Dttfaca, SJeni ^o^ Wii'itt l^iatorital SlibratH THE GIFT OF PRESIDENT WHITE MAINTAINED BY THE UNIVERSITY IN ACCORD- ANCE WITH THE PROVISIONS OF THE GIFT Cornell University Library QB 16.P73 Ancient calendars and constellations, 3 1924 012 305 789 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924012305789 ANCIENT CALENDARS AND CONSTELLATIONS ANCIENT CALENDARS AND CONSTELLATIONS By the Hon. EMMELINE M. PLUNKET WITH ILLUSTRATIONS LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. 1903 a PREFACE The Papers here collected and reprinted, with some alterations, were not originally written as a series ; but they do, in fact, form one, inasmuch as" the opinions put forward in each Paper were arrived at, one after the other, simply by following one leading clue. This clue was furnished by a consideration of statements made by Professor Sayce in an article contributed by him in 1874 to the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archeology. At page 1 50 he thus wrote : — " The standard astrological work of the Babylonians and Assyrians was one consisting of seventy tablets, drawn up for the Library of Sargon, king of Agane, in the i6th century b.c." viii PREFACE And again at page 237 : — "The Accadian Calendar was arranged so as to suit the order of the Zodiacal signs ; and Nisan, the first month, answered to the first Zodiacal sign. Now the sun still entered the first point of Aries at the vernal equinox in the time of Hip- parkhus, and it would have done so since 2540 B.C. From that epoch backwards to 4698 B.C. Taurus, the second sign of the Accadian Zodiac, and the second month of the Accadian year, would have introduced the spring. The precession of the equinoxes thus enables us to fix the extreme limit of the antiquity of the ancient Babylonian Calendar, and of the origin of the Zodiacal signs in that country." Not many years after this sentence had been penned, archaeologists, as the result of much evidence, came to the firm conviction that the date of Sargon of Agane was far earlier than had been at first supposed ; and it was placed by them, not "in the i6th century B.C.," but at the high date of 3800 B.C. It was in endeavouring to account for the choice PREFACE ix by Accadian astronomers of Nisan as first month of the year, and of Aries as first constellation of the Zodiac, at a date when that month and con- stellation could not have "introduced the spring," that a possible solution of the difficulty presented itself to my mind — namely, the supposition that the Accadian calendar had been originated when the winter solstice, not the spring equinox, coincided with the sun's entry into the con- stellation Aries. This coincidence took place, as astronomy teaches us, at the date, in round numbers, of 6000 B.C. In the first Paper here reprinted this supposition was put forward ; and in the course of following, as above stated, the clue afforded by it, the various subjects discussed in successive Papers claimed always more insistently my attention, as by degrees detached pieces of information concerning the calendars of ancient nations came to hand, and fitted themselves, like the pieces of a dissected map, into one simple chronological scheme. X PREFACE The study of calendars marked by Zodiacal constellations necessitates an acquaintance with the position of those constellations as they were to be observed through the many ages during which they held the important office of presiding over the year and its changing seasons. Such acquaintanceship would have involved very careful and accurate calculations were it not that, by the help of a precessional globe, it was possible by easy mechanical adjustment to see, without the trouble of thinking them out, what were the changes pro- duced in the scenery of nightly skies, millennium after millennium, by the slow apparent revolution of the "Poles of heaven" through the constella- tions — a revolution referred to by English astronomers as "the precession of the equinoxes," and more graphically and epigrammatically by French astronomers as "le mouvement des fixes." In the second part of this book diagrams have been given, made from a precessional globe, and PREFACE xi in the explanatory notes which accompany the Plates attention has been directed, not only to the chronological problems which may be discussed with great advantage, as I believe, by the help of such a globe, but also to various astronomical explanations of ancient myths which occurred to me in the course of studying the position of Zodiacal and extra-Zodiacal constellations at different ages of the world's history. I can only read Classic and Oriental myths in translations, and I feel very sure that if any of the astronomic explanations here suggested for ancient legends should prove to be the right ones, scholars versed in the original languages in which these legends were written, if they supple- ment their linguistic knowledge by astronomic considerations, will be able quickly and with ease to develop the suggested explanations much further than it has been possible for me to do ; and ex- planations of other astronomic myths — astronomic, that is, and not merely solar myths — will doubtless xii PREFACE come to their minds as they follow similar lines of enquiry. The steps by which travellers arrive at a far- reaching view are often very steep and arduous. I fear that many readers of this book will find the separate Papers in it dull and technical in them- selves ; but if they be considered only as steep and roughly-cut steps leading up to vantage points of chronological and historical observation, I believe that the ruggedness of the path will soon be forgotten in the absorbing interest of the results to be obtained by following it. CONTENTS PART I PAGE I. THE ACCADIAN CALENDAR ... I II. THE CON.STELLATION ARIES . . 24 III. GU, ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION OF THE ZODI.\C . 44 IV. THE MEDIAN CALENDAR AND THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS ... -56 V. ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA . . . .88 VI. NOTES. — AHURA MAZDA, ETC. . . . -149 VII. ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY . . . .162 VIIl. THE CHINESE CALENDAR, WITH SOME REMARKS WITH REFERENCE TO THAT OF THE CHALDEANS 1 85 PART II PLATES XV., XVI., XVII., AND XVIII. . -215 PLATES XIX., XX. 226 PLATE XXI. . . 230 PLATE XXII. .... 239 PLATE XXIII. . • 245 PLATE XXIV. . . 248 INDEX ■ 257 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE I. To face page 13 PLATE II. . }* 36 PLATE III. ..... )» 40 PLATE IV. . ... » 64 PLATE V. . n 70 PLATE VI. »» 74 PLATE VII. . »i 79 PLATE VIII. »' 80 PLATE IX. . II 118 PLATE X. . 11 121 PLATE XI. . . If 124 PLATE XII. ... 11 142 PLATE XIII. )i 174 PLATE XIV. II 198 THE TtWt DRESSED . . . . Page 219 PORTION OF CEILING AT BVbAn EL MOLOUK To fact page 233 BULL APIS ...... . Page 233 xvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OUTLINES OF TWO CARVED SLATES DRAWN FROM PLATES I. AND IIL IN T/ie Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archceology FOR MAY 1900 . Page 237 THE CONSTELLATION PEGASUS ... „ 250 PLATE XV. . . .At End PLATE XVI. PLATE XVII. PLATE XVIII. PLATE XIX. PLATE XX. . PLATE XXI. PLATE XXII. PLATE XXIII. PLATE XXIV. ANCIENT CALENDARS AND CONSTELLATIONS PART I I THE ACCADIAN CALENDAR [Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archceology, January 1892] Epping and Strassmaier, in their book Astrono- misches mis Babylon, have lately translated three small documents, originally inscribed on clay tablets in the second century B.C. From these tablets, we learn that the Babylonians of the above date pos- sessed a very advanced knowledge of the science of astronomy. Into the question of the extent of that knowledge we need not here enter further 2 THE ACCADIAN CALENDAR [part i. than to say that it enabled the Babylonian as- tronomers to draw up almanacs for the ensuing year ; almanacs in which the eclipses of the sun and moon, and the times of the new and full moon, were accurately noted, as also the positions of the planets throughout the year. These positions were indicated by the nearness of the planet in question to some star in the vicinity of the ecliptic, and the ecliptic was portioned off into twelve groups, coinciding very closely in position and extent with the twelve divisions of the Zodiac as we now know them. As to the calendar or mode of reckoning the year, we find that the order and names of the twelve months were as follows : Nisannu (or Nisan), Airu, Simannu, Duzu, Abu, Ululu, Tischritu, Arah-samna, Kislimu, Tebitu, Sabatu, Adaru. Of these months Ululu and Adaru could be doubled as Ululu Sami (the second Elul), and Adaru Arki (the last Adar). The Babylonian years were soli-lunar : that is to say, the year of twelve lunar months, containing three hundred and fifty-four days, was bound to the solar year of three hundred and sixty-five days by PART I.] CALENDAR 200 B.C. 3 intercalating, as occasion required, a thirteenth month. Out of every eleven years there were seven with twelve months, and four with thirteen months. The first day of the year being, like some of our church festivals, dependent on the time of the new moon, was "moveable" [schwankende). The year, according to the tablets before Epping and Strassmaier, " began with Nisan, hence in the spring."^ This is a sketch of the Babylonian calendar in the second century B.C., as drawn from the work of the two learned Germans above- named. Now we find in the British Museum a great number of trade documents which, according to the Catalogue, "cover a period of over two thousand years." There are "tablets of the time of Rim-sin, Hammurabi, and Samsu-iluna ; tablets of the time of the Assyrian supremacy, of the time of the native kings, and of the time ^ "Was den Anfang des Jahres betrifft, so haben wir schon gezeigt, das die seleucidische Aera, wie sie in unseren drei Tafeln vorliegt, ihre Jahre mit dem Nisan, also im Friihjahr begann." (Epping and Strassmaier, Astronomisches aus Babylon, p. 181). 4 THE ACCADIAN CALENDAR [part i. of the Persian supremacy ; tablets of the times of the Seleucidae, and the Arsacidcc." -"^ These documents are all dated in such and such a month of such and such a year of some king's reign ; the months are the same (at first under their earlier Accadian names ^) as those we ' See Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon, B.M., 1886. The dates of the rulers mentioned are as follows : — Rim-sin, about 2,300 B.C. Hammurabi, about 2,200 e.g. Samsu-iluna, about 2,100 B.C. Assyrian supremacy from about 1275 to 609 B.C. The latest tablet in the collection is dated, according to the Catalogue, 93 b.c. - Assyrian. Accadian month names, and translations. 1. Ni'sannu, .... f-S''"''' (or Bar) sig-gar ("the sacrifice of ' ' ' ' " I righteousness "). 2. Airu, jT/irtr-jz'^/ (" the propitious bull")- 3. 'Sivanu, ^;- Tsivan, . /^^««-.?-'^ ("of bricks"), and Kas ("the \ twins"). 4- Duzu, 6*/^ /f'/^/-7Z(! (" seizer of seed "). 5- Abu, ^(5 rt^-^rtr(" fire that makes fire"). 6. Uhilu, . . . . A7 6^z>2^z>-«« ("the errand of Istar"). 7. Tasritu, Tul-cu (" the holy altar "). 8. Arahk-samna ("thel .,. ,„ , 8th month ") I ^P'"-'™^'^ (the bull-like founder?"). 9. CisiHvu, or Cuzallu, . Can ganna (" the very cloudy "). 10. Dharbitu, .... ^/j^^ «(?',-/;^ ("the father of light "). 11. Sabahu, ^j (!-««(" abundance of rain "). 12. Addaru, . . . 5<'-/f'z-«7 ("sowing of seed"). 13. Arakh-makru ("the"i c- j- / ^ CO — So"" u. I O I- e z ^ ::; V) U. < H Ah lis 5:2 a. a , O ' o a. O UJ L 1-,»t* ■«' ^1^ •i;rSS «-^ .^ IVJ OT tt to tM ° tM -^ -^g : fc : .'V- O QC S ro o e\j hi^ <^- oc CM ro CO cc w ro ~~ X (— Z 7 h- -) a: « u. 3 2 < > dJ En >< — ■O U i-i •a c a o „ O c „ i § ■J* ^ en rt nj > -a o !> .S "B (v; 143 c o c 3 O PART I.] AMEN AND ARIES 37 two months later its place in the ecliptic was a few degrees to the west of a point exactly op- posed to the first stars of Aries and to the initial point of the Indian Zodiac. On the evening, therefore, of the 29th day of the second month of the inundation, when the sun had now sunk behind the Libyan hills, and daylight had faded sufficiently to allow them to show their light, ^ the first stars of Aries rose above the eastern horizon, and at midnight attained to the southern meridian. Thus at the season of all the year, when Aries specially dominated the ecliptic, the statue of the god Amen was, as we learn, brought out of his dark temple shrine and carried in procession to the Nekropolis, from whence the constellation Aries — not hidden by obstructing walls and columns — was fully visible ; and there honour was done and sacrifice offered to " Amon Father." But it may be said that we should under- stand "the second month of the inundation" ' When the sun is about 7° below the western horizon, stars in the opposite quarter of the heavens begin to be visible. 38 THE CONSTELLATION ARIES [part i. to refer to the second month of the Egyptian sidereal year counted from the ist Thoth (fixed) and marked by the hehacal rising of Sirius. At the date of Rameses the beginning of this sidereal year fell, as may be proved, a fortnight after the summer solstice (see Plate II.), and still on the 29th of the second month of this sidereal year the stars of Aries might be seen rising in the east — no longer only its first stars, but nearly the whole constellation then becoming visible — and at about midnight its brightest stars, « and ^ Arietis, culminated on the meridian. Whether, therefore, the " Feast of the Valley " was held at the end of the second month of the actual inundation, or of the second month of the sidereal year, the stars of Aries presided over its " nocturnal " solemnities. Some scholars claim, however, that all Egyptian festivals were swept round through the seasons, and the stars that marked those seasons, in the course of fourteen or fifteen hundred years, inas- much as they were firmly bound to the vagtie calendrical year of 365 days. If this was indeed PART I.] FIXED AND VAGUE YEARS 39 so, it would be difficult to imagine that Seti I. or Rameses II. could have established the festival in question as in any way connected with honour to be paid to the constellation Aries ; for though during the reign of Seti, and perhaps during the early part of that of Rameses, the vague and fixed years coincided more or less closely (see Plate II.), yet before the death of Rameses they were already so far apart that the ist Thoth (vague) fell, not a fortnight later than the summer solstice, but about a fortnight earlier ; and there- fore on the 29th day of the second month of the vague year the stars of Aries would not have risen until long after sunset, nor would any one of them have culminated on the meridian at midnight. If now we turn our attention to the temple to Amen-Ra at Aboo Simbel, we may observe that, unlike that to the same god at Karnak, it is not oriented to any definite season of the year. The rising sun shines into it now, and must always have shone into the Holy of Holies of that rock-hewn temple on the morning of a day somewhat more than two months distant 40 THE CONSTELLATION ARIES [part i. from the winter solstice, and somewhat less than a month before the season of the spring equinox, namely, on the morning of the 26th February (Gregorian)/ The sun now (1893 a.d.) is, at the season named, in the constellation Aquarius ; but if we calculate back to a date anywhere between 1,400 and 1,100 B.C., we shall find (see Plate III.) that when Rameses II. dedicated this temple to 1 " I was fortunate in seeing another wonderful thing during my visit to Aboo Simbel. The great temple is dedicated to Amen-Ra, the sun-god, and on two days in the year the sun is said to rise at such a point that it sends a beam of light through both halls till it falls on the shrine itself in the very Holy of Holies. Many theories are based on the orientation of the temples, and Captain Johnston wished to find on which day in the spring of the year the phenomenon took place ; so he took his instruments, and we all went up to the temple before dawn. It was the 26th February. The great hall, with its eight Osiride pillars, was wrapped in semi-darkness. Still darker were the inner hall and shrine. Behind the altar sat the four gods, Amen, Horus, Ptah, and Rameses himself, now deified. All the East was a deep rosy flush ; then that paled, and a hard white light filled the sky. Clearer and whiter it grew, till, with a sudden joyous rush, the sun swung up over the low ridge of hill, and in an instant, like an arrow from the bow of Phoebus Apollo, one level shaft of light pierced the great hall and fell in living glory straight upon the shrine itself"— A. F. [Extract from the Pall Mall Gazette, 20th April, 1892.] Pt-' a u u < □ Z N I- o £ g N " Z u < X <-> L. q: Si- O — CD < ao '« .•• ••! h H SV U ^^V'y> 6.^i' •i^l ^l!t -«^ 'if ^r^^ iM o a. LJ s z u o 1^; H 2 5 ,• z u o h tn z a. o s I- o : Pi § B Oh S ^ (masu) = gemini. 4. -^K, {jpulukku) = cancer. 5. W {aril) = leo. 6. JEJ"* (seriT) — virgo. 7. ^\ {zibanitu) = libra. 8. **■ ^^ {aqrabu) = scorpio. 9. rif: (fa) = arcitenens. 10. J^ jJ^J (enzu) 11. ■JJ^i^ (gu) 12 = caper. = amphora [aquarius]. = pisces. 1 Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, v Band, 4 Heft, Oct. 1890, p. 351. 41 PART I.] MEANING OF GU UNCERTAIN 45 Also in Epping- and Strassmaier's work, Astronornisches aus Babylon, under the heading Die Zeichen des Thierkreises, pp. 170, 171, and Namen der Stei^ne, pp. 174, 175, the twelve abbreviations met with in the tablets are discussed at some length. From a study of the list here given and of the passages referred to, we learn that it has been found possible to suggest for some of the abbre- viations suitable terminations, and in the completed words thus obtained, the familiar constellations of the Zodiac, as we know them, are easily to be recognized. As regards other of the abbreviations, and amongst them that of ^^ (Gu) for the eleventh sign (Amphora or Aquarius), no termination has been suggested ; and of it Strassmaier thus writes ■} p. 171: — " Gu ist sonst fast ausschliesslich nur als Silbenzeichen gu bekannt"; and Jensen, dis- cussing Epping and Strassmaier's constellation list, writes thus of the abbreviation Gu for the eleventh constellation:^ "Ob Gu einen ' Was- ^ Astronornisches aus Babylon. ^ Kosmo logic der Babylonier, p. 314. P 46 ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION [part i. sereimer,' ' Schopfeimer,' bezeichnen kann, weiss ich nicht. Die bisher veroffentlichten Texte geben keinen Aufschluss dariiber." As a probable completion for the abbreviation Gu, the following suggestion is here put forward : — In the ancient astrological tablets translated by Professor Sayce in his Paper, The Astronomy and Astrology of the Babylonians} pp. 189, 190, " the star of Gula" is mentioned. The first syllable of this word is composed of the same cuneiform group as that used in the abbreviation for the eleventh constellation of the Zodiac in the astro- nomical tablets of the first and second centuries B.C. above referred to. But this fact, if it stood alone, would not be enough to do more than point to a possible identification of Gu in the late tablets with Gula in the ancient astrological works. Amongst the many constellations in the heavens the name of more than one mio-ht have begun with the syllable Gu. We find, however, at a later page (206) of Professor Sayce's Paper, this sentence translated from W.A.I., III. 57, i :— 1 Transactions^ Biblical Archaology, vol. iii., February 1874. PART I.] GU=GULA=BAU 47 " Jupiter^ in the star of Gula lingers." None of the five planets known to the Babylonians could ever with truth have been described as appearing or "lingering" in any part of the heavens outside the band of the Zodiac stars. " The star (or con- stellation) of Gula," we must therefore assume, was a Zodiacal star or constellation. This restriction of the position of the "star of Gula" renders it scarcely a rash conclusion to arrive at, that the Zodiacal Gu of the later tablets is an abbreviation for the Zodiacal Gula of the ancient astrological works. As to a mythological reason for the choice of the goddess Gula to preside over the constellation known to us as Aquarius, we find it in the fact that Gula appears as another name for the god- dess Bau ^ and Bau (or Bahu) was a personification of the dark water, or chaos. If we adopt this identification of the star or constellation Gula with the constellation, or some star in the constellation, Aquarius, it will throw light 1 Or, rather, "Mercury." See Epping and Strassmaier, Astronomisches aiis Babylon, p. 112 et seq. 2 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 672, notes i, 2. 48 ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION [part r. on many of the inscriptions found on statues and other monuments at Telloh (the modern name of the mound which covers the ruins of the ancient city of Lagash). We find from these inscriptions that the deities especially worshipped at Lagash were not the same as those who held the foremost places contem- poraneously in the Accadian, and at a later time in the Babylonian Pantheon. Ningirsu and "his beloved consort," the goddess Bau, received in Lagash the highest honours. On one of the statues of Gudea, "the priestly governor of La- gash," this inscription occurs ■} — " To Ningirsu, the powerful warrior of Ellilla [this is dedicated] by Gudea, priestly governor of Lagash, who has constructed the temple of Eninnu, consecrated to Ningirsu. " For Ningirsu, his lord, he has built the temple of Ekhud, the tower in stages, from the summit of which Ningirsu grants him a happy lot. " Besides the offerings which Gudea made of his free will to Ningirsu and to the goddess Bau, daughter of Anna, his beloved consort, he has made others to his god Ningiszida. 1 Evetts, JVeiv Light Ofi the Bible, p. 162, PART I.] NINIB AND BAU 49 " That year he had a block of rare stone brought from the country of Magan ; he had it carved into a statue of himself " On the day of the beginning of the year, the day of the festival of Bau, on which offerings were made : one calf, one fat sheep, three lambs, six full grown sheep, two rams, seven pat of dates, seven sab of cream, seven palm buds. " Such were the offerings made to the goddess Bau in the ancient temple on that day." Ningirsu, the god — so highly exalted in this and in other inscriptions found in the mounds of Telloh — has been identified with the god Ninib^ of the Babylonians. Much difference of opinion pre- vails as to what astronomical ideas were connected by the ancient inhabitants of Mesopotamia with the god Ninib. Jensen admits that the generally received opinion as to Ninib is that he represents the "southern sun."^ He, however, contends, with great eager- ness, that this is a mistaken opinion, and that Ninib is really the eastern or rising sun. Many of Jen- sen's arguments against the possibility of Ninib ' Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 637, 645. - Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, p. 460. so ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION [part i. representing the southern sun are based on the assumption that the epithet "southern," applied to the sun, denotes the power of the mid-day sun ; whereas, in other descriptions of Ninib, he appears as struggHng with, though in the end triumphant over, storm, and cloud, and darkness. The sun in his daily course attains the southern meridian at noon, and that may well be described by Jensen as the "alles verzehrenden und versen- genden Siid-oder Mittagssonne," but if we think of the sun in his annual course, the words "southern sun " may more fitly in an astronomical sense mean the struggling and finally triumphant sun of the winter solstice. And if we so understand the ex- pression, the apparently contradictory references to Ninib are easily explained. At mid-winter the sun rises and sets more to the south than at any other time of the year ; at noon on the day of the winter solstice the sun is forty-seven degrees nearer to the south pole of the heavens than it is at the summer solstice. If, instead of adopting Jensen's contention, and looking upon Ninib as the eastern rising sun, we revert to the generally held opinion that Ninib was PART I.] WINTER SOLSTICE IN AQUARIUS 51 the god of the southern sun, and if we understand the southern sun in its astronomical sense as the winter, or more strictly speaking the mid-winter sun, it will naturally lead us to the conclusion that "the day of the beginning of the year," the day of the festival of Bau, Ningirsu's ( = Ninib's) "be- loved consort," was held at the time of the winter solstice. Speaking in round numbers, from 4,000 to 2,000 B.C., the winter solstice took place when the sun was in conjunction with the constellation Aquarius, which constellation, or some one of its stars, was, as has been suggested, called by the Babylonian astronomers, Gula, Gula being another name for Bau. It is not therefore surprising to find that those rulers of Lagash, whose dates fell between 4,000 and 2,000 B.C., should have so often associated together Ningirsu and Bau ; and further, that Gudea, whose rule is placed at about 2,900 B.C., should on "the day of the beginning of the year" have kept high festival in honour of Bau, as the beneficent deity presiding in conjunction with Nin- girsu over the revolving years. The precession of the equinoxes must neces- 52 ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION [part i. sarily in the course of ages introduce confusion into all Zodiacal calendars, and into all ritual and mythological symbolism founded on such calendars. From 2,000 B.C. down to the beginning of our era, the winter solstice took place when the sun was in conjunction with Capricornus, not with Aquarius. In those later days, if the inhabitants of Lagash still celebrated their new year's festival at the winter solstice, Bau ( = Gula = Aquarius) could only have laid a traditional claim to preside over it. In accordance with these astronomical facts, we learn from the teachings of the tablets that the especial reverence paid to Bau = Gula, in the Lagash inscriptions was not extended to her in later times. As to Ninib, we know that even at Gudea's date in the neighbouring state of Accad, and in later times in Babylon, he did not hold the pre- eminent position accorded to him by the early rulers of Lagash. This difference in the religious observances of Accad and Lagash regarding Ninib — if we suppose him to be the god of the winter solstice — may also receive an astronomical explanation. PART I.] ARIES AND AQUARIUS 53 According to the evidence of The Standard Astrological Work, the compilation of which is generally attributed to the date 3,800 e.g., and according to the evidence of many other tablets, the year in Accad and afterwards in Babylon began not at the winter solstice, but on the ist day of Nisan, and Nisan (Ace. Bar zig-gar), the month of " the sacrifice of righteousness," was, as its name suggests, the month during which the sun was in conjunction with the constellation Aries. At Gudea's date, about 2,900 B.C., the ist of Nisan, if it was dependent on the sun's entry into Aries, must have fallen about midway between the winter solstice and the spring equinox, and as century succeeded century, the ist of Nisan must slowly but surely have receded further from the solstice and have approached more and more to the equinoctial point. In Accad, therefore, neither at Gudea's nor at any later date, did the year begin at the winter solstice, and hence we can understand why in that state, and afterwards in Babylon, Ninib was not as highly honoured as in Lagash, and why he and his consort Bau ( = Gula) were not referred to as 54 ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION [part i. the deities presiding over the beginning of the year. In a former number of these Proceedings^ I drew attention to the Accadian calendar. It was there suggested that the choice of the first degree of Aries as the initial point of the Zodiac was originally made when the winter solstice coincided with the sun's entry into that constellation, i.e. about 6,000 B.C. If that suggestion, and the present one con- cerning the new year's festival in Lagash are accepted, it will be easy to imagine that the Lagash observance betokened a sort of effort to reform the sidereal calendar in use in Accad, and it may be elsewhere. In Accad the calendar makers clung to the originally instituted star-mark for the year, and made it begin with the sun's entry into Aries ; therefore by degrees the beginning of their year moved away from the winter solstice, and in the first century B.C. coincided very closely with the spring equinox. In Lagash, on the contrary, the calendar makers 1 January 1S92, V. p. 13. PART I.] RIVAL CALENDARS 55 clung to the originally established season of the year, and made it begin at the winter solstice ; therefore by degrees the beginning of their year moved away from the constellation Aries, and in Gudea's time the new year's festival was held in honour of the goddess Bau = Gula = Aquarius. IV THE MEDIAN CALENDAR AND THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archceolog)', June 1897] In a former number^ of these Proceedings I contrasted as follows, what I believed to be the calendar of the Accadians with that of the in- habitants of Lagash : — " In Accad the calendar makers clung to the originally instituted star-mark for the year, and made it begin with the sun's entry into [the constellation] Aries ; therefore by degrees the be- ginning of their year moved away from the winter solstice, and in the first century b.c. coincided very closely with the spring equinox. "In Lagash, on the contrary, the calendar makers clung to the originally established season ' V. p. 54. 56 PART I.] EQUINOX IN TAURUS 57 of the year, and made it begin at the winter solstice ; therefore by degrees the beginning of their year moved away from the constellation Aries, and in Gudea's time [about 2,900 B.C.] the new year's festival was held in honour of the goddess Bau = Gula = Aquarius," I now desire to draw attention to the Median calendar, which appears to have differed from that used, as above suggested, in Accad or in Lagash ; inasmuch as the beginning of the Median year was not dependent on the sun's entry into the constellation Aries, as in Accad ; nor was it fixed to the season of the "winter solstice as in Lagash. The beginning of the Median year was fixed to the season of the spring equinox, and remain- ing true to that season, followed no star-mark. The great importance, however, of Tauric sym- bolism in Median art seems to point to the fact that when the equinoctial year was first established the spring equinoctial point was in the constella- tion Taurus. Astronomy teaches us that was the case, speaking in round numbers, from 4,000 to 2,000 B,C. 58 THE MEDIAN CALENDAR [part i. It is true that we have no documentary proof of the existence of a Median equinoctial calendar in the remote past, such as that which we possess in the Babylonian standard astrological works re- garding the ancient sidereal Accadian calendar. We have, however, among the modern repre- sentatives of the Medes, the Persians, a very distinctive calendrical observance, namely, that of the Nowroose, or the festival of the new year ; and we have the Persian tradition that the institu- tion of this festival was of fabulous antiquity. I quote from Ker Porter's remarks on this subject : — "The 2 1 St of March, the impatiently antici- pated day of the most joyous festival of Persia, at last arrived. It is called the feast of the Now- roose, or that of the commencement of the new year; and its institution is attributed to the cele- brated Jemsheed, who, according to the traditions of the country, and the fragments yet preserved of its early native historians, was the sixth in descent from Noah, and the fourth sovereign of Persia, of the race of Kaiomurs, the grandson of Noah. . . . But to return to the feast of the Nowroose. It is acknowledged to have been cele- brated from the earliest ages, in Persia, indepen- PART I.] PERSIAN NOWROOSE 59 dent of whatever religions reigned there ; whether the simple worship of the One Great Being, or under the successive rites of Magian, Pagan, or Mahomedan institutions." {Travels, vol. i. p. 316.) This equinoctial and solar year, as the writer proceeds to point out, is adhered to by the Per- sians, though they, being Mahomedans, also cele- brate Mahomedan lunar festivals, and for many purposes make use of the Mahomedan lunar year. It is easy to see how greatly the Persian Now- roose differs from the purely lunar Mahomedan anniversaries — anniversaries which in the course of about thirty-two and a half years necessarily make a complete circuit through the seasons. The difference, though not so marked, which exists between the purely solar Nowroose, and all soli-lunar festivals, such as those of the Baby- lonians, should also be taken note of. These last, like our Easter, were dependent on the phases of the moon, and were therefore "moveable." The Persian Nowroose, like our Christmas Day, is an "immoveable" festival — fixed to the day of the sprmg equmox. 6o THE MEDIAN CALENDAR [part i. Modern tradition concerning the distinctively Persian custom of celebrating the Nowroose would, if it stood alone, furnish very slight grounds on which to found a far-reaching theory ; but historical evidence confirms this tradition to a great extent, by teaching us that the Median and Persian wor- shippers of Ahura Mazda, and of Mithras, certainly under the Sassinide dynasty, and almost with equal certainty under the Achaemenid kings, kept their calendar and celebrated their religious fes- tivals in a manner differing from that of the sur- rounding nations ; their months were not lunar, their years were not soli-lunar but distinctly solar, and the spring equinox was the date to which as closely as possible the beginning of their year was fixed. In Darmesteter's translation of the Zend Avesta the Persian months are treated of in Appendix C, p. 33, and in Appendix D, p. 37, we read of the Persian years : — " L'annde etait divisee en quatre saisons, corre- spondant aux notres. Cette division ne parait guere que dans les textes post-avest^ens ; mais il y a dans I'Avesta meme des traces de son existence ancienne, PART I.] MITHRAS AND EQUINOX 6i La division normale de I'annee est, dans I'Avesta, en deux saisons, 6t€ et hiver ; I'et^, hama, qui com- prend les sept premiers mois (du i" Farvardin au 30 Mihr, soit du 21 mars au 16 octobre). . , . Cette division a une valeur religieuse, non seule- ment pour le rituel, mais aussi pour les pratiques, qui varient selon la saison." The worship of the Persian sun-god Mithras was introduced into Rome about the time of the fall of the Republic. How far this worship differed from that taugfht in the Zoroastrian writing's we need not inquire ; however changed it may have been, it was evidently derived originally from a Persian or a Median source. The worship of Mithras, in spite of much opposition, gained many followers in Rome. The birthday of the sun-god was kept at the winter solstice, but the great festivities in his honour, ''the mysteries of Mithras,^' were as a rule celebrated at the season of the spring equinox,^ ^ Cumont, in the first volume of his Monuments figuris relatifs aux mysteres de Mithra, p. 326, having spoken of the solstitial festival in honour of the birthday of the god, observes as follows : " Nous avons certaines raisons de croire que les equinoxes etaient aussi des jours feries ou I'on inaugurait par quelque salutation le retour des Saisons divinisees. Les initiations avaient lieu de pre- ference vers le debut du printemps, en mars ou en avril. . ," E 62 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. and were famous even among Roman festivals. Let us now turn our attention to the Tauric sym- bolism so closely connected with Mithraic obser- vances in Rome. A writer in the AthencBum thus describes a Roman Mithraeum •} " Discovery was made during some excavations at Ostia of a handsome house containing among its various rooms a mithr(Bum. . . . Into the kitchen opens a narrow and tortuous passage, from which by a small half-concealed stair- case the rnithrcBum is reached ; ... it is quad- rangular and regular in shape, as is usually the case in buildings of the kind. Almost the whole length o o of the two lateral walls run two seats, and on the side opposite the door is seen a little elevation, which served as the place for the usual statue of Mithras in the act of thrusting his dagger into the neck of the mystic Bull. A very singular peculi- arity of this little Ostian mithrceum is that it is entirely covered with mosaics — pavements, seats, and walls alike. The various figrures and the symbols are splendidly drawn, and all executed in black tessercB on a white ground. Upon each side of the seats, turned to the entrance door, is figured a genius bearing a lamp, that is, the genius of the 1 Athenaum, 1886, October 30 and November 6. PART I.] MITHRAS SLAYS BULL 63 spring- equinox, with the face raised, and that of the autumn equinox, with the face cast down. . . . It is known, in fact, that the whole myth of Mithras is related to the phases of the sun . . . hence are represented in the ground below the seats all the twelve signs of the zodiac, by means of the usual symbols, but each accompanied by a large star." In the many sculptures of the Mithras group similar to that above described, which have been so well figured in Lajard's Culte de Mithras, various heavenly bodies are represented. The Scorpion (the constellation Scorpio of the Zodiac opposed to Taurus) joins with Mithras in his attack upon the Bull, and always the genii of the spring and autumn equinoxes are present in joyous and mournful attitudes. In looking at these plates the conviction is clearly forced upon our minds that the Bull so per- sistently, and, it may be added, so serenely, slain by Mithras in these Roman representations, is the Zodiacal Bull, overcome, and as it were destroyed or banished from heaven, in the daytime by the sun-god, and at night by Scorpio, the constellation in opposition. With almost equal conviction we 64 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. arrive at the conclusion that this triumph of Mithras was associated traditionally — in Roman days it could only have been traditionally — with the oc- currence, at a remote date, of the spring equinox during the time that the sun was in conjunction with the constellation Taurus. In the ruins of Persepolis, ruins of buildings designed, erected, and decorated by the worshippers of the supreme God Ahura Mazda, and of his friend and representative Mithras, Tauric symbolism abounds. We do not amongst these ruins find por- trayals of Mithras as a youth wearing a Phrygian cap, and "thrusting his dagger into the neck of the mystic Bull," but again and again, in the bas- reliefs adorning the walls, we do find a colossal being thrusting his dagger into the body of a still more " mystic " creature than the Bull of the Roman sculptures — a creature combining in one instance at least ^ the attributes of Bull, Lion, Scorpion, and Eagle, and frequently those of two or more of these animals. Perrot and Chipiez have supposed this con- stantly repeated scene to represent imaginary 1 See Plate IV. li^ Persepolis. Combat du roi et du griffon. Palais n° 3. Perrot et Chipiez. Histoire de I'Art dans rA7itiqintc, Tome v. opposite page 547. \To /ace p. 64. PART I.] BULL LION SCORPION EAGLE 65 contests between the reigning monarch and all possible or impossible monsters, but a very different impression was produced on the mind of Ker Porter by these same bas-reliefs ; and though he did not adopt a purely astronomic theory to ex- plain them, he was firmly convinced that the combat depicted was not one waged between an ordinary human being and an ordinary or extraordinary animal, but that it was a symbolical representation of the combat constantly carried on by Ormuzd (Ahura Mazda), and by his representative Mithras, against the powers of evil and darkness.^ With the astronomic clue to Persian symbolism 1 "The man who contends with the animals ... is repre- sented as a person of a singularly dignified mien, clad in long draperied robes, but with the arms perfectly bare. His hair, which is full and curled, is bound with a circlet or low diadem ; and his sweeping pointed beard is curled at different heights, in the style that was worn by majesty alone. . . . The calmness of his air, contrasted with the firmness with which he grasps the animals, and strikes to his aim, gives a certainty to his object, and a sublimity to his figure, beyond anything that would have been in the power of more elaborate action or ornament to effect. From the unchanged appearance of the hero, his unvaried mode of attack, its success, and the unaltered style of opposition adopted by every one of the animals in the contest, I can have no doubt that they all mean different achievements towards one great aim. . . ." — Ker Porter's Travels, vol. i. p. 672. 66 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. put into our hands by the Roman sculptures, of which mention has been made, and by a study of the researches of Lajard, it is not difficult to recognize in the composite animals represented on the bas-reliefs allusions not only to the Zodiacal Bull, traditionally associated with the spring equinox, but also to three other constellations which at the same date of the world's history (namely, from 4,000 to 2,000 b.c.) marked more or less accurately the remaining colures, i.e. the Lion, the Scorpion, and the Eagle. The constellations of the Lion and the Scorpion, there can be no doubt, were appropriate star marks for the summer and autumn seasons, when the spring equinoctial point was in the Bull,^ but as regards the Eagle it must be admitted that though it adjoins the Zodiacal Aquarius (the con- stellation in which the winter solstitial point was then situated), yet its principal stars lie consider- ably to the north and west of that constellation. A reason for the substitution of the Eagle (Aquila) for the Zodiacal Water-man or Water-jar ^ The solstitial and equinoctial colures were situated, speaking in round numbers, for 2,000 years in the constellations Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, and Aquarius. PART I.] EAGLE FOR WATER-MAN 67 (Aquarius or Amphora) may, however, be found in the fact of the very great brilliancy of the star Altair in the Eagle. It is a star of the first magnitude. In the Water-man there is no star above the third. The Persians, we are told, had a tradition that four brilliant stars marked the four cardinal points {i.e. the colures). In Taurus, Leo, and Scorpio we find stars of the first magnitude : there was therefore no temptation for Mithraic calendar makers and mythologists to seek for an extra- Zodiacal star to mark and represent the spring, summer, or autumn seasons ; but for the winter solstice the only stars of the first magnitude within at all suitable distance were Aquila, to the north-west, or Fomalhaut to the south of Aquarius. For a nation dwelling as far to the north as the Medians are supposed to have done, Fomalhaut (when the winter solstice was in Aquarius very far to the south of the equator) would have been rarely visible. The choice by a Median astronomer and symbolic artist in search of a very brilliant star mark for the solstice would therefore have been re- stricted to the constellation of the Eagle, containing the conspicuous Altair, a star of the first magnitude. 68 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. The very constant association, not only in Persian and Median, but also in the mythologic art of other nations, of the Lion and the Eagle, seems to confirm the view here put forward, i.e. that the constellations of Leo and Aquila rather than of Leo and Aquarius were sometimes chosen to symbolise the summer and winter solstices. The Griffin, a fabulous animal sacred to the sun, composed of a Lion and an Eagle, is a well-known figure in ancient classic art. In Babylonian and Assyrian sculptured and glyptic art Merodach is often represented as in conflict with a Griffin. Merodach has been claimed by Jensen and. other writers as a personification of the sun of the spring equinox. The for ever recurring triumph of spring over winter is probably figured in Merodach's triumph over the Griffin. The association of Eagle and Lion is to be noticed in the arms of the city of Lagash ; they were "a double-headed Eagle standing on a Lion passant or on two demi-lions placed back to back." ^ In Lagash, as was pointed out in a former paper, the new year's festival appears to have been held at the ^ Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 604. TART 1.] GRIFFIN AND SOLSTICES 69 winter solstice : such a supposition would furnish an astronomical interpretation for the arms of Lagash.^ Mythological references to the Eagle alone are also to be met with which point to the Celestial Eagle (Aquila) marking the winter solstice in lieu of the constellation Aquarius, as for instance the Babylonian legend of the ambitious storm-bird, Zu,^ who stole the tablets of destiny, and thus sought to vie in power with " the great gods." Here we may find allusions to the substitution (deemed by some, 1 In this connexion the following passage from Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, p. 261, is interesting : — A text copied for Assur-banipal, from a tablet originally written at Babylon, contains part of a hymn which had to be recited " in the presence of Bel-Merodach ... in the beginning of Nisan," — " . . . . O Zamama, Why dost thou not take thy seat ? Bahu, the Queen of Kis, has not cried to thee." He adds in a note that Zamama was the Sun-god of Kis, and was consequently identitied with Adar by the mythologists. On a contract-stone he is symbolized by an eagle, which is said to be "the image of the southern sun of Kis." It was claimed in a former paper (Feb. 1896) that " the Southern sun " was " the sun of the winter solstice" and that Gula ( = Bahu) was the name of the constellation, or of some stars in the constella- tion Aquarius (V. p. 50). In these lines Bahu, as I have sup- posed, Aquarius, and Zamama, symbohsed by the Eagle, the image of the Southern sun or winter solstice, are closely associated. 2 Maspero, Dawn of Civilization^ p. 666. 70 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. no doubt, unauthorized) of an extra- Zodiacal for a Zodiacal constellation. Again, in Grecian mythology the Eagle is sent by Zeus to carry Ganymede up to heaven, and in Grecian astronomy Ganymede is placed in the constellation Aquarius. It does not therefore seem unreasonable to suppose that the Eagle associated in the Persepolitan bas-reliefs with the Lion, the Bull, and the Scorpion (as at Plate IV.), is the con- stellational Eagle, symbolizing the winter solstice, and that the compound animal is emblematic of the four seasons of the year, and also, it may be, of the four quarters of the world. If to the composite monster of the bas-reliefs we ascribe an astronomic motive, we shall be ready to grant the same to other Tauric symbolisms prominent in the Persepolitan ruins. With full conviction we shall recognize in the demi-bulls which crowned the columns in Persepolis and Susa representations of the demi-bull of the Zodiac. The resemblance is so striking that words are scarcely required to point it out when once the outlines of the two figures have been compared (Plate v.). In the spirited description of these PLATE V. THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS CAPITAL FROM SUSA [To /ace p. 70. PART I.] PERSEPOLITAN DEMI-BULLS 71 capitals, quoted here from Perrot and Chipiez,^ are some lines, marked with italics, which might be applied with exactness to the demi-bulls of the Zodiac. " On ne saurait cependant ne point admirer le grand gout et I'art ingdnieux avec lequel, dans ses bustes de taureau, il [I'artiste perse] a p\\6 la forme vivante au necessit^s de la decoration architecturale. II a su la simplifier sans lui enlever I'accent de la vie ; les traits caracteristiques de I'espece sur laquelle s'est porte son choix restent franchement accuses, quoique les menus details soient dlimin^s ; ils auraient risqu6 de distraire et de troubler le regard. Les polls de la nuque et du dos, de I'epaule, des fanons, et des flancs sont reunis en masses d'un ferme contour, auquelles la frisure des boucles dont elles se composent donne un relief plus vigoureux ; en meme temps le collier qui pend au col, orn6 de rosaces et d'un riche fleuron qui tombe sur la poitrine, 6carte toute idee de realitd ; ce sont la des etres sacres et presque divins, que I'imagina- tion de I'artiste a comme crees a nouveau et modeles a son gre pour les adapter a la fonction qu'elle leur donnait a remplir. Cependant, tout place qu'il soit en dehors des conditions de la nature, I'animal n'a 1 ffistoire dfT Art dans rantiquite, Perse, p. 519. 72 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. pas perdu sa physionomie propre. Dans le mouve- ment de la tete, Idgerement inclince en avant et sur la cotd, on sent la force indompt^e qui anime ce corps ample et puissant. Hardiment indiquees, la con- struction et la musculature des membres infdrieurs, replUs sous le ventre, laissent deviner de quel elan le taureau se leverait et se dresserait en pied, s'il venait a se lasser de son eternel repos. J 'en ai fait plusieurs fois I'experience au Louvre, devant la partie de chapiteau colossal que notre musde doit a M. Dieulafoy : parmi les visiteurs qui se pressaient dans cette salle, parmi ceux memes qui semblaient le moins prepares a eprouver ce genre d'impressions, il n'en est pas un qui n'ait subi le charme, qui de maniere ou d'autre, n'ait rendu hommage a la noblesse et a 1 'Strange beaute de ce type singulier." For the exquisite columns crowned by these Tauric capitals the same writers have claimed a distinctively Median origin. This claim they sus- tain at great length, and with much architectural learning. They show that in their proportions, and in every detail of their ornamentation, the Perse- politan differed from the Ninevite, Grecian, or Egyptian column. They also point out that no- where except at Persepolis and at Susa is the PART I.] MEDIAN AND ASSYRIAN ART 73 demi-bull of the capital to be met with ; and yet they express the opinion that this feature, so far as is known proper to Persia, was mainly derived from, or helped at least by, the models of Assyria. Very close resemblances can indeed be traced in Medo- Persian to Assyrian art, and as the Medo- Persian buildings, whose ruins are at Persepolis and Susa, were erected certainly at a later date than the palaces of the Assyrian kings discovered on the site of Nineveh, it is natural to attribute, as Perrot and Chipiez, and nearly all writers on the sub- ject attribute, such resemblances to imitations of Assyrian art and symbolism on the part of the Medo-Persians. There are, however, some considerations which make it difficult to adopt this view. In the first place, the symbolism supposed to have been copied by the Medo-Persians was religious symbolism, and the religion of the Aryan Medo-Persians was very different from that of the Semitic Assyrians. The Achsemenid kings who built their palaces at Persepolis claimed constantly that they were worshippers of the one great Lord Ahura Mazda, ;4 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. of whom Mithras was the friend and representative. That these kings should have adopted from the polytheistic Assyrians not only the Tauric sym- bolism above described, but also, as it is sug- gested, the emblem of their one great Lord Ahura Mazda from that of Assur (see Plate VI. figs. I, 2, 3), would in itself be strange, but that they should have done so when Assur and all his followers had been utterly vanquished by the victorious worshippers of Ahura Mazda, seems still more improbable. From the state in which the ruins of Nineveh were when discovered by Layard it is easy to see that, from the very day of the sacking of the city, it had for the most part been left just as it fell. It may have been rifled of its material wealth, but its literary and artistic treasures were left uncared for and undesired. A few hundred years later the very site of Nineveh was unknown. The great city would not have been treated with such neglect had the Medo- Persian artists turned to it for inspiration and for themes of symbolic art with which to decorate the palaces of Persepolis. PLATE VI. FIG. 1. ^he Assyrian god Assur. FIG. 2. The Assyrian god Assur. PLATE VI. FIG. 3. The Median god Ahura Mazda. FIG. 4. Western portion of Constellation Sagittarius and the Constellation Corona Australis. [To face p. 74. PART I.] ASSYRIANS COPIED MEDES 75 The resemblance, however, between Medo- Persian and Ninevite art is in many instances so striking that some way of accounting for it must be sought, and those who are dissatisfied with one explanation will naturally look about to find some alternative suggestion. The alternative suggestion I would now pro- pose is that the progenitors of the Assyrians at an early period of the world's history borrowed Tauric and other religious symbolisms from the ancestors of the Medes. In support of this theory the following con- siderations are put forward : Tauric symbolism, if it is at all astronomic, points us back to a very remote date for its first institution, to a date considerably earlier than that at which the existence of the Assyrian people as an independent nation is generally put. The sym- bolism already discussed must, at the latest, have been originated about 2,000 B.C. Of the Assyrians as a nation we have no monumental proof earlier than 1,700 B.C. But further, in the symbol of Ahura and Assur, I believe an astronomic reference may be traced ;6 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. to the position of the colures amongst the con- stellations, a reference which points us back not merely to a date between 4,000 and 2,000 B.C., but rather, and with curious precision, to the furthest limit of the time mentioned, namely to 4,000 B.C. To penetrate into the meaning of this symbol of Ahura we must study both the Median and Assyrian representations of the figure presiding over the winged disc, and we may also seek for further light to be thrown upon it by other refer- ences in Assyrian art to the god Assur. Ahura presiding over the winged circle holds in his hand a ring or crown ; Assur in some ex- amples is similarly furnished ; but more often he appears armed with bow and arrows. In this figure, variously equipped, 1 believe that the heavenly Archer, the Zodiacal Sagittarius (Plate VI. fig. 4), is to be recog'nized — Sao-ittarius, the constellation in which the autumnal equinoctial point was situated, speaking in round numbers, from 6,000 to 4,000 B.C. The fact that a crown or wreath or ring often replaces the bow and arrows in the hand of Ahura and of Assur might at first sight make us doubtful as to the connexion of the figure with the constella- PART I.] AHURA MAZDA AND ASSUR Tj tion Sagittarius, but a glance at the celestial globe will rather make this fact tell in favour of the astro- nomical suggestion here made : for there we find close to the hand of the Archer the ancient Ptole- maic constellation Corona Australia (the Southern Crown), actually incorporated with the Zodiacal con- stellation Sagittarius. Not only do Assur's bow and crown remind us of Sagittarius, but his horned tiara, resembling so closely that worn by the man-headed Assyrian bulls, inclines us to look for some astronomic and Tauric allusion in this Assyrian and Median symbol. True it is that, speaking generally, Gemini and not Taurus is the constellation of the Zodiac opposed to Sagittarius, but owing to the irregu- larity in the shape and size of the portions assigned in the ecliptic to the Zodiacal constellations, the extreme western degrees of Sagittarius are opposed to the extreme eastern degrees of Taurus. There- fore about 4,000 B.C. the equinoctial colure passed through the constellations of the Archer and the Bull. In the Assyrian Standard (depicted in Layard's Monuments of Nineveh, Plate XXII.) 78 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. we see the figure of an Archer above that of a galloping Bull, and in another Assyrian Standard, that of Sargon II., we find not only PLATE VII. Standard of Sargon II., King of Assyria, 722-705 B.C. Perrot et Chipiez. Histoire de PArt dans t'Antiqidie, Tome v. opposite page 508. \Tojacep. 79. PART I] ARCHER, BULL, LION, WATER-MAN 79 the Archer and the Bull, the two constellations which 4,000 B.C. marked the equinoctial colure, but we may also clearly trace a reference to the two constellations which at the same date marked the solstitial colure, namely, those of the Lion and the Water-man (Plate VII.). Here the Archer dominates over a circle in which symmetrically duplicated Bulls appear, and duplicated Lions' heads emerge out of what appears to be a hollow vessel resembling a water jar ; the wavy lines that traverse the disc suggest streams that unitedly pour their waters into this jar. Below the jar again are to be seen halved and doubled heads, partly Lion and partly Bull. This Standard of Assur may (like the Perse- politan monster earlier described) be considered as an astronomic monogram representing the four constellations which marked the four seasons of the year, and the four quarters of the earth. The monogram of the Standard refers us back, however, to an earlier date for its origin than does the monogram of the composite animal in the Persepolitan bas-relief, for in the Standard the Archer is opposed to the Bull, in the bas-relief 8o THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. the Scorpion takes the place of the Archer, and the Eagle takes the place of the Water-man. The precession of the equinoxes advances from east to west amongst the stars. Therefore the Scorpion marked the colure at a later date than did the Archer. The Eagle, as has already been pointed out, is considerably to the west of Aquarius, and could scarcely have been chosen as a sub- stitute for that constellation when the colure was in its extreme eastern degrees. At Plate VIII. is given the position of the colures at 4,000 B.C. ; not much earlier or much later than this date can we place the origin of the symbolism in the Standard shown at Plate VII. Earlier not Leo and Aquarius, but Virgo and Pisces, would have marked the solstitial colure. Later not Sagittarius, but Scorpio, would have in opposition to Taurus marked the equinoctial colure. At this date, 4,000 B.C., suggested with such curious accuracy by this Assyrian Standard, we have absolutely no trace of the existence of the Semitic nation of the Assyrians in Northern Meso- potamia. In Babylonia two hundred years later the Semitic Sargon I. ruled at Accad. In the PLATE VIII. c,CC&.^o. ^■4bT^ Position of Colures amongst the Constellations at the dates 4,500-4,000 and 3,500 B.C. [ To face p. 80. PART I.] MANDA PROBABLY MEDES 8i astrological work drawn up, if not for Sargon yet, as we may judge from internal evidence, for some king of Accad, no mention is made of the Assyrian nation. The Phoenicians, the Hittites, the Kings of Gutium, and the " Umman Manda" are then the dreaded foes of Accad. Of the Manda we read as follows : " The Umman Manda comes and governs the land. The mercy seats of the great gods are taken away. Bel goes to Elam." Professor Sayce is opposed to the view that the Manda are necessarily identical with the Medes ; but he admits that Herodotus, following the authority of Medo-Persian writers, claimed as Median the victories of the Manda.^ If now on the authority of Herodotus and the Medo-Persian writers we assume, at least as a possibility, that these Manda were Medes, we should expect to find them worshippers of Ahura Mazda. Ahura, it is on all hands admitted, is the Iranian form of the Vedic Asura, just as Mithras is the Iranian form of the Vedic Mitra. At what- ever date the separation between Iranian and Vedic 1 Proceedings, vol. xviii. Part vi. pp. 176, 177. 82 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. Aryans took place, the worship of Ahura (still probably under the form Asura) must have existed amongst the Iranians; indeed, many have sup- posed that the monotheistic reform which placed one great Ahura or Asura above all other Asuras, and above the Devas, occasioned the separation of these two great Aryan races. It is for the Lord Ahura, called, as here supposed, Asura, in early times, by the Aryan Manda, that I would claim the astronomical symbol of the Archer presiding over the circle of the ecliptic, or, in other words, over the circle of the year, and of a year beginning at the spring equinox — a year, as has already been pointed out, distinctively Median. According then to this supposition, a powerful Median race was established in the vicinity of Babylonia early in the fourth millennium B.C. — a race who worshipped one great Lord, first under the name of Asura, afterwards under that of Ahura. It is for these Aryan Manda or Medes that I would claim, at the date of 4,000 u.c, the original conception of the astronomic monogram in which PART I] SYMBOLIC STANDARD MEDIAN 83 so plainly may be read an allusion to the four con- stellations of the Zodiac, which at that date marked the four seasons and the four cardinal points, i.e. Sagittarius and Taurus, Aquarius and Leo. This monogram was used as a Standard thousands of years later by the Semitic Assyrians. To the Manda or Medes, also, I would, as has been suggested, attribute the first imagining of the astronomic emblem common to Ahura and Assur — that of the divine Being presiding over the circle of the ecliptic. Berosus mentions a Median dynasty as having reigned in Babylon for one or two hundred years. Let us now suppose that the Manda for more than a thousand years held power in Northern Mesopotamia, but that at last the tide of conquest turned, and after many struggles with the Semites in the south the Aryans were finally driven from the land now known as Assyria, and a Semite race firmly settled in the regions from whence in Sargon's time the Umman Manda had threatened the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Accad. That this was the case about 2,200 b.c. may perhaps be gathered from the monuments of Hammurabi, the 84 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. Semitic king of Babylon, for he refers in his letters to his troops in Assyria, and in a lately discovered inscription of this king he speaks of restoring to the city of Assur its propitious genie, and of honouring Istar in the city of Nineveh. To account for the existence of the Assyrian nation, their close resemblance in language and race to the ruling Semitic class in Babylon, and yet to explain the great difference in the religion of these two peoples, has always been a difficulty. The Assyrians worshipped, and worshipped with enthusiasm, all the Babylonian gods ; but high above the whole Babylonian Pantheon they placed as their supreme and great Lord Assur — Assur whose very name is not to be met with in Baby- lonian mythology. This difficulty I would explain in the following manner. When the Medes had, by Hammurabi or his successors, been driven out of Northern Mesopo- tamia, they were replaced by Semitic settlers who (like the settlers sent into Samaria more than a thousand years later by a king of Assyria) adopted, to a certain extent, the religion of the nation whom they had dispossessed. In 2 Kings xvii. we read PART I.] ASSUR, THE "GOD OF THE LAND" 85 that in this parallel instance " the king of Assyria brought men from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Ava, and from Hamath, and from Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of the children of Israel : and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof." Later in the same chapter we read that in order to appease, as they believed, the wrath of the " God of the land," these idolatrous settlers, retaining in full the worship of all their own gods, added to it a worship of the Lord of the dispossessed Israelites. I would suppose then that the polytheistic Semites, who in Hammurabi's time were settled in Northern Mesopotamia, had acted in a similar manner. Coming into a region where for nearly 2,000 years the monotheistic Medes or Manda had been established, they, to avert the wrath of the god of the land, adopted to a certain extent his worship. In fact, like the Samaritans, " they feared the Lord [Asura], and served their own gods." This explanation of the difference in religion between the Babylonians and the Assyrians seems to yield also an explanation of the resemblances between the Assyrian and Median religions, or 86 THE CONSTELLATION TAURUS [part i. rather of the resemblances between the religious art of the two peoples ; and thus we return to the problem proposed for discussion earlier in this Paper, namely, the inadequacy of the generally held opinion which accounts for the resemblances in Persepolitan and Ninevite symbolic art by supposing that the Medes borrowed from the Assyrians. In support of the alternative suggestion put forward at p. 75, that the progenitors of the Assyrians at an early period of the zvorld's history borrowed Tauric and other religious symbolisms from the ancestors of the Medes, I would claim that the Assyrians borrowed not only religious sym- bolisms, but even the very name of their god Assur from the Medes. For I look upon Assur as a "loan word" adopted from the Aryan Asura. To the Medes or Manda, who were, as has been argued, in power in Northern Mesopotamia about 4,000 B.C., I have attributed the origin of the astronomic Assyrian and Ahurian emblem. To them, on the same grounds, I attribute the first imagining of the astronomic Assyrian Standard, and the devising of the man-headed and PART I] ASSUR DERIVED FROM ASURA 87 winged monsters so well known as "Assyrian Bulls " ; and to them I would, with full conviction, leave the honour of having invented, and not bor- rowed, the idea of the magnificent Tauric capitals that crowned the columns of Persepolis and Susa. To all these conclusions I have been led by a consideration of the distinctively equinoctial character of the Median calendar, taken in con- nexion with the importance given in Median art to the constellation Taurus. V ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [Reprinted from the Report of the Acies of the Twelfth Oriental Congress held at Rome] Not much more than a hundred years ago the Sanscrit language began to yield to the study of Europeans some of its literary treasures. Almost on the moment, a controversy arose as to the antiquity of the science of astronomy in India ; for scholars were amazed to find in this already long dead language many learned astronomical treatises, besides complete instructions for calcul- ating, year by year, the Hindu calendar, as also for calculating horoscopes. Some then proclaimed the wonderful facts re- vealed, and extolled the antiquity and accuracy of this Indian science, while others, noticing the many points of resemblance between European and Indian methods, supposed, and warmly advo- ss PART I.] GREEK V. INDIAN SCIENCE 89 cated the opinion, that much of the astronomy contained in Sanscrit works had been borrowed from the Greeks. Sir William Jones was amongst the first to enter the lists against this Grecian theory ; and he thus throws down his glove in defence of the antiquity and originality of the science of as- tronomy in India. " I engage to support an opinion (which the learned and industrious M. Montucla seems to treat with extreme contempt) that the Indian division of the Zodiack was not borrowed from the Greeks or Arabs, but, having been known in this country (India) for time immemorial, and being the same in part with that used by other nations of the old Hindu race, was probably invented by the first progenitors of that race before their dis- persion." ^ Since Sir William Jones wrote this challenge, and supported it with whatever linguistic and scientific resources were at his command, volumes of heated controversy by many authors have been devoted to the same subject. ^ On the Antiquity of the Indian Zodiack. Complete Works, vol. i. p. 333. 90 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. Just at present, however, an almost indifferent calmness has taken the place of the excited interest formerly manifested. The majority of scholars, both European and Indian, appear to have ac- cepted, as an axiom, the opinion that much of Indian astronomy, and certainly the Indian ac- quaintance with the twelve-fold division of the Zodiac, is to be attributed to Grecian influence. A minority of writers still hold the view advo- cated by Sir William Jones about a hundred years ago, and thus reiterated by Burgess (the translator of the Indian standard astronomical work the Silrya-Siddhdnta) in i860. "The use of this (twelve-fold) division, and the present names of the signs, can be proved to have existed in India at as early a period as in any other country."^ The minority who hold this view are so few at present that, as has been said, the majority rest in their opposed opinion in all the calmness of conviction. I will now as briefly as possible state the chief arguments put forward, for and against, this conviction. ^ Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. vi. p. 477. FART I.] SOLAR ZODIAC GRECIAN 91 I. In favour of the comparatively late intro- duction into India of the twelve-fold division of the Zodiac, it is contended that the divisions of the Indian Solar Zodiac so closely resemble those of the Grecian (the Zodiac which we to this day depict on celestial globes), that it is not possible to believe that two nations or two sets of as- tronomers could independently of each other have imagined the same fanciful and apparently incon- sequent series. History does not tell of communication between Greece and India, sufficient to account for this similarity of astronomical method, till after the date of Alexander's conquest — about 300 b.c. The Greeks could not at that late date have first become acquainted with the figures of the Zodiac, for in Grecian literature of a much earlier age the figures of the Zodiac and other constellations are alluded to as already perfectly well known. As the Greeks therefore could not have learnt all their astronomic lore from the Indians, the Indians must have learnt theirs from the Greeks at some date later than Alexander's Eastern conquests. A corroboration of this opinion is drawn from 92 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. the consideration that, in the most ancient Sanscrit work in existence — the purely Indian Rig Veda, containing- no Grecian taint — the twelve-fold divisions of the Zodiac appear to be unknown. This opinion as to the Rashis or constellations of the Solar Zodiac is so generally adopted, that the age of any Sanscrit work in which mention of these Rashis occurs is at once — no matter what its claims to antiquity may be — set down as not earlier than the comparatively modern date of 300 B.C. II. As regards the Indian Lunar Zodiac. The Indians make use at present for calendrical pur- poses, not only of the twelve-fold Solar Zodiac, they have also a series of 27 Nakshatras, or Lunar mansions (this is for convenience sake designated by European writers as the Lunar Zodiac). It is admitted on all hands that the Nakshatra series was not derived from Grecian sources. But it is contended that the fixation of the initial point of this Lunar Zodiac (a point at the end of Revati and the beginning of AswinI, 10 degrees west of the first point of our constellation Aries) was due to an astronomical reform of the Hindu calendar, PART I.] HINDU CALENDAR 570 A.D. 93 probably carried out under Grecian auspices at a date not much earlier than 600 a.d. A very clear statement of this opinion is thus given by Whitney (the editor of Burgess' translation of the Surya Siddhdnta) : — "The initial point of the fixed Hindu sphere from which longitudes are reckoned, and at which the planetary motions are held by all schools of Hindu astronomy to have commenced at the creation, is the end of the asterism Revati, or the beginning of A9vini. Its situation is most nearly marked by that of the principal star of Revati . . . that star is by all authorities identified with f Piscium, of which the longitude at present, as reckoned by us, from the Vernal Equinox, is 17° 54'. Making due allowance for the precession (of the equinoxes), we find that it coincided in position with the vernal equinox, not far from the middle of the sixth century, or about a.d. 570. As such coincidence was the occasion of the point being fixed upon as the beginning of the sphere, the time of its occurrence marks approximately the era of the fixation of the sphere, and of the com- mencement of the history of modern Hindu astronomy."^ ^ Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. vi. p. 158, 94 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. In further corroboration of this view — deduced from the astronomical supposition (to which I have drawn attention by italics) put forward in this extract — ancient Sanscrit literature is appealed to. Hymns and lists referring to the Nakshatras are to be met with in the Yajur and Atharva Vedas, in which Krittika, now the third Nakshatra, holds the first place. The Nakshatra Krittika contains the group of stars known to us as the Pleiades. The most brilliant stars in the Nakshatra Aswini are the two stars in the head of the constellation Aries (the Ram), known to astronomers as a and p Arietis. The vernal equinoctial point coincided about 2,000 B.C. with the constellation Krittika. It is considered to be most probable that on account of this coincidence, at the early date when the hymns and list in question were composed, Krittika was chosen as the leader of the Nakshatra series, and hence a similar reason for the later choice of AswinT as leader relegates it to a date not much earlier than 570 a.d. These very briefly, as far as I have been able PARI I.] INDIAN V- GREEK SCIENCE 95 to gather them, are the chief arguments in favour of— (i) The Grecian introduction of the twelve- fold Zodiac into India about 300 B.C. (2) The date of 570 a.d. for the fixation of the initial point of the Indian Zodiacs, and for the commencement of the history of Indian astronomy. These propositions are based on cogent reason- ings, and are maintained by very high authorities. The opponents of the modern theory have brought and bring forward the following considerations : — "The Brdhmans were always too proud to borrow their science from the Greeks, Arabs, Moguls, or any nation of MlSchcKhas, as they call those who are ignorant of the Vtfdas, and have not studied the language of the Gods ; they have often quoted to me (Sir William Jones) the fragment of an old verse, which they now use proverbially {ita nicho yavandtparah), or, ' no base creature can be lower than a Yavan,' by which name they formerly meant an Ionian or Greek, and now mean a Mogul r 1 1 Sir William Jones, The Antiquity of the Indiati Zodiack, Complete Works, vol. i. p. 345. 96 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. Again the same writer points out that the" resemblance between the Indian and the Greek Zodiac is — " not more extraordinary than that, which has often been observed between our Gothick days of the week and those of the Hindus, which are dedicated to the same luminaries, and (what is yet more singular) revolve in the same order : Ravi, the Sun ; Sdma, the Moon ; Mangala, Tuisco ; Budha, Woden ; Vrihaspati, Thor ; Sucra, Freya ; Sani, Sater ; yet no man ever imagined that the Indians borrowed so remarkable an arrangement from the Goths or Germans." These considerations put forward by Sir William Jones are further emphasized by the reflection that not only does the Grecian theory entail the improbability of the proud and jealous Brahmins adopting into their science and their mythology the teachings of foreigners ; but that it also entails the greater improbability of the two rival Hindu sects. Brahmins and Buddhists, having at the same date and with equal enthusiasm adopted into their science and religious symbolism and calendars the same innovations. PART I.] WEEK-DAYS— OLD WRITERS 97 Again the opinion of the Greek writers at the beginning of our era may be quoted as showing the high estimation in which, at that time of the world, Indian astronomy was held : as for instance in the life of Apollonius of Tyana (written about 210A.D. by Philostratus), the wisdom and learning of Apollonius are set high above those of all his contemporaries ; but from the sages of India he is represented as learning many things, especially matters of astronomy. ^ This high opinion held by Greeks in regard to Indian astronomy may be contrasted with the very moderate praise bestowed on the Grecian science by Garga, a Hindu writer of, it is supposed, the first century B.C. He says : — "The Yavanas (Greeks) are MIechchas (non- Hindus, or barbarians), but amongst them this science (astronomy) is well established. Therefore they are honoured as Rishis (saints) ; how much more then an astronomer who is a Brahman ? " ^ Somewhat to the same effect speaks a Hindu author of a later date, Varahamihira, who wrote ' Apollonius of Tyana, Book iii. chapter 13. ^ Romesh Chunder Dutt, Ancient India, p. 136. 98 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. an astronomical dissertation treating of five different works known to him on the science of astronomy. He says : — "There are the following Siddhantas : The Paulisa, the Romaka, the Vasistha, the Saura, and the Paitamaha. Out of these five, the first two (the Paulisa and Romaka, which appear to have been European treatises) have been explained by Latadeva. The Siddhanta made by Paulisa is accurate, near to it stands the Siddhanta pro- claimed by Romaka ; more accurate is the Savitra (Saura) ^ {STlrya Siddhanta, the Hindit standard work) ; the two remaining ones are far from the truth. "2 This moderate, and, as it reads, judicial opinion of Varahamihira, touching the superiority of the native Surya Siddhanta over the Paulisa and Romaka Siddhantas, may be appealed to as not ' This opinion of Varaha has been confirmed by modern European scholars. Burgess (from whose translations of the Surya Siddhanta we have already quoted) remarks, " in regard to . . . the amount of the annual precession of the equinoxes, the relative size of the sun and moon as compared with the earth, the greatest equation of the centre of the sun, the Hindus are more nearly correct than the Greeks." {Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. vi. p. 480.) 2 The Pancliasiddhaniikd. Edited by G. Thibaut, ch. i. § 3. PART I.] VARAHAMIHIRA— BENTLEY 99 conveying the impression that when Varaha wrote his co - religionists and scientists were accepting, wholesale and with avidity, Grecian astronomic methods in place of their own already well-established native science. It is true that in Varaha's work many words evidently of Grecian origin are to be met with ; and some scholars have claimed that these " Greek terms occurrine in Varahamihira's writings are conclusive proofs of the Greek origin of Hindu astronomy." That such terms should occur in a work professedly a resunid of five astronomic treatises — some of them Indian, and some European — can scarcely be considered as conclusive proof that in the writer's time no purely Indian astronomic science existed. Varaha's writings suggest an author interested in comparing the resemblances and the differences to be met with in home and foreign methods, rather than one introducing for the first time important astronomic truths to the notice of his readers. It may be further urged that the claims to anti- quity in Sanscrit astronomical works are so well known, that those who adopt the Grecian theory must necessarily throw discredit in a very wholesale lOO ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. manner on all their authors. Bentley's furious diatribes may be quoted as an extreme example of the way in which the evidence of such Sanscrit claimants to antiquity is sometimes dealt with ; and it may be pointed out that such violent denuncia- tion cannot be looked on as convincing argument. "The fact is," writes Bentley, "that literary forgeries are now so common in India, that we can hardly know what book is genuine, and what not : perhaps there is not one book in a hundred, nay, probably in a thousand, that is not a forgery, in some point of view or other ; and even those that are allowed or supposed to be genuine, are found to be full of interpolations, to answer some particular ends : nor need we be surprised at all this, when we consider the facilities they have for forgeries, as well as their own general inclination and interest in following that profession ; for to give the ap- pearance of antiquity to their books and authors increases their value, at least in the eyes of some. Their universal propensity to forgeries, ever since the introduction of the modern system of astronomy and immense periods of years, in a.d. 538, are but too well known to require any further elucidation than those already given. They are under no restraint of laws, human or divine, and subject to PART I.] NEW SOURCES OF KNOWLEDGE loi no punishment, even if detected in the most flagrant Hterary impositions." i It is unnecessary now to further pursue the pros and cons of what has hitherto been said and written on the vexed questions as to the originaHty and antiquity of astronomy in India, and especially as to the Indian acquaintance with the twelve-fold divisions of the Zodiac, and the date of the fixation of the initial point in their Zodiac. We have seen that by the majority the Grecian and modern theory is the favoured one. Within the last quarter of a century, however, an unexpected reinforcement has come into the field, in aid of the disheartened and nearly silenced minority, who still believe in a great antiquity for the science of astronomy in India. The researches of archaeologists in Western Asia have of late brought to our knowledge vast hoards of information concerning the ancient inhabitants of Babylonia and Assyria, and the surrounding highlands and plains ; amongst other matters, con- cerning the science of astronomy possessed by these peoples. ■ A Historical View of the Hindu Astronomy, etc., p. i8i. I02 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. In 1874, a Paper entitled The Astronomy and Astrology of the Babylonians was read by Professor Sayce before the " Society of Biblical Archaeology,' and since that date other Papers, by various authors, dealing with the subject have appeared in the same Society's Proceedings. Also in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, articles have been contributed by such writers as Epping and Strassmaier, Oppert, Mayer, Mahler, Jensen, Lehmann, and others, in which the calendars and astronomical methods in use in Mesopotamia are discussed. Epping and Strassmaier's Astronomisches aus Babylon and Jensen's Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, are important volumes devoted to these same matters. Whatever else concerning the subject of all these writings remains uncertain and open to dis- cussion, some facts are clearly established. We now know that the inhabitants of Babylonia in a remote age (certainly as early as the fourth millenium b.c.) were acquainted with the twelve divisions of the Zodiac, and that these divisions were imagined under figures closely resembling in almost every instance those now depicted on our PART I.] ZODIAC IN ASIA, 3000 B.C. 103 celestial globes. The calendar used by the Acca- dians, and later by the Semitic Babylonians and Assyrians, was indeed based on the observance of the Zodiacal constellations and of the journeyings through them of the sun and moon. The varying positions of the planets, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn are also noted by references to the Zodiacal asterisms : and not only Zodiacal, but several of the extra-Zodiacal ancient constella- tions are represented on the monuments. All this information gained from the cuneiform tablets concerning the science of astronomy in Western Asia must undoubtedly affect the judg- ment of enquirers into the history of the same science in India, Now that it is clearly proved that 3,000 b.c. and earlier the twelve-fold fanciful signs of the Solar Zodiac were known to the inhabitants of Babylonia, it cannot any longer be asserted dogmatically that the inhabitants of India must have waited till 300 B.C. to learn this twelve-fold division from Grecian astronomers after the date of Alexander's conquest. But again as regards the fixation of the initial I04 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. point of the distinctively Indian Lunar Zodiac, or circle of the Nakshatras, at the "end of Revati, and the beginning of A9vini," that is to say, at a point not far from the first degree of Aries — cuneiform tablets teach us the important fact that long before the equinoctial point coincided with any of the degrees of Aries, that constellation was the leader of the Zodiacal series — inasmuch as the month Bar zig-gar (Accadian) the " Sacrifice of righteousness," that is, the month when the sun was in conjunction with Aries, always in the tablets appears as the ist month of the year.^ These late revelations of archaeology seem to strike at the root of the main arguments relied on by the advocates of the Grecian and modern origin of astronomic science in India; and this being the case, it is possible to turn with unbiassed minds ' This fact is admitted (see art. " Zodiac," sub-heading " first sign," Encyclopedia Briian?iica). But it is a fact opposed to the hitherto received opinion touching the necessary connexion of the equinoctial point and of the initial point of the Zodiac. " A prehistoric reform " of the calendar is supposed, and corrections of the ancient texts to suit this reform, are suggested. Until traces of such reform and corrections can be shown to exist, the evidence of the tablets may still be cited as pointing to a year counted from the sun's entry into Aries, in the earliest ages of Babylonian civilization. PART I.] ARIES LEADER, 3000 B.C. 105 to a consideration of the teachings of Sanscrit literature, and endeavour to learn from them what is the real truth as to the acquaintance of ancient Indian authors with the figures of the Zodiac and other astronomic phenomena. The opinion has been very generally adopted, as has been said, that in the Rig Veda there is no mention of any of the twelve figures of the Solar Zodiac. Some few writers have contended that occasional references to these figures are to be met with, and this question has been argued on etymological grounds. My entire ignorance of the Sanscrit language prevents me from at all following the arguments employed in this dis- cussion. And here it may be said, and said with good reason, that for the discussion of points connected with Vedic literature, writers ignorant of the language in which the Vedas were com- posed are but ill equipped for the task. At every step I keenly feel my own disqualifications ; but many translations and commentaries on the Rig Veda are in existence ; and without entering into etymological questions, it has seemed to me that broad astronomic explanations of some of the io6 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. myths might be supplied, if only the possibility of the Vedic Rishis having been acquainted with the strange figures of the celestial sphere should be admitted. In this paper I am anxious to draw the attention of those who can study Vedic texts in their original language to these possible explanations. Those only who know Sanscrit are really qualified to judge finally whether the sug- gestions here made can be sustained on further enquiry into the Vedas. If the interpretations of Vedic myths here proposed are correct— no doubt corroboration will be found for them in the Sanscrit names and epithets of mythic personages. If no such corroborations are to be met with, the probabilities in favour of the correctness of the astronomic interpretations will be greatly diminished. But to return to our subject. It is sometimes argued that the Vedic bards could not have been acquainted with the twelve-fold division of the Zodiac, as otherwise these great constellations would surely have claimed at their hands clear and outspoken notice. With this argument I cannot fully agree. Even before pointing out PART I.] ZODIAC IN VEDA DENIED 107 the important place which I believe astronomical phenomena hold in the Rig Veda, I would draw attention to the fact that according to the generally received and non astronomic explanation of the myths, it is necessary to suppose that still more striking and important natural phenomena than those connected with the constellations of the Zodiac — phenomena with which the Vedic bards must certainly have been acquainted — were almost entirely ignored by the authors of the Rig Veda. It is true that some great scholars claim on linguistic grounds a solar origin for much Vedic imagery and nomenclature ; yet when the hymns are examined in translations, and the notes and commentaries which accompany these translations are studied, the impression left on the mind of any reader unacquainted with Sanscrit must be that very little attention or honour is given to sun, moon, or stars, in comparison to that so freely lavished on the elements of fire, air and water, and on the mysterious properties of the juice of the Soma plant. The beauty of the dawn is almost the only celestial glory that appears to appeal with any io8 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part . insistence to the imaginations of the Vedic Rishis. If out of the more than one thousand hymns of the Rig Veda, not one is addressed to the moon, and on the most liberal calculation considerably less than a hundred to the sun, under any aspect, it need not be cause for wonder if the constellations of the Zodiac are not remembered. The poets of the Rig Veda, however ignorant of astronomy, and at whatever age they lived, must have some- times lifted their eyes above the sacrificial fire and its smoke, above the rain and storm-clouds, above their altars and libations of Soma. They must have often seen "the sun when it shined " and "the moon walking in brightness," and if they so rarely hymned these great luminaries with whose appearance and existence they so certainly were acquainted, it would prove no ignorance on their part of the twelve-fold division of the Zodiac and its quaintly imagined figures, were it indeed the case that all mention of these figures is absent from the Rig Veda. But as has been stated above, my desire is to draw attention to possible astronomic interpre- PART 1.] ZODIAC IN VEDA CLAIMED 109 tations of many of the Vedic myths, and the adoption of such interpretations would necessarily entail a reversal of the dictum that all mention of the twelve-fold Zodiac is absent from the Rio^ Veda. o Those who have studied this wonderful and mysterious collection of hymns most constantly and deeply are obliged to confess that it is still very imperfectly understood, and though it is agreed unanimously that the Gods of the Veda are personifications of the phenomena of nature, yet as to the exact phenomena underlying the various Vedic myths there is among scholars much difference of opinion. It is impossible not to feel in reading the hymns and the many speculations, notes, and comments appended to them, that notwithstanding all the labour and research bestowed on the work, much of this ancient Veda still remains a cypher, for the right understanding of which the modern reader does not possess the key. Guided by the teachings of archaeology, I now make the suggestion that the key to this cypher may perhaps be found in crediting the authors of the Veda with a somewhat advanced 1 10 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. knowledge of astronomy, and an acquaintance with the, to us, apparently fanciful constellations of the celestial sphere and Zodiac ; and in assuming that the figures of the " ancient constellations " often supplied the basis of Vedic imagery. To pursue this possible clue towards the under- standing of the myths, it were much to be desired that all students should be acquainted with the names and positions in the heavens of the forty-five constellations — so well distinguished by the epithet " ancient " — and that they should master some of the more easily observed conditions of their diurnal and annual apparent movements, as also those of the sun and moon, and further that they should have learnt what changes in the scenery of the heavens have been brought about by the slow movement known to astronomers as the "precession of the equinoxes." Classical and philological scholars have how- ever so rarely time and attention to spare from their own intensely interesting and important studies that as a rule astronomical phenomena are not much observed or considered by them. The accompanying diagrams drawn from a celestial PART I] INDRA IN THE RIG VEDA 1 1 1 precessional globe may, it is hoped, enable those, who have not as yet devoted thought to such subjects, to judge for themselves of the reason- ableness or otherwise of the following astronomic suggestions concerning the most important of the Vedic gods. According to A. A. Macdonell — who in his late work Vedic Mythology has summed up clearly and compendiously the opinions of a host of scholars on the nature of the Vedic gods — Indra is the favourite national god of the Rig Veda; he is celebrated in 250 hymns, a greater number than that "devoted to any other god, and very nearly one-fourth of the total number of hymns in the Rig Veda." ^ What may be called the central myths related of Indra, stripped of all epithet and ornament, relate that, invigorated by copious draughts of Soma, Indra fights with, overcomes, and drives from heaven and earth a demon called Vritra or Ahi, who is represented under the form of a dragon, serpent or water snake. Indra also searches for, finds, and releases cows which had 1 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 54. 112 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. been stolen from the gods (or according to some commentators, from the angirasas, or priests). Indra bestows on his worshippers all the bless- ings of plenty, especially he is the dispenser of rain. According to the usual non astronomic ex- planations of these myths, Indra, an "atmospheric god," 1 is " primarily the thunder god " who conquers " the demons of drought or darkness," or again, " Indra ^ is a personification of the phenomena of the firmament, particularly in the capacity of sending down rain. This property is metaphorically described as a conflict with the clouds which are reluctant to part with their watery stores until assailed and penetrated by the thunder bolt of Indra ; . . . the cloud is personified as a demon named Ahi or Vritra ... a popular myth represents him (Indra) also as the discoverer and rescuer of the cows, either of the priests or of the gods which had been stolen by an A sura named Pani or Vala." Macdonell, alluding to the same incident, ob- 1 Macdonell, Ve-^ic Mythology, p. 66. - Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, pp. xxx.-xxxi. PART I.] INDRA AN "ATMOSPHERIC GOD" 113 serves:^ These "cows released by Indra may, in many cases, refer to the waters, for we have seen that the latter are occasionally compared with lowing cows. Thus Indra is said to have found the cows for man when he slew the dragon. . . . But the cows may also in other cases be conceived as connected with Indra's winning of light, for the ruddy beams of dawn issuing from the blackness of night are compared with cattle coming out of their dark stalls. Again, though clouds play no great part in the Rig Veda under their literal name {abkra, etc.), it can hardly be denied that, as containing the waters, they figure mytho- logically to a considerable extent under the name of cow {go), as well as udder (iidhar) . . . thus the rain-clouds are probably meant when it is said that the cows roared at the birth of Indra." At the close of the section devoted to Indra, Macdonell refers to the probably pre-Vedic origin of the Indra myths. He says:^ "The name of Indra occurs only twice in the A vesta. Beyond the fact of his being no god, but only a demon, 1 Vedi'c Mythology, p. 59. 2 Jbid., pp. 66. 1 14 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. his character there is uncertain. Indra's distinctive Vedic epithet vrtrahan [Vritra-slayer] also occurs in the Avesta in the form of verethraghna, which is, however, unconnected with Indra or the thunder- storm myth, designating merely the God of Victory. Thus it is probable that the Indo-Iranian period possessed a god approaching to the Vedic form of the Vrtra-slaying Indra. It is even possible that beside the thundering god of heaven, the Indo - European period may have known as a distinct conception a thunder-god, gigantic in size, a mighty eater and drinker, who slays the dragon with his lightning bolt." In reading the Indra hymns in the Veda, and in trying to fit them to the explanation given in the passages quoted, a constant and very dis- agreeable strain is put on the imagination ; it must, for instance, attempt to grasp and hold, at the same time, two very far apart opinions as to the nature of the demon Vritra. Vritra is to be thought of as a demon of darkness, and as a demon of drought ; the cows are clouds, they are also ruddy beams of light ! Darkness and drought are not to be easily PART I.J INDRA, GOD OF SUMMER SOLSTICE 115 bracketed together. Drought is in all lands, India not excepted, connected with a long continuance of bright and stainless skies. The appearance then of a little cloud "like a man's hand" is the joyously hailed precursor of " the sound of abund- ance of rain." Again, the driving away of a snake-like cloud is no forcible simile by which to describe in myth the advent of rain in India — rain which to be of any use is no mere refreshing shower, but a long- continued downpour from clouds not hastily dispersed. Indra's action first in driving away the cloud- demon Vritra, and then in seeking for the beneficial cloud cows, is also contradictory. For the reconciling of many of these contra- dictions the astronomic interpretation of the Indra- Vritra myths is as follows : — Indra may still retain all his atmospheric attributes of sending down rain but — Indra is primarily and essentially a personi- fication of the summer solstice. The summer solstice in India is an all-important agricultural epoch ; it brings with it " the rainy sea^son," the real spring of the Indian year. Before 1 16 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. this season all the land is parched and arid, and vegetation is at a standstill. The punctuality of the rains in many parts of India is so exact that the farmer foretells their arrival not only to the day, but to the hour. In good years heavy and almost incessant rain lasts for two or even three months. Indra, as a per- sonification of the season which so punctually brings the rain, is an atmospheric god, the enemy of the demon of drought. But Indra is more than this : many praises are bestowed on Indra in the Rig Veda for deeds which cannot easily be ex- plained on the simple atmospheric theory. " Indra is the highest of all " is the refrain of many Vedic verses ; " Indra placed the sun high in the sky," " Indra tore off one wheel of the sun's chariot," "Indra stopped the tawny coursers of the sun." Now all these phrases are at once and clearly to be interpreted if we think of Indra as the personification of the summer solstice, and especially of the solstice in India, where at that season of the year the sun attains to the very zenith, and thus Indra associated with the sun under one figure of speech is spoken of as "highest PARTI.] VRITRA AND HYDRA 117 of all," and in a slightly varied figure associated with the season, is said to have ''placed the sun high in the sky." Or again translating into myth the very meaning of the word solstice or ''the stm being made to stand," we read that Indra "tore off the wheel of the chariot of the sun," and "stopped his tawny coursers." Indra is, I cannot but believe, not merely an atmospheric god ; he is the god of the summer solstice. And if this should be the case, what then may Vritra be ? Is the demon of the solstitial Indra personi- fied as only a snake-like cloud? It is impossible to think so. The astronomic interpretation of the myth I would propose is that — a snake-like constellation, not a snake-like cloud, is the repre- sentation of the demon Vritra. On the celestial sphere many serpents and dragons are represented, but the far reaching constellation Hydra exceeds all the others in its enormous length from head to tail. No very brilliant stars mark the asterism, nor in the grouping of its stars is there anything especially snake-like. For some reason other than its appeal to the eye did astronomers of old invest with all Ii8 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. the horrors of the Hydra-form the monotonous length of this space on the vauk of the skies. This reason may be arrived at, with almost certainty, in studying, with the help of a pre- cessional globe, the position in the heavens of this constellation in different ages of the world's history. So studying, we shall find that 4,000 B.C. — or to be more precise, one or two hundred years earlier — Hydra extended its enormous length for more than 90° symmetrically along one astro- nomically important (though invisible) mathe- matical line — the line of the heavenly equator — and was at the same date accurately bisected by another equally important mathematical line, namely the colure of the summer solstice (see Plate IX.). Almost irresistibly, as it appears to me, the conviction forces itself on the mind, in considering the position held by the constellation Hydra 4,000 B.C., that it was at that date that this baleful figure was first traced in imagination on the sky, there fitly to represent the power of physical (and may we not suppose also, of moral ?) darkness — a great and terrible power — but a power ever and °l 03 ^_: to M 1-1 to < S C u ^ h 6 f? S a ■■^ V *- 3 \ Jl w "A XI ^ O o kI' \ 4j ■'^'^ . -G -/\ O b« . fX m 'S ^v^ \ H W PART I.] HYDRA AND DROUGHT i3i tinctly the dry season. Midsummer is the all- important season of the rains. Indra's conquest over Vritra, or the arrival of solstitial rains, marked by the disappearance of the constellation Hydra from the sky, was mythologically in the Vedas described as Indra's conquest over the demon of drought, but still traditionally — for the power of tradition is great — even in India Indra retained the attributes of the conqueror over the demon of darkness. At Plate X. a drawing is given of the southern heavens and of the constellations — invisible at midsummer and visible at midwinter, above the horizon of an observer in latitude 23° N. at the date 3000 B.C., a thousand years later than the date referred to in Plate IX. For reasons which will appear more clearly when we come to the discussion of the Soma myth, it is to about this date that I would attribute the composition of many of the Vedic hymns. But if Indra is to be considered as representing the summer solstice, and Vritra as representing the constellation Hydra, we must surely expect some astronomic interpretation for Soma — Soma by which 122 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. the mighty Indra is invigorated and enabled to trmmph gloriously over the demon. According to non-astronomic explanations, "the concrete terres- trial plant and the intoxicating juice extracted therefrom " are considered to be the basis of the mythology of Soma. It is admitted that in post- Vedic literature Soma is a regular name of the moon, which is regarded as being drunk up by the gods, and so waning. Some writers point to the possibility that even in the Rig Veda, " in the Soma hymns there may occasionally lurk a veiled identification of arnbrosia and the moon, . . . but on the whole, with the few exceptions generally admitted, it appears to be certain that to the seers of the Rig Veda the god Soma is a personification of the terrestrial plant and juice. One German writer, Hillebrandt, very strongly upholds the view that Soma in the Rig Veda "often personifies the moon,"^ and especially according to him is this the case in the 114 hymns of Mandala IX., all addressed to Soma ^ Macdoncll. Ve die Mythology, "p. 113. - Ibid. PARTI.] SOMA PAVAMANA = THE MOON 123 pavamana, or "purified Soma," prepared for and quaffed by Indra to invigorate him for the Vritra combat. That Soma in the Rig Veda is primarily the moon, and that the moon is symbolized and always more or less directly referred to in the Vedic hymns to Soma, fits in, as must be evident to the readers of this paper, with the astronomic theories advocated in it. If we consider that Indra's conquest over Vritra represents the god of the summer solstice, with his bright weapons, conquering, and driving from heaven and earth the constellation Hydra, we can easily understand how in this contest Indra might be strengthened by copious draughts of Soma, i.e. by the bright light of the full moon flooding the heavens with radiance and enfeebling all but the brightest stars. But a further confirmation of the lunar character of Soma, and an elucidation of the imagery of the Soma pavamana hymns of Mandala IX., are to be found if — still crediting the Vedic Rishis with a knowledge of the ancient constellations — we study the position of these constellations at the date 124 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [fart i. 3,000 B.C. (see Plate XI.)^ At that date the full moon of the midsummer or solstitial season was always to be observed in the constellation Aquarius. With this thought in our mind as we read the mystical hymns of Mandala IX., in which Soma is so often described as rushing impetuously to the vase or pitcher, and as surrounded by celestial waters, with many other such expressions, we easily recognise an allusion to the midsummer full moon in the constellation Aquarius; and when further we read the legend so often repeated, that the eao;le brousfht the Soma to Indra, or to the sacrifice, we have only to look at the celestial globe to see the eagle (Aquila) directing its flight towards the pitcher of Aquarius — and to remember that the very night before the moon attained the celestial vase, it would have been on the same meridian as the constellation Aquila ; and the imaginative Vedic bard might then describe it as borne along by the eagle, — one of the most glorious constellations in that part of the sky. ^ Lunar dates are variable. The full moon nearest to the summer solstice might have been observed somewhat to the east or the west of its position in the diagram, but always in the constellation Aquarius. '^::y.. ^ PART I.] THE MOON IN AQUARIUS 125 In one hymn especially devoted to the legend of the Soma-bearing eagle (or hawk), allusion to the small but well-marked-out constellation Sagitta (the arrow) may be detected. In Wilson's trans- lation of Mandala IV. 27 (vol. iii. p. 174), we read : " When the hawk screamed (with exultation) on his descent from heaven, and (the guardians of the Soma) perceived that the Soma was (carried away) by it, then, the archer Krisdnu, pursuing with the speed of thought, and stringing his bow, let fly an arrow against it." Now to turn to another important Vedic deity, Agni. Agni is classed, according to Macdonell, amongst terrestrial gods, but he points out that in some passages he is to be identified with the sun. Wilson describes Agni as comprising' "the element of Fire under three aspects : i", as it exists on earth, not only as culinary or religious fire, but as the heat of digestion and of life, and the vivifying principle of vegetation ; 2"'^, as it exists in the atmosphere, or mid-heaven, in the form of lightning ; and 3'''^, as it is manifested in the 1 Wilson, Eig Veda, Introduction, vol, i. pp. xxvii.-xxviii, 126 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. heavens, as light, the sun, the dawn, and planetary bodies." And — having enumerated various deities who in the hymns appear as manifestations of the sun — he adds, "still, however, the sun does not hold that prominent place in the Vaidik liturgy which he seems to have done in that of the ancient Persians, and he is chiefly venerated as the celestial representative of Fire." The classification of Agni as a terrestrial god, given by Macdonell, and the order of his "aspects," as given by Wilson, are not in accordance with the theory here advocated, nor, according to Macdonell, is it the classification or order always adhered to by Vedic authorities. For some very puzzling myths concerning Agni, I believe an astronomic interpretation may be given, and thereby the position of Agni in \}a& first place, rather than in the last, as a celestial god, may be established. The Vedic deity Apam Napat — the son of Waters, is classed by Macdonell as an atmospheric god, and he says,^ "In the last stanza of the Apam napat hymn, the deity is invoked as Agni, and must be identified with him," and again, ^ " Agni's > Vedic Mythology, p. 70. 2 /^/^_^ p. 92. PART I.] AGNI IN THE WATERS 127 origin in the aerial waters is often referred to. The ' son of waters ' has, as has been shown, become a distinct deity." Then turning to other legends regarding Agni he says, "In such passages the Hghtning form of Agni must be meant. Some of the later hymns of the Rig Veda tell a legend of Agni hiding in the waters and plants, and being found by the gods. ... In one passage of the Rior Veda also it is stated that Asjni rests in all streams ; and in the later ritual texts, Agni in the waters is invoked in connexion with ponds and water-vessels. Thus, even in the oldest Vedic period, the waters in which Agni is latent, though not those from which he is produced, may in various passages have been regarded as terrestrial. ... In any case the notion of Agni in the waters is prominent throughout the Vedas." To explain this legend, Wilson makes other sug- gestions. He writes:^ " The legend of his (Agni's) hiding in the waters, through fear of the enemies of the gods, although alluded to in more than one place, is not very explicitly related .... the allusions of the Sit-ktas (hymns) may be a figurative intimation of the latent heat existing in water, or a misappre- hension of a natural phenomenon which seems to have made a great impression in later times — the 1 Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, vol. i. p. xxx. K 128 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. emission of flame from the surface of water either in the shape of inflammable air, or as the result of submarine volcanic action." It cannot but be admitted that these myths are puzzling, and that to account for the notion so prominent throughout the Vedas of " Agni in the waters," the various suggestions of "lightning," "latent heat existing in water," "the emission of flame from the surface of the waters, either in the shape of inflammable air or as the result of sub- marine volcanic action," are inadequate to explain the fact that Agni, whose very name "is the regular designation of fire " ^ should in the hymns be so closely associated with water. Nor are the difficulties concerning " Agni in the waters " to be overcome by the tempting and poetic suggestion, put forward by some writers, that in these pas- sages reference is made to the sun rising in the morning out of the ocean, and again hiding itself beneath the waves at sunset. The composition of the Rig Veda is attributed to Aryan settlers " scattered over the Punjaub and regions lying to the west of the Indus " : by such settlers the ' Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 88. PART I.] THE SUN IN AQUARIUS 129 sun could never have been seen rising out of the ocean, for no ocean bounded their horizon on the east. Even the phenomenon of the sun hiding itself at evening in the water, could only have been observed by those who lived on the western coast, and it is therefore not easy to imagine why sunrise and sunset should in India have been so closely and constantly associated with a sea horizon. But if once the acquaintance of the originators of the Agni myths with the Zodiacal figures is admitted, the astronomic interpretation of those relating to Agni in the waters is not difficult ; it is as follows : Agni is the personification of fire, but his chief personification is as the fire of the sun. " Agni in the waters " is especially the fire of the sun in the celestial waters of Aquarius. 3,000 B.C. the sun was in conjunction with Aquarius at the time of the winter solstice} Those hymns therefore which dwell upon the myths of Agni hiding himself in, being born in, and rising out of the waters, ^ The position of the sun at the winter solstice 3,000 B.C. was identical with that represented at Plate XI. as the position of the full moon at the summer solstice. 130 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. may be considered as hymns referring to the sun at the winter solstice in conjunction with the constella- tion Aquarius, and therefore as hymns especially suitable for use on the occasion of a great yearly festival held at that season of the year. European writers often describe the mid-winter sun as hiding itself, or as every day withdrawing itself more and more from view. In poetic similes, the snows of winter often crown the head of the aged out-going year, while the in-coming year is represented as a babe or infant. The appropriate- ness of such similes is due to the fact, that our calendrical new year is fixed within a few days of the winter solstice. Again, in sober prose, the sun at the time of the winter solstice is said, having attained its lowest point, to rise or begin its tipward course on the ecliptic. It is therefore not difficult to understand how the Vedic Rishis, who appear to have combined the characteristics of poets and of scientific observers of the heavens, should have 3,000 B.C. described the fire of the solstitial sun, as hiding in, being born in, and rising out of the celestial ivaters of the constella- tion Aquaritts. PART I.] VEDIC IMAGERY OUT OF DATE 131 In this Agni myth, as in that of Indra, we may perceive traces of a pre-Vedic origin. The latitudes in which the Rig- Veda was composed are not those in which attention is forcibly drawn to the diminution of the strength and visibility of the sun at the winter season. In the Rig Veda, however, Indra's conquest over darkness as well as over drought is celebrated, and the same traditional cause may be assigned for the description of Agni hiding himself at the time of the winter solstice in the waters of Aquarius. Indra, Soma, and Agni no longer hold the important place in the Hindu Pantheon which they appear to have held in Vedic times, and on the astronomic theory, this fact may partly be accounted for by noticing how slow but inevitable changes in the scenery of the heavens, produced by the precession of the equinoxes, gradually obscured more and more completely the meaning of the imagery employed in the hymns to these deities. Indra, if he represents the summer sol- stice, is indeed still as powerful as ever, and still triumphs over the demon of drought, but no longer is that demon well represented by the 132 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. snake-like constellation Hydra ; for on the night of the summer solstice, after the sun has set, the whole of Hydra is still above the horizon. No longer does the mid-summer full moon bathe its o brightness in the celestial waters of Aquarius, nor does the mid-winter sun hide itself in them. The hymns remain, the phenomena they referred to, exist no longer. But leaving now the subject of the " ancient constellations " and of reference to them in the Rig Veda, let us turn to the second section of the argument in favour of the modern orig-in of Hindu astronomy as stated above. ^ It is a claim made for the very modern date of 570 a.d. as that for the fixation of the initial point of the Indian Zodiac at the "end of Revati and the beginning of A9vini." — This claim I desire to oppose. It has been admitted by scholars, but almost with a sort of reluctance, that mention is made of some of the Nakshatras in a few of the Rig Veda hymns. The matter is rather avoided than cordially enquired into. It is, however, a question ^ V. p. 92. PART I.] INITIAT. POINT OF ZODIAC 133 of great and important interest to ascertain, if possible, whether the circle of the Nakshatras was known to the Vedic Rishis, and if it were known, whether the initial point was fixed there, where as we have read, all schools of Hindu astronomy agree in declaring that the planetary motions com- menced at the creation} We have learnt from Babylonian archaeology that we are no longer forced to assume that only at the date of about 570 a.d. could this initial point have been fixed by Indian astronomers. It therefore need no longer be looked upon as an unreasonable quest to search in the ancient pages of the Rig Veda for indications that this important astronomical point had been fixed, even before Vedic times, as the starting-point of a calendrical and sidereal year — and if we should find such indications in the Rig Veda, they may well out-weigh arguments against the antiquity of this fixation, based upon passages in later works, such as the Yajur and Atharva Vedas. From the Yajur Veda itself, arguments may be drawn in favour of a year beginning in the 1 V. p. 93. 1 34 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. month Chaitra,^ at or before the date of the com- position or compilation of that Veda. In the Taittiriya Sanhita (contained in the Yajur Veda) a passage occurs ^ which is translated and commented upon by B. G. Tilak (The Orion, or Antiquity of the Vedas, p. 46 et seq.). In this passage is discussed the superior suitability of three different days on which worshippers might consecrate themselves for the yearly sacrifice. Not any one of these three days has any con- nexion with the spring equinox or the sun's conjunction with Krittika. The choice of date for the yearly sacrifice appears to lie between, first, the " Ekashtaka (day) " of some month not named, ^ but one in the "distressed," or "reversed" period of the year, i.e. the mid-winter season ; second, the full moon of PhalgunI ; and third, the Chaitra full moon. B. G. Tilak, after some pages of comment on the passage referred to, states in his summing 1 Chaitra is tlie month which begins, as closely as a luni-solar month may, at the sun's arrival at the initial point of the Hindu Zodiac — the beginning of Aswini. ^ Taittiriya Sanhita, vii. 4. 8. ^ At p. 48 he quotes authorities in favour of the Ekashtaka (day) in this passage meaning the 8th day of the dark half of Magha. PARTi.i ASWINI r. KRITl'IKA 135 up, amongst others, the following" conclusions which he has arrived at. " i", that in the days of the Taittiriya Sanhita the winter solstice occurred before the eighth day of the dark half of Magha . . . and that through- out the whole passage the intention of sacrificing at the beginning (real, constructive, or traditional) of the year is quite clear : . . . . 2""^, that the year then commenced with the winter solstice": " 3"''', that as there can not be three real beginnings of the year, at an interval of one month each, the passage must be understood as recording a tradition about the Chitra full moon and the Phalguni full moon being once considered as the first days of the year." This is B. G. Tilak's conclusion ; merely judging from the translation, the passage might, as it seems to me, be understood as unreservedly recommending the full-moon of Chaitra as the most suitable for the beginning of the sacrifice, for in the text of the Taittiriya Sanhita it is said of it, "It has no fault whatsoever." But in whichever sense the words are under- stood, this passage from the Yajur Veda may be set against the hymns and lists in the Yajur and 136 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. Atharva Vedas, above alluded to,^ in which Krittlka is celebrated in the first, and AswinI in the twenty-seventh place. The fact that the evidence as to the beginning of the year " in the days of the Taittiriya Sanhit^," is, as it seems, so uncertain, and so contradictory to the opinion based on the hymn in the Taittiriya Brahmana concerning Krittika being the leader of the Nakshatras, seems to add interest to the question whether there are, or are not, indications in the Rig Veda that the Indian year was counted from the same point on the ecliptic as at present ? ^ And at once, as it seems to me, on turning to the Rig Veda, on page after page, such indications are to be met with. The first Nakshatra in the Indian series is named Aswini (Aswins). The two chief stars in that Nak- shatra are the twin stars, as they may fairly be 1 V. p. 94. 2 At present the month Chaitra in most parts of India is the first month of the Hindu year. The beginning of the year is measured by the return of the sun to the same point in the Zodiac : at present the beginning of the Lunar Mansion Aswini. (See Indian Calendar, p. 45.) PARTI.] ASWINI, tt AND fS ARIETIS 137 called, a and fi Arietis — stars of almost equal radiance. The joyous hymns addressed to the twin heroes, the Aswins, I would claim as new- year hymns composed in honour of these s^ars, whose appearance before sunrise heralded the approach of the great festival-day of the Hindu new year. The Hindu year is a sidereal year. It is counted at present in most parts of India from a fixed point on the ecliptic, not from a season. It is a calendrical not a cosmic year. Only one apparently small change in the method of counting the years would now require to be made, and again the Aswins might be hymned by the Hindus as the "wondrous," and "not untruthful," s i ars, mdirking by their heliacal rising a new year's festival — a festival to be held on the 15th, or full moon's day. The Hindu year is now counted from the new moon immediately preceding the sun's arrival at the initial point of the lunar Zodiac. The first of Chaitra (the first of the light half of Chaitra) never falls later than the 12th of April, and may arrive a month earlier. If the year were to be counted from 138 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. the same initial point, but from the first new moon following instead of that preceding the sun's arrival at that point, there would be the difference of a whole month in the range of the month Chaitra. The first day of its bright half would then never arrive before the 12th of April, and might fall a month later. For the interpretation of the Vedic hymns to the Aswins I would make the provisional suggestion, that when these hymns were composed, the year was so counted from the new moon folloiving and not from that preceding the arrival of the sun at "the end of Revati and the beginning of A9vini." In support of this provisional theory, let us first read the summing up of the Aswini myths, and of the difficulties and uncertainties surrounding them, according to the present modes of explanation ; and then let us consider the astronomic method of interpretation above proposed. We read that^ " Next to Indra, Agni, and Soma, the twin deities named the Asvins are the most prominent in the Rig Veda, judged by the frequency with which they are invoked. They are celebrated 1 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 49. PARTI.] THE ASWINS IN THE VEDA 139 in more than fifty entire hymns and in parts of several others, while their name occurs more than 400 times. Though they hold a distinct position among the deities of light and their appellation is Indian, their connexion with any definite phenomenon of light is so obscure, that their original nature has been a puzzle to Vedic inter- preters from the earliest times. This obscurity makes it probable that the origin of these gods is to be sought in a pre- Vedic period The Asvins are young, the T. S. (Taittirlya Sanhita) even describing them as the youngest of the gods. They are at the same time ancient. They are bright, lords of lustre, of golden brilliancy, and honey- hued They possess profound wisdom and occult power. The two most distinctive and fre- quent epithets of the Asvins are dasra, 'wondrous,' which is almost entirely limited to them, and ndsatya, which is generally explained to mean ' not untrue. . . .' Their car .... moves round heaven. It traverses heaven and earth in a single day as the car of the sun and that of Usas (the Dawn) are also said to do. . . . The time of their appearance is often said to be the early dawn, when ' darkness still stands among the ruddy cows ' and they yoke their car to descend to earth and receive the offerings of worshippers. Usas (the Dawn) 140 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. awakes them. They follow after Usas in their car. At the yoking of their car Usas is born. Thus their relative time seems to have been between dawn and sunrise. But Savitr (the sun) is once said to set their car in motion before the dawn. Occasionally the appearance of the Asvins, the kindling of the sacrificial fire, the break of dawn, and sunrise seem to be spoken of as simultaneous. The Asvins are invoked to come to the offering;' not only at their natural time, but also in the evening or at morning, noon, and sunset. . . . In the A. B. (Aitareya Brahmana) the Asvins as well as Usas and Agni are stated to be gods of dawn ; and in the Vedic ritual they are connected with sunrise The Asvins may originally have been conceived as finding- and restorinof or rescuing the vanished light of the sun. In the Rig Veda they have come to be typically succour- ing divinities." . . . Again, at p. 51, the writer adds, "Quite a number of legends illustrating the succouring power of the Asvins are referred to in the Rig Veda." Here follows an enumeration of many miraculous "protections," and cures, — and then^ "The opinion of Bergaigne and others that the various miracles attributed to the Asvins are anthropomorphized forms of solar phenomena (the 1 Macdonell, Vedk Mythology, p. 53. PART I.] A PUZZLE TO C;OMMENTATORS 141 healing of the blind man thus meaning the release of the sun from darkness), seems to lack probability. At the same time the legend of Atri may be a reminiscence of a myth explaining the restoration of the vanished sun. As to the physical basis of the Asvins, the language of the Rsis is so vague that they themselves do not seem to have under- stood what phenomenon these deities represented .... what they actually represented puzzled even the oldest commentators mentioned by Yaska. That scholar remarks that some regarded them (the Asvins) as Heaven and Earth (as does the S. B. — Satapatha Brahmana), others as Day and Night, others as sun and moon, while the ' legendary writers ' took them to be ' two kings, performers of holy acts.' Yaska's own opinion is obscure." In contrast to all these vague and often contra- dictory explanations, the astronomical suggestion made at page 137 may to some appear too matter- of-fact and prosaic. But that a firm and scientific base should underlie mythical and imaginative similes does not in reality detract from their poetic excellence. Indeed, an added fitness, and therefore an added beauty, is to be recognized in the Aswin hymns, when we can think of 142 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. them as addressed to well-known and beneficent deities presiding over the new year — deities who manifested themselves in the earliest dawn of the new year's morning under the form of two beautiful and easily to be recognised stars, and to whom their worshippers appealed for "protection," through the unknown dangers of the future year. I give two diagrams to illustrate the fact that the time of the rising of the stars a and /? Arietis must necessarily, on such a new year's festival as above proposed, have taken place in some years before the first intimation of dawn, in others a few minutes before the time of sunrise. It is of course to be borne in mind that the Vedic years were luni-solar. The actual point therefore on the ecliptic at which the conjunction of sun and moon — or new moon — took place, and from which each year was counted, varied in different years to the extent of nearly 30 degrees. The diagram, Plate XII. Figs, i and 2, represents the maximum and minimum distance between the rising of the Yoga stars of the Nakshatra AswinI, and of the sun on the 1 5th or full-moon's day of the first month of a luni-solar year ; counted from the first PART I.] NEW YEAR DIVINITIES 143 conjunction of sun and moon following the sun's arrival at the " end of Revati and the beginning of A9vini." It will be seen from the diagram that something more than two hours was the longest interval that, according to the presumed method of counting the Vedic year, elapsed between the appearance of u. and yS Arietis and of the sun above the horizon. This astronomic interpretation accounts for the varying times noted in the hymns for the appearance of the Aswins. It also accounts, as it seems to me, for the general tone of the hymns, but as regards the long series of miraculous "protections" of the Aswins, accorded by them to many sick, aged, and decrepit personages, it does not at first sight account. We have seen that Bergaigne and others have opined that the various miracles attributed to the Aswins are " anthropomorphized forms of solar phenomena," and with this view the astronomic interpretation, when fully followed out to its logical end, agrees. But at first sight we wonder how the sun at the beginning of the calendrical year could, in 144 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. Vedic times, be described as in any way especially sick, aged, or decrepit. 3,000 B.C., when, as we have seen, the winter solstice was in Aquarius, the Indian calendrical and sidereal year, such as has been supposed, would have begun at its earliest a month and a half after the solstice. ^ The sun at the winter solstice, may be, and often is, described as pale, weak, sick and old ; but at the beginning of a calendrical year, a month and a half after the solstice, the sun no longer could have been thought of as requiring the miraculous protection of the heralding Aswins. To help in solving this difficulty, recourse may again wisely be had to Babylonian astronomic lore. The fanciful legends regarding the Aswins, con- sidered only by themselves, can scarcely yield a sufficiently firm foundation on which to build the far-reaching theory I now desire to bring forward ' If the Hindu year were noiv counted from the new moon following instead of t\\2it precedhtg the sun's arrival at the initial point of the Zodiac, owing to the precession of the equinoxes, the year would begin at earliest twenty-one days after the spring equinox. Since 3,000 b.c. the seasons have advanced by more than two months, as regards their position amongst the stars. PART I.] THE ACCADIAN CALENDAR 145 concerning them ; a theory on all fours with one I ventured some years ago to propound in reference to Babylonian astronomy, in a Paper entitled the " Accadian Calendar."^ It was there sug- gested that the probable date for the origin of that Calendar was about 6,000 B.C. The fact was pointed out that Aries, in the most ancient Accadian and Babylonian astronomical works, always appears as leader of the signs and of the year, and stress was laid on the unlikelihood that this constellation should have been chosen for this leading post at a date when the sun's entry into it did not corre- spond with any one of the four well-marked natural divisions of the year, i.e. the solstices or equinoxes. But as on the cuneiform tablets Aries appears as leader long before the time when the sun sojourned in that constellation during the first month following the equinox, it was suggested that it was when the solstitial not the equinoctial point coincided with the first degree of Aries, that the Accadian calendrical scheme had first been drawn up ; namely about 6,000 B.C. A corroboration of the view then put for- 1 Proceedings of Society of Biblical ArchcEology, January 1892. 146 ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [part i. ward is to be drawn from a further study of the Accadian month names. The first three month names, in Accadian, referred, as scholars have pointed out, to the first three constellations of the Zodiac. (i.) The month of the " sacrifice of righteous- ness " to Aries. (2.) The month of the "propitious Bull" to Taurus. (3.) The month of "the Twins" to Gemini. The twelfth and thirteenth names in the same series seem to refer equally clearly to a year originally counted as beginning at the winter solstice. They are called respectively : " 1 2th. The month of sowing of seed." — " 13th. The dark month of sowing." For the sowing of most cereals, late autumn and early winter are the favoured seasons. Many crops however are sown in early spring. There might then be a doubt whether " the month of sowing of seed" more fitly described the spring sowing of seed in the twelfth month of a luni-solar year, counted from the equinox, — or the winter sowing of seed in the twelfth month of a luni-solar PART I.] AS WIN LEGENDS, PRE-VEDIC 147 year, counted from the solstice. But when we find this twelfth month followed by a thirteenth, of which the especial and added epithet is dark, there can, as it seems to me, be little if any doubt that the winter month whose range in different years extended from 12th of December to 22nd January is better described by the epithet dark, than the rapidly brightening month whose range extended from 12th March to 22nd April. Very curiously, then, and accurately does the Accadian calendar give us the date of its origin, and of the first naming of its months, as that when the winter solstice coincided with the suns entry into the first degree of the constellation Aries'" — the date in round numbers of 6,000 B.C. To this same date it is, as I believe, that the miraculous protections accorded by the Aswins to the distressed solstitial sun and moon and earth appear to point, and fully does this view corroborate the opinion that the Aswin-legends took their rise in pre-Vedic times. They also, 1 The winter solstice now coincides very closely with the sun's entry into Sagittarius. It precedes the sun's entry into Aries by almost a third of the whole circle of the ecliptic. 14^ ASTRONOMY IN THE RIG VEDA [^art i. as do the Indra and Vritra myths, refer us for their origin to a more northern latitude than tropical India. In the tropics the sun is scarcely less powerful in winter than in summer. The astronomers who drew up the Accadian calendar, and the myth-makers of the Aswin-legends, must, according to the astronomic theory, have dwelt in temperate zones and formulated calendar and myths about 6,000 b.c. VI NOTES. AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [Ahura Mazda, a note reprinted from the Proceedings of the Sociely of Biblical Archaology, February 1900] Professor Hommel in the March number for 1899 of these Proceedings calls attention in his Assyrio- logical Notes to the name " Assara Mazas " appear- ing in a list of Assyrian gods. The section of the list in which this name appears contains " a number of foreign sounding names " belonging to gods honoured, presumably, in out-lying portions of the Assyrian dominions. Professor Hommel claims "that this god (Assara Mazas) is no other than the Iranian Ahura Mazda," and he thus concludes his arguments in favour of this opinion — "concerning Assara-mazas, I should like to remark in closing this paragraph, that we have here the same older pronunciation of Iranian 149 150 NOTES.— AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [part i. words as in the Kassitic Surias, ' sun' (later A Aura and Hvarya, but comp. Sanscrit Asura and surid), which is of the highest importance for the history of the Aryan languages. In the same Kassitic period, between 1,700 and 1,200 B.C., I suppose was borrowed by the Assyrians the Iranian god Assara-mazas." In a Paper entitled The Median Calendar and the Constellation Taurus, printed in the June num- ber for 1897 of these Proceedings, I made a very similar claim for the derivation of the name of the great god of the Assyrians — Assur. The claim put forward was not based only on the resemblance in sound of " Assur " and " Ahura," but was in the first place founded on the virtual identity of the emblems of Assur and Ahura Mazda. For the origin of these emblems (referring as it was suggested they did to the Zodiacal constellation Sagittarius) a date as high as 4,000 B.C. was, on astronomic grounds, assumed, and it was pointed out that at that date there was no evidence of the existence of the Assyrian nation as a nation, nor any trace of a Semitic worship of the god Assur ; whereas, on the other hand, as early as 3,800 b.c. there is evidence that a powerful Aryan race — the PARTI.] ASSARA-MAZAS AND ASSUR 151 Manda — rivalled the power, and threatened the Semitic rule of Sargon of Agane. The opinion that the symbol of Ahura Mazda, and of Assur, was of ancient Aryan origin, naturally suggested the further thought that the name Assur, so closely resembling the earlier Indo-Iranian form Asura, of the Iranian Ahura, had, together with the emblem of the god, been borrowed from the Aryan ancestors of the Medo- Persians by the Semitic settlers who, early in the second millennium B.C., established themselves to the north of Babylonia. It may here be pointed out that no very certain Semitic derivation at present holds the field which the proposed Aryan derivation would occupy. According to some scholars it comes from a word signifying " a well-watered plain." According to Professor Hommel, the name Assur is derived from a word which originally meant " the heavenly host." Professor Hommel, quoting as his authority the opinions of the Sanscrit scholar Oldenburg, and re- inforcing Oldenburg's opinions by arguments from other sources, further maintains the high probability of the Median god Ahura Mazda having been the 152 NOTES.— AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [part i. representative of the Vedic Varuna, and also that Varuna was the moon. Vedic scholars are divided in opinion as to what physical phenomenon is represented by Varuna. He is very generally supposed to personify " the vast extent of the encompassing sky," some say especially the sky at night-time — others claim him as a solar divinity, whilst Oldenburg, as we have seen, sup- poses him to be the moon. It is not to the question, however, what phenomenon Varuna represented, but to that of the probability or improbability of his original identity with the Median Ahura Mazda, that I would now draw attention. It is said that " the parallel in character, though not in name, of the god Varuna is Ahura Mazda, the Wise Spirit." But a variety of considerations may lead us to entertain the possibility of a Vedic god other than Varuna being the parallel in charac- ter and in epithet of Ahura Mazda ; a parallel which is also still more clearly to be recognized if we adopt the view, above contended for, of the identity of Assur, the a^xher god of Assyria, with Ahura Mazda. The Vedic god Rudra is, like Varuna, an Asura PART I.] RUBRA— ASURA MAHA 153 or Spirit. He is described as " the wise," and his votaries are encouraged to worship him " for a com- prehensive and sound understanding." But in one passage the epithet " asura maha," so curiously recalling to our ears the name of the Avestan "Ahura Mazda," is actually applied to him.^ As a wise and great Asura, Rudra seems to be as close a parallel to Ahura Mazda as Varuna ; the resem- ^ Wilson, Jitg Veda, Mandala ii., i, 6. Uncertainty prevails among scholars as to the exact meaning to be given to the name Ahura Mazda. The Rev. L. H. Mills, D.D., under the heading " Zend," writes thus in Chambers's Encyclopedia : " The Supreme Deity Ahura Mazdah, the Living God or ' Lord ' (ahu = ' the hving,' 'life,' or 'spirit' — root «,^ = 'to be'), the Great Creator (niaz + da = Sansk. mahd + dM), or 'the Wise One' {cf. su-medhds).'" Again, the same writer in his book on the G^ithks, pubhshed in 1894, gives on p. 3 in his "verbatim translation," "O magni- donator (?) (vel) O Sapiens (?)," as alternative meanings for Mazda. Similar uncertainty seems to prevail as regards the meaning to be attached to the words of the passage in the Rig Veda to which reference has been made above, i.e., Mandala ii., Siikta i., verse 6. In Wilson's translation of the Rig Veda, vol. ii., p. 2ir, we read: — "Thou, Agni, art Rudra, the expeller (of foes) from the expanse of heaven " : and in his note to this passage he says : " Twam Rudro asuro maho divah : asura is explained satrun^m nirasiti, the expeller of enemies, divas, from heaven ; or it may mean, the giver of strength. . . ." Macdonell ( Fedic Mythology, p. 75) says that Rudra is called in this passage " the great asjira of heaven." 154 NOTES.— AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [part i. blance of epithet in the case of Rudra makes the parallelism closer. Varuna indeed in Vedic estimation held a much higher and more commanding position than Rudra, but considering how opposed the Avestan was to Vedic mythology on important points, we ought not to expect that the god elevated by the Medians above all others should have held a very exalted place amongst the Brahmins of India. But it is when we turn our thoughts not only to Ahura Mazda but to his Assyrian representative Assur, that the parallelism between him and Rudra becomes more marked. Rudra is not only a wise and great Asura, he is above everything else celebrated in the Rig Veda as an archer. He has "the sure arrow, the strong bow."i He is "the divine Rudra armed with the strong bow and fast flying arrows."^ In the Paper already referred to, it was suggested that an astronomic observation of the equinoctial colure passing through the constellations Sagittarius and Taurus was the probable origin of 1 Wilson, Rig Veda, Mandala v., x. (xlii.), ii. ^ lb., Mandala vii., xiii. (xlvi.), i. PARTI] RUDRA, AN ARCHER GOD 155 Median and (as derived from Median) Assyrian symbolism concerning Ahura Mazda and Assur. This observation could, as was pointed out, only have been made at the date, in round numbers, of 4,000 B.C. It is a very tempting enterprise to seek in the mythologies of European nations for allusions to this same astronomic observation — an observation made, as we may believe, when the ancestors of the Iranian and Indian Aryans, and possibly the ances- tors of the European nations, were still, if not all dwelling together, at least within easy intellectual touch of each other. In Grecian fable we have the Centaur (the Bull- killer) Chiron giving his name to the constellation Sagittarius, and in this fable we may, as it would seem, find a better astrono7nic explanation of the term Bull-killer than that usually given concerning the well-mounted Thessalian hunters of wild cattle. The constellation Sagittarius, an archer, half man, half horse, is not a figure of Grecian invention. It is to be met with depicted on Babylonian monu- ments, unmistakably the archer of our celestial sphere ; and this constellation, when it rises in the 156 NOTES.— AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [parti. east, always drives below the western horizon — i.e., mythically exterminates, the last stars of the con- stellation Taurus. To Chiron, the chief Centaur, the epithet " wise " is especially given, and "he was renowned for his skill in hunting, medicine, music, gymnastics, and the art of prophecy " ; of these not altogether con- gruous attributes Rudra the Vedic god possessed three of the most important. He was wise, he was an archer, and he was famed as "a chief physician among physicians."^ In a verse, part of which has been already quoted,^ worshippers are exhorted to " Praise him who has the sure arrow, the strong bow, who presides over all sanitary drugs ; worship Rudra for a comprehensive and sound understand- ing, adore the powerful divinity with prostrations." Apollo the far-darter, Artemis the goddess of the silver bow, also shared these same attributes, and Grecian legend would lead us to place them in the same part of the heavens as that allotted to Chiron — i.e., Sagittarius. Apollo prompted Artemis to aim a shaft from her bow at a point on the ^ Wilson, Rig Veda, Mandala ii., xxxiii., 4. ^ 2b., Mandala v., x. (xlii.), ri. PARTI.] CHIRON— APOLLO— ARTEMIS 157 horizon, and this point was the head of the hunter Orion. Now the constellation Orion is exactly in opposition to the bow stars of Sagittarius ; that the legend is astronomical is plainly to be inferred from its variant form, in which Artemis is represented as sending a Scorpion to sting Orion to death. The stars marking the Scorpion's sting are in very close proximity to the bow stars of Sagittarius. Returning to Indian myths, the name of Siva does not occur in the Rig Veda ; but in later Sanscrit works Siva is the representative of Rudra. In a hymn to Siva,^ the following passages occur, and it is difficult to read them and not be reminded of the sculptured figures of Artemis, crescent- crowned and leading a stag by the horns. (Allow- ance must be made, however, for the tendency in Hindu art to multiply the heads, arms, and features of their gods.) " I worship the great Mahesa, who shines like ten million suns : who is adorned with triple eyes : who is crowned with the moon : who is armed with ^ Hymn to Siva, prefixed to "An Exposition of the Principles of Sanskrit Logic," by Bodhanundanath Swami, Calcutta. M iS8 NOTES.— AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [part i. the trident, the bow, the mace, the discus, the goad, and the noose : Who is the eternal Lord ; Who is bright as the snowy summit of Mount Kaila9e ; whose matted hair is ablaze with the crescent moon ; Whose hands hold the head of a deer and a battle-axe ; Whose forehead is adorned with the bright half- moon ; Whose fingers are interlaced to typify a deer ; For the explanation of the Roman myths of Dianus and Diana (varying forms as the dictionary tells of Janus and Jana) we may naturally seek for the same astronomic origin, as for those con- cerning" the Grecian archer divinities. Janus indeed has not, so far as I know, ever been represented as an archer or a Centaur. The attribute for which he is especially renowned is that of "opener of the year," and this attribute, on the astronomic theory here proposed, would furnish the PART I.] SIVA— DIANA— JANUS 159 connecting link between the varying forms of the Italian deities above mentioned. The many and still imperfectly understood changes that were made in the Roman year by successive rulers, have effaced the connexion of that year with the stars which must have originally presided over its opening. But Roman tradition embodied in Virgil's lines speaks of " the bright Bull " who " with his gilded horns opens the year." ^ The golden star-tipped horns of the Bull are as we know exactly opposed to the westernmost degrees of Sagittarius ; and that constellation, in opposition to the sun, would therefore have marked the open- ing of just such a vernal year as that alluded to by Virgil. Whether this vernal year before the Julian reformation was still the calendrical year in Rome is, however, very doubtful. Janus is represented with two heads, sometimes even with four, "to typify the seasons of the year." The full moon in Sagittarius 4,000 b.c. marked the season of the spring equinox — the sun then being in conjunction with the stars marking the horn tips of the Bull. The new moon in Sagittarius at the ' Virgil, Georg., Lib. I., 217, 218. i6o NOTES— AHURA MAZDA, ETC. [part i. same date marked the autumn equinox. The half waning moon in Sagittarius marked the season of the winter solstice : and the half moon of the crescent or waxing moon marked the season of the summer solstice. The four heads of Janus may thus have referred to the four seasons marked by the moon in Sagittarius. The fact that the Indian archer Rudra ( = Siva) and the Grecian archer Artemis, were represented as crowned by the half, not the full moon, would refer these myths to an I ndo- Iranian, not to a some- what later Iranian source. It was not to the reformed Iranian equinoctial year that they pointed, but to the sun's triumph at the solstitial season. In the Roman Janus myth we may rather detect the later Median influence, and suppose that it referred to a year beginning with the full moon in Sagit- tarius, a year opening in the spring, when the sun was in conjunction with the "gilded horns" of "the bright Bull." All these mythological indications, derived from Median, Assyrian, Indian, and classical sources, though each of them looked at separately may not speak with much insistence, yet considered together PART I] THE MOON IN SAGITTARIUS i6i seem to point us more and more clearly as we study them, to the fact that about 4,000 b.c. a very im- portant and authoritative observation of the colures (amongst the Zodiacal constellations) was made, and that upon this observation much of the mythology of ancient nations was founded. VII ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology, February 1900] It is only on Talmudic authority, I think, that astronomy can be denied a place, and indeed an important place, in researches connected with Biblical Archaeology. On Talmudic authority we are told that, as a protest against the sun-, moon-, and star-worship of surrounding nations, the Hebrews were not per- mitted to calculate in any way beforehand, or by scientific methods based on the movements of the heavenly bodies, their days, their months, or their years. The end of the day and beginning of the night could only be definitely ascertained when three stars were visible to the observer. The moon must 162 PART I.] ASTRONOMY IN THE TALMUD 163 have shown its pale sickle to some watcher of the heavens, before the first of the month could be announced. The beginning of the year, we are also told, was dependent on the earliness or late- ness of the agricultural season, for three ears of corn, in a sufficiently advanced state of growth, were to be presented to the priest and waved before the Lord on a fixed day of the first month of the year. This is what some passages of the Talmud ^ 1 Bible Educator, edited by Rev. E. H. Plumptre, M.A., vol. iii. pp. 239 and 240. " It may have been with a view to render astrology impossible, that the Jews were forbidden to keep a calendar in the Holy Land, ... as the length of the lunation, or lunar month, is, roughly speaking, twenty-nine days and a half, it is easy to know, from month to month, when to expect the crescent to become visible. Six times in the year the beginning of the month was decided by observation of the new moon. . . . On two months of the year the determination of the new moon was of such importance, that the witnesses who observed the crescent were authorized to profane the Sabbath by travelling to give information at Jerusalem. These occasions were the months Nisan and Tisri. . . . The Mishna records that on one occasion as many as forty pairs of witnesses thus arrived on the Sabbath at Lydda. Rabbi Akiba detained them, but was reproved for so doing by Rabbi Gamaliel When the evidence was satisfactory, the judges declared the month to be commenced, and a beacon was lighted on Mount Olivet, from which the signal was repeated on mountain after mountain, until the whole country was aglow with fires." 164 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [parti. seem to teach ; but from Old Testament Scriptures, it is not possible to infer these calendrical restric- tions with any degree of certainty. On the con- trary, there is much in the Scriptures to lead us to an opposite conclusion. On the very first page of the Bible we read of " the greater and the lesser lights," and of " the stars also " set in the heavens, to be "for signs, and for seasons, and for days and years." And scarcely have we turned this first page, when we meet the statement that " in process of time it came to pass, that Cain brought of the fruit of the ground an offering unto the Lord. And Abel, he also brought of the firstlings of his flock and of the fat thereof And the Lord had respect unto Abel and to his offering." In the margin the words "in process of time" are rendered "at the end of days." In considering this passage we seem to be brought into touch with a definitely established year ; and at once archaeology and astronomy enter into the field of Biblical research, to tell us of a remotely old calendar — astronomic indications would date the origin of this calendar at about 6,000 B.C. — and from this calendar we learn that at "the end of PART I.] ASTRONOMY IN THE BIBLE 165 days " — the end of the dark days of the year — there followed a month of ''the sacrifice of righteousness " : a sacrifice, we may well suppose, of the firstlings of the flock, as the stars in con- junction with the sun during this first month were imagined by the institutors of the calendar under the form of a lamb or ram ready for sacrifice. To this calendrical first month our attention is again drawn when we read, in the book of Exodus, of the institution at God's command of the Hebrew festival, to be held on the 14th and 15th days of the month Abib. This month Abib, it is generally assumed, is the equivalent of the month Nisan, spoken of in some of the later books of the Old Testament. Astronomy and archaeology again claim a hearing on this point. The month Nisan, the Semite equivalent of the Accadian month Bar zig- gar (the month of the "sacrifice of righteousness "), we may gather from the evidence of the cuneiform tablets, had been the first month of a calendrical year in Babylon for many centuries — for millenniums, perhaps — before the date of Moses ; and therefore archseology would teach us that the children of Israel 1 66 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. were being recalled, from strange Egyptian modes of reckoning, to the observance of an ancient and patriarchal year and festival, when they were told that for them Abib was to be the first month of the year, and that on the 14th of that month, "a night to be much observed,'' they were to sacrifice of the firstlings of their flock, and were to hold the great festival of the Passover on the fifteenth day. If "Abib," " Nisan," and "Bar zig-gar" are names used by various nations to designate one and the same month, Abib could not have been, as has very generally been supposed, a month varying according to the uncertain ripening of agricultural crops, and one taking its name from the ears of corn presented to the priest, and waved before the Lord on some fixed day of that month ; but rather it must have been (as we know, from Babylonian sources that Nisan was) a well calculated soli-lunar and sidereal month. Now, if we adopt this view, we must find some alternative derivation for the month name Abib. Nor is it by any means difficult so to do. On the fourteenth night of the first month — Bar zig-gar, Nisan, or Abib — " a night to be much PART I] ABIB REFERS TO SPICA 167 observed," or rather, according to the marginal reading, "a night of observations" — the bright star Spica, which marks the ears of corn in the Virgin's hand, rose above the eastern horizon as the sun set in the west, and at midnight must have shone down brilHantly on the Hebrew hosts ; for Spica is so bright a star, that even the beams of the full moon riding close at hand could not have obscured its lustre. The Indians of to-day name their months from the stars in their lunar Zodiac which are in opposition to, not from those in conjunction with, the sun. The close resemblance of the Arab and Indian lunar Zodiacal series suggests the thought that the Arabs may have followed the same system of month nomenclatiLre as the Indians ; and if this were the case it would furnish a reason why Moses, who had so lately returned from his forty years' sojourn in Arabia, should — in recalling the Hebrews to the observance of such a year as that which was presumably followed by their forefathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob — have yet spoken of the first month of the year according to a non- Baby Ionian method of nomenclature, and 1 68 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. should have called it Abib, after the star in opposition to the sun. If now we adopt the opinion that an astronomic method of counting the year did in reality obtain amongst the Hebrews, a great difficulty must present itself to our minds in regard to the generally accepted theory that only on a fixed day of the first month of the year might the first reaped handful of corn be waved before the Lord. The seasons in Palestine are not more punctual than in other countries. To restrict a husbandman to a fixed day of a year (even such a year as ours) before which he might not begin to put his sickle into the corn, would be felt as a hurt- ful and arbitrary regulation ; but to restrict the ' husbandman to a fixed day in a luni-solar year would be a still more hurtful regulation. The beginning of a soli-lunar, year may vary to the extent of a whole month. A late beginning of such a year might coincide with a very early agricultural season, and vice versa an early calendrical year might occur in a late agricultural season. PART I.] NOT TO FIRST RIPENED CORN 169 Considerations of this nature may incline us to inquire carefully whether the " generally accepted theory " (concerning the waving of the ears of corn before the Lord during the Passover week) rests upon Scriptural authority or on Talmudic and traditional teachinaf. As ag-ainst an almost un- broken array of commentators, it is possible in this connexion to quote from the work of a learned Hebrew scholar a clearly expressed opinion that from the Scriptures themselves, it is not possible to infer directly a connexion in date between the wavinsf of the first fruits and the Passover festival.^ 1 Pentateugite, Traduction Nouvelle, par Rabbi Wogue (Lazare), torn. 3. Discussing an important difference of opinion which exists amongst Jewish scholars and commentators as to the exact day of the Passover festival, on which the priest was to wave the sheaf before the Lord, the writer says : " Le texte porte : 'Le Lendemain du Sabbat,' indication qui a donne lieu a une dissidence importante entre les Pharisiens et les Saduceens. . . . Nous avons adopts le systeme talmudique, qui a pour lui I'autorite des Septante, des targoumim, de Josephe, et I'usage immemorial de la Synagogue ; mais, a ne consulter que les textes sans parti pris, nous ne sousr cririons a aucune des deux doctrines. Ni la ceremonie de Tomer, ni le comput des semaines, ne sont mis par nos textes en rapport avec la Paque, mais uniquement avec les moissons, soit ici, soit dans le Deut^ronome (xvi. 9). Des la recolte de I'orge, le divin L^gislateur veut qu'on lui fasse hommage des premices de cette c^reale ; il n'indique point de date, parceque la moisson, pas plus que la vendange, et pas plus en Palestine qu'ailleurs, ne commence 170 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i But if our enquiries should lead us to accept, as at least a probability, the existence in Mosaic times of an astronomically counted Hebrew year, and if this admission should require us to change long-held opinions regarding the right observ- ance of Hebrew festivals, on the other hand, the fact that we might then trace Arabian rather than Babylonian influence in the name of Abib would have its weight on the conservative side of the controversy concerning the post or pre-exilic date of the books of Exodus and Deuteronomy. The fact that in India the months are named after the stars in opposition to the sun suggested the above proposed explanations of the Hebrew month name Abib as that of the month when the sun was in conjunction with the constellation Aries, and in opposition to the star Spica, marking the Zodiacal ears of corn. But there is a further point a jour fixe. Mais une fois ouverte, elle se continue sans interrup- tion ; et comme les froments, en Palestine, sent coupes sept semaines apres, les pr^mices du froment doivent etre offertes au bout de sept semaines. L'Omer et la Pentecote sont done mobiles par exception, mais cette derniere est relativement fixe. Main- tenant de quel ' Sabbat ' est il question ? Puisque tout ici est subordonn^ a rouverture de la moisson, ce sera naturellement le Sabbat qui suit cette ouverture." PART I.] ABIB AND CHAITRA 171 of connexion to be observed between Indian astronomy and Biblical archeeology, namely, that the first month of the Indian year is at the present date the month during which the sun is in conjunction with the constellation Aries. This month is called Chaitra, which is the Sanscrit name of the star Spica, and it is in fact the same sidereally marked month, which, according to the opinions here advocated, was the first month of the ancient Accadian, Babylonian, and Hebrew years. It must, therefore, be a question of interest to Biblical students to determine, if possible, whether this Indian first month has only so been counted (as some scholars tell us) since about 570 a.d., or whether it has so been counted from the same remote time as was the Accadian month Bar zig-gar, that is, possibly, from about 6,000 B.C. This question as to the month Chaitra forms part only of a larger controversy which has been long waged concerning the antiquity, or otherwise, of the whole science of astronomy in India. To this larger controversy I have drawn atten- tion in my Paper, Astronomy in the Rig Veda, read 172 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. before the Congress of Orientalists assembled at Rome in 1899. In that Paper, arguments are put forward in support of the opinion that the Vedic bards possessed an acquaintance with the science of astronomy, and that much of the imagery of the hymns bore reference to the constellations of the Zodiac. For the gods Indra, Soma, Agni, and the Aswins, astronomic interpretations are proposed ; and finally the question, which as it seems to me is one specially deserving the attention of the Society of Biblical Archaeology — the ques- tion of the position of the month Chaitra as first month of the Indian year in Vedic and pre- Vedic times is discussed, and the claim that it was, and throughout remote ages had ever been, virtually the same month as the Accadian Bar zig-gar is insisted upon. Pursuing further the controversy concerning the antiquity of astronomy amongst the Aryan races, in the note on "Ahura Mazda" (p. 152), I proposed an identification of the Vedic Rudra with the Median god — the god who presided over the Median equi- noctial year, marked by observation of the full moon in the constellation Sagittarius. PARTI.] THE MARUTS 173 Continuing then our enquiries into the astro- nomic myths of ancient India, let us turn our attention to the sons of Rudra — the Maruts. They are a group of gods very prominent among Vedic deities, and it is to be noted that Rudra is oftener alluded to in the Rig Veda as the father of the Maruts than in almost any other capacity. Now the Maruts — the stormy troop of Maruts — are celebrated as the companions and friends of Indra. They are "associated with him in innumerable passages." Here, at first sight, it might seem that the proposed astronomical identification of Indra and Rudra as solstitial and equinoctial personifi- cations must break down ; for how should the sons of the equinoctial Rudra always appear as the devoted companions of the solstitial Indra? On further examination, however, a very interesting explanation of this difficulty presents itself. From a hymn (quoted at p. 157) to Siva, the Hindu representative of the Vedic Rudra, we learn that the crescent half-moon blazes on the forehead of Siva. Now the crescent half-moon, in the western degrees of the constellation Sagittarius, would, 4,500 B.C., have marked the month of the N 174 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. summer solstice; for the moon, in its "first quarter" in the first degrees of Sagittarius, must attain to "full moon" seven days later, either in the constellation Aquarius or Pisces, and the full moon in one or other of those two constella- tions marked the season of the summer solstice somewhat earlier than 4,000 b.c. The Maruts are often spoken of in the Veda as a troop, seven in number, or as seven troops of seven, or as three times seven in number. The astronomical thought therefore suggests itself, that the seven Maruts represent the seven days that elapsed between the crescent half-moon, blazing on the brow of Rudra, and the full moon of the summer solstice, or Soma pavamana — Soma purified in the celestial waters (see Plate XIII.). And this explanation of the Maruts does not contradict, but rather agrees with and includes the usual non-astronomic ex- planations held regarding them, namely, that they are storm winds; for we know that the days which accompany the setting in of the solstitial rainy season in India are the days in which the fierce tropical hurricanes or monsoons prevail. Now let us turn from the Maruts to another, as PLATE XIII. CKXXXX] Outer circle divided into 360 degrees. 2nd circle. The names and extent of the twenty-seven Indian " Nakshatras " or divisions of the Lunar Zodiac. 3rd circle. Names and extent of the twelve Indian "Rashis" or divisions of the Solar Zodiac. 4th circle. Proposed three-fold division of the Vedic Lunar Month at Season of Summer Solstice. Section of 5th circle. Proposed identification of " Maruts " with Moon's course through seven " Nakshatras" at Season of Summer Solstice. The Constellations here appear as drawn on the celestial globe ; they have not been reversed as in the other illustrations, hence an apparent, though not real, contradiction ensues. [To /ace p. 174. PART I.] TRITA APTYA i;S it seems to me, lunar and solstitial myth, namely, that of Trita Aptya. Trita Aptya is a friend of the Maruts, and is said to have appeared on the same car with them. He is constantly, in the hymns, associated with Indra, and feats recorded in one passage as per- formed by Indra, are in another passage of the same hymn attributed to Trita. Trita is also often spoken of together with Soma ; and in the ninth Mandala, again and again we read of the ten " maidens, or fingers," of Trita preparing the Soma juice for Indra. All these attributes of Trita, and others to be mentioned later, are easily explainable on the astronomic theory already propounded in the identifications of Indra, of Soma, and of the Maruts. In the name Trita there is certainly a suggestion of the number three, and Macdonell, in his Vedic Mythology^ brings proof to show "that it was felt to have the meaning of the third " — that is, in order of sequence. But though the third, in this sense, does not 1 P. 69. 176 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. actually carry with it the meaning of third of a whole ; yet, to any one in search of an astronomical explanation of the Trita myth, the reiterated mention of the ten fingers of Trita quickly sug- gests the thought of a whole divided into three chief parts, each part containing ten lesser divisions — a whole therefore of thirty parts. Now the lunar month — in reality consisting of twenty-nine and a half solar days (with some fractions over) — is in Hindu calendrical usage divided into thirty equal portions of time called " tithis," which are considered as lunar days ; and here, as it would seem, we arrive at the physical basis of the Trita myth. Trita Aptya, or Trita in the waters (or of the waters), appears as the third part of the lunar month — the part during which the moon is to be seen in the celestial waters ; and as Trita is so closely connected with Indra and Soma pavamana, that third part must have been the ten lunar days (five before and five after " the full ") during which the moon is at its brightest, and in the constellation Aquarius. If we think of Trita Aptya as a personification of the triumphant third of the moon's course through PART I.] TRITA AND FULL MOON 177 the constellations of the Zodiac at the season of the summer solstice (see Plate XIII.), and if we re- member that the moon during the ten lunar days contained in that " third " came to its full in Aquarius or in Pisces, sometimes indeed at the juncture of these constellations, we shall be able to understand much of the figurative language of the Veda, which associates Trita with the stormy Maruts, with the victories of Indra over Vritra, and with the effulgence of Soma pavamana. There is a legend concerning Trita not related but alluded to in the Rig Veda. This legend tells us that Trita was one of three brothers (Ekata, Dvita, and Trita), and that he was pushed into a well by his brothers, and over the mouth of the well a circular covering was placed with intent to keep Trita down and drown him. But through the circular covering the ever-triumphant Trita burst. Here there can be little doubt is a mythic descrip- tion of the temporary disaster of eclipse overtaking the full moon of the summer solstice in the celestial waters of Aquarius or Pisces. The circular covering can be nothing else than the circular shadow of the earth covering the disc of the full 178 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. moon, and Trita's triumph may well remind us of the serene victoriousness of the moon when it has emerged from eclipse and rides unharmed along the sky. In the Zend Avesta Thrita corresponds in many points with the Vedic Trita. Thraetona also represents Trita under some of his other aspects, and mention is made of Thraetona's " two brothers who seek to slay him on the way."i From these facts it may be inferred that the Trita myth is pre-Vedic. We need not, therefore, be surprised to find traces of it in European mythologies. The name of Trita, with only a change of termination, appears as the Greek Triton, and we may guess at an allusion in the sculptured forms of Greek and Roman Tritons — half men and half fish — to the two watery con- stellations, Aquarius and Pisces, in which the Vedic Trita Aptya (son of waters) made his abode. The Roman rendering of these composite figures, especially, may recall to our minds the Zodiacal basis of the myth — the two fish of Pisces appearing in Italian art, as the two fish-tails ' Macdonell, Vedic Afythology, p. 69. PART I.] TRITA, TRITON— EKATA, HECATE 179 which terminate the human-headed figure of the Triton. Again Hecate, as has been pointed out by scholars, bears a close resemblance in name to Ekata. Hecate was a lunar divinity ; she was worshipped and sacrificed to at the close of the month. We may therefore suppose she repre- sented the waning moon. She is further said to have been the daughter of Perseus and Asteria. Looking at the figures of the celestial sphere (see Plate), we may trace the third part of the moon's course — the ten days of its waning appropriated to Ekata — and observe how this portion of its course began close to the constellation Perseus. Thus the Sanscrit Trita myth may explain the name and parentage of the Grecian Hecate.^ A study of ancient European calendars may, on the other hand, eke out our knowledge concerning the astronomic scheme in which Trita and his 1 It is not to be supposed that only the month of the summer solstice was divided into the three parts, personified by Ekata, Dvita, and Trita : the legend of Trita Aptya, that is, Trita in the waters (or, of the waters), is necessarily restricted to that season in which the moon came to its full in the constellations Aquarius or Pisces. Some interesting indications in Indian and Greek mythology seem to point to a similar division of other months, but the subject is surrounded with uncertainties and difficulties. i8o ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. brothers played such important parts. We read that in the Attic year " each month was divided into three decades," and the statement may confirm us in the opinion that, following an almost too mathe- matically imagined calendrical method, the ancestors of the Aryan race in remote ages counted their months, not as containing twenty-nine-and-a-half solar days, but as a portion of time containing three great equal divisions, the first, the second, and the third — Ekata, Dvita, Trita — each of these three parts being again subdivided into ten equal tithis. If this should have been the case, it would be interesting to note that the Greeks (and the Romans also, as shown by their cumbrous system of Kalends, Nones, and Ides) retained the plan of a threefold division of the months, but lost the originally con- comitant arrangement of the ten equal divisions of each part into tithis, whence much difficulty ensued for Greeks and Romans alike in counting lunar months of alternately thirty and twenty-nine days. Indian astronomers, on the other hand, who retain the accurate and elaborate division of the month into equal tithis, must have long ago lost the thought of its originally threefold partition, for the Indians PART I] ATRI AND THE NEW MOON i8i count each month as composed not of three periods of time, but of a light and a dark half. ^ To one more lunar Vedic personage let us direct our attention : namely, to Atri— Atri who, unlike the conquering and ever-victorious Trita, is chiefly celebrated for his misfortunes. Agni, Indra, and especially the Aswins, moved by his misfortunes, come to the help of Atri, and by means of a hundred acts, a hundred devices, they extricate him from captivity, whether from a dark cavern or from a burning chasm. They make the time of his captivity even pleasant to him, giving him refreshing drink. One of our own poets may help us to under- stand the Vedic metaphor of Atri's darksome cave. In the Samson Agonistes of Milton, the hero, describing his blindness, says — " The sun to me is dark And silent as the moon When she deserts the night, Hid in her vacant interlunar cave." ^ " The Luni-Solar year is used for the regulation of festivals and domestic arrangements ; it commences at present at the instant of conjunction of the Sun and Moon in the Sidereal month Chaitra. The Hindu Lunar months invariably consist of 1 82 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. Atri is, I believe, a personification of the New Moon, and thus we may understand how he is sometimes described as hidden in a dark cave, while at other times he is spoken of as in a fiery chasm, when the uppermost thought in the Vedic poet's mind is the close conjunction of the moon at that time with the burning sun. From his dark cave, or burning chasm, Atri is delivered by the "hundred acts" of worship and sacrifice which it was the custom in India, as in many other countries, to offer up at the time of New Moon, especially at the marked festivals of the winter and summer solstice, or the beginning of the calendrical year. On one occasion ^ we hear of thirty Tithis, or Lunar days ; and the whole month is divided into two equal parts of fifteen Tithis each, the one called Shukla or Shuddh Paksha — the bright half or increase of the Moon ; the other Krishna or Vadya Paksha — the dark half or decrease of the Moon." (The Indian Calendar for the year 1892.) 1 Wilson's Rig Veda, vol. iii. p. 297, Mandala, V. xl. " 5. When, Silrya, the son of the Asura Swarbhanu over- spread thee with darkness, the worlds were beheld like one bewildered, knowing not his place. 6. When, Indra, thou wast dissipating those illusions of Swarbhanu which were spread below the Sun, then Atri, by his fourth sacred prayer, dis- covered the Sun concealed by the darkness impeding his functions. 7. (Siirya speaks) Let not the violator, Atri, through hunger swallow with fearful (darkness) me who am thine ; thou art Mitra, PART 1.] ATRI AT THE SUN'S ECLIPSE 183 Atri coming to the assistance of the sun, which had been hidden by the demon Swarbhanu. This darkening of the sun is generally understood to refer to a solar eclipse. A solar eclipse can only take place at the time of new moon. It is a little puzzling to find Atri, if Atri personifies the new moon, saving the sun from eclipse instead of being the cause of the disaster ; but as in the Rig Veda Atri always appears as a friend, not an enemy, of the gods of light — Agni, Indra, and the Aswins — we may suppose that the Vedic bard chose to represent him as being present at, rather than causing the sun's eclipse. It may also be that a certain number of divisions of lunar time were considered as personified by Atri, and that an eclipse terminated in the third or fourth of those divisions ; so that it could be said that Atri " by his fourth sacred prayer " discovered the sun. The passage is no doubt a difficult one ; whose wealth is truth ; do thou and the royal Varuna both protect me. 8. Then the Brahman (Atri), applying the stones together, propitiating the gods with praise, and adoring them with reverence, placed the eye of Surya in the sky ; he dispersed the delusions of Swarbhanu. 9. The Sun, whom the Asura, Swarbhanu, had enveloped with darkness, the sons of Atri subsequently recovered ; no others were able (to effect his release)." 1 84 ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY [part i. still the fact that Atri was present at the eclipse of the sun seems to tell rather in favour of than against the supposition that Atri was a personifi- cation of the time of new moon. The four astronomical interpretations here pro- posed for Rudra, the Maruts, Trita Aptya, and Atri, are all harmonious with and supplemental to the four discussed in my Paper read at Rome, and entitled Astronomy in the Rig Veda. They must to a great extent all stand or fall together. They have been very briefly stated, but if indeed an astronomic basis does, as suggested, underlie Vedic imagery, Sanscrit scholars, with the science of etymology at their command, will easily be able to follow up and pronounce upon the value of the clues here hazarded. VIII THE CHINESE CALENDAR, WITH SOME REMARKS WITH REFERENCE TO THAT OF THE CHALDEANS [Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arckaology, December 1901] The Chinese Lunar Zodiac is divided into 28 star groups named Siou. Gustav Schlegel in his Uranographie Chinoise having enumerated these 28 siou — or as he translates that term, "domiciles" — says : " La premiere chose qui nous frappe en voyant la liste des 28 domiciles, c'est quelle com- mence par le domicile Kio, ou la Vierge, preuve positive que c'etait avec ce domicile que I'annee a du commencer primitivement," ^ and further on he quotes from " le Eul-ya cette antique dictionnaire," as follows : '' L' Ancien des constellations, c'est Kio et ' Uranographie Chinoise, p. 79. 1S& 1 86 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. Kang . . . ils sont les chefs des domiciles, et a cause de cela on les nomme lancien des constella- tions : et ' le signe d'Ancien des constellations ' est exactement les domiciles J^zo et Kang."^ Schlegel adds : " Ce nom de Ancien des constellations r6pond exactement a celui de Princeps Signorum que les astrologues remains donnerent au bdlier ; a lepoque ou cette constellation etait signe de lequinoxe du printemps. C'est-a-dire que le signe qui annoncait le commencement de I'annee etait le premier, le Princeps signorum, 1' Ancien, le Chef, des constella- tions. Mais ces etoiles de la Vierge portent encore d'autres noms qui tous ont rapport au fait astrono- mique que I'asterisme Kio ouvrait I'ann^e. Le ' Sing-king ' les nomme les Chefs des quatre regions, les Legions celestes. . . . Elles president aux metamorphoses de la creation : elles sont traver- sdes par l^cliptique et les sept clartds (7 playlets) commencent {leur revolution) par elles." The concluding words from the Sing-king which I have marked in italics — giving as they do the opinions held by ancient Chinese writers respecting the first divisions of their Lunar Zodiac — may ^ Uranographie Chinoise, p. 87. PART I.] CHINESE AND HINDU LORE 187 remind us of the opinions held by Indian astro- nomers as to their first division of the Zodiac. In Whitney's comments on the Sdrya Siddhdnta he observes : — " The initial point of the fixed Hindu sphere, from which longitudes are reckoned, and at which the planetary motions are held by all schools of Hindu astronomy to have commenced at the creation, is the end of the asterism Revati, or the beginning of Acvini."! It is impossible to read of these two traditions concerning the initial point of the Chinese and of the Hindu ecliptic series of constellations, without suspecting some underlying cause common to both traditions. The Chinese and Hindu initial points are dia- metrically opposite to each other on the ecliptic. Calendrically speaking, such opposite points may be taken to mark the same season and the same month — as for instance, in the old Accadian calendar the month names referred to the stars in conjunction with the sun. The month of the sacrifice of right- eousness corresponded to the month during which the sun was in conjunction with the sacrificial Ram. 1 V. p. 93. 1 88 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. This same month counted (theoretically) from the arrival of the sun at the end of Revati and beginning of AswinI— the initial point of the Indian Zodiac — is in India called, after the star group in opposition, Chaitra. Spica {a Virginis) is the chief star of the Nak- shatra Chaitra, and Spica also is the chief star of the Chinese siou Kio, " Fastdrisme," which, according to the tradition above recorded, " ouvrait I'annee," and which (together with the neighbouring "siou Kang), president aux metamorphoses de la creation," " sont traversees par I'ecliptique, et les sept clart^s commencent leur revolution par elles." To any interested in the history of the Chinese calendar, or rather to any interested in the history of the human race, the question as to the reason for the choice of this point and for the equal honour in which it was held (as we have seen) by the Accadian, the Hindu, and the Chinese nations, is a question worthy of close attention. In former Papers contributed to these Proceed- ings, I have drawn attention to the many indications in ancient cuneiform and Indian literature, which seem to point to the conclusion that about 6,000 B.C., PART I.] KIO, CHAITRA, SriCA 189 in some part of Asia and in a latitude probably as far north as 40 degrees, a calendar was instituted by " some ancient race of men," that this calendar dealt with a year beginning- at the season of the winter solstice, and that the stars which at that date were chosen to mark the solstitial year were those in the first degrees of the constellation Aries in conjunction with — and the bright star Spica in opposition to — the sun. I suggested that the Accadians and later Babylonians, as also the Aryans of India, continued to follow as star-marks for their years the constella- tions chosen by the institutors of this ancient calendar, and that therefore in the course of ages the beginning of the years of these peoples moved gradually away from the season of the winter solstice, approaching always nearer to the vernal equinox, close to which point we find it " bound " at the time of the fall of the Babylonian power ; while in India, where the star-mark Spica is still followed, the year now begins about twenty days after the spring equinox. Indications in Mesopotamian and Indian litera- ture have seemed to me to point to the above con- clusions. The opposed view, held by most writers O I90 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. on the subject, is that only at the late date (about the beginning of our era) when the stars of Aries in conjunction, and the star of Spica in opposition, marked the equinoctial season, were they adopted as marks for the beginning of the year by Babylonians and Hindus respectively. I think that the position held by the star Spica in Chinese ancient astronomical tradition may be claimed as telling strongly in favour of an originally solstitial as opposed to an originally equinoctial beginning of the sidereal years of the Accadian, Hindu, and Chinese nations, for never has the claim been made that the Chinese years were counted from the vernal equinox ; but on the contrary the opinion has been very generally held and expressed by Chinese scholars that at some remote date the new year's festival was held in China at the season of the winter solstice. Gustav Schlegel, one of the latest writers on the subject of Chinese astronomy, though he admits that, "selon I'opinion g6n6rale I'annee chinoise commence toujours avec le solstice d'hiver," has put forward a view entirely opposed to this gener- ally held opinion : according to his theory, the PART I.] 16,916 B.C. 191 Chinese have from the most remote times counted their years, as they count them at present — i.e., from the new moon nearest to the season mid-way between the winter solstice and the spring equinox : and as he is convinced — as we have seen — that the beginning of the Chinese year was originally marked by the asterism Kio, he demands as the lowest possible date for this origin of the Chinese calen- dar, that of 16,916 B.C., when the constellation Kio marked, by its heliacal rising, the mid-season between solstice and equinox. Schlegel brings forward many learned and in- genious arguments drawn from Chinese literature to support this theory. It would be impossible at second hand, and in a small space, to state fairly his arguments with a view to rebutting them. His volumes are full of valuable information concerning the " Uranographie Chinoise," but it has not seemed to me when reading and re-reading his work, that the grounds on which he relies are sufficiently established to support the high claims to antiquity which he puts forward for the origin of the modern Chinese method of counting the year from the mid- season between solstice and equinox. 192 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. It has on the contrary seemed to me that on historical grounds a theory may be arrived at which will furnish a reasonable explanation of the present somewhat exceptional Chinese calendrical methods, and which will, if it is accepted, strongly reinforce the grounds for holding the already general opinion that the year in ancient times in China was solstitial. That opinion once established must lead us with increased confidence to attribute the honour tradi- tionally paid by Hindus and Chinese alike to the initial point of their respective ecliptic series of star groups to, as I have said, their common acquaint- ance with a calendar established on high authority at the date in round numbers of 6,000 b.c. The year in China is luni-solar, and it is, as has been pointed out, counted from the season exactly midway between the winter solstice and the spring equinox. It is counted from this mid-season and not from the sun's opposition to, or conjunction with, any particular star or star group. It is therefore not a sidereal but a tropical year ; and it is estimated at exactly the same length as is our European Gregorian year, PART I] GREGORIAN YEAR, 1582 A.D. 193 We here in Europe are not yet tired of con- gratulating ourselves on the scientific success at- tained by Pope Gregory XIII., when in 1582 he, with the help of many learned men and astronomers, established, as a reform of the earlier Julian calendar, a method of securely binding all recurring airniversaries — civil and ecclesiastical — to the exact same season of the year. Calculations for the arrangement of the Julian calendar had strained the scientific powers of the astronomers of Greece and Rome in Caesar's time, but the length of the year estimated by them was twelve minutes greater than that arrived at by the astronomers of Gregory's later date. To find, as we do, in the far east of Asia a people counting the length of their luni-solar year with the same accurate exactness as that only attained to as late as 1582 a.d. in Europe, might well cause us surprise, were it not that history furnishes us with an easy explanation of this exact identity of Chinese and European calendrical calcu- lations, by teaching us that the calendar by which the Chinese now count their years, and by which they have counted them for nearly three hundred 194 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. years, was really compiled at Peking by Roman ecclesiastics, to whom the Gregorian methods were well known, and for whom, indeed, the study of these methods must have possessed the charm of novelty added to its intrinsic utility and scientific interest. Two learned Jesuit Fathers obtained in the 17th century great influence at the Chinese Court. In 1600 A.D., Matteo Ricci was allowed with his companions to settle at Peking, where he spent the remainder of his life in teaching mathematics and other sciences. In 1610, Johann Adam von Schall, another learned Jesuit Father, "was sent out partly in consequence of his knowledge of mathematics and astronomy to China," and was ultimately " invited to the Imperial Court at Peking, where he was entrusted with the reformation of the calendar and the direction of the public mathematical school." ^ Under these circumstances, when we read that " according to the Chinese work, Wan-nian-shu, or ' Ten thousand-year Calendar,' in which the ele- ' Chambers's Encyclopedia, 1901. PART I.] CHINESE CALENDAR, 1624 A.D. 195 ments of the Chinese calendar from 1624 a.d. until 192 r A.D. are calculated by the Astronomical Board at Peking, the earliest date of the Chinese New Year's Day is January 21st, and the latest February 20th "^ — when we read this and remember that Johann Adam von Schall was in 1624 in charge of the reformation of the calendar at Peking, we need feel no surprise to find " the elements of the Chinese calendar" calculated in advance for 279 tropical, that is Gregorian, years. Indeed the influence of the European ecclesiastic in these calculations is clearly to be recognized in their very form, for we are easily reminded by it of the " Table to find Easter from the present time to — such and such a year — a.d. inclusive," prefixed to our English Books of Common Prayer. And we may be tempted to smile when we see the jealously conservative Chinese nation so peaceably — perhaps unwittingly — accepting a reformation of their calendar at the hands of foreigners, and contrast with this accept- ance the turbulent opposition with which for so ^ On Chronology and the Construction of the Calendar, with special regard to the Chinese Compictation of Time compared with the European. By Dr. K. Fritsche. 196 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. long the introduction of the Gregorian calendar into many European countries was resisted. It may well be that the Jesuit Fathers to whom the Emperor entrusted the reformation of the calendar were themselves not aware of the magni- tude of the reformation they were introducing into Chinese methods, for they found the luni-solar festival of the new year, as we may learn from the Chinese literature of that date, occurring close to that season to which they then so scientifically bound it. But, according to the theory which in this Paper I am anxious to advocate, this season midway be- tween solstice and equinox had not been chosen with definite intention as the first of the year by the Chinese, but had only been arrived at, in con- sequence of an age-long following on their part of a star group, chosen thousands of years earlier, by one of their ancient emperors, as that from which the beginning of their year was to be counted. This star group was the Siou (domicile) Hiu, the eleventh divi- sion of their Lunar Zodiac, and it is marked by the stars ^ Aquarii and a Equulei. (See diagram.) ' ^ The 28 Siou are not of equal extent, and there are many discrepancies in the Chinese tables which profess to give the PART I.] TCHUEN-HIO, 2510-2431 B.C. 197 There is in the great History of China a description given of a reformation of the calendar carried out by the Emperor Tchuen-Hio, whose date is placed at ^2510-2431 e.g. The conjunction of the sun and moon close to the Siou Hiu is in this description clearly referred to as a mark given for the beginning of the year. But the fact of this choice of the star mark Hiu has, for European scholars, been obscured by a most unfortunate paraphrase made use of by Pere de Mailla, the translator into French of the Histoire Gdndrale de la Chine. He gives us in the passage describing Tchuen-Hio's reformation the phrase, "15° du Verseau," instead of the Chinese expression, " the Siou Hiu."i The Siou Hiu extends over some eisfht or ten number of degrees attributed to each. In the diagram, therefore, only the stars which compose the three adjoining domiciles, Niu, Hiu, and Wei are noted, and they are connected by straight lines, according to Chinese astronomical custom. ^ The fact that P. de Mailla has so paraphrased the Chinese original has thus plainly been attested by the late Professor Legge. In answer to a question addressed to him on the subject, he wrote, in December 1894, to Mr. H. W. Greene, Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, as follows : " In the passage from P. de Mailla's History, that writer is both translating and para- phrasing 'the star group Hiu.'" PARTI.] "15° DU VERSEAU" 199 degrees of the ecliptic in the constellation Aquarius ; to restrict to one degree the given star mark was an inaccuracy serious enough in an astronomical state- ment, but this inaccuracy is as nothing when com- pared with the further entire distortion of facts occasioned by P. de Mailla's use of the ambiguous phrase, " 15° du Verseau," ambiguous because it can be taken to refer either to the fifteenth degree of the sign, or of the constellation "du Verseau" (Aquarius). The Siou Hiu is situated, as stated above, in the constellation Aquarius (see diagram), but astro- nomers reading P. de Mailla's translation have understood the phrase in its technical sense, and have therefore been led to believe that the Em- peror Tchuen-Hio fixed the beginning of the Chinese year to the 1 5° of the sign Aquarius ; and as, astronomically and technically speaking, the 15° Aquarius (sign) has no reference to any star or constellation, but is only that point of the ecliptic to which the sun attains exactly at the mid-season between winter solstice and spring equinox, they have taken for granted that 2,500 b.c. the Chinese year began at that point, and therefore 200 THE CHINESE CAEENDAR [part i. at the same season as it does at the present time. But as we now learn on the high authority of Professor Legge that it was to the star group Hiu that Tchuen-Hio is recorded to have bound the beginning of the year, we know that if the record is true, the year in Tchuen-Hio's time must have begun at the winter solstice, and not at the mid- season, between it and the equinox. When due correction of P. de Mailla's paraphrase has been made in the passage recording Tchuen- Hio's reform, there remains still a difficulty to be overcome in the account of this event given in the Histoire Gdn^rale de la Chine, or rather I should say that it is when we have corrected P. de Mailla's paraphrase that this difficulty appears. For in the history it is stated that it was from the new moon at the beginning of spring, and near to the star group Hiu, that the year was then and henceforth to be counted, and this statement contains an astronomical contradiction. Our knowledge of the precession of the equinoxes teaches us that the star group Hiu in Tchuen-Hio's time did not mark the beginning of spring, but rather the very middle of winter. PARTI] "THE STAR GROUP HIU" 201 Unless, then, we throw aside as worthless the whole record of Tchuen-Hio's reform of the calendar, we are driven to suppose that some Chinese historian, ignorant of the precession of the equinoxes, and writing at a date when, owing to that precession, the first new moon of spring was indeed close to the star group Hiu, and that of the winter solstice far distant from it — that this historian made what he may well have considered a necessary correction in the record with which he was dealing, and substituted the " first day of spring " for the "mid-winter season." Nor need we much blame him for making such a correction, when we find ourselves driven by stress of modern en- lightenment to correct his correction, and to read " mid-winter " where he has written "beginning of spring." Let us now read with due corrections, between square brackets, the record of Tchuen-Hio's reforma- tion of the calendar as given in the Histoire Gdn^rale de la Chine. "Tchuen-Hio . . . profitant de la paix dont jouissoit I'empire, transfera sa cour a Kao-yang, Ce fut dans cette ville, que toujours passionn^ pour 202 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. la connoissance des astres, il etablit une espece d'acad^mie, composee des Lettr^s les plus habiles en cette science. On recueillit toutes les observa- tions anciennes qu'on compara avec les modernes, et on poussa I'astronomie a un degre de perfection surprenant. Les regies sdres qu'ils etablirent pour supputer les mouvements du soleil, de la lune, des pianettes, et des ^toiles fixes, acquirent a Tchuen- Hio le titre glorieux de restaurateur, et meme de fondateur de la vraie astronomic. C'est une perte que ces regies ne soient pas venues jusqu' a nous. " Apres plusieurs anndes de travail, Tchuen-Hio determina qua I'avenir I'annee commenceroit a la lune la plus proche du premier jour du printems [proche du solstice d'hiver] qui vient vers le 15° du Verseau ; [vers le Siou Hiu] et comme il savoit par le calcul qu'il en avoit fait, que dans une des annees de son regne les pianettes devoient se joindre dans la constellation Cke (constellation qui occupe 17° dans le ciel, dont le milieu est vers le 6° des Poissons) il choisit cette ann6e-la pour la premiere de son calendrier, d'autant plus que cette meme annee le soleil et la lune se trouvoient en conjonction, le PART I.] TCHUEN-HIO'S REFORM 203 premier jour du printems [le jour du solstice d'hiver]." ' It may, of course, be objected to the proposed correction of the season in this passage as follows : granting that either the star mark Hiu, or the spring season said to have been chosen by Tchuen-Hio, must have been erroneously recorded in the Histoire Gdndrale, the probabilities are equal as to which element in the statement is or is not true. Tchuen- Hio may have chosen the moon nearest to the first day of spring, and may have named some constella- tion other than Hiu near to which this first moon was in conjunction with the sun. The late Chinese historian, instead of tampering as above supposed with the recorded season, may have substituted the name of the star group Hiu, which at his date marked the beginning of spring, for that "other" chosen by Tchuen-Hio. But the probabilities on this point are in reality not equally balanced. For, in the first instance, we must take into consideration the very general opinion that the year in China anciently began at the winter solstice, and the fact that this season was in Tchuen- * Vol. I. p. 33. 204 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i, Hio's time so accurately marked by the junction of the star groups Wei and Hiu (see diagram), and we must further take into consideration the many references to the star group Hiu in ancient Chinese hterature, which connect it very specially with traditions concerning the Emperor Tchuen- Hio. Many passages in the works of the Pere Gaubil are to be met with to this effect, as for instance where he thus quotes and comments on a statement in the Eul-ya. "On designe Hiuen-hiao par la Constellation Hui (sic) ; on appelle encore ce Signe Tchouen-Hio." Gaubil adds, " Le Signe Hiuen-Hiao est celui que nous appelons Amphora. Le dictionnaire [Eul-ya] met dans ce Signe la Constellation Hiu ; c'est-a-dire que le Signe commen^oit par quelque d6gr6 de cette Constellation. L'Histoire Chinoise asseure que I'eau est le symbole du r^gne de Tchouen-Hiu {sic). L'Eul-ya dit formellement que Hiuen-hiao Signe Celestedu Zodiaquedesigne I'Empereur Tchouen-Hiu {sic)y^ Schlegel also tells us that the Chinese placed the soul of Tchuen-Hio in the constellation Hiu. ' Observations Mathimatiques, Astronomiques, &c., redigees et publiees par le P. Etienne Souciet, tome iii. pp. 31-33. PART I.] TCHUEN-HIO AND HIU 205 But not only is Hiu in Chinese literature closely associated with the Emperor Tchuen-Hio : it is also closely bracketed with the season of the winter sol- stice. Schlegel gives many quotations to this effect from Chinese authorities, but he would refer all such allusions to the far back time between 14,000 and 13,000 B.C., when Hiu was in opposition to the sun at that season, not in conjunction with it as at Tchuen-Hio's date. Of Hiu he writes : — Hiu, ou Tertre fundraire} " C'est cet asterisme dont la culmination a I'heure tsze {\\^ de la nuit) annongait le solstice d'hiver. . . . ' Au solstice d'hiver,' dit le M^moire sur la divination par la tortue, ' la course du soleil et des astres n'est pas encore complete, et ils sont consequemment delaisses comme des orphelins [Kou) et vides {Hiu).' Le solstice d'hiver dtait done consider^ par les Chinois comme la position d'un ' orphelin au tombeau de ses parents.' . . . Le pere Noel a traduit {Hiu) par Vacuum, Vide ; mais nous pref^rons traduire litdralement par Tertre funeraire."^ ^ Uranographie Chinoise, p. 214. " Ibid. p. 217. P 206 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. Taking these various passages into consideration, we are, I think, led to feel that the probabilities in favour of Tchuen-Hio having chosen the star group Hiu to mark, in conjunction with the sun, the winter solstice, are greater than those in favour of a com- paratively modern choice of that star group as a mark for the beginning of spring. Reading the passage of the Histoire G^ndrale as corrected above, we may assume that Tchuen-Hio intended to establish sure rules by which the Chinese were for the future to count their years from the solstice, and from the conjunction of sun and moon close to the star group Hiu. But we also know that the following of these sure rules was an impossibility. Either the season or the star mark must in the long course of ages have been abandoned. It would be a difficult, perhaps an impossible, task to ascer- tain how far, or in what manner, the attempt was made under successive dynasties to carry out the injunctions of Tchuen-Hio. We read in the Con- fucian Analects that in answer to his "disciple," who had asked him, " how the government of a country should be administered," the Master said — as the first of five rules — "Follow the seasons of PART I.] HIU 2205 B.C.-1600 A.D. 207 Hsia." And in his note on this text the commenta- tor says, "Confucius approved the rule of the Hsia dynasty. His decision has been the law of all the dynasties since the Ch'in." ^ During all the cen- turies in which the Hea or Hsia dynasty held sway, i.e., from 2205 to 1766 B.C., the sure rules of Tchuen-Hio might have been carried out with- out much difficulty, for at the new moon nearest to the winter solstice the sun would still have been in or near to the constellation Hiu (see diagram), though at the date of Confucius, 551-479 b.c, this was no longer the case. Judging from the final result, we may, I think, take it for granted that the Chinese followed the star mark and not the season appointed for the beginning of the year by Tchuen- Hio. And thus following the star mark, the begin- ning of their year imperceptibly receded from the solstice, and approached the spring equinox, so that in 1600 A,D. the Jesuit fathers found the year still beginning at the new moon, "vers le Siou Hiu," and hence at the season midway between the winter solstice and the spring equinox. ' Legge, Chinese Classics, vol. i., Confucian Analects, book xv., ch. X. 2o8 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. In a former Paper contributed to these Proceed- ings^ I suggested that in the inscription engraved on Gudea's diorite statue we had evidence of a reform of the already existing Accadian calendar — in use from a date much earlier than Gudea's in the neighbouring Babylonian kingdom. Gudea's date is placed by scholars at about 2800 B.C.— not much earlier than at that claimed in the Chinese History for Tchuen-Hio. Much honour is given by this priestly ruler of Lagash " to Ningirsu, and to the goddess Bau, his beloved consort," and the concluding lines of the inscription run as follows : — " On the day of the beginning of the year, the day of the festival of Bau, on which offerings were made : one calf, one fat sheep, three lambs, six full grown sheep, two rams, seven pat of dates, seven sab of cream, seven palm buds. " Such were the offerings made to the goddess Bau, in the ancient temple on that day." The generally received opinion as to Ningirsu (Ninib) is, that he was the god of the "southern sun"; and, as I contended in my Paper, the southern 1 February 1896, V. p. 54, PART I.] GUDEA AND TCHIIEN-HIO 209 sun, if we think of the sun in its yearly, not merely in its daily course, may fitly represent the sun of the winter solstice, while the goddess Bau = Gula is the goddess by whose very name the constellation Aquarius, as we may assume, was designated in the Accadian astrological texts. If from Gudea's inscription concerning the new year's festival a reform in the calendar of Lagash may be inferred, by which the beginning of the year was transferred from the stars of Aries to those of Aquarius, we should find that the Lagash inscrip- tion, and the great History of China, tell us the same story — the Lagash inscription supplementing the Chinese History in this important point — that whereas the account of Tchuen-Hio's reform has been manifestly more or less garbled in its long descent through human hands : that of Gudea's new year's festival is a contemporaneous and utterly untampered - with account. It is also of some moment to note one curious point of resemblance in the idea connected with the stars of Aquarius, by the astronomers of countries so far distant from each other as China and Mesopotamia. Hiu, as we have learnt, may be translated as " Vacuum," and the 210 THE CHINESE CALENDAR [part i. name of the goddess Bau or Bahu bears the same signification as the Hebrew word translated in Genesis i. 2 by " void."^ If we now accept Tchuen-Hio's reformation as a re-adjustment of a previously-existing sidereal and originally solstitial calendar, we are at once given the clue to the two so similar Hindu and Chinese traditions quoted above, concerning the initial point of their Lunar Zodiacs : and we shall recognise that Kio — containing the star Spica — in opposition to, and the first degrees of Aswini, z« conjunction with, the sun, obtained the posts of leaders of the lunar series for the same reason — namely, that they marked the beginning of the year at the winter solstice 6000 B.C. To this same cause I have here, and elsewhere, attributed the fact that in the Accadian calendar the stars of Aries held the same position, and marked the first month of the year, as the month of the "sacrifice of righteousness." In thus tracing back the history of the calendars of the ancient nations of the East, in observing the ' Sayce, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceology, February 1874. PARTI.] "BEHOLD THE PEOPLE IS ONE" 211 identity of their earliest astronomical traditions, and noting the curious points of contact and divergence in their later scientific and mythological ideas, the impression seqms to force itself upon us more and more definitely, that before the races of mankind were " scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth," their ancestors were capable of great scientific achievements, and possessed in common high intel- lectual aspirations. We in these later days, so picturing to ourselves the past, may be freshly struck by the words of the ancient history, which tell us of the time when "the whole earth was of one language and of one speech," PART II PLATES. PART II. PLATES XV., XVI., XVII., and XVIII. In the foregoing pages arguments have been urged in support of the view that the ecliptic circle, at the remote date (speaking in round numbers) of 6000 B.C., had been portioned by some "ancient race of men" into twelve divisions; and that the twelve constellational figures of the Zodiac had then also been imagined under forms more or less closely resem- bling those which we recognize in the heavens at the present day. Most of the arguments in favour of this opinion are neces- sarily based on considerations connected with the phenomena of the heavens, effected in the long course of ages by a slow revolu- tion of the earth's axis. Astronomers during the last two thousand years have carefully observed the effects and studied the causes of this slow terrestrial movement, and they can now tell us with confidence and exactness that the space of 25,868 years is required for the accomplishment of one such revolution of the earth's axis. In our enquiry into the astronomy of the ancients we need not at all turn our minds to the difficult subject of the causes, or indeed even to the fact, of this slow movement of the earth's axis, further than to realize fully that its effects have been to pro- duce a slow but continuous change in the apparent position of the fixed stars, a change not in their position relatively to each other, but in their distances from the heavenly equator and its poles. The effort to fully realize these effects by means of careful calculations and measurements must prove to any but an astronomer a most arduous task ; but, by aid of the mechanical contrivance called a " precessional globe," much of the difficulty 215 2i6 PLATES XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII. of the task may be overcome. The accompanying diagrams have been drawn from a precessional globe, which can be adjusted so as to show the position of the poles and equator amongst the fixed stars, at dates distant from each other by intervals of 538 years.^ I have shown in continuous outline those constellations for whose first imagining it seemed to me as early a date might be claimed as that referred to in each diagram ; all others are given in dotted outline. The strange figures of the " ancient constella- tions " are here drawn as they are represented on the globe ; but the fixed stars which mark these figures for observers of the heavens, I have not ventured to indicate, as to do so would have required great accuracy of drawing and measurement. It is not for a moment to be contended that all the ancient constellations were imagined exactly under the forms by which we have learnt to know them from classic representations, from the poem of Aratos, and from the star list of Ptolemy. Variants of many of the figures are to be met with in astronomical atlases and on the celestial globes in use to-day ; and to estab- lish the relative claims concerning the antiquity of these variant forms is a branch to itself of research. That these constellations have indeed been well denominated " ancient " is scarcely to be denied, and our only wonder, when studying the subject, must be, not that some differences are to be met with as to the exact form under which, at different dates and by different nations, these figures were delineated in the heavens, but rather the wonder must be that (as archaeological research is always more and more clearly establishing) through many thousands of years, and by nations long and widely separated, the stars, which to an unaccustomed observer seem to be scattered in wild and random profusion on the sky, should have ^ 1800 A.D. is the date to which the globe in question originally refers ; the intervals of 538 years can be reckoned backwards or forwards from this date. ANTIQUITY OF CONSTELLATIONS 217 been divided into the same distinct groups, and thought of as representing the same mysterious beings. But though it may be impossible to maintain that the Grecians have handed down to us in an absolutely unchanged form the figures of the ancient constellations as they were first imagined in remote ages, yet many proofs may be cited in favour of the opinion, that not lightly or arbitrarily did astronomical artists venture to tamper with the Zodiacal and extra-Zodiacal figures. Some of these proofs have already been pointed out in the foregoing Papers. Attention will be drawn to others in the con- sideration of the diagrams here given. In Plates XV., XVI., XVII., and XVIII., the positions of the solstitial and equinoctial colures amongst the constellations are given at the date 5744 B.C. Had it been possible, I should have liked to have drawn these diagrams as at 6000 b.c. — not only because it is easier to deal with and to remember a round number such as that, but also because at that date the solstitial colure passed through the ecliptic only one degree distant from the initial point of the Indian Zodiac — a point which there seems good reason to believe was the initial point of many, other than Indian, ancient Zodiacs. Owing to the mechanical restrictions of the precessional globe, it was not possible to adjust it to any more accurate date than that of 5744 b.c. It will not be necessary here to reiterate the considerations in favour of the opinion already advanced that the calendrical importance of the constellation Aries in some nations, and its symbolical importance in the mythology of others, may best be explained by the supposition that the choice of this constellation as " Prince and Leader " of the signs was made not when its stars marked the spring equinox, but when they marked the winter solstice. Let us rather take this opmion as a working hypothesis, and 2i8 PLATES XV., XVI., XVII., XVIII. turn our attention to the importance, in ancient symbolism, of the four constellations— Aries, Cancer, Libra, and Capricornus — which, according to this hypothesis, marked \\i