near Massowah.^ In 1875, ^ Eenaudot, quoted in Gibbon's Decline and Fall, c. 47. 2 Practised by the Abyssinians for sanitary, not for religious reasons. 5 Annals of the Propagation of Faith, 1876. ACEPHALI Monsignor Touvier, stationed at Keren, was Vicar Apostolic of the whole country. About that time missioners were sent into Amhara, the most important province, with the best results. " The sending of missioners into Amhara," wrote M. Duflos, in June 1875, "so often criticised, is now iustified by the immense results which it has produced." The Abima, or head of the Abyssinian church, is always an Egyptian monk, nominated by the Patriarch of Egypt. The cross is held in honour by the Abys- sinians, but the use of the crucifix is un- known. They tolerate paintings in their churches, but no sculptured figures. Their priests can marry once only, as in the Greek church. There is considerable de- votion to the Blessed Virgin, but, along with this and other Christian charac- teristics, various superstitious beliefs and practices are rife among them, to the great detriment of their morals and in- tellectual advancement. ACCiBEirT. [See Eucharist, I.(y).] iVCCliAM.a.TZOii'. The elevation to an ecclesiastical dignity by the unanimous voice of the electors, without voting. This is one of the three modes in which a Pope may be elected, and the election is said to he per iTispirationemfhecaMse "all the Cardinals, with a sudden and har- monious consent, as though breathed on by the Divine Spirit, proclaim some person Pontiff' with one voice, w ithout any pre- vious canvassing or negotiation, whence fraud or insidious suggestion could be sur- mised." (Vecchiotti, " Inst. Can." ii. 10.) iiCCOlVIMODATISB SENSE, IfwB quote Scripture to prove apoint of doctrine, we must of course try to ascertain the pre- cise meaning of the sacred writer, and then argue from the proper sense of his words. We may, however, take the words of Scripture and make an application of them which was not originally intended. In other words we may accommodate the sense to the needs of our own discourse or the subject we wish to illustrate. Thus when Baronius said of his unaided labour in compiling his ecclesiastical Annals, " I have trodden the wine-press alone," he used the words of Isaias in an accom- modated sense. This practice is innocent in itself, as is shown by the example of our Lord (Matt. iv. 4), and of St. Paul (Acts xxviii. 25-28), and is frequently adopted by the Church in the Missal and Breviary. ACEPHAX.Z. In the year 482 the Greek emperor Zeuo issued his " Henoti- ACCEMETI con," in order to reunite the Monophysites with the Church. The heretical leaders — e.g. Peter Mongus, Patriarch of Alexan- dria — were ready to accept the emperor's terms, but many of the heretics were more obstinate, and so were nicknamed " head- less" {aKk^akoC). ACffiMETX (sleepless). A name given to Eastern monks who maintained perpetual prayer, day and night. Each monastery was divided into three or more choirs, which relieved each other. This institute is said to have been introduced by Abbot Alexander, in a monastery on the Euphrates, at the beginning of the fifth century ; but their most famous house was that of Studium, in Constantinople. It was founded and endowed by the Roman Studius, from whom it took its name. In 633 the Accemeti attacked a formula used by other monks — "One of the Trinity suffered in the flesh " — and tried to pro- cure its condemnation by the Holy See. In this they failed ; they themselves fell into Nestorianism, and the formula was approved by Pope John II., and under anathema by the Fifth General Council.^ ACOIiYTE, from CLKokovBkai, tO fol- low; and here, to follow as a server or ministrant : a name given to the highest of the four minor orders. It is the duty of the acolyte to supply wine and water and to carry the lights at the Mass ; and the bishop ordains him for these functions by putting the cruets and a candle into his hand, accompanying the action with words indicating the nature of the office conferred. The order of Acolyte is men- tioned along with the others by Pope Cornelius^ in the middle of the thnd century. Their ordination is mentioned in an ancient collection of canons commonly, though wrongly, attributed to the Fourth Council of Carthage.^ The functions of acolytes are now freely performed by lay- men, though the order is still always re- ceived by those who aspire to the priest- hood.* ACTION*. (1.) A word used for the Canon of the Mass. Thus infra ac- tionem, in the rubrics of the Missal, means "within the Canon." Probably, the literal sense of "action" in this case is sacri- fice. (2.) The treatment of a particular 1 In the tenth of the fourteen anathemas of this Synod. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 897. 2 Euseb. Hist. vi. 43. 5 Hefele, Concil. ii. 70. * But see Concil. Tridentin. xxiii. 17. ACTS OF THE MARTYRS 9 subject in the session of a council. (Ka'aua, " Arch£eol. Diet.") ACTS OF THE MARTYRS. " Acta " is technically used in Latin (1) for the proceedings in a court of justice, and (2) for the official record of such proceed- ings, including the preliminaries of the trial, the actions and speeches of the con- tending parties, the sentence of the judge; which last, when it had been committed to the Acta, was proclaimed aloud by the public crier. " Acta martyrum," then, in its strict and original sense, meant the official and registered account of a mar- tyr's trial and sentence. Naturally enough, the early Christians were anxious to pos- sess these accurate narratives of the wit- ness which their brethren made to the truth of the Christian religion. In some cases, as appears from the Acta of St. Tarachus in Ruinart, they were able by means of a bribe to get a copy of the offi- cial document. This, however, could not always be done, and the want was supplied sometimes by accounts of his trial written by the martyr himself and supplemented with the history of his " passion " or suf- fering from the hands of those who had witnessed it ; sometimes by accounts which proceeded entirely from friends of the martyr ; sometimes, lastly (as in the Ro- man Church), notaries were appointed for the special purpose of setting down the incidents of the martyrdom in documents meant for public use in the Church. Thus the expression " Acta martyrum " came to be used in a more extended sense for any account of a martyr's confession and death. A vast number of original Acts per- ished in the year 303, when Diocletian by an imperial edict required Christians to deliver up to the magistrates their sacred books and books in ecclesiastical use. After the persecution of Diocletian was over, Eusebius of Caesarea made two collections of the Acts of Martyrs. One of them, en- titled Toiv dp)(aia)v fiaprvpicov (rvvaycoyq, a general Collection of the Acts of Martyrs, has perished ; the other, "On the Martyrs of Palestine," still survives as an appendix to the eighth book of his Church History. In the ninth century the Chiu'ch of Con- stantinople possessed a great collection of the Acts of the Martyrs in twelve volumes, and this probably formed the basis of the legends of saints and martyrs compiled by Simeon Metaphrastes (about 900). [In the West, the most famous collection of the Lives of saints and martyrs was the " Legenda Aurea " of Jacobus de Voragine (died 1298). 10 ADAM It is scarcely necessary to say that the value of the extant Acts of the Martyrs varies very much. Some, like the Acts of the Martyrdoms of St. Ignatius and of St. Polycarp, rank among the purest sources of ecclesiastical history. In other cases the original Acts have been interpolated in such a manner that it is hard to dis- tinguish the basis of historical fact from the structure of legend and fable which has been raised upon it. The Acts of St. Caecilia furnish a striking instance of Acts which exhibit this mixed character. Other Acta again, like many of those com- piled by Metaphrastes, possess little or no historical value. After the Renaissance, criticism set itself to distinguish what was ancient from that which was comparatively modern in the current Acts of the Martyrs, and in 1689 the learned Ruinart, a Bene- dictine of the congregation of St. Maur, published in a folio volume the "Acta sincera martyrum" (''Pure Acts of the Martyrs "), a work which can scarcely be surpassed in honest and accurate scholar- ship. In 1748, Stephen Assemani, a Maronite, issued his "Acta SS. martyrum orientalium et occidentalium," in two volumes folio. It includes the history of the martyrdoms east and west of the Tigris. [See also Bollandists.] ASAIVI, the first man. The Plebrew word, which probably means earth-born,^ is used for man in general, and also, as a proper name, for the first man. It is in the latter of these two senses that the word is taken here. Adam was formed from " the slime of the earth " by God, who " breathed into his face the breath of life and made him to his own image and likeness." From him all mankind are descended. '^ So far all is clear. But there are great difi:erences, with regard to the state in which Adam was created, between the teaching of Catholic and Protestant theologians, and, unless the doctrine of the Church with reference to the state of Adam in Paradise is clearly apprehended, it is impossible to understand many other parts of the Church's dog- matic system. We must begin by dis- tinguishing between the gifts bestowed on him in the order of nature and in that of grace. In the order of nature, Adam received from God human nature, including its constituent principles and all which flows from them or is due to them. Thus, as a man, he possessed reason and free will ; 1 See Gen. ii. 7. 2 Gen. ill. 20. ADAM he could know God as the Author of the world, if he chose to make a right use of his reason, and love Him with his will as the giver of natural good. God might have left man thus, without conferring any higher gift, for it would not have been unjust to create man for a state of "pure nature." So created, he would have been subject to disease, suflfering, and death, to ignorance and to the rebellion of the appe- tites. He would have been destitute of grace, and could never have hoped for the happiness of heaven. But, at the same time, he would have had the ordinary help of God's providence to assist him in avoiding sin and doing his duty; and if faithful to the natural law, he would have had his reward, in knowing God eternally, so far as He can be known by reason, and in union with liim by love. Such a state was possible.^ But as a matter of fact, God poured into the soul of A dam, while he was in Paradise,^ a boon which transcends all nature — that of sanc- tifying grace. He was able to believe in God as He is known by the light of faith, to hope that he would see Him after this life face to face, and to love Him with supernatural charity. Purther, this fullness of the gifts of grace afifected his natural powers. As grace subjected his soul to God, so the body in its turn was subject to the soul. The body could neither sutler nor die ; the lower appetite could not rebel against the reason.^ He had, moreover, that full knowledge of things human and divine which beseemed him, as the head of the human race. The Scriptural account of the fall is in striking harmony with the Catholic doc- trine on original justice. Our temptations come very often from within ; in Adam and Eve, because their appetites were in perfect subjection, such temptation was impossible. The Serpent tempted Eve, and Eve Adam, to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, that they might " become as gods." By the re- bellion, Adam lost that sanctifying grace which made him the friend of God. He also forfeited that " integrity of nature," 1 This is evidently the doctrine of the Church. See the propositions of Baius, espe- cially 26, 55, condemned by the Popes. 2 It is not certain, though generally held, that Adam was created in grace. The Council of Trent left the matter open. /T> ^ "■^/f'i''" S*-/^^l says, « [came] death " (Rom. v.). Adam and Eve before the fall, although naked, "were not ashamed," which indicates the complete subjection of the lower nature (Gen. u. 25). ADAMITES as theologians call it, which flowed from original justice, and thus his hody passed under the yoke of suffering and death ; the flesh became a constant incentive to sin. He still preserved reason and free will, was still capable of natural virtue and even of corresponding to the grace of repentance ; but just as the effects of the grace in which he had been constituted at ffrst overflowed on his natural faculties, so now the fall from grace darkened his intellect and weakened his will. Adam was the representative of the human race. If he had persevered in obedience, his descendants would have inherited from him, along with human nature, original justice and the virtues annexed to it. As it is, men come into the world destitute of grace, and so un- able to attain the end for which they were created ; while their very nature is wounded and impaired through the fall of their first parent. It is heresy, however, to hold, with Calvin and the other Re- formers, that even fallen man is wholly evil. It is grace, not nature, which he has lost, and in his degradation he still keeps reason and free will ; he is still capable of natural good. [See Concupiscence and Oeiginal Sin.J ADAMITES. (1.) An obscure Gnos- tic sect, said to have been founded by Prodicus, son of Carpocrates, in the second century. They are alleged to have met together without clothes and abandoned themselves to horrible immorality. (2.) A fanatical sect of the middle ages. Their leader, who called himself Adam, was a Frenchman whose real name was Picard (he may perhaps have come from Picardy). From France they spread through Holland and Germany, but had their chief settlement in Bohemia, where they flourished at the time of the Hussite troubles. They were annihilated with frightful severity by Ziska in 1421. They recommended their followers to go naked, and gave unrestrained licence to sensuality. ADmnrxsTRATOR. When a bishop is lawfully absent from his diocese for a prolonged period, the Pope sometimes grants him an " apostolic administrator" to take charge of the see. So, too, when a prince was ap- pointed to a bishopric before he was capable of governing it. The name is commonly applied to a priest in charge of a parish, but who is not himself the rector of the parish. Thus, a bishop's parish is under the care of an administrator. ADOPTIONISM 11 ADOPTION-. The Koman law held that by adoption a civil or legal kindred was established between the parties, which in many respects had the same effects as natural kindred. To this as a general principle the canon law adhered. But since, in proportion to the degree in which the adoptive was assimilated to the real relationship, impediments to marriage were multiplied, it became ne- cessary in the interest of Christian society to restrict the eflects of adoption within reasonable limits. So intricate a subject cannot be fully treated here, but the out- lines of the compromise which the canon- ists ultimately accLuiesced in may be briefly stated. The Roman law made void a marriage between (1) the adoptive father and his adopted daujihter ; (2) the adopted children and the natural children of the same parent ; (3) the adoptive father and the adopted son and the widows of these two respectively. In the first two cases the impediment to marriage was legal con- sanguinity: in the third, legal affinity. The canon law has affirmed the impedi- ment in the first and in the third case. A Catholic may not marry his adopted daughter, nor the widow of liis adoptive father. In the second case the impedi- ment only exists so long as the adopted child and the child by blood, or either of them, remain in the father's power ; that power being withdrawn, by death or otherwise, the impediment ceases. (See the chapter in Vecchiotti, " Inst. Can." v. 13, De cognations civili seu legali.) Adoption has never been recognised as a legal institution in England or Scot- land. In the United States it is ad- mitted, with more or less of restriction according to the ideas of jurisprudence prevailing in different States. In Massa- chusetts, by the law of 1876, adoption is an impediment to marriage between the adopter and the adopted, but to no other unions. The Code Napoleon allows adoption, but under rigorous conditions. (See Whitmore's " Law of Adoption ia the U.S.") ABOPTIOXTISM. A heresy which arose in Spain and is closely allied to Nestorianism. Towards the end of the eighth century, Felix, bishop of Urgel, and Elipandus, bishop of Toledo, held the opinion that Christ as man is only the adopted son of God. They supported this error by passages quoted from the Fathers and by the expression " homo adoptiyus " which occurs in the Mozarabic Missal. 12 ADORATION OF THE CROSS Pope Hadrian, in a letter to the Bishops of Spain, condemned this error as Nesto- rian,and a like sentence was passed against it in three synods convoked by Charle- magne, at Ratishonne in 792, at Francforfc in 794, and at Aix-la-Chapelle in 799. Alcuin, Paulinas of Aquileia, and Agobard wrote against the error. Both Felix and Flipandus died in heresy, but, owing to the zeal of Leidrad of Lyons and Bene- dict of Anagni, who made repeated visits to Spain, the followers of the heresiarchs were converted and the error died out. The Catholic Doctors in their contro- versy with the Adoptionists rightly urged that adoption implies that the person adopted was, previous to his adoption, alien to the person who adopts him. Now, even as man, Christ, far from being alien to God, was the natural son of God. His sacred Humanity was united from the first moment of its existence to the Per- son of God the Word. When we say "this man," we indicate not only the possession of human nature : the words signify a person. Hence " the man Christ" or '' Christ in His human nature " is equi- valent to God the Son subsisting in hu- man nature ; and He cannot have been adopted, for the simple reason that He was son by nature. So St. Paul speaks of Him even in His humanity as the proper Son of God. God, he says, did not spare His own Son {rod idiov viov) " but gave him up for us all : " ^ where the reference clearly is to Christ as man. The Adoptionist heresy "halts be- tween two opinions " — viz. Catholic doc- trine and Nestorianism. If in Christ there had been two persons, one human and one divine, then there might also have been two sons, one by adoption, one by nature. (See Petavius, " De Incarnat." i. 22, and yii. 1 seq. ; and for the opinion of Scotus, who seems to have used the form " Christ as man is the adopted Son of God," but in an orthodox sense, see Billuart, " De Incarnat." Diss, xxi.) ADORATION- OF THE CROSS, &.C, [See Latkia. See also Peepettjal ADOEATIOlir.] ASVliTSR'S'. The Catholic Church holds that the bond of marriage is not and ought not to be dissolved by the adultery of either party ; see the decree of the Council of Trent (Sess. xxiv.. Can. 7.) It remains to consider in what way the act affects, though it cannot break, the nuptial tie. The canon law allows of divorce from bed and board {a toro et 1 Rom. viii. 32. ADULTERY co^«6tY«^wne),whetherpermanentortem. porary, for various causes. Ot these causes adultery is one of the chiet. ihe right to this species of divorce, or, as it is called in England, judicial separation, accrues to either party in consequence of the adultery of the other, provided that the guilt be certain and notorious, whether in fact or in law. It was formerly help that this right, though it undoubtedly belonged to the husband after the mis- conduct of his wife, ought not to be simi- larly extended to a wife on account of the adultery of the husband. This opinion is not now held, and it is agreed that the adultery of either party is a sufficient cause entitling the innocent person to claim a judicial separation for life. Several questions, however, arise. Is the husband whose wife has committed adultery bound to separate himself from her, or does he merely enter into a right which he may either exercise or not as he likes ? Arguments of great weight have been adduced by canonists on either side of this question. But there is no doubt that the wife, in the parallel case, is not so bound, and that for reasons such as these : (1) that her husband's guilt im- plies no acquiescence on her part, which could hardly be the case were the wife the offender ; (2) that the honour of the family and the legitimacy of the children are not stained or imperilled in the one case as they are in the other; (3) that her insisting on being separated from him is not likely to lead to the husband's re- formation, but rather the contrary. Another question arises, as to the legal effect of the commission of adultery by the innocent party after the sentence of divorce (judicial separation) has been pronounced. On this point, opinions are greatly divided, some holding that the divorce is a res judicata, which no subse- quent misconduct on thepart of the spouse innocent at the date of the sentence can affect ; others maintaining that the sen- tence itself saddles the party relieved with an implied condition " quamdiu bene se gesserit" and that if that condition is violated, the spouse against whom the judgment was given may justly claim the restitution of conjugal rights. Various impediments to divorce on account of adultery are allowed by the canon law, of which the chief are, the proof of adultery against the spouse seek- ing a divorce, and condonation. The statute law of England, as is well known, holds the adultery of the wife to ADVElStT, SEASON OT be a good cause, not only of the limited species of divorce treated above, but of tbe absolute severance of the nuptial bond, provided always that, as the saying is, the husband comes into court with clean hands. But the proof of adultery alone does not entitle a wife to obtain a divorce a vinculo against the husband ; it must, to have that effect, be coupled with cruelty or desertion. [See Markiage.] — Vec- chiotti, V. 14, § 123. ADVEUTT, SEASOir OF. The period, of between three and four weeks from Advent Sunday (which is always the Sunday nearest to the feast of St. Andrew) to Christmas eve, is named by the Church the season of Advent. Dur- ing it she desires that her children should practise fasting, works of penance, medi- tation, and prayer, in order to prepare themselves for celebrating worthily the coming (adventum) of the Son of God in the flesh, to promote His spiritual advent within their own souls, and to school themselves to look forward with hope and joy to His second advent, when He shall come again to judge mankind. It is impossible to fix the precise time when the season of Advent began to be observed. A canon of a Council at Saragossa, in 380, forbade the faithful to absent themselves from the Church ser- vices during the three weeks from De- cember 17th to the Epiphany; this is perhaps the earliest trace on record of the observance of Advent. The singing of the "greater antiphons" at vespers is commenced, according to the lioman ritual, on the very day specified by the Council of Saragossa ; this can hardly be a mere coincidence. In the fifth century Advent seems to have been assimilated to Lent, and kept as a time of fasting and abstinence for forty days, or even longer — i.e. from Martinmas (Nov. 11) to Christ- mas eve. In the Sacramentary of Gregory the Great there are Masses for five Sundays in Advent ; but about the ninth century these were reduced to four, and so they have ever since remained, " "We may therefore consider the present discipline of the observance of Advent as having lasted a thousand years, at least as far as the Church of Rome is concerned." ^ With regard to fasting and abstinence during Advent, the practice has always greatly varied, and still varies, in different parts of the Church. Strictness has been ^ Gu^ranger's Liturgical Year, translated by Dom Shepherd, 1867. ADVENT, SEASON 0^ 13 observed, after which came a period of relaxation, followed by a return to strict- ness. At the present time, the Wednes- days and Fridays in Advent are observed as fast days by English and Irish Catho- lics ; but in France and other Continental countries the ancient discipline has loug ago died out, except among religious communities. There is a marvellous beauty in the offices and rites of the Church during this season. The lessons, generally taken from the prophecies of Isaias, remind us how the desire and expectation, not of Israel only, but of all nations, carried forward the thoughts of mankind, before the time of Jesus Christ, to a Redeemer one day to be revealed ; they also strike the note of preparation, watchfulness, compunction, hope. In the Gospels we hear of the terrors of the last judgment, that second advent which those who despise the first will not escape ; of the witness borne by John the Precursor, and of the "mighty works " by which the Saviour's life sup- plied a solid foundation and justification for that witness. At vespers, the seven greater antiphons, or anthems — beginning on December 17th, the first of the seven greater Ferias preceding Christmas eve — are a noteworthy feature of the liturgical year. They are called the O's of Advent, on account of the manner in which they commence ; they are all addressed to Christ ; and they are double — that is, they are sung entire both before and after the Magnificat. Of the first, O Sapientia, quce ex ore Aliisdmi prodiistif &c., a trace still remains in the words Sapientia printed in the calendar of the Anglican Prayer Book opposite December 16 — words which probably not one person in ten thousand using the Prayer Book understands. The purple hue of penance is the only colour used in the services of Advent, except on the feasts of saints. In many other points Advent resembles Lent : during its con- tinuance, in Masses de Tempore, the Gloria in excelsis is suppressed, the organ is silent, the deacon sings Benedicatmis Do- mino at the end of Mass instead of ItCj Missa est, and marriages are not solemn- ised. On the other hand, the Alleluia, the word of gladness, is only once or twice interrupted during Advent, and the organ finds its voice on the third Sunday ; the Church, by these vestiges of joy, signify- ing that the assured expectation of a Redeemer whose birth she will soon celebrate fills her heart, and chequers the gloom of her mourning with these i4 AbVENt Ol^ CHRIST gleams of brightness. (Fleury, "Hist. Eccl^s." xvii. 57 ; Gu^ranger's " Liturgi- cal Year.") .aSVEM-T or CHRIST. [See MlLLENTSnTTM.] ADVOCATUS DEI. ADVOCA- Tus DiABOXiZ. [See Caiton-isation.] ADVOCATUS ECCliESi^:. Fer- raris distinguishes four classes of advocati ecclesiarum, but the most important class, and that with which alone we shall con- cern ourselves here, was that of advocate- protectors, princes or barons, or other powerful laymen, who, for a considera- tion, undertook to protect the property of a church or monastery, as well as the lives of the inmates. In the turbulent period between the ninth and the thirteenth centuries this practice was largely resorted to. The admcatus sometimes received a kind of rent, either in money or in kind, but more generally he was put in posses- sion of Church lands, which he might use for his own benefit on condition of protect- ing the rest. "But these advocates became too often themselves the spoilers, and op- pressed the helpless ecclesiastics for whose defence they had been engaged." ^ The Lateran Council, in 1215, had to decree (chap. 45) " that patrons or advocates, or vidames, should not in future encroach on the property entrusted to them ; if they presume to do otherwise, let them be restrained by all the severity of the canon law." As law and order became stronger in Europe, the practice of employing advo- cati naturally fell into disuse. (Ferraris.) JE^OTSS, [See Gnosticism.] AETZVS and AETZATTS. Aetius was a native of Antioch, born in the first half of the fourth century He was a good example of the "Graeculus esuriens" satirised by Juvenal ; after having been successively a slave, a charcoal-burner, a tinker, and a quack doctor, he applied himself to the profession of philosophy, and finally to that of theology. He became a pupil of Leontius, who, on being made Patriarch of Antioch in 350, ordained Aetius deacon. The Arian sentiments to which he could not help giving expression, led to his expulsion from Antioch ; he sought refuge at Alex- andria, where he learnt from a sophist the Aristotelian logic, and contrived to ingratiate himself with George the Arian patriarch. Aided by a zealous disciple, Eunomius, who joined him at this time, he denied not only the doctrine of Nice, which the great Athanasius was engaged ' Hallaui's Middle Ages, c vii. part 1. Ai'i^miTi? in defending, but also thatof theHomoiou- sians that the Son was like to the Father. The laxity and recklessness of his lan- guage were such that the people called liim " the atheist." In 358, hearing that Eudoxus, an inveterate and audacious Arian, was installed at Antioch, Aetius went thither, and soon became a person of some importance. But Eudoxus could not prevail upon the bishops of the neighbouring sees to consent to his re- instating Aetius in the diaconate. Basil of Ancyra complained to the Emperor Constantine of the licence which was allowed to heresy at Antioch; and the Emperor in alarm ordered Eudoxus and Aetius to come to Constantinople. The authorship of an exposition of faith in which the unlikeness of the Son to the Father was maintained was brought home to Aetius, and the Emperor banished him to Phrygia (360). His place of exile was changed to Mopsuestia, and after- wards to an unhealthy town in Pisidia. Here he is said to have maintained his heresy yet more openly, and published in support of it a syllabus of forty-seven articles, which St. Epiphanius has pre- served and refuted. The date of his death is not recorded. (Fleury, " Hist. Eccl^s." xii.-xiv.) AFFlNlTTr, in the proper sense of the word, is the connection which arises from cohabitation between each one of the two parties cohabiting, and the blood- relations of the other. It is regarded as an impediment to marriage in the Jewish, Roman, and canon law. In the Jewish law a man is forbidden, by reason of affinity, to marry his step- mother, step-daughter, and step-grand- daughter, his mother-in-law and daughter- in-law, the widow of his father's brother (the Vulgate adds the widow of his mother's brother), the widow of his brother, if he has left children.^ In the Roman law marriage was for- bidden between a man and his mother-in- law, daughter-in-law, step-mother, step- daughter, the wife of his deceased brother, the sister of his deceased wife. It also forbade a step-father to marry the widow of his step-son, and a step-mother to marry the surviving husband of her step- daughter. The canon law, starting from the principle that man and woman who have intercourse with each other become one flesh, considered the marriage of one \. ^ h^"^'^^ ^^^"- ^' 14-17; XX. 11, 12, 14, 20, 21 ; Deut. xxii. 30 ; xxvii. 20, 23. AJ'FINITY party with the relations of the other as equivalent to a marriage with his or her own relation. Affinity was computed by degrees just as consanguinity was, accord- ing to the legal maxim, " The degree of a person's consanguinity with one of a married pair is the degree of his affinity to the other." Thus gradually marriage was forbidden to the seventh degree of affinity.^ Further, although the relations of one married person could espouse the relations of the other, on the principle that " affinity does not produce affinity," still the impediment of affinity was ex- tended to the children a woman had by her second marriage and the relations of her first husband. Moreover, two other kinds of affinity were introduced, viz. of the second and third class {secundi et tertii generis), so that marriage was unlawful between a man married to a widow and those who had affinity to his wife's former partner, or, again, who had affinity to those who were in affinity to the former partner. Finally, all these degrees of affinity were contracted by unlawful in- tercourse as well as by marriage. In 1215 the fiftieth canon of the Fourth Lateran Council abolished the impedi- ment from affinity of the second and third class, as well as that from affinity between the children a woman had in second mar- riage and the relations of her first hus- band, and limited the impediment of affinity in the strict sense to the first four degrees. Lastly, the Council of Trent ^ confined the impediment of affinity from unlawful intercourse to the first two de- grees, and so the law of the Church con- tinues to the present day. Thus, affinity arising from previous marriage, to the fourth degree, and from unlawful inter- course, to the second degree (both inclu- sive), makes marriage null and void, and, if it supervenes after marriage, deprives the guilty party of his or her marriage rights. However, with one possible exception, viz. that between a man and the woman whose mother or daughter he has married, or, vice versa, between a woman and a man to whose father or son she has been married, affinity impedes mar- riage only by ecclesiastical, not by natural law, so that the Pope can grant a dispen- sation.^ Besides the various classes of affinity properly so called, there are further two 1 Concil. Rom. anno 721, ^ Sess. xxiv. c. 4. 5 Gurv, Moral. Then!. "De Matrimon." § 813, with Ballerini's note. Ai^RtCAJsT CtttiRCIt 16 species of quasi-affinity, known as legal and spiritual affinity. With regard to the former, the Church has adopted the de- termination of the Roman law, according to which marriage cannot be contracted between an adopted son and the widow of his adoptive father, or between the adoptive father and the widow of the adopted son. [See Adoption.] Accord- ing to the canon law, spiritual affinity nullified marriage between the widow or widower of the God-parent in baptism and the person baptised or confirmed, and between the widow or widower of the God-parent and either parent of the per- son confirmed or baptised. Since, how- ever, the Council of Trent, in reforming the older law on spiritual relationship {cognatio spiritualis), makes no mention of spiritual affinity, it is generally sup- posed that the latter is no longer to be recognised as an impediment to marriage. iLFRZCAir CHURCH AN-D COUM*- CZliS. Among the witnesses of the Pentecostal miracle ^ were Jews, not from Egypt only, but also from " the parts of Libya about Cyrene," and by some of these Christianity must have been ex- tended in North Africa at a very early period. Eusebius tells us that St. Mark went into Egypt, and founded the Church of Alexandria, of which he was the first patriarch. The first see founded further west is believed to have been Carthage, which, at the time when we first hear of it, through Tertullian, one of its presby- ters, writing about 200, was already the centre of a flourishing Afro-Eoman Christian province, in which the majority of the inhabitants were Christians. Mona- chism sprang up in Egypt [Abbot] in the third centiu-y, and the heresy of Arius appeared at Alexandria near the beginning of the fourth. A flood of light is thrown upon the condition of the African Church in the fifth century by the writings of its greatest son, St. Augustine, bishop of Hippo, whose vast and disciplined genius has never ceased to instruct and delight the Catholics of every later age. When St. Augustine died (430), his episcopal city was being besieged by the Vandals from Spain, who soon after made themselves masters of the whole of Roman Africa. They were Arians, and cruelly persecuted the ortho- dox Church, which in the time of St. Augustine could count its four hundred sees. The Donatist schism, which seduced great numbers into a state of alienation 1 Acts ii. 10. 16 AFRICAN CHUECH from Catholic communion, had already arisen about the beginning of the fifth century. [Aeianism ; Donatists.] Be- lisarius in the sixth century defeated the Vandals and recovered Africa for the Emperor Justinian ; but Christianity had not had time to recover from the blows which war and heresy had inflicted, be- fore the swords of the Arabs, fanatical propagators of the religion of Mohammed, hewed down, from the Nile to the Pillars of Hercules, all authority but their_ own. Under their baneful sway, which in the early ages of Islam was wielded with great political skill, Christianity became all but extinct in North Africa. Only in our own day, through the conquest of Algeria by the French, the Cross has driven back the Crescent on the Barbary coast ; and the intrepid Cardinal Lavi- gerie. Archbishop of Algiers, seems likely to reillume a ray of the ancient glory of the African Church. The present state of Christianity in Africa may be briefly described as fol- lows : (I) in Egypt, to which is annexed Arabia, there are two vicariates, one for the Latins, the other of the Coptic rite. Following the Mediterranean coast, we find (2) an archbishop's see at Carthage (Tunis), and (3) an archbishop's see at Algiers, with two sufiragan sees, Con- stantina and Gran. 4, Ceuta, a Spanish possession opposite Gibraltar, gives part of his title to the Bishop of Cadiz. 6. In the islands on the west coast of Africa are four bishoprics : the Canaries, under Seville ; Madeira, St. Thomas, and the Cape de Verd Islands, under Lisbon. 6. The vicariate of Senegambia. 7. All the coast from Sierra Leone to the Niger, including the vicariate of Benin, has been lately committed by the Holy See to the charge of the Society of African Missions at Lyons. 8. The See of Angola (Portuguese). 9. A large thinly peopled district, between the Portuguese posses- sions and the Orange River, has been re- cently erected into a prefecture under the title of Cimbebasia. 10. At the Cape are two vicariates, the Eastern and the Western. 11. The vicariate of Natal. 12. The see of Port Louis, Mauritius, is immediately dependent on the Holy See. 13. The vicariate of Madagascar. 14. North Zanzibar is under a vicar apo- stolic ; the southern portion is under a prefect apostolic. 15. The vicariate of the Gallas. 16. The Abyssinian Christians [Abtssiniajt Chuech] are under the jurisdiction of the Latin vicar apostolic of AGAtE Egypt 17. The vicariate of Central Africa with its seat at El Obeid in Cordofan._ Thus is Africa ringed round with Catholic missions, so that, if France should ever have a Christian government, or Portuguese governors go out animated by the fervour of the Albuquerques of former days, a great and sudden spread of Christianity among the descendants of Ham is far from improbable. On the other hand it has to be admitted that the Moravians, the Presbyterians, the Inde- pendents, the Anglicans, and other sects, have shown much activity in indoctrina- ting the native tribes (especially of South Africa and Madagascar) in their respec- tive systems, and met with considerable success. AFRZCAKr cousTCXliS. These were for the most part held at Carthage. In the first foifrcenturies the African Church, full of activity and fervour, and repre- sented by men of the highest intellectual eminence, among whom we need but name St. Cyprian and St. Augustine, bore its part to the full in those memor- able conciliar discussions which settled the form of doctrine and discipline that Christianity was to bear in the world. The chief subjects discussed at the Afri- can councils which preceded the Vandal invasion were, the re-baptism of heretics returning to the Church, theDonatist con- troversy, the heresy of Pelagius, and the adjustment of questions of discipline either internal or between Africa and Rome. Fleury enumerates seventeen Coimcils of Carthage, the last of which, held in 535, busied itself with repairing the havoc which the ravages of the Arian heretics had made. We read of an African Coun- cil, the last of the entire series, held in 646, which condemned the JEcthesis of Heraclius. In the following year the Caliph Othman despatched the expedi- tion which, with others that followed it, brought utter ruin on the Roman and Christian civilisation of Africa. AGAPZ: (from dyanr), love). A name given in Jude 12 to the brotherly feasts of the early Christians, which are described at length in 1 Cor. xi. They were instituted in part on the analogy of the common meals usual among the Greeks (o-ucro-iVta) to which each contri- buted his share ; but this co'inmon meal was elevated by the spirit of Christian charity and designed to commemorate the last supper which Christ held with His disciples, as well as to serve for the relief of the poor. Thus it received a liturgical AGE, CANONICAL character, so that the Apostle calls it " the supper of the Lord."^ It was also closely connected with the sacred mysteries, and, more probably, preceded them. However, this custom of taking other food before the communion soon died out, although in St. Augustine's time the custom still survived of permitting communion once a year — viz. on Holy Thursday — to those who had just partaken of the agape. ^ The Agape thus separated from the Eu- charist survived for many centuries in the Church, although it was evident even in St. Paul's day how liable it was to abuse, and the complaints of St. Augustine prove that he was familiar with similar scan- dals. The Synod of Gangra, about the middle of the fourth century, anathemati- ses those who despise the Agape, although Van Espen is of opinion that in this place the Agape means no more than a common meal charitably supplied to the poor,' Be that as it may, the Agapai still continued to be celebrated in the Church. The Council of Laodicea, in the latter part of the fourth century, forbade " eating in the house of God," but the Synod in Trullo, centuries after, had to repeat the prohibition, which was placed by Gratian in the corpus juris. '^ AGE, CAnroDTiCAib. The Church, like the State, fixes certain ages at which her subjects become capable of incurring special obligations, enjoying special pri- vileges, of entering on special states of life, or of holding office and dignity. The following is a summary of the principal determinations regarding age, so far as they affect (1) the ordinary life of a Christian, (2) the ecclesiastical and re- ligious state. It must be observed that the canonical age is reckoned from the day of birth, not from that of baptism. 1. With regard to ordinary Christians. The age of reason is generally supposed to begin about the seventh year, though of course it may come earlier in some cases, later in others. At that time a child be- comes capable of mortal sin, and so of receiving the sacraments of penance and extreme unction, which are the remedies for post-baptismal sin. The Holy Eu- charist and Confirmation, according to the discipline of the West, are usually given 1 In Estius ad loc. convincing reasons are given for distinguishing the " Supper of the Lord " from the Eucharist. 2 See Estius, and the Council of Hippo, Hefele, ConcUiengeschichte, ii. p. 58. 5 Hefele, ib. i. 784. "* lb. i. 767. AGNOET^ 17 some time after the use of reason has been attained, when the child has received some instruction in Christian doctrine, and is able to understand the nature of these sacraments. Further, at seven years of age, a child becomes subject to the law of the Church (e.y. with regard to absti- nence, Sunday Mass, &c.), and can con- tract an engagement of marriage. [See Espousal.] The age of puberty begins in the case of males at fourteen, in that of females at twelve. Marriage contracted by persons under these ages is null and void {nisi malitia suppleat cBtatem). Till the age of puberty is reached, no one can be required to take an oath. At twenty-one, the obligation of fast- ing begins; it ceases, according to the common opinion, at sixty. 2. With regard to religious and eccle- siastics. — At seven, a person may be ton- sured. No special age is named in the canon law for the reception of minor orders. A subdeacon must have com- pleted his twenty-first, a deacon his twenty-second, a priest his twenty-fourth, and a bishop his thirtieth year. A cleric cannot hold a simple benefice before entering on his fourteenth year ; an eccle- siastical dignity — e.g. a canonry in a cathedral church — till he has completed his twenty-second year; a benefice with cure of souls attached to it, before he has begun his twenty-fifth year ; a dio- cese, till he has completed his thirtieth year. A religious cannot make his profession till he is at least sixteen years old, and has passed a year in the noviciate. He must be thirty years of age before he can hold a prelacy which involves quasi- episcopal jurisdiction. A girl must be over twelve years of age before she assumes the religious habit. A woman under forty cannot be chosen religious superior of a convent, unless it is impossible to find in the order a religious of the age required, and otherwise suitable. In this case, a religious thirty years old may be chosen with the consent of the bishop or other superior. (See Council of Trent, Sess. xxiii. xxiv. xxv. Ferraris, " Bibliotheca Prompta.") AGN'OETA:. a sect of Monophy- sites founded by the Alexandrian deacon Themistius, and hence also called Themis- tians. Themistius, although, being a Mono- physite, he held only one nature of the Incarnate Word, maintained that this na- ture was subject to ignorance. Timothy, 18 AGNUS DEI Patriarch of Alexandria, and his suc- cessor Theodosius (537-539) opposed this assertion, which led logically to the con- fession of two natures, or to the open denial of Christ's divinity. Thereupon, the Agnoetse formed themselves into a special sect which lasted till the eighth century. (See Petavius, " De Incarnat." I. xvi. 11. Hefele, " Concihengeschichte," ii. 574.) AGNUS DEI. (1) A prayer m the Mass, which occurs shortly before the communion — "Lamb of God, who takest away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. Lamb of God, who takest away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. Lamb of God, &c., give us peace." It has been used since the time of Pope Ser- gius, in the seventh century. Originally (according to some, till the time of John XXII.), each petition ended with " have mercy on us " ; and this custom still con- tinues in the Lateran basilica (Gavant.). (2) The figure of a lamb stamped on the wax which remains from the Paschal candles, and solemnly blessed by the Pope on the Thursday after Easter, in the first and seventh years of his Pontificate. Amalarius, writing early in the ninth century,^ mentions the fact that in his time the Agnus Dei's were made of wax and oil by the Archdeacon of Rome, blessed by the Pope, and distributed to the people on the octave of Easter. A bull of Gregory XIII. forbids persons to paint or gild any Agnus Dei blessed by the Pope, under pain of excommunication.^ A^B. A vestment of white linen, reaching from head to foot and with sleeves, which the priest puts on before saying Mass, with the prayer — "Make me white, Lord, and cleanse me," &c. It sprang from the under-garment (the tunica, or 7ro8r]pT]s) of the Romans and Greeks, which was usually white, although alba does not occur as a technical term for the white tunic till nearly the end of the third century. The Greek under-garment had sleeves, and it was this which the Chris- tians adopted for ecclesiastical iise. The alb was adopted for Church use from early times. Eusebius speaks of bishops clothed in the holy nobrjpTjs. A canon attributed to the Fourth Council of Car- thage, 398, and which certainly belongs to that period, orders deacons to use the alb " only at the time of the oblation or of reading." In 589, the Council of Nar- bonne forbade deacons, subdeacons, or I Fleury, xlvii. 36. ^ St. Liguori, T/ieol. Moral, vii. n. 209. ALBIGENSES lectores to put ofi" the alb before the end of Mass. At the same time, long after this date the alb continued to be worn, at least by clerics, in daily life. Thus, in 889, a Bishop of Soissons forbids an eccle- siastic to use at Mass the same alb which he is accustomed to wear at home. The shape of the alb has remained much as it was, for it is a mistake to sup- pose that it ever was a tight-fitting gar- ment. As a rule, too, it was always made of linen, whence it is often called linea, but it was sometimes made of silk, and adorned with gold and with figures. It was also in ancient times ornamented with stripes of purple or gold. Another ancient ornament of the alb consisted in the^ara- tura, which was in use from the eleventh to the sixteenth century. This paratura (from par are, to adorn : French, parure) was a square piece of coloured embroidery from half a foot to one foot in length, sewed on at four places in the alb. The mystical meaning of this vestment is plainly indicated by the prayer given above. (Hefele, " Beitrage," &c.) A^BIGEXTSES. Theseliereticswere so named from the town of Alby in Lan- guedoc, where a Council was held in 1176 which condemned their doctrines. They owed their Manichaean tenets to the Pauli- cian sect, which, originally formed in Ar- menia in the eighth century, was exiled to Bulgaria, and, becoming very powerful there, gradually extended its numbers and influence up the valley of the Danube, and passed out of Swabia into the south-east of France. Their teachers assumed a great simplicity of manners, dress, and mode of life ; they inveighed against the vices and worldliness of the clergy ; and there was sufficient truth in these censures to dispose their hearers to believe what they advanced and reject what they de- cried. They taught the well-known doc- trine of the Manichseans, that there are two opposing creative principles, one good, the other evil: the invisible world pro- ceeding from the former, the body and all material things from the latter.^ They also rejected the Old Testament, said that infant baptism was useless, and denied marriage to the "perfect," as they called their more austere members. The con- demnation of their tenets by the Council of Alby produced little or no efiect; they still multiplied and spread ; and Raymond 1 Protestant writers have denied this, but it has been conclusively'- established by, among others, Mr. Hallam, m his Hhtory of the Middle Ages, ch. ix. part 2. AX.EXANDRIA VI., Count of Toulouse, protected them. Innocent III. sent Peter of Castelnau to Languedoc, as his legate, to oppose the spread of the mischief. In 1206 Diego, the holy Bishop of Osmain Spain, attended by Dominic his sub-prior, engaged in a mission in the south of France, the result of which was to bring back great numbers to the Catholic faith. The legate having been murdered in 1208 by a servant of the Count of Toulouse, Innocent proclaimed a crusade or holy war, with indulgences, against the Albigensian heretics, and re- quested Philip II., the King of France, to put himself at its head. The king refused, but permitted any of bis vassals to join it who chose. An army was collected, com- posed largely of desperadoes, mercenary soldiers, and adventurers of every descrip- tion, whose sole object was plunder. Ray- mond, in great fear, not only promised all that was demanded of him, but assumed the Cross himself against his protegis. The war opened in 1209 with the siege of B^ziers and the massacre of its inhabi- tants. Simon de Montfort, the father of the famous Earl of Leicester, was made Count of the territories conquered. The war lasted many years and became politi- cal ; in its progress great atrocities were committed, Languedoc was laid desolate, and the Proven9al civilisation destroyed. Peace was made in 1227, and the tribunal of the Inquisition established soon after. St. Dominic, who preached zealously in Languedoc while the war was proceeding, and founded his celebrated Order in 1216, is thought by some to have been the first Inquisitor ; but this seems to be a mistake. (Gibbon, liv. ; Fleury, Ixxii.) AIiEXAN-DRIA (Church of). The foundation of this Church by Mark the Evangelist, the epixrjvcvTrjs Uerpovj as he is called by Papias, has been already noticed [Apeican Church]. The names of eighteen bishops of Alexandria between St. Mark and St. Athanasius are on re- cord, but little is known about most of them. Demetrius, who died in 234, is known as having been the great Origen's bishop, who first favoured and afterwards persecuted that extraordinary man. The eighteenth in succession to St. Mark was Alexander, one of the fathers who sat at Nicsea. Under him arose the Arian con- troversy [Aeians, Aeitts]. Athanasius [see that article'] succeeded Alexander in 326, and after battling with Arianism for more than forty years, passed the close of his stormy life in peace, dying in 373. Even in the fourth century, a large pro- ALEXANDRIA 19 portion of the people of Alexandria were idolaters, as is shown by the story of George the intrusive Arian bishop, mur- dered in a popular rising Itecause he was believed to have insulted some of the heathen rites. In the fifth and sixth centuries Monophysite bishops had pos- session from time to time of the see of Alexandria, which now began to be called a patriarchate [Pateiaechate]. The people of Egypt became generally at- tached, with the greater part of their clergy, to the doctrine of one nature in Christ, and rejected the decrees of Chalcedon. But these decrees, after a long period of more or less direct opposi- tion, were espoused by the Byzantine emperors, and imposed by force on all the countries under their rule. Hence it happened that the Coptic Monophysites, when Amrou, the lieutenant of Omar, invaded Egypt in 638, were in the posi- tion of an oppressed sect, and they eagerly joined their forces to those of the Arabs in order to drive out the Greek officials and the orthodox creed. From that time the patriarchate of Alexandria has been Monophysite, and severed from Catholic communion . Alexandria having again become a place of considerable trade, there is now a fair sprinkling of Catholics in the population, for whom Gregory XVI. created a Vicariate. On the present Patriarch of Alexandria of the Latin rite, see Patriaech. AXiEXAN-BRZA (School of). Found- ed by Alexander the Great about B.C. 330, Alexandria rapidly grew in popula- tion and wealth, and numbered, towards the Christian era, more than six hun- dred thousand inhabitants.^ Under the Ptolemies Greek literature flourished there with extraordinary brilliancy in every department of thought. The Jews, who settled there in great numbers, struck by the fecundity of the Greek mind, strove to turn it from its errors, and convert it to the belief in the unity of the Godhead. The Hebrew Scriptures were under this impulse translated into Greek [Septua- gint], and a school of eminent writers arose, among whom the most distinguished were Philo and Josephus. In a place so full of learning and intellectual strife, Christianity could only hold its ground, after being once planted, by entering seriously into the philosophical debate, and justifying, by arguments which the learned would appreciate, the wisdom of God in the revelation through Christ. 1 Gibbon, ch. x, 02 20 ALLEGORICAL SENSE Hence arose the Christian school of Alexandria, the great lights of which — Pantaenus, Origen, and Clement — lived in the third century. Among the numer- ous works of Origen the most celebrated are his commentaries on Scripture (he was the founder of Biblical criticism), the " Principia" and the book "Contra Celsum." Clement is known chiefly as the author of the "Pedagogus" and the " Stromata." The latter (the name means " hangings," " tapestries ") is a multifarious treatise, in which he professes to fashion a web of Christian philosophy, discussing the con- duct and the sentiments which should belong to a Christian in all the more important relations and emergencies of life. The rise of Arianism, and the con- flicts to which it led, checked the pro- sperity of the School of Alexandria. St. Athanasius writes rather as a worker than as a thinker, and after him no great name occurs till that of Cyril of Alex- andria, who, though not inactive as a writer, employed his stern will and vigorous intellect chiefly in repressing all dissent from the creed of Ephesus (430). AI.Z.EGORICilI. SBIUSE. [See Mystical Sense.] AIi]LEIiTTZA. From two Hebrew words united by a hyphen, meaning " praise Jah," or " praise the Lord." It occurs frequently in the last fifty psalms, but nowhere else in the Old Testament, except Tobias, c. 13. In the Apocalypse, St. John mentions that he heard the angels singing it in heaven. The early Christians kept the word in its original Hebrew form, and we know from St. Jerome that children were taught to pro- nounce it as soon as they could speak, while it was sung during his time by the Christian coimtry-people in Palestine, as they drove the plough. According to Sozomen, the Roman Church did not use it in her public services, except on Easter Sunday. At present, it constantly occurs in the Roman Mass and office ; indeed, it is always used in the Mass between the Epistle and Gospel except at certain times when the Church omits it altogether, as a sign of mourning. It is thus omitted from Septuagesima to Holy Saturday ; in ferial Masses during Advent ; on the feast of the Holylnnocents, unless it falls on a Sunday ; on all vigils which are fasting-days, if the Mass of the vigil be said, and in all Requiem Masses. It is, however, used in the Mass on the vigil of Easter (Holy Saturday) and of Pentecost, because the ALMS Masses were anciently said at night, and belonged to the solemnity of the respec- tive feasts. (Benedict XIV. " De Miss." ii. 5.) Alili SAINTS. As early as the fourth century, the Greeks kept on the first Sunday after Pentecost the feast of all martyrs and saints, and we still possess a sermon of St. Chrysostom de- livered on that day. In the West, the feast was introduced by Pope Boni- face IV. after he had dedicated, as the Church of the Blessed Virgin and the Martyrs, the Pantheon, which had been made over to him by the Emperor Phocas. The feast of the dedication was kept on the thirteenth of May. About 731 Gregory III. consecrated a chapel in St. Peter's Church in honour of all the saints, from which time All Saints' Day has been kept in Rome, as now, on the first of Novem- ber. From about the middle of the ninth century, the feast came into general ob- servance throughout the West. It ranks as a double of the first class with an octave. Alili SOTTIiS DAT. A solemn commemoration of, and prayer for, all the souls in Purgatory, which the Church makes on the second of November. The Mass said on that day is always the Mass of the dead, priests and others who are under obhgation of reciting the breviary are required to say the matins and lauds from the office of the dead in addition to the office which is said on that day ac- cording to the ordinary coiirse, and the vespers of the dead are said on the first of November, immediately after the vespers of All Saints. This solemnity owes its origin to the Abbot Odilo of Clugny, who instituted it for all the monasteries of his congregation in the year 998. Some authors think there are traces at least of a local celebration of this day before Odilo's time. With the Greeks Saturday was a day of special prayer for the dead, particularly the Saturday before Lent and that which preceded Pentecost. (Thomas- sin, "Traits des Festes," liv. ii. ch. 21.) AliMS (from eXe-qnocrvvT)), originally a work of mercy, spiritual or temporal, and then used to denote material gifts bestowed on the poor. Almsgiving is frequently and urgently enjoined in the Old Testament.^ So highly did the Jews think of this duty, that in Chaldee almsgiving is expressed 1 E.g. Levit. xix. 9, 10 ; xxiii. 22 ; Deut. XV. 11. ALMONER by a word wMch signifies justice or righteousness, and in the LXX the word eXerj^oa-vvT] or " abnsgiYLng " is often used to translate the Hebrew for justice or righteousness. In the New Testament Christ mates almsdeeds in those who are able to perform them an absolute condition of sal"vation.^ St. Paul exhorts the faith- ful to lay by every week something for the needs of the poor ; and the numerous reli- gious orders which devote themselves chiefly or in part to the care of the poor, prove that the spirit of Christ and His Apostles still animates the Church. All are of course strictly bound to re- lieve the poor, when they are in extreme necessity — i.e. when they are in proximate danger of death, or grievous siclrness through want. Besides this, St. Liguori teaches that persons are bound, out of that part of their income which remains over when they have made suitable pro- vision for themselves and their families, to relieve the ordinary necessities of the poor. The sum which a rich man is strictly bound to give in charity must vary in varying circumstances, and can never be fixed exactly ; but, apart from strict obligation, the blessings promised to generous almsgiving for the love of God will always prove a strong incentive with the Christian soul. Ecclesiastics are bound to spend all the revenues of their benefices, except what is required for their own maintenance, in pious uses. The poor of the place, if they are in serious need, must be considered first,'^ and if the cure of souls is attached to the benefice, the cleric who holds it is bound to seek out the poor in his district. (St. Liguor. " Theol." lib. iii. 31 seq., lib. iv. 497.) AlilVlOia'BR ieleemosynarius). An ecclesiastic at the court of a king or prince, or in a noble mansion, having the charge of the distribution of alms. From the fourteenth century the office of Grand Almoner in France rose into even greater importance, because this officer had the charge of the king's ecclesiastical patronage. The Revolution swept it away; under the Second Empire it re- appeared ; but it has not survived Sedan, One of the Anglican bishops has the title of Lord High Almoner, and dis- penses the sovereign's alms. Chaplains of any kind are commonly called almoners in France. The aumonier de lafiotte is a functionary of considerable importance, 1 Matt. XXV. 34 seq. 8 So at least some grave authors say. ALTAR 21 on whose nomination chaplains are ap- pointed to ships, and also to hospitals. AXiOGl. Anamegivenby Epiphaniua to heretics who denied the doctrine of the Word (A dyes') and rejected St. John's writings {i.e. the Apocalypse as well as the Gospel) on the ground that they did not agree with the rest of Scripture. Epiphanius speaks of Theodotus of By- zantium as an ofishoot of this sect. This man, known as Theodotus the tanner, held that Jesus was a mere man, born, however, miraculously of a virgin ; that Christ was united to him at his baptism, descending on him as a dove and confer- ring supernatural powers. Artemon taught the same doctrine. The heretics claimed to have the early Roman Church on their side, alleging that it had been corrupted by Zephyrinus, an assertion, as a contemporary writer quoted by Euse- bius observes, abundantly confuted by the writings of the first Christians, and the hymns in which "from the beginning" Christ had been called God. Theodotus was excommunicated by Pope Victor at the end of the second century. Theodotus, the money-changer, taught similar doc- trine, with the addition of certain Gnostic extravagances. He made Christ an aeon . who had descended on Jesus, Melchisedec an a^-on superior to Christ.^ Eusebius, with other ancient authori- ties, speaks of Paul of Samosata as renew- ing the error of Artemon. Paul, bishop of Antioch, was notorious for his avarice, love of worldly pomp, and irregular life. He conceived of the Word and Holy Ghost as mere attributes of God, not divine Persons. Jesus was a mere man, born of a virgin and enlightened in an extra- ordinary degi-ee by the Word or Wisdom of God, After twice deceiving the bishops assembled in council at Antioch by false statements and false promises, he was deposed at a third Antiochene council in 269.=^ [See Antiooh, par. 7.] Similarly Beryllus, bishop of Bostra in Arabia, denied the pre- existence and divinity of Jesus Christ. The bishops who met in council against him called in Origen to their help, and the latter suc- ceeded in bringing back BeryUus to the truth.^ AIiTAR. The Hebrew word nlTp which is usually translated "altar," means literally " a place for sacrifice ; " and in the New Testament its equivalent is 1 Euseb. v. 28 ; Philosoplmm. vii. 35. 36. 2 Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, 1. 135 seq. I 5 Euseb. Hist. vi. 33. 22 ALTAR dva-iao-Trjpiov. The sacred writers avoid the common Greek word for altar, /Sw/xt^y/ '^ a raised place," adopting the unclassical word dvaiao-rrjpLov, because by doing so they avoided the heathen associations con- nected with the common Greek term, be- sides expressing much more distinctly the purpose of sacrifice for which an altar is built. Whether the Christian altar is mentioned by name in the Bible is doubt- ful. There is some ground for supposing that it is referred to in Matt. v. 23, and in Hebrews xiii. 10. It has been argued that when our Lord imposes a precept of forgiveness before the gift is presented at the altar, he did not mean to give the Jews a new law with regard to their sacrifices, which were soon to pass away, but to establish the indissoluble connection be- tween the Eucharist Sacrifice of His Church and brotherly love. Similarly, it is urged that when the writer of tb e Epistle to the Hebrews asserts "we have an altar, of which they have no right to eat who serve the tabernacle," he is setting altar against altar, and declaring the impossi- bility of partaking in the Jewish sacrificial feastings and joining at the same time in the sacrificial banquet of the new law. It is certainly difficult to understand the " altar " as the altar of the cross, which is never once called an altar in the New Testament, and though, of course, an altar it indisputably is, still nobody ate of the sacrifice offered on it. At the same time, these interpretations are by no means held by all Catholic commentators.^ However it may stand with the name, the existence of the thing is implied in the New Testament doctrine of sacrifice [see Mass], and the name occurs in the very earliest Christian writers. "There is one flesh," says St. Ignatius the disciple of St. John, " one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one chalice for imion with His blood, one altar {Ovo-iao-Trjpiov), as one bishop."^ So Tertullian describes Christians as stand- ing at the "altar of God;"* and the same word "altar" is used in the Apostolic Con- stitutions and in the ancient liturgies. These testimonies are in no way weakened by passages in Minucius Felix and Arno- bius,who in their controversies withPagans deny the existence of Christian altars. Obviously, they deny that altars such as the Pagan ones were in use among Chris- 1 Bco/xSs occurs only once in the N.T., and then of a heathen altar : Acts xvii. 23. 2 Maldonatus ignores that given above, of Matt. V. 23. Estius, following St. Thomas, distinctly rejects that of Heb. xiii. 10. 3 Fhilad. 4. ■* De Orat. 19. ALTAR tians; just as one of these authors allows that there were no temples among Chris- tians, though churches are distinctly re- cognised in the edicts of the Diocletian era, and are known to have existed at a still earlier date.^ In early times the altar was more usually of wood ; and an altar of this kind is still preserved in the church of St. John Lateran at Rome, on which St. Peter is said to have celebrated Mass.*^ But the tombs of martyrs in the Catacombs and elsewhere were also used for the Holy Sacrifice, the slab of marble which covered the sepulchre serving as an altar-table; and for almost fourteen centuries, that part of the altar on which the Eucharist is consecrated has always been of stone or marble. After the time of Constantine, when sumptuous churches were erected, careful arrangements were made for the position of the altar. It did not lean, as it often does now, against the sanctuary wall, but stood out with a space round it, so that the bishop when celebrating Mass looked towards the people. Thus the altar looked in the same direction as the portals of the church, and often both were turned towards the east. This an- cient arrangement is still exemplified by the "Papal" altars in the Roman basilicas, but particularly in St. Peter's, where the Pope still says Mass on the great Festivals, looking at one and the same time to the people, to the portals of the church, and to the east.^ The altars in the Catacombs were still employed, but even new altars were sanctified by relics, a custom to which so much importance was attributed that St. Ambrose would not consecrate an altar till he found relics to place in it. Then, as now, the altar was covered with linen cloths, which, as appears from a rubric in the Sacramentary of St. Gela- sius, were first blessed and consecrated. It was surmounted by a canopy, supported by columns between which veils or cur- tains were often hung, and on great festi- vals it was adorned with the sacred vessels placed upon it in rows, and with flowers. The cross was placed over the canopy, or else rested immediately on the altar itself. The language and the actions of the early Christians alike bespeak the reverence in which the altar was held. It was called ^ Cardinal Newman's Development, 27. 2 It is enclosed in the Papal altar of this church, except a portion of it, which is pre- served in the church of St. Pudentiana : so, at least, says the writer of the article " Altar " in Kraus' Real Encyclopadie. 5 Rock, Hierurgia, 497 seq. ALTAR "the holy," "the divine table," "the altar of Christ," "the table of the Lord." The faithful bowed towards it as they entered the church ; it was known as the acrvXos TpdiT€^a, or "table of asylum," from which not even criminals could be forced away.^ Finally, before the altar was used, it was solemnly consecrated by the bishop with the chrism. The date at which this custom was introduced cannot be accu- rately determined; but the Council of Agde, or Agatha, in Southern Gaul, held in the yeai* 506, speaks of this custom as familiar to everybody .^ The rubrics prefixed to the Roman Missal contain the present law of the Church with regard to the altar. It must consist of stone, or at least must contain an altar-stone large enough to hold the Host and the greater part of the chalice; and this altar, or the altar-stone, must have been consecrated by a bishop, or by an abbot who has received the requisite faculties from the Holy See. [See Con- SECEATIOH" or Altaks.J The altar is to be covered with three cloths, also blessed by the bishop, or by a priest with special faculties. One of these cloths should reach to the ground, the other two are to be shorter, or else one cloth doubled may replace the two shorter ones. If possible, there is to be a " pallium," or frontal, on the altar, varying in colour according to the feast or season. A crucifix^ is to be set on the altar, between two candle- sticks: the IMissal placed on a cushion, at the right-hand side looking towards the altar: under the crucifix there ought to be an altar-card,* with certain prayers which the priest cannot read from the Missal without inconvenience. With regard to the number of altars m a church, Gavantus says that originally, even in the "West, one church contained only one altar. On this altar, however, the same author continues, several Masses were said on the same day, in proof of which he appeals to the Sacramentary of Leo. He adds that even in the fourth century the chiu*ch of Milan contained several altars, as appears from a letter of 1 Synod of Orange, anno 441. Hefele, Con- ciliengeschichte, ii. p. 293. 2 Hefele, ibid. p. 653. 3 The rubric says only a cross, but a cruci- fix is prescribed by subsequent decrees of the Congregation of Rites. Liguor. Theol. Mor. vi. n. 393. * Tabella secretarum, in use since the six- teenth century. The rubric mentions one under the cross, but now two others are placed, one at each end of the altar. ALTAR, STRIPPING OF 23 St. Ambrose, and he quotes other examples from the French Church in the sixth century, iiliTilR-BREiXSS are round wafers made of fine wheaten flour, specially pre- pared for consecration in the Mass. The altar-breads according to the Latin use (followed also by the Maronites and Ar- menians) must be unleavened. They are usually stamped with a figure of Christ crucified, or with the I H S. They are of two sizes : one larger, which the priest himself consecrates and receives, or else reserves for the Benediction with the Blessed Sacrament; the other smaller, consecrated for the communion of the faithful. The practice of stamping altar-breads with the cross or I H S seems to be ancient, and is widely difiused. Merati mentions the fact that the cross is stamped on the altar-breads used by Greek, Syrian, and Alexandrian (Coptic ?) Christians. AliTAR-CARDS. As mentioned under Altae, the rubric requires that an altar-card be placed in the centre under the crucifix ; custom has introduced two others, one on each side, the object of all three being to aid the priest's memory, should it fail at any time during the celebration of Mass, though he is expected to have the prayers committed to memory. The centre card contains the " Gloria in excelsis," the " Credo," the Offertory prayers, the " Qui pridie," or beginning of the Canon, the form of consecration, the prayer before Communion, and the " Placeat," or last prayer. That at the Epistle side contains the prayer said while putting the water into the chalice, and the " Lavabo," said at the washing of the fingers. That at the Gospel side contains the prologue of St. John's Gospel (i. 1-14). AIiTiiR-CZiOTHS. The rubrics of the Missal require three fair cloths to be placed on the altar, or two cloths of which one is doubled. They must be blessed by the bishop, or by a priest with special faculties. In the fourth centiu-y St. Opta- tus speaks of the linen cloth placed on the altar as usual in his time, and Pope Sil- vester is said to have made it a law that the altar-cloth should be of linen. Men- tion, however, is made by Paulus Silen- tiarius of piurple altar-cloths, and, in fact both the material and the number of these cloths seem to have varied in early times. (See Rock, " Hierurgia," p. 603 ; Kraus, " Archseol. Diet.," Altar tAicher.) AIiTAR, STRIPPING OF. [See Holt Week.] 24 AMBO AIVIBO (Gr. dva^alveiVf to ascend). A raised platform in the nave of early- Christian churches, surrounded by a low wall ; steps led up to it from the east and west sides. The place on it where the Gospel was read was higher than that used for reading the Epistle. All church notices were read from it ; here edicts and excommunications were given out ; hither came heretics to make their recantation ; here the Scriptures were read, and sermons preached. It was gradually superseded by the modern pulpit. A good example of the " ambo " may be seen in the church of San Olemente at Rome. (Ferraris.) A.iviBROSiii.N' CKAM-T. [See Plain Chant.] AlVIBROSZAU XiXTVRG-T. An an- cient Liturgy still used in the church of Milan instead of the Roman Mass, from which it differs in many striking points. [See LiTUEGY.] We read in Walafrid Strabo, an author of the ninth century, that St, Ambrose regulated the Mass and Office of his church at Milan, but some parts of this rite are older than St. Am- brose, while, on the other hand, the Ambrosian Missal contains great additions which date from St. Gregory the Great. According to the Ambrosian rite, there is no Mass for the Fridays in Lent ; and the oflfering of bread and wine by the people for the sacrifice is still retained in solemn Masses. The Ambrosian rite was con- firmed by Pope Alexander VI. in 1497, and is still retained. (Ceillier, " Auteurs Sacr^s," torn. xiii. c. 1.) AIVIBRY (Lat. armarium^ whence almariu77i ; Fr. armoire). A closet or cupboard, place for tools, chest. " In the form almet'y corruptly confused with almonry, as if a place for alms " (Murray's Dictionary). The same authority explains an ambry in a church as " a cupboard, locker, or closed recess for books, sacra- mental vessels, vestments, &c." In its corrupt use the word was applied, Stow tells us, to the old almonry of West- minster Abbey, '' for that the alms of the abbey were there distributed to the poor." A.VfUsN, A Hebrew word signifying " truly," '^ certainly." It is preserved in its original form by the New Testament writers, and by the Church in her Liturgy. According to Benedict XIV., it indicates assent to a truth, or it is the expression of a desire, and equivalent to yivoiro, "so be it." 1 * De 3Iiss. ii. 6. He adds a third sense — viz. consent to a request — but ^ves no clear instance of this use, ANAGNOSTES "Amen" signifies assent when used at the end of the Creeds. In the ancient Church the communicants used it as an expression of their faith in the Blessed Sacrament. Thus we read in the Apo- stolic Constitutions* — "Let the bishop give the oblation, saying, ' The Body of Christ,' and let the recipient say, 'Amen.'" St. Ambrose explains the " Amen " used thus in communicating as meaning " it is true." At the end of prayers " Amen " signi- fies our desire of obtaining what we ask. Thus it is said by the server, after the collects in the Mass, as a sign that the faithful unite their petitions to those of the priest. In Justin's time, the people themselves answered " Amen " as the priest finished the prayers and thanksgivings in the Mass, and was about to distribute the Holy Communion.'^ AIVIZCE {Amictus. Called also " hu- merale," " superhumerale," " anaboladi- um," from ava^aXXeiv, and, in a corrupt form, " anabolagium "). A piece of fine linen, oblong in shape, which the priest who is to say Mass rests for a moment on his head and then spreads on his shoulders, reciting the prayer — " Place on my head, Lord, the helmet of salvation," &c. For many centuries priests celebrated with bare neck, as may be seen from many figures in the Roman Catacombs, and from the mosaic at San Vitale in Ravenna. The amice, however, is fre- quently mentioned after the opening of the ninth century.^ Originally, as Innocent III. expressly testifies, it covered the head as well as the neck ; and to this day Fran- ciscan and Dominican friars wear the amice over their heads till they reach the altar. It also was not at first concealed by the alb, as is now the case, and it was often made of silk and ornamented with figures. At present it is made of linen, and only adorned with a cross, which the priest kisses before putting on the amice. Mediaeval writers have given very many and very different symbolical mean- ings to this vestment. The prayer already quoted from the Roman INIissal speaks of it as figuring the " helmet of salvation," and a similar prayer occurs in most of the ancient Latin Missals. A-iriiGirosTES. [See Lbctob.] 1 viii. 12. * Apol i. 67. ' " It was introduced in the eighth," says Dr. Eock ; but see Hefele, Beitrdge zur Kircheti- (jcs^hichte, &c., 11, ANAGOGICAL AlTAGOGlCAX. (literally, "leading up "). A name given to things typical of Christ in the Old, or to the actions of Christ in the New, Testament, so far as they signify the eternal glory which awaits the elect. The anagogical is a subdivision of the spiritual or mystical senses. (See St. Thomas, .S'. i. 1, 10.) AXAPHOXIA. Greek word for Offer- tory, in the Mass. ANATHBIMCA. A thing devoted or given over to evil, so that " anathema sit " means, *4et him be accursed." St. Paul at the end of 1 Corinthians pronounces this anathema on all who do not love om" blessed Saviour. The Church has used the phrase " anathema sit " from the ear- liest times with reference to those whom she excludes from her communion either because of moral offences or because they persist in heresy. Thus one of the earliest councils — that of Elvira, held in 306 — decrees in its tifty-second canon that those who placed libellous vsritings in the church should be anathematised ; and the First General Council anathematised those who held the Arian heresy. General councils since then have usually given solemnity to their decrees on articles of faith by appending an Anathema. Neither St. Paul nor the Church of God ever wished a soul to be damned. In pronouncing anathema against wilful heretics, the Church does but declare that they are excluded from her communion, and that they must, if they continue obsti- nate, perish eternally, ANTCKORITE. [See Hermit.] AN'GZilb. The word {ciyyeXos, a translation of "^J^J^Jj) means messenger, and is applied in a wide sense to priests,^ prophets,"'^ or to the Messias ^ as sent by God. Specially, however, it is used as the name of spiritual beings, created by God but superior in nature to man. The ex- istence of such superhuman intelligences was conjectured even by heathens such as Plato ; and although the Sadducees "^ be- lieved " neither in angel or spirit," angels are mentioned so frequently in the Old and New Testament that it would be idle to allege Scriptural proofs on the matter. When they were created, Scripture does not distinctly tell us. " The most ancient Fathers," says Petavius, " especially the Greeks and such Latins as are used to 1 Mai. ii. 7. 2 Agg. i. 13. 3 Is. xlii. 19. There are different views held on this passage, but this is not the place to discuss them. ^ Acts xxiii. 8. ANGEL 25 follow the Greeks," held that the angels were created " before the heavens and all material things." The contrary opinion, that the heavens were first created and the angels in the heavens, is that of St. Thomas, and has been commonly held since his time among the Latins, The Fourth Lateran Council declares that God created angels and material beings " at the same time from the beginning." But the coun- cil had no intention of deciding this ques- tion, which still remains open, as has been pointed out by St. Thomas himself, by Vasquez, Petavius, and others. With regard to the nature of angels, many early Fathers believed that they were corporeal. This opinion is not diffi- cult to account for when we consider such a history as that of the marriages between the " sons of God " and " the daughters of men," given in the sixth chapter of Genesis.^ At the Seventh General Coun- cil, the Patriarch Tarasius argued that angels might be painted, because they were "circumscribed {eneidr} TrepiypanTol daiv) and had appeared to many in the form of men ; " nor did the council censure his words, limiting itself to a simple de- cision that it was lawful to represent angels in pictures. However, our Lord's words ^ imply, that angels are incapable of marriage, and so exclude the interpreta- tion which regards the " sons of God " in Genesis vi. as a synonym for angels. Many of the Fathers deny that angels have bodies ; so do all modern theologians. The Fourth Lateran Council separates an- gelic from corporeal natures, and Peta- vius rightly characterises the contrary opinion as "proximate to heresy." x\t the same time, angels are capable of as- suming bodies ; to which they are for the time intimately united ; which they move and which they use to represent either their own invisible nature or the attributes of God. Passages of Scripture, which imply this, will readily occur to the reader. The angels, then, are purely spiritual intelligences and, for that very reason, superior to man, who is composed of body and soul. They are immortal, since death consists in the separation of soul and body, nor could they be destroyed, except by the omnipotence of God. Their knowledge, unlike that of man, which is slowly ac- 1 But that the " sons of God " may nieau pious men is proved by Ps. Ixxiii. 15 (Ixxii. in Vulg.), Osee ii. 1, &c. 2 The yafxclu of Matt. xxii. 30 exactly cor- responds to the " took to themselves wives " in the Hebrew of Genesis vi. 2. 26 AJsraEL quired by means of the senses, depends upon images received from God along with the nature He has given them. They do not reason, as we do, for the keenness of their intellect enables them to see by intuition the conclusions which are in- volved in principles. Their intelligence is in perpetual exercise, and although the future, the thoughts of the human soul, and above all the mysteries of grace, are hidden from them, except so far as God is pleased to reveal them, still they can know and understand many things which are hidden from us. They can move from place to place with a swiftness impossible to man. Finally, they are endowed with free-will and are able to commimicate with each other.^ To a nature so noble God added sanc- tifying grace. They received power to know God as revealed by faith, to hope in Him, to love Him, and afterwards, if they were worthy, see Him face to face. But, during the time of their probation, Lucifer and many other angels fell. It is hard to determine the precise nature of their sin, but we may quote Petavius, who places it in "a desire of absolute dominion over created things, and in hatred of subjection." The rebel angels were at once deprived of all supernatural gifts and thrust into hell without hope of pardon; the angels who had persevered were at once rewarded with everlasting bliss. The very greatness and perfection of angelic nature, says St. Gregory the Great, made their sin unpardonable. Holy writ represents the number of the good angels as exceedingly great.^ They are, according to the common teach- ing of theologians, divided into three hierarchies, each of which includes three orders. The first triplet consists of Sera- phim, Cherubim, Thrones; the second of Dominations, Principalities, Powers ; the third of Virtues, Archangels, Angels. This enumeration occurs for the first time in Pseudo-Dionysius, from whom it was adopted by St. Gregory the Great, and so became current in the Church. But it is founded on the mention of seraphim and cherubim in Isaias and Ezechiel ; of angels and of archangels throughout Scripture ; and of the other orders in St. Paul's Epistles to the Ephesians and Oolos- sians. The meaning of St. Paul is much 1 The text contains a summary of the teach- ing of theologians. It is contained in Scripture or deduced from it, aa may be seen by consult- ing St. Thomas, pfc. i. 3 Dan. vii. 10. ANGEL disputed. But we may remark that very early writers divide the angels into orders, and count thrones, dominations, &c., among them,^ though it is well to re- member that the existence of these par- ticular classes of angels is no article of faith. As to the employment of the angels, we read in the Epistle to the Hebrews that they are "all ministering spirits." They serve God continually in heaven, and they also defend countries, cities, churches, &c., besides offering to God the prayers of the faithful, particularly, ac- cording to the Fathers and ancient litur- gies, those which ascend to heaven during the Mass. Further, each man has an angel who watches over him, defends him from evil, helps him in prayer, suggests good thoughts, and at last, if he is saved, presents his soul to God.^ The Church, on her part, shows to the angels that veneration or inferior honour which is their due, and, knowing from Christ's words ^ that they are acquainted with things which pass on earth, she begs their prayers and their kind offices. It is true that St. Paul condemns the Sprja-Keia, or religion of angels, in writing to the Colossians (i. 16), but every scholar is aware that he is warning them against the Gnostic error which regarded angels as the creators of the world; and with equal reason, the same passage might be alleged as in condemnation of humility. It is true also that, when St. John in the Apocalypse bowed down before an angel, the latter said, " Se<^ thou do it not, for 1 also am thy fellow-servant. . . . Adore God."* But if Protestants think the veneration of angels idolatrous, or at least unlawful, they ought not to sup- pose the holy Apostle so ignorant as to offer it — not to speak of his shortly after repeating the crime. Rather, surely, the angel refused the homage out of respect to the honour which human nature has received from the Incarnation and to the apostolic dignity ; just as a bishop might out of humility decline the homage of one whom, although inferior to himself in ecclesiastical rank, he venerated for his great virtue. The Catholic may answer those who accuse the Church of idolatry for her cultus of angels, aa St. Augustine and St. Cyril answered long 1 See Bp. Lightfoot's note on Coloss. i. 16. 2 Gen. xlviii. 16 ; Matt, xviii. 10. 2 Luc. XV. 10. ^ Apoc. xix. 10 ; xxii. 8. Another mter- pretation is also given by Petavius. ANGEL ago, that we adore God alone with latria or supreme adoration, and that to Him alone we ofter the sacrifice of the Mass. ANGEiiS, svzi,. [See Deyil.] AiirGz:i.s, FEAST or. Since the 6fth century churches were dedicated, hoth in the East and West, to the holy angels. In the West, there was a famous apparition of St. Michael on Mount Gar- ganus, an event which Baronius places in the year 498 ; and this apparition gave occasion to the feast of St. Michael which the Roman Church keeps on September 29, and which is mentioned in the mar- tyrologies of Jerome, Bede, and others, as the Dedication of St. Michael. There was another apparition of the same arch- angel in France during 706. " It is this apparition," says Thomassin, " on Mount Michael, or In Pe7'iculo Maris, which was once so celebrated in France, and of which the commemoration is still observed in some dioceses." In the East, the constitution of Manuel ■ Comnenus mentions a feast of the ap- parition of St. Michael on September 6, and a feast of the angels in general on November 8. The feast of Angel Guardians was in- stituted under Paul V., at the request of Ferdinand of Austria, afterwards emperor. (Thomassin, " Traits des Festes.") AXGSii GUARDZAirs. [See A.^- GEL.] AigrcEliZCAZiS. An order of nuns, following the rule of St. Augustine, founded by Luigia di Torelli, Countess of GuastaUa, about 1530. She had been married twice, but being left a second time a widow when only twenty-five years of age, she resolved to devote the rest of her life and her large fortune to the divine service. She founded her first convent at Milan. Her religious took the name of Angelicals in order to remind themselves whenever they uttered it of the purity of the an- gels. Every nun adopts the name of "Angelica," prefixing it to that of a patron saint and her family name — e.g. "Angelica Maria Anna di Gonzaga." Their constitutions were drawn up by St. Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan. AlTGZililTS. By this name is de- noted the Catholic practice of honouring God at morning, noon, and evening, by reciting three Hail Mary's, together with sentences and a collect, to express the Christian's rejoicing trust in the mystery of the Incarnation. The first sentence begins "Angelus Domini niintiavit ANGLICAN OKDERS 27 Mariae ; '' whence the name of the devo- tion. A bell, called the Angelus bell, rings at the several hours. The evening Angelus was introduced by Pope John XXII. in the fourteenth century; that at noon, according to Mabillon, arose in P'rance, and received Papal sanction at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In Paschal time the "Regina Cceli" [q.v.] is recited instead of the Angelus. AN-GXlCAir ORDERS. The vali- dity of Anglican orders is a subject of controversy or not, according to the view taken of the nature and eff'ects of ordina- tion. The late Archbishop Whately (see his treatise on the " Elingdom of Christ," passim) held (1) that the Church of Christ consisted of many separate com- munions having nothing necessarily in common but the profession of belief in Jesus Christ as the Redeemer of mankind; (2) that Christ's kingdom was "not of this world," i.e. not intended to be sus- tained by temporal coercion, as earthly kingdoms are ; (3) that every Christian Church or sect, while repudiating all coercive means either for or against itself, had the right to organise itself and manage its internal afiairs ; (4) that a necessary part of such organisation was the appointment of office-bearers and ministers. Considered thus, Anglican orders are undoubtedly " valid ; " for no one doubts that the Anglican Church has a separate corporate existence, and laws and a government of its own, nor that its clergy are regularly appointed in con- formity to those laws. Nor would any one holding this view justly object to the ordination of Anglican clergymen who have submitted to the Roman Chiurch and desire to become priests ; for he would admit that his view of ordination and that held in the Catholic Church were totally distinct things, so that to treat an Anglican clergyman as if he had not been previously ordained would merely imply a radical difference of con- ception as to the nature of ordination, and convey no slur on the rites or formalities by which his admission as an office-bearer in the Anglican Church had been prefaced. But it is weU known that there is a large and increasing section of Anglicans, who hold much the same theory as to the nature and effects of ordination that Catholics do — viz. that in virtue of authority derived in an unbroken chain from the Apostles [Oeder, Holt] the bishop who ordains a priest confers on 28 ANGLICAN ORDEKS him the right and the duty of offering the sacrifice of the New Law by celebrating the Eucharist, and of absolving penitents from their sins. If Anglican ordina- tion reaUy conferred these powers, the consideration of the manner in which they have been used for the last three hundred years, and of the manner in which they are used now, would be one of the most painful and perplexing sub- jects of thought on which a Catholic could enter. At the same time, the Anglican party referred to have no choice but to claim for their ordinations nothing less than the potency above described, for they hold, as we do, that a priest in the Catholic Church is' either all this, or he is — nothing. Hence an earnest and searching controversy has arisen of late years, with the view of sifting and testing the validity of those orders of which the consecration of Parker by Barlow in 1559 was the fountain-head. The subject is encumbered with in- numerable details, and we have only space for a few important propositions in connection with it. 1. The Roman Church, though it has never pronounced a formal decision on the validity of Anglican orders, has in practice treated them as invalid, since Anglican clergymen have to go through all the usual stages before being admitted to the priesthood, as though they were simple laymen. 2. No record of the consecration of Barlow (who consecrated Parker) is in existence, and it is doubtful whether he was ever consecrated at all. 3. The ordinal used at Parker's con- secration — that of Edward VI. — shows a manifest intention of not making a Catho- lic bishop, as then and now understood, but of appointing a sort of overseer, who, deriving his power from the sovereign, should administer discipline, teach, and preach. 4. Similarly, the Anglican ordinal for making priests, at any rate down to the time of Charles II., bore on its face the intention, not to make sacrificing priests, but " a G-ospel ministry." 5. Even if theij orders were valid, Anglicans would not any the more belong to the true Church. " Catholics believe their orders are valid, because they are members of the true Church, and Angli- cans believe they belong to the true Church, because their orders are valid." ^ 1 Cardinal Newman's Essays Grit, and Hist. (1877), vol. ii. p. 87. ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH (Canon Estcourt's "Question of Anglican Ordinations discussed," 1873; A. Hutton's "The Anglican Ministry," 1879, a lumi- nous and able treatise.) ANGIiO-SAXOIT CHURCH, HIS- TORY or. [See English Chfrch: An-glo-Saxon Period.] AN'GIiO-SAXOXO' CHURCH (FaiTH AND DisciPLrNE of). We have thought it well to devote a separate article to show how truly Roman, and how identical with the Catholic creed and worship of to-day, were the Anglo-Saxon creed and worship. When Aethelheard, archbishop of Canter- bury, demanded of the bishops assembled in couDcil at Cloveshoe (803) an exposi- tion of their belief, they unanimously answered : " Know that the faith which we profess is the same as was taught by the Holy and Apostolic See when Gregory the Great sent missionaries to our fathers." In theory, then, the Anglo- Saxon faith was identical with the Roman. We proceed to show that it was also identical in practice. 1. The Sacrifice of the Mass, — Everywhere, both in the East and in the West, we meet with the priest who officiates at the " sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ," the altar on which the victim is offered, and the liturgy or form of prayer with which that offering is accompanied. The Britons, before the arrival of the Saxons, had " their altars, the seats of the heavenly sacrifice," and " their priests who stretched out their hands over the most holy sacrifices of Christ" ; (Gildas, pp. 37, 76, ed. Steven- son, 1838) and the Scots, in the remote isle of IcolmkiUe, " celebrated the sacred mysteries of the holy sacrifice, and con- secrated, according to custom, the body of Christ." (Cummian, " Vita S. Columb." pp. 29, 32.) With some accidental varia- tions, especially in the parts preceding the Canon, the form of the service was substantially the same as in all Churches, Eastern and Western, each carefully pre- serving the Trisagion or Tersanctus, the invocation, the consecration of the ele- ments, the commemoration of the living and the dead, the fraction of the host, and the communion of the faithful. The several improvements which the Pontiffs of the fifth and sixth centuries had intro- duced in the preparatory part remained for a time unknown to certain ancient Churches which originally had received their liturgy from Rome ; hence the variety of rites. Our native writers describe the Mass as the "celestial and mysterious sacrifice, the offering of the victim of ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH salvation, the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ " ; they tell us that at the consecration " the elements of the bread and wine are, through the ineflable hallowing of the Spirit, made to pass into the mystery of Christ's flesh and blood " ; that " the bread and wine are then conse- crated into the substance of His body and blood " ; " that the holy and precious body and blood of the Lamb, by whom we have been redeemed, are again immolated to God for the benefit of our salvation." (Beda, " Hast." ii. c. 5 ; iii. c. 2. ; iv. cc. 14, 22, 28 ; " Hist. Abb. Gyrven.," inter Beda3 opera minora, p. 331, ed. Giles, 1843 ; Thorpe, " Eccles. Instit." ii. p. 22 and p. 376, quoted by Lingard; Beda, "Horn. in Yig. Pasch." p. 31 ; "Ilom. in Epiph.'* p. 272 ; Alcuin ad Paulinum, xxxvi.) Namerous canons and rubrics regulated the celebration of Holy Mass. An altar, a paten or dish, and a chalice, all three previously consecrated by a bishop, were required ; the offlete, or bread for the consecration, was to be made of the finest flour, without the admixture of any kind of leaven ; the wine was to be pure, and to be mixed, according to the practice of every CLiristian Church, with a small quantity of water. On solemn festivals the clergy in attendance were dressed in their richest apparel ; the altar, with its furniture, presented the most gorgeous appearance ; the sanctuary was illumi- nated with a profusion of lamps and wax lights ; the air was perfumed with clouds of incense ; to the voices of the choir was added the harmony of the organ and of musical instruments. The Italian mis- sionaries would, of course, establish the Roman liturgy in the new Church, but Augustine and his companions had been instructed by St. Gregory not to conflne themselves exclusively to the Roman ritual : " Whatever practice you may dis- cover, which in your opinion will be more acceptable to God, establish it in the new Church of the Angles, without con- sidering the place of its origin, whether it be Roman, or Galilean, or any other Church." (Beda, I. c. 27.) How far the missionaries availed themselves of this permission is uncertain. Neither have we means of judging how far the sacrificial service of the Scottish missionaries varied from that of the Romans. One thing, however, is certain : the discrepancy was of no importance, for it never became a subject of controversy between the two parties, like the time of Easter and the form of the tonsure. ANGLO-SAXON CHtJRCH 29 2. The " order or course of daily prayer " had in view to supply matter for prayer at the canonical hours, and was therefore more susceptible of variety of form and arrangement than the Mass. Not only in national Churches, but in ' neighbouring Churches of the same nation, considerable discrepancies existed in the performance of the choral service. In England, however, these discrepancies never led to controversy among the missionaries. In 747, the Council of Cloveshoe, under Archbishop Cuthbert, confirmed the ascendency of the Roman, and effected the abolition of the Scottish forms by the following decree : " The great solemnities of our redemption shall be everywhere celebrated according to the written ritual which we have obtained from Rome, in the administration of Baptism, the celebration of Mass, and in all things thereunto pertaining ; moreover, the feasts of the saints through the course of the year shall be kept on the days fixed in the Roman Martyrology, with the chant and psalmody appointed thereto ; and nothing shall be permitted to be read or chanted but what is taken from the authority of the Holy Scriptiu-es and allowed by the custom of the Roman Church.'' After this Council we hear nothing more of the Scottish forms in the Southern province, but in the North they appear to have kept their ground till a much later period. Exact uniformity was never obtained. Discrepancies existed in breviaries of the Churches of Sarum, York, andHereford until the Reformation ; and even at the present day the English Benedictine monks make use of the monastic breviary approved by Paul V"., while the English Catholic clergy use the breviary of the Church of Rome. 3. Public Worship. — Among the An- glo-Saxons, both at the celebration of the sacrifice and during the canonical hours, the whole service, with the exception of certain prayers during the Mass, was chanted by the choir. For the instruc- tion of the people, the Epistle and the Gospel were read, and the sermon was delivered in their native tongue, but God was publicly addressed by the minister of religion in the language of Rome (see art. Language of the Church). On Sun- days and festivals the church service was performed with fuU solemnity. All servile works — hunting and hawking, travelling, trading, the prosecution of family feuds, litigation, the execution of criminals- were prohibited. Transgressors were 30 AJSTGLO-SAXON CHURCH lialjle to the punisliments prescribed in the doombook. The clergy were ordered by the Council of Cloveshoe to devote Sunday to the worship of God exclusively and employ themselves in teaching their dependents the rules of a holy life. The duties expected from the laity may be gathered from the following injunction : '' It is most right and proper that every Christian man, who has it in his power to do so, should come on Saturday to the church [the Sunday was reckoned from sunset on Saturday to sunset on the following day] and bring a light with him, and there hear the vesper song, and after midnight the uht-song (matins) and come with bis oiFering in the morning to the solemn Mass . . . and after the holy service let him return home and regale himself with his friends, and neigh- bours, and strangers, but, at the same time, be careful that they commit no ex- cess either in eating or drinking." They were expected not to break their fast or to take any meat before the service of High Mass was ended (Thorpe, ii. 440-2). 4. Private Prayer. — The practice of private prayer is thus taught to the Saxon laity : '' It is also to be made known to Christian laymen that every one pray, at least, twice in the day — that is, in the morning and in the evening. In thiswise shall you teach them to pray : First they shall sing ( = recite) the Creed, for it is most likely to open to them the foundation of their true faith ; and after he shall have sung the Creed let him say thrice, 'O God that madest me, have mercy upon me,' and thrice, ' God, have mercy upon me, a sinner.' And this being done, and his Creator alone being worshipped, let him call upon God's saints, that they intercede for him with God ; first on St. Mary, and then on all God's saints. And then let him arm his forehead with the sign of the holy rood — that is, let him sign himself, and then, with upraised hands and eyes, let him in his heart thank God for all He has given him, pleasant or unpleasant." (Thoi-pe, "Eccles. Instit." ii. 418, 420, 424 ; xxii., xxiii., xxix.) 5, Baptism. — The regular manner of administering this sacrament was by immersion ; the time, the two eves of Easter and Pentecost ; the place, the baptistery, a small building contiguous to the church, in which had been con- structed a convenient bath called a font. All the preparatory ceremonies prescribed by the E,oman Kitual at this day were in use in England. In the course of time, ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH convenience or necessity led to several changes in the regulations concerning the administration of Baptism. The mis- sionaries baptised their converts in rivers. As single baptisms continued to increase, a font was placed in the church ; the time fixed for the rite was, in Northumbria, nine days after birth, in the South thirty- seven days after birth. 6. Con^rmation was administered to the children at a very early age. Vene- rable Bede tells how children were brought to St. Cuthbert for confirmation on his episcopal visitations, and how he minis- tered to those who had been recently born again in Christ the grace of the Holy Spirit by the imposition of hands, " placing his hand on the head of each, and anoint- ing them with the chrism which he had blessed." (Inter Bedae opera minora, p. 277 ; " Vita S. Cuthb." p. 106.) This and similar passages prove both the grace attributed to this sacrament and the manner in which it was conferred before 700, and are in perfect accordance with the form described in the Pontifical of Archbishop Egbert of York (beginning of 8th century). 7. The Holy Euchai-ist, — From the arrival of Augustine till the Reformation, the English name for the Eucharist was the housel. To administer the Eucharist was to housel ; to receive it was to go to the housel or to be houselled. We find the word housel under the form of hunsle in the Moeso-Gothic version of the Gospels made by Ulphilas about the year 370, twice as translation of dvcrla, a sacri- fice or victim, and once as rendering of Xarpeia, worship of God in general.^ With Beda the Eucharist is the saving victim of the Lord's body and blood — the victim without an equal — the victim of His blood, the body that was slain and the blood that was shed by the hands of unbelievers. Similar language was used in the Scottish Church. The faithful partook of the housel during Mass, im- mediately after the communion of the celebrant. The Roman missionaries most probably introduced the custom of weekly communion among their converts ; but in the North, the Scottish missionaries had appointed the feasts of Christmas, Epi- phany, and Easter for general communion. This arrangement, by directing the devo- tion of the people to those particular seasons, had led almost to the extinction of frequent communion. The conditions 1 "The original sense [of Housel] is sacri- fice." (Skeat, Etym. Diet., sub roc.) AJSTGLO-SAXON CHUUOH required of the communicant were that he should come fasting-, and that, if he had fallen into sin, he should have con- fessed it, have submitted to the penance enjoraed, and have received the permis- sion of his confessor. (Thorpe, ii. 438, 440^ 8. The Sacrament of Penance. — " No man can be baptised twice ; but if a man err after his baptism, we believe that he may be saved if he sorrow [behreowsiath] for his sins with tears, and do penance for them as his teacher shall instruct him.'' (^If. "Hom." i. p. 292, "De Fide Ca- tholica") Penance in the Anglo-Saxon theology comprised four things : sorrow for sin, confession of sin, penitential works, and reconcilement or absolution. "Sorrow (behreowsung = a rueing or lamenting) was a real sorrow of heart. Of confession the Saxon homilist says : " We cannot be saved unless we confess sorrowfully what through our negligence we have done unrighteously. AH hope of forgiveness is in confession. Confession with true penance [daedbote] is the angelic remedy of our sins." ..." No man will obtain forgiveness of his sins from God, unless he confess to some of the ministers of God, and do penance according to his judgment. . . . Without confession there IS no pardon." (Thorpe, ii. p. 230.) " By confession the venom has been extracted : it now remains for the leech to prescribe the manner of cure" (Alcuin, "De Usu Psalmorum," tom. ii. p. 278), which he did by apportioning the measure of punish- ment to the degree of guilt of the penitent. The penitential, or doom-book, guided the confessor in the imposition of penitential works. There still remained the prayer of reconciliation or absolution. In lighter and secret cases, it was generally given after confession ; but where the offence was more heinous, or called for public example, the absolution was deferred for a considerable time, until a great part or the whole of the penance had been per- formed. (See Shrovetide, Penance, Penitential Books.) 9. The Sacraments of Order, Matri- mony, and Krtreme Unction were all administered according to the Roman custom as laid down in the Sacramentaries of Gelasius and St. Gregory, whence they were transcribed into the rituals of the Anglo-Saxon Church. The benediction of virgins who entered the cloister, the coronation of kings, the consecration of churches, are all alike drawn from the same source. These rites are in substance AKGLO-SAXON CHUKCH 31 and almost in every detail identical with the form prescribed in the " Rituale Romauum" still used throughout the Catholic Church. 10. Tray er for the Dead. — The Anglo- Saxons had inherited from their teachers the practice of praying for the dead — a practice common to every Christian church before the Reformation. They believed that " some souls proceed to rest after their departure — some go to punish- ment for that which they have done, and are often released by alms-deeds, but chiefly through the Mass if it be offered for them — others are condemned with the devil to hell." (" Sermo ad Pop. in Oct. Pent." apud Whelock, p. 386.) Pray- ing for the relief of the souls in Purgatory was a favourite form of devotion with our ancestors. But they did not only pray for others, they were careful to secure for themselves after their departure the prayers of their friends. This they fre- quently solicited as a favour or a recom- pense, and for this they entered into mutual compacts by which the survivor was bound to perform certain works of piety or charity for the deceased. Such covenants were not confined to the clergy or to persons in the higher ranks of life. The numerous gilds, whatever may have been their immediate object, all imposed one common obligation, that of accompanying the bodies of the deceased members to the grave, of paying the soul- scot for them at their interment, and of distributing alms for the repose of their souls. The clerical and monastic bodies offered gildships of a superior description. They admitted honorary associates with a right to the same spiritual benefits after death to which the professed members were entitled. To some the favour was conceded on account of their piety or learning ; to others it was due on account of their benefactions. It belonged of right to the founders of churches, to those who had made to them valuable benefac- tions, or had rendered to them important services or had bequeathed to them a yearly rent-charge for that purpose. Of all these individuals an exact catalogue was kept, the days of their decease were carefully noted, and on their anniversaries a solemn service of Masses and psalmody was yearly performed. For the benefit of the dead money was distributed among the poor, and slaves were set free. The devotions in behalf of the dead consisted in the frequent repetition of the Lord's Prayer, technically called a belt of Pater- 32 AJS[GLO-SAX-ON CHtJRCS nosters (containing prolDably 50) whicli was in use with individuals ignorant of the Latin tongue; the chanting of certain psalms followed by the Collect still in use in the Catholic Church ; in the sacrifice of the Mass, which was offered as soon_ as might be after death, again on the third day, and afterwards as often as was re- quired by the friends of the deceased. 11. Veneration and Invocation of the Saints.— This practice the Anglo-Saxons had received with the rudiments of the Christian religion. It formed an integral part of their public and private worship. In public they were frequently called upon to celebrate the anniversaries of individual saints, and yearly to keep the festival of All-hallows as a solemnity of the first rank and importance. In private, at their morning and evening devotions, they were instructed to worship God, and then " to pray, first to St. Mary and the holy Apostles, and the holy martyrs, and all God's saints, that they would intercede for them to God." (Thorpe, ii. p. 426.) A high pre-eminence was allotted to the "most blessed Mother of God, the per- petual Virgin St. Mary." (Beda, " Horn, in Purif." p. 173.) Next in rank was St. Peter, to whom Christ had given the keys of the kingdom of heaven " with the chief exercise of judicial power in the Church, to the end that all the faithful throughout the world might know that whosoever should separate himself from the unity of Peter's faith or of Peter's fellowship, that man could never obtain absolution from the bonds of sin, nor ad- mission through the gates of the heavenly kingdom." (Beda, "Hom." p. 199.) Both laity and clergy were solicitous to secure his patronage. They crowded to the churches and altars dedicated to his memory, pilgrimages were made to his tomb, and presents were annually sent to the church in which were deposited his remains, and to the bishop who sate in his chair. Among the other saints, particular honours were paid to Pope Gregory and to Archbishop Augustine as the friends and patrons of the nation. (This sketch is taken almost word for word from '^The History and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, containing an ac- count of its origin, government, doc- trines, worship, revenues, and clerical and monastic institutions," by John Lingard, D.D. In this learned and most con- scientious work the reader wiU find ample confirmations and further developments of the facts here stated.) ANIMALS, LOWER AirziVEAXS, I.OWER. The doc- trine of St. Thomas on the nature of the brutes stands midway between the ex- treme doctrine, held in ancient and re- vived in modern times, that the brutes have rational souls, and the equally extreme doctrine of Descartes, that they are mere machines. St. Thomas admits that the brutes have souls, by which they live and feel, and know and desire the particular objects which are presented to them. They can store up past impres- sions in their memory ; they can recall absent images by imagination. Further they cannot go. They are incapable of forming abstract ideas, and they have no free will. "In the works oJP brutes," St. Thomas says, "we see certain in- stances of sagacity, inasmuch as the brutes have a natural inclination to pro- ceed with the most perfect order, and, indeed, their actions are ordered with supreme skill." He explains that this skiU comes from God, the supreme arti- ficer, and he continues, " On this account certain animals are called prudent and sagacious, although they themselves have no reason or free will, as is clear from the fact, that all animals of one species go to work in the same way." ^ From this it follows, as will be plain to anyone who has learned the elements of the Thomist Philosophy, that all the operations of the brute soul are performed through the bodily organs. The imagina- tion and the memory are sensitive powers, no less than sight and hearing : it is only the intellect and the will which deal with immaterial ideas, and which act without material organs ; and intellect and will are wanting in brutes. From the opera- tions of the soul in brutes St. Thomas infers its nature, in accordance with the philosophic maxim, " essence and opera- tion correspond to each other." ^ As their souls operate through matter, so they spring from matter and perish with it. They are not created by God, but are derived with their bodies from their parents by natural generation.^ With- out matter, they are utterly incapable of operation, and therefore of existence, for nothing can exist unless it acts in some way or other. Hence, their soul is ex- tinguished with the dissolution of the body.-* These philosophical principles deter- mine the morality which regulates the conduct of man to the brutes. As the 1 Sum. i. 2, 1.3, 2. 3 Ibid. i. 118, 1. 2 Ibid. i. 75, 3. 4 Ibid. 1. 75, 3. ANNATES lower animals have no duties, since they are destitute of free will, without which the performance of duty is impossible, so they Lave no rights, for right and duty are correlative terms. The brutes are made for man, who has the same right over them which he has over plants or stones. He may, according to the express permission of God, given to Noe, kill them for his food, and if it is lawful to destroy them for food, and this without strict necessity, it must also be lawful to put them to death or to inflict pain on them, for any good or reasonable end, such as the promotion of man's know- ledge, health, &c., or even for the pur- poses of recreation. But a limitation must be introduced here. It is never lawful for a man to take pleasure directly in the pain given to brutes, because, in doing so, man degrades and brutalises his own nature. Hence the touching rules in the Old Testament which pre- scribe mercy on man's part to the beasts. Moreover, we are bound for our own sakes not to inflict long and keen sufiering on the brutes, except some considerable good results. If we accustom ourselves to see animals tortured, we are apt to become callous even to hiiman sufferings, and we do wrong in exposing ourselves to such a danger, imless on the weighty grounds of a higher benevolence. " A man," says Billuart, " who puts brutes to death in a cruel manner, and delights in their torments, sins venially, by abusing his power as master and lord. For by such cruelty a man accustoms himself to be cruel to his fellow-men ; whence we read in Prov. xii. ' the just man knoweth [i.e. considers and regards] the souls of his beasts, but the heart of the wicked is cruel.' " ' AlO'M'iiTES (Annates) or FIRST FRTTZTS. According to the definition of Ferraris, " Annates are a certain por- tion of the revenues of vacant benefices which ought, according to the canons and special agreements, to be paid to the Eoman Pontiff and the Curia." The por- tion due in the case of inferior benefices seems to have been, before the Council of Constance, one half of the gross revenues of 1 Billuart, De Justit. Diss. x. a. 1. For the spirit of the O.T. on this matter, see Exod. xx. 10, xxiii. 12, where the beasts, like men, have a day of rest provided for them ; Deut. xxv. 4, "thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out thy corn ; " xxii. 6, where the Jews are for- bidden to take the bird with the brood on which she is sitting. AJSTNUNCIATION S3 the first year, and in the case of bishoprics and abbeys, a sum regulated according to " the ancient taxation." At that council a decree was passed after much discussion, of which the general effect was to allow to the Roman Pontiff the first year's in- come of all dignities and benefices in his gift. The Council of Basle complained of the burden of the " annates," yet when it was a question of maintaining the anti- pope FeUx, whom they had set up, they imposed a still heavier burden, in the shape of "first fruits," on the nations adhering to them. In England the annates were finally transferred from the Pope to the King by a statute passed in 1534. They are still payable to the sovereign in the case of Anglican bishoprics and Crown livings. Owing to the revolutions which within the last ninety years have so completely altered the face of Europe, annates form, at the present day, a scarcely appreciable portion of the revenues of the Holy See. Their place is supplied more or less im- perfectly by the voluntary contributions usually called " Peter's Pence " [see that article]. Zahlwein remarks : — " Annates (1) are paid for the support of the Pope, the Cardinals, and other officials. (2) They are applied to defray the expenses of the legates and apostolic nuncios, whom the Popes find it necessary to send to various nations and the Courts of princes. (3) By means of these annates, aid is extended to bishops who have been expelled from their sees, and to princes unjustly dislodged from their thrones." It was probably by means of this fund that the Popes were enabled to extend a generous hospitality for many years to the son and grandson of our James II. ANVTZVERSARY. An " anniver- sary " is defined as " that which is done for a deceased person on the expiration of a year from the day of death," and is especially understood of the celebration of Mass for the benefit of his soul. When a testator directs that such an anniver- sary shall be celebrated, without specify- ing whether once or oftener, the canon law interprets his intention as being that the foundation shall be in perpetuum. If the anniversaiy falls on a greater double, the Mass of Requiem may be sung; if on a double of the second class, it must be anticipated or postponed. (Ferraris, Anniversarium.) AWIfUIffCIATION' OP THE BZiESSED VIRGIN" [Annuntiatio, D 84 ANNUNCIATION evayyeXto-fxos, x^P'-'^'^'^H-^^)' ^^^ word signifies "declaration," or " annoimce- uient "— e.e. of the fact that God the Sou was to be born of Mary — but at the very moment in which the fact was announced, it actually took place ; so that, in com- memorating the " Annunciation," we really commemorate the Incarnation of God the Word. St. Luke tells us, that the Angel Gabriel was sent by God to Nazareth, where he saluted Mary with the words, "Hail, fuU of grace." The Evangelist speaks of Mary as " espoused " to Joseph, and Calmet, on this ground, thinks that she was still unmarried. But the great majority of Catholic writers believe that the word "espoused" must not be pressed ; that Mary, when the angel came, was already St. Joseph's wife, and was living in his house. St. Ambrose, in his com- mentary on Luke, lib. ii., remarks that the salutation, " Hail, full of grace," was unknown before. "It was reserved for Mary alone. For rightly is she called full of grace, who alone obtained a grace merited by none, save only her, that she should be filled with the Author of Grace." At first, Mary was disturbed by the salu- tation, and even when told that she was to be the Mother of our Lord, she replied, "How shall this be, since I know not man P " Catholic divines point out that she did not, like Zacharias, show want of faith. She accepted the fact, and only inquired about the manner of its accom- plishment. According to the common explanation, she had made a vow of virginity, which she was anxious to keep, though, as St. Bernard says, she was willing to surrender it at God's bidding. The angel told her the child was to be conceived by the operation of the Holy Ghost. Mary herself was to supply all which an ordinary mother supplies for the formation of her child's body, so that Mary is truly the Mother of God. The rest was done by the operation of the Trinity, though it is attributed specially to the Holy Ghost, because it was a work of grace and love — grace and love being particularly appropriated to the Holy Ghost. This mystery was accomplished when the Blessed Virgin said, "Behold the handmaid of the Lord ; be it done unto me according to thy word." Then God the Son was hypostatically united to human nature. The Annunciation, as a feast, belongs both to Christ and to His Blessed Mother ; but Suarez says, that as the gift of Christ AI^THONY, ST., ohdeh OJ* to man was not perfectly accomplished till the moment of His birth, therefore the feast of the Annunciation is to be regarded chiefly as a feast of Mary, that of Christmas as a feast of Christ. The feast of the Annunciation is celebrated on March 25. Some authors — e.^. Thomassin and TiUemont — think that this date was chosen simply because it is nine months before Christmas ; nine months being the usual period which elapses between con- ception and birth. Benedict XIV., on the other hand, contends that the 25th of March was known by ancient tradition to have been the actual day. Certainly, St. Augustine, in the fourth book of his work on the Trinity, cap. v., speaks of an ancient tradition to that effect, while the same day is marked for the Annunciation in the Greek Menologies and Menaea, in the Calendars and Martyrologies of the Copts, Syrians, Chaldeans, as well as in the Sacramentary of St. Gregory, and generally in the Missals, &c., of the West. It is true that a Council of Toledo, in the seventh century, ordered the feast to be kept on January 18, but the object of the council was, not to fix the true date, but to provide against the inconvenience of celebrating the Annunciation in Lent. We do not find any certain and express mention of the feast in early writers, though Martene rightly infers from St. Augustine's words, already alluded to, that the custom of celebrating it is very ancient. We find it mentioned by the Council in Trullo (692), in an ancient Martyrology falsely attributed to St. Jerome, and in homilies which pass under the name of Gregory Thaumaturgus, and which may belong to the beginning of the fifth century. The BoUandists even argue from the general diffusion of the feast, that it may have been of Apostolic insti- tution. AN'onKEAir. [See Akianism.] AurTEPEN'Dzxrivx. As mentioned under Altab, u "pallium," or frontal, varying in colour according to the season, is to be placed on the altar. The rubric especially requires this when the altar is not entirely of stone. It is commonly called the antependium, from ante, before, and pendere, to hang. ATTTHEM. [See Az^TIPHON.] AITTHOM-Z-, ST., ORDER OF. Pro- perly speaking, there is no such Order. For although, as we have seen [Abbot], Anthony was the patriarch of the mon- astic family, still he composed no rule ; and if certain schismatic convents of ANTHROPOMOllPHITES Armenians and Oopts boast that they possess such^ a rule, it is always found on examination that it is the rule of St. Basil, or some modification of it. The Antonines, an order of monks to serve the sick, were founded by Gaston, a gentleman of Dauphin6, towards the end of the eleventh century, when the terrible and mysterious disease called St. Anthony's fire was causing great mor- tality in the valley of the Rhone. In 1040 Jocelyn, a pilgrim, had brought relics of St. Anthony to the Church of St. Didier la Mothe, near Vienne. Praying before these relics in 1095, Gaston, his son being then dangerously ill, vowed to give his goods to found a hospital if his son got well. The son recovered, and eagerly joined his father in the fulfilment of his vow. They took the monastic habit, and established a hospital for the reception of persons ill of St. Anthony's fire. The order flourished greatly. Bene- dict VIII. in 1297 ordained that the Antonines should live as canons-regular under the rule of St. Austin. The order subsisted till the Revolution, at which time there were sixty-six Antonines in France : of this number only three be- came assermentes ; the rest preferred per- secution, exile, and death. AHTHROPOXVIORPHZTES. An insignificant sect of the fourth century, called also Audians, after their founder Audius, a native of Mesopotamia. Ground- ing their heresy on many passages in Scrip- ture, especially in the Old Testament, they maintained that God had a human shape. They died out before the end of the fifth century. When Cassian, towards the year 400, travelled among the monks of Egypt, he found that anthropomorphism, though with a complete absence of heretical in- tention or perversity, was rife among them ; but whether they inherited the tenet from the Audians, or derived it from some other source, is uncertain. AXTTICHRIST. A word which, so far as the New Testament is concerned, only occurs in St. John's Epistles. In itself it might mean — " like Christ," or " instead of Christ," as avriOeos signifies Godlike, or dvOvTraros pro-consul, but the Anti- christ of St. John is Christ's adversary. "Ye have heard," he says, "that Antichrist^ is coming, and now there have been many Antichrists. . . . This is the Antichrist 1 1 Ep. ii. 18. The reading 6 av., " that the Antichrist comes," is that of the received text, bnt Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Tregelles omit tlie article. ANTICHRIST 35 who denies the Father and the Son." In the fourth chapter he makes the charac- teristic of Antichrist {to tov dvrixpLo-Tov) consist in not confessing Jesus ; ^ and more fully in the seventh verse of the Second Epistle, he places the guilt of Antichrist in his denial that Christ has " come in the flesh." Thus St, John identifies the Anti- christian spirit with the Docetic heresy, though he seems also to allude to a single person who is to come in the last days. St. Paul, in the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians is more explicit. He does not, indeed, use the word "Antichrist," but he speaks of a person whom he de- scribes as the " man of sin," " the son of perdition who opposeth and raiseth him- self over aU. that is called God, or is an object of awe, so as to sit in the temple of God, exhibiting himself as God." At pre- sent, there is a power which hinders his manifestation. The Thessalonians looked on the " day of the Lord " as already imminent. Not so, St. Paul replies : three things must happen first — au apostasy or defection must occur; the hindrance to the manifestation of Antichrist must be removed, and then Antichrist himself re- vealed. This " man of sin " is usually called " Antichrist," and to this termino- logy we shall conform during the rest of the article. As to this Antichrist, we must dis- tinguish between what is certain and what is doubtful. It is the constant belief of the whole Church, witnessed by Father after Father from Irenaeus downwards, that before our Lord comes again, a great power will arise which will persecute the Church, and lead many into apostasy. All that is " lawless," all that oppose " lawful au- thority " in Church or State, partake so far of his spirit, who is called, in the words of the Apostle, the " lawless one " by pre-eminence. But this must not lead us to treat Antichrist as a mere personifi- cation of evil, or to forget the universal belief of Fathers and theologians that he is a real and individual being who is to appear before the end of the world. So much for what is certain. When we come to details, the Fathers, Bossuet says, "do but grope in the dark, a sure mark that tradition had left nothing de- cisive on the subject." All, or nearly all, are agreed in considering that the " mys- 1 " Every spirit which does not confess Jesus." So the Greek, according to the editions just quoted. The Vulgate hag "every spirit which dissolves Jesus." j>2 36 ANTICHRIST tery of iniquity already worked " in Nero, that the power which hindered the ap- pearance of Antichrist was the Roman Empire, and that he was to appear as the Messias of the Jews, and to possess himself of their temple. Further, from very early times, St. Paul's "man of sin" was iden- tified with one of the two Apocalyptic beasts, in Apoc, xiii., and with the little horn, in Daniel vii., which roots out the other ten horns, or kings, speaks blasphemies and destroys the saints, A time was expected when the Roman power would be divided into tenkingdoms. Anti- christ was to destroy tliree of these, to subdue the rest, till, after a reign of three and a half years, he, in turn, was de- stroyed by Christ. It was also commonly held that Antichrist was to be a Jew, of the tribe of Dan, because that tribe is described as a serpent by the dying Jacob,^ and is omitted from the list of tribes in the Apocalypse.- Many other features in the picture might be given. Some re- garded Antichrist as generated by Satan ; others, as actually Satan incarnate. The Arian persecution in Africa, the domina- tion of Islam, were looked upon as likely to usher in the reign of Antichrist. Among other curious beliefs we may mention that of some among the B^guiues, who sup- posed that as Lucifer had come from the highest order of angels, so Antichrist would spring from the most perfect Order, viz. the Franciscan. In contrast with these aberrations of fancy, St. Augustine in the West, and St. John Damascene in the East, preserve a marked moderation of tone in discussing this subject. At the Protestant Reformation, an en- tirely new view appeared on the field. Even heretics had not ventured to assert that St. Paul, in the " man of sin," meant to describe the Pope. Wyclif, indeed, had called the Pope " Antichrist," while the name was applied to Pope Silvester by the Waldensians, to John XXII. by the B^guines ; but the word was used in that vague sense in which everyone who does or teaches evil is an Antichrist. Indeed, till Luther's time it was generally agreed that Antichrist was to be an indi- vidual, and this fact, which the plain sense of St. Paul's words implies, is enough of itself to refute the absurd opinion that Antichrist means the line of Popes. All Protestant writers of respectable attain- ments have now rejected this monstrous interpretation. Yet it is well not to for- get that it was once almost an article of 1 Gen. xlix. 17. 2 Apoc. vii. 5. ANTIOCII Protestant faith, and it was actually made a charge against Archbishop Laud on hia trial that he refused to recognise Anti- christ in the Bishop of Rome. (Chiefly taken from Dollinger's " First Age of the Church," Appendix I.) ATTTZDlCOlVl.A.RZiiN'ZTES (lit- erally " opponents of Mary "). A sect of heretics in Arabia, to whom St. Epipha- nius directed an epistle and of whom he gives an account in his work on heresies. They held, that, after Christ's birth, Mary- had other children by St. Joseph. They are said to have derived this error from disciples of Apollinaris. The Collyridians, a sect of the same time and country, also mentioned by Epiphanius, went to another extreme. Women of this sect offered cakes or rolls (KoXKvpides) in Mary's honour and afterwards partook of them. This superstition first arose in Thrace and Scythia. Against these here- sies St. Epiphanius lays down the Catholic principle, that Mary is to be honoured, but God only to be adored, (See Fleuiy, xvii. 26. Hefele in Wetzer and Welte.) ATJ-TIOCK. The city in which the disciples of our Lord were first called Christians. It was the chief centre of the Gentile Church and here the chief apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, and other apostolic men, such as St. Barnabas, laboured. Besides this, Antioch had a title to special pre-eminence in the fact that it was for a time the actual see of St. Peter, who founded the Church and held it, ac- cording to St, Jerome, for seven years. He was succeeded by St. Evodius and St. Ignatius. Moreover, the civil greatness of the city combined with its traditional glory, as St. Peter's see, to give it a high rank among the Churches of the world. It is no wonder, then, that Antioch should have been regarded in early times as the third among the episcopal cities of the Catholic world. The difficulty rather lies in the fact that the third, instead of the second, place was assigned to it, and that it ranked after Alexandria, the see of St. Mark. This apparent anomaly may be explained by the civil superiority of Alex- andria, and this is the solution actually given by Baronius ; or, again, it may be said that St. Peter only fixed his see at Antioch for a time, whereas he placed his representative St. Mark as the per- manent bishop of Alexandria. However, the bishops of Antioch did not even maintain their rank as third among Christian bishops, though it was theirs by ancient privilege. At the ANTIOCH Second and Fourth Councils, ihej per- mitted the bishop of Constantinople to assume the next place after the Roman bishop, so that Antioch became the fourth among the patriarchates. Shortly after the Fourth General Council, Antioch fell lower still. Anatolius, bishop of Con- stantinople in St. Leo's time, ordained a patriarch of Antioch,and this infringement of the independence which belonged to Antioch as a patriarchate came to be re- garded as a settled custom. The patriarchate of Antioch em- braced the following provinces: Phoe- nicia prima et secunda, Cilicia, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Osroene, Euphrates! a, Syria secunda, Isauria and Palestine. It is doubtful whether Persia was subject to it. Antioch claimed jurisdiction over Cyprus, but the latter asserted its inde- pendence at the Council of Ephesus, and at a later date Anthimus, metropolitan of Cyprus, resisted Peter the Fuller, who claimed authority as patriarch of Antioch. Anthimus professed to have found the body of St. Barnabas in the island and so to have proved the apostolic foundation of his Church. The territory of Antioch was abridged further by the rise of the patriarchate of Jerusalem. At Chalcedon, Juvenal of Jerusalem secured the three Palestines as his own patriarchate. This he did by an agreement with Maximus of Antioch, which was ratified by the coun- cil and tb^ Papal legates. The bishop of Tyre held the first place among the metropolitans subject to Antioch; he was colled Trpcorodpovos, and he had the right of consecrating the new patriarch, though in the middle of the fifth century, as we have seen, this privi- lege was usurped by Constantinople. The patriarch consecrated the metropolitans ; they consecrated the bishops, though Pope Leo wished that even bishops should not be consecrated without the patriarch's approval. Under the Emperors Zeno and Ana- stasius at the end of the fifth century, Monophysite patriarchs were placed at Antioch, and this Monophysite patriarch- ate lasts to the present day, though the patriarch's residence was removed to Tag- rit and later to Diarbekir. There was a Greek orthodox patriarch, who generally resided at Constantinople, but he too fell away in the general defection of the Greeks from Catholic unity. This schis- matic patriarchate of the orthodox Greeks still continues. At the end of the eleventh century, the conquests of the ANTIOCH 87 cru?aders led to the establishment of a Latin patriarchate. At present, besides the Syro-Monophy- site or Jacobite, and the Greek schismatic patriarch, there are — the Latin Catholic patriarch, who, at present, does not really govern any Church in the East ; the Greek Melchite patriarch, for the united Greeks ; the Syrian patriarch, for those of the Svrian rite who returned in the seven- teenth century from Monophysite error to the Church ; the Maronite patriarch, who has authority over all Maronite settle- ments. (From Le Quien, " Oriens Chris- tianus," torn. ii. Z)e Patriarchatu Antio- cheno ; except the last paragraph, which is from Moroni, " Dizionario," sub voc.) Among the many councils assembled at Antioch, special importance belongs (1) to three councils held between 264 and 269 against Paul of Samosata. At the third council, in 269, Paul was deposed and his formula that the Son was of one substance {ojioovo-los) with the Father condemned, probably because Paul meant by it, that the Son pre-existed only as an attribute of the Father, not as a distinct Person, just as reason in man is a mere faculty, not a distinct person. The fathers of the council addressed an en- cyclical letter to Dionysius of Rome, Maximus of Alexandria, and to the other bishops. Dionysius died that same year, but his successor, Felix I., published a decisive statement of the Catholic faith against the errors of theheresiarch. Paul, however, maintained possession of the episcopal house; whereupon the orthodox applied to the emperor Aurelian, who de- creed that the bishop's house was to belong to him " with whom the Italian bishops and the Ptoman see were in communion." (2) To the Synod in enccsniis, held in 341. It consisted of 97 bishops, met to consecrate the " Golden Church " begun by Constantine the Great ; whence the name ev iyKaiviois. The majority of the fathers held the Catholic faith, and had no thought of betraying it; and hence their 25 canons relating to matters of discipline attained to great authority throughout the Church. But they were deceived by the Eusebian party [see Ariaijism], renewed the sentence of de- position against Athanasius, and put forth four Creeds, which though they approach the Nicene confession, stiU fall short of it by omitting the decisive word " consub- stantial." Apart from its influence as a patri- archate and as the meeting-place of coun- 88 ANTIPHON cils, Antioch also wielded great powers over the Cliurcli as a school of^ theology and of Sanptural exegesis. This school already existed in the fourth century, when Dorotheus and Lucian — who died, as a martyr, in 311 — were its chief orna- ments. The Antiochenes were learned and logical, the enemies of allegorical in- pretation and of mysticism, but their loYB of reasoning and their common sense degenerated at times into a rationalistic tendency, so much so that Theodore of Mopsuestia has ever been regarded as the forerunner of Nestorius. But un- doubtedly, Antioch rendered great ser- vices in the literal interpretation of Scrip- ture. Unlike the Alexandrians, the great scholars of Antioch turned aside from allegorical interpretations, and were distinguished for their critical spirit and grammatical precision. Among their foremost commentators were — Diodorus, bishop of Tarsus ( + about 394), for- merly priest of Antioch, whose writings, though vehemently denounced for their Nestorian tendency, and no longer extant, once enjoyed a vast reputation; John Chrysostom, the greatest of all literal expositors ; Theodore of Mopsuestia ( + 429), like Diodorus, inclining to Nes- torianism, but gifted with talents which can still be discovered even in the frag- ments and Latin translations of his com- mentaries which survive, and known among the Nestorians as " the commen- tator" par excellence] Theodoret ( + about 458), whose commentaries on St. Paul are "perhaps unsurpassed" for "appreciation, terseness of expression and good sense." ^ AXJTZFHOn'. The word signifies " alternate utterance." St. Ignatius, one of the Apostolic Fathers, is believed to have first instituted the method of alternate chanting by two choirs, at Antioch. In the time of Constantine, according to Sozomen, the monks Flavian and Dio- dorus introduced it among the Greeks. In the Latin Church it was first employed by St. Ambrose at Milan in the fourth century, and soon became general. But in process of time the word came to have a more restricted sense ; according to which it signifies a selection of words or verses prefixed to and following a psalm or psalms, to express in brief the mystery which the Church is contemplating in that part of her office. In the Mass, the Introit (introduced by Pope Celestine I. in the fifth century), 1 Lightfoot on Galatians, p. 230. ANTIPOPES the Offertory, and the Communion, are regarded as Antiphons. But it is m the canonical hours that the use of the Anti- phon receives its greatest extension. At vespers, matins, and lauds, when the office is a double [see Feasts], the Anti- phons are doubled— that is, the whole Antiphon is said both before and after the psalm or canticle. On minor feasts, the Antiphons are not doubled; then the first words only are said before the psalm, and the whole at the end of it. Liturgical writers say that the Antiphon means charity ; and that when it is not doubled, the meaning is that charity, be- gun in this life, is perfected in the life to come ; when it is doubled, it is because on the greater feasts we desire to show a more ardent charity. Except the Alle- luias, few Antiphons are sung in Paschal time, for the joy of the season inflames of itself, and without extraneous sugges- tion, the charity of the clergy. On most Sundays the Antiphons at vespers are taken from both Testaments, but in Paschal time only from the New. On the greater Antiphons, see the article AjDVElJrT. The Antiphons of the B. V. M. formed no part of the original Church office ; they came into the~breviary later. They are four in number, one for each season of the year. The first, "Alma Redemptoris," sung from Advent to Candlemas, was written by H'ermannus Contractus, who died in 1054. Chaucer's beautiful use of this in the Prioresses Tale shows how popular a canticle it must have been with our forefathers. The second, " Ave Regina," sung from Candle- mas to Maundy Thursday, was written about the same time, but the author is unknown. The third, "Regina Cceli, Isetare," is used in Paschal time ; and the fourth, " Salve Regina " (to which, as is well known, St. Bernard added the words " Clemens," &c.), written either by Pedro of ComposteUa or ITermaunus Contractus, is sung from Trinity to Advent. AXfTiPKOia-ARY. The book in which the antiphons of the breviary, with the musical notes belonging to them, are contained. AUTIPOPES. In the first twelve centuries of her existence the Church was disturbed some twenty-five times by rival claimants of the Papacy. The strife thus originated was always an occasion of scandal, sometimes of violence and blood- shed, but in most cases it was easy for AJSfTIPOPES men of honest will to distinguish, between the true Pope and the Antipope or false claimant. It was very dift'erent in the great schism of the fourteenth century. For forty years two and even three pre- tenders to the Papacy claimed the allegi- ance of Catholics : whole countries, learned men and canonised saints, ranged themselves on different sides, and even now it is not perhaps absolutely certain who was Pope and who Antipope. It is usually said that Novatian, who became the leader of a schismatical party at Rome in 251, was the first Antipope, but Bollinger (" Hippolytus and Oallis- tus," Engl. Tr. p. 91 seq.) argues with weighty reasons that he was anticipated thirty years before by Hippolytus, the sup- posed author of the " Philosophumena." In the election of Felix II. (a.d. 355-6) a new element appears which was often to manifest itself again — viz. the influence of the Court. The Arian Emperor Con- stantius, after removing Pope Liberius from Rome, compelled three disreputable bishops {KiiTacTKoivovs • ov yap hv ris c'iiroi eTTtorKOTTovs) " to cstabHsh as bishop in the palace a certain Felix, who was worthy of them." So Athanasius writes (" Ad Monach. et Hist. Arian." 75) only three years after the event, and we can scarcely doubt that his account is accurate in the main. It is accepted, e.(/., by Natalis Alexander (Diss, xxxii. a. 3 in Spec, iv.), Hefele ("Concil." i. p. 661), and many other Catholic authorities. But Felix is commemorated as a saint in the Latin Church on July 29, and Pagi ("In Annal. Baron." ad ann. 357, n. 3, ad 357, n. 16 seq.) tries to show that he was no Arian intruder, but succeeded Liberius upon his resignation. After Felix, we meet with no more heretical Antipopes, although Laurentius (498) was supported by the Byzantine Court in the belief that he would approve the Henoticon of the Emperor Zeno. Indeed, for many centuries Anti- popes were upheld simply by factions among the clergy and people, who had the power of election. Thus Eulalius (418-19) was supported by a minority of clergy and people, and by the Prefect Symmachus ; he was finally expelled by the Emperor Honorius (Fleury, " H. E." xxiv. 7 seq.). Laurentius (498) had a party of the people and Festus the pa- trician on his side ; the case was decided against him by the Arian king Theodoric {lb. XXX. 48). Dioscorus (530) was raised by popular faction and died a month ANTIPOPES 39 afterwards (ib. xxxii. 21). Pascal (687- 692) gained a party among the people and the favour of John, Exarch of Ravenna, by bribery (ib. xl. 39). The tumultuous mob which chose John (844) abandoned him almost immediately {ib. xlviii. 15). The deputies of the Emperor Lothair and the arms of the Prankish soldiers enabled the usurper Anastasius to defy the true Pope Benedict III. for a brief space in 855^ {ib. xlix. 26). A new complication occurred in 964. Benedict V. does not deserve to be called Antipope. He was duly elected by the Roman people. But the Romans had sworn in the previous year that they would not proceed to elect a Pope except with the Emperor's con- sent and according to his wishes. Benedict was degraded and humbly confessed his sin (Hefele, " Concil." p. 619 seq.) In the two following centuries we find a number of Ajitipopes raised to this bad eminence by the violence of popular and baronial factions in the darkest age of the Church's history. Such were Franco, a deacon of the Roman Church, who took the title of Boniface VII. and usurped the Roman bishopric in 975 and again in 984 (Fleury, Ivi. 36, Ivii. 12); John XVI. (Philo- gathus), who won his place by bribery in 997 {lb. Ivii. 49) ; a certain Gregory who headed a party after a contested election in 1012 {ib. Iviii. 35). It was believed till quite lately that the Church in the middle of the eleventh century was distracted for the first time by the claims of three rival Popes. The recent investigations of Steindorff have shown this supposition to be inaccurate, and his conclusions are accepted by Hefele in his second edition. The following seem to be the facts of the case. In 1033 the Count of Tusculum raised his son, a boy of twelve, to the Papal throne. He called himself Bene- 1 At this time the fabulous Pope Joan is said to have reigned. The story first appeared in a book by the French Dominican Stephen de Bourbon (d. 1261) ; then in early MSS. of the history of Martinus Polonus, also a Dominican (d. 1279). The work of Polonus was the popu- lar history of the middle ages, and obtained universal ■ belief for the legend. It found a place in the MirabUia Urbh RomcB, a sort of handbook for strangers visiting Rome. Nay, acquiescence in the fable induced John XX. to style himself " John XXI." It was not till the fifteenth century that doubts arose, and the Calvinist Blondel (Joanna Papissa, Amstelo- dam. 1657) first demonstrated the unhistorical character of the legend. He was followed by Leibnitz (Flares Spars't in tumulum Fapissae, Goetting. 17.08), and by nearly all historians since, (Dbllinger, Papstfabeln, 1 i^eq.) 40 ANTIPOPES diet IX. In 1044 this " devil oii_ the chair of Peter" was overthrown in a popular uproar, and Silvester III., not without simony, succeeded to his place. He in turn, after the lapse of a year, resigned in favour of Gregory VI., an excellent man, though apparently he bribed Benedict to resign. Although therefore there were not three rival Popes, still there were three parties in the E-oman Church and some reason to fear that a triple schism might arise. It was this fear which induced the German King Henry III. to interfere. A council of Sutri deposed Gregory and Silvester, Benedict was deposed the same year in a synod of Pome, and Suidger of Bamberg, at the recommendation of the liing, was canonically elected. He took the title of Clement 11. (Hefele, " Concil." iv. p. 706 seq.) The election of the Antipope Cada- laus (the name is spelt in many ways), known as Honoring II., has greater and wider interest, connected as it is with the general history of the Church. The party of reform chose Alexander II. Beatrice of Canossa was zealous in his cause, and he was acknowledged as true Pope in 1062 at a synod of Augsburg. But many feared the strong measures a good Pope might take against the simony and concubinage prevalent among the clergy. The Lombard bishops were de- termined to have a Pope who came from the Paradise of Italy {i.e. Lombardy), and who woidd have patience with human weakness. A powerful party at Rome was at one with them, at least on the latter point. Thus it came to pass that Cadalaus, bishop of Parma, a man of licentious life, was chosen Pope at a council of Basle by the Lombard prelates and Roman deputies in 1061, took the title of Honorius II., and was invested by the young King Henry IV. with the insignia of the Papacy just twenty-eight days after the cardinal bishops had elected Alexander II. The schism was a for- midable one. The German Court aban- doned the cause of Cadalaus at the synod of Augsburg, but he foimd favour even after that with the Empress Agnes and with the king, and he had money and arms at his command. He died in 1072 (Hefele, " Concil." iv. p. 870 seq.) Next comes a, series of Anti popes in the long strife between the Empire and the Papacy. Guibert of Ravenna, the favourite of Henry IV., was recognised by the Ghibelline party as Clement III. ; ANTIPOPES he was followed by the Antipopes Theo- doric and Albert. In like manner Bur- dinus of Braga, under the Emperor Henry v., became the Antipope Gregory VIH. (Hergenrother, " Kirchengeschichte," i. p. 767). Anacletus II., a son of Peter Leone and of Jewish family, was chosen by a party among the cardinals in 1130, but by means of simony. His opponent. Innocent II., won the allegiance of the Catholic world as a whole, but Anacletus was upheld by the Normans in Calabria, by the Duke of Aquitaine, and others. After his death in 1138, his party transferred their homage to another Antipope, Victor IV. {lb. 771-3). Once more under Frederic I., the war between the Imperial and Papal parties called new Antipopes into existence. The first of these, also caUed Victor IV., had won the votes of the Ghibelline majority among the car- dinals. He was acknowledged by a synod of Pavia in 1160, and the true Pope, Alexander IH., took refuge in France. Another Antipope, Paschal III. {Guido Clemens), followed in 1164, and another Calixtus III. (John de Strimia), in 1168. Frederic ceased to maintain the schism after the peace of Venice in 1177, and the Antipope himself submitted to Alex- ander III. Some of the Barons tried to continue the schism by declaring Lando Siterio Pope, but the attempt failed utterly and at once, and Pope Alex- ander, who died in 1181, had seen the fall of no less than four pretenders to the Papacy. For about two centuries no Antipope disturbed the Church's peace, but in 1378 the election of Urban VI. occasioned a schism rightly called the great, since it was the most grievous ever known. Gregory XL had just brought the " Baby- lonish captivity " of Avignon to an end. It is said that, as he received the sacra- ments of the dying, he warned others against certain persons who advanced ideas of their own as divine inspirations, lamented the step they had induced him to take, and expressed his dread of the consequences to the Church. There were sixteen cardinals present at Rome, of whom eleven were Frenchmen, four Italians, and one, Peter de Luna, a Spaniard. Gregory, a few days before his death, had empowered them to hold a conclave at any place and without waiting for their colleagues (Raynald. ad. ann. 1378, n. 2). On April 7, 1378, they assembled in the Vatican. Their task was far from easy. It would have been ANTIPOPES natural for them to elect a i''rencliman, but on the other hand, the Romans ear- nestly demanded a Roman or at least an Italian Pope. An April 8, Bartholomew of Prignano, archbishop of Bari, was elected, and he was crowned on Easter Sunday under the title of Urban VI. French contemporary writers with scarcely an exception represent the cardinals as constrained by violence. They were told by the populace that they must elect an Italian or die ; nor were signs wanting that the Roman mob meant to keep their word. There are, however, very strong reasons for refusing belief to these French accounts. Dietrich of Niem, a, German and an official in the Papal Court at the time, assures us that the election was per- fectly free, that the people did indeed b<'g the cardinals to promote an Italian, but used no force or thi-eats, and that the tumult did not occur till llie election was over. Dietrich must have known the truth, and there is every ground to think he told it, for he was by no means an enthusiastic admirer of Pope Urban. The testimony of St. Catherine of Sweden, given at length by Raynaldus (ad ann. 1379, n. 20) is to the same effect. She was present in Rome at the time, and talked over the matter with many of the cardinals. But the most conclusive document is the letter also given in full by Raynaldus (ad ann. 1378, n. 19), which the sixteen electors addressed on April 19 to their brother-cardinals at Avignon. They declare that they had chosen Urban freely and unanimously, and we know that they acknowledged him for several months without a pro- test. However, Urban's harshness and im- prudence alienated the Sacred College, and in August of that same year the French cardinals declared that the election had been constrained, and renoimced all aUegiance to Urban, whom they called " an apostate " and " an accursed Anti- christ " (Raynald. ad ann. 1378, n. 48 seq.) They persuaded three out of the four Italian cardinals to join them at Fondi, where, on September 20, the Car- dinal of Geneva was elected, and became Clement VII. Urban found himself deserted by every cardinal, for the fourth Italian member of the college (Tebal- deschi) was dead. All the cardinals at Avignon accepted Clement, who soon after established himself, and was acknow- ledged Pope in France, Lorraine, Savoy, Scotland, Naples, and Spain. The rest ANTIPOPES 41 of the Catholic world belonged to the obe- dience of Urban. St. Catherine of Siena was eager in the cause of Urban; St. Vincent Ferrar equally so for the Popes of the other line. Urban was followed by Boniface IX. (1389-1404) ; Innocent VII. (1404-6); Gregory XII. 1407-9. On Clement's death in 1394, he was re- placed by the famous Peter de Luna, Benedict XIII. The Council of Pisa in 1409 tried to remove the scandal of a double line of Popes anathematising each other and dividing the allegianre of Christendom. In Session XV. both Popes were deposed, and in the nineteenth, Alexander V. was elected. For a time this made matters worse, for neither Gregory nor Benedict admitted the validity of the sentence, so that there wore now three claimants of the Papacy — viz. Grcj^oiy XIL, Benedict XIII. anil Alexandf^r V. Still, Alex- ander's succef^sor, John XXJII. was ac- cepted by the Emperor Sigismuud, and by the greater part of the Church. Another attempt at peace was made by the Council of Constance. It annulled the pretensions of all three Popes. Of these, Gregory resigned willingly. John was deposed in session xii., May 1415, and Benedict XIII. in session xxvii., two years later. Martin V. was then chosen Pope by the twenty-three cardinals and six deputies from each of the four nations into which the council was divided. Here the schism virtually ended, and Martin V. ruled over all Catholics. Nevertheless, Benedict XIII. held out at the Castle of Peniscola, on the Catalonian coast. He had received the deputies who brought him the sentence of deposition with solemn protest ; he maintained to the last that the little church of his obedience was the ark of salvation, and that he himself was the centre of unity. With his last breath in 1423 he bade his cardinals provide for the election of a suc- cessor, which they did by promoting the Canon Munoz ^ as Clement VII. He, however, resigned the tiara in 1429, and allowed his cardinals to elect "Otto Colonna, known in his obedience as Martm V." Munoz became Bishop of the Balearic Isles. Amadeus, Count and afterwards first JL There were only four "cardinals " in Benedict's obedience. Three chose Munoz; a fourth elected himself, and took the title <' Benedict XIV." He was defended by the Count of Armagnac. 42 ARTISTES Duke of Savoy and Count of Geneva, was the last of the Antipopes. He was chosen by the Council of Basle, then Bchismatical, in 1439, and crowned at Basle in the following year. He sub- mitted in 1449 to Pope Nicolas V., who made him cardinal and perpetual vicar of the Holy See in the territories of Savoy, Basle, Strasburg, &c. He died at Eipaille in 1451. AN'TISTES. A title frequently ap- plied in ecclesiastical history, and in the prayers of the Church, to a prelate or bishop. APOCRZSZARIUS (aTroKpivecrOai, to answer). Ecclesiastical, but chiefly Papal, emissaries to the Court of the Emperor were designated by this name from the fourth to the ninth century. So long as the civil power persecuted the Church, there was no place for such offi- cials ; but after the conversion of Con- stantine, th^ recognition by the Roman emperors of the divinity of Christianity and the claims of the hierarchy gave rise to numberless questions, within the bor- derland of the civil and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which it was important for the Popes to press on the notice of the em- perors, and obtain definite answers upon, so that a practical adjustment might be- come possible. The Apocrisiarius, there- fore, coiTesponded to the Nuncio or Legate a latere of later times, and was usually -a deacon of the E-oman Church. Gregory the Great resided in this charac- ter for three years at Constantinople in the reign of the Emperor Mauricius. After the middle of the eighth century we hear no more of such an emissary, because the adoption of the extravagances of the Iconoclasts by the imperial Court led to a breach with Rome. But when Charlemagne revived the Empire of the West, similar diplomatic relations arose between him and the Holy See, which again required the appointment of Apocri- siarii. _ It appears that under the first Frankish emperors the imperial arch- chaplain was at the same time Papal Apocrisiarius. Subsequently the name was given to officials of Court nomination, who held no commission from Rome ; and in this way the title in its old sense came to be disused, and was replaced by Legatus [q. v.] or Nuntius. APOCRVPHA (from anoKpvcjios, hid- den). It corresponds to the Jewish word t^y, which the J ews applied to books with- drawn from public use in the synagogue, on account of their unfitness for public APOCRYPHA reading.^ But the later Jews had also the notion that some books should be withdrawn from general circulation be- cause of the mysterious truths they con- tained.' The early Fathers used " apocryphal " to denote the forged books of heretics, borrowing, perhaps, the name from the heretics themselves, who vaunted the " apocryphal " ^ or " hidden " wisdom of these writings. Later — e.ff. in the " Pro- logus galeatus " of Jerome — apocryphal is used in a milder sense to mark simply that a book is not in the recognised canon of Scripture ; and Pope Gelasius,* in a de- cree of 494, uses the term apocryphal in a very wide manner, (1) of heretical for- geries ; (2) of books like the " Shepherd of Hermas," revered by the ancients, but not tL part of Scripture ; (3) works by early Christian writers (Arnobius, Cas- sian, &c.) who had erred on some points of doctrine. We need scarcely add that the Protestant custom of calling Wis- dom, Machabees, &c., " Apocrypha," is contrary to the faith and tradition of the Church. [See Canon op the Scriptuee.] The name is now usually reserved by Catholics for books, laying claim to an origin which might entitle them to a place in the canon, or which have been supposed to be Scripture, but which have been finally rejected by the Church. In the Old Testament the most important apocrjrphal books are — 3 and 4 Esdras, both of which are cited by early writers as Scripture, the latter being also used in the Missal and Breviary ; 3 and 4 Macha- bees ; the prayer of Manasses, which is found in Greek MSS. of the Old Testa- ment, and is often printed, in a Latin version, in the appendix to the Vulgate ; the book of Enoch (cf. Jude 14), which Tertullian regarded as authentic (it only exists at present in an Ethiopic version) ; a 151st Psalm attributed to David, which is found in Greek MSS., and in the Syriac, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions of the Psalms; eighteen psalms attributed to Solomon, written originally, according to some scholars, in Hebrew, according to others, in Greek.^ There is a great mass of New Testa- ment apocryphal literature. Some books, such as the " Epistle of Barnabas," the 1 Buxtorf. Lex. Chald. et Rabbin, sub voc. 2 4 Esdr. xiv. 46. 5 Tertull. De An. 2. Clein. Alex. Strom. iii. 4. 29 ; Euseb. Hist. iv. 22. 4 Fleury, Hist, xxx, 35 ; but see also Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 618. 5 See Beusch, Einleit. in das A. T. p. 176. APOCRYPHA two " Epistles of Clement," the " Shep- herd of Hermas," may in a certain sense he called apocryphal, because, though not really belonging to Scripture, they were quoted as such by ancient writers, or were inserted in MSS. of the New Testament. Some other books mentioned by Eusebius —viz. the "Acts of Paul," the "Apo- calypse of Peter," the " Teachings of the Apostles " (fiiSa;^ai twv ^AttocttoXcov), seem to have belonged to this better class of apocryphal literature. Besides these, Eusebius mentions apocryphal books in circulation among heretics — viz. the " Gospels " of Peter, Thomas, Matthias ; the " Acts " of Andrew, John, and the rest of the Apostles.^ Fragments remain of the ancient Gospels " according to the Hebrews," " of the Nazarenes," " accord- ing to the Egyptians," of the preaching and Apocalypse of Peter, &c., and have been repeatedly edited.- Later times were no less fruitful in apocryphal literature, and we still possess a great number of these later forgeries, entire and complete. They have been edited by Fabricius in the work already named; by Thilo, "Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti," 1831, of which work only the first volume, containing the apocryphal Gospels, appeared; by Tis- cnendorf (" Evangelia Apocrypha," 1876, second edition enlarged ; " Acta Aposto- lorum Apocrypha," 1851; "Apocryphal Apocalypses," 1866), and by other scho- lars. This is not the place to attempt an enumeration of these apocryphal books, but we may mention some which enjoyed a special popularity in the Church, and exercised a marked influence on Catholic literature. A number of apocryphal Gospels treat of the infancy and youth of our Lord, and of the history of his blessed Mother and foster-father. Among these the " Protevangelium of James" holds the first place. It describes the early history of Mary, our Lord's birth at Bethlehem, and the history of the wise men from the East. This gospel was much used by the Greek Fathers ; portions of it were read publicly in the Eastern Church, and it was translated into Arabic and Coptic. It was prohibited for a time among the Latins, but even in the "West it was much used during the middle ages. Other Gospels, such as the Arabic 1 Euseb. H. E. iii. 25. 2 By Fabricius, Codex Apocryphus N. T. (1703-19) ; Grabe, Spicilegium Patrum, Oxoniae (1700) ; HilKenfeld, N. T. extra Canonem re- ceptum (1865). APOLLINAPJANISM 43 " Evangelium Infantiae Salvatoris,'' con- tain legendary miracles of our Lord's infancy. We have a second class of apocryphal Gospels which treat of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ. Of this class is the " Gospel of Nicodemus." It is probably of very late origin, but it was a favourite book in the middle ages. The Greek text still exists, but it was also circulated, before the invention of print- ing, in Latin, Anglo-Saxon, German, and French. Closely connected with this Gospel are a number of documents which have sprung from very ancient but spuri- ous "Acts of Pilate." These ancient Acts which were known to Justin and Tertullian, have perished, but they called forth several imitations which still survive. The one which is best known is a letter of Lentulus to the Roman senate describ- ing the personal appearance of our Lord. It is a forgery of the middle ages. Further, apocryphal literature is rich in " Acts of the Apostles," and here, as in the apocryphal Gospels, we find early but spurious Acts, revised and enlarged, and so originating fresh forgeries. Thus the " Acts of Paul and Thecla," in their existing form, are the recension of a very early work — forged as early at least as Tertullian's time. The fullest of all these "Acts" is the "Historia Certaminis Apostolorum." It can scarcely be older than the ninth century, but it is of con- siderable value, because the author has made diligent use of earlier Acts, some of which have perished. Of apocryphal Epistles we have, among others, a letter of Bt. Paul to the Laodi- ceans (only existing in Latin), which, though rejected by Jerome, was accepted as canonical bymany^eat Latin theolo- gians of a later day, won a place in many copies of the Latin Bible, and for more than nine centuries " hovered about the doors of the sacred canon." ^ We may also mention a letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians, and another of the Corinthi- ans to St. Paul (both only in Armenian) ; letters supposed to have passed between St. Paul and Seneca (known to Jerome and Augustine) ; spurious letters of the Blessed Virgin, to St. Ignatius, to the in- habitants of Messina, &c. &c. Lastly, we have apocryphal Apo- calypses of Paul (called also avafianKov ; see 2 Cor. xii. 1), Thomas, Stephen- nay, even of St. John himself. APOIililNARIAKriSM. Apollin- aris was the son of a grammarian, also 1 Lightfoot, Ep. to Colos. p. 365. 44 APOLLINAEIANISM called Apolliiiaris, who migrated from Alexandria to Laodicea, where the younger Apollinaris was born, and of which city he afterwards became bishop. He was distinguished, not only for his great literary knowledge and skill, but also for his austerity of life. He was a voluminous author. Pie wrote in defence of the Christian religion against Porphyry, and showed like zeal against the Arians, who in revenge inflicted a cruel wrong upon him. He was dear in his youth to St. Athanasius, and he was in friendly relations with SS. p]piphanius, Basil, Gregory of Nazianzus. Hence, for a long time the Catholics were unwilling to believe that the errors attributed to him were really his. Athanasius wrote against his heresy without mentioning his name, and at the Alexandrian Council of 3G2, the Apollinarians seem either to have retracted their errors for the moment, or else to have deceived the Catholic bishops,' But " towards 375 or 376," says Flemy, "their errors manifested themselves so plainly as to make further toleration impossible. The Egyptian bishops exiled in Palestine for the faith opposed [Apol- linaris] vigorously," ^ and St. Basil vn-ote against the heresiarch. Apollinaris was condemned in a Ptoman synod under Pope Damasus in 374. Two years later, the same Pope, in another Poman synod, anathematised the heresy and deposed Apollinaris with his two disciples Timothy andVitalis, Apollinarist bishops at Alex- andria and Antioch.2 They were con- demned again in the first canon of the Second General Council and their assem- blies were forbidden by Theodosius. Apollinaris was not always consistent with himself, and it is not easy to dis- tinguish his doctrine from later accretions, which it may have received through his followers. A full account of his doctrine so far as it can be ascertained will be found in Petavius,* from whom we have taken the following summary : — First, Apollinaris, like the Arians, denied that our Lord had a human intelli- gence. He admitted that Christ had a soul by which Pie lived and felt, but he said that the place of the intellect and spirit were supplied by the eternal Word. A human intelligence, he argued, would have been useless to our Lord, and incon- sistent with His sinlessness, because a 1 Hefele, ConcUiengeschichte, i. 729. 2 Hist. xvii. 25. 3 Hefele, ConcUiengeschichte, i. 740, 742. * De Jncarnat. i. 6. APOSTASY created intelligence must needs be peccar ble. Here Apollinaris virtually denied that Christ is perfect man, and destroyed all real belief in the Incarnation. Next, he, or at least his followers, held that our Lord's flesh was of one substance with His divinity, so that the divinity actually sufiered and died. They denied that He took flesh from the Blessed Virgin, asserting that Christ brought His body with Him from heaven, and that this body existed " before the ages." On this point, the Apollinarians repeated an old Gnostic error, and were the fore- runners of the Monophysites. They ob- jected to the Catholic doctrine, according to which Christ is true man, because they thought it introduced a fourth person over and above the three Persons of the Trinity. As Apollinaris denied the hu- manity of Christ by depriving Plim of an intelligent soul, so he did in reality decy His divinity, for a Godhead which can die or suffer is no Godhead at all. (See Petav. loc. cit. ; Fleury ; Newman, " Tracts The- ological and Ecclesiastical," 267 seq) iLPOXiOG-lST. The word is used generally to denote writers who defend Christianity and the Church from attack. It is also applied in a special sense to those Christian writers of the first four centuries, who vindicated the faith and discipline of Christ from the torrent of obloquy to which they were exposed in _ Pagan society. Such were Justin Martyr, " Minucius Felix, Tertullian, Theophilus, Clement of Alexandria, Lactantius, &c., besides others, such as Quadratus, Ari- stides, and Melito, whose works have not come down to us. iLFOSTASV. It is of three kinds : that from the Christian faith ; that from ecclesiastical obedience ; and that from a religious profession, or from holy orders. An apostate from the faith is one who wholly abandons the faith of Christ, and joins himself to some other law, such as Judaism, Islam, Paganism, &c. It is a mistake, therefore, to brand as apostasy any kind of heresy or schism, however criminal or absurd, which still assumes to itself the Christian name. "While the Turks were in the heyday of their power, and had great command over the Medi- terranean, the captivity of Christians among them, and apostasy resulting from such captivity, were matters of everyday occurrence ; hence a great number of decisions and opinions respecting the treatment of apostates, on their wishing to return to Christianity, may be found in the writings of canonists. The second kind of apostasy, that from ecclesiastical obedience, is when a Catholic wilfully and contumacionsly sets at nought the authority of the Church. Such apostasy, if persisted in, becomes Schism [?.f.]- The third kind is that of those who abandon without permission the religious order in which they are professed : as when Luther abandoned his profession as an Angustinian, and married Catherine Bora. He is also an apostate who, after having received major orders, renounces his cleri- cal profession, and returns to the dress and customs of the world, " an act which entails ecclesiastical infamy, and, if there is marriage, excommunication." (Ferraris, Apostasta ; Mack's article in Wetzer and Welte.) APOSTLE (from aTToaroXos, one who is sent). The word is not much used in classical Greek except to denote " a naval expedition." In the LXX it occurs only once, 3 Kings xiv. 6, where Ahias says to the wife of Jeroboam, " I am a hard messenger (aTroo-roAos-) to thee." It was, however, in common use among the later Jews, who applied it to the emissaries sent by the rulers of the race on any foreign mission. These " apostles " formed a council round the Jewish patriarch, and executed his orders abroad. Probably our Lord adopted the word from the current language of his time.^ The name is given in the New Testa- ment first of all to the twelve whom our Lord chose. " The names of the twelve apostles," St. Matthew says, ''are these: the first, Simon," &c. But it is by no means restricted to them : Matthias and Paul were of course Apostles, though not of the twelve ; so was Barnabas.^ More- over, St. Paul seems to bestow the name on the seventy disciples and also upon Andronicus and Junias.^ Certainly, in the writings of the Fathers and in the office of the Church the word is used of persons like Silas, Timothy, Luke, and others who were associated with Paul in his work.'* Finally, the word Apostle in the New Testament still retains its wide and original meaning of messenger.^ It is plain, however, from Scripture and tradition, and from the very fact that the Church was an organised body, that the office of Apostle was something ^ Lightfoot on Galat. 92 seq. 2 Acts xiii. 2, 3 ; Galat. ii. 9 ; 1 Cor. ix. 5. ^ 1 Cor. XV. 7 ; Rom. xvi. 7. ^ See Lightfoot, Zoc. cU., and Estius on Rom. 1. 5 Philipp. ii, 25. APOSTLii 45 definite and distincfc. It has been argued that an Apostle, in the strict seuse, had to be taken from those who had seen our Lord, and that the office of the Apostolate was always accompanied with the power of working miracles. Neither of these points can be proved. No doubt, it was providentially arranged that the twelve should be able to give personal witness to the resurrection, and St. Paul himself appeals to his having seen our Lord as proof of his equality with the older Apostles. No doubt, God did confirm the teaching of the Apostles by giving extra- ordinary efficacy to their words, and setting his seal to it by miracles. But this is no proof that the essential charac- ter of the Apostolate depended either on the gift of miracles or on having seen our Lord. There are, however, three marks of the Apostolic office which necessarily belong to it, and which, taken together, separate it from all other eccle- siastical dignities. First, the Apostles were bishops, and so had the sacrament of order in all its fullness ; they were able to consecrate and ordain, to con- firm, &c. Next, either mediately, through the ministry of man, or immediately from God Himself, they had received a com- mission to preach the Gospel throughout the world. They were to be witnesses to Christ "even to the end of the earth." Thirdly, they received full and perfect power of binding and loosing, of founding Churches, of ordaining bishops and other ecclesiastics, throughout the world. This universal jurisdiction, however, they were obliged to exercise in union with St. Peter, who was the centre of unity and head of the Church, and in subordination to him. Further, this universal jurisdiction was peculiar to themselves ; they could not — except in a certain modified sense, which will be explained presently — transmit it to their successors. It is Peter onlv, who had any individual successor in his primacy and his universal jurisdiction. Accordingly, if we are asked how far the Apostolic office continues in the Church, we may answer briefly as follows : — In episcopal order and in universal jurisdic- tion (i.e. in two out of the three notes of an Apostle) the bishops of Rome are the successors of St. Peter. Other bishops succeed the Apostles in order only, not in universal jurisdiction. But the episcopate conjointly have universal jurisdiction, and so together represent the Apostolic college. This jurisdiction they exercise in sub- ordination to the Pope, as the Apostles 46 APOSTLES* CEEED exercised theirs in subjection to St. Peter. (See Petav. " De Hierarcli." i. 6 and 6.) APOSTiiES' CRSED. [See Ceeed.] iiPOSTI.ES, FEASTS OP. Before the fifth century the Roman calendar contained no festivals proper to any of the Apostles except that of SS. Peter and Paul, on' June 29. Low Sunday — the Gospel of which recalls the grant of spiritual powers by the risen Christ to the assembled Apostles — was often called in antiquity "the Sunday of the Apos- tles " ; it was one of the chief feasts in the Ethiopian calendar. In the Sacramentary of Pope Leo all the Apostles are com- memorated on June 29 ; for in the Mass for that day there is a collect which runs, " Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui nos omnium apostolorum merita sub una tribuisti celebritate venerari." Hence the " Festival of the Twelve Apostles," (Svi^a^tf Tcdv da>deKa 'ATtoaroXav) came to be, and is still, observed in the Greek Church on June 30. St. Jerome gives as a reason for having but one festival for the Apostles, " ut dies varii non videantur dividere quos una dignitas apostolica in coelesti gloria fecit esse sublimes." The feast of the " Division of the Apostles," referring to their final dispersion from Jerusalem thirteen years after the Ascen- sion, occurs in the Roman calendar on the 15th of July. The feast of SS. Philip and James was fixed on the 1st of May, after the translation of their relics into the "Basilica omnium Apostolorum" at Rome in the sixth century ; November 30th was fixed as the feast of St. Andrew by a bull of Boniface VIII. in 1295. APOSTOLIC CAia-OITS. A tradi- tion (accepted because unexamined) long prevailed that these Canons were dictated by the Apostles themselves to St. Cle- ment of Rome, who committed them to writing.^ Accurate research has dispelled this notion. Yet although all are agreed that they do not come to us with the weight of Apostolic sanction, their real value and the antiquity that should be assigned to them are stiU much disputed, and they have been, and still are, appealed to as an important witness in many modern controversies. Daill6 the Cal- vinist, astounded at the important, or rather, essential, place which they assign to bishops in the Christian economy, strove to prove that they were a work of no earlier date than the fifth century. The Anglican divines Beveridge and Pearson, especially the former, having APOSTOLIC CANONS as they conceived a deep interest in prov- ing the acceptance by the primitive Church of high views of episcopal power, examined with great learning and power the ques- tion of the origin of these Canons, and endeavoured to prove that they must have been compiled not later than the end of the second or beginning of the third century. The latest German re- searches (see Kraus' "Real Encykl.") tend to the conclusion that, as collections, that of the first fifty Canons [see below] cannot be dated earlier than the middle of the fourth, while the remainder must be assigned to the sixth century. Bunsen, in his work on " Hippolytus and his Age," printed a translation of the Canons and also of several versions of the Constitu- tions, with a voluminous commentary, the intent of which is to show that these ancient documents " know of no sacrifice of the Mass, acknowledge no definition of the Catholic Church," and, generally, are in "flagrant contradiction" with the later canon law. That one of the authors of that strange hybrid the "Evangelical Church of Prussia " could have persuaded himself that the spirit which breathes from the Canons resembles in any way that which dictated the ecclesiastical legislation of the Prussian Government, is surely a singular instance of self-decep- tion ! The temperate statement of Soglia seems to come much nearer the truth. From these Canons, he says, it may be clearly seen and proved, "that the ordin- ations of bishops, presbyters, and other clerics are no growth of a later discipline, that the dogma of the oblation and sacri- fice of the Mass is not new, nor the dis- tinction between clergy and laity, nor the power of a bishop over his clergy, nor excommunication, nor many other similar institutes, which have been assailed by heretics on the score of novelty." After briefly describing what the Canons are, we shall reproduce the judgment which competent theologians have formed of their contents. The Apostolic Canons are usually found in MSS. appended to the last or eighth book of the Apostolical Constitutions. In some copies they are but fifty in number, in others eighty-five. The collection of fifty exists in a Latin form, having been trans- lated by Dionysius Exiguus from the original Greek towards the end of the fifth century. These fifty were always regarded in the West as authoritative in a sense in which the remaining Canons were not ; in the East no such distinction was APOSTOLIC OAKONS made between them and tlie other thirty- five. From the analysis made by Drey (" Neue Untersuchungen," &c.) it would appear that twenty-two out of the whole number substantially embody injunctions and rules contained in the extant apostolic epistles ; ten are closely connected, both in time and import, with these ; twenty date from the age of the great persecu- tions ; and the remainder are assignable to the Nicene and post-Nicene periods. With regard to their contents, "the greater number, 76 out of 86, relate to the clergy, their ordination, the conditions of consecration, their official ministrations, orthodoxy, morality, and subordination, also to their temporalities, and to the relation of the diocese to the province ; so that it is clear that the regulation of the discipline affecting ecclesiastical persons was the main object of the collection." With regard to the authority that should be assigned to them, while on the one hand the Emperors Constantine, Theodosius, and Justinian, the Council of Ephesus, and especially St. John Damascene, who ranks them with the Canon of the New Testament, are all in their favour, the consensus of opinion against them, since the sixteenth century, when they were first critically examined, is very strong. It is urged that Eusebius and St. Jerome are silent, though if such a collection of Canons had come down from the Apostles, they must have known of them; also that in the controversy (third century) between Pope Victor and bt. Cyprian, neither party appealed to them, though, had they been generally known, and believed to be genuine, they would at once have decided the point in dispute. Again, it is plain that many things mentioned in them — e.(/. metro- politans, division of dioceses, distinction of Church from episcopal property, &c. — are of post- Apostolic age. Thirdly, they teach in many places a doctrine which it is impossible to ascribe to the Apostles, as when (No. 17) they forbid only that a man who has been twice married after his baptism should be admitted into the ranks of the clergy, whereas the letter of Inno- cent I. (404) to Victricius, bishop of Rouen, proves that a second marriage dis- qualified from ordination, even when the first had been contracted before baptism ; or (No. 66) when they lay down an un- wise rule on fasting; or (Nos. 46, 47) enjoiu as to the re-baptism of heretics the contrary of that which Victor, following the true apostolic tradition, maintained in APOSTOLIC FATHERS 4? the dispute with Cyprian. Either there- fore it must be said that the Church teaches a doctrine and discipline repug- nant to what the Apostles taught — an assertion which would be impious — or it must be allowed that these Canons, in their entirety at least, cannot be ascribed to the Apostles. That Bunsen should have thought that these Canons breathed a spirit alien from that of the Roman Church is extra- ordinary. In them we view the Catholic Church as one body, attaching great importance to unity, knowing its own mind, imposing a strict discipline on all its members lay and clerical, just as we see the Church in communion with Rome doing at this day. The thirty-fifth Canon, enjoining on bishops obedience to their metropolitans iu the interest of that " unanimity " by which God is glorified, foreshadows — one might almost say, suggests — the language of the Leos and the Gregories concerning the chair of Peter, for what could prevent dissen- sion among the metropolitans, unless they, too, had some one to look up to and obey ? APOSTOIiZC FATHERS. A name given to Christian authors who wrote in the age succeeding that of the Apostles. Hefele's edition of the Apostolic Fathers (4th ed. Tiibingen, 1855) contains: — (1) An epistle, falsely ascribed to St. Barnabas. Hefele places it between 107-120. (2) Two letters (so-called) of Clement, Bishop of Rome. The former of the two (genuine), is assigned to the close of the first centujry. The second (spurious), is not a letter, but a homily of uncertain date. (3) The letters of St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch. Seven letters in the shorter Greek recension are genuine ; they belong to the early part of the second century. (4) A letter of Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, and disciple of St. John. (6) An anonymous epistle to Diognetus. Hefele and many others suppose, that the author lived shortly after the Apostles. (6) The "Shepherd of Hermas," an apocalyptic book, dating probably from the middle of the second century. (7) An account of the martyrdom of St. Polycarp, given by the contemporary Church of Smyrna. (8) Early Acts of the Martyrdom of St. Ignatius. The great edition of Cotelerius, appeared at Paris, 1662. It does not give the epistle to Diognetus, and on the other hand contains the Pseudo-Clemen- tine writings, with the Apostolic Canons 48 AtOSTOLiC t^ATHERS and Constitutions. An elaborate account of the whole literature of the subject will be found in the new edition by Gebhardt, Harnack and Zahn (Leipsic, 1876 seq). APOSTOIiICAI. COWSTITU- TZON'S {biard^ds or fiiaroyat). Eight books, devoted to the discussion of eccle- siastical affairs. They profess to contain the words of the Apostles written down by St. Clement of Rome. The first Greek printed text was edited by Turrianus, and published in 1663. The spurious character of the book was soon evident to Catholic scholars, suchasBaronius,Bellarmine,audPetavius, who were at one, at least on the main point, with Protestants like Daill6 and Blondel. But it is more difficult to say when the foundation of the book was laid, and when it took its present form. Eusebius mentions the " so-called teach- ings of the Apostles " {twv anoaTokiov at "Kcyofievai didaxai), and similarly Atha- nasius speaks of the " teaching of the Apostles," but it is doubtful whether they refer to some work of which the present "Constitutions" are a later recension. Epiphanius quotes the " Constitution of the Apostles" {hiaTa^Ls), but his quotations never exactly correspond to, while one of them differs widely from, our present text. Pearson assigns the work, as it stands, to the middle of the fifth century. Lagarde, one of the leading modern authorities on the subject, says it is now the general opinion of the learned, that the book "grew up secretly" in the third century, and that the last two books, (7th and 8th) were added afterwards. There is an excellent edition by De Lagarde, 1862. APOSTOXiZCl. A sect of Gnostics described by St. Epiphanius in his work on heresies ; they called themselves by this name because they pretended to imitate the Apostles in absolutely renouncing the world. They held matter to be altogether corrupt and impure, and consequently rejected marriage, though they appear not to have been averse to irregular connections. They were at no time numerous, and were dying out when Epiphanius wrote. In the twelfth century a sect appeared in Rhineland, and also in France, which took the same name, and held to a great extent the same doctrines ; but these Apostolics allowed of marriage. St. Bernard preached two sermons against them. They were always reviling the hierarchy, the corruption of which they declared to be so great as to have vitiated APPEAL all the sacraments of the Church except that of Baptism. A similar sect, calling themselves "Apostolic Brethren," ap- peared in North Italy towards the end of the thirteenth century ; their leaders, Segarelli and Dulcino, both suffered at the stake. For an account of their wild fanatical tenets, see Milman's "Latin Christianity," vii. 360. APOSTOliicus. The word was applied to bishops generally in the ancient Church, rather, however, as an epithet than as a title. Then it was restricted to metropolitans or primates ; thus Pope Siricius writes (about a.d. 390), "ut extra conscientiam sedis apostolicae, id est, primatis, nemo audeat ordinare." Even Alcuin, writing at the beginning of the ninth century, uses the word in this sense. Yet long before this the use of the term " sedes apostolica " kut^ i^oxrjv, for the see of Rome (comp. Beda's "Hist. Eccl." ^assm), had laid a foundation for the restriction of the term Apostolicus to the Roman Pontiff. From the ninth cen- tury onwards we find it applied only to the Popes, and in course of time it came to be used of them as a title and official designation. The Council of Rheims (1049) recognised the right of the Pope to this title, " quod solus Romanse sedis pontifex universalis ecclesise primas esset et Apostolicus," and excommunicated an archbishop of Compostella for assuming to himself " culmen Apostolici nominis," the eminence of the Apostolic name. In the middle ages, Apostolicus (in Norman French apostoile) became the current name for the reigning Pope. (Kraus' " Real Encykl. ;" Smith and Cheetham.) APPEAL He who appeals has re- course to the justice of a superior judge from what he conceives to be the unjust sentence of an inferior judge. Appeals may be either judicial or extra-judicial. A judicial appeal is from the sentence of a judge acting as a judge. An extra-judicial appeal is from the in- jurious action of any superior, whereby the appellant thinks his rights are in- fringed — e.g. in a case of disputed patron- age, or abusive exercise of power. In these cases, as the extra-judicial appeal is not in the cause, but begins or lays the foundation for the cause, it is not, pro- perly speaking, an appeal at aU. But there is one kind of extra-judicial appeal which is really such; it is when the appeal is made from a judge who has not decided judicially — e.g. who has given sentence without hearing the arguments APPEAL of counsel or the evidence of witnesses when these were required or allowed by the law. In this case the appeal is extra- judicial (for it is made against an arbi- trary act, rather than a motived judg- ment), yet it is a true appeal, for it is made from a judge to a judge. The object of appeals is the redress of injustice, whether knawingly or ignorantly committed. An appeal need not imply that the original sentence was unjust, for the production of new evidence in the superior court may change the aspect of a case, and cause a decision which was just on the assumption of one set of facta to be justly set aside on the discovery of further facts. Appeal can be made from any judge recognising a superior ; thus no appeal is possible, in secular matters, from the decision of the sovereign power, or the highest secular tribunal, in any country, for these, in such matters, recognise no superior. Again, there can be no appeal from the Pope ; " for he, as the vicar of Christ, recognises no superior on earth, and it is of the essence of an appeal that it be made from a lower to a higher judge, by whom the sentence of the first may be corrected." ^ Those who appeal from the judgment of the Pope to a future general council, of whatever rank or condition they may be, are formally ex- communicated in the bull "In Coena Domini.'' Nor can appeal be made from a general council legitimately convened and approved, " because it, being in union with the Roman Pontiff who approved it, represents the whole Church, from the sentence of which there can be no appeal." ^ As a rule, appeals should proceed regularly, through all the intermediate jurisdictions, to the supreme tribunal; but canon law admits of many exceptions to this. " In the first place, all persons are at liberty to appeal to the Pope imme- diately, passing over all intermediate judges, in ecclesiastical and spiritual causes; and those subject to his tem- poral rule can do so in temporal causes also." ^ The reason is, that the Pope is "the ordinary judge of all Christians, having concurrent power with all ordi- naries." Many other cases are specified in the canon law, in which appellants are authorised to appeal to a higher court at once, passing over the intermediate juris- dictions. 1 Ferraris, Appellatin, art. iii. '^ Ibid. 3 Ibid. § 10. APPELLANTS 49 At the same time there are numerous causes in which no appeal is permitted ; these are summed up in the following lines, ^ which are a sort of memoria technica ; — Sublimis judex, seel us, exsecutio, pactum, Contemptus, et res niinimas, dilatio nulla, Clausula quas removet, res qua; notoria constat, Et textus juris clarus, possessio, fatum. There can be no appeal from a " sublimis judex," such as the Pope, or the sovereig-n authority in a state. " Scelus : " that is, those convicted of criminal offences and who have confessed their guilt have no appeal. " Exsecutio : " that is, when the cause has become a "res judicata," the execution of the sentence cannot be stayed by appeal; this seems to be a particular case of " fatum." " Pactum : " if the parties have consented to a com- promise during the progress of the suit, there can be no appeal. Contempt of court by a contumacious refusal to appear to the judge's citation is another cause which deprives a litigant of the right to appeal ; as is (in civil causes) the utterly insignificant nature of the point raised, according to the maxim, de minimis non curat lex. "Dilatio nulla:" that is, in things which do not admit of delay, there can be no appeal — at any rate, no such appeal as would have the effect of sus- pending the execution of the sentence ; as in a case about opening a will, or issuing supplies of food to soldiers, and the like. " Clausula quae removet :" that is, when the original suit was conducted by delegation from the supreme tribunal under the clause " appellatione remota," the ordinary right of appeal is annulled. The next two cases explain themselves ; by " possessio " is meant that brief enjoy- ment of the subject of litigation which does not prejudice in an appreciable degree the right of the other party ; and by " fatum " those prescribed terms and dates which are otherwise named " fata- lia," and the exact observance of which is necessary in order that an appeal may proceed. For instance, unless an appeal against a sentence be lodged within ten days from its delivery, it cannot be made at all. Finally, no appeal having suspensive effect lies from a sentence of excommuni- cation, nor from legitimate disciplinary correction of a superior paternally ad- ministered without legal process. (Fer- raris, Appellatio.) APPEIiIiAIO'TS. This was the name given to the party among the French 60 APPROBATION clergy, lieaded by the Cardinal de Noailles, archbishop of Paris, and four bishops, who appealed to a future general council against the constitution Unigenitus (1713), by which the Holy See had con- demned a hundred and one propositions of a more or less Jansenistic character, extracted from the writings of the Pere Quesnel. [Jas-sbnism.] APPROBATZOM*. The formal judg- ment of a prelate, that a priest is fit to hear confessions. It does not involve jurisdiction — i.e. a bishop does not neces- sarily give a priest power to hear con- fessions in his diocese, because he pro- nounces him fit to do so, though in fact a bishop always or almost always gives a secular priest jurisdiction at the time he approves him. This approbation by the bishop, or one who has quasi-episcopal jurisdiction, is needed for the validity of absolution given by a secular priest, un- less the said priest has a parochial bene- fice.^ The bishop who approves must be the bishop of the place in which the con- fession is heard and this approbation may be limited as to time, place, and circum- stances. Regulars, in order to confess members of their own order, require the approval of their superiors; to confess seculars, that of the bishop of the diocese. APSE (Greek, a-^U, a wheel or arch). Nothing is known of the shape of the Christian churches which were built before the time of Constantine. As- suming, therefore, that ecclesiastical architecture dates from the fourth century, the apse may be considered as one of its primitive features, for it already existed in many of the basilicas or halls of jus- tice or commerce, which, when Christi- anity rose into the ascendant, were freely placed at the disposal of the bishops by the civil power. It was the semicircular termination of the basilica, in which sat the j udges ; the same construction may often be seen in French courts of justice at this day. When utilised for Christian worship, its extreme end was occupied by the bishop's chair ; the seats of the clergy, following the semicircle, were on his right and left; the altar was in the middle of the apse, or just in front of it ; and beyond the altar was the choir. In the Byzantine style, which arose in the East after Constantine had transferred the seat of empire to his new city on the Bos- phorus, the apse was retained ; a notable instance of this may be seen in the church 1 Concil. Trident, xxiii. 15. ARCHBISHOP of St. Sophia at Constantinople, built in the sixth century. It appears also in the old Byzantine churches at Ravenna, and also in several churches on the Rhine, of later date but in the same style. In France and England the Byzantine architecture received that splendid development which is called Norman ; but the apse, in all large churches at least, still held its ground, though it occasionally took a triangular or a polygonal form. Norwich Cathedral is perhaps the finest example of the round apse that we have in England. The cathedral of Durham, of which the nave and choir were finished, much as we now see them, about the beginning of the twelfth century, had originally an apse, but on account of a failure in the masonry, this was taken down and the present magnificent chapel of the Nine Altars substituted in the thirteenth cen- tury. In the later styles which followed the Norman, the French builders as a rule retained the apse, while the Enghsh generally abandoned it for the rectangu- lar form. (Oudin, " Manuel d'Arch^olo- gie.") AQITARIZ. [See ElSrCEA.TITJ3.] ARCKANGEli. [See Afgel.J ARCHBISHOP (Gr. apxtcirlaKOTros). The word first occurs in the fourth cen- tury; St. Athanasius speaks of himself and also of Alexander, his predecessor in the see of Alexandria, under this name. In earlier times those bishops who had suffragan bishops depending on them, and exercised spiritual jurisdiction within a certain geographical area which was their province, were called metropolitans. As Christianity extended itself, the bishops of the more important cities under the metropolitans came themselves to have suffragan bishops under them, to whom thei/ were metropolitans. It be- came necessary, therefore, to find some new title for the old metropolitans, and the terms primate, exarch [see those articles] and archbishop came into use. In the West the name "archbishop" was scarcely heard before the ninth century. For a time the words patriarch and archbishop appear to have been used in- terchangeably. At present the terms " archbishop and " metropolitan " have the same meaning, except that the latter implies the existence of suffragans, where- as there may be archbishops without suf- fragans, as in the case of Glasgow. In the middle ages the archbishops possessed an ample jurisdiction: they had the right of summoning provincial coun- ARCHBISHOP oils; they could judge their suffragans as a tribunal of first instance, and hear on appeal causes referred to them from the episcopal courts within the province. The jurisdiction of a metropolitan over his suffragans in criminal causes was trans- ferred by the Council of Trent (sess. xiii. De Ref. c. 8) to the Holy See; in civil causes it remains intact. Provincial coun- cils, owing to the difficulties of the times, have been less frequent in recent times than formerly; but, by the Council of Trent (sess. xxiv. 2, De Ref.), metropoli- tans are bound to convene them every three years. An archbishop can receive appeals from his suffragans in marriage cases, and (with the authority of the pro- vincial councU) visit any suffragan's diocese. The right also devolves upon him of appointing a vicar capitular on the decease of a suffragan bisho;^, if the chapter fail to appoint one withm eight days. Two venerable insignia still mark his superior dignity — the pallium with which he is invested by the Holy See, and the double cross borne on his " stemma " over his arms. An archbishop has the right of carrying his cross throughout his pro- vince, except in the presence of the Pope or a Cardinal Legate. Until the arch- bishop has received the pallium he can only style himself /I. electus ^Sind, although confirmed and consecrated, he cannot con- voke a council, consecrate chrism, or exer- cise any other acts of higher jurisdiction and order. Gregory the Great, while giving to St. Augustine personally jurisdiction over all English and British sees, designed to make London and York metropolitan sees, with twelve suffragans under each (Bed. " Hist. Eccl." i. 29). But the priority of Kent in receiving the Gospel led to the primatial see being fixed at Canterbury, not at London ; and the troubled state of the North long deferred the arrangement proposed for York, and never even in the end suffered it to attain the dimensions contemplated by Pope Gregory. For a short time in the eighth century, while Mercia was a powerful kingdom, Lich- field was raised by the Holy See to metro- politan rank. Similarly the see of St. David's in Wales received the pall for a brief period in the twelfth century. At that time there were two archbishops, at Canterbury and York, with thirteen and two suffragans respectively. (Henr. Hunt. " Hist. Ang." i. 5.) After the change of religion the archiepiscopal dignity re- mained in abeyance in England, till re- ARCHDEACON 61 LS viyed in our days in the person of Nicholu^ Wiseman, who was created the first archbishop of Westminster, in 1850. ARCHDEACON- (Gr. dpxididKovos). At a very early period it was the prac- tice for a bishop to select one of the deacons of his chui'ch to assist him both in the divine worship and in the ad- ministration of the diocese. As was natural, his choice fell, not necessarily upon the senior deacon, but upon him iii whose ability and firmness he could most confide. Thus we read of Eleutherus as the deacon of Pope Anicetus, in the second century ; of St. Lawrence the deacon of Sextus II. in the third ; and of St. Atha- nasius, who as the deacon of Alexander, the bishop of Alexandria, attended him at the Council of Nicaea. The name "Arch- deacon" first occurs in the writings of St. Optatus of Milevis (about 370). The im- portance of the office continually grew, and we learn from St. Jerome that in his time it was considered a degradation for an arcli- deacon to be ordained priest. It was the duty of the archdeacon, under the bishop's direction, to manage the Church property ; provide for the support of the clergy, the poor, widows, orphans, XDilgrims, and prisoners ; to keep the list of the clergy, &c. An able archdeacon, as was to be expected, often succeeded to the see on the death of the bishop who had ap- pointed him. At first there was but one archdeacon, but in the immense dioceses which the conversion of the Western nations caused to arise, the episcopal duties could not be effectually performed — so far as the temporal side of them was concerned — without the appointment of several archdeacons as the bishop's dele- gates. That they should gradually be invested with the jurisdiction possessed by the bishop, and ultimately even receive independent powers, was a natui*al con- sequence of this state of things. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries their power rose to its height. About 1100 Remigius, upon transferring his episcopal throne from Dorchester to Lincoln, di- vided his vast diocese into seven arch- deaconries, in each of which the arch- deacon resided in the chief town of his province with quasi-episcopal state, and exercised a jurisdiction which was often formidable even to laymen. Armed with such high privileges, the archdeacons be- gan to encroach on the authority of the bishops, and this led to their downfall. Long before this the Church had ordered that archdeacons on their appointment E 2 52 ARCHES, COURT OF must receiYe priestly consecration; now a series of councils in tte twelfth and thirteenth centuries occupied themselves with limiting their powers and bringing them back into a due subordination to the bishops; finally, the Council of Trent confirmed and extended these restrictions, taking from the archdeacons and giving back to the bishops that jurisdiction in matrimonial and criminal causes which had been the chief source of their in- fluence. Amongst ourselves the office of archdeacon was not revived on the re- storation of the hierarchy in 1850 ; the fimctionary who now most nearly corre- sponds to the archdeacon of the primitive Church is the bishop's vicar-general [see that article]. ARCHES, COURT OF. An ancient court, in which the jurisdiction of the Arcl]i)ishop of Canterbury is still exer- cised by a judge known as the Dean of Arches. It received its name from Bow Church in Cheapside (S. Maria de Arcu- bus), in which its sittings were wont to be held. (See Hook's " Church Diction- ary.") By a clause in the Public Wor- ship Act (1877) the office of Dean of Arches is merged in that of the judge appointed under that Act. There is an appeal from the sentence of this court to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, which now represents the old Court of Delegates, and practically, as representing the Crown, upholds the doc- trine of the royal supremacy by deciding without appeal all spiritual causes that may be brought before it. ARCHZMAXTDRXTE. [SeeAsBOT.] ARCHIVES, ARCHIVIST (Greek dpxeia). The utility of the preservation of public records was fully understood by the ancients ; the record office at Rome, which "Virgil alludes to ("populi tabu- laria vidit "), was an enormous building. Episcopal archives have probably been kept from the very beginning of the Church. The archivist or Proto-scrini- arius of Rome was an important per- sonage : besides having charge of a large portion of the records, he was the head of all the secretaries and notaries of the Roman Court. A decree of the Congre- gation of the Council of Trent (1626) specifies what ought to be preserved in an episcopal archive — namely, the pro- cesses and proceedings in all causes tried in the bishop's court ; episcopal sentences, precepts, decrees, mandates, &c. ; reports and registers of all kinds relating to ecclesiastical afi*airs within the diocese ; ARIDS AND ARIAKISM and complete inventories of Church pro- perty, movable and immovable. (Ferraris, Archivium.) ARCHPRIEST (Qr. apxtirpeo-^vTe- pos). The chief of the presbyters, as the archdeacon was the chief of the deacons. The name dates from the fourth century. The archpriest was usually the oldest of the priests attached to the cathedral; yet instances are not wanting of their being chosen by the bl§^ops for special qualifications, without regard to seniority. The principal function of the archpriest was, during the illness or absence of the bishop, to replace him in the Church offices. He occupied the place of the bishop in the ceremonies of public wor- ship, as the archdeacon did in the ad- ministration of the diocese. As population increased, a rural archpriest was placed in each of the larger towns, who was to the local clergy what the archpriest of the cathedral was to the cathedral clergy. In course of time the latter came to be called the dean, the former ru?-al deans. The privileges of archpriests, like those of archdeacons, were often usurped by laymen in the ages after Charlemagne. Great divergences grew up in difierent countries, with regard to the duties, rank, and privileges assigned to them. In later times they appear to have been superseded to a great extent by vicars forane (q.v.). Towards the end of the reign of Elizabeth, the Holy See, finding that the Catholic clergy in England were much in need of a recognised head, yet unwilling to send a bishop, lest the government should take it as an excuse for fresh cruelties against the Catholics generally, appointed George BlackweU. superior of the English mission, with the title and authority of "Archpriest." A consulta- tive body of twelve assistant priests was nominated at the same time. This was in 1598. After some years BlackweU took a course about the new oath of allegiance which displeased the Holy See, and he was superseded (1608) by Birk- head. Towards the end of the reign of James, and after Birkhead had been suc- ceeded by a third archpriest, Harrison, the violence of the persecution being now much abated, Gregory XV. decided that the time was come to send a bishop to England. The first vicar-apostolic was accordingly appointed, in 1623. ARZSTOTI.E. [See Philosopht.] ARIUS AKTD ARZAmSM. The heresy of Arius consisted in the denial AEIUS AND ARIANISM of the Son's consubstantiality with the Father, and so virtually of Christ's true and eternal Godhead. In opposition to this error, the first Nicene Council de- fined that the Son is "only-begotten, bom of the Father, i.e. of the Father's substance ; " that He is " not made," as creatures are, but that He is " consub- stantial" with the First Person of the Blessed Trinity. The council added a condemnation under anathema of certain Arian propositions, in which this heresy was summed up. To understand them, we must know something of the way in which Arianism arose and spread; and this, again, we cannot do till we have acquainted ourselves with the teaching on the mystery of the Trinity which prevailed in the early Church. We shall take the points in order, reserving for the close of the article an account of Arianism in its later developments. 1. It might seem as if there could be little need of dwelling on the doctrine of the Trinity, as held by the Ante-Nicene Fathers. Every Christian is bound to know and believe the doctrine of the Trinity, and it cannot be supposed, that the early Fathers and Martyrs of the Church were ignorant of a fundamental doctrine of the faith. Scripture, too, sets the matter at rest. Our Lord pro- claims the unity of His nature with that of the Father. "I and the Father are one." "The Father is in me and I in the Father." " The Word was with God," St. John says, "and the Word was God." Now, in one sense it is true that Arius could find no support for his heresy in the Ante-Nicene age. Scripture declared and the Church taught from the begin- ning three propositions from which the whole of the Nicene definition follows by logical consequence : viz. first, that the Son is distinct from the Father ; next, that the Son is God ; and, thirdly, that there is but one God. All this is certain, but it is also true that the Ante-Nicene Fathers often used inaccurate language on this subject ; that we do not find m them the full and developed doctrine of the Trinity, as the Nicene Council defined it; and that this explains to a -certain extent the success of Arianism and the calamities it brought upon the Church. Nor need we wonder at these defects in the teaching of the early Fathers. They were not and could not be content with the simple enunciations of the proposi- tions enumerated above : they endeavoured (and how could they do otherwise ?) to ARIUS AND AEIANISM 53 reconcile the apparent contradictions which they involve, and to recommend them as reasonable to those outside t]ie Church. And in this part of their work they were not secure from error. One or two leading instances will be given of the errors into which many of them fell when, instead of merely delivering the tradition which they had received, they began to speculate and reason about it. A difficulty met them the moment they began to consider the eternity of the Son. A son is generated, and generation pos- tulates a beginning: how, then, could the Son be eternal? They did not cut the knot, as Arius did, by denying the eternity of the Son, because the Catholic faith saved them from such an error; but still many of them did introduce a theory inconsistent with the unchange- able simplicity of God. The Word, they admitted, was eternal, but many of them — all, indeed, except St. Irenaeus and the Fathers of the Alexandrian school — denied that He had always been Son. With us, the word is conceived first of all in the mind and then comes forth as articulate sound. So, they maintained, the Word had always been in the bosom of the Father {koyos evdidOeros) ; after- wards He issued forth as the first-begotten of all creation (Xoyos n-pocfiopiKos), and by this procession or generation became the Son. They were led into similar error in considering the relation of the Word to creatures. Down to St. Augustine's time the Fathers generally attributed the divine apparitions in the Old Testament to God the Son, and this interpretation led some into erroneous ideas on the subordination of the Son to the Father. Thus Justin speaks of a " God under the maker of the universe," and argues that the "maker and Father of all" could not " have left the region above the sky and appeared in a little corner of the earth," ^ Tertullian speaks of a "son visible ac- cording to the measure of his deriva- tion," ^ while language of the same im- port was used by Origen and Novatian.^ Another source of erroneous language arose in the third century. The Sabellians denied a real distinction between Father and Son, and in his anxiety to establish the distinction between these divine Per- sons, Dionysius of Alexandria, in the year 260, compared the relation of the Father and the Son to that between a 1 Justin. Dial. 60. 2 Adv. Prax. 14. 3 Petav. De Trinit. viii. 2, 4 seq 54 ARIUS AND ARIANISM vine-flresser and the vine, asserted that the Son was '^ made by God" (noLrjua rov 6eov) that he was "foreign to the essence of the Father {^evov Kar ovo-iav), and "did not exist till he was made." In the same year, another Dionysius, bishop of Rome, on account of charges brought by certain orthodox prelates against his namesake of Alexandria, summoned a synod at Rome, and issued a memorable document to the bishops of Egypt and Libya. " Had the Son," the Pope argues, " been created, there would have been a time when He was not ; but the Son always was." Thereupon, the Alexandrian bishop, in two letters which he sent to Rome, explained away his for- mer inaccurate language, showed that his adversaries had taken a one-sided view of his teaching, and distinctly confessed the Son's eternity. This case is instruc- tive in several ways. It shows that early Fathers, who used words which sound like Arianism, were very far from the Arian belief ; and it is evidence of the vigilance with which the successor of St. Peter watched, as his supreme office required him to watch, over the deposit of the faith.^ 2. The orthodox doctrine had been maintained in Alexandria by subsequent bishops, when- about the year 318 or 320, Arius began to put forward a heresy which engaged all the energies of the Church for more than half a century. Pie is said to have been a Libyan by birth ; he had twice joined the Meletian schism, but had been reconciled to the Church, and was exercising the office of a priest in Alexandria. The bishop Alexander, Socrates tells us, was discoursing to his clergy on the Trinity in Unity. Arius, who was distinguished for his learning and logical skill, contradicted the bishop, urged that the Son, because begotten, must have had " a beginning of existence ; " that there was a time when he did not exist {rjy ore oi)K rju) ; and that he was made, like other creatures, out of nothing (e^ ovK ovTwv exet rrjv virocrTaa-Lv). If we add to this that, according to Arius, the Son was liable to sin in his own nature, and that his intelligence was limited, we have a complete statement of the Arian doctrine. He not only held that the Fatlier was separated from the Son by a priority of time — or rather like ^ Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, i. 255 seq. See on the whole subject, Petavius, Be Trin. ; New- man, History of Arianism, and Causes of the Success of Arianism, ARIUS AND ARTANIS>1 time, since time in the proper sense began with the Son — but he denied that the Son was from the Father's substance. He did not merely reject the word Simoovctios or consubstantial, as an orthdox synod at Antioch had done in 269,^ but also the other language in which early Fathers had expressed the same idea. Arius won many to his side : in par- ticular he was supported by the famous Eusebius of Nicomedia, who had great influence on Constantine. He had friends among the other bishops of Asia, and even among the bishops, priests, and nuns of the Alexandrian province. Meanwhile, he was condemned in two Alexandrian synods and obliged to leave the city. He took refuge first in Palestine, afterwards in Nicomedia; he gained the favour of Constantia, the emperor's sister, and he disseminated his doctrine among the pop- ulace by means of the notorious book which he called 6akeLa, or "entertain- ment," and by songs adapted for sailors, millers, and travellers. At first Constan- tine looked on the whole aff'air as a strife of words, and sent Hosius of Cordova to Alexandria, that he might restore peace between Arius and his bishop. This attempt failed, and the First General Council met at Nicaea. It anathematised Arius, with all who affirmed " that there was a time when the Son of God was not ; that he was made out of nothing ; that he was of another substance or essence [than the Father] ; that he was created, or alter- able or changeable." This symbol was adopted after many disputes, in which the deacon Athanasius, then only twenty- five years old, was the great champion of the faith. Arius and those who refused to anathematise him were banished. However, when the cause of Arianism seemed desperate, it suddenly revived, Constantia pleaded this cause with her brother on her death-bed. Constantine asked Athanasius (bishop of Alexandria since 328) to restore Arius to Church communion. This great confessor firmly refused, and, though the Emperor did not insist, Athanasius was grievously calum- niated, and exiled to Treves. Other opponents of the heresy met with like treatment. Eustathius of Ajntioch and Marcellus of Ancyra were deposed. The Emperor called Arius to Constantinople, with the view of restoring him to the 1 Hefele, ConcUiengeschichte, i. 140. We are of course aware that the fact of this rejection has been doubted, but we cannot believe there is any serious ground for questioning it. AEIUS AKD AJRIANISM communion of tlie Churcli. It is right to add; that Arins had assured the Emperor on oath, that the doctrine for which he had been excommunicated was not really his. Before, however, he had attained his end, a sudden death struck him down as he walked through Constantinople escorted by his followers. He died in the year 336, the eightieth of his age. Arius was dead, but his heresy still prospered. Constantius, who came to the throne in 337, recalled Athanasius next year to Alexandria. Soon, however, a charge of Sabellianism was brought against the saint ; he fled for his life from his episcopal city, and took refuge in Eome, when Pope Julius in a synod solemnly acquitted him. But a council at Antioch confirmed his deposition, and drew up four confessions of faith, in which the word " consubstantial " was studiously omitted. Through favour of Constans, who ruled the West, a coimcil met at Sardica in 343 or 344, declared their adherence to the Nicene Greed, and restored Athanasius, with Marcellus and others, to their sees. In spite of the fact that the Arian or Eusebian bishops held a counter-council at Phihppopolis, the Sardican decrees en- joyed an almost oecumenical authority, and Constantius permitted the return of Athanasius to Alexandria. However, after the death of his brother Constans, Constantius renewed his persecution of the Catholics. At Aries and Milan synods condemned Athanasius, while Pope Libe- rius and other bishops who would not sub- scribe the condemnation were exiled. Again an intruder seized the episcopal throne of Alexandria, and Athanasius, in 356, sought an asylum with the Egyptian monks. This temporary triumph of Arianism proved its ruin. The heretics presented an appearance of unity so long as they were engaged in a struggle for life or death with the orthodox. No sooner did they feel themselves secure than they began an internecine conflict with each other. The strict Arians, led by Aetius, a deacon and a bishop Eunomius, taught that the Eather and Son were unlike, and that the latter was made out of nothing. They were also known ae Eunomians, Anomoeans (from dvoixoios, unlike), or Exucontians, because they said the Son sprang from nothing (e^ ovk ovt(ov). Another party, known as Semiarians, a name they received about 358, when they held a famous synod at Ancyra, confessed that the Son was " like in sub- ARIUS AND ARIANISM 55 stance to the Father (o^oios kut ovaiav). Basil of Ancyra, Eustathius of Sebaste, Macedonius, and Auxentius of Milan, were the most noted among them. A third party, led by Ursacius, Valens and Acacius (from whom they are sometimes called Acacians), rejected the phrase "like in substance or essence," and contented themselves with the vague statement that the Son was "like" the Father. The Council of Ancyra, as we have seen, was Semi arian. The second Sirmian synod, in 357, condemned the Semiarian as well as the orthodox formula, while Semiarianism secured a fresh victory in the third council held at the same place. Pope Liberius, under fear of death, is believed by many to have subscribed this third Sirmian formula, while at the same time he anathe- matised those who denied that " the Son is in essence and in all things like to the Father." [See Liberius.] In 359 the Emperor did his utmost to establish Semi- arianism, but his efforts were in vain. The Eastern bishops, 160 in number, met at Seleucia; 400 Western bishops at Rimini. The latter stood firm at first to the faith defined at Nicaea, but they were overcome by threats and by bodily suffer- ing. At last both the Eastern and Western council subscribed a formula, in which the word " essence " was rejected altogether as unscriptural, and the Sou was defined to be " like the Father in all things." This defeat of the Semiarians by Arians inclined the former to accept the Nicene faith, and at a council held at Alexandria in 362 Athanasius, who had returned to his see on the accession of Julian the Apostate, received many of them into communion. The Acacians, on the other hand, allied themselves with the strict Arians. Arianism found a powerful supporter in the Emperor Valens (364-378), who expelled Athanasius from his see. This was his fifth exile. But the palmy days of the heresy were over. His people insisted on the recall of Athanasius to his see, in which he remained till his death, in 373. Ambrose in the West, and in the East the three Cappadocian Fathers, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Gregory of Nyssa, fought the battle of the faith. The orthodox Emperor Theodosius secured the peace of the Church, and the Nicene decrees were enforced again by the General Council of Constantinople (381). So much for the history of Arianism among the subjects of the Roman Empire. 66 AJbtLES, COUNCILS OF It had still a great part to play among the Barbarians. The West Goths received Christianity in the Arian form through their great missionary Ulfila (consecrated bishop by Eusebius of Nicomedia in 341), and Valens allowed a part of their nation to settle in Thrace on the condition that they became Arians. Soon after, the East Goths in Italy, the Vandals in Africa, the Siievi in Spain, the Burgim- dians in Gaul, the Lombardians who emigrated to upper Italy, became Arians. The Yandal persecution of the Catholics, which rivalled that of Diocletian in severity, began under Genseric in 427 and lasted till 533, when the Byzantine general Belisarius conquered Africa. In Spain, which had fallen under the power of the West Goths, Hermenegild, son of the king, fell a sacrifice to the Arian fanaticism of his father, in 584. Her- menegild's brother Reccared, who began to reign in 586, became a Catholic and established the faith in Spain, with the help of a, great council which met at Toledo in 689. About a century earlier, Clovis, with 3,000 of his Franks, had received Catholic baptism, and the triumph of the Frankish arms sealed the fate of Arianism. ARIiES, COVNCIImS OF. (1) In 314, assembled chiefly to settle the Dona- tist disputes. This council represented the entire Western Church. The number of the bishops who met is uncertain, and the acts have perished. But we know that the Holy See was represented there by two priests and two deacons, and Constantine himself says he assembled " very many bishops from diverse and almost innu- merable districts." It appears from the letter of the Council to Pope Silvester, that the Donatists were condemned, and Caecilian, the orthodox bishop of Carthage, acquitted. A synod at Rome in the pre- vious year had given the same decision. The council also decreed that Easter should be observed on the same day throughout the world, the day to be notified by the Pope (Can. 1) j that baptism conferred with the proper form was valid even if given by heretics (Can. 8); that a bishop should be con- secrated by three others (Can. 20) ; that a married priest or deacon who lived with his wife should be deposed (Can. 29) (see Hefele, " Concil." p. 201 seq.). (2) In 853 a council at Aries was terri- fied by the Emperor Constantius into a condemnation of St. Athanasius (Hefele, ^^, p. 652.) Various other synods which ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS met in the same place are mentioned by Hefele. AmaHNlATT CHRXSTXAUS. The native legends recount the preaching oi the Gospel to the Armenian nation by Thaddeus, one of the seventy disciples, but the conversion of the Armenian people as a whole was brought about by their great Apostle, Gregory the Illumi- nator, whose efforts were supported by King Tiridates IH., just at the begin- ning of the fourth century. It is clear from Eusebius (" H. E." ix. 8) that the work of conversion was very rapid. Gre- gory established the chief see at Etch- miazin, near Mount Ararat : he and his successors were consecrated by the Metro- politan of Csesarea in Cappadocia, and the title they took — viz. Catholicos — sig- nified that they were the general procu- rators and representatives of the see of Csesarea in Armenia (Le Quien, " Oriens Christianus," i. 1365). Early in the fifth century the golden age of Armenian literature began. Isaac the Great and Mesrob (both Catholics) invented the Armenian alphabet and translated the Bible from the Syriac Peshitto into Armenian, afterwards improving their work by collating it with good MSS. of the LXX (Hexaplar text) and the Greek New Testament. The work of trans- lating Fathers, as well as works of Ari- stotle, Philo, Porphyry, &c., from Greek and Syriac was carried on with great zeal. This literary activity was accompanied by other changes of a very different kind. The brave Armenian nation had preserved its independence, but in 390 Armenia was divided between the Byzantine and Persian empires, and East Armenia, the larger and more fruitful part of the country, fell to the portion of the latter Power. In 430 the very shadow of a national monarchy disappeared, and ever since the Armenians have been subject in succession to Persians, Arabs, Turks, and Russians. They were scattered far and wide by the Mongol invaders, and their unity, like that of the Jews, has consisted in the common bond of race, language, literature, and religion. After the Per- sian conquest the Armenian Catholicos became independent of Csesarea, and this change was followed by another of much greater moment. The opposition of the Armenians to the Council of Chalcedon, mainly due to the mission of Samuel, whom the Syrian Archimandrite Barsu- mas sent to the Armenian church, was clearly displayed in the synod of Vagars- ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS hiabad, a.d. 491. The scliism was con- summated at the Synod of Dovin in 596 (see Hefele, "Concil." ii. p. 717, 2nd ed., where the statements of Pagi, Mansi, &c., are corrected from the National His- tory published at Venice in 1785), and has endured ever since, though Greek influence induced the Iberian and Colch- ian bishops to sever themselves from the Armenian Catholicos. True, a union between the Armenians and the orthodox Greeks was effected at a council of Karin (the modern Erzeroum) in 628, but it did not last long. The Armenians held fast to the Monophysite doctrine — viz. that in Christ there was but one nature — and external differences increased the opposition between them and the Greeks. Some of these, such as the addition of the words "Who wast crucified for us" in the Trisagion, and probably the use of pure wine, without the addition of any water, in the Mass, were connected with their theological views. Besides this, they maintained the old Eastern custom of celebrating Christ's birth and His epi- phany on one day — viz. January 6. They use leavened bread at the altar, eat lac- ticinia in Lent (Syn. in Trull, can. 32, 56). They were also charged by the Greeks with making the priesthood into a caste, and only ordaining sons of priests (lb. can. 32) ; and further, with a semi- Jewish practice of cooking flesh in the sanctuary and giving portions of it to the priests (ib. can. 99). The Catholicos lives at Etchniazin, which has belonged since 1828 to Russia. He is chosen from the metropolitans by the synod, with the consent of the Armenian bishops and of all Armenians present at the place, and the election must be confirmed by the Czar. He is enthroned in his cathedral by the Metro- politan of Siunic. It is his office to watch over religion and discipline ; he consecrates the chrism for his bishops, which he does only once in seven years, and he can convene a national council. In matters of importance he must consult his synod. He is Bishop of Ararat. His distinctive dress consists in a silk veil, with gold fringes, which covers his head and shoulders, and is called koffh, and in a pallium folded five times over his breast. The patriarchal cross and torch are car- ried before him, and he uses everywhere the staff of the vartabed or doctor. He is chiefly supported by a poll-tax on aU adults within his diocese, contribu- tions, stole-fees, &c. from the revenues of ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS 57 the monastery at Etchniazin, and the gifts of pilgrims to the shrine of St. Gregory. There are twelve archbishops and bishops, four vartabeds or doctors, sixty monks in priest's orders, and 500 other monks in the great monastery just mentioned. The archbishops, bishops, and archimandrites residing there form his synod. Deputies from the Armenian nation are added to their number at the election of a patriarch. Next come the patriarchs, who are now almost independent of the Catho- licos. The patriarchial sees arose from the constant change of the chief see during the disasters of the nation, and also from the dispersion of the Armenians after the Mongol invasion in the fourteenth century. The Patriarch of Constanti- nople (bishopric since 1307, title of patri- arch since 1481) holds the first ranlr amongst the patriarchs, and is only in- ferior in name to the Catholicos. He i? chosen by the Armenians, lay as well as clerical, at Constantinople, and gets his berat from the Porte. He can conse- crate the holy oil, and can appoint and consecrate metropolitan bishops through- out the Turkish dominions except at Jeru- salem. The church property is under his control, but he must administer it with the advice of a synod of twenty lay members chosen by the Porte. He has also a synod of ecclesiastics for spiritual matters. He has secular jurisdiction over the members of his church, and he represents not only the Armenians but also the Syrian Jacobites before the Turkish Government. The Patriarch of Sis (title granted 1441) is supposed to be chosen by the twelve neighbouring bishops, who, however, really follow the popular choice, which takes place under the influence of the Turkish Government. His jurisdiction extends over Lesser Armenia, Cappadocia, and Cilicia. He receives the holy oil from the Catholicos. The Patriarch of Jerusalem (title since the middle of the seventeenth century) is chosen by his suffragan bishops, with the consent of the clergy. He has very limited power, for he leaves the conse- cration of bishops and of the holy oil to the Catholicos, and he can be called to the court of the Patriarch of Constanti- nople. The Patriarch of the island of Aghtamar (1114) has little power, and his jurisdiction scarcely extends beyond the shores of the lake of Van. He is chiefly maintained by the monastery on the island. 5S AEMENIAN CHRISTIANS The metropolitans, according to tte canons, are empowered to consecrate their siiffi-agans and the holy oils, but these rights are now reserved to the Catholicos, or else to the patriarch, and the metropolitans only differ from other bishops by wearing a gold mitre, a triple pallium, a longer staff, and an archi- episcopal (Tnyovdriov, which the Arme- nians call goncher, suspended from the girdle. A monk cannot, except by dispen- sation, become a bishop, and the bishops are usually chosen from the unmarried vartabeds or doctors. The patriarch may nominate, but usually the bishops are chosen by the clergy and fathers of families. The election is confirmed, and the bishop consecrated by the Catholicos or patriarch. The rite of consecration closely resembles that of the Greeks, but the Armenians anoint the head and thumbs of the elect with chrism, and he receives a ring as one of his insignia. Bishops also wear a mitre ■' like that of the Latins, and they do not use the craKKos of the Greeks (see Vestments op the Greeks). The bishop appoints the chor- episcopi ; convents, schools, hospitals, &c., are subject to him ; no altars may be set up or relics exposed for veneration without his leave. The priests are divided into two classes, that of the vartabeds or doctors, who are again subdivided into many grades and who remain unmarried, and the parish priests. The former are far more highly esteemed. A staff is the mark of their office, and their chief duty consists in preaching. They live by col- lections made after the sermon. The ordi- nary clergy are married, taken from the humbler classes and trained either by a parish priest or at a monastery. The Armenians have the same minor orders as the Latins, and, like them, they reckon the subdiaconate among the greater orders. A priest is elected by the people, who, however, invariably accept the can- didate proposed by the lay administrator of the church property ; he must then be approved by the bishop. The priestly vestments are alb, girdle, maniple, stole, chasuble ; but they also have a collar of gold or silver stuff called vagas, from which a sort of metal amice is suspended, with the figures of the twelve Apostles upon it, and they wear a high cap with gold or silver crosses. The priest says Mass with covered head till the 1 Introduced in 1084 (Neale, Eastern Clnirch, i. 813.) ARMENIAN CHRISTIANS Trisagion, when he removes his cap amice, and sandals. Priests live by stole- fees and by offerings in kind at Epi- phany and Easter: They also get subsidies from the fund for pious uses. But they are very poor, and generally have to follow some trade. The Armenian schismatic monks fol« low the rule of St. Basil, but their fasts are stricter than those of the Greek re- ligious. They have many monasteries^ and at least one large convent of nuns — viz. on Mount Sion. Silbernagl enumer- ates between sixty and seventy dioceses, of which fourteen are in Russia, five in Persia (including the see of the Ar- menian Bishop of Calcutta), the rest in the Turkish territory. He estimates the number of schismatic Armenians in Tur- key at 2,400,000, of whom 400,000 are in Turkey in Europe. There are 500,000 in the Russian Empire. Add to these the Armenians in other lands, especially Egypt and the principalities of the Danube, in which last the chief settle- ment of the Armenians was made in 1342, and we may calculate the whole number as about three millions. United Armenians. — Some of the Armenians in Cilicia were united with the Catholic Church by Latin mission- aries sent there by John XXII. But much more was done by Jesuit mission- aries and the Mechitarists among the Armenians scattered from the fourteenth century onwards throughout other coun- tries, and at present there are about 100,000 Catholics of the Armenian rite. In 1742, Benedict XIV. appointed a patriarch for the Armenians in Cilicia and the Lesser Armenia. In 1830 Pius VIII. nominated a primate at Constanti- nople for the Armenians in European Turkey; and owing to the progress of Catholicism in the nation, Pius IX. in 1850 empowered the Primate Anthony Hassun to erect six suffragan dioceses. The Pope himself nominated the bishops, and a schism seemed likely to ensue. In 1866 Hassun was chosen patriarch by the bishops of the Cilician patriarchate. Pius IX. confirmed the election, united the patriarchal and primatial dignities, transferred the patriarchal residence to Galata, near Constantinople, provided for the election of the patriarch by the bishops to the exclusion of the laity, and regulated the affairs of the Armenian church by the buU "Reversurus," of July 12, 1867. Some Armenians thought the rights of the nation injured by this bull, and a ARTICLE OF FAITH formal schism arose in 1870 ; more than thirty-five of the clergy and many of the laity were excommunicated by the Pope. The schism, however, won about 4,000 adherents ; a schismatical patriarch was elected, and most of the church buildings and goods passed into their hands. They repudiated the decrees of the Vatican Council. In 1879 the schismatical patri- arch Kuppelian made his submission to Leo XIII. Many of the clergy and laity followed his example, and Monsignor Hassun was acknowledged as patriarch by the Porte till he was made cardinal in 1880, and replaced by Monsignor Azarian. At present seventeen dioceses are subject to the Armenian Patriarch. He has no authority over Armenians in Russia and Austria. Russia has many Armenian inbabitauts in the Crimea, Kasan, and the Ukraine. Pius VII. sent them a vicar-apostolic in 1809, and the Concordat of 1847 provided for the erection of Ar- menian bishoprics at Cherson and Kami- niek. This arrangement, however, owing to the troubles with the Russian Govern- ment, has not been carried out. Austria has about 14,000 United Armenians. Those in Siebenbiirgen, who came there in 1671, and continued for a time Mono- physites, are under the Latin bishops. The archbishopric of Lemberg was erected for the Armenians of GaUicia in 1635 ; and Pius VII., by a brief in 1819, agreed that the emperor should nominate one of three candidates proposed by the Armenian people. The Armenians who settled in Hungary after the capture of Belgrade by the Turks in 1521 are placed under the Mechitarist monks. The United Armenian monks belong to the order of St. Antony. The Me- chitarists will be described in a se- parate article. (Chiefly from Silbernagl, "Kirchen des Orients," with the addi- tion of the facts regarding the recent schism from Hergenrother's article in the " Kirchenlexikon," edited by Kaulen.) ARTZCIiE OF FAITH. [See Dogma.] ASCEirszoir, feast of. This feast had been kept from time immemorial in St. Augustine's day, and he attributes its institution to the Apostles. We have a sermon among the works of St. Chryso- stom preached on Ascension Day. St. Augustine calls it Quadragesima, because kept forty days after Easter ; the Greek name Tessarocostes or Tetracostes was given for the same reason. Gregory of Tours mentions a procession which used ASCENSION OF CHRIST 59 to be held on this day, in memory of that which the Apostles made from Jerusalem to Bethany and the Mount of Olives. It was also the custom in ancient times to bless the bread and new fruits in the Mass of this day. The practice of lighting the paschal candle in solemn Mass till the feast of the Ascension was established througout the Franciscan Order by a decree dated 1263. In 1607 the Congregation of Rites ordered that the paschal candle should be hghted when IMass is sung and in vespers, on Easter Sunday, Easter Monday, Easter Tuesday, on Saturday in Low Week, and on Sundays till Ascension Day, when it is extinguished after the Gospel. The rite symbohses Christ's departure from the Apostles. (Benedict XIV. " De Festis.") ASCEN-SZON- OF CKRZST. Our Lord ascended into heaven forty days after His resurrection, and therefore, ac- cording to the common reckoning, on a Thursday. The opinion of Chrysostom that the Ascension took place on a Satur- day, is quite singular. He ascended by His own power — not indeed, St. Thomas remarks, by the power proper to a natural body, but by the virtue proper to Him as God and by that which belongs to a blessed spirit. Such an ascension, St. Thomas continues, " is not against the nature of a glorified body, the nature of which is entirely subject to the spirit." Christ ascended from Mount Olivet in the presence of His disciples, whom He blessed as He parted from them. He took His seat at the right hand of God, the sitting posture symbolising His rest from toil and His judicial power; the "right hand " of God denoting according to many of the Fathers, the equality of Jesus Christ God and man with God the Father : ac- cording to some other vn'iters, signifying that as man He holds the next place to God in heaven. Angels, as has been generally inferred from the sacred narra- tive, attended Him in His ascent, and the souls of the just, who had been detained in Limbo, entered heaven with Him. Thus "ascending on high, he led captivity captive." Theologians give many reasons for our Lord's ascension. The glory which He receives in heaven is due to the merits of His sacred humanity. For Christians, too, it was " expedient that he should go." Faith is exercised by the fact that we can no longer see our Lord : His ascent into heaven is the pledge that we shaU follow Him if we are worthy. Above all, accord- 60 ASOET^ ingto the constant teaching- of the Fathers, Christ exercises His priestly office in heaven. Just as the high-priest on the day of Atonement offered sacrifice with- out on the brazen altar, and then with the blood of the sacrifice and with burn- ing incense, entered the holy of holies, so the high-priest of the new law, haying offered" Himself as a sacrifice on Mount Calvary, continually presents His merits and exhibits His sacred wounds before the Eternal Father. Whether He as man actually prays for us, is uncertain. Of course He does not pray as the saints do, for they are creatures, and ask of God what they cannot give by their own power. And the words " Christ, pray for us," could not be lawfully used, on account of the scandal and confusion they would create. But it is quite pos- sible that Christ, as Petavius ^ expresses it, by "a voluntary condescension " still prays for us, as He did while on earth. (Benedict XIV. " Be Festis.'^') ASCET^ (Gr. ao-Kfo), dcrKrjTrjs). The behef that through bodily "exercise," and a strict discipline imposed on the senses, it was in the power of man to per- fect his moral nature and rise to spiritual heights not otherwise attainable, had been common both among Jews and Pagans for some time before the coming of Christ. Philo's account of the Essenes is well-known — a Jewish sect of mystical and ascetic tenets, much diffused in Palestine in the first century before Christ, with its initiations, grades, and secrets, living in villages because of the luxury and immorality of the towns, renouncing marriage, and following rules of strict temperance in regard to food, sleep, and whatever else nature craves. The Therapeutse in Egypt were a similar sect. Their name — and that of the Essenes is said to have the same meaning — signifies healing, for they believed that their discipline healed the concretam labem of the soul's impurity. In the Pagan world similar doctrines were widely held by the Stoics. Both among them and the Essenes the doc- trine of the two principles, the persuasion that matter was essentially evil, and that he was most perfect who was freest from the blasting touch of animal existence, coloured largely both their theories and their practice. The Christian Ascetes could not so deem of that fleshly nature of which Christ their divine Lord had deigned to be a partaker : to master * De Incamat. xii. 8. ASH WEDNESDAY the lower nature was their aim, not to eradicate it; desire and fear, joy and gTief, they did not regard as in themselves evil, but as to be brought by discipline into a strict subordination to the true end of man, which is to know and love God, and do His will. The means which they employed were voluntary chastity, fast- ing, perseverance in prayer, voluntary- poverty, and maceration of the flesh. In the Apostolical Constitutions (Kraus, p. 96) the Ascetae are mentioned as an in- termediate order of Christians between the clergy and the laity. As a general rule, they did not go out of the world, like anchorites and monks, but strove to live a perfect life in the world. Abuses after a time appeared, particularly in regard to the ywaiKes crvveLo-aKToif wo- men who lived under the same roof with Ascetes for the benefit of their instruc- tion and example. Modern life, especially whenpermeated with Baconian ideas respecting the true task of man in the world, is pointedly unascetic. If we turn over a series of pictures of eminent modern men, there is one common feature which we cannot fail to notice, whether the subject of the pic- ture be artist, or literary man, or man of action, and whatever intelligence, power, or benevolence may breathe from the face — namely, the absence of an expression of self-mastery. A similar series of por- traits of men who lived in the middle ages, when law was weaker than at present, but the sense of the necessity of self-control stronger, reveals a type of coimtenance in which the calmness of self-conquest, gained by the Christian a(TKr)ats, is far more frequently visible than in later ages. ASCETZCAK THEOIiOGT. A name given to the science which treats of virtue and perfection and the means by which they are to be attained. Whereas mystical theology deals with extraordinary states of prayer and union with God, ascetical writers treat of the ordinary Christian life. The number of ascetical writers has at all times been great in the Church, but during the last three centuries special attention has been given to the life of secular, as distinct from religious, persons. St. Francis of Sales and St. Alphonsus Liguori may be mentioned as modem saints whose ascetical works are most esteemed. ASB -WEDITESDAT. The first day, according to our present observance, of the forty days' fast of Lent. But that ASH WEDNESDAY it did not come within the quadragesimal period in primitive times ive know from the testimony of Gregory the Great, who, in speaking of the fast, describes it as of thirty-six days' duration — that is, as ex- tending over six weeks, from the first Sunday in Lent to Easter Day, omitting Sundays. Thirty-six days are nearly a tenth part of the year, and thus, by ob- serving the fast, Christians were thought to render a penitential tithe of their lives to God. Lent, therefore, at the end of the sixth century, began on the first Sunday, and we know from the Sacra- mentary of Gelasius that the practice was the same at the end of the fifth century. At what time Ash Wednesday and the three following days were added to the fast has not been precisely ascertained. It is true that in the Sacramentary of Pope Gregory there is a Mass for Ash Wednesday, under the heading " Feria IV., caput jejimii " (beginning of the fast) ; whence it might be inferred that Pope Gregory, in spite of the words cited above, had himself before his death sanctioned the alteration in question. But this would be an unsafe conclusion, for one of the best MSS. of the Sacramentary does not contain this heading. However this may be, a Capitulary of the Church of Toulon (714) and the liturgical work of Amaury (about 820) describe the Lenten usage as identical with our own. There can be no difficulty in understanding the motive of the change ; for by the addition of the four days preceding the first Sun- day, the number of fasting days before Easter (the Sundays being omitted) be- comes exactly forty, and accords with the fasts recorded of Moses and Elias, and with that of our Saviour in the wilderness of Judea. The office for Ash Wednesday opens with the solemn ceremony which has given the day its name.' After an in- troit and four collects, in which pardon and mercy are implored for the penitent, the faithful approach and kneel at the altar rails, and the priest puts ashes upon the head of each, saying. "Memento, homo, quia pulvis es, et in pulverem rever- teris" (Remember, man, that thou art dust, and shalt return to dust). The ashes are obtained by burning the palms of the previous year. The Lenten pas- torals of Bishops, regulating the obser- vance of the season, usually prescribe that the fast on Ash Wednesday shall be more 1 In French, Mercredi des Cendres ; in Ger- man, Asckermittwoeh. ASSUMPTION 61 rigorously kept than on any other day in Lent except the four last last days of Iloly Week. The administration of the ashes was not originally made to all the faithful, but only to public penitents. These had to appear before the chui-ch door on the first day of Lent, in penitential garb and with bare feet. Their penances were there imposed upon them; then they were brought into the church before the bishop, who put ashes on their heads, saying, besides the words " Memento," &c., " age poenitentiam ut habeas vitam seternam " (Repent [or, do penance], that thou mayst have eternal life). He then made them an address, after which he solemnly excluded them from the church. Out of humility and affection, friends of the penitents, though not in the same condition, used to join themselves to them, expressing in their outward guise a similar contrition, and offering their foreheads also to be sprinkled with ashes. The number of these persons gradually increased, until at length the administration of ashes was extended to the whole congregation, and the rite took its present form. ( " Diet, of Antiq." Smith and Cheetham ; Kossing, in Wetzer and Welte.) ASPSRCrES. A name given to the sprinkling of the altar, clergy, and people with holy water at the beginning of High Mass by the celebrant. The name is taken from the words, " Asperges me," " Thou shalt wash me, Lord, with hyssop," &c., with which the priest begins the ceremony. During the Easter season the antiphon "Vidi aquam" is substi- tuted. This custom of sprinkling the people with holy water is mentioned in the Canon of a synod quoted by Hincmar of Rheims, who lived at the beginning of the ninth century. ASPERSZOir. [See Baptism.] ASSVIVIPTZOia'. After the death of her divine Son the Blessed Virgin lived under the care of St. John. It is not quite certain where she died. Tillemont conjectures from a passage in a letter of the Fathers assembled in the General Council of Ephesus that she was buried in that city, but the common tradition of the Church represents her as having died at Jerusalem, where her empty tomb was shown to pilgrims in the seventh cen- tui-y. In any case, it is certain that she really died, and that her exemption from sin original and actual did not prevent her paying this common debt of humanity. The very fact that she had received a B2 ASSUMPTION passible nature rendered her liable to deatb. Except for the special gift of immortality which he received from God, Adam would have died in the course of nature, even if he had never sinned ; and St. Augustine declares that our Blessed Saviour would have died by the natural decay of old age, if the Jews had not laid violent hands upon Him.^ Still, although the Blessed Virgin tasted of death, her body was preserved from corruption and it was united to her soul in the kingdom of heaven. The Church signifies her belief in this fact by celebrating the feast of her Assumption on the fifteenth of August. There is no distinct assertion of the corj^oral assump- tion in the prayers of the feast, but it is plain that the Church encourages and ap- proves this belief from the fact that she selects for the lessons during the octave a passage from St. John Damascene in which the history of this corporal as- sumption is given in detail. This pious belief is recommended by its intrinsic reasonableness ; for surely it is natural to suppose that our Lord did not sufier that sacred body in which He himself had dwelt and from which He had formed His own sacred humanity to become a prey to corruption. It is confirmed by the testimonies of St. Andrew of Crete, of St. John Damascene, and of many ancient Martyrologies and Missals, cited by Butler in his note on this feast. It is, moreover, a striking fact that, notwith- standing the zeal of the early Church in collecting and venerating relics, no relics of the Blessed Virgin's body have ever been exhibited. Much weight, too, must be given to the common sentiment of the faithful. "Admirable," says Petavius, " is the admonition of Pauluius of Nola, an author of the greatest weight, who bids us adhere to the common voice of the faithful, since the spirit of God breathes upon them all." ^ The corporal assumption is not an article of faith. Still Melchior Canus sums up the general teaching of theologians on this head when he says: — "The denial of the Blessed Virgin's corporal assump- tion into heaven, though by no means con- trary to the faith, is still so much opposed to the common agreement of the Church, that it would be a mark of insolent te- merity." ^ The feast, according to Butler, was 1 Billuart, De Myster. Diss. xiv. a., 1. 2 Petav. De Incarnat. xiv. 2. 3 Melchior Canus, De Locis Theolog. xii. 10. ATTRIBUTES OF GOB . celebrated before the sixth century in the East and West. The Greeks called it KOLfjLTjais or ixerdaTaoris ; the Latins, dor- mitio, pausatio, transitiLs, assumptio. ASTROXiOGV. The doctrine of the Church on this matter is clearly laid down by St. Thomas. There is nothing contrary to the faith in holding that the stars affect the bodies of men, and so indirectly cause passions to which most men will give way. Taking this influence of the heavenly bodies for granted (and its ex- istence or non-existence is a question of physical science, not of theology), an astrologer may make probable guesses at the truth. But he cannot predict with certainty our future actions, for it is of faith that the will in all cases remains free. Astrology was forbidden to the early Christians. A law of the emperor Hono- rius condemned astrologers to banishment. The practice of astrology was condemned in 1686 by a bull of Sixtus V.^ ASYliUivi. A place to which a criminal, pursued by the ministers of justice, may escape, and where so long as he remains he cannot be arrested. Such asylums, the inviolable character of which was nearly always connected with some notion of the religions sanctity of the spot, were common among the nations of anti- quity. Rome, says the legend, grew out of an asylum for malefactors of every description ; and Moses (Deut, xix. 2) appointed cities of refuge, whither men who had committed involuntary homicide might flee and be safe. The same privi- lege passed over to the Church, and was sedulously respected by the Christian em- perors. Theodosius punished the viola- tion of the protective sanctity of a chiuch as a crime of lese-majesty. But the im- munity from the consequences of crime arising from the extended assertion of the principle of sanctuary led to many abuses, and by the legislation of Justinian those guilty of certain specified crbnes were to find no right of asylum in the churches. For particulars as to the immunities long enjoyed by certain famous English sanctuaries — e.g. St. Cuthbert's franchise, Beverley, and Westminster — see the ar- ticle Sancttjaht. ATHAN-iiSXAir CREED. [See Ceeed.] ATON-EMEM-T. [See REDEMPTION.] ATTRIBUTES OF GOD. [See God.] 1 Summ. i. 115, 4 ; Fleury, Hist. vi. 20 ; xxii, 19 ; clxxvii, CG. ATTRITION ATTRZTZOir, as distinct from con- trition, is an imperfect sorrow for sin. Contrition is that sorrow for sin whicti has for its motive the love of God whom the sinner has offended. Attrition arises from a motive which is indeed supernatural — that is to say, apprehended by faith — but which still falls short of contrition. Such motives are — the fear of hell, the loss of heaven, the turpitude of sin. By this last, we understand the turpitude of sin as revealed by faith. "We may also, for the sake of clearness, exclude from our definition that kind of sorrow which theo- logians call serviliter servilis — the sorrow which makes a man renounce sin because he is afraid of hell, while at the same time he would be ready to offend God if he could do so without incurring the penalty. All Catholics are bound to hold that attrition, as explained above, is good and an effect of God's grace. This is clear from the words of our Lord, " Fear him who can destroy both body and soul in hell ; " from the declaration of the Tri- dentine Council, that attrition which pro- ceeds from considering " the baseness of sin or from the fear of hell and punish- ment, if it excludes the purpose of sinning and includes the hope of pardon, ... is a true gift of God and an impulse of the Holy Spirit ; " ^ and from subsequent pronounce- ments of the Popes, particularly of Alex- ander VIII. The council put forward this Catholic truth against Luther, and succeeding Popes against the Jansen- ists. Further, the Council of Trent teaches^ that attrition does not of itself avail to justify the sinner. Sin which separates the soul from God is only annulled by love which unites it to Him. But a question was long keenly de- bated among Catholic divines, viz. whether if a man comes with attrition to the sacrament of penance and receives abso- lution, this avails to restore him to God's grace. The negative opinion was held by the French clergy in their assembly gene- ral of the year 1700, and prevailed in the universities of Paris and Louvain. On the other hand, the affirmative, according to which a sinner who receives absolu- tion with attrition is justified through the grace which the sacrament confers, has always apparently been the com- moner tenet in the schools. It rests on the strong argument that as perfect con- 1 Concil. Trident, sess. xiv. cap. 4. De Pceiiit. 2 Ibid. AtJGUSTINIAN CANONS 63 trition justifies without the actual re- ception of the sacrament of penance, it is hard to see why this sacrament should have been instituted, if perfect contrition is needed to get any good from it. Alex- ander VII. in 1667 forbade the advocates of either opinion to pronounce any theo- logical censure on their opponents. But at present the opinion that attrition with the sacrament of penance suffices is universally held. St. Liguori^ calls it "certain." ATTDZAN-S or AVBEAIVS. [See Antheopomoephites.] AVSZTOR OF ROTA. [See ROTA.J AUGirSTZHrZAM- CAM-ONS. The pretensions to high antiquity made by this order, or on its behalf, have involved the history of its origin in much obscurity. Their commencement has been ascribed to some supposed resolution taken by the Apostles to renounce all private property and live in common. This being difficult of proof, the foundation of the order was at least confidently referred to St. Au- gustine of Hippo, whose rule, it was said, the regular canons had never ceased to follow. But it cannot be shown that St. Augustine ever composed a rule, properly so called. He did, indeed, write a treatise " De Moribus Clericorum," and he also wrote a letter (No. 109) in which he laid down a rule of life for the religious women under his direction, not binding them to strict enclosure, but requiring them to re- nounce all individual property. But when and by whom the injunctions contained in this letter were adapted to communities of men, are points which have never been cleared up. Moreover, it has been urged, that if St. Augustine promulgated a rule and founded congregations which have had perpetual succession ever since, it seems impossible to explain how St. Benedict should have been universally regarded for centuries as the founder of Western monachism. In one sense, indeed, the regular Canons of St. Austin may lay claim to an antiquity with which no other order can compete ; for, as canons, they grow out of an institution and a way of life which reach nearly to the apostolic age. [Canoit.] Considered, however, as a particular in- stitution, the mode in which they arose has been thus explained. Discipline hav- ing become much relaxed among the canons of the various cathedi-als in the Frankish empire, a council held at Aix- la-ChapeUe in 816 drew up a rule for 1 Moral Theol. vi. n. 440. 64 AIJGUSTINIAN CAKONS their observance. But as this rule did not absolutely prohibit the acquisition or enjoyment of private property, abuses again crept in ; and the Popes Nicholas II. and Alexander II., strenuously assisted by St. Peter Damian, held councils at Kome in 1059 and 1063, by the decrees of which the rule of Aix-la-Chapelle was amended, and in particular the canons were bound to a community life and to the renunciation of private property (Fleury, " Hist. Eccl." Ixi.). Even after these councils, the canons of many churches lived in much the same way as before ; those, therefore, who obeyed the rule prescribed, by way of distinction from the recalcitrants, were called regular canons. The rule itself after a time was commonly described as the rule of St. Au- gustine, apparently because it was held to be in conformity with his 109th letter and the general spirit of his teaching. The adoption of this rule facilitated the for- mation of independent bodies of regular canons, neither connected with cathedrals nor with collegiate churches, as had hitherto been the case ; accordingly, soon after the beginning of the twelfth century, we read of the foundation of societies of canons, following the rule of St. Austin, in several countries of Europe. In Eng- land these canons — who were regarded as monks, not as friars — were very popular and had many houses ; they were called Black Canons. At the time of the Disso- lution there were about 170 of their houses in England ; two out of their number, Waltham and Cirencester, were presided over by mitred abbots. Newstead Abbey, the birthplace of the poet Byron, was originally an Augustinian house. In Ireland this order was even more popular than in England, holding there, in fact, much the same prominent position that the Benedictines held amongst our- selves. DAlton puts the number at 223 monasteries and 33 nunneries. The Augustinian priors of Christ Church and All Hallows, Dublin, and of the monas- teries at Connell, Kells, Louth, Athassel, Killagh, Newtown, and Paphoe, had seats in the Irish parliament. (H6lyot, "Ordres Monastiques ; " Dugdale's "Mon- asticon.") ^ ^ List of English. Houses of Austin Canons existing at date of suppression. Nunneries and cells are indicated by n and c. Aldebury (Surr.) Anglesey (Cambr.) Ashby Canons (Nortliants.) Bamburgh (Northumb.) Bar lynch (Som.) Barnwell (Cambr.) AtTGUSTlNlAN HEKMlTS AvausTZirzArr herivizts. The remarks made in the foregoing article on Beeston (Norf.) Berdon (Essex) Bethgelert (Caern.) 10. Bilsington (Kent) Bissemede (Beds.) Bliburgh (Sufif.), c. to St. Osith Bodmin (Com.) Bolton in Craven Bouxn (Line.) Bradenstoke (wnts.) Bradley (Leic.) Bradley Mayden (Vfilts.) Breamore (Hants.) 20. Bredon (Leic.) Bridlington (York) Brinkburn (Northumb.) Brooke (Eutl.) Bruton (Som.) Buckenham (Norf.) Buckland Minchin (Som.), n. Burcester, Bices- ter (Oxf.) Burnham (Bucks.), n. Burscough (Lane.) 80. Butley (Sufif.) By sham, or Bisham (Berks.) Caldwell (Beds.) Calke (Derb.), c. to B-epton Calwich (Staff.) Campsey (Suff.), n. Canterbury, St. Gregory's Cartmel (Lane.) Chacomb (Northants.) Chich St. Osith (Essex) 40. Chirbury (Salop) Cirencester (Glouc.) Cokesford (Norf.) Colchester Conishead (Lane.) Combury (Heref.), n. Comworthy (Devon.), n. Crabhouse (Norf.), n., c. to Castle Acre Cumbwell (Kent) Darley (Derb.) 50. Dorchester (Oxf.) Drax (York) Dunmow (Essex) Dunstable (Beds.) Ellesham (Line.) Erdbury (Warw.) FeUy (Notts.) Ferriby, North (York) Fineshade (Northants.) Piskerton (Notts.), c. to Thurgarton 60. Flanesford (Heref.) Flixton (Suif.) Flitcham (Norf.) Pristoke (Devon.) St.German'B(Corn.) Gloucester, St. Oswald Goring (Oxf.), n. Grace Dieu (Leic), n. Gresley (Derb.) Guisborough (York) 70. Haghmon (Salop) Haltem Price, near Cottingham (York) Hartland (Devon) Harwood (Beds.), n. Hastings (Suss.) Haverfordwest (Pemb.) Helagh Park, near Tadcaster (York) Hempton (Norf.) Herringfleet (Suff.) Hexham (Northumb.) 80. Hickling (Norf.) Huntingdon Hyrst in Axhohne (Line.) Ipswich, Trinity Ivychurch (Wilts.) Ixworth (Suff.) Kenilworth (Warw.) Keynsham (Som.) Kirkby BeUer (Leic.) Ku-kham (York) 90. Kyme (Line.) Lanercost (Cumb.) Latton (Essex) Launceston (Corn.) Launde (Leic.) Laycock (Wilts.), n. Leedes (Kent) Leicester, St. Mary Pre. Leigh (Devon), ii>. Leighs, Little (Essex) 100. Lether ingham (Suff.), c. to Ipswich Lilleshall (Salop) Llanthony Abbey (Monm.) Llanthony (Glouc.) London, St. Barth. London, Trinity London, Elsing Spittel,now Sioa College AUGUSTINlAN HERMITS tlie Canons apply equally to the preten- sions to an historical descent from St. Aus- tin made by the Hermits who bear his name. In point of fact the order origi- nated in a union of several existing con- gregations effected in 1266 under the direction of Pope Alexander IV. Their houses soon became very numerous, and the usual variations in regard to the strict observance of their rule, followed by re- formations of greater or less fame, made their appearance. They were regarded as friars, not as monks, and were expressly aggregated to the other orders of friars by Pius V. in 1667. Their house at Wittenberg had the dubious honour of counting Martin Luther among its mem- bers. The Augustinian Hermits are said to have possessed in the sixteenth century three thousand convents with thirty thousand friars, besides three hundred nunneries following a similar rule. But during the French Revolution an immense niunber of their houses were dissolved ; and at the present time scarcely a hundred are left. In England, according to Tanner, AUREOLE 66 Lymbroke (Heref.), n. Markby (Line.) Marsh (Devon.) c. to Plympton llO.Marton (York) Maxstoke (Warw.) Merton (Surr.) Mickleham (Suss.) Missenden (Bucks. ^ Mottisfont (Hants.) Newburgh (York) Newenham (Beds.) Newstead (Line.) Newstead (Notts.) 120.Nocton (Line.) Northampton, St. James' Norton (Chesh.) NosteU (York) Oseney (Oxf.) Ouston (Leic.) Oxford, St. Mary's CoU. Pentney (Norf.) Plympton (Devon) Porchester(Hant8.) 180.Ratlinghope (Salop), c. to Wigmore Reigate (Surr.) Repton (Derb.) Eocester (Staff.) Ronton Abbey (Staff.) Royston (Herts.) Shelford (Notts.) Southampton Southwark, St. Mary Overy Stafford, St. Thomas h, Becket UO.Stone (Staff.) Stonley (Hunts.) Studley (Warw.) Tandridge (Surr.) Taunton (Som.) Thornholm (Line.) Thornton Curtis (Line.) Thxemhall (Essex) Thurgar ton (Notts.) Tockwith (York) 150.Torksey (Line.) Tortington (Suss.) Trentham (Staff.) Ulverscroft (Leic.) Waybourne (Norf.^ Walsingham(Norf.) "Waltham (Essex) Warter (York) Warwick Wallow, near Grimsby (Lino.) leo.Westacre (Norf.) Weybridge, near Acle (Norf.) Wigmore (Heref.) Wombridge (Salop) Woodbridge (Suff.) WoodMrk, or West Ardsley (York), c. to Nostell Worksop (Notts.) Wormegay (Norf.) Wormsley (Heref.) Worspring (Som.) ITO.Wroxton (Oxf.) Wymondley, Little (Herts.) there were about thirty-two houses of Augustinian Hermits at the Dissolution. The most celebrated was the friary at Oxford, which educated many 'dis- tinguished men; here Erasmus lodged with his friend Prior Charnock when he visited Oxford. A grey crumbling gate- way in New Inn Hall Lane alone is left to mark the spot. Capgravo, the well- known hagiographer, was an Augustinian Hermit. At the present time there is one house of Augustinian friars in England (at Hoxton, London, N.), none in Scotland, and tweh^e in Ireland — riz. Drogheda, in the province of Armagh ; Dublin, Rath- farnham, Callan, New Ross, and Grants- town (to which community belonged the illustrious Dr. Doyle) ; Fethard, Cork, Limerick, and Dungarvan, in the province of Cashel ; and Ballyhaunis and Galway in that of Tuam. The house in London, as well as one in Rome, form part of the Irish province, which now numbers about forty-five Fathers and twenty clerical students, and whence Augustinians have gone out who have founded a new and separate province in the United States of Ainerica, where there are several fine churches, convents, and colleges. (Dug- dale's " Monasticon.") ^ .A.X7REOXiE (from aureolus, golden, gilt, of golden colour). 1. In Christian art it is the gold colour surrounding the whole figure in sacred pictures, and repre- senting the glory of the person represented. It is distinct from the nimbus, which only covers the head. The aureole (also caUed scutum, vesica, piscis, &c.) was usually re- served for pictures of the three divine Persons, of Christ, and of the Blessed Vir- gin along with the Holy Child. (Kraus, " Archaeol. Diet.") 2. In theology, it is defined as a cer- tain accidental reward added to the essential bliss of heaven, because of the ^ List of English Houses of Austin Hermits existing at date of sicppression. Atherston (Warw.) Boston (Line.) Bristol Canterbury Droitwich (Wore.) Gorleston (Suff.) Hull (York) Huntingdon Leicester 10. Lincoln London Ludlow (Salop) Lynn (Norf.) Newark (Notts.) Newcastle-on-Tync Northampton Norwich Orford (Suff.) Oxford 20. Penrith (Cumb.) Rye (Suss.) Shrewsbury Stafford Stamford (Line.) Stoke Clare (Suff.) Thetford (Norf.) Tickhill (York) Warrington (Lane.) Winchester 30. Woodhouse (Salop) Yorlc •s 6(3 AtJTOCEPHALl excellent victory which the person who receives it has attained during his warfare upon earth. It is given, according to St. Thomas/ to virgins, martyrs, and to doc- tors and preachers. Virgins "have tri- umphed with special glory over the flesh ; martyrs, over the world, which persecuted them to death ; preachers, over the devil, whom they have driven, not only from their own hearts, but also from those of others. AVTOCEPHAIiZ (avTOKecpaXoi). A name given by Greek canonists to metro- politans who were not subject to a patri- arch. Such were the metropolitans of Cyprus, who contrived to free themselves from subjection to the Patriarch of An- tioch ; or, again, the archbishops of Bul- garia, who were independent of Constanti- nople. AUTO DA PE. [See iNatrisiTiON-, Spanish.] ATTXZIiZARV BISHOP. [See Bishop Atjxiliaex.J AVE MARIA. This familiar prayer, called also the Angelical Salutation, con- sists of three parts — (1) the salutation of the Ai'change] Gabriel, Ave [Maria] yr«f/rt plena, Dominus tecum, ; benedicta tu in mulieribits ; (2) the words of Elizabeth to our Lady, et benedict lisfructus ventris tui ; (3) an addition made by the Church, Sancta Maria, Mater Dei, ora pro nobis peccatorihus nunc et in liora mortis nostrce. Parts 1 and 2 seem to have come into common use as a formula of devotion to- wards the end of the twelfth century ; the use of them is enjoined by the Con- stitutions of Odo, bishop of Paris, in 1196. * Supplem. qu. xcvi. BAltJS The third part gives a compact and appropriate expression of the feelings with which Christians regard the Blessed "Virgin. The words wmti*?. . . . nostrce axe said to have come from the Franciscans ; the rest of the verse is believed to have first come into use in the middle of the fifteenth century. The whole Ave Maria as it now stands is ordered in the brevi- ary of Pius V. (1668) to be used daily before each canonical hour and after com- pline. AVE REGiTJA. [See Hymns.] AZVI>IITES {h priv. C^firj). By this term the Greek Schismatics designate Christians of the Latin Church, because the latter use unleavened bread in the ad- ministration of the Eucharist. In the Western Church the point has never been regarded as of vital importance ; the priest is only enjoined sub gravito use unleavened bread ; and the Council of Florence de- clared (1439) that after consecration the body of our Lord was really present {vera- citer confid) whether the bread used were made with or without leaven. But the Greek ecclesiastics who assented to this article were ill received by their country- men on their return to Constantinople (Gibbon, ch. Ixvii.), and this point of using or not using leaven is still one of the marks of difference between East and West. The arguments either way are well summed up by Fritz (art. Azymites, Wetzer and Welte). The original pro- priety of using or not using leaven turns mainly on the question whether Maundy Thursday was within the period of the Azymes ; on which see Holx Week. BACCAN-ARISTS (or PaCCANA- BlSTs), or Regular Clerks of the Faith of Jesus. The object of this congregation, founded at the end of the last century by one Baccanari or Paccanari, a native of the Trentino, was to revive the suppressed Society of Jesus under another name. In 1798, having obtained ecclesiastical ap- proval for his project, Baccanari with twelve companions took possession of a country house near Spoleto, and com- menced a monastery. They wore the Jesuit habit, and made the three simple vows, to which they afterwards added a fourth vow of unconditional obedience to the Pope. Many others joined them, and they had branches in France and even in Holland. But as the prospect of a speedy revival of the Society of Jesus grew brighter, members of Baccanari's congre- gation began to desert him, some joining the Jesuit colleges which had never ceased to subsist in Russia, others repairing to the kingdom of Naples, where the Society was re-established in 1804. Finally, in 1814, the Jesuits being everywhere re- stored, the remaining Baccanarists applied for admission into the order, and the con- gregation of the Faith of Jesus came to an end. BAITTS. A famous theologian of the University of Louvain, who anticipated the errors of Jansenius. His real name was Michael Bay. , He was born at Melin, Baius in the Low Countries, in 1513. He studied at Louvaiu, where he tau^-lit philosophy and took his Doctor's diigree. In 1551 he became Professor of Scripture, and in 1563 he was sent to the Council of Trent by the King of Spain, returning in the following year to the university. He won great repute by his undoubted learning and by his blameless life, and honours were heaped upon him. In 1578 he was made chancellor of the university, and, at a later date, General Inquisitor for the Netherlands. He continued to teach till his death, in 1589. However, his life was a stormy one. Baius deserted the scholastic method and did much to revive the study of the Fathers. No one, of course, could justly blame him for promoting patristic learn- ing. But he marred the services which he might well have rendered to the Church, by exaggerating and misinterpreting the Augustinian doctrine on grace. His lectures excited opposition especially among the Franciscans, and several pro- positions taken from his oral teaching were delated to the Sorbonne and con- demned there. In 1563 and 1564 he published various treatises on free will, original justice, justification, &c. Three years later, Pius V. condemned 76 pro- positions, representing on the whole the opinions of Baius, although some are not actually contained in his works. These propositions were condemned " in globo et respective," as heretical, erroneous, sus- picious, rash, scandalous and offensive to pious ears — i.e. each of these propositions merited one of these censures, but no particular censure was attached to any one proposition. The name of Baius was not mentioned in the bull, which was communicated privately to the theological faculty at Louvain, without being pro- mulgated. Various disputes arose on the authority and sense of this bull which need not detain us here. Gregory XIII. confirmed the bull of his predecessor, and again condemned the propositions. The famous Jesuit Toletus took the constitu- tion of Gregory to Louvain, where it was read before the assembled university. Thereupon Baius acknowledged that many of the condemned propositions were to be found in his writings. " I condemn them," he said, " according to the intention of the bull, and as the bull condemns them." Toletus, it is reported, frequently declared that he had never met a more learned or more humble man. The following are the chief heads of BANNER 67 the erroneous system which Baius main- tained. He regarded original justice, including the perfect subjection' of tlie lower nature, as a part of luiman nature, not as a free gift of God to our first parents. Starting from this principlf, he held further that eternal life would ha\e been due to Adam, in the event of his perseverance, as a matter of rigorous justice, excluding grace and mercy al- together. Consequently, man, after the fall, was, till restored by grace, mutilated in nature and capable only of sin. Baius did not deny the freedom of the will in terms, but he did so in eflfect, for he made it consist in the mere absence of external restraint. Man chose to sin, but he could not choose anything else. The Benedic- tine Gerberon published the works of Baius with the documents relating to the controversy in a quarto volume at Cologne in 1696. (See Kuhn, " Dogmatik," vol. iv. p. 319 seq. ; and his article Baius in Wetzer and Welte. Linsenmann, " Mi- chael Baius und die Grundlegung des Jansenismus," Tubingen, 1867.) BAXiBACCHlN'O. A canopy, such as is often suspended over the high-altar, usually hanging from the roof of the church, though sometimes, as at Home, it rests on four pillars. From the time when Constantine began to build sumptuous churches, the altar-table was overshadowed by a canopy made in the form of a cupola and surmounted by a cross. It was adorned with sculptures and rested on columns of precious material. This canopy was named cihorium, KLJSoapiov, from its resem- blance to the bowl of a cup, and the Blessed Sacrament was placed in a vessel sus- pended by a cord from the interior of this canopy. The name Baldacchino is said to have come into use in the middle ages and to be derived from Baaldak, the name by which Babylon (Bagdad ?) was known during the time of the crusades. Baaldak or Babylon was celebrated for the manu- facture of fine silken stuffs, and with these the canopy was frequently hung. (Rock, " Hierurgia," p. 506 seq.) Baldacchino is also used as the name of the canopy which is carried over the priest who bears the Blessed Sacrament in procession on Holy Thursday, Corpus Christi, &c. (Gavantus.) BAN'N'BR. An ecclesiastical banner is 0}ie in which the stuff, whether of silk or linen, on which religious persons, ob- jects, or mottoes are depicted, is not nail. id 68 33ANNS to the staff, as in the case of an ordinary flag, but to a transverse bar which is attached to the staff and with it forms the figure of a cross. Of this kind were the cavalry standards {vexilla) used in the Roman army. At the head of the staff, above the banner, and also in those signa militaria which were without a banner, was fixed some emblem possessing significance in the eyes of the soldiers, as an eagle, or a serpent, or a ball, or a bronze figure of Victory, or of Mars, or of the reigning emperor. Constantine, after his vision, and the victory which followed over Maxentius, ordered that the sacred standard {labarum-, q. v.) which had been shown to him should be adopted through- out the army, the eagle or other figure at the head of the staff being replaced by the sacred monogram ^ or -p , representing the first two letters of the Greek XPI2T02. The Christian apologists — e.g. Minucius Felix and Tertullian — are fond of drawing attention to the resemblance which a Roman military standard bore to a cross. The adoption of the labarum would at once satisfy the large and ever increasing number of Christians in the imperial armies, and not displease the Pagan soldiers, because the traditional shape was not departed from. As the soldier in battle looks to the colours of his regiment, and while they float aloft knows that the day may still be won, and is animated to do valiantly, so should Christians, as the Church by her sanction of banners reminds us, fix their gaze on that Cross of Christ which is the standard of their warfare, and be continually animated by the thought to fresh courage. Banners are chiefly used in processions, but they are also hung round or near the altar, their prime significance being in all cases that they show forth the victory of Christ. In the military orders [see that article] a practice was introduced for each knight at the time of his admission to hang up his banner in the church; hence the mouldering relics which may be seen in Henry VII.'s Chapel, Westminster, in St. George's Chapel, Windsor, and other places. ("Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiq.," Smith; Smith and Cheetham; Schmid in Wetzer and Welte.) BANNS. The proclamation of in- tended marriage, in order that if anyone is aware of an impediment, he may state it to the ecclesiastical authorities, and so BAPTISM prevent the celebration of the wedding. Such proclamations were introduced first of all by the custom of particular places, but it was not till 1215 that they were imposed, at the Fourth Lateran Council, by a general law binding the whole Church,^ The Council of Trent ^ orders the banns to be proclaimed by the parish priest of the persons who intend to marry, during Mass on three continuous festivals. At the same time, it permits the ordinary to dispense from the obligation of proclaim- ing the marriage, for a grave reason. According to theologians and the S. Congregation of the Council, the banns must be proclaimed in the parish church of the contracting parties, and in each parish church if they live in different parishes, at the principal Mass on three continuous Sundays or holidays of obliga- tion — or at least on days when there is sure to be a concourse of people in the church. It is generally held that if the marriage does not take place within two months, or at most four, of the last publication, the banns must be proclaimed anew. BAPTISl^ (from ^aivTKTyLos, dipping, or immersion^ in water). A spiritual meaning was given to baptism by St. John the Baptist, who baptised or im- mersed his disciples in the Jordan, to signify the repentance and renewal by which the whole man was to be cleansed and purified. The Talmud of Babylon^ mentions a baptism of Jewish proselytes, but it is impossible to say when this rite arose. In any case, it is certain that when our Lord made baptism the rite of initiation into His Church, He employed a symbolism already familiar to the Jews. But Christ exalted the act to a dignity beyond the baptism of John, changing the "baptism of penance" into the sacrament of regeneration. The Gospels do not tell us when Christian baptism was instituted, and a great variety of opinions has prevailed upon this point among the Fathers and theo- logians of the Church. We may, how- ever, safely assume that Christ instituted baptism before His Passion, for since bap- tism is, as we shall see further on, the gate 1 Fleury, Hist. Ixxvii. 52. 2 Sess. xxiv. c. 1. 2 Tingere is the corresponding Latin word used by Tertullian. 4 Dollinger, First Age of the Church, p. 318. The Jewish baptism is fuUy described by Biix- torf, sub voc. -)j. See also Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. vii. p. 255. BAPTISM BAPTISM 69 of tlie sacraments, the Apostles could not have received Holy Communion at the Last Supper, unless they had been previ- ously made Christians by baptism. Christ himself did not as a general rule baptise : still He did, according to an ancient tradi- tion, baptise St. Peter, who conferred the sacrament on St. Andrew, St. Andrew on St. James and St. John, and they on the rest of the twelve.^ After Christ's Passion and Resurrection, or at latest after Pentecost, the precept of receiving baptism became binding on all human beings. After this sketch of the history of the institution and promulgation we may go on to consider the sacrament as it ex- ists in the Church. We shall treat of the following points in order: viz. the essentials in the administration of the sacrament, its eifects, its necessity, and the ceremonies with which it is given. I. Under the first head questions occur as to the matter, the form, the minister, and the subject of baptism, (a) The matter is water, poured on the head of the candidate. The Scripture makes it clear enough that water is to be used, but it is not so plain at first sight that the sprinkling or pouring of water will suffice. In Apostolic times the body of the bap- tised person was immersed, for St. Paul looks on this immersion as typiiying burial with Christ, and speaks of baptism as a bath.'^ Immersion still prevails among the Copts and Nestorians, and for many ages baptism was so given among the Latins also, for even St. Thomas, in the thirteenth century, speaks of baptism ,by immersion as the common practice {communior usus) of his time.^ Still the rubric of the Poman Pituale, which states that baptism can be validly given by immersion, infusion, or aspersion, is fully justified by tradition. Persons on a sick- bed, in danger of death, were baptised where they lay without immersion. This baptism was always considered sufficient, and in case of recovery they had only to 1 See a fragment of Clem. Al. from his lost ■work Hypotyposes (Clem. Al. tom. iii. p. 494, in Dindorf s ed.^. 2 Rom. VI. 4 ; Ephes. v. 26 (Xovrpw). 2 It is not tnie that the Greeks and all other Orientals baptise by immersion. The child is, indeed, according to the common Oriental rite, placed in the font ; but the actual baptism is by infusion of water on its head. Billuart, DeBapt. i. 3, where Goar is quoted. Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, p. 17. St. Thom. Sum. iii. 66,7. get the ceremonies supplied and to be confirmed.^ It is only necessary for the validity of the sacrament to pour the water once — for although a threefold in- fusion or immersion has been given from the earliest times, still here, too, we meet with exceptions, for Gregory the Great allowed the Spanish Church to continue its custom of baptising by one immersion. (0) The form or words used in the sacrament are "I baptise thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," or words equivalent to these. Thus the Greek form "The servant of Christ N. is baptised in the name," &c., is valid, as appears from the instruction of Eugenius IV. to the Arme- nians, and from subsequent decisions of the Holy See. A form similar to that of the Greeks is used by all the Orientals, except the Copts, Abyssinians, and Maronites, who approximate to the Latin form.- Many great theologians suppose that the Apostles, for a time, in vu'tue of a special dispensation, baptised simply in the name of Christ ; but this opinion seems to rest on a very questionable interpretation of passages in the New Testament. (y) The minister of baptism, says Eugenius IV., in the instruction quoted above, " is a priest, to whom in virtue of his office it belongs to baptise." The Roman Ptituale prescribes that baptism should be given by the parish priest of the place, or by another priest appointed by him, or by the ordinary. A deacon is the extraordinary minister of solemn baptism. The Pontifical mentions bap- tising as one of his duties, a duty, however, which he can lawfully exercise only by delegation from the bishop or priest. But besides this, in case of necessity, any- one, even a heretic or Jew, may baptise if he uses the proper matter and form, and intends to do what Christ ordained ; and even if no such necessity exist, baptism so given, although unlawful, is still valid. That one who is not a priest may baptise is clear from the fact that Philip the dea- con did so, as we learn from the Acts of the Apostles. Tertullian expressly says that baptism can be given " by all." ^ The 38th Canon of the Council of Elvii-a, in 306, assumes the same truth. There was, however, a difficulty in early times about baptism given outside of the Church — viz. 1 Euseb. Hist. vi. 43, with the notes of Valesius. 2 Denzinger, loc. cit. p. 18, 5 I>e Bapi. 17. 70 BAPTISM by heretics. St. Cyprian and Firmilian de- nied, St. Stephen, the contemporary Pope, affirmed, its validity. The Pope appealed in favour of his view to Apostolic tradi- tion. It is needless to say that the Pope's teaching prevailed. Thegreat Council of Aries in 314 decided for the validity of heretical baptism, and the Fourth Lateran Council defined it. The 1 8th Canon of the Council of Nicjea in no way contra- dicts this article of faith, for, though it orders the disciples of Paul of Sampsata to be rebaptised, these heretics had in all probability corrupted the form of bap- tism.^ (6) The Recipient of Baptism.— AR human beings, ei^en infants and adults who have never had the use of reason, are capable of receiving this sacrament. Adults are bound by the precept of Christ to come and be baptised ; parents and guardians are bound by the same pre- cept to bring their children, or other persons in their charge, who have not come to the use of reason, and to have them baptised. In the middle ages and in modern times various sects have re- pudiated infant baptism. It is difficult to give strict proof from Scripture in favour of it, nor can it be denied that in the early ages persons often deferred their own baptism or that > of their children, except in danger of death, from a dread of incurring the responsibilities of the Christian life. At the same time the Catholic doctrine that children are to be baptised may be inferred from Scripture, and is abundantly justified by tradition. Thus we read of the Apostles baptising whole houses ; and the very fact that our Lord promises Plis kingdom to children shows that He did not mean to exclude them from the sacrament of regeneration. The early Fathers supply the needed comment on Scripture. We have an explicit testimony for infant baptism in St. Irenseus. "Christ," he writes, "came to save all — all, I say, who through Him are born again to God, infants and little ones, and boys and young men, and the aged."^ ' In a letter written by St. Cyprian and sixty-four bishops assembled in coimcil, an answer is given to the question whether the baptism of children must be deferred, on the analogy of cir- cumcision, till the eighth day. The bishops answer unanimously in the nega- tive. If, the saint argues, adults are ^ ITefele, Conciliengeschichte, i. p. 417, where an alternative explanation is given. ^ Tren. ii. 22, 4. BAPTISM admitted to the font, how much more should those be baptised at once who have not sinned, except so far as by natural descent from Adam they have contracted in the moment of birth the infection of ancient death, who for this very reason come more easily to the re- mission of sins, because it is the sins of another, not their own, which are remitted to them.^ II. The Effects of Baptism.— {a) It remits all sin, original and actual. " Be baptised," St. Peter said,^ " everyone of you in the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of your sins." " I believe in one baptism," says the Nicene Creed, "for the remission of sins." (iQ) It remits all the penalties due for sin before God, whether temporal or eternal. A temporal punishment often remains due to sin, even after its guilt has been removed by absolution. Baptism, as the Church defines, leaves no such penalties, and the apostolic origin of this belief is proved by the practice of the early Church, which imposed no penance for the gravest crimes if committed before baptism. The rebellion of the flesh does of course remain after baptism, but this rebellion is not sin, unless the will fully consents to it.^ (y) It bestows sanctify- ing grace and the infused virtues. A diffi- culty was felt even among Catholic divines with regard to the case of children. All admitted that children received the for- giveness of sins, but how could they have grace and the infused virtues imparted to them ? How, for example, could a child receive faith in baptism, when it plainly remains unable to exercise faith tiU the age of reason ? The answer is that the capacity is one thing, the actual exercise another. A man in sleep may ha've the capacity for or habit of faith, though he cannot exercise it till he wakes. More- over, the very fact that baptism gives a title to the possession of heaven proves that it always confers grace, since it is the gi-ace of God, not the mere absence of sin, which enables us to enter there. The Council of Vienne contented itself with pronoimcing the opinion that grace is con- ferred in baptism " more probable." Since then, the Council of Trent defined that all the sacraments of the new law confer grace on those who rightly receive them.* 1 Epist. Ixiv. ed. Hartel. ^ Acts ii. 38. 2 Decrei. pro Armen. in Bulla Eugen. IV. Concil. Trident, sess. vi. cap. 14 ; sess. v. Decret. de Peccat. Orig. * Sess. vii. De Sacram. in. gen. BAPTISM (8) It imprints a " character " or in- delible mark on the soul, whence it can- not be reiterated, [See under Chaeactek,] (e) It makes the recipient u member of Christ and of the Church, and makes it possible for hun to receive the other sacraments. An infant is unable to put a bar in the way of sacramental grace, and therefore must receive the full effect of baptism rightly administered. With adults it is different. In them positive dispositions are called for. In order to receive baptism validly, an adult is only required to have the intention of doing so. If the inten- tion be there, he receives the character and incurs the responsibilities of a Chris- tian; but in order to obtain the grace of the sacrament, he must come with faith and with contrition perfect or imperfect — i.e. he must from a supernatural motive detest his sins, and resolve to begin a new life.^ Thus a person who comes without at least attrition for all his mortal sins, and the purpose of amendment, would receive neither grace nor forgiveness. If, however, he afterwards supplied the re- quisite dispositions, the grace of the sacrament would revive, and he would receive remission of original sin, and of all actual sins (including the temporal punishment annexed) which he had com- mitted up to the date of his baptism.^ Ill, The Necessity of Baptism. — The "passage" (from death to life), says the Coimcil of Trent, "cannot be made since the promulgation of the Gospel except by the laver of regeneration, or by the desire of it, as it is written, * Unless a man be born of water and the Holy Ghost, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God.' " It is interesting to notice that Tertullian makes precisely the same application of this text against the heretics of his day,^ Accordingly, infants dying iinbaptised are excluded from the kingdom of heaven, although, according to the opinion now universally held, they do not undergo suffering of any kind in the next world. [See Limbo,] Protestant difficulties on this point arise from inadequate ideas on grace and the sovereignty of God. Heaven is a reward which is no way due to human nature, and God can withhold it, as He pleases, without injustice. In adults the baptism of desire or of blood may supply the place of baptism by water. Thus an 1 Catech. Rom. ii. cap. 2, 40. 2 Billuart, De Baptism, iv. 2. 5 Concil. Trid. sess. vi. cap. 4. Tertull. De Baptism. 13. BAPTISM 71 act of the perfect lo^e of God remits sin, original and actual, and confers sanctify- ing grace. Our Lord in St, John's Gospel promises that He wiU love those who love Him, a promise which would not be ful- filled if a man who loved God abo^ e ail things and for His own sake, were still allowed to remain God's enemy in conse- quence of unforgiven sin. The baptism of blood — i.e. martyrdom — not only forgives sin but remits the temporal penalties of sin also, St, Cyprian says of catpchumens who died before being baptised with water, that they had intact been baptised "with the most glorious and greatest baptism of blood," ^ and TertuUiun wit- nesses to the belief of the early Church that the Holy Innocents were sanctified by tli(,'ir blood.- IV. Conditional Baptism is given when there is some doubt whether a person has been validly baptised. The form prescribed in the Roman Ilituale is " If thou hast not been baptised, I baptise thee," &c., and in England this form is used in the case of all persons who have received baptism from a Protestant minister, when they are reconciled to the Church.^ In early times the condition was not expressed in words. Fleury could not find any trace of the conditional form before the time of Alexander HI., and St. Thomas alleges a decretal of this Pope for its use.* V. The Ceremonies of Baptism. — The following is a summary of the ceremonies prescribed by the Poman Pituale, with their sigTiification as given in the Koman Catechism. The sacrament is to be ad- ministered, apart from cases of necessity, in the church or baptistery near the church. However, the children of kings andprinces may be baptised in their private chapels. Baptismal water is in all cases to be used. The person baptised is to receive a baptismal name, and the Pituale recommends the parents to impose the name of a saint, that the child may profit by his example and patronage. The 1 Ep. Ixxiii. ed. Hartel. 2 "Testimonium Christi sanguine libave- runt," Adv. Valtntin. 2. 3 An order Avas issued by the Vicars Apo- stolic at the befcinning of this century, that all converts irom Protestantism born after 1773, should be conditionally baptised. This order was re-enacted by the tirst provincial synod of Westminster, cap. xvi. The Avater used is to be holy water, not water taken from the font, and all the ceremonies are to be omitted. 4 Fleurv, Hist. xciv. 31, St. Thorn, iii. 'o^, 9. The form St. Thomas quotes is fuller than the one in present use, 72 BAPTISM priest meets tlie child at the door of the church; drives the devil from him; breathes thrice upon his face, to signify the new spiritual life which is to be breathed into his soul ; puts salt into his mouth, as a sign that he is to be freed from the corruption of sin ; signs him on the forehead and breast with the sign of the cross, and leads him into the temple of God. Then the priest solemnly exor- cises the child ; anoints his ears and nostrils with spittle — after our Lord's example, who thus restored the blind man's sight — and aslvs him in three separate inteiTogations whether he re- nounces Satan, all his works and all his pomps. He next anoints him with the oil of catechumens on the breast and be- tween the shoulders. The ancient athletes were anointed before their contests in the arena, and in the same way the young Christian is prepared for the " good fight" which lies before him.^ The recipient then, through his sponsors, professes his faith by reciting the Creed, and the priest pours water three times on his head, in the form of a cross, at the same time pro- nouncing the words "I baptise thee," &c. After baptism, chrism is put on the top of his head, to signify his union with Christ, the head of his Church ; he re- ceives a white garment, and a burning light in his hands, symbols of innocence and of the light of faith and charity. These rites are recommended as well by their beautiful symbolism and the majestic words which accompany them as by their venerable antiquity. Ter- tullian '^ mentions the triple renunciation made in baptism, the unction, the triple immersion. The Sacramentary of Gela- sius ^ (died 496) contains almost every ceremony of baptism to be found in the present Bituale. Two diiferences, how- ever, must be noted. In the "West solemn baptism was given as a rule only at Easter and Pentecost ; in the East it was also given at the Epiphany.* Again, the ceremonies now in use were intended primarily for adults, and instead of being given together were spread over three or four weelis. Thus in the Gelasian Sacra- mentary, the ceremonies of baptism begin on the third Sunday in Lent, although the baptism itself did not take place till i ''Quasi athleta ; " Billuart, De Baptism. v. 2. 2 De Coron. 3, where he also mentions the custom of tasting milk and honey after bap- tism ; De Baptism. 7. 3 Fleury, Hist. xxx. 62. 4 Thomassin, Traite des Festes, ii. 7. BAPTISTERY Holy Satiu'day . (See Chardon, " Histoire des Sacrements.") BAPTISM OF SHIPS. Baptism, or, more correctly, blessing, of ships, a form in the Roman Rituale. Certain prayers are said, in which God is asked to bless the ship and those who travel in it, as He blessed the ark of Noe and helped Peter when he was sinking in the deep. This form is not found in the older " Or- dines." The practice of blessing ships seems to have become common during the time of the Crusades. BAPTlsiviAli IMAIVIE. A name given in baptism, to signify that the bap- tised person has become a new creature in Christ. The Rituale forbids heathenish names, and advises, though it does not enjoin, the taking of a saint's name. The custom of taking a new name in baptism was not usual in the early Church — though we find instances of it from the third century onwards. Then, and long after. Christians bore not only the names of saints, but also those (1) of feastS' — e.g. Epiphanius, Natalis (from Christmas), Paschasius, &c.; (2) of virtues — e.g. Faith, Innocent, Pius, &;c. ; (3) animals — e.g. Leo, Columba, Ursula, &c. (Hefele, "Beitrage,"393.) BAPTisiviAXk "WATER. Water blessed in the font on Holy Saturday and the vigil of Pentecost, which must be used at least in solemn baptism. The priest signs the water with the cross, divides it with his hand, pouring it to- wards the north, south, east and west ; breathes into it, and places in it the pas- chal candle, after which some of it is sprinkled on the people and some removed for private use. The priest then pours oil of catechumens and chrism into the water. The origin of this custom of blessing the water is lost in immemorial antiquity. A form for blessing the water is found even in the Apostolic Constitutions,^ in ancient Western and in all the Oriental liturgies.^ BAPTISTERY (called also in Greek cjicoTLo-TrjpLov, the place of illumination). That part of the church in which solemn baptism is administered. Anciently, when baptism was constantly given to adults and the rite of immersion prevailed, it was inconvenient to baptise in the church itself, and hence after the conversion of Constantino separate buildings for the administration of baptism were erected ^ Apost. Constit. vii. 43. 2 Denzinger, Ritus Orient, p. 24. BAKEFOOTED FEIARS and attached to the cathedral church. Eusebius ^ mentions a baptistery of this kind in the basilica at Tyre, and examples of such buildings still exist at E,ome, Pisa, Pistoia, Modena, Padua, &c. It was only gradually that baptism was ad- ministered in any but cathedral churches. The ancient baptistery was sometimes round, sometimes it had four, eight, or twelve sides. Cyril of Jerusalem distin- guishes the outer part of the baptistery {7rpoav\i.os ohos), in which the catechu- mens renounced Satan, &c., from the inner portion (io-atrepos olicos), in which they were baptised. The modern baptistery is merely a i)art of the church set apart for baptism. Ac- cording to the Roman Rituale, it should be railed off, it should have a gate fas- tened by a lock, and be adorned, if possi- ble, with a picture of Christ's baptism by St. John. It is convenient that it should contain a chest with two compartments, one for the holy oils, the other for the salt, candle, &c,, used in baptism. (See De Montault, " Construction des Eglises," p. 105.) BAREFOOTED FRZiiRS. [See DiSCALCED.] BARZiAAlVE. [See Hestchasts.] BARITABZTES. The proper desig- nation of the religious of this order is that of " Regular Clerks of the Congre- gation of St. Paul ; " they are popularly called Barnabites on account of a church of St. Barnabas at Milan which belonged to them in the sixteenth century. Their principal founder was the holy priest Antonio Maria Zaccaria (died 1539) ; with him were joined Bartolommeo Ferrari and Giacomo Antonio Morigena. The fre- quent wars by which the north of Italy had been devastated ; the influx of Lu- theran soldiers, whose example tended to propagate a spirit of contempt for the sacraments and the clergy ; and the fre- quency of pestilential disorders caused by the famine and misery of the population, had produced about 1530 a state of things which powerfully appealed to the charity and pity of the true pastors of Jesus Christ. It occurred to Zaccaria that a better way of combating these evils could not be found than by organising a con- gregation of secular clergy, not going out of the world but living in it and working for it, and bound by a rule — that is, dili- gently attending to their own sanctifica- tion while preaching reformation to Others, — " who should regenerate and revive the i H. E. X. 4, 45. BASILIANS 73 love of the divine worship and a truly Christian way of lifu by frequent preach- ing and the faithful administration of the Sacraments." In 1533 the foundation of such a congregation, under a special rule approved by the Holy See, was sanctioned by Clement VII. The members pronounced their vows before the Archbishop of Milan, and chose Zaccaria for their superior. The order soon spread into France and Ger- many. In 1679 their constitutions were examined by St. Charles Borromeo, Arch- bishop of Milan, protector of the congre- gation, and being appro\ed by him were finally confirmed. They calliKl, and still call, their establishments colleges. They are governed by a General residing at Rome, elected for three years, and capable of re-election once. Besides the three usual vows they take a fourth, never to seek any office or ecclesiastical dignity, and to accept no post outside of their order Avithout the permission of the Pope. The habit is merely the black soutane worn by secular priests in Lombardy at the time of their foundation. Their principal house is now at Rome ; and they have about twenty colleges in all, one in Paris, and others in various parts of Italy and Austria. There is no house of these religious either in England or in Ireland. Among the eminent men of this order may be mentioned Sauli, called the Apostle of Corsica; Bascap^, the biographer of St. Charles Borromeo ; and Gavanti, the well-known wi'iter on ru- brics and ceremonies. (H(51yot, " Ordres Monastiques.") BASZIiZAlO'S. This order takes its name from the gTeat St. Basil (died 379), bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia. On his return to his own country after a long journey through Egypt, Palestine and Mesopotamia — made that he might collect the experience of monks and solitaries living under many different rules — Basil, still thirsting for the perfect life in which self should be subdued and union with Christ attained, withdrew into a desert region of Pontus, where his mother Emelia and his sister Macrina had already established monasteries, and laid the foundation of the great order which bears his name. To those who placed them- selves under his direction he gave two rules, the Great and the Little — the for- mer containing fifty-five, the latter three hundred and thirteen articles. This two- fold rule became so famous and popular in the East as to supplant all others ; and at this day it alone is recognised and fol- 74 BASILICA lowed by the monks of the Greek Church. The order never penetrated into France or England; but in southern Italy there were many Basilian convents in existence, even before the time of St. Benedict, who regarded both the rule and its author vi^ith great veneration, and appears to have had it before him when li-aming his own rule. In Russia, the first missionaries to which were Greek monks, the Basilian order re- ceived an immense development. Nearly all of them have, since the division of the ninth century, adhered to the Photian schism ; there are, however, in Austrian Poland and Hungary several communities of Basilian monks which are in com- munion with Home ; the monks of these call themselves Ruthenians. In Spain there were several Basilian monasteries, reformed and unreformed, up to the date of the suppression in 1835. The habit of the Basilians is scarcely to be distinguished from that of the Benedictines. Nearly all the convents of Basilian nuns, founded by St. Macrina, like those of the monks, have embraced the Eastern schism. (H6lyot, " Ordres Monastiques.") ^ BiLSZliXCA. {(Baa-LXtKrj), This name began to be applied to Christian churches about the beginning of the fourth century. The earlier expressions were " house of prayer " (oIkos Tvpoa-^vKrrjpLos), " oratory " (TTfjoaevKTripiov), and " Lord's house " {KvpiaKov, dominicum), besides the loosely- employed term " ecclesia." It has been commonly held that the ancient Roman basilicas (large halls, like the "Basilica Portia" built by Cato about 180 B.C., used for the purposes of justice or commerce) passed in considerable num- bers into Christian hands, after the con- version of Constantine, and were used for Christian worship ; that new churches were built after the model of these, and that the name " basilica " was naturally applied to buildings of either class. Closer investiga- tion has furnished grounds for a somewhat different view. In a learned paper contri- buted by Prof. Kraus of Freiburg to the " R. Encykl. d. christl. Alterth." the follow- ing conclusions are given, as, in the opinion of the writer, solidly established by the evidence. (1) All that the Romans meant by " basilica " was a fine, stately, splendid building ; no notion of what was kingly or princely connected itself in their minds with the term. (2) Christian congrega- tions used buildings or rooms set apart for 1 There is at present (1891) a Basilian house, the College of St. Mary Immaculate, at Plymouth. BASILICA divine worship, from the first. (3) Before the time of Constantine, these were, at Rome, ordinary chambers in private houses, the triclinia, or other large rooms in the dwellings of the wealthy, and, specially, the private basilicas of Roman palaces. Such a basilica is mentioned in the Cle- mentine " Recognitions " (a work which, apart from all question as to its genuine- ness, is certainly of a date not later than the third century) as having formed part of the mansion of Theophilus, a wealthy citizen of Antioch, even in the Apostolic age, and been used by the Christians as a church. (4) The form of these private basilicas probably bore a considerable re- semblance to that of the pre-Augustan forensic basilicas, such as the Portian basi- lica already noticed ; this point, however, is not at present determined with absolute certainty. (5) It is not probable that, apart from the chambers or halls and private basilicas above mentioned, the Christians of the pre-Nicene period pos- sessed, at least in Rome, any churches properly so called within the city. (6) Besides the private basilicas, sepulchral buildings were used for Christian worship in the period referred to — exceptionally, and in times of persecution, those under ground (Catacombs); regularly, the "Me- mories" and Cells of Martyrs built above ground. Both parts of this proposition can be proved by abundant evidence. (7) The Christian basilica of the age of Constantine is not a simple adaptation or imitation of the forensic basilica of the preceding period. For the forensic basilica appears to have had no one determinate shape ; sometimes it had an apse, some- times not, and it was entered either from one end or from the side — whereas the Christian basilica, faithful to the form of the crypt, or "Memory," of the earlier time, had always an apse, and was always entered from the end opposite the apse. At the same time, the forensic basiUca, with its constant mi^erwaZ feature of a space divided by rows of columns into three aisles — a form very suitable to the needs of a large congregation — was certainly not overlooked by Christian architects. (8) The final conclusion is that the Christian basilica of the age of Constantine arose out of the combination of two factors — one the sepulchral " Cella," terminating in one or three apses ; the other, the great three- aisled hall, so familiar to Roman eyes, whether in the forensic or in the private basilicas. The origin of the Christian basilica BASILIDIANS having been considered, it remains to sliow what were its parts, structural features, and arrangements for worship. As a general rule, it was built in an east and west direction, the altar or table being sometimes at one end, sometimes at the other. It was usually surrounded by an outer wall. Through a portico or colonnade, forming a vestibule, admission was obtained into a quadrangle {atriuyn), round which ran an arcade, separated by a low partition from the enclosed space {area), which was open to the air. In the middle of the " area " was the " can- tharus," or water-basin, where the faith- ful washed their faces and hands before entering the church. The right-hand arcade was for men; that on the left, for women ; here penitents must remain during the service ; those, however, whose offences were of a very heinous type were excluded even from these, and had to stand in the open area. On the opposite side of the atrium was an oblong hall, formed by rows of pillars, which was sometimes called the "narthex" or " ferula." Passing through this, the wor- shipper entered the church by a door which was called the "Eeautiful Gate." Tie found himself in a nave {ya6s) with two fl anking aisles (from which it was separated by pillars), but without a transept ; as he proceeded, he came upon the " ambo " [see that article] ; beyond which were the " cancelli," or rails, parting off the choir — which was for the clergy— from the rest of the church. At the end of all was the semicircular vaulted apse [see Ajpse], with the bishop's chair in the centre, and seats for the clergy on either hand ; just in front of the apse was the altar or table. During the divine worship, the men occupied the south, the women the north, aisle ; the space between was left free. At Rome thirteen churches still retain the name of " basilicas " — five larger, and eight smaller. Those of the former class are St. Peter's, St. John Lateran, St. Mary Major, St. Paul Without the WaUs, and St. Lawrence. Among the smaller basili- cas, San Clemente (beneath which an older church was discovered in 1858 by the Irish Dominican, Father Mullooly), Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, Santa Sabi- na, and San Sebastiano, are of great interest and beauty. (Kraus, " Real-Encyklo- padie," Platner, "Beschreibung der Stadt Rom," 1829, vol. i. p. 417.) BASZiiZi>ZA.Trs. [See Gnosticism.] BASiii:, covirczxi op. The schism BASLE, COUNCIL OF 75 in the Papacy, healed with difficulty at the Council of Constance through the election of Martin V., produced in the fifteenth century a prevalent sentiment that the most efiectual safeguard against the recurrence of so terrible an evil lay in the frequent assemblage of general coun- cils. It was provided accordingly, by one of the decrees of Constance (1414-1418), that a general council should in future be held every five years. Martin V., in pursuance of the decree, convoked a council for 1423, to meet at Pavia ; but various difficulties arose, and it was finally arranged that Basle should be the place of meeting, and the time, July 1431. Martin also named Cardinal Julian Cesarini papal legate and president of the assembly. But before the day of meeting the Pope died ; and a doubt as to the intentions of his successor influenced many bishops, so that there was but a slender gathering at the formal opening of the council. Cesarini, however who had himself been absent on the opening day, having been sent into Bohemia to endea- vour to efiect a reconciliation with the Hussites, sent out messengers and letters in all directions ; and soon a great number of French and German bishops — most of whom sincerely desired to carry out a real reformation, both " in the head and the members " of the Church — was assembled at Basle. The new Pope, Eugenius IV., was deeply impressed with the importance of taking advantage of the humiliation of the Eastern Empire (which, owing to the encroachments of the Ottoman power, was now reduced to a small district round Constantinople) to open negotiations — earnestly desired by the Greeks themselves — for the healing of the Photian schism, and reunion of the East and West. The joint council which would be necessary for this purpose could not, the Pope saw, be held at Basle, because the Greeks would never consent to cross the Alps. Again, the Hussites in Bohemia having recently gained some important military successes, the Pope considered that bishops could not safely proceed to a city which seemed, in Italian eyes, to be within the reach of the dreaded Procopius. Other special objections were alleged in the bull, which transferred the council to Bologna. The bishops at Basle, headed by Cesarini— who wrote to the Pope, endeavouring to show that the particular reasons alleged for the transfer were founded on mistake, or had little weight — vehemently opposed the removal of the council, and continued 76 BASLE, COUNCIL OF their sittings. They came chiefly from France and Germany ; Italy, England, and Spain, furnished each a very slender contingent. The number present, even at the most important sessions, does not appear to have exceeded fifty. According to the relative importance which good men might attach to the project of re- union with the Greeks or to the reform of ecclesiastical abuses, they might honestly prefer a city south or north of the Alps as the place of meeting for the council. The general opinion, however, seems to have been at this time in favour of Basle. The Pope himself, finding in 1432 that he could not bring over the Emperor Sigis- mund to his opinion, began to waver, and sent a legate, Christopher, Bishop of Cervia, to Basle with authority to nego- tiate with the council on the question. By February in the following year, he had come to the conclusion that it was expedient to yield still further; a bull appeared, explaining the reasons why the Pope had hitherto objected to Basle, and the considerations which now induced him to withdraw his opposition and send legates to the council. This he did ; but his legates, who were to agree to the dis- cussion only of certain subjects prescribed by the Pope, were ill received at the council. Several other decrees and bulls were issued on one side and on the other in this controversy ; at last, in February 1434, a letter from the Pope was read at the council, with the terms of which they declared themselves satisfied, and they admitted the papal legates.^ But before long a breach occurred, which proved to be irreparable. At its twenty-first session ('June 1435) the council adopted a decree lor the reform of the Roman Chancery — abolishing first-fruits, cutting down fees, and regulating ofiicial charges and per- quisites. The Pope might well complain that a measure so important had been adopted without previous consultation with him. He refused his sanction, and the council launched an angry decree against him. Meantime the Eastern em- peror, John Palseologus, had been in ne- gotiation both with the Pope and the council on the subject of the proposed re- union of East and West ; one consequence of which, the Emperor fondly hoped, 1 A consideration of these dates shows how unfounded is the view of Gibbon {Decline and Fall, ch. Ixvi.) that the revolt of the Romans against the Pope, and his consequent flight — an event which happened in May 1434 — com- pelled Eugenius to make a humiliating submis- sion to the Council. BASLE, COUNCIL OF would be the efi'ective armed intervention of Western Europe to roll back the tide of Ottoman invasion. A synod can seldom hold its own with a single ruler in such transactions ; moreover, the envoys of the council were empowered to propose to the Emperor and the Greeks no place of meeting more acceptable than Avignon, to which Ferrara, ofiered by the Pope, would appear to them infinitely preferable. A division hereupon sprang up in the council itself, the minority — among whom was the excellent and able Nicholas of Ousa, a theologian from Coblentz — voting for the removal of the council to Italy, while the majority were in favour of Avignon. In October 1437, Eugenius published a bull in which he formally transferred the council from Basle to Ferrara ; and although, at the first ses- sion held in the last-named city, in Janu- ary 1438, the number in attendance was scanty, the Papal influence gradually as- serted its ascendency, and defections from the council at Basle began to be of fre- quent occurrence. In his famous work, written some years before, " Concordantia Catholica," Nicholas of Cusa had said, " Where there is no true cecumenical council, the most certain synod is that in Avhich the Pope is found ; " and agreealjly to this maxim, Nicholas himself now abandoned the cause of the council, and repaired to Ferrara. From the time of the publication of the bull of October 1437, the acts of the Council of Basle are con- sidered as of no authority. Before that date, in the years between 1431 and 1436, their most meritorious and success- ful work was the pacification of the Hussites, whom they succeeded to a great extent in reconciling to the Church, by conceding the demand of the more mode- rate party — the Utraquists — for com- munion under both species. The recalcitrants at Basle, headed now by the Cardinal of Aries, exasperated by the desertions from their ranks and the growing influence of the Council of Ferra- ra, proceeded to extreme measures. They erected into a universal axiom that theory of the subjection of Popes to General Councils which, as enunciated by the Council of Constance, had been a parti- cular proposition, referring only to one Pope and a special complex oi circum- stances. Next (May 1439), they pretended to depose Eugenius, in whose stead they chose Amadeus of Savoy. This anti-pope took the title of Felix V. But he was feebly supported, and after playing his BEAJRD, CLERICAL miserable part for five years, abdicated iu April 1445. At tbe same time, the Council of Basle, ■wbich, after lingering on for several years in almost entire obscurity, bad transferred its sittings to Lausanne, gave a last sign of life by recognising the pontificate of Nicholas V. Nothing more is heard of them afterwards. BEARD, CliEBlC All. In the earliest times the shaving of the haii* on the face was considered efieminate (Clem. Al. " Psedagog." iii. 11), and the beard was worn by clergy and laity alike. Early, however, in the middle ages, ecclesiastics in the West shaved off the beard (Bede, " H.E." iv. 14), and this custom furnished Photius, in 867, with the ground for one of the reproaches which he made against the Latins. Pope Gregory VII. required the Archbishop of Cagliari and his clergy to shave, and from the twelfth century onwards, all through the middle ages, synods were constantly enforcing the rule, " Clerici barbam ne nutriant." In the middle of the sixteenth century the cleri- cal beard again came into fashion, and the beard is seen on the portraits of the Popes from Paul III. to Innocent XIL Synods now simply required that the beard should not be too long. At the end of the seventeenth century fashion changed again, under French influence, and when some of the Bavarian priests began to wear the beard, Pius IX., in a brief dated 1863, commissioned the Nun- cio at Munich to see that the bishops put a, stop to the innovation. This rule, of course, does not apply to an order like that of the Capuchins, with whom the beard is no novelty. (Talhofer, in the new edition of the " Blirchenlexikon.") BSATZFZC viszoif. The sight of God face to face, which constitutes the essential bliss of angels and men. The Council of Florence defines that the " souls of those who after receiving bap- tism have incurred no stain of sin what- soever, or who after incurring such stain have been pxirified, in the body or out of the body, .... are at once received into heaven and clearly see God Himself as He is, in three Persons and one sub- stance, some, however, more perfectly than others, according to the diversity of their merits." ^ Many passages of Scripture speak of this vision as the reward of the just. " When He shall appear," St. John says, " we shall be like to Him, because we shall see Him as He is." Similarly, 1 Decret. unionis. BEATIFIC VISION It St. Paul contrasts the seeing through a glass in an obscure manner with that vision " face to face " which is reserved for the life to come.^ Petavius adduces a miiltitude of patristic testimonies on this point, and explains passages from other Fathers who seem to affirm the absolute impossibility of seeing God as He is. At the same time, he confesses frankly that some ancient Cathohc writers spoke am- biguously and others erroneously with regard to the vision of God. They had a difficulty in supposing it possible even for the blessed to behold the divine e.«?ience. It is with the eyes of the soul, not with the bodily eyes, that God is seen. This follows from the very fact that God is incorporeal. Nor can any created intellect in its own strength or by the force of its nature enjoy the beatific vision, for there is no proportion between the divine nature and any created intelligence. In order that the blessed may see Him, God infuses a supernatural quality which elevates and perfects the intellect and makes it capable of the beatific vision. Just as the natural eye, in order thut it may see, requires first the presence of the object, and then light, in order that the image of the object may be received, so the intellect, in order to see God, re- quires not only the proximity of the divine essence, but also an interior disposition by which it is elevated to an act above its natural powers.^ The schoolmen fitly call this quahty in the intellect of the blessed the " light of glory," a term which occurs in the Fathers — e.(/. in St. Augustine, though not in the same definite sense. The Council of Vienne adopted the expression in its condemnation of the error "that the soul does not need the light of glory, which elevates the soul so that it beholds God and enjoys Him in bliss." The word "light" is of course a mere metaphor, for the light of glory is immaterial. Nor is it anything outside the intellect, or again an object which the intellect perceives. It is in the intellect and enables it to see God. By the ordinary law of God, this vision is not given in the flesh, since no man can see God's face and live, although great authorities maintain that it has been bestowed in exceptional cases even during this life. St. Thomas, for instance, maintains that Moses and St. Paul enjoyed the beatific vision before their death, 1 1 John iii. 2 ; 1 Cor. xiii. 12. 2 St. Thorn, i. 12, 5. 78 BEATIFIC VISION thougli tlie gift was not a permanent one. On t£e other hand, it was a question long discussed in the Church, whether the saints saw God face to face before the day of judgment. The Council of Florence, quoted above, closed the controversy, and this definition is the true development of patristic teaching. From the first it was held that martyrdom, as the perfect purga- tion of the soul, admits to the immediate possession of glory, a tenet which logically involves the belief that heaven since Christ's ascension has been opened to all who are fitted by perfect purity for the vision of God. St. Gregory ^ places the difference between the saints of the Old and New Testaments in this very point, that whereas the former had to wait for the vision of God till Christ's descent into limbo, the latter, when "their earthly house of this habitation is dissolved," have a "house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens." The words of the council, with which we began, explain what it is that the beatific vision implies. The saints and angels see God — i.e. His essence, His attributes, and the three Persons of the Trinity. Further, seeing God, they see creatures in Him, who is the supreme cause, in whom all things live and move and exist. The saints do not, indeed, know all that God can do, because even to the blessed He remains in a certain sense incomprehensible, and it is one thing to see an object before us, quite another to know that object in the utmost extent to which it can be known. Such perfect comprehension of the divine nature belongs to God Himself, and cannot be communicated to any creature. But the saints see in God all the facts concerning creatures which it is suitable for them to know. They have, for example, a special knowledge of those who are placed under their patronage; they are aware when souls on earth implore their prayers ; they are acquainted with the best means of helping their clients. The most plausible objection which is made to the invocation of the saints falls to the ground if this point, which St. Augustine sets forth with great fulness, is well understood. We ask the saints to pray for us, not because we believe them omniscient or omni- present, but because, seeing God, they see in Him all that He wishes them to see. Lastly, though all the blessed see God, they do so with different degrees of per- fection. The vision of God is the reward of merit, and as God repays every man 1 Petav. De Deo, vii. 13. feEATlTtJDE according to his works, as the crown pro- mised in heaven is a crown of justice, therefore the vision of God cannot be given in precisely the same manner to all. This truth was denied by Jovinian in ancient, by Luther in modem, times, and the anathema of the Council of Trent — sess. vi. cap. 16, can. 32 — is directed against the latter. (See Petavius, "De Deo," lib. vii.) SEiiTZFZCiiTioir. [See Canoni- sation,] BEATZTITDE, or bliss, is defined by St. Thomas as that perfect good which completely appeases and satisfies the appe- tite.^ God alone can constitute man's per- fect bliss, for man's will seeks the fulness of all good, and this cannot be found ex- cept in God. Had man been left without grace, then he would have found his natu- ral beatitude in knowing God most per- fectly as the author of nature, and in adhering to Him by natural love, sweetly and constantly.^ He would have at- tained this happiness, after passing success- fully through his probation in this mortal life. As it is, man has been raised to a supernatural state, and his bliss consists in God, seen face to face in the heavenly country. [See Beatific Vision.] So far all the Catholic theologians are at one. All admit that God is man's last end and that he attains this end through the beatific vision. But if we question theologians more closely and wish to know the precise manner in which the blessed reach perfect happiness, various answers are given, of which three may be repeated here. The Thomists, following apparently the clear teaching of their master,^ place the essential happiness of the blessed (beatitudo fo7'malis) in the act of the in- tellect by which the saints see God as He is. They argue that while the will is an appetite which tends to its object and rests in it, it is by the intellect that an im- material object actually becomes present to the soul. Thus while the will of the blessed rests in God, it is the intellect which actually apprehends, acquires and possesses Him. The delight which the will takes in good attained does not con- stitute the possession of this good, but presupposes it. The Thomists allege fur- ther that the intellect is the noblest of the faculties, and that the bliss of man must consist in the exercise of this power.* 1 See 1^ 2® 2 8. 2 Billuart, he GraU Diss. ii. L 3 See l.a 2£e, 4, 2. 4 Billuart, De Ultimo Fine, Diss. ii. 2. BEATITUDES, THE EIGHT BEGUINES AND BEGHAKDS 79 Here, we may add, tliey make a legiti- mate application of Aristotle's principles. "That which is proper to each by nature," says this philosopher,^ "is best and sweet- est for each ; sweetest, then, for man is the intellectual life (6 Kara rov vovv ^los), since this p.e. reason] chiefly con- stitutes man. Such a life, therefore, is most happy.'' St. Basil, St. Cyril of Alexandria, and St. Augustine (con- sciously or unconsciously) made a similar application of the Aristotelian princi- ple.'^ The second opinion is that of Scotus, which places beatitude in the act of the will by which it loves God with the love of friendship; a third, that of several Jesuit theologians, who make it consist in ' the exercise of intellect and will com- bined. It is scarcely necessary to say that the Thomists only place the essence or spring of beatitude in the vision of God by the intellect. Hence flow the full satisfaction of the will, the happy necessity of loving God, the knowledge which the saints have that their happi- ness is eternal. After the resurrection this bliss will overflow into the body, be- stowing upon it the four gifts of imjpassi- hilUy, subtlety (by which it will be able to penetrate other bodies, as the risen Christ penetrated the closed doors), agility (which will make it capable of the swiftest motion), clarity (through which it will become luminous or transparent). BEATITUDES, THE EIGHT. The blessings pronounced by our Lord at the beginning of the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. V. 3-10). In the so-called Sermon on the Plain (Luke vi. 20-22) only four are enumerated. Various reasons are given by the Fathers for this difference (see St. Thomas, 1* 2^ qu. Ixix. a. 3). BEGUIN-ESandBEGHiiRDS. The Bdguines of Flanders are an interesting and ancient foundation. An attempt, in- deed, was made in the seventeenth century to trace their origin to St. Begga, the mother of Pepin of Herstal, who flour- ished about A.D. 700 ; but in the judg- ment of Hefele ^ the attempt failed. That they can be traced back to the twelfth century, and are consequently older than either the Franciscans or Dominicans, is unquestionable. The scandals caused by the conduct of a dissolute Bishop of Liege, about 1180, aroused the zeal of a holy priest of the diocese, Lambert le ' Eth. Nicom. x. 7. 2 Petav. De Deo, vii. 8. 5 Art. " Beghines " in Wetzer and Welte. B6glie, who spent his fortune in founding an institution at Liege for widows and single women desirous to consecrate their lives to God, and opened it in 1184. The associates called themselves B^ghinos, corrupted to B^guines, after their founder, and the name of B6guinage was given to the abode, or rather group of abodes, in which they lived. For the B6guinage, re- sembling in this respect the ancient laura, is not a convent, but a collection of small houses (each inhabited by one or two B6guines, who do their own housekeeping), surrounded by a wall, and with ti chapel in the centre. The B6guines do not take pei'petual vows, nor do they renounce private property ; they can lea\'e the asso- ciation whenever they desire it, and re- claim the capital which they may have contributed to it. But each B6guine on admission to the habit makes a vow, in the presence of the cur6 who has the spiritual charge of the community, of obedience and chastity so long as she remains in the Bdguinage. They employ themselves, ac- cording to the strength or capacity of the several members, in educational work (including large Sunday-schools for girls) and corporal works of mercy of various kinds, besides taking part in the divine office. Some of their communities in the fourteenth century fell into the error of the Fraticelli, or brethren of the free spirit, and incurred condemnation on that ac- count from the Council of Vienne (1311). At the present day, they are still flourish- ing in Belgium, their original seat ; there are B^guinages at Ghent, Bruges, Ant- werp, Mechlin, and other places. In the great Beguinage at Ghent there were in 1857 six hundred professed B^guines, and two hundred locataires — that is, ladies liv- ing within the enclosure, paying a certain pension, and to some extent participating in the religious life of the sisters. There are B^guinages in Germany, and one was lately founded at Castelnaudary, in the south of France, by a zealous priest of Carcassonne, M. Soubiran-la-Louviere, which promised to be eminently success- ful and useful. The Beghards had no special founder, but were associations of laymen living together in imitation of the Beguines. They first appear in the early part of the thirteenth century. Heresy and anti- nomianism made great ravages in their ranks in the following ag-e, and the seve- rities of which they were consequently the object caused the greater number to pass into the third orders of the Mendicant 60 BELLS fraternities. They were finally suppressed by Innocent X. in 1650. BEIiX^S. Nothing Certain is known as to the date of their introduction, which has been attributed sometimes to St. Pauhnus of Nola, sometimes to Pope Sahinian. During the heathen persecu- tion it was of course impossible to call the faithful by any signal which would have attracted public notice. After Con- stantine's time, monastic communities used to signify the hour of prayer by blowing a trumpet, or by rapping with a hammer at the cells of the monks. Walafrid Strabo, in his celebrated book on the divine offices, written about the middle of the ninth century, speaks of the use of bells as not very ancient in his time, and as having been introduced from Italy. However, we learn from the his- tory of St. Lupus of Sens that church- bells were known in France more than two centuries before Strabo's time.^ For long the Eastern Church employed instead of bells clappers, such as we still use on Good Friday, and beUs were not known among the Orientals till the ninth cen- tury.^ Even then their use cannot have become universal among them, for Fleury mentions the ringing of church-bells as one of the customs which the Maronites adopted from the Latins on their reunion with the Catholic Church in IISS.^ The classical words for bell are, kcoBcov and tinfAnnahulum. From the seventh cen- tury onwards, we find the names camjpana (from the Campanian metal of which they were often made), nola (from the town where their use is said to have been intro- duced), and cloccce^ (French cloche). Originally church bells were compara- tively small. Large ones of cast metal first appear in the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; those of the gTeatest size in the fifteenth. In the tenth century the custom began of giving bells names.^ Before the Church sets aside bells for . sacred she blesses them with solemn cere- monies. The form prescribed in the Pontifical is headed "the blessing of a bell," though it is popularly called "the baptism of a bell," a title by which the office is mentioned as early as the eleventh century.^ The bishop washes the bell with blessed water, signs it with the oil 1 Fleury, Hist, xlviii. 42. 2 Kraus, Kirchengeschichte, p. 172. 5 Ixxiii. 46. * First occurs in Bonifacius, Ep. 134 ; per- haps from the old German chlachan ■= frangi. Kraus, p. 288. 5 Kraus, loc, cit. '^ Fleuiy, lix. 20. BENEDICTINES of the sick outside, and with chrism inside, and lastly places under it the thurible with burning incense. lie prays re- peatedly that the sound of the bell may avail to summon the faithful, to excite their devotion, to drive away storms, and to terrify evil spirits. This power of course is due to the blessings and prayers of the Church, not to any efficacy super- stitiously attributed to the bell itself. Thus consecrated, bells become spiritual things, and cannot be rung without the consent of the ecclesiastical authorities. Hitherto, we have been treating of the large church-bell. Small bells are also used during Mass, and are rung by the server at the Sanctus and at the Eleva- tion. The object of this rite is to excite the attention and devotion of the faithful. The practice of ringing the bell at the Elevation was introduced after the custom of elevating the Host [see Elevation] had become common in the Church. The Elevation-bell is mentioned by Wilham of Paris. In England it is the custom to ring the bell also as the priest spreads his hands over the Host and chahce before the consecration, and at the Domine, non sum dignus, before the priest's commu- nion. This bell is not rung when Mass is said before the Blessed Sacrament exposed, nor again in the private chapel of the Apostolic Palace if the Pope says or hears Mass.^ BErTEBzciiiviirs BOMZiro, i.e. " Let us bless the Lord," a form used in the breviary at the end of each hour ex- cept matins, and at the end of Mass in- stead of Ite, Missa est on days when the Gloria in eicelsis is not said. Various reasons are given for the use of Bene- dica7nus Domino for the usual Ite, Missa est. Cardinal Bona thinks that the Ite, Missa est was omitted first of all during penitential seasons, such as Advent and Lent, because then the people did not im- mediately leave the church, but waited for the recitation of the hours, and that gradually the Benedicamus Domino came to be used in ferial Masses generally. In Masses for the dead, Requiescant in pace took the place of the Ite, Missa est, per- haps because the people often had to remain for the funeral rites. (Benedict XIV. "De Miss." 11, 24.) BBN'EDZCTIIMES. The patriarch of monks in the West, St. Benedict, having first established his order at Subiaco, removed it to Monte Cassino, on which Apollo was in those days still 1 Benedict XIV. i>e Miss. ii. 11, 19 ; 15, 31. BIENEDIOTINES worshipped, in 529. The rule which he compiled for his monks was regarded as fraught with singular wisdom, and dic- tated by a marvellous insight into human nature, neither prescribing to all an asceticism only possible to a few, nor erring on the side of laxity. It regulated with great minuteness the mode of cele- brating the divine office at the canonical hours ; and, eschewing all idleness, ordered that the monks, when not employed in the divine praises, or in taking necessary food and rest, should engage themselves in useful works, either manual labour, or study, or copying books, or teaching. Every monastery was to have a library, and every monk was to possess a pen and tablets. The clothing, of which the pre- vaihng colour was black, was to vary in material and warmth at the discretion of the abbots, according to the exigencies of different climates and circumstances. The abstinence from meat enjoined by the rule (except in the case of the sick) is perpetual ; but there is some doubt whether the prohibition was meant to ex- tend to poultry and winged game, as well as the flesh of four-footed animals. A singular clause in the rule, and one which was fruitful in results, was that which ordered that all persons whatever, with- out distinction of age, rank, or calling, should bf admissible to tJje order of St. Benedict. If parents offered a son to the service of God in a monaster^-, even if lie were but a boy of five years old, the monks were to receive and take full charge of him. Thus our own Beda was given over when only seven years old to the monks at Wearmouth and Jarrow, and the good Orderic, the historian of Normandy, was committed by his father in his tenth year to the kind hands of the monks of St. Evroult, and saw his native land no more. Out of this practice of offering young boys to the monasteries a great system of monastic schools naturally arose. St. Maur, a disciple of St. Benedict, founded the first Benedictine monastery in Prance, in his master's lifetime, at Glanfeuil, near Angers. In Spain they were introduced about 633. We in England have special cause to be grateful to the Benedictine order, for it was by it that Christianity was first taught to our Saxon forefathers. The monastery on Monte Cassino was destroyed by tLe Lom- bards towards the end of the sixth cen- tury, but the monks took refuge at liome, where Pope Gregory gave them St. BENEDICTINES 81 Andrew's Church. The Benedictine abbot of St. Andrew's was the pi-ison chosen by the Pope to head the mission which he sent to the Court of Ethelbert, and he will be remembered through all time as St. Augustin, thg Apostle of England. Benedictine monks from Eng- land—St. Willibrord (699) and St. Boni- face (750) — introduced Christianity in the Low Countries and the Rhineland. Volumes might be written on the mani- fold services which the German Benedic- tines, going forth from the tomb of St. Boniface at Fulda, and settling themselves down as welcome guests at numberless points in the forests which then covered the Teutonic land, rendered to their half- savage countrymen, accustoming them by degrees to the restraints of religion and law, and training and cultivating both the land and the people. But all human institutions are liable to change, and even this famous order, chiefly through the intrusion of ambitious laymen into th(i office of abbot, witnessed before the end of the eighth century a great dechne of monastic virtue. St. Benedict of Anian then appeared as a reformer and restorer. So, when the fierce Danish and Norman barbarians in the ninth and tenth cen- turies had flestrovod many monasteries in France and Kngl;irid, and murdered grf'ut numbers of monks, while those who were spared lived with little regularity, the reformation of Cluny by St. Peter the Venerable, and that carried on by our own St. Dunstan in England, caused the old hfe, in its lovely peace and fruitful- ness, to flourish again. It is said tha<-, a calculation being made in the first half of the fourteenth century, it was found that up to that time twenty-four Popes, two hundred cardinals, seven thousand arch- bishops, fifteen thousand bishops, and a still greater number of saints, had bciilriMl,iv ^l^XtW) ; and a similar instance might be quoted from first Machabees.^ Oui* Lord and His disciples received the Jewish collec- tion of the sacred books with the same reverence as the Jews themselves, and gave it the title usual at the time — viz. " the Scriptures." But after an interval there came a change. The Apostles and their disciples wrote books professing sacred authority. These writings ap- peared in the latter half of the first cen- tury, and were quoted within the Church with the same formulas — " it is written," &c. — which had been used before to intro- duce citations from the law and the pro- phets. These books of Christian author- ship were called, first of all, " the books " or " scriptures of the new covenant," and from the beginning of the third century, the shorter expression " new covenant " came into vogue. In Chrysostom and suc- ceeding writers we find " bible " (jStjSXta) as the familiar term for the whole collec- tion contained in either " covenant," or, as we should now say, in the Old and New Testaments.^ Under the article Canon op the ScmPTtTRE the reader will find some ac- count of the way in which and the au- thority by which the list of sacred books has been made, while the nature of their inspiration is also treated in a separate article. Here we take for granted that the Bible consists of a number of inspired books, contained in the Vulgate transla- tion and enumerated by the Council of Trent; and we proceed to treat of its 1 Ecclus. Praef. ; 1 Mach. xii. 9. In Dan. ix. 1, we find iv reus ^i^Kois^ a translation of Dn2D2- 2 "The scriptures of the new covenant," Euseb. iii. 26; " the books of the new covenant," by implication in Melito of Sardis, about 170 a.d. (apud Euseb. iv. 26). The "new document " and Testament, Tertull. Adv. Marc. iv. 1 ("novum instrumentum "). We have translated 5ia9-f)K7] " covenant." It never means " testament " in the Christian Scriptures except in Heb. ix. 15-17. authority, its interpretation, and of its use among the faithful. 1. The Church holds that the sacred Scripture is the written word of God. The Council of Trent, " following the ex- ample of the orthodox Fathers, receives with piety and reverence all the books of the Old and New Testament, since one God is the author of each." These words of the council, which are an almost verbal re- petition of many early definitions, separate the Bible utterly from all other books. Of no human composition, however excellent, can it be said that God is its author. And the divine origin of Scripture imphes its perfect truth. We know for certain, St. Irenseus argues, that the Scriptures are perfect, since they are spoken by the Word of God and by the Spirit.^ Some few Catholic theologians have, indeed, maintained that the Scriptures may err in minimis — i.e. in small matters of historical detail which in no way afi'ect faith or morals. Nor in doing so do they contra- dict any express definition of Pope or council, though such an opinion has never obtained any currency in the Church. But of course the modern Protestant theories which reduce the historical ac- counts of the Bible to mere myths, or again which, while they allow that the Scripture contains the word of God, deny that it is the written word of God, are in sharp and obvious contradiction to the decrees of the Church. 2. The Church, then, affirms that all Scripture is the word of God, but at the same time it maintains that there is an unwritten word of God over and above Scripture. Just as Catholics are bound to defend the authority of the Bible against the new school of Protestants who have come to treat it as an ordinary book, so they are compelled to withstand that Protestant exaggeration, on the other side, according to which the word of God is contained in Scripture and in Scripture alone. The word of God (so the Coimcil of Trent teaches) is contained both in the Bible and in Apostolical tradition, and it is the duty of a Christian to receive the one and the other with equal venera- tion and respect. The whole history and the whole structure of the New Testa- ment witness to the truth and reason- ableness of the Catholic view. If our Lord had meant His Church to be guided by a book and by a book alone. He Avould have taken care that Christians should be at once provided with sacred books. As 1 Iren. ii. 28, 2. 88 BIBLE BIBLE a matter of fact He did nothing of the kind. He refers those who were to em- brace His doctrine, not to a book, but to the living voice of His apostles and of His Church. '' He who heareth you," He said to the apostles, " heareth me." For twenty years after our Lord's ascension, not a single book of the New Testament was written, and all that time no Christian could appeal, as many Protestants do now, to the Bible and the Bible only, for the simple reason that the New Testament did not exist, and the faithful were evi- dently called upon to believe many truths for which no strict and cogent proofs could be brought from the pages of the Jewish Scriptures. Further, when the writings of the New Testament were issued, they appeared one by one, in order to meet special exigencies, nor is the least hint given that the Apostles or their dis- ciples provided that their writings should contain the whole sum of Christian truth. St. Paul wrote to various churches in order to give them instruction on particu- lar points, and in order to preserve them from moral or doctrinal errors to which they were exposed at the moment. Far from professing to communicate the whole circle of doctrine in a written form, he exhorts his converts in one of his earliest epistles, to " hold the traditions which " they " had learned, whether by word or by " his " epistle ; " a few years later he praises the Corinthians for keeping the traditions (Trapaboo-ds) as he delivered them, and towards the close of his life, he warns St. Timothy to keep the " de- posit" of the faith (napaBiJKrjv) without a syllable to imply that this deposit had been committed to writing.^ So, with regard to the Gospel records, St. John ex- pressly declares that they were from the necessity of the case an incomplete ac- count of Christ's life.^ The Christians who lived nearest to Apostolic times believed, as the Apostles themselves had done, that Scripture is a source, but by no means the only source, of Christian doc- trine. Tertullian constantly appeals to the tradition of the Apostohc Churches, and lays down the principle on which all his arguments against heresy turn — viz. that the Apostles taught both by word and by letter.^ A little before Tertulhan's time, St. Irenaeus actually put the imaginary case that the Apostles had left no Scrip- ture at all. In this case, he says, we 1 2 Thess. ii. 14 ; 1 Cor. xi. 2 ; 1 Tim. vi. 20. 2 John xxi. 25 ; and see Acts xx. 36. 3 Preescript. 21, should still be able to follow the order of tradition, which [the Apostles] handed down to those into whose hands they committed the Churches.^ 3. There is a controversy no less vital between Catholics and Protestants as to the interpretation of Scripture. A popu- lar Protestant theory makes it the right and the duty of each individual to inter- pret the Bible for himself and to frame his own religion accordingly ; the Catho- lic, on the contrary, maintains that it be- longs to the Church, and to the Church alone, to determine the true sense of the Scripture, and that we cannot interpret contrary to the Church's decision, or to " the unanimous consent of the Fathers," without making shipwreck of the faith. The Catholic is fully justified in believing with perfect confidence that the Church cannot teach any doctrine contrary to the Scripture, for our Lord has promised that the gates of hell will not prevail against His Chiu-ch. On the other hand, Christ has made no promise of infallibility to those who expound Scripture by the light of private judgment. St. Peter tells us distinctly that some parts of the New Testament are hard to understand. More- over, the experience of centuries has abundantly confirmed the Catholic and disproved the Protestant rule of inter- pretation. Unity is the test of truth. If each man received the Holy Ghost, enabling him to ascertain the sense of the Bible, then pious Protestants would be at one as to its meaning and the doctrines which it contains, whereas it is notorious that they have difl^ered from the first on every point of doctrine. The principle of private judgment has been from the time it was first applied a principle of division and of confusion, and has led only to the multiplication of heresies and sects, agreed in nothing except in their common disagreement with the Church. Nor does the authority of the Church in any way interfere with the scientific ex- position of Scripture. A Catholic com- mentator is in no way limited to a servile repetition of the interpretation already given by the Fathers. He is not, indeed, permitted to give to any passage in Scrip- ture a meaning which is at variance with the faith, as attested by the decision of the Church or the unanimous consent of the Fathers. But he may dififer as to the meaning of passages in Scripture, even from the greatest of the Fathers ; he is not bound to consider that these passages I Iren, iii, 4, 1, BIBLE necessarily bear the meaning given them by general councils in the preambles to their decrees ; he may even advance interpreta- tions entirely new and unknown before. When for example, God is said to have hardened Pharao's heart, a Catholic com- mentator cannot infer from this that the book of Exodus makes God the author of 5in, but he may, if he sees cause, give an explanation . of the words which differs from that of St. Augustin or St. Thomas, or, indeed, from that of all the Fathers and Doctors of the Church taken together.^ 4. We now come to the use of the Bible, and the Catholic principles on this head follow from what has been already said. It is not necessary for all Christians to read the Bible. Many na- tions, St Irenseus tells us, were con- verted and received the faith without being able to read.^ Without knowledge of letters, without a Bible in their own tongue, they received from the Church teaching which was quite sufficient for the salvation of their souls. Indeed, if the study of the Bible had been an indis- pensable requisite, a great part of the human race would have been left without the means of grace till the invention of printing. More than this, parts of the Bible are evidently unsuited to the very young or to the ignorant, and hence Clement XI. condemned the proposition that " the reading of Scripture is for all." These principles are fixed and invari- able, but the discipline of the Church with regard to the reading of the Bible in the vulgar tongue has varied with varying circumstances. In early times, the Bible was read freely by the lay peo- ple, and the Fathers constantly encou- rage them to do so, although they also insist on the obscurity of the sacred text. Ko prohibitions were issued against the popular reading of the Bible. New dan- gers came in during the middle ages. When the heresy of the Albigenses arose there was a danger from corrupt transla- tions, and also from the fact that the heretics tried to make the faithful judge the Church by their own interpretation of the Bible. To meet these evils, the Councils of Toulouse (1229) and Tarra- gona (1234) forbade the laity to read the vernacular translations of the Bible. Pius IV. required the bishops to refuse lay persons leave to read even Catholic ver- sions of Scripture unless their confessors 1 Pallfivicini, Hist. Condi. Trident, in Mohler's S;;iubolik, p. 386. ^ Iren, iii. 4, 2. BISHOP 89 or parish priests judged that such reading was likely to prove beneficial. During this century, Leo XII., Pius YIEL, and Pius IX. have warned Catholics against the Protestant Bible Societies, which distribute versions (mostly corrupt ver- sions) of the Bible with the avowed pur- pose of perverting simple Catholics. It is only surprising that any rational being could haA e thought it possible for the Holy See to assume any other attitude towards such proceedings. It is right, however, to observe that the Church dis- plays the greatest anxiety that her chil- dren should read the Scriptures, if they possess the necessary dispositions. " You judge exceedingly well," says Pius VI., in his letter to Martini, the author of a translation of the Bible into Italian, " that the faithful should be excited to the read- ing of holy Scriptures : for these are the most abundant sources, which ought to be left open to everyone, to draw from them purity of morals and of doctrine. This you have seasonably effected .... by publishing the sacred Scriptures in the language of your country, .... especi- ally when you show that you have added explanatory notes, which being extracted from the holy Fathers preclude every possible danger of abuse." BZBI.ZA. PATTPERITIVC (the Bible of the poor). A representation in between forty and fifty pictures of events in the Old and New Testaments, with short ex- planations and Scriptural texts appended in Latin or German. The redemption by Christ is the central idea of the collection, so that the Old Testament subjects are chosen for their typical significance. The paintings were often copied from the MSS. and represented in sculpture, or on walls, glass, the antipendia of altars, &c. At Vienna there is an antipendium thus adorned which dates from the twelfth century. The Court library of the same city contains two copies of the " Biblia Pauperum," both of the year 1430. They are block books. Copies printed on movable types soon followed, but owing to the popularity of the book, copies were soon worn out, and are now very rare. BZGAIVIY. [See IHKEGULARITY.] BISHOP. I. Meaning of the Name and Divine Institution of the Office. — The word bishop is derived from the Greek inia-KOTros, which latter occurs in writers of the earliest age in the general sense of " overseer," and was specially applied in later Greek to the officers whom the Athenians sent to subject states. In the 00 BISHOP LXX^ iTria-KOTTos is used for an officer or prefect of any kind. TLe Christians adopted the word as the title of an eccle- siastical dignitary who has received the highest of the sacred orders and is in- vested with authority to rule a diocese as its chief pastor. A bishop, therefore, is superior to simple priests, and the Council of Trent defines that this superiority is of divine institution. " If anyone deny," says the council, " that there is in the Church a hierarchy instituted by divine ordinance, which consists of bishops, presbyters, and ministers, let him be anathema ; " and again, "if anyone affirm that bishops are not superior to presbyters, or that they have not the power of confirming and or- daining, or that the power which they have is common to presbyters also, let him be anathema."^ The Anghcan Church, as is well known, did not, at least formally, cast ofi" belief in the divine institution of epi- scopacy, and learned Anglican divines, among whom Pearson is the most cele- brated, have strenuously vindicated the episcopal authority. With most of the Protestant bodies it has been otherwise. They do not pretend to have bishops, or if they have superintendents whom they call by that name, they attribute to them no authority except such as has been bestowed upon them by the Church. They deny, in other words, that the episcopate is of divine institution, and directly impugn the definitions of Trent on this subject. They admit, of course, that bishops (eVto-KOTTOi) are frequently men- tioned in the New Testament, but they urge that in the Acts and the Epistles bishop and presbyter are two names for the same office. They suppose that originally there were three grades in the hierarchy — viz, the Apostles, whose office ended with their life-time, and who left no successors ; the bishops or presbyters, corresponding to the ministers or clergy- men of the present day ; and deacons. They defend their position chiefly on the following grounds : — Wo first find the word iirla-KOTros in the Acts of the Apostles, xx. 28. " Take heed," St. Paul says, to the clergy of Ephesus, " take heed to yourselves and to the whole flock, in which the Holy Ghost made you bishops." It is plain, however (so it is urged), that these "bishops" were mere presbyters, so that "bishop" and 1 E.g. Num. xxxi. 14 ; 2 Par. xxxiv. 12. 2 Concil. Trident, sess. xxiii. can. 6, 7. BISHOP presbyter in New Testament language are synonymous, for St. Luke tells us at the beginning of the same chapter that the Apostle was addressing " the presbyters of the Church " whom he had summoned to Miletus, Towards the close of the Apostle's life the Church was still with- out bishops in the modern sense, for St. Paul addressed an epistle to the faithful at Philippi "with the bishops and the deacons." Here the plural number and the fact that no allusion is made to presbyters as distinct from the " bishops " are said to prove that in that age eTrLo-Konos or " bishop " meant presbyter. Later still, St. Paul writes to Titus that he had left him in Crete to " appoint presbyters in every city," and continues — "for the bishop must be irreproachable," &c. Presbyterian writers also allege certain confirmatory evidence from antiquity — some words of St. Jerome (who, however, anxious as he was to exalt the priestly dignity, expressly mentions the power of conferring orders as marking the dis- tinction between bishop and priest), and the supposed tradition of the Alexandrian Church. The reader who is curious on this latter point will find a full discussion of it in Pearson's " Yindicise Ignatianse," But Presbyterian arguments from anti- quity need not detain us here. Even on their own showing, Presbyterians can but produce one or two doubtful testimonies, and they have against them a cloud of witnesses dating from the sub- Apostolic age. One additional remark, however, must be made before we end our state- ment of the Presbyterian case. We have seen that there are plausible reasons for holding that the words presbyter and bishop are synonymous in the New Testa- ment. It is right to add that Clement of Rome, writing towards the end of the first century, does not seem to recognise any distinction in meaning between the two words. ^ In spite of the objections just stated, the arguments for the divine institution of episcopacy are clear and cogent. We need not deny that the same persons were at first called indifierently bishops and presbyters. It is possible, as some ancient writers suppose, that at Philippi and other places, a number of persons received epi- scopal consecration; that they were occu- i Clem. 1 Ep. 42. He thrice mentions 4iri- ffKOTTOi Kal SiaKOvoi. together, as in Phil. i. 1, which is striking, because the object of his epistle is to defend the authority of the pres- byters. See Lightfoot, in loc. BISHOP pied for a time in administering the sacraments and preaching at the place of their consecration, and ready, as conve- nience required, to be removed to such other Churches as the Apostles should empower them to govern with proper episcopal jurisdiction. Or again, we may- suppose, with other great authorities, that the Apostles did not at once provide the newly-founded Chiu-ches with bishops, but left them for a season under clergy of the second order, who at that time were called indifferently "bishops" and presbyters.^ Whatever theory we adopt as to the early use of the word "bishop," it is certain that there are clear traces of the episcopal office, as we now understand it, within the lifetime of the Apostles, and with the sanction of their authority. For, first, St. James the Less was be- yond reasonable doubt bishop of Jerusa- lem. Thus, in the year 44, when St. Peter was released from prison he desired information to be given to James and the brethren. At the Apostolic Council James delivers judgment (" wherefore I judge "). St. Paul in his Epistle to the Galatians describes Judaisers from Jerusalem as "certain who came from James," thus naming the Church by its bishop ; in Acts xxi. 18, St Paid is said to have made a formal visit to St. James and to his presbyters. Moreover, in the middle of the second century all parties were agreed in regarding St. James as bishop of Jerusalem.^ This is clearly proved by Bishop Lightfoot, who rightly describes St. James as " the precedent and pattern of the later episcopate." We refer to Dr. Lightfoot for this admission, not only because of his great learning and high abihty, but also because he is perhaps the very ablest writer who has ever written against the Apostolic origin of episcopacy. Next, St. Paul gave Titus power to ordain presbyters; he gives St. Timothy directions for the way in which he is to receive accusations against presbyters. Clearly then both Timothy and Titus 1 Petavins, De Eccles. Hierarch. lib. iv. ad init., gives both theories as probable, quoting Fathers of the Church for each. The latter seems much the more attractive on instrinsic grounds. The former is recommended by the language of the Council of Trent, where Acts XX. 28, is interpreted of bishops in the proper sense. ^ Lightfoot, Ep. to Philippians, " Essay on the Christian Ministry." Routh, Rell. Sacr. i. p. 228. BISHOP 01 were ecclesiastical officers superior to the clergy of the second order. Thirdly, the Angels of the Churches in the Apocalypse cannot possibly be an- gels in the ordinary sense, for some of them are charged with serious faults. Nor can the Angels be identified with the Churches, since both Angels and Churches are represented by distinct symbols. "The seven stars," St. John says, "are the angels of the seven churches, and the seven candlesticks are the seven churches." Wliat, then, were the Angels of the Churches ? Each of them represents the Church of a city, and is responsible for the parity of its doctrine and its morals. They answer to the idea of diocesan bishops and to nothing else.^ This inference from Scripture rises to demonstration if considered in con- nection with the earliest tradition. Poly- carp, the disciple of St. John, writes as a bishop and distinguishes himself from his presbyters. The Ignatian epistles no- toriously exalt the episcopal office as the centre of unity, and insist on the necessity laid both on presbyters and laymen of submission to the bishop. St. Ignatius wrote only a few years after St. John's death, and his letters prove that episco- pacy was established in his time, not only at Antioch, where he himself was bishop, but at each of the six Churches in Asia Minor to which he writes, nor does he hint that there was any Church with other than an episcopal organisation. True, the authenticity of these letters has been disputed, but this on most inade- quate grounds. Indeed, many eminent German scholars, prejudiced as they are against the Ignatian teaching on episco- pacy, have been compelled by the weight of evidence to admit the authenticity of these epistles. The Clementine homilies supply another important contribution to the evidence. Their witness is all the more valuable because they are deeply marked with heresy. Still the author of these homilies, difl'ering as he does from Catholics on other points, agrees with them in affirming the Apostolic origin of the episcopal office.^ These homilies come from early times : they cannot be placed later than the end, and should perhaps be placed at the beginning, of the second cen- 1 See the authorities for this interpretation in Petav. op. cit. lib. i. 2. It was adopted by Grotius, one of the most celebrated of Protes- tant commentators, and himself member of a "Prpsbvtcrifi/Ti S6ct» 2 See, e.g., the Epistle of Clement to James. 92 BISHOP tmy. Now, if we allow tlie Apostolic institution, ttis ancient evidence presents no difficulty. It does but confirm tlie con- clusion we had already readied from an examination ofthe New Testament records. If, on the other hand, it is maintained that bishops in the modem sense began to be after the death of the Apostles, or at least without their sanction, it is im- possible to understand how in so brief a space Churches all over the world ex- changed presby terian for episcopal govern- ment. Nor is this all. We must sup- pose that in a very short time — with- in a century at the most — all recollec- tion of the original state of things had perished. St. Irenaeus cannot even un- derstand that the name of " bishop " ^ had ever been given to mere presbyters. We say nothing of later Fathers, for in the Church of the fourth century it is ad- mitted to have been a settled maxim that bishops only could ordain, and Epiphanius describes the doctrine of Aerius, the first presbyterian, as frantic. II. Nature of the Episcopal Office. — We may now dismiss the controversial part of the subject, and proceed to explain the duties, rights and position of a bishop in the Church. A bishop is, according to the Council of Trent, the successor of the Apostles. He has received the sacrament of order in all its fulness. He can, like the Apostles, confirm; he can ordain priests and consecrate other bishops. The Pope himself, so far as order goes, is sim- ply a bishop. Moreover, the bishop is the member of a hierarchy which is divinely constituted, and which collectively repre- sents the college of the Apostles. The Holy Ghost has appointed bishops "to rule the Church of God," and although the Pope can suppress sees or change their boundaries, he cannot do away, through- out the Church, with bishops governing their sees with ordinary jurisdiction, because this would involve a change in the divine constitution of the Church, which is inalterable. Again, even an in- dividual bishop has certain duties to the whole Church. It is his duty to bear witness to the faith and tradition of his predecessors and of his flock, and he sits as a judge in general councils. Of course all these rights are held and duties exer- cised in union with and in submission to the see of Peter. 1 iii. 14, 2, The passage is very instructive. St. Irenseus says St. Paul at Miletus " convoked the bishops and the presbyters." He is evidently unable to understand the interchange of names. BISHOP 1. In his own diocese it is a bishop^s duty (a) to teach. He himself is required by the Council of Trent to preach the word of God, unless he be lawfully hin- dered, nor can anyone, secular or regular, preach in the diocese without his leave. He must watch over purity of doctrine, especially in all schools public and pri- vate, and appoint professors in the semi- nary and clerical colleges. No book treating on religion (de rebus sacris) can be published till it has been examined by the bishop's orders and received his imprimatur.^ {b) To guard the morals of his flock, and especially to maintain discipline among his clergy ; to take measures for the due performance of divine worship ; to see that the people are provided with the sacraments, &c. He himself (or another bishop, with his leave) must confirm, or- dain priests, consecrate the holy oils, churches, altars, chalices, &c. He must also approve priests, and give them their faculties to hear confessions, to adminis- ter the other sacraments, &c,, &c. (c) To reside." (d) To make a visita- tion of all the churches in his diocese at least every two years. ^ 2. In order that he may perform these duties, a bishop possesses certain rights : — ■ (a) He may make laws for his dio- cese : not, however, such as are contrary to the law of the Church. (b) He decides in the first instance all ecclesiastical causes, (c) He can in- flict penalties, suspension, excommunica- tion, and the like. (d) He may dispense from the observ- ance of his own laws, and although, gene- rally speaking, a bishop carmot dispense in laws made by those who have power superior to his own, still the general law of the Church enables him to dispense in certain cases of irregularity, in the pro- clamation of banns, in oaths (unless the dispensation tends to the injury of a third party), and in simple vows, except vows of chastity and vows to enter religion, or to make pilgrimages to Rome, the Holy Land, - or St. James of Compostella, &c., &c. Some bishops have additional power to dispense by virtue of lawful custom or by delegation from the Pope. (e) Certain other rights of bishops are summed up under the general head ot 1 Concil. Trident, sess. v. cap. 2, De Reform.; sess. xxiv, cap. 4, Be Reform. ; sess. iv. De Edit, et Usu SS. lib. 2 Jbid. BBSS, xxiii. cap. 1, De Reform. 2 Concil. Trid. sess. xxiv. cap. 3. "administration." A bishop may erect or suppress clmrclies or benefices, provided be observes tbe canonical regulation re- specting sucb matters. He collates to all benefices, parish churches, prebends in his diocese, except such as are reserved to the Pope. He assigns their duties to his clergy, and determines the persons among his subjects who are to be admitted to the ecclesiastical state or to higher orders. He watches over the manage- ment of temporal goods pertaining to the Church or to pious places. As Apostolic Delegate, he becomes in certain cases men- tioned by the law the executor to carry out the intentions of those who have given or left money for pious uses.^ HI. Titles, Insignia, S,-c., of Bishojos. — All priests saying Mass in the diocese pray for the bishop by name in the Canon. He is received by the priests and people at the door of the church when he comes on official visits. He receives certain titles of honour. In the first ages he was called Most Holy, Most Blessed, Lord {domi- nus), " Your Holiness " {sanctitas tua), &c., &c., some of which titles are now reserved to the Pope. Desiderius of Cators, about 650, calls himself se7'mt.s servorum.^ At present a bishop is called "most illustrious and most reverend Lord ; " the Pope ad- dresses him as "venerable brotlior," "your fraternity," &c., while the bishop speaks of himself as "N., by the grace of God and of the Apostolic See, Bishop of N." The insignia of his office are the pastoral staff" {pedum, baculus), the ring, pectoral cross, episcopal throne, the mitre, ponti- fical vestments, gloves and sandals. In many countries the bishop has special rights and titles of honour accorded to him by the laws of the State. IV. Election, 8fc., of Bishops. — Bishops were first of all chosen by the Apostles. St. Paul, for instance, left St. Titus at Crete, with authority to ordain priests, &c. In the third century bishops were chosen, as Cyprian says, " by the vote of all the faithful and by the judgment of the bishops " of the province ' — i.e. the peo- ple chose a bishop, but the bishops of the province could put a veto on this choice : nay, the bishops could in extreme cases actually choose the bishop. The fourth canon of Nicaea recommends {npoo-TjKei) that a bishop be appointed {KaBinraa-Bai) i Concil. Trid. sess. xxii. cap. 8, De Eeform. Chiefly from Card. Soglia, Institut. Juris Eccl. 2 Kraus, Archxolog. Diet. Art. "Bischof." 3 Cyprian, Ep. Ixviii. SISSOP 93 by the bishops of the province. If this is impossible, three bishops are to con- secrate him with the consent of the rest. The confirmation of the whole matter (t6 Kvpos Toiv yLvofxevcov) is to rest with the metropolitan. Two interpretations of this canon were current in the Church. The Greek canonists, following the lead of the Seventh General Council, understood the is icene canon as reserving the choice of a new bishop to the bishops of the province, and so annulling the old form of election by clergy and people. In the West, the canon Avas interpreted as merely requiring the presence of the bishops of the pro- vince at the consecration. Hence in the Latin Church popular election continued, at least in form, till the eleventh century. After that, the bishop was elected by the clergy of the cathedral church, the confir- mation resting, as before, with the metro- pohtan.^ Gradually, from the eleventh century onwards, the right of confirmation passed from the metropolitan to the Pope.'* Later on, from the time of Clement V., the Popes reserved the whole appointment of bishops in certain cases, and at last in all cases, to themselves. This last state of things, however, did not continue. The Popes restored in some countries the right of electing bishops to the chapters,^ and the right is still continued in Germany (ex- cept Bavaria and part of Austria) and in Switzerland. In other countries the Pope has given to Catholic sovereigns the right of nominating to vacant bishoprics. Such rights have been conceded to the Kings of France, Portugal, Spain, Naples and Sicily, Sardinia, to the Emperor of Austria with certain exceptions, and by the Con- cordat of 1817 to the King of Bavaria. Even Protestant Governments in Germany are permitted to inspect a list of names proposed provisionally by the chapters and to exclude such names as are displeasing to them. In England the choice of bishops belongs simply and exclusively to the Pope. At the same time certain privileges have been granted in this respect to the English Church by Pius IX. A week after the see is vacant the canons are required to elect a vicar capitular. A month later, under the presidency of the metropohtan, or, faihng him, of the senior bishop, they by their separate votes recommend three persons for the vacant see. Each of these persons must have obtained an absolute majority of the votes of the chapter. 1 Hefele, Concilien. i. p. 382. 2 Kraus, Kirch engeschichte, p. 326. 3 Soglia, Inslitut. Juris Frivat. v, 38, 94 BISHOP The names are given or sent in alphabeti- cal order to the metropolitan. The bishops of the province {i.e. of England) examine the names, annex their judgment uponeach of them, and transmit them to the Congre- gation of Propaganda. It need scarcely be said that this recommendation is wholly diflFerent from true and canonical election.^ The person thus elected, nominated or re- commended must be thirty years of age, in holy orders, of Catholic parentage, of good fame, able to produce the public testimony of some university or academy to his learning.^ If the person elected accepts, he must within a fixed time ask for the Papal confirmation, by which the person elected is approved and made bishop of the see. This confirmation is given by the Pope in a consistory of Cardinals, and in virtue of it the bishop designate contracts spiritual marriage with his see and receives full jurisdiction within it. He cannot, of course, previous to his con- secration, confirm, ordain, &c., but he can delegate power for the performance of these and other acts of episcopal order to another bishop. It is evident from what has been said that the discipline of the Church with regard to the appointment of bishops has varied from age to age, and that the Holy See now exercises a more immediate control over the matter than was usual in the primitive or even the mediaeval Church, From the first, however, the Pope possessed the full power of governing the whole Church. No one is, and no one ever could be, a Catholic bishop, unless either expressly or tacitly recognised as such by the Pope. Varying circumstances made it prudent for the Pope to exercise his control in a less or in a greater degree, but the principle of government has re- mained the same. The Pope, by the law of Christ, is the head of the Church. On the other hand, patriarchs and metro- politans are of ecclesiastical institution ; they could therefore possess no inherent right to confirm bishops, and they suffered no wrong when the Pope withdrew it from them. V. Consecration of Bishops. — The con- secration of bishops used to be performed by the metropolitan and two other bishops. According to the present discipline, the consecration of bishops is reserved to the Pope, or to a bishop specially commis- 1 See Synod. Prooinc. Westmonast. decret. xii. and the Instruction of Propaganda in the Appendix. 2 Concil. Trid. sess. xxii. cap. 2, De Reform. BISHOP sioned by him. The consecrator is assisted by two other bishops, for which latter the Pope sometimes permits mitred abbots, or even simple priests, to be substituted. The consecration should take place within three months of confirmation, and on a Sunday, or feast of an Apostle. The bishop-elect, who must already have been ordained priest, takes an oath before the bishop who is to consecrate him, that he will be faithful to the Holy See, that he will promote its authority, and that he will, at stated intervals prescribed by law, and different for different countries, visit the city of Rome, and give an account to the Pope of his whole pastoral office. Afterwards, the elect is consecrated bishop by imposition of hands, the tradition of staff" and ring, the unction with the chrism, the imposition of the book of the Gospels on his shoulders, and other rites prescribed in the Pontifical. Thus the fulness of the priesthood is received, and the person consecrated acquires episcopal order in addition to episcopal jurisdiction, which he already held. [See also Order, Holt.] VI. Translation^ Resignation, Depo- sition of Bishops. — So sacred is the con- nection between a bishop and his see, that, as Innocent III. declares, the power to sever it belongs, "not so much by canoni- cal legislation, as by divine institution, to the Roman Pontiff, and to him alone." This follows from principles already stated. The Pope alone can make a bishop ; and therefore the Pope alone can unmake him. Translation from one see to another was absolutely forbidden by the Nicene Council (Can. 15), and by the Council of Antioch, which met in 341. This pro- hibition was, however, modified by the 14th of the Apostolic Canons, which per- mits translation if the reasons are very urgent and approved by the judgment of "many bishops."^ At first, such transla- tion was effected by provincial councils. In the ninth century, Hincmar of Rheims says a bishop might be translated "by the ordinance of a synod, or by the consent of the Apostolic See ; " but by the law which has prevailed from the twelfth century the consent of the Pope is always required. The Pope's leave is also required for re- signation. Finally, the "grave causes" against bishops such as deserve deposi- tion or privation can only be examined and terminated by the definitive sentence 1 Hefele, Concil. i. p. 804; Neander, Kir- chengeschichte, iii. p. 233. BISHOP AUXILIARY of the Pope.^ Less serious charges may- be examined and decided in a provincial council. BISHOP AXTXXI.1ARY. When a bishop is unable, for various reasons, to perforni all the functions required by his office, it is usual to assign to him a titular bishop to assist him. This aux- iliary bishop, as such, has no jurisdic- tion ; he only performs those things which belong to the episcopal office and order. He may, however, be nominated by the bishop as vicar general ; in which case he has the right to exercise jurisdiction. Another name for an auxiliary is Bishop Suffragan [q.v.']. BISHOP, COADJUTOR. [See Co- ADJUTOE.] BISHOP XU PARTIBVS INFIDE- IiiXTAl. A bishop consecrated to a see which formerly existed, but which has been, chiefly through the devastations of the followers of Mahomet, lost to Christen- dom. Such a bishop may also be described as a "Titular" bishop. The creation of such titular bishops dates only from the pontificate of Leo X., but they existed de facto from the time when the first Christian see was widowed by the attacks of a foreign enemy or the action of a hostile government. Gregory the Great provided for several Illyrian bishops, whom an inroad of the Avars had driven from their sees, by appointing them to vacant sees in Italy, till they should be able to return home. The Moorish con- quest of Spain widowed a great number of sees, the prelates of which fled to the parts still uuconquered, chiefly settling at Oviedo, which thence had the name of " the City of Bishops." But it was the progress of Mohammedan arms in the East, devastating numberless Churches in Asia Minor, Syria, and Africa, which, till then, had been flourishing bishoprics, that caused a great and sudden rise in the nitmber of titular bishops, attached to no special sphere of duty, but wandering from place to place, some hoping one day to return, others seeking for suitable work wherever it might be ofiered. This state of things led to great abuses ; for a bishop whose see was in partibus would often enter some remote portion of the diocese of a more fortunate brother further west, and there exercise in various ways, with- out the permission of the bishop of the diocese, his episcopal office. Clerks whom their own bishop would not have promoted to priest's orders often received through 1 Concil. Trid. sess. xxiv. cap. 5, De Reform. BISHOP IN PARTIBUS, ETC. 95 the agency of these wandering bishops the ordination which they desired. This abuse was condemned by a decree of the Council of Trent, ^ which expressly forbids these wandering bishops— "clero carentes et populo Christiano"— to promote candi- dates for ordination to any orders what- ever, without the consent of the bishop of the diocese. With the increasing compHcation of political aftairs in Europe, circimistances could not but arise which should induce the Popes, while providing for Cathohc populations more or less at the mercy of Protestant Governments pastors armed with full episcopal powers, to prefer in- vesting them with the titles of ancient sees, now extinct, to asserting their claim to local titles and thus arousing the hos- tihty or suspicion of unfriendly Govern- ments. Considerations of this nature were the cause why Catholic affairs in our own country were committed to the administra- tion of bishops in partihus, from the ap- pointment of the first Vicar Apostolic ^1623) to the creation of a new hierarchy in 1850. Besides the Vicars ApostoMc in a non-Catholic country, the Vicars of Cardinal-bishops, auxiliary bishops in countries where it is usual to appoint them, and Papal Nuncios, usually have their sees in partibus inftdelium. Bishops in partibus can attend general councils. They are considered as truly wedded to the Churches of which they bear the titles, so that they cannot be appointed to other sees except upon the conditions common to all episcopal trans- lations. They are not obliged, like other bishops, to make periodical visits aei^ limina apostolorum, because they have no dioceses to report of. They are, however, expected to inform themselves, so far as they may have opportunity, of the condition of affairs in their titular dioceses, and work actively for their restoration to Christen- dom, if any favourable opening should present itself. The political condition of the eastern and southern shores of the Mediterranean has for some time been such as to allow of the existence of flourishing Christian communities in many places where for- merly Mussulman bigotry would have rendered it impossible. These countries are no longer " partes infideliiun," in the full sense of the words. His Holiness Leo XIII. has therefore, by a recent decision, substituted the phrase " Titular 1 Sess. xiv. De Ref. U. 96 BISHOP, SUFFRAGAN Bisliop " for "Bishop in Partibus Infide- lium." BISHOP, SUFFRAGAM- (Lat. suf- fragari^ to support.) This name is given to a bisliop in an ecclesiastical province, relatively to the metropolitan [g'.v.l m whose province he is. AJso to a titular bishop or bishop in pnrtibus who is exer- cising the pontifical functions and ordi- nations for the ordinary bishop whom he has been invited to assist, BISHOP, TiTViiAR. [See Bishop IK" PARTIBUS INTIDELIUM.] BI.ACK FRIARS. [See DOMIISI- CAIS^S.] BIiASPKBIVIV (Gr./3Xno-^77/xia; ety- mol. uncertain). Originally, injurious and opprobrious words generally ; afterwards it was restricted to language dishonouring to Grod — contumeliosa in Deum locutio — but yet so that the offence committed against those known to be God's servants was held to be committed against God Himself; as when Stephen was charged by the Pharisees with speaking "blasphe- mous words against Moses;'' finally, and in modern use, the employment of such language against, or concerning, God only. In Matt. xii. 31, we read that, while every other sin and blasphemy are pardonable, " the blasphemy of the Spirit " shall not be forgiven. Various explanations of this passage have been given by theologians. There is a chapter on " Blasphemy " in the body of the Canon Law, which pre- scribes the penalties to be awarded to the various persons who may be guilty of it. In England the statute 10 AVilliam III. ch. 32, modified by 52 George III. ch. 160, contains the existing law in respect of blasphemy. The code of Wurtemberg punishes outrageous and offensive words or acts against the customs, rites, &c., of any recognised rehgion ; but the pain in- flicted on the feehngs of men, not the dishonour to God, seems to be the motive of such legislation. Similarly the French code, while not punishing blasphemy, as such, restrains it indirectly by severe regulations repressive of anything like what we should consider " brawhng " in church. Protestant divines have often stigma- tised the rapturous language in which Catholics indulge in praise of the Blessed Virgin as "blasphemous," on the ground that God is indirectly dishonoured when His creature is thus exalted. But this seems to involve a misuse of the term " blasphemy," which implies a conscious and intentional use of language which the lBLESSiN(} speaker knows to be injurious to the Being of whom it is uttered. No excess of "profane swearing," culpable as it may be, can amount to blasphemy, because the intentional contempt of God is not there. In the same way, to speak of Mary as "negotiating our peace," not only is not " blasphemous," but conveys an important truth ; while to deny that her Son " nego- tiated our peace " in a higher sense would, of course, be blasphemous in the highest degree. BIiESSirJCr, in its most general sense, a form of prayer begging the favour of God for the persons blessed. God is the source of all His blessing, but certain persons have special authority to bless in His name, so that this blessing is more than a mere prayer ; it actually conveys God's blessing to those who are fit to re- ceive it. Thus in the old law God said of the sons of Aaron, " They shall invoke my name on the children of Israel, and I will bless them ; " ^ and Christ said to his disciples, " Into whatsoever house you enter, first say : Peace be to this house : and, if the son of peace be there, your peace shall rest upon him." ^ Accord- ingly, the Chiu-ch provides for the so- lemn blessing of her children by the hands of her ministers. Such blessings are given, (1) By priests. "It is the part of a priest tu bless," the Pontifical says, in the office for their ordination. This blessing may be given privately, at discretion. It is given by a form tolerated in England to the penitent before confession ; to those who have received communion out of Mass ; on many other occasions, some of which are determined by custom, but above all at the end of all Masses except those for the dead The priest raises his right hand and makes the sign of the cross once over the people. This custom of priests blessing at Mass is not very ancient. The older writers on ritual make no mention of it, and although it was known to the author of the " Micro- logus," a contemporary of Gregory VII., the custom does not seem to have been universally received even then. At one time priests used to make the sign of the cross three times over the people. Pius V. restricted them to a blessing with a single sign of the cross, except in solemn Masses ; Clement VIII. made the rule, which forbids a priest to bless with the triple sign of the cross, absolute. 1 Num. vi. 27. ' Luc. X. 5. BLESSING (2) By bishops. A bishop immediately after his consecration is conducted round the church, blessing the people ; and after- wards, returning to the altar, blesses them solemnly, making the triple sign of the cross. He uses the same rite of blessing whenever he says Mass. An abbot, according to the decrees of Alexander VII., can give the blessing with the triple sign of the cross only when he celebrates Mass pontifically. (See Benedict XIV. "DeMiss."ii. 24.) (3) By the Pope. The Pope blesses the people solemnly at Easter, on the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, and also on other special occasions. To this papal blessing {Benedictio Pontificia sen Apo- stolica) a plenary indulgence is attached, to be gained by the faithful on certain conditions. Bishops in virtue of a special indult sometimes receive the privilege of bestovnng the Papal blessing at stated times. The bishop gives it after Mass, first causing the Apostolic letters, which confer the plenary indulgence, to be read. The power of bestowing it is also some- times communicatedto simple priests — e.g. to regulars, at the conclusion of a mission, (fee. Hitherto we have been occupied with blessings bestowed upon the faithful in general. But there are also blessings reserved for special persons or for special objects. Gavantus and other writers on ritual divide blessings of this kind ^ into two classes — viz. into henedictiones invoca- tivcs, or blessings which merely invoke the blessing of God upon persons or things ; and henedictiones constitutiv3-ISHIVIElfT. It is certain from Scripture that the magistrate may lawfully put malefactors to death. Capital punishment was enacted for certaiu gi'ievous crimes in the old law, and the Christian dispensation made no essential change in this respect, for St. Paul, in E-om. xiii. 4, expressly says that the magistrate "beareth not the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil." The unanimous opinion of theologians is in favour of the lawfulness of capital punishment ; and if the Church has given no formal decision on the matter, this probably is only because the question has never till of late years assumed any great importance. Argentr^, however, in his "Collectio de Novis Erroribus," i. 86, mentions an erroneous proposition of the Waldenses, denying the lawfulness of capital punishment. The theologians of that time, a nimiber of whom are quoted by Argentr^, treated the proposition as heretical. St. Thomas defends the lawfulness of capital punishment on the following prbiciple. The State, he argues, is like a body, composed of many members, and as a surgeon may cut off one corrupt limb to save the others, so the magistrate may lawfully put a malefactor to death and thus provide for the common good. It is only the magistrate who can inflict the penalty of death, because as the justification of the penalty is the com- mon good, it can be imposed by him alone to whom the care of the common good belongs — viz. by the magistrate. A parent has the power to impose remedial chastisements, but not to kill. CAt>ITAL SINS A private person may of course work foi* the common good, but if the good he would do involves the injury, above all if it involves the death, of another, he has uo authority to decide that any member of the State is to be exterminated for the good of the whole. As to outlaws, who may in certain cases be put to death by private persons, the sentence is really passed by the State, the individual who slays them being the mere executioner. The magistrate derives this authority from God, and it is conveyed, not only by the positive law of God in Scripture, but also by the natural law written on the heart. The number of capital offences must be determined by the good of the community ; so that laws are rightly more severe at one time or in one place than in another. The strange theory of Scotus that the positive law of God forbids homicide, and that therefore a magistrate can only put to death where God Himself has dispensed him from the observance of the law — viz. for murder, adultery, blas- phemy, &c. and the other cases provided for in the Pentateuch — is generally re- jected. This opinion errs in taking for granted that the magistrate's "authority to slay is conveyed only through the positive law, and in assuming that the judicial precepts of the Jewish code are in force among Christians. J£ a capital offence has been com- mitted, the prince, even if certain of the prisoner's guilt, must not condemn him without fair trial, although here an excep- tion may be made if the guilt is notorious and great evils would ensue from delay of execution. Time must be allowed the prisoner to prepare for death and receive the sacraments, and this time must be given even if there is danger of his escaping. Finally, the canon law strictly forbids ecclesiastics, even if they hold temporal jurisdiction, to take any part in passing or executing sentence of death. (St. Thomas, 2 2nd£e, Ixiv. ; Billuart, " De Justit.'' diss. X.; St. Liguori, "Theol. Moral." lib. iv. tract, iv. cap. 1. dub. 2.) CAPZTiili SIWS (in English called deadly sins), so named because they are the fountain-heads from which all other sins proceed. St. Thomas, following St. Gregory the Great, enumerates seven — viz. vainglory, envy, anger, avarice, sloth (which he calls tristitia, "sadness," or distaste for labour in God's service, but which is generally known as acedia), gluttony, lust. Other writers substitute CAPITULARY 127 pride for vainglory ; others, again, like Oassian, count both pride and vainglory, and so make eight capital sins. St. Thomas divides them as follows. " Man," he says, " is led to sin by seeking that which is good inordinately, or by an unreasonable aversion from that which is good, because of incidental evil which is joined, or thought to be joined, w^ith it. Man seeks inordinately the goods of the soul (pride), or of the body (gluttony and lust), or, lastly, external goods (avarice). He has an unreasonable aversion to li i s own good, because of the labour needed to secure it (sloth), or to another's good, because it seems to detract from his own (envy and anger)." (1 2nd3e, Ixxxiv. 4.) CAPZTiriiilllY. A set of capitula^ or chapters, each of which was a special law, like the " chapters " in the annual volimae of statutes passed by the British Parliament. The word has been extended to the ecclesiastical canons passed in pro- vincial councils — e.g. to the chapters of Martin of Duma, passed at Braga in 572 — but it is usually restricted to the legisla- tion of the Frankish kings of the first and second dynasties. These Capitularies have been published by Baluze, and more recently by Pertz ; they have been carefully analysed by M. Guizot in his " Hist, de la Civilis. en France." I . The Capitularies of the Merovingian kings begin with Childebert (654). Com- piled as they were so soon after the conver- sion of the Salian Franks to Christianity, it is needless to say that ecclesiastical in- fluence is apparent in every part of them. Among the more prominent matters of which they treat, are the right of sanc- tuary, the observance of the Sunday, the right to grant lands to the Church, &c. II. The Capitularies of Pepin le Bref, the father of Charlemagne, are five in nuxuber, but only one of them can be called in the fullest sense a work of legis- lation, as having been framed " in generali populi conventu," They are much occu- pied with clerical discipline and the regu- lation of marriage. III. The Capitularies of Charlemagne, sixty-five in number, contain 1,1 60 separate chapters. They range in date from 769 to 803. They are classified by M. Guizot, according to their subjects, into political (273), moral {^7), penal (130), civil (110), religious (85), canonical (291), domestic (73), and miscellaneous or occasional (12). A large proportion of them can in no sense be called laws ; so far from it that 128 CAPPA MAGNA M. Guizot distinguishes them into docu- ments of twelve different kinds. These twelve classes include new laws (properly so called), ancient laws revived, instruc- tions to the rnissiDominici, circulars to the hishops and counts conveying admonitions or inviting opinions, answers of the emperor to questions put to him, judicial decrees, memoranda, &c. &c. In fact, this un- wieldy collection faithfully represents the imperial system itself, which was a sort of hodge-podge of paternal government, flexible administration, and rigid law; each of these three being so far pressed as the Emperor, under the circumstances of each case, judged to be expedient. IV. The Capitularies of Louis le De- bonnaire, twenty in number, were added to those of Charlemagne, and the whole collection, digested into seven books, published between 820 and 842, by Anse- gisus. Abbot of Fontenelle, and Benedict of Mayence — the same to whom many writers ascribe the fabrication of the False Decretals. Charles the Bald added fifty-two, and the succeeding Carlovingian kings, down to Charles the Simple inclu- sive, some ten or eleven more. After Charles the Simple, the laws of France ceased to he called Capitularies. caPPA MAG-N'.A.. The barbarous word "cappa," said to be derived from caper e {quia capit totum hominetn, "be- cause it covers the whole person "), was originally used by ecclesiastical writers to denote the pluviale, or cope, as appears from Durandus and Honorius. The cappa magna is a long vestment, the hood of which is lined with silk or with fur, ac- cording to the season of the year at which it is to be worn. It is used by cardinals, bishops, and, in many churches, also by canons. It seems to have been at first the choir vestment of canons regular. (From Gavant. with Merati's notes.) CAPUCHINS. A reform of the Franciscan order instituted by Matteo di Bassi of Urbino, who, being au Ohser- vantine Franciscan at Monte Falco, and having convinced himself that the capuche or cowl worn by St. Francis was diftierent in shape from that worn by the friars of his own time, adopted a long pointed cowl, according to what he conceived to be the original form . In 1 526 he obtained the consent of Pope Clement VI] . to the wearing of this habit by himself and his companions, with the further permission to hve the life of hermits, and preach the gospel in every country, on condition that once in each year they should present CAPUCHINS themselves at the general chapter, wherever it might be held, of the Obser- vantine friars. Matteo began hereupon to preach publicly in the March of Ancona ; but the provincial of the Observantines, hearing of it, treated him as an apostate friar [Apostasy] and threw him into prison. He was released through the interference of the Duchess of Camerino, the Pope's niece ; and he, with two zealous followers, Louis and Raphael of Fossom- brone, took refuge for a time with the Camaldules in their convent at Massaccio. They were also kindly treated by the Conventual branch of their order [Fran- ciscans], and a bull was finally obtained from the Pope in 1528, authorising the union which Matteo and his companions had entered into with the Conventuals, sanctioning for them the hermit life, and allowing them to wear beards and to use the long-pointed caiyuche from which they have derived theii- name. After this the order grew with great rapidity, and it has produced down to the present time numbers of men eminent for every Christian virtue, great preachers, and accomplished scholars ; yet, strange to say, the first projectors of the institute, unlike the great majority of founders of orders, did not persevere in the observance of its statutes. Matteo di Bassi, for whom independence of exter- nal control seems to have possessed an extraordinary attraction, finding that the Pope had forbidden Capuchins who did not remain in their monasteries and obey the vicar-general to wear the pointed cowl, immediately cut off the half of his, and quitted the order. Louis of Fossom- brone was expelled from it on account of the violence of his language, when, by the Papal confirmation of another friar as vicar-general in 1536, his ambitious desire to be continued in the office was frus- trated. The statutes of the order were drawn up in 1629. The government was placed in the hands of a vicar-general, for they were at first subject to the general of the Conventuals, and only obtained exemp- tion from this obedience in 1617. Matins were to be said at midnight, and the other canonical hours at the times origi- nally assigned to them ; hours for mental prayer, for silence, and for taking the discipline, were prescribed. They were to have no revenues, but to live by begging ; everything about their churches and convents was to be poor and mean ; the very chalices were to be of pewter, and in the decorations of the altars, gold, CAPUCHINS silver, and silk were excluded. They might eat one kind of meat in refectory, and wine was allowed; but if any Ca- puchin wished to diet himself more rigorously he was not to be prevented. In their begging rounds the friars were not to ask for either meat, eggs, or cheese, though they might accept them if offered. One of the most illustrious names in this order is that of St. Fidelis of Sigmaringen, a zealous and powerful preacher, martyred by the Calvinists of the Grisons in 1622 (see Alban Butler, April 24). The third vicar-general, Bernardino Ochino, attained an unhappy notoriety throughhavLQg adopted Lutheran opinions and married a yoimg girl from Lucca. This was at Geneva, where he established him- self in 1542. Ochino afterwards went to England, while Edward VI. was on the throne, and after having travelled through many parts of Germany, and become known as a gifted preacher of the new opinions, he settled at Zurich. But, like the late Rev. Blanco White, who. deserted the Church for Anglicamwn, but could not stop there, Ochino was compelled after a while by internal restlessness, against his own manifest interest, to seek to undermine the Lutheranism which he had embraced. In 1563 he printed a book called " Triginta Dialogi," in which it is intimated that if a man has an un- suitable wife, and feels quite certain that the impulse which moves him is from God, he may without sin take to himself a second wife. The leaders of the Re- formed party at Zurich, such as Bullin- ger and Wolf, were scandaHsed at this apparent vindication of polygamy, and Ochino was driven by his Protestant friends out of Switzerland and sought refuge in Poland. Even here he was not suffered to rest, and on the forced journey to Moravia, where he hoped to find shel- ter, after losing three out of his four children by the plague, he died at Schlackau before the end of 1564, but in such isolation and obscurity that no particulars of his death were ever ascer- tained. At the time when H^lyot wrote, near the beginning of the last century, the order of Capuchins was divided into more than fifty provinces and three " custodies," numbering sixteen hundred convents and twenty-five thousand friars, besides their missions in Brazil and various parts of Africa, The French Revolution — though there were a few who yielded — tempted with no other result than illustrating the CARDINAL 129 serene and stable virtue of the great majority of the Capuchins. When Bel- gium was annexed to France in 1797, and soldiers were sent to turn out the friars at Louvain into the street, the guardian thus expelled cried out, '^ I pro- test in the sight of Heaven that it is only force which makes us go out of our house; that I and my brothers remain Capu- chins ; that we are suffering for religion, and are ready, if need be, to be martyrs in its cause," A large number of their convents were suppressed during tlie re- volutionary troubles ; in France, however, they had revived again to a considerable extent, but the persecuting " Liberalism " of the Third Republic ejected them anew from their convents (1880), They are at present most numerous in Austria ; in Switzerland also there are many, and altogether they are said still to number several thousands. They are at present eight Capuchin convents in England and Wales — at Peckham, East Dulwich, Erith, Crawley, Chester, Pantasaph, Olton, and Pontypool — and three in Ireland — one at Kilkenny, and two (of which one is the noviciate) at Cork. (H^lyot ; " Bernardino Ochino," by Ben- rath, 1875 ; English and Irish " Catholic Directories.") CARDzrJAlb {cardo, ec hinge). Like most arrangements which, though made by man, carry out the Divine purpose, correspond to the wants of human society, and are destined to live, grow and endure, the great institution of the Cardinalate sprang from small and almost unnoticed beginnings. The words cardinalis, cai'di- nare, incardiiiare, are found in ante-Nicene ecclesiastical writers, and are used to designate the fixed permanent clergy of any church — those who were so built into it and necessary to its being that it might be said to revolve round them as a door round its hinge.^ They are thus distinguished from those bishops, or priests, or deacons, whose connection vtdth a church was loose or temporary. In the Roman Church parish chirrches or Titles seem to have been first instituted in the time of Pope Marcellus (304), and the priests to whose charge they were per- manently committed were styled cardinal priests. The deacons of the Roman 1 It is interesting to observe that the use of fhis metaphor dates from the remotest antiquity. The five princes of the Philistines were call*. I W^Tp, literally " axles " or " hinges " of the neople. See Josue xiii. 3 ; Judges iii. 3. 130 CARDINAL Church, as of many other important Churches, were at first seven in number, in imitation of the original Apostolic institution. They were not at first as- signed to particular districts ; but as time went on, and various charitable institu- tions for the relief of the sick and poor, with chapels attached to them, arose here and there throughout the fourteen " re- gions " into which the city was divided under Augustus, each deacon came to have one or more regions, with the insti- tutions locally contained in it, assigned to his care ; and from the fixed character of their charge, they were called cardinal deacons. For a long time there was no such thing as a cardinal bishop, because the Roman Pontiff himself presided in the see in that capacity. But there Avere several bishoprics in the immediate neigh- bourhood of Rome — namely, Portus (at the mouth of the Tiber), Ostia (on the op- posite side of the river), Prseneste, Sabina, Tusculimi, Albano, and St. Rufina — the bishops of which appear from very early times to have sat in synod with the Bishop of Rome : a relation which, with increas- ing exercise and deepening comprehension of the Papal prerogatives, was naturally developed by degrees into a closer con- nection. History does not enable us to describe or date the stages of this change. In the eleventh century we find all the above-named sees (reduced now to six, for St. Rufina had been united to Portus) incorporated in the Roman Church, and their occupants holding their appoint- ments directly and solely from the Pope. This is the picture which we derive from the writings of St. Peter Damian (d. 1071), who was himself Cardinal Bishop of Ostia. The council held at Rome in 1059, under Nicholas II., decreed that Popes should thenceforth be elected on the judgment of the six cardinal bishops, with the assent of the Roman clergy, the applause of the people, and the ratification ol the Emperor. Of the Roman clergy, the cardinal priests and deacons were the most prominent and influential portion. Hence it is easy to imderstand, consider- ing the instability of popular opinion, and the transitory character of human sovereignty, that the election of the Pope gradually came to be vested in the car- dinals exclusively, who, in their grades of bishop, priest, and deacon, represented the ancient "presbyterium" of the Roman Church in the fullest and most satisfac- tory manner. In the twelfth centiiry the number of CARDINAL the cardinal bishops, as already stated, was six; that of the cardinal priests, twenty-eight ; and about this time the number of the cardinal deacons was raised from seven to fourteen, one for each region, whence they were called " region- ary " deacons. The dignity of their office grew, while its functions either dwindled or were otherwise discharged ; and in process of time the cardinal deacons, still deriving their titles from the chapels formerly attached to the charitable in- stitutions of which they had the charge (St, Hadrian, St. Theodore, &c.), ceased to have local duties, and, like the cardinals of higher rank, were drawn into the august circle of the immediate counsellors and assistants of the Roman Pontiffs. In the course of the twelfth century their number was further raised to eighteen, making a total of fifty-three cardinals ; and this number remained fixed for a considerable time. Then a period of fluctuation ensued, during which the Sacred College was sometimes reduced to a mere handful of persons. The Council of Basle ordered that the number of cardinals should be fixed at twenty-four ; but the decree was not ratified by the Pope, and no attention was paid to it. Leo X. raised the number to sixty-five. The final regulation, which prevails to this day, was contained in the constitution Fostquum vetus of Sixtus V., pubhshed in 1586. By this it was ordered that the number of cardinals should never exceed seventy, thus composed : six of episcopal rank, holding the old suburban sees before mentioned ; fifty described as priests, hold- ing a corresponding number of "Titles" or parishes in Rome; and fourteen de- scribed as deacons. By a Constitution of St. Pius V. (1567), all customs or privi- leges in virtue of which the name of Cardinal had been assumed by the clergy of any other church {e.g. by the canons of Compostella, Milan, &c.) were abrogated, and it was forbidden to apply it in future to any but the senators of the Roman Church. The cardinals owe their appointment solely to the Pope. They have for many centuries been taken in part from all the great Christian nations of Europe, though the number of Italian cardinals has always preponderated. The appointment of a future cardinal is announced by the Pope in consistory, but the name is reserved in petto. At a subsequent consistory it is made public. The actual appointment, in the case of ecclesiastics residing in Rome, proceeds as follows : On a day named, CARDINAL tlie candidate goes to the Papal palace, and receives from the Pope the red biretta ; afterwards, in a public consistory, at the close of an imposing ceremonial, the Pope places upon his head the famous red hat. In a second consistory he "closes his mouth " {os claudit) — that is, forbids him for the present to speak at meetings of cardinals ; in a third, he " opens his mouth " — that is, he removes the former prohibition, giving him at the same time a ring, and assignmg to him his " Title." If the candidate is absent, being prevented by just cause from visiting Rome at that time, the red biretta is sent to him, and on receiving it he is bound to make oath that he will within a year visit the tombs of the Apostles. The duties of cardinals are of two kinds — those which devolve on them while the Pope is living, and those which they have to discharge when the Holy See is vacant. As to the first, it may be briefly said that they consist in taking an active part in the government of the universal Church ; for although the Pope is in no way bound to defer to the opinions of the Sacred College, in practice he seldom, if ever, takes an important step without their counsel and concurrence. Such a school in the science and art of govern- ment in all its forms as the College of Cardinals exists nowhere else in the world. They are brought into immediate contact with the various peculiarities of national character, the prejudices and cherished aims of dynasties, the conservatism that with more or less intelligence supports, and the communism that with more or less wickedness undermines, the fabric of Christian society. In consistory, where the cardinals all meet in a kind of senate under the presidency of the Pope, and discuss affairs "exclusa omni forma judi- ciah," the powers of statement and reply are cultivated ; in the various Congre- gations [see Congregation, Roman], they learn to manage in detail the vast and complicated concerns of a communion which with its one faith and, substan- tially, one ritual, is found congenial to every people and at home in every climate. Hence flow that largeness of temper, that breadth of view, that readiness to drop the accidental if only the essential be maintained, that conciliatory bearing, and that antique courtesy, by which the finest specimens of cardinal ambassadors have always been distinguished. History can show few nobler pictures than that of Cardinal Consalvi confronting the force CARDINAL VIRTUES 181 and cunning of the First Napoleon in the zenith of his power, and compelling the drafting of the Concordat in the form that^ the Pope, not the First Consul, required. All the cardinals now take precedence of bishops, archbishops, and even patri- archs. This was not so formerly; the change was gradually introduced. They have many other privileges, which canon- ists — who generally hold that the rank of cardinal, in its temporal aspect, is equiva- lent to that of a reigning prince — have elaborately defined in their treatises. On their seals they have their own arms, with the red hat as crest; they are styled Eiyiinentissimi and lieverendissimi _ At a vacancy of the Ploly See, the duties of the cardinals become confined to protecting the Church and maintaining all things in their due order, till a Conclave can be assembled for the election of a new Pope. [Conclave.] There are two English cardinals at the present time — Henry Edward Man- ning, Archbishop of Westminster, Cardi- nal Priest of the Title of SS. Andrew and Gregory on the Coelian Hill; Edward Howard, Cardinal Priest of the Title of SS. John and Paul, The present arch- bishops of Sydney, Quebec, and Balti- more, are also cardinals. The Sacred College numbers at present (1891) about sixty-four members. CARDZNAI. IiEGATE. [See LE- GATE.] CARBZIfAI. PROTECTOR. A member of the Sacred College, belonging by birth to one of the more considerable Catholic nations, who has received the purple partly on that account. His local knowledge of his own people and their ways, through being "to the manner born," qualify him to be a trusted referee when any questions afiecting the interests of the nation to which he belongs, or of individuals of that nation, are brought forward at Rome, and the name of " Car- dinal Protector" has hence naturally been assigned to him. A remarkable instance, illustrating the representative weight which such cardinals often enjoy in the Sacred College, was that of the French Cardinal Maury, described by Consalvi in his powerful narrative of the Conclave which preceded the election of Pius VII. There are also Cardinal Protectors of religious orders, of colleges, &c. CARDlN-iLl. VIRTUES. St. Am- brose ("In Luc." Cap. vi. 1.6) is said to have l^een the first to call the four great moral k2 132 CARMELITES, OEDER OF virtues (prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance) the "cardinal" virtues. They are so named, according to St. Thomas, on account of their generality and import- ance. Prudence enables us to know what to desire or avoid ; justice gives everyone his due ; fortitude urges us on when difficulty stands in the way of our duty ; temperance restrains us when passion excites us to what is wrong. All the moral virtues may be reduced to one or other of these headings. Thus religion belongs to justice because it gives God His due ; chastity comes under temper- ance because it puts a restraint on certain passions [See Vtetue, Justice, Temper- ai^^ce]. (St. Thomas, 1*^ 2®, qu. Ixi. for the cardinal virtues generally ; and 2* 2®, qq. xlvii.-clxx. for the treatment of them in detail.) CARMEIiITES, ORDER OF. In the middle of the twelfth century a cru- sader named Berthold vowed at the com- mencement of a battle that if by the mercy of God his side was victorious, he would embrace the religious life. The victory was won, and Berthold became a monk in Calabria. Soon after, the prophet Elias is said to have appeared to him and revealed something to him in consequence of which Berthold left Italy, and repair- ing to Moimt Carmel (1156) — that moun- tain, so conspicuous and so beautiful, which juts out into the sea to the south of Acre — took up his abode there. Every- one knows the connection of Carmel with some of the leading incidents of the pro- phet's life (3 Kings xviii; 4 Kings iv). A cavern near the summit was then shown as the habitation of EHas, and the ruins of a spacious monastery, the history of which is unknown, covered the ground. An eyewitness, John Phocas, who visited the holy places in 1185, thus writes: — *' Some years ago a white-haired monk, who was also a priest, came from Cala- bria, and through a revelation from the prophet Elias, established himself in this place. He enclosed a small portion of the ruins of the monastery, and built a tower and a little church, assembling in it about ten brothers, who, with him, inhabit at present this holy place." Ber- thold, therefore, may in one sense be con- sidered as the founder of the Carmelite order, and its first general. On the other hand, it cannot be questioned that Ber- thold found hermits living on the moun- tain when he arrived there, attracted by the peculiar sanctity which the residence of the great prophet had conferred on CARMELITES, ORDER OF the spot; these appear to have _ joined him, and to have accepted along with him and his immediate followers the rule which was framed for them in 1209 by Albert, patriarch of Jerusalem. These hermits may have had a long line of pre- decessors, nor is there any historical or moral impossibility in the assumption that holy men had lived on the mountain without interruption since the days of Elias, although positive evidence is want- ing. This belief in the possible succes- sion of a long line of saintly anchorites was gradually merged in the fixed per- suasion that the very order of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, such as it was in the thirteenth and following centuries, had existed there in unbroken continuity, keeping the three vows, and with here- ditary succession, from the time of Elias. It was in this extreme form that the Carmelite view of the antiquity of their order was combated in the seventeenth century by the learned Papebroke, the Bollandist, who in the volumes of the "Acta Sanctorum" for March gave Lives of Berthold and Cyril, in which it was assumed that the former was the Jirsty and the latter the third, general of the order. A violent controversy arose; several Carmelite writers published large treatises ; other Jesuits came to the assis- tance of Papebroke ; the Spanish Inquisi- tion was induced to issue a decree censur- ing the published volumes of the " Acta Sanctorum ; " and Rome, while refusing to adopt or ratify this censure, thought it expedient to impose silence on the dis- putants (1698). The rule given to the order by the patriarch Albert was in sixteen articles. It forbade the possession of property; ordered that each hermit should live in a cell by himself; interdicted meat alto- gether ; recommended manual labour and silence ; and imposed a strict fast from the Exaltation of the Cross (Sept. 14) to Easter, Sundays being excepted. The progress of the Mohammedan power in Palestine, after the illusory treaty entered into by the Emperor Frederic II. in 1229 with the Sultan Kameel, made it more and more difficult for Christians to live there in peace ; and under their fifth general, Alan of Brit- tany, they abandoned Carmel and es- tablished themselves in Cyprus (1238) and other places. They held their first chapter at Aylesford in Hampshire, in 1245, and elected our countryman, St. Simon Stock, to the generalship. Under CARMELITES, ORDER OF him the order was greatly extended, and entered upon a flourisliing period. To this Saint Our Lady is said to have shown the Scapular in a "vision. [See Scapular.] After passing into Europe they found it necessary to live in common, and no longer as hermits. This, with other mitigations of the primitive rule, was sanctioned by Innocent IV., who con- firmed them in 1247 under the title of Friars of Our Lady of Mount Carmel. Their habit was originally striped, but idtimately the dress by which they are so well known, the brown habit with white cloak and scapular, was adopted. They were recognised as one of the mendicant orders ; our ancestors knew them as " the Wh.ite Friars." Many dis- tinguished men and eminent ecclesiastics have worn their habit. In our own country we can point to the vast and sohd capacity of Thomas of Walden, confessor to Henry V., and one of the theologians at the Council of Constance, who in a work of profound learning and great eloquence, the " Doctrinale Fidei," confuted the sophistries advanced by Wyclif against the faith and discipline of the Church. The Papal schism led to much confu- sion and relaxation of disciphne, a portion of the order siding with the Avignon Pope and electing a, different general. England remained true to Urban VI. To put an end to the dissimilarity of practice which prevailed, Eugenius IV. issued a bull in 1431, in which permission was given to eat meat three times a week, with other indulgences. But these were not accepted in all the convents. Gradu- ally the names of Observantines and Conventuals crept in, to distinguish the Carmelites who observed the rule as ratified by Innocent IV. from those who accepted the mitigations of Eugenius. Special congregations aiming at a strict observance of the rule arose in Italy and France ; among these was the congrega- tion of Mantua, foxmded by the unhappy Thomas Connecte, who is noticed by Addison in the " Spectator." In England at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries, the Carmehtes were in a very flourishing condition. Impartial witnesses declare that in no country of Europe did the glory of their institute shine out with greater lustre than in England. They had fifty-two houses.^ CARMELITES, ORDER OF 133 In London the library of the White Friars was the best to be found in the city ; the books bestowed on it by Thomas Walden alone were valued at two thou- sand gold pieces. All these were de- stroyed or dispersed at the dissolution.^ The later glories of the order belono- chiefly to Spain, and are due to the heroic virtue of a woman, St. Teresa. Carme- lite nuns had first been instituted by John Soreth, general of the order in the fif- teenth century. Relaxations of the rule had crept into their convents as into those of the friars. St. Teresa lived for many years in the convent of Avila, which was under the mitigated observance. Amidst great obstacles, and in the teeth of much persecution, she carried out her object of introducing a reform among the nuns by returning to the ancient rigour of the rule. She thus became the founder of the Discalced Carmelite nuns. Nor did her zeal stop here, but extended itself to a reformation of the friars, in which also, aided by the counsel of St. Peter of Alcantara, and the labours and sufferings of St. John of the Cross, who joined the new order, she was completely successful. At the time of her death, in 1582, she had assisted in the foundation of seventeen reformed convents for women and fifteen for men. These Discalced Carmelites, whose institute rapidly spread to all the Catholic countries of Europe, and to the Spanish colonies, were at first subject to the government of the unreformed order ; but Clement VIIL, in 1593, gave them a general of their own. Several other re- 1 Namely at — Appleby Aylesford Berwick Blakeney Bolton (York) Boston Bristol Burnham Cambridge Cardifle Chester Coventry Denbigh Doncaster Drayton Gloucester Hitchin Hulm (near Ala wick) Hull Ipswich Lenton (Notts) Lincoln London Losenham Ludlow Lyme Eegis Lynn Marlborough Newcastle Northallerton Northampton Norwich Nottingham Oxford Plymouth Pontefract Richmond Ruthin Sandwich Scarborough Seale Shene Shoreham Shrewsbury Stamford Sutton (York) Taunton Warwick Winchester Yarmouth York Maldon 1 Biblioiheca Carmelitana, Orleans, 1752. 134 CAKNIVAL forms have been introduced since ttiat of St. Teresa in various countries, wliicli we have not space here to notice. At present, in spite of the devastation wrought during the revolutionary epoch, and the spirit of unbelief which engenders and is encour- aged by revolutions, a considerable num- ber of Carmelite monasteries still exists. In France, though they were swept away at the first revolution, they had been re-introduced, and till lately possessed some sixty houses. But the iniquitous decree of March 29, 1880, issued by the Republican Government of France, has resulted in the violent seizure of all the houses of men, and in turning the friars adrift. In Spain, we believe, they are at present numerous. In England there are two houses of Discalced Carmelite friars (at Kensing- ton and Wincanton), and six nunneries — at Fulham, Notting Hill, Chichester, Wells, Lanheme, and Darlington. In Ireland there appear to be seven or eight Carmelite friaries, calced and discalced (beginning with the well-known convent in Whitefriar Street, Dublin, which stands on the site of an ancient Carmelite house founded in 1274), and eight or nine nunneries. (Il^lyot ; " Bibliotheca Car- melitana " ; Tanner ; Dngdale.) CARirzVil.]L (from caro, vale, the time when we are about to say farewell to flesh-meat ; or uhi caro valet — in allu- sion to the indulgence of the flesh in the days which precede the fast), the three days before Lent, though the name some- times includes the whole period between February 3, the feast of St. Blasius, and Ash- Wednesday. The Carnival in Catho- lic countries, and in Rome itself, is a special season for feasting, dancing, mas- querading and mirth of all sorts. In itself this custom is innocent, although the Church from Septuagesima onwards assumes the garb of penance, and pre- pares her children, by the saddened tone of her office, for the Lenten season. But the pleasures of the Carnival easily de- generate into riot, and the Church there- fore specially encourages pious exercises at this time. In 1556 the Jesuits at Macerati introduced the custom of ex- posing the Blessed Sacrament through the Carnival. This devotion spread through the Church, and Clement XIII., in 17G5, granted a plenary indulgence on certain conditions to those who take part in it. CARTHUSIATTS, ORBER OF. The founder of this celebrated order was CARTHUSIANS, ORDER O^ St. Bruno, in the eleventh century. A well-known story, once inserted^ in the Roman Breviary, ascribes his retirement from the world to the marvellous resusci- tation of a noted Paris doctor, as his body was being carried to the grave. But there is no contemporary evidence to sustain the story, and it was, probably on this account, left out of the Breviary by Urban VIII. Bruno was a native of Cologne, and gave proof of more than common piety, recollection, and mortifica- tion even from his tender years. When he was grown up, he was at first entered among the clergy of St. Cunibert's at Cologne, whence he passed to Rheims, a city then celebrated for its episcopal school. Bruno made here great progress in learning, and was appointed " scholas- ticus" (Fr. Scoldtre); many of the leading men of the age were his pupils. He had much to suffer from the conduct of the unworthy Archbishop of Rheims, Man- asses, suspended in 1077 ; and the reso- lution to quit the world seems to have arisen in him about this time, and grew in strength continually. Leaving Rheims, uncertain in what way God willed him to carry out his clearly-seen vocation, he repaired to St. Robert of Molesme, the founder of the Cistercian order, by whom he was referred to St. Hugh, Bishop of Grenoble. With six companions, Bruno presented himself to the bishop, and opened to him their desire to found an institute in which the glory of God and the good of man should be sought on a foundation of rigorous austerity and self- discipline. The good bishop was over- joyed at seeing them ; in their request he saw the beginning of the fulfilment of a wonderful dream which he had had the night before. Soon afterwards he led them to the desert of the Chartreuse, an upland valley in the Alps to the north of Grenoble, more than 4,000 feet above the sea, and only to be reached by threading a gloomy and difficult ravine. High crags surround the valley on all sides; the soil is poor, the cold extreme — snow lies there most of the year — and the air is charged with fog. Bruno accepted this site with joy, and he and his com- panions immediately built an oratory there, and small separate cells, in imita- tion of the ancient Lauras of Palestine. This was in 1086, and the origin of the Carthusian order, which takes its name from Chartreuse, is dated from this foundation. St. Bruno, when he had been only two CAUTHUSIANS, order op 0ARTHUSIAN>S, order of 185 or three years at the CKartreuse, was sum- moned to Rome by an imperative man- date from Urban ll., wbo had been his pupil. With grief he left his beloved companions, the most prudent and de- voted of whom, Landwin, he appointed prior in his room, and, recommending the monastery to the protection of the Abbot of Chaise Dieu, departed for Italy. He was never able to return, but after found- ing convents at Squillace and La Torre in Calabria, died at the last-named place in 1101. The celebrated Abbot of Cluny, Peter the Venerable, writing about forty years after St. Bruno, describes in few words the manner of life which the saint instituted, and to which his monks — the only ancient order in the Church which has never been reformed and never needed reform — have always faithfully adhered. " Their dress," he writes, " is meaner and poorer than that of other monks ; so short and scanty, and so rough, that the very sight affrights one. They wear coarse hair-shirts next their skin; fast almost perpetually ; eat only bran bread ; never touch flesh, either sick or well ; never buy fish, but eat it if given them as an alms ; eat eggs and cheese on Sundays and Thursdays ; on Tuesdays and Satur- days their fare is pulse or herbs boiled ; on Mondays, Wediiesdays, and Fridays they take nothing but bread and water ; and they have only one meal a day, ex- cept within the octaves of Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, Epiphany, and some other festivals. Their constant occupa- tion is praying, reading, and manual labour, which consists chiefly in tran- scribing books. They say the lesser hours of the divine office in their cells at the time when the bell rings, but meet together at vespers and matins with won- derful recollection." This manner of life they seem to have followed for some time without any written rule. Guigo, the fifth prior of the Chartreuse (1228), made a collection of their customs ; and in later times several other compilations of their statutes were framed, of which a com- plete code was arranged in 1581, and ap- proved of by Innocent XI. in 1688. The glorious difficulty of the very perfect life aimed at by the Carthusians is recognised by the Church, which " allows religious men of any of the mendicant orders to exchange their order for that of the Car- thusians, as a state of greater austerity and perfection ; but no one can pass from the Carthusians to any other order, as Fagnanus, the learned canonist, proves at large." ^ The name of Chartreuse was given to each of their monasteries ; this was corrupted in England into Charter- house. Among their original customs was that of taking a walk, which they called spatimnent (from the Latin spa- tiari), within the bounds of their desert; and to this day the monk of the Grande Chartreuse takes his daily " spaciment." The ordinary dress is entirely white ; but outside the boundaries of his monastery the Carthusian wears a long black cloak and hood. In 1391 Boniface IX. formally renewed the exemption of the order from episcopal control ; and in 1508 Julius II. ordained that their monasteries in every part of the world should obey the prior of the Grande Chartreuse and the chapter general of the order. Among the distinguished men who have borne the Carthusian habit are St. Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln ; Cardinal d'Albergati ; the learned and holy Denis Rickel, commonly called Denis the Car- thusian; and Walter Hilton (1433), whose " Ladder of Perfection," a work of mysti- cal theology, was published by Abraham Woodhead in the seventeenth century. The Chartreuses or Charterhouses in England at the time of the dissolution were nine in number.^ A large proportion of the monks and friars then in England, like the secular clergy, accepted, in words at any rate, the new doctrine of the royal supremacy; but the Carthusians stood firm. Even Mr. Froude, the thorough- going apologist of Tudor tyranny, ac- Iniowledges that the London Carthusians met death hke heroes, Haughton, their prior, and several of the monks, were hanged in 1535 ; one, Maurice Chauncey, accepting the supremacy, was allowed to leave England, but bitterly repented his weakness, was reconciled to the Church, and wrote an interesting and touching narrative of the whole tragedy. The re- maining eight monks of the London house perished of jail-fever, foul air, and starva- tion, after being imprisoned some months in Newgate. The Carthusians of Shene, in Surrey, fifteen in number, withdrew to Flanders on the death of Queen Mary, and abode in various places ; at the time when Alban Butler wrote they were 1 Alban Butler, Life of St. BruBO, Oct. 6. 2 Namely at — Beau vale (Notts) Mouut Grace (York.) Coventry Shene Epworth (Line.) Witham (Line.) ; Hinton (Som.) and two cells, at Hull Mendip (Som.) London Shapwiclc (Dors.) 136 CASSOCK .settled at Nieuport, and were, with tlie Brigittine nuns of Sion [Brigittines], "the only two English orders which were never dispersed." "When H^lyot wrote, early in the eighteenth century, there were 172 Car- thusian houses altogether, of which five were nimneries; about seventy-five out of the whole number were in France. These were all swept away at the Revo- lution. The Jacobin government tried to sell the Grande Chartreuse, but no one would bid for it, on account of the poverty of the soil. After the Restoration some of the monks returning from abroad were allowed to reoccupy it ; amongst these was the general, Dom Moissonnier, who, like another Simeon, died in peace eleven days after his re-entry into the beloved solitude. For a long time the monks were very poor, having to pay rent for their own barren lands to the government ; but since they invented the famous hqueur named after the monastery, the revenue from the sale of which is considerable, they have been fairly weU off". In 1870 they numbered about forty, with twenty lay brothers, and sixty servants. In England, a large Carthusian mon- astery has been founded among the Sus- sex hills, near Steyning. (H6lyot ; Alban Butler, Oct. 6; Tanner's "Notitia.") CASSOCK (vestis talaris, toga sub- tanea, soutane). A close-fitting garment reaching to the heels {usque ad talos), which is the distinctive dress of clerics. The cassock of simple priests is black; that of bishops and other prelates, purple ; that of cardinals, red ; that of the Pope, white. Originally the cassock was the ordinary dress common to laymen ; its use was continued by the clergy while lay people, after the immigration of the Northern nations, began to wear shorter clothes, and thus it became associated with the ecclesiastical state. The Coun- cil of Trent, De Reform, cap. 6, requires all clerics, if in sacred orders, or if they hold a benefice, to wear the clerical dress ; although in Protestant countries clerics are excused from doing so in pubhc, on account of the inconveniences Hkely to arise. CASirzSTRV. The science which deals with cases of conscience. [See MoEAL Theology.] CASUS. A name given to real or imaginary cases in canon law, moral the- ology, or ritual, collected together in order to illustrate difficult points in these branches of learning. Such a collection CATACOMBS of cases to illustrate the " Decretum of Gratian" was made about 1200 by Benincasa Senensis ; about 1245 Bernard of Bologna, afterwards Archdeacon_ of Compostella, made a similar collection to aid in the study of Gregory IX.'s De- cretals. Since that time, collections of this kind without number, in all these three branches of learning, have appeared. At conferences of the clergy, " cases " of this kind are generally discussed. CASUS RESERVATI. [See Re- SEKVED Cases.] CATACOiviBS. A sketch of the present state of knowledge about the Roman Catacombs, considering the high religious interest of the subject, may fairly be expected in a work like the pre- sent. We shall briefly describe their position, explain their origin, and trace their history ; then, after describing the catacomb of San CaUisto, as a model of the rest, we shall show, so far as our limits will allow, what a powerful light the monuments of the catacombs supply in illustration of the life, and in evidence of the faith, of Christians in the primi- tive ages. The word " catacomb " had originally no such connotation as is now attached to it ; the earhest form, catacuTnhcB {kotA, and Kvix^T], a hollow) — probably suggested by the natural configuration of the ground — was the name given to the district round the tomb of Caecilia Metella and the Circus Romuli on the Appian Way. All through the middle ages "ad cata- cumbas " meant the subterranean ceme- tery adjacent to the far-famed basihca of St. Sebastian, in the region above-men- tioned ; afterwards, the signification of the term was gradually extended, and apphed to all the ancient underground cemeteries near Rome, and even to similar cemeteries in other places, at Paris, for instance. The bodies of St. Peter and St, Paul were believed to have rested here nearly from the date of their martyr- dom to the time of Pope Comehus, who translated them to where they are now (Bed. "De Sex ^t. Mundi:" "corpora apostolorum de catacumbis levavitnoctu"); it was therefore most natural, apart from the sacred associations which the memor- ials of other martyrs aroused, that for this reason alone pilgrims should eagerly visit this cemetery. I. Some twenty-five Christian ceme- teries are known, and have been more or less carefully examined; but there are many others, which, either from their CATACOMBS having fallen into ruin, or being blocked up with earth and rubbish, remain unex- plored. Those that are known and acces- sible are found on every side of Rome, but they are clustered most thickly at the south-east comer of the city, near the Via Appia and the Via Ardeatina. The most noteworthy of all, the cemetery of San Callisto, is close to the Appian Way ; near it are those of St. Prsetextatus, St. Sebastian, and St. Soteris. Passing on roimd the city by the east and north, we find the cemeteiy of Santi Quattro, near the Via Appia Nova, that of St. Ciriaca on the road to Tivoh, the extremely in- teresting catacomb of St. Agnes on the ViaNomentana, and that of St. Alexander, farther out from Rome on the same road. Next comes the cemetery of St. Priscilla, on the Via Salaria. Continuing on, past the Villa Borghese, we come upon the valley of the Tiber, beyond which, on the right bank of the river, we find in succes- sion the cemeteries of Calepodius and Generosa. Crossing again to the left bank, we come upon the cemetery of St. Lucina on the Via Ostiensis, that of SS. Nereo ed Achilleo (known also by the name of S. DomitiUa) on the Via Ardeatina, and, finally, that of St. Balbina between the last-named road and the Appian Way. II. The origin of the catacombs is now thoroughly understood. It was long believed that they were originally mere sand-pits, arenarios^ out of which sand was dug for building purposes, and to which the Christians resorted, partly for the sake of concealment, partly because the soft- ness of the material lent itself to any sort of excavation. This was the view of Baronius and of scholars in general down to the present century, when the learned Jesuit, F. Marchi, took the subject in hand. He made personal researches in the catacomb of St. Agnes, and gradually the true origin and mode of construction of these cemeteries broke upon his mind. His more celebrated pupil, the Commenda- tore de Rossi, aided by his brothers, con- tinued his explorations, and has given to the world a colossal work on the Roman Catacombs, which Dr. Northcote and Mr. Brownlow made the foundation of their interesting book, " Roma Sotterranea." Padre Marchi drew attention to the fact that among the volcanic strata of the Roman Campagna, three deposits are especially noticeable — a hard building stone, called the tufa litoide\ a soft stone, the tufa granolare ; and a sandstone of scarcely any coherency, called pozzolana. catacomjSs 13^ The sandpits, arenarice, of course occur in beds of this pozzolana ; and if they had been the origin of the catacombs, the latter would have been wholly or chiefly excavated in the same beds. But in point of fact the catacombs are almost entirely found in the tufa granolare^ which exactly suited the purposes which the early Christians had in view. In the first place, they were obliged by the im- perial laws to bury their dead outside the walls of the city. Secondly, they natur- ally would not place the cemeteries at a greater distance than they could help; and in fact all the catacombs above named, except that of St. Alexander, are within two miles and a half of the city walls. ^ Thirdly, the tufa granolare, being softer than the tvfa litoide, the necessary gal- leries, chambers, and loculi (receptacles for the dead) could more easily be worked in it, while, on the other hand, it was suflBciently coherent to allow of its being excavated freely without danger of the roof and sides of the excavations falling in or crumbling away. The pozzolana was softer, but from its crumbling nature narrow galleries could not be run in it, nor loculi hollowed out, without the em- ployment of a great deal of masonry for the sake of security, as may be seen in the two or three instances of arenarice turned into catacombs which do exist ; thus greater expense and trouble would arise in the end from resorting to it than from excavating in the tufa granolare. If it be asked why the Roman Chris- tians did not bury their dead in open-air cemeteries, the answer is twofold. In the first place, the Church grew up amid persecution, and the Christians naturally strove to screen themselves and their doings from public observation as much as possible, in the burial of their dead as in other matters. The sepulchral inscrip- tions and decorations which they could safely affix to the graves of their beloved ones in the subterranean gloom of the catacombs, could not with common pru- dence have been employed on tombs ex- posed to pubhc view. In the second place, the needs of prayer and the duty of public worship were in this manner reconciled with the duty of sepulture to an extent not otherwise, under their cir- cumstances, attainable. The relatives might pray at the tomb of a departed kinsman; the faithful gather round the " memory " of a martyr ; the Christian mysteries might be celebrated in subter- 1 The walls of Aurelian. 138 CATACOMBS raneau chapels, and on altars hewn out of the rock, with a convenience, secrecy, and safety, which, if the ordinary mode of burial had been followed, could not have been secured. Nor was the practice a novelty when the Christians resorted to it. Even Pagan underground tombs existed, though the general custom of burning the dead, which prevailed imder the emperors before Constantine, caused them to be of rare occurrence ; but the Jewish cemeteries, used under the pres- sure of motives very similar to those which acted upon the Christians, had long been in operation, and are in part distinguishable to this day. The modus operandi appears to have been as follows. In ground near the city, obtained by purchase or else the property of some rich Christian, an area, or ceme- tery " lot," was marked out, varying in extent but commonly having not less than a frontage of a hundred and a depth of two himdred feet. At one corner of this area an excavation was made and a staircase constructed ; then narrow gal- leries, usually a little more than two feet in width, with roof flat or slightly arched, were carried round the whole space, leaving enough of the solid rock on either side to admit of oblong niches (loculi) — large enough to hold from one to three bodies, at varying distances, both verti- cally and laterally, according to the local strength of the material — being excavated in the walls. After burial, the loculus was hermetically sealed by a slab set in mortar, so that the proximity of the dead body might not affect the purity of the air in the catacomb. Besides these loculi in the walls, cubicula, or chambers, like our family vaults, were excavated in great numbers ; these were entered by doors from the galleries, and had locidi in their walls like the galleries themselves. There were also arcosolia — when above the upper surface of a loculus containing the body of a martyr or confessor, the rock was excavated, so as to leave an arched vault above, and a fl.at surface beneath on which the Eucharist could be celebrated — and " table-tombs," similar in all respects to the arcosolia except that the excavation was quadrangular instead of being arched. Openings were fre- quently made between two or more ad- joining cuhicida, so as to allow, while the Divine Mysteries were being celebrated at an arcosolium in one of them, of a considerable number of worshippers being present. "When the walls of the cir- OATACOMBS cumambient galleries were filled with the dead, cross galleries were made, traversing the area at such distances from each other as the strength of the stone permitted, the walls of which were pierced with niches as before. But this additional space also became filled up, and then \hQ fossors were set to work to burrow deeper in the rock, and a new series of galleries and chambers, forming a second underground story or piano, was constructed beneath the first. Two, three, or even four such additional stories have been found in a cemetery. Another way of obtaining more space was by lowering the floor of the galleries, and piercing with niches the new wall- surface thus supplied. It is obvious that expedients like these could only be adop- ted in dry and deeply-drained ground, and accordingly we always find that it is the hills near Home in which the ceme- teries were excavated — the valleys were useless for the purpose ; hence, contrary to what was once believed, no system of general communication between the dif- ferent catacombs ever existed. Such com- munication, however, was often effected, when two or more cemeteries lay con- tiguous to each other on the same hill, and all kinds of structural compHcations were the result ; see the detailed account in "Roma Sotterranea" of the growth and gradual transformation of the ceme- tery of San Callisto. III. With regard to the history of the catacombs, a few leading facts are all that can here be given. In the first two centuries, the use of the catacombs by the Christians was little interfered with ; they filled up the area with dead, and decorated the underground chambers with painting and sculpture, much as their means and taste suggested. In the third century persecution became fierce, and the Christians were attacked in the cata- combs. Staircases were then destroyed, passages blocked up, and new modes of ingress and egress devised, so as to defeat as much as possible the myrmidons of the law ; and the changes thus made can in many cases be still recognised and under- stood. On the cessation of persecution, after a.d. 300, the catacombs, in which many martyrs had perished, became a place of pilgrimage ; immense numbers of persons crowded into them ; and different Popes — particularly St. Damasus, early in the fifth century — caused old staircases to be enlarged, and new ones to be made, and luminaria (openings for admitting CATACOMBS light and air) to be broken tliroiigh from the cuhicula to the surface of the ground, in order to give more accommodation to the pious throng. These changes also can be recognised. Burial in the catacombs naturally did not long survive the con- cession of entire freedom and peace to the Church ; but still they were looked npon as holy places consecrated by the blood of martyrs, and as such were visited by innumerable pilgrims. In the seventh and eighth centuries Lombard invaders desecrated, plundered and in part de- stroyed the catacombs. This led to a period of translations, commencing in the eighth century and culminating with Pope Paschal (a.d. 817), by which all the relics of the Popes and principal martyrs and confessors which had hitherto lain in the catacombs were removed for greater safety to the churches of Home. After that, the catacombs were abandoned, and in great part closed ; and not till the six- teenth century did the interest in them revive. The names of Onufrio Panvini, Bosio, and Boldetti are noted in connec- tion with the renewed investigations of which they were the object ; and since the appearance of the work of the Padre Marchi already mentioned, the interest awakened in all Christian countries by the remarkable discoveries announced has never for a moment waned. IV. Having thus attempted to sketch the origin and trace the history of the catacombs, we proceed to describe what may now be seen in the most important portion of the best known among them all — the cemetery of San Callisto. Entering it from a vineyard near the Appian Way, the visitor descends a broad flight of steps, fashioned by Pope Damasus from the motive above mentioned, and finds him- self in a kind of vestibule, on the stuccoed walls of which, honey-combed with loculi, are a quantity of rude inscriptions in Greek and Latin, some of which are thir- teen and fourteen centuries old, scratched by the pilgrims who visited out of devo- tion the places where Popes and Martyrs who had fought a good fight for Christ, and often their own kinsfolk and friends, lay in the peaceful gloom, awaiting the resurrection. By following a narrow gallery to the right, a chamber is reached which is called the Papal Crypt; for here beyond all doubt the bodies of many Popes of the third century, after Zephyrinus (203-217) had secured this cemetery for the use of the Christians and committed it to the care of his deacon Callistus, were OATACOMBg l39 laid, and here they remained till they were removed by Paschal to the Vatican crypts. This is proved by the recent dis- covery, in and near the Papal Crypt, of the slabs bearing the original inscriptions in memory of the Popes Eutychian, Anteros, Eabian, and Lucius. A passage leads out of the crypt into the cuhiculiim of St. Caecilia, where, as De Possi has almost demonstrated, the body of the saint, martyred in the first half of the third century, was originally deposited by Pope Urban, though it was afterwards removed by Paschal to her church in the Trastevere, where it now lies under the high-altar. In this cubiculum are paint- ings of St. Caeciha and of Our Lord, the latter '•' according to the Byzantine type, with rays of glory behind it in the form of a Greek cross." But these paintings are late — not earlier than the tenth century. Besides the Papal Crypt and the chamber of St. Caecilia, there are in this part of the cemetery " several cuhicula interesting for their paintings, chiefly referable to Baptism and the Eucharist, the fish being the principal emblem of the latter. In one of these crypts is a painting of four male figures with uplifted hands, each with his name, placed over an arcosolium; in another are representations of peacocks, the emblem of immortality ; in a third, Moses striking the rock, and ascending to the mount ; in a fourth, a grave-digger (fossor) surrounded with the implements of his trade ; in a fifth, the Good Shep- herd, with the miracle of the paralytic taking up his bed ; in a sixth, a banquet of seven persons, supposed to be the seven disciples alluded to in the twenty-first chapter of St. John's Gospel. These paintings, as well as the greater part of the catacomb, are referred to the last half of the third century." ^ V. For a detailed answer, accompanied with proofs, to the question, what testi- mony the catacombs bear to the nature of the religious belief and hfe of the early Christians, the reader is referred to the pages of " Roma Sotterranea," or to the larger work of De Possi. He will there find sufficient evidence to convince him of the truth of two main propositions — (1) that the rehgion of those Christians was a sacramental religion ; (2) that it was the reverse of puritanical: that is, that it disdained the use of no external helps which human art and skill could furnish, in the effort to symbolise and en- ' Murray's Handbook of Rome and its Environs. 140 CATAFALQUE force spiritual tmtli. With reference to the first proposition, let him consider how the sacrament of Baptism is typically re- presented in the catacombs by paintings of Noe in the ark, the rock smitten and water gushing forth, a fisherman drawing fish out of the water accompanied by a man baptising, and the paralytic carrying his bed ("Roma Sotterranea," p. 265); and also how the mystery of the Eucharist is still more frequently and strikingly portrayed by pictures in which baskets of bread are associated with fish, the fish being the well-known emblem of Our Lord.^ The second proposition is so abundantly proved by the remains of Christian art of very ancient date still to be seen in the catacombs, in spite of the havoc and ruin of fifteen centuries, that it would be a waste of words to attempt to estabhsh it at length. Adopting the general forms and methods of the con- temporary Pagan art, but carefully ehminating whatever in it was immoral or superstitious, we find the Christian artists employing Biblical or symbohcal subjects as the principal figures in each composition, while filling in their pictures with decorative forms and objects — such as fabulous animals, scroll-work, foliage, fruit, flowers, and birds — ^imitated from or suggested by the pre-existing heathen art. A type for which they had a pecuhar fondness was that of the Good Shepherd. The Blessed Virgin and Child, with a figure standing near supposed to be Isaias, is represented in an ex- ceedingly beautiful but much injured painting on the vaulted roof of a loculus in the cemetery of St. Priscilla. De Rossi believes this painting "to belong almost to the apostolic age" ("Roma Sotterranea," p. 258). Another favourite type of Our Lord was Orpheus, who by his sweet music drew all creatures to hear him. The vine painted with so much freedom and grace of handling on the roof of the entrance to the cemetery of Domitilla is also, in De' Rossi's opinion, work of the first century. ("Roma Sotterranea," Northcote and Brownlow ; Mun-ay's " Handbook of Rome.") caTAFAliQUE. An erection like a bier placed during Masses of the dead, when the corpse itself is not there, in the 1 There were other reasons for this ; but the fact that the initials of the Greek words signifying, " Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour," made up the word IX0T5, fish, undoubtedly had much to do with the general adoption of the emblem. CATECHISM centre of the church, or in some other suitable place, surrounded with burning lights and covered with black cloth. It is also called "feretrum,""castrum doloris," kc. (Merati's " Novae Observationes " on Gavantus," Part ii. tit. 13.) CATECKZSZVX. A summary of Christian doctrine, usually in the form of question and answer, for the instruction of the Christian people. From the be- ginning of her history, the Church fulfilled the duty of instructing those who came to her for baptism. Catechetical schools were established, and catechetical instruc- tion was carefully and methodically given. We can still form an accurate idea of the kind of instruction given in the early Church, for Cyril of Jerusalem has left sixteen books of catechetical discourses, explaining the Creed to the candidates for baptism, and five more in which he sets forth for the benefit of the newly-bap- tised, the nature of the three sacraments (Baptism, Confirmation, Eucharist) which they had just received. St. Augustine wrote a treatise on catechising, at the re- quest of Deo Gratias, a deacon and cate- chist at Carthage. When the world be- came Christian there was no longer the same necessity for instructing converts, but the children, and, indeed, the people generally, still needed catechetical instruc- tion. Hence we find a council held at Paris in 829 deploring the neglect of catechetical instruction, while the Eng- lish Council of Lambeth in 1281 requires parish-priests to instruct their people four times a year in the principal parts of Christian doctrine — ^viz. the articles of the Creed, commandments, sacraments, &c. The treatise of Gerson, " De Parvulis ad Christum trahendis," gives some idea of catechetical instruction towards the close of the middle ages. Catechetical instruction was one of the subjects which occupied the Coimcil of Trent, and the Fathers arranged that a Catechism should be drawn up by a com- mission and be approved by the council. This plan fell through, and they put the whole matter in the Pope's hands. Pius IV. entrusted the work to four theolo- gians — ^viz. Calinius, Archbishop of Zara; Fuscararius (Foscarari), Bishop of Mo- dena ; Marinus, Archbishop of Lanciano ; and Fureirius (Fureiro), a Portuguese. AH of them, except the first, were Domini- cans. Scholars were appointed to see to the purity of style. St. Charles Borro- meo took a great part in assisting the un- dertaking. In 1564 the book was finished, CATECHIST whereupon it was examined by a new commission under Cardinal Sirletus. To- wards the close of 1566 the Catechism appeared, under the title " Catechismus Eomanus, ex Decreto Concilii Tridentini, Pii V. Pont. Max. jussu editus. Komse, in eedibus Populi Romani, apud Aldum Manutium." The original edition contains no chapters and no answers. This Cate- chism possesses very high, though not ab- solute, authority, and has been regarded as a model of clearness, simplicity and purity of language, of method and of doctrinal precision. But it was not fitted for direct use in catechetical instruction, being intended for parish priests and others who have to catechise rather than for those who receive instruction. Cate- chisms, therefore, of various sizes have been prepared by bishops for their dio- ceses, or, as in England, the bishops in concert approve a Catechism for use in the whole country or province. CATECHXST. A name originally given to those who instructed persons pre- paring for baptism. Catechists were in early times also called vavroKoyoi, be- cause they brought the sailors on board the ship of the Church. CATECHUiyiEU'S. Those who were being instructed and prepared for baptism. We meet with the first mention of cate- chumens in .Justin Martyr, in Tertullian, and in the Clementines. Tertullian dis- tinguishes two classes of catechumens : viz. the "novitioli," or beginners, and the "aquam adituri," or those who were nearly ready for baptism and were admit- ted to the sermon and liturgy. In the Apostolic Constitutions, the catechumens are classified as (1) "audientes"or a/cpoco- lievoi — i.e. "hearers" who attended tljo sermon ; (2) " genuflectentes " or yowKKi- j/ovT€s, who also assisted at the prayers which followed the sermon, and received the bishop's blessing on bended knee; (3) the " competentes " or ^ojrt^o/xefoi, who were allowed to hear the full state- ment of Christian mysteries, particularly the doctrine of the Eucharist. There was a famous catechetical school at Alexandria. Usually catechumens remained under in- struction for two or three years, and often longer, but the time of probation was shortened when there was sufficient rea- son. (From Kraus, "Kirchengeschichte," p. 86.) CATRARZ (Gr. "pure"). Amedieval sect of Manichaeans, commonly called Albigenses [q.v.'] CiLTKSDRii : EX CATKEBRA. CATHEDRA : EX CATHEDRA 141 Cathedra, in the ecclesiastical sense, means (1) the chair in which the bishop sits. It was placed in early times behind the altar, which did not stand, as it usually does now, against the wall, but was sur- rounded by the choir. The wooden chair which St. Peter is said to have used, is still preserved in the Vatican basihca. Eusebius relates that the chair of St. James still existed in Jerusalem down to the time of Constantine. The chair of St. Mark at Jerusalem was regarded with such religious awe that Peter of Alexan- dria, archbishop and martyr, did not dare to sit upon it, though it was used by his suc- cessors. (Thomassin, "Traits desFestes.") (2) Cathedra was used by a natural extension of meaning for the authority of the bishop who occupied it, so that the feast of the Cathedra or chair commemo- rated the day on which the bishop en- tered on his office. Thus we have three sermons of St. Leo on the "natahs cathe- drae suae" — i.e. his elevation to the pontifi- cate. In the Sacramentary of St. Gregory we find a Mass for "the Chair of St. Peter," on the 24th of February. Accord- ing to John BeUth, a liturgical writer of the middle ages, this feast was intended to celebrate St. Peter's episcopate both at Antioch and Rome. A feast of St. Peter's chair is mentioned in a sermon at- tributed to St. Augustine, and in a canon of the Second Council of Tours, which met in 5G7. In the course of the middle ages, the feast in February was associated with St. Peter's chair at Antioch. Paul IV., in a Bull of the year 1558, complains that although the feast of St. Peter's chair at Rome was celebrated in France and Spain, it was forgotten in Rome itself, although the feast of his chair at Antioch was kept in Rome. Accordingly Paul IV. ordered that the feast of St. Peter's chair at Rome should be observed on January 18. The feast of St. Peter's chair at Antioch is kept on February 22. (Thomassin, ib.) (3) Cathedra is taken as a symbol of authoritative doctrinal teaching. Our Lord said that the scribes and Pharisees sat "super cathedram Moysis" — i.e. on the chair of Moses. Here plainly it is not a material chair, of which Christ speaks, but the "chair," as Jerome says, is a metaphor for the doctrine of the law. This meta- phor became familiar in Christian litera- ture. Thus Jerome speaks of the " chair of Peter and the faith praised by apostolic mouth." Later theologians use "ex cath- edra" in a still more special sense, and 142 CATHEDRAL employ it to mark those definitions in faith and morals which the Pope, as teacher of all Christians, imposes on their belief. The phrase is comparatively modern, and Billuart adduces no instance of its use before 1305. It is often alleged that the theologians explain the words "ex cathedra " in many different ways, but a clear and authoritative account of the meaning is given by the Vatican Council, which declares that the Pope is infal- lible "when he speaks 'ex cathedra' — i.e. when, exercising his office as the pastor and teacher of all Christians, he, in virtue of his supreme apostolic authority, defines a doctrine concerning faith and morals, to be held by the whole Church." (From Ballerini, "De Primatu," and the Bull " Pastor seternus," cap. iv.) CATKEDRiilb {KaOebpa, the raised seat of the bishop). The cathedral church in every diocese is that church in which the bishop has his chair or seat ; whence see, the English form of sihye. It is sometimes called simply Domus, " the house" {Duomo, Ital. •, I)om, Ger.) ; for, as " palace " sufficiently indicates the residence of a king, "so the Lord's house, which is the cathedral church, the palace of the king of kings, and the ordinary seat of the supreme pastor of a city and diocese, is sufficiently denoted by the single word Domus." (Ferraris, in Ec- clesia.) A cathedral was in early times called the Matrix Ecclesia, but that name is now given to any church which has other churches subject to it. The estabhshment of a cathedral church, the conversion of a collegiate church into a cathedral, and the union of two or more cathedrals under the same bishop, are all measures which cannot be legally taken without the approbation of the Pope. The temporal power has often performed these and the like acts by way of usurpation, as when the revolutionary government of France reduced the number of French dioceses from more than a hun- dred and thirty to sixty ; but a regular and lawful state of things in such a case can only be restored by the State's enter- ing into a convention with the Holy See, which is always ready, without abandon- ing principle, to conform its action to the emergent necessities of the times. Thus, in the case just mentioned, by the Con- cordat with Napoleon in 1802, Rome sanctioned the permanent suppression of many old sees, in consequence of which the French episcopate now numbers eighty-four bishops instead of the larger CATHEDRATICUM number existing before the Revolution. Analogous changes are provided for in the AjQglican commnnion by the theory of the Royal Supremacy, though this theory has been slightly modified by the progress of political development since the Reformation. The sovereign is still supreme in theory "in all causes and over all persons, ecclesiastical as well as civil," within the Anglican communion ; but the supremacy cannot be exercised in any important matter without the consent of the majority of the House of Com- mons, expressed through a responsible ministry. An Act of Parliament, em- bodying as it does the united will and action of sovereign and Parhament, solves all difficulties. Thus in 1838 ten Protes- tant sees in Ireland were suppressed at a stroke, and within the last few years several suffragan sees, at N ottingham and elsewhere, have been erected — always b^ Act of Parhament. In every such case, whatever legahty the Act may have is solely due to the action of the temporal power ; ecclesiastical authority has nothing to do with it. The Council of Trent forbids the holding of more than one cathedral church, or the holding of a cathedral along with a parish church, by the same bishop.^ It enjoins that ordinations shall, so far as possible, be publicly cele- brated in cathedral churches, and in the presence of the canons.^ CATHEDRAIi and IVION'ASTZC scHooiiS. [See Schools.] caTHEDRATZCUlvi. This pay- ment, as originally regulated by the Second Council of Braga (572), was a visitation fee due from every parish church in his diocese to the bishop on the occasion of his annual visit to it. The amount was two shillings (solidi) in gold. In process of time coins of greater value were tendered — thus in the kingdom of Naples the cathedraticum was considered to be two ducats — and when such had become the established custom a return to the smaller money was not allowed. "Wherever there is a beneficed clergy this fee is still legally due to the bishop, nor can any period of actual immunity from the burden, however prolonged, confer a claim to future exemption. But since the Council of Trent it has been customary to pay it in synod, not during the visi- tation ; whence it is also called " Synod- aticiim." The churches and monasteries 1 Sess. vii. 2; xxiv. 17, De Reform, 2 Sess, xxiii. 8, De Reform, CATHOIJC of the regular clergy are exempt from the payment of the Cathedraticiim, though it must be paid on account of all secular benefices which are in the possession of monasteries. (Ferraris; Fleury, "Hist. Eccl." xxxiv.) CATHOXiZC (" general " or imi- versal). The word occurs in profane authors — e.g. in Polybius — but among Christians it received a special or tech- nical sense, and was apphed to the true Church, spread throughout the world, in order to distinguish it from heretical sects. Thus one of the very earliest Christian writers, Ignatius of Antioch, says, " Where Christ is, there is the Catholic Church ; where the bishop is, there must the people be also." Thus " Catholic " became the recognised name of the Church. As " heresy," Clement of Alexandria tells us, denotes separation (since heresy signifies individual choice), so the words " Catholic Church " imply unity subsisting among many members. Again, St. Augustine in his epistle against the Donatists, tells them that the question at issue is " Where is the Church ? " He appeals to the traditional name " Cathohc Church," which is given to one body and to one body only ; he proves that the name has been given rightly, as is shown by the very fact that the Cathohc Church, unlike the Donatist sect, is difiused throughout the world ; and he concludes that as the Church is one, as this one Church is the Catholic Church, as the Catholic Church is the body of Christ, therefore that he who is without its pale cannot " obtain Christian salvation." The name " Cathohc " was also ap- phed from very early times to individual members of the Church. The use occiu-s e.g. in Cyprian, and the saying of Pacian (Ep. 1 ad Sempron.) is famihar to every- body : " Christian is my name ; Cathohc is my surname." Lastly, the word " Cathohc " is used of the faith which the Church of God holds. We meet with the phrase " Cathohc faith " in Pruden- tius, and frequently of course in later wi'iters. (For Catholic Chukch see Chuech or Cheist.) "Cathohc" is also used in various subsidiary senses, viz. : (1) Of letters addressed to the faith- ful in general, whether by the Apostles, who wrote " Cathohc epistles " as distinct from Epistles to the Galatians, &c., or by later bishops. (See Euseb. iv. 23.) (2) In Greek, of cathedral churches as distinct from parish churches ; of the CATHOLICUS 143 chief church as distinct from oratories; and, in the later Byzantine period, of parish as distinct from monastic chapels. (3) Catholicus, originally a civil title used during Constantine's time in Africa and given apparently to the " procurator fisci," was bestowed on the Bishop of Seleucia, as representing the Patriarch of Antioch, and also on the chief ecclesias- tic among the Persian Nestorians. The title was also current among Armenians and Ethiopians. It is said to have de- noted a primate with several metropoli- tans under him, but himself subject to a patriarch. [See Catholicus.] (4) "Cathohc thrones" was a title given to the four patriarchal sees. (5) " Catholic King " was a title given to Pipin (767), and other kings of France (Froissart says it was borne by Phihp of Valois), who were afterwards called " Most Christian." " Cathohc King " became in modern times the usual title of the Spanish sovereigns. The title " Cathohc " was conferred by Alexander VI. on Ferdinand and Isabella. (iCraus, "Peal Encyclopadie ; " and for the title " Cathohc King " see also Fleury, cxvu. CiLTHOliZCUS. Certain Oriental patriarchs in Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Persia have anciently borne and perhaps still bear this name. It must have been intended to signify the wide sweep of the jurisdiction which the bearer of this dignity enjoyed over the provinces and dioceses under his rule. Yet the catholici were never placed on a level with the patriarchs of the five great sees. Pome, Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, and Constantinople. On the erection of the Armenian church, through the labours of Gregory the Illuminated, early in the fourth century, its episcopal head was named " Cathohcos." As time went on ■v^'e find him indifferently styled the Cathohc of Persia or of the Armenians. There was also a Cathohc of Seleucia on the Tigris. Both these, after the general revolt of the Oriental churches against the Council of Chalcedon, lost the ortho- dox faith ; one was Monophysite, the other Nestorian. The Nestorian Cathohc of Seleucia had many archbishops and bishops under his jurisdiction, whose dioceses are said to have reached even beyond the Ganges. Both were origin- ally subject to the Patriarch of Antioch ; but the Cathohcus of Seleucia, pleading the remoteness of his see, obtained the consent of the Patriarch to his ordination 144 CELEBRANT of archbisLops by Lis own sole autbority ; and tbe concession of tbis rigbt was almost equivalent to tbe erection of a new patriarcbate. Tbus we find tbe Arabic canons of Nice directing tbat tbe Patriarch of Seleucia sball bave tbe sixth place in councils, after tbe five patriarcbs above mentioned, and tbat tbe seventb sbould be assigned, witb tbe title of Catbolicos, to tbe patriarcb of tbe Etbio- pians. Persecution seems to bave driven tbe Armenian Catbolic out of Persia ; in tbe fifteentb century we find bim es- tablisbed at Sis in Cilicia, but almost isolated tbere, and knowing little of wbat went on in tbe real Armenia. Tbis state of tb'.ngs led to tbe assumption of patriarcbal power by tbe Abbot of Ecbmiadzin, near Mount Ararat, and by bis successors down to tbe present day. Latterly, tbe Armenian imiate Cburcb, wbicb is in communion witb tbe Holy See, bas been prospering and advancing ; tbe late patriarcb of tbis Cburcb, MgT. Hassoun, wbo resided at Constantinople, was made a Cardinal (d. 1 884) ; tbe Ku- pelianist scbism bas been extinguisbed ; and tbere is a fair prospect of tbe return of tbe wbole Armenian nation to Catbolic unity. [See Armenian Christians.] Anastasius tbe Sinaite, writing in tbe seventb century, speaks of a Catbobcus of tbe Nestorians, wbo was obeyed by a great number of bisbops and metro- pobtans. (Tbomassin, "Vetus et Nova Ecclesise Disciplina.") CEliEBRAN'T. Tbe priest wbo actually offers Mass, as distinct from otbers wbo assist bim in doing so. Cele- bration of Mass is equivalent to offering Mass. But " celebrant " is also used by good liturgical writers — e.g. by Gavantus — for tbe cbief officiant at otber solemn offices, sucb as vespers. CEIiESTIXTIATT HERIVIZTS. A brancb of tbe Franciscans, autborised by St. Celestine V. in 1294, and named after bim. Tbe object of tbeir institution was to practise tbe rule of St. Francis vvdtb greater exactitude. Tbey suffered mucb persecution, and soon after tbe deatb of tbeir first superior, Liberatus, ceased to exist as a separate body. CEliESTZN'lATTS. Tbis order was founded about 1254 by tbe boly bermit Peter of Morone, and took tbe above name after tbe elevation of tbeir founder to tbe supreme pontificate, witb tbe title of Celestine V., in 1294. Its rule was austere; tbe religious bad to rise at 2 a.m. to say matins ; abstained perpetua.lly CELIBACY from meat unless in case of illness, and fasted every day from tbe Exaltation of tbe Cross to Easter, and twice a week for tbe rest of tbe year. Tbey increased rapidly, and spread into France and Germany, but do not appear to bave ever establisbed tbemselves in England. Most of tbeir priories in Germany were in tbose provinces wbicb tbe movement begun by Lutber most affected, and tbey conse- quently perisbed. In tbe early part of tbe eigbteentb century tbere were ninety- six priories in tbe Itaban, and twenty- one in tbe Frencb province ; tbe cbief or motber bouse being tbe convent of tbe Holy Gbost at Morone, near Sulmona, tbe only abbey in tbe order. Tbe Frencb Celestinians, wbose principal bouse was at Paris, were included among tbe fifteen bundred convents wbicb, upon various grounds more or less specious, were sup- pressed by tbe commission of 1766 pre- sided over by tbe contemptible Lomenie de Brienne, Arcbbisbop of Toulouse. Tbe order bas not since been revived in France. Of tbe once numerous Italian priories very few now exist. CEliZBiLCY of tbe clergy. Tbe law of tbe Western Cburcb forbids persons bving in tbe married state to be ordained, and persons in boly orders to marry. A careful distinction must be made between tbe principles on wbicb tbe law of celi- bacy is based and tbe cbanges wbicb bave taken place in tbe appbcation of tbe principle. Tbe principles wbicb bave induced tbe Cburcb to impose cebbacy on ber clergy are (a) tbat tbey may serve God witb less restraint, and witb undivided beart (see 1 Cor. vii. 32) ; and (/3) tbat, being called to tbe altar, tbey may embrace tbe life of continence, wbicb is bolier tban tbat of marriage. Tbat con- tinence is a more boly state tban tbat of marriage is distinctly affirmed in tbe words of our blessed Lord ("Tbere are eunucbs wbo bave made tbemselves eunucbs for tbe kingdom of beaven's sake. Pie tbat can receive it, let bim receive it"). It is taugbt by St. Paul (" He tbat givetb bis virgin in marriage doetb well, and be tbat givetb ber not, doetb better") and by St. Jobn (Apoc. xiv, 4). Cbristian antiquity speaks witb one voice on tbis matter, and tbe Council of Trent, sess. xxiv. De Matr. can. 10, anatbematises tbose wbo deny tbat "it is more blessed to remain in virginity or in celibacy tban to be joined in marriage." Tbus aU Catbolics are bound to hold that CtJLlBACY celibacy is the preferable state, and that it is specially desirable for the clergy. It does not, however, follow from this that the Church is absolutely bound to impose a law of celibacy on her ministers, nor has she, as a matter of fact, always done so. There does not seem to have been any Apostolic legislation on the matter, except that it was required of a bishop that he should have been only once mar- ried. In early times, however, we find a law of cehbacy, though it is one which differs from the present Western law, in full force. Paphnutius, who at the Coun- cil of Nicaea resisted an attempt to impose a continent life on the clergy, still admits that, according to ancient tradition, a cleric must not marry after ordination. This statement is confirmed by the Apostolic Constitutions, vi. 17, which forbid bishops, priests, and deacons to marry, while the 27th {al. 25th) Apos- tolic Canon contains the same prohibition. One of the earhest councils, that of Neocaesarea (between 314— 325), threatens a priest who married after ordination with degradation to the lay state. Even a, deacon could marry in one case only — viz. if at his ordination he had stipulated for liberty to do so, as is laid down by the Council of Ancyra, in 314. Thus it was the recognised practice of the ancient Church to prohibit the marriage of those already priests, and this discipline is still maintained in the East. A change was made in the West by the 33rd Canon of Elvira (in 305 or 30(i). It required bishops, priests, and all who served the altar (" positis in ministerio ") to live, even if already married, in con- tinence. The Council of Nicsea refused to impose this law on the whole Church, but it prevailed in the West. It was laid down by a synod of Carthage in 390, by Innocent I. 20 years later; while Jerome (against Jovinian) declares that a priest, who has " always to otfer sacrifice for the people, must always pray, and therefore always abstain from marriage." Leo and Gregory the Great, and the Eighth Council of Toledo in 653, renewed the prohibitions against the marriage of sub- deacons. So the law stood when Hildebrand, afterwards Gregory YII., began to exer- cise a decisive influence in the Church. Leo IX., Nicolas II., Alexander XL, and Hildebrand himself when he came to be Pope, issued stringent decrees against priests living in concubinage. They were CELIBACY 145 forbidden to say Mass or even to serve at the altar ; they were to be punished with deposition, and the faithful were warned not to hear their Mass. So far Gregory only fought against the corruption of the times, and it is mere ignorance to repre- sent him. as having instituted the law of celibacy. But about this time a change did occur in the canon law. A series of synods from the beginning of the twelfth century declared the marriage of persons in holy orders to be not only unlawful but invalid. With regard to persons in minor orders, they were allowed for many centuries to serve in the Church while living as married men. From the twelfth century, it was laid down that if they married they lost the privileges of the clerical state. However, Boniface VIII., in 1300, permitted them to act as clerics, if they had been only once married and then to a virgin, provided they had the per- mission of the bishop and wore the clerical habit. This law of Pope Boniface was renewed by the Council of Trent, sess. xxiii. cap. 6, De Reform. The same Coimcil, can. 9, sess. xxiv., again pro- nounced the marriage of clerks in holy orders null and void. At present, in the West, a married man can receive holy orders only if his wife fully consents and herself makes a vow of chastity. If the husband is to be consecrated bishop, the wife must enter a religious order. We may now turn to the East, and sketch the changes which the law of celi- bacy has undergone among the Greeks. In the time of the Church-historian Socrates (about 450), the same " law of clerical celibacy which obtained among the Latins was observed in Thessaly, Mace- donia, and Achaia. Further, the case of Synesius in 410 proves that it was un- usual for bishops to live as married men, for he had, on accepting his election as bishop, to make a stipulation that he should be allowed to live with his wife. The synod in TruUo (692) requires bishops, if married, to separate from their wives, and forbids all clerics to marry after the subdiaconate. However, a law of Leo the Wise (886-911) permitted subdeacons, deacons, and priests, who had married after receiving their respective orders, not indeed to exercise sacred functions, but still to remain in the ranks of the clergy and exercise such offices {e.g. matters of administration) as were consistent with the marriage which they had concluded. The practical consequences of these enactments are (1) that Greek candidates L ue CELL for the priestliood usually leave the seminaries before being ordained, deacons, and return, having concluded marriage, commonly with daughters of clergymen ; (2) that secular priests live as married men, but cannot, on the death of their wives, marry again; (3) that bishops are usually chosen from the monks. (From Hefele, " Beitrage zur Klrchengeschichte, Archaologie und Liturgik.") CElili. (1) A colony or offshoot from some large monastery. Cells were first heard of in the Benedictine order, and were usually planted on estates that had been granted to the mother house. They were also called " provostships," •* obediences," or " priories." They were originally ruled by provosts or deans, re- movable at the discretion of the abbot of the mother house. Some cells were of sufficient importance to be called abbeys; but their abbots could only be elected with the consent and subject to the confir- mation of the abbot of the mother house. The inmates of the cell were boimd to render yearly a stated portion of their revenues to the house on which they depended, and to present themselves there in person on particular days. Instances of important cells in this country were, Tynemouth Priory, depending on St. Alban's; Leighton Buzzard, on Woburn (Cistercian) ; and Bermondsey, a cell of the Cluniac abbey of La Charity, in France. This last is also an instance of an "ahen priory," of which there were great numbers in England at the dissolu- tion. (Ferraris, Monaster ium.) (2) The separate chamber or hut of any monk, friar, or hermit, is popularly termed his " cell," as in Milton's lines — And may at length my weary age Find out the peaceful hermitaee, The hairy gown, and mossy cell. (3) In primitive times the name '* cella " was given to a small memorial chapel, erected over the tomb of some friend or relative in a sepulchral area, in which "agap8e"and commemorative cele- brations were held on the anniversary of death. CEIMEETERY {KOLfirjTtjpiov, sleeping- place). In this article only burial- grounds or churchyards " sub dio," or in the open air, will be noticed ; for subter- ranean burial-places see Catacombs. Even during the ages of persecution open air cemeteries were in use at Home, as has been shown by Be Rossi, as well as in the provinces. Thus the cemetery named after Calhstus, who was placed in CEMETERY charge of it by Pope Zephyrinus, was partly above and partly below ground ; that at Vienne on the Rhone entirely above ground. After Constantine, sub- terranean interment was of course aban- doned. The old Roman law, as old as the Twelve Tables, which forbade intra- mural sepulture, was gradually disre- garded ; after 619 it became common to bury at Rome within the walls ; and it is only in modem times that the sounder practice of antiquity has been everywhere restored. A cemetery or churchyard, in order to be fit to receive the bodies of Christians, must first be consecrated and set apart by the bishop for that purpose. The rite may be seen in the Pontificale. From its tenor it is evident that it contemplates the burial of none but Christians within the space to be consecrated ; indiscriminate burial is therefore an abuse. The admis- sion to ecclesiastical burial in a cemetery so consecrated is regarded as a species of communion. Hence it has ever been held that the burial of excommunicated per- sons, and others with whom in their life we could not communicate, in a Catholic cemetery, is unlawful. If such an inter- ment has been violently efiected. Innocent III. ordered that the remains of the ex- communicated person so buried among those of the faithful should, if they could be distinguished, be exhumed ; if not, that the cemetery should be reconciled by the aspersion of holy water solemnly blessed, as at the dedication of a church. In a recent instance in Canada, where the civil power, acting upon the sentence of a lay tribunal, forcibly effected the burial of an excommunicated person in the Catholic cemetery, the Bishop of Montreal, Mgr. Bourget, laid the portion of the cemetery so desecrated under an interdict.^ Cemeteries enjoyed the same right and degree of asylum, in the case of criminals fleeing to them for shelter, as the churches to Avhich they were attached. The Council of Lyons (1244) ordered that all trading, marketing, adjudication, trial of criminals, and secidar business of every kind, in churchyards no less than 1 See an account of the " Guibord case," in the Catholic Review of New Tork, September 25, 1875. A French Canadian priest writes to us (May 5, 1881):— "The man was buried by lorce in the Catholic burjnng-ground, and the spot is considered with horror by all Catholics visiting that grand and imposing Montreal cemetery." CENSUBE in churclies, should be put an end to. (Ferraris, Ccemeterium.) CEnrsuRB may be dejfined as a spiritual penalty, imposed for the correc- tion and amendment of offenders, by which a baptised person, who has com- mitted a crime and is contumacious, is deprived by ecclesiastical authority of the use of certain spiritual advantages. Thus a censure presupposes not only guilt but obstinacy ; its immediate effect is the de- privation of spiritual goods ; it only affects those who by baptism have become sub- jects of the Church. It may be true, as Fleury^ says, that under Gregory VII. censures were multiplied in a manner un- known to the early Church, and this may have been necessitated by the increasing wickedness of the times. But it is cer- tain that the use of censures dates from the very infancy of the Church. Censures are divided, according to the nature and extent of the pains they in- flict, into excommunications, suspensions, and interdicts [see under those articles]. "Censurse latse sententiae" are incurred on the violation of the law, ipso facto ; "Censurse sententiae ferendae," only on the sentence of the ecclesiastical judge. They may be passed ah homine — i.e. they may be issued by a mandate respecting some single action or business ; or, again, a jure — i.e. a permanent law may be passed, binding under censure. In the former case, unless already incurred, they expire with the death of the legislator; in the latter, they continue still in force. Some censures are reserved, others not reserved — i.e. the superior may reserve the power of absolution from censures to himself, or he may commit it to the ordinary ministers [see Absolution]. That the Church has the power of in- flicting censures appears from the words of Christ — "He that will not hear the Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen and a publican" — as well as from the constant practice of the Church herself. Censures can be imposed according to the ordinary law, by ecclesiastics possessing jurisdiction in the external courts (" forum externum" as distinct from the internal court or tribunal of confession). Thus censures may be imposed by the Pope or a general coimcil for the whole Church; by an archbishop for his own diocese, also in the dioceses of his suffragans during a visitation, or with respect to cases brought to his tribunal by appeal from one of his suffragans ; by bishops and vicar-generals 1 See the Discourse prefixed to livr. Ix. CEREMONY (SACRED) 147 in their own dioceses ; by cardinals in the churches from which they take their titles ; by legates in the territory of their legation ; by provincial councils in the province ; by chapters in the vacancy of a see till the election of a vicar-capitular, on whom the power then devolves; by generals, provincials, local superiors of regulars, according to the statutes of their order. Thus parish priests as such have no power of this kind. Still such authority may be delegated to all ecclesi- astics : not, however, to women — e.g. to abbesses. Persons who have not reached the age of puberty are not included among the persons whom the censure strikes ; nor again are sovereigns, unless the censure be inflicted by the Pope. Cardinals are not subjected even to Papal censures, un- less they are specially mentioned as so subject. (PromGury, "Theolog. Moral.") CEREIVION-Y (sacred), in its widest sense, denotes any external act used in the worship of God. Some cere- monies are essential — such, for example, as concern the matter and form of the sacraments ; others are accidental — e.g. the sacraments can be given validly, or the worship of God could be carried on, without them. Of accidental ceremonies, some descend from the apostolic age, others have been added in the course of time by the Church. That the Church has power to institute or to change such ceremonies is plain from the practice in all ages, and is defined by the Council of Trent. ^ The Council further declares that the approved rites of the Church, in the solemn administration of the sacra- ments, cannot be despised, or changed by individual caprice, without sin.^ Scripture and reason combine to show the wisdom of the Church's doctrine on this head. Scripture — for God ordained ceremonies in the old law, and Christ made outward ceremonies essential to the administration of Baptism and the Eucharist. Reason — because it is natural for man, who is composed of body and soul, to express his interior devotion by exterior acts ; because man is impressed by teaching which is conveyed in the form of symbol, and which appeals to his eyes as well as to his ears ; because, lastly, as both body and soul come from God, we are bound to use both in His service. The position, however, and import- 1 Sess. xxi. cap. 2, De Commun. 3 Sess. vii. can. 13, De Sacram. in gen. l2 148 CERINTHIAJ^S ance of ceremonies in tLe Christian is very different from that winch they held in the Jewish Church. In the latter a multitude of ceremonies were binding by divine law ; in the Christian worship, on the other hand, only a very few cere- monies have been instituted by Christ ; the rest are alterable at the will of the Church. Another reason gave cere- monies a much more important place in the Jewish than they have in the Chris- tian Church. The Jews, St. Thomas says, were looking forward in faith and hope, not only to heavenly joys, but also to the means by which these joys could be obtained. Heaven and the means of getting there were both future to them, and both were symbolised by their cere- monies. With us the means of salvation are secured by acts already past {e.g. Christ's passion), or by acts actually per- formed in our midst {e.g. the sacraments). Our ceremonies symbolise grace already won for us, and regard the future only so far as they typify heaven. The blessed in heaven have nothing more to hope for ; therefore with them there are no figures or symbols (" nihil figurale "), " but only thanksgiving and the voice of praise, and so it is said concerning the city of the blessed : I saw no temple in it, for the Lord God Almighty is its temple and the Lamb."i CEKZlO'THZAia'S. Cerinthus was a native of Alexandria, but taught his heresy in proconsular Asia. He was a contemporary of St. John, who on one occasion left the public baths at Ephesus because Cerinthus was there, the Apostle fearing to be in the same place with an " enemy of the truth." Ireneeus says St. John wrote his Gospel to confute him. Cerinthus was (1) a Judaiser. He seems to have held a gross doctrine on the Millennium, to have enforced the rite of circumcision and the observance of sabbaths. Moreover, it is related that the Cerinthians, like the Ebionites, ac- cepted only St. Matthew's Gospel. (2) He was also a Gnostic, so that he forms the link between the Judaising and Gnostic sects. He attributed the creation of the world and the giving of the Jewish law to an angel or angels far removed from and ignorant of the supreme Being. The reader will observe that Cerinthus made his creative angel ignorant of, but not antagonistic to, the supreme God ; so that he was not obliged to break entirely with Judaism, as the later Gnostics did. 1 1"^ 2^, qu. ciii. a. 3. CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF (From Lightfoot on Colossians : " Essay on the Colossian Heresy.") CESSiiTZO A SI VINIS. A prohi- bition which obhges the clergy to abstain from celebrating divine offices, or giving Church burial, in some specified place. It is distinct from an interdict, because (1) an interdict may affect only certain persons : cessatio a divinis is always local — i.e. it forbids anyone to celebrate the divine offices in a particular place; (2) an interdict is a censure, and therefore inflicted to correct offenders : not so cessatio « divinis, which may be ordered as an expression of the Church's sorrow, to repair some injury done to the divine honour, &c. ; (3) during an interdict offices may be celebrated with closed doors, and publicly on certain feasts: neither is permissible during cessatio a divinis. Cessatio a divinis is in some cases pre- scribed, as a matter of course, by the general law of the -Church — e.g. when a church is desecrated ; but it may also be imposed by all who have power to inflict censures. (Gury, " Theolog. Moral.") Fleury gives several instances of cessatio a divinis from the history of the French church in the sixth century.^ CHAIiCEBOir, GETrERAI. COTTir- Ciii or. The fourth General Council, which, in 451, condemned the errors of Eutyches and affirmed two natures in Christ. The opposition to Nestorius, who said there were two persons in Christ, led many, particularly among the monks, into the opposite extreme of maintaining that there was one nature, as there was one person only, in our Lord. Among those who fell into this error, which was closely connected with Apollinarianism, a conspicuous place belonged to Eutyches, an old monk who had been for thirty years Archimandrite of a monastery near Constantinople which numbered not less than 300 religious. In 448 Eusebius of Dorylaeum accused Eutyches of heresy in a synod at Constantinople. Eutyches expressed his belief as follows: "I confess that OUT Lord was of two natures before the union, but after the union [i.e. the union of the two natures in the Incar- nation] I confess one nature." The synod, over which Flavian, bishop of Constanti- 1 Liv. xxxiv. 53. He calls them all inter- dicts, but one or two of his instances (e.^'. the cessation of the offices at St. Denys, in Paris, because it had been polluted by bloodshed) exactly correspond to the cessatio a divinis. CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF nople, presided, maintained two natures in Christ " after the union " \i.e. Incarna- tion], and Eutyches was condemned and deposed. His error cut at the very roots of true belief in the Incarnation. He main- tained that in Christ the human was absorbed in the divine nature, so that Christ's body was not of one substance with ours — was not, indeed, the " body of a man." Carried to its logical conse- quences, the Eutychian heresy involved a denial of Christ's humanity and even of His divinity, for Christ would have had one mixed nature, partly human, partly divine, and in reality neither divine nor human. After the synod, Eutyches appealed to Leo, professing his desire that the matter had been laid before Leo sooner, and his readiness to accept the Pope's jadgment. He also v^rrote to Chrysologus of Ravenna, who referred him to the chair of Peter ; and it is probable, though not quite cer- tain, that he also addressed himself to Dioscorus and other bishops. Pope Leo, after examining the acts, approved the sentence passed in the synod at Con- stantinople. Dioscorus, on the other hand, who was really of one mind with Euty- ches, managed through his influence with the Empress Eudocia, to secure the convo- cation of a general synod at Ephesus. Thereupon Leo, who received on May 18, 449, an invitation to take part in the council, despatched three legates to repre- sent him there, and gave into their hands several letters, among which was his famous " dogmatic epistle " to Flavian. In it the Pope teaches with all possible fulness and clearness the existence of two distinct natures in the incarnate God. "He who, remaining in the form of a God, made man, also in the form of a servant was made man. For each nature without defect preserves its proper charac- teristics {jproprietatem suam), and as the form [i.e. nature] of a servant does not take away the form of God, so the form of God does not diminish the form of a servant. . . Each form in union with the other does what is proper to it : the "Word, that is to say, operating that which is proper to the Word, and the flesh performing that which is proper to the flesh. . . . The one \i.e. the divine nature] shines forth in miracles, the other [i.e. the human nature] succumbs to injuries. And as the Word does not fall away from equality with the Father's glory, so the flesh does not leave the nature of our race. For one and the CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF 149 same, a point often to be repeated, is truly son of God, and truly son of man. . . . To himger, to thirst, to be weary, and to sleep, is evidently proper to man. But to satisfy five thousand men with five loaves, and to give the woman of Samaria living water ... is without doubt divine. ... It does not belong to the same nature to say, I and the Father are one, and again, the Father is greater than I." In August of the same year the bishops began to assemble at Ephesus in the council which for its evD. repute has earned the name of Latrocinium or Robber-synod. The coimcil met on the 8th of the month and consisted apparently of about 130 bishops, though one ancient account raises the number to 300. Dios- corus presided, while two Papal legates, besides Domnus of Antioch, Juvenal of Jerusalem, Flavian of Constantinople, were present. Flavian and Eusebius were condemned as heretics and deposed, as it was pretended, by the unanimous vote of the council, but the coarse and fanatical Dioscorus would allow no notes of the proceedings to be made except by his own creatures, and he was afterwards accused of having falsified the Acts. FCe called in soldiers and monks armed with cudgels, cruelly maltreated Flavian and cast him into prison, and forced the other Fathers by outrage and starvation to sign a blank paper, on which he afterwards wrote the condemnation of Flavian, who died shortly afterwards of the ill-usage he had received. Leo, with the whole West, rejected this council, whQe the churches of Syria, Asia Minor, Pontus, would hear nothmg of it. It was, how- ever confirmed by the Emperor Theo- dosius 11, , and for the time it was im- possible to convoke another synod. Better times came with the accession of Marcian and Pulcheria to the throne. Marcian at once annulled the decrees of the Latrocinium, and in concert with Valentinian III., the Western emperor, and with the approval of Pope Leo and of Anatolius, the new bishop of Con- stantinople, who had now subscribed Leo's letter to Flavian, convoked a new council, which was to meet at Nicsea. Afterwards, however, Chalcedon was chosen as the place of meeting, because of its proximity to Constantinople, which made it possible for Marcian to attend the council and at the same time to look after civil afl'airs in the capital of his empire. The council opened on October 8, 451, and closed on November 1 150 CIIALCEDON, COUNCIL OF of the same year. The Fathers held their sessions in the church of St. Euphemia, which stood near the. Bos- phorus on a gentle eminence just opposite Constantinople. The number of assembled bishops was about 600. The external order of the council was in the hands of an imperial commission, consisting of civil officers ; but the papal legates "manifested an unmistakeable superiority over the other voters, as representing, according to their own explicit statement, the head of the whole Church, and as holding fast to the conviction that every resolution of the synod to which they did not agree was null and void." ^ This claim was fully re- cognised by the council, as will presently appear. In the first session, Dioscorus was declared guilty of murder and of other moral offences, particularly of violence and outrage upon the Fathers who met at Ephesus. In the second, the epistle of Leo to Flavian was unanimously approved. The Fathers exclaimed, " That is the faith of the Fathers : that is the faith of the Apostles. So we all believe. Peter has spoken through Leo. That was also Cyril's faith, and that is the faith of the Fathers." In the third session Dioscorus was deposed. In the fourth the letter of Leo to Flavian was approved by a formal vote. In the fifth session, the dogmatic formula of Chalcedon which had been drawn up by a commission was adopted by the council. In this formula the council defined that there was "one and the same Christ the Son, Lord, only begotten, in two natures, without confusion, without change [this is directed against Eutyches], without division, without separation [this against Nestorius, who divided Christ into two persoLs] ; the difference of the natures being in no wise destroyed on account of the union, but rather the pro- perty (idioTrjTos) of each nature being preserved and meeting (o-vvrpexova-Tjs) in one Person and Hypostasis. At the close of the council the Fathers wrote to Pope Leo, who " had presided over all the assembled [bishops] as the head over the members, begging him " by his assent also to honour their decision " (rifjiTjo-ov Kol Tois (rais ylnj(pois rfjv Kpiaiv). The Emperor also asked the Pope to con- firm the decrees of the council. Accord- ingly, on March 21, 453, Leo addressed a circular to the bishops who had attended 1 Jlefele, Concil. ii. p. 421, CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF the council confirming their definition of the faith. The confirmation of the council would have been obtained much sooner and much more easily, if the dogmatic con- troversy had been the only matter of discussion. But it was not so. At the end of the fourteenth session, the Papal legates withdrew, and in their next meeting the Fathers of the Council passed thirty canons, relating to Church government, clerical and monastic dis- cipline, &c., of which the 28th is the most important. The Church of Con- stantinople, though not of Apostolic foundation, naturally acquired great in- fluence as an imperial city, and as early as 381 the second General Council as- signed it "the pre-eminence of honour" after the Church of Rome, on the ground that Constantinople itself was New Rome. This canon, however, was ig- nored by Rome. At Chalcedon, Ana- tolius of Constantinople saw that the time was unusually favourable for assert- ing the doubtful privilege of his see and for extending it. He had not much to fear from the jealousy or conservatism of the great patriarchates or exarchates in the East. The sees of Alexandria and Ephesus were vacant, Maximus of Antioch was his creature, Juvenal of Jerusalem was in his debt for helping him to obtain jurisdiction over the three Palestinian provinces. In these circumstances, the 28th canon of Chalcedon was agreed to with little difficulty. The former part of this canon merely reaffirms the decree of the second general synod to which the canon of Chalcedon expressly refers. The Fathers, the bishops of Chalcedon say, had rightly assigned [patriarchal] privi- leges to the elder Rome, because of its imperial dignity, and had from simQar motives assigned the second rank to New Rome — i.e. Constantinople. The latter part of the 28th canon goes much further. It sanctions the practice which had prevailed since Chrysostom's time — Tiz. that the Bishop of Constantinople should be supreme, not only over the district (dioUrjais) of Thrace, but also over Pontus and Asia, which had been formerly independent. The metropolitans of these districts were to receive conse- cration from Constantinople. Leo absolutely refused to confirm this canon, and Anatolius acknowledged that "the whole force and confirmation of that which had been done was reserved to the authority of [his] beatitude " — i.e. CHALDEAN RITE to tlie authority of his Holiness the Bishop of Rome. In like manner the council itself and the Emperor Marcian had ex- pressly allowed that the canon was in- valid without the approbation of the Apostolic See. Indeed, for a considerable time the Greeks themselves did not appeal to the canon in question, and their canonists^ omitted it in their collections. Justinian, however, confirmed the high rank of Constantinople, and this very- canon of Chalcedon was confirmed at the great Eastern synod in Trullo,^ although Rome still abstained from sanctioning it. But after a Latin Empire had been esta- blished in the East, and a Latin Patri- archate at Constantinople, the Fourth Lateran Synod under Innocent IIL, in the year 1215, ordained that the Patriarch of Constantinople was to hold rank im- mediately after the Pope, and therefore above the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch. (Erom Hefele, " Concil." vol. ii.) CB.A.XBZ:AZir RITE, CHRIS- TlAirs or, — The name Chaldeans in ecclesiastical use signifies the Catholics who belong to the Church formed by conversions from Nestorianism. Assemani (" Bibliothec. Orient." torn. iii. p. 410 seq.) distinguishes between particular conver- sions — i.e, conversions of individual bishops and their dioceses, and general conversions — i.e. unions effected with a large section of the Nestorians which led to the recognition of a Catholic patriarch. Under the former head he mentions — (1) the conversion of the Bishop Sahaduna and the Gamarseans, a.d. 630 ; (2) that of Timothy of Tarsus, metropolitan of the Nestorians in Cyprus, and of his subjects, A.D. 1445 ; (3) that of the Nestorians on the Malabar Coast ; (4) that of the Chris- tians of St. John, called Sabseans, by the Carmelite Fathers, in Bassora, circ. a.d. 1630. The story of the third of these conversions will be given in the article on the Christians of St. Thomas. We doubt the accuracy of Assemani's state- ment about the Sabseans, whose history has been recently investigated by Chwol- son.^ The third case is interesting from its connection with the Council of Flo- rence. Timothy was converted by An- drew, archbishop of Rhodes (Colossensis), 1 Till the time of Photius. Hergenr other, Fhotiiis, i. p. 87. 2 But the decision of the council in Trullo on this point was not received in the other Eastern patriarchates. Hergenrother, ib. p. 223. ^ See, especially, his criticism of Assemani ( Die Sabier und der Sabismus, vol. i. p. 48). CHALDEAN RITE 151 whom Eugenius IV. sent to Cyprus. The union was effected in the second session of the continuation of the council in the Lateran, August 7, 1445. Eugenius, in his bull containing the decree of union, forbids anyone to call the Chaldeans here- tics. So that here we have a formal re- cognition of the name " Chaldean." ^ (Hefele, " Concil." vii. p. 816 seq.) Assemani enumerates the folio win "• " general conversions." (1) In 1247 Asa, " Vicar of the East " — i.e. representative of the patriarch in China and Eastern Tartary — under the Nestorian Patriarch Sabarjesu (1226-56), made a profession of Cathohc belief to Innocent IV. It was subscribed by the Archbishop of Nisibis, two other archbishops, and three bishops. (2) The Patriarch Jaballaha was recon- ciled under Benedict XI., a.d. 1304. (3) A dispute about the succession to the patri- archate between Sulaka and Shimoom led to the reconciliation of the former under Julius IIL, A.D. 1652. (4) The Patriarch Elias became Catholic under Paul V., A.D. 1616. None of these conversions had any wide or lasting infiuence. (5) The conversion of the Nestorians at DiarbeMr led Innocent XL to establish a new Chal- dean patriarchate in that city. Joseph I. was the first patriarch ; the last died in 1828. (Badger, "The Nestorians and their Rituals," vol. i. p. 150.) Here Assemani's narrative ends, but since his great work was published at Rome (1719-28) the most important ac- cession of Nestorians to the Church has taken place. There had been since the middle of the sixteenth century a schism 1 " Meshihaya," which simply means "fol- lower of the Messias" — i.e. Christian — is now used as a distinctive name for the Chaldean Catholics, as opposed to the Nestorians of the same rite. The word ( | > i.»^ - ^ Vn " Meshi- chojo ") frequently occurs in Syriac literature as a t^eueral name for Christian. (Favne Smith, Tliesaur. Syr. col. 2242.) The Greek word XptcTTtaj/b? has been adopted in the Syriac lan- guage, and occurs constantly, not only in the Peshitto, hut also in late authors, e.g. in the chronicles of Barhebrseus. The reader must not suppose that the name Chaldean has anything to do with the Chaldee lanj^iiage. The Catho- lics of the Syrian and Chaldean rites agree in the use of the Syriac tongue in the liturg}% the former, however, using the Western or Jacobite, the latter, the Eastern or Nestorian, dialect. The differences between the dialects, which are slight and chiefly affect the pronunciation of the vowels, are noted in all the recent gram- mars. M.a.rtin {Syro-Chaldaicee Institntiones,^. 60) gives a transcription of the Nicene Creed in Roman characters, as he heard it pronounced by a Chaldean priest. 152 CHALDEA.N EITE between the Nestorians themselves, and they had two patriarchs, one residing at Kochanes in Central Koordistan, the other at Mosul, or Alkosh. Elias, the patriarch at the latter place, on his death in 1778, left two nephews, Hanna ( = John, the name he took at ordination, his own name being Hormuzd) and Jeshuyan. Both were already metropolitans, both became Catholics, and both were candidates for the patriarchate. The latter had scarcely reached the object of his ambition when he relapsed into Nestorianism. John, who re- mained Catholic, claimed the patriarchate in his place, a.d. 1782. He had bitter dis- putes, not only with his Nestorian relatives, but also with the Carmelite missionaries and the Patriarch Joseph, who still exer- cised jurisdiction at DiarbeMr. It was not till the close of the last century that he was recognised by Rome as the spiritual head of all the Chaldeans, and allowed to use the patriarchal seal and exercise patriarchal functions, and he then took the name Elias. He only received the pallium shortly before his death at Bagdad in 1841. He must have been bishop for more than sixty-three years ; but it appears from his autobiography, translated by Badger, that he was consecrated metro- politan at the age of sixteen. This last conversion to the Church embraced most of the Nestorians in the plains by the Tigris. Badger, writing in 1852, estimates the number of Catholics belonging to the Chaldean rite at 20,000, thinly scattered through the vast territory which extends from DiarbeMr to the frontiers of Persia, and from Tyari to Bagdad. The Chal- deans^ says Badger (i. p. 176), are supe- rior to their Nestorian countrymen " in civilisation, general intelligence, and eccle- siastical order." This is important testi- mony, coming, as it does, from an author who had extraordinary opportunities of judging correctly, and who writes with passionate vehemence against everything Catholic. Rome utterly abolished the hereditary succession to the patriarchate which had long prevailed among the Nestorians, and John was forbidden to make any of his relations bishops, but it was difficult to root out this abuse. A nephew of the Patriarch John actually became Nestorian for a few months, in 1834, that he might be consecrated metropolitan by the Nesto- rian patriarch and succeed his uncle, who is said to have approved of this proceed- ing. The devotion to the old patriarchal house nearly led to a schism, which was CHALDEAN RITE fomented by a Nestorian patriarch, Shi- moom, who fled from the Kurds to Mosul. Great discontent was caused in 1843 by an attempt of the Patriarch Zeiya to make the Chaldeans keep Easter according to the Latin reckoning. This patriarch was himself cited before the Holy Office on a charge of embezzlement, and resigned in 1846. The next patriarch, Joseph Audu, came into conflict with Rome on account of his claims to exercise jurisdiction over the Chaldeans in India, and because of his uncanonical ordinations. He was forbidden to consecrate bishops without leave from Rome. He refused to accept the decrees of the Vatican Council, which he attended, and renounced communion with Rome. A Capuchin, Bishop Fanciulli, was sent as Apostolic visitor to Mosul, and the patriarch made a qualified submission in July 1872. Soon after the patriarch re- newed the schism, induced some of the bishops and nobles to join him, and conse- crated bishops in defiance of the Pope. The revolt was fostered by the Turkish Government. The patriarch made his final submission in January 1877. According to the ordinary law the patriarch — unless Rome has previously appointed a coadjutor with right of suc- cession — is chosen by the bishops. The election, if canonical, is confirmed at Rome. He is subject not only to Propaganda but to the Latin Archbishop of Bagdad, as apostolic visitor. He resides at AJkosh and Mosul. The metropolitans and bishops, who are chosen from the monks, are nominated and consecrated by the patriarch. The metropolitan sees are Amedia, Mosul (both immediately subject to the pa- triarch), Kerkuk, and Sehna. The epi- scopal sees are Akra, Diarbekir, Gezir, Mardin, Salmas, Seert and Zaku. The secular priests are usually married, and partly support themselves by manual labour. The monks belong to the order of St. Anthony, and there are two monas- teries — a very ancient one, that of Rabban Hormuzd, at Alkosh, which in 1843 had an abbot and four monks, and a small one founded in modern times, and with scarcely any religious, that of Mar Yurgis ( = St. George), on the left bank of the Tigris, a few miles above Mosul. The monks live apart in cells which are mostly in the rock. They abstain from wine and spirits and from flesh, except on Christmas Day and Easter Sunday. The number of priests, secular and regular, is at present (1891) above 100; CHALICE the number of Catholics about 33,000. (Werner, " Orbis Terrarum Catholicus.") Bickell ("Conspectus rei Syrorum litterariae," Miinster, 1871, §§ vii.-x.) mentions the following printed editions of liturgical books of the Chaldean rite : " Missale Chaldaicum, et Decret. S. Con- gregat. de Propaganda Fide,"Eomse, 1767; " Psalterium Chaldaicum in usum nationis Chald." Romse, 1842 ; " Breyiarium Chal- daicum in usum nationis Chald. a Jose- pho Guriel, secundo editum," Romse, 1865, He also gives the titles of four liturgical books of the Chaldean rite, but intended for the church of Malabar — viz. " Ordo Chaldaicus Missae B. Apost. juxta ritum Eccles. Malabar." Romae, 1774; "Ordo Chaldaicus Rituum et Lectionum juxta morem Eccles. Malabar." Romse, 1775; " Ordo Chaldaicus Ministerii Sacrament. SS. quse perficiuntur a Sacerdot. juxta morem Eccles. Malabar." Romae, 1845; " Ordo Baptism. Adultorum juxta ritum Eccles. Malabar. Chaldseorum." Romse, 1869. In three instances there is an ex- ceptional use of the word Chaldee instead of Syriac in the titles of books meant for the Maronites — viz. " Missale Chaldaicum juxta ritum Eccles. nationis Maronita- rum," Romse, 1592 ; " Officium Defunc- torum ad ujjum Maronitarum Gregorii Xm. impensa Chaldaicis characteribus impressum,'' Romse, 1585, vol. ii. ; " Bre- viarii Chaldaici aestiva pars " (the former part, printed ten years earlier, is entitled simply, " Offic. Sanctorum juxta ritum Eccles. Maronit. pars hiemalis "), Romae, 1666. (Assemani has been our authority for the history down to the close of the seven- teenth century, then Badger, carefully compared with Silbernagl's " Kirchen des Orients ; " and for the events of the last few years, Hergenrother, " Kirchenge- schichte," vol. ii. p. 1009 seq.^ CH.a.IiZCE (calix, 7roTT)ptov). The cup used in Mass, for the wine which is to be consecrated. The rubrics of the Missal require that it should be of gold or silver, or at least have a silver cup gilt inside. It must be consecrated by the bishop with chrism, according to a form prescribed in the Pontifical. It may not be touched except by persons in holy orders. "We know nothing about the chalice which our Lord used in the first Mass. Venerable Bede relates that in the seventh century they exhibited at Jerusalem a great silver cup, with two handles, which our Saviour HimseK had used in celebrat- CHALIOE 153 ing the Eucharist, but antiquity knows nothing of this chalice, and it has no better claim to be regarded as genuine than the chalice of agate which is stiU shown at Valencia and claims also to be that used by Christ. Probably, the first chalices used by Christian priests were made of glass. It seems likely at least, though the inference cannot be called certain, from Tertullian's words, that in his time glass chaUces were commonly used in church, and undoubtedly such chalices were still common during the fifth century, as appears from the testi- monies of St. Jerome and Cyprianus G-allus, the biographer of St. Caesarius of Aries. Gregory of Tours mentions a crystal chalice of remarkable beauty, which belonged to the church of Milan. However, even before persecution had ceased, the Church began, from natural reverence for Christ's Blood, to employ more costly vessels. The Roman Book of the Pontiffs says of Pope Urban I. (226) that " he made all the holy vessels of silver." So, too, we read in the acts of St. Laurence's martyrdom, that he was charged by the heathen with having sold the altar-vessels of gold and silver, and with having given the proceeds to the poor ; while St. Augustine mentions two golden and six silver chalices, which were exhumed from the crypt of the church at Cirta. Of course, such precious chalices became more common when the Ohurch grew rich and powerful. Thus St. Chrysostom describes a chalice " of gold and adorned with jewels." In 857 the Emperor Michael ILL. sent Pope Nicolas L, among other presents, a golden chalice, surrounded by precious stones, and with jacinths suspended on gold threads round the cup. A precious silver chalice adorned with figures belonged to the church at Jerusalem, and was presented in 869 to Ignatius of Constantinople. But it is needless to multiply instances on this head. For a long time, however, chalices of horn, base metal, &c., were still used, and Binterim says that a copper chalice in which Ludger, the Apostle of Miinster, in the eighth century, said Mass, is still pre- served at Werden, where he founded an abbey. But very soon afterwards chalices of glass, horn, base metal, &c., were pro- hibited by a series of councils in England, Germany, Spain, and France, although chalices of ivory and of precious stone {e.g. of onyx) were still permitted. Gratian adopted in the Corpus Juris a 154 CHALICE-VEIL canon whicli he attributes to a Council of Eheims, otherwise unknown. The words of the canon are, " Let the chalice of the Lord and the paten be at least of silver, if not of gold. But if anyone be too poor, let him in any case have a chalice of tin. Let not the chalice be made of copper or brass, because from the action of the wine it produces rust, which occasions sickness. But let none pre- sume to sing Mass with a chalioe of wood or glass." (Hefele, " Beitrage," ii. p. 322 seq.) The practice of consecrating chalices is very ancient. A form for this purpose is contained in the Gregorian Sacrament- ary, as well as in the most ancient " Ordines Komani," and such consecration is usual among the Greeks and Copts. In the Latin Church, the bishop anoints the inside of the chalice with chrism, using at the same time appropriate prayers. The consecration is lost if the chalice be broken or notably injured, or if the inside is regilt. A decree prohibit- ing all except those in sacred orders to touch the paten or chalice is attributed to an early Pope, St. Sixtus, by the author of the " Liber Pontificalis." But Merati, who quotes this statement, admits that a Roman Ordo regards it as lawful for acolytes to do so. However, a Council of Braga, held in 563, confines the right of touching the sacred vessels to those who at least are subdeacons. Besides the chalice from which the priest took the Precious Blood, the ancients also used "baptismal chalices," from which the newly-baptised received communion under the species of wine, and " ministerial chalices " (" calices minis- teriales," "scyphi"), in which the Precious Blood was given to the people. This " ministerial " chalice was partly filled with common wine, and into this wine the celebrant poured a small quantity of the Precious Blood from the " calix ofier- torius" — i.e. the chalice with which he said Mass. (Benedict XIV. " De Miss." i. cap. 4.) CHAlilCS-VEZli. The veil with which the chalice is covered, called also " peplum " and " sudarium." It used to be of linen, but must now be of silk, as the rubric req u ires. The Greeks use three veils, one of which covers the paten, another the chalice, a third both paten and chalice. They call the third veil dT)p, because it encompasses the oblations. Cardinal Bona says this Greek custom beo-an in the church of Jerusalem, and CHANCELLOR, EPISCOPAL thence spread through the East. (Bene- dict XIV. "De Miss." i. cap. 5.) Benedict XIV. considers the antiquity of the chalice-veil to be proved by one of the Apostolic canons — viz. 72 (al. 73), which forbids the application of the church vessels or veils (odovrjv) to pro- fane uses. Hefele thinks this canon may belong to the latter half of the third century. But there does not seem to be any reason for alleging that the veil meant is the chalice-veil. Gavantus says that the chalice-veil is mentioned in the liturgy of St. Chrysostom (which, how- ever, has been altered since the saint's time) ; that silken chalice-veils were given to Pope Hormisdas (614-523), and that Amalarius mentions the Roman custom of bringing the chalice to the altar wrapped in a veil, CHANCEIm. The part of a church between the altar and the nave, so named from the rails {cancelli) which separated it from the nave. The word was in use before the Reformation, and the Anglicans still retain it. Among English Catholics it is now little used, the portion of the church near the altar, separated by rails from the nave, being designated the " sanctuary." In cathedrals and conven- tual churches, where space is required to accommodate the canons or the reli- gious, a portion of the church between the sanctuary and the nave is taken for the purpose ; it is not however called the "chancel," but the "choir," Er. cJweur. [See Choik.] CSAN^C£I.IiOR, EPZSCOFA.I. {cancellarius, from cancelli, a lattice, rail- ings). The place surrounded by railings, or lattice work, where the legal instruments which decisions in an imperial or royal court made necessary were prepared, was called " cancellaria." The word " can- cellarius " is first used in the sense of a secretary or notary by Cassiodorus — that is, in the middle of the sixth century. The jurisdiction of the bishop was in primitive times exercised by his arch- deacon [ Akchdbacon] ; but in proportion as the powers of the archdeacons were enlarged, a tendency manifested itself to make their jurisdiction independent of episcopal control, until at last an appeal actually lay from the archdeacon to the bishop. Such a state of things would inevitably make the bishop's own official, his " chancellor " — the person, whether a clerk or a layman, who had the charge of the judicial records of the diocese — a per- sonage of greater importance. Wo find, CHANCERY, EPISCOPAL accordingly, that in the three centuries preceding the Reformation, while the power of the archdeacon had everywhere declined, or was declining, the influence and importance of the bishop's chancellor were always on the ascendant. We find St. Edmund Rich, archbishop of Canter- bury, in the thirteenth century, carrying on an important and delicate negotiation with the monks of Christchurch chiefly through Richard, his chancellor, after- wards celebrated in the Church as St. Richard, bishop of Chichester. (See Gervase of Canterbury.) Canon law contains many regulations respecting the fees of ottice which chancellors are entitled to demand. CBAircERir, EPiscoPAXi. (See the article on Episcopal Chancellors.) Prom the chancery of a bishop proceed all those documents, deeds, certificates, licences, dispensations, &c., which are necessary to the publication, recognition, and execution of the acts which he per- forms in the exercise of the fivefold jurisdiction attributed to bim by the canon law, in which are included the powers of ordering, judging, correcting, dispensing, and administering. To these may be added the power of delegating or deputing. (Soglia, " De Potestate Juris- dictionis.") CHAia-CER-S-, PAP AX. : CRAia-- CERY TAXES, Ac. [See CURIA ROMANA.] CHATTT ECCXiESZASTZCAXi, CREGORZAir, &c. [See Plain Chant.] CHAiTTRir (Lat. capellama, Fr. chapellenie) . The ancient name in. this country — (1) of a chapel, aisle, or part of an aisle, in a church, set apart for the ofier- ing of the Holy Sacrifice for the benefit of the soul of a particular person, gene- rally the founder, or for some other pious purpose ; (2) of the institution and endowment of such a service : as when Chaucer praises his " Persone " for not leaving his parish " To seeken him a chaunterie for soules." All chantries were dissolved by the Acts of 1545 and 1547. They were then found to be more than a thousand in number. Chantries in the second of the above senses are divided by the canonists into three classes. (1) Mercenary, as when a testator leaves property to a lay- man with the charge of causmg Masses to be said for his soul. (2) Collative, CHAPLAIN 155 when property is left with an express in- junction that out of the revenue arising from it daily Mass, or a certain number ofMassesin theyear, should be celebrated; as to these chantries, the collation of the priests to serve them properly belongs to the bishop. (3) Chantries in private patronage. These only differ from the second class in that the nomination to them rests with the private patron ; but the institution must still come from the bishop. (Ferraris, Capellania.) CH APiiAlN" {capellanus, from capellUj chapel). The word capella, the de- rivation of which is doubtful, appears to have first come into use in Gaul, and to have been applied to the buildings, smaller than churches, which kings or bishops erected in their own palaces, that they might more conveniently and fre- quently attend divine worship. The priest appointed to the charge of such a chapel was called the "capellanus" or chaplain. As the number of such chapels increased, the chaplains became a numer- ous body, and were placed under an arch- chaplain, who was also called the Grand Almoner. Charlemagne selected bishops for this office of Grand Almoner. There are chaplains of many kinds, as the following enumeration shows : 1. Army chaplains. Various indults, privileges, and faculties have been granted to Catholic sovereigns by the Holy See in relation to priests stationed in barracks, or serving with an army in the field. In modern times the sovereigns have usually endeavoured to place army chaplains under the sole control of a royal or im- perial chaplain-major. This has been re- sisted by the Church, and it is decided that such chaplains, in the absence of an Apostolic brief otherwise providing, must be approved by the ordinary of the place. Thus a marriage contracted before an army chaplain, in the absence of such brief as aforesaid, is held to be null if cele- brated without the licence of the bishop. There are at present (1891) sixteen Catholic chaplains holding commissions now attached to the British army in Eng- land and the colonies. 2. Auxiliary chaplains. Appointed by parish priests as their coadjutors, and removable by them, but not without just cause. (See Ferraris, Capellanus, § 41.) 3. Cathedral chaplains. After the cojnmon life of canons ceased, and each drew his portion or prebend from the common fund, it became usual for them to reside at a distance from the cathedral 156 CHAPLAIN or collegiate churcli to wliicli they be- longed, and to pay chaplains to perform their ^ duties in choir for them. This practice was checked by the Council of Trent. [See Cano]^.] 4. Chaplains oi chantries (capellanise). [See Chantey.] A large proportion of the chantries which once existed were founded, not that Mass might be said for souls, but in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, or of some saint, or some particular mystery. The chaplains serving these were and are carefully regulated by the canon law, so that the course of episcopal and parochial discipline might not be troubled by their presence in a diocese. 5. Chaplains of confraternities. [See COKPEATERNITT.] Such chaplains cannot have processions without the express licence of the bishop. They are not to be removed without cause by the bishop against the wish of the brotherhood. 6. Court chaplains. How these ori- ginated under the early FranMsh kings has been already explained. Charlemagne gave to his episcopal arch-chaplain prece- dence overall the archbishops and bishops of his empire. The chaplains of the imperial and royal Courts had great power for centuries. By a Papal brief dated in 1857 the Holy See restored the office of arch-chaplain or Grand Almoner in France ; but with the collapse of the Second Empire the brief became inope- rative. At the Courts of Catholic sove- reigns in Germany the chaplains of an imperial or royal chapel now constitute a body of canons, and the chapel of the palace is regarded as a collegiate church. 7. Domestic chaplains. Priests ap- pointed to say Mass in the chapels at- tached to private houses, such as Coptfold Hall, Coughton, &c. 8. Episcopal chaplains. In early times the bishops had their private ora- tories, and as their dwellings grew to be palaces their first care was to provide them with suitaWe chapels, the clergy attached to which became episcopal chap- lains. In large and wealthy dioceses these became numerous, and were then placed under an episcopal arch-chaplain. At the present day, when the Church has in most countries of Europe been reduced to the greatest poverty, the chaplains of bishops usually act as their secretaries, or as masters of the ceremonies when they celebrate High Mass. 9. Chaplains of nunneries. These are of course very numerous, and to be found in every part of the Catholic world. CHAPTER, CATHEDRAL Canon law requires that they shall be of mature age, and in other ways enacts a minute discipline for their guidance. 10. Pontijical chaplains, attached to the Pope's chapel. They are of three classes : honorary, ceremonial, and secre- tarial. 11. Chaplains ot public institutions', e.g. workhouses, prisons, hospitals, and lunatic asylums. In all such appoint- ments the chaplain is, as a rule, nomi- nated by the civil authority, with the approval of the bishop of the diocese. CHAPTSR, CATHEBRAIi. [For the derivation, see Chaptee, Conven- tual.] The ancient name for the clergy of a cathedral church was Presbyterium ; the term " chapter " was borrowed from the assemblies of regulars. The history of chapters has been already partly traced in the article Canon. With the increase of the corporate property of chapters, the extended patronage arising from that increase, and the sense of dignity which the possession of that patronage en- gendered, a strong tendency developed itself in the course of the middle ages towards the independent existence of chapters, both cathedral and collegiate, and their exemption from episcopal control. There was a danger lest the canons of his cathedral, instead of form- ing the trusted council of the bishop, and assisting him in the administration of the diocese, as in primitive times, should be transformed into a body of dignified and wealthy ecclesiastics, burdened by very light duties, admission amongst whom would be desired by the upper classes for their sons, from motives much short of the purest. This happened to a great extent, and as a natural consequence col- lisions between bishops and chapters came to be of frequent occurrence. The Coun- cil of Trent applied itself to remedy this state of things, and partially restored the authority of the bishops over the chapters. A general right of visitation and cor- rection was asserted for them.^ A bishop was authorised to convene the chapter for any affairs which did not solely concern the interests of the canons and their dependents ; this power, however, was not to extend to his vicar-general. At meetings so convened the bishop was to preside, and due rank and honour were to be accorded him. On the other hand, many things important for the welfare of the diocese could at no time be settled by the bishop without the consent or advice ^ Sess. vi. c. 4, De Eeform. CHAPTEH, CATHEDRAL of his chapter ; and in this respect the Council made no change. Thus the consent of the chapter is required in the administration or alienation of the see- property, or in any case in which diminu- tion of the authority and privileges of the cathedral is threatened ; their advice must he had by the bishop before ordain- ing or instituting clerks/ before proclaim- ing public processions, convening synods, &c., &c. In England, in consequence of the Ehzabethan schism, the reforming influence of the Council of Trent could not assert itself; and hence, though the chapters were left, no attempt was made to bring back their action and authority into that harmony with those of the bishops which primitive piety required. Thus the present singular state of things gradually arose. The dean and chapter of an Anglican cathedral have their own separate property, the bishop of the same cathedral has his, and neither side inter- feres with the other. The chapter, say of Worcester Cathedral, has complete power over the church itself, with the exceptions presently to be mentioned ; but there its connection with the diocese ceases. It has no more to do with its government by the bishop than the chapter of Munich has. At a vacancy of the see, indeed, the chapter meets to go through the mockery of electing a new bishop ; but, as everyone knows, in the conge d'ilire sent down to them from London, the name of the Crown nominee is specified, and the chapter is not at liberty to reject it. On the other hand, the bishop has a legal right to a chair or throne in the cathedral, and to hold con- firmations in it, and here his power ends. He has no authority to summon meetings of the chapter for any purpose whatever, nor to control the dean or the canons in any way, except so far as, in their merely clerical capacity, they may become amen- able to his jurisdiction. The result is that an Anghcan chapter has entirely lost the primitive character of the " se- natus episcopi," and is generally regarded as a convenient institution by which a Government can pension and reward its principal clerical supporters. In the Catholic Church, amidst the unnumbered ills that have come upon it in every country of Europe, it is consoling to reflect that this particular evil at least, so rife in the middle ages, has in our day almost disappeared ; everywhere harmony 1 Ferraris, " Capitulum," art. ii. § 16. CJEAEACTEiR 157 and co-operation reign between the bishops and the cathedral chapters. In England every Catholic diocese has its chapter, presided over by a pro- vost, and usually numbering ten canons. In Ireland, out of twenty-eight dioceses, ten only have chapters, but these are larger than in England, are presided over by deans, and usually contain five or six dignitaries or officials of the diocese, besides the Canon Theologian and Canon Penitentiary prescribed by the Council of Trent. CHAPTIIR, CON^VEITTUAIi {capitulum, a chapter). It was and is the common practice of monks to assemble every morning to hear a cJmpter of the rule read, and for other purposes. Both the meeting itself and the place of meet- ing gradually obtained the name of Capitulum or chapter from this practice. The assembly of the monks of one monastery being thus designated "the chapter," it is easy to understand that assemblies of all the monks in any pro- vince, or of the whole order, came to be called " provincial " or " general " chap- ters. A general chapter, in the case of most of the orders, is held once in three years. CHAPTER-HOUSE. The place of meeting of the canons of a cathedral, or the religious of a monastery. Till the thirteenth century it was generally rec- tangular ; after that time the polygonal or round form came in, as at Salisbury, Lincoln, and York. Chapter-houses were sometimes richly adorned; at West- minster Abbey, for instance, a band of fresco, the painting of which has con- siderable merit, ran round the interior of the building ; the remains of this, lately opened to public view, are of great interest. A large round chapter-house, with seats for sixty — the number of the monks — extremely plain in its archi- tecture, but efi'ective from the symmetry and boldness of its forms, was lately erected by the Cistercians at their house of Mount St. Bernard's in Leicestershire. CHAPTERS. [See Three Chap- tees, The.] CHARACTER (xapaKTr^p). A stamp on coins, seals, &c., and in its theological sense, a spiritual mark indelibly impressed on the soul, by baptism, confirmation, and holy order, which sacraments cannot be reiterated without sacrilege. That these sacraments do really impress a character is taught by the Council of Florence, in the "decree of union," and is solemnly 168 CHARACTER affirmed by the Council of Trent (Sess. vii. can. 9, De Sacram. in Gen.) as an article of faith. The Fathers of Trent content themselves with defining character as a "spiritual and indelible mark," on account of which the three sacraments which confer it cannot be reiterated, But St. Thomas, who is followed by other theologians, points out that character marks the recipient in some special way for the worship of God and also conveys certain powers. Thus baptism stamps a man indelibly as a Christian and enables him to receive the other sacraments: confirmation makes him a good soldier of Christ, and conveys particular powers of confessing the faith : by holy order he becomes a minister of Christ, and is empowered to perform certain sacred functions.^ The truth of the Church's doctrine on this matter is shown by the fact that it has always been accounted sacrilege to reiterate the three sacraments of baptism, confirmation and order. There must, there- fore, be something in these sacraments which separates them from the other four, which may be lawfully received over and over again. Nor can it be said with any show of reason that the modern doctrine of character is an invention of the middle ages, first set forth by Inno- cent III. From the earliest times. Chris- tian writers — e.g. Clement of Alexan- dria '-^ — speak of baptism as " the seal of the Lord" {a TZAir. Our Lord himself declared " by this shall men know that ye are my disciples, because ye love one another," and the heathen felt that a new spiritual power was in their midst when they beheld the manifestations of Christian love. The fact that the Christian religion taught its disciples to pray for all men, to love all, and to sacrifice themselves for all, is a most solid and a most touching proof that the Christian religion is divine. With scarcely an exception, every work and institute of mercy existing in the world is of Christian origin, direct or indirect. The same kind of proof may be brought to show that the Catholic religion is the one true form of Chris- tianity. No doubt, many Protestants have been conspicuous for philanthropy, and, as Protestants have preserved much of the Catholic belief, we need not be surprised to find this belief producing its natural fruit in works of mercy. It is true, however, on the other hand, that the Catholic Church has laboured for the souls and bodies of men to an extent un- known in other systems, and Protestants offer an unconscious testimony to the superiority of the Catholic religion by imitating many of its institutes for the relief of the poor and suffering. Much information on this head will be found in the articles on religious orders founded for works of this kind. Here, we can only give a brief account of the different direc- tions in which Catholic charity has shown itself. We shall speak first of spiritual, then of corporal, mercy. (A.) We find religious orders erected with the special view of succouring the fallen, or saving those who are exposed to danger of sin. Such was the double order of Fontevraud, erected for male and female penitents, towards the close of the CHAEtTY, WORKS OF 159 eleventh centuiy, by Robert of Arbris- selles, who was endowed with wonderful power for the conversion of sinners. The order spread over France, Spain, and England. A century later, the famous preacher Fulk of Neuilly and Ray mund de JPalmariis also laboured for fallen women. Other orders with this object have been founded in modern times. The orders established for the instruction of the poor in Christian doctrine by means of missions, &c., and for the teaching of youth, both of the higher and lower classes, are past reckoning. The missions to the heathen are a creation of the Catho- lic Church. They were adopted by Pro- testants long after the rise of the new belief, and, like Sunday-schools, missions to people already Christian, sisterhoods, &c., are borrowed from the old religion. (JS.) The care of the Church for the bodies of the poor shines forth, not only in the lives of saints, but in the Church's ordinary law. By ancient regulation, a, fourth part of the Church revenues was devoted to the poor : if extreme distress prevailed, even the sacred vessels were sold for the support of the needy. In many monasteries hundreds of poor people were fed every day ; while in most churches funds for the poor, called "mensse pau- perum," " mensse S. Spiritus," were esta- blished. Further, the Church showed her care for the suffering and the indigent by the foundation of houses in which they were received and tended. Public institu- tions of this sort were scarcely possible during the period of heathen persecution ; but whenever the peace of the Church was secured, the bishops began to have houses erected for the reception of strangers (Xenodochia), of the sick (Noso- comia), of the poor (Ptochotrophia), of orphans and foundlings (Orphanotrophia and Brephotrophia"), and of old people (Gerontocomia). About the middle of the fourth century, we hear of a hospital for the sick at Sebaste in Armenia ; while the hospital erected through the zeal of Basil the Great was of a size so vast that it was often compared to a town. In the different sections of the building unfor- tunate people of every kind were received — the poor, exiles, lepers, &c. Half a century earlier, St. Chrysostom spent all the spare revenues of his church in re- storing old hospitals and erecting new ones. In the West, Paulinus founded a house for the poor, for the sick, and for widows. It is to be observed that in Western as well as Eastern Europe the 160 OHAiliTY, WORKS OF first institutions of this kind were erected by bishops. Not that the laity were remiss in promoting works of charity. Fabiola, the friend of St. Jerome, the Emperor Justinian, the Empress Eudoxia, and a multitude besides, were all distin- guished as the founders of hospitals ; still, the bishops led the way. During the middle ages, the Scottish monks — i.e. monks from Scotland or Ire- land — seem to have founded the earliest hospitals. The good work was greatly promoted by Alcuin, who seems to have influenced Charlemagne in this direction, and to have encouraged the bishops to found hospitals in their dioceses. Two yeara after Charlemagne's death, a Council of Aix la Chapelle issued statutes on this matter which deserve special notice. The bishops were required, after the example of the Fathers, to provide a house for the poor, and to support it from the Church funds. The canons were to resign a tenth part of their income in its favour. It was to be near the church, and under the care of a cleric, and in penitential seasons the canons were to wash the feet of the poor. Whether these hospitals were endowed by clerics or lay people, they were placed under the jurisdiction of the Church, a point settled in the East, e.g. by the ordinances of Justinian, and in the West by Charlemagne and the decrees of councils and Popes. Even if a prince founded a hospital, still it was not as a secular ruler, but as a Christian, that he did so ; it was not state policy, but the living spirit of Christianity which had called hospitals into being : it was not State revenues, but gifts bestowed, some- times by ecclesiastics, sometimes by secu- lar rulers, sometimes by private indivi- duals, but always for the love of God, which maintained them after their founda- tion. The Council of Trent, again, en- forces the obligation which lay upon bishops of watching over benevolent in- stitutions. And the Church did her work well. " With such intelligence," says Von Raumer, " was the inner management [of such institutions] conducted as in truth to excite astonishment and admiration." True, even in the middle ages lay ad- ministrators did occasionally, to the great injury of the suffering poor, usurp the control of hospitals. But it was the Reformation which began to sever on principle the bond which connected works of benevolence with the power of the Church till modern statecraft completely CHARITY, WORKS OP' snapped the link and substituted natural for Christian benevolence. No Catholic can approve of a change which is opposed to the whole tradition of the Church and to every Catholic instinct. Nor do results recommend the so-called emancipation of benevolence from the Church. The feel- ing of brotherhood between rich and poor has been changed to a great extent into positive enmity, and the State itself has suffered in consequence from the spread of Socialism. The poor accept State aid without gratitude, because it is very often given without real charity. Every expe- rienced person knows the horror with which they regard the workhouse, and, on the other hand, the readiness with which indigent CathoHcs enter a house of refuge cared for by religious — such, for example, as the Little Sisters of the Poor or the Sisters of Nazareth. This leads us to speak of another characteristic feature in Catholic charity. It was not only, or even chiefly, that the Church founded houses for the relief of the poor and suffering ; she infused into her children a spirit which made them count it an honour to tend their suffering brethren, and, if need be, to sacrifice life itself in their behalf. From early times, bishops, like St. Basil the Great and St. Gregory Nazianzen, found time to tend the sick and minister to them with their own hands. Persons of the highest rank, such as Placilla, wife of Theodosius the Great, performed the most menial services for them. In the middle ages, St. Eliza- beth of Hungary, from the time of her widowhood — i.e. from her twenty-first year — went daily to the hospital, gave the patients food and medicine, bound up their wounds and applied remedies to ulcers, from the very sight of which others shrank in horror. Everybody knows the love St. Francis had for the poor, and his tender care of the suffering, particularly of lepers. Whole orders were founded for this personal attendance on helpless sufferers, and the poor learned to love those who were born to wealth, when they saw the richest and the noblest among them making themselves the ser- vants of the poor ; they learned to bear their own poverty patiently, when they saw the rich counting it an honour to be poor for Christ's sake. Among such orders we may name the Canons Regular of St. Antony of Vienne, founded by a French nobleman, Gaston, towards the end of the eleventh century, for the succour of persons afflicted with " St. Antony's fire/' CHAHITY, WOUKS OF a horrible disease, then raging in West- ern Europe ; the Jesuats, a confraternity formed by B. John Colombino, which occupied itself in the preparation of medi- cines, &c., for the sick ; the " Clerks Regu- lar, Ministers of the Sick," also called " the Fathers of a Good Death," established at the end of the sixteenth century by St. Oamillus of Lellis ; the " Sisters of Charity," founded by St. Vincent of Paul; and other orders founded for the same ends and animated by the same heroic zeal, the name of which is legion. The Catholic Church has also allevi- ated the hardships of prison life. The lot of prisoners was changed wherever Chris- tianity became the religion of the State. The sexes were separated ; care was taken that they should never lack the consola- tions of religion ; greater liberty and better food were allowed to them on Sundays ; the bishop had to visit the prisons every week, and to see that there were no abuses in the administration of discipline. In the middle ages, the Church exercised her tempering and restraining influence on the roughness and barbarity of the times. During that period, the constant wars subjected many innocent persons to imprisonment; and, accordingly, it was common for pious persons to devote large sums of money to the redemption of cap- tives. Help was given in other ways, but all the works of mercy to captives were surpassed by the Trinitarian Order — an institute devoted to the redemption of captives from slavery under the Saracens. The rule of the Order of the Trinity was approved by Innocent III., in 1198 ; in 1223, a similar order, '^for the redemp- tion of captives," was established in Spain. In the seventeenth century, St. Vincent of Paul laboui'ed for the galley-slaves, and changed places which had been like hell on earth into abodes of penance, resigna- tion and peace. The Sisters of Notre Dame de la Charity, of St. Joseph, &c., have undertaken the superintendence of female prisoners, and tiU lately almost every prison for women in France and Belgium was under the care of nuns. Statesmen themselves have admitted that by religious, and religious only, could prisons be successfully managed. We pass over, for want of space, the orders devoted to the care of the insane, the blind, deaf and dumb, &c., and will only touch in conclusion on one other work of Catholic charity. In early times and in the middle ages it was often diffi- cult to borrow money except at usurious CHAETOPHYLAX 161 rates. To meet this evil, the Franciscan Father Barnabas of Terni, under Pius II. (1458-64), erected the first Monte di PietA* at Perugia, in the States of the Church. The rich contributed capital, from chari- table motives, and this was lent to the poor, on security indeed, but at a very low rate of interest. Soon almost every city in Italy had its Monte di Pieta. Several Popes, the Fifth Lateran Council, and the Council of Trent, confirmed these institutions, which in past times produced incalculable good. No doubt many of these orders and institutes of charity fell away from their first zeal, and were abused for selfish ends. But holy souls have never been wanting to reform what was amiss, and to come with fresh help to the relief of their brethren. The words of the Psalm have been constantly fulfilled by Christ in his Church : " He will judge the poor of his people, and save the children of the poor." (From Hefele, "Beitrage zur Kirchen- geschichte, Archaologie," &c.) CH ARTOPHYliAX(more often spelt Carthophylax). The name signifies "keeper of the records " merely, and such was the original function of the ecclesiastics who held the office in the Eastern Church, answering to that of bihliothecariics among the Latins ; but in course of time other duties, carrying with them a correspond- ing increase of charge, influence, and dig- nity, were imposed on the chartophylax. Yet it appears from the canons of Nice that in the fourth century the chartophy- lax of a cathedral was inferior in rank to the archdeacon, and was bound to obey him. But at Constantinople, the power and pre-eminence of the chartophylax, as a kind of secretary or grand chamberlain to the Patriarch, attained after a time to a great height. An exact appreciation of his office, and of the dignities attaching to it, as they stood in the ninth century, is given by a contemporary writer — Anas- tasius the bibliothecarian. The post of chartophylax in other cathedral churches in the East appears to have been assimi- lated more or less to that of the church of Constantinople; and hence this official, representing the bishop and exercising his jurisdiction, held in the Eastern nearly the same position as the archdeacon in the Western Church. Even at this day the Uniate Greeks of the Austrian Empire retain the office; with them, "thecartho- phylax directs the business of the episcopal chancery, and is one of the members of the metropolitan or cathedral chapter. M 162 CHARTREUX along with tlie arclipriest or cLief provost, tlie archdeacon or lector, the primiceriiis or precentor, the ecclesiarch or church- warden, and the scholaster or master of ceremonies." (See the rest of the article by Hausle, in Wetzer and Welte.) CKiLRTRSVX. [See Caethttsians.] CHASTTBltE (Lat. casula, pcenula, planeta ; and in Greek, (peXoviov or (f)€- Xa>vLov, from (f}aLv6kr]s, or (f)e\6vr]S) identi- cal with pcBnuld). The chief garment of a priest celebrating Mass. It is worn out- side the other vestments. Among the Greeks, it still retains its ancient form of a large round mantle. Among the Latins, its size has been curtailed, but it still covers the priest on both sides, and de- scends nearly to the knees. In France, Belgium, and very often in England, a cross is marked on the back : in Italy, this cross is usually in front. In the West, all who celebrate Mass wear the same chasuble, but among the Greeks, the chasuble of a bishop is ornamented with a number of crosses {(f)aiv6\iov TroXvo-rav- ptov), while an archbishop wears a difier- ent vestment altogether, viz. the o-aACKos-, which is supposed to resemble the coat of Christ during His Passion. In Russia, even bishops, since tlie time of Peter the Great, have worn the auKKos. The chasuble is derived from a dress once commonly worn in daily life. Classi- cal writers often mention the " pfenula," or large outer garment which the Romans wore on journeys or in military service. "Casula, from which our word chasuble is obtained, does not occiu* in pure La- tinity. It was, however, used in later ages, as an equivalent for the "psenula," or mantle. We first meet with the word in the will of Caesarius of Aries (about 640), and in the biography of his contempo- rary Fulgentius of Ruspe. In both in- stances, "casula" denotes a garment used in common life. Isidore of Seville (about 630) uses the word in the same sense, and explains it as a diminutive of " casa," because, like a little house, it covered the whole body. The same author tells us that " planeta " comes from the Greek TrXavaco, " to wander," because its ample folds seemed to wander over the body. It is plain, from the examples given by Ducange, that " planeta," like " casula " and " paenula," denoted a dress worn by laymen as well as clerics. It is in the former half of the sixth century that we find the first traces of the chasuble as an ecclesiastical vestment. In the famous mosaic at San Vitale, in OttAStTBLE Ravenna, the archbishop, Maximus, is represented wearing a vestment which is clearly the chasuble, and over which the pallium is suspended. The chasuble has the same shape which prevailed till the eleventh century. The Fourth Council of Toledo, in 633, makes express mention of the " planeta," as a priestly vestment. Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople, about 716, uses the word (peXdiviov in the same technical sense ; while at the begin- ning of the ninth century, Amalarius of Metz speaks of the '^casula" as the "gene- ral garment of sacred leaders" ("generale indumentum sacrorum ducum "). Almost at the same time, Rabanus Maurus gives the derivation of *' casula " quoted above from Isidore of Seville, and goes on to say that it is " the last of all the vest- ments, which covers and preserves all the rest." Later authors of the middle age copy their predecessors ; and even Inno- cent III. adds nothing of his own save certain mystical meanings implied in the use of the vestment. To sum up, the chasuble was first of all an ordinary dress ; from the sixth century at latest it was adapted to the use of the Church, till gradually it be- came an ecclesiastical dress pure and simple. But did it at once become dis- tinctive of the priesthood ? The question admits of no certain answer. The eighth " Ordo Romanus " distinctly prescribes that acolytes, in their ordination, should receive the "planeta" or chasuble. Amalarius, in like manner, declares that the chasuble belongs to all clerics. On the other hand, almost all ancient writers who refer to the Church use of the chasuble regard it as the distinctive dress of priests. Cardi- nal Bona mentions this difficulty without venturing to explain it. Hefele suggests that as the Greek c^ekovLov signifies (1) a chasuble in the modem sense, (2) a Idnd of collar, reaching from the neck to the elbows, which is worn by lectors or readers, so the Latin word "planeta" may have been also employed as the name of two distinct vestments. But even if this explanation is correct, the fact remains that even now the deacon and subdeacon in High Mass during Advent and Lent wear chasubles folded in front, laying them aside while they sing the Gospel and Epistle. This custom is mentioned by Hugo of St. Victor (d. 1140). The form of the chasuble has under- gone great alterations. The ancient chasuble, which enveloped the whole body, was found very inconvenient, and CHERUBIM hence, in the twelfth century, it was curtailed at the sides, so as to leave the arnas free. Of this kind is a chasuble said to have been used by St. Bernard. In shape, it resembles what is now known as the Gothic chasuble, althouofh the ornaments upon it are not Gothic, but Romanesque. At a later date, the chasuble was still further curtailed, till in the Rococo period all resemblance to the original type disappeared. However, even in Italy, attempts were made to re- call the ancient shape, at least to a certain extent. Thus St. Charles Borromeo, in a provincial council, ordered that the chasubles for the Ambrosian rite should be about four and a half feet wide, and should reach nearly to the heels. Various symbolical significations have been given to the chasuble. The earliest writers make it a figure of charity, which, as Rabanus Maurus says, " is eminent above all the other virtues." This is the most popular explanation of the sym- bolism ; but we also find it regarded by an ancient writer as typical of good works ; ancient Sacramentaries and Mis- sals consider it as the figure of sacer- dotal justice, or of humility, charity, and peace, which are to cover and adorn the priest on every side ; while the prayer in the Roman Missal connects the chasuble with the yoke of Christ. (Hefele, " Bei- trage zur Kirchengeschichte, Archaologie und Liturgik," p. 195 seq.) CHERVBznx. Superhuman beings, often mentioned in Scripture. They guarded the entrance to Paradise after the fall ; the images of two cherubim overshadowed the ark; God is represented in the Psalms as sitting or throned upon the cherubim; Ezekiel saw them in vision, with wings, with human hands, full of eyes and with four faces, viz. those of a man, lion, ox, and eagle. The Fathers generally are agreed in regarding them as angels ; for the opinion of Theodore of Mopsuestia,^ who denied this, seems to be quite singular in Christian antiquity. They form the second among the nine orders of angels. What the meaning of the word is, it is difficult even to con- jecture. Most of the Fathers explain the word as meaning knowledge, or the full- ness of knowledge ; but, as Petavius j ustly remarks, this derivation finds no support either in Hebrew or Chaldee. Many con- jectural derivations have been suggested by modern scholars. In a cuneiform in- scription copied by M. Lenormant, ** Kiru- 1 Petav. De Angelis, lib. ii. cap. 3. CHINESE RITES 163 bu" is a synonym of the Steer-god, whose winged image filled the place of guardian at the entrance of the Assyrian palaces. With this word, the Hebrew cherub may be connected, and the etymology may belong to some non-Semitic language.- CHXi.]> OF MARY. About the year 1560 a Jesuit professor at the Roman College, named John Leonius (?), used to assemble a number of his students after lecture to give them pious discourses and to guide them in their spiritual difficulties. These gather- ings were placed under the protection of the Blessed Virgin. The members undertook to do their best to advance in piety and learning; they heard Mass every morning ; once a week they went to confession, and once a month to Holy Communion. On Sundays they visited the hospitals and performed other works of mercy. The young society soon began to attract attention. Gregory XIIL, in 1584, gave it his hearty approval. NumeroiiS branches were formed in imitation of the original. The only bond of union between them, besides identity of aim and practices, was aggregation to the parent congregation in Rome which is called " Prima Primaria." The members were everywhere distinguished for their virtue, and were looked upon as the champions of orthodoxy against heretics and infidels. In 1748 Benedict XIV., himself a member, published the " Golden Bull," Gloriosce DomincB, in which the confraternity was strongly commended and enriched with numerous indulgences. The expulsion of the Jesuits from Prance, in 1762, where the '' Congregation," as it was called, especially flourished, led to the suppression of the confraternity there. After the Revolution it revived; and during the Restoration a fierce battle raged between the " Congregationistes " and the Liberals, ending in their suppres- sion once more in 1830. It has since, however, been re-established. Pius IX. and Leo XIII. have both highly favoured the institute. The confraternity was thrown open to women and young girls, and in this form is perhaps more familiar to us than the male branch from which it originally sprang. (See " La Congregation," by M. de Grandmaison, and the art. Sodality.) CHZiiXASivx. [See Millennitim.] CHZl«JSSx: RITES. The Jesuit mis- sionary St. Francis Xavier desired to preach the Gospel in China, but his wish was not 1 See Cheyne on Isaiah, vol. ii. p. 273. m2 164 CHINESE RITES fulfilled, and he died in the forty-fifth year of his age, a.d. 1562, on the httle island of Sancian, close to the great empire which was the object of his longing. His religious brethren entered on the labour which he had left undone, and worked with great apparent success. Father Ricci's mathematical knowledge secured the favour of the Imperial Court. He devoted himself to the mission twenty- seven years (1582-1610), and left behind him 300 churches, one of which was in the capital, Pekin. A German Jesuit, Schall, who came on the field in 1622, was also a distinguished mathematician. Shortly afterwards a great change oc- curred in the fortunes of the Chinese mission. It had been left entirely in Jesuit hands ; indeed, Gregory XIII. had in 1585 forbidden the members of other orders to enter China. But this restric- tion was removed, and in 1631 the first Dominican missionaries appeared, who were followed in 1633 by another Domi- nican, Morales, and by Franciscans. The new missionaries, and especially Morales, accused the Jesuits of gaining so-called converts by an unworthy compliance with Chinese idolatry and superstition ; and the famous controversy on the Chinese rites began. We shall have occasion to enter upon the precise nature of the Jesuit concessions later. Here we con- tent ourselves with stating the main con- tention as given by the Jesuit advocate Pray (" Hist. Controversiarum de Rit. Sinicis," p. 9 seq.). Ricci and his suc- cessors, Pray tells us, considered the offer- ings of food and the marks of homage given to the dead in general, and to Con- fucius the great Chinese philosopher in particular, as certainly free from idolatry, and probably even from superstition. Further, the Jesuits allowed their con- verts to use as the name of God the Chinese words signifying ^^Lord of Heaven," or " Lord of the Sky," or even the single word Tien — " sky " or " heaven," and they exhibited in their churches tablets with th.Q inscription " King tien," '^ adore the sky." These were the prac- tices known as the Chinese rites or usages. In 1643 the Dominicans sent Morales to Rome, and he submitted to the Con- gregation of Propaganda seventeen pro- positions on the Chinese usages tolerated by the Jesuits. These usages, after con- sultation with theologians and the Roman Inquisition, were prohibited by Innocent X., till the Holy See should otherwise CHINESE RITES determine. Meanwhile, the Jesuit Mar- tini tried to convince the authorities at Rome that the impugned customs had nothing to do with religion, and that the success of the Catholic Church in China depended on their being permitted. He obtained from the Inquisition a decree, confirmed in 1656 by Alexander VII. This edict allowed the practice of the Chinese rites, provided they possessed a merely civil character, were free from all admixture of idolatry, and could not be omitted without grave loss to the Chinese Christians. The complaints, however, were renewed by three Lazarists whom Alexander VII. had made vicars-apo- stolic, and Clement IX. in 1669 renewed the decrees of 1645 and 1656, with a significant addition in which the regulars were ordered to obey the vicars-apo- stolic. While these disputes were dividing the missionaries into two hostile camps, the Jesuits were rising in the favour of the Court, and in 1692 the emperor Khang Hi publicly announced that the Jesuits had fuU leave to preach, and his own subjects to embrace Christianity. Still the opposition of the other mission- aries lasted. The Lazarist vicar-apo- stolic forbade the rites in 1693, and sent a priest to Rome three years later to justify the step which had been taken. Inno- cent XII. died before the commission he had appointed had settled the question, but his successor Clement XI. took the matter vigorously in hand, and, desirous of full information, sent Tournon, patri- arch of Antioch, to China as Apostolic legate in 1703. After examination of the points at issue, Tournon in 1707 con- demned the Chinese rites as idolatrous, and in consequence of his evangehcal courage was imprisoned by the Chinese emperor. It is a melancholy fact that the Portuguese at Macao were not ashamed to act as his gaolers, and there he died in 1710, after his elevation to the dignity of cardinal. The Jesuits and bishops who thought with them appealed against the legate's decision to Rome ; but they found less favour there than at Pekin. Clement XI. confirmed decrees of the Inquisition (1709 and 1710) in accordance with Tournon's decision, and finally closed the question by the Bull ^'Ex ilia die" (1715). Every Catholic missionary in China was required to promise on oath aU possible resistance to the rites. It was in vain that a new legate, Mezzabarba, tried to modify Clement's ruling. The prohibi- tion was renewed is all its force, the CHINESE RITES concessions of Mezzabarba recalled, and the oath again exacted by Benedict XIY. We have abstained of set purpose from discussing the serious charges of rebellion against and cruelty to Cardinal Tournon which are made against the Jesuits. They are contained in the " Anecdotes sur l'6tat de la religion daus la Chine " (first volume, 1783), by Viller- maules ; in the " Memorie Storiche del Cardinale di Tournon" (Venice, 1761-2), prepared, as is commonly alleged, by that determined opponent of the Jesuits, Car- dinal Passionei ; and in the Lazarist " Me- moirs of the Congregation of the Mission " (vol. iv.-viii.), collated with other autho- rities in the Vatican library by Father Theiner, but suppressed by Pius IX., and now an exceedingly rare book. The charges have often been repeated, e.g. by the Protestant historian Mosheim, and they are answered by Pray in the work men- tioned above. The writer of this article does not possess the knowledge which would entitle him to an opinion, and what he has read on either side proceeds from writers too much influenced by party spirit to inspire confidence. But, after all, the conduct of the Jesuits to Tournon is not a question of theological moment. It affects the conduct of individuals, or at most of a religious order, but it has nothing to do with the great principles at stake. Fortunately these principles have been stated with Christian moderation and with rigid impartiality by the cele- brated Dominican, Natalis Alexander. It is only right to compare his account with that of Pray, but we are confident that the result can only enhance the credit of Natalis Alexander. Besides this, a very clear and authoritative state- ment of the controversy ■will be found in the decree of the Roman Inquisition which bears date November 20, 1704, and is printed at length in the " M^moires pour Rome sur I'^tat de la religion chr6- tienne dans la Chine " (1709 ; no place of publication given). It is well known that Confucius, who lived about 600 years before Christy was in no sense a religious teacher, or even a philosopher, if by that term we under- stand one who investigates the ultimate causes of things. He laid down rules of life based on utility, inculcated great re- spect fur order and for public authority, and great reverence for ancestors, for ancient custom, for all, in short, which represented the traditions of Chinese CHINESE RITES 166 civilisation. For the rest, he was con- tent to let religion alone ; and the ruling classes then, as now, were mostly atheistic, their atheism, however, being perfectly compatible with belief in fate, and in a quasi-immortality of the soul, so far as this, that the forces which constitute man's life were supposed to endure after death mingled with other powers of natui'e, and with a boundless toleration of popular superstition as a means of re- straint suitable to the multitude. Now the Jesuits may have had some excuse for allowing the neophytes to call God the "Lord of Heaven," or even " Heaven," though apparently the Chinese literati used these terms in a pantheistic and materialistic sense. Even here they went to lengths manifestly dangerous and even reprehensible, and we cannot wonder that the Roman Inquisition refused to sanc- tion the inscription " Adore the sky " as suitable for a Christian church. (See the second article in the questions proposed to the Inquisition.) But the worship of an- cestors, and especially of Confucius, was far more scandalous. "We will quote a de- scription of this worship by a Jesuit Father, Le Comte, who took a prominent part in the dispute. " They prostrate themselves before the name of Confucius, before the name and the tomb of the ancestors. Oiierings are made of food and vegetables. Incense is burnt. The duty is acknow- ledged of respect for the one (Confucius) and gratitude to the others (the ancestors). Such has been their immemorial practice ; this is the essence of the rites. That, then, IS good and laudable. What more do we want? We do not even ask so much, and we limit ourselves to that which is in- dispensably attached to the functions of public office " (Lettre du R. P. le Comte, p. 74; apud N. A. Lettre 1, p. 25). Even this is a very inadequate ac- count. Confucius was venerated as the greatest of the sons of man (see decree of the Inquisition in 1704, super iv. artic.) He was addressed in these words — " All hasten to offer thee sacrifices and prayers. .... Let thy spirit come towards us " (" Apologie des Domioicains," append, pp. 37 and 211; apud N. A. Lettre 1, p. 41). Ancestors were worshipped ac- cording to a maxim of Confucius, as actually present, and they were invited to rest in their pictures. Even the athe- istic Mandarins believed that the subtle air of the sky into which the souls of the dead had been dissolved was at- tracted to earth by sacrifice and the 166 CHIVALRY other rites, and devotion to ancestors was believed to ensure good luck. The ruin of the Chinese mission is said to have followed the decision hostile to the "rites." But ruin was preferable to success, bought so dear. No one who hasjead St. Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians can reasonably doubt what his decision would have been. Christ has no fellowship with idols, and the rehgion which is from above, as another great authority reminds us, is first " pure," then, and only then, " peaceable." [The authorities consulted for this arti- cle are Pray, " Hist. Controvers. de Rit. Sin." Buda-Pesth, 1789; Pignatelli, " Consult. Canon." tom. y. Consult. 46 ; Natalis Alexander, " Lettres d'un docteur del'ordre de S. Dominique sur les C^r^mon- ies de la Chine ; " an anonymous work in the British Museum, "M6moires pour Rome sur r(5tat de la religion chr(5tienne dans la Chine," 1709, which contains im- portant documents ; Cardinal Hergen- rother, " Kirchengeschichte," vol. ii. p. 629 seq. ; article " Accommodationstreit," in the new edition of the " Kirch enlexikon." Information has also been derived from the Saturday Revieiu, December 13, 1884, and the Month, February 1885.] CHlVi^.liRir (Lat. caballvsy a horse). The system of ideas prevalent among the mounted men-at-arms (Fr. chevalier, It. cavaliero, Span, caballero, Ger. Hitter, Eng. Tcniffht) of the middle ages, and which still influences their descendants and European society in general, to a greater or less degree, is known by this name. The Equites, the equestrian order, of ancient Rome summon before the mind no corresponding associations. The three patrician tribes constituted, indeed, the '^ horsemen" in the organisation of Servius TuUius, and had the first place both in arms and in politics. But before the end of the Republic commercialism invaded the equestrian order, and when we speak of a " Roman knight," or eques, the name suggests a selfish capitalist, wringing taxes out of oppressed provincials, and living in vugar luxury at Rome ; it is as far as possible from calling up any of the ideas which we associate with the term " chivalry." After the disruption of the empire of Charlemagne, the importance of horse- soldiers in war continually increased. For this there were various reasons : among others the improvements made in armour, which required that the weight CHIVALRY of the panoply should be borne by the horse he rode, so that the warrior might preserve freedom and celerity of move- ment. But the chief reason was the condition of European society, under which, in the absence of strong central authority in the various countries, power was sown broadcast over thousands of principalities, counties, and fiefs. The holders of these had no other way of deciding which should rule the other, or believed they had none, but by going to war. Horses and armour, like breech- loading rifles at the present day, gave an advantage to those using them over foot- soldiers ; whoever, therefore, could afibrd it went into battle on horseback. The "miles Crassi" was a sturdy footman, armed with the pilum, the ensis, and the scutmn ; the " miles " of the eleventh century was a horseman cased in as much armour as he could bear the weight of, and attended by lightly-armed followers on foot. The principles of courage and fidelity may have been transmitted to the knights of the eleventh century from their Teutonic or Iberian ancestors; in these respects a Hermann or a Viriathus left little to be desired. But if ferocity and rapacity were to be indulged without check, if cruelty and injustice, availing themselves of the weakness of law, were to be, without protest, the accompaniment and the fruit of the warrior's toils, no amehoration of the general lot could be hoped for, though extraordinary viUany might be repressed by extraordinary chastisement,^ until the expiration of the long period required to weld a loose feudal aristocracy into an orderly law- governed State. Religion here stepped in, and endeavoured to consecrate and transform that rough struggle for supe- riority which was everywhere going on. The cavalier was not to desist from war ; that was an impossible requirement, and he was generally fit for not much else; but he was to draw the sword for just causes only, to succour the oppressed, resist attack and encroachment, and support his liege lord according to his oath. He was to be immovable in his faith, obedient to the holy Church, full of respect for her ministers, and devoutly submissive to the Vicar of Christ, the Roman Pontiff". For the honour and service of the ever blessed Mother of God, whose faithful vassal he was to be, women were to find in him an honourable, 1 As in the case of Thomas de Laon, related by Guibert de Nogent. CHIVALEY fearless, and virtuous protector. A high standard of self-respect could not but accompany the consecration to these lofty- ends. The word of the knight once given, whether to friend or foe, must be irrevocable ; he must be no truce-breaker or snatcher of mean advantages ; his honour must be without stain. Courtesy and humanity were to mark his bearing and his acts. In a word, the Christian soldier was to have all those perfections of character and all those grdces d^Hat which the revelation of the Gospel and the institution of the Sacraments have rendered possible; he would then be a perfect mirror of chivalry. This was the ideal ; but when we ask in what degree was it ever realised, we are forced to admit that human passion and perversity have played their part, and made chivalry by no means an unmixed blessing to the world. The reverence for woman, grounded on a just devotion to the Mother of God, was turned into an idola- try; human love (such was the baser teaching) was to fill the soul of the true knight and to predominate over all other thoughts ; nay, the very forms and words of the divine office were blasphemously parodied in the service of this vicious development.^ Again, the self-respect of the true knight was depraved into a pride of class, which looked down on the labouring non-fighting midtitude as base roturiers and plebeians, the shedding of whose blood was a very trifling matter ; his sense of honour often became an absurd punctiliousness, tyrannising over the free speech and action of other men. Human rights and human equality were thus ignored; but this was not the doc- trine of chivalry — it was the corruption of that doctrine. The true, noble, knightly spirit and its counterfeit went on side by side, energising, founding, and de- stroying, for centuries. The Popes, be- ginning with Urban II. and ending with Pius v., preached, blessed, and aided the holy wars, by which, in the cause of justice, the places made sacred by our Lord's sojourn and sufferings were to be taken out of the hands of persecuting infidels, or Christian lands to be delivered from Moslem thraldom. Numerous orders of chivalry were instituted — the Templars, the Knights Hospitallers, or of St. John of Jerusalem, the Knights of the Sword, the Teutonic Knights, those of Cala- trava, Alcantara, and many more — the 1 As in Gower's Confessio Amantis, and Chaucer's Court of Love. CHIVALRY 167 labours of which, speaking generally, were an honour to human nature and a benefit to mankind. The spirit of chivalry was refined and exalted by the invention of fruitful conceptions, such as that of the Saint Graal, by which the whole tone of romance literature was elevated. On the other hand, in the fourteenth century, while the form and ceremonial of chivalry were greatly developed, its essence — the contention for justice — was shamefully forgotten. Our Edward III. instituted the Order of the Garter, but waged un- just wars with France, causing incredible misery; his son, the Black Prince, waited on the French king, his prisoner, at table, but ordered the indiscriminate massacre of the people of Limoges. Burke wrote, beholding the first shameful excesses of the French Jaco- bins, ''The age of chivalry is past; " but the age of chivalry will never be wholly past, while faith survives and wi'ongs remain to be redressed. Wherever, and so far as, the true Catholic faith, and the imitation of Christ and Plis saints, inspire a popidation, a class, or an individual, there, and in that proportion, the spirit of chivalry, dormant and entranced as it seems now, will revive. That spirit is, as we have said, essentially, the readiness to contend for justice. For the present it remains passive in every part of Europe, stupefied, as it were, by the audacity of the so-called Liberals, who, having got into their hands the organisations of government in most of the States, are carrying their hostility to divine fiith, the Church, and the Pope into practice, with a vigour and a malice which Chris- tians find a difficulty in conceiving. But it will awake, and when it does it will not ask whether universal suffrage has decided this way or that, but whether it is just that this or that change should be made or unmade. Parliamentary govern- ment assisted a tyrant in England to deprive the people of their religion, and enacted that none who did not com- municate with heresy should serve their country.^ Parliamentary government in France has recently sanctioned the perpe- tration of measures of violence against the religious orders, so flagrant in their iniquity, that the infidels of othej^ coun- tries were almost scandalised. The temper of true chivalry, when its awakening comes, will perhaps work changes which the verdict of the ballot-box would neither initiate nor ratify, yet which may 1 Test Act of 1673. 168 CHOIR be ultimately found to be beneficial and curative to European society. It need scarcely be said that an order of chivalry which has abandoned the Catholic faith, and repudiated obedience to the chair of Peter, has forfeited its title. An order like the Garter, in which the official chief of the rehgion of the false prophet is one of the "knights," has evidently nothing of chivalry about it but the name. (See Kenelm Digby's " Broad Stone of Honour " and " Mores Catholici.") CHOIR (chorus). From the " band " of singers at the divine worship, who were placed between the clergy in the apse and the people in the body of the churrh, the space between the sanctuary and the nave came to be called the choir. In the course of time, the superior clergy of a cathedral or collegiate church found it necessary to migrate from the confined space of the apse or sanctuary, which they occupied in primitive times, and to establish themselves in seats, called stalls^ on either side of the choir. These stalls were often ornamented in the most ex- quisite manner. The recitation of the breviary for each day takes place "in choir" in cathedrals, collegiate churches, and the great ma- jority of convents. CKORAZi VICARS. These were anciently clerics to whom the precentor {i.e. the canon who had the charge of the music), in a cathedral or collegiate church, committed the immediate superintendence of the choir. In the reconstituted chap- ters of France and Germany choral vicars are directly appointed to perform this duty, in concert with the canons, and receive salaries accordingly. CHORAiriiES (xopavXrjSf lit. a flute-player in an orchestra). In the Eastern Church the name appears to have been transferred to the choir-boys of a cathedral generally. CHOREPISCOFVS (Gr. x^pfTTt- o-KOTToSf lit. a country superintendent or bishop). Nothing is heard of such per- sons in the first three centuries. The first mention of them is in the canons of the Councils of Ancyra and Neoc£esarea (314), and they probably arose in Asia Minor. A chorepiscopus was appointed and ordained by the bishop of the diocese, to whom he was answerable for the right discharge of his duties. A certain dis- trict was assigned to him to administer ; he was to attend to the wants of the poor and the maintenance of all Christian in- CHOREPISCOPUS stitutions, and he had the power of con- ferring minor orders, even to the sub- diaconate inclusive. It has been argued — especially by the Protestant writers Hammond, Beveridge, and others — that they were true bishops, although of in- ferior dignity and power to the recog- nised bishops of sees. The fact that fifteen "country-bishops'' subscribed the Nicene canons seems to lend support to such a view. But the better opinion is that, notwithstanding the name, they were neither true bishops nor an order of clergy interposed between bishops and priests, but simply priests, invested with a jurisdiction smaller than the episcopal, but larger than the sacerdotal. Many notices of them scattered up and down in ecclesiastical history, and the consenting tradition of the Fathers, adj ust themselves to this view of their office, and not to the former. Thus a canon of Neocsesarea likens them to the seventy-two disciples sent out by Christ ; but these were always associated with the priesthood, not with the episcopate. The Nicene canon which authorises a bishop to treat one who had been deposed from the see for heresy, but who desired to return to the Church, as a chorepiscopus, and give him employment and rank as such, is itself a proof that they were not bishops; for the council would not have empowered a single bishop to reinstate to his former place a deposed member of the order. Yet it might seem as if they formed something like an intermediate clerical order, for a canon of Chalcedon says. Si quis ordina- verit per pecunias episcopum^ aut chor- episcopum,aut presbyteru7n, aut diaconum ("if anyone shall have ordained for money a bishop, or a chorepiscopus, or a priest, or a deacon"). It is certain, however, that in no age of the Church have the grades of Jioly (or superior) order been reckoned as more than three — bishop, priest, and deacon. A chorepiscopus, therefore, must have been either a bishop or a priest ; but we have shown that he was not a true bishop ; he was therefore a priest, but one who received on his appointment a spiritual jurisdiction higher than any priest co\ild pretend to. The Council of Laodicea calls them nepi- obevrai, or " circuit officers," which shows that they were then expected to make visitation tours in their districts. St. Basil had no fewer than fifty chorepiscopi under him, governing districts of his extensive Oappadocian see, like the arch- deacons whom Remigius appointed in the CHORISTER different counties when he organised his great see of Lincoln.^ In the Western Church we hear nothing of chorepiscopi before the Council of Riez, in the fifth century. But after 500 the notices of them become numerous, and imder Charlemagne, according to Thomassin, their numbers and power were such as to be formidable even to the bishops themselves. In the later Carlo- vingian times unworthy persons were often foisted into the sees through lay interference, for the sake of the wealth with which they were endowed, and such bishops were glad to devolve as much of their functions as they could divest them- selves of on chorepiscopi, engaged at a low rate of remuneration, and live in sloth and luxury at Court. This abuse called forth the zeal of the Roman Pontiffs, and by a series of Papal briefs and conciliar decrees, from Leo III. to the end of the ninth century, restraining the authority of the chorepiscopi, annul- ling many of their acts, and ordering that no more should be appointed, the en- deavour was persistently made to compel the bishops to perform their own duties and not attempt to delegate them. No- thing more is heard of this class of clergy after the middle of the eleventh century. (Thomassin; Soglia; Smith and Cheet- ham.) CHORISTER. A singer in a choir, whether cathedral, collegiate, or parochial. The name is usually applied to boys rather than men. The regular singers {KavovLKoi yp-aXrai) of a church received in early times a kind of ordination, without imposition of hands, which could be conferred by a presbyter. The form of words prescribed by the Fourth Council of Carthage was, " See that thou believe in thy heart what thou singest with thy mouth, and approve in thy works what thou believest with thy heart." (Smith and Cheetham, article Cantor.) CHRZsm. Olive oil mixed with balm, blessed by the bishop and used by the Church in confirmation as well as in baptism, ordination, consecration of altar- stones, chalices, churches, and in the blessing of baptismal water. The oil, according to the Roman Catechism, signi- fies the fulness of grace, since oil is diffu- sion; the balm mixed with it, incorruption and the " good odour of Christ." In itself the word chrism {xpla-^a) need not mean more than " anything 1 Henr. Huntend. CHRIST 169 smeared on ; " but even in classical writers it denotes especially a scented unguent, while the common oil was called eXaiou. It was this simple unperfumed oil which was used in the earliest times for sacred purposes, but from the sixth century oil mixed with balm began to be employed. This balm (^aXaaiios, in the classics otto- (SaXaafiov) is a kind of perfumed resin, pro- duced by a tree which grows in Juda3a and Arabia. This Eastern balm was always used in the West till the sixteenth century, when Paul III. and Pius IV. permitted the use of a better kind of balm, brought by the Spaniards from the West Indies. The Orientals did not content themselves with simply mixing balm. Thus the Greeks mingle forty different spices, and the Maronites, before they were reunited to the Catholic Church, pre- pared their chrism from oil, saffron, cin- namon, essence of roses, white incense, &c. The consecration of the oils during the Mass goes back to the earliest times, Cyprian mentions it in Ep. 70, addressed to Januarius ; and St. Basil attributes the origin of this blessing to apostolic tra- dition. It of course included chrism in the strict sense, when that came into use. In the West this blessing was always re- served to bishops ; in the East, as may be seen from Gear's " Euchologium," it was only given by the patriarchs. At first the oils used to be blessed on any day at Mass, but in a letter of Pope Leo to the emperor of the same name, in the Synod of Toledo (490), and in all the older Sacramentaries and ritual-books. Maundy Thursday is fixed for this blessing. It was only in Prance that the custom sur- vived of blessing the oils on any day, tiU uniformity with the use of other churches was introduced by the Council of Meaux, in 845. The function took place in the second of the three Masses which used to be said on Maundy Thursday ; whence the name " Missa Chrismatis." The bless- ing of the chrism was called " Benedictio chrismatis principalis." All the clergy of the diocese used to assist, till, in the eighth century, the custom altered, and only those who lived near the cathedral came, while the others had the holy oils sent to them. The chrism used to be kept in a vessel like a paten with a de- pression in the middle. A " patena chris- malis" of this kind is mentioned by Anastasius, in his Life of St. Silvester. (Kraus, " Real-Encyclopadie.") CHRIST, "Anointed" (Gr. xp'-^'^^^ from xp''-^)i ^ translation of the Hebrew 170 CHRIST word n^tJ'lp, as is expressly stated in John i. 42 : " We have found the Messias, which is interpreted Christ." In the Old Testament the word is used of the high- priest, who was anointed for his office {e.g. in Levit. iv. 3) ; of kings, who were also anointed — e.g. 1 Reg. xxiv. 7, where David calls Saul " the anointed of the Lord : '' in the second Psalm, " against the Lord, and against his anointed " (where XPI'(tt6s is the word in the L XX ) ; with which we may compare other places, such as Dan. ix. 25, Hab. iii. 13, Ps. cxxxi. 17. The Hebrew word designates the king who was to come, the promised Messias. In the doctrinal language of post-biblical Judaism, this expected deliverer is called almost with the significance of a proper name, n^tJ'D, of which "Messias"^ is only another form, and "Christ," as we have seen, a translation. Hence, when our Lord came, " the Christ " (6 Xptcrros) ^ was his official title, while " Jesus " was his ordinary name. When the word occurs in the Gospels, it constantly im- plies a reference to the Messiah as por- trayed by the prophets. The history of Christ's life belongs to a Biblical rather than a theological dic- tionary ; it is only the teaching of the Church on his Person and office which concerns us here. We may divide the subject into two halves, treating under (A) of what Christ is j under (B) of his work. (A) Natures and Person of Christ. — Jesus Christ, according to the Catechism familiar to English Catholics, is " God the Son made man for us." He has therefore two natures: that of God, and that of man. As God, according to the Nicene Creed, He was born of his Father, before all worlds: He is God from God — i.e. He, being true and perfect God, proceeds from God the Father, who is also true and perfect God — He is light from light ; be- gotten, not made, as creatures. He exists from all eternity. He is almighty, om- niscient, incapable of error or of sin. At the moment of his Incarnation, He further became true man, without, how- ever, in any way ceasing to be God. ^ The Greek word Messias {Mecraias or Me- Cias) is immediately derived, not from the He- brew, but from the Chaldee J