fyxmll Wimvmxi^ ^ihxM^ THE GIFT OF 'JlC. d.M.7..^.0. 21Ij1iu(' * JK2312 ^^^"(f" ""'"'"">"-"'«"> 'l»iiumiiteffi?i!Jfi,,,,':?'"paign book Clin 3 1924 030 483 543 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030483543 National Democratic Campaign Book PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 1900 PREPARED BY AUTHORITY OF THE Democratic National Committee* PRICE, FIFTY CENTS ri1^|MM> 3 WaBhington, D. 0. Globe Printing ttompaiiy 1900 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE. Alabama Henry D. Clayton. . . , . , Eufatik. Arkansas '• • .Jambs P. Clark ". Little Rock. €alifornia M. F. Tarpy. Alameda. "Colorado Adair '^ilson Denver.. •Connecticut Homer S.> Cummings Stamford. Delaware R- E. KeiStne^. Dover. Florida George P, Eaney Tallahassee. <5eorgia Clark HoWell ': .Atlanta. Idaho ^ E. M. "Wolfe Mountain Home. Illinois ....;.... Thomas GjiAHAN f . . .', Chicago. , Indiana : Thomas Ti^ggart IndianTipolis. Iowa 0. A. Walsh Ottum wa. iEansas J. G. Johnson Peabody. Kentucky Urey Woodeon.". . . .. .^ Owensboro. Xouisiana N. C. Blancpard. . . ^^^^ Shreveport. Maine Akthur Sewall v Bath. UMaryland ArthurP. Gorman j Laurel.. Massachusetts Geo. Fred Williams . . .] Boston. Michigan Daniel J. Oampau J Detroit. Minnesota T. D. O'Brien ..,. St. Paul. Mississippi A. J. EussellV Meridian. Missouri William J. Stone St. Louis. Montana .Tohn S. M. Nbill Helena. Nebraska James C. Dahlman Omaha. iJevada T. R. Rvan. Virginia City. New Hampshire^. True L. Norris Portsmouth. , New Jersey W. B. Gourley Patereon. New York .Norman E. Mack Buffalo. North Carolina Josephus Daniels Raleigh. North Dakota J. B. Eaton. , Fargo. Ohio Tohn R. McLean Cincinnati. Oregon '. '. . M. A. Miller Lebanon. Pennsylvania J. M. Guffey Pittsburg. Rhode Island (teorge W. Green Woonsocket. South Carolina. .,...' B. R. Tillman Trenton. South' Dakota Maris.Taylor Huron. Tennessee James M. Head Nashville. Texas R. M. Johnston Houston. Utah David 0. Dunbar Salt Lake. Vermont. ,Tohn H. Senter Montpelier. Virginia , . , Peter J. Otey Lynchburg. "Washington. , W. H. Dunphy Walla Walla. , West Virginia. . " John T. McGraw Grafton. Wisconsin T. E. Ryan Waukesha. Wyoming John E. Osborne Rawlins. Alaska Louis I;. AVilliams Juneau. Arizona J. A. Breathitt Tucson. Oklahoma ,- . Indian Territory , New Mexico H. B. Fejigusson Albuquerque. District of Columbia Hawaii, William H. Cornwell Honolulu. OFFICERS OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE Sen. JAMES K. JONES, Chairman. Ex-Gov. W. J. STONE, Vice-Chairman. C. A. WALSH, Secretary. M. F. DINLAP, Treasurer. Executive Committee : JAMES E. JONES, Arkansas, Chairman. J. G. JOHNSON, Kansas, Vice-Chairman. C. A. WALSH, Iowa, Secretary. W. J. STONE, Missouri. H. D. CLAYTON, Alabama. THOMAS 6AHAN, Illinois. D. J. CAMPAU, Michigan. J. M. GUFFEY, Pennsylvania. GEORGE FRED WILLIAMS, Massachusetts. T. D. O'BRIEN, Minnesota. THOMAS TAGGART, Indiana. JAMES C. DAHLMAN, Nebraska. NORMAN E. MACK, New York. Ways and Means Committee : JOHN R. McLEAN, Chairman. W. H. HINRICHSEN, Traveling Manager. Press Committee: CLARK HOWELL, Jr., Vice-Chairman. WILLIS J. ABBOT, Manager. C. A- WALSH, Secretary of all Committees. DEMOCRATIC Campaign Book PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 1900 Issued by Authority of Democratic % National Committee. Washington, D. 0. Globe Printing Company 1900 PART ONE.— Platforms. CHAPTER I. PLATFORM OF THE KANSAS CITY CONVENTION. Adopted, July 4, igoo. Deqlaration of Principloa. We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, as- sembled in national convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclama- tion of the inalienable rights of man, and om-. allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the Republic. We hold, with the United States supreme court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter. We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent o£\ tiie governed; that any government not based up- on the consent of the governed is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any peo- ple a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag and de- nounce the doctrine that an executive or congress, deriving their existence and their powers from the constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure halt republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. Porto Rican Law Denounced. Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican congress against the protest and opposition of the ^J 'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.; Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of tlie nation's organic law and a flagrant breacli of national good faith. It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a' government without their consefiit.raad taxation without repre- sentation. It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn-pledge made in their behalf by the commanding ■ general of our army, which the Porto Eicans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occnpatioo of their land. It dooms to poverty and disti-ess a people whose helplessness appeals with pe- culiar force to our justice and .magnanimity. In this, the first act of its im- perialistic program, the Republican party seelis to commit the United States to a colonial policy inconsistent with Republican institutions and condemned by the supreme court in numerous decisions. ^ Pledge to the Cubans. ■, We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to the Cuban people and the world, that the United States has no disposition nor Intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the island of Cuba, ex- cept for its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace reigns over all the island, and still the administration keeps the government of the island from its people, while Republican carpetbag oflBcials plunder its revenues and exploit the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American peo- ple. The Philippine Question. liwe condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present administra- tion. It has embroiled the Republic in an unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and unAmerlcan position of crushing with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-governmentj The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization; they cannot be sub- jects without imperiling our form of government; and as we are not willing to surrender our civilization, or to convert the republic Into an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose, to give to the Fili- pinos, first, a stable form of government; second, indepeifhence; and third, protection from outside interference such as has been given for nearly a cen- tury to the Republics of Central and South America. ^The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Re- ipublican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay, 'but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. |The war of "criminal aggression" against the FDipinos, entailing an annual (expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come. Furthermore, 'when trade is extended at the expense of liberty the price is always too highj ; KANSAS OITY PLATFORJt T^fritoCiial Expansion, \ Wo are not opposed ta)to'i;itoialj*35pansiou, when it, takes in desirable ter- ritory which can be ereetf^; i^ijoafe^ates in the Udiot, ariid, whose people are willing and fit to become skmesfijaan citizens. •WiR'fa'sjoi" trade expansion by ■ every lieacfeful and legitimate 'means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the constitution and whose people can never become citizens. We are in favor of extending' the Republic's inlluence amon'^ the nations, Ijut believe that influence should be extended not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a, high and honorable example. The Paramount Issue. The Importance of other questions now pending before the American peo- ple is in no wise diminished and the Democratic party talJes no baclcWard step from its position on them; but the burning Issue of imperialism, grow- ing out of the Spanish war, involving the very existence of the Republic and the destruction, of our free institutions, wo regard as the paramount issue of the campaign. The Monroe Doctrine. The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the Philadelphia convention held June, 1900, that the Republican party "steadfastly adheres to the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine," is manifestly insincere and deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed policy of that party, In opposition to the spirit of the Monroe doctrine; to acquire and hold sov- ereignty over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the eastern hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe doc- trine in all its Integifity, both in letter and in spirit, as nccessai-y to prevent the extension of European authority on these continents and as essential to our supremacy in Americnn affairs. At the same time we declare that no- American peoiJle shall ever be held by force in unwilling svftjeetiou to Euro- pean ftUthorKy. Opposition to Militarism. We oppose militarisfn. It means conquest abroad and intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace-loving people a large standing army, an un- - necessary burden cf taxation, and would be a constant menace to their liber- ties. A small standing army and a well-discipUned state -militia are amply sufficient in time of peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory militai-y service and conscrip- tion. When the nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The fJational Guard of the United States should ever be cherished In the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever an cle- g^ /DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. J ment of strength and safety. F^r the first time in our histoiT and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been V wholesale departure from our time-honored and approved system of volilnieer organization. We denounce it as un-American, undemocratic and unrepijbjie^in a^id as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people. Trusts and Monopolies. Private monopolies are indefensible, and intolerable. They destroy compe- titiou, control the price of raw material and of the finished product, thus rob- bing both producer and consumer. They lessen the employment of labor and arliitrarily fix the terms and conditions thereof; and deprive individual energy andsmali capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most ef- ficient means yet devised for appropriating the fruits of industi-y to the ben- efit of the few at the expense p£ the many, and, unless their insatiate greed is checlied, all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Republican par- ty in its state and national platforms is conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by the Repub- , lican administration in return for campaign subscriptions and political sup- port. We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in nation, state and city against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of coi-porations engaged in interstate com- merce and requiring all corporations to show, before doing business outside of the state of their origin, that they have no water in their stock, and that they have not attempted, and are not attempting, to monopolize any branch of business or the production of any articles of merchaijdise, and the whole constitutional power of congress over interstate commerce, the mails and alj modes of interstate communication, sliall be exercised by the enactment of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts.- Tariff laws should be amend- ed by putting the products of trusts upon tlie free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea of protection. The failure of the present Republican adminis- tration, with an absolute control over all the branches of the national gov- ernment, to enact any legislation designed to prevent or even curtail the ab- sorbing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the aiiti-trust laws already on the statute boolis, proves the insincerity of the high-sounding phrases of the Republican platform. Corporations should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate in- terests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations to interfere with the public affaire of the people or to control the sovereignty which creates them, should be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. IKANSAS CITY PLATFOEM. y 7 We condemn the Diogley tariff Ia.w as a trust-breeding measure, skillfully devised to give to tlm few .favors which they do not deserve, and to place Jiodw .R corx . . , , upon the many burdens which they should not bear. IntTSrstatS' Commerce Law. We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce law as will enable the commlssioi? to protect individuals and comnlunities from discriminations and the public from unjust and unfair transportation rates. American Financial System. We reaffirm and endorse the principles of the national Democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1S96 and we reiterate the demand of that platform for an American financial system made by the American people for thetnselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as j)art of such system the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coina'go of silver and gold at the present legal ratio pf sixteen to one, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. Currency Law Denounced. We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of congress as a step forward In the ReEWblican policy which aims to discredit the sovereign right of the national government to issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon national banks the power to issue and control the volume of paper money for their own benefit. A permanent national bank currency, secured by government bonds, must have a permanent debt to rest upon, and, if the banii currency is to Increase with population and business, the debt muse also increase. The Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme for fastening upon the tax-payers a perpetual and growing debt for the ben- efit of the banks. We are opposed to this private corijoration paper circulated as money, but without legal tender QuaJities, and demand the retirement Of national bank notes as fast as government paper or Silver certificates can be substituted for them. Election of Senators by People. We favor an amendment to the federal constitution, providing for the elec- tion of United States senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor di- rect legislation wherever practicable. Government by Injunction. We are opposed to government by injunction; we; denounce, the blacklist, • and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between corporations and their employes. Department of Labor. In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the worklngman as the corner stone of the prosperity of our country, we recommend that Coa- 8 DEMOORATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, gress create a department of labor, in cliarge of a secretary, with a seat in the cabinet, believing that the elevation of the American laborer will bring with it increased production and increased ^^fo^i)erfty to our country at home and to our commerce abroad. " ' Pensions for Soldiers. We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American soldiers and sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal! pensions to them and their depend- ents; and we reiterate the position talien in the Chicago platform in 1806, that the fact of enlistment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. Nicaraguan Canal. -We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of the Nica- raguan canal by the United States, and we denounce the insincerity of the plank in the Republican national platform for an Isthmian canal, in the face , of the failure of the Republican majority to pass the bill pending in congress. We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of American rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the American people. Statehood for Territories. We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out its pledges to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona, New Mexico and Oiilahoma, and we promise tSe people of those territories immediate statehood, and home rule during their condition as territories; and we favor home rule and a ter- ritorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico. Arid Lands of the West. We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the West, storing the waters for the pui-poses of irrigation, and the holding of such lands for actual settlers, Chinese Exclusion Law. We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese exclusion law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic races. Alliance With England. Jefferson said: "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." We approve this wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue and land-grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the ill-concealed Re- publican alliance with England, which must mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being strangled in Africa,. IKA'NSlAS OITY PLATFORM, i .9 South African Republics. -111/. '1111 <,. . r Believing in the prmcl]^^.3gJ^jS/5l%goverjiment and rejpctin^^^ its did our forefathers, the claiiiis of monarchy, we view wIth,.,i,ncllgnation,^he purpose of England to overwhelm with force the South African Republics. Speak- ing, as we believe, for the entire Amerieah nation, except its Republican office- holders, and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the teroic Burghers in their uiipa,ual struggle to maintain tljeir liberty and in-- dependence. Republican Appropriations. • We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, ■which have kept taxes high and which threaten the perpetuation of the op- pressive war levies. We oppose the accumulation of a surplus to be squan- dered in such barefaced frauds upon the tax^payers as the shipping subsidy • bill, which, under the false pretense of fostering American ship-building, would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite contributors to the Republican campaign fund. ' Repeal of the War Taxes. We favor the reduction and sipeedy repeal- of the war taxes, and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict economy In government ex- penditures. Appeal to the People. Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, and that the deci- sion now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask for the fore- going declaration of principles the hearty support of the libertj^loving . Amer- ican people, regardless of previous party affiliations. S£ ^Q DEMOCKA.TIG CAMPAIGN BOOK. k , Jl •■jli.lOOIJ PLATFORM OF THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. Adopted, July, 1H96. . ,We, the Democrats of the tJnitetl States in National Convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential principles of justice and liberty, upon which our institutions are founded, and -nhich the Democratic Party has advocated from JefEerson's time to our own— freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional limitations. During all these years the Democratic Party has resisted the tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and stead- fastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of government established by the founders of this Republic of republics. Under its guidings and teach- ings the great principle of local self-government has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the States and in Its assertion of the ne- cessity of confining the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of the United States. The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen the rights of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic Party has always been the ex- ponent of political liberty and religious freedom, and it renews its obligations and reaffirms its devotion to these fundamental principles of the Constitution, The Money Plank. Kecognizing that the money question is paramount to all others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution named silver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit and admitted gold to free coinage at a. ratio based upon the silver-dollar unit. We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American peoj)le has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresirondiDg fall in the prices of commodities produced by the peo- ple; a heavy increase in the bm-den of taxation and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money-lending -clijss at home and abroad; the prostration of industry and impoverishment of the people. - CHICAGO PLATFORM. H We are unalterably opposed to monometallism wliicli Las locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold mono- metallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only uu-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit and. love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in th^War of the Revolution. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full le- gal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetieation of any Isind of legal-tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the policy and practice of suiTenderlDg to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the Gov- ernment of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin. Interest-Bearing Bonds. We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace and condemn the trafficliing with Ijanlung syndi- cates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold mono- metallism. Against National Banks. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jack- son declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or indi- viduals. We therefore denounce the issuance of notes intended to circulate as money by National baulcs as in derogation of the Constitution, and we de- naand that all paper which is made a legal tender for public and private debts, or which is receivable for dues to the United States, shall be issued by the Government of the United States ahd shall be redeemable in coin. Tariff Resolution. We hold thnt tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to.be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the country, and not discrlniinate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government, honestly and eeonomidally administered. We' denoupce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the Mc- Kinley law, which has twice been condemned by the people in National elec- tions, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the fexpehse of the many, restricted trade and deprived the producers of the great American Staples of access to their natural markets. 2 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. •v Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except aucjh.iasi are necessary to meet the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse desisioniofithe Supreme Court on the income tax. 'But for this decision by the .Siif)reme- Court there would be no deficit in the revenue Under the law passed .by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly 100 years, that court having in that decision sustained Constitutional objections to its en- actment which had previously been overruled by the ablest Judges who have ever sat on Uiat bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the Constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may cbme'lerom its reversal l/y the court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens, of j^^Sffifiki may be equally and impar,tially laid, to the end that ^^y ea-rth may i)6arite>due proportion of th'e expense of the Government. Immigration and Arbitration. We hold that th^most efficient way of protecting American labor is to pre- vent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home .Aiarket, and that the value of the hoine marliet to our American farmers and ^rtisans is Itfeatly reduced by^a vicious monetary system which depresses the prices of their products below the cost of production, and thus deprives them of th^h'eans of purcl^Wng thg^oducts of our home manufactories; and as labor creates the wealth of tli^' comirry,%e*din!irJfiid the passage of such laws as may be necessary to protect it in all its rights. We are in favor of the arbitration of differences between employers en- gaged in interstate. commerce and tlieir employes, and recommend such leg- islation as is necessary to carry out this principle. Trusts and Pools. .' The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading rail- road systems, and the formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the en- lai'gement of the powers of the Inter-State Commerce Commission and such re- rstriction and guarantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. Declare for Economy. We denounce the proftigate waste of money wrung from the people by op- pressive taxation and the lavish expenditure of recent Republican Congresses, which have liept taxes high, while the labor that pays them is unemiiloyed and the products of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no longer re- pay the cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and econ- omy which befits a democratic Government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. CHICAGO PLATFOKM. '13 / Federal Interference in Local Affairs, We denounce arbitrary. iBteEfoEfljK-e by Federal aulhorUies in local affairs as _a violation of the GoMtiintiraiSBijahe jTUnlted States and a,. crime against free institutions, and ws eapsasa^<',o'biect to . governraant ';by injunction as a uew and highly dangerous fonirj'ofi;.oppression by' wWch -Federal judges, in con- ■ tempt ol! the laws of the States 'and rights of citizens, become at on.ce leg- , islators, judges, and executioners^ and we approve the bill passed at the last session of the United States Senate, and now peliding in the House of Eep- resentatives, relatlje to contempts in Federal courts and providing for trials by jury In certain cases of contempt. Pacific Railroad. No discrimination should be indulg'ed. in by the Government of the TJnlted States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the F.if ty- third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad Funding bill And denounce the ef- fort of the present Republican Congress to enact a similar - measure* Pensions. Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily in- dorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions, that no names shall be arbitrarily^ dropped from the pension roll; and the fact of enlistment and service should ,bp deemed concl^isive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. Admission of Territories. We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and Oklahoma into the Union as States, and we favor the earljr admission of all the Territories having the necessary population and resources to entitle them "to Statehood, and, while they remain Territories, we hold that the officials ap- pointed to administer the government of any Tei-ritory, together with the Dis- trict of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or District In which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in home rule and that all public lands- of the United States should be appropriated to the establishment of free homes for American citizens. We recommend that the 'Territory of Alaska be granted a delegate in Con- gress and that the general land and timber laws of the United States be ex- tended to said Territory. Sympathy for Cuba. The Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared, and as interpreted by succecd- .ing Presidents, is a permanent part o,f the foreign policy of the United States and fliust at all times be maintained. ' . - We extend our sympathy., tp the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence. Cb j4 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Civil-Sorvice Laws. We are opposed to life tenure in the public service, except as provided in the Constitution. We favor appointments based on merit, fixed terms of of- fice, and such an administration of the civil-service laws as will afiord equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness^ Third-Term Resolution. We declare it to be the unwritten law of this EepuWie, established by custom and usage of 100 years and sanctioned by the examt)les of the great- est and wisest of those who founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the Presidential ofiice. Improvement of Waterways. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the in- terior States easy and cheap transpoi'tation to tide water. When any water- way of the Republic is of suflicient importance to demand aid of the Govern- ment, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous worli until permanent improvement is secured. Conclusion. Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of Its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of principles and purposes to the considerate judgment of the American people. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them and who desire to have them made effective through legislation, for the relief of the people and the restoration of the country's prosperity. j-fiRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. ' ,15 CHAPTEK II. HON. W. J. BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. The following is the full text of the speech delivered by Hon. William Jen- nings Bryan at, Indianapolis, accepting the Democratic nomination for Pres- ident of the United States: . ' "Mr. Chairman and members of the notification committee: "I shair at an early day and in a more formal manner accept the nomina- tion -whicii you tender, and I shall at that time discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to submits* few oljservations at this time upon the general character of the -con- test before us and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount im- portance in this campaign. "Wlien I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on the other, I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen, to give to organized wealth a predominat- ing iufluonce in the affairs of tiie government^ but I do assert that on the im- portant issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those in- fluences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of mammon for the protection of the rights of man. "In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed in the man and the dollar, -ifut that in case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. This is the proper relation which should exist between the two. Man, the handiwori^ of God, comes first; money, the handiworli of man, is of Inferior importance. Man is the master; money the servant; but upon all important questions to-day Republican legislation tends to malie money the master and man the servant. "The maxim of Jefferson, 'Equal rights to all and special privileges to none,' and the dot-trine of Lincoln that this should be a government 'of the people, by the people, and for the people' are being disregarded, and the instrumental- ities of government are being used to advance the interests of those who are In a position to secure favors from the government. « No War on Thrift. •"The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of wealth: it has no desire to discourage Industry, economy, and thrift. On the le .'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. I contrary, it gives to every citizen tlie greatest possible stimulus to Iionest toll, wlien it promises liim protection in tiie enjoyment ol the proceeds of his la- borj Property riglits are most secure wliea liuman riglits are most respected. Democracy strives for a civilization in wliich every member of society will share according to his merits. '"No one has a right to expect from society more than a fair compen- isation for the services which he renders to society. If he secnres more, it is at the' expense of some one else J It is no injustice to him to prevent his doing injustice to another. To him who would, either through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of another, the Democratic party says 'Thou shalt not.' "Against us are arrayed a comparatively small, but»politically and financial- ly Howerful, number, who really profit by Republican policies; but with them are associated a large number who, because of their attachment to the party name, are giving tJieir support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teach- ings of their own party. Republican Inconsistencies. Repuhlicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try t^ con- vince theiuselves that the gold standard Is good; Republicans who were formerly attached to the greenback are now seclviug all excuse for giv- ing national banks control of the nation's paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt, are now looliing for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Republicans who formerly abhorred a trust, now beguile themselves with the delusion that there are good trusts and bad trusts, while in ' their minds the line between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, In times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing army, are now making liglit of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; rtepublicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful, now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Re- publicans who, tliree years ago, condemned 'forcible annexation' as immoral and even criminal, are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to op- pose forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded many to present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen. "For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the right to criticise the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon Investi- gation they found tliat botli Ijincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticise a President during the progress of the Mexican War. "Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive plan for dealing witli the I'ljilippiue question, the RepubUoaji couveuti^n (BRYAN'S SPEECH OP ACCEPTANCE 17 adopted a platform the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and self- congratulation. - ; Evasive Republican Policy. "In atlomyting to press economic questions upon the country to tlie exclu- sion of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Repub- lican leaders give new evidence of tiieir abandonment of the earlier ideals of the party, and-of their complete subserviency tq pecunia-ry considerations. ''But tliey sliall not be permitted to evade the stupendous and far- reaching issue ivhich they have deliberately brought into the arena of politics. When, the President, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the' House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the stijuggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, applauded. Although the Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which, in the very nature of the case, must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the-Republi- cans in the support Which they gave to the President. When the war was over and the Republican leaders Uegai to suggest tne propriety of a colonial policy, opposition at once manifested itself. , "When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recog- nized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of the PMlippine Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject; the treaty and rislj the ills^that might follow ratlier thian talie the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the inde- pendent actipn of this country. Winy the Treaty Was Ratified. ^'t -Was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty / and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for wai." expendi- tures, and then give to the Filipinos the independence which might be forcea from Spain by a now treatyf- "in view of the criticisln which my action aroused in some quarters I take this occasion to restate the reasons ^iven at that time. 1 thought it' safer td. trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust . the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly natioiy I/lncoln embt^ied an argument in the question, when he aslied, 'Can aliens malie treaties easier than friends can make laws?' I believe that we are now ip a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism tnan we would have been hart the treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified, a clean-cut issue Is presented between a government by consent and a govern- ment by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that hap- pens until the question is settled. ' If the treaty had been rejected, the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible f Or any international complications whicli might have IS' ' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ■arisen before the rntiflcation of another treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was any difference as to the great importance, of the question, and there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued. How the War Might Have Been Averted. "The title of Spain being extinguished, we were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The Bacon resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out sft Manila, promised independence to the ' Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. I supijorted this resolution and believe tliat its adoption prior to the brealiing out of hos- tilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subse- quent time would have ended hostilities. "If the treaty had been rejected, considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified, and during that time the question would have "been agitating the public mind. If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, either at the time of the ratilication of the treaty, or at any time af- tei-ward, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of polities and left the American people free to deal with their domestici problems. But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter. ; ; "When hostilities' broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and RepuWl- , can editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the same Repub- licans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility. "If it isjight for the United States to hold the Philippine Is]ands perma- nently and imitate European empires in thfe government of colonies, the Re- publican party, ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect tlie suBjqct races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability. r The United States a Moral Force. "*he Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an enconragemenl^ not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a iroice in their own govern- ^ ment. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, 'Give me liberty or give me death,' he expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men. "Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none has used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in BRYAN'S SPEECH O^ ACCEPTANCE. 19 political bondage. liet tliem censure Washington, who declared that the colonies must choose between liberty and slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the ^ins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Z^lncoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are forgotten. "Some one lias said that a truth once spoken can. never be recalled. It goes ou'and ou, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening in- fluence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken in defense of tlie principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for It was God Himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master. Effect of Imperial Issue at Homo. '^^lose who would have tliis nation enter upon a career of empire must con-i sider not only the effect of imperialism On the Filipinos, but they must; also calculate its effect upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principles 1 of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here. ( "Lincoln said that the safety of this pation was not in its fleets, its armies, its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, J iu all lands, everywhere; and he warned his countrymen that they could not/ destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. i "Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence of imperialism. Heretofore this nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of activity has been lim- ited to the Western hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the inter- est which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in ev- ery contest between human rights and arbitrary power. "Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused our people, and Webster and Ckty gave eloquent expression to the universal de- sire for Grecian independence. In 1896 all parties manifesled a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now, when a war is in progress in South Africa, which mus^ result in the extension of the monarchical 'idea or in the triumph of a republic, the ad- vocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in'behalf of the Boeri. - "Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness toward England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation. This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our platform, we b(^ieve in the principles of self-government and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy. If this nation surrenders its belief In the universal application of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, it 20' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. will lose the prestige and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent of popular government. Expansion Cor\trastecl With Imperialism. "^ur opponents, conscious ol; the wealiuess .of their cause, seel£ to confuse pmperialism with expansion^, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a sup- porter of their policy. Jefferson spol^e so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. . On one occasion he de- cln''"(l: 'If there he one ijrinciple more deeply rooted than any other in the mind, of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with con- quest.' And again he said: 'Couciuest is not In our principles; it Is Inconsist- ent -nlth our government.' •■'The forcible annexation >of territory to be governed by arbitrary" power, Idiffers as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up Into States as .a monarchy differs from a democracy. 'The Democratic party does not op- (pose expansion, when expansion enlarges the area of the republic aod incorp.o- 1 rates lamj which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our popula- jlion people who are willing to become citizens, and are capable of discharging, their duties as suchj The acquisition of the Loui-siana: territory, Florida, Tex- as, and other tracts which have been secured from time to time, enlarged the republic, and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory. It is cow proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated than our own country, and to force upon the people a government for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws. Whites and the Tropics. "Even the argument tliat this earth belongs ' \6 those who desire to cultivate it, and who have the physical power to ac- quire it, cannot be involied to justify the appropriation of the Phil- ippine Islands by the United States. If the islands were uninhabited Ameri- can citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will, not live so near the equator. Other nations have tried to colonize in tlie same latitude. The Ketlurlands have controlled Java for 300 years, and yet to-day there are less than 60,000 people of European birth scattered among tlie 25,000,000 natives. "After a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one-tweiitieth of 1 per cent, of the people of India are of English birth, and it requires an army of 70,000 Srilish soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain had asserted title to the Philippine Islands for three centuries, and yet, when our fleet entered Manila Bay, there- were less than 10,000 Spaniards residing in the Philippines. "A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few traders, a few task masters, and a few office-holders, and an army laro-e enough to support the authority of a sm-all fraction of ■ the people while thjy' rule tile natives. BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 21. "If we have an Imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its natural and necessary complement. The spirit which will justify the forcible ^nexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other Islands and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment. That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republi- can leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. In his message of December 5, 1898, the President asked for authority to increase the stand- ing army to 100,000. In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two years the President asked for four times that many, and a Republican House of Representatives complied with the request, after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country was at war with the United States., ' ' The Menace of a Standing Army. . "If such an army is demanded, when an imperial policy is con- templated, but not openly avowed, what may be expected if the people en- courage the Republican party by indorsing its policy at the polls? A large 6tan.ding army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people, and, if accompan- ied by compulsory' service, a constant source of irritation, but it Is ever a rnen- ace to a republican form of government. "The army is the personification oif force, and militarism will inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science' of war. The government which relies for its defense upon its citizens is more likely to be just than one which has at call a large body of professional soldiers. i "A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-disciplined State mili- tia are sufficient ^t ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should la the f uturq, as in the past, place its dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country's call, and return to productive labor when their services are no longer required— men who fight when the country needs ighters, and work when the country needs workers. "The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be re- tained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of Ihe future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten ipillldn Asiatics, so diffei'ent from us in race and history that amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition. Citizen or Subject. "The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate immediately after the rati- fication of the treaty, e.'cpressly negatives this idea. The Democratic platform described the situation' when it says that .the FiUpinos cannot be citizens 22" DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. without endangering oiu' civilization. Who will dispute it? And what is -the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a sub- ject? On that Question the Democratic platform spealis with equal ehiphasls^ It declares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our foi-m of government. "A republic can have no subjects, A subject is possible only In a gov- ernment resting upon force; he is unknown in a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. The Republican platform says that 'the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to tliem (the Filiijinos) by law.' This is a strange doc- trine for a government which owes its very existence to the men who of- fered their lives as a protest against government without consent and taxa- tion without representation. "In i^hat respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English government in 1776? Did not the English government promise a good government to the colo- nists? What King ever promised a bad government to his people? Did not the English government promise that the colonists should have the largest measure of self-government consistent ivith . their ivelfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish government prom- ise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government cour sistent -with their -nrelfare and Spanish duties? The -whole difference between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sen- tence: In a monarchy the King gives to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a. republic the ^people secure for them- selves w^hat they believe to be a good government. Republicans Imitate George HI. "The Republican party has accepted the European idea and plaiited itself upon ground taken by George III and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs. "The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government Is to be given to the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulhlled. Nearly sixteen- mont^bs elaipsed after the ratification of the treaty before" the Adjournment of Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the only law in the Phihppine Islands wherever the American authority extends. ' "Why does' the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the radical departure from history and precedent. contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject. "If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annex-ation, are to be de- nied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. gg who resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will those same Influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away? If, in this counti-y, where the people have a right to vote. Republican lead- ers dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to pDO- tect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the I'S- lands? Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines. "Is the sunlight of full citizenship to he enjoyed by the people of the United Stales and tlte twilight of semi-ciiizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while the thick dark- ness of perpetual vassalage covers the Philipjnnes ? The Pprto Rico tariff law asserts tlie doctrine that the operation of the Constitution is donfined to the forty-five States. ■ > "The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and^ denounces it as repug- nant to both the letter and spirit of our oi'ganic law. There is no place in oi;ir system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and Irresponsible poWet. That the leaders of a great party siiould claim for any President or Congi'ess the right to treat millions of people as mere 'possessions' and deal with tliem unrestrained by the Constitution' or the bill of rights, sliows how far we hate already departed from the ancient landmarlis, and indicates what may be exisected if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire. "The ferrltorial form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security of a citizen of a territory is found in the fact that he enjoys the same constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as a citizen of a State. Talie away this security and his rights will Be violated and his interests sacrificed at the . demand of those who have political influence. This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is applied. The Flaw in Our Title. "What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we talve them? Did we purchase the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown ia with the land? Will the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value, but when that earth is molded by the divine hand aud'stamijed with the lilceness of the creator it becomes a fixture, and passes with the soil? If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it Is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. " We could extinguished Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by tome method consistent with our ideas of government. When we made allies of the Fil- ipinos and armed them' to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If we 6ujj Spain's title we are not irvaocent purchaseri. 24- DEMOCEATIC CAIiirAIGN BOOK, "There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the . Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke. "I-et us consider briefly the reasons which hare been given in support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Is- la'nds. But duty is ndt an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty Is in any emergency we must apply well-settled and generally ac- cepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, bo matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or clafes he belongs. The Argument of "Duty." "Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon Individuals to observe both the human and the moral law, but as some deny the application of those ' laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. ■ Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: " 'I know of but one code of morality for men, ivhether acting singly or collectively.' " Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the priceless legacy hegueathed to ns from the Kevolutionary days, ex- pressed the same idea in even stronger language w^hen he said: " 'Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations as between, neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a. robber when he plun- ders in a gang as when singly; and the nation that makes an unjust war is only a great gang.' "Many may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as indi- viduals, but the moral character of an act is not determined by the number of those who join it. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet cre- ated a right. If it was true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention, that the Cubans 'are and of right ought to be free and independent,' (lan- guage taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos 'are and of right ought to be free and independent.' The Right to Freedom. "The risht of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity to the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and applicable to the Cubans. "Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and the latter has no rights which we are bound to respect? Aadj if the FUipinoa BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 25 'are and of right ought to be free and independent,' what right have we to force our government upon them without their consent? Befwe our duty can be ascertained, their rights must be determined, and when their rights are once determined, it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to respect the rigllts of the people of Cuba or the duty, of England to respect the rights of the Anierican colonists. Rights never con- flict; duties never cl&.sh. Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which belong to others? Can it be our duty to Icill tliose who, following the example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? , ' "Some poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who, In the midst of battle, discovered that he had slain his brother. It is written, 'All ye are brethren.' Let us hope for the coming of the day when human life— which when once destroyed cannot be restored— wUl be so sacred that it will never be taken except when necessary topunish a crime already committed or to prevent a crime about to be committed! "If it Is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which make It necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the Phil- ippine Islands, I reply, first, that the highest obligation of tnis nation is to be true to itself. No obligation to any particular nation or to all nations com- bined can require the abandonment of our theory of government and the substitution of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our oljKgation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there. "It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government, and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey in an official report to the Navy Department declared the Filipinos \ more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the , relative advancement of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defending the rights of the people of South America to self-government, said: ."The Argument of Thrones." " 'It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their par- tisans assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the proposition, it is then remanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign the dis- position of Providence Himself to suppose that He has created beings incapable of gover- ning themselves and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural govern- ment of man.' "Clay was right. There are decrees of proficiency in the art of self-govern- ment, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that He denied to any peo- ple the capacity of self-government. Once admit that some people are capable of self-government and that others are not, and that the cap-able people have 2g' 'DEMOOKATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. a right to seize upon and govern the incapaWe, and you make force— brute force— the only foundation of government and invite the reign of the despot, I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then, left them thousands of years helDless until the islands at-, tracted. the attention of European oations. "Republicans ask: 'Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines?' The same question might have been asked when the American flag floated over Ghapultapee and waved over the dead who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cem- etery owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with Mexico was signed, American authority withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made more progress under the stimlilus of independence and self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag government held in place by bayonets. The United States and Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised, as 'benevolent assimilation.' Might and Right. " 'Can we not govern colonies?' we are asked. The question is not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can do whatever it desires to do, bat it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the natural and legitimate results 'of its own conduct. " The young man upon reaching his majority can do vrhat he pleases. He can disregard tlie teachings of his parents; he can trample upon all that he has been taught to consider sacred; he cam disobey the laws of the state, the laws of society, and the laws of God. He can stamp failure upon his life and make his very existence a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he cannot annul the sentence, 'The wages of sin is death.' "And so with this nation. It is of age, and it can do what it pleases. It can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the princi- ples upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of rea- son; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property, and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights. iWouia we tread in the paths of tyranny, Nor reckon the tyrant's opstv iWho taketh another's liberty. His freeflora is also lost. iWould we win as the strong have ever won, Make ready to pay the debt; For the God who reigned over Babylon Is tlie God who is reigning yet. ^, 'BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. '27 We Dare Not Educate the Filipinos. ' "Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in the better education of the Filipinos. Bo not deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the , most Ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination. If we are to govern them without their .consent and give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States and mock us for our inconsistency. /^he principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense of imperialism are^r "First— That we must Improve the present opportunity to become a world power and enter into international politics. "Second-^hat our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient malie it necessary for us to hold the Islands permanently. "Third— That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a colonial policy. "Fourth— That there Is no honorable retreat from the position which the nation has taken. "The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the second to the nation's pocketbook. The third is Intended for the church member and the fourth for the partisan. Our Place inWorld Politics. "It is a sufiicient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades it has been the most potent influence in the world. Not only has if been a world power, but it has done more to affect the politics of the human race than all the Other na- tions of the world combined. Because our Declaration of Independence was promulgated, others have been promulgated; because the patriots of 1776 f6ught for liberty, others have fought for it; because our Constitution was adopted, other constitutions have been adopted. ■ V "The growth of the principle of self-government planted on Amer- ican soil has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations, and given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check the outirard march of this idea. I am not Trilling that this natioit shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again J:he Tveapons of physical warfare. I -would not exchange the glory of this republic for the glory of' all the empires that have risen and fallen since time, began. "The pt'nnanent cliairman of the last Republican National Convention pre- sented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness, when he said: • 28 DEMOCTtATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK,' " 'We make no hypocritical pretfinses of being interested iu -tlie Pliilippmes solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade expansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government and Constltutiqitf; we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade, and open new markets.? • . "This is the commercial argument. It is based upon fhe theory that tyar can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of these proposi- tions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which Drought on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing into foreign cliannels, Franklin rexjlied: Franklin on Bartering Blood for Trade, "Pro me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, how- soever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending, and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and un- ■wisej • "I place the philosophy of Franldin against the sordid doctrine of those who would put a price upon the life of an American soldier and justify a war of conquest upon the ground that it will pay. The Democratic party is in fa- vor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade, by every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human blood. "But a war of conquest is ^s unwise as it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines ^ould answer every trade and mllita:ry ne-. cossity, and such concession could ha\e been secured at any time without difficulty. "It is r.ot necessary to own people in order to trade with them. We carry en trade to-da.v with every part of the world and our commerco has expanded more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. We do not own .Tapan or China, but we trade with their people. We have not absorbed the republics of Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not been uecei>savy to have any political connection with Canada or the na- tions of Europe iu order to trade with them. Trade cannot bo permanently, profitable unless it is voluntary. * "When trade is secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it must be taken out of the profits, and the profits arc never large enough to, cover the expense. Such a system would never be defended but for the fact that the expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by the few. IBRTAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE/ i^f "Imperialism would be profitable to tbe army contractors; it ironld be profitable to tbe shipoivnerS) ivho 'would carry live soldiers to the FEnippines and bring dead soldiers back; it would be profitable to those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose salaries w^ould be fised here and paid over there. But to the farmer, to the laboring man, and to the vast ntajority of' those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure with- out return and risk without reirardl "Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes, and under sys- tems which place the tax upon consumption pay more than their fair share ot the expenses of government. Thus the very people who jrecelve least benefit from Imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which ac- company it, "la addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the la- boring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the '. United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to em- ploy oriental labor in the Philipines to supply the trade of China and Japan; the first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit arouses, and the first to suffer when the methods of imperialism are applied to our own gov- ernment. , "It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been quick , to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest against both mil- itarism and imperialism. "The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as the relig- ious argument. If what has been termed the 'gunjKiwder gospel' were urged against the Filipinos only, it would be sufficient answer to say that a major- ity of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much wider application and challenges EeriQus consideration. The Religious Argument. , "The religious argument varies in positlveness from a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to 'thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,' and that 'every bullet sent, every cannon shot arid every flag waved means righteousness.' ' ; "We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we, are willing to apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the blood of the hand it will ul- timately reach the heart. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if plant- ed under the American flag in the far away Orient, will sooner or later toe transplanted upon American soil.- "It true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who wHl say that vre aj:e commanded to civilize witli dynamite aud 30 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. proselyte with the sword. He who would declare the Divine will must prove his luthority, either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation. Imperialism Finds No Warrant in the Bible. "The command, 'Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature,' has no gatling-gin attachment. When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the people refused to receive Him, some of the disfciples suggested that fire should be called down from heaven to avenge the insult; but the Master rebuked them, and said: 'Ye, know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not come to destroy m'en's lives, but to save them.' Suppose He had said: *We will thrash them until they understand who we are.' How differ- ent would have been the history of Christianity! Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with the Golden Bule and the commandment, 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.' "Love, not force, was the w^eapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for oth- ers, not the exploitation of them, w^as His method of reaching the^ human heart. A missionary recently told me that the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag a.^ the flag that had no blood upon it. Iiet it be known that our mission- aries are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it be know^ that instead of being the advance guard of conq,uering armies, they are going forth to help and tb uplift, having their loins girt about irith truth and their feet shod w^ith the preparation of the Gospel of peace/ n-earing the breastplate of righteousness, and carrying the sword of the Spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a nation vrhich reBp«cts the rights of other nations as carefully a" it protects the' rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries) of any other nation. "The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that, the naval victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also un- sound. We won a naval victory at Santiago that did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it im- perative that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed at San Jyan Hill and El Cauey, and yet the President has promised the Cu- bans independence. The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American flag waves over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the Cuban republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this republic should become the flag of an empire. 'BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE, 31 The Solution of the Problem. "There ia an easy, honest, honorable solntion of the Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is sub- mitted xrith confidence to the American people. This plan I unre- servedly indorse. If elected I shall convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as I am inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose: first, to establish a stable form of goTcrnment in the Philippine Islands, just as ure are now estab- lishing a stable form of government in the island of Cuba; second, to give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out^ their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are by the Monroe doctrine pledged to protect Cuba. "An European protectorate often results in the plundering of the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation pro- tected the advantage of our strength without malang it. the victim of our greed. For three-quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics, and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain we could not honor- ably turn them over to their farmer masters; we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious designs of the European nations, and since we do not desire to make them a part of us, or to hold them as subjects, we propose the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them against molestation from without. "When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they fall back upon the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit to It, no matter how much it violates our moral prec;pts and our principles pf gov- ernment. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the distinction be- tween right and wrong, and makes individuals and nations the lielpless vic- tims of circumstance. The Plea of "Destiny." "Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. Washington said that the destiny of the republican form of govern- ment ivas deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the American people. ' How different Washington's definition of destiny from the Republican definition! The Bepnblicans say th^t this nation is in the hands of destiny. Washington believed that not only the destiny of our ow^n nation, but the destiny of the repub- lican form of government throughout the world, was intrusted to American hands. The destiny of this republic is in the hands of its own peoplei 33 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, immeasurable Responsibility. "Upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of hnman- ity. No exterior force can disturh this republic, and no foreign influ- enoe should be permitted to change its course. What the future has in store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each indi- vidual has his own idea of the nation's mission, and he owes it to his country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the ful- fillment of that mission. "Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, I can never fully discharge the debt of gratitude >vhich I owe to my countrymen for the honors which they have so generously bestcxwod upon me; but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for which the convention Ijas named me or to spend the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought this republic into existence. "1 can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past — n destiny which meets the responsibilities of to-day and measures np to the possibilities of the future. Behold a republic resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth — a repub- lic applying in practice and proclaiming to the w^orld the self-evi- dent proposition that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights; that governments derive their just poiffcrs from the consent of the governed. Behold a republic in ivhich civil and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor, and in which the law^ restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury — a reiiublic in w^hich every citizen is a sovereign, but in w^hich no one cares to tirear a crown. Behold a Republic standing erect while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their ow^n armaments — a republic w^hose flag is loved, -while other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing in population, in ivealth, in strength, and in influence, solving the problems of civilization, and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood — a republic irhich shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example, and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme factor in the w^orld's progress and the accepted arbiter of the w^orld's disputes^ — a republic w^hose history, like the path of the just, 'is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day.' " STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF AOCBPTANCB.' 33 CHAPTEE III, HON. ADIAI E. STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. The Hon. Adlal E. Stevenson, when formally notified by Governor Thomas df his nomination for the Vice Presidency by the Democratic National Oonveur tion at Kansas City, replied as follows:. "I am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred upon me by my selec- tion by the Natioq^l Deinocratic Convention as its candidate for the high office Of Vice President of the United States. For the complimentary manner in Which such action has been officially made known to me I express to you,, Mr. Chairman, and to your honored associates of the committee, my sincere thanks. "Deeply Impressed with a sense of the responsibility assumed by such can- didacy, I accept the nomination so generously tendered me. Should the ac- tion of the Convention meet the approval of the people In November it will be my earnest endeavor to discharge with fidelity the duties of the great ot- flce. "It is wisely provided in the Constitution that, at stated times politiijal pow- fer shall return to the hands of the people. The struggle for political su- premacy, upon which we are now entering, is one of deep moment to the American people. Its supreme importance to all conditions of our country- men cannot be measured by words. The ills resulting from unjust legisla- tion and from unwise administration of the Government must find their rem- edy in the all-potent ballot. To it we now make our solemn appeal. ' "The chief purpose of the great Convention, whose representatives are be- fore me, was redress for existing wrongs and security against perils yet great-' er which menace popular government. Your Convention, in language clear and unmistakable, has presented the vital issues upon which the pending contest is to be determined. To its platform I give my earnest assent. Sympathy for Sister Republics. "Clearly and unequivocally the Democratic Convention has expressed its sympathy >^ith the burghers of the South African Republics in their heroic attempt to maintain free government. In this the Convention not only voiced the sentiments of American Democrats, but of liberty-loving men everywhere. It Is not strange that those who have kept the political faith of the author of 34 DEMOCRA.TIO CAMPAIGN BOOEL tlae Declaration of Independence should express their abhorrence at the effort of a great European power to subijugate a'peo'^le'-^^ose only crime is a death Struggle to maintain their liberties. "The earnest utterances of the Convention thkt bur sympathies are with the Boei-s in their unequal struggle, meets a'n'eai-'fy response from all who ven- erate the principles of our fathers. Is it not true that in all the past a belief in the inalienable rights of all peoples has been with us a living faith? That our sympathy has ever been with the oppressed: with those who were strug- gling for a larger measure of freedom— for self-government? For this rea- son our Government was among the first to extend recognition to the Repub- lics of France and of Mexico; prompt to extend our sympathy, as well as offi- cial recognition, to the little South American States on their escape from the despotism of Spain, and upon their efforts to establish for themselves repre. sentative government fashioned after our own. History has but repeated it- self, and the struggle to maintain free government a century and a quarter, after the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence has been trans- ferred from the New World to the Old. Is it to be wondered, then, that the political disciples of Jefferson should express their symp'athy for the op- pressed Republics of South Africa? Only those who believe that our own country has outgrown the doctrines of the fathers are in sympathy with BJng- land's attempt to establish monarchy upon the ruins of Republics. War Taxes and Expenditures. "The lavish appropriations by the present Republican Ck)ngress should chal- lenge the attention of all thoughtful men. Subsidy bills and all unnecessary taxes are condemned by our platform. The accumulation of surplus revenues is too often the pretext for wasteful appropriations of the public money. The millions of surplus now accumulating in the Treasury should remain in the poclsets of the people. To this end the Democratic party demands a reduc- tion of war taxes to the actual needs of the Government and a return to the policy otf strict economy in all governmental expenditures. Laws to Curb Monopolies. ■' "In apt words the Dingley tariff law is condemned. It is tersely character- ized as legislation skillfully devised in the interest of a class and to impose up- on the many burdens Which they should not bear. Adhering to the time-hon- ored doctrine of the Democratic party, we oppose all tariff legislation, the necessary consequence of which is at the expense of the consumer to secure unjust advajitage to the favored few. Experience has demonstrated that un- just tariff laws have deprived the Government of needed revenues, secured to favored beneficiaries colossal fortunes and largely increased to the people the cost of the necessaries of life. The baleful but logical result of the tariff law condemned by our platform is seen in the sudden growth of giant mon- opolies, combinations in restraint of lawful trade, and 'trusts,' more threaten- lug than foreign foe to the existence of popular government. Believing that eTEVENSON'S SPEECH OF AQCEPTANCB. 35 'wherever there is a wrong there must be a remedy,' the Democratic party Will favor such legisjation ?^&.WU1 purb the spirit of monopoly and place an ef- fective barrier against the unlawful combinations of capital which now prove an insuperable obstacle t:,9 "l^g^pwate enterprise and investmend. 'T^e deadly ppwer of the trust is feli,,in^ajj„.c^iiannels of trade. ."This is but the beginning. I^ it too much to say that unless restrained by wholesome laws, wisely a;ud efficiently administered, the danger becomes ap- palling? Fostered by the Dingley TarifE law, the trusts during the present ■ Republican Administration, h^X" enormously Increased in number and in power. A determined effort for their suppression must now be made. De- ' lay would still furthet endanger every lawful business' interest of the coui^ try. The Imperative necessity for a remedy being conceded, the question arises: Into whose hands sha,ll be committed the work of formulating laws loolving to the supprcSsloh of ttusts? To whom shall' be entrusted the execu- tion of such laws? Sliall It be to the victims or to the beneficiaries of the qyershadowing evil? If to the latter, then a further lease of power to the present Administration is nil that Is needed. "Can any sane ma'n believe that, the trust evil is one that will cure it- self, or that its deatmbtion- -ffill be eompflssed by thoge to whopi it has brought princely fortunes? If so, let him point to a single honest attempt of Republican officials to enforce the laws now upon our statute books against the most stup^dous commercial evil known to any period of our history. The Democratic party stands pledged to an unceasing warfare against private mon- opoly In every form. It demands the enforcement of existing laws against trusts and, the enactment of laws yet more stringent. It wisely demands pub- licity as to the affairs of corporations engjiged in interstate commerce. '"As one means to Ihe important end of curtailing the power of trusts we favor such amendments of our tariff laws as will place the products of trusts upon the .free list add tliereby prevent monopoly under the iDlea of protection. During almost four years of .Republican control of all departments of the tioverument the trust evil has grown to Its present overshadowing propor- tions. What finger has been lifted for its suppression? With its friends again entrenched in power, what hope is held out for the future? "At thl;^ hour I can but allude in brief words to other needed reforms to which the attention of the country is called by the Democratic platform. Prom- inent among these is such enlargement of the scope of' the Interstate Com- merce law as wUl protect tlie public from unjust transportation rates and in- dividuals from unfair discrimination. As is w611 known, this law has failed to effect the wise purpose for which it was enacted. In fact, it is now little more than a dead letter upon the statute books. Under well-considered amendments the commission should be vested with ample power to prevent Injustice to Individuals and to the public. gg DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Labor and Pensions. "Our platform favors the creation of a Departineut of Labor, whose chief, officer shall take rank with the other constitutional advisers of the President. This is in the interest of justice, and will prove an important step looking to the proper recognition and encouragement of the producers of wealth. "In specific terms it favors liberal pensions to our soldiers and sailors and to those dependent upott-them. "With equal justice it reiterates the demands at a former Democratic plat- form for bimetallism; the restoration of silver to its proper function in our monetary system. "'For the protection of home labor it demands the enforcement of the Chi- nese Exclusion act. "And in the interest of an enlarged commence it^favors the immediate con- struction of the Nicaragua Oanal. This, however, with the provision that it shall remain forever under the exclusive ownership and control of the United States. The pending Hay-Pauncefdte Treaty is condemned as a surrender of American rights not to be tolerated by the American people. In the con- struction and control of this great work there .can be no concession of right to any European power.' Commercial interest and national safety in time of war alike demand its permanent ownership by our Government. The Paramount Issue. "A question is yet to be discussed to which all of these are of secondary importance. It is solemnly declared by our platform to be the paramount is- sue. Questions of domestic policy, however important, may be but the ques- tions of the hour— that of imperialism is for time. In the presence of this stu- pendous issue others seem but as the dust in the balance. In no sense palter- ing with' words, it is the supreme question of republic or eippire. The words of the eminent Republican Senator, Mr. Hoar, challenge attention: 'I- believe ' that perseverance in this policy will be the abandonment of the principles up- on which our Government is founded; that it will change our Government in- to an empire; that our methods of legislation, of diplomacy, of administra- tion, must hereafter be those which belong to empires, and not thos_e which belong to republics.' * "Upon every phase of our foreign policy the language of the Democratic platform is too clear to admit of misconstruction. It favors trade expansion by all peaceful and lawful means Constitution Follows the Flag. "We believe that liberty, as well as the Constitution, follows the flag. Dem- ocrats, in common with many Republicans, oppose the Porto Rican law as a violation of the Constitution, and a flagrant breach of good faith toward a dependent people. It is imposing government without the consent of the gov- erned. It is in conflict with that provision of the Constitution which declares STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 37 that 'duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.' Believing that this constitutional provision applies to every part of the United States, we condemn ''tiie tarifc taxation imposed by a Republican Con- gress upon the helpless ancTdistressed people of Porto Rico. Sucfi 'legislation— ■ inspired solely by greed— is inaeea tliie harbinger of eVil 'to tli6 Republic. "Thd attempt to collect unjust ta:xes with one hand, and with the other to return them in part to a phiiidered people, is utterly without constitutional warrant or justiflcatioji. We give our earnest assent to the declaration: 'Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico, and give her products access to our' markets.' No party exigency or pressure could justify a departure by the President from the plain pathway of duty he had here so clearly indicated. The law imposing tariff duties upon the people of Porto Kico is in palpable^ violation of the Constitution, and a flagrant bi'each of the pledged faith of the nation. ' Deplores Spirit of Empire. "The Democratic platform condemns thfe policy pursued by the present Administration toward the Philippine Islands. This policy— inspired by the greedy spirit of commercialism— has embroiled our Governrhent in an un- necessary war, sacrificed yalable lives, and placed the American Republic in deadly antagonism to our former allies In their efforts to secure their liberties. For the first time in our history we are boldly confronted with the question of 'imperialism— the spirit of empire.' "This is, indeed, the supreme question, to which all others are of second- ary importance. Before we brefak irrevocably with the past and abandon the doctrines of the fathers, it is well that we deliberate upon the consequence ■ of a permanent departure from the settltid governmental policy oiE more than a century. The success of the imperialistic policy foreshadows the empire. Shall the closing hours of the century witness the American people aban- doning the sua'e pathway -in w4iich past generations have found prosperity and happiness and embarlving upon that of aggression and conquest, against which we are warned by the wrecks that lie along the entire pathway of history? Standing out against the n'&w polic.v Qf conquest, with all that it involves of European complication, are the warnings of the founders of the Republic. Out of fashion as it may appear, I quote the last words of Wash- ington to the ohcoffling generations of his countrymen: 'The great rule -of conduct for us in regard to fqj'eigu nations' is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little the political conncctidn kk possible.' ■ It was the author of the Declaration of Independence who said: 'Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe,' Is it not well 'to pondof these- warnings before permanently em- barking upon an untried pathway beset with foreign jealousies, complication'Bj and antagonism? 38 ( - DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ^ Jeffersonian Expansion. "The Democratic party has ever been atlie^ajaiTfocate of wise territorial ex- pansion. It -was in control of the GoverumeBt-duriaig forty years of the first half of the present century. During that pertoUneSv. -States were admitted in- to the Federal Union, and our Western border extended beyond the Mississ- ippi. Out of the Louisiana country acquired under the first Democratic Ad- ministration have been carved fourteen magnificent States. Under a later Democratic. Administration, and a.s the result of the treaty which terminated our war with Mexico, -we acquired California and neighboring States and Ter?" ritories, thus bringing under our flag to remain forever the vast expanse stretching to the Pacific. "The policy of aggressive expansion or subjugation of distant islands, pur- i sued by the present Administration, finds no precedent in the peaceable- cession of the Louisiana country by Napoleon, tljat of Florida by Spain, nor that yet later of the vast Western area by Mexico. The territory acquired under Dem- ocratic AiJminigtrations was, with favorable climatic conditions, the fit abode . for men of our- own race. At the time of annexation it passed under the rule of the Anglo-Saxon, who carried with him our language and our laws. It was territory contiguous to our own and acquired with the declared inten- tion, when conditions and population would justify, of carving it into States. The result: Millions of American homes, our national wealth increased be- yond the dreams of avarice, and the United States chief among the nations of the earth. Can it be that the new policy of forcible annexation of distant islands finds precedent in the historic events I have montioned? "The answer Is found in the bare statement of facts. The territory ac- quired under Democratic Administration' is contiguous— the Philippines, 8,000 miles distant. The acquisition of territory upon our own continent added lit- tle to the national expense— to maintain permanent sovereignty over the dis- tant islands necessitates immense expenditures upon- our Army and Navy. More than that, it contemplates methods of administration that penain not to the republic but to the empire. Can it be doubted that the attempt to stifle the spirit of liberty abroad williriiperU popular government at home? "What is proposed by the party in. power for the government of these is- lands? If it be intended to establish there our political institutions, what then becomes of the Monroe doctrine? This vital international policy, announced by the President of the United States seventy-seven years ago, was: 'We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any at- tempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.' This was supplemented by a disclaim- er in substance upon our part of any intention to force our institution upon the nations of Europe or their dependencies. .STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 39 Monroe Doctrine Enduring. "The Monroe doctrine isiwlKMesome and enduring. It Is the faith of Amer- icans of every creed and piirty— leof the very warp and woof of our political being. It was promulgated latbtUft' critical moment when tUe 'holy alliance' was attempting to stifle the repulilican spirit and re-establish tlie despotisin ,of Spain upon her revolted colonies in South America and Blexico. The es- sence of the doctrine as then understood by^flie world was, while we forbid the establishment of despotic goviarmnents u^bn the American continent, we recognize the corresiionding obligation to refrain from any attempt to force our political system upon any part of the Old World. , This has been our settled rule of faith and practice for more than three-quarters of a century. Its , promulgation defeated the purpose of the 'holy alliance' and destrotyed for- ever the power of Spain upon this continent. "Under it Louis Napoleon, a third of a century ago, was compelled to with- draw the French army from Mexico, and leave the ill-starred Maximilian to his fate. Under it the empire established by foreign bayonets disappeared and* the republic was restored. Are we now to' say we still recognize the binding. force of this doctrine upon other nations, but not upon our ow'n? Government by Force a Despotism. "If ultimate statehood for these remote islands— and others yet to be con- quered—be disclaimed, how, then are they to be held and governed? The only, alternative is by force— by the power of army and navy, and this not for a day or for a year, but for all time. What, then, becomes of the bedroclc princi- ple that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned? If they are to be held per;nanently as conquered provinces it will be not only outside of the Constitution, but in direct antagonism to the letter and spirit of the Declaration of Independence. It is no less true now than in the days of our Kevoiiation that 'government by arbitrary power is -still despot- ism.' The attempt, then, either to give these people American citizenship or to, hold them as subjects is ililie to us fraught with peril. Should there not. be an immediate declaration by our Government of its purpose toward them? I'hey should be given unmistaljable assurance of independence. Pro- tection by our Government should not be withheld against outside interference. The same protection should be theirs heretofore extended to the little States of Central and South America. Under existing conditions there should be no hesitation upon our part in giving them protection against the cupidity or aggressive spirit of other nations. All this, not to the end of subjugation or of conquest upon our part, but to that of the full enjoyment by ,them of liberty and of the ultimate establishment of stable government furnished by their own hands. Against this policy stands imperialism. In American politics the word is new— fortunately the policy is new. We are daily becoming fa- iniliar with its meaning, with its forebodings— and the end is not yet. It means a permanent departure from all the traditions of the past; from the 40 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. high ideals of the founders of the Republic. It abrogates the holding of our great court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of the Gov- ernment—the Constitution but Its form and Ifctter. 'Imperialism knows nothing of the limitations of power. Its' rule Is outside of the Constitution. It means the adoption by the American Republic of the 'colonial methods of European monarchies. It means- the right to hold alien people as subjects. It en- thrones force as the controlling agency in government. It means the empire. Militarism a Corollary to Imperialism. ■ "As a necessary corollary to imperialism will come the immense standing army. The dread hand of militarism will be felt in the New World as it is in the old. The strong arm of power will be substituted for the peaceable agen- cies which for more than a century have made our people contented and hap- py. It was Jefferson who said: 'A well-disciplined militia — our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war.' True at the beginning of the cen- tury, with a few millions of population; no less true at the close as we stand in the forefront of the nations with a population of eighty millions. The re- sult of our recent conflict with Spain gives emphasis to the prophetic words of Jefferson. Existing conditions in Continental Europe— entailing taxation and misery to the verge of human endurance— illustrate by sad object lessons the Inevitable result of large standing armies in time of jieace. "Khali we still give heed to the warning of the great sage of the Revolu- tion, or enter upon a new century with European monarchies as our model? "Without a large standing army, but relying upon the patriotism and courage of American manhood, we were victorious in the second war with Great Britain, with Mexico, in the great civil strife, and with Spain. In the light of history, can it be possible that the American people will consent to the permanent , establishment of a large standing army, and its consequeni con- tinuing and ever-increasing burdens of taxation? Republic Always a World Power. "We are told that our RepuWic is now to become 'a world power.' In the highest sense— with the Declaration of 'independence as its corner-stone- it has been in all its past a world power. It has been the lofty ideal to all lib- erty-loving people— the model of all builders of republics for more than a century. In the sense used by the imperialists the expression Is one of terri- ble significance. It necessitates the methods and equipments of monarchies. It means the creation and maintenance by our Republic of standing armies! equal to those of the world powers of Etn-ope. At no less cost can we hold place as a world power. Study existing conditions in European nations, and know what this all means to us. It means taxation to the verge of despair. It means, as has been truly said, that every laborer must carry an armed sol- , dier upon his baclj as he goes to his daily toil. All histoiT teaches that tlif corner-stone of imperialism is the force of the standing army. STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACX!EPTANCB. 4C| "We stand 100 years from the hour when the political forces were gath- ering which were to resultiiij the jqlection of the first Democratic President., The anniversary of the nja6l:ei:ftultdJiJ)iin our history was wisely ch'psen for the assembling in eonTentioi£i(W*thefiifepresentatives of. the historic,; party whose founder was Jefferson— aituiiwhiPiJe platform is the Declaration of Independ- ence. In the great struggle now upon us we invoke the co-operation of , all who revere the memory of our fathers and to whom this Declaration is not unmeaning parchment— but the enduring chart of our liberties. Upon the su- preme issue now in the forefront-^and to the end that republican government be perpetuated— we appeal to the sober judgment and patriotism of the' Amer- ican people." . ^ i, • 42 DBMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. I fi'j-rj-tsoi ft.j CHAPTER lY. CONVENTION SPEECH OF HON. JAMES D. RICHARDSON. Speech of Hon. James D. Richardson, of Tennessee, as Permanent Cbair- than of Democratic National Convention, Kansas City, July 5th, 190O. " I am deeply sensible of the great honor you have Tiestowed upon me In calling me to preside over this great Democratic convention. We have been clothed with the authority to formally name the candidates who at the next election are to be chosen President and Vice President of the United States, and to laj» down a platform of principles upon which tlie battle is to be fought and the victory won. With your permission I will address myself to some of the issues of the impending campaign. "The last great national contest for supremacy was fought upon one is- sue—that is to say, one issue was paramount in the struggle. That issue was familiarly called, '16 to 1.' It involved the question of the free coinage of gold and silver at a ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one part of gold, with which all of us are familiar. "The momentous issue this year is again '16 to 1,' but the sixteen parts to the one part of this campaign, which I will briefly discuss, are wholly differ- ent from those of 1896. I will first refer to the sixteen part and then to the one part. These sixteen parts are: Republic vs. Empire. "First, we have the issue fraught with indescribable importance to our people native born, and those w*o have for patriotic reasons cast their for- tunes with us— namely: that of the re-public against the empire. On this part alone of the sixteen, if there was no other, we confidently expect to win a sweeping victory in November. The Republican party stands for empire. The Democratic party stands for the republic, for the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and the constitution of our country. Trust Control Charged, ' "Second— The paternal and fostering care given by those with whom we contend, to the combinations of corporations and companies into powerful or- ganizations familiarly known as trusts. Under three years of Republican rule, ^while thej controlled the Presidency, the Senate, and the House of Rep- * CHAIRMAN RICHARDSON'S CONVEXTION SPEECH. 43 resenfatives— that if3, all of the lawmaking power of the goTernment— trusts have been propagated and fostered by legislation until they not only domin- ate all markets, both the buying and selling, but defy tlie power of the gov- ernment Itself. "The farcical efforts put forth by the Republican party in an alleged at- tempt to restrain them in the dying hours of the late session of Congress only excited ridicule and contempt and served to emphasize their inability and disinclination to grapple* the monsters and regulate their conduct and actions. No matter what their excuses may be, the fact is that their policies have creat- ed them, and, though clothed with power, they refuse to enact legislation to control tiiera. Currency Law Condemned. "Third— Called to power on March 4, 1897, under a pledge to reform the currency, they seized the first opportunity to fasten upon the land the high- est protective tariff law ever put upon the statute books of any country.. ■ ' "This law was enacted not to raise revenue but to give protection to fa- vored manufacturers. It failed to raise sufficient revenue for the govern- ment, but answered the purpose of enriching the favored few, while it rolabed the many, and at the same time brouglit forth trusts to plague us as numerous as the lice and locusts of Egypt. Their high protective tariff is the mother of trusts. Enemies of Bimetallism. ; "Fourth^Thls administration came into' power with a solemn declaration in favor of bimetallism and a pledge to promote it. It has<;ailed to keep that pledge. It has erected in its stead the single standard of gold, and li-as endeavored to destroy all hope of bimetallism. In doing this it has built up a powerful national bank trust and has given us a currency based upon the debts and liabilities of the government. We stand for bimetallism and not for a monometallic standard of either one or the other metal Monroe Doctrine Abused. ' "Fifth— The dominant party has recently made the fraudulent declaration that it favored the Monroe doctrine, and yet their President and Secretary of State have done all in their power to nullify and abrogate that famous and niuch-revered Democratic doctrine. • "In the name of its Democratic author, James Monroe, I denounce their vaunted advocacy of this truly American doctrine as false and hypocritical. We stand for this doctrine jn its essence and form and demand its rigid en- forcement. Isthmian Canal Project. "Sixth— In order to obtain place and power they pledged themselves, in the Interest of an £xpanding commerce, to construct a water-way to connect w DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. the two great oceans. They have repudiated this promise. They have nego- tiated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty which, while it- virtually abrogates the Mon- roe doctrine, renders it impossible to build am American oanal. Under the terms and provisions of this treaty, which is English, and not American, the, canal can never be constructed. We stand for an Anlerican canal, owned, conr structed, operated, and fortified by America. ' Merit System Changes. "Seventh— They declared in their platform that tlj^lr party was responsi- ble for the merit system; that it was their creature; and that the civil serv- ice law should be protected and its operation extended. "Their protection of this law has been such as the wolf gives the babe. They did not dare openly repeal the law nor to modify it by an act of Con- gress, but they have insidiously by an order from the President, extorted from him to aid them to obtain and hold political power, greatly impaired the eflS- ciency of the law. "By the President's order many thousand lucrative offices regularly covered by the civil service law were taken from under the protection, and these places turned over to his partisan foUoTvers in a- vain effort to satisfy their political greed. Plight of the Territories. ^ "Eighth— They declared in their platform in favor of the admission of the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma as States of the Union, yet, after nearly four years of full power, they are still territories. Under the wicker rule of law as now applied by the Republican party to some of our Territories they may at an early date find erected between themselves and the balance of the Union a tariff wall which will serve to pauperize them while it enriches others. As to Porto Rico. "Ninth— When Congress last assembled the President, in his first utter- ance addressed to the representatives fresh from the people, solemnly urged upon them that it was their 'plain duty' to give free trade to Porto Rico. His party leaders, quick to obey his injunction, made ready to comply with his recommendations. But ,in a night, almost in the twinkling of an eye, the mighty magnates of the trusts swept down upon Washington and inter- posed their strong arm, and 'plain duty' vanished like mist before the ris- ing sun. "The President wheeled into line, the Republican party reversed its policy, and set up a tariff wall between the Island of Porto Rico and the remainder of the United States. It is not at all surprising that in the recent somewhat lengthy declarations of principles enunciated by the party in convention as- sembled, while they enlarged upon almost every political question, they couia not find the space to point with pride to the achievements of their party, in its deallags with that unhappy island. CHAIRMAN RICHARDSON'S COXVENTION SPEECH. 45 "The Democratic party stands far equal taxation, equal rights, and oppor- timilies to all who come, imiifimfehtilfolds of the flag. • ' ' , .,'.fened; Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been se- cured, and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, high- er now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying file blessings of the American common school, secure in the right of self-gov- ernment, and protected in the occupancy of their own marliets, their constant- ly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled tliem finally to enter the mar- kets of the world. We favor the associated policy of reciprocity, so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves pro- duce in return for free foreign markets. In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective re- striction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for worlviug clnldren, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance. , Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our for- eign-carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The national de- fense and naral efficiency of this country, moreover, supply a compelling rea- son for legislation which will enable us to recover our former place among the' trade-carrying fleets of the world. The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty to provide for the sur- vivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen In the coun- try's wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should be lib- eral and shouid be liberally administered, and preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service to sol-' dlers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 51 V'c coimnena the policy of the Republican party in maintaining the effi- cicncj' of the civil service. The admiuistration has acted wisely In its- ef- fort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Phil- ippine Islands, only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. We believe that employment in the public service in these ter- ritories should be confined as far as possible to their inhabitants. It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or constitu- tional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and should, be condemned. Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the legislatures of the several States. We favor the exten^on of the rural free delivery service wherever Its ex- ■ tension may be justified. In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to pro- vide free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate national leg- islation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and Territories. We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of the Ter- ritories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. The Diugley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of the war, has so well performed, its work that' it has been possible to reijuce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000.. So ample are the government's rev- enues and so great is the public confidence In the integrity of its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent, bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes. We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an Isthmian canal by the government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, and the administration Is warmly, commended for its successful effort to commit all trading and colon- izing nations to the policy of the open door in China. In the Interest of pur ex- panding commerce we recommend that Congress create a department of com- merce and industries, in the charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United States consular system should be reorganized under- the supervi- sion of this new department, upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more serviceable to the nation's increasing trade. The American government must protect the person and property of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. 52 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. We cougi-atulate the women of America upon their splendicl record of public service iu the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and hospital dur- ing the recent campaigns of our armies in the East and West Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry. President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with distinguished credit to tiie American people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for- the government of Samoa his com-se is especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group and the best harbor in the Soutiieru Pacific, every American interest has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation of the Ilawaliaii Islands to the I'liited Stajes. We commend the part talteu by our government in the peace eouference at The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine. The provisions of The Hague convention were wisely re- garded when President McKinley tendered his friendly oflBces in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African Republic. While the American government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington, af- firmed by every succeeding President, and imposed upon us by The Hagua treaty, of non-intervention in European controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both con- tending parties,, to -terminate the strife between, them. In accepting, by the treaty of I'aris, the just responsibility of our victories, In the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's- sovereignty throughout the West Indies and.iu the Philippine Islands. That course cr(?ated our responsibility before the world, and with the unorganized, population whom our Intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for tha maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good govern- ment, and for the performance of international obligations. Our authority-, could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and civ- ilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-govern- ment consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be per- formed. The Republican party, upon its history and upon this declaration of its prln- ciples and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judg- ment of the American peoplec SENATOR LODGE'S gPEECH EBYIEWED, CHAPTEE YI. . SENATOR LODGE'S CONVENTION SPEECH REVIEWED. The Republican platform for 1900 has not been well received by the Re- publican critics. They say it is badly ' constructed, and lacking in direct- ness and • point. It has been printed, but Is not liliely to furnish . material for the orators and writers of the party. This failure to produce a coherent and satisfactory Republican platform has led to the substitution of Sena- tor Lodge's convention speech as a more satisfactory and authoritative ex- position of Republican claims and profession. ' ' Senator Lodge presided over the convention. His speech Is, or course. In good English. Its chief characteristic is audacity. Compelled to malie a. hero of a President without backbone, and to sound the praises of a party spotted all over with the leprosy of faithlesspess to its pledges, corruption in Its administration,, subserviency to the trust cormorants, and shameless de- fiance of constitutional restraints, he did the best he could. Denied by cir- cumstances the privilege of telling the truth, he devoted himself to the de- livery of conventional phrases to make the worse appear the better cause. He exalted the President as a "soldier and statesman." Mr. McKinley was the Major of a regiment during the great Civil War, an(J well performed his duty; but it Is doubtful whether even Mr. Lodge himself finds in that military ca- reer a warrant for regarding the President as one whose military and civic abilities are so evenly balanced as to entitle him to be considered as great a soldier as Mr. Lodge would have him appear a statesman. Record of Broken Promises. Mr. Lodge, tells us that the past "four memorable years" show a Repub- lican "record of promises kept." This is a specimen of monumental audacity. The Republican party pledged itself in 1896 to save this country, If possible, Defeat from the gold standard. It reiterated the assurances it had given „ "* in its national platforms of 1884, 1888 and 1892,— that the party waa Dlmetal' Hsin. ''^ favor of bimetallism." It pledged Itself unreservedly to Its best efforts to promote international bimetallism. Forced to an appearance of redeeming this pledge, the President sent a commission to Europe to secure &n internatiapal agreement. When thig comojission was on the verge of xinex- 84 I : DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. peeled siicces's, President McKinley violated his own faith and that of his party by striliing the foul aud fatal blow necessary for the defeat of the ob- ject oif the mission. (See Chapter 32.) The currency bill passed at the last session of Congress is an endii,ring monument to the perfidy of the Republi- can party and Its recognized c'liief. It violates every profession ever maclfe by them' on the subject. (See Chapter 35.) .' ■- 'rl'; The Republican party pledged itself in 1896 to a revival of reciprocrtjf Defeat with foreign nations, to secure foreign markets for the "surplus _ 1* _ products of this country. This pledge has also been ruthlessly city. - broken. Reciprocity treaties negotiated by the President, and. sent by him to the Senate, have been by him defeated. This he has done by having It known to the faithful in the Senate that he desired no action upon them. It pledged itself, in Congress in 1896, to the recognition of the belligerency Cuba of the government proclaimed and for some time maintain^, - by „ "■"! . force of arms, by the people of Cuba. The pledge was' violated, Spamsn .. " War. 8-i.> not "(he suprem:; law of the laud," but only of thi States which have been admitted into the Union. rolUical kindergarten schools should be established throughout the United States in -n-tiich Repubhcan ora- tors might be taught the early history and doctrines of their party. [WAR WITH SPAIN.; gl PART THREE.— The War With Spain. CHAPTEE YII. . THE SPANISH WAR. In February, 1895, the last of a series of insurrections broke out in Cuba against Spanish rule. In February, 1896, Weyler, the Spanish Commander, is* sued an order by which the agricultural inhabitants were compelled within eigtit days to concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the troops. On ' the 28th of the same month the United States Senate adopted a concurrent resolution, offered by Senator Morgan, "that a condition of public war exists between the government of Spain and the government proelaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the United States of America should maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the United States." There were but six negative votes on this resolution. On April 6th, 1896, it was concurred in by the House of Representatives with substantial unanimity. This expression of the sover- eign branch of the nation made no impression dpon the executive depart- ment of the government, and the United States continued to be, as it had been from the beginning of the insurrection, virtually the ally of Spain. Our rev- enue officers, guided by Spanish detectives, seized all vessels suspected of any intention to carry suijplies gr men to the Cubans. President McKinley came into office March % 1897, upon a platform which declared that "^pain has lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the lives and rights of resident American citizens, the active influence of the United States should be exerted, in establishing the island's independence." The inaugural of the President contained no reference to Cuba. Eleven days later Congress met in extra ses- sion convened by the President. His message contained no reference to Cuba, although the barbarous reconcentrado decree of Weyler Tvas in fuU operation, and Cuban non-qombatants penned up in the towns and prohibited from till- ing the earth for a living were being starved by the thousands. On the 1st of April that year Senator Morgan introduced a joint resolution identical with the concurrent resolution he had offered the year before and which had passed "^oth Houses. A concurrent rtesolution was not binding upoa the President, 52' DEaiOOEATIC CAMP4.1GN BOOK. The joint resolution now off&red would if adopted iiave the force of la-w. It was passed hy the Senate May 20th, 1807, by a vote of 41 yeas to 14 nays. Tn, the House it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs which had not been appointed and was not appointed until the very last hour of the session. It was never acted upon in that body. ;-, On the 6th of May, 1897, the House, having passed the Dingley, tariff bill, adopted a resolution to meet only on Mondays and Thursdays of each weelr., This was to facilitate Republican obstruction of Democratic efforts to con- sider the Cuban question, or any other not in the Itepublican program. Dur- ing May, June and July persistent efforts were made to obtain consideration of a resolution recognizing Cuban belligerency, but all without avail. The principal factor in the Republican opposition to any friendly considera- tion of the Cubans was the fact that Spain had contracted a large debt in prosecuting the war against the Cuban insurgents, and the bonds issued, for such debt were secured by a pledge of the Cuban customs revenues. These Iwnds were falsely called "Cuban bonds," and the "Cuban debf'was the term by which they were designated. They were of course Spanish bonds and a Spanish debt.- Every holder of these bonds was interested in maiiltaining Spanish sovereignty in mortgaged Cuba. The debt owners of the world have a;general interest in sustaining each other, and in the United States there was no exception to this rule.' The financial operators in stocks and bonds in New Yorlv held bacli the McKinley administration from rendering the Cubans any aid as long as possible. In his first annual message of December, 1807, President McKinley gave a review of the Cuban situation in which he declared that Weyler's reconcen- trado decree was not civilized warfare, And yet he said that the recognitioa of Cuban belligerency was not advisable on tlie ground that there was no "substantial political organisation, real, palpable and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government to- wards its own people and to other States, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation possessing such organization of force, such material or such occupation of territory as to take the contest out of a mere rebellious insurrection," and on the further ground" that the ''insurrection has not possessed itself, of a single seaport from whence it may send forth its flags." " Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet never reco.gnized the Southern Confederacy as a politcial or civil organization, and it had no available port becauge of the blockade. Yet he recognized it as a belligerent, when he claimed the belli- gerent right for this government to visit and search the Steamer Trent sail- ing under the neutral flag of Great Britain, to find upon her conti'aband of war. The Cuban insurrection had, in December, 1897, held out two years and ten months. The Confederate States had, in October, 1861, when the Trent. was seized, held out only six months. Every precedent was violated by rresident McKinley's non-action. WAR WITH SPAIN. gg The files of the State Department were loaded with communications froin American consuls reciting the horrible barbarities perpeti'ated in Cuba. The President refused to comply with the request of the Senate for the transrQSs- sion of these papers to that body. The devastation of Cuba and the inhumiin conduct of Spain in .starving non-combatants, including women aijd children, went on uncheclsed. The appeals to humanity were overborne by the appeals of the Spanish bondholders and their supporters iu this country not to "haul down the flag" of Sijain In Cuba, because the revenues of the island were pawned to pay the cost of Spanish atrocities there, and only Spanish oflBcials could collect and pay over its revenues to creditors of Spain. On the 15th of February, 1898, the world was startled 'by the destruction of the United States battleship Maine iu the harbor of Havana, where she was maEing a lawful visit, and whei-e she had been anchored in a place selected by Spanish authority. Two hundred and fifty-eight sailors— marines and offi- cers— went down with this noble ship. A naval court of inquiry reported unanimously that the Maine was destroyed by an exterior explosion — that of a 'submarine mine. It expressed no opinion as to the responsibility for the out- rage. No further testimony was necessary. Only the Spanish government controlled submarine mines in the harbor of Havana, and Spain was re.spon- sible for the acts of her officials in that place. The President communicated the finding of the court of inquiry to the government of Spain. That Gov- ernment offered no reparation then, but treated it as a matter with which she had nothing to do. The report pf.the naval board of inquiry was sent to the Senate on the 28th of March. Not until the 11th of April did the Pres- ident make any recommendation to Congress. He then sent in a message in which he declared against the recognition of the independence of the Cuban Republic, but aslied Congress to authorize the "forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop the war." This, he said, would involve "hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest as well as to force a truce to guide the final settlement." Ho Informed Congress that the Spanish • Minister of Foreign Affairs had assured our Minister that Spain would do all that the highest honor and justice required in the matter of the Maine. Also that Spain had offered to submit the whole thing to an arbitration as to facts! To this he said he had made no reply. It would have been becoming in him to slate that we would tolerate no calling in question of the facts as stated by our naval court of inquiry. The ship had been destroyed, with two hun- dred and fifty-eight precious lives, by a submarine mine in a Spanish port. These facts were iiidisputable. Nothing else was necessary to fix the. re- sponsibility for the terrible crime. The President was overruled by his own party in Congress. His proposition to remain neutral and merely act the part of a policeman in Cuba, — to keep the peace between parties declared by him to be equally blameable,— was spurned. Although Congress refused to recog- nize the existence of a lawful civil government of the Cubap insurgents, It declared that the people of Cuba were and of right ought to be free and inde- 6^ ' DEMOcamTic campaign^book:.- pendent, and that the President must notifj- Spain to relinquish sovereignty over all her possessions in the West Indies, and must employ the army and navy oi: the United States to enforce this command. Thus was the United States relieved from the pusillanimous position advocated by the President, of treating Spain as a friend after the destruction of the JSfaine, and of treating as a street tight in Havana a three years' revolution for liberty and inde- pendence, vi'hich Spain with over a hundred thousand troops had failed to de- feat. The war with Spain was the People's war, declared by Congress under^an avalanche of public opinion which it could not resist, and declared in opposi- tion to the President's recommendation, whose action throughout had been en- tirely satisfactory to the operators in Spanish bonds. OORRIJPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. ($5 CHAPTER VIII. ADMINISTRATION OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT DURING THE WAR WITH SPAIN. Credit is claimed for tlie Republican Administration on account of tlie suc- cessful war with Spain. O^lie public debt of gratitude due brave American manhood which won the victory over Spain is, we are told, to be dischargee] by reward bestowed upon President McKinley. His war, his soldiers, his vic- tory, his reward! Senator Lodge, in his speech of notification, says on this point: Congress declared war, but you, as Commandcr-In-Chlcf, had to carry it on. Ton did so, and history records unbrolien victory from tlje first shot of the Nashville to the. day when the protocol was signed. The peace, you had to make alone, Cuba, Porto Ricoj the Philippines— you had to assume alone the resijonsibility of tailing them all from Spain. Alone, tind weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitution, you were obliged to govern these islandfi, and to repress rebellions and disorder In the Philippines. ' Neither for the lofty, inspiring motives of the war nor for the courage and devotion of our soldiers, crt^wned with victory, can credit be justly claimed for the Administration. The bravery and blood of our soldiers are their own. No man may appropriate their cfeeds of valor and call them his. A duty devolved upon President McKinley as Commander-in-Chief of the lArmy, and by the manner of his performance of this duty alone must the credit due him for the conduct of the war be measured. The history of the Spanish War and its results are witjjin the knowledge' of every man living to-day. It is one of honor and glory to oiur soldiers, and of inefiiciency and scandal to the Administration. It is to the lasting honor of the country that we went to war to redress a great wrong and to free au oppressed people. The Administration cannot share in th^s honor, for it opposed the war, resisting, the popular will as long as it was possible to do so. When the demand of the country could no longer be ignored, the first con- sideration of President McKinley was how the war could best be turned to the advantage of himself, his party, and those "business interests" so dear to the heart of the Administration. There were commissions to be distributed, and conU-acts to be awaided, and with these political debts could be paid and- gg eElIOORATIO OASTr-AIGN BOOK, favors earuea. Tlien qame a course of mismanagement and a carnival of scandal that shocljed the sensibilities pf th^,,wJ>plg <:^yij?try, and brought untold suffering upoa our soldiers. - Incompetent ipen^;^er,fi,in numerous cases given commissions because tliej were the sons of ,d;stingujshed partisans or of rich families, or because of some political debt that could be paid in this manner. To gratify the ambition or the malice of some favorites, competent officers of the army and of the navy were brushed aside, their wise counsel ignored, and favorites were put to the front without regard to their fitness, or in spi^e of their known unfitness. Our soldiers were put into the field poorly armed, im- properly clothed, and so inadequately provisioned as to inflict upon them the pangs of starvation. They were given rotten meat and spoiled provisions, w,hich were a burden and a stench, wliile they suffered from hunger. They, were assembled in unliealthy camps, improperly arranged and equipped. They were not provided with suitable hospitals and medicines, and incompetence marked the medical, corps— the selection of surgeons from private life being conspicuously influenced by considerations other than those of competency. The management of the Commissary, the Quartermaster and the Medical De- partments was a public scandal. The transportation of troops, food and camp equipments, placed largely in the hands of inexperienced men whose selection had been influenced by political cttasiderations or by personal favoritism, was inadequate, mismanaged and tainted with fraud. Troops were huddled to- gether without means of transportation or were transported to some remote camp without tents or shelter of any sort, without clothing and destitute of food. Provisions were left to rot in cars or on shipboard while our soldiers went hungry. Before they had even. been equipped with arms, . hundreds were attacked by disease— typhoid and malarial fever becoming epidemic in nearly every camp— aud for want of food and medical attention the death rate became alarming before a drop of blood had been shed In battle. The great- est mortality wa's m the pestilential camps, not on the battlefield. The entire number liilleid or wounded in battle during the war, according to the report of the War Department, was 1,668, killed or wounded; but between May 1 and Sept. 30 SO officers and 2,485 enlisted men died of disease. The Administration had ample notice of the war. Inevitable as it appeai-ed,| the President had foi- many months resisted the will of the people to interpose,' for the sake of hilmanity, to prevent the oppression of Cuba, and during this time of warning there was ample opportunity for preparation. President -1 McKinley, in his message to Congi-ess, December 5, 1898, recognized the readi- ' ness of the legislative branch of the Government to respond to the demands of the hour, and acknowledged that opportunity was given the Administra-J tion to prepare for hostilities. He says, after reviewing the situation, that: < "It needed but a brief execuUve suggestion to Congress to receive imme- diate answer to the duty of making immediate provision for the possible and perhaps speedily prooable emergency of war, and the remarkable, almost nuicjue, spectacle was presented of a unanimous vote pf l^ptli Hpusps pn the CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENIL -67 Sth of March, appropriatliig' flhis^ millions of dollars 'for the national defense and for each and every piitt)'6so hbnnected therewith, to be expended at the discretion of the President.'"* 'And that "it is sufficient to say that the out- break of the war, when it did, come, found our nation not unprepared to meet the conflict." Yet when the conflict did come (in April) the apt)ropriation by Congress and the ample opportunity that had been afforded for preparation proved not sufHcient to protect oiir army from unnecessary sufferings inflicted by either Incompetency or fraud. Neither liospitals, medicines, surgeons nor nurses ade- quate to the needs of the army were provided, and even at the camp but a few miles from the Capital of the Nation, within an hour's ride from the War Department, and almost in sight of the White House, soldiers lay for da.ya, delirious with typhoid fever, with their clothes on just as they fell, without even a sheet under them and almost without attention of any sort. A similar condition existed in nearly every camp in the country, only other camps went longer without relief than did Camp Alger. When the troops were landed near Santiago they were not properly pro- vided with hospital equipment or medical supplies or camp equipments or rations. The troops had been crowded into transports insufficient in space for the nuipber put aboard, and hurried off with much of their equipment left behind, and practically no provision made for landing such store* as tbey might have on reaching their destination in Cuba. The report of Frank J, Hecker, Colonel and Quartermaster,, TJ. S. Volunteers, Chief of the Transporta- tion Division, who was himself responsible for the transportation, says that vessels were fitted out at Port "Tampa to convey General Shaf ter's armv of from twenty to twenty-flve thousand men, and that upon embarkation of the troops it was found that the vessels would not safely and cemfortably carry more than sixteen thousand men with their animals, equipment, ammunition and medical supplies on a voyage of a tliousand miles; and that upon the dis- embarkation of the army difficulty was encountered by reason of the lack of sufBcient means for lightering the vessels. The fact was that the entire army was transported with scarcely any provision being made forMts disembarka- tion or for landing camp equipments, rations and hospital and medical sup- plies. The official report made to Congress by Secretary Alger of the opera- tion Of the Coipmissary, Quartermaster and Medical Departments is a record of confession, ftccuse and apology. Shafter> army in the vicinity of Santiago was without shelter, without hospital facilities and short of rations. Those who were down with the fever and those who wei'e wounded were neglected for want of proper facilities for treatment, while the convafescent, hurried out of hospitals before they were well, to make room for others, were fed upon coarse rations which even the stomachs of the well rejected. The whole army was nearly depleted through this management of the War Department and the incompetency or fraud of those whose diity it was to provide. This condi- tion lasted with more or less aggravated horror throughout the war, and at 68 DEMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. the close an army of invalids was brought iiafiK to ilontauli Point on Long Island, there ag-ain to sufEer hardships thi-ough want ot preparation for their care. After all the experience of the war, and when ample time was possible and abundant means available, the War Department showed similar incompetency ■!; in providing for the reception of the soldiei-s returning home from the war wiounded, sick with fever, or utterly broken in health. After the surrender of the Spanish at Santiago, the American army was in a deplorable condition, and the proposition to remove it a few miles back fromi the coast instead of bringing the men home almost resulted in revolt. Theodore Roosevelt, now the Republican candidate for Vifce President, was at the head of a movement in protest against the tardiness of the Department in looking after the wel- fare of the troops. He wrote a personal protest himself, and was active in the preparation of a petition and protest known as the "round robin," which was signed by Major-General Kent, Major-General Bates, Brigadier-General Chaffee, Brigadier-General Sumner, Brigadier-General Ludlow, Brigadier- General Adelbert Ames, Brigadier-General Leonard Wood and Colonel Theo- dore Roosevelt Roosevelt's Protest. The following is Roosevelt's protest- Major-General Slaafter: Sir: In a meeting of the general and medical offlcenrs called by you at the palace this morning n-e were all, as you know, unanimous in view of what should be done with the army. To keep us here, in the opinion of every officer commanding a division or a brigade, will simply involve the destruction of thousands. There is no possible reason for not shipping practically the entire command north at once. Men Rijbe for Yellow Fever. Yellow fever cases are very few in the cavalry division, where I command one of the two brigades, and not one true case of yellow fever has occurred in this division, except among the men sent to the hospital at Slboney, where they have, I believe, contracted it. But in this division there have been 1,500 eases of malarial fever. Not a man has died from it, but the whole command is so weakened and shattered as to be ripe for dying like sheep when a real yellow fever epidemic, instead of a fake epidemic like the present, strikes us, as it is bound to if we stay here at the height of the sickness sea- son, .August and the beginning of September. Quarantine against malarial fever is like quarantine against the toothache. AH of us are certain, as soon as the authorities at Washington fully appreciate the conditions of the army, to be sent home. If we are kept here it will in all human possibility mean an appalling disaster, for the surgeons here estimate that over half the army, if kept here during the sickly season, will die. That is not only terrible from the standpoint of the Individual lives lost, but it means ruin from the standpoint of the military efficiency of the flower of the American army, for the great bulk of the regu- lars are here with you. Not 10 Per Cent Fit for Service. The sick list, large though it is, exceeding 4,000, affords but a faint index of the deBIUtatlon of the army. Not 10 per cent, au-e fit for active work. Six weeks on the north Maine coast, for instanoe, or elsewhere, where the yellow fever germ cannot possibly propagate, v.'ould make us all as fit as fighting cocks, able, as we are eager, to take a leading part in the great campaign against Havana in the fall, even if we are act allowed to trj; Porto Klca. CORRUPTION IK THE WAR DEPARTMENTS 69 We can be mofefl north, It' ffi(W¥a at once, with absolute safety to the ei3Hatrv, altliougTi, of couirse, It wottldliJia»e Ji'^oiiiJiiflnitely better if tvc -hail -boon .moved north or to Porto Eieo two weeks ago. If there were any object in Isecping us here we would face yellow fever-with as mucl^nditference as we face bullets, but there is no object In It. The four Immune re^lment3'di-dered here ai'e' mtieient to garrison the city and surrounding towns, and there is absolutely nothing for us to do here, and there has not Been since the city surrendered. It is impo'ssible to move into the interior. Every shifting of camp doubles the sick rate in bur present weakened condition, and, any- how, the interior is rather worse than the coast, as I have found by actual rceonnols- sauce. Our present camp's are as healthy as any camps at this end of the island can"l!fe> I write only because I cannot see our men, who fought so bravely and who have endured extreme hardships and danjfer so uncomplainingly, go to destruction without striving so far as lies in me to avert a doomas fearful as it is unuecessary and uude- eerved. iToui-s respectfully, 1 . THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Colonel, Commanding First Brigade. • The Round Robin. After Colonel Roosevelt had taken the initiative,' all the American general officers united in a round-robin addressed to General Shafter. It reads; We, the undarslgned officers, commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the. army of occupation in Cuba, are of the unanimous opinion that this army should be at once taken out of the Island of Cuba and sent to some point on the northern seacoast of the ITnlted States;' that it can be done without danger to the people of the UnUed States; that yellow lever in the army at present it not epidemic; that there are only a few spasmodic cases; but thaf the army is disabled by malarial fever to the extent that its efficiency Is destroyed and that it is in a condition to be practically destroyed by tbe epidemic of yellow fever, which is sure to come in the near future. We know from the reports of competent offlcens and from personal observation that the army is unable to move into the interior and that there are not facilities for such a move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late. Moreover, the best medical authorities of the island say that with our pirusent equipment we could not live in the interior during the rainy season without Ipsses from malarial fever, which is almost as deadly as yellow fever. Must Move or Perish. This army must be moved at once or perish. As the army can be safely moved now, the persons responsible for preventing such a move wiU be responsible foi' the unneces-^ sary loss of many thousands of lives. Our opinions are the result of carerul personal observation, and they are also based on the unanimous oiiinlon of our medical officers with the army, who understand the situation absolutely. (Signed) J. Ford ICent, Major-Genciral Volunteers, commanding 1st Division, 5th Corpg. J. C. Bates, Major-General Volunteers, commanding provisional division. idna E. Chaffee, .'Uajor-General, commanding 3d Brigade, 2d Division. Samuel S. Sumner, Brigadior-Generai Volunteers, commanding 1st Brigade, Cavalry. Will Ludlow, Brigadier-General Volunteers, commanding 1st Brigade, 2d Division. Adelbert Ames, Brigadier-General Volunteers, commanding Sd Brigade, I'st Division. Leonard Wood, Bi-igadier-General Volunteers, commanding the city of Santiago. Theodore Roosevelt, Colonel, commanding 2d Cavalry Brigade. > Alger's Rebuke to Roosevelt. On August 6, the day after the publication of the Eooseyelt "round robin," Secretary Alger gave out the following correspondence betiveen himself and Ck)I. Theodore Roosevelt: /j-Q DEZvIOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Santiago, July 23, 1898. My Dear Mr. Secretary: j ,,, , > 'i-diu w>,oo1ot- Wp eampstlv I am writing with the knowledge ana approval of General ^^f '"" ^^rv diTiSn hope that you will send us-naost of the regulars Ubi, a^^any rate tfy^^^^j/Jj'^;""' including the Rough Riders, who are as good as any regulars, and thrte times as ^ood- as any State troops— to Porto Rieo. v„v,!n,i ^o,-,, Here are 18,000 effective me« in this division. If those who were left behind were Joined to them, we eduld land at Porto Rico in this cavalry division close to 4,000 men. Who would be worth easily any 10,000 National Guard, armed with black powder, Sn»iligfleld or other archaic weapons. Very respectfully, IHEODORE ROOSEVELT. To this , Secretary Alger replied: Your letter of the iSd is received. The re^lar army, the volunteer army and the Bough Rider? have done well, but I suggest that, unless you want to spoil the effects and glory of your victory, you make no invidious comparisons. The Rough Ridei-s are no better than other volunteers. They had an advantage in their arms, for which they ought to be very grateful. .t„„„ B. A. ALGER, Secretary of War. Camp Wyckoff at Montauk Point, Long Island. The "round robin" resulted in the armj^ being brought home. A site for hos- pitals and a detention camp was secured at Montauk Point, on Long Island, and duly named Oamp Wyckoff. The troops were brought home in badly ■•; provided transports, suffering terrible privations on the voyage, and, althougjh there had been ample notice of their coming, they were landed .on a bawen spot sick, dejected and helpless. In the report on Camp Wyckoff, included in the report of the Secretary of War, Major J. C. Brown, Surgeon TJ. S. Volun- teers, says that when the first troops arrived at 'Montauk there was scarcely any means of transporting supplies. "At the time," says the report, "thefe were no tents and no provisions whatever for the reception of these men, and the medical officer in charge erected tents and had the sick (some thirty in number) under cover by 11 a. m. the same, day. There were no cots, no mattresses and only one blanket for each man. It was raining at the time and the ground was wet. There was no lumber on hand to put floors in the hospital tents, and consequently the patients were laid on the ground. These men were suffering from different diseases contracted in Tampa, Pla., and which developed on the way to Mon- tauk. The greater portion had typhoid fever, quite a number malaria, a few cases of dysentery and one of measles. There was no food for these men, nor could any be purchased at this end of the line." The Embalmed Beef Contract. In the Commissary Department contracts were made at exorbitant prices for food for the army. Spoiled canned beef, "embalmed beef" and the refuse Of the world's market of "preserved" provisions of various sorts, taken out of the warehouses and off the shelves where they had lain for years unsalable, or out of the stock of rejected supplies, were furnished as rations for the army. Millions of dollars went into tlie pockets of contractors, while tons of provi- sions, all accepted and paid for, were thrown away and the army went hun- gry. In the purchase or lease of transports enormous prices were paid for old hulks and the transactions were so flagrant witb scandal that all sorts ot CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 71 devices have been resorted, to by the Administration to cover up the fraud and to prevent investigation land exposure. The scandals of the conduct of the war were so publi/;, and so clamorous were the demands for fiunlshment of those responsible for it that? it became necessary tor the President to order an investigation. This investigation of ■ the conduct of the war in itself furnished a scandal, both from the manner of its proceedings and the inconsistency and unwarranted character of its report which perverted the testimony. Notwithstanding all efCorts* to sup- press damaging evidence and to terrorize those who sought to tell the terri- ble truth of the treatment of out soldiers, the testimony given before the board was of a character damning to all those responsible, and disclosed that the Administration of the War Department had been inefHcient if not crlmiilal in some of its branches. 'Notwithstanding the efforts of this War Board to whitewash the Adminis- tration, the evidence was so damaging that it was impossible for the Adminis- tration to escape censure, and the .report of the board, intended -as a vindica.- tion, was rejected by the whole people of thfe country; and it became iieces- sary for tlie Administration in some way to pur'ge Itself. A scapegoat was the imperative demand of the hour, and eventually Secretary Alger, who per- haps least of all was responsible for the scandals, was forced to retire from the Cabinet. The investigation into the character of the rations furnished the army was conducted with such manifest purpose to shield the Department that there was an almost universal public protest against its iiartiality and unfairness. Reputable witnesses who were in a position to know the true state of affairs and who stated their own experiences, were treated by the court of inquiry as if they were criminals before the bar of justice. Every ijossible effort was made (unsuccessfully) to discredit them, and they were made the objects of attack and brutal treatment, while countless witnesses, not even professing to speak from personal knowledge, who expressed opinions favorable to the De- partment, were treated with the utmost favor, and their testimony as to what they did not see was made the basis of the report favorable to the Department against the evidence of those who l^oth saw and experienced the horrors of the rotten-meat ration. Major Lee, in summing up th^ evidence before the court of inquiry, on behalf of General Miles, the General Obmmauding the Army, said that "the allegations made by General Miies are nothing more, nothing less, than the complaints brought to his official knowledge by the officers and men of the army who participated in active service during the recent war. These allega- tions, based on jl full belief in the correctness of said representations, are found in substance in hi.s statements before the War Commission, and relate specifically to certain meat supplies which are believed to have been. unsuitable for issue and deleterious to the health of the soldiers." Speaking lof the inspection of meats before purchase be said: IJ2 .(DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. What of inspection? Why, it appears in evidene*-' before this court that some of these- inspections, so-called, were so perfunctory that .canned meats were accepted "on the reputation of the packing firm." * ' * ■ « • • i,-' "ij ■ « ' « * ft was only after the.millions of pounds had passed ilnto the hands of receiving ofScers in the field,* after the issue to the troops, that the material defects, the unfitness for food was discovered. No swellers nor nail holes seem to have been observed in the packing houses at the time of the purchase. The Inspection and condemnation, of over 40,0(50 pounds at Jacksonville by ^ Lieut. Col. Guild failed to reveal who was the pur- chasing ofllcer that received it as good. On repacking there by Armour's agent hun- dreds of cans were, as a sanitary measure, burned up in a crematory, and at Kansas City nearly 200 additional cans had become- so oflrensive that they had to be rejected. ********* TKe testimony shows that every can that could be gathered from far and near was unloaded on the army; tha-t thousands of cases from Europe were recalled and the old stock at Staten Island and Locust Point, Baltimore, the latter having been in storage from two to four years, was received and rushed forward to meet the demands. **«* * * * ** The unfitness of the so-called roast beef and its nauseating and injurious character are conclusively shown by the official reports now before the court of not less than' 90 per cent, of about 310 regimental and company otficers who were at the front. I As J;o the embalmed beef Major Lee calfed attention to tbe fact tbat four witnesses testified in effect "tliat the commissary general stated that the re- frigerating people had a special proces's for preserving meat, and that one process was being tested at Tampa, Fla.; and 'in the next day or two,' as Armstrong testified, the commissary general informed him that of the four quarters that were tested, three stood the test, remaining sound at the end of seventy-two hours, the remaining one being damaged. ■ Mr. Armstrong states: General EJagan mentions that Swift & Co. had two representatives who explained to him fully that they possessed a new preservative that would keep the meat fresh and sound seventy-two hours after being taken out of the refrigerator. * ** * * * * * • He (General Eag.m) stated further that Armour & Co. also proposed to furnish meat that would be treated with a process t.hat would insure its keeping the length of time required under the contract. All this transpired before the opening of the bids on June 13, and shows clearly that a presen-ative process was then under favorable consideration. ' In controversion of the assertion of Armour & Company's agent that no chemicals had been used as a preservative, three witnesses, as follows, were produced to prove that Armour's agent had acknowledged to them that chem- icals were used: "1. Sergt. Edward Mason (p. 21?,,^), that upon ob.iocting to, or refusipg, cer-' tain beef in a car at Lakeland, Armour's .Tg?nt stated, in express terms, that 'the beef had been chemically treated.' ^ "2. A. J. Gampher (pp. 2071, etc.), then lieutenant and commissary, tes- tified that at Lakeland, Fla., in August, Jloorehouse, Armour's agent, informed him that there was 'nothing the matter with the beef; that the spots on it were due to chemicals used in the preservation of the meat; that this had been done to prevent deterioration.' CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. ) 73 "3. Dr. Charles H. Caselo (pp. 3G55, etc.), then assistant surgeon, was pres- ent at Lakeland with Crfttiiiu Carmichael and Lieutenant Gampher and Ar- . mouf's agent (described as Moorefeouse), and testified with circumstantial de-, tall that said agent said 'that the beef was chemically treated.' " A report submitted to the court of the« result of au investigation by Lieu- tenant Colonel Garllngton, Inspector General, was rejected by the court, which refused to consfder It. This report sustained the allegations by General Miles, and presented a complete and exhaustive examination of the subject. It found that the canned roast beef was unlit, and that there was evidence to support the suspicion that the beef was embalmed. A fitting sequel to the worli of this court of injuiry organized to white- wash the War Department was the cDhrt martial of General Eagan, Commis- - sary General of thai^Arniy, one of the administration's proteges, and champion of the purveyors of spoiled meat. Before the court of inquiry, General Miles, the ranking officer of the Army, whose counsel the President ignored, and ■ whose services he had declined, had protested against the purchase and dis- tribution of uuwliolesome meats for the army. He made a statement, before the court, of tho facts that had been brought to his attention through com- plaints and reiJorts from tlxe proper officers of the army. In answer to a queslion by Col. Sexton, one of the members of tJie cQurt, as to whether the army at Porto Rico under Gen. Miles had beep abundantly supplied with commissary and quartermaster's stores. Gen. Miles replied: j They were supiiliod in a way— not, in my judgment, the best way. The same had system oxisted there as at Tampa in sending great quantities of stores. In Tampa, for iiislaiuT, Lho sujiplii-'S wcru spiit in cVrs witiiout Invqices or bills of lafling, anil it was Impossible for tho offlcerti to know what was in the cars or where the supplies were. At foitd Elco the same evilexisted. I had previously requested that complete rations be sent instead of sending them in bulk." Gen. Miles road an extract from a telegram by him to the Department ask- ing for shipment of complete ra.tions together instead of shipments in' bulk of supplies for the army. "But instead of that," he said, "the steam^'S were sent dowo luailed witli various parts of rations, without,invoices and without bills of lading: and not a man on the steamer knew what was on the ship. And large ciuantities of vegetables— for instance, potatoes and onions, and ar- ticles of that kind— would be stored down in the hold of the ship, and no one knew until they opened the hatches what was there. Very often the vegeta- bles wore spoiled by the heat in the steamers during the voyage, so that they had to be thrown overboard anfl the troops did not get them." Gen. Miles said that in his opinion the character of the food supplied was one of the causes of sickness and distress on the part of the troops. He then recounted the experience during the war of the rebellion, and the method of supplying beef on the hoof to the army at that time; but said this was not adopted in the Cuban War, and that he had telegraphed the Department re-, qtjestlng that no more fresh beef be sent to him at Porto Rico. He said that. ,the beef sent to the harbor at Ponce for the troops, when they were two or 3£ ij^ I. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK * three days, out from the base wouia be utterly worthless; and that there "wag sent to Porto Rico 337 tons of what Is known as, or called, refrigerated beef, which you might call embalmed beef, and'tiKefe was'also sent 198,508 pounds of what is known as canned fresh beef, which i was condemned, as far as I know, by nearly every officer whose command used it." '. He then submitted brief reports o? officers whose commands had used this beef, as follows: Fourth Infantry, Major Baker:— The beeK seemed to be of Inferior quality and was anything but palatable. Quite a-number of men could not and did not eat It. Sixth Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Miner:— The meat was utterly unfit ,as an article ol diet for either sick or well. It had no nutriment in it, and turned the stomachs • of men Who tried to eat it. , Ninth Infantry, Colonel Powell:— The meat produced disordered stomachs, was not nutritious, soon becam-e putrid, and in many of the cans was found in course of putre- faction when opened. Twelfth Infantry, Major Humphreys:— The meat issued presenfed such a repulsive appearance that men turned from it in disgust. "Nasty" is the only term that will fitly describe its appearance. Its use produced diarrhoea and dysentery. Thirteenth Infantry, Col. A. T. Smith:— Many complaints were made concerning the meat. . It was found very unpalatable, and is unfit for issue to troops. Seventeenth Infantry, Major 0'Brien:^The nutritious juices having been cooked out of the meat, it was neither nourishing nor palatable. It was often nauseating and . unfit for use. It should no longer be issued. Second Battalion, Twenty-first Infantry, Capt. J. W. Duncan:— The meat soon spoiled after opening the cans, the men soon tire of it, and it is not a proper food. It Is not equal in any way to canned corned beef. Twenty-second Infantry, Major Van Home:— The meat issued was nothing more than refuse after various kinds of soups had been extracted from it. Further issues of it should not be made. Third Cavalry, Major Jackson:- The meat used for catmiug was too fat, and as an article of diet soon became nauseating to a large majority of the men. If made ol good beef and property seasoned it might be satisifattory. Second Artillery, Colonel Haskin:— The meat was generally disliked, was soft, watery and insipid, ,agreeible to neither eye nor taste. The men could be induced to eat it only v-lien prepared as a siew. Fifth Artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel MeCrea:— The meat was unpalatable, because of the excess of fat in it. Its appearance was black and stringy, and none of the men liked it. When prenared as a stew it was more palatable. If less fat, and mixed with vegetables, it would deserve further trial. , Light BSttery K, First Artillery, Capt. Best, Sept. 28, 1898:— The appearance ol thp meat was not inviting. The men soon tired of it. First Cavalry, Brigadier-General Vielo, Nov. 30, 1898:— The meat was a miserable, apology for food in a hot climate, a slimy-looking mass ol beef scraps, unpalatable to the taste and repulsive to the sight. Competition for the contracts placed the prices so low that only tailings and scraps were used for canning. Ninth Cavalry:— Vtry unsati^sfactory; men soon tire of it, and will only eat it when they have nothing else. Tweuty-fourth Infantry, Major Thompson:— After a few days the meat became unpalatable; then men became disgusted with it, and would not eat it. When asked if canned beef was not a part of the army rations, the General replied that it was made a part of the army rations during this war to the ci^ tent of sending to Porto Rico nearly- 200,000 t)ounds of it, b«4 tt^ cu ii'Id not know who liad fixed it as an army ratios*; "Xou had better," he said, "ask the Secretary of War, or the Commissary General; I think they can tell you. I know it was sent tp the army as food, and the pretense is that it was sent CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 75 as an exporiment; but anyone eou'ldihave tried it on his own.gtqmach to see, what tUo effect was without -isending 200,000 pounds of it. If there had befen pa.vmastei's down there,, the army could have bought food, but there was none there, although I requested on July 18th, that they be sent there— that was before I ever started from Guantanamo. Ultimately I gave di- rections to expend part of the funds o'btalne(!l at the custom-house in the purchase of fresh beef." Gen. Miles read before the board the report of Dr. W. H. Daly, Major and Chief Surgeon of Volunteers, who had charge of the Panama, which, was a ship loaded with the sicli and convalescent at Ponce and sent North, in which Dr. Daly stated that in several inspections he had made in various camps- and troop shiph at Tampa, Jacksonville, Chickamauga and Porto Rico, he had found the fresh beef to be apparently preserved with chemicals, which de- stroyed its natural flavor and which he also believed to be detrimental to the health of the troops. In this report Dr. Daly said that on duty at Tampa, Ool. "Weston, Chief Commissary, had shown him a quarter of beef that had as a test been sixty hours in the sun without being perceptibly tainted so far as the sense of smell could detect. Tlie report said: It Is impossible to Kcpp fresh beef so long untainted in the sun in that climate with- out the use of delolevious presetvalives, such as boric acid, salicylic acid, or nitrate potash, injected iato U in quantities liable to be hurtful to the health of the consumer. Gommeuliug on this. General Miles said: ' In my Judgment, 1 do not know, but I think that to be one at the causes of so large an amount of sickness in our camps. Take, for instance, the most favorably reported- Jacksonville. I sent to. ascertain the condition of that camp, and Surgeon GrcenJeaf reported that out of J7,36o troops at Jacksonville there were 4,041 away from duty on account of sickness; and it has been a mystery to me to ascertain what was the cause of so much sickness during this war, and possibly you have it here— I do not know. There may be other causes, of course. The GoHeral again read from the report of Dr. Daly in which it was said that much of the beef exajnined arriving on transports from the United States at Ponce, l^orto Rico, was of the same character, being apparently preserved by injected chemicals to aid deficient cold storage. "When detailed tq talie charge of the Panama," said Dr. Daly, "for convey- ing convalescents to the United States, I obtained 2,000 pounds of fresh beef from the commissary at Ponce. It looked well, but had an odor similar to that of a dead human body after being injected with preservatives, and it tasted when first cooked like decomposed boric acid, while after standing a day for further inspection it became so bitter, nauseous, and unpalatable as to be quite Impossible for use. I was therefore obliged, owing to its condition, and the just complaints of the sick about it, and the disgustingly sickening odor it emitted when being cooked, and its mawkish flat taste when served, and' the .«!afety of my patients — 255 convalescent soldiers on board— to organize a board of survey, condemn and throw 1,500 pounds, all we had, overboard, consequently the convalescents were entirely without much-needed fresh beef, 76' DBMOOEiATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK,; making the duty of bringing the men to the United States in an improved condition a very difficult matter. t ■■: -■-■'^\ In my inspection cf the Fourth United States Volunteer Infantry at Jaeksonvllle recently I observed the same odor and taste upon the fresh beef, but not so marked, and at camp of Sixth Upited States Volunteer Infantry at Chicamauga I also, at several inspections, observed it markedly* I there inspected a lot of beef just issued to that regiment, and, while it looked well, was of a sickening odor, like a human body dead of disease and injected with preservatives, and when cooked it was quite unpalatable, consequently likely to prove an effleient cause of ill health. The men complained of its insipid and mawkish flavor, that high seasoning could not conceal. There have been a great many reports furnished at different times, but he seemed to be Insisting very^zealously that this beef sliould be used, and in his testimony, as I saw it printed in the papers, he made a statement that no one of sense would decline to receive this refrigerated beef instead of beef on the hdof at Porto Rico, which rather reflected upon the commanding general of that expedition. The expedition was in command of Gen. Miles himself. It was suggested by Gen. Dodge, one of the members of the Court of In- quiry, that the officer wlio made this report, meaning Dr. Daly, did not make any chemical analysis of the beef, and it was just a matter of opinion as to the appearance of the beef and the use of it which he expressed. To this Gen. Miles replied that "he made an expert exalmination of it as a medical offi- cer, who was accustomed to the use of chemicals' of the description that are used for embalming bodies." Gen. Eagan's Scurrilous Abuse of Gen. Miles. * This testimduy of Gen. Miles, with reference to the "embalnjed" beef, so angered and excited Gen. Bagan,— who appeared to be the champion of the contractors who were furnishing it,— that he made the following violent state, ment in regard to it: if and when General Miles cnarges that it (meaning tinned fresh beei) was fur- nished as a "pretense of experiment," he lies in his throat, he lies in his heart, he lies in every hair of his head and every pore of his body; he lies wilfully, deliberately. Intentionally, and maliciously. If tils statement is true that this was furnished under "pretense of experiment," then I should be drummed out of the Army and incarcerated In State prison. If this statement is false, as I assert it to be, then he should be drummed out of the service and incarcerated in prison with other libeiers. His statement is a scandalous libel, reflecting upon the honor of every officer in the department who has contracted for or purchased this meat, and especially and par- ticularly on the Commissary General— myself. In denouncing General Miles as a liar, when he makes this slatement, I wish to make it as emphatic and coarse as the state- ment Itself. I wish to force the lie back into his throat covered with the contents of a camp latrine. I wish to brand It as a falsehood of whole cloth without a particle of truth to sustain it, and unless he can prove his statement he should be denounced by every honest man, barred from the clubs, barred from the society of decent people, and so ostracised that the street bootblacks would not- condescend to speak to him, tor he has fouled his own nest, he has aspersed the honor of a brother officer without a particle of evidence or tact to sustain in any degree his scandalous, libelous, malicious falsehood, viz., that this beef or anything whatever was furnished the Army under "pretense of experiment." This at Waslilngtou, D. C, January 21, 1899. For this foul and libellous language General Eagan was tried before a Court Martial and found "guilty." ,OORKUPTION IN THE WAR DEPABTMENT.r\ iJ7 The President Revyards Gen. Eagan, , TEis sentence was mocUiiecl-hy ^President McKinley as follows: ' t Executive Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1899. The accusefl, after a trial by court-martial composed of officers of high rank and distinguished services, has been found guilty of conduct unworthy an otBcer holding a commission of the United States, and obnoxious iS the highest degree to the discipline and good order of the military establishment. Such behaviot is especially deserving of condemnation in an officer holding high rank In the Army and ciiarged with the performance of difficult and important admlnistra-. tive duties in a. time of great public emergency and from whom, when subjected to adverse criticism, an unusual- degree of restraint and unfaHing self-control are confi- dently expected. The proceedings, findings and sentence in the case of Brigadier General Charles P. Eagan, Commissary General of Subsistence, United States Army, are therefore ap- proved. , In view, how«ver, of his gallant conduct in battle, upon more than one occasion, wtilch merited and has received the warm commendation of his superiors, and of his long and honorable record of service, extending over a period surpassing in duration that usually allotted to a generation; having regard, also, to 'the mitigating circum- stances which were developed during the tiial of the ease, and in deference to the recommendation to clemency submitted in his behalf, the sentence imposed by the , court is commuted to suspension from rank and duty for s-ix years. WILLIAM McKINLBT. \ 'After having furnished the soldiers of the- army, -who were fighting in the field, or lying in fever-striclien camps, with "tinnell beef," "canned rAast beef," and "refrigerated beef," purchased in great quantities at exorbitant prices from contractors whose- champion and defender he afterwards became; after hundreds and thousands of soldiers had, accprding to the testimony of most competent authorities— officers of the medical corps and of the line— been injured in health by being compelled to eat this unwholesome food or go hun- gry; after having used the foul and brutal language in defense of the beef contractors for which he was tried by court martial; and, standing as he did In an atmosphere of scandal with the 9omplaints and protests of the whjole country sounding in his ears, and the ghastly spectacle presented by our , starving and fever-striclien soldiers on their return from the war— Gen. Eagan was thus relieved by the President from the penalty Inflicted upon him by the court martial, and was given a certificate of character and an excuse in "mitigating circumstances" and finally rewarded by relief from all duty for six years on full pay. Under such conditions the American patriotic army fionght the war and won the victory over Spain for which the administration seeks the reward of continuance in power.. „ i For the war the whole people are responsible. The credit for the victory is due the brave men who unselfishly and in a spirit of lofty patriotism rislied their lives and endured the suffering and privation inflicted upon them through the faults of the administration. The responsibility for the unneces- sary suffering and loss of life and health, and for the shameful scandals alone rests with the administration of President MoKinley* 1^ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.; Wreaths cannot be taken from the graves of our dead heroes to make a crown of laurel for McKinley's brow, nor can Hanna and his speculative' friends claim the honors of the victory while counting their profits from the war. ' • ' " (THE PHILIPPINE WAB. 79 PART FOl]R.-The Republic or the Empire. QHAPTER IX. THE PRESIDENT'S PHILIPPINE WAR. Peace Negotiations With Spain.— Terms of the Protocol. The brilliant operations of our array and navy compelled Spain to sue for peace in a little more than three months after the declaration of war in April, 1898. A protocol or preliminary agreement as a basis for a treaty of peace was entered into by the two governments on the 12th day of August, 1898. In that it was definitely agreed that Siiain would relinquish ail claim to sov- ereignty over Cuba, and that she would cede to the United States all her other West Indian possessions, and an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States. These points were not to be open to discussion in the negotiation for a treaty of peace. Definite arrangements were provided for the evacuation by Spain of all the Spanish West India Islands. The agreement contained the following article concerning the Philippines: "The United States will keep and hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine and control the disposition and government of the Philippine Islands." Hostilities were to be suspended during the negotiations of the treaty of peace. These negotiations were to take place in Paris commencing October 1, 1898, nd (of Luzon.) -except that city." On August 13, the day following the signing of fhe protocol with Spain, but without knowledge of that event, the American forces took, the city of Manila. " In all the communications between Aguinaldo and the Commander of the United States forces, Aguinaldo was addressed by Generals Anderson and Merritt as the "Commanding General of the Filipino Forces." Senator Hoar, in his speech in the Senate, April 17, 1900, truly said: "But for what they did, the army of Spain could have withdrawn itself , from'the neighborhood of our fleet, and could have held its own against our military forces very likely up to this moment." 01, course the Filipinos, under such conditions, established a provisional gov- ■ ernment of their own. There was first a dictatorship under Aguinaldp, the revolutionary chief, but he declared it to be temporary only, and preparatory to a true republic to be formed in due time. The President's Declaration of War Against the Filipinos Three Months Before the Philippines Came Under the Sovereignty of tho United States. These proceedings never elicited a protest or objection from any military or ^ civil authority of the United States until December 21, 1898, when an order of the President was made public directing the Secretary of War to immediately extend the military government, then maintained by the United States in the city, bay and harbor of Manila, to the entire group of the Philippine Islands. This order was as follows; "Adjutant General's Otfice, "Washington, December 21, 1898." "MAjor General E. S. Otis, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding Department of the Pacific, and Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, Manila:. "Sir: By direction of the Secretary of War, I have the honor to transmit herewith instructions of the President relative to the administration of affairs in the Philippine Islands. "Executive Mansion, Washington, December 21, 1898. "To the Secretary of War: _ ^ "Sir: The destruction of the Spanish fleet In the harbor of Manila by the United States naval squadron commanded by Real Admiral Dewey, followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the Spanish forces, practi- cally effected the conquest of the Philippine .Islands and the suspension of Spaoish sovereignty therein. 32 i DBMOOEiATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK.: , it "With the signature'of the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Pans on the 10th instant, and as the result of the victories of .American arpis, the future control, disposiUon and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In the fulfillment of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the actual' occupation arid admmis- tration of the entire group of the Philippine Islands becomes immediately nec- essary, and the military government heretofore maintained by the United States in the.city, harbor and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory. "In performing this duty the military commander of the United Staples is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that, in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political rela- tions of the inhabitants, and in establishing a new political power, the author- ity of the United Statfes is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their pri- vate rights and relations. It will be tlie duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments and in their personal and religious rights.. ' AU isersons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate with the (lovei-nment of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection. All others wiU be brought within the lawful ruje we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without severity, so fi^r as may be possible. "Within the absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation of the United States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the territory In respect .to private rights and property and the repression of crime are .to be considered as continuing in force, and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals, so far as practicable. The operations of civil, and municipal government are to be^ performed by such officere as may accept the supremacy of the United States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far as may be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands. "While the control of^U the public property and the revenues of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and management of all public means of traflsportation are necessarily reserved to the authority of the United States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations is t<. be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties hereto- for payable by the inhabitants t& the late government become payable to the authorities of the United States unless it be seen fit to substitute for them other ren,;onable rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of government whether general or local. If private property be taken for military use it shall be paid for when possible, in cash, at a fair valuaUon, and when oav ment in cash is cot practicable receipts are to be siven. THE PHILIPPINE WAE. 'SS "All ports and places In the Philippine Islands in the actual possession of the land and naval forces of the United States will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All good^' and wares not prohibited for military rea- sons by due announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon payment of such duties and other .charges as shall be in force at the time of their importation. "Finally, it sliould be the earnest and paramount aim of the miltary ad- ministration to win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties, which is the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administra- tion of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority, to re^'ess disturbance and to over- come all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable govern- ment upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of the United States. - ^r:: - ^.WILLIAM McKINLEY, *'.Very respectfully, V H. C. CORBIN, : "Adjutant General. "By order of the Secretary of War: 1 "H. C. COBBIN, "Adjutant General." In other words, "your allegiance or your lives," December 21, 1898 — nearly four months be(fore Spanish sovereignty had been extinguished by the ex- change of ratifications of the treaty April 11, 1899. This vras a declaration of war against the provisional government of the Filipinos, which had been established without objection by the United States, and maintained by a military organization which had been oiBclally recognized , by our military commanders, and with which friendly arrangemects had been made from time to time, pending the negotiation of the treaty , of peace with Spain. The war thus declared by the President against our peaceful allies, then occupying Spanish territory, was to be a war of extermination of all who should resist United States military rule anywhere in the Philippine Islands at that time. All necessary "firmness" and "severity" were especially authorized. How "mild" the "sway;" how "benevolent" the "assimilation." This order was issued forty-seven da.ys before the ratification of the treaty of peace by the Senate of the United States, February 6, 1809, and three ' months before its ratification by the Crown of Spain, March 20, 1899. The treaty ha'd no existence as such, and therefore ceded nothing in the Philippines until iCach nation had notified the other of its ratification on the 11th of April. The President's Violation of the .Protoc^/l With Spain. It is beyond controversy that the President's order of December 21st was a flagrant violation of the third article of the protocol. By that article tha 84: DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.' President was obliged to limit United States military occupation in the Phil- ippines to the "city, bay. and harbor of Manila" during the negotiation of a treaty of peace. Until the treaty had been ratitied by the United States Senate and by the Spanish Crown, and until these, ratifications had been exchanged the President had no more rig^ht to occui^y any other portion of these islands than lie now has to order the military occupation of the Spanish Peninsula,- He had agreed in the protocol, in the very article which thus limited our mili- tary occupation, that the treaty of peace should "determine the control, dis- position and government nf the Philippine Islands." This left.it nn open ques- tion, to be determined by the treaty, whether Spain would cede the islands or any portion of them to- the United States, or whether the United States would recognize the coatinuance therein of Spanish sovereignly. Vet the_ President himself undertook in this order the control, disposition and govern- ■ ment of the islands, nearly fcJur months before the treaty of peace had be- come operative. With extraordinary audacity, veiled with childlike simplicity, the President himself thus briefly groups the facts above stated. Addressing the Secretary of State, on the 20th of January, 1899, he said (Senate Document No. 106, 56tli Congress, 1st Session, page 185): My communication to the Secretary of War, dated December 21, 1898, declares the necessity of extending the actual occupation and administration of the city, bay and harbor of M-anila to the whole of the territory which, by the treaty of Paris, signed on I/eceniber 10, 1808, passed from the sovereignty of Spain to the. sovereignty of the United States, and the consequent establishment of military government throughout, the entire group of the Philippine Islands. White the treaty has not yet been ratifled, it is believed that it will be by the time at the arrival at Manila of the commissioners named below. This was dated January 20. The treaty was ratified by the Senate on Feb-, ruary 6. How could the Philippine Islands have "passed from the sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States" under a treaty not yet rati- fied? What virtue had the signatures of the commissioners December 10— nearly two months before it was known whether the United States Senate 'would accept the cession, and three mouths before it was known whether Spain would make the cession? It would have been a gross abuse of power if any such order had been made by the President even after the ratification of the treaty. What right would he then have had to forestall the action of .' Congress as to the civil and political status of the Philippine Islanders? How could Congress freely exercise its judgment as to what would be best for our government and for the Filipinos after the latter had unnecessai-ily been made our implacable enemies by the despotic and war-making order of December 21st? The President's Disregard of the Constitution, of Interna- tional Law and of the Terms of the Treaty. The President's order can only be justified upon the assumption that the ci-eaty of peace tooii eflect when signed by the Commissioners and approved THE PHIt/fPPIIfB WAB; fgS by himself. Such an assumption is absolutely forbidden by the Constitution of the United States, which provides (Art. II., Section I) that the President "shall have povi^er, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur." He cannot in- voice international law as overriding this provision in our own Constitution, for every nation determines for itself what shall be the source of Its treaty- making power. On this subject Wheaton says: The municipal constitution of evety particular State determines In wliom resides the autljority to ratify treaties negotiated and .concluded with foreign powers so as to render them obligatory upon tie nation. In absolute monarchies it is the preroga- tive of the Sovereign himself to confirm the act of his plenipotentiary by his final sanc- tion. In certain limited or constitutional monarchies the consent of the legislative .power of the nation ls_ in some cases required for that purpose. In some Eepubllcs, as in that of the United States of America, the advice and consent of the Senate are essential to enable the Chief Executive Magistrate to pledge the nation's faith In this form. In all these cases It is consequently an implied condition in negotiating with foreign powers that the treaties concluded by the Executive Government shall be sub- ject to ratification in the manner prescribed by the fundamental laws of the State. (Wheaton's International Law, Part III., Chapter II, Section 6, Page 455.) Were this country an absolute monarchy, the President's approval would have sufficed according to the above statement of 'tl;e rule. But this preroga- tive of a sovereign does not belong to our President To every h'eaty nego- tiated by our envoys, and approved by him, the ratification of the Senate is an "Implied condition" which must first be complied with before the treaty can have any force or efCect. Wheaton adds that "in practice the full powers given by the government of the United State^ to their plenipotentiaries al- ways expres-sly reserve the ratification of the treaties concluded by them, by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate." Article XVII cf the treaty wltli Spain shows that instrument to have been no exception to this rule. It declares that "the present treaty shall be ratified by the Pres- ident of the United States by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain," Had there been no constitutional restriction upon the President's power, this provision of the treaty would have tied his hands until its ratification as thus provided for. Eet us see If there is any case in which s^ treaty is binding and effective from the date of its signature. Wheaton says, in Part III, Chapter II, Sec- tion 5: "Every treaty is binding on the contracting parties from the time ot its signature unless it contain an express stipulation to the contrary." In the Spanish treaty there was an expres's stipulation, malting its ratification a condition. Had this been omitted, it would, as we have seen, been sub- ject under our Constitution, to thif "implied condition" of subsequent rat- iflca'tion by the Senate. Following the above quotation, Wheaton gives ex- amples in which European powers, by agreement among themselves, com- , menced the execution of treaties before the exchange of ratifications; but lest this should be taken as a precedent applicable to the United States, he says, in a note: "It is presumed that there is a constitutional impediment to ^ 85' DEMOOBATIC CAMPAIGN B0OK,.> such an arrangement when the United States are a party, as the Senate must concur in every treaty or international convention." We are forced to the conclusion, therefore, that the Presklcnt's orders of December 21st violated the protocol with Spain, and directed the commence- ment of a war against her revolutionary subjects upon soil still remaining un- der Spanish sovereignty. This would liave fully justified a resumption of hostilities by Spain. If, however, the Spanish sovereignty was to be ignored by him, prior to its termination by the treaty of peace, then the President's order was a declaration of war against a de facto government o£. the Fili- pinos, who were admittedly in possession of "the entire island (of Luzon) ex- cept the city, bay and harbor of Manila," Under no view of the case had ' the President any right to malie war upon the Filipinos. Technically they were still Spanish subjects in revolution against Spanish sovereignty. That being the ease, he was restrained by the protocol with Spain. If they were successful revolutionists, under a de facto government, he could not in- augurate hostilities against them without usurping the war-malsing power, which the Constitution ve^ts exclusively in Congress. The United States had no rightful authority anywhere in the Philippines, except in the city, bay and harbor of Manila, until the treaty was ratified by Spain as well as by the United States, and the ratifications exchanged, which did not talce place until nearly four months later— April 11th, 1899. Gen. Otis and His Friends the Spaniards. In his annual report 'as Commanding General and Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, dated August 31st,' 1899, Gen. Otis narrates what he deems the most important events from June 30th, 1898, to that date. In this report he throws much light upou the President's premature move- ments in extending military rule over the Philippines before the conclusion of the treaty of peace made it lawful for him to do so. Having brought his narrative up to December 9th, 1898, he says: (Page 54 of the report). The sphere of United States action in the Philippmes was now about to be enlarged. During the last Interview with General EIos's staff officer on the subject ot inter-island trade, alluded to in a former portion of this report, he submitted a proposition for the relief of the Spanish garrison at Hollo by our troops, saying that General Rios would be pleased to turn that city over to the United States authorities and withdraw to Zamboanga. The proposition was discussed, but immediate action was not considered practicable, and he was requested to convey to the General our appreciation of his offer and to report that permission would be sought to accept it as soon as the Paris treaty negotiations Indicated unmistakably that the United States would succeed to the government of the islan-ds. Here we find Gen. Otis maliing arrangements with the represenUtives of Spain— then our public enemy— at the expense of our friends and allies, the native Inhabitants. Eagerness of Otis to Extend Military Rule. He did not propose to wait until the United States should succeed to' the jEJwernment of the islands, but only untU the negotiations should indicate un- THE PHILIPPINE WAR. 87 mistaka'bly that their cession to the United States would occur at a future time. He must have considered the signing of the treaty by the Peace Com- missioners on the 10th of December as the unmistaliable Indication for which he liad to wait, for continuing he says: (Ibid p. 55.) , About December_i;j a petition was received, signed' by tlie business men and firms ol Iloilo, asking fur American protection there. On December 14 I cabled to Wash- ington the followlujy: / "Bankers and merchants with business houses at IloIl(> petition American protection at Hollo. Spanish authorities are still holding aut, but will receive United States troops. Insurgents reported favorable to American annexation. Can send troops. Shall any action be takeq?" Otis Thought Instruction From Washington Unnecessary. Whether he had been Instructed from Washington to have such a petition sent to him, and what reply to make to it, does not appear; nor is the fact material. 'We are only concerned Vith what followed. General Otis proceeds: INo response was received until the 19th 'of that month, wb.en I was Informed that the 'resident and Secretary were absent from Washington, ani 'that a consideration of my question would await their return, which would be shortly. Appreciating the great desirability. of secni;Ing possession of this city, the second of the- Philippines in Import- }uce, I was anxious to receive an affirmative answer to my cable question of the 14th .'n'stant. It was reported that the Spanish t^'oops were hard pressed by the insurgents, who had made an attack a few days previpu?, declaring that, they would capture the town before the arrival of the Americans. It was also stated that the, attack had beon repulsed, with a loss to the insurgents of 300 men. The petition for protection which had been submitted by the business men appeared to me to furnish sufflcient ground upon which to base . intervention In their behalf, independent of specific Instructions from Washington, and I therefore, in conference with Admiral Dewey, asked that one of his war vessels convoy troops which I meditated sending to Iloilo at once. ^ The desirability of United States possession was certainly the motive; the petition of'the '-business" men, the pretext, ■^ Otis Halted.by Admiral Dewey. Otis was. so impressed with the power and authority of t.'tto "'business meli" of Iloilo that he thought their request "sufficient ground' for him to seize the city by military , foreo, "indepeudent of specific' instructions from Wash- ington." Admiral Dewey, more cautious, advised against it. As he could do nothing without Admiral Dewey's co-operation, he shared the latter's convic- tion. Having asked for a war vessel to convoy troops to Iloilo st ^rce 1^ says: "This the Admiral thought It ==3t ■.rUt tis iso, as we were awaiting STJthorlty which had =i'-^.,-j' iiM*: sought, and furthermore he was of the opinion cJi.i-*i*c^l Uios would hold out. I "Shared with him this latter conviction and awaited directions." The President Orders Otis to Send Troops to' Iloilo, Then in Spanish Possession. It is important to bear in mind that the President and his Secretary were absent from Washington on the IQth of December, and that Gen. Otis's mo- 88 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOGIt. mentous question of extending military rnle in tlie I'liilippines must await , ttieir return, whicli would be shortly.' Tliat tlie President lost no time after his return in making the comprehensive order, or "proclamation," as it was termed by General Otis, is shown by the fact that that order was signed on the 21st of December. ^ Gen, Otis thus continues his report: ' . Oil December 23 the following dispatch was recci^scl: . "Wasliington, December 2.3, 1S38. "Otis, Mnnl'a: "Ai.swcriUK .vour message, December 14. the President directs that you send neces- sarj; troops to Iloih), to preserve the peace and protect 'Ate and property. It i.s most important that there slioiiid be no conflict with the insurgents. Be conciliatory, but firm. "By order of the Secretary of War." These instructions wore conveyed to Admiral Dcyvey, and I cabled the folla,wing: "Manila, December -'3, 1838. "General Illos, , , , ■ ', i "Governor-GeUfrar Philippine Islands, lloilo, Panay: "A considerable United States force, Army and Navy, will leave Manila in two or three days, and its commanding general is ordered to confer with you at Iloiio. "OTIS, "United States Military Governor." Gen. Rios was the Spanish Governoi'-General. Spaniards Driven Out of Iloilo by Filipinos.— Depart;ure of U. S. IVIiiitary Expedition for Iloilo.— Instructions by Gen. Otis to Gen. Miller, Its Commander. Before this dispatch could reach Iloilo, General Rios and his Spanish force had evacuated the city, and the Filipino forces under Ay;uinaldo were In possession of the iilace. Gen. Rios telegraphed Gen. Otis on the 2-tth that the Spanish Government had ordered him to Manila where 'he» would arrive at the end of the montli. On the 2Gth a military expedition of a brigade, command- ed by Gen. Marcus B. Miller, sailed for Iloilo. The instructions given him by Gen. Otis, dated December i;4th, included a proclamation of a military gov- ernment at Iloilo, and full details as to the formatiou and administration of such government. He was informed that if the Spaniards were still in pos- session of Iloilo, they would transfer all authority to him peaeeably. Otis feared, however, that the Spanish troops might surrender the city to the in- surgents before the arrival of the expedition. But he romnrked that "every poissible precautionary measure liad been taken to retain the Spanish forces there." If he foynd the insurgents against Spain in iiossession, ho was to "proceed with great caution, avoiding all maiiifestalion of immediate forcible action, and undue display of forte." Gen. Miller was in that case to "malve known to the inhabitants the purpose of the United States, which, bavin" suc- ceeded to all tlie rights 'of Spain in the Philippine Islands under treaty stipula- tions following conquest in the Eastern and Western Hemispheres, intends to establiBh among them an efScient and most stable form of government." THE PHILIPPINE WAR' 89 'At all times Gen. Otis treated tlie Spaniards as tlie friends and the FU- Iplnos as ttie enemies of the United States. He musi have been so Instructed. Otis Directs Gen. IWiller How to Deceive the Filipinos if They Are in Possession of Iloilo. When Gen. Otis wrote this he had not received the President's order of the 21st of December, and did not receive it until the 29th— five days later. On the 26th, just as Gen. MUler's expedition was to sail from Manila, Gen. Otis gave him additional instructions which jvere as follows: (Ibid p. 59.) In case the Spanish forces have eracuated Iloilo, you will, on approaching that city, keep your transports Arizona and Pennsylvania well to the rear and beyond the view of the Inhabitants of Iloilo, and you will talje into Iloilo waters your naval escorts, the Baltimore and Callao, and the transport vessel Union, on which are the native Spanish -troops, with yourfve^sol, the Newport. You will make known to the insur- gent authorities the ob.iect of bringing the large force with you, which is, vi2. : To take possession of otiier porfTs in the islands, if conditions and circumstances are favorable, but that it may be necessar.v to keep troops at Iloilo until definite instructions concern- ing other ports of the islalids arc received from Washington. Gen. Otis- Orders the Seizure by Force if it is Not Peaceably Surrendered. On the 28th of December General Otis, having finally learned that Aguinaldo and his forces were in possession of Hollo, sent General Miller the following additional instruoyons: (Ibid. p. 60.) * . • By firmness and conciliatory action it is believed that you will be able to land your force without coiilliet; but you will make as strong a display of the same as possible, i landing them and raking ijosscssion of the city forcibly, if more peaceable measures are without avail. It is, of course, necessary now, in this stage of the proceedings, to occupy Iloilo, and the manner of doing so must be lelt to your discretion, avoiding conflict if possible, but, accepting it if necessary to accomplish the object. No further Instructions, can be given you, and there is no disposition to limit yonr discretionary action. Conduct affairs in accordance with the demands of the situa- tion, having in view always the^necessity of occupying tlie city with your troops. * « # ' '< * * « *' ,* « LATER. Since writing the above I am in receipt of information from the Malolos govern- ment, which was gathered yesterday. Its former cabinet ' resigned a few days ago because of its inability to agree with Aguinaldo and his confidential advisers. A new provisional cabinet has been appointed, consisting of men hostile to American annexa- tion, among whom ate a number of army officers. These men are closely watching the results of your expedition and greatly hope that you will be obliged to use force to gain Iloilo. They tliink that conflict there w;ouId inspire the people here to takS up arms against the Americans. It Is therefore still quite necessary to avoid force if you can do so and still succeed. Dewey Advises Recall of the Expedition.— Otis Refuses to Act Upon This Advice, These instructions were to be taken by Lieutenant Colonel Potter, Chief Engineer Officer of the Department. Before that officer sailed, however, Gen. Otis addressed him on the same day the following rather remarkable letter: (Ibid., p. 61.) Sir: Since delivering to you instructions for General Miller, I am In receipt of a dis- patct from Admiral Dewey saying it is not practicable to send the Callao to Iloilo, and 90' DEMOOUATIG CAMPAIGN BOOK.- be further thinks the proper thing now to do is to recall the expedition, as the Insur- gents are in full possession 'and will probably not give up without a fight. This expression ot view on the part of the Admiral only confirms my view that you should use every possible means of conciliation, and still I am not of the belief that the expe- dition can be returnod. Better that we leave the war vessel and a small force to con- front Iloilo and sicatter the force to other ports in the southern islands, where troops are very much needed^at the present time. You will therefore inform General Miller to be governed by these views as nearly as possible. I will try and send further infor- mafion in regard to the condition, of the islands to-morrow or next day. Notwithstand- ing all this, I still hold to my view that Iloilo must be taken. Conflicting Orders by Gen, Otis.— The President's Apprecia- tion of His Own "Benevolent Purposes," "Humanity," and "Sacrifices." It will be observed that these instructions were all explicit and that Iloilo was to be taken immediately by military force, unless that object could be accomplishfed peaceably. This was presumably the construction which G-en. Oti.s put upon the Presidential order of the 23d of December— to "be concilia- tory but firm." This order of Gen. Otis of December 28— to commence hostili- ties at on(^ if Iloilo could not be taken without such a course— was modified - by him on the^ 30th for reasons which will presently appear. Later in his report he says (p. 79): Early in thij month (of January) I had ^cabled the authorities at Washington that open hostilities at Iloilo meant war throughout the Islands, and that I had cautioned General Miller and the troops at Iloilo. He complacently quotes the President's oily reply, from which the following Is an extract: • , Glad yoti did. not pprmit Miller to bring on hostilities. Time ^iven the insurgents can- not injure us, and must weaken and discourage them. They will see our benevolent purposes and recognize that before we can give them good government our sovereignty must be conceded and unquestioned. Tact and kindness most essential at this time. * • • We accepted the Philippines from high duty in the interests of their inhabitants and for humanity and civilizatioii. Our sacrifices were made with this humane motive. We desire to improve the condition of the inhabitants, seekin" their peace, liberty, and pursuit of their highest good. " The President was glad Otis had disobeyed him, and Otis was glad he had countermanded all his own orders to General MiUer to take Iloilo at all haz- ards. Filipinos at Iloilo Refuse to Surrender and Gen. Otis Count- ermands His Order to Use Force. Gen. Miller's expedition arrived at Iloilo on the morning of the 2Sth. He was at once visited by an aid of the Commanding General of the Filipinos, who desired to know hi's intentions. Gen. Miller sent an officer on shore with a letter lothat Commanding General, stating the object of the expedition to be the occupation of Iloilo by '-representatives of the Government of the United States which has succeeded by virtue of conquest, supplemented by treaty stipulations, to all the rights heretofore exercised by Spain in these island^!" (Ibid., p. 62.) Everywhere we meet the absurd claim of the President that a proposed treaty, not yet ratified ()y either government, as required by its own terms and THE PHILIPPINE ifAK. 91 • by ^he Constitution of 'the XJnitea States, had already transferred tlie sover- eignty Qf the islands itom Spain to the United States. General Miller reported that the P^ilipino authorities at Iloilo refused ta sur- render. He also reported that the merchants who had invited interference had petitioned against the use of force. He stated that if he should force the situation by landing United States troops there would be, great loss of life among non-combatants, and destruction of privAte property and recommended delay. Meanwhile and before receiving these reports from General Miller, General Otis states that he had also incidentally heard from Iloilo that Gen. Miller would probably meet with insurgent^opposition should he attempt to making a landing there." He says in his report: (Ibid., p. 65.) "fvn'pwing the great desire of the United States to maintain peace by all honorable means, maturely considering the situation in Luzon which had been so quickly developed, and .meditating the transfer later of more troops to Ilo- ilo when the unnatural excitement should be allayed, and an opportunity pre- senting itself to communicate with General Miller by a British man-of-war, whose captain courteously offered to take any message I might desire to send, I sent on the evening of December 29 the following hastily prepared communi- cation." The communication above referred to directed General Miller not to bring on a collision, but to "remain in the harbor" with his force for further in- structions. Gen. Otis states that the "excitement in Manila and Malolos over this af- fair at Iloilo became rapidly more Intense, and manifested itself in unmistak- able signs of danger to the still languishing peace, should an attack be made by our troops up.on that city." The President's Proclamation of December 2tst, Diluted by Otis, But Publisiied in its Original Fprm by Miller. In this same communication he sent Gen. Miller a' copy of the President's or- der, or, as he calls it, "proclamation," of the 21st of December. The undis- guished intention of the President to assume complete sovereignty of the United States over the entire Philippine group of islands without waiting for the ratification of the treaty with Spain was so much at variance with the pr'ofessions which General Otis ha^ been making of friendly intentions that the latter decided to alter it to suit the occasion. He states that he trans- mitted it to General Miller in its original form "to inform him of the pol- icy which the government intended to pursue," and that "neither its eon- tents nor the fe'asibility of immediate issue had been carefully considered." He adds: "No direction for its publication had been given, and it was not, supposed that it would be published at Iloilo. The General, however, un- der the impression that it was transmitted for publication, issued it very soon after it was received." Although it does not appear that the President liad giTen General Otis any discretion in stating the attitude the United States 92 DEMOCRATIC j:;ampaign book* would assume, he gives the following most Interesting statement of theM- teratjons he made in the proclamation and his reasons for so doing: (Ibid p. 66.) "After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper of the Tagalos ^^-ith wliom I was daily discussing political problems and the friend- ly intentions of the United States Government toward them, I concluded that there were certain words and expressions therein, such as 'sovereignty,' 'right , of cession,' and those wliich directed immediate occupa,tion, etc., though most ' admirably employed and tersely expressive of actual conditions, might be ad- After fuiUy considoring the President's proclamation and the tfflnper of the Tagaloa with whom I was daily discussing political problems and the friendly intentions ef the United States Government toward them, I concluded that there were certain words and expressions therein, such as "sovereignty," "right of cession,". and those which directed immediate occupation, etc., though most admirably employed and tersely expressive of actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagalo war party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives. The ignorant classes had been, taught to, believe that certain words, as "sovereignty," "protection," etc., had peculiar meaning disastrous to their welfare and significant of future political domination, like that /rom which they had recently Ijeen freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that' I would be justified in so amending the paper that the beheficent object of the United States Government would be brought clearly within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion was the more readily reached because of the radical change of the past few days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, which could not have been understood at Wasliington at thfe time the proclamation was prepared. » • • The amended proclamation was thereupon prepared, and fearing that General Miller would give publicity to the foi-mer, copies of which, if issued, would be circulated soon , in Luzon, I again dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Potter to Hollo, both to ascertain the course of events there and to advise the commanding general of the dangers threatening in Luzon, and which might be augmented if any action was taken which the insur- gents could make use of in furtherance of their unfriendly designs. General Miller thought his action in making publication of the proclamation on January 3 correct, a3 ' he had not been instructed to the contrary, and his opinion, he contended, was con- firmed by a War Department dispatch which I had directed Colonel Potter to deliver to him,- and which he had received on January 6. He was satisfied that the,use he had made of the proclamation was that contemplated by the War Department authorities, but it was not long before it was delivered at Malolos and was the object of venomous attack. At Malolos were the headquarters of Aguiualdo. The "amended proclamation," as General Otis terms it, was signed by him- self January 4th, and was publis^ied in Manila in English, Spanish and Ta- galos languages. He omitted all the hand words of Mr. McKinley. It was as follows: "To the People of the PJiilippine Islands: "Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United States rela- tive to the administration of atl^airs in the Philippine Islands have been trans- mitted to me by direction of the honorable tlie Secretary of War, under dale of December 28, 1S98. They direct me to publisli and proclaim, in the most public manner, to the inhabitants of these islands that in the war against Spain the United States forces came here to destroy the power of that nation and to giv(> the blessings of peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people; that we are here as friends of the Filipinos; to protect them in their THE PHILIPPINE WAR. ^^ homes, their employments, their individual and religious liberty, and that all persons who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, co-operate with the Government of the United States to give effect to those beneficent purposes, ■will receive the reward of its support and protection. "The President of the United States has assumed that the municipal laws of the country in respect to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing in force in so far as they be appli- cable to a free peopleT and should be administered by the ordinary tribunals of justice, presided over by representatives of the people and those in thpr- ough sympathy with them in their desires for good government; that the functions and duties connec'ted with civil and municipal administration are to be performed by such offict^s as wish to accept the assistance of the United States, chosen in so far as it may be practicable from the inhabitants of the islands; that while the management of public property and revenues and the use of all public means of transportation are to be conducted under the military authorities, until such authorities can be replaced by civil adminis- tration, aU private property, whether of individuals or corporations, must be respected and protected. If private property be talsen for military uses it shall be paid for at k fair valuation in cash if possible, and when payment in cash . Is not practicable at the time, receipts therefor will be given to be talien up and liquidated as soon as cash becomes available. The ports of the Philippine Islands shall be open to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and merchandise not prohibited for military reasons by the military authorities shall be admitted upon payment of such duties and charges as shall be in force at the time of importation. "The President concludes his instructions in the following language: " 'Finally, it should be the earnest and paranaount aim of the Adminis- tration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by insuring to them in every possible way the fuU measure of in- dividual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of beneficent as- similation, which will substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbi- trary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding the tem- porary administration of affairs forlihe greatest good of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to repress disturb- ance, and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands.' "Prom the tenor and substan'ce of the above instructions of the President, I am fully of the opinion that it is the intention of the United States Govern- ment, while directing affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil positions of trust and responsibility, and it will be my aim to appoint thereto such Filipinos as may be acceptable to the supreme authorities at Washington. 9f CEM'OCBATIC CA3IPAIGN BOOK* "It is aKso my belief that it is the intention o£ the United States Govern- ment to draw from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the . islands as is possiWe and consistent with a free and well-constituted govern- ment of the country, and it is my desire to inaugurate a policy of that chtir^ acter. I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United States Gov- ernment to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the is- lands, in v^'hich the people themselves shall have as full representation as" the. maintenance of law and order will permit, and which shall be susceptible of development, on lines of inci-eased representation and the bestowal of in- creased powers, into a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the world. "It will be my constant endeavor to co-operate with the Filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and I invite their full confidence and aid. '•B. S.' OTIS, "Major-CJeneral, U. S. V., Military Governor." (Ibid p. 68.) Aguinaldo Responds to the President's Declaration of War. General Otis falsified the President's order, and attempted to deceive the Filipinos. He was quicldy made to apfpear ridiculous. Unfortunately the original proclamation of the President had ajready been read by Aguinaldo and his advisers. If General Otis had known this in time it is proi^able that he would not have engaged in the silly work of issuing it in an adulterated form, which was a virtual admission that it contained of- fensive and hostile features. It was the President's proclamation and. not General Otis"s dilution of it which aroused the feeling thus described in General Otis's report: (p. 69.) "The ablest of insurgent newspapers, which was now issued at llalolos and edited by the uncompromising Luna, he who had been an openly de- clared enemy of the United States from the time Manila capitulated, subse- quently commanded an insurgent army and was assassinated while exer- cising chief military commadd of the insurgent forces, attacked the policy of the United States as declared in the proclamation, and its assumption, of sov- ereignty over the islands, with all the vigor of which he was capable. He went furtlier and contended that the policy as declared was merely a subter- fuge ito temporarily quiet the people until measures could be inaugurated and applied to put in practice all the odious features of government which Spain had employed. Everything tended simply to a change of masters for the FiU ipino people without amelioration of condition. "Aguinaldo met the proclamation liy a counter one in which he indignantly protested against the claim of sovereignty by the United States in the islands, which really liad been conquered from the Spaniards through the blood and treasure of his countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of the title of military governor." THE PHUilPPINE WAR. 95 .Following is the entire proclamation of Aguinaldo, dated January 5th, In resp_pnse to the President's proclamation of December 21st. (Ibid p. 76.) "The government of the Philippines has considered it its duty to set forth to tEe civilized powers the facts determining the rupture of its amicable rela- tions with the army of the United States of America in these islands, to the en^ that they may thereby reach the conviction that I, for my part, have done everything pogsible to avoid it, although at the cost of many rights use- lessly sacrificed, > "After the naval combat, which occurred on May 1 of last year, between the Spanish squadron and that of America, the' commander of the latter con- eented to my return from Hongliong to this beloved soil, and he distributed among the Filipinos some rifles found in the arsenal at Cavite,' doubtless with the intention of re-establishing the revolution, somewliat quieted- by the con- venfion of Biac-na-bato, in order to have the Filipinos on his side. "The people. Influenced by the declaration of war between the United States and Spain, understood the necessity of fighting for their liberty, feeling sure that Spain would be destroyed and rendered incapable of leading them along the road to prosperity and- progress. The Filipinos hailed my advent with joy, and I had the honor of -being proclaimed leader on accoUlit of the serv- ices which I had rendered in the former revolution. "Then all the Filipinos without distinction of glasses took arms, and every province hastened to expel from its frontiers the Spanish forces. This is the explanation of the fact that, after the lapse of so short a period of time, my government rules the whole of Luzon, the Visaya Islands, and a part of Mindanao. "Although the North Americans took no part in these inilitary operations, which cost no little blood and gold, my government does not disavow the fact that the destruction of the Spanish squadron and the gift of some rifles from the arsenal to my people influenced the progress of our arms to some extent. It was also taken for granted that the American forces would nec- essarily sympathize with the revolution which they had managed to encour- age, and which had saved them much blood and great hardships; and, above all, we entertained absolute confidence in tlie histoiy and traditions of a peo- ^ pie which fought for its independence and for the abolition of slavery, whicli posed as the champion liberator of oppressed peoples; we felt ourselves under the safegijiard of a free people. "The Americans, seeing the friendly disposition of the Filipino people, disembarked forces at the town of Paranaque and took up positions all along the line occupied by my troops, as far as Maytubig, taking possession of many trenches constructed by my people, by the empjpyment of astuteness, not un- accompanied by violence. They forced a capitula,tion on the garrison of Ma- nila, which, inasmuch as it was invested by my troops, was compelled to suiTender at the first attack. In this I took a very active part, although I was not notified, my fofces reaching as far as the suburbs of Malate, Brmita, PacOj Sampaloo, and Tondc, 96 DEMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, "Notwithstanding these services, and although the Spaniards would np^ have surrendered but for the fact that my troops had closed every avenue o£ escape to the towns of the interior, the American generals not- only ignored me entirely in the stipulations for capitulation, but also requested that my forces should retire from the port of Cavite and the suburbs of Manila. "I represented to the American generals the injustice done me, and^rer quested in friendly terms that they should at least expressly recognize my co- operation, but they utterly declined to do so. Nevertheless; being always de- sirous of showing friendliness and good feeling toward, those who called them- selves liberators of the Philippine people, I ordered my troops to evacuate the port of Cavite and the suburbs of Ermita, Malate, Sampaloc, and Tondo, retainiag aniya portion of the suburb of Paco. "In spite of these concessions, not many days passed before Admiral Dewey, without any reason whatever, arrested our steam launches, which bad been plying in the bay of Manila with his express' consent. Almost at the same time I received a letter from General Otis, commander of the Ameri- can army of occupation, demanding that I should withdraw my forces be- yond the lines marked on a map which he also sent me, and which showed within 'the lines .the town of Pandaean and the hamlet of Singalong, which never have belonged to the municipal area of Manila and its suburbs. "In view of tlfcs unjusiiffable attitude of both American leaders, I summoned a council of my generals and asked the advice of my cabinet, and in con- formity with the opinion of both bodies I named commissioners, who placed themselves in communication with these Americans. Although Admiral Dewey received in an insolent manner and with aggressive phrases my com- missioners, whom ho did not permit to speak, I yielded to the friendly sug- gestions of General Otis, withdrawing my forces to the desired line for the purpose of avoiding contact with his troops. This gave rise to many misun- derstandings, but I hoped that once the Paris conference was at an end my people would obtain the independence promised them by the consul-general in Singapore, Mr. Pratt, and that the friendship formerly assured and pro- Claimed in manifestoes and speeches would be established by the American generals who have reached these shores. • "But it did not turn out thus. The said generals accepted my concessions in' favor of -peace and friendship as Indications of weakness. Thus it Is that, with rising ambition, they ordered forces to Iloilo on December 26, with the purpose of acquiring for themselves the title of conquerors of that portion of the Philippine Islands occupied by my government. Such procedure, so foreign to the dictates of culture and the usages ob- served by civilized nations,. gave me the right to act wltliout observing the usual rules of intercourse. Noverlhclcss, in order to be correct to the end, I sent to General Otis commissioners charged to solicit him to desist from his rash enterprise, but they were not listened to. THE PHILIPPINE WAK, 97 "My government cannot remain Indifferent in view of such a violent and aggressive seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation wlilch has an-ogated to itself the title, champion of oppressed nations. Thus it is that my govern- ment is disposed to open hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession of the Visaya Islands. I denounce these acts before the world, in order that the conscience of manliind may pronounce its infallible verdict as to "who are the true oppressors of nations and the tormentors of human Iiind. "Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed. "EMILIO AGUINALDO."' Iloilo is on the Island of Panay, the principal one of the Vlsayan group. Filipino Efforts for Peace. Even In this crisis efforts to prevent hostilities came from the Filipino side. General Otis states that subsequent to .January 5th he was "approached by in- fluential Filipino gentlemen who expressed a strong desire for continuous peace and an harmonious settlement of difficulties." They asEed him to ap- point a commission which could confer with one appointed by the Filipino Government, with a view to an "adjustment of the political, conflicting in- terests of the parties concerned." General Otis declined to officially recognize the Aguiualdo civil government, but he said he would "gladly call a board of officers to cofifer with one which General Aguinaldo might appoint." (Ibid p. 80.) This resulted in a letter from Aguinaldo on the 9th of January iu which he said: Slthough it not being explained to me the reason why you could not treat with the commissioners of ni./ gOTcrnm'ent, I have the faculty for doing the same with those of the commanding general, "who cannot be recognized." Nevertheless, for the sake of peaqc, I have considered it advisable to name, as "commanding general," a com- mission composed of the following gentlemen: Mr. Florentine Flores, Eufrasio Flores and Manuel Arguollos, that they may together represent me and arrive at an accord with those whom you will, name, with the object of using such methods as will -normalize the actual situation created by the attitude of your Government and troops." To this General Otis responded on the same day and explained that he could not recognize any civil government of the Fijipinos unless instructed - to do so by the President, and that, therefore, he coulif not receive officially, civil "representatives of the revolutionary government." He assured Aguin- aldo of his desire to avoid a conflict. A Joint Peace Commission.— Report of Its Proceedings by Otis. On the same day Gen. Otis appointed a Commission of United States officers to mpct those of Aguinaldo. In his report at page 82 General Otis makes the following statement of the efforts that were made to come to a friendly un- derstanding: The representative boards engaged In joint confeirence on the evening of the day the order was issued, and bad repeated and prolonged evening sessions, sometimea 98 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. estendlng far into the night. Minutes of proceedings .were Ijept and submitted, anfl the various extended arguments indulged in were duiy reported to me after the adjourn- ment of each speciai session. The l>oard represented the insurgent interests eouid jipt give any satisfactory explanation of the^ qualified 'so'verelfenty, measure of protection, or specific automouy vihichit thought wouid be'yesCed.io or enjoyed by the respective governments, nor present any practieai pian for the, soiution of the vexed political proLJiems which constantly arose in the progress of the discussion. It eouceded the fact that the piotection of the United States was essential to the integrity anj welfare of the islands, but could not determine how that protection should be applied; certainly not to the extent of interference with internal affairs further than the collec- tion of customs, possibly, from which source the United States might receive a com- pensation for the protection furnished. They begged for some tangible concessions from the United Stales Government— one which they could present to the people and which might sen'e- to allay the excitement. Nothing could be accomplished withont the saci-ifice of some of the attributes of sovereignty,, and certainly that could not be done by any existing authority. Tiliile these proceedings were taking place, the newspapers announced that a peace commission was about to be sent from the United States, and the Filipinos observed that the volunteers were not being sent home as the news- papers said had been ordered. These things excited the suspicion of the Fil- ipino members of the Commission. Our commissioners reported these things to General Otis, who made a written reply which could be used at the next meet- ing of the commission. General Otis explained that the commission to be ap- pointed from Washington would come with instructions an^ some power, while the commission he had himself appointed could only ascertain and re- port the desires of the Filipinos. He stated that the failure to send, troops i home was due to the fact that "the revolutionary government had assumed a threatening attitude notwithstanding our great desire for peace and har- mony." "Peace and harmony" had only been interrupted by the expedition against Iloilo and the President's proclamation of sovereignty while the treaty was yet unratified. Filipino Request for Qualified Independence Under United States Protection Sent by Gen. Otis to Washington January 16 — No Reply.— Negotiations Ter- minated January 25. , General Otis informed the Filipino Commissioners that on the 16th of January he had telegraphed to the Government at Washington as follows: Conditions 'improving; confidence of citizens returning; business active; conference held Saturday; insurgents presented following statement, asliing that it be cabled: ' "Undersigned commissioners commander in chief of revolutionary army of these islands state to commissioners of General Otis that aspiration Filipino people is independence, with restrictions resulting from conditions which its government agree with American ■when latter agree to officially recognize the former. No conclusion reached; another j conference to-morrow evening. I understand insurgents wish qualified independence ' under United States protection." (Ibid, p. 83.) To this dispatch he said no reply had been received. This statement by General Otis was dated January 25th. The Commissioners held their last conference on that day. {The Filipino statement, if supplied with the wortjs omitted for the sake of brevity of cablegram, would fead .thus; ffHE PHU/IPPINB WAHU '90 "The undersigned Comroj'gs^igpqj^, of the Oommander-in-Cliief of the Revo- lutionary Army of these islands state to the Commissioners of General Otis that the aspiration of the Jllii)ifio people is incjfpendence with restrictions re- sulting from conditions which their Government will agree upon, with the American Government, when the latter agrees to officially recognize the for- mer.") ^ Constitution of Filipino Republic Proclaimed. ■ The failure for ten days to make any response to this request for Filipino Independence, under conditions to be agreed on, satisfied Aguinaldo and his advisers that the President was unwilling to give him any encouragement, or assurance of even a recommendation, in that direction. Observe General Otis'a interpretation of, the Filipino demand as stated by him in the dispatch trans- mitting it to Washington January 16tb: "I understand the insurgents wish qualified independence under United States protection." Congress was then in session. The treaty had been before the United States^ Senate two weeks. ' The President had not deemed it worth while to inform the Senate: or Congress of the expressed willingness of the Filipinos to accept independence with conditions. Thus left to their own resources, and refused an answer to their proposition, they proceeded to frame a constitu- tion. Following is Aguinaldo's communication to General Otis informing him of this fact: (Ibid p. 8-1.) "Maj. Gen. E. S. Otis, Commander-in-Chief of the American Forces of Oc- cupation in Manila: , "My government has promulgated the political constitution of the Philippine Republic, which is to-day enthusiastically proclaimed by the people, becausa of its conviction that its duty is to interpret faithfully the asplra,tions of that people— a people making superhuman efforts to revindicate their sovereignty and their nationality before the civilized powers. ••To this end, of the governments to-day r;ecognized and observed among cul- tured nations they have adopted the form of government most compatible with their aspirations, endeavoring to adjust their actions to the dictates of reason and of right, in order to demonstrate their aptitude for civU life. "And, taking the liberty to notify your Excellency, I confidently hope that, doing justice to the Philippine people, you will be pleased to inform the Gov- ernment of your nation that the desire of mine, upon being accorded official recognition, is to contribute to the best of its scanty ability to the establish- ment of a general peace. i "May God keep your Excellency many years. "EMIUO AGUINALDO. [Seal of the Revolutionary Government of the Philippines.] "A. MABINI "Malolos, JanuaiT 23, 1899." General Otis cabled this to Washington:, lOO DBMOCBATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Ratific.-xtion of the Treaty by the Senate. At the time this* coAstitution was promulgated tlie treaty of peace had not been ratified either by the United States Senate or. the Crown of Spain. The "city, bay and harbor of Manila" were still held by the United States under ' the protocol with Spain. All the other Philippine territory was held by the Filipinos through their successful revolution ^gainst Spain. The only menace there had been against peace between the United States forces and the Fili- pinos had been caused by Otis's Iloilo expedition and the unlawful order of the President to extend military occupation before sovereignty had been acquired by the ratification of the treaty. It was well known in Manila that the ratifi- cation of the treaty by the United States Senate was in doubt. It was equally well known that the ratification would not determine the question of annexa- lon. Under these conditions it was not sttange that Aguinaldo and his fol- lowers refused to quietly submit to the trampling out process by the President in advance of ratification, and insisted upon the final decision of their fate by CoEgress, which alone represented the sovereign gower of the nation, and which, as well by the Constitution as by the pending treaty, was especially charged with tie decision of the question. ' Tlie struggle over the confirmation of the treaty was a prolonged one. It lasted from January 4 to Februarj' 6, and terminated in a vote of 57 to 27— only one more than was necessary to make the constitutional two-thirds. How the War Against the Filipinos Was Commenced Beforo the Ratification of the Treaty. Two days before the ratification of the jreaty war was commenced between the United States and the Filipinos under the following circumstances: General Otis says in his report that on the 2d of February he called General Aguinaldo's attention to the an'est by natives of some American soldiers and a newspaper correspondent, and requested an explanation. Aguinaldo replied , that these men were arrested inside of his lines for a breach of a decree for- bidding foreigners to approach, taking photographic views of the same, or entering the territory with arms. These lines were not militai-y lines divid- ing two hostile camps, but lines agreed on by the two parties as a joint police regulation for the easier preservation of the peace. Aguinaldo did not cause the. American troops to be fired upon because they came over on his side of the line, nor did he imprison them. They were lodged and fed with the Fill-, pino officers and libei-ated February 4, at the request of General Otis. (For this correspondence see Otis' Report, Page 91.) Let General MacArthur now tell, his story of how differently the Filipinos were treated who came over on our side of the agreed line. On the 2d of February he addressed a note to a Colonel of the Philippine forces as follows: Sir: The line between your command and my command has been long established, and is well understood by yourself and myself. It Is quite necessary, under present conflillons, that this line should not be passed by armed men of either command An armed party from your command now occupies the village In front of Bloc'l: House No. T, at a point considerably more than a hundred yards on my side of the line and 1THE PHIIirPPINE WABti 101 jiU v;cr ■/-> U very actlre in exhibiting, host,Ue,}Bt^QtlonB. This party must be withdrawn to your Bide of the line at once. From this ilaie. If the line is crossed byyour men with arms Jn their hands, they must be regardW as subject to such action as I may deem neces- iVery respectfully, ARTHUR MacARTHUR, ' Major-General U. S. V., Commanding tTol tBfe the IbHo'wlng courteous reply was immediately made: San Juan del Monte, February 9, 1898, Major-General Mac Arthurs , My Very Dear Sir: In reply to yours dated this day, in which you inform me that my soldiers have been passing the Hue oif demarcation fixed by agreement, I desire to Bay that this Is foreign to my, wishes, and I shall give Immediate orders in the premises that thej retire, _ , STruly yours, L. F. SAN MIGUEL, Colonel and First Chief. Two days later four armed Filipino soldiers came within our side of the line, and, failing to stop when challenged, they were not simply arrested, us iii the case of a like action on the part of our soldiers, but were fired upon by the American sentinel and one of them killed. This was the first blood shed in the Philippine war. The three survivors of this formidable patrol of four men retired, rejoining their own forces,— carrying with them the body of their dead comrade,— and the deadly shot which had iDeen fired upon them was returned from the Filipino outpost! We prefer, however, to give the story in the exact lan- guage of Geu'eral MaeArthur in his report to General Otis. Here it is: j At about 8:30 p.' m., February 4, an Insurgent patrol, consisting of four armed sol- diers, entered our territory at Block House No. 7 and advanced to the little village of Santol, which was occupied by the pipe-line outpost of the Nebraska Regiment. The American 'sentinel challenged twice, and then, as the insurgent patrol continued to advance, he fired, whereupon the patrol retired to Block House No. 7, whence flre Was Immediately opened by the entire Insurgent outpost at that point. r This brought on a general engagement and the, war was begun. He states that 374 Filipinos killed in action were buried during the month of February, and he estimates the wounded at over lilOO. These facts arie from the official reports of Generals Otis and MaeArthur, They show clearly enough that our commanders were expected to seize upon the earliest pretext for making war upon the Pliilippine Islanders. The un- disputed facts shown in the official reports are: 1. That hostilities did not begin until the 4th of February. 2. That, therefore, up to that time there could not have been any hostile military line, the etossiug of wliich by either party, even with arms, justified the other party in treating it as an authorized act of war. 3. That there was a line of demarcation between the two parties agreed^ on by the respective commanders, not as a dead-line the crossing of which should be death, but a line established as a mutual military police regulation for the preservation of the peace 103 ©EMOORATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK..! 4. That when American troops went into tTie ^Jlipi^o ^^^P ^^^^ '^^^^ ^°^ killed, but placed under arrest for breach ota decree, and released after ex- .)1I0. , ■ ' .■• pianai-ions. . . ^ 5. That when four Filipinos crossed into the American camp and disre- • garded the challenge of a sentinel, fire was opened upon them and one of jthem was killed. ' . - , Who were represented by the four Filipino soldiers who crossed the agreed; line on the 4th of February is not material. They deserved punishment com- mensura'te with the offense. If the E'ilipino authorities, upon inquiry, had sus- tained them, and had thereby manifested a hostile purpose, our commanders could then have properly used any force necessary to meet the exigency; but to allow a Filipino patrol of four to be fifed upon and one of them killed under such conditions as are described by General MacArthur, and then to treat the returning fire as cause for war affords strong evidence that a pretext for war was gladly seized upon. General Otis himself expresses the opinion that the four Filipinos did not represent the wishes of their leaders. He says in his, report: It is not believed ttiat tlie chief insurgent leaders wished to open hostilities at this time, as they were not completely prepared to assume the initiative. They desired two or three days more to perfect their arrangements, but the zeal of their army brought si on the crisis which anflcipated their action. (See his report, p. 92.) , General Otis received confirmatory evidence that the petty outbreak at an outpost, which was so hastily seized upon by him as sufficient ground for the first battle of the war, was not the act of the Filipino leaders. IMPORTANT STATEMENT BY GENERAL RITES. General Rives, of Minnesota, who was in charge of the city of Manila at the time fighting commenced, in a published interview, said: But I can tell you one piece of news that is not generally known in the United States. On^ Sunday, February 5, the day after the fighting began. General Torres, of Ihe insur- ' gents, came through our lines under a flag of truce and had a personal interview with Generhl Otis, in which; speaking for Agujnaldo, he declared that the lighting had beea begun a,ccidentally and was not authorized by Agulnaldo; that Aguinaldo wished to have it stopped, and that to bring about a conclusion of hostilities he proposed .the establishment of a' i!eutral zone between the two armies of any width that would he agreeable to Genci-al Otis, so that during the peace negotiations there might be iio further danger of conflicts between the two armies. To these represeiitation« of General Torres -General Otis sternly replied that the fighting, having once begun, must go on to the grim end. The ratification of the treaty by the Senate on the 6th of Februaiy, imme- diately after the receipt of the news of this battle of February 4, was a Startling coincidence, and the two events seemed like cause and effect. Summary. General Otis's report and the official documents it contains show very clearly the purpose of the Executive Department of the United States Government to ignore the right of the inhabitants of the Philippines to the benefit of the ninth article of the treaty, which declares that "the civil rights and political;- Status of the native inhabitants of the teiTitories iiereby added to the Uiiited^ THE PHILIPPINE WAR. 103 States shall be determined hy'tlje Congress." The President's order of De- cember 21, the expedilion to Iloilo with the announced intention to talie that city by force, and the aggressive language and conduct of Otis from time to time between August and February clearly prove the disposition, both at, Washington and at Manila to force the Filipinos and their leaders to a rupture with United States authority. The testimony of Generals MacArthur and Otis concerning the events of February 2 and 4, and ejspecially the statement ^ General Otis (Report, p. 96) concerning "the battle of Manila" of February 4, that "the engagement was one directly defensive on the part of the insurgents, and of vigorous attack by our forces," together with {he statement of General Eives, establish the fact that a small pretext was willingly seized upon as suf- ficient ground for an attack in force by the American commander all along the line, and that, when hostilities could have stopped with honor at that point, because they had been commenced by a sergeant for an unimportant act of four Filipinos, unauthorized by any Filipino General, Otis persisted that the fighting should "go on." Not until sixty-four days after this did the United States acquire sovereignty over the Philippine Islands by the exchange of tlie ratifications of the treaty. At no time, thefefore, within that period could there have been an Insurrection against the United States outside the limits of Manila citj', bay or harbor. If the treaty signed December 10 had been presented to the Senate as soon as received, Instead of on January 4, and if pending its consideration the Pres- ident had refrained from issuing his illegal proclamation of December 21 and had not authorized the Iloilo expedition, it is reasonalDle to believe that ther? would have been no war in the Philippines. If the President had asserted up sovereignty until it had been lawfully acquired, and if he had then waited for Congress to direct him as to the policy of the Government, that body might have found some common ground on which the aspirations of the Fili- pinos for liberty and independence could have been harmonized with the ob- ligations of the United States to protect all who had the right to its protec- tion. General Otis said that he understood them to "wish qualified independ- ence under United States protection." The President has full authority, under the Constitution and existing, laws, passed in pursuance thereof, to suppress insurrections against the United States. The occupation of Manila under the protocol with Spain caiTied with It the right to repel all hostile movements'against it; but the President had no authority to violate the protocol and anticipate the ratification of the treaty by Invading the distant island of Panay, nor had he the right, in advance of such ratification to treat Filipino occupation o^ Spanish teri'itory not yet cefled as an insurrection against the United States. By such unlawful exercise of ^ power he made himself responsible for all the blood and treasure sacrificed and to be hereafter saci'lficed in the Philippine war. 104 DEMOOKATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER X. FIVE MALAY STATES A PO SSIBILITY. The supporters of President McKinley's Philippine policy profess now to Be opposed to permitting the Philippine Islanders to become citizens of fBe United States. The treaties by which we acquired the Douisiana Purchase, Florida and a large portion of Mexico, contained provisions pledging citizen- ship to those of the inhabitants desiring it, and pledging admission to these new acquisitions into the union o? the States. In all the acts organizing terri- torial governments in those acquisitions the people were recognized as entitled to all the benefits of the Federal Constitution. In the Spanish treaty no pro- vision was made as to tlie natives of the islands we acquired. The subject was all left to Congress. That body changes every two years. The will of one Congress may not be the will of the nest. The President commenced a war upon the Philippine Islanders while Congress was in session, without consulting that body, more than two months before those islands had been acquired from Spain. The people there were then our friends and allies. H» must have had a purpose In making them enemies. Every intelligetti: tmui t* chargeable with the natural results of his conduct. The President fenew t&^t to make war upon the Filipinos was to render it impossible for Congress to determine the civirand political status of the islands so long as he was 0om. mander-in-Chief and waged an unjust and unprovoked war. At present He maintains a military despotism over the ten or twelve millions of ceople whos* »nly .^nse was tij^fj-'iave-or ccnntry aat5-^!rfin.-rf or ryxtmny. The BeprmCof* policy is to mate subjects of these people, a condition which hitherto has be«» unknown to our republic and directly forbidden by its Constitution. But suppose the Republican leaders should see their power waning and should need more Senators and more members than they can elect under present circumstances. How simple the remedy and how like the Republican method. How. easy to obtain reinforcements. Congress, by a majority of one iu each House and the approval of the President, cah provide for the organiza- tion of five new Territories in tlie Philippine Islands, -and in the same act it can provide for conventions to be held in each of these tei.-ritoiies for the formation of State constitutions, and require elections to be held for the election of officers in each territory at the time of the ratification FIVE MAIjAY states. t05 of the constitutions by tlie people. Legislatures under these constitu- tions can tlien assemble, inaugurate. tlieir Governors and choose United States Senators. The Malays have able men. They could easily send ten Senators . to Washington who are graduates from English pniversities, and the fifty Congressmen to which they would be entitled could all be "business men" after Mark Hanna's own heart. With ten Malays in the Senate and fifty in the House, owing their election to the Republican political experts who would be sent to the Philii^pines with abundance of money to carry out 'this scheme, the "business'lnterests," so-called, would be safely in the control of the great syndicates who had furnished the money to produce such results. If it should be deemed unwise to select tliis new contingent eatirely from the Malays', there could be a fair sprinkling of "carpet-baggers" to give it tone. ■► Let every thoughtful man consider these possibilities In the light of the past history of this countcy, and see whether there is anything improbable in the picturs above drawn. Sl^p only guarantee against the admission of the Phil- ippine Islands as States in the Union is to prevent their permanent annexation as Territories, coloaies, possessions or dependencies of the United States. As we ceded Texas to Spain in 1819 in the Florida treaty, and as we ceded Brit- ish Columbia, tliea a part of Oregon, to Great Britain in 1846— In each case "hauling down tlie flag"— so we may, at a safe and proper time, cede the Phil- ippine Islands to tl*e Inhabitants thereof, and make known thfit intention to them as an Incentive to the work of establishing peace and order and of or- ganizing governments to suit themselves. There need be no other protectorate to guard them from forei'gn invasion and conquest than that which Cuba had for eighty years in the repeated declarations of our Government that an attempt by any European power to acquire the island ffom Spain woula be regarded as an unfriendly act towards the United States. The people, thus made independent, and yet dependent upon the United States for protection ogainst any unjust foreign hostilities, would gladly make with us a treaty or amity and commerce which would give us a naval and 'commercial depot of dur own choice. The 'alternative to this is the permanent roaintainence in those islands of more than a Jiundred thousand armed troops at an tnnual co^t of a hundred and fifty millions of dollars, or the admission of the PhUippinb Islands to the Union of the States, thus adding to the negro, Chinese and In- dian problems the Malay problem. 10(J DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTEE XI. CHATTEL SLAVERY AND POLYGAMY UPHELD IN UNITED . STATES TERRITORY BY WILLIAM McKINLEY. ; Having purchajed from Spalu the Philippine Islands for twenty millions of dollars, President McKinley purchased one hundred and fifty of the same islands over again from the local ruler for ten tliousand dollars and certain annual payments to be continued indefinitely.' These islands are called the Sulu Group. They have been under Mohammedan rule for eight centuries. Spain claimed ownership of them, but the nearest she ever came to it was to hire the Sultan to recognize the suzerainty of Spain in considM-ation of sal- aries to be paid by her. The island of Mindanao, populated by Mohamme- dans,- is under the control of the Sult-an of Sulu. General Otis sent General Bates to the Sultan of Sulu in^uly, 1899, to make an agreement. A Manila dispatch of July 12 of that year stated that General Bates would explain to the Sultan that the United States had succeeded Spain, and would keep the 'Spanish agreement by keeping up the payments It provided for. He was also to present to the Sultan ten thousand dollars in Mexican money as an evidence of good will. The Sultan was to remain in the govern- ment of the island. General Bates then entered into the following agreement: "Agreement between Brig. Gen. John C. Bates, representing the United Slates, of ^e one pqi-t, and His Highness, the Sultan ot Sulu, the Dato Rajah Muda, the Dato Attik, the Dato Kalld, and the Dato Joakanain, of the other part; it being undertsood that this agreement will be in full force only, when approved by the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands and confirmed by the President of the United Statels and will be subjected to future modifica- tions by the mutual consent of the parties in interest.-. "Article 1. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged. "KYt 2. The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of Sulu and ils dependencies on land and sea. "Art. 3. The rights and dignities of his highness the Sultan and his datos shall be fuUy respected; the Moros shall not be interfered with on account of- their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected, and no one be persecuted on account pf his religion. 6« McltlNLEY'S SLAVE COLONY. 10? "Art. 4. While the Unitpcl States may occupy and control such points In the archipelago of Sulu as public interests seem to demand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of his highness the Sultan unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a foreign power, and where the property of individuals is taken due compensa- tion will be made in each case. "Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Sulu and hold the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and^coming to a satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land, and such purcliase shall immediately be registered in the proper office of the United States Government. . "Art. 5. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Sulu, when car- ried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands and -^vhen conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unliniited and undutiable. "Art. 6. The Sultan. of Sulu shall be allowed to communicate direct with the Governpr-General of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the commanding ofiieer of Sulu or against any naval commander. "xVrt. 7. The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden, except under specific authority of the Oovernor-General of the Philippines. Art. 8. Piracy must be suppressed, and the SUltan and his dates agree to heartily co-operate with the United States -authorities to that end and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy. "Art. 9., Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros against Moros the Government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the crimin.ils and ofCendei"S, who will be deliyered to the Government of thi Snllan by the United States aufhoritie'S if in their possession. In all other cases persons charged with crime.s or offenses will be delivered to the United States authori- ties for trial and punishment. » "Art. 10. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have the right to pur- ' chase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. "Art. 12. At present Americans or foreigners wishing to go into the country should state their wishes to the IMoro authorities and ask for an escort, but it is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we know each other better. "Art. 13. The United States will give full protection to the Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon thom. ■■"Art. 14. The United Stfites will not sell the island of Sulu or any other island of the Sulu Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the .Sul- tan of Sulu. "Art. 15. The United States Goternment will pay the following monthly salaries: 108 DBMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.' To the Sultan To Date Rajah Muda , ' ■ • • '^^' To Dato Attik ....'.'.' 60 To Dato Calbe V.'...'.. 75 To Dato Joakanain ''^ To Dato Puyo : 60 To Dato Amir Haissin 60 To Habji Buter 50 To Habib Mura , , 40 To Serif Saguin 15 "Signed in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day or Augusij (A. D. 1899 (13th Arakuil Akil 1317). , •T^he SULTAN SULD. ''Dato BAJAH MUDA. ^ ''Date ATTIK. /■ •'Dato CALEB. ? "Dato JOAKANAIN. "Signed: J. C. BATES, " ' "Brigadier-General, U. S. V." -' > The annual aggregate of these salaries is $9,120. The Spanish agreement was for $6,300 a year. Article 3 of this agreement guarantees to the Sultan and his high officials non-interference with their rights, dignities and religious customs. ThesB in- clude polygamy. < Article 10 secures to the slaves their right to freedom by paying to their masters the usual market value, and secures to the masters their slaves unless they thus buy their freedom. ' The President transmitted this agreement to Congress, and in his message of transmittal made the following statement: I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the action of Congress, and with the reservation, which I have airected shall be communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu Archipelago. I communicate these facts to Congress for its information and action. The President Allows Slavery to Continue in Existence. Nothing could be more characteristic than this message. It is ingeniously indirect. Slavery does not exist in the Sulu group by virtue of the above agreement, nor by the permission of the United States. Its continued existence requires neither the authority nor the consent of the United States. The President's declaration that "in approving the agreement it must not be deemed to authorize the existence of slavery nor to give the consent of the United States to its existence does not in the least degree interfere with or discoura''e the existence of slavery, nor does it pretend to. It lets it alone, thereby main- .talnlng it. All President McKinley has done for the slaves in the SuJu Group MciaNLEY'S SLAVE COLONY* 109 Is to give them the riglit to remain slaves or to buy their freedom at the same . price that the slave-clciilcr would pay for them in open mai'l;et. And he is the successor of Aliraham I.iticoln. lie is the President of a nation the Constitution of which he is sworn to uphold, including lis thirteenth amendment, forbidding slavery anywhere in the jurisdiction of the United States. He is the hero and master of a gi'eat party which in 1856 declared slavery and polygamy to be '"twin relics of barbarism," and pledged itself for their extirpation frora the land". ' No wonder the State department refused any copy of this precious docu- ment that could be "used until after the elections of 1899. But they furnished a copy to the Associated Press in Arabic— the Arabic of that province — and no one could be found who could translate it.' Let every Republican read and reread the President's language concerning slavery in the Sulu Archipelago, Slavery had existed there from time immemorial. The Sulu Islands belong to the United States, if the treaty with Spain ceded any territory at all. They are included in the treaty boundaries. The President makes no objection what- ever in his message to the continued existence there of slavery. All he says is that the agreement made by General Bates is not the authority by which slaves are held in the archipelago, and that the United Sjtates does not by that agreement consent to the existence of( slavery tliere. But while the 'agreement does not authorize slavery, it lixes the price which any slave must pay to his master if he desires to purchase his freedom. Mr. Schurman, the President of the Philippine'Oommission, in an intei-view concerning this agreement, not only defended slavery and polygamy, but was very severe on those who complained of tht tupport given them by Gen. Otis and President McKinley. He said: It seems to toe tliat were it not for the ignorance displayed the present hue and cry about polygamy and slavery in these islands would be absolutely crirainill. In taking over the Sulu group we have acquired ' no rights of any sort there except those bequeathed us by Spain. She was bound by her agreement with the SuU.in not to inter- fere with the religion or customs of the islands, and it would be most ilnwlse for us to attempt 'this by force when it can be ultimately accomplished by the slower method of ciTlilzatlon and education. The Sulu group proper contains about 100,000 inhabitants. I They are all Mohammedans. To attempt to interfere with the religion of these peopl0 would precipitate one of tlie bloodiest wars in which this country has ever been engaged.. They* are religious, fanatics of the most pronounced type, who care nothing for death and believe that the road to heaven can be attained by killing Christians. Polygamy Is a part of their religion, and slavery, about which so much is being said Just now, is a mild type of fei^dal homage. The Sultan believes from what he has seen of Ameri- cans that they are ready to be friendly and deal honestly by him. President Schurman himself presents a fine example of a "mild type of feu- dal homage." The President could not have a more abject bondman. Congress took no action on this fool agreemeht, and the Mohammedan slave- holding Sultan enjoys his religion and polygamy, and the "mild homage" of his slavps under the Stars and Stripes of free America, which, by the grace of William McKinley, wave over the nasty sty. "Who will haul down the flag?" 8b 110 ©EMOCBATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTEK XII. WHO WILL HAUL DOWN THE FLAG? (By Dr. H. S. Taylor, of Chicago.) •Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, , And no man an answer gavev But -who will haul up the flag, ask we, Where the flag ought never to wave? Over an arrogant mission of spoil That talies, as a matter of course, A suhject race and- a conquered soil And a government based on force! Answer us! — answer us! true and fair, ; Who will haul up Old Glory there? "Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, ' Nay, think how it first went up, When War, astride of the land and sea, Poured wrath from his brimming cup; When brave men died and left in beqnest One pledge for the great and the small; Not stars for a few and stripes for the rest, But the flag of our country for all! Answer us, truly and plainly, we pray; Was that not its meaning in Washington's day? From Washington's day to Jackson's time, From Yorktown to New Orleans, Did any man follow that flag sublims And doubt what the symbol means? Free self-ruled stJ-tes, each one as a star Fixed fast in a field of blue Fenced in by tlie blood-red stripes of wa( To preserve them for me and you! Answer us, now, do you dare to draf The old faith out of our fathers' flag? 6b jTHE FLAG; HI ••Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, Why, no hand of flesh and bone Can lower that flag on land, or sea, Till the faith of the flag is gone! Till a few shall rule and cunningly keep ' The bunting to garnish their greed; Till 'dollars are dear and humanity cheap By the force of a tory creed! Then will it fall!— but answer us, clear, , ' Do you fancy that hour Is drawing near/ Did our Liberty Bell ring in vain? Was our declaration a lie? Must we turn i to the old world, again, With the penitent prodigal's cry? Must we arm us and iparch in the van Of Europe's barbaric parade, And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man To open a parthway for trade? Shall we strut through the world and bluster and brag With the dollar- rqark, stamped on the brave old flag? Nay, haul up the flag— raise it high— Not yet is its spirit sijenti Let it sing in the wind and the sky / The truth that it always meant! Let it sing of the birthright of man, Of progress that never can lag. Let it sing that trade may go where it can But liberty follows the flag! Yea, haul up Old Glory— but, comrades, take heed That no man shall part the old flag from the creed! ;A:>. : 113 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK- CHAPTEE XIII. THE LIBERTY CONGRESS OF THE ANTI-IMPERIALISTS. >A convention of over three hundrecl independent men, representing the an- ti-imperialistic sentiment outside of the Democratic party and- its allies of 1896, was held at Indianapolis on the 15th of August., With substantial unanimity it adopted the following patriotic address to the American peo- ple: Address to the People. "This liberty congress of anti-imperialists recognizes a great national crisis, which menaces the repuMic upon whose future depends in such large meas- ure the hope of freedom throughout the world. For the first time in our country's histoi-y the President has undertaken to, subjugate a foreign people and to rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of the American flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has arro- gated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants of the Phil- ippine islands a government without their consent, and taxation without rep- resentation. He is waging war upon them for asserting thesvery principles for the maintenance of which our forefathers pledged their lives, their for- tunes and their sacred honor. He claims for himself and Congress author- ity to govern the territories of the United States without constitutional re- straint. ' "We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths not less self- evident to-day than when first announced by our fathers, are of universal ap- plication and cannot be abandoned while government by the people endures. "We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives the Pres- ident and Congress certain limited powers, and secures to every man within the jurisdiction of our government certain essential rights. We deny that either the President or Congress can govern any person anywhere outside the Constitution. Opposed to McKinley's Policy. "We are absolutely opposed to tlie policy of President McKinley, which pro- poses to govern millions of men without their consent, which, in Porto Rico establishes taxation "without representation and a government by the arbi- 'ANTI-IJIPERIAlilSTS IN CONVENTION; Hg trary will of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and in the Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands unconditional sur- render from a people who are of right free and Independent. The struggle of men (or freedom has ever been a struggle for constitutional liberty. There is no liberty if the citizen has no right which the legislature may not in- vade, if he may be taxed by a legislature in which he is not represented, or if he is not protected by a fundamental law against the ai'bltrary action of executive power. The pplicy of the President offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no repcesentation In the Congress which taxes him. This is the government of men by arbitrary, power without their consent; this is imperialism. "There is no room under the free flag of America for subjects. The Pres- ident and Congress, wlip derive all their powers from the Constitution, can govern no man without regard to its limitations, ' '^ Want Censorship Removed. "We believe that the greatest safeguard of liberty is ^a free press, and we demand that the censorship in the Philippines which keeps from the American people the knowledge of what is done in their name be abolished. "We are entitled to knoiw the truth, and we insist that the powers which the President, holds in trust for us shall be not used to suppress it. "Because we thus believe, we oppose the re-election of Mr. McKinley. The supreme purpose of the people in this momentous campaign should be to stamp with their final disapproval his;attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-governing people can have no more imperative duty than to drive from public life a chief magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked pur- pose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the character of their gov- ernment and destroy their national ideals. "We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this crisis for, the Ameri- can people again to declare their faith in the universal application of the Declaration of Independence and to reassert their will' that their servants shall not have or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred by the Constitution, earnestly make the! following recommendations to our countrymen: ' « Three Recommendations. "First. That, without regard to their views on minor questions of domestic policy, they withhold their votes from Mr. McKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has " dome. "Second. That they vote for those candidates for Congress in their respec- tive districts who will oppose the policy of imperialism. "Third. While we" welcome any other method of opposing the re-election of Mr. JIcKinley, we advise direct support of Mr. Bryan as the most efCectiye means of crushing imperialism. 114 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. "We are conviaced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest purpose to se- cure to the Filipinos their independence. His position and the declarations contained in the platform of his party on the, vital issue of the campaign meet our unqualified approval. Organization to be Extended. "We recommend that the executive committees of the American Anti-Impe- rialist League and its allied leagues continue and extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the movement; and that they take the most active possible part in the pending politlfcal campaign. The Voter's Responsibility. "Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of the President. After the next election it becomes the policy of every man who votes to re-elect him and who thus be- comes with him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed." Chairman Boutwell's Remarks. 'The convention was presided over by the venerable. Gov. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, one of the most distinguished and honored founders of the RepuWican' party. He has served his State as Governor, Representative in Congress and in the United States Senate, and the nation as Secretary of the Treasury under Grant. He was accorded a great demonstration when he took the gavel. He said:i * '•Having in mind the many honors I have received from my countrymeTi in times past, I shall, when this day is gone, have no more favorable recollec- tion of any one of them than I shall of this. This is an historic occasion. If the peril of this country is what we think it is; if the question before you and before your countrymeij is the question of the continuance of the republic, then no graver question has ever been committed to an assembly of men or to the country. We are opposed to imijerialism. We are in favor of a republican form of government. We respect the teachings of our ancestors, the glory of the history they have left to us; and standing between the past and the fu- ture, it is our duty to tfansmit to posterity the principles of the fathers and the institutions that they founded. That Is your mission to-day as the repre- sentatives of forty-five States of this Union. It may be a representation yitliout an organized constituency, but it is a representation that speaks for itself and for the people of the country and for the generations that are ad- vancing to take our places, and it is a representation that has a right to speak of a representation that will be heard at Washington to-day, heard all over the world; speaking as we do for the preservation of republican institutions; representing the American republic, the light of which, if it shall go out, will never be rekindled on the sm'face of the earth. JAJSPn-IMPERIAMSTS IN CONVENTION, 115 "I charge that the policy upon which this administration has entered will mean the abandonment at the principles upon which the party was formed and eventually turn the republic Into an empire. The first of the means be- fore-us for the preservation of the Union, if our allegation is true, is the over- throw of the administration. I am not disposed to make issues with men; but my former friend and fellow-citizen, Mr. Long, the Secretary of the Navy, has made a remark which in itself may not appear very signififleant, but nev- ertheless I choose to make some comment on it ' ' " ' The Cry Against Imperialism. ' "Mr. Long says what we call imperialism is only a ci-y, and that the antl- Imperiallsts a:re few in number and of no considerable importance. He says their voice is only a cry. That may be true; a census has not been taken and we do not boast of numbers. But nineteen centuries ago a cry was heard in the wilderness of Judea; lieard by only a few, but now the echoes of His ■ voice are heard the world over. And now we are trying for an open path of justice for all people; repentance for the wrong that has been done in the past and reformation for the future. We have accomplished something. The anti-imperialist leagues have made the name and characteristics of imperial- ism known and spoken in every palace, every log cabin, and every prairie camp on this continent. "We are told there is peace in the Philippines, and our 60,000 soldiers there are merely performing police duty. The President has said the Philippines are ours, and there will be no abatement of our rights and no scuttle policy. This seems to indicate that we have entered upon a colonial policy. I always follow the President by his doings, not by his speeches. When speeches of men and the actions of men appear not to harmonize, I look to their actions for their truth; therefore, I have never looked to the words of President McKinley as presenting substantial evidence of what he would do. "I am not able to explain the motive of Mr. McKinley in taliing this policy. I believe that he is the master mind in his Cabinet,- and that nothing has transpired except that which he himself has originated. And he has carried it through thus far without interruption. He interpreted the protocol with Spain contrai-y to its language aud framed the treaty of Paris according to his own ideas; and he has since interpreted his powers upon his own theoiy, as to what he was authorized to do. He is the one person responsible for what has been done, and if we ai'e opposed to what has been done, our chief duty is the overthrow of the administration of which he is head. Veto Power Over Cuban Legislation. "There has been put forth recently a statement of the conditions that would be required of the people of Cuba if they become independent.' They are to have no power to jjeclare without the consent of the United States. The United States is to have veto power over Cuban legislation; the United 116 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. States is to have a certain well-defined superrisioa over the Cuban treasury;, the- United States is to retain for a period of years, if not indefinitely, the , fortifications which command the port of Havana. How do these provisions accord with the promises made to the people at Cuba? * , * * * * "Who does not see that the day of England's downfall is approaching? And. we are aslied to follow her example and tread in the imperial footstpps of Great Britain, knowing that these steps are leading the British Ernpire to desti-uction. Now is the time for the people to arrest this progress to riiiu, and the laboring men of this country are the. men to whom I app.eal. If we I accept imperialism it means that some people shall do the thinking, and the '' rest do the working; then the course of liberty cannot be saved." i-etter from W. Bourke Cochran. Hon. Bourke Cochran, of New York, being unable to attend the convention, wrote the letter from wlflch the following are extracts: "New York. Aug. 14, 1900. "My Dear Sir: 1 regret very much that owing to business engagements here I will be unable to attend the Liberty Convention at Indianapolis on the, 15th. "The attitude of anti-imperialists to imperialism cannot be open to doubt, and therefore I assume the object of the convention is not to express oppo- sition, but to devise a method of making that opposition effective. "The issue of imperialism having been squarely raised between the two great parties, it mu.st be plain that the only way in which a citizen can exercise any direct influence upon the result is by voting for the Republican candidate who supports it, or the Democratic candidate who opposes it. "Nothing can be accomplished by the nomination of a third candidate that cannot be accomplished equally by abstention from the polls, except that the citizen who remains at home on election day passes unnoticed, wliile he who votes a third ticket attracts attention. The difference between a silent and a vociferous refusal to exercise th(^ suffrage is not worth discussion, since ab- stention from civic duty is never commendable. AVhen the republic is in danger the only place for the patriot is in the ranks of its active defender.^. Absence from the field of contest or shooting in the air can never be justified." ******«*« ^, After expressing his dissent from Mv. Bryan's financial views, lie said: "Tliere is one issue which the popular verdict will settle Irrevocably, and that is the issue of imperialism. If the Republican p.nrty be successful, 'its control of the judicial, as well as of the executive and legislative depart- ments of the goveruraent, will be absolute, and its disposition to exercise all its power for the enforcement of an imperialistic poliiy cannot be doubted. At the end of four years .imperialism will be so firmly imbedded in our po- liUeal life that it can never be expelled. I 'ANTI-IMPERIALISTS IN CONVENTION.* 117 "Mr. Bo'an's election ot Itself would put a quietus on the imperialistic adventure. No policy specifically condemned by the people has ever been adopted into our system, and imperialism would prove no exception to the rule, air. Hoar's" suggestion that the Senate would refuse to follow a Democratic President in a policy of humanity approved by the people does faint justice to his own patriotic capacity when, liberated from the exigencies of a' cam- paign for re-election, his Intellect and his conscience would be restored to har- monious and effective co-operation. Imperialism, rebuked at the polls and shown to be unprofitable, would not have a single supporter in the country. Within a month of election Senator Hoar could reduce his .noble conception of freedom and duty to definite proposals of pacification which both parties would aceeptJ The country having pronounced for justice, politicians of every shape and description will 'be eager to do justice, and when the desire for justice Is sincere the way to justice is soon discovered. ' ? The Paramount Issue. ''Since the election of Mr. Bryan is certain to deliver tie country from the Imminent peril of imperialism, can the liberty convention hesitate to support him because of impalpable danger arising^ from his opinion on subjects with which, as President, he cannot possibly deal? "I confess it is hard to understand the attitude of those gentlemen who would have supported him if the convention had been sUent or evasive on the free coinlge of silver, but who hesitate to support him on a platform which excludes that question from the serious discussions of the contest by rele- gating it to a subordinate position. The Democratic platform declares that Imperialism ii the paramount issue of the campaign, and Mr. Bryan's speech at Indianapolis accepts this conception of the issue, emphasizes it, and vin- dicates It. But a declaration that imperialism is a paramount issue is equiv- alent to a declaration that it is the sole issue, for no Presidential election ever decided more than one question. In my judgment, the platform adopted by the Democratic convention should be much more satisfactory to sound money men than any of the substitutes suggested by older and more conservative managers. Since nobody pretended th^t Mr. Bryan's opinions on the question raised by the Chicago platform oi! 189G have been changed, his refusal to dis- guise them in any way is highly creditable to his honesty, and honesty is the first essential of pati-iotlc Presidential service. , ill 41 * «<* • * • "The best evidence of our capacity to deal with the Issues of 1902 or 1904, whatever they may be, is to deal intelligently now yvith the issues of 1900. On that issue Mr. Bryan stands for justice, liberty, and the Constitution, and since all these would be imperiled by his defeat, it is to be hoped that the liberty convention will not be swerved from supporting him by prejudices springing from past antagonisms or by groundless apprehensions of the fu- ture. Yours very sincerely, , iW. BOURKE OOOKRAN." Jig PEMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK- CHAPTER XI Y. HENRY CABOT LODGE AT THE COURT OF THE NEW EMPIRE. Contrast the speech of Gov. Boutwell, the old Massachusetts Republican leader, with the grovelling and fulsome flattery of Henry Cabot Lodge, in his speech at Canton notifying President McKinley of his denomination. Effacing his ovv^n official character by ignoring the existence of such a body as the United States Senate, unmindful of the honor bestowed upon him by the peo- ple ofMaissachusetts in commissioning him to sit as their representative Where Webster and Sumner served them, he talked glibly to McKinley as a courtiey might talk to an Emperor. After referring to the subjects of the tariff, finances and Hawaiian annexa- tion, he said: On all these questions you fulfllleil the hopes anr justified the confldcmee of the jjeo- ple who four years ago put trust in our promisees. But on all these questions also you had as guides not only your own principles, the well-considered results of years of training and reflection, but also the plain declarations of the National Convention whieli nominated you in 1896. ' : Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had already promised to settle, brought, first war and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared war^ but you, as Commander-in-Cliief, had to cai-ry it on. You did so, and history records ulibrokpn Tlct6ry from the first shot bt the Xasdirille to the day when the protocol was signed. The peace you ha^d to make alone. Cuba, Torto Rico, the Philippines— you had to assume alone the responsibility of taking them all from Spain. Alone and weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitnllon, you were obliged to govern these islands and to repress rebellion and disorder in the rhil- Ipplnes. No party creed defined tile course yon were to follow. Courage, foresight, compre- hension of American interests, both now and In the uncharted future, faith in the American people, and in their fitness for great tasks, were then your only guides and counsellors. Thus you framed and put In operation the great new policy which has made us at once masters of the Antilles and a great eastern power hoMing flrmiy our possessions on both sides of the I'aiiflc. The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience which accept them always arouse crlllcism and attack, Yet a great departure and a new policy were never more quickly justified tbu those undertaken by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests tlie admirable diplomacy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be shut out from China. It Is Manila that we owe the ability to send ti'ooj>9 and ships in this time of stress to the defense of our Ministers, our mission- arie.;, our ilonsuis and our merchants In China, instead of being compelled to leave our eltlzcus to tlic ca' ment; imperial power pr sway; the imperial Parliament* , Imperialism. The power, anthoritjr or character of an empire; the spirit erf! empire. , 12^'\ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER XV. THE SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. Its Decisions Upon the Question Whether the Constitution of the United States is in Force in the Territorie's. By Hon. Wm. M. Springer, of Illinoii?. Can Congress legislate in reference to tlie territory acquired by the- United Statfes without being subject to the restraints and limitations of the Consti- tution? This is a constitutional question which has been raised by the legislation of the present Congress in reference to Porto Rico, and the answer to it must • finally be given l)y the Supreme Court of the United States. In the mean- time a President and Congress must be elected to deal with the subject in the future. There are two provisions of the Constitution which are especially important in considering this question. They are given below. Sec. 8, Article I, of the Constitution of the United States is, as follows: "Tile Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare 0t the United Spates; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uni- form throughout the United States." Article X, of (he Constitution (amendment), is 'as follows: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reser-^ed to the States respectively or to the people." The Porto Rico Act. ' On April 12, 1000, Congress passed "An Act Temporarily, to Provide Reve- nues and a Civil Goveninienf for Porto Rico, and for Other Purposes." Sec. 2 of said act provides tliat the same tariffs, customs and duties upon all articles imported Into Porto Rico from other ports than those of the United States sliall bo paid as are imposed on lilie articles imported into the United States from foreign countries: ProvidKl, That on coffee in the bean or ground imported into Porto Kieo there shall be paid a duty of five cents per pound, any law or part of law to the contrary notwithstanding. And provided further, That all Spanish, scientific, literary and artistic works shall be admitted free SITPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIAJLISM. 123 of duty into Porto Rico for tentyears, as provifled in the Spanish-American ti-eaty of December 10, 1898. Sec. 3 of the act provides that all merchandise coming into the United States from Porto Rico shall pay a duty of fifteen per centum of the duties which are imposed upon like articles from foreign countries under the Ding- ley Tariff Act, and in addition thereto, upon articles manufactured in Porto Rico, a tax equal to the internal revenue tax, upon like articles manufactured in the United States. "^ Sec. 14 of said act is as follows: "That the statutory laws of the United States, not locally inapplicable, ex- cept as hereinbefore or ■ hei-einaf ter otherwise provided, shall have the same force and effect- in- Porto Kleo as in the United 'States, except the internal reve- nue laws, which," in view of "the provisions of section 3, shall, not have force and effect' in Porto- Rico." The foregoing provisions of the Porto Rico Act are in conflict with the eighth section of Article I of' the Constitution of the United States. Sugar is admitted into the United States elsewhere free of duty, and the "Spanish .Works" mentioned are taxed according to the rates in the Dingley Act. The internal revenue laws are declared not. to have force and effect in Porto Rico. Thus, the rule of uniformity required by the eighth section of Article I of the Constitution is disregarded and violated. Txie friends of the Porto Rico Act in Congress 'conceded the fact that it vio- lated the rule of uniformity as to imposts, duties and excises, but they con- tended that the Territories are mere dependencies of the United States and the Congi'ess has theri,£;ht and power to govern them as it ma'y see fit, without regard to any restraints or limitations of the Constitution. Neither the act of Congress to enable the President to take, possession of the Louisiana Purchase, approved October 31, 1803, which was the first act in reference thereto, nor the next act in reference thereto, approved Jlarch 26, 180-1, ejecting Louisiana into two Territories and providing a temporary gov- ernment therefor, contained a provision putting the Constitution of the United States in force in the territory covered by the purchase. But in the fourth sec- tion of the latter act it was provided that the powers of the legislative council should extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation, "but that no law shall be valid which is inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the United States," thus aguming that the Constitution, proprio vigore, extended to the teiTltory purclrased from France, by virtue of its acquisition by, the United States. The Supreme Court must finally decide this important question. In view of this fact it is of interest to exanjine the opinions of the Supreme Court here- tofore announced on similar questions, so as to ascertain, if possible, what may be the opinion of that court in reference to Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. ! The cases which bear upon the question will be considered in their chrono- logical ordet ♦ In the ease of GeiT6 et al. vs. Pitot (6 Crandi, 336, decided-in Marclr, 1810% Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the court, after quoting the constitutional provision giving Congress povrer to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other propertj belong, ing to the United States, said: "Accordingly we find Congress possessing and exercising absolute and un-i disputed power of governing and legislating for the Territory of Orleans." Tliis language if taken alone is broader than, was intended by the eminent Chief Justice. The question as to the restraints imposed upon Congress by; the Constitution was not raised. When that question vras raised in subseciuent cases, thq Chief Justice left no doubt as to his opinion. The next case cite* Bhows this fact. In 1820, in the case of Loughborough vs. Blake, 5 Wheaton, pp. 318-3, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, speaking for the whole court, which was composed of such eminent jurists as Bushrod Washington, Livingston and Joseph Story, used the following language, which is so clear and forcible that it should settle the question for all time: "If this' could be doubted, the doubt is renfoved by the subsequent words which modify the grant These words are, "but all duties, imposts and ex- cises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." It will not be con- tended that the modification of the power extends to places to which the poweu itself does not extend. The power, then, to lay and collect duties, imposts and excises may be exercised, and must be exercised throughout the United States. Does this term designate the whole or any particular portion of the American Empire? Certainly this question can admit of but one answer. It is the name given to om" great Republic, which is composed of States and Territories, The District of Columbia or the ten-ltory west of the Missouri is not less , witliin the United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania, and it is not less necessary, on the principles of our Constitution, that uniformity in the imposi- tion of imposts, duties and excises should be observed in the one than in the other." If there was no other opinion of the Supreme Court on the subject of the powers of CongTCSs in reference to the Territories, the foregoing opinion of Chief Justice Marshall ought to be sufficient to convince every fair-minded citi- zen that, whatever Congress may do in reference to territory acquired by the united States, by purclmse or by conquest, must be done under all the limita- tions and restraints of the Constitution of the United States. In the case of the xVmcriean Insuiancc Co. ^"8. Canter (1 Pet., 546), Chief Jus- tice jNlarshall, delivering the opinion of the court, said: "In legislating for them (the Territories), Congi-ess exercises the combined po^^■ers of the general and of a Stale Goverumeut." The decision of tlie court Avas then announced as follows: "Wc think, then, that the act of the Teii-itorlal Legislature (of Florida) creating the court by whose decree the cargo of the Point a Petre was sold is not inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States, and is yaUd," _ : SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISJfc 125 The court held that the admiralty jurisdiction exercised by the Florida court estaiSlished by act of Congress was derived from the power of Congress to make all needful rules and regulations respecting territory belonging to the United States; and that the jurisdiction exercised by the Blorida court was not a'part of that "judicial power which is defined in the third article of the Gon- stituflon." The general statement that In legislating for the Territories Congress exer- cised the combined powers of the General and State Government cannot be. construed Into a recognition of unrestricted power of legislation, for the rea- son that in exercising the powers of the General Government Congress is sub- ject to all the restrictions of the Constitution. The opinidn of Chief Justice Marshall in Loughborougti vs. Blalje (5 Wheat., 318) sustains this view, and 'other opinions cited in this paper show that the Supreme Court so under- stood this language. In the case of Benner vs. Porter (9 How., 243, decided in 1849), the Supreme Court, passing upon the powers of Territorial Governments, said: "They are not organized under the Constitution, nor subject to its complex distribution of the powers of government, as the organic law; but are the creatures, exclusively, of the legislative department, and subject to its super- vision and control. Whether or not there are provisions in that instrument which" extend to and act upon these Territorial Governments, it Is not now material to examine. We are speaking here of those provisions that refer particularly to the distinction between Federal and State jurisdiction." The opinion in this case is relied upon to support the position of those who contend that Congress, in legislating for the Territories, is not subject to any of fhe restrictions upon its powers contained in the Constitution. But all other opinions of the Supreme Court show that this contention is erroneous. The Court expressly stated that it did not pass on that question. In the case of Cross vs. Harrison (16 Howard, pp. 82-83, December Term, 1853, the Supreme Court held, Mr. Justice Wayne delivering the unanimous opinion of' the court, that, by the ratification of the treaty between Mexico and file United States, California becanie a part of the United States, and that the tariff laws of the United States then in force became applicable to foreign goods entered at San Francisco, in the absence of a specific act of Con- gress putting such laws in force; and the court further held that the duties which had been paid by Cross, the plaintiff, after ratification of the treaty and before Congress passed an act making 'San Francisco a port of entry, could not be recovered back in a suit against the collector to recover the same. Justice Wayne, in Jiis opinion, said: "The right claimed to land foreign goods within the United States at any place out of a collection district, if allowed, would be a violation of that pro- vision in the Constitution which enjoins that all duties, imposts and excises shall he uniform throughout the United States. Indeed, it must be very clear that no such rights exist, and that theire was nothing in the condition of Cali- fornia to exempt importers of foreign goods into it from the payment of the same -duties which .were chargeable in the other ports of :the United States." J2f iJEMOCKATIC-OMIFAIGlirHOOKVl San Francisco- had not lat that time been madfr a port of entry. In fact,.iEfl| tariff laws -which existed prior to the war -with Mexico were held by fEe court to have become effective over the territory ceded by Mexico to the United States the moment the treaty of cession was ratified, and it was further held, as stated above, that "by the ratification of the treaty California became a part of the United States," and that if the President had neglected to pre- vent the landing of foreign goods therein, "it would be a neglect of his con- stitutional obligation to take care that the la-ws be faithfully executed." In 1856 the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Taney deUvering the opinion, used the following language in reference to the power of Congress to legislate in reference to the territory which had been acquired by the United States, af tei; the adoption of the Federal Constitution: "There is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the Federal Gov- ernment to establish or maintain colonies bordering on the United States or at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure, nor to enlarge its territorial limits in any way, except by the admission of new States. That power is plainly given. * * * But no power is givten to acquire a Territory to be held and governed in that character. (19 How.' 446.) "We do not mean, however, to question the power of Congress in this respact. The power to expand the territory of the United States by the admission of new States is plainly given. * * * It is acquired to become a State, and not to be held as a colony and governed by Congress with absolute authority. * * * The court must necessarily look to the provisions and principles of the Constitution and its distribution of power for the rules and principles by Whfch its decision must be governed. "Taking this rule to guide us, it may be safely assumed that citizens of tie United States who migrate to a Territory belonging to the people of the United States cannot be ruled as mere colonists, dependent upon the will of the General Gtovemment and to be governed by any laws it may think proper to Impose. * * » A power, therefore, in the General Government to obtain and hold colonies and dependent territories, over which they may legislate without restriction, would be inconsistent with its own existence in its present formi Whatever it acquires, it acquires for the benefit of the people of the several States who created it. (Id. 447.) "The powers of the Govern-ment and the rights and privileges of the citizen are regulated and plainly defined by the Constitution itself. And when the Territory becomes a part of the United States the Federal Government enters into possession' in the character imjiressed upon it by those who created it. It enters upon it with its powers over the citizen strictly defined and limited by the Constitution, from which it derives its own existence, and by virtue of which alone it continues to exist and act as a Government and sovereignty. It has no power of any kind beyond it, and it cannot, when it enters a Terrl- toi-y of the United States, put off its character and assume discretionary or despotic powei-s which the C.pnstitutiou has denied to it." (Id. 448.) ,STJPREME COVBfT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 127 Tue foregoing extracts from Judge Taney's opinion are talien from the case of Dred Scott vs. Sanford, and ttie case is reported in 19 Howard, pages 398 to 633. Tlie court was dividec} in opinion, two of ttie Justices, Messrs. Mc- Lean and Curtis, dissenting. ' The Supreme Court at that time was composed as follows: Chief Justice Taney and Associate Justices John McLean, James M. Wayne, JoHh Catron, Peter V. Daniel, Samuel Nelson, Robei't C. Grier, Benjamin R. Curtis and John A. CampbeH. « The dissenting opinions of Justices McLean and Curtis are in accordance witli the opinion of the court, in so far as its opinion is set forth in the fore- going extracts. Mr. Justice McLean (page 542) said: "Did Chief Justice Marshall (in American lusurance Co. vs. Canter, 1 Pet., 542), in saying that Coogi-ess governed a Territory, by exercising the combined powers of the Federal and State Governments, refeft to unlimited discretion? A Government which can make white men slaves? Surely, such a remark in the argument must have been inadvertently uttered. On the contrary, there is no power in the Constitution by which Congress caD make either white or black men slaves. In organizing the Government of a Territory Congress is limited to means appropri^e to the attainment of the constitutional object. No powers can be exercised which are prohibited by the constitution, or which are contrary to its spirit, so that, whether the object may be the protection of the persons and property of purchasers of the public lands or of communities who have been annexed to the Union by conquest or pur- chase, they are initiatory to the establishment of State Governments, and no mbre power can be claimed or exercised than is necessary to the attainment of the end. This is the limitation of all the Federal powers. * * * "If there be a right to acquire territory, there necessarily must be an implied power to govern it. When the milita:ry force of the Union shall conquer a country, may not Congress provide for, the government of such country? This would be an implied power essential to the acquisition of new territory. This power has been exercised, without doubt of its constitutionality, over territory acquired by conquest and purchase. "And when there is a large district of country within the United States, and not within any State Government, if it be -necessary to establish' a tem- porary Government to carry out a power expressly vested in Congress— as the disposition of the public lands, may not such Government be instituted by "Congress? How do we read the Constitution? Is it not a practical instru- ment? "In such cases no implication of a power can arise which is inhibited by the Constitution or which may be against the theory of its construction." (p. r>44.) ; : ; , ' . ' ' Mr. Justice Curtis, in his dissenting opinion on page 613, said: • "As was said by Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, in the American Insurance Cgmpany vs. Canter (1 Peters,. 542), "the Constitution confers absolutely on the 128'' DEMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Bovernment of the Union the powers of making war and of malcing treaties; consequently tliat Government possesses the power of acquiring territory, either by conquest or ti-eaty." (See Oerr6 vs. Pi tot, 6 Cr., 336.) And I add, it also possesses the power of governing it, when acquired, not by resorting to Buppositioug powers, nowhere found in the Constitution, but expressly granted in the authority to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the terri- tory of the United States." * » * On page 614 he said: "If, then, this clause does contain a £)ower to legislate respecting the territory, what are the limits of that power? "To this I answer that, in common with all the other legislative powers of Congress, it finds limits in the express prohibitions on Congress not to do cerfain things; that, in the exercise of the legislative power. Congress cannot pass an ex post facto law or bill of attainder; and so in respect to each of the other prohibitions contained in the Constitution." * * ♦ And again, on page 616, he said: "It has already been stated that after the Government of the United States was organized under the Constitution the temporary government of the terri- tory northwest of the river Ohio could no longer exist, save under the ■powers conferred on Congress by the Constitution. Whatever legislative, judicial or ex^ufive authority should be exercised therein could be derived only from the people of the United States under the Constitution." * * * It may be contended by some that the Dred Scott case was decided at a time of great excitement with reference to slavery in the Ten'itories of the United States, and that the court partook of the prejudices of the times. But the fact that such eminent anti-slavery judges as McLean, of Ohio, and Cur- tis, of Massachusetts, in their dissenting opinions took jirecisely the sama posi-, tion in reference to the restrictions which the Constitution imposes upon Con- gress in legislating for the Territories that the majority of the court took, shows that upon this point all parties stood upon precisely the same ground- namely, that Congress in legislating for the Territories was subject to all tEe restraints of the Constitution which it was under when legislating in refer- ence to the States of the Union. In no other case, except, perhaps, in that of Ijoughborough vs. Blake, 6 Wheaton, 318, or in Cross vs. Harrison, supra, has the question now in issue before the people of the United States been so squarely met as in the case above cited. ,But on several other occasions the Supreme Court of the United States has laid down substantially the same doctrine as will be seen by the cases and opinions hereinafter cited and quoted. In the. case of Snow vs. United States, 18 Wallace, p. 319, decided by the Supreme Court in 1873, Mr. .Justice Bradley, speaking for the entire court, as there was no dissenting opinion, said: "The government of the Territories of the United States belongs primarily to Congress, and, secondarily, to such nscncies as Congress may establish for thaf purpose. During the terra of their pupil-age as Territories they arc mere dependencies of the United States, Their people do not constitute a sovereign SUPREME COURT AGAIXST IMPERIALISM. 129 power. All political authority exercised therein is derived from the General Government." In 1875, in the case of the United States vs. Cruikshank et al., 92 U. S., page 550, Mr. Chief Justice Waite, delivering the opinion of the court, after quoting from the preamble of the Constitution, said. "The Government thus established and defined is to some extent a gov- ernment of the States in their political capacity. It is also, for certain pur- poses, a government of the people. Its powers are limited in number, but not in degree. Within the scope of its powers, as enumerated and defined, it is supceme and above the States, but beyond It has no existence. It was erecteji for special purposes, and endowed with all the powers necessary for its own prservation and the accomplishment of the ends its people had in view. It can neither grant nor secure to its citizens any right or privilege not expressly or by Implication placed under its jurisdiction." * * * ' "The Government of the United States is one of delegated powers alone. Its authority is defined and limited by the Constitution. All powers not granted to It by that instrument are reserved to the States or the people. Xo rights can be acquired under the Constitution or laws of the United States, except such as the Government of tie United States has the authority to grant or secure. All that cannot be so grafted or secured are left under the protection of the States." ' In fhe case of Reynolds vs. United States (98 U. S., p. 162), the Supreme Court of the United States, Chief Justice Waite delivering the opinion of the court (October Term, 1878), said: "Congress cannot pass a law for the government of the Territories which shall prohibit the free exercise of religion. The first amendment to the Con- stitution expressly forbids such legislation. Religious freedom is guaranteed everywhere throughout the United States, so far as Congressional interfer- ence is concerned." j^ The eighth section of Article I of the Constitution, which requires that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States, is jusf as much in force in the Territories as is Article I (amendment), which proliibits Congress from making a law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. In 1879, in the case of National Bank vs. County of Yankton, 101 U. S., p. 133, Mr. Chief Justice Waite, speaking for the entire court, there having been no "dissenting opinion, said: "All territory within the jurisdiction of the United ^tates not included in any State must necessarily be governed "by or under the authority of Congress. The Territories are but political sub-divisions of the outlying dominion of the United States. Their relation to the General Government is much the same as that which counties bear to the respective States, and Congress may legis- late for them as a State does for its municipal organizations. The organic law of a Territory takes the place of a constitution as the fundamental law of the local government. It is obligatory on and biais the territorial authorities; but 130 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Congress is supreme, and for the purposes of this department of its govern- mental authority has all the powers of the pe6pl6 orthe United States, except such as have been expressly or by implication i^se#v4d in the prohibition of the Constitution." In 1882, in the case of United States vs. Harris, 108 U. S., p. 535, Mr. Justice Wood delivering the opinion of the court, said: "WEile conceding this, it must nevertheless be stated that the Government of the United States is one of delegated, limited and enumerated powers. Mar- tin vs. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheat., 30i; McCulloch vs. State of Maryland, 4 Id., 316; Gibbons vs. Ogden, 9 id., 1. Therefore every valid act of Congress must find in the Constitution some warrant for its passage. This is apparent by ref- erence to the following provisions of the Constitution: Section 1 of the first article declares that all legislative powers granted by the Constitution shall be vested in the Cofigi-ess of the United States. Section 8 of the same article enumerates the powers granted to the Congress, and concludes the enumera- tion with a grant of power "to carry into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States or in any department or ofiBcer thereof." Article X of the amendments to the Constitution declares that "the powers not delegated to the United States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." "Mr. Justice Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, says: 'When- ever, therefore, a question arises concerning the constitutionality of a particu- lar power, the first question is whether the power be expressed in the Consti- tution. If it be, the question is decided. If it be not expressed, the next in- quiry must be whether it is properly an incident to an express power and nec- essary to its execution. If it be, tlien it may be exercised by Congress. If not, Congress cannot exercise it.' Sec. 1243, referring to Virgina Reports and Reso- iutions, January, 1800, pp. 33-34; President Monroe's Exposition and Message of|May 4, 1822,' p. 47; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App., 287, 288; 5 Marshall's Wash. App., Note 3; 1 Hamilton's Works, 117, 121." The foregoing extract from Story's Commentaries on the Constitution is quoted by the court with approval. In fBe case of Callan vs. Wilson (127 U. S., p. 550, October Term, 1887), the Supreme Court, Mr., Justice Harlan delivering the unanimous opinion of the court, said: ' "In Reynolds vs. United States (08 U. S., 145), it was taken for granted that the sixth amendment of the Constitution secured to the people of the Terri- tories the right of trial by jury in criminal prosecution; and it has been pre- viously held in Webster vs. Reid (11 Hot-., 437-460) that the seventh amend- ment secured to them a like right in civil actions at common law. We cannot think that the people of this disti-ict have, in that regard, less rights than those accorded to the people of the Territories of the United States." In rendering this decision the Supreme Court held that section 1064 of the Revised Statutes of the District of Columbia, dispensing with a petit jury, in prosecutions bjr information ip the Pppc^ Court^ is inapplicable to cases like tli| BUPREMB COURT AGAINST IMPEEIALISM. 131 case at bar; in other wpraji, ;^liaj:,^^"tlie provisions in tbe Constitution of the United States relating fpj.^^-^^^^ ^^ury aa-e in force in the District of Colum- bia." Yet there was no law of Congress putting these pi-ovisions of the Con- stitution hi force in the .pi|1;|icyf^| Columbia, butj on the contrary, there was a statute 'of the United States, in existence, gs stated above, which violated those provisions of the Constitution. They were, therefore, in' force in the District of Columbia, proprlo vigore. In tlie case of Mormon Churqh vs. United States (136 U. S., p. 42, October' Term, 1889), Mr. Justice Bradley delivered the opinion of the court. He as- serted the acceplied doctrine that the power of Congress over the Territories of the United States is general and complete. He quoted with approval from the opinion of Chief Justice Marshal in the case of the American Insurance Cpmpany vs. Carter (1 Pet., 511), and from the opinion of Justice Nelson, in Benner vs. Porter (9 Howard, 255), and from the opinions of Chief Justice Waite, in the case of National Ban]i vs. County of Yanliton (101 U. S., 129), and from that of Justice Matthews, jn Murphy vs. Kamsy (114 U. S., 15), in |.^, which case it was said: '"The people of the United States as sovereign owners of the National Territories, have supreme power over them and their inhabl- ■ tants. In the exercise of this sovereign dominion they are represented by the Government of the United States, to whom all the powers of government over that subject have been delegated, subject only to such restrictions as are .expressed in the Constitution, or are necessarily implied in its terms." (136 U,. S. Reports, page 44.) Mr. Chief Justice Fuller and Justices Field and Lamar dissented from the ' judgment of the court in this case, holding that it was an arbitrary disposi- tion of the Mormon Church property by Judicial legislation. The Chief Jus- tice, agreeing with the com-t that all legislation by Congress in reference to the Territories is subject "to such restrictions as are expressed in the Constitution, or are necessarily implied in its terms," went further, announcing his opinion as follows: "In my opinion Congress is restrained, not merely by the limitations ex- pressed in the Constitution, .but also by the absence of any grant of power, express or implied, in that instrument. And no such jfbwer as that involved In the act of Congress under consideration is conferred by the Constitution, nor is any clause pointed out as its legitimate source. I regard it as of vital consequence that absolute power should never be conceded as belonging under our system of government to any one of its departments. The legislative power of Congress is delegated and not Inherent, and is therefore limited." (135 u:'s., p. 67.) In 1S96, in the case of Walker vs. Southern Pacific Railroad (165 U. S., p. 604) the Supreme Court, Mr. Justice Brewer delivering the unanimous opinion of ; the court, said: I;. "N'ew Mexico is a Territory, but in it the Legislature has all legislative power except as limited by the Constitution of the United States and the organic act arid the laws of Congress appertaining thereto." 132 DEMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, TEe question before the court was as to wlietlier a certain act of the Legis- lature ot New ilexico was in con.u-avention of tbe &vent]i amendment of tfie Constitution of lie United States. 11 'was as^uai^A'-'tii'at if tlie act was in con- travention of that aihendment to the Constitution it was void. In the case of xMcHeni-y, vs. Alf ord treporte^iH ItiS' U. S., pp. 151-173, October Term, 1897), iilr. Justice Peekham delivered the opinion of the court! Among the questions involved was as to whether a certain ^act of the Legislature of the Territory of Dakota violated the fourteenth amendment of the Constitu- tion of the United States. The court held that the act in question did not vio- late that provision of tlie Constitution. It was assumed that the Constitution and all its amendments were in force in that Territory. In the case of Thomas vs. G-ay (reported in 169 U. S., pp. 264-284, October Term, 1887), -Mr. Justice Shiras delivered the opinion ot the court. One of the questions involved was whether a certain act of the Legislature of the Terri- tory of Oklahoma, imposing taxes on cattle grazing on lands not in organized counties was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The court held that the act was not in violation of the Constitution. It was assumed that the Constitution was iu force in the Territory of Oklahoma. In the case of Wagoner vs. Evans (reiwrted in 170 U. S., p. 588, October' Term, 1897), iJr. Justice Shiras delivered the opinion of the court. One of the questions involved was sm to whether a certain act of the Legislature of Okla- homa was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. iThe court held that the act was not in violation of Oie Constitution, reafiBrming the decision of' the court in Thomas vs. Grrnj, 169 U. S., p. 264. It was again assumed that the Constitution was in force in the Territory of Oklahoma. In tie case of Thompson vs. Utah (reported in same volume as above, page 346), Mr. Justice Harlan, in deJivering the opinion of fhie court, said: "That the provisions of the Constitution of the United Stiites relating to the right of trial b'y jury in suits at common law apply to tJie Territories of the United States is no longer an open question." He then cites all tlie cases theretofore decided by the court involving the question. In the case of the (>pital Traction Co. vs. Hof (174 U. S. p. 5, Oct. Term, 1S98), Mr. Justice Gray, in a very elaborate and able opinion, said that Con- gress being empowered by the Constitution "to exercise exclusive legislatioi; in all cases whatever" over the seat of government, has entire legislative con- trol over the District of Columbia for every purpose of government, national and local, "so long as it does not contravene any provision of the Constitu- tion of the United States," citing Kendall vs. U. S. (1S3S) 12 Pet., 534, 619; IMattingly vs. District of Columbia (1876) 97 U. S., 687, 690; Gibbons vs. Dis- trict of Columbia (1886) 116 U. S., 404, 407. The Court held in the case that "it is beyond doubt, at the present day, the provitions of the Constitution se- curing the right of trial by jury, whether iu civil or criminal cases appli-' cable to the District of Columbia." ' SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 133 Hence Congress, notwithstpucling; its po\ver to legislate for the District oJ Columbia for every v>m-X)t^fif) fi^^gg^^^-ument, is restrained by the Cpnstitution in such legislation. ' ^,' .^^^J' , ■ ' In the case of Warburton ys,,'^hite (reported in 176 U. S., p. 484, October Term, 1899, the last volume of reports published), Mr. Justice White deliverefl the Opinion of the court. The question before the court was as to whether a certain act of the Legislature of the Territory of Washington was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The court held that the act was not In violation of the Constitution. It was again assumed that the Constitution was In force in Washington Territory. In the case of Blacli vs. .Taciison (not yet reported, decided by the Supreme Court, March 6, 190O), Mr, Justice Harlan, spealiing for the entire Court, sub- mitted an able opinion, in which a decision of the supreme court of Okla- homa was reversed Upon the ground, among others, that that Court disregarded the defendant's contention .that he ws,8 entitled to a trial by jury. Justice Harlan said, in referring to the seventh Amendment to the Constitution of the United States; "That amendment, so far as it secures the right of trial by jury, applies to judicial proceedings in the Torrilories of the United States," citing Webster vs. Reid, 11 How., 437, 4G0; American Publishing Co. vs. Fish- er, 106 U. S., 404-460; Springfield vs. Thomas, 106 U. S., 707. The same doe- trine was announced as controlling the Court, in its decision in the case of Potts vs. Hollen, decided at the same time, not yet reported. It may be contended that the recent opinions of the Supreme Court, in ref- erence to the organized teiTitories of the United States were controlled by the fact that Congress had in the acts organizing such territories put the Con- stitution in force in tliem. While Congress did declare that the Consti- tution and all laws of Congress not locally inapplicable should have the same force and effect within the territories as elsewhere in the United States, it Is evident that this language merely declared a fact, so fslr as the Consti- tution is concerned, which already existed. The Constitution was ngt made by, Congress, and it cannot extend it over any place or person. Congress itself is a creation of the Constitution, and can only exist and legislate where the Constitution authorizes it to do so. All the opinions of the Supreme Court, from its foundation to the present time, bearing upon this question have been exartilned. If there are other cases nof cited herein, they have escap CD < CD *! JtrSTlb:^"BREWER'S PBOTiiSt, 135 GHAPTER XVL JUSTICE BREWER'S PROTEST. . Justice David J. Brewer of tlie UHlted States Supreme Court, who is a Re- publican, uttered an empliatic oondemnatioa of impejialisriii before the Lib- eral Club oi Buffalo,' more than a year and a half ago. He spoke in part as .fiollows: ' ■ ■ . . - 'd ,,. .- '., •■ ■ --■.■■..'. .v;ift^. ov ,-^ . _ ■; Republic and Empire Distirtgyished. "It is said that the Anglp-Saxoa race has manifested a papadity to gotem well; that we are of that race, and that, therefore, we "could well govern the Philippine Islands, as colonies. -I do not question the capacity of the race •well and wisely to govern others. I object to the Philippine policy because.it antagonizes the principles upon which this government was founded, which have controlled its life up to present time, and the perfpction of which has been the hope a!nd aspira,tion of every true American. "Vevy few nations, very few indivldiials, livp up to their Jhigh ideals; but surely the Declaration of Independence has been the Ideal of our life, and we hftve striven to make it more and more real. Now, government by force is the very antipodes of this, and to introduce government by force over any portion of the nation is to start the second quarter of the second century of our life -upon principles which are the exact opposite of those upon which we have hitherto lived. It is one thing to fail of reaching your ideal; it is an entirely different thing to deliberately turn your back upon jt. "The test of government is not in the outward mechanical display of order, but in the capacity to develop the best men, and we have lived in the faTth that government by the consent of the governed develops the best men. We have not let the wise rule the ignorant, the learned the unlearnedy the .rich the poor, but we have appealed always to, 'the plain people' as the ones in whose judgment to rely, and upon whose shoulders should rest the burden of the government. Ideas are, after all, the eternal force. Human life and destiny are con- trolled by them. They may sepm to-day of little significance, but around them gather material interests, and to-morrow their power is disclosed. i;J3 ClCUuCUATIC CAiii:'AHJ-\ BOOK. Parting of :;~c Wp-.ys. ' ••^■-.vfrauiP!!! \>y c«:M"iit and govcnim(.nt by I'jice, ro mottcr ho\y,v.-eU I. v:i!iv( '■•i)ja«K, ifuiy If.'" u.Uiiiui^cCi'; ;!,• are rl,wO«ili[i;i!),v ai*lag-o!!Js,i1c' pnn- ii>li«. I'oubllrs.s I'.i! iiKLtK-diJie couLiiut wijlj loUow. a\\'e may see a large !)iM»viu-e' of iii-Nsre)11y; ! a; ;.re we uot sowinR ttic-..^i.X'ds which in fbe clays Kt-'cdmi:' Wi'ti -■.•(),«■ uii iurrj a liarvtsr uf uoublt- lui'uu. ijiiiiaiLj aiij uiii ^^Al- ( Evils of Empire. •A nix'flf'-'i;. :of 'K-ni.'ii po«tos^3''ins .- an lucl. .;? in onr regular army, and '■■■■I i)'ii':.M: i_ . ►; '9S> u , fro-iii 30. .iJ to liJi.LUj la n. It Is a strange com- Dieii.uiy tLnl at tlie ciuse ul tile uiucieentli ceniury the head of the most arbiira.y governmeot in the ci\iiizecl world, the Czar of the Russias, is in- viting thf nations of the world to a decrease in their arms, while this, the freest la^nd, is proposing an increase in its. Yet -such seems to be the im- perative need, if we enter upon the system of colonial expansion. Great Economic Questions Confront Us. ",.; "Now the great economic problem in this country is not how can a few men make more money and pile up larger fortunes, but how can the great body of the people make a fair and comf ortalale living? , The right to work is again and again insisted upon as more important than the right to vote, and the cry of the right to work is supplemented by the cry that the state furijish' work to all "^ylio cannot obtain it elsewhere. "Are we likely to aid in solving this problem by bringing into our national life 10,000.000 or 12,000,000 of unskilled iVlalat laborers? We have shut the doors against the Chinese. Are they any worse than the Malay? Shall we Intro-' duce in this nation more cheap labor? I do not wonder at the action of the Federation of Labor in protesting against a new competition, of cheap labor as well as an increase of the army, with its consequent increase of burden and taxation on the employed laborer. Money in it for a Few.— Evils From Concentrated Wealth. 4;]gut there is money in it. And, after all, this is really the most potent factor in the proposed reaching out after the islands of the Orient. The wealth of Ormus and of Ind is to-day, as in the days of Milton, the expec- tation and the dream of many. Possession of the Orient, with its accumulat- ed wealth of centuries, dazzles the imagination and confuses tbe jud<>-ment The haze of mystery liangs over that vast domain. Wealth untold Is be- lieved to be there, ready to be appropriated by any dominant power. All the nations and tribes come within Lord Salisbury's definition of dying na- tions, and must soon be divided between and appropriated by the living and growing nations. China is held out as a dying nation, filled witb inexhaustible-' wealth, and why should we not share in its appropriation? What a picture) JUSTICE BREWER'S PROTEST. 137 this !s! The eagle of liberty standing like a buzzard to gro'w fat over an ex- pected corpse. "Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, Where wealth accumulates and men decay. "The Caesars saw the spears of their victorious legions flash in the sun- light of every linown land, and in their triumphant return they brought with them the accumulated wealth of all the nations they had subdnied. The splon- dor of imperial Rome outshone the world, but the wealth thus obtained without value given undermined the empire, and the glory of Rome Is sim- ply a memory. Napoleon beheld the shining star of destiny; 4nd then? Does human nature change through the centuries? We stand to-day facing the temp- tation Which comes from the possibility of rapidly accumulated wealth. What right have we to anticipate that the same result will not follow if we pursue the same course of talking what we have not fully earned? Our Present Form of Government. ' "The problem we have sought to worU out in this nation is that of govern- ment of and by and for the people. A great nation upon that principle seems possible only under a federal system, a system which relegates all matter of local interest to the several states, and exercises through the national govern- ment only those powers and functions which malie for the general welfare. We have' wonderfully prospered in administering such system in a compact, continental territory, each part of which has been possessed and controlled by a race capable of self-government, "Duty" and "Destiny" Derided. "This is no trifling question and Is not answered by any gush about duty and destiny— in fact, all this tall? about destiny is wearisome. . We malse our own destiny. We are not the victims but the masters of fate, and to attempt to unload upon the Almighty responsibility for that which we choose to do is not only an insult to ttim, but to ordinary human intelligence. Blessings of Our Example. "We are told we have become so great and powerful that the world needs us, but what the world most needs is not the touch of our power, but the blessings of our example. It needs the bright example of a free people not disturbed by any illusions of territorial acquisition, of pecuniaiT gain or mili- tary glory, but content with their possessions and striving through all the abilities, activities and Industries of their wisest and most earnest to make the life of each individual citizen happier, better and more content. Two Courses— Which Will You Choose? "Two visions rise before me: . , "One of a nation growing In population, riches and strength; reaching out the strong hand to bring within its dominion weaker and distant races and S£ ' 138' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. lands; holding them by force for the rapid wealth they may bring— with per- haps the occasional glory, success and sacrifice of war; a wondrously luxur- ious life into which the fortunate few shall enter; an accumulation of magnifi- cence which for a term will charm and dazzle, and then the shadow of the awful question whether human nature has changed, and the old law, that hisFory repeats itself, has lost its force, whether the ascending splendor of im- perial power is to be followed by the descending gloom of luxury, decay and ruin. "The other of a nation where the spirit of the Pilgrim and the Huguenot remains the living and controlling force, affirming that the Declaration of In- dependence, the farewell address of the father of his country and the Monroe doctrine shall never pass into innocuous desuetude; devoting Its energies to the development of the inexhaustible resources of its great continental terri- tory; solving the problem of universal personal and political liberty, of a gov- ernment by the consent of the governed, where no king, no class and no race rules, but each individual has equal v-oice and power in the control of all, where wealth comes only as the compensation for honest toil of hand or brain, where public service is private duty; a nation whose supreme value . to the^ world lies not in its power, but in its unfailing loyalty to the high ideals of Its youth, its forever lifting its strong hand, not to govern, but to pro- tect the v/eak; and thus the bright shining which brightens more and more. igto the fadeless eternal day." THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. ' 135^ CKAPTEE XYII. THE BRITISH AlllANCE AND SOME OF ITS WORK. "The United States and England go hand in hand. This sentiment con- templates peace, arbitration and, without any political alliance, harmony of action throughout the world, on all questions involving civilization, human- ity, and the rescue of kindred. ■ OHAtNOBY M. DBPEW." This expression of sentiment was made in a dablegram from Senator De-j ■ pffw to the editor of -the Philadelphia Press (-Postmaster-General Smith's news- paper) on the 27th of July, 1900. ' "Questions Involving civilization" have been defined by Great Britain in South Africa. Questions involving "humanity" have been defined by Pres- ident McKinley in Porto Rico and the Philippines. '*' Is it in this policy of "civilization" and "humanity" that Great Britain and the adm'inistration of President Mcliinley go hand in hand? It Is easy for the Republican party to deny that a formal alliance exists between the United States and Great Britain. Such an^ alliance would Re- quire a treaty approved by two-thirds of the Senate. No such treaty exists or could exist. The alliance, understanding, co-operation, sympathy, heart- to-heart brotherly accord, or whatever they find it most expedient to term this relation between Great Britain an4 Mr. McKinley's administration, is not a matter of treaty, but Is between Mclvlnley's administration and the British Foreign Office, in defiance of the Senate's prerogative, and evasion of the Con- stitution, Executive Usurpations. President McKinley has learned how to evade the Constitution and how to act independently of it by usurpation of power such as no President of the United States has ever before attempted. The Constitution does not permit the President of the United States to cede territory to a foreign gov§rnment; yet under the form of a temporary' agreement, in- a "modus vivendl" such a cessiofi of territory has been made to Great Britain In Alaska, the title being made "temporary" to avoid having to go to the Senate with a treaty of cession. But the cession passes to Great Britain with the "temporary" title, and the only thing necessary to render it permanent is for Great Biltain never to. negfttiatg.a trgaty.lpr. its cession bacft to the United States. 140 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. By such methods things are accomplis.hed without the formality of legal process. By such a 'system of avoidance, and doin^ by indirect methods that which cannot.be accomplished, directly,., th.^ ,|l,n^rstanding between Great Britain and the McKinley administration is accomplished. The Senate would never have consented to a treaty of alliance, Therefore the administration calls it a "syn)pathetic co-operation for the advancement of civilization and humanity," and proceeds with a policy consistent with the existence of such an alliance. Abundant Evidence ot an Alltance. There is abundant evidence of an alliance, not between' the United States and Great Britain, but between the McKinley administration and the Brit- ish Foreign Office. Such an alliance, implied and not legally ratified,, is a double offense, since it not only violates our traditional policy, but, through a system of avoidance adopted by the administration, usurps the po^wer vested conjointly in the Executive and the Senate, and evades the Constitution. Our fundamental law prescribes a method by which an understanding may be readied between /this government and a foreign power. It is a serious thing for an official of the government to have an understanding with a of reign, power arrived at by any other than a legal method. The President will not confess to the existence of such an alliance. To avow it would be to in- vite impeachment. £from unguarded utterances and from flagrant acts it must be discovered. Both the utterances and the acts are in evidence and their testimony is overwhelming. It was publicly avowed by British officials and by the British press that the sympathy of Great Britain with the United States in the Spanish war was not altogether sentimental, but was expected to be reciprocated by this government as occasions, which were anticipated, should arise. And on the very first occasion thereafter, President McKinley did reciprocate. This was in the Chinese open-door negotiations, completed without reference to the Senate, and in a policy of sympathy for Great Britain in a war against the Transvaal Republic, provolsed for the purpose of overthrowing that republic and establishing British monarchical rule. Great Britain professed to stand between the United States and foreign intervention at the outbreak of the Spanish war, and the McKinley administration stood between Great Britain and inten'ention by the powers in the South African affair. Mclvinley also stood between Great Britain and our own Congi-ess Ln an expression of synipathy for the Boer Republic. Laying aside matters of common report or secret linowledge among diplo- matic agents,— such as the part taken by the British Ambassador in Wash- ington in leading the Administration into a change of policy with reference to the retention of the entire Philippine group in furtherance of the British policy in the Orient; and instructions sent by Secretary Hay to our representa- tives in France, Germany and Russia, to notify these powers, when inter- THE BEITISH ALLIANCE. 141 vention in South Africa was conteinplated, that this government woold not participate in such intervenfiHri,—' t'he evidence, tlirough public acts and declar- ations, is sufficient to es?a36li'& ^ overwhelming circumstantial evidence the existence of an understan'd'ihg '^between the administration and the British Foreign OfBce. When war Was imminent between Spain and the United States the expressions of sympathy and liinship by British statesmen,, as well as the British press, associated this sympathy with co-operation and rec- iprocity in future events. The St. James Gazette of London, of the date of April 12th, 1898, said the United States would be justified in refusing to tol- . crate the condition of things in Cuba, and in asking the moral support ot Great Britain in briaging it to an end. In this connection it adds: "In China, no doubt, it is We who are chiefly concerned, but tiie United States has genuine interests there and they are identical with ours. We both ask for the open door and nothing else. Here, then, moral support may be given for the moral support of the American government. It has every claim .to insist upon making its voice heard; it must needs have a seat at any con- ference on the Chinese question, and we can calculate It will be given In agreement with our^. It has hitherto been the ruling principle in American politics to abstain from alliances with European powers. But the time for alliance has come for the United States. They can no longer afford to view* the conflicts of the European powers as something remote and of no concern of theirs." When the war with Spain was concluded, Secretary Hay, who in the mean- time had affiliated with the British statesmen as ambassador to Great Britain, and having been transferred from that embassy to the Secretaryship of State, took steps to carry out Uiese suggestions. Correspondence was entered into bei ween the Department of State and the .several foreign powers looking to , an understanding by which the open doOr in China might be maintained in accordance with the British suggestion; and commitments, more or less vague and indefinite, were secured from all the principal powers. Sir Charles Dilke, writing about that time on the subject of British and American sym- pathy, expressed his sympathy for the United States in the Cuban affair and said: " The Alliance Declared by British Statesmen. "I also gladly recognize the recent general admission in the United States of the identity of interest between the United Kingdom and the States In regai'd to trade facilities in China and many other portions of the world." But by far the most significant utterance, both in its frankness of ex- pression and in its semi-official character, and in the light of reciprocal sym- pathies by the United Stales, was that of the Eight Honorable Joseph Cham- berlain, the British Colonial Secretary. This speech was delivered on the 13th of aiay, 1898, before the British Liberty Unionist Association. In it Mr. Chamberlain confessed the isolation of Great .Britain in Euroneaajjoli.tics, and I61» 142 DBMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN BO OCEC the importance of cultivating the close friendship of the United States, mak- ing no attempt to conceal the selfishness of hip pugpose. He said: ^ "What is our first duty under these circumstances? I say without hesitation that the first duty is to draw all parts of j the Etnpire close together— to in- fuse into them a spirit of united and imperial ipatri^dsm. We have not neg- lected our primary duty. We have pursued it steadfastly and with results that are- patent to all the world. Never before in the histoi? of the Brit- ish Empire have the ties with our gi'eat colonies and dependencies been stronger. What is our next duty? It is to establish and to maintain bonds of permanent amity with our tinsmen across the Atlantic." '^e then described the similarity of language, of law, literature and of race, and our interests in "humanity," and said: "!■ do not know what arrangements may be possible with us, but this I do kno-w, and fully, that the closer, the more cordial, the fuller and more defiriite these arrangements are, with the consent of both people, the better it will be for both and for the world— and I even go so far as to say that, terri- ble as war is, even war itself would be cheaply purchased if in a great and honorable cause the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack should wave to- gether over an Anglo-Saxon alliance. Now it is one of the most satisfac- tory results of Lord Salisbury's policy that at the present time these two great nations understand each other better than they have ever done since, more than a century ago, they were separated by the blunder ct the British Government." * This Right Honorable Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, Js the man held responsible for the war upon the South African republlcv That war was brought on by his policy and it is recognized in Great Britain ^s his war. He particularly claimed President McKinley's sympathy and gratitude, and the demand was fully and freely met by President McKinley and th? Republican party in withholding from the struggling Dutch RepublitS that sympathy which our people have always extended to another people struggling to secure or maintain their liberty. The Anglo-American League. Soon after these utterances by Mr. Chamberlain, steps were taken in Great Britain and in the United States to organize an Anglo-American League. On June 3d, 1898, a banquet was held at the Hotel Cecil In London, attended by Englishmen and Americans, at which was inaugurated a movement look- ing to the establishment of such a league. Lord Bernard Coolidge presided at the banquet. Col. Taylor, President of the American Society ia London, and several hundred of the British nobility and the American colony in Lon- don were present. A number of speeches were made on the subject of Brit- ish-American sympathies and a British-American alliance. Col. Taylor said: "As you have stood by us in our day of trial, when your day of trial comes, you may count upon us." Lord Brassey referred to the ties between Great THE BRITISH ALLIANCE, I43 Britain and the United StSifes dS eioser tlian any written alliance— ties wliich eould not be broken. ' ''Htyjaar-imh . , •■•. On ttie 13th of July, ISO^ltfi^'Bl'itish branch of the Anglo-American^ League was formed at the town I'^sffldifiias of the' Duke^ of Satberland, Stafford House In. London. This 'organlzatioii Ihcluded a: great array of the nobility of Eng- land, the high dignitaries of the English Church, Englishmen of letters and mostof the leading men of Ptallament, with the exception of the Irish Union- ists, who did not participate.' On that occasion and on the occasion of the Fourth .of July celebratioh Of the American' Society in London, significant utterances, declaratory of the perfect understanding between Great Britain and th^e United, States, wei-e made by distinguished EBgllshmen.. This movement was followed by a similar one in the United States in which. Mr. Whitelaw Reld, who had been the: special GiiY^3J' &f this govern- ment to the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Tictorla, took the Initiative. At the meeting at Mr. Reid's house speeches were made and. 4 committee 'was Sip- pointed to form an American branch of the Angle-Amerfcan League. It was composed of leading Republicans and Of men who had- deserted the Democratic party in 1896 and allied themselves with the- McRinley adminis- tration and its followers. , .-Not only in the course of the State Department with- reference to-the' Chi- nese,, policy, and in the restraint of this nation's expression of symijathy for the South African Republic, but in its relation directly with Grea;t -Britain, the administr'ation has followed a policy expYfessive of that sympathy and pur- pose of co-operation which the British -statesmen have described -as "more binding than any written alliance." ' - What has been Surrendered tq Great Britain by the President. The fontentions between this government and Great Britain over Canadian ■ affairs, in which American rights were, so strongly, maintained by Jarpes G. Blaine, Richard Oldey and other American statesmen, have now been quieted; not through the recognition by Great Britain of American rights, but through - a spirit of .concession and acquiescence on the part of Secretary Hay. The fishery question on our E'astern Coast is no longer the subject of contention, because the United States no longer contends. The Alaskan seal fisheries no longer occasion irritation; because there are no longer Alaskan seal^sherles In existence. The Alaskan boundary dispute has been settled 'by tlie "tem- porary" delivery to Great Britain of a vast strip of territory to which she had but recently laid claim. '' The evidence of a secret understanding Is manifest in every -act of the ad- ministration in our foreign relations and in the adjustment of our foreign policy to correspond with that of Great Britain. The work of this unwritten alliance is well illustr'ated by the course of the adminlstratioii on the subject of a Nicaragua Oanal. 144 .DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. The Nicaragua Canal. Ever since tlie treaty with Mexico in 184S confirming the acquisition of Oalifoniia in 1846, it laas been the intense desire of American statesmen and people, \^'ithout regai-cl to party, to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans Cy a canal across Central America, the general drift being in favor of the Nicaragua route. Our Minister at Guatamala negotiatetl a treaty with Nicaragua in 1849 which would have given the United States, not only tlie right of way across Nicaragua, but 'the right to defend the territory through, which the canal should pass. The Whig Secretary of State under President Taylor repudiated this treaty, saying it was not authorized, and in 1850, nego- tiated a treaty witil the Biitish Government well linown as the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. This treaty constituted a partnership betweeii Great Britain and the United States in the construction of a canal. It pledged both ■ nations against acquisitions of territory in that region, and against military defenses thereon. This treaty, is best known- by the flagrant violations of it by Great Britain. Tlieae gave ris^to long controver.sies and very lame and inconclusive results therefrom. In 1881 Secretai-y Blaine announced to Great Britain that the treaty had terminated, both by its own limitations and because of the violations of if by Great Britain' on occasions named by him. Sec- retary Frelinghuysen, who succeeded him, declared the treaty to be voidable for-similar'reasons, but not actually void. ■ One of iGreat Britain's contentions was the maintenance of a protectorate over a pretended tribe of Indians lihown as "Mosqultos." Although- the treaty of 1850 was intended to terminate this protectorate, it has been as- serted up to this very time. The last utterance on the subject by Great liritain was a reservation of the question olf the regularity of the proceedings of a Mosquito Indian convention, by the act of which the MosquitO' tribe was merged into the Nicaraguan nation,— ah act expressly authorized In a treaty .. between Nicaragua and Great Britain in 1860, linown as the i Treaty of Manangua. Another contention was that the privilege granted British sub- jects to cut" dye-woods on the coast of Honduras created these subjects into a "British settlement,'' and justified the establishment of the colony of Brit- i.?h Honduras subsequent to tlie treaty of ISoO, which expressly -provided that no such colony should be established by either Government. ' The, Bi'itish Government has "a sphere of Influence" In every quarter of the globe, by which is meant that she has a habit of planting herself anywhere in countricfe'tdb feeble or too careless of tlieir interests to resist, with a view to talking territory on one pretext and another which did not belong to her -be- fore. This" has occurred in America, Africa, and Asia and- the islands of the sea. She has taken British Columbia from us and portions of the State Of Maine through the compliance of American diplomacy. She has just borrowed from Secretary- Hay a ijortion of Alaska to see whether we will compel its return. She holds extensive West Indian possessions, and claims the Carib- bean Sea as being within her "sphere of influence." She continues to (i«- THE BRITISH ALIilANOE. 145 dare herself a partner with the United States in Central America for canal building purposes, and has succeeded in inducing the State Department to form a new treaty to take tDe place of the Olayton-Bulwer treaty. This would cure all defects in that decayed old relic of American suiTender to British demands, and would deprive the United States of any use of an inter- oceanic canal for defensive purposes in time of war. The Isthmus is the jfateway to our Pacific States. Whether an iat^- oceanic canal oould be miade useful for defense in time of war is a questioa to be determined by the United States alone. Military and naval men differ in opinion on this subject. It would be a disgrace to the American nation to submit to a European demand for any pledge on the subject. No one de- ijies that an inter-oceanic canal should pe open to all commerce on equal terms. It is (jeneath the dignity of the United States to discuss It with any other pow- er in any other phase. The continental railroad magnates and Lord Pauncefote have exercised the influence necessary to make the McKinley administration antagonistic to a canal. The latest give-away treaty is now pending in the Seliate, and a bill for the construction of a canal is now pending in Con- gress. If the people desire to neutralize British influence on this mwnen- tous question, and if they desire to prevent the railroad monopoly from de- feating the capal, project because it would be a riTal for their transiwrta- tion business, they will not continue in power the present administration. Secretary Hay's Alaskan surrender is another proof of the alliance with Great Britain, by which she gets what she wants and we get the smiles of her statesmen. Hauling Down the American Flag in Alaska. President MfKinley's question "who will haul down the flag?" has just been answered through his agents and under his instructions by tihe hauling down of the American flag by himself, on American territory. The United States bought Alaska from Russia in 1867. It is bounded on the East by Brit- ish territory. The boundary line was established in 1825 in a treaty between Russia and Great Britain. The diplomatic correspondence which preceded the settlement of thaj line shows that the demand of Russia, to which Great Britain finally assented, was for a boundary which should give Russia ab- solute control of the seacoast above' 54° 40" and to prevent access to it by Great Britain through any inlet or navigable stream. The description of that boundary was copied into the treaty of 1867 between Russia and the United States, by which Alaska became ours. This boundary line was laid dofwn in the British Admiralty map, and remained undisputed more than seven- ty years. A Canadian conceived the idea of moving it to the -westward so that It would cross the heads of some navigable streams and inlets. This woi^ld enable British subjects to have water access to the Klondike mining region far In the interior of the British possessions. 14g, .DEMOORATTO CAMPAIGN BOOK, TBe Canadians, who lia,Ye always kept on laand two or three quarrels with the United States, finally prevailed upon tteir own government virtually to farm out her treaty-making power to a Canadian Commission. Instead of meeting this offei- by a proposition to appoint a similar commission of citi- zens of the State of Washington, which borders on 'the Canadian territory, our government met this Canadian Commission by the appointment of full United States Commissioners. Various questions were discussed, and some of them were apparently arranged for, when suddenly there came a check to all proceedings in the .shape of a Canadian demand for a portion of the Amer- ican territory of Alaska. Two insulting British claims were refused discussion by the United States; one was to substitute as one of the natural boundaries, the Behm canal or channel, instead of the' Lynn Channel, which is named* In the treaty; the other was that in the measuring of the strip of ten leagues from the seacoast we should start at the west coast of the islands lying along The coast instead of at the coast of the continent. This would in some parts have left us off the continent entirely. No agreement was arrived at, tjie Canadians being bent upon having some of the American territory needed by them for access by vessels to the sea. And so the Commission adjourned. Then commenced one of those lovesick periods between the British Ambassa- dor at Washington and our State Department. British diplomacy always con- sists in demanding some of the territory adjoining her, and never yielding. By this policy she possessed herself of a slice of Maine nearly sixty years ago, and of all of British Columbia, then a part of Oregon, In 1846. In this latest Alaskan negotiation, Uord Pauncefote consented to take- a portion of our Alaskan territory temporarily, leaving its real ownership to be ascer- tained afterwards. When the United States is bdlldozed by Great Britain into acceding to an insolent demand for territory, but is afraid of arousing the popular indignation by fully announcing its surrender. Great Britain makes it a little easier by agreeing to call it "temporary." Such an ar- imngement is called a "modus Vivendi." In the present case the matter was allowed to simmer along (or a year, and the people had well nigh for- gotten the whole subject, when suddenly therg comes the announcement that an American surveyor, in obedience to the instructions* of our government, under this "modus Vivendi" has found that Secretary Hay, with President Moivinley's approval, has turned over a strip of territory twenty miles in width to the British government, and that in doing so he has hauled down the American flag over a great mining district in which American miners were digging the gold from our soil which it is the desire and intention of Great Britain to steal. When Lord Pauncefote dictated the "modus vivendi" he evidently knew what line to demand in order to drive American miners from American territory and surrender it to British miners. In other words, He knew over just what portion of Alaskan territory it was desirable to have an American President and an American Secretary of State "haul down the flag" of the United States. 1 ' THE BftlTISH ALLIANCE. ' 14.7 In all this transaction Lord Pauncefote might as vrell have been Secretary of State for the United States' as the one we had, and Lord Salisbury might as well have been our Presldrmt as Mr. JlcKinley. Hostile footsteps pj-ess Amer- ican soil. United States honor is insulted. United States sovereignty is defied, and t^nittd States territory is insolently invaded" by British subjects through •faithless cnnipliance with British demands by the McKinley 'administration. All this has been done without saying to Congress: "By your leave," and without suhniitting to the, Senate a treaty for its ratification or rejection. If the President can thus sun-ender Americao territory at his will, bow much further have we to go to reach ilnperiali^m■!'. It is an Insult to Americans to excuse this on the ground that it is only a "temporary" arrangement. The President can no more part with the possession of a rood of American ter- ritory temporarily than he can permanently. He can no more part with a portion of Alaslia than he can part with a portion of Maine, or of any other 'State bordering either on Canada, or on Mexico, Protest of Americans. The following from theWashlftgton Times of July 25 shows that the Amer- icans of the surrendered district protest vigorously against being made Brit- ish subjects- '-' ' Tlie State Department has received no confirmation of tlie report from Seattle fEat International surveyors liave located a boundary line between Alaska and northwest Canada. According to press dlspatclies tlae bouudajry gives to tlie Brltisli the northern half of the American Porcupine mining district. The surveyors who are' said to have located the line are O. T. Tittman, of Washington, and W. F. King, of, Ottawa, who followed Instructions set forth In the modus Vivendi agreed to a year ago by Secretary Hay and Lord Pauncefote. OfHeials of the Slate Department are inclined to believe that the line mentioned in the dispatches is merely a preliminary one established by the surveyors as a basis for future worli. According to the story which comes from Seattle, great indignation pre- vails in southeastern Alaska over the cession of the Porcupine mines. A petition has been forwarded to the President, signed by 14&-miQers, appealing Ipr the correction of what is termed a "costly and unwarranted mistake." The petitioners represent- that the modus viyendi has permitted the British to seize thousands of acres of the public domain containing rich deposits of gold.- All of the Klaheena River >and Glacier and Boulder Creeks, upon which ■ Americans have spent thousands of dollars in prospecting, are taken away from their rightful proprietors. Iron posts demarking the boundary are crowded up to the foothills; crossing and recrdsslng the Dalton Toll Koad, thus cutting oft entrance to an exit from American mining camps. ^ , "All this," say the petitioners, "makes our future- look uninviting. We protest to you, Mr. President, against the unjust seizure of the Klaheena above Kluckwan, wSich is only ten miles from tidewater, whereas we are entitled to the country twenty miles beyond Klucitwan, including the Klaheena River and Boulder and Porcupine Creeks, upon which Americans have made valuable discoveries at great expense of time and money. "Did you not say. that you were not in favor of ceding one inch of public domain? Here are thousands of acrps of rich mining ground that the British are enclosing wrthin their iron posts. Will you not, Mr. President, act with the people and see that those posts are moved back?" 14-S DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Great Britain and tlie Boers. The most heartless and un-American of all the results of the alliance be- tween Great Britain and the McKinley administration is the aid and com- fort given by our government to Great Britain in her war for the destruction of the South African Republics. It is the first struggle for freedom in whicH the United States GoTernment was erer found on the side of oppression and wrong. Our State JDepartment, under the jnanipulations of Lord Pauncefote, has been like an innocent countryman in the snares of a city bunco-steerer. British statesmen and writers have put forth a claim for the gfatltude of this country because the British Government allowed us to go to war with Spain. 'As this countrj- took good care of herself in two wars with Great Britain herself, such a claim is a gross insult to our people. Great Britain is always friendly to the United States when she wants Eometliing done, and when she wants to take something from us to which she has no right or claim. The only excuse the administration can give for ha,ving witliheld its sympathy from the Boers is that an expression of that kind would have met with the response that what that country was doing in South Africa we were doing in the Philippines. The super-serviceable zeal of President McKinley for the British oau^e, against the Boers was man- ifested by the haste with which our State Department assnred foreign gov- ernments, that we would be found neutral in the war against the Boers. The great hope of the little republics,— and it was a natural one,— was that the great republic would at least give them moral support In their struggle to maintain their independence. The cause for the war against them was the bandit's cause. They possessed gold mines which were wanted by Cecil Rhodes and his British friends inside and outside of their government. The demand made, in order to have it refused as a cause for war, was that the British residents in the Transvaal should be allowed to become citizens o^ that republic without renouncing their allegiance to Great Britain. Imagine such a demand upon this country! A. demand that foreigners should become naturalized and at the same time remain subjects of the governments un- der which they were born! AH the world was made to believe that ordin- Bi'y naturalization had been refused. By that is meant naturalization which would make the naturalized person an adopted eUizen of the new country and break off his allegiance to the former government. AVhen the Boer representatives visited fbis country they were made to feel that the^ adminstration had no kind word for them which would be un- ]jleasant if heard by the British Ambassador. All through the country they were received by the people with the warmest expressions of sympathy and friendship, and were greatly encouraged. Britisli Official Violation of U. S. IVIail. An Instance of the complaisance of the administration towards the Brit- ish Government in this same connection was exhibited by the attempt of THE BRITISH AliLlANCE. 149 the administration to stifle tlie inquiry made by the House of Representatives into the matter of oijening the ofiicial letters addressed to our consul at Pre- toria. Ev«7 effort was made to belittle the inquiry and the ofCense to which it related, and when these efforts failed and the insult to our Government was about to be the subject of a Congressional report, the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs produced the apology of the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, which was evidently not to be used when anything less would prevent a demand tor just such an a!pology. The following letter on this subject from Representative Wheeler of Kentucky, one of ' the Com- mittee, fully bears out the above statement: * "Washington, D. C, August 21, 1900. "Bear Sir:— Referring to our conversation of yesterday, when you aslsed that I furnish a statement in regard to the Macrum incident, the facts are as follows: "Macrum, who was Consul to Pretoria in October of 1S99, applied for leave of absence by cable. It was refused by the State Depajrtment. He applied three or four times afterwards. A telegram sent by him on the 14th of No- vember was held by the censor at Durban until the 4th of December before it was forwarded. On the 4th of December the British Government finally for- warded the telegram, aad he was ■ given leave to come home. When he reached Washington he ascertiiined that Mr. Hay had appointed his son as his successor, and 'he was refused an audience at the State Dep^vrtment, and at the White House. He was not permitted to settle his accounts as Consul with Secretary of State, and up to the time Congress adjourned had not settled his accounts. The removal of Macrum and . his reception at the State Department grew out of the fact that he was a notorious and open advocate of the Boer cause. "After reaching this country he chai'ged that his official mail had been opened and read by the British censor at Durban. I introduced a resolution into Congress in the early part o£ January calling upon the State Depart- ment to know the truth or falsity of this charge, and asking if there was an understanding between Great Britain and the United States. The Pres- ident replied at once that he had no information about any official mall be- ing opened, and that there was no ti-eaty of alliance between this country and Great Britain. Mr. Macrum came to see me and exhibited, the envelopes and the mail which had been opened and read by the British censor. The en- velopes bore the Great Seal of the United States, and were marked "Offlcial Mail, United States Government." They had been^cutat one end, and the sticker of the British censor was on them, showing that they had beSn read by him. I made repeated efforts to proture an investigation of the truth or falsity df Macrum's charge. The resolution calling for an Investigation was held up for a month or more by the Speaker, who refused to appoint the proper committee for an investigation. A-fter much persuasion I finally got a hearing. The matter was referred to the Committee on Foreign, Re- 150 , DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. - '• -. r- lations, aaa 1 had Mr. Macrum on haad to te.stify. He testified substantially a* above set out, and at tUe conclusion of tlie bearing, Mr. Hitt, the Chair; man o£ the Committee on Foreign Eelations, laid beiore me a written apqlr ogy from Salisbury, the British Premier, wbieh covered the opening and reading of the official mail of Mr. Macrum. This apology admitted the opening of the maU, and apologized for doing so, saying It bad been the ig- norance of the censor at Durban. The officials of the State Departmen);, had evidently had this apology for weeks and weeks, and were making every effort in their power to shield Salisbury and. Pauncefote from the humiliaj- tion of exhibiting an apology to the American people for opening ' . IVesiilent— Th .,- Treasurer-Mr; H. -E. M BO.UilKE. , . , Secfolary— Mr. M. HANWifUi^a-, ,;. - -' QBJECIS.^To upliold BntiBti'sWrciiiacy.aiid to' promote ffie ■interests of 'British '.. subjects ill Soiith, AM,ca, With; fall recognition o£ Colonial self-gbverhra^nt. ' : METHObS.-Tlia work of fW AsscjCiatioit consists in placing before the countiy t»e fullest- information upoa tbe,\|xoIitical, ';cbiaine)-cial and pther . questions wBich, affect the various peoples and commnnities in Sorilh Africa. ^' J.-. ' '..-■'. ■ This work will be performed, by, the publication' aijd;di5,tributioh of pamphlet^- ana . .le.aflets, and by organising iJubft'crmeeiingSi,- ttesemeetings will Jie addressed by spe^ers -either persdiiallyactiuaintea.with.Sbuth African affairs or who have ma'de, them the , sulyect! of their special, study,- ' ; ,; ' - ' ■' ' • r ", '", - ■• ; '■ ^^-GENERAL COj/IMITTEE. ■ ■ \:-j ' ' ' , V-. '0«tai'iuit;cigh Clave, Esq, M.P, ThcDtiVBofUrgyll, K.T: ':, '^. i Tlie Uuke of Iiccds.~ - i,"V'' .'flie^OiikCiOf SuUierI:iiiiirI*M<;xljoroii^h. -' ' ■ --"■ ;, i'arl Scarliofough. ,' , ->~ *' .' "Karl 'of Warwick. ■ Viscount Coke. •, , , " ' Viscduiit Sanddri, M.P. ' f jord Coimemara. , •■Lord IMiburton, G.C.B. T.otd Emiry. . ,' , '» * ■•', , ' I^tOrdsLccpnlield. ' .' Lord Balearres, M.P. ' Admiral Lord Charles Bercsford, M.P. J.ptdE Talbot,'. M.P. ' , ' • ' ■Rtefit.Hon. E. Carson, aC;, AI.P. Kjjlit Hon: A. II. Smiih-Bi\rry,,k:P. , Hon. A. B. Bathurst, M.P. ' - ; ' Hon; H. JDaocoH^be, M.P. ' Hon. A. I-yttlcton/.M.P. vMon.'J. W. Scatt-Montagu, M.P. *: i , Colonel Hon. G; Kapicr. , ,, ,," \ "' ^Hon„VV;F. 1). Siiiith,-M.P. ' \, '--■ H(>ii. R. G. Veniov. M.P. iHon.K. Ward, M'.P. , ,. -, Sir W. Cameron Gull, Bart.,, M.P. , ' ': Sir W. U. Porter, Bart. „ , ' ■ Sir Edward Sassoon, Bart!, M.P. ' Admiral Sir J. E. Conimerell, V.C,- G.C.B. '"&c^a-4 H'.- McCalmont, C,B, J0ehel-,arSir,-3. Bevan Edward's,' K.C.M.G. Sir Wihiam Arrol, M.P. _ -^. ■ Sir H. H, Bemrose^JM.P. ,' 'feirW T. Doxford, M:P: . ■ SlrjVlfred.nickrnaii, M.P. ' Sir li, S. Kini>; K.C.lE,. M.P. - Sir .Alex. Macilonald (Ex-I;ord Provost of - E'dmburgli). Sir H. M. Stanlev, G.C.B., M.P. -Sir John WillOx.'M.P. A. Brassey, Esq;, M.P. 1C. W. Beckett, Esq., M.P. ,|i, E. Boulnois, Esq., M.P. ll. F. Bo\vle«, Esq., M.P. , A. G.'Boscawen, Esq., M.P. J.-G. Butcher; Es'ti., U-C , M.P! ' VVaUerU:Cailile,«sq, M.P. ' EVelyn'Cecll, I!sq.,:M.P. Colonel J. MdA. Kenny, M.P. ,1a. A. Gonldins, Esq., M.P. '' Walford D. Green, E?q., M.P. ' J. Grcttou. Esq:, M.P._ 0. Keml), Esq.VM-P- r H.-Kimber, Esq.,M.P.-' I\ W. J.owc, Esq., M.P. " •.l.'Lowles.-Esq., M.P. Ian Malcolm, Esq., M.P. , II. II. Marks, Esq., M.P. ' ' " „ J. T. Middlcmore, Esq., H._P. i ' Colonel Vietor'Mdwai'd.,M.P. E.,R. P31oon, Esg-.'M.P.' . ' C:.I.. (3i^r-Ewing:„E9q.„,M.P.- ■F. A.Jvlewdisaie, Esq., il.P. J.M.PaultohVE.sq:, M.P. - "H.PikcPease. Esq., M.P.; - (>. UnvPym.,EMi., M.P. .1. A. Kcntoiii, Esq., IXC, MP, , II. C- Richards., Esq, Jl.l'. General Russell, M.E. II. S. Samuel, Esq., M.P. ' II.Selon-Karr, Esq., M.P. PvM- Thonitoa,.E^q.,'M.P. ' ,'J,. L. VVanklyn,.Esq., M.P. •V A. E. Warr, Esq.„iM,P G. W.-Wom',-Esq.,M.P. . N. D'Arcy Wynll, Esq., M.P. ' Canon Knox Little. G. .A i-nistroiia:; i?sq. C. Kiiilo'ch Cftokc, Esq. Edward Dicey, Esq., C.B. W. H.Grcnfell.Esq.' - ,11. l^ider Haggard, Esq. ■ ■■•A.' Hacrasworth; G^q. ' .,;.,V'. Iloi'sley.EsqiF.RS. ' '\ F, J. Wodtton Isaacson, Esq. Capt.W- James; ' Andrew Jamtson, Esq.j Q,C. A. Weston J.arvis, Esq. A. 11. KSene, Esq.. PJi.C.S. Rudyard Kipling, Esq. -iJ.'V W. Macabster, Esq ■ T; MiHer Maguire, Esq., LLD. E. A. Maund, Esq. EdvKird.Tcnnant, Esq. ,i' C. F.Tainton, Esq. ' A. De Sales 'I'nrljind, Esq •. W. A. : Hewitt Bostock, Esq , M,P. L P. Ijroilcnr, Etq , SIP. (Dop\il\ Sprakcr , ofihe Ilonsc 01 CnmmoiJsj. A,Miic>;ciil, Esq,M.P. - ,. Raymond Pr£lontninc. Esq, 'Q C ■ MP. V (Mayor of Montreal). ,■::.• Ross Robertson, Esq., M.P. ' ; B. Rnssell, Esq., (I.e., M.P. . . J. G. Rutherford, l>sq;, M.P. lion Senator .Vlati- Hon, Seiiator, Sir Jqbir Carliny, K,C M O p.c. ' , " ■■■ ■■ \ ■- Hon, Senator Drummoird.' i : . AH those in sympathy with the objects of the Association are invited to send in their names ', 1 to the Secretary. Contributions ynay be .forwarded to the Treasurer. THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. 151 were f urnlshied. She said Commissioner Harris liad left with, her the money for jthe stamps. Being asljed how much money he left, she replied "Eighty dollars." Upon being asked if all the money was used, she replied, "No." She said there were "twenty-eight left." Being asked "twenty-eight what?" she replied "twenty-eight cents." fehe said the stamps u.sed were two-cent stamps. She stated that Mrs. R. Ji. Foote, who was a clerk in the Divi- sion of Arts and Art Schools had furnished slips containing the addresses to which the documents wei'e to be sent. She informed Mr. 'Lentz that the names of the persons connected with education in the various States and counties were alphabetipally arranged on cards after the manner of library cards, so that the names could readily be .found for any State or County. Durihg the interview Mr. Lentz asked the Chief Clek, ^r. Loviek, if he could furnish him with a set of the documents in^ question. He replied that he could not, as they had all been sent out, except a single set wliich had been furnished to Representative James D. Richardson, the Chairman, of the Dem- ocratic Congressional Committee, at his request. Mr. Richardson has perpiit- ted the compiler of this book to use the copy of thie principal one of these British pamphlets for the purpose of having- the accompanying lithograplis made from it: The first Is the title page of the pamphlet. ■ .TEe second is printed on the inside o. this title page. It will be found to con- tain 'a highly interesting , array of the British nobility and others who con- stitute the committee of 'this "Imperial South African Association." The reader will observe near the top of No. 2 the objects of this association. They afe "to uphold British supremacy and to promote the interests of British sub- jects in Soutli Africa." i These *documents would not have been circulated so industriously by our Educational Bureau if its chief had not been fully satisfied that the Presi- dent' was anxious to aid in upholding British supremacy in South Africa and wherever else it chooses to assert^ Itself. , But at the bottom of No. 2 will be found the most important of the objects for which tliis association is in existence, j't is the request that all thoge in sympathy with British supremacy send their names to the Secretary, and the additional suggestion that "contributions may be forwarc^-d to the Treasurer." Our Educational Bureau has collected at considerable trouble the names of all persons who are closely connected with educational interests in this country. It was among these persons that the "Imperial South African Asso- ciation" Thought it desirable to circulate British documents against the Boers. Those who received the i->amphlet by forwarding their names to the Sec- retary would enable that offlcer to address them individual requests for con- tributions. The pamphlet contains 36 pages. The last page contains the terms of the eettlffffient of the Ti-ansvaal War 'proposed by this "Imperial South Africaa 153 IDEMOCRATIC OASIPAIGN BOOK. ' Association" of.lioudon. The first of these terms is as follows: "The two republics must be permanently and cbippletely incorporated in the British Empire under the Union Jack." The third of these terms reads as follows: -y "There must be absolute equality in a\L matters, civil and religious, be- tween all white men." The attention of the OiTil Service Commission is called to the fact that while our own 'government refuses to aUow the departments to be used in 'American politics, the administration permits their use in British jwlitics. •WTLL CUBA HAVE INDEPENDENCE? JJS CHAPTER XVIII. CU8A-<^E"7TCR HALE FEARS SHE WILL BE DENIED INDEPENDENCE. Senator Hale, of Maine, a Republican of ^recognized ability and many years' service in Congress, spoke thus of the condition of affairs in Cuba in a colloquy witli Senator Spooner on the floor of the Senate on the 23d of la?t May:" "Mr. HALE. The Senator has more confidence than I have in the experi- ment we are trying to-day of teaching to the people of Cuba honesty and good government and good management and good affairs. I do not sympathize with him in the belief that this people has gained anything thus far in what it has taught the Cubans. I thinls; we would have been better off if we had not taught the Cubans the lesson that has been taught in the last few months. "Mr. SPOONER. What lesson? "Mr. HALE. The lesson of fraud, peculation, appropriation of revenues, cheating, stealing— a carnival in every direction of corruption and fraud. I think it wotlld have been very much better if we had not taught those people or tried to teach those people this. * * * "Mr. HALE. I do not recognize any line of fealty to party obligations that compels me to conseflt to the proposition that everything has gone right in Cuba. "Mr. SPOONER. Nobody pretends it. "Mr. HALE. I think the experiment has' been a failure. I would vote to- morrow, Republican or Democrat, to withdraw from Cuba and leave that people to establish and set up and maintain their own- government. I would keep the proposition that was put into the declaration of war and leave the people there, and there is nothing that has happened since that' goes to remove that impression from me. I do not undwstand that that is a question of party fealty. "I tell the Senator that he has no right, when I get up and protest against things that have occurred, to declare that I am making 9. Democratic speech. I am^making a Republican speech, and the time will come, Mr. President, wbe^ Repnulicans will be glad if we get out of this thing without worse things hap- pening than are happening now. In what I say I am more interested for the ^Republican party than I am for anything else, • * • - - 154 iDEMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK. "Mr. HALE. Now, let me say to the Senator I think there are very power- ful influences in this counh-y; I think they are largely located in New York City; I think they are largely speculative and connected with money-making enterprises that are determined that we shall never give up Cuba. I think there is a dangerous cloud in the sky; I think the time will never come, unless something earnest and drastic is done by Congress, when the last soldier of the United States will be withdrawn from Cuban soil. I do not think the President favors that. "Mi. SPOONEE, Favors what? "Mr. HALE. Holding on to Cuba. I do not think the Secretary of War favors that. I discover (and the Senator has different apprehensions from mine if he does not discover) very powerful influences — commercial, mercan- tile, money influences, and political influences— that are opposed to our ever wlthdracwiofi from Cuba.'^ OFFICIAL STEALINGS IN CUBA., '.' J55 CHAPTEE XIX.- STEALINGS OF UNITED STATES REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS ' IN CUBA. ■,.!;■ The extravagance, mismanagement and maladnoinistration of the fiscal af- fairs of Cuba by the agents of Prreldent McKinley are but partly disclosed by the reports to Congress in sqpsponse lo resolutions of inquiry addressed tp the S'eci'etary of War. The Inquiries of Congress were responded to by tTie transmission of several detached communications presenting an account of the receipts and expenditures of the revenues of Cuba in such form as no re- sponsible business house vi^ould think of accepting as an account from an agent. The communications of the Secretary of War showed that the Cuban reve- nues from all sources amounted to $16,340,015.17 during the period firom Jan. 1, 1899, to Dec. 31, 1899, and that the total disbursements during the same period amounted to $14,085,805.32, leaving a balance of $2,260,209.85. The detailed statement of how this nspney was expended tiresents a most ex;trhordinai-y account. Under the general heading of "Sanitation" is an item of ?3, 032,282.94, with ' no further information as to how that amount was eipendccl in "sanitation.". Under the head of '■Miscellaneous" is an item of $640,329.48. In general terms, "Civil Government" is put down at a cost of $345,479.05 to the Cuban revenues; and "Municipalities" at a cost of $1,239,403.65. Throughout the accounts the expenditures are stated in bi'oad and liberal terms. ' The condensed statement of expenditures is as follows: DISBDESESIENTS. Barracks and quarters .: ?1,2R9.9.^D.43 Sanitation 3,052,28'i^94 Eumr police and administration. ...." -. 1,445,467.21 rublic works, ports, etc 700,126.01 Cliarlties and hospitals ' 623,783.53 Miscellaneous (includes internal revenue to June 30) 640,329.48 Civil government ■ 345,479.05 Municipalities l,:i.';i).40o,i"o », Ala to destitute '. «. _. 229,912.87 Quarantine "l 150,gl3.9t) Customs service ^.. 810,S02.31 156 IDEMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN' B06K. State ancF government 600,334.04 Justice and public instruction 789,897.29 Finance i 542,412.83 Agriculture 347,516.93 Postal service 634,929.10 Auditor's and treasurer's offices 206,397.38 Census 357,977.37 Total 14,085,805.S2 In the statements in detail there is a similar liberal use of general terms to cover vast expenditures, and some of the items of interest are curiously desig- nated. General headings cover very large amounts. The statement of the disbursements by'E. G. Rathbone, Director-General of Posts of Cuba, stkrts off with an item: Miscellaneous $49,544.80 The next entry is: Salaries— Department of Posts.". $219,087.91. lii separate items are charged the salaries of clerks in the post offices, of postDjasters, of railway postal clerks and of letter carriers. What par- ticular salai^ies were paid with the two hundred and nineteen thousand dol- lars is not explained. ■ i The charge for furniture is twenty thousand some hundred dollars, while "rent" is charged with over eleven thousand dollars. Another entry is: i'er diem $17,313.39. One of the charges under which Mr. Rathbone was recently arrested was that of tampering with the "per diom" account of the "department of posts." Mr. Rathbone's carriage, harness 'and equipment, costing $3,105.26, was paid for out of the Cuban revenues. His account also carries an item of $36,031.40 for "building and repairs."' His private residence was fitted up ^and furnished in elegance at the expense of the poor Cuban government. His statement of account shows an expenditure of $612,290.38 for the year ending , December 31st, 1S09. Under the heading of "Charities and Hospitals," another department of this benign government, there is an item: Ammunition $16,160.91. The total expenditure under this head of charities and hospitals was, from July 1st to December 31st, 1809, in rouud numbers two hundred and sixty-two thousand dollars, yet the only items covering relief to the sick or needy are: Disinfectants $37.55 Provisions ; . . 55,524.01 Post mortem 150.00 Clothing 1 2,712.21 Medicine 5,024.30 Medical and surgical supplies 5,473.36 Supplies 1,543.21 OFFICLAX, STEALINGS IN OtfBA.' -jgij A-lcI to hospital 4,123.13 Aid to orplians 3,789.83 ■Laundry 54.92 Medica] examinations 294.00 Burial expensfts »». 51.1T Uations 3,713.95 This aggregate of less than tw(-inty-nine thousand dollars leaves a balance of' about two hundred and thiny-four thousand as the expense of admin- istering the iess than , twenty-nine thousand dollars' worth of charity. Under the head of "Ban-acks and Quartfers," the expenditures for the period from July 1st to December 31st, amounted to over six hundred thousand dol- lars. It includes an item of $202,376.55 for "material." The -rent of officers' quarters is something over nineteen thousand dollars, and then there is a "lient, miscellaneous," amounting to forty-one thousand dollars. Under the head of "Civil Government"— distinct from "charities"— there Is an item of twenty thousand dollars for "provisions," and of seven .hundred, and ten dollars for "clothing." There is another account, under the heading of "Aid to the Destitute," where clothing, provisions and medicines are provided for. Under the head of "Sanitation," the salaries are $109,539 and the labor paj roll .'s givtm in a lump sum of ?8S0,799.79. There is also an item of "Mate- rial, $339,CS5.10." A hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars is charged to "property," and thirty-eight thousand to "Keal jEstate." Commenting on this account, the New York Tribune (stalwart Republlcaa), said: The espendttures on tbis account during the six montlis ended Decemlrer 31, 18D9, amounted to $1,382,197.87, of whieh the sum of $880,799.79 was expended for ''sanita- tion." If the men who didthe worli were destitute, unemployed, and unskilled, it ia not po.saible that they received more than $1 (gold) each for a day's work, and at that rate it would have required 8,744 men working all day and every day except Sundays during that period to earn $1,382,197.87, and it would have taken 5,577 men working all day and every day except Sundays from the morning of January 1 to the night of De- cember 31 'to earn the sum of $8S0,77Q charged to labor under the head of "sanitation." The salaries charged against the Cuban revenue for sis months covered by the account, under the head of "Rural Guard and Administration," are, in a lump sura, $417,813.73, while there is a "pay roll" of twenty-seven thousand dollars. The items of "Material" and of "Property" appear m this account also, one for nearly eight thousand dollars and the other for over eleven thousund dollafs. The grand total of salaries, not including labor pay roll, which in the san- itation department alone amounted to above $880,000, amounts to $3,122,052.06, during the period from July to December, 1899, in all the departments and from January to June in some of them. This does not Include extra allow- ance Of salaries to army officers, which was made without authority of law. 158 tDEMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK. Between July 1st and December 31st, 1899, extra salartes were paid to army ' officers out of the Cuban revenues, amounting to 57,799.40. Major-General Broolse received, in August, $625; in November, |1,25§; m November again, $625; in December, $416.66. Brig.-Goneral William Ludlow received in eacb of the month.?, August, September, October, November and December, the extra salarjr of $41^.66/ Colonel Bliss and Major Ladd each got extra compensation, the former $$8iO0 and the latter $300. General Chaffee was allowed $5,000 for quarters, and shai-ed the build- ing with some other officers, not named in the report. An allowance of $3,600 was made for the "commanding officer's quarters." TEe "miscellaneous" items are a feature of the accounts of the several' branches of the government in Cuba. Each account has a miscellaneous itemj and then there is a special "miscellaneous" account, amounting to $109,643.38,'-' In which occur, "miscellaneous salaries $27,000;" "miscellaneous rent, $14,006," and simply "miscellaneous, $572," aiid an item of $11,775 for repairs to thd- quarters of the captain of the port. ' ■ ' In addition to entries for "repairs of highways," ''repairs of buildings" and other repairs, the character of whicfi is designated, the following entries are' made in the accounts oif the various departments: "Repairs, $3,886.58;" "Repairs, $7,735.65;" "Repairs, $92,565.05;" "Repairs,;; $8,S75.41;"' "Repairs, $817.65;" "Repairs, $20,194.88;" "Repairs, $6,02T.C^;"- "Repairs, $53,730.16;" "Repairs, $2,055.63." Under the simple entry "Material" there are more than fifty' items, amoiig which are the following: ' "Material," $49,425.52; "Material," $35,615.79; "Material," $202,376.55; "Ma- terial," $339,685.10. Under the heading of "Department of Justice -and Pub- lic Instruction" there are thirteen entries under the general term "Material." Among the items of expenditure there are several entered as deficits. One of these under the heading of "Department of State and Government," is: "Deficits, $35,175.47."^ Another entry which frequently occurs in the accounts is: "Eventual ex- penses." One entry under this designation is for $31,236.25. In the depai-tment of posts of Cuba flagrant frauds were discovered early in May, 1900, resulting in the araest of C. F. W. Neeley, at the time, and of E. G. Rathbone, "Director General of Posts of Cuba," on the 27th or 28th of August. . - Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow, who was sent to CuW to make an investigation, aifter the arrest of Neeley, submitted his report to the Post Office Department the last weeli in July and upon this report was based the arrest of E. G. Rathbone. Jlr. Bristow was unable to determine how extensive the frauds and embezzlements were, but his report thus sum- marizes those by Neelev, as a "minimum;" OFFICIAL STEALINGS IN CUBA. 159 Shortage as shown by his own recprds 30.600.73 Excess of credit by desiruciion of surcharged stamps definitely asceriuined. . 101,113.10 Total 131,713.89 This will be increased by the cllscorery of additional sales of .surcharged stamps, bu. will not exceed .fl50,000 in the aggregate. An Interesting compilation has been made from Neely's cash boolt. It shows: (■^ash received frotfi all sources $."j.30,7,"i9.fj.j Cash accounted for 431,481. 17 Leaving a cash shortage of 119,278.48 Tlie report given out in summary form by tlie Post Office Department at Wasbington says Neeley's Cash books do not show an accurate amount of cash received, because tlTere is evidence that he did not enter on his .books all tlie cash received from unbonded post- masters. The first computation is considered the most reliable estimate of Neely's embezzlements that can be arrived at. Numerous exhibits are submitted with the report relating to Neely's financial transactions in detail. i Director General Eathbone appointed C. F. VV. Neely, chief (^ the Burdau of Finance, who had custody of the stamps; W. H. Beeves, assistant auditot' for the Island of Cuba, ' the only man who could in any way have had a check upon Neely's transactions, and D. Marfleld, chief of the Bureau of Registration, as a commission to destroy the sur- charged stamps. Neely and Reeves entered into a conspiracy to report a larger quan- tity of stamps destroyed thap were actually destroyed and thereby defraud the Cuban Government. Neely's fraudulent transactions, howe+er, were not confined to embezsilements only, and while the amounts thus received by him were sniall as compared ]\ith tl^e outright embezzlements, yet they, show the same olflcial depravity and utter disregard for the Interests of the public service. With reference to tlie conduct of Director-General of Posts Ratlibone, the report says that on "December 21, 1898, E. G. Rathbone was appointed director general of posts. His salary was fixed at ?J:,CO0 per annum. At his earnest request \he Postmaster General on January 30, 1809, allowed him $5 per diem for expenses in addition to his salary. Later on he claimed his salary and per diem were not sufficient, and on June 19 the I'ostmaster General wrote iiim that his salary should he increased to .$6,500 per annum, and that, 'with the compensation fixed at $G.5O0, the per diem of $3 would cease.' On July 3, in answer to this letter, Eathbone, in a complaininfv way, stated that this increased his salary but ?G75 and inclicated a very earnest desire that a house be furnished him as an official, residence. ; In reply to this letter the Postmaster General on July 7 wired him: "Will make full allowance for house besides salary," and on the SthVrote: "This means that it is our purpose that provision shall be made for a suitable residence for you over and above the fixed compensation of .fe.BOO." "On December 19 the Po.stmaster General issued the order fixing the sal- ary at $6,riO0, making it effective August 1. The salary of the director gen- eral^ therefore, was from August 1, 1899, ifG.SOO per annum, without per diem. In addition to the salary he was provided with a house. The records of the Department of Posts show that he continued to draw $.5 per diem in addition tp the ?6,50ut on the Porto Rican tariff bill. The Sugar Trust cared nothing for the trifling sugar product of Porto Rico; but if Porto Rico had become a part of the United States, then the Philippine Islands had become a part of the United States, and the suga» plantations of the Phil- ippines were a menace to the Sugar 'frust. It therefore became "the plain duty" of the Republican Congress to decide that Porto Rico, ceded to the United States by Spain, had not become a part of the United States, after all. They decided that acquisition did not acquire, nor annexation annex. They decided that the Constitution of the United States, without which there is no Congress and no treaty-making povs-er, had been left out ot the new ar-qui- sitions. The treaty-making power had acquired- them in some mysterious way without exercising its constitutional authority, and, therefore, Congress, ex- isting only by authority of that Constitution, could leave the Constitution out of consideration in any legislation for the new territories. And all because the Sugar Trust demanded it. Chairman Payne's confession proves that in the case of the Porto Rican tariff the legislative power Qf Hxe Congress of Jlue United States was JraiKferred .to tJie Sugaj: Irust,, ^ CONTROL OF CONGRESS BY SUGAR TRUST. 171 Mr. Payne did not allow Mr. Henry of Texas to state what iiiifl been urged by Mr. Oxnard before the House Committee on Insular Affairs. It will answer the, .purpose to Qi;od,uc;e, ^i,few extracts from, what Mr. Oxnard said before the Senate ComnJitbeefOB the Pacific Islands and Porto /Rico, on the ^th Of .Tanudry, l&OO. His 'feta'cfcment and argument there covered twenty pages of the report of the hearing. In analyzing the bill before the Committee he informed the members of the committee what the leading features of their own bill seemed tx) be. He said It Was "a colonial rather than a territorial system." He explained that certain phraseology In the bill was "intended probably to recognize ani^ preserve, so far as the other provisions of the bill can, the sovereign or constitutional power of Congress over, and the recognized distinction be' ' t^een, a territory of the United States given organic law, looliing to future statehood, and the Inhabitaiits of tropieal colonial possessions that the United Startesmay acl5p, t^ut something else, is-truer- unless and unti} Caagfess legislates the Pre§idejjjt,' ^^otber creature of the Constitution, 'has powers beyond the Constitution;, but we do not think that Congress has powers beyooad the Constitution.' "Here are some truths- tersely put by a couple of great men who are members of the Republican -party. I refer to the sxieeches of Judges Har- man and .Tudge Taft at the farewell banquet to the latter as he was takiijg his departure to go as one of the appointees of the PrFsident as commissioner to the Philippine Islands. • «'i( • • 4> « Judge Harman. "Here are some of these epigrams of Judge Harman: " 'Our history and principles are a perpetual promise to peoples struggling for freedom and independence. " -We now hear the usual plea of doers of doubtful things. " ' "The deed Is done; it is too late to discuss it." ' " It is never too late to retrace a mis- step, to right a wrong.' ' , " 'If the people shall decide that no nation is good enough to nila another nation without tliat, nation's consent; if they sjiall conclude that this country cannot long, exist part vassal and part free, then there will be no difBculty in doing what we ought to have done in the beginning— leave the Filipinos to manage their own affairs and serve, notice to the world that they are und^r our protection. " 'The Philippine question, as it involves right and wrong, will never be settled until it is settled right' » Judge Taft, a Philippine Commissioner. "Judge Taft says, and remejuber Judge Taft is a Republican, and, more- over, is the Republican appointee of a Republican President as a Philippine Island commissioner: "1 have always hoped the jurisdiction of our nation would not extend beyond territory between the two oceans.' * '" "Again Judge Taft says: " 'We have, not solved all the problems of popular government so perfectly as to justify our voluntarily seeking more difficult ones abroad.' ,. .','And, how much more difficult, Mr. Cttairman, is the problem when the question is not the government of a homogeneous people with common aspir- ations and common traditions whence those aspirations flow, but the gov- ernment of a people alien to us in race, in religion, in institutions, in law, in aspirations, in, traditions, in environment, in everything, and inferior to us in I every respect. i"Here is something which I find quotefl from General Lew: Wallace; THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. ' ;17X ■'- Gfeneral Lew Wallace, Author of Ben Hur. "'When the President recoirimended free trade ^with Porto Eico, that was ' WUliam McKinley speaking from his heart. Wlien he urged Congressmen to eat their utterances and vote for a duty on the industries of the island going and coming, that was Marls: Hanna, the great Ohio suspect. Either the Porto fileans are fellow-countrymen or people in relation to us not yet defined. If fellOTY-countrymen, free trade should govern in all our dealings with them, and their institutions should be Apiericanized, something impossible under military control. If they are in relation unknown and undefined and poor and helpless, then charity, the essence of Christianity, should have had the molding of our policies. " 'It is idle to talli about the island being outside of the Constitution. Is Congress the creature of the Constitution or the Constitution a device! of Con- ; gress? It is unfortunate tljat none of the men Invited to see him and come away converted has told us of a word dropped by the President in explanai- tlon of his orwn conversion. It is not pleasaiit to thinli of the President ex- erting himself to control the action of an Independent branch of the Gor- erment. Wbat shall stop him next from interfering with the judges of the Supreme Court?' •'That. I find attributed to General Lew Wallace, ex-minister by Repub- lican appointment to Constantinople and author of Ben Hur. "Here is soinething from the Peoria (111.) Journal, which I believe is a Re- publican paper: Peoria (111.) Journal. "'The appeal of the Porto Rlcans for the privilege of free trade with the balance of the United States is not one that should be rejected. The party that neglects to heed this appeal will suffer for it.' "Here is something from the Cincinnati Commerical Tribune, Republican: Cincinnati Commercial Tribune. " 'Porto Rico suffers because of Congressional tardiness. And in her sufter- Ings is the flag reproached and the nation discredited. This is a condition that discbunts American statesmanship.' ■ "Here is something from the Chicago Times-Herald. It is- Republican, un- doubtedly: Chicago Times-Herald. " 'The ti'uth is that the consistency and honor of the Republican party were sacrificed for cheap and cowardly political reasons, and the moral sense- of the party was outraged at the bidding of the smallest fly that ever buzaed around the hub of progress.' "Not satisfied, the Chicago Times-Herald continues in another issue la this original manner: ITS'' ..'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.: " 'Is it not about time for the adYocates of the Porto Bleo tariff bill to se- lect some apology for that amazing political blunder ujkjh which they can stand over night? In the six weelss that have elapsed since the Ways and Means Committee cut its safe moorings to the docli of duty and ventured forth on the stormy sea of broken faith and temporary shifts each week has seen the invention of a new explanation to replace an exploded excuse. Take tl^em in the order in which they were invented and abandoned, the Gov- erment will not fulfill the pledges of Miles, the "necessity" of Davis, the "jus- tice" of Root, the "plain duty" of the President.' "Here is something from the Portland Oregonian, a Republican paper: The Portland Oregonian. " 'What especially concerns the country is this striking, proof that pro- tected avarice and greed have been able to control the House of Represen- tatives and overbear the President against plain dnty, manifest justice, and the interests of industry and trade between peoples under the common flag of the United States.' "That would have sounded bitter coming from me. What must be the mag- nitude of your crime to provoke its utterance by a partisan Republican news- paper! "Here is something from the Angola (Ind.) Magnet, Republican. It is head- ed "People are not fools.' "Of course it means 'most people:' Angola (Ind.) Magnet, Republican. "'Some of the members of Congress tell us that the people do not un- derstand the Porto Rican tariff bill. Perhaps they do not, but they have a pretty well established belief that the clause in the Constitution which de- clares "that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the , lUnited States" means precisely what it says. "Here is something from the Baltimore American, Republican: Baltimore American. "'At this time, when General Miles's pledge, the provisions of the peace treaty, the President's plain duty message, Secretary Root's unqualified rec- ommendation, and. the temper of the Porto Ricans are all taken into con- sidei-ation, the country refuses to .believe that there can be any right or jus- tice in the latter-day effort to treat the Island as an alien. "Here is something from the Philadelphia North American Republican, that is very good reading. It is headed 'Un-American treatment.' Philadelphia North American, Republican. " 'No wonder the Porto Ricans are not satisfied. If they ar^ forei-'ners let them ship their goods on foreign vessels if they find that to their advan- tage, and let them trade with foreign countries without the impediment of THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW, 179 the Dingley tariff. If they are Americans, let tliem be treated like other Americans. They have a right to be considered one thing or the other.' "Here is something from the Minneapolis Journal, Republican, from the Republican Northwest. This taper dares to say that you are blind: IWinneapolis Journal, Republican. ' " 'It begins to look as if the people who lack for information were not in tlje country among the constituents, but were in Washington in the Ways and Means Committee and in the House miaekly following the lead of its blind leadership. It will not hurt the Republican party to abandon this mis- take, and the Republicans look with hope to the Senate to save the party from pcffsisting in a dangerous error.' "Then the peaceful rest and grassy quiet ocf the City of Brotherly Love are disturbed by the following plaint occasioned by your bad faith: Philadelphia Ledger, Republican. " ' "EveiT consideration of justice and good faith," as the Secretary of War declared in his last annual report, demands that Congress shall accept the obligation of plain duty as it was announced l)y President McKiuley. Shquld Congress fail to do fha.t, it will do it, not only at -the risk of defeating tlie Republican party in November next, but with the certainty of breaking solemn pledges, of violating the bod-rock principles of the Constitution, of inflicting monstrous wrong and in.1ustice upon a people who came to us cheerfully and welcomed us efCusively because of their confidence in the good faith of our Government.' Boston Transcript, Re'publican. "Now comes a voice from the' Hub of Uie Universe, and the cultured and protected gentlemen who have hithci'to voted the' Republican ticket in the Atlieus of America must have their, self-contemplative satisfaction disturbed by the following appeal to common sense made by a Republican newspapijr: " 'The stuffed bogy that the admission of Porto Rico goods into our mar- kets without the 'payment of duty would bo a step toward -free trade as a- national policy has lost its force, if it evi.'r had any. * " 'We have heard of niother countries, like France and Spain, which force . their colonies to buy eveiything of- tho motlierland. We never heard of any mother country which forced the colonies 'to sell all their goods outside of , the 'motherland. If 'we insist upon exacting tribute from the suffermg is- land, we ^shall be acting tho motherland very strangely.* j Cleveland Leader, Republican. "The Cleveland Leader, Republican in politics, actually accuses the 'great party of moral ideas,' the 'G. O. P.,' of beiflg immoral: " 'It is long since any policy adopted by the representatives of the Repub- lican party in Congress has been attacked by so great a proportion of the best 180 ,demoorjatic campaign book. Republican newspapers in tlie tfnited States as have resolutely opposed .tbe Porto Eican tariff bill. Tlie outbreals; of dissatisfaction is so ypide and intense, that -it may , well alarm the most sanguine leaders of the party. . ': " 'The reason is that the question is largely a matter of morals. Foremost in the issues raised by this unfortunate bill is the plea of Porto Rico for kind- ness and Justice. That is what breaks the lines of the Republican party. .. It is the appeal to the moral sense of the people. Republican, policies cannot safely or successfully be turned away from the instinct of rigM and. justice Involved in the demand for free trade between the United States and the little island whigh welcomed the American flag with high hopes and very demon- stration of joy.' • . Indianapolis Journal. "And then the Indianapolis Journal even forgets that It Is Republican, and remembers only that it is human and American: The Pauper Argument. " 'There is no weaker argument in defense of the Porto Eican tariff bill thah that based on the ignorance and poverty of the people of the island. We are told that when we got tlie island a large majority Of them could not read or write; that thousands of them were never clothed beyond wearing a shirt; that 85 per cent, of them went barefoot, and so on. " 'Much of the same might have been said of the Southern plantation ne- groes at the close of th.e war, yet we gave tlie latter untes trie ted free trade with the United States and the ballot besides. If ignorance and poverty fur- nislied a justification for discriminating duties or taxes there would be a great deal of class legislation in this country.' Detroit Tribune. "The Detroit Tribune comes very near to calling you hypocrites. The idea that a Republican paper should 'let tiat cat,' of all cats, 'out of the bag!' " 'The proposition made by some of the Senators to levy a tariff equal to 15 per cent, of the DIAgley duties upon imports from the United States free is probably the most remarkable compromise ever offered. Certainly nothing more extraordinary has been proposed since duty and destiny established them- selves in the seats of the mighty. " 'The principal argument advanced by the supporters of the House meas- ure is that Porto Rico needs tie revenue. Xow, the solemn Senators come along and say, "Let us do the right thing by these h'elpless people. We will keep their products out of the United States, but we will permit them to buy our products without paying anything extra for the blessed privilege." Hu- manity and benevolent assimilation can go no further. If the Porto Rlcans are not tickled now, it is hardly Vyorth while to try to please such a fickle and frivolous people.' THE PRESS ON PORTO RIOO IrAW. ; Jgl New York Evangelist, Presbyterian. "Then comes the Evangelist, and In the stern tones of a 'God-fearing cov- enanter" announces what one might have known would be its opinion, dic- tated by the great heart and hard head of Presbyterianism: " 'Some commercial degenerates are said to have used the argument witb tlie President that Porto Rico sugar' and tobacco will compete with the American product. We must protect our own growers. Our own growers! Is not Porto Rico our own? What Icind of absorption is this? What kind of Americanization of our own dependence does it portend? It would leave Porto Rico Worse off than it was under Spain, and it would Impose on the people of this generous and justice-loving Republic the harder lot of ex- changing places with Spain and coming down from our Ideals to the level of that once proud and magnanimous people.' New York Board of Trade and Transportation. "Then to make the sad irony of your fate 'sadder yet and yet sadder' comes the voice of commercialism, itself. Listen to the New York Board of Trade and Transportation, then cry, 'at tu, Brute?' and die: " 'Rooms of the New Xork Board of • " 'Trade and Transportation, " 'Mail and Express Building, 203 Broad-way, " 'New York, March 22, 1900. " 'At a special meeting of the Ni w York Board of Trade and Transportation, called for the purpose of conslderiog the Porto Rico tariff matter and held this day, the board adopted the following resolutions, viz: " 'Resolved, That in the judgment of the New York Board of Trade and Ti-ansportation the policy of the United States toward the island of Porto Rico should be denitely and immediately determined upon considerations and conditions which relate to that island alone, and that such policy so decided upon should not in any particular or degree be affected. Influenced, or warped by other and different questions, conditions, and considerations which may be Involved in the relations of the United States to the island of Cuba and to the Philippines. " 'Itesolved, That the pea^e of Porto Rico, In the opinion of the New York Board of Trade and Transportation, are entitled by every consideration of juctlce, equity, and honor to the most beneficent treatment by the Govern- ment of the United States. We believe that in assuming Uieexisting relation toward Porto Rico this country accepted obligations which cannot honorably be evaded, and that, apart from all other considerations, due regard for pledges gi-ven demand the extension to that Island of free commercial inter- course with the United States and a civil form of government. " 'Resoh ed. That it will be a dishonor to the American flag, which now floats over the; Island of Porto Rico, if by reason of any consideration un- worthy of this great nation any act of ours shall impose upon the people of 182 (DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. that island burdens less tolerant than those from whicli ttiey have been -re- leased, . and they shall cqme thereby to rega.rd our flag as the emblem o^ avarice and not of liberty and happiness. " 'Resolved, That while giving expression to the foregoing sentiments, the New Yorli Board of Trade and Transportation renews its expression of cour fidence in the wisdom of the Administration and of Congress, and of their, desire and purpose to legislate upon the interests of the island of Porto Kico, in accord with the overwhelming sentiment of the people of the United States, Which, in our judgment, favors tlie keeping of good faith pledged by General Miles and other representatives of this Government. " 'Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to the President of the United States, and to the members of the Senate ajid of the House oJ Representatives. " 'Resolved, That the president be authorized to appoint a committee of five members of this board, who shall have full power to talie such action as they may deem conducive to the carrying out of the views of this board as ex- pressed in the foregoing resolutions. ■•"A true copy. •"W. H. PARSONS, President •"Attest: " 'FRANK S, GARDNER, Secrefary.' Buffalo Evening News. "Editorial in the Buffalo Evening News— a proselyte to Renublicaniam, and therefore zealous in the faith: "'If the tariff wall is to be raised between the United States and Porto. Rico, the Republican party may ^^e\l look about for another candidate for, President, for William McKinley has himself written the epitaph which will be his if that happens. His message to Congress put upon Congress, as a matter of conscience, the duty of opening our markets to the annexed island. If,be yields to pressure, and in the end consent.^ to wrong Porto Rico, the re- sponsibility wiU be his, and it will be a grave one.' ,*.,,* * * * * * * * * " 'The attempted betrayal of Porto Rico has divided the Republican party in OilBgress. ;lt WiU divide it in the nation' if the policy is carried out. Tlie re- sponsibility rests mainly with the President. This is a year when, of all years, tlie Republican party should be united, hopeful, and aggressive. It should not be put oh the defensive. The prestige of a successful war and re- turning industrial prosperity make.'; it invincible if it will only be true to American Ideals. (* ■* * * * * * « >» "'The Presiitent shotild speak out and should stand by his' message in the manly fashion which is his in matters of principle, however he may com- promise in matters of policy and detail. The Republican State legislature'- THE PRJESS OX PORTO RIOO LAW. 183 of Towa has protested against the betrayal of Porto Hico. In New York a great mass meeting is to be held Thursday night to voice a similar protest. Soon it win be too late for the Chief Magistrate to break silence with self- respect. For political reasons, for personal reasons, above all for patriotic reasons and for the welfare of the whole country, the President should speaJi out, and he should speali out now.' • •'W'auts the President to 'sptels out.' Poor fellow! So anxious to please everybody: He has 'spolien out' so often and s'o variously that he has spoken himself out of alluring breath and some of ,vou out of Congress. What a predicament you have gotten one another into! Postmaster-General Smith's Newspaper Reviewed by the Washington Post. " 'The Philadelphia Press is one of the quintet of Rftpubliean papers that support the Porto Riean tariff bill. The Press, referring to the passage by the Senate, with amendments, of the Porto Rico appropriation recommended by the President, says: '• ' '"There is no disposition anywhere to deal with the Island of Porto Rico except on the most generous principles. The return of these ,duties shows this, ^nd the pi-oposition to relieve the island of all but a va-y small frattion, 15 per cent, of the Dingley duties, and then hand that lo per cent, over to the Island for the sole benefit of the Porto Ricans, is another example of na- tional generosity which some good people persist in misunderstanding, and spmenot so good misrepresent and distort for their own fell purposes. We do not believe they will succeed in deceiving the plain people or make them believe that It is dealing harshly with a people to collect a trifling duty on their goods and then hand the money collected back to them." "'There are few of the "plain people" in this country so doll as to be de- ceived by the flimsy pretense that the collection of a tax from individual Porto Ricans and then appropriating tlie proceeds for public works on that is- land is a fulfillment of our duty in the premise's. It is substituting charity for such just action as would place the people beyond the need of humiliating assistance. It is a violation of our pledged faith, a direct breach of the promise held out to the Porto Ricans when our Army landed on their shore. President Schurman, of the Philippines Commission, appears to be one of those "good people" who "persist in misunderstanding" this business, and therefore co-operate with "some not so good" in efforts to "deceive the plain people." He stands by and on the President's message calling for free trade with Porto Rico. He says: " ' "We are bound to this course by solemn promises. The supreme and irresistible reason for removing all customs barriers between the United States and Porto Rico is the promise made by General Miles, when first landing American forces oa the island, tUat the Porto Ricans should enjoy the same 184 DEMOCEATIO CAMPAIGN -BOOK. rights, privileges, and immunities as tlie people of the United States. Cln"'this understanding the Porto Ricans accepte,d American sovereignty, riot only'witli-^ out opposition, but with joyful trust and confidence. The present issue is simply this: Shall we repudiate or shall we fulfill the national engagements? Shall this great Republic break faith with the little island of Porto Rioo? Having secured the fruits of General Mifes's promise, shall we now renounce the promise?" , " 'Does tlie Press ijuagine that the "plain people" will fail to understand that? Is It not as clear as a ray of sunlight? And it goes to the country commended by the fact that the gentleman who wrote it possesses, in the most marlied degree, the respect and confidence of the President. " 'President Schurman not only stands on the President's message, but on the annual report of Secretary Root, ill which he said: "'"The liighest considora!tions of justice and good faith demand that we should not' disappoint the confident expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people of Porto ,Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the United States. We should treat the interests of this people as our own. I wish most strongly to urge that the custom's duties between Porto Rico and the United States be removed." " Is tliere any difficulty about the "plain people" comprehending that? And will they misunderstand es-President Harrison's declaration that he regards the Porto Rico tariff bill "as a most serious departur% f rem right principles?"* Senator Davis, of Minnesota, has .some influence with "the plain fieople." We suspect the Philadelphia Press has a very high opinion of his judgment. Did the Press follow him when he said to the Senate the other day, "What is the reason that this tariff rate, anomalous, unheard of, unprecedented, and tem- porary,, should be applied to Porto Rico while the other day a bill was passed ip the other House appropriating $2,000,000 for Porto Rico from the Treasury?" " 'There is an ex-Senator from Termont now residing in Philadelphia, for whose opiuiou on a constitutional question his countrymen, "plain" and other- wise, have as much respect as for that of any other living man. We r«Eer to George F. Edmunds, and cite his declaration that "the Porto Riean tariff bill is clearly nueonstiUiiional and violates all our agreements with and pledges to th6' Porto Ricans.'' From the Chicago Timos-Herald, March 7. "Let, UK hear from the great commercial centers, and first from that mar- velous Anierican growth— Chicago: " 'Senator Dayis of Minnesota has raised the true standard of American obligation? to Porto Rico, around which all Republicans can rally for the salvation of the party from the amazing blunder of the 15 per cent. House com- promise with our duty. Mr. Davis's free-trade amendment to the Senate bill comes not a day too, soon nor goes a step too far to save his party from the direful consequences of that unaccountable aberration from the straight path of national justice and honoii, THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. 185 "^'From every section of tie Union Republicans have called upon their Re- publican Representatives to undo the great wrong contained in the tariff provision of the Porto Rico bill. " 'We in the great West know that that demand Is almost unanimous throughout the Republinan parti, in this section. We know, too, that if it is compiled with— if the Republicans in Washington .act upon Senator Davis's amendment promptly--tbat in two weeks' time the mistake will be forgotten In thankfulness that It was remedied. " 'But If that wrong is persisted in— if the R^ubllcan party In Congress, through false jiride or in obstinate servility to the mysterious power behind the House bill, enacts its Porto Rico tariff into law, it will become the overshadowing Isaile in the Presidential campaign. " 'How can the Republicans meet such an issue? Up to the day Mr. Payne introduced the amended Porto Eico bill in the House, every report, pledge, message, and tradition of the Republican party was committed to the principle of no customs barrlei" between parts of the United States. Republican sopHlstries will be choked back into Republican throats by the report of Re- publican pledges, professions, and principles. ♦ A Tidal Wave of Indignation. " 'We do not know what (they think in Washington would be the result of such, a campaign, but here in the West we know that such a tidal wave of popular indignation would sweep across the prairies that the Democrats would capture the House of Representatives, even if they did not defeat President McKlnley. "'Senator Davis has shown, the path of duty to his party, which is the only path open for its salvation it can take and be forgiven, its blunders forgotten,' and Its campaign saved. It can refuse and prepare tor the pen- alty which fate exacts from those who despise the warnings of honor, jus- tice, and duty.' Senator Aldrich's Political Trick. " 'Senator Aldrlch could hardly have grasped the full meaning of his plea for the Senate's acceptance of the House Porto Rico bill. The argument he used was that an amendment would endanger the whole program, because it would make it necessary for the House to vote once more, and, as he said, "we do not know whether or not we can hold the House again." " 'On the supposition that this is a popular government, the Senator's own program thus appears as a political trick to defeat the popular will. Why is it that there is (ftubt if the House can be held again? Simply because the House has been hearing from the people. Having a regard for their repre- sentative character, as well as for their own convictions and the prospect of future punishment, the Congressmen feel that they have committed a mistake Which they should rectify. They recognize that the power which they wield 188 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ' is delegated to them by their constituents; that it belongs In tlie last resort to their constituents, and that it should be employed as those constituents decree. " 'This is undeniably the correct theory, but what is the proposed practice of Senator Aldrich? He admits in effect that there is no question alwut the trend of public sentiment, and then suggests -a betrayal. For the present the Gongressinen iave the advantage of position. They are in office for a fixed term and may do as they please. Therefore they should use their advantage In a way that is ajitagonistic to the people. " 'Naturally the question arises. What is the consideration for this con^ duct? The Senator would probably reply that It will be found in the In- terests of his party. But no party has an interest in offending the public. This persistence can be referred only to some organized, selfish force that is playing for a personal profit, and that force can be discovered only In the lobby. " 'Tq this complexion does it come at last. The implied alliance would drag down any party, however powerful.' Chicago Times-Herald, Marcht2. " 'It must be evident to the Government at Washington by this time that the treatment of Porto Rico as alien to our institutions, foreign, to our markets, and only entitled to our charity, contemplated in pending legislation, ofCends the universal sense of American justice and honor. When such a cool-headed and conservative constitutional lawyer and Republican as ex-President Har- rison says, "I regard tbe bill as a most serious departure from right principles," it is time for the Republican majority in Congress to face the situation with the courage and wisdom that dare to acknowledge a great mistake and undo a grievous wrong. Mr. Harrison merely packed into one sentence' the well- nigh unanimous sentiment of Republicans of the Mississippi Valley. ; " 'In the popular mind Porto Rico occupies a very different place from Cuba or the Philippines. It came under the protection of the Stars and Stripes more than wUlingly— gladly. The people do not forget, if politicians do, that We sent an army under General Sliles to conquer Porto Rico. That army went prepared to meet the fiercest resistance, not only from the soldiers of Spain, but from the inhabitants of the island. What was the fact? From the landing at the port of Ponce to the entrance Into San Juan the resistance was nonainal and the welcome was generous. General Miles and his soldiers were everywhere greeted as deliverers. When they entered San Juan the children, dressed in white, strewed flowers before the feet of our n^rching host. "Our Plain Duty," said the President. " 'Our conquest of Porto Rico was a peaceful ovation. There was no hag- gling over terms, no talk of independence, no quibbling about relations. General Miles pledged the protection of the Stars and Stripes, and Porto Rico accepted the pledge with all that it implied. THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. 187 " 'Whqn we contrast the attitude of the Porto Ricans, loyally accepting the situation and confiding theii- future without question or condition to the honor of the United States, with that of the Cutiajas and Filipinos, we under- stand how the American people feel bound to extend to the former ungrudg- ingly every privilege and benefit that American institutions, afford. " This sentiment was reflected in the report of Governor-General Davis, of the Porto Rico Ckimmission, and of Secretary of War Root. It was embedded in President McKinley's message of last December in words that met with instant approval throughout the Union. It seems little short of providential that the common will of 75,000,000' Anievicaus to less than a million Porto RiCans should have found such simple yet imperishable exnression in the very- heart of a state document of over 26,000 words long. " 'But there it is, telling us "our plain duty" in a sentence that cannot and will not down. " 'How came it that the President, moved by the same Impulse that yet sways the vast majority of his fellow-countiTmen, has permitted himself to lend his influence to the perpetration of a political blunder that has sent a shudder of apprehension tiiroughout the Union? It is a question' that is being aslMd in evei-y hamlet and home in the United States, and upon its answer depends more than was dreamed of in the mysterious meeting from which the Porto Rico bill came without a father and without a sponsor who' would give to it his name. Paternity of Bill Never Acknowledged. " 'To this day no man has aclinowledged the paternity of the bill, which, lilie a veritable apple of 'discord, tlireatens to bring disruption to a great party. " 'While we cannot trace the parentage of the Porto Rico" bltt beyond the doors of the Ways and Means Committee, it is not difiicult to comprehend how, having found its way into the House of Representatives, it became a party fetich that has involved Congress and the President in a serious conflict with popular sentiment. Having become a party measure, the well-nigh irresistible influence of party discipline and traditions was enlisted on its behalf. But even these were not strong enough to insure its passage through the House. A majority of Repul)licans were opposed to the principle of the bill and failliful to the thought aud purpose of the President's message. " 'The defeat of the bill was imminent, and the prestige of the Republican majority in the House was in peril. Then the President was appealed to. It was represented to him that nothing could save the party from humihating division and defeat but some sign that he receded from the recommendation of his message. The leaders of the party were permitted to stiggest that he had clianged his mind; but this was not sufficient to bring the recalcitrants into line. Tiie President was again ajjpealed to, and under pressure from the party leaders in the House he personally urged several Representatives to support the bill so as to preserve an unbroken Republican front, in the House. 188 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, Fraught With Dire Possibilities. " 'Thus was the grievous blunder committed. How grievous and frajjght with what dire possibilities, not only to the Republican party, but to the country, neither CongTess nor the President could have foreseen. But they must realize now that the tariff section in the Porto Rico bill has aroused a stoi-m throughout the country that will not down. " 'If Congress and the President persist in their present course, nothing can save the Republican party from defeat next November. It will surely cost them the House of Representatives, and it may cost them the Pres- idency. " 'Worse than any of these possibilities, It may involve the election of Bry- an, with all that that implies. " 'But one course is open to the Republican party. Let it face the Sit- uation with the only spirit that can compel respect in the presence of a stu- pendous, and humiliating blunder. Let it acknowledge the mistake and make haste to regain popular confidence by undoing the contemplated wrong to Porto Rico. " 'There is no shame In retreating from the verge of a precipice before taking the last irretrievable step. The only salvation for the Republican party is through the gate that gives free trade to Porto Rico. ' " 'The country looks to President McKinley to rise to the full stature of a statesman who dares to acknowledge a mistake and to undo a wrong.' Chicago Inter-Ocean. lUE REVOLT OF DECENCY. " 'Men who are protectionists to the backbone, whose lives and fortunes have been devoted to -the advocacy of protection as a policy, will revolt and aire re- volting against the proposal to exclude the people of Porto Rico from full and free participation in the benefits of national trade and against a scheme 'to debar the jDeople of the United States from the advantages of free Inter- course with American territory that has been Avon by expenditure of their blood and treasure. Cuba and Porto Rico were not redeemed from serfdom in the spirit of the cry, "Help the trusts!" Nor are they to be admUiistered in such a spirit.' * * • • * ♦ * * ** "It is a pity this great though partisan newspaper cannot see a little further into this .great problem, and while recognizing thai Porto Rico should have a Territorial government within the Union, also recognize the gravd peril of retaining the Philippines at all— peril to our Institutions if we violate the Constitution by governing them as a province Inhabited by subject peo- ples, peril to both institutions and Industries if we govern them constitu- tionally— .is a Territory and a part oif the United States— their people ve.sted with (ho constitutional rights of freedom of trade, freedom of travel, and freedom of religion, and with local self-government. THE PRESS ON POETO RIOO LAWi JSg Chicago Tribune. "'Many lawyers who are competent to pass upon questions of this kind believe that any attempt to establish discriminating duties as against a part of the territory of the United States will be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, and if this shall be the ultimate fate of the present bUl and all other measures like it, few tears will be shed by those members of the Republican party who are not controlled in their opinions by the financial or business interests of other people. * * * * " 'Instead of stlcliing resolutely and firmly to his original and righteous views regarding some great questions, the President has been persuaded by Incompetent advisers to abandon those views. He was right in the first in- stance as to Porto Rico. Had he stood by his own sound intuitions he would be now one of the most populaj^ men in the United States. " 'Unhappily, he was induced to abandon his convictions and give up an Im- pregnable position at the instance of a few special interests or of possibly disinterested but altogether ill-informed advisers. Nor is that all. He was Induced to bring his influence to bear upon Representatives to "get them into line." fie sent for recalcitrant members and absolutely entreated them to vote, against their convictions and against the wishes of their constituents, for a measure which he himself at the outset strongly and properly opposed— a bill which flew in the face of his own positive recommendations to Con- gress. There are some Republicans who cannot turn corners as sharply as the President can, and they are not sorry for their lack of flexibility in this , respect. " 'The President, without needing to do it, has assumed the whole responsi- bility for the passage by t^ie House of the maimed, mutilated, crippled, and Inadequate Porto Rico bill, a measure wliich eventually will be repudiated by both Houses of Congress. He might have kept his hands off and let the House "work out its own salvation In fear and trembling," and have looked to the Senate and a conference committee for judicious legislation on the subject. " 'A storm is gathering. The House Porto Rico measure will have to be sacrificed. It is soaircely supported by anybody. The 'three newspapers in Chicago which have stood by the President are against him in this matter. So is the Indianapolis Journal, while all Indiana is in a tumult and a fer- ment oyer it. It is evident that the feeling against the House bill is becoming more intense. The only mode of allaying it is for blundering leaders to ad- mit they have led the party from Its true course and promise an Immediate ^return to safer ways. " There is need of a judicious "steering committee" in the House. There is still greater need of a pilot in the Cabinet. There is great need of fresh material there— of men who are not "amateurs" In politics, but who are ex- - perienced in public life, who are trained in the arts of statesmanship, and Who know the temper of Congress and of the people. Men who are aestitute 190 V DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, r of these qualifications, wlio are influenced by social conslderatiOBS.i in • JV^ftsibB- ington, and wlio deem it tlie acme o£ liuman felicity to he asked, tp, dia^ witli the -British ambassador are not fit constitutional advisers for an Amer- ican President, He should have at his council board men who looli at Amer-, lean interests from an American point of view. " 'This is what is needed. The sooner that need is met the better. If Pres- ident ilcKinley wishes to retain the confidence of the public, he will bring into his Cabinet before long advisers more sagacious than some of those he lias there how. Otherwise the feeling will go abroad that th6 Administration is nerveless, spineless, and without convictions, adopting good policies onlj^' to abandon them at the dictation of incompetent advisers.' ' ' ' * * ' * * * * « •' « • "Then the Chicago Journal, an independent paper, asserts that Spain her- self, with the worst Government in Christendom, was more just, generous, and enlightened in her dealings with Porto Rico than you are in yours-! Towhai are we fallen! ' ' ' Chicago Journal, Independent. . WHEN DID SPAIN DO WORSE? "'What did Spain ever do to, the present inhabitants of Porto Ejcothat was worse than the things the tobacco ring and the sugar trust,, thrp.ugh a lot .of servile Congressmen, are proposing to do to them, and to which Wil- liam , McKinley, . conscious of his "plain duty," to quote his words, seems, willing to assent rather than embarr;ass his party? , If that is, the spirit In. which Porto JRioo is to be governed, what have the inhabitants of the Philip^* pine Islands to hope for from submission to American rule?' "Thus sppaks the great city of the mighty West Let us hear from the London of the New World— New York: The New York Sun, Republican. NO DELAY. " The essential justice of the situation demands that the free trade of Porto Rico, which the bill promises in two years, should be made to begin noiw. New York Times, Independent. THE COUNTRY'S VERDICT. 'j'TlieoiDposition to this measure within the Republican party In the House is as nothing compared to the opposition, without regard to party, through- out the country The American people do not like, meanness; they do not like perfidy; they do not like cruelty. And with these base qualities the bill the House has passed is branded.' New York Mail and Express, Republican. A COiirROMISE WITH DISHONOR. "'The fatal weakness of the measure, we believe, is that, like most com- promises, it signifies nothing. It is neither free trade nor protectioai, im- THE PRESS ON PORTO RIOO LAW. 191 perialistic nor anti-imperialistic, and therefore is just the legislation mat dem- agogues thrive on. It is so easily susceptible of misrepresentation that no one will fear conTlnclng refutation of his charges, no matter how he maligns it« purpose and spirit.' New York Evening Post, Independent. OUR NATIONAL FAITH. " 'The bill now goes to the Senate. The duty of ail who have fought it while it was before the House is to keep up that fight while it is pending in the Senate. Indeed, they should now redouble their efforts to avert the national disgrace involved in the enactment of the bill Into a law. " This fight should be made in behalf of the national honor.' Questions of constitutional construction are interesting subjects for discussion, but the is- sue of good faith in redeeming our pledges to -a suffering people Is the fun- damental one. That is the issue to keep before the American people until they force their representatives In the NatlonaJ Legislature to do justice.' Baltimore American, Republican. <■ COLONIAL EIGHTS. "'There should be no discrimination. Porto Rico should be made to feel that h'er interests are identical with our own. This cannot be done by raising a tariff barrier between her and this country. The recommendations made sev- eral months ago by President McKinley, Secretary Root, and Governor-Gen- eral Davis were made after fullest investigation and careful thought. They were then the wisest, considering all conditions. The true majihood of the na- tion, considering first the good of the people of Porto Rico, fails now to com- prehend how, in so short a time, those recommendations can be said to have been erroneous and opposed to the best interests of all concerned.' New York Evening Post. MR. MCKINLEY'S POSITION. " 'President McKinley's attitude in tljis whole matter is to be discussed on higher than personal grounds. The poor figure he cuts as a man ^ye pass by, but as the incumbent of a great office he has brought humiliation upon 'it as well as upon himself. To "stand by" him is impossible for his most earnest supporters, since he does not stand by himself. No man can serve two mas- ters, nor a single master with two- minds, neither of which he himself kno*s. "!■ had hoped," sneered a Democrat in the Houfee yesterday, "that there was one question of which the President was not on both sides." " 'There was no answer to the taunt, for there could be none. Mr. McKinley' is quoted vehemently ,both for and against the Porto Rico bill, and he sits" si- lent under the open charge of double dealing. The only question on which he is known to have firm and unchangeable opinions is that of his re-elec- tion. It was the unconcealed threat to defeat that which set him to jujfiping Mck au^ fwtli over the Pprto Rico fence with such agility. But why couia< 192 ©EMOORATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. he not have confronted his sordid and minatory visitors, if not as a brave man, at least as a courageous President? Why did not his office, If not his character, make him despise. their threats?' New York World, Democratic. BOBBERY AND HYPOCRISY. " 'The pretense that "all the money collected will go to the Porto Ricans" Is qf a piece with the rest of the fraud and hypocrisy auc^ robbery that are back of this bill. The duties paid upon the food and clothing of the starving and naked Porto Ricans will not go back to the poor wretches who pay them. It will go to the earpet-bag oflicials and other agents of the government that Mr. McKinley has set up there. " 'The bill violates the Constitution. It Imposes upon the Porto Ricans the tyranny of taxation without representation against which our forefathers re- belled. It violates the promise of General Miles to the inhabitants, never dis- avowed by our Government, that "Porto Rico under the American flag will enjoy the same privileges and the same immunities as the citizens of the different States and Territories of the Union." It makes of Porbo Rico a "crown colony" instead of an American Territory.' Boston Post. NOT FOE PARTY CAUCUS TO DECIDE - RIGHT OF CONGRESS TO LEVY A TARIFF TAX ON PORTO RICO. " 'We believe that the United States Government has no more right to col- lect duties upon goods imported from Porto Rico than upon the products of Oklahoma or Arizona. " 'This is the view held also by Congressman McCall, Congressman Little- field, and other Republicans who have an old-fashioned regard for the Oon- Btltution. And, however Congress mgj' vote on the question, it is the Su- preme Court of the United States that must finally decide it. The matter is of too great and far-reaching importance to be allowed to rest upon the author- ity of a majority of a party caucus. It might be permissible,' so long as Porto Rico and the Philippines are held under military rule, for the President, by his authority as Commander-in-Chief, to levy taxes and tariffs in extra- constitutional form. But Congress, which is itself a creature of the Consti- tution, cannot override or nullify the provisions of the source of its au- thdnty. " 'This body is restrained by limitations which do not exist in the case of the Executive acting as the supreme military power. Sooner or later the Su- preme Court will have to pass upon whatever act of this character Congress may pass. This court is composed of six justices appointed as Republicans and three appointed as Democrats. But it is unlikely that party designations win rule In the judgment of this matter. Judge Brewer, as is known by his public utterances, does not sympathize with the imperialist policy. Judge Har- lan holds traditional ideas of the relations of Congress and the Constitution. THE PRESS ON POETO RICO LAW. 193 In short, if the Republican tariff bill for Porto Rico is passed, there is a very litely chance that the whole scheme, including the Philippines and all the rest, may be rljiped up by the Supreme Court.' ^ " ., ., 1 , Boston Traveler. ' ? ' , " SOLD OUT." «' ' "Sold out" is the only fitting epitaph to describe an administration whose pledge to the world has been brolien, by whose recreancy to the high prin- ciples it caused to be promulgated the American flag is made to stand for in- direction and oppression, instead of liberty and relief for oppressed peoples. Shame upon President McKlnley for eating his own words, publicly spoken, upon the rights of Porto Rico. v ' ' ' ' , " ' "There should be no discriminating tariff against our new possessions." At the bidding of the great sugar and tobacco trusts he now says let them 136 taxed withou.t representation. Let the Constitution be forced to permit or this grave injustice. /' " ;, "'§old out to sugar and tobacco!' i < ,)..".' Philadelphia North American, Republican, March 8. "/It Is evident that what the leaders of both parties at the capital still need to learn is that the country is not thinking of tariff percentage or points of 'constitutional construction in connection with Porto Uico. The people know Blmply that it Is our plain duty to tieal justly with the Inhabitants of this Xmerlcan Island; that our plain duty will not be done until the Porto Ricans, Who supposed they were becoming Americans when they threw off their al- legiance to Spain, are treated as Americans. " 'Anything short of that will be condemned by the sense of fair play, which the people of the United States have not lost. No flne-spun explanations of the necessity of sacrificing Porto Rico in order to establish a precedent for use In the Philippines will satisfy. If the Philippines cannot be retained with- out committing a crime against justice and liberty in Porto Rico, it is highly, probable the popular judgment will be that it would be better to turn the ^Philippines over to the Filipinos than to hold them at any such cost. If freedom does not follow the American flag when it is carried beyond this tiontinent, then it had better be kept for use only where it d\>es mean free- dom. ".This Porto Rico outrage Is breeding a rebellion against expansion. If we;, are not to expand except as Imperialists, making ourselves hated as oppress- ors where we go, there will an Irresistible demand for the abandonment of a policy that cannot be brought into harmony with the Constitution and that de- nies to others the rights which' we claim in the Declaration of Independence for ourselves as natural and inalienable.' m j.<)^» CEMOCBATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK- Philadelphia Ledger, Republican. THE PORTO RICO INFAMY-ROBBED AT HOME AND ABROAD. "• " 'On the day, that tlie Republican maj^orilf of the House imposed upon Porto Rico the rigors of a. law intended to 06^:^ onfr. ^^sai^"* aliens-a law which, in the case of any part of this country,, is opposed by the Declaration of Independence, which presents as a just cause of the ReTolution taxation without representation, and which Is condemned by the Constitution, which declares that all Federal taxation must be uniform throughout the United States-several hundred of the people of Porto Rico, employed in the con- struction of military roads for the Washington Government, went on strike . to secure an increase of remuneration for their labors from' 3 to 5 cents per fiour. : „ '"It appears tliat these workingmen, recently brought under the benevo- , lent safeguard of the country's flag, are compeUed by the United States Gov- ernment's contractors to Avork on Government work under "the old flag" ten hours a day for 30 cents, or le«S than many of our workingmen here justly. receive for a single hos-r's work. " 'It would be interesting to learn what the Republican leaders in and out of Congress think of the contractors of tie Government who are constructing *| the military raUroads, paying a wage of 3 cents an hftur, or 30 cents for the labor of a ten-hour day, to their Porto Rico employes. It might be similarly In-- teresting to learn what our workingmen here at home think of their Govern, ment making all the money it can out of the Porto Rican workmen by levy- ing unconstitutional taxes upon them, upon the one hand, while on the other it pays them 30 cents a day on which to pay the taxes and sustain life.' Philadelphia Lodger, Republican. SERVING THE TRUSTS. ** 'The bill is a purely selfish one. It is directly in the interests. of two of the most notorious trusts in the country. If the sugar trust and the New Eng- . land Tobacco Association wef e ^out of the- way, there would be no eSort to starve the people of Porto Rico, under the plea of giving them a government' Philadelphia Record, Independent. PETTY LARCENY. " 'The bill in the form in which the House passed it should be dubbed the petty larceny bill, and for the credit of the country and to sa^e our weali- backed President from the disrepute of his own nerveless vacillation the Re- pubTican leaders in the iSenate should fall foul of it when it shall reach that body and strangle it in committee. The people of the United States stand pledged to a different course of action toward the unfortunate people of Porto Rico. They should make their pledges good in spite of protectionist repudi- ation.' TJut now, 'Ho, for the Middle West,' ludlanapolias THE PRESS ON POBTO RIOO LxlW. I93 irvdiatiapolis News. TKESS WILL NOT BE SIL]f NC^D-WILL NEVER GIVB UP THE FIGHT AGAINST THEi'tdliTO'ltlCAN TARIFF ACT. " 'Our friends in the 'Mfei lie^d not fear that -tile people and papers of Indiana will give up the flght against the Porto Rican tariff act. They have enlisted for the war. ^nd as the days go by the more olearly does it ap- pear to them that the President has made a grave mistalie— a mistake from every point of view. He has h'nrf his prestige, seriously wealiened the party, and injured the standing of the country in the "eyes of the world. After all the "explanations" that have been made, and in spite of the attempts to "edu- cate" them, the people of Indiana, unlike Mr. McKlnley, adhere to the opinion that we ought to do what the President said was "our plain duty." ' > Indianapolis Journal. , MISTAKE OF ADMINISTRATION—" CAMPAIGN OP EDUCATION " ON THE PORTO RICAN TARIFF WILL FAIL. " 'If the attitude and policy of the Administration regarding the Porto Rican ■ tariff bill are correctly fore.sbadowed by Washington dispatches, it will add another to the mistakes already made in tliis matter. It is said to have been decided upon af a Cabinnt meeting, to inaugurate a campaign of enlightenment and education of tljo people", in the belief that when they understand the Ifuestion in all its bearings they will withdraw their opposition to the House bill and admit that in the peculiar circumstances of the case a tariff on com- merce between the United States and Porto Rico is proper and necessary. " 'It Is said the campaign of education will include evidence that the pro- posed tariff Is only a temporary measure; that^it is necessary to establish a precedent for the Philippines, and that its real effect will be to give the Government a free hand in fosteritig Porto Eican industries. All this ground has been gone over. It is straw twice thrashed. 1 ' .1 , ' "The people have considered the matter frotu a broad and liberal poiot of view, without regard to temporary expedients or makeshift policies, and they are of the opinion that a fair construction of the Constitution in the inter- est of national honor and justice requires that the door to trade between the United Stales and Forto Rico, both ways, be thrown wide open. '. ; " 'No argument of political expedience or party advantage can lead the people to look at the matter .differently. They breathe a different atmosphere from that which sometimes perv.ades party caucuses and conferences la ■ Washington, and they must be permitted to reach their conclusions in their own way. No campaign of education is needed in ftis case. It is not only uiiBecessar.v, but it will be politicaDy injurious.' , ' " The .Tournal has already stated the reasons why, in its opinion, the bill should not be passed. Those reasons relate to the constitutionality ,the justice, the^jfairness, the wisdom, and the expediency of the measure. All the ar- guments In favor of it are based on sordid and mercenary considerations 196' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. which should have no place in the poljcy of^ ^, great ^tion toward the people of ' a newly acquired territory. The bill should not be passed at all, and the two years' proposition does not help it any.' Indianapolis Press, Republican. A DAMAGING COM- ROMISE. » " 'The American people do not take kindly to invasions of their primary lights. They see in this Porto Ilico measure— or if ihey do not now, they i will see later— a dangerous departure in constitutional cunstniction. It means a reversal of American ti-aditions. Porto Rico was led to expect liberal treatment, and was induced to welcome American control by promises which, if not very explicit, are none the less binding. Having lost the Spanish mar- ^ Isets as a result of the war, Porto Ricans may rightfully look to us tor as- sistance.' Cincinnati Commercial-Tribune, Republican. A HELPLESS PEOPLE. " 'If permitted to sell their products in the United States free from duty ■; and buy what American products they need duty free, the Porto Ricans will be able to pay all the taxes that will be required to raise money for the ,. support of the insular goyerrunent. To give them less than this is to take ' criminal advantage of helplessness.-" ' < Louisville Courier-Journal, Democratic. ^ THE PRESIDENT'S DOWNFALL. "'In December last the Republican party, speaking through" Its President, who owed his nomination— whatever may be true of his election— to his zeal for protection, said it was the "plain duty" of this country to give free trade to Porto Rico. Now, political exigencies may change. Policies must nec- essarily be modified to meet changing conditions. But expediency does not change the moral law. "The Ten Commandments will not budge." A "plain duty" in December is a plain duty in February. " The fear that an honest discharge of • this duty might change the vote of Connecticut or some other State next November has nothing to do with the obligation. The President has once or twice admitted that he has been coerced into doing certain things by the compelliwg force of the Almighty.* But "let no man say when he is tempted he is tempted of God; for God can- not be tempted with evil, neither tempteth he any man. But every man is temptijd when he is dranvn away of his own lust and enticed." No man is tempted of God to disregard a plain duty. Nothing can be clearer than that.' "Then there is a word to be said by Kansas City: Kansas City Journal, Republican. UNFAIE AND tJNGBNEEOUS. . " 'Even If the bill pass both Houses and receive the President's signature, THE PRESS ON PDRTO RICO LAW. 197 Hie fact v.'lll remain that Porto Eicans are being treated unfairly ana ungen- erously at the hands of f¥fc'<*6flMtiy froni -yhich they had aright to'texpect better things.' ' i'->u fcUn -i-- .,--, Detroit Tribune, Republican. TO REPUBLICAN CONGRESSMEN. , "'Congressmen, esijecially those from. Michigan, have been bombarded with letters and- telegrams tplliug them -to stacd. firm for free trade with Porto Rieo and the houor of the nation.- It remains ..to be seen whether the people or the protected interests will conquon. The struggle is'belng watched by the " people, and there will be a day of reckoning for those Oongressinen who capifulate to the capitalists when they come up for re-election. . Hartford Courant, Republican. THE CONNECTICUT OPINION. " "There is something very significant in those resolutions of the New Har v#n Chamber of Commerce, protesting against a tariff upon Pgtto Riean prod- ucts. That is a large and representative twdy of business men, made up without regard to polities. It was widely known that such resolutions were to come up, and yet there ^^as not an adverse vote. We must, admit that : the sentiment of the New Haven business men reflects the general sentl* ment oif the State, as far as we have tested -it. . The message of President McKinley, a recognized leader of protection, advocating free Porto Rican trade as a matter of justice, set the drift of thought all that way, and things are not especially different now from their condition wlyjn the message was read and received with applause in Congress. The feeling is widespread that ' we owe it to these people not 1:o choke them to death with our embi-ace of wel- come.' " 'No question is settled until it is settled right. This question of fair play- to the Porto Ricans has not been settled. It has bebn evaded and postponed. Wo were bound—we are still bound— in honor and decency- and conscience to sec to it that the people are no worse off but better off for coming under the sovereignty of the United States. They had lost the best of their old markets. ,We wore bound— and are still bound— to make that loss good to them. Our duty was our interest, too. Better a Uiousand times the appropriation out of the Federal Treasury for the urgent needs of the island which President Mc- Kinley had in view than the raising of the money by a tax upon its struggling ilndustries and a doniaUof its legitiinate hopes. "'What the purblind and blundering leadership in the House hasdOne is grievously to disappoint the people of Porto Rico, to chill and alienate thcia, and to put a now weapon in the hands of the Republican party's enemies. To say that to give free trade to Porto Rico would have been to recognize Porto Rico as an integral part of the United States is— with all necessar-y respect for a number of honorable Congressmen— to talk puerile nonsense. The Re- publican Senators have now an opportunity to do their country and their 198 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. party a service of importaiice. Perhaps thes^^gj^-yj^eje it and improve It. We are not building any very sanguine hopes,,,j)n ,^es, chance, however.' , "From the far-off West, 'where Oregon tqEs,' tljiis: Portland Oregonian, Republican. THE PRESIDENT'S MASTEB " 'The probability, as the Oregonian supposes, is that the President, who said a -Rhlle ago that it was our "plain duty" to grant struggling Porto Bico free trade, has been badgered by selflsih protected interests into silent ac- quiescence in this bill. In the ancient day it was said: "There are three things that are never satisfied, yea, four things that say not, It Is enough." In the modern day there is a fifth. It is the "protected grafter." ' "From Milwaukee, 'where good beer is made,' this: Milwaukee Sentinel, Republican. DECEIVED. '" 'If Congress does not do "our plain duty" by Porto Eico and give her free trade with ihis country, if It takes the other term of the alternative, the Por- to Ricaiis will be justified in looking with contempt upon future American protestations of disinterested affection.' Rockford (111.) Republic, Republican. UNPOPULAR AND UNJUST. " 'There is more danger in the Porto Rican bill than its promoters in Con- gress dream of in tffeir ostrich-like philosophy. The bill seems strong in the support of hired trust attorneys in the lobbies and occupying seats In both Houses of Congress, and they are striving with desperate energy to force it through in defiance of the most powerful and general popular protest that has ever been aroused by, proposed Congressional legislation.' ' Peoria (111.) Journal, Republican. THE POLITICAL DEATH KNELL. " 'That Porto Rico measure will sound the death knell of several Congress- men if thpy are not careful. When the people get in earnest they are not to be fooled with, and there is no doubt that they are in earnest in that mat- ter.' The Voice of Great Republican Leaders. "Ever since I have been in Congress there has been one giant Republican intellect that has towered above the rest of you lilce a giant among pygmies— sometimes narrow, intolerant, and bitter in his partisan zeal, but a marvel of quickness, penetration, and common sense, a great man— Thomas B. Reed. "He opposes your oriental expansion, colonial government, and imperialistic policies. "Benjamin Harrison, cx-President, whom you have delighted In times past to honor, appeals to you to do justice under the Constitution to. the people of THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW, , 199 Porto Rico. Bx-SenatorMii4*iJ63^f'&-Seflator Henderson, Oarl Soiiurz, ex-Sen- ators Boutwell ana Shferiiife, '^'Seiiators Hoar, Mason, Davis, JProctor, and others— members of hoth'ikh\ik^'6i retired full of honors, I-cannot name them all— appeal to you to halt- Boo^rds of trade and commerce, Republican con- yentions, State legislatures join in the appeal. , ,"Yojir President has feald in his message: " 'It ^ust be. borne in mlnd^that since the cession Porto Rico has been de- nied, the principal marliets s"he had long enjpyed and our tariffs have been con- tinued against her products as When she was uiider Spanish sovereigBty. The marlcets of Spain are closed to her products except uponi terms to which the commerce of all nations Is subjected. The Island of Cuba, which used to buy her cattle and tobacco without customs duties, now imposes the same duties upon these products ds from any other country entering her ports. She has therefore lost her free intercourse with Spain and Cuba without any compensating benefits in this market. Her coffee was little known and not in use -by Our people, and therefore there was no demand here for this, one of her chief products. The markets of the United States should be oijened up to her products. Our plain duty—' "This is strong language: 'Our plain duty.' "A groat American, whom all good men love, once said: 'Duty Is the noblest word in the English language.' "Our 'plain duty'— 'plain' Is obvious, palpable, undeniable. ' " 'Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States and'TPdrfo Rico and give her products free access to our markets.'' Letter from Ex-Senator Henderson., "There is much worth hearing and" rememebriug in the following letter from ex-Sonator Henderson, one of the few left of the Republican 'old guard,' survivors from your better days: " 'To be a protectionist has been to fav:or duties on the commodities of for^ eign countries. Trade between the States and Territories of the United States has always been free and untiammeled. This freedom of trade was a sine qua non,of the Union. Without it the Union was originally impossible and with- out It the Union cannot endure. i 'Equality oif taxation is crystallized in the Constitution. To remove It is to break the great compact upon which it Is founded. ' ' '' ■ -" 'If the protected Interest's shall be able to wage wars at the common ex- pense in order to create additional hojche markets for their products and then compel consumers here to pay tariff duties on the commodities of those an- nexed or subjugated countries, then the Union exists only for the purpose of dispensing bounties to the favored classes. " 'Porto Rico, if annexed at all, has been annexed by the common blood and treasure of the people of the United States. We knew its products before S-e took. It from Spain. One of these products is sugar. I do not produce su- 200' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK* gar; I am a consumer of sugar. My money has gone into the acquisition of this territory.' Have I not the same rights'^ iii tFe, p?oducts of this territory and its people that Mr. Oxnard has? He grovsfs s,>jgar_^d I consume it. Shall he talie the .whole benefit of the acquisition and I get nothing? I consume to- liacco and I manufacture cigars. I Beed both wrappers and fillers in my busi- ness of cigar mailing. " 'Conriisetieut alone of the present admitted States grows tohacco suitable for wrappers. It produces from 10,(^0,000 ,, to 15,000,000 pounds of these; wrap-, pers per annum, on which there is a tariff duty of $1.85 per pound. Oonneot- icut,. of conrse, is benefited by this enormous protective duty on foreign to^ baeco. But Connecticut demanded that Forto Rico should be brought into tlie United States.' It is now no longer a foreign State. It it now a partof tlie great Republic. Connecticut claims all the benefits of the transaction and leaves me none. It accepts the good and rejects the bad; or rather,, it ap- propriates the blessings and shufiJt- s ofC on me and others all the brudens. " 'I have a right, both constitutional and moral, to receive from Porto Rico free of fluty its oranges, its lemons, and other fruits. California and Florida object. On what ground? Simply because they are unwilling to accept the consequences of competition. The people of these States have the benefit of an enormous tariff duty on these articles, and they wish to force me still to pay them the bounties of protection. Is it right? Is it just to me and others who stand in tlie same situation? They know it is unjust. They know it is immoral and "against conscience. They know it Is unconstitutional. They vainly imngihe, however, that under the old slogan of protection to Amer- ican interests they can blind the people yet a little longer. What are Amer- ican interests? The interests of Porto Rico are now as much American in- terests as those of New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, or California. " 'Gentlemen of Congress, the only Way the settle your differences is to treat Porto Rico as a part of the United States. Give to it all the benefits and all the burdens of all your laws. Porto Rico must pay the same tariff which we pay on goods of foreign production, but not one cent on goods produced In the United States. Between us and Porto Rico trade must be free. Yon must cease to vote away money from the Federal Treasury as a cloak to coves political wrongs. The people see through the very thin gauze which mantles your pretended chai-Jty. , , . , , J. B. HENDERSON. ■ " 'Washington, March 27, 1900." , " . I* * * I* I * « •' • '« '*- "I have already made mention of the resolutions of the House of Repre-. sentatives of the State of Iowa. They were passed by a unanimous vote Of ihat Republican body. Here they are; THE PRESS ON POBTb RIOO LAW. 20i ' '°^^^°r*° ^i^/" il'SaPgnburrent Resolution dondemning Tariff Measure ynanimously Adopted by the Lower Hoiigfe'df the Legislattire." ■ ''^'^'' ' " 'Des Jfolflesrldftra, March 22, 1900. "The House of RepreScntaViVes of the State to-day passed a concurrent resolution, by unanimous vote, declaring that the people of Iowa are unal- terably opposed to a Porto Ricaii tariff. Tlie resolution was messaged to the Senate, and will be taken Ufi4h:^' next' weel^.'- Rei^resentatives KendaU, Eaton, Byers, Theophiliss, Temple, Carr, and others made speech in favor of tlie resolution. While Republicans generally sympathize with the sentiment of the resolution, many of them regret its passage at this time, feeling con- fident as they do that Congress will not pass the tariff bill. " 'The resolution was introduced by Representative Kendall, as a^ amend--- ment to a resolution introduced by RepresentaUve Eaton, memorializing Con- gress to appropriate $5,000,000 for the St. Lotils Expositi5-n- in 1903. The Porto Riean resolution follows: "'"Be it resolved. That the people of Iowa are unalterably opposed to the establishment of any tariff duties between the United States and any ter- '. ritoty acquired as a result of the Spanish-American war, the people of which accepted the siovereignty of this Government -n'ithout resistance, and voluntarily passed under the juhsdiction of its Constitution and laws." ' Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association Condem Porto Rican Tariff. "I have quoted from the New York Board of Trade, and Transportation. Would their opinion be re-enforced by the expression of that of the commer- cial and manufacturing interests of Baltimore, the 'city of conservative busi- ness habits?' If so, dJgtJst this: "'Baltimore, March 21, 1900. " 'The Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association of this city, one of the leading commercial bodies of the South, to-day adopted, without a dissenting TOte, resolutions strongly condemning the Porto Rico tariff bUl and favoring the Nicaragua Canal. The resolution follows: , •' '.Resolved by the Jlerchants' and Manufacturers' Association of Baltimore, That we hereby express oul" conviction that justice demands the removal of all trade barriers between the United Statcis and our recently acquired col- ' cnial possession of Porto Rico, and that the inhabitants of the island of Porto Rico be admitted to the same rights and freedom Ln trade that are accorded to citizens of our own country. "Tlesolved, That we are opposed to the passage of any law by Congress .which provides for the imposition of taxes upon trade between Porto Rico and the United States contrary to the freedom of commercial intercourse which now prevails between the several States and Territories, and we therefore re- quest our Senators and Representatives in our Congress to advocate such leg- islation as will establish free interchange of commerce.' man «•(■!»»«* 202' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK., New York Sun, Sunday, April 1, 1900. SPEAK FOB POKTO EICO-BHODE ISLAND KEPUBLIC ANS DISCUSS THB ISLAND'S NEEDS-GOVBKNOB DTEK SATS THAT EAISINS A lAEIFP BABElftE IS AN "onTEASEOUS TEANSACTI0N"-ADD3 THAT EHODB HLAND M19HT AS JUSTLY PLACE A DUTY ON BLOCK ISLAND FISH. " 'Providence, R. I., March 31, 1900. " 'At the ante-election dinner of tlie representatives of the Republican party held here to-day the speeches of Governor Elisha Dyer and Congressman Adin B. Oapron pertaining to the Porto Rican question were received enthu- siastically by the large gathering present, which represented every city and ipwn in the State. Governor Dyer said:- _ ' • . ; " ' "I believe it is the duty of every Republican to stand up, and with no uncertain sound condemn any course of procedure by Congress which brings into question the honor of the American nation toward those new peoples wbo have come under its protection. In the very beginning of the vrar with Spain, when It was uncertain what the result would be so far as added ter- ritory was concerned, the L'nited States went to Porto Rico; it made no ex- cuse that the island has been misgoverned by Spanish; it made no apologies; It said the island of Porto Eiio is the gateway to the Antilles. To treat these people now as if they were aliens, as if they had no rights at all, to have gone over and taken possession of their island, to set up our own Government, and then to impose duties upon them just as we would upon the people of Haiti or •Santo Domingo, is one of the most outrageous transactions that could be thought of. " * * * " ' "What a spectacle it will be to European nations, that this people, having been con(juered by us and brought into our field, should be tr'eated as stran- gers, and taxed without reason for bringing their products into our ports. We might just as 'Well tax the people of Block Island for the fish and farm products they send to the mainland as to tax these people of Porto Rico for what they bring to us. This question is one in which every Republican should be interested. I believe that before the time comes for the meeting of of the national convention in Philadelphia this question will be settled,, and settfed wiiJa justice and honor, not only to ourselves, but to the people who by every moral rigJit should be a part of our nation." ' "Mr. Oapron sjioke In a similar strain." M (LOST REPUBLICAN PLANKi 203 a>5AJ8I,TIH7 V,< .11- • CHAPTEK XXm. THE LOST PORTO RICO PLANK IN THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. Great was thS outcry when It was discovered by General Grosvenor of Oliio that Mr. Loinuel B. Qnlgg of Xtfw Vork liaci revised out of , the original draft of the llepubllcan platform, agreed to by a sub-committee of the National Coilvontiou, a resolution Saving reference to the Porto Uico bill. That biU trampled down the coustitutioual right of the people, of Porto Kicp to equal, taxation. President Mcliinley, Secretary Eool and the House Committee on. Ways and Means had all agreed on a totally different bill, which recognized the right of the Porto Ricaus to free commerce with all the other ports of the United States. They had not then received any orders from the Sugar Trust. When Mr. Oximrd appeared before the Committee on Insular Affairs, having the bill under consideration, h? called a halt as the representative of, the sugar interest. From that hour the bill was never again heard of in that, Committee. ,The subject was transferred to the Ways and Means Committee, which promptly reported thewill of the Sugar Trust, as now recorded in the, Porto Rico law, treating tliat island as a foreign country, compelling it to pay- dutie.s on impOtts frora other United States ports, and in effect impasing an export tax on whatever it might send to the other pojrts' of the United States., The President allowed Us henchmen in Congress to bear the odium of this in- famous and unconstitutional act. He publicly stood upon his record against It, while working privately "tooth and nail" in favor of it, according to the public testimony of Speaker Henderson. In the Senate the task of engineering this measure of the Sugar Trust was imposed upon Senator Foraker. Between him and the President there is no love lost, and it is believed he is doomed to defeat for re-election if the President and Mr. Hanna can accomplish It. The lost plank in the platform reads as follows: We welcome the pnople of Hawaii, Porto Rico ana the Philipptnes to the fellowship of our republican Institutions, which will cari'i' light ana hope to the isles of the sea as tliey have to this great country; and to the people of Cuba, who have been maae the wards of this great country, while they are preparing for independent self-government, we pledge our best cnre and help, with the assurance that the plighted faith ot the nation will be faithfully redeemed. M^e reassert the principle which was the watch- word of the Republican party In Its first great battl^ of which Abraliam Lincoln waa 20/ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. the illustrious diampion, and on which he was elected President— that Congress has full legislative power over territory belonging to the United States, subject CftAy tb the fundamtntal sajtuuards of Ub rty, justice and perstmal rights. it Is said that Senator Foraker thought this declaration would J:o some ex- tent sercea him from the popular indignation which had been aroused, as well in Ohio as elsewhere, over the tyrannical act of Congress engineered by him in ihe Senate. The draft of the platform, including this resolution, has been credited to Postmaster- General Charles Emory Smith, who has not denied the soft im- peachment. It was understood to have been submitted to the President, and revised and corrected by him. It must havp given both these gentlement a great deal of trouble in its production. If the people of Porto Kico have been "welcomed to the fellowship of our Republican institutions" by the Porto Rico bill, then a baby, .roasted on a spit in its father's house, has thereby been wel- comed to the joys of the -domestic fireside. But if Senator Foraker thought this absurd statement would pass muster, through the thoughtlessness and icdifference of the Republican masses, why should he not have had the ben- efit of it? We rather think that after the sober second thought the President, and his platform expert, thouglit the absurdity of the statement too apparent The White House platform-makers started out to vindicate the Porto Rico bill, but, after first asserting full legislative power for Congress over the territories, they immediately found themselves compelled to admit that the legislative power in this country is always limited by the Cdnstitution, and they made haste to admit that th? Constitution does extend of its own piroper force into the territories. This they did by adding the words, "subject only to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights." Thia is all that is contended for by any of those who claim that the Constitution controls legislation for the territories as well as for the States. There are portions of the Constitution which are not applicable to the States themselves or to their people. The power to make rules and regulations for the ter- ritories is plainly wTitten in the Constitution, but it has no more application in the States than the right of each State to be represented In the Senate has in the territories. If the administration had respected the "fundamental safeguards" which the Constitution provides, as well for the people of the territories as for those in the States, they would never have violated their right to equal taxation and to uniform duties in Porto Rico. It is probable that the President saw in the resolution above quoted a censure and not an approval of the Porto Rican Act. It is very dangerous to state a general principle, in defense of a flagrant, viola- tion of that very ijrinciple. The full legislative power of Congress,— and it always has "full legislative power" when it has any at all,— the full legislative power of Congress is always and everywhere "subject" to the "fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights." Senator Foraker need have no regret that the improvident resolution was erased by Mr. Quigg, for had it remained in the Republican platform it would have been a rebuke to him and a stultification of his party. BRITISH COLONIAL SYSTEM ADOPTED. 205 CHAPTER XXIV. THE BRITISH COLONIAL SYSTEM ADOPTED BY CONGRESS FOR PORTO RICO. '■/ 1 lii' . Under the Act of Congress "Temporarily to provide revenuos~and a civil governmeut ^or Porto Elco, aud for otUci; purposes (especially for other pur- ||tCrSes), approved April 12, 1900," a legislative department for that island was created which is patterned after the British dolonial system. It consists of two . Honses,— one the Executive Council, and the other the House of Delegates. The House of Delegates is to consist oit thirty-five members. These are to be 'Chosen by elections at which "all citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been bona fide residents for one year, and all who possess the Other qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in force on the 1st of March, 19O0, subject to such modifications and additional qualifica- tions and such regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be pre- scribed by the Executive Council." According to this the elective franchise in Porto Rico is to be governed by existing laws and military orders sub- ject to any alterations that may be pleasing to the Executive Council, this mates it quite important, to understand how this Executive Council is to be Ct^eated. It is to consist Of eleven members, all of whom are to be appointed by.iPresi'dent McKiniey, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and. It might be added, of the Sugar Trust, which controls the Senate in colonial Jiiatfers. Six of thesie me'mbers of the Council are also officers of the island, namely: The Secretary, Attorney-General; Treasurer, Auditor, Commissioner of the Interior and Commissioner of Education. Added to these there must^ be appointed by ths -President five other persons of good repute. Their term of office is five years. Five of these eleven "shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico." The other six can all be from Ohio if the President and Mark Hanna see fit. It' should be stated that the majority of six may, under this law, all or any of them, be removOd by the President if at any time they do not give him gatisfaetion. This maizes Porto Rico what the British call a ''Crotvn Colony." It makes the President Imperial monarch of the island. It places Ihtlie hands of eleven men appointed by him the power to disfran- chise all cJti^eus who may be opposed to his administration, so that the House of Delegates as well as the Executive Council constituting the ,TJpper , 206 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, House of the Legislature, will be under his absolute control. Tlie great body of the people, of Porto Rico are of .Eurgpeas ,4es«ent and white people, but this law subjects them to the British coloBiftli;System which prevails in Brit- ish India, Ceylon and Honglioag. lu East ,]fiftd^a,-ithere are three hundred mil- lions of natives and about a hundred thousand Englishmen. In Ceylon there are three millions of people of whom only eight thousand are Europeans. There is one defect in this Porto Rico Act. It ought to provide for the cre- ation of the office of "Secretary of State tor the Colonies," -and this office ought, lor the first ten years, to be held by an Englishman who has had experience under the British government in her East Indian possessions. This omission,'.: however, can be supplied at the next session if this British colonial policy shall , be endorsed by the American people by- the re-election of President McKinley. Although the salaries provided for our officers who are to govern Porto Rico are very liberal, we can learn much from our British cousins on this subject. For example, the Governor of Porto Rico receives an annual salary of ?S,000 per year. The British Governor at Hongkong receive^ $32,000 per year. The Secretary of Porto Rico receives ?4,000 per year. The Colonial Secretary of Honglcoug receives $9,720 per year. The Attorney-General of Porto Rico receives ?4,()00 per year. The Attorney-General in Hongkong re- ceives $8,400 per year. Tlte list of officers, however, in Porto Rico is much ' longer than those in Hongkong. , ' , ' ■ It cannot he doubted that under the fostering care of Mark Hanna, a second administration of McKinley would bring our colonial system fully up to the British standard. It is possible that in following the British system, Mr. Hanua may decide to begin at the beginning and farm out Porto Rico and the Philippines to a corporation similar to the old East India Company, which for a hundred and fifty years ruled and plundered that vast empire un- der a license from Great Britain. It is only forty-two years since the Brit- ish Parlia-ment' substituted the present system of government in India for the former rule of the East India Company. As this' was a voluntary act of Parliament, so it could again turn the people of East India over to a corpora- tion. If Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands are not under the protection of the Constitution of the United States, as the Republican leaders say is the case, Congress has the same power over that island that the British Par- liament had over the East Indies. If the Republicans remain in power, there 'Is no reason why they may not turn this island over to the absolute govern- mental control of a private corporation as England did in the case of her East Indian conquests. Indeed such a corporation might be invested with the power to conquest as was the East India Company, and Jbe authorized, as 'was that company, to raise armies and exercise the general powers of sover. eignty. We have business men who could organize such a company. and con- duct it on business principles. For the possibilities under such a system read the speech of, Edmund Burke in the impeachment trial of Warren Hastings. 4b BRITISH COLONIAL SYSTEM ADOPTED. 207 If the Ain .'.l- The gentleman from New Yoit; has made a statement about' what occurred, in com- miftee. I do not like usually to do anythjng'of that kind, but hehas said't'hat "this motion to adjourn met with.no opposition from the minority, after voting' oh certain preliminary motions. -.,",.:,_ Now, one of those preliminary motions, Mr. .Speaker, was ^ resoliitipn, instructing that committee to report a resolution or a bill forthwith 'to reduce 'the war tixgg 50~per cent, before we adjourn, the bill to take effect July 1, 1900. .That they wlJl not agree to do. That would give some measure of relief to the people. 'Why not pass such a resolution? It can be passed in forty-eight hours or less time. Then if the gentleman adm'ts that the war tax measure was hastily prepared and that it will take time to prepare a measure to take its place, then if he thinks it is necessary for the 'Ways and Means Committee to sit during the recess in Order to prepare a safe and wise measure making further reduction, this side of the House would not object to it, I venture to say. 'We are for any measure or any resolution and for any fair and reasonable steps that will reduce the burden of taxation now resting upon the people. (Applause.) Hov/ the People's Money Goes Under Imperial Rule. The folio-wing Is compiled from TJ. S. Senate Document, No. 453, 56th Con- gress, 1st session, as compiled by Thomas B. Cleaves and James C. Courts, clerks, respectively to the Senate and House Committees on Appropriations, and prepared and published by authority of \a,-w. Its accuracy may be relied on. It illustrates the difference of the cost of the Republic against the Empire, but is only the beginning: Total number of new offices created by the first session of the 56th Congress 5,069 Total amount of salaries attached to same ^ $4,537,673.77 Total number of offices abolished by the first session of the 56th Congress 2,7S9 Total amount of salaries attached to same 1,944 658.00 Net increase in numbel- of offices created by the first session of the , 56th Congress ...■ 2,270 Increase in, salaries of new offices created by the -first session of the 56th Congress 4,537,673.77 New offices Specifically named (as above) New offices created by increase of appropriations or other law not iflcluded in above, amount Of each salary not being specified.... 2 721307 84 <* — — ^o'*' $7,253,081.61 Total decrease in salaries by abolishment of, by first session of 50th CongiQii : $2,024,218.00 Net increase in one sessioh r.^-,, oca «, Net increase in number of new offices 2 ''70 Amount of salaries attached to same ; '" ^ ^zi 663 d Number of old offices Increased in salaries 4^9 ' ' Amount of salaries attached to same .oo^-nn-- 133,029. ro Grahd net tot.al of new offices created and old ones increased in one session 2,740 Salaries attached to the same , t- oco h„., n« ^o,doo,lUo.o6 Attention is called to the astounding facts shown in this statement. The total increase in number of new offices created and salaries increased in the old ones Is 2,7-J9; while the increase in the salaries amounts. In the aggre- COST 6f imperialism, 213 gate, each year, to $5,368,193.36. This does not include the numberless com- missions appointed by the President with salaries attached. This document shows also that the appropriations for one year made by this first session amounted to $710,150,862.88. in addition to this it shows that the amount of contracts authorized lay ap- propriation acts In addition to appropriations made therein is $58,440,374. The total being $768,591,236.88. This latter sum does not include the indefinite appropriations, which Aiuouiit to many thousands of dollars. 21^' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, PART FIVE.— The Trusts. CHAPTER XXVI. PROPOSED REMEDIES— THE REPUBLICAN PROPOSITION- MR. BRYAN'S BILL . The Republican party has been delivered by false leaders into the hands of the trusts. When trusts are on trial it sits as a corrupt judge, and, at the same time, acts as counsel for the defense. In the magnitude of their cap- italization, the trusts organized during BIcKinley's administration exceed all others that have been formed since the foundation of the Government. The millions contributed towards McKinley's election in 1896 proved a good in- vestment for the trusts. Certain of his support for every scheme their avar- ice could devise and their astute lavryers formulate, with a Congress quick to record their will, they have only to seek new worlds to conquer. The bold- est stroke. they have yet made is their proposition for an amendment to the Constitution to subject all corporations ■ and trusts to the Federal control- Congress to control trusts, with trusts to control Congress in the control of trusts. Nothing could be more simple. When the President undertook to set up for himself for a few days, and antagonized the idea of treating Porto ■ Rico as a foreign, country by imposing customs duties on Porto Rican ports in their commerce with all other ports of the United States, and when Con- gress was about to enact the President's view into law, Mr. Oxnard, the over- seer of the Sugar Trust, with one crack of his plantation whip, brought the President, the Secretary of War, and the House Committee on Ways 'and Means trembling to his feet. The President and Congress immediately re- vej'sed their position, declared the people of Porto Rico to be out of the United States and enacted a tariff law in violation of what the President had saia was "a plain duty" and what the Secretary of War had said was de- manded by "justice and good faith." With equal alacrity the Armor Plate Ti-ust dictated to Congress legislation to take off all limits on the price to be paid for armor plate for our new war vessels and compelled that body to delegate to the Secretary of the Navy the legislative power of determining what price should be deemed reasonable. These two illustrations clearly show the wisdom of the trusts in confiding to Congress the power to regulate them and requiring that body to advocate a constitutional amendment giving itself supreme gower over the subject. BRYAN'S ANTI-TRUST BILU, 215 This would give us a govomment of the trusts, for the trusts, and by the trnsts. ^ If the American people shall determine to break the poTver of the trusts they must first take the government out of their hands. Wendell PhiUips eaid years before he died that the Republican party was dead and that a tramp was walking around in its grave-clothes. The Railroad Trusts, the Su- giar Trust, the Standard Oil Trust, the Iron and Steel Trusts, the Coal Trust, the Beef Trust and their kindred organizations are in the saddle. They are our "rough riders." Their will is obeyed by a Republican President and a Republican Congress. Their power will increase and their arroganee'swel! as their inile is continaed through the assignment made to them of the Republican party's power by Hanna, McKinlcy and Company; It is not only vain but ridiculous and absurd to discuss remedies for the trusts with the political agents of the trusts themselves. Take the government away from the trusts. There will then be no difficulty In squeezing the water out of the stocks of trusts and corporations, and in compelling them to deal Iionestly with the stockholders and with 'the pijbllc, by the cc04 ; ^c5 I OOOC3 " .'.OO 8S§8":.-:is oo'o'o'J . ^SS 01 Nr^ ; ■ K'Nctf 3_o_Q^O.o_t~__c:j^! ■ »ftC'foirsoco^o(iro'o'^QH"t--'o'oocD"o'"OTO' eta t^ O I- O o c O ^ ^"=5 -t"5 'f^ f^ o o o o o CT> o -Hoooaiooo© o oo^co S_-^ 'HR.*^. ^J^J^ """.R. cow UTJOTO 1-1 i-( '■~ S 2 = 11^ ® ic a fl g 13 o o a g n ^-113 O O B aj o o 3 aa^ rt c ^ o -a s b 5 "-"^S a o ao BO aS C" 'Si.rt-'op.^ .COM" go • ■So'J.^go'o- a 21^ ■§ g^ 3^ 3-3 «>5 jt^l-9l-9l-3*-i S ^ S 1^ 00 00 CO rH»-l 1-1 rii— 1 F-lr-l_ T-t »H • :^ : ^ ' m -;£ Eg SSho 1 1 p.! •art 00 . -hj Wis :3 S : !» : (M c '3 ■ .<« o .. SB ■ o _ • Ot' act |i }'="- ■ra.g .00 a - ;*•»>.£§ ;o 6 las a a TS "So l§«* ■ ■ a I a SB d sllf ■►"^"^ » rt s 2 S 53 a D O. : " w . llr-lpllis-iigl Mi|te||fllli aR-S"? •■£ -"o ■'-'o3SSi -u :5 -^"-.^ ;as. ?:ciK S s a =5 o I » S.2 t^ e o ^( Its I'd B S 3 :« .sag oiJS g>5 U5g "g-S-a o .wis d a°l| ° SgEs '•S i S g S £ SS a-g &f •s.i' =i >- d- o >o'C s slsissaassaaaasag aaasaa.sgasaasaaaaB s^Srid 5 -sS 220 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. o g-3 as oca ■=oS oo'o" ! ffi »'o o §000 coo — o "-^ = ■* >o C3*0 o" ; sas • o" ■-;: =»' - ■±a-S coo g?2 5^0 3 M So S ^ 5? = '^ => 'P ^ «3 r S -f r- iTD CI O M iQ'"3"o''ri"oo'o" o'ooo' C* o S c>2 r4 :d-3 c^oSc t-1 r-l iC '^ 'J' oar; -5* ^s l^;^ rt_3 o I cDX)aoa;'j033ajcocc:3Cajm i o o 3 .'■ occ ooo r-c*o>urOt-( tht)* 3 S «r-liOOci K|z;Zl2JaS535' Hj I I-Jl-Jl-S. 1-i BQOCOecccoo 01 O^ O Gl C3 00 CO COX a» CacOOO ^COOs* eOi-OOOli— I 03 O^ 0> * Ci OS Ci 31 03 C9 0> 03 oboboO CO X) CC CO CO 00 CO OO o © ■ g IS to ; >.a o o S .-a giS a U CO s s «d L> t> «"?00 oa ce s ^ = ? O m i.i.5P a"" S X IX S gfl 8S ga .05 SStn n •ll.§ll -S i^ 1 :as^ H . q 0) o g :i^S ■ a— •c B g'sj-c'S a g'" S-a I-* s a .^ 's @^ US s ^ 5f a ■*?|.ii 22 ■» S O •at) K ri •^ o^S|5=e O aj O o 3 ."S u _ p.ea S > S a" ^'7ffl 6 !S'^*n rt -rS :z! "J^ 'jS "^ '"* r'-' _ fc« V ^ -te-^ ^-M ^ d d rf 03=^^ u> a o ^ ■sa» •065? d a 000; 5 -Soig^o S •.'2 o apq e •*s»=ai g '«E-sg3 : -. d u s o m :•"< o o S y h ia^nS^ r* ;.i4 ., 'H§s (U 0) 4J "Sft S SBfi c a c 00 ^.i c P.2 S"a ssa 133 am .HSl2 ^ o ^ >■ S d ^ 2 03 to 3 «"■§■» SS'OW §-5 •§,»-" a 5 0) B S g.gSo gaoj o^Sa w^ — a> o C Or'' S ggjEoiM I^'gs'-gsg^.al.g-ig.il r t- d cfi iS n fl 223- DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. IS « . ■Ss as 2° Co o'er oo Win o o oo oo oooo oooo c oo 00=50 ooSo .^-.C o o oooo o o cno M -c "H^O O O" O Oo'oo"2Sc OT-I 00l-*:0 QOOO^njO ^ SOOOM O. o,:o" Joo-^oo" ca . o . C5 Q « 'O «0, SOO ■30 ooo Q*o -~pco o oo ir> i>^ oooooo ^ooo oorjooo oooo i-^ooo -^.o oooo oo^oo' -SO'OO >(;JCN O oooofo 0OOU3O SS'Sm3" 00 00^(0 op'oi-^'W ooc ss oo ifj*** cf-Oi-^*© us rToicim^^os^of RKZ IZi : 0.3 S34 I CO 00 00 00 CO oa 00 CO 00 QO QOOOQQCO r-lr-IrHr-lj-Hi-tf-l r-lf-(T-< i-IpHr^i-1 OC3SOS OIXIOO 09CO OOi Oi CO o>c^ COOO OEC CO OsfflQir— CSlftPSCiOW oo cocooooDotj'Xiaoaoooaq i is .95 Sq.S a s : ; ig 0) : 9 : ■§■•§•§ si m OJ d K -tn e I d o ■«■ C|rC3 £| Is- -,» mS; t>50o oooooo toog ■aSo "O o i«o"'2|S '.ftd3,o^ Sa°9 d'o^Q.2 ' -2 .2 .9 .9 .2 .9 "rt 5 .9 .9 ^ ■AX "A'A'Af^ %'A'A'A ^^% ggoS I§(SS£KSS£2 fg3i|65|a'i^S^JIdb| fllalSi^^Sgl^btfgfM TRUSTS IN THE tlNITEB STATES. 223 : : : o -+1' ■ ;^^ 00 o :r-. Two Gtrc .-u'lO -:^'£^ „- ; 00 i-_o o 3; _^ : o f— 'o'l-' ^ _ „■(: : M -M ir i^ - <.S eg' 80^ §30 00002 ss's sesS'-; o o ira 10 '^'^ ^ "'- Q O 5' C-> ■T' O ^' ~ T- oo:rro-=. 0000 <::; 000 q 800 i -Vo o" p'o"o'c;'o'o'o'^ :: rH ^ », ■- Z: p ^ ^ S' S "P - o ^:- o o o o o lo c o oc:; o^oo'.r ^c5ooo^ ^ cic-iocsoc: OC-, 00 ' oooS 0C;0 r: OQQ't^p'-'' 'w 00 -SIC O O O C CJ '"i O c 6; -O I-- Ci oc£j c o_^i o_t-oo_c_c.t:lj^-w_ocoOa. ir O^l'ii^'— '0^0 S'^"^ iOOOt- c; 1^ I? ^i^;^^^ 05-: ^-:. >-s Hj ►-, I'-A-A'A'^'^ AA'A'^'A'A*^ '■\\ : 3; •?; OOCJOSS 0^31 CC(» aSO»3DO:oO CO 'JO 00 o o> t~ c-j CS O T^ r 3 1- CO "M 3s « ca C 'Jii to :r> '^ uo ao S ^p r- c a CJ c aj tfi w 01 ■ -o 0) M o O w (^ . ^s r| If. : " JJ 5 ° 3 Jj ? .. . -JJ C C iJ . V C « _ u o =J „ m-d hrr a , .-"a'c'gaj gr '« Si ^ T5 en o i! *i ■ t: -ti a -- ^^ <3 f^ 5o T) ':S "b- ''^ S ° S c.l faiS ; bo ; ,_2I O c6 »' cj — •„ S y) 3 c- '"^ "^ v3 t- fr 1-1 _ ,"5; (Tr. ■-:::; . — ; *r' '*i cQ i- '^ : 2 . _ . _ ^ ti'S '5 H -7- ft I ci C - P ■" J^ --'■ r -^ 7 ' cj S IH. 8 ''^ ai B 5i -S " - ^ i; i->-_j^ ■" § ^ ^ a ? ■"■~^"' ■ ;= r a 3 '71 ,■ .wj ■r.o) -'O Co • o ^ -yO -■ n ''^ c- ^ O "^ rf " t. ^' ^ ^ —-a i: ~ ^ -~ Tu r - H c t? -^ ■-' O Ph :y- U2 CT; ■'^' 00- o « g ^ '? d'5^Zi2 u-t: ^■"; H-a 2 gl^J jq C3 2 o '^ ^ - - - -^.« ^ - -~ >f^ « i: ;■■■ ~ Tl , ^ 2-1 y ti :; ffi U X crj c-" 224' DEJIOORATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, •2s S3 g EH ^ rH Sg ss o lo o in O^ IOCS OOC OOOQO OOOQO OSOO -1* OO^CrT-t*" lOOOOifJ lO Q r- O00O0O0OQ0 0OC5O00QQ00 0Q ^SooOOOOgOQQQOQOOOOiOQoQ TjfOOOOO r-i -iJ O OOOOO 03^00 Si-iO;pO i.O>COu:)00>^iQOOi:DOOOOOQOiCtOOOO r->o3l>OlO-T"» CS'O --0 O OOOiCtJH lf3_a^^-:f Oi—I^ C-Jr^iH" r-ICOCO'cJ'MOT'rOifflC'j'OiOM" C-fooTid" Cl" ; s>- •►-5 O .N CwPh . : : j ■H i mo. 00 00 OCO ; CiC 00 «3 M 55 iS 00 OO OS CO GO CIO C^ 30 OO 30 00 OO O CO ■(t-H T~'rH I'" ■ . P- M fl P '3 5 a P. -s^S : cj ^cn iD g ■^ * 5 M'T"3 s S ° ■ti '^ « is -H b 2 ^g^sd».s 5^B .9 ° 2 Slg 6 en CO ' OSS" ^ oi CO ?; mas"* .a o U)PP £i>i>^efS=^p5^ffJ^ g;3f? X-pH»? 0} cJi3 r 111 -.ill ■ e- K_ fc, ffi a .r*3 P'qXJ oa 4, rt 3 a o g go Sa ga = c«as'g iTEUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 23S ..ONINCOEl'ORATED TRUSTS. ''' I ' ' {See oxplanatory foot-notee.] Name and descripttoi of trusts. Akgka Eackers' Assn. (pools with two otUer prlnc. Salmon ^ Cos. ofi Puget, Sound) Anerlcaa Powder Co... AmerlCaA Watcli Case Mfgrs. Assri. (8 watch case Co.'s agree on prices) Ammunition Mfgrs. Assn. ' (fixes prices of oartrUlge.s, etc.). Anthracite Coal Trust (main coal ralloads fix prices) Associate Wine Dealers (agreement with Cal. VVlnemakers' Corporation) Assn. of Boat 'Oar Mfrs. of U. S. (controls prices) ■ Atlantic Dynamite Co. (glnnt powder, etc.j , ■ Atlantic Passenger Steamship Pool (renewed In 1S9S) Seel Trust (several big Co.'s ftx prices dressed beef In most ' , large cities) ■ Belting Mfgrs, Assn. (3S firms, 12 different Slates, Qx prices) , geBSeiner Ore Assn. (fixes pHces on Great Lakes) Body Mfgrs. Ass'n. (carriage and buggy bodies) ■ ^olt & Nnt ASlin, (several Assns., Carriage, stove, tire, etc., fix prices) i i Boxmukers' Combine (California and Oregon) .' . . Bromides Trust (six or eight manufactures, all In D. S.) Broom Mfgrs. Assn. of TJ. S. (regulates price*) Broom Twine (selling combine) Oalltornta Cured Fruit Assu. '(90 per cent, prune producers and eurers fix prices) California Knlsln Growers' Assn Card Board Mfgrs. of D. S. (fix prices) Cedar Shingles Mfgrs. Assn. (Washington, limits production) Central Lumber Co. of California Central Supply Assti. (jobbers and makers of plumbers' sup- plies In Cfintral West) Central Walnut Jksan. (California; fix prices) Chain Mfgrs. Assn. (trace, wagon, etc.) Oheesp Dealers' Assn. Co. (19 cheese merchants of Chicago, fix prices) Chemical Combine (pharmaceutical mfgrs.) : Chinese Laundry Assn. (launflrymen of N. Y. and vicinity fix prices) Columbia liiver Canneries Co. fflsh packers) Commercial Chemical Co. of U. S. (parls green selling agency) Consolidated Iforwarding Co. '(Cal. I'ruit Grfiwerg' and Ship- pers' Assn. wlbh 2 others control 90 per cent, trade) Copper Sheeta and .Bolts Mfgrs. Assn '. : Balrymen's Atetl. of Atlanta, Ga. (93 per cent, milk supply of Atlanta) Derby. Hat 1*001 (-1 big companies sell together) Dredge Owners' Assn. (12 Anns divide work and fix prices, i^N. Y. ;Harbor) pynamlte Pool (3 big California companies) gaetern Broom Mfgrs. Assn. (fixes prices) Eastern Burial Case Assn Baatero Jobbers' and Mfgrs. Assn. (plumbers' supplies, east of Alieghanles) ; Blectrotypers - (N. C. City and vicinity) Factory Insurance Assn. (29 companies) Pall River Cotton Mfgrs. Assn. (all cotton cloth mills sell to- gether) Federal Fashion Co. (Butterlck and Standard Fashion Cos.) Flint Bottle Mfgrs. Assn. (attempis to control prices, etc.).. Fraser River Canners' Assn. (salmon) pPrult Dispatch Co. (fruit selling agency) Fruit Jar Manufacturers (one selling agency for all (8) west- em firms) .' G4s Meter Manufacturers of N. Y. City (have a pooling I agreement) .' gettrgla Saw Mill Assn. (lumbermen of Ga., S. Car. and Fla.) #raln Elevators on Great Lakes (10 or more companies pool) JSrape Growers' Pool (agree on prices, Northern Ohio)...;.. ij(J«lery A$sn.' (seamless hosiery, mfgrs. of Eastern Pa.) Kit Air Furi(«ce Mfgrs, Assu.-. Where formed. 189G 1900 1883 180a 1899 IStlS 1692 1899, '1890 1899 1880 1898 1885 1892 1898 1900 1898 1898' 1896 1896 1900 1890 1898 1898 1898 1809 1899 1804 189r 1900 1890 1897 1898 1900 1900 1900 1898 1900 Estimated capital involved. $500,000 1,500,000 1,000,050 4,000,0X10 150,000,000 5,000,0X10 500,000 2,500,000 100,000,000 100,000,000 .'^,000,000 50,000,000 4,000,000 10,000,(KlO 1,000,000 300,000 5,000,000 500,000 2,000,000 4,000,000 10,000,000 5,000,000 70,000,0^)0 15,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 1,000,000 50,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000. 3,000,000 1,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 4,000,000 20,000,000 5,000,000 34,605,000 so',ooo,ooO 2,000.000 3,000,000 1,000,000 5,000,000 2,000,000 500,000 3,000,000 10,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 5,000,000 . 'M 226 .DEMOCRATIC OAMBAIGN BOOK. Unincorporated Truste— Continued. Name and description of trusts. - Where formed. Estimated capital involved. Illinois State Board Fire Underwriters (72. companies) Independent Mfgrs. Pliotc^raphic Assn. (15 photograpWc supply oompaaies) Indiana League of Fire Underwriters (27 companies) Indurated! Fibre Industries Co Lake Carriers' Assn. (3 lines, pool prices) LauiiQrymen's Protective Assn.' (non-Chinese in N. Y. fix prices) ,. '. .-;•;„ Lijien Tliread Col (selling agency for 3 companies) '. . . liuiuber. Carriers' Assn. (vessels on Great Lakes) Luiuher Dealers of Texas (combine on prices) Macbihe Kilk and Sewing Silk Assn Manufacturers' Paper Co. of Chicago (selling agency for laaiiy ujills) t Miijile i'looriDg Mfgrs. Assn. (fixes priecs) M;l.-;s. Elect. Uo's. (33 El. Light and St.' Ry. Cos., Voluntary Assn. managed b.v 15 trustees) J Ma.srer riuniljeri^' Assn. (Rochester plumbers, fix prices and stop outside competitiou) . . . . : : Mliihigan Salt Assn. (90 per cent, producers in State- sell to- gether) ; Michigan State Assn. of Wooden Ware Mfgrs. (Axes prices) Middle States Furniture Mfgrs. Assn. (35 furniture factories of Middle States) . . : Milk (jombiue of Sftranton, Pa. (entire supply) Mlnue.sotk and Uaknta Fire Underwriters (5:-; companies).... Mississippi Kiver Steamboat Pool (3 comjianies pool) Mutual Shippers' Assn. fgroWerS and shippers of California fruit, with 'Z others, controls 90 per ceut. trade) Nationa.1 Assn. of Chamber Suits and Case Mfgrs. (90 per cent, of manufacturers) National Assji. lit Master Plumbers , (fixes prices and de- clares boycotts) : NatKJual Assn. ot Retail Druggists (agrees on certainpricesV National Assn. of Wagon Mfgrs. (tries to fix prices) National Assn. of Wholesale Dealers in Crockery and Glass- ware (agree on prices) National Bana-uti Jobbers' Assu. (agrees on prices and' tries' to tight trust; National Chair Assn. (150 mfgrs. of North w'e's't) .' ! National Diniing Table Assa. (39 firms) National Jobbing Confectioners' Assn. (agree on price's) r«ational Mirror Mfgrs. Assn. (40 companies agree an prices)' National Ornamental Glass Mfgrs. Assa. (85 per cent of trade west of Philadelphiaj National Musical String Co. (combine of 6 or s's'iit'e'tc" string companies in U. S.) ■=^'-., ■Natiomii Wholesale Grocers' Assu. (tixes 'price's so'nie'cl'a'ss'es' New Kngland insurance i;'x"cliange"(S4'ii're"insu'r'a'nce 'ram- I. New York Milk Exchange Tfl'x'es 'p'ric'e's' hu'yi'n'g 'and' seU'iigV ' %bX%n^) :^. .''.^^':°.^°^^'''-'^' ^'''"- <^° '^'^ prices and Niciiolson File Wor'k's' '(s'piants,' '70 per 'c'e'n'l'.'of 'pridu'cti ' " ' North Carolina Pme Tjmber Assn. (fixes prices) "''""'•■■■ mlcounts)™. . " "'"^ ^™P''^«"-'"t Assn. (fixes pri'ce's'iiAd Oilcloth Pool (table, enameled, rte ) Oregon Hopgrowers' Assn. (fix prices') Pacific Coast Export Lumber Mfgrs. (ag'ree'o'n'Dr'ic'e'si ^of Rocwes) ^'""'"' '° ^'"""'^^•■^' Supplies (•flx^p'S'wes't ^ ea^plte)"'" *^'^'^'* ^"^''^- ^^^°- ' '("^'^" ' P'i<=^' ' "'"Srain ''w"eSn^p"e"n"n\Th4T)' '^^^^ ^'^'^^ B^essomer!?L ' 'i'n ^ Quebec)".^ .'.'. .'."."^ . f ."'"'■ '^'"°^' ' '^'^'"^ ' ' sVuiiiwlek' " 'and Shot and Lead 'Mfgrs'.' 'A^'n.' '(fixes' 'pH'c'e's') '.'.'.'.'.". ' " gtovel Makeia of .U, S, aad Can. iiateraatlonaJ fl6reeffleiii;>; .', 190O 1890 1898 1900 1898 1898 1898 1898 1899 1898 1878 1899 1898 18:)5 1898 1899 1900 1899 3S94 1898 1900 1883 1898 1887 1890 1900 1898 1900 "1890 49,430,760 400,000 10,028,568' 1,000,000 10,000,000 3,000,000 4,000,000 10,000,000 5,000,000, 2,000,000 ; 10,000,000 2,000,000: 24,000,000 1,000,000 4,000,000 6,000,0001? 1,000,0001 45,110,740 V 4,000.009:5 3,000,000 8,000,000 SO.000,000 30,000,000, 40,000,000 10,000,000. 2,000,000 4,000.000 .".,000,000 3,000,000 3,0O0,0"0O , 2,000,000 500,000 150,000,000 58.537,167 4,000.000 1.500,000 . 2,(M)o,000 12,000,000 10,000,000 ■' 1,500,000 1,500,000 4,000,000 3,000,000 5,000,000 50,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 1,000,000 2,000,000 e,ooo,ooo TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. / fwuirrH*!.'!- 22f Name and d«5?ri^tign_of trust. 'iSojipmakers' Combination (most of the big western' com- paples) Sajwieastem Tariff ^Ssn. (67 fire Insurance companies). Sfltjtnern Cal. Fruit Excliange (I'Tuit Shipping Ass^n., witli 2 ,, otiers, controls S)0 per cent trade) ilonthern Cotton Spinners' Assn. (fixes prices cotton yarn).. sSouthern Hosiery Xarn Spinners' Assn. '(18 largest mills ■,_J«ortli Carolina, SoutU Carolina, Georgia and A Uiliama) . . . . Boutliwestern Washington Hopgrowefs' Assil. (fixes prices). . Springfield Coal Assn. (10 Illinois companies) Spruce Mfgrs, of Maine, New HampsUIre ajtd New Bruns- wick (limit pro:ductlon and fix prices)..- .Steel Beams Assn. (fixes prices) ,. ... i . ,. , . ., 'Bte*l Rail Ml'grs. Assn. (all big companies agree 'on prices)-. Stone Cutters' Assn. (freestone cutters of Mass. and Conn.),' _ Straw "Wrapping Taper Mfgrs. Assn ,.,,■,,,.,...,.., Theatrical Trust (one management fixes salaries, e-tc, for BO toeatfirs in leading cities) .: ;....»., Tile, Grate and Mantel Assn. of N. Y. (fixes prices and 't)oy- Li iotts nou-members) ,..,.• ,,. fTpllet Soap Mfgrs. (agree on prices) Underwriters' Assn. of State N. Y. (72 companies) tl, S. Eares Trough and Conductor Pipe Assn ■.:., V. S. Paper Bag Mfgrs. Assn. (10 concerns not in Ualon B. & P. Co.) ; .,;,..... llnitad Wine and Trading Co. (wine retailers of N. Y. and- Brooklyu) , .; .i........ . .li ,., iVftudevllle Trust (40 or BO leading houses under ahe 'manageV tjnent) .7 7. . . ^Washington Red Cedar Shingle Mfgrs. Assn. (controls prg- \ft,_ auction and prices, 30 mills) , Iwfctem Elevator Assn. (40 leading companies in , Buffalo i work together) , /. Western l)'actor,v In.surance Assn. (23 companies). .>.... . . Western Potters' Assn. (agrees on prices)...' Western Union Fire Ins. Assn. (59 companies in South and ^ West) .Wholesale Drngglsts' National Assn. (25 firms) ; Wholesale Grocers of New England Window Shade Mfgrs. Assn. (nearly all in U. S.) Wire Cloth Mfgrs. Assu. of America (12 firms agree on prices) Woodenware Assn. (meets In Cleveland, O., and fixes prices . small articles) ., • ■■\ Total estimated capital in unincorporated trusts. 1$^.' 1000 1888 1884' IW 1897 1S99 1883 18'J7\ 1809 1895 189-7 lSO-1 1890 1874 1875 1808 1899 1899 20,000,000 41,424,318 • 10,000,000, 4,'0D0,00a' ^00,000 3,000,000 5,000,000 40,000,000 60,000,000 3;ooo,ouo 4:p00,000 - SftOOO.OOO. 2,090,050 r 3,000,000 ' ' 50,i'^.TXi' ' 2,000»00(J . 4,000,000' ; ■roo.TOfl 15,000,000 '4,000,000 15,000,000 ' 23,8fi2,50Q' 47,902,358: 25,000,000 40,000,000 2,000.000 4,000,000 3,000,01)0 1,904,799,132 Bn i I luwl'fi'' of unincorporated trusts ia very great. Such trusts consist of price and BIW-BXlng agreements, profit-sharing pools, selling or buying agencies, product-restrict- - IBg agreements, etc. They exist in nearly every industry and in most States and cities. Sftme of those mentioned above may be Incorporated. Many have no definite names. Soine, of these have been operative for man,v years. Some are renewed periodically^ as the Miohigarn Salt Association (which now, sells its product to the National Salt Co.)— every five years. Some are ineffective part of the time because of disagreements. Some, like the Paris Green Trust (which is usually very active during the potato-bug Beaetin), are effective for only a few months in a year and may not reappear every year. , sin such cases as the Anthracite Coal and Steel Rail Ti:ii4is only such part of the " capital of the allied concerns is taken as is believed devoted to the particular industry considered. As many fire insurance companies belong to several associations, the aggregate of . capital in the insurance combines is considerably too high. The amount of capital in these associations, if counted only once for each company, is probably about $80,000,000. • Similar fire insurance associations for fixing rates, terms, conditions, etc.. exist in all . HWUftjia M the country and in most States and cities. They are nominally in action in Sevmal States with strong "anti-compact" laws. The Wholesale Druggists' National Association maintains«prices of proprietajy medi- cines by refusing to handle goods sold to wholesalers who cut prices. Similar local asso- ciations of .iobbers and retailers regulate prices of most leading articles in States, coanties and cities. Wholesale GBocers' AssQciatlons exist everywhere. By means of rebates, etc., they SSSist manufacturers of many articles in maintaining uniform prices. 223 .;. pEJMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. :oooSo=) ; «o_o ^_o '^'.^ : 0=1 S 00000 ooEoo " CCD ^ ©O O 3 -V . O O O 3; O O t^ s^ ;1~ ^ tr) o -fi in o o cs 3 -'''^.'C'ltC'c^iri'irfi-CTr' o^ -__ 00 ■ O O ' o'o O 3 lOCf go 00 ;iS3 OiO ir:o ;■— 'O Of-T .cita" iod'w"'' 00 : s's i CM 0000— QTocrooc^czi C: L-OOiC ooo^oo_oc: o o o-^'or-">f-■'o'3'c:^o'o'c:"o'c;'o* 8-tnooi--o-'r:z;^oo o a:o -oor:.oc^O'i00o Soocco cooooc OQQ-J So. SOC 5.000 ?c 00 cooo'o'o ' oifr'ooQOo'oQ iT'OQa:;!-^ oosooQoo^co CC O O ^rl- C5 lis O *-o O *^ OiC o OOOOOOO®! o'o' o' o' o' o' osP; OCCOOOO! o^oo-* ices' CCOL-' CCCOCIW'O (C-^TPi-HOCClC-VS' OtllMNlO 013; CO EH t/3 H •< s 03' :: ^ I C ■■ S-: • qscs ■ 55K ■44 : o oi io> - ■rOEftoooo 00 -^ CO Ci era OS** 30 ■» Oi o o Oi « Oi as el 1^ o p, c o £ P3 H =_ - :r: § ■ : : o^^G S ■ JJ ■ i I C c ^ o ; tJ) : i '-X^^ *^ -^ : : i"^ ft^M ;^ : : : w £ oJ >> : g : « : o bOwS !S : bD : . C j:: i;: *J ,-; i| 'i ■ 5 S'S ■■■%i : ^ o ': ^ -^^ rS ;.! ?,^ : M . .0 o aa ;o gawps E-wortt) 2— Si=i « w M n rr ^ r- >. IT iT « 0) .r- ■-. ■" ;wi ■.?->Co 1 = 3000 : oi ^ '3 "^ 'c ^o^ zi ■■ •• S 5 .« ^ * s^ J; « +3 T3 t: T5 3 o o;S^S SSSJc 00 ^ rt a M W u: gS9- a 6-0 2J3 -T i 5 GJ rsi : :^ '3 o ;/; :,= - 'o — 'O 5 S 5 a< « SS "i'd , aSSKSSS TEtrSTS IN THE TJISriTBJD STATES. , >/'' «29 tv 88 ;s S'"" dS S'S*3" *S" ''-''•^" S*M IDMCO mrh gs oo oo oo oo o'o' om -r-s- i~-l-i gs oo Po_ a* »o o5J.ir:_o ic i"ft o 5 1- c o i5.iS r^o rHt-^r-fl^io'^JlCOrH -"P H^COCflCC'jt^r-ifSiu:)'.' OCq»fl o o ic iS =■ =j t- S o to.i?5 r^-o - 25 w o OT i'fi'iiii'iil OQOO 8,iss |8S"| 50?3 O is? 3, : d Jh «! _, Tj >fs^^ p-S ■g.ss=ap sg ;||.s||'" •3-*; : a^ 0*0 T3 Ctrl jCSra "i o » a a m 9 Is*''* a to en ci c^' r u; I.IJ k>) >^' ^' 1^. ^.i ^y ^' OOCOOJCO OOCOQOa -^ I'-^Qi ; : : w .a t2 -^ : "^ ; p 3 3 ^ : +^ : "J CJ O ■ — ^ QQ ' 4J ;•-' a>, : 5 « : bo !zg-2gaS|'Si JH SIS o,m'.I ' ^ a r " ^•S3 (d S S 'P o ,rt to -:«OMg&£'5-oS'3- a g >^ P. is S| -.si 0-3 g to '5sgd to » § -'5 si ■33 — '"* « egg a a a a 230 deh'ooeatic campaign book. sssg <=)000_ COOO COO m o coo oo coo Clt- sa o I I. §0000 0=)0C3 00 00^ 00 000 00000 o o in ,0 o S'cocfi-i'to" 50-TC 5ci>2 ■5o-* -> oco 3^0to< 30 00> OM 0000000 .r;z>OOomO'TO 7»J<00 0-<<0«S Mm ■ .-. ■ , '^ o N I O ^t3 O OSOMOaCS (3SOSCO-*lO OOOOOCOOO QOQOOOCOCO bpa C CO O SJ S 60 . „ .. . o ^-d -p _ £l|S8 j::; ■ la bo n .2fgv,.5g. : : p : M^l : .+;> - i : a : :'3S : :£« : ■~b\ ; V "_- • ■■^'■^ 1 :H-1 I iSffii ;ws • i'O . : i^S: •>-.>»: 7-03 a : .So . 03 CjOS I^ lO OS CCOCCOCOCOCO 'S log ■r ina--- o : g 3 S oi"S c ■-' ■o=2"-S cs. "£3 a « c 4-r>s ■-SS-'Oo 3,3 ""BO a?- .■o "." --"So o ^2 > a St) o •Tjo-cS' ■C ' — ■ (H i^j £3 ■"' "■ i- t» IS ... — ._ — . ^ _ .tj ." ^ ^ .t^ .« .ti ." of ." .^ "tS cj 60 — ^ tH B aaaoa ca . = aa's.iiSS.S ,i2 a -flS o.a ■»9 11 a d « c3 fl" »B >.fcr -Sa •3^ u§ •S2 >.3 i^ S — 11 la "S 2 |=R ^a -a>. ^■y oS >, i% IS'S "oH M s« s a OJ-n •g?f ^^;a -2| 3 = ? a « g S^ Sl^s "3 m ^-.s IS 0^ f^ *- 3 111 _-J3 "D c •■2^ --s-s & 3s9 c ej i.''S c^h; ■=*& m 0,0 >.■= a ^■S IK .§& •s-S c "^5 Sc- ''■i;^'" ■»-.,-Ji SJa t^ Ss esS s lARMOR PLATE TRUST WINa 231 THE ARMOR PLATE TRUST— ITS VICTORY IN CONGRESS. The use of avmor plate iu tlie construction of naval vessel^, and tlie obsta- cles presented to competition by the enormous cost of the plants , for the manufacture of these plates l^d'to gi'eat extortion by the manuf^c- , turers. In 1898 the pcice paid by the government reached $606 per ton. An Investigation disclosed the fact that' the BetEIeT!iein''lforTJoiHpany,~no\v a part of the Iron and Steel Trust, had furnished Russia with armor plates at as low a price as $240 per ton. This was followed by the euactSjuent, In 1896, of a provision of law- limiting the-priee-that- should -be- paid -by t-he-governmeTit for armor plate to $300 per ton,- '" . '?* lalS:;'; S: , At the last sessiou of Ooul^ress a provision was incorporated in the naval V appropriation bill, appropriating four millip_ns,pf__dpllars_ for the armor "and armament for naval vessels with a proviso that "the^ Secretary of the Navy Is hereby ailthorize(| to procure, bj' contract, armorof the best quality for the battleships Maine, OhiOj and Missouri." The Naval Committee had also in- corporated In the. bill authority to purchase armor for these three ships at a cost not to exceed $545 per ton. As this was, a propositioQ to change existing law, it was stricken out on a point oC order. Wheo the bill reached the Senate that body amended It by authorijsing the payment of $4-15 per ton on aU naval vessels- authorized to be built by ex- isting laws. It further provided that if-the Secretary of the Navy could not purchase armor plate for $445 per ton, he might, pay $545 per ton for armor for the battleships Maine, Ohio and Missouri, but no others; and that he should, in such case, erect an armor plate factory at a cost not to exceed four millions of dollars,- two millions of (Jollars to be appropriated for that pur- pose and made immediately available. The House offered for this the fol- lowing siibstiiute: That tlie Socrctaiy of the Navy Is hereby authorized to procure by coutraet armor of the best qu.'iUty for any or all vessels above referred to, provjdej such co-itracts can b« made at a i)rioe»n'hich ia his judgment Is reasonable and equitable; but in case he Is unable to make cuiJiiocts for armor under the above condition.?, he Is herehy aiilHnr- Ized, in his discretion, to procure a site for and to erect thereon a factory for the manu- facture of armor, and the Sum of $4,000,000 Is hereby appropriated toward the erection o£ said factory. 232 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. It win be observed that the House proposltleta placed no limit upon the Secretary of the Navy as to the price be should ipa^Jf or the armor plate of all vessels, tlie consti'Uction of v;hlch was authorized- by existing laws, and that it was left wholly to his own discretion whettter, uiider any circumstances whatever, he should erect a government armor plate factory. The proposition of the Senate limited the price of armor plate to $445 per ton, excepting fop the three battleships named, for which he might pay $545 per ton if he could do no better. But if he found that he could not purchase artnor for $445 per ton, lie was positively directed to erect an armor plate factory for the government. Something lilce ten dilierent conferences were had by the conference Com- mittees of the two Houses to reconcile these differences. The House cooferees, sustained by the House, were unrelenting in their determination to defeat all limits as to price, and all compulsory prortsious for the erection of a govern- ment arnior plate factory. The Senate for a long time resisted the demaijda of the Armor .Plate Trust. In that body Senator Hanna hotly led the con- test 'for, the piate manufacturers, ably seconded by Senator Elkins at West Virg-inia. On the last day of the session, June 6th, when the requisite number of votes had beiju xissured for a complete surrender to the trust. Senator Pen- rose of I'enDsylvania, the State in which is located the plants of the great Steel Trust, offered the following amendment: i t Tliat /the Senate recede from its amendment numbered 58, and agree to the lIouSB Euieiidracnt to tlie .«oiiie -n'itli the following amendment: "That the Secretary of the Navy" is hereby authorized to procure by contract armor of- the best quality for any or all vessels above referred to, provided such contracts can be made at a price whioh. in his judgment, is reisunable iiLd equitable; but" in i-.iso he la i.nable to make c.uiti'aets f ■•■ Ernior under the -ib'jv? I'on.Jii'ons he is hereby aul.harized and directed to procure a site for and ei'ect thereon a factory for the mauufaclure of armor; and tjie sum of $4,000,000 is hereby appropriated toward the erection of said factory." Senator Hale, the Chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, made the following explanation of the difference between this new proposition and the House proposition: Mr, HAI.K. The Senator from Pennsjjvania moves to concur in the ^otise amend- ment with an amendmoct substituting this same amendment, only in place of the words "in his discretion" he inserts the words "and directed;" so that it will road: , Tiut in case he ia unable to malio contracts for armor under the above conditions; he Is hereby authorised and directed to procure, a site for and to erect thereon a factory, for the rtianafaciwre o' armor." So that the sense of the Senate is to be taken on the proposition of the discretion being left with the Secretary of the Navy a? to the price; but as to an armor plant, if he canntJt get a reasonable contract, he is obliged to build an armor plant. It will bo observed that what seemed in the Senate amendment to be compulsory upon the Secretary was, after all, leaving everything to his own discretion. He. was directed to erect an .armor factorj* if he was unwilling to submit to the extortionate demands of the armor plate manufacturers; bil if be was willing to pay whatever price they demanded, he was fully author- ised to do so, io which case, of course, he would not erect a government fac- l&EMOR PLATE TRUST WIN3/ 233-. fory. The ^gerness wltiQ TicHiijtefiiiie Armor Plate Trust struggled to itrans- fer to the executive aeBsttjfjap.fcjtha. powei- to yield to,, its dejnaiids wa» evi- dence of the most positive Kia£l;oCit$ confidence tbat it worulfl, fare better with the Secretary of Mi,® JUgMs^tban it wouli evea with a friendly .Con- gress on the eve of an elaetjon. .. .|.,. A Republican Senator Rebels. , 5>ery exciting debate took place on the terms of capitulation proposed by Senator Penrose. In the course of tliis dchate Senator Chandler of NefW Hampshire, who had been Secretary of the Navy under President Arthur, de- ' counced the proposed surrender in tlie following . seyere language: ^ Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. President, the motion made by tile Senator, frojn PeEasylraf-B nia (Mr. Penrose) correctiy takes up. the Issue, betiv^fin the House and the, Senate, and a vote upon that Is certainly an appropriate method' of deternainlhg what the"'^ourSe^ of the Senate shall be. His proposition is substahlially- fhe Houte t)r6:^ and our efforts would have been of no consequence 11 they had not been ratified by overwhelming votes of the Senate, until $415 a ton was flxe.to put on our ^ ships an-d risk- the lives of our sailors and our men on those ships. -Our ships would 'have gonii to-'the 'bottom of the sea with the first shot because of the frauds of this combine; and -yet-Hie'y find defend- ers on this "floor, who tell us we must submit to this combine and allow them to con- tinue to steal from the people of the United States. Hr. President, the hour has come when the party In power has got to take the ^■responsibility for this thing. If they want to go to the American people and, with a majority in both Houses and with the Executive, say, "V/e are willing to continue this robbery," I will 6nter my protest. They have got the power to do it, and I am very much afraid they propose to do it, but they shall not do it wltnout my negative vote; they shall not do it without giving me an opportunity of saying to the American people, "You are being robbed; you are being robbed by the party that you put In power under pledges that you should have good government and honest administration of public affairs, which you have the right to demand and the right to expect of any Administration, no matter how It may be labeled. The senatorial advocates of the armor plate monopoly never wearied of their ta^lE, but fought as they would if they had themselves owned the armor plate factories. Their labors were finally crowned with success, although the defenders of the treasury of the Government held out long and well. Public attention had been called so loudly to the contention, that it seemed sheer madness for an administration, on the eve of a presidential campaign, to deliberately load itself down with go fierce and reckless a struggle for a private interest, and for the unnecessary transfer of millions of dollars from the public treasury to the armor plate monopoly. Some friends of the admin- istration refused to be coerced into the support of Senator Hanna's final proposition, but in vain. He listened with intense interest to the response of every Senator -who voted on his ultimatum, embodied in the Penrose amepd- 23f DEJfOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, ment. When it had received a majorlty,:Ot' thp j;(3tes his face beamed wtth the greatest victory for him of the yea.ti>'-'^^oii&y never know what con- tribution the campaign fund of the Eepubliq^if party receives as a result of that vote. It may be more or It may be less .than the Sugar Trust wiU pay for the Porto Rican outrage of compelling ^ the payment of duties between Porto Rico and other United States ports in violation of the Constitution. But whatever it is, it will be in the power of the executive branch of the govern- ment to reimburse the contributors in the- price it will pay for armor. The following is the vote on the Penrose amendment. (Democrats and Inde- pendents in italics): AlllisQB, ' Eak6r, Carter, . Clark. ■ - rullfim, DrVia, lieboo, Douow, Elkina,, , Fairbanks, Bacon* Bard, ■ BnU. -Berry- BeveridgOi EuUer, Ch indler. Clay. ■ CockreU, Aldrioh, AUen, Barrows, YEAS -39. Foster, McBride, Frye, MeComas, iJallinger, MeEiiery, ^Hanna. McMillan, Hansbrough, Mason, Mawloy,' Penrose, Hoar, Piatt, Conn. Kean, Piatt. N. Y. Kyle, Pritchard, Lodge, Proctor, ** NAYS-35. Culherson,' Mallnry, Daniel, . Martin, Fo -akor, Money, BarriK, Morgan, Heitfeld. TS&tsnn, Jones Ark. Perkins. Kenny. Pe.ttigrew, Lindsay. Pethis. McLaurin, Rawlins, NOT VOTING-12. Caffery, Halo, Oh Iton, Jones, iVeu. Gear, McCumber, Qnarles, -^. Ross, Scott. Sewell, Shoup, Thurston, Warren, Wetmore, ■\Voloott. Simon, Spooner, " Sidlivan, Taliaterrp, TeUer, ^ TiUman, Turner, Fest. Stewart, Turley, Wellington. Dm-ing the roll-call pai-rs were announced as follows:- Mr. BUREOWS (when hia name was called). I am paired with the senior Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Caffery). Mr. SPOONEE (when his name was called). I have a pair with the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley), who is absent from the city, and unless his colleague can assure me as to how he would vote Mr. BATE. I think my colleague would vote "nay.'* Mr. SPOONER. Then I will vote "nay." ' The roll call was concluded. Mr. DAVIS. I have a general pair with the Senator from Texas (Mr. Chilton). I will transfer that pair to the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington) and vote "yea." Mr. JONES of Arkansas (after having voted in the negative). I am paired with the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrloh), who Is absent from the SeD.ate, and I jivlth- draw my vote. ^ Mr. BUTLER (after having voted in the negative). I have a general pair with the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington). I understand that on this vote he is paired with the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Davis). If that is correct, I will let my vote stand. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley) is absent with- out a pair, and I will transfer ray pair with the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrlch) to the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley) and let my vote stand "nay." Mr. QUARLBS. I suggest whether the Senator (roin Arkansas Is not mistaken lo AEMOR PLATE TRUSX WINS. 2?7 regard to the pair he has just stated. I understand that my colleague (Mr. Spooner) la paired with the iSenator frbtti TehnfeasGie (Mr. Turley). Mr. JONES of AJliansas. ,,fl}fte Sfpalor's colleague has Toted Mr. BERRY." He voted ';nay." ' This was an abdicatioii'by t^Wj^ess of Its duty, and" an extraordinary di- vision of legislative power with the executive department of the Govern- ment. ►- The Constitution provides that "no money shall be drawn from the treas- ury but in consequence of appropriations made by law." It may be that, in the face of this constitutional provision, and notwithstanding the struggle In Congress to prevent extortion in this Casep tnoney can be lavvfuUy drawn from the treasury to pay for armor plate at a price to be fixed by the execlitivle department without limit. If It can be, it would be equally constitutional for I Congress to appropriate the lump sum of seven hundred and fifty millions of i dollars to the President for the total expenses of the Government for one year, leaving it to his discretion "how much shall be expended for every service and everything rendered the Government. A precedent even for this ex-, traordinary and manifestly inadmissible legislation was established when ;, fifty millions of dollars was appropriated, in the spring of 1898, to be ex- pended at the discretion of the President when the war with Spain was im- minent. ' . I , Mr. Hanna conducted the armor plate contest in- the Senate with thij lielp of his administration friends as though the Government were a corpora- tion in which he owned the majority of the stocky and the expenditures ot which he could absolutely pontrol. That the Democratic members of the Naval Committee of the House of Rep- resentatives fully performed their duty in an effort to stem the tide of corrup- tion in this matter of armor plate will be seen by the following extracts fr&iii their minority report on the Naval Appropriation bill: ^ , In our judgment the potential reasons in enhancing the price of armor to the C ■■ ernment is the existence of a trust or agreement between the armor-plate factories this country— we are almost persuaded we could safely go further and say armor ;■ factories of the world; but we again guote from Mr. Schwab's testimony:, "Mr. CDMMINGS. There Is an insinuation that the European companies have agreement with you. "Mr. SCHWAB. That is not correct. I know nothing of it if it is true. I have st.r candidly that there was an understanding between, the Bethlehem Company and u selves to divide orders, because we went into the business on that basis. I have hc; a great deal about this matter of there being an agreement between the foreign ui:p faeturers, but I think that is very doubtful, for this reason: K the armor business i as profitable as. many people think it Is, why should all of this foreign capital wliii' Is lying uninvested remain idle with such a golden opportunity for reward; when En^' land, for example, is barely able to fill the orders which the Government has giv.cu for armor?" ' . -There are but two armor-plate factories in the tJnited States, and, as will be, seen from, the above quotation from Schwab's testimony, they understand each other so well there is no competition for orders, and we feel justified in concluding this understand- ing exists to price also. The Government is at the mercy of these companies, and we see but two ways of escape— either stop building armored ships or manufacture our own armor. We believe if the Secretary of the Navy was directed to buy armor for not exceeding $400 per ton, and if he could pot get it at that price to build a factory, the two eflmpanles would reduce th? JuJce to a reasonable sum. pec toa.rather than to alio* Sb 238 DBMOCBATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, the GoTernmcnt to tecome their competitor. One thing Is certain: Unless we build our own plant armor plate will never cheapen. We unhesitatingly say, in our opinion it would be wise for the Government to own its own plant, even if it never made one ton of armor plate, because the fact of the Government's ability to produce armor plate on its own account would operate to keep down prices in the private yards. The Gov- ernment ought to taice steps at once to reduce the price of armor plate by authorizing a plate factory, otherwise next year will And us in the same condition we are now in, and we will be compelled to pay the same exorbitant prices for the armor then needed. So R will go on from year to year, being, as it were, held up by manufacturers each year, because in the previoias year we failed to provide against the holding up. There- fore Congress should act now. Again, we feel compelled to ■difler . with our colleagues on the subject ot constructing ships in the Government yards. We reach this conclusion from the evidence before the committee on the subject. Four of the most distinguished and competent constructors 'of the Navy were heard. by us, as well as the Chief of the Bureau of Construction. They all unqualifiedly recommend the construction of ships in the Government yards. The opinions and wishes of bureau Chiefs seem to have been followed by the committee in many instances, and in our opinion it is unfortunate that thg opinion ot the Chief of the Bureau of Construction was not persuasive in -this instance also. *,,,!,lj*. * *- • • * * * In the building of ships, and in the manufacture of armor, we announce that we befieve in the principle that would have the Government to buy her ships or contract for their building and buy her armor plate, when the prices are reasonable. When we advocate that the Government build part of her ships and make the armor plate we do so because we feel that it would save millions of dollars to the taxpayers of our country in the long run. We do not believe in creating offices unnecessarily; on the contrary, we believe in ridding the- public of all needless olHcials; but we prefer more ofHcials, if necessary, which we do, not believe in this instance, to conscious or even well-suspected extortion, F. C. TATE. 30HN F. IlIXEY, IW. W. KITCHEN, CHAS. K. WHEELER, W. D. VANDIVER. triie people of the United States own the money in the treasury, and if they desire to bave it squandered for illegitimate purposes to fatten the trusts and monopolies to enable them to perpetuate their power in the government, they ' will vote to continue in power the present administration, and its supporters in Congress, CARNEGIE'^S-GHEAT IKOOME. 239 CHAPTER XEilX. CARNEGIE'S ENORMOUS INCOME— $68,000 A DAY— $24,000,000 A YEAR. Is there a man in the country who can read tht extraftrdiQai-y statements made nMev oath b.v Henry 0. Vtick in his suit agiittst Andrevy; daraegie with- out stopping tp think oC the sMii chanige whicti.the trust system, bactiad by ;i^!tovernment fayoritisni, has wrouglU in econoniic,- political and social condi- tions' In America? ■ ,i , ' ' ■,.Mr. Fricls says tl^at Mr. Carnegie's share of the profits of. the Carnegie Steel Company last year was ¥12,285,000, Be also if?ays that Mr. Carnegie's siiare of the earnings, this year will probably be $24,867,000, Carnegie's Profits Greater tfian Kings' Revenues. Can you grasp .the n.ieaning of that? TwhIvc millions of dollars last year; ,twonty-four milUo.us of doUai's this yearf 'Xiiis is the priTate income of one 'roan. Let me give you a list of the annual incomes that may help you to estab» Usb a rule of prQporr4on; ,' Qiieen Victoria ^. ...,'.. .$1,925,000 The German Kmperor 3,852,770 The Emperor of Austria , . -. , 3,875,000 The King of Italy ,...,. 2,858,000 Andrew Carnegie • ,. , .24,Se7,50Q bne Day's Income Would Pay President's Salary. Mr. Carnegie's ipcome from his steel works is $68,130.13 a day. That Is more than the salary of the Presideilt of the United States for a whole year. Ilis annual income is equal to the wages of twelve million of workingmen at two dollars a day. * But is Mr. Carnegie the only man in the community who is able to pay the President's salary for a year out of one day's income? Cntil Mr. Frick made his astounding revelation no one had any suspicion that the Carnegie Steel Company was earning $42,500,000 a year. May there not be other men In the country— many of them— whose incomes would startle the country if the real facts were to be made known? Who can tell? The trust system, the scheme Q^O ,DEMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. of limited monopoly, ts so well suvroundeii with safeguards of secrecy that it is only by the accident of a legaa quarrel aWong tile great financial cap- tains that the truth may now and then be uncovered. Senator Hannd, the spokesman of the present administration at Washington, laughs at the earnest men who have tried to probe this greatest problem of the present generation. The trusts should be "let alone." They pay millions of dollars Into the Bft- publican campaign fund. Why should they be disturbed or investigated ?v The Modern Youth Faces a Wall of Monopoly. Mr. Frlck deserves the thanks of the nation for this contribution to the world's knowledge. He has no doubt 'started, springs of thought in the pub- lic mind that wUl flow long after his suit against Mr. Carnegie has been won or lost. The thinking American, citizen will ask himself how it is that one man can lawfully— and Mr. Carnegie's wealth is lawful— earn twenty-four millions a year. He will glance backward and forward. He will think of his father, of himself, of his son. And he will see that the founders of the great trusts entered upon their business careers when competition was possible and that they have gradually destroyed tlie competitive system. Could Andrew Carnegie start in the steel trade to-day and achieve power? 'Does any omfe believe that this man, with all his intelligence and ability to apply himself to the work before him, could break through the wall of mon- opoly built around the steel trade? This Power Dangerous to the Public. •Men like Mr. Carnegie, having established themselves in power, naturally seek to prevent competition. He is not alone in this. It is the foundation idea of the trust system. But can a power like this exist in a, republic without destroying the re- public? Wh^t is the remedy? Who knows? Is there a remedy at all? And how can there be any effective and reasonable remedy until the Government is in the hands of men who honestly want to find a remedy?— James Creelman io Neiw York Journal. , .HArLROADS AXD THE TRUSTS. 241 CHAPTEE XKX. THE RAILROAD QUESTION — DISCRIMINATION IN FAVOR OF THE TRUSTS. ^ Comparatively little attention lias yet been given to tlie great domestic and practical question of the control (not OH'nership) of those great trusts, the public ti'ansportation lines. The Inter-State Commerce Law, In 1887, Congress passed what was Isnown as the Interstate Commerce Law, which was Intended by those who tool: part in its enactment, to regulate the Interstate railroad rates of the country and afford some protection to the email shipper as against his great competitor, who was, and is, fattening off of the special privileges granted him by the railroads. The Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce reported that year to the Senate that "the effect of tlie prevailing policy' of railroad management, is, by an elaborate system of se- cret rates, rebates, drawbacks, and concessions, to foster monopoly, to enrich favored shippers, and to prevent free competition in many lines of trade in which the Item of transportation is an important factor;" and that "rates are established without apparent regard to the actual cost of the service per- formed, and are based largely on 'what the traffic will bear.' " It was contemplated by its framers that the Act to regulate Interstate com- merce would correct this condition of affairs, but its application and construe, tion by the "courts have tended to the reverse. ; ' Decisions of the United States Supreme Court. Under the decisions of the United States (Supreme Court, with this law on the statute book, declaring that all rates shall be "reasonable and just" and that "unjtist and unreasonable rates" are unlawful, the railroads may still charge whatever rates they see proper and there is power in no commission, In no court, to sjy them nay. That this is true, read what the Supreme Court said in the case of the C, N. O. & T. P. Ely. V. Interstate Commerce Commission, 162 U. S., 184: ■ Whether Congress intenOea to confer upon the Interstate CommerQe Commission the^ power to Itself fix rates was mooted in the courts below, and is discussed In the briefg ef counsel. 243 .'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOa' We do not find any provision of the act that expressly, or by necessary implication, • confers such a power. We prefer to adopt the view expressed by the late Justice Jackson, when Circuit Judge, in the case of the Interstate Commerce Commisslou v. Baltimore & Ohio Rail- road Company (43 Fed. Eep., ST), and whose- judgment.; was. affirmed by this court ._rD THE TRUSTS. 243 which are Inaccessible to the small shipper, who has to pay the published tariliC. The public complains a great deal against trusts and combinations. Our platform condemns them. The papers are fuU of them. We have laws already on the statute booljs proposing to annihilate them, i'et with all this, the main- spring of their e.xistence, their progenitor, their breeder,— namely, the railroad tri7sts,— lie uncheclted within our grasp.' The point at wliich combination becomes unlawful, is debatable. That the large shipper should not receive. advantages from public utilities which are denied to the small shipper, is not debatable. The theory, at least, of taxa- tion in all rational civilized govemmenis is to place the lightest burden In the form of taxation upon the poor and those least able .to bear it, and to lay the heavy hand upon the rich and powerful. The theory of taxation by railroads in the levying of their tariffs, when uncontrolled by the state or gov- ernment, is the revex:se of this, and the\hand of mall Is placed upon the poor and unprotected, while the great and powerful trusts and combinations are granted free passes, rebates and speciar privileges of every description. Very few combinations or trusts could, exist to-day were it not through the control or the favor of public utilities in their behalf. Some fatten through the in- Iquilies of the protective tariff, and a demand is now being made for the abol- ishing of the tariff on all articles controlled by trusts. This Is along the right fine, but the benefit of it which the trusts receive from the Import tariff is less than that they receive from the railroad tariff. Und^r the Import tariff it may at least be said, that whatever favor it grants Is open to all with means to avail themselves of it. But suppose the Government secretly granted a re- bat^ of 25 per cent, of the duty to two or three large manufacturers, what then would be the position of the small manufacturer in competition with them?' Yet this is the nature of the discrimination which the trusts and combinations are to-day receiving from our public transportation lines, and this Is the testimony of the railroads themselves. Testimony of Good Witnesses. Mr. A. B. Stickney, President of the Chicago Great Western Railway, the author of a book entitled the Railway Problem, says: It Is Idle to talk about railway transportation being a mere article of commerce, owned by the company, "who, as such owner, may sell it or not, as it may see fit, or, if It elects to sell, may demand such price as it chooses or can obtain." It is nonsense to call that merchandise which no one can refuse to purchase. tioolsing at the subject from the point at view of the owner of railway property, this absolute power in the hands of managers, who after all are but human, with limited knowledge and capacity, seems quite as dangerous to that interest as to the Interests of the people. * « • •« * • * • And yet upon each road one man with autocratic power, with many subordinates, acting separately and without consultation. Is making rates varying in amounts from doy to day, and as between different men and localities, without ruje or principle as a basis, simply guessing in each case, with the expectation that the average guesses for a jrear will cotDe within the fraction of a mill per ton per mile of the proper aroouat. 244 .DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. This appears to be the present basis ot the value of rallvyay property. If tbc people need a flxefl rule or law for establishing the basis of rates, the companies need it even more. But such a law, to be just or beneficially effective, .should consider the rights of both parties. Mr. M. E. Ingalls, President of the Big Four and the Cliesapeake , & Ohiq, in an address to the conventloil of State Railroad Commissiouers in Washr ingiton, said: It is well, perhaps, that we should lools the situation fairly in the face, and while I do not care to be an alarmist I feel bound to describe plainly to you the condition today, so that you may understand the necessity for action. Never in the history of railways have tariffs been so little respected as today. . ■ Private arrangements and understandings are more plentiful than regular rates. The large shippers, the irre- sponsible shippers, are obtaining advantages which must sooner or later prove the ruin of the smaller and more conservative traders, and in the end will break up many of the commercial houses in this country and ruin the railways. A madness seems to have seized upon some railway managers, and a. large portion of the freights of the country Is being carried at prices far below cost. The Standard Oil Trust. The Standard Gil Trust is often held up by our Republican friends as an example of a great trust not founded upon the import tariff. That Js true. But no trust in this or any other country has ever received such rebates from the railroads as this combination. It has not only received rebates upon its awn shipments below that paid by any other producer of oil, but it is said, and very generally believed, that it has actually demanded that the railroads col- lect an excessive rate from the independent oil refiner and pay that excess to the Standard Oil Company. Not all other causes combined have contributed so potently to the estab- lisbment and power of trusts as the one thing of freight-rate discrimination. The Magnitude of Railroad Interests. For a moment consider the enormous magnitude of the railroad business of this country. The total railroad capital is about eleven billions of dollars. The gross railroad earnings per annum amount to one and a quarter billions,, som^ thing more than double the receipts of the United States Government from all sources, and 'considerably greater than the interest-bearing debt at the United States v?hicli, on June 30th, 1899, amounted to a little over one bil- lion doUai-s. The railroad companies operate 185,000 miles of road and em- ploy directly nearly one million of men, who, with, their families, malie about five milUons of our population dependent upon the railroads for their daily living. Fighting Water Transportation. The Government has appropriated from time to time $320,000,000 to improve our harbors and rivers, yet these great railroad corporations assume the right to make any rate, to points reached by vessels, necessary to "drive them out of the waters," while yet maintaining high local rates to intermediate points, EAIIrROABS AND THE TRUSTS. 245 Like all other great aggregations of wealth, the management of these great quasl-puhllc corporations stand opposed to the Democratic party, since its re- habititatlon on the principle of "equal rights to all, special privileges to none," would signal the vitalizing of the interstate commerce law and sound the death knell to special privileges granted favored patrons. Weakness of Existing Transportation Laws. Every year since the Supreme Court declared that Congress had failed to in- vest the Interstate Commerce Comnjission with authority to afCord practical relief to shippers, the Commission, in accordance with the provisions of the statute requiring it to suggest necessary amendments to Congress, has rec- ommended the passage of a law that would remedy the evils complained of. The present law, since the decisions of the courts above referred to. Is noth- Ing more than an instrument in the hands of the roads for the purpose of ex- torting from the gvieral public exorbitant published rates, . and a veil for granting special privileges and rebates to the great and powei-ful. Added to these recommendations of a non-partisan board, created by Congress itself, have been added within the past year the appeals of nearly every commer- cial organization In the country, together with innumerable letters from small lAdividual shippers, praying tliat Congress would hearken to the cry of the people, but to all such, the Bepublican committees of Congress have turned a deaf ear. A Petition to J. Plerpont Morgan, To illustrate the impotency of the law, and to show the contempt in which it is held by the shippers of the country, I quote from a statenjent made by Interstate Commerce Commissioner Charles A. Prouty before the Senate Com- mittee on Interstate Commerce last winter: I hold in my IianiJ a paper received this morning, published In the interests of the railroads of New York, in which It is said that the present condition of east-bound rates from Chicago to New York is outrageous; that ajl traffic practically is being moved upon something less than the published rate, and under contracts with the great shippers in Chicago. What does the man in Chicago do who is thus driven out of 'business? Does he apply to the Interstate Commerce Commission? Past experience shows him that is useless. This paper indicates his opinion, and it contains a letter to J. Plerpont Morgan from a committee of grain shippers, asking him that his railroads observe a statute of the United States. I submit that the United States should see that its statutes are observed, and that the shippers of the United States should not be compelled to apply l;o J. Pierpont Morgan, or any other individual, to intercede with his railroad properties to secure the observance of this statute. Just think of the small shippers of the country appealing to J. Plerpont Morgan, the man who has done more to create trusts than any one living, which trusts receive the direct benefit from the rebates, imploring him to compel the railroads to comply with a statute of the United States, when Con- gress has fuE power under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitu- tion, to confer authority upon the Commission and the courts to right the smngs from which the people suffer 2i6' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Oppression of Small Shippers by Railroad Companies. What makes the rate discriminations so much more disastrous to the small dealer than the action of the ordinary trust is that, no matter how venal may be the latter, yet i't generally demands tribute of all alilie, but the railroad trust grants Its favors to the powerful few, laying its mailed hand upon the ' small unprotected shipper to make good its losses. Tills IS the injustice that saps the very foundation upon 'which commerce rests. It Is as inevitable as the law of gravity, that its unrestrained contin- uance means the passing aiway of the small shipper. Illustrate It by a concrete example. Suppose it costs 80 cents to manufac- ture a given article in New York, and the published railroad rate is forty cents on that article from New York to Chicago. Suppose it Costs the trust and the small dealer identically the same amount to manufacture it, but the trust re- ceives from th^, railroad a rebate of twenty cents whe% it ships the article to Chicago. Is it conceivable that the small dealer can long exist under these conditions? This is what is occurring to-day and every day. The small dealer no longer ships. It is more than he can do to hold his own in his immediate neighborhood against the distant, foreign trust, with its favored rates. These great combinations and trusts care nothing about adverse legislation to prevent their combining as long as they are left a free hand to secure re- bates. They will reorganize and x-ecomljine to come within the terms of any law that can be placed. upon the statute books, as they are doing every day, but when Congress strikes at the rebate, it inflicts a mortal injury. The small producer or manufacturer should always be ready and willing to com- pete with the trust in meeting the advantages which may arise from economy in production, etc., because his close contact with the consumer will more than outweigh the advantages the trust may have, ai'ising from that source, but he cannot and he should not be compelled to meet the unfair, unjust and unlaw- ful advantages which the trust secures from our public transportation facil- ities. As against this, he will inevitably go to the wall. From it there is nq, escape. Mr. A. B. Stickney, in his work above refeiTed to illustrates this when he says: A guaranteed rate of transportatioa of even so small a sum as one-quarter of a cent per bushel less tlian any otlier middleman can get will give the man possessing it a monopoly of the business of handling the corn in the district covered by the guarantee. The general public Is not aware that the manufacturer located in Liver- pool, England, can ship his goods via New Orleans, La., to San Francisco, California, for less money than can the American manufacturer of a like ar- ticle located in New Orleans, and the same is true in shipping from Liver- pool via New York to Pittsburg, Pa. For these and other discriminations, there is no remedy under existing laws, and for relief, the people must look to the Democratic pai-ty, for the Ee- 'RAILROADS AND THE TRUSTS, 247 publicans, tte railroads and the ti-asts ara all dotcinated by the same in- fluences and no relief will ever be had at their hands. No Existing Remedy Against Railroad Extortion, It is a fact that cannot be contradicted that to-day any interatate railroad may charge whatever rate it sees tit and there is no tribunal in the United States that can grant any reliijf either for pa^t extortions or for future de- mands. Under existing la'ws neither the Interstate Commerce Commission nor ^ny court can prescribe what shall be the rate for the future; that Is a matter that Congress has left entirely and absolutely to the discretion of the railroads. To substantiate this assertion, see the case of I. 0. O. v. C. N. O. & T. P. Ry. Co., 167, U. S., 479.* Milton H. Smith, President of the Ijouisville & Nashville Railroad, in tes- tifying before the Interstate Commerce Commission, when aslied if a shipper living on his road would not have to pay the rate demanded by the railroad, said if the shipper does not like the rate "He can walli as he did before he had railroads, as thonsarids now do who have no railroads." ' This is what the shipper does to-day— pays the rate demanded by the rail- road or walks, or, in tlie case of the small producer sells his goods at home or goes out of business, and this he will continue to do, until Congress sees fit to exercise its power under the Constitution "to regulate commerce." It remains to be seen how long the trusts of the country can divert public attention from the breeder of great con'.binations~the discriminating railroad rates— which Congress can destroy by direct legislation, or by, giving the ijower to do so to the Interstate Commerce Commission. 7 •Section 6 of sucli statute expressly recognizes the rlglit of tlie carrier to establish, Increase or refiuce rates, on condition ol publishing and filing them with the Commis- sion. The Interstate Commerce Commission has no power, to prescribe a tariff or rates which shall control in the future. 248 ' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER XXXI. THE SHIP SUBSIDY BILL FOR SHIPBUILDING TRUSTS. A bill to donate hundreds of millions of dollars to a few of the largest ship- building companies in the United States was introduced in the Senate by. Mr. Hanna at the last session of the 55th Congress under the pleasing title of "A Bill to Promote the Commerce and Increase the Foreign Trade of the United States, and to Proyide Auxilliary Cruisers, Transports and Seamen for Goy- ernment use when Necessary." The bill was reported favorably with some amendn^ents so late in the session that no action, was talcen upon it. This same bill was Introduced in the House by Mr. Payne, and was reported back witti amendments. This bill was not acted 'upon. The reason why the measure was not pressed with more energj- was the certainty that it could not pass the Sena-te as that body was then constituted. Perhaps even the House was not yet prepared for so large a grab. The name of Senator Hanna was of course a guarantee of the earnestness of the support of the large ship-building companies in whose counting houses the bill had been approved and by whose lawyers it was probably drawn. At the same time the name of Senator Hanna was equally a warning that it might be too "broad and liberal" to meet the "narrow views" of those Republicans who thought their constituents had yet some interest in the public treasury, and who might object to seeing it raided. As an experienced charioteer driving two horses sees the importance of making a start when both animals are ready to puU and to go, so Senator Hanna might have thought that, inasmuch- as the Senate would be Kepublican in a few days, it would be better to wait until both the horses in his governmental wagon were equally manageable. If Mr. Hanna had at any time intended to ask the House to pass this bill in' the last hours of that Congress, there was ample cause for discouragement in the fierce attack made upon it on the 17th of February, two weeks before the final adjournment. On that day Mr. Clayton of Alabama, a member of the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, which had reported the bill, rose in his place and asked and obtained leave to pi-lnt as a portion of his remarks a criticism of the bill prepared by Dr. Samuel Adams Robinson, a prominent Republican and a member of "the Protective Tai'iff League Of America." He represented the Board of Trade la New Xork City in the SHIP SUBSIDY BILU 849 latest OoDTentlan oomposed of representatives of the Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce throughout the country, and was In that body a member of its Committee on Merchant Marine. Let us see what this prom- inent Republican member of the Protective Tarite League of America, and prominent member ot the Board of Trade of New York City, thought of , Senator Hanna's proposed measure. Dr. Robinson commenced by stating that the enactment of the Wll into law would benefit him pecuniarily for the rea;- son that it wonld Increase the value of deep water front property owned by him in the city of New Yorli, and that be owned no property which it could injure. This statement he made to show that he was not moved by self-in- terest la opposing the bUl. He said that two months before, while a dele- gate to the National Convention of the Boards of Trade, he heard of this bill, although It had not been published, and was not introduced in Congress until four days .after the adjournment of that convention. He said that those interested in the bill were fully and ably represented, and were thor- oughly prepared to induce the convention to endorse it. He was informed by them Id the most positive manner that it would be useless to oppose it, as it would surely become n )aiw before the 4th of March, 1899. Dr. Robinson gave an interesting account of the influences at work for this bill. "Eeprfesentativos of the most' powerful transportation lines in the United States and Europe," had, he said, for years been working to secure some leg- islation In the Interest of these great corporations. The endorsement of this mefi-sure was presented in a resolution brought forward by "an able di- rector of one of our largest pailroads," approving the message of the Pr'es^ Went and the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and recommending a law to carry th^m into efCcct, and it was adopted. "It is likely that no del- egate," says Dr. Robinson, "except those pecuniarily interested in the Hanna- Payne bill Icnew enough about it, or understood the connection between It ' and the railroad director's resolution well enough to know what his vote really signified." Resolutions favoring this legislation were passed through Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce without explanation, and then widely advertised as evidences of public opinion. The Doctor explained how the Chamber of Commerce of which he was p., meniber was prevented from falling into the tricli of endorsing it. At a meeting of the Board the resolution was read and was about to be acted upon without comment, when he briefly explained the measure, "with the result that that board unanimously refused to endorse It." He, stated that a very large part of the press in the United States re- fused to publish anything against the bill. It was because of this fact that he put his statement in the form of a circular. It was this circular that ilr. Clayton read in the House. He said he knew instances in which papers had been compelled by those advocating the bill to stop the publication of anything calculated to show the public its true character. The Doctor made the fol- lowing statement; . i 250' DEMOCBATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. "Men in very high positions would amaite me by their efforts to muzzle n:EENATIONAL BIMETALLISST, J55 "What is the policy which, as a Government, we intend to pursue? As I have said, wc are willing, we are anxious, seeing that there are evils in the present low value i of silver and in the fluctuations in the value of the two metals, to ente'r into a confer- ence, or into negotiations, ;vhich certainly I believe at the present stage would be much better than a conference, with other countries upon this subject, but we are not pre- pared ta abandon the gold standard in the United Kingdom. 4f * «-)|t * * * * « "We cannot, therefore, alter the gold standard of the United Kingdom; but, with that reservation, we are prepared, in the words of the resolution, to do all in our power to secure, by interhational agreement, a stable monetary par of exchange between gold and silvfer. «!«*«*•*• • "If it be possible for other nations to Join In a bimetallic agreement which seemeil good to themselves, I have little doubt but that the Indian Government would be pre- pared to assist by reopening the Indian mints to the free coinage of silver, and that we might endeavor, by other' minor means, to promote the increase of silver In coinage and thus aid in an Internat^ional agreement on this great question-" Not only so, but our own Ambassador, in May, but a few weeks before our arrival, and while we were already in Paris negotiating with the French ministry, had, in an interview with Lord Salisbury, been told that the English Government still adhered to the policy outlined in the speeches of its ministers in the House of Commons. We were not, therefore, intruders. We could present ourselves with the certainty of that reception which must follow direct and open invitation. And tlie welcome wa had the right to expect we received. From the day we reached England until v/e left ifflnally in October, our official treatment was everything that could be desired. The English ministry, in terms, aslicd the French Ambassador and ourselves to suggest wherein, in our opinion, England could materially contribute to a solution of the ques- tion, and at the same time retain for her own people the gold standard, and what are termed the "proposals" were not volunteered, and were made only by way of sugges- tion at the explicit request of the English ministry. When they were received they were treated with full consideration, as were the representatives of the two Governmentg conducting the negotiations. It does not appear from the above array of tSits that the proposition fof an international agreemeirt was treated with discourtesy. On the contrary, It was agreed to by tlie French Government and by the British Ministry. Our own ambassador had previously been assured that the English Govern- ment still adhered to the policy outlined in the speeches of its Ministers in the House of Commons above quoted from. More than this, Mr. Wolcott tells, us that at the request of the British Ministers, proposals were made by the French Ambassador and the United States Commissioners as to the contribution England should make to an in- ternatibnal agreement. These proposals, he says, were treated with the full- est consideration. They were in fact in harmony with the propositions al- ready made by the British 'Ministersr themselves. Says Mr. Wolcott: "The vital point in all our negotiations with Great Britain was of course India. Everything else was of comparatively slight importance." And Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, a gold monometallist, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, had said In fBe House of Commons: ^ "If it be possible for other natiobs to join in a bimetallic agreement which seemed good to themselves, I fee! little doubt but that the India Government would be prepared to assist by re-oijening the Indian mints to the free coinage Of silverj and that we might endeavor, by other minor means, to promote the 256 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Increase of silvev In coinage, and thus aid an International agreement ob tliis great question." ', ' . . ; AVitli all these favoring conditions, and with nothing wanting bnt the as- sent of the British Government in India to the reeommendation 0!f the Brit- ish GoTerument in England, the consnmmation of the agreement TVas pre- vented only by the startling announcement in London that President Mc- Kinley vi'as opposed to it. He made an announcement to Congress which toofe the ground from under the feet of the Wolcott Commission, and placed them in the attitude of being either impostors or the dupes of the President Mr. Wolcott's devotion to the political fortunes of President McKinley so far erceeded his devotion to the cause of bimetallism that he refrained fi-om maUing any statement of this fact. The fatal blow which President Mc- Kinley delivered to the cause which he professed to hate so much at heart at the very time when it would be otherwise have succeeded, was contained In tEe following message sent by him to Congress: To the Congress ot the tTnlted States: In my message convening the Congress In extraordinaTy session T called att.entioTi to H Single subject— that of providing revenue adequate to meet the reasonable dnrt proper expenses Of the Government. I believed that to be the most pressing snbjpot for settl'ft- ment then. A bill to provide the necessary revenues for the Government bas a.lready passed the House of Representatives and the Senate and awaits Kxeeutive action. Another question of very great importance is that of the establishment of our eiir- rency and banking system on a better basis, which I commented upon in my IrLiinsnral address in the following words: "Our financial system needs some revision; oilr money is all good now, btit its value must not further be threatened. It should all be put upon an Cndurihg basis, not sub- ject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. The several forms of our paper money offer, in my judgment, a copstant embarrassment to the Government and Imperil a safe_balance In the Treasury.'' Nothing was settled more clearly at the late national election than the determination upon the part of the people to keep their currency stable in value and equal to that of the most advanced nations of the world. The soundness of Our currency is nowhere questioned. No loss can occur to its hold- ers. It is the system which sliould be simpliflea and strengthened, Icocping our money Just as good as it is now with less expense to the Government and the people. The sentiment of the country is strongly in favor of early action by Conjrress In thl3 direction, to revise our currency laws and remove them from partisan contention. A notable assembly of businesd men with delegates from twenty-nine States and Terri- tories was held at Indianapolis in January of this year. The financial situation eom- manded tlielr earnest attention, and after a two days" session the convention recom- mended to Congress the appointment of a monetary commission. I commend this report to the consideration ot Congress. The authors of the report recommend a commission "to make a thorough investigation of the monetary affalra and needs of this country In all relations and aspects, and to make proper suggfestlons as to any evils found to exist and the remedies therefor." nfhls subject should receive the attention of Congress at Its special session, tt ought not to be postponed until the regular session. I therefore urgently recommend that a special commission bo created, nonpartisan In Its character, to be composed of well-informed citizens of different parties who will command the confidence of Congress and the country because of their special fitness for the work, whose duty it shall be to make recommendations of whatever changes In our present banking and currency laws may be found necessary and expedient, and to report their conclusions on or before the 1st day of November next, in order that IINTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISII. ' 257 the same may be transmUted'iy'me to'dongress for Its consideration at Its first regular session. y ii-> "'iK I',' > I " It Is to be hoped that the rppprb ithits made will be so comprehensive and sound as to receive the support ol ail^parties a^^d the favorable action of Congress. At all events, such a report cannot fall to be of value to the executive branch of the Government, as well as to those charged. ivltb piibiic legislation, and to greatly assist in the establisli- ment of an Improved system of finance. .WILLIAM McKINLEY, ' Executive Mansion, July 2i, iso'i. This "aotaWe assembly of business men" lield at Indianapolis was made up exclusively of the most virulent and bigoted of the gold monometallists. It was in no popular sense a representative body. It was held in January, and its objects and expressed vie\vs were in as direct antagonism to the profes- sions made by the Republican party in the iVlcKinley campaign as they were td those of the party which supported Mr. Bryan. Such of the delegates as did not appear in it l)y their own appointment came from the most hide- bound business associations, fanatically devoted to gold monometallism. It was such an assembly as this that excited the ardent interest and admir- ' ation of President McKinley. He said it was "notable" and contained "del- egates from twenty-nine States and TeiTitories." The false inference might easily have been drawn from this expression that they came as representa- tlTes from the people of those States and territorlesj whereas they only rep- resented national banks and trade associations wholly domiuated by them. The President assured Oongress that the financial situation had commanded the earnest attention of these wonderful men, and that, as the result of a two days' session, the so-called convention had recommended to Congress the appointment of a monetary . commission, meaning, of course a gold standard .oomrnission. This report was sent tO' the President with orders to have It transmitted ^to Oongress, which orders he promptly obeyed. The report stat- ed the objects of the proposed monetary commission, and so much was he In accord with them that he urged the attention of CJongress at the special session, saying that "it ought not to be postponed until the regular session." This report, which demanded the instant attention of Oongress, contained the declaration that "a consistent, straightforward and deliberately planned mon- etary system shall be inaugurated," and announced what they thought its fundamental basis should be. Its first and leading feature was that "the present gold standard shall be maintained." Following this was the gradual retirement of all United States notes, and the substitution of a "safe and elastic circulation." Tffe familiar falsehood contained In the expression "the present gold stand- ard" was an echo of the falsehood in the St. Louis Republican platform con- tained in the expression the "existing gold standard." It was not intended to deceive the well-informed. The gold monometallic leaders were willing to brand themselves as falsifiers among those who could not be deceived, for the ,Rake of the support they hoped to' receive from others by the false pretense that they were maintaining something already In existence, instead of seeking PI 258 DEMOCRiATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. a violent cliange iu our monetary system." The "stealthy "demonetization of silver in 3.S73 temporarily established the gold standard, but the Bland- Allison, Act of 1S78 restored (lie btpietallic stanJai^J and ^;eoMned our mints to the coinage of silver to^ be purchased by the goverpment. ^.The double standard, thus restored in 1878, continued to be the standard of this country until the passage of the gold staniiard act of 1900. The repeal iu 1893 of the Silver Pur- chase Act simply closed our mints to the coinage of any silver bullion ex- cept that already purchased by the goyernment. It did not in the slightest degree affect the then existing double standard, nor did k profess to do so. Even the new^ law does not imnaediately destroy the ''existing" double standard. It merely pronounces the sentence of death upon it at such fu- ture time as. may result from the manipulations by the executive department which It authorizes. The President's message supporting the Indianapolis manifesto was cabled, of course, to London for tlie obvioHS purpose of protecting the gold cause from the consummfttioji of an international agreement, which, as above shown, had unes:pectedly become imwinent. It was not intended for any action in Congress at that time,..althi^ugh it professed to be so. It was sent in on the very last day o^ the extrq. session of that body. Three days before, the House had adopted a concurrent -resolution for a final adjournment of Congress on the 24tli of July at 9 o'clock p. m. .The Senate had not yet acted upon it. Im- 'mediately upon receipt of the President's Indianapolis message a resolution Was Inti'oduced for the creation and appointment of a monetary commission. Under the ironclad rules of the House this was put through under the pre- vious question after a sixty-minute debate. Meanwhile the same message was lying upon the table of t'he Vice President of the Senate, but not yet an- nounced. A motion to take it up was resisted by the Republicans until they had first made its eohsideration impossible by securing the Senate's concur- repce in the House. resolution to adjourn at o'clock on the evening of that very day. The administration Kepublieaus in the House had complied with the President's recommendation to act upon the question at that session, but- the administration Republicans in the Senate filibustered against taking it up until final adjournment had been fixed lor 9 o'clock that evening. The Sen- ■ ators on the other side offered to remain whatever time might be necessary to act upon the President's message. To this Mr. Aidrich of Rhode Island, tlie Republican leader on that side, and a staunch supporter of the President, boldly replied: So fa.r as X know there is not a Seiialor sitting on this side of that aisle who exnects any action on this message, or any eurreucy legislation at this session of Congress, or any consideration of the subject. So far as a responsibility of that position is con- cerned, I think we are ail ready to accept it fully, I hope now that by unanimous consent a vote may be taken upon the question of final adjournment. Nothing could more clearly liave demonstrated the insincerity of the Pres-^ Ident's professed desirp to have action upon it at that tjme, Jts soje object wa* INTERNATIONAIi BIMETALLISMt,; 259 that It might be used as a' ve'Aicle'for iiimediately cony^yilig to the British Ministry the fact, that' tA'^^^resicl'ent' 'was 'not in earnest 'in seeifeing an inter- national agreement. It had' tiie'iiime efEect as would i'tjersonal message from him in the following wof^s:'" '"" "Don't make fools of yotirselves. I did not think you would be silly enough to really think that I desired an international agreement when you know the money it cost the gold syndicate to have me elected, expressly to prevent bimetallisla In any form whatever. I sent the Wolcott Commis- sion merely to carry out the game I played'iipon the voters of this country. Ton can use my message of to-day as an excuse for stopping your India Government from carrying out your recommendations for the reopening at the Indian mints to the free coinage of silver." The effect of Mr. McKinley's message in London fulfilled' the fondest ex- pectations of his managers at home. Of Course it put an fend td all nfegotia- tlons on the, subject. It was announced in I/ondoh later on that the India Qovernment had refused to reopen the Indian mints to this free coinage of silver. Of course the India Government did a,s it was ordered to do by the British Government, and the British Government could not well stand out- against the combined attacks of the New Yorlr and London bankers, rein- - forced, as they were, by President McKitfley. Senator Stewart, of NeVada, thus terribly arraigned the President thfe fol- lowing l)ecember, the latter having mentioned the Wolcott Commission In his annual message: ■Why should the President speak kindly of the commission which he betrayed when he commended the single gold standard plan of the Indianapolis conference to Con- gress, at the critical point when a favorable answer was anticipated from Great Britain? ■What we object to on the part of the Administration is its persistent double dealing In giving the international bimetallists honeyed words, whlle»the whole power of his Administration and all the aiders and abettors of the gold standard are deliberately engaged in promoting legislation to perpetuate the single gold standard In this country and. to make international bimetallism Impossible. If the Administration would boldly proclaim that the pretense in the St. Louis platform in favor of international bimetal- lism was a fraud to deceive the American people and place the Republican party in power,, to perpetuate the gold standard in this country, the President would be liberated from the necessity of living a transparent subterfuge. The President's policy, after defeating international bimetallism, was to postpone until a more auspicious time the other part of his agreement with the gold power, namely, to fasten the gold standard upon this country, to de- Btroy the money function of silver and to delegate to private banks the gov- ernment's .prerogative of issuing paper currency and controlling its volume. That time had to wait for a change of political complexion in the Senate. This change came through the election of 1S98, the results of which were in- Uuenced mainly by the war with Spain and the necessary identification of the McKinley administration with that war. On the lith day of March, 1900, the ironclad gold standard, anti-silver and anti-greenback biU was approved by the President. The passage of this bill 260* DEMOCKATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ■was a gross violation of the pledges upon whlcli tlie Republican party was given power by tine election of 1896. If it bad been advocated in the financial plank of the St. Louis platform that year, in place of the promise concerning international bimetallism, no intelligent person In the land vrill say that the Republicans could have made William McKlnley Pres- ident. Every vote cast for him by an international bimetallist was by this bill neutr.ilized and made to produce a result to which they were opposed,- The violation of the pledges on which a President is elected is equivalent in immorality to the stuffing of the ballot box with the number of votes equal to those cast by the men who ar*-tf)us defrauded by bis broken promises. JilcKINLET'S FIFXY-OENT DOLLARS, 261 CHAPTER XSiXUl. , , . McKINLEY COINS FIFTY-THREE MILLIONS OF "FlFTY-CENT DOLLARS." WiUiam MeKialey declares that the standard silver dollar Is worth only fifty cents, that it is a dishonest dollar and one which it is a crime to palm off on the people for 100 cents. He declares it to be nothing but a promise to pay a gold dollar. In .short, that it is a promissory note printed on sUver in- stead of on paper, and, therefore, a foolish expenditure when paper would an- swer the same purpose. And yet, while holding up his hands in horror at the thought of silver coinage, he has coined thirteen millions of them during the four months of this year ending June 30th. This is more than three mil- lions a month— much more thart was ever coined in the same length of time under the Bland-Allison act, which was on the statute-book from 1878 un- til 1890, and nearly as much as was ever coined within any four months dur- ing the time the Sherman Purchase Act was on the statute-book. When the Sherman Purchase provision of law Was repealed in 1893 there was a vast amount of silver bullion in the Treasury which had been purchased un- der that law, but which, in defiance of law; the Secretary of the Treasury had refused to coin. When the treasury notes which had been issued for the pur- chase of that *oin came into the treasury, they were cancelled and a like amount of silver dollars were coined, and silver certificates were issued and paid out, the silver dollars remaining in the Ti'easnry, for their redemption. This process was very slow, but during all of Cleveland's second administra- tion these despised flfty-eent dollars were b6ing coined as above prescribed. In 1898 Congi-ess added to the Spanish war loan biU a clause providing that this silver bullion in the Treasury should be coined at a rate of not less than a millioFflve hundred thousand dollars per month. This act was approved by President McKinley. He made no suggestion that the ratio should be changed so that there would be in every silver dollai- silver bullion to the gold value of a hundred cents. On the contrary he approved the sixteen to one ratio, and has caused fltfy-three millions of these "clipped" dollai-s to be Issued. In his speech at Canton accepting the renomination for the presi- dency, he said: 262' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, Record of the McKinley Administration. The menace of 16 to 1, therefore, stiK hangs over us, with all its dire consequences to credit ana'"fednfl(leuc&, ifo business and'inaufetrgni'jnf) ar. In commenting on, tljjs statement, the Indifi,ij^apolis Sentinel says: We presume there Is not a person of ordinary .intelligence in the country who does not know that 16 to 1 is the coinage rate of the country, and' that it is the same now that it was before Mr. McKinley went into office. There is no "instead of 16 to 1," as Mr. Mckinley falsely states. It is here as it has been for years, and Mr. Mckinley , has shown no hostility to it. On the contrary he has coined millions of silver dollars at that ratio. The olHclal statement of the standard silver dollars coined at the ratio of 16 to 1 during his Administration' is as follows: '■' " 1897. March ■..■....■."..... 1,400,250 August April _. . . . 1,400,000 September '. 100,050 May 1,400,000 October 620,000 June ''.'. 1,475,101 November 1,500,000 July ....:■....!,. ...^. ...,.i. December .1,604,330 1898. January ;..:...>..;; ....1,250,000 July .' 310,000 . February 1,03^,225 August 1,698,000 llarch, 1,100,075 September 830,075 April 684,000- October 2,002,000 -May , ,. 1,296,000 , November 1,402,000 June ...., .■■,•■••■ 816,100 December 2,006,260 1899. January 1,536,000 July 408,000 February 1,512,000 August 830,000 March .,.„.........._ 1,900,301 September 870J.45 April .......'...; ^". .-. . .' 1,634,000 October 1,000,000 May ..-...-. 2,214,000 November 'SSO.OOO June 1,210,073 December 1,120,327 1900. January 1,550,000 April 2,922,000 February , 1,940,000 May 3,162,496 March 4,100,377 June 3,120,076 Here is a total of over $53,000,000, all in standard silver dollars, and all coined at the ratio of 16 to 1. There have been only two months in his Administration when he did not. have silver coined at that ratio, and yet he tells us that the "menace of 16 to I hangs over us." It is "the most babyish, false pretense that was evet made for Mr. McKinley to claim that there has been any change in the ratio or any attempt to chaage it during his Administration. And what is more, this silver that he has coined was all bought below its coinage value, and he has carried the "seignoria^e" on it to the credit of the Government, and paraded it as "revenue" secureO by his style of legislation. While he is pretending to be horror stricken at the "repudiation" involved In 16 to 1 dollars, he has added over $500,000,000 to the stock of them and has credited over Ifl0,000,000 of this as profits on the books of the Treasury: Certainly Mr. McKin- ley's mind must be failing If he expects anyone to believe that he has any objection, to a 16 to 1 coinage ratio. When a panic was threatened in Wall street last March the mints were put at work coining more money so a panic could be averted. Even last month over ?3,000,000 were coined. And so it appears that this rabid gold standard administration is in debt to the fifty-cent silver dollars and grinds them out faster than was done un- der Ihe recliless administrations of Hayes, Garfleld, Arthur ajid Cleveland, :ftIoEINIiEY:S< FIPTY--CENT DOLLARS.. 263 uivr ,?u 1970 5; .1 , ^ and nearly as fast as fliirlngti*Jieiimore libei'al admimstsstion of Harrison, when four millions of^'^ottffc^&'^^er montb were purchased' for coinage and "added to the. clfcuia'tloii;iii"'f'he form of treasury notes. If there' had been any honesty ,iu. the outcry .against silver dollars, the silver bullion in the treasury would have been coined into dollars 'weighing about seven to the .pound, . . , . '^ . 1 .. President McKinley, however,' is probably the most accomplished rider in a two-horse act of any politician in the world. He is impartially on both sides of all questions. Most performers can only ride two horses going in the same' direction; but Mr. McKinley, as in the above case, can ride two horses going in oppjosite directions, and, as they separate from each other, the spectator beholds the illusion of. seeing him on each one of them shouting loudly that li# is on the other. The New York Evening Post explains that the President In coining these dollars was only obeying the law, a renjiark worthy of Jack Bunsby, who used to say on similar occasions: "If so be, as is, why then so be." The tiling for the Post to explain is why it has refliained the la-n' under a Republican President and .Congress? If this bullion had to be coined into dollars, why not put a gold dollar's worth of silver btillion in every silver dollar, which Repub- li(Jans tell us is the only hocest dollar? Hon. John W. Kern, the Democratic Candidate for Governor of Indiana, on 16 to 1. The Democrats of Indiana have a candidate for governor who is asking troublesome questions on this subject as follows: ■ Our Republican bretliren seem to be greatly disturbed about 16 to 1, and they sbould be disturbed. Sixteen to one is the ratio fixed by statute for tbe coinage of gold' and silver.- -Tbe K^publlcans have both Houses of Congress and the President. Why don't ' they repeal the statute? They have it in their power to get rid of 16 to 1, and while they^Are denounqing is'as idiotic they allow the statute to remain, and McKinley Is .going on colAipg millions of dollars every month— every dollar at the rat'o of 16 to 1. ' There seems £0 be no dltEerence between the parties on the question of ratio. They differ as to free coinage, as to trusts and imperialism, but on 16 to 1 they stand together, ■ If the MoKiniey party wanted to inalte 16 to 1 an issue they ought , to have repealed the j?.'.,t0 1 statute and should quit coining money at the ratio of 16 to 1. Uutilthey do so -their noise about 16' to 1 will be about the most ridiculous thing In politics. 26-j: DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. .. -■■jr ^ii\h CHAPTER XXXIV. CONGRESS CERTAINLY WAS GO OD TO THE BANKS. The financial bill of March 14, 1900, was kind indeed to the National Banks. These philanthropic institutions would like to be understood as having been run for the public benefit, only, for many years. They had to pay so much premium on bonds and received so much less of circulating notes than the par value of the bonds deposited by them that their circulation fell consid- erably short of being a free gift to them, which of course it ought to be under any wise financial system. When national banks were first organized greenbacks were worth fifty cents on the dollar, and were exchangeable for bonds at par. Therefore, the investment of $50,000 in gold would bring $100,- 000 in greenbacks, and this $100,000 in greenbacks would buy $100,000 in bonds, bearing interest then at six per cent. These bonds could then be de- posited with the Secretary of the Treasury, and he would endorse the notes of the bank up to the amount of $90,000. The interest on the bonds continued on, and was regularly paid to the depositor. The confidence of the community in every national bank established >under the law insured deposits equal to the amount of the capital invested, which would be, in this case, $100,000. The transaction resulted as follows: The amount Invested was $50,000 in gola Upon this the investor received the following annual returns^ 6 per cent, interest in gold on the $100,000 in bonds. $6,000 This converted into greenbacks woula oe. 12,000 6 per cent interest on the bank issue of $90,000 5,400 6 per cent, on $50,000 of the deposits 3^000 Total 20,400 Out of this amount he paid an inconsiderable tax; but the net earnings were not Ifess than 18 per cent, on the original investment of $100,000 in green- backs. "Bi|t evil things in robes of sorrow-W' 'Assailed this monarch's high estate." ' In the course of time specie payment was resmned, and the bonds which had been bought for 50 per cent, in gold mounted to a premium above par KJOOD TO NATIONAL BANKS. 265 to goM. Stiecessive refunding acts reduced the Interest, but never brought the bonds down to par except on the day of sale. Immediately afterwards they went up again. The new 4 per cent, issue under Mr. Cleveland are now quoted at 133. It was very distressing to the banliers to have to pay a premium on bonds to deiposlt as security for bank Issues, and then to receive in circulat- ing notes only 90 per cent of the par value of the bonds. If the banli bought 3 per cent, bonds at 10&, they could only deposit them as security for 90 per cent. of that amount. Of course it was very nice lor the banker to get 3 per cent, interest; on bis $100, and 6 per cent, on his $90 and 6 per cent, on a like amount of tleposits. But yet it was not as good a thing' as to' giVe $100 for a bond and immediately receive as a gift the full amount of fibo in crisp ueiw national bank noites endorsed by the government; and retail! the bwner-- ahSp of the bond besides. The beatific sta!te has' lioW beeti riiaehed hf the- banEers. They have buncoed "Uncle Sam" into' putting biitJ'^ustiiB nafeny 2 per cent, beads as they may call for; attd whitevel" bafiltfer^i«^ll biijf one' of these lOO bonds at the Treasui'y, can get every eent of the moneji- baoK again Immediately by leaving the bond -with the Sectetary -6f the Trtosury for safe keeping; aiid he walks out with $100 in iiew national bank notesi For this privilege he pays a tax of fifty cents on the $ltiO of the notes in circulation. This would be $500 a year on $ieoi6O0. ' The machine is no^w running on weU-oildd -W^heels. Holders of bonds of all classes,— threes, fours and fives,— can take tHem to the Treasury and receive a' like amount of 2 per cent, bonds, besides cash for the difference in valufe between the high interest bond^ and the new 2's. This is calculated to the- last penny. Nobody would give lOO cents on the dollar for a 2 per cent, bond as an investment, but as a device for keeping down to par value a bond that can be used as a basis for circulation of banks the 2 per cent, bond is just the trick. It is a sort of premium on the destruction of greenbacks. Every" greenbacli that goes over the counter of a bank from a depositor will go to the Treasury for redemption, and will there be placed in a vault never again to see the light. Its sentence of death has been coirimuted to life imprison-' ment It is redeemable in gold. Gold is exchangeable for gold certificates for flSnvenience of carriage by its owner. The 2 per cent, bonds are going off like' bet cakes, for the purpose of producing new and crisp national banknotes to supply the vacuum occasioned by the withdrawal of the greenbacks from circulation. Wben the greenbacks shall all have been incarcerated in the dark duBigeons of the Treasury, then will come the assault upon the silver t increased and not decreased, arid this bill Is e^'ihdustria for that particular purpose. There is no limit to the possible extension of the debt, and it is intended there shall be n& limit to it. '■ ■'*■ -« m « •' '# *-''■« * * It Makes a Free Gift of Six Per Cent, to Every Bondholder Who Exchanges Bonds Under its Provisions. "The bonds that are provided for in this biU are being sold now at -6 per cent, premium before, they, are issued. We are, to issue them at par, and they ar;e being sold ou the markets of New York and the 'world to-day for 6 per cent. ^^orethan the Goyernraent is g.oing to' exchange them for. I meant to speak about th^s.fact' later, but I will speak of it right now." Mr. ALLISON. "Of course that is speculative entirely. 6b 270 DEMOCRATIC CiVMPAIGN BOOK. Mr. TELLER. "Speculative! Then it shows i;Jh^t we ought to have made some other arrangement about the exchange. "We can sell these bonds for 6 per cent, premium.. Why, should we exchaugfi) tttemi? That is what I want to know. I am a Uttlerout of order in comingito sp^ak of the Iwnds, but as we have struck that point we might just as well consider it now." iHr. ALLISON. "I do not know whether these bonds are being sold at 6 per cent, premium. I cannot conceive of any great reason why a 2 per cent, bond would sell at a 6 per cent, premium unless in small parcels for some special purpose. They have not yet been issued, and they must be exchanged on a less basis than that.'' .. .tuo Mr. TELLER. "The public press tells us that men sold them in New Xovk for 6 per cent. Some of them ;Said they would not sell any under' 7. Night before last a distinguished business m'an of New York, with large enterprises . and. a great deal of wealth and a great deal of energy atid industry, with whom I have been acquainted for many years, called at my rooms and told me that the bonds were selling freely in New York at 6 per cegt. now, the men who will get the bonds and are going to exchange them making con- tracts to deliver them. It is only the man who owns the bonds and is going to exchange them for new bonds who can seU them for future delivery." "There was no propriety and no reason in the world why this re-exchange of boDds should Ibe provided for at this time and»in this biU. These bonds will not be due for some seven or eight years. Nobody has wanted his money for them. There is not a man living who does not know that when the bonds are due it will be the greatest affliction that could possibly happen to their holders to have them paid in cash. So if it should occur that the bonds become due at a time when we are not prepared to pay them, there would be I no trouble in exchanging them for other bonds. If we want to do so, we can pay existing bonds off with new bonds when they are due or sell new bonds and~ pay the old ones. "I repeat what I said before, that the holders of these bonds are already ex- pecting to get new bonds for the old ones and their cash premium of $88,000,- 000, and then sell tlie new bonds, If they want to get ea^h for them, at a premium of 6 per cent. Trophecies go for almost nothing in these days^ but I venture to say the bonds will be at a higher premium than 6 per cent, all the time. Why should the bcwids bring a premium of 6 per cent.? It Allows the Banks to Alternately Contract and Expand their Currency. "Mr. President, there Is, another provision In the bill to which I desire to call attention. As the present statute is and has been for many years, it was fouud necessary in dealing with the banks that When a bank decreased its circulation and brought its notes to the Treasury and task out bonds or TELLER -OlJP'TfiCE OWRRENGYBILlil - o^-l left them; as it rtiigttgsm ejgildrl not iacrease Jt§ difculatian; again for six : monttis. That was tmims pliQiose Of -pceventingithe banks of this country from putting their notes latattrf'Treasury, ooUttacUng the currency, and then, , perhap's In a month from that time, reissuing an equal amount, and thus keeping the currency.to fluctuation. That law is repealed, and the banlis here- ■ rafter- wiU be. allowed to simply ,tura in .just: so much money as they choose .tp,do;. and when they wish to creatfeia fallin/prices- or when they wish to co- erce the Senate and the House oif Representatives, as they have done— I have a'vesry dlgtinct recollection of their coercing this ibody or trying to do so— when they want to do that, they will simply go to the Treasury with, their notes, leave them there, and when the condition which they want to create has been created, they (will withdraw their .no>tes again, and thus we shall have contraction and expansion, and tHat; I suppose, is apon the theory that we are to have an elastic currency,!' /'S :, • !,.,, • * * » » • »■ . «, « « * National Banks Given Absolute Control of- Every Kind of Business." "If the 'banks do what the Senators! here who, are advocating this bill say they will do, if they accept eight hundred^ or' nipe hundred millions of bonds and issue eight hundred or nine hundred millions of currency on them, one of two things will happen; You must re'tire.yqur. silver certificates, your silver dollars, and your greenbacks, or j'our superabundance . of paper money will drive your gold out of the country, for you will have an excess of paper . circulation. , , . "Senators talk about being for sound money. There is nothing sound in this project of favoring the banks. There. is Jiot an idea in it that is founded upon a sound financial proposition. Under this bill they can, with their Issue of .bank notes, control the financial condition of the country. When they want low prices,, they can, as they, recently did, make their loans to secure low prices.; and when their interests demand rising, prices, their loans will be made to that end. ■'So, Mr. President, we not only turn over to these banks the circulation of money, but we turn over to them practically the control of the busihess of this great country of ours by this bill. The banks, who can make money dear— and they can make it cheap without returning it to the Treasury- can make it dear when they say they will not make loans. In New York, not recently, the banks said, 'No loans will be made,' and before the day closed they announced that they had $10,000,000 in a single bank which they •, ■\t on hand in the treasury. Hitherto a hund,recl millions was considered the maximum amount necessary to be kept on hand for redemption purposes. Now we hare on hand a redemption fund of one hundred and fifty millions instead of one hundred millions, of 'which about ninety millions, as above shown, is loaned without interest to the national banks which they loan to their customers at Whatever interest can be extorted from their necessities. In order to give the reader a clear and distinct idea of what aii outrage ' it is thus td loan the government money to private banks without interest, we will quote v^hat William McKinley said about it On the 29th of Feb- ruary, 1SS8, when he was only a member of Congress from Ohio. A bill was pending to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to use surplus funds for redemption of United States bonds, ilr. MeKinley's remarks on this occasion will be found in Part 2, Vol. 19, of the Congressional Record at Page 15955. He commenced by quoting the then existing laws which had been on the statute boo'ks for seven years. It is in these words: "That the Secretary of the Treasury may at any time apply the surplus moiiey in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as may be considered proper to the purchase or redemption o[£ United States bOndS." Notwithstanding this complete authority, a bill was introduced in the following words: "That the Secretary of the i'reasury is hereby authorized to apply the sur- plus money now in the Treasury, and such surplus money as may hereafter be in the Treasury and not otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as he may consider proper, to the purchase or redemption of United States bonds." Mr. McKinley compared the pending bill with the. existing law and s^id: "The bill under consideration neither increases nor diminishes nor qual- ifies the authority of the Secretaiy of the Treasnry under existing law." He censured the administration and its Secretary for not having redeeriaed bonds with a portion of the surplus in the Treasury. He declared that "when Congress; on the 4th day of March, 18S7— when the 49th Congress expired by limitation-^that Congress had done nothing by way of reducing taxation, or diminishing or increasing t'he revenues. Everybody knew that there would be a surplus of revenue in the Treasury. Everybody understood it. The President understood it, and he had the right to convene Congress In extra session and put the responsibility of dealing -with this surplus upon the legislative branch of the government. But he failed to do it, he declined to do it, and he thereby assumed the responsibility, and declared his ability to so manage the sm-plus in the Treasury as to do no harm to the country and without disturbance to business interests." He said: "Does any man within the sound of my voice doubt that he had a perfect rjghtj from the 4th day of March, 1887, ayi from ,the date of his Inauguratiofl THE STANDARD OIL BANK.'. 289 down to this very hour, ^o have a{)plied every dollar of the flfiy-five or sixty millions in the Treasury to the purchase of outstanding bonds, He had that power fixed hy a laTv passed in a constitutional way, which passed by the unanimous vote of both Houses, which stood unassailed and unassailable, and declining to avail himself of It he lectures Oongrees because it did not pro- vide for paying out the sufplus. "When we adjourned we left him full power to pay it out, and I wish gome friend ot the administration would exi>lain why he didn't do it in that only stralgtit and logical businesa-liice way; that is, by paying the debts of the Government and saving the Interest charge, which rests so heavily on the people. Instead of doing that the administration prefers another way, It pre- fers to use the banks as the means of putting it in circulation; and so it says to the banlis, *If you inHU get bonds enough and bring them to the Ti-easury we win issue you oit the 4 per cents. 110 'cents for every dollar deposited, iind 100 cents on every doUar of 4% per cents, you deposit, and thus put the money in clrculaUon.' Aiidthey did it ' "Nearly $59,000,000, as I understand, of the surplus money that ought to be in the Treasury to-day; the Secretary having refused to pay it out to Gov- ernment creditors, Is now out among the banks, held by them, they giving to the Government bonds as security for the deposit;. and they are getting it Without interest. They have got the surplus money in the Treasury in their own hands, and they collect the accruing Interest on the Government bonds which they have deposited as security, when if the administration had used the $59,000,000 and bought a corresponding amount of bonds with that sum those bonds would have been canceled, and the interest on that sum would have been stopped. "And I charge here to-day that the President of the United States and his admlnlgtratSon are "solely responsible for whatever congested condition we had In the Treasury and whatever alarm prevails about the finances oif the country. (Applause.) Every dollar of it would have paid a dollar of the Governmenat debts If the Secretary had exercised wisely the discretion given him by law. His way might have been justifiable if there had been no other ctf putting the surplus mone.y In circulation. "Ho may lecture that side of tlie House as much as be will. Doubtless they deserve Jt. (Laughter,) But he cannot avoid or evade the responsibility that rests on him. What does a man do who has got a surplus balance in the, banks and has outstanding debts bearing interest? He calls in the evidences. of those debts and pays them oflC with his surijlus deposit, That is what a business man would have done. That is what a busineg's administration would have done, and we would have had fifty millions less of interest-bear- ing bonds in circulation to-day if the President had followed the way blazed, for him by. the Republican pai-ty," , ' ' Will the President now accept from the people at the polls the scourging, he then gave to an administration in whose footsteps he is successfully tak- ing the utmost Jjains to keep? Is he justified In lending without Interest to (lOi 290 iDEMOCEIATTC CAMPAIGN BOO^) favored banks eighty-nine millions of dollars when we have his own testimony of '88 that STtfch Conduct is a breach of ,.|;ru||j^j^(^j^a misuse of the public funds? , , ' '*.,", The Standard Oil Bank ReceiVeH'thS 'flattest Portion. On the 4th of January, 1900,^ the Senate adopted a resolution calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury for Information concerning the relations of the Treasury Department with the National City Bank and the Hanover National Bank of New York City. In his reply the Secretary of the Treasury cited sec- tion 5153 of the Revised Statutes authorizing the designation of national banks as depositaries of public moneys, as already quoted herein. After giving the history of what his predecessors had done under this section, he explained •what he had done himself. When he took office the national bank deposi- taries were holding sixteen millions of public funds. During 1897 over fifty- eight millions of dollars came into the Treasury from the Union Pacific set- tlement. A large portion of this went to the banks, and at the end of 189T they held over forty-nine millions of the public money. Of course the Sec- retary did nothing to favor the banks. It was all to help the public. "The reasons for this action," he Says, "were to avoid the injurious effect upon trade and industry of a too sudden withdrawal from public uses Into the vaults of the Treasury of so large a sum as fifty-eight millions of dollars. Of course if he had redeemed bonds with the money he loaned to the banks, the money thus paid out by him would haVe gone into circulation just as certainly as when he loaned it to his banking friends. He tells us that by the end of May, 1898, the deposits in the banks ha4 been reduced to a little more than twenty- eight millions. "At this time," he says, "the breaking out of war occurred between the United States and Spain," Sere he is a little behind time, as the war commenced early in April, 1898. Fifty millions were appropriated on the 9th of March in a lump sum, to be used by the President in preparing for the war then Inevitable. In June, 1898, Congress authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue bonds to the extent of four hundred millions of dollars, but he only called for two hundred millions. The Secretary expressed hU piide over the results of this loan. He gave the first opportunity to - the people and as low a sum as twenty dollars could be invested. "Yet," he says, "in passing, it may not be amiss to say that one of the elements of the success of the war loan was the fact that it was supported by great financial institu- tions. On the day that the books were opened the National City Bank of New. (York and its associates, the Central Trust Company of New York, and Ver- milye & Company, offered to take at par and accrued interest any portion of the bonds offered that might not be subscribed for by the pufblic. "On the same day, also, as appears from the record of the Departnient,: J. P. Morgan & Company, and their associates, numbering fifteen of the great- est financial houses of the country, subscribed for the entire issue of two hun- ifljed mifiion dollars, or such parts thereof as jmight no;t be suTjscrjbed for bj] tS^ gemetal public^"' IHE STANDARD OIL BANK. 291 A gooaiy amount of tli(^'S!ii-oii6f' i-ecei^ed for the sale at these bond's was plijced In the national bajik depositaries. The Secretary casually remarks that "in the course of a^i,ra,pgt^reviewed, th,e, deposltai-y banks in the city of New York were able to buy more bonds and thus qualify themselves in a much larger proportion than the interior cities arid smaller towns throughout the countrr." • ' Tire deposits in 'all the banks had reached ninety-four millions on the 1st of January, 1899. The war taxes brought in a largely increased revenue wWcli, of course, Secretary Gage attributes to the influence of "the revival of commerce and the industries," "wider activities," etc., etc. As no revenues came from any other source than the war taxes we see at once th9,t pros- perity is measured by the amount of taxes collected. The rush of these taxes into the treasury "where it could serve no present useful pui-pose" caused much anxiety. "The movement of crops" crippled the banks when their cus- tomers wanted their notes discounted. The Secretary offered to "shave" Gov- ernment coupons not yet due, but the holders did not accept his terms. He of- fered to buy twenty mllUons'of cerfain government bonds at the market rate, but only nineteen millions were presented for sale. Thi^ was because the bonds advanced in the market above his limit. Prosperity Checked. Socretaify Gage makes tbe remarkable- statement that -In the midst of the prosDcrity in which the country was rolling and rollicking "an unsettling f.iiaucial panic occurred in New York," on the 18th of December, 1899. "Prices oif investment securities of every grade and kind, except Government bonds, fell ruinously, interest rose to fabulous rates, and a general constric- tion of the money market was apparent. While this state of affairs found its most violent expression in the security market, it excited a state of anxiety and ..aliirm throughout our industrial and commercial communities wherever located." Thus we see that prosperity was granted a temporary leave of ab- sence, and tlie spread of this panic had ta be arrested. As Secretary Gage eSEpresses it, "the situation was believed to be so grave as to justify the utmost interference." Accordingly the Secretary announced through the pub- lic press that he would increase the funds in depositary banks then exist- ingj and would, designate new depositary banks, and that he would distribute among, them _about a million a day of Internal revenue receipts. He stated that the- .govfirnment could deposit thirty or forty-millions in this manner. The letter of ttie. Secretary tJf the Treasury from which all these references have been taken is Senate. Docuinent No. 70 of the 1st Session of the 55th Oon- gre.ss, . It does not a.ppear from the Secretary's report that he troubled him- self at any:ti8ie to loot after the business interests of any other class of aur-cltisens th^n-tbe banks and those who wanted notes discounted at. those baflks. The holders of bonds could borrow no money upon them at the Treasury unless they were bankers. Of course section 51.i3 of the Revised Statutes, enacted by a Republican Congress, was enacted especially for the 392 DBMOOBATIO C:A.MPAIGN BOOi, to distribute favors pay the highest rates benefit of the bankers, and then the banks were fi-ee among those who had the*best securities and woum p£ or interest and , bonus. , The New York City Bahk. The New York City Bank started In 1894 with the modest deposit of $200,000 worth _^of bonds as a national depositairy, and refetVed that amount of the public money free of interest. In the sale of bonds', under the ad- ministration of the Treasury Department, by Secretary Carlisle, it began to grow in impoitance, although subordinate at all times to the First National Bank. "The stattis of the National City Bank," says Secretary Gage, "so far as the Treasury Department was concerned, remained substantially the same until the settlejnent of the Pacific Railroad indebtedness late in 1897.'' That is to say, the amount of its qualification as a permanent depositary was limited to $200,000. But In 1897, When the Union Pacific settlement brought fifty-' eight millions into the treasury, the National City Bank deposited twenty-four milFions of bonds and received a little less than that amount of this huge pay- ment. It was one of the eight banks which qualified as temporary depositar- ies. The other seven received from the National City Bank their proportion, amounting in all to $6,700,000. The Secretary does not state how long these large loans were enjoyed by the eiglit banks. He merely remarks that the various sums were finally transferred to the Sub-Treasury. When the two hundred millions of bonds were sold the. National City Bank received fourteen millions. The growth in governmental favor of the Na- tional City Bank is popularly attributed to two causes intimately related to each other. One was that the bank had come into the possession and con- trol of the Standard Oil magnates, and the otiaer wsls that these gentlemen, or perhaps one of them as the repVesentative of all, had made so large a contribution to the presidential campaign fund of 1896, to aid Mr. McKinley's election, that Mr, Hepburn, who had been transferred from the House ot Kepresentatives to the Vice Presidency of that bank, took occasion to remind Secretary Gage of that contribution. This he did in the following letter; i ."The National City Bank of New York, "New York, June 5, 1897. "My D(f-iJlCi purchase money. Tbe Government is not to leave tlie old Custom House 'until the nevsr one Is fin- ished. By the jugglery Of :both selling itVaUd; keeping it, the Goyemment pays the bank $130,000 a year, and the bank is saved from the payment- of taxation on the property. Would Secretary Gage retain an agent who would sell a piece of property for him on such terms? The Standard Oil in Finance—Late Statistics Showing Con- centrated Capital in Form Called by Many the "Money Power" or "Money Trust." New York Dispatc'h in Chicago Tribune, August 5, 19O0:— The Standard Oil Company is rapidly developing its hold upon the financial institutions of the country, as well as upon the public funds of the United States. The great National City bank, which is the home of the money of the Standard Oil Com- pany, is gradually increasing Its strength by the purchase of the control of ether New York banks. The capitalists behind this bank now practically control the Hanover Na- tional, the Second National, the Bank of the Metropolis, and the National Park Bank, and have within the last ten days obtained control of the Lincoln Na- tional Bank, one O'f the strongest of the up-town institutions. Within the last year the Standard Oil crowd has obtained control of the First National Bank of Chicago, of which Lyiman J. Gage, Secretary of the Treasury, was formerly President. In addition to the banks, the Standard Oil Company now controls three of the most important trust companies in the city of New York — namely: the' United States Trust Company, the Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, and the Central Trust Company. The total capital stock of this group of financial institutions controlled by the Standard Oil Company is $22,900,000, while their surplus is $44,023,724, and their loans aggregate $342,775,200. One of the startling features of the power and influence of this group of •banks and trust companies owned by the Rockefellers is the fact that their deposits form about one-fifth of the entire amount of money in circulation In the United States. They had in their vaults on Saturday the enormous sum of $432,002,200; of- these deposits $21,640,100 were United States treasury funds. The following table shows the condition of the leading Standard Oil institu- tions, with their capital, surplus, loans, deposits, and Government deposits: National City Bank— Capital, $10,000,000; surplus, $5,298,600; loans, $95,- 494,000; deposits, $118,099,400; government deposits, $15,000,000. Hanover National-Capital, $3,000,000; surplus, $5,014,100; loans, .$42,784,- OCO; deposits, $49,724,000; government deposits, $5,562,100. Second National-Capital, $300,000; surplus, $799,000; loans, $8,552,000; de- posits, $9,433,000, THE STANDABD OIL BANK. 295 ' ■'- a JOOllOj O! , , ' ,, ; Bank of the Metropi(»ils-4€ai«iffeaJ, $300,000; surplus, $963,000; loans, $6,So4,- '000; deposits, $7,295,a0O.o^iJuH iCv ,»,,,: , . ■ - Natlonal^Park— Capital, $2,000,000; surplus, $3,306,200; loans, $44,310,000; deposits, $56,555,000. , , First National of Chicago— Capital, $3,000,000; surplus, $2,000,000; loans, $2§,0o6,00O; deposits, $43,500,000; government deposits, $228,000. United States Trust Company— Capital, $2,000,000; surplus, $10,000,000; loans, $28,300,000; deposits, $52,100,000. Farmers' Loan and Trust Company- Capital, $100,000; surplus, $5,525,124; loans; $83,000,000; deposits, $41,700,000. Central Trust Company— Capital, $l,000j000; surplus, $10,257,000; loans, $48,- 000,000; deposits, $43,000,000. Totals— Capital, $22,900,000; surplus, $44,023,734; loans, $342,775,000; de- posits, $432,092,200; government deposits, $21,640,100. 296 CEMOORATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK.] ' CHAPTER XE; MONEY, PRICES, AND PROSPERJTY. ' Tie Eepublican platform claims that in 1896 the people commissioned tKe party to enact two laws, "a protective tariff and a law making gold the standard of value." This commission, says the platform, "has been executed and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity, more general and more abundant than we have ever linown, has followed these enactments. * ♦ • Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. * • • The volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to- day" This is a claim that prosperity has resulted from Republieam legislation* This prosperity has shown Itself in the increase in prices of products. If Re- publican legislation caused prices to rise andt T on lOfjitm to: Wo/lt/is Pro^urf Europe an Ahsotjptfg^ ■This exl^ordlriary absorption of gold by these continental cpuntries ex- plains the loss of gold by the United States, which was ofCered as an excuse forjpepealing the Sherman Act. Whereas, in the first period, 188Y-1890, above mentioned, tlie United States imported $80,000,000 net (after deducting ex- ports) and produced $130,000,000, malsing a net absorption of $210,000,000, yet in the period 1891-1894 the United States exported $160,000,00 net, and pro- 300 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. duced $140,000,000, suffeiing a net loss of $20,000,000. Had this gold, when it went abroad, ,;gone into circulatioij, it {PfOiHljd ^Ijayp, increased the money supply of Europe, and have liept up gold prices,, jji^tij^s was done by Amer- ican geld in 1801-ti5 wfeea dri.ven to Europe ^ iPftper money at home. As soon as prices liad risen, this would have checlied the export of gold from this country. But, instead, the gold went out of circulation, being absorbed tod for the time Ipclied up by the three leading European powers, and gold prices fell 15 per cent, and 23 per cent, in six years. There was a scarcity of gold, because these four countries took mot only the entire gold product, but also a large part of that exported from the United States, and locked It up in war chests and treasui'ies, while preparing to substitute it for paper money» Russia alone, in ten years ending 1897, took $500,000,000 iu gold and de- stroyed $500,000,000 of her paper money. Austria also displaced paper with gold, and France, Germany, and England, in order to protect themselves, in- creased the gold Teserves in their state banks _ far beyond what had been known before. From December, 1889, to December, 1807, the gold held by the five State banks of the leading countries increased from $830,000,000 to $1,- 382,000,000, an increase of $550,000,000. At the same time notes and deposits increased only from $2,312,300,000 to $2,548,900,000, an increase of only $236,600,000 (Table II). In other words, while in 1889 the gold reserves of the five state banks ^mounted to 36 per cent, of the notes and deposits, in 1897 the gold reserves had been increased to 54 per cent, of the notes and de- posits. The greater part of these increased gold Jpfeerves was therefore just so much extracted from ctimmercial use, and/ represented in effect a con- traction of the world's, currency to that amount. ' ' ■ Beginning in 1897 exactly the opposite movement occurred. In that year Russia finally adopted the gold standard, and began paying out gold for paper, and destroying the latter. She continued her heavy importations into the coun- try, but the gold in her Ti-easury fell off $300,000,000 from December, 1897, to September, 1899. This amount went into circulation. Altogether the gold held by the five principal banks decreased- $164,000,000 in the 21 months from December, 1897, to September, 1899. • This alone was equivalent to an increase in the world's available gold supply at the rate of $95,000,000 per year. During this year the notes and deposits remained practically station- ary, and the ratio of gold reserves fell from 54 per cent, to 44 per cent At the same time a new factor appeared and began to augment still fur- ther the gold supply. This was the enormoiis increase in the world's producr tion of gold. The product of 1897 was double that of 1890; the product of 1S98 increased $50,000,000 above that of 1897; and the product of 1899 amounted to about $315,000,000, which was an increase of $200,000,000 per year above the average product of 1887 to 1890. This astonishing production of gold, coupled with lessened absorption by the four continental countries, left a large surplus for other countries. The suiidIus of 1895 was $125,000,000, whereas there had been an average deficit of $26,000,000 for the four years preceding. The average surplus of these four years (1895-1898) was $124,000,000 per year. MONEY AND PRICEa, 301 against an aTerage deM'C'i'f ^fiS'.ODO.OCKJ^ per year for the preCfeding ; four years. (Table I and cliag^M.)'*'-'^''"! ' ■ j. .*.»;' , THis explains the sMdi^Hk tii g61d by the- -UBite* ^States, Which in- 1897 was $102,000,000, and in "1898 ''^!$!:60,OOO,GboV against ^ loss of $26,000,000 in 1896, and a loss of $l«0,00O,000 in the four years from 1891 to 1894. T-hfti -World's iiforease in gciid- since 1897 can be compared only with the woifld's increase in 1850 to 1860, and the effect- on prices is similar. The an- nual -prodtict of gold is now 2% titoes the arintl^l product- of the ten years 1850-59, but its proportion to the existing stocli of metal money is about the same. For 1848 the total stock of gold arid silver is variously estimated at $2,- 000,000,000 to $2,500,000,000. The annual proSuct was about $133,000,^ 000. This was 6 per. cent, of the existing Stoeli of gold and silver, and, since ' both metals were tied toigether at that time by bimetallism, this gold product, ^ coupled "With inflation of credit, was enoilgh to send both gold and silver price's in England upward 31 per cent, in the two years 1852-1854. Prices rose to a still higher point in 1857. (Sauerbeck.) Then followed a panic, tut a still higher level was reached, which in 1860 was 27 per cent, above - the level of 1849 to 1852. In 1896, on the other hand, the existing stock of gold was about $4,300,- 000,000. As silver is now no longer linked with gold, the annual product of gold affects gold prices alone. The annual product was 5 per cent, of the ex^- isting stoclj- in 1897, 6 per cent, in 1898, and 6.3 per cent, in 1899. The rise of prices in England in the two years '97 'to '99 has not yet quite reached the same figures as in 1852, being only 17 per cent., according to Satterbeck.' But it Is 23 per cent, in the United States and 22i per cent In Germany; The conclusion to be drawn from the foregoing facts is plainly that it has- not been owing to Republican policy that the rise of prices has oecun-ed sioce 1896. The rise and the preceding fall have both been owing to the single gold standard— a standard which shows its instability by bringing on a four-years' depression and then a one-year boom. Neither gold alone nor silver alone is a stable standard. Japan's prices on a single silver standard, as shown above, rose 31 per cent, while gold prices were falling 15 per cent, to 23 per cent. Had there existed at that time the bimetallic standard, then • the compensatory action of both metals would have prevented both a fall in Europe and America and a rise in Japan and India, but would have ke^it a stabl^ level throughout the wbrid. At the same time, with such a large base as is afforded Vy both metals, being twice as large as the single gold basis, the new gold output of the past five years would have exercised only one-half its recent influence on the price level. In other words, a bimetallic- price level would have maintained stability, and the level of prices in 19Q0 would have been as high as it was in 1890 without the intervening terrible depression. S02 DEMOORATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, (The statistical tables given below are for verification of the foregoing statements by those who wish to examine the question more carefully.) TABLE I. World's gold product and absorption by Continental Bwrope. 130-1 .... 1«92 .. 1813 ^1894 (4) Av. 4yrs, Year. Gold Product Absorption by l:ussi I'll M' - , ■,■<•/,„;. I ■ ■ (00,000's omitted.) ,^6£0mber, 1889- ,,..:.,.;■ A'Notos ' '.Deposits England. 118,6 138,9 France. Germany. $247,4 583,7 142,4 S123,9 2S9.6 83.6 Russia. " «270,0 758,0 43,0 Austria- Hungary, S26.2 207,5 Total. 8830,3 1,90.5,3 4 7,0 Total notes and deposits « Ratio of gold -to notes and deposits.. ..percent... ?2,312.3 35.9 December, 1897- Gold Notes .Deposits 147,7 2l9,7 241,0 379,6 740,7 161,8 143,8 275,0 110,3 563,8 450,5 78,2 147,7 271,7 1,382,1 1,967,6 591,3 Total notes and deposit') ■ v- Ratio of gold to notes and deposits per cent.- 82,548.9 54.2 November, 1899— •Gold Notes Deposits 157.5 250,8 237,2 367,4 761,1 107,4 114,7 296,9 143,8 434,0 280,7 174,9 149,2 298,4 1,232,8 1,873,9 662,3 , Total notes and deposits > Ratio of gold to notes and deposits - per cent- $2,546.2 44.1 804 DEMOCRiATIC CAMPAIGN BOOB^ PART SEVEN.— Labor. OHAPTBE XLI. THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. a _ It is not-neefled or fitting Iiere tliat a general argument sliould be made In faror of popular institutions, but there is one point with its connection not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is tlie effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with cap'tai, that nobody labors unless some- body else owning capital somehow, by the use of it. induces him to labor. Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the higher eoBsideratioii. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch aught whiich they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to Close the doors of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and Durdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost.— (President's Lincoln's Message, 186L) Labor creates capital. Until wealth is produced by the application of brain and muscle to the resources of this country there is nothing to divide among the non-pro- ducing classes of society.' Since the producers of wealth create the nation's prosperity in time of peace, and defend the nation's flag in time of peril, their interests ought at all times to be considered by those who stand in official positions. The Democratic party has ever found its voting strength among those who are proud to be known ag the common people, and it pledges itself to propose and enact such legislation as Is necessary to protect the masses in the free exercise of every political' right and in the enjoyment of their just share of the rewards of their labor.— (Bryan's Letter of Accept- ance, September, 1896.) Among all agencies which, for the past few years, have been at worfi improving the condition and protecting the rights of the wage-earners, I believe that labor organiza- tions stand first. They have brought the laboring men together where they could com- pare their views, unite their strength, and combine their influence, and we have these organizations to thank for many of the blessings which have been secured for those who toil. Some have criticised and condemned labor organizations. Some believe that banks should join associations, that railroad managers should join associations, that ail the large corporations should join associations, but that laboring men should not organ- ize. Yet labor organizations have been the means by which worUingmen have pro- tected themselves in their contests.— (Bryan's Speech on Labor Day at Chicago in 1896.) The Eight-Hour Law. Although the Republican party was organized in 1856 for tjie protection of free wljite labor in the territories against the introduction of slave labor, and prevailed in 1860 on that issue, manjr of its leaders soon forgot the ladder oa THE EIGHT-HOUE LAWJ 3O5 ^whjch they had mounted, and a large and constantly increasing section of tBe ^Republican party became especially engrossed in looking out for the interests of the Government contractors and bond syndicates. Great fortunes were made in the war, and those who had made them made their influence felfc in further schemes for the accumulation of wealth. The worlsmen of the counti-y looked for friendship to the party of Lincoln, and well they might, for he was their friend, and was supposed by them to be all-powerful. / During the year after the war an agitation was commenced among them for an eighf -hour. work day for laborers and mechanics employed on Government work. During that year and the two succeeding ones several bills were intro- duced making eight hours a working day for all such work. In 1866 Mr. Rog- ers, a Democratic Representative from New Jersey, Introduced an eight-hour bill, which was referred to the Republican Committee on the Judiciary, where it died. Jlr. Niblack, a Democratic Representative from Indiana, introduced a joint resolution declaring eight hours a legal clay's work for Government labor- ers. This met with the same fate. In the Senate, in 1867, Senator Brown, of Missouri, a Republican, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was referred to the Committee on Naval AfCaii-s. It was reported back by Senator Grimes, a Republican of Iowa, who' moved that the committee be discharged from its further consideration. The motion was agreed to, and the bill thereby de- feated. The House and Senate at that time were largely Republican. March 14, 1867, . Mr. Julian, a Itepubliean Representative from Indiana, introduced an eight-hour bill. It was ueferred to the Committee on the Judiciary, where . It died. Later In the month Representative Banks, a Republicari from Massa- chusetts, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was passed by the House. The bill was sent to the Senate, and after considerable debate was referred to the Committee on Finance, of which Senator John Sherman, a Republican from Ohio, was chairman. It died a lingering death in his committee. General 'Banks introduced a similar bill at the next session in January, ISeS. The biU passed on the same day. It went to the Senate at once, where it was laid on the table. On the 3d of June, 1868, Senator Hendricks, of Indiana, moved to take it up for consideration, and made an earnest speech in favor of his mo- tion. The Senate refused to take the bill up at that time. On the 24th of ^une, ' 1868, about ten days before the meeting' of the National Democratic Convention, the bill was taJien up by the Senate and passed by a vote of 26 to 11. The naya consisted of ten Republicans and one Democrat. It was approved on th# fol- lowing day by President Johnson. The fact that a Democratic National Con-' vention was near at hand doubtless had very much to do with Its passage at that particular time. Senator Hendricks, in the debate on the bill, referred to the large number of workingmen of the country who had petitioned Congress for it. Notwithstanding the clear and concise wording of the law, and the evident latent and purpoise of Oongress^ as shown by the debates, to limit all Govern-- 308 DEMOOBATIO OAMPAIGN BOOK, ment wort to eight hours per day, it soon became apparent that many execu- tive and military and naval officers were b'itterly opposed to the principle em- bodied in the law, and were determined- to construe its provisions to suit them- selves, and by open or secret intimidation compel or permit workmen to labor ten or more hours per day or sednre a reduction of wages if thely -worked onfy the number of hours flxed by- the' law. The langaaga of tie law was as fol- lows: :....:.:• .■_>/, -:i ?; .<:..■'■-:■;.'■;. ■■ C-C •..-'■" .^ i: -i-c-"- .i ■, - "Bight hours shall consdtute a day's work (or laborers, workmen and me- chanics now employed or who may hereafter be employed by or 'on behalf of the Government of the United States." For the greater part of twenty-four years, from 1868 to 1892, the working, men of the country urged the enforcement of this law in accordance with its spirit and intent, but no penalty having been provided for its violation, their appals were generally treated with indifferehee, often with contempt, and officers of the Government evaded and violated the law with impunity. So fla- grant, indeed, and so frequent were the early violations of the law that Presi- dent Grant was appealed to, and on May 19, 1869, he issued a proclamation directing that from aad after that date no reductioe should be made in tfie wages, paid by the Government, by the day, to lalwrers, workmen and mechan- ics on account of the reduction of the hours to eight per day. , So hostile were a large number of Government officials, and so persistent were, their violations of the eight-hour law, that President Grant was again appealed to, and on May 11, 1872, he is&ued a second proclamation directing 'Government officials to obey the law ' ^ The object of the eight-hour law of June 25, 1868, was to limit the hours of labor on 'Government work to eight pe?^ day, so that a larger rramber of work- mMi might be employed; and it was violated whenever laborers,- worismen and toechauics were required or permitted to work more than eight hours per day, with or without additional compensation. It was & g&nerous policy that actuated the workmen in foregoing their rlglit to work more than eighf hours a day for. extrsi compensation, In order that every forty hours of l^bor for the Gqvemmeiat might be a day's work for flvo men instead of four. T^e only relief that can come to the unemployed is by making more daya' work. Capital may well question whether eight hours of contented labor, with the result of increasing by 25 per cent, thfr nupiber. ,of men employed would not be a wise and, in the long run, a profitable invest- ment. After more than twenty years of failure to secure the enforcement o^tKe law of 1868 in accordance with its true spirit and intent through the executive branch of the GoV'ei^nment, the wpi-kirigmen of the coiintry petitioned Cqii- gregs fm- the passage of an eight-hour law with a penalty clause to compel its observance. In response to this demand the House of Eepresenta lives, on the THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. £07 28th of August, 1890, passed an unsatisfactory bill, and the Senate refused to malie the amendments recommended by organized labor as necessary to make it effective. In 1S92, the House being Democratic and the Senate Republican, Mr. Tarsney, a Democratic , Representative from Missouri, Chairman of the Committee on Labor, reported, to the House an eight-hour bill which met the approval of organized labor, and, after an extended debate and many efforts to render the bill useless by unfriendly amendments, the House passed the bill by a vote of 166 to*30. William Jennings Bryan, then a member of the House, warmly supported this biH. The bill passed the Senate July 28, 1892, and was signed by President Harri- son August 1. Again the workmen had been favored by the liberalizing influ- ence upon the Republican leaders of a Presidential campaign. It was believed that Government officers would find i€ impossible to evade oi misconstrue this law. The, intention of the workingraen of the country had been to secure a law that would in plain language require all work done di- rectly by the Government or by private individuals or corporations for the Gov- ernment by contract to be executed under the eight-hour system. But a QTf- fercnt construction has been placed upon it by the executive departments of the Government, and a considerable amount of work performed under contract, including a number of vessels for the Navy, has been excepted from the opera- tion of this eight-hour law. . To meet this defect in or misconstruction of the law of August 1, 1892, the workingmen of the country petitioned Congress for the>passage of an eight-hour' law which would admit of but one meaning. To say that workingmen on Government work shall be paid a day's wages fm- eight hours' labor, and then to say that this does not apply to labor on a battleship liuilt.undei- contract for the Government is "keeping the word of promise to the ear to break- it to the hope." It puts the Republican party in the aittitude of pettifogging with, the workingmen of the country. When- ever the Republican party puts on an appearance of doing something for the workingmen, it will be observed that it has a string tied to It. If eight hours is a fair day's work for the Government, why is it not a fair day's work for a contractor engaged in constiiictlng a ship for the Government? And if it is, why is it not a proper condition to attach to a Government contract? If the eight-hour law is good legislation, it should extend to all the work the Government has done, whether by contract or otherwise. If it is a fraud and false pretense, then It is a disgrace to the Republican party to con- tinue it on the statute book. A New Eight-Hour Bill. The Legislative Committee of the, American Federation of Labor, appoint- ed to carry out the instructions of its latest convention, made a very able and interesting report, which appeared in the July number of the American Federationlst. It is signed by Andrew Furuseth, George Chance and T. F. Tracy Among- other things the Committee gave its experience la the efforts 308 .DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. made to secure the passage dt a new eight-hour House bill. From that re- port the following statement is prepared: "A bill limiting the hours of daily service of laborers and mechanics emf" ployed upon public works of, or work done ■fcfr the -United States.'-OT anjf. Territory, or the District of Columbia,"- was introduced by Represefltativfe •' Gardiner of New Jersey in the 55th Congress; and -passed- the HouS^. -Jt failea"; to pass the Senate. It was again- introdilced-by Mr-. Gardin^r*^!!- the 96th Coa-.-: gress and passed the House May 21, 1900, aftei? nifaeheariflgs' before the ; House Gammittee. Eight of these hearings 'were given to the representatives of the Carnegie Steel Works, the Bethlehem Steel Works litical faith, or occasionally to give ' one an office, if by so doing they can continue to befuddle and deceive the, masses. But such acts are always performed With mercenary intent. - ; Speaking of the efforts made by Messrs. Mitchell, White,. Keefe and Gar- land, the Legislative Committee says: . ^ "They had interviews with Senators Cullom of Illinois; Hann'a and Pora- ker of Ohio; Elkins of West Virginia, and Piatt of New York, Seeking to en- list their sympathy, and succeeded to tlie extent of obtaining, the promise from them that when the bills came before the Senate, they would vote for them. As to what they did, see the vote taken. ' ; ' ' THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. •«« "On Thursday afternoon, In an interview with Senator Kyle, we were again promised by him that he would call the committee together so that the bills could be acted upon. We had id the meantime seen members of the 'steering committee' about our bill; we had urged the justice of, and the neces- sity for, the adoption of especially the eight-hour bill, using as an argument that if it is not enacted during this session of CJongress, the appropriationa made for the increase of the Navy would be contracted for, and hence all the warships and the armor for the same would be made under such conditions as to hours of labor as the contractors might decide, or be able to compel their employes to accept. We received assurance that they 'favored an eight- hour workday,' and the other statements were such as to justify our hope that the bill would be considered and passed during this session. Friday came and went; no committee meeting; no action talseii. Saturday came and went; no committee meeting; no action taken. So far as your committee was able to ascertain, there was no lntentil. Mr. PLATT of. Connecticut., I object to. that. , . _ . Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator frffm Rhode Island object to it? ' ■• Mr. ALDEICH. It is in violation of the unanimous eonsent agreement. ;, Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator, from. Rhode Island object to it? Mr. ALDRICH. I do object. I object to anything which is contrary to the unani- mous eonsent agreement. iMr. ALLEN. Let it be noted, then, that the Senator from Rhode Island objects. Mr. ALDRICH. Of course it will be noted. "On page 7039 we find tfie following: Mr, PBTTIGRBW. I ask unanimous consent to have the resolution laid on the table and printed without reading. Mr. ALDRICH. What is it about? The PRESIDENT- pro tempore. Is there any objection? Mr ALDRICH.. I should like to have the resolution readfor inrormatlou The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read. The Secretary read "as follows: "Resolved, that the Committee on Education and Labor"— Mr. ALDRICH. I object to it, anyhow. It is out of the unanimous consent agreement. I object to its recfeption. • The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection is made. This was the resolution to discharge the committee from further considera- tion of H. R. 6882 and H. R. 5450, and to plape these biUs on the calendar. As win be seen, it was objected to by Senator Aldrich of Rhode Island. On the next da.y, the 5th, it was regtilarly introduced, and would therefore become the regular order under morning business on the 6th. As this bill was to be called up the following day, Mr. Samuel Gompers wrote a very able letter addressed to, all the Senators. Following is the concluding portion of the letter: Even a casual examination of the bill will demonstrate its eminent practicability, and" ' Its freedom from any provision against the interests of the pebple, or the policy and- Interests of the Goverpnient. That the principle involved in this bill for a shorter workday Is. economically .and socially right and just, is not even questioned by its- oppoaents; that the demand for the eight-hour day is lini.'crsai among the toilers of the United States cannot be questioned. In the language of one of the most prominent citizens of our country, "the eight-hour day is ^s great a shibboleth and principle with the working people of the United States as is the Gospel to the devout Christian and the Declaration of Independence to the .patriotic American." What is true of the eight-hour bill is equally true of the bill to regulate prison labor. It 'is said that there is now not sufficient time to pass this bill at the present session of Congress. It Is not out of place to say that there is a grave suspicion in the mipds of many working people that unless the bill does pass before this session of Congress adjourns, that their Interests have been trifled with and their credulity imposed upon. There can be no question but if there is a real disposition to pass this bill it can be^ enacted, ample hearings and arguments having been had thereon. The wage-workers of America who are expecting relief will be unable to understand' why it is not granted when the Congress has power to do so. There can be no ques- tion but that the failure to grant this relief at this session of Congress will contribute largely to destroy the belief held by earnest, thinking, conservative workers that when THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. J IX tlielr gnevancea are intelligently preseuted to Congress they will be remedied by legisla- tive action. If this subject-matter and the bill itself had not received ample discussion, I should hesitate to make the suggestion I now do; that is, to favor the proposition now pending In the Senate, and which will be before that body for consideration tomorrow, Wednes- day, June 6, 1900, to discharge the Senate Committee on Education and Labor from further consideration of the eight-hour bill and the prison labor bill, and put them on their passage. For the above reasons, and in the name ql the workers of our country, both organ- ized and unorganized, I earnestly t)eseech you to work and vote to secure the passage of these bills. Very respectfully your,3. , ' SAML. GOMPERS Prcs'dent, A. F. of ij. This earnest appeal was from the chosen head of a labor organization embracing at least a million and a liaU of skilled wage-earners. The United States Senate, to the members of which it was addressed, treated it with as little consideration as though it had come from the subjects Qf a foreign nation instead of being a petition on behalf of a vast body of American cit- izens to whom the right of petition is guaranteed by the Constitution. Of course this right by no means includes the right to have a petition granted, but the laboring men of this country and all who respect them and value their worth will not fail to remember that this same Senate, on the same day that it turned a deaf ear to tlie American Federation of Labor, abdicated its power to limit the price that .should be paid for armor plate and authorized a single executive officer to pay as high a price as the Steel Trust could per- suade him to agree to. On the 6th Mr. Petligrew moved to proceed'to the consideration of his resolution. Mr. Hawley, a Kepubliean, moved to lay the resolution on the table. Mr. Chandler of New Hampshire called the attention of the presiding oflBcer to the fact that it \Va« not in order to move to lay on the table a motion to consider a measure. The chair ruled Mr. I-Iawley's motion out ol order. After a considerable opposition on the part of Mr. Hawley, sup- ported by Mr. Lodge, Mr. Pettigrew's resolution was laid before the Sen- ate. It was as follows: Eesolved That the Committee on Education and Labor be discharged from further coiisldeiiiiion of H.. R.,6SS2, an act limiting the hours of a:ii!y service of iabovers and mechanics employed upon work done for the United States or any Territory or the Dis- trict of Columbip, thereby securing better products, and for other purposes, and that said committee be also discharged from tlie further consideration of H. E. 5i30, an act to limit the effect of the regulation of interstate commerce between the several Stalest in goods wares and merchandise whoily or in part manufactured by convict labor or In any prison or reformatory, and that both of said bills be placed upon thi calendar. "Mr. Hawley then moved to lay the resolution on the table. >^ "Following are the proceedings of the Senate on this motionr Mr. PBTTIGRBW and Mr. TELLER called for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered. The fec'fic-tnry then proceeded to call the roll. Mr BUTLER (when his name was called). I have a general pair with the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington), but I transfer it to the Senator from Nebraska (Mr. Allen), and will rote. I vote "nay."- 313 ;DEMOCEiATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK.. " I hare a general pair with the Senator from I am paired with the junior Senator I have a general pair with the senior Mr. DiiVIS (when his name was called). Texas (Mr. Chilton). Mr. JONES Of Arkansas (when his name was called). I am paired with the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrich). I should vote "nay" tt he were present. Mr. LODGE (when his name was Galled). I have a: general pair With the junior Senator from Georgia (Mr. Clay). Not seeing hirb in the Chamber, I withhold my vote. If he were present, I should vote "yea." Mr. MORGAN (when his name was called), from Iowa (Mr. Gear). Mr. PBTTOS (when his name was called). Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Hoar). , Mr. BATE (when Mr. Turley's name was called). My colleague is absent. He la paired, hgwcvor, with the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Spooner). If my colleague were here, he would vote "nay." The roll call was concluded. Str. DODGE. I announced my pair with the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Clay)'. I transfer that pair to the Senator from North Daljota (Mr. -McCumber), and will vote. I vote "yea.", Ml'. ]JT;)u;OAVS. I am paired with the senior Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Caffery).. I witlihold my vote. Sir. BACON. My colleague (Mr. Clay) has been unavoidably called to attend to some urgent business in one of 'theDepartments. He left under an arrangement to pair with the junior Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Lodge). If my colleague were present, he would vote "nay." The result was announced— yeas, 33; nays, 28; as follows: ^EfAS-SS. Allison, R. Hnle. R. Piatt, Conn., E. Ptewait, R. Baker, 11. Hanna, R. Phvtt; N. Y., E. Thurston, R. Boveridge, E. Iliinsbroush, R, Hawloy, R. Proctor, R. Vest, D. Chandler, R. Qnarles, E, Ko.ss, R. Warren, R. DeboB, R. Kean, R. Wetmore. R. Paiibanks, R. ' Kyle, R.I Soott, R. Woloot, E, ]?oraker, R. Lodge, R. , McComas, R. Se^oll, R. Foster, R. Shoup, E. GaUinger, E. MoMilliin, R. Simon, E. NATS-28. Bacon. D. Culberson, D. Lindsay, D. Penrose, E. Bard, R. CuUom, R. MoBride. E. Pettigrew. P. Bate, D. Daniel, U. MoEnery, D. Sullivan, D. Berry, D. Harris, D. Mallory, D. Taliaferro, D. Butler, P. Heitfelrt, P. Mason, E. Teller, E- Carter, R. Jones, Nov., E. Money, D. Tillman. D. Clark, R. Kenney, D. Nelson, E. Turner, D. NOT VOTING— 25. Aldrich, B. Davis, R. ' McCumber, R. Eawling, D^ Allen, P. Depew, R. McLaurin', D. Spoon6r,_R. Burrows. R. Elkins, R. Martin, D. Turley D. (Jaffery, D. i'ryo, R. Morgan, D. WelUagton, R. Chilton. B. Gear, E. Porkins.R. Clay, D. Hoar, E. Pettus. D. Oockreil.D. Jones, Ark., D. Pritohard, R. "So the resolution was laid on the table^ In this report Senator Teller of Colorado and Senator Jones of Nevada are incorrectly classed as Republicans. They are Silver Republicans and supporters of Bryan. After making these corrections, the analysis of the vote is as follows; Those voting yea voted to smother the Eight-Hour Bill in the Committee. Those who voted nay voted in favor of the consideration of the bill, and were linowa to be in favor of the bill itself.' Of the 25 not voting there srere eight Democrats and eight Repu'blicans who were pairedj and are fCRTS BIGHT-HOtJB LAWj' 813 therefore coaintea as having voted'. Four Detmocrats and five Republicans were absent without pairs. For the Bight-Hour Bill 28 Democrats and eight Ke- publicans. Against the Eight-Hour Bill 40 Republicans and. one Democrat. If we add to these the absentees, counting the Democrats for the bill and the Republicans against it, the vote would stand, for the bill 32 Democrats and eight Republicans, and against the bill 45 Republicans and one Democrat." gl4» DEMOPRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.' CHAPTER XLII. ' STEVENSON AND ORGANIZED LABOR. General Stevenson and Organized Labor. In 1892 Republican newspapers misrepresented tbe relations existing between General Stevenson, then President of the McLean Coal Company, and the United Mine. Workers of America. Mr. John McBride, the President of the TIpited Mine -Workers of America, being asked; for a plain statement of the facts, addressed the. following letter to Frank K.. Foster, the editor of the "Bos- ton jEiabor Leader;" •Columbus, 0., Sept. 1, 1892. "Frank K. Foster, Esq.: ' "bear Sir— Yours to hand,- inqniring as to the truth or falsity of the assertion that Gen.- A. E. Stevenson, candidate for Vice-President on the- Democratic ■ticket, is an enemy to organized labor. •'The miners of Illinois are practically disorganized. Out of 30,000 miners arid mine laiborei's not more than 500 are members of the organization, and this not l^feCause of opposition by their employers, but by the apathy and careless- ; ness of themselves. Under these circumstances, comparison of treatment of employees determines whether a man is opposed to organized labor or not Tou may not be aware of the fact,~ but the evils of which miners in all coal- •producing States in the countty chiefly complain are: First, the 'pluck me' Store; second, the length of time bfetiveen pay days; third, the weighing of Coal 'after screening instead of before. "During the last sessioii ofthe Illinois' Leglslatufe laws' were enacted giving ""the miners relief fromi the evils complainecl of. The operaiors declared tie "laws uncohstitutiqiial,' and elllier sought to have their "miners "sign an agree- " ment waiving their right to the benefit of flie laws named, or had action taken and then appealed to the Sujireme Court, where test cases now are. "The comjpany of which lUr. Stevenson is president istheonly honorable ex- ception that I am aware of that refused to adopt this high-handed policy. In- deed, to their credit be it said, a 'pluck me' never disgraced the!ir works. T&ey always paid their men "in cash. Having for years voluntarily carried out the provisions of two laws, it did not require a great saa-iflce to carry out tlia STEVENSON AND LABOR. 315 thira, and this they cheerfully did. They pay their men in cash weekly. They have no store, and the miners' coal is weighed before screening. Thus tEey carry gut every law demanded by our organization. At nearly all large col- lieries the companies erect houses for their vrorkmen, ciiarging them in many cases an exorbitant rent. Mr. Stevenson erected about 200 houses, each hav- ing a garden plot of from half to an acre of ground. Instead of charging a high rental like others, he sold the houses and lots to the miniers, taking a fair rental in payment. The result is that 90 per cent, of his miners own their own homes. • « * "Mr. Stevenson delivered the Labor Day address at Bloomington one year ago, h'ls subject being ths 'Else and Progress of Labor Organizations,' and his workmen in one body visited him after his nomination to tender congratula- tions. On all evidence obtainable I would say that Mr. Stevenson Is not an enemy of organized labor. "Respectfully yours, ■ "JOHN McBBIDE." This testimony from the representative of the coal miners, with whom Gen. Stevenson was alleged to be on bad terms, is emphasized by the cordial recep- tion extended him shortly after his nomination for Vice-President, of which the following account is taken from the news columns of the Chicago Herald: A Cordial Greeting. ' "On the evening of July 11, 18S2, 300 employees of the mine operated by General Steyeuson and his associates formed in line at the coal sh^ft, and, headed by a drum corps, marched through the streets to General Stevenson's residence.' Crowds of workingmen and citizens joined the column. The miners were invited in, and after handshaking had been concluded Miner WiUiara Radford stepped forward, and on behalf of his fellow- workmen addressed General Stevenson as follows: " 'Mr. Stevenson— We have called upon you this evening to extend our most hearty congratulations for the honor so recently bestowed upon you. To be nominated to the office of Vice-President, the second highest position in the gift o6 the people, is an honor of which one may well feel proud, and as citi- zens of the town in which you live we are proud of the great distinction, and especially are we proud of the fact thit this honor has been bestowed upon one with whom we have been so closely allied in a business way for so many years, " 'It is with much gratification that we can look back over the past years that we have been in the employ of the McLean County Coal Company, foi- in air these years no pay day has ever passed that we have not been paid our wages in full, but few disagreements have ever arisen, and these were quickly and amicably settled, and we can remember no instance where you have ever treated us either unfairly or unkindly, and many a happy home. has been erect- edua the village of Stevensonville that n^v.ev would have been there except for 318 DEMOOKATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK," the kindness and oonsideration siiown many of us both by youi"self and brofhers. , '• 'These things we havS not forgotten, and wc are here'this evening to extend in the warmest terms our hearty congi'it'ulatiqiis," feeling assured tliat in you we have a friend, one that will 'stand for riglii; and' one,_ that has a laboring, man's interest at heart. ^ .,..,,..,..-, ,-_, "'t have been asked by my fellow-raborer's'tq'.inake Ms' aclinowlWlg'm^en^^^ to you, and we have come this evening" for that p'urp'ose, not as a' political or- ganization, for we represent both of the 'great p'oUtical "parties, but as your friend's and co-laborers, to extend our hands and best wishes for your success always,' . -:.,... "The miners frequently applauded the sentiments expressed by their spokes- man. . ' "General Stevenson replied to this address in the'ipUowing words: " 'Mr. Radford and GentJemen— It has been my good fortune on more than . one occasion to witness manifestations of the kindly feelings entertained to- ward me by my neighbors and fellow townsmen, but I can say to you in per- fect candor that your visit to-night and your words of kindness have touched me more "deeply than I have ever beto touched before. " 'It is, indeed, gratifying to know that the most cordial relations exist Be- tween the officers of our company and all of those who are employed in its service. As has truly been said by your chairman, but few disagreements havs ever occurred between yourselves and the company, and these have been ami- cably adjusted. During the time I have been president of the company no dis- agreement or misunderatandiug of any kind has arisen. I was more than gratiaed at the remark of Mr. Radford that I had not only treated you with justice, but always with kindness. I have certainly aimed to do so. , " 'I will say cow, and those of you who have been in our employ since the sinking of the shaft more than twenty years ago know the statement to be cor- rect, that during all these years no pay day has ever passed without each miner and other employee being paid his wages in full. You will pardon me for saying in this connection that on many occasions during these years Mr. Scott, Mr. Graham, my brothers and myself have borrowed the money out of the bank that each of you might promptly receive your wages. " 'Mr. Radford has referred to the fact that many of you have homes of your own in the village of Stevensonville, paid for out of your earnings at the mine. It has been a source of gi'eat pleasure to my brothers and myself that our efforts to enable each of you to procure a comfortable home have met with much gratifying success. '■ 'The most kindly and cordial feelings should ever exist between the em- ployer and employees. All disagreements should be settled either by confer- eucp or iiy arliiiratipn. I desire to repeat what I have often said before: It STEVEN? AXD LABOR. 817 has been my firm conviction for years that organization, loolfing solely to tlie bettering of tbeir condition anans to subjugate labor and to destroy the power of labor unions has been so thoroughly demonstrated by the railroads that it is now being adopted by many other branches of corporate industry, such as street railrpads, which . have formed a "national organization; the great pacliing establishments, clothing manu- ' facturers, telegraph companies, coal mines, iron and steel mills, and even the retail dry- goods -and department stores; and it now threatens the liberties and the independence of all classes of labor; yea, it threatens the very existence of republican institutions. The blacklist is especially dangerous by reason of the fact that the means whereby organized capital effects its objects, while mote far-reaching in their efforts fur evil than the weapons of organized labor, work for the most part silently, and do not create the' local disorders which follow strikes and the boycotts of laborers. And It is undoubtedly for this reason that courts find it possible to give definite redress against boycotts and strikes, while generally similar combinatioas of capital escape, and the public knows nothing of them. It has been my fortune to be employed in the prosecution of the cases against the railroads for blacklisting the men who quit work during the strike of 1S94, commonly known as the A. E. D. strike, and while engaged in these cases I have learned the fol- lowing facts, which I propose to detail to you tonight so that you may know upon What I base my charge?. This question has passed be;rond the stage of platform agita- FKEE TRADE IN LABOE, 32g tlon and rhetorical $1101681, as the facts have been proved in courts of Justice under the Strict legal rules of evidence. The charge in these cases is that fhe railroads In the Unitea States entered into a conspiracy to prevent every man who quit worii during that strike from getting employment from any other road, without he first had consent of the railroad be last worked for prior to that strike, and that in pursuance of that conspiracy they agreed to give, and did give, to each other information concerning all their men who quit during that strike; and when it was learned by any road to which one of those men applied for emplgy^ent that he had qnit during the strike, he was denied employment unless he produced from his last employer its consent that he might lie euipluyiHl; this consent being commonly called among railroad men "a clearance." When my right to leave my employer, and get worlj elsewhere depends upon his con- tent, be becomes my; master and I bis slavei 324 DEMOCKA'iip CAMPAXGiS BOOK. v' 1 ■■ _. i ''I-.;' . • 'tit 5 CHAPTER XL V. THE OPEN DOOR. 1 •-'■ A Menace to Western Civilization— China May Be the World's Workshop Instead of Its Market. If China should escape dismemberment in the fierce struggle between the European powers for advantages, it would be because of their dreaid of each other. It is such a dread that has long prevented the dismemberment of Tur- key, and made It the "sicli man of Europe," at whose bedside Great Britain and Russia alternately play the nurse. China may long liv^ as the "siel^man of Asia." The powers would still have their "spheres of influence," or "spheres of interest," as the later phrase goes in British diplomacy. In that case the United States might reasonably hoife that the powers would observe at least the ex);ernals of courtesy and fair play toward us. Then what? Imagine the Chinese Empird| open to friendly intercourse with all the world through all her ports. Imagine invested capital to be as safe there as in Europe or America. Yv'ould China then be a great market for the products of the United States, or n-riuld she teconie the great workshop to fill the rtKirkets in the Vnitcd States? If the Chinaman is to wear modern clothing and patent leather shoes and silk hats will he buy them of us or make them at home, with surplus enough to supply the United States^ If his daughters arft to play the piano, will he buy Steinways or Knabes in the United States, or will there be Chinese piano-makers who will supply both Cliina and the United Stat 's with these instruments at 40 per cent, less than the present cost? If they overcome their hostility to railroads, wiU they make rails from their own iron, using their own coal, or will they come to us for it? In brief, with labor unlimited In a country of foiu: humlrod millions of people unexcelled in skill and energy, and uncqriuloil in patience and industry, and glad to work for whatever will warf] off slarvation, will the Chinese come either to Europe or America for manufacturo'l fabrics, or will they manufacture them at home? A still more important question is: WUl American capital continue to employ American labor to manufacture fabrics for the American market, or will capi- tal establish gi'eat plants in China, and with. Chinese laior in its own country manufacture the fabrics now being manufactured in America and Europe by; - CHINA VS A WORKSHOP,' 325 [American and European labor? The labor of fifty millions of people can be had In China at whatever price will enable the manufacturers there to under- sell American and European fabrics. No tariff wall can be biiilt high enough to keep out the work of these ingenious, patient and industrious people. There is nothing they, cannot learn to do, and quickly, too. They cannot only weave our fabrics, but they can soon learn to manufacture the machinery with which they are woven. They will learn to make locomotives, watches and Maxim guns. Their imports from the United Staf;es would consist mainly of gold coin and such raw, material as they cannot produce or buy cheaper in other countries. They are g'ood traders. They .wiU never pay more for anything than it would cost them to make it. If all the bars are let down between us, and them, of laws, traditions and treaty limitations, they will never allow Americans or Europeans to make anything for t^etnselves iivhich can be m^de cheaper in China and delivered in the ports of the western countries. 'There is vast wealth in China, and as many native shrewd business nien as are needed to exploit it under an open-door policy. Add to this the businesa ability and the financial daring of the men trained in the atmosphere of our trusts, and the capital they could command for use in 'China, and that ancient empire would ieiid the indiistrial piajcessiorioj the' world, it would be the world's workshop, and the western natioris now so anxious for "the open doo*," and so confident of being able to make Chln^ subordinate, would see western civilization crlpplfed' and set back indefinitely by the destruction of a vast ele- 'ment of its middle class for the mere wahtof *ork, - American enei'gy, enterprise, atnbltion and .tHrif t. caii do air things that are possible, bnt it iS not possible to conceive of any combination that vrould save the industrial systems of Europe or America when brought into competition with a combination of the capital of the world and the cheap labor of Chinese on CMnese grhuTid. a 826' DBMOCEATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK.' PART EIGHT.— Miscellaneous. CHAPTEE XLVL TRUST PRODUCTS AND OTHER PRODUCTS COMPARED. » . ' ' ' The apologists for the trusts claim that these excrescences upon our in- clustrial system have reduced prices. It is not so. From 1879-89 to 1896-97 the average fall in all le'ading products was 27 per cent. The f^il In trust profits during the same period was 28^per cent Up to that time the trusts had not been powerful enough to maintain better prices for their products than the average prices for other products. But sioce 1896-97 the rise in prices of all prdducts has been 23 per cent, while during the same period the rise in the prices of trust products has been 40 per cent. The prices of trust products have risen to the average of 1879-89. while the farm products are 14 per cent below that level. And so it is that while the products of the trusts will purchase In exchange as much of all other' products as they would from 1879 to 1889, farm products will only purchase five-sixths as much as they would during those years. The following statement is going the rounds of the press unchallenged. _ It compares the purchasing value of agricultural products with the selling value of tru". products: It requires 50 per cent, more wheat to buy a stove than It did In 1896. It requires twenty bushels more corn to buy a wagon than it did in 1886. It requires twenty bushels more corn to buy a copper kettle than In 189€^ It requires twice as much corn to buy a coil of rope as it did in 189& It requires 40 per cent, more grain to buy a plow than in 1896. It requires 75 per cent- more grain to buy a hoe, a rake, or a shovel than inlSSS. A set of common wheels that cost $7 in 1896 now cost $12. The price of cultivators and other farm implements has gone np proportionately. Galvanized barbed wire costs from $4 to $4.50 per hundred more than in 1896. It requires 40 per cent, more corn or cotton to buy a pound of sugar than in 1896. You have to pay 40 per cent, more for glass than in 1896. Freight rates have climbed back to the exorbitant prices which caused a. popular- I revolt la legislation a few years ago. The price of oil, coal, lumber, tools and hardware has gone up from 40 to 100 per cent. And all these things have been done by the trusts. The plain lesson to be drawn from this is that prices rise healthily when the rise is caused by an Increase in the volume of money. When tliat Is the TEUST VS. OTHER PRODUCTS. 327 case, the average of prices will Increase just as much for the farmer as for the manipulators of large capital; but when prices increase because com- modities have come under the control of trust monopolists, which can extort whatever price the people will pay rather than go without the products, then it will be found that honest business interests in which the competi- tion is still preserved are at the mercy of trusts which deal in whatever the former must buy. To illustrate, if all prices would rise because of an Increase In the volume of money, AmerSean capital would not be invested in United States 2 per cent, bonds, or In British 3 per cent bonds, even at the recent discount of 2 per cent. On the conti'ary, it would seek investment in nu- merous enterprises^ much more profitable than present mdney-lendlng, and which would not only give fair returns on the capital invented, but; would famish labor for those who are now unemployed during, a Jarge portion of the year. This would increase the manufacturers' gains, wo;uld increase the army of laborers, and would Increase the laborer's pair.' Consumption of products would be increased with the increase of the army of labor, because the wants of millions that ■axe now unsatisfied could then' be supplied, ^ere would neither be over-production nor under-conSiimpBoii/ - But this cannot be while the trusts continue to monopolize every avenue of trade, stifling all competition and driving four-fifths of our business men but df business. Daring the administration of William McKinley ihore trusts have been ori gaoized than had been organized during the entlrer 'dentury preceding/ tVith his re-election these monstrous aggregations of wealth ^uW' c'omplelt' tJio conquest of this country. We have seen a 'Congress its well as a Picsuinu absolutely controlled by/them. They are plunging the country into a ehitc- of imperialism and of foreign conquest which is only made possibiu Ly ilij accompanying instrumentality of militarism. 328 DEJIOORATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK,; "^ i"^*'' i ''■K'/)^ 1 CHAPTEE XL VII. MILITARISM. There le mnei ■windy talk about making the United States a "world power." The Reptiblican leaders encourage Republican writers and speak- ers to endta-riJi'^'to 'creatfe a national appetite for conquest. We are invited to place ourselves under the tutelage of Great Britain and corbmence the prac- tice of tlie seiztire of small countries and their people, and the erection therein of coloirfal'feoVerhments where -our trust magnates can possess them- selves of more w-eaith''i&d where their proteges may thrive u]3on colonial offices. All this, of course; ihirolves the construction of a navy which can, if ' need be, cope witia ah^r or all the combined navies of the world. -There used to Be a slang proverb whidii said: "There is no use being a fellow at all, if you cannot be i.' h— I'ef a fellow." Ttiis is ucrw the spirit of Republican teach- ings. If we cannot have a navy stronger than Great Britain she may take away from ufe^whafeVer We may biiptnre from others. It 'is therefore of no use to be a "world power" unless we can be the strongest "world power." But a great army is more to be dreaded than a great navy. Both have to b6 vsupported by those who work with their hands. L/abor finally pays all bills. Whatever is paid for by the others is finally extorted from the workingmen. But a navy cannot go into our citles'and shoot dovra working-J men at the bidding of trusts and monopolists. The Republican leaders are earnestly determined to increase our standing army. Despite the frequent re- ports otf fighting in the Philippines vfe are told that peace has there been re- Stored, and that we only require an army to preserve that peace. Although th^re are now less than 70,000 soldiers there, no one doubts the desire of the administration to increase it to 100,000. Each soldier costs $1,000 a year. The Philippines are therefore now costing us in money §70,000,000 a year, and are expected to cost $100,000,000 a year. The troubles in China have required a diversion of some of the army to that country for the protection cf our people, and we read inthe papers that the President has decided that our troops now there shall remain. How many more will be sent is a matter of conjecture,' and, indeed, must largely depend upon- circumstances. What- ever the exigency may require must of course be done; but the great question in which the American people are interested Is whether future necessities for the military service sliall be met by an iiiciease of the regular aimy, or the call- 4fi MILITARISM. 329 ing out of volunteers. We had two and a. half millions of volunteer soldiers dur- ing the civil war. At its close there were more than a million soldiers in the ■fleia. In a few months they vanished as bubbles vanish from the surface of water. Our great War Secretary, Stanton, told the people not to be dis- turtjed by this dlsbandment of a great army, for, he said, the Southern peo- ple had acquiesced in the result, and that, if for any reason troops should be needed, they could always be taken from the ranks of the people li;i numbers enough and speedily enough to meet any exige^jcy that could possibly arise. Stanton had been a Democrat of the Jaclison school. His experience on the sub- ject of massing the military power of the nation was greater than that of any other man then living, and of course none tfan claim greater wisdom from any experience had since. In 1877 during the great railroad strilies in Pennsylvania, , a jpsin in charge of great business interests, and himself a man of great wedi|th,^rem'arked to the wi-iter: "We ougl(t to double the standing array) so that , we can shoot these darrined rascals down." It was a startling illustration of the, fierce •spirit which animated this man and must necessarily govern many Others. We all know tlfat government is force, but only as a last resort. Law and order must be maintained in. a republic as well as in any other foi-m of gov- ernment. But it will be a sorry day for this country, If ever a party in power shall undertake to use' the standing army to shoot flown citizens while exercising their right to discuss with each other the wages for which they will work, or wtiile exercising their constitutional riglit ]to peaceably assemble and petition for a redress of grievances. . ,,j, Militarism is the refuge of a tyranny which fears the resentment of those it oppresses. The American people will not submit to militarism, nor be awed into submission to arbitrary power in matjers which concern them. The workingmen who are fortunate enough to own their own homes in this country, and those who lease and pay the rent for their homes, constitute the physical force of the nation. They can be relied upon to maintain law and order in States, and cities. The only danger to this country comes not from them, but from those who propose a standing army, ostensibly to be used abroad, but really to be available at home if at any time its use could be Eiade serviceable to the small privileged class which, with ^ no attempt ^t concealment, controls the present administration of iihis government. 'iMen of large property and legitimate business Interests should ponder upon these things. Every careful business man in this country, of ordinary intelligence, must regard this administration as he would a runaway team In which the lives of his children are at stake. The schemes of those who control the President are not such as make for the peace or the prosperity of the country. The prevailing disregard for the restraints of the Oonstitution, and for the precedents established by the courts, relate at present only to new possessions; but if they go unchecked by the conservative elements of the country, no man cail predict how soon a like disregard of law and precedent may govern the administration of laws at home. There |6b 330 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.'] * . ■ ' pan bo no good pui-pose In the rresemt desire of the ptfwefs that be to take advantage of passing events for . fastening upon this republic a great standing army. It is not, and it cannot come to good. It is a wild and de- Etructive policy. Some can make money by selling them supplies, and others by furnishing transportation, but a great standing army is, like a deadly cancer, a progressive disease. Of course the people can fight for their liber- ties, as did their fathers, if any success shall attend the efforts of those vrho are tired of the Constitution and republican institutions. But much the easier and leks expensive way is to sPpply prevention at the outset Mr. Burke said of the American colonists: "These, men all have some small smattering of the law and scent the approach of tyranny in the tainted breeze." May the sons of those, sires be found equally apprehensive and jealous of their rights. The supreme test will be made in November when every voter must -de- clare for Imperialism and Militarism or for the preservation of the Kepublic by the maintieiiance of the Constitution. tSb PENSIONS. 331 CHAPTER XL VIII. THE NATION'S ROLL OF HONOR. How Republican Administrations Use the Pension .Office as a Political Machine— The Money Power Dictates the Administration's Policy— What bemocracy Has, Done for the Soldier. In every political campaign since the close qf tlie Civil War the Republican party has vociferously prqclaimed itself as the special friend and champibn of the Union soldier. Its orators, its newspapers and Its literature poured out tBe vials of their wrath upon the Democratic party, denouncing it as hostile to the pension system and unfriendly to the Nation's defenders. . The Republican platform of 1896 held out a solemn 'promise of "fair treat- ment" and "generous recognition" to the veterans of the War of the Rebellion, but that pledge to the soldier was as delusive as the Reiiublican promise of bimetallism to the country.- It Has ever been a principle with the Democratic party that as the pension laws were enacted in a spirit of liberality they should be construed, not as penal statutes, but in the same generous spirit that Iwought them into being. When a Democratic Commissioner of Pensions once appeared to have lost sigBt of this idea, a Democratic Congress rebuked him by the passage of an act declaring a pension to be a "vested right," and forbidding the withholding or suspension of any pension unless after due notice and proper hearing. Under the present Administration so narrow has been the policy of the Peu- Sion Bureau that the veterans of the Civil War have on many occasions voiced their dissatisfaction in no uncertain tones. Tetitions without number have been sent to the President from Grand Army posts all over the country, plead- ing for a change in the pension policy and even urging the removaT'of the Commiss!ioner from oSice. Committees from National Encampments of the Grand Army have waited on the President presenting the same requests. To all these entreaties the President paid but scant attention, and the reason is in all probability not far to seek, He could not well reverse a policy he himself had outlined, nor remove from office a Commissioner of Pensions who was faithfully carrying- out his instructions. 332 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Commander-in-Cliief Shaw, of the G. A. R., some time ago, keenly alive to the dissatisfaction of his comrades with the condupt of the Pension Otiii.e, even appealed to the Chairman of the Republican National Committee, tii^- redoubtable Marcus A. Hanna, in the hope that his all-powerful Influence could, be secured to inaugurate an era of greater liberality. "By firing at the Pen- sion Commissioner?' the Commander-in-Chief said, "we have have found we aimed at the v^rong target. He is only doing as he has been ordered by T\\^-, superiors." Notwithstanding the widespread discontent among the old soldiers because of the' Administration's illiberal'ityj the National Republican Oommitfee has issued a document, entitled "Plain Facts About Pensions," in which an at- tempt is made to prove that tlie liberality of the party now in power surpasses the record of previojjs Administrations. The pamphlet^ however, will neither deceive the survivora of the Civil War nor change their conviction that they have been deceived by the party that professes so much solicitude for them. , An appropriate name for this document would be, "How the Republican Man- agers Deceive the Soldier," for it is remarliable because of its false pretenses and the trutli it suppresses. It sets forth the pension expenditures as far back as President Grant's first term, and presents a bewildering array of figures to delude the unwary. There is no mention in it, however, of the face that the first Democratic Administration since the Civil War (1885-1S89) issued on an average 16,000 more pension certificates per ,year than any preceding Ad- ministration. The records show that its allowances of pension averaged 48,000 . per year, while the> best four years of previo'us Republican rule could exhibit but S2.0CiO. The Republican pamphlet makes no mention of thejfact that Corporal Tan- ner, President Harrison's first Commissioner of Pensions, with Harrison's injunction, "not to weigh pensions in' an apothecary's scales," fresh in his mind, was removed from office by a Republican President for honestly carry- ing out the promises made by his. party in its platform and by its speakers on the stumi). You will find no note'of the administration of Corporal Tanner's Republican successor nor of the fact that its unique performances largely brought about the defeat of President Harrison in 1892. That was the regime in which the, Commissioner's subordinates bartered and sold the petty offices in the bureau and in which a few singularly favored attorneys amassed quick fortunes from the spiooth workings of a "completed files" device set in operation for their especial benefit. Republican managers dai-e not tell that the Pension Office has been used in many of their campaigns as a political machine to scatter pensions broadcast in dpubtful States, not for love of the soldier, but for the base purpose of secur- ing his vote. In the Gai-fleld campaign, for instance, the entire examining and rENSIONS. 33} reviewing forces of tlie Pension OfiiceVere put to Work in grinding out allow- ances for Ohio, Indiana and New'Yorlt, while the claims of veterans and their dependents from other "sections of the country were pigeon-holed and thou- sands of Worthy applicants had to suffer and wait until after the election. It has'been for.years a favorite tricli with I^epublican Administrations to Is^ue numerous pension certificates just before a national election, and to "hold up" notices of rejection until af terwai-ds, but of course the pamphlet in question ia silent about these things. It quotes Commissioner Evans' report f(k 1898, and attempts to prove from it that the' present Administration is liberal beyond compare, and that rejections were but 48 per cent, of the adjudications— fewer than under previous Admis- istrations. In the fiscal year of 1809, however, the rejections were far in es. cess of the allowances; in fact, they were &5 per cent, of the entire adjudica- tions. On vpage 18 of Commissioner Evans' report for 1899 occurs this para- graph: "There were rejected of all classes 107,919, and there were admitted of all classes 85,845, making a total of 193,764 claims adjudicated." In fhat year, in all probability a fairer index of this Administration's work than 1898, the rejections outnumbered the allowances by 22,074. But Repub- lican managers are adepts in the arts of deceit, and it is no new thing toe them to juggle with figures or to tamper with the records. Since the advent of the present Administration the integrity of the entire, pension roll has been questioned. The burden of official interviews and of in- spired newspaper articles in Administration papers has been fraud! fraud! ' fraud! until there has' sprung up a belief that the pension list is a huge. Edifice built of ^lerjury and deceit. To show the fallacy of this idea. It is only necessary to refer to the report of the Attorney-General of the United States, from which it wUl be seen that offenses against the pension laws are relatively so few as to make the 'Tiowl" about fraudulent pensions seem ridiculous. Here is a statement compiled from the report of the Attorney-General ■ for; 1899 (pages 72-74). BTATEMENT SHOWING THE KUMBBB OF CEIMINiL PKOSEOnTIOKS TEBMINATED IN THE OIKCUIT All» DISTRICT OOCETS OP THE DNITED STATES DURING THE FI8CAI. YEAB ENDING JUNE 30, 1899, Indictments- Customs 216 ' Internal revenue ^: 6,544 PostflfBce 1>206 Pensions » ■.•■ .• < • • 214 Convictions— « Customs • • • 136 Internal revenue 4,021* Postoffice -^'* .770 ^ pensions *-. ..r..,.:.i>^i.,.i...ii.»;.K«.x._<:«;\«..«:«:.;«--«>;.«i«:tJi5«!!iai« "U^ 334 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. The total number of cases terminaled during the year was 17,941, and of this large number but 109 were for offenses against the pension laws. And' the fact iuust b^ borne in mind that the majority of these, offenders were persons instrumental in the prosecution of claims, imposters representing themeslves as Government officials, notaries public who illegally executed^en- sion papers, justices of the peace who were guilty of post-dating vouchers, and impersonatoi's of soldiers and their Widows, together with guardians who embefzzled funds entrusted to their keeping. Buf very, very few of them were either soldiers or widows of soldiers. It is remarkable, considering the magnitude of the expenditures for pensions, that there are so few cheats and scoundrels preying upon the bounty of the Gov- ernment. Those who violate the law should be relentlessly hunted down and rigorously punished, as was the custom of Democratic officials without much "blowing of horhs," but let it be said to the credit of our common humanity that fhe men who saved this Nation have not engaged in a vile conspiracy to pollute its pension roll. Small wonder that the Civil War veterans have becctfne rebellious against the "powers that be," and small wonder is it that they have become restive under unjust suspicion. So incensed were the members of the G. A. R. at the rejection of worthy claims by the failure of the Pension Office to aggregate existing disabilities in establishing the rates and determining a soldier's right to pension under the act of June 27, 1890, that^a special committee of its most distinguished mem- bers secured the passage of an act of Congress on the 9th of May, 1900, whic^ they thought would compel that office to "consider each and every infirmity" In adjudicating claims. Though the act provided that "the aggregate of the disabilities" should be rated, to comply with the demands of the Grand Army, the members of that organization now find that the law seems to have no binding force,. and that after all their labors with Congressional committees they are the victims of that disreputable game known as "bunco." , ' '■ • When the G. A. R. committee of five, consisting of R. B. Brown, of Ohio, Chairman; John W. Burst, of Illinois; John Palmer,,- of New York; C. 0. Adams, of Massachusetts, and H. B. Case, of Tennessee, waited .upon Presi- dent McKinley on the morning of September 4, 1899, they represented to him the injustice under which their comrades were suffering, and told him that they feared that the tide of condemnation had set In so strongly against the Commissioner of Pensions that it could not be stemmed at the Philadelpliia Encampment. In his reply the President gave the committee to understand that he would sustain the Comn^issioner, no matter how strongly the encamp- ment might condemn him, and he followed this with this astounding declarai tion: "There is no use denying the fae', gentlemen, that the money power of the eouniry is against any further expansion of the pension roll." The amaze- ment and discomfiture of the committee was ?o complete' that they qufckliy PENSIONai [835 ,wltb"drew from the Presidential presence. That same erenlng the New York member of the delegation, in his indignation, quoted the President's remark to several friends in Washington, and to a nuober of others at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia on the following day, when the encampment was io session. The story was related by the editor of a Washington paper devoted to fBa Interests of the Civil War veterans, a soldier of distinction, a Republican in politics and a man of undoubted reliability. ^ In a letter recently received in Washington from a Republican ei-soldler, a former resident of Washington, but now living in the State of Pennsylvania, the same story was repeated, and the writer states that he received his in- formation from the same member of the delegation. , / "The money power." How does jt strike the men who left homes and fire" sides and staked their all for the perpetuity of the Governments How does the President's declaration sound to the American citizen who loves his conU' try and respects its laws? What will be thought of the statement by the young man just coming into manhood and the privileges of American citizen- 8hlp? • Let us turn to the statutes and see what the Democratic party has done since the Civil War to show its gratitude to the Nation's defenders. Here are some Democratic contributions to the pension system, which were either approved by a Democtatlc President or passed by a Democratic House of Representatives, The act of 'August 15, 1876, providing for the issuance of artlflcial limbs or commutation therefor, and for the tra:n6portation of those who are compelled to travel to the place where the litabs can be properly fitted. The act of February 28, 18T7, increasing the pensions of soldiers who lost both an arm and a leg. The act of March 9, 1878, granting pensions on account of the War of 1812. The act of June 17, 1878, increasing to $72 per month the pension of thoser who lost both hands, both feet, or the sight of both eyes In the service. The act of June 16, 1880, giving $72 per month to all those who became' totally helpfess from any cause incident to the service. The act of June 31, 1879, increasing to $37.50 all pensions on account of am- putation at the hip-joint The acts of January 25 and March 3, 1879, granting arrears of pensions from the date of discharge to over 225,000 pensioners. The act of February 26, 1881, tot the protection of inmates of soldiers' homes. The act of April 18, 1884, making it a felony for any pei-son to falsely and frauflulently represent himself to be an officer of the United States. The act of March 19, 1886, increasing from $8 to $12 per month the pensions of nearly 80,000 dependent relatives as well as thousands since pensioned. Tfle act of May 17, 1886, amending the War Department records and grant- ing certificates of honorable discharge in many cases. 3Jg DEMOOBATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK.;' ' ^ Tlieact of August 4, 1888, "which increased the tensions of over 10,000 crip- pled, armless and legless veterans. The act of January 29, 188T, benefiting about 30,000 survivors and widows of tBe Mexican War. The act of January 3, 188t, for the relief of the survivors of the exploring steamef Jeannette and the widows and children of those who perished in tfia retreat from the wreck of that vessel in the Arctic Seas. The act of January 29, 1887, for the relief of the sufferers by the wreclt of the United States steamer Ashudot. The act of June 7, 1888, granting arrears of pensions to widows from the date' of husband's death. ' The act of August 27, 1888, increasing pensions to $30 per month in cases of total deafness and a proportionate rate for lesser degrees of that afiSiction. The act of February 12, 1889, increasing the pension of those who lost both hands In the service and line of duty from $72 to $100 per month. The act of July ,14, 1892, establishing the r^te of $50 *or those who require frequent and periodical, though not constant, aid and attendance; The act of August 5, 1892, granting pensions to army nurses. The act of December 21, 1893, which made a pension a vested right to the extent that it should not be withheld or suspended unless after flue notice and proper hearing. The act of March 2, 1895, which abolished the rates of $2 and ,$4 and fixed the lowest rate of pension at $6 per month. Here is the Dempci'atic record on the pension question, and in the light of Its revelation what becomes of the pretension that the interests of the Union soldier ).-equire the continuance of the Eepublican party in powet? The Demo- cratic party is entirely willing to submit this record to the American soldier and to the American people. It has been mindful of the heroic men wto fought for the preservation of the Union and the honor of the flag. It Baa dealt fairly and Justly by them and by their dependents. It has administered the pension laws honestly, construed them liberally, and it has Sou^t to main* tain the pension list as a "roll of honor." KECIPROCITY- TREATIES. §37 z' CHAPTER XLIX. RECIPROCITY TREATIES NEGOTIATED AND THEN DEFEATED BY THE PRESIDENT. The Republican platform of 189Q contaiiied the following declaration con- ceming reciprocity: ' "We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last Republican Admihistration was a national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade with foreign natioins, remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of other countries, and secure enlarged markets fo^r the products of our farms, forests and factories. "Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy, andgo hand In hand. Democratic rule has recklessly st;ruc]i down both, and both must be re-established. Protection for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocal agreements of mu- tual interests which' gain open markets for us in return for our open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade, and secures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade, and finds an outlet for our surplus." Following this, Mr. McKinley said in his letter of acceptance: "Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of a true American policy, and should again command the earnest encouragement of the Government at Washington." In his inaugural address he said on this subject: "In the revision of the tariff especial attention should be given to the re- enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of the law of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to our foreign trade in new and advan- tageous markets for pur surplus agricultural and, manufactured products. The brief trial given this legislation amply justifies a further experiment and addi- tional discretionary pc^wer in the making of commercial ti-eaties, the end in View always to be the opening up of new markets for the products of our coun- trv bv o-ranting concessions to the products 0^ other lands tlj^t we need anij 338 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK:. cannot produce ourselves, and which do not involve any loss of labor to our own people, but tend to, increase their employment." TS'e Dingley Tariff Act, passed at that session, and approved by him July 24, 1S97, contained provisions for reciprocity, agreements and treaties with foreign nations. I Pursuant to this act several unimportant commercial reciprocity agreements not requiring ratification by the Senate were entered into under section three. Later on and pursuant to section four reciprocity treaties were negotiated by the President, through the State Department, with France, the Argentine Re- public, and with Great Britain as to the British West Indies. These negotia* tions were conducted by Hon. John A. Kasson, Special Commissioner aP" pointed for the purpose in the State Department. It soon became evident that the enthusiasm of the Republican leaders for reciprocity and the opening of foreign markets for the surplus products of the United States had for fBe most part passed away when it had accomplished its purpose of securing votes for the Republican candidates. It was now seen that the general benefit clashed w;ith a few sniall protected Interests. In one State the manufactureta of mock jewelry succeeded in enlisting the Senators against the treaty. In another State some insignificant element used in the manufacture of hats had Btirredup the few hatters who induced the Senators to hold back on the treaty. In New York the glove-makers made their opposition feJt It was clearly demonstra:ted from figures drawn from the Statistics of oar own im- ports and exports that the treaty with France would open the markets of that coimtry to numerous comnaodities now excluded by the high rates of tariff. The tariff law of France provides a maximum and a minimum doty on nearly oil imports, and the Executive Department is authorized to apply either ot jthese rates. The treaty with that nation placed all but a yery few articles of [American production permanently at the mfnimam rate of duty. The conees- Bions made upon duties on French goods imported into this country were small Compared with those obtained upon United States goods imported into France. Mr. Kasson, at the request of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, made elaborate explanations of what he had accomplished. The State Depart- ment appeared to manifest a strong desire to see the treaty ratified. Delega- jtions from different parts of the country representing manufacturing Intereshi appeared in Washington, and in some cases were heard before the committee. They visited the President and complimented him upon the wisdom and tact shown in the negotiations of this treaty. He assured them of his earnest wifiS to see it ratified. The Committee on Foreign Relations repocted fayorably upon it. Later developments showed that the President was not BuffldenOy In favor of Ms own treaty to render the slightest aid in favor of Its ratification- Jtn tamest word ot look from him to tbose who .were so ready to resgond to id« EEOIPEOOITY TEEATEEa 8S9 . Blightest wish', as shown by their support at other measures, would have given the treaty the requisite two-thirds vote. The Democratic Senators were Icnown to be substantially a unit in favor of it. The pledges of the Presid^t and Uis party for reciprocity; were ruthlessly broken. S48I DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. OHAPTEE n THE CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. IBy Charles B. Spahr, Ph. D., Author of "Dlstributlou of Wealth."] Onr Republic began itk career with the ownership of property widely and well distributed. lufact, the chief reason why we became a Republic was because the economic independence of the mass of the citizens gave them poli- tical independence and enabled them to demand a Government in which the" masses were cofisulted, instead of accepting one conducted only by the wealthy 'classes; Benjamin Franlilin, in contrasting American with British conditions just before the Revolution, wrote: "I have lately made a tour through Ireland and Scotland. In. those countries a small part of the colony are landlords, great noblemen and gentlemen, extremely opulent, living in the highest af- fluence and magnificence. The bulk of the people are tenants, extremely poor, living in the most sordid wretchedness, in dirty hovels of mud and straw, and clothed only in rags. I thought often of the happiness of New England, whera every man is a freeholder, has a vote in public affairs, lives in a tidy, warm house, has plenty of good food and fuel, with whole clothes from head to foot, th^ manufacture perhaps of his own family." Such were the economic conditions with which our R^ublic started. They did not exist througliout the South, but even there the concentration of wealth, ■which came later through the institution of slavery, was not at first so glar- ingly matlsed. The people of the South, as Fiske points out, almost as much a's fbe people of Nfew England, came not from the Courtier but from the Puri- tan elements of English society. These Puritan elements were composed al- most entirely of small farmers and tradesmen and the better class of mechan- ics. There were almost no rich inen among them, and relatively few depend- ent poor. When they went to the South a large part of them— especially in Western Virginia, the Western Carolinas and the frontiers beyond— becama sniall farmei's, and knew nothing of slave labor. Even where slave labor was employed it was not to any great degree profitable during the colonial period. The great Virginians, Jefferson, Washington and Mason, hoped for the early abolition of slavery, and had it not been for the invention of the cotton gin, slavery, because unprofitable, might have been abolished in the Soutli just'a? It was in the North. It was not iintil'the invention of the cotton 'gin and t]i« CONCENTRATED WEALTEL 341 subsequent development of the cotton industry doubled and quadrupled the value of slaves that the concentration of Wealth at the South became marked. In that section, however, the concentration Increased until the OivU War, foi the presence of slaves put such a stigma upon labor and the presence of richea gave such an Impetus to luxury that 'it became difficult for the poor to rise. In the North no such influences were at work, and the wide and relatively even distribution of wealth continued unii] the CivU War. In 1850 the National Census investigated the ownership real estate in certain counties in seven different States. The counties selected in the slave States had 60,000 f amiliesj those selected In the free States had but 20,000 families. Yet in the free States there were more property owners than In the slave SUtes. Almost three-fourths of the families in the northern counties owned real estate, while in the counties in the south barely. One-fourth owned any. In the North, how- ever, only two property owners out of 12,000 dwned mcM-e than $50,000 worth of real estate. In the. South, among a smaller number of property owners were a hundred times as many great estates. The aristocracy of this country was practically confined to the South. If we except a few large cities in the North, where a certain degree'of concentration of wealth existed, it may be said that only where slavery existed was wealth concentrated. ^ ., Counties in— V- Free statei... Slave states.. l^amUies. Owning realty. Owilng under $5,000 Owning f 5,000 to $80,000. Owning $50,000 and , over. I * 19,707 11,911 ll.-lOl 11,274 8M2 645 2,560 202 Tlie wafoverthrew sla,very, and in the visions of the men who fought against that institution the country seemed assm-ed of the permanence everywhere of that republican equality upon which ,our Institutions were founded. In the South the overthrow of ,slavery did bring about the result anticipated. Tha people of the South who had formed the aristocracy and had cultivated thou- sands of acres by means 6f the labor of their slaves were forced either to^Iabor themselves or to sell their great estates to others. In the course of a genera- tion the great estates have been broken up, and among the white people of the South the distribution of wealth is as wide and as even as it is in the rural districts of the North. The section which before the Civil War represented the aristocracy of the nation is now dominated by hard-working farmers whose sympathies instinctively are with the middle classes which fprmerly ruled tlie North. While this change for the better has ^aken place in the South, and the sec- tion which represented aristocracy now represents democracy, a change for the worse has taken place in the North. The slaves emancipated by the CivU War were .worth in round numbers $2,000,000,000. The bonds issued to eman- 342 DEMOOEA^ClC OAMPAIGj^ BOOK. * cipate them aggregated nearly $3,000,000,000. The wealth Of the Southern plut(jcracy. which was destroyed was less than the wealth of the Northern plutocracy wMch was created. The l)onds were not at first worth $3,000,000,-i. 000, for they had as^ rule been paid for in depreciated paper, and, were pay- able in the same currency. The influence of the bondholders, however, secured first the passage of credit-strengthening acts, by which tl)e bonds should be, paid in- coin, and the saine influences a little later secured the demonetiaatloii of silver,, so that the bonds which before had been payable in coin bow had to, be paid in gold. As all of this legislation affected private debts as well as public, the new plutocracy of bondholders in the North became far richer thao the old, plutocracy of slave-holders had ever been. Similar influences are at work in other lines. During the Civil War, while the mass of the people were patriotically submitting to any and every tax in order that the Uniop might be preserved, the wealthy classes influenced tariff legislation and internal-revenue tftxes, ao that they, instead of being burdened by taxation, were enriched by it. A tax was placed upon whisty, most justly, and was- raised from time to time as the needs of the" country for increased revenue feecame greater. But the financiers wio framed these taxes never ma'de the increased rate apply to the whisky already distilled, and often gave the distillers weeks and toonths in which to accumulate larger stocks on which no fax need be paid, but which afterwards could be sold to the public at tEa same rate as taxed whisky. In the shaping of the tariff acts similar pressure was yielded to, and the pressure always came fram the richest and most influ- ential classes. Those best able to pay taxes, not only were exempted from any share in their payment, but became the recipients of taxes levied Upon the necessities and comforts of the common people. When the war ended, apiteala to the passions and prejudices which it had created were for years used as an answer to, the representatives of the farmers or workingmen, who protetsed against these actions; for by this tin^e the wealthy classes at the North— who until after the election of Lincoln stood with the wealthy classes of the South in defense of slavery and in opposition to Fremont and Lincoln— now joined the party which they had fought, and rapidly advanced to a controlling posl" tion in shaping its policies. A tHird influence has operated in the same direction of concentrating wealtfi. This is the influence of the railroads. Prior to the Civil War the railroads had been relatively unimportant. By 1870 they had assumed almost a domi' nant position in our Industrial economy. As population grew denser and transportation upon thetn increased, railroads which at first had earned Pot modest dividends upon capital actnajly Invested came to earn dividends so excessive that to shield themselves from reductions of rates which the publii; would have demanded they had recourse to the Issuance of watered stocka and bonds until to-day, by the admission of Poor's Railway Manual and othe« representatives of railway interestSj one-half of the capitalization of American CONCENTRATED WEALTH. • 843 railways represents nothing but capitalized extortion, better Known as "wa- \er." Tlie ownere of these railways, lilse the owners of the protected manu- factories, and the owners of the bonds, lived in ttie cities, and the railway policy pursued not only gave "unjust enrichment to a small class in the cities at the expense of all the rest of the country, but particularly injured the rural .^sti-icts. Transportation rates were fixed, not according to the cost of the serv- ice rendered, as It is in every competitive business, but on the principle of "charging all that the traffic will bear." As a result the farming districts and the small towns, which are served by only one railroad, have been made to pay far more than the cities which are served by two or more roads which fear each other's competition, no matter what secret agreement may exist between the managers. ;By reason at the heavier charges imposed on these rural dis- tricts and small tovp'ns, business and population have been forced Into the cities, where from the fir-st wealth has been unevenly distributed. Thus through a third factor the cities liave become the seats of a new plutocracy more powerful than that which the Civil War overthrew. In 1870, despite the fact that some of these adverse forces had been at woifls for several yeare, the farms of this country, cbntainin'g but Ifftle more than 40 per cent, of the people, contained exactly 40 per cent, of The tangible wealtli. In the census of 1890 the farms of the cduatry, containing exactly 40 per cent, of the population, contained only, 25 per cent, of the tangible wealth. In both cases the real wealth on the farm was less than the tangible wealfli, for even in 1870 a great many of the farmers were burdened by mortgages, whose owners, with few exceptions, lived in the towns and cities. In 1800, however, the amount of these mortgages was far greater, not only actually, but relatively. We have no census of mortgages for 1870, but during_ the de- cade -from 1880 to 1890 while tlie estimated value of farms increased but 21 per cent., the value.of the mortgages annually recorded increased over 70 per cent. At the present time the farmers of this country own mi^ch less than 23 per cent, of this real wealth. In fact, when the census of 1890 was taken, the -people on the farms and in the farming villages and in the towns with less than 4,000 people, taken together, held only one-half of the real estate, by the official returns, and barely one-fourth of the personal property, by estimates which are practically official.* The estimated aggregaite wealth of the one-third of the people who live in cities of over 4,000 is $38,000,000,000. The .estimated aggregate wealth of the twa-thirds of the people who live in the rural districts is but $27,000,000,000. In the rural districts property is as widely and as well distributed as it ever was. Three-fourths of the families there own their own land; and If tbey are not subject to a h6avy mortgage, are a.ble to assert their political independence. But tEe average wealth of the people in the rural districts is only about $3,000 per family, while the aiverage wealth of the families in the cities exceeds $9,000. ^ •See Census Bulletins 3T8 and 379 respecting the various forms of personal property. 344 DKMOCEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOS) Were this great average wealth of the cities a wealth in which the arerage citizen shares, then the loss which has come to the rural districts would ii large measures be compensated by the gain which has come to the pepple in the cities. But the average wealth of the cities is not held by the average citi- zen and its magnitude merely maljes his poverty the more striking. Though the cities have three times as much wealth as the rural districts, they have alsb nearly three times as many people who are absolutely propertyless. The • claim is sometimes made that this is not true, because savings banks statistics Jn the great cities seem to show the contrary. In the city of New York, for example, there are few more savings bank accounts than there are families, and partisan statisticians have assumed that each of these deposits represents each different depositor. But the facts are entirely different. Everyone who is personally familiar with conditions on the east side of New York believes that Dr. W. S. Rainsford was well within the truth when he said that a majority of the families are within a fortnight's wages of the pawnshop. For awhile this belief rested merely on the personal observation of those familiar with tenement house conditions, but now the truth of these observ,fitions is proved by records which partisans cannot dispute. The present law in New York requires a public record to be kept of every estate, no matter how small, which passes through the Probate Court. No property, except household goods, be- longing to a deceased person can be transferred to his or her heirs without gomg through the Probate Court The action of this court is necessary to give a valid title to the heir, and savings banks require the certificate of the surro- gate before they will transfer accounts. An examination of the records kept in the surrogate's office for two entire years shows that out of 24,000 men over 25 years of age who died during this period only 6,000 owned any property whatever beyond their household effects.* In other words, while the wide distribution of property in the rural dis- tricts makes it still true that less than half of the families in America are ♦The fallacy that savings bank accounts represent the wealth of the working classes cannot too frequently be exploded. As the Massachusetts and Connecticut reports have time and again shown, the larger part of these deposits belongs to the well-to-do classes. The Massachusetts Labor Bureau report for 1S73 shows that although there were over 160,000 deposits of less than $50 at a time— deposits which doubtless belonged to wage- earners— the aggregate of these small deposits was but $3,300,000. There were during the same year 16,000 deposits of upwards of $300 at u time, and these deposits aggre- gated $12,000,000. Certain men of wealth, says the report, held deposits In nearly every savings bank In the State, while others held a large number of deposits In a single bank, placing as large a sum as 1hoy could to their credit and as much more to the credit of themselves, as trustees, ^for each member of their family and for A, B, 0, D, K, F, and as many other le1:ters 'of the alphabet as they needed. Of the men who possessed property, two-thlrds possessed less than $5 000 and only one-twentieth possessed upwards of $50,000. But the few great estates contained twenty times as much property as Ihe many small estates. Similar investigations by the writer were made of the Probate Court records for the entire State of New York, and have been made by official investi- gations for the city of Baltimore and for the entire State of Massachusetts. The re- CONCENTRATED WEALTH:' 1345 propertyless, nevertheless, one-eighth of our families own seven times as much' )wealth as the remaining seven-eighths, and one per cent, of our families own tnore than the remaining 95 per cent. During the past generation, in spite of the Civil War, the wealth of this nation has quadrupled, while Its population has -doubled. During the next generation the same process is likely to continue. The supremely Important public question is to determine whether the new wealth which comes to this nation shall go to Increase the wealth of those already rich, or shall go to give Independence, comfort and culture to the mass oC the people. The answer to (this question, upon which the well-being of the nation depends, is to be detci-- mined by the policy pursued by the nation in the regulation of its taxation, its finances and its imouopolies^ milts of all tlieae Investigations agree la showing tiiat In 1890 the distribution of weaKh In the United States stood approximately as follows: 1 ffamlly Estates. Number. [The wealthy classes, ?50,000 and over. .«■ • 125,000 aChe well-to-do classes, $30,000 to $5,000... «.... 1,375,000 fflie middle classes, $5,000 to $500..., 5,500,000 .(The poorer classes, under $500 - 5,500,000 12t500i000 Aggregate Average Wealth. Wealth. $33,000,000,000 $264, OOn 23,000,000,000 16,000 8,200,000,000 1,500 800,000,000 150 jeSiOoo^ooOiOOO $5,200 ^ 34.6 , DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.^ OHAPTEE LL MISCELLANY. Execute Existing Anti-Trust Laws. From the address of General F. S. Monnett of Ohio, at the National Antl- Trust Conference: "An Attorney-General of your State, using the high and im.portant writ of ouster or of quo warranto, in the highest court in your State, and in behalf of the people in the State, can accomplish more in the ,way of electrocuting monopolies and trusts than all the resolutions of trades unions, municipal reform leagues, Us reform disciples, industrial commis- sions, Wednesday morning clubs and long-winded inyestigations and party platforms, prepared by high-salaried trust magnates, wiU do in the ne»t decade. Trusts, combines, monoiwlies and criminals, tax dodgers and express robbers, are not solicitous, so long as they can satisfy public clamor with in- dustrial commissions, reform clubs and magazine articles, or so long as they can lieep a successful lobby between the people and the legislative halls— so long as they can keep the executive officers from dragging them Into the presence of the court. "Allow me to repeat and impress that the State is sovereign in the legis- lative halls, imperial in the executive and omnipotent in the judicial. If it will only exercise such powers to protect the common man in the general welfare of the people, and to right these wrongs and preserve unto all equal opportuni- ties. The weakness of our government has been that we have not asserted this sovereignty until oppression became overpowering. "It needs no new government; it needs no political platform; this evil neither requires free silver nor gold standard, double tax nor single tax. It needs men to execute .the laws that we have. It needs the courts to weigh out exact justice against the rich, powerful and mighty with the same even hand that it should to the poor man." Democracy Opposed to Exemption from Taxation. The failure to tax Incomes is an exemption from taxation. The Democratic party has ever opposed exemptions from taxation. The last national Dem- ocratic administration repeafjed the Republican law exempting from taxation the pirculatin^ notes of li^tioiial panUs and Vnitecl States legal tender notes, MISCELLANEOUS. 34,7 md liendered this vast fund amonating to hundreds of millions of dollars sut)- Ject to taxation under State laws. The following Is a copy of the act referred to, which was passed on August 13th, 1894; "Be It enacted, et<:., That circulating notes of national banlting associations and United States legal tender notes and other notes and certiflcates of the United States payable on demand and circulating or intended to circulate as currency and gold, silver or other coin shall be subject to taxation as money on hand or on d^osit under thePlaws of any State or Territory: "Pcovided, That any such taxation shall be exercised in the same manner and at the same rate that any such State or Territory shall tax money or currency circulating as money wlUiin Its jurisdiction. "Sec. 2. That the provisions of this Act shall not be deemed or held to change existing laws in respect of the taxation of national banldng asso- clatlongi" To the Farmers of America. Tou are a majority of the people of this country, and can guide its destiny. lAt the time of the Revolution, nearly, all the people were farmers. Farmers gave ua independence and liberty. Their noble leader, Washinfeton,' was a farmer, and proud of the fact. Agriculture is of great pursuits ttie one of plain life and most conducive to virtue. Ours is a government by majority. You have always been a rhajority of the people, and should always control the Government. In our early days, you did control it, and then we had faithful administration of it. The ma- jority is responsible for Grovernment. Of late, you have allowed the Oovernment to be controlled by monopolists. TKeIr concern is for boundless wealth to themselves, and their niode of se- curing It is robbery of the people by abuses of legislation and administration. You can correct this, and malie the Governmeiit again, as your fathers made It, of equal rights to all. SIOBopoly is grasping the business of our country, and driving from employ- ment large numbers of worthy citizens dependent on the business for bread. It iB rapidly increasing Its possessions, and, if not checised, will ultimately possess all our more desirable linds, lilve in monarcliiss, where a few persons own all land, and the dwellers upon it are serfs obliged to worli bard and give the fruits of their labor to the landlords, -Vvhlie they get bnt a scant living. Shall such a prospect be for your children? Already we have monop- olteB of so much wealth that a" few of them can buy whole States of this Uiiion. Monopoly should not be tolerated in a Eepnblic. It is an iniquity that belongs to monarchy, to whom it is a main support. Monopolists in a mon- archy are th« aristocracy, pampered by the Government, and given special privileges, favors, honors, offices; and the itionopolists always uplwid the monarch, be he ever so bad.. Monopoly is the first step to aristocracy, and aristocracy is the step to monarchy. 348 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Monopoly in our country is from abuse in the Government since the Rebellion, and the political party mostly In poTyei; since then is responsible for it. It has flourished here to such an extent during the present administraF lion, as to amaze even monarchies where it naturally belongs; but they hail it as a foe to liberty. * Having established in our country an aristocracy of -wealth, the monopo- lists are now preparing for the next step, an Emperor in all but, the name. Empires have large standing armies to keep the people from liberty, and our mono|iolists have already forced ujon us a large standing army, which they are using, at first, to force an imperial yoke upon unfortunate Islanders who have fallen into our hands, in order to familikrize us vrith imperialism, so as easily to slip the yoke, after a while, unoa our own necks. Thus have republics ever fallen. BIcKinley is less our President than are the monopplists at his bacK. They secured hi. 250 J Jones, Hon. Jas. K., Remarks on financial bill 280 K Keene, James R., On dangerous power of money 217 KifcWn, Hon. W. W, Minority report on armor plate 23S L, IE«. 251 Prices and prosperity j 296 McKinley— And George III, Analogy between 22 Record of his broken promises 53 .1 Usurpation of power as shown by Senator Lodge 56 Opposes recognition of Cuban belligerency ■ 62 Favored equal hostilities against Spain and Cuba 63 Influenced by Spanish bondholders 62 Order modifying Eagan's sentence ." 77 Order of Dec. 21st, 1898, declared war on Filipinos 81 ■ Violation of protocol with Spain 83 Extension of military rule over entire group 83 Appreciates his own iDsnevolent purposes 90 Refuses to reply to Filipino desire for Independence 98 Upholds slavery and polygamy in Philippines 108 Recommends free trade with Porto Rico 164 V'rges Porto Rican tariff bill 167 His broken pledges for international bimetallism , . 252 Message lecommending Indianapolis gold , standard report 256 Insincerity demonstrated 258 ' Effect in London of message 259 Rebuked by Senator Stewart for double dealing 259 Approves financial bill of 1900 259 Coins fifty-three million standard silver dollars 261 Coined over four million silver dollars in March, 1900 262 Coined over three million a month in standard silver dollars in April, May and June, 1900 ' ■• 262 360 - DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ' Adversity' credited to his administration 2S4 Denounces loans of Treasury funds to national banls:s Without in- terest. , ; ;.'. 288 Admits Influence of money power against pensions .'.'.... 334 Vs. Otis, a question of veracity 348 McArthur, Gen.; U. S. A.— Letter to a Filipino colonel 100 .Report to Gen. Otis of first Shot of Philippine war. .,..,.. 101 N Nicaragua canal— ' Dejiocratic party favors immediate TJ. S; construction of ' 8 ReJJublican pledges repudiated 44 Newspapers, Comments oh Porto Rico bill 175 Otis, Gen. E. S., U. S. A.— ' Report August 31, 1899 .i , .".' 86. Bagerne^-to extend military rule 86 Hobnobs with Spaniards. S6 Dbnsiders instructions from Washington unnecessary gj" Instructions to G;en. Miller , 88 Hef uses to recaU expedition from Iloilo . . ., 89 Conflicting order by J , f)0 Countermands order to use force at Iloilo , . go Changes President's order December 21 ,, 92 Amended proclamation jfublished at Manila, January 4 B2 Report proceedings Joint Peace Commission 97 Transmits Filipino rfequest for independence 98 Ueport says insurgent leaders not responsible for commencement f of hostilities : 102 Refuses Aguinaldo's request for truce 102 'Vs. McKinley, a question of veracity ^338 Oflices, astounding increase in number and salary of offices 212-214 P Porto RlcO— Porto Rican law denounced 3- I'he law condemned by Stevenson. 37 'NulUfieation of Constitution ' Ig2 'Republican perfidy towards , . lOg iJEvldence of control of legislation by Sugar Trust 169 Imperialism; extracts from newspapers and sayings of public men on • 175 treatment of by Republicans denounced ' 44 Lost plank In Republican platform ^ ^ 203 \ British colonial system adopted for , 205 ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 361 Philippines- Denunciation of Republican policy. ..'.'. 4 f Eetention unnecessary 30 . Independence true solution of question .^ 3l Policy of Administration indefinite , 45 Tue President's war witti 79 A Filipino Ck)lonel's letter to MacArthur , TOl War with :.. 100 V 'War, Hon. Jno. Sherman on 348 ■ *? Summary of undisputed facts * IfJl Five Malay States a possibility in 104 Platform— , .• , ■Democratic (Kansas City), 1900 , 3 Democratic (Chicago), 1896 , j 10 Kepublican, 1000 , 48 Proclamation, published by Otis January 4, 1899 92 Protocol, President's violation of Spanish ." , 83 Polygamy, in Philippines maintained by McKinley 106 Public Men, comment on Porto Rico Bill ITS "Post," Washington, review of Postmaster-General Smith's newspaper. 183 Prosperity, money, prices and , 296 Pensions- Pledge of Democratic party to maintain '. 8 Referred to 331 Office under Republican Administration reviewed 3B3 President admits inlluence of money power against B34 Record of Democratic party on 335 PetPgrew, Senator, efCorts for Eight-Hour Law ,, 309 R Riclardson, Hon.-Jas. D.— Convention speech at'Kansas City 42 Republic vs. Empire 42' Trusts ■^^ Currency law condemned 43 , Kepublican betrayal of bimetallism denounced 43 Monroe doctrine, effort of Administration to nullify , 43 Nicaraugua CanaJ, pledges repudiated , ^ 44 Civil service, violations of by McKinley 44 ' Territories, a menace to ••:•■•• • • • • ^ Porto Rico, treatme&t of denounced ■. 44 Philippine policy incompetent , 45 Bapts, scandal in connection with 45 Scandal in connection with contracts for beef, purchase of trans- ports, Cuban postal affairs, etc ,.,.,...,.. 45 363 ^DEMOCRATIC CAJIPxUGN BOOK. Denuuciation of Adminigtration for failure to sympatliize with the Boers ... J 45 War taxes, reckoning the cost. 40 Eepuolicans— Inconsistencies stated - IC Evasions deprecated J7 Argument in defense of imperialistn . ~. 27 Platforms, 1856 aad 1860, contradict Republican imperialism of 1900 58 Eepubiic— Self-government the glory of 27 Republic vs. Empire 4. 42 Roosevelt, Gov. Theodore- Protest to W'ar Department G8 Insults State troops <.,... 70 Rebuked' for same by Secretary Alger 7u "Round Robin," in Cuba. ..'..,... ; GO Elos, General— The Spanish Governor-General in Philippines SS Rives, General, on Aguinaldo's request for truce and Otis's refusal. .. . 102 Root, Secretary of War, recommendation relative to Porto Rico 101 Railroads— , ' Discrimination in favpr of trusts 211 Breeders of trusts 213 Versus water transportation 214 ' Total capital of 214 Oppre.ssioa of small shippers by.. 240 Extortion by, no existing remedy for. ._. ; 247 Rixey, Hon. Jno. F., minority report on armor plate 23S Republican party, its persistent hostility to Bight-Hour Law 30.j Republican SenatM-s, all but one opposed Eight-Hour Bill 313 lieciproeity, treaties defeated by President 337 S Stevenson, Adlal A:— Speech of acceptance 33, Sympathy with South African republics ". 33 (Tariff monopolies 34 Ti'usts ; ::.. 35 Constftution follows the flag 3g Imperialism deplored * gY Porto Rico law condemned. g^ Jeffersonian expansion not Imperialism gg Monroe doctrine 00 Friend of organized labor. . . . . j ^ 3^4 Speech to laborers ^^f, StaEe, Secretary of. President's letter of January 20, 1899, to. „•. §4 I ALPHABETICAL INDEX, J63 Senate, TJ. S., must ratify every treaty to give them effect „ 86 South African Kepublies, referred to „, Q Spain- War with 61 Negotiations for peace ■ ,., 79 Slavery, maintained by the President in Philippines , 106 Springer, Hon. W. M., compilation of Supreme Court declsjons. . 122-134 Sulu Islands, agreement with Sultan of 106 Supreme Court, decisions against imperialism 122-134 Sugar Trust- Controlled Porto Rican legislation , 169 * Administration deals with for campaign contributions , .-. 173 Spight, Hon. Thomas, minority report on gtip Subsidy Bill , 251 Ship Subsidy BUI— Introduced by Senator Hanna ~ 248 In the interest of shipbuilding trusts '. . 248 Dr. Robinson's circular against ^ . ' 249 Minority report against ^ . . . ^51 Silver, coinage under MOKinley's Administration .... — 261 Standard Oil Co"., its vast extension in control of financial institutions. . 294 Stewart, Senator, ari-aigns President for double dealing in international bimetallism .' 2S9 Spahr, Chas. B., Ph. D., concentration of wealth on 340 Sherman, Hcin. Jno., on Philippine War , 3~48 T Trusts- « Arraignment of •■ 6 Richardson on • ' ... 42 Proposed remedy for •• .....: 214 Republican proposition for same 214 Ml-. Bryan's Anti-'Trust Bill of 1892 2Io Republican proposition for constitutional amendment 215 Hon. Jno. J. tentz on..., 216 List of in United States 218-230 • Armor plate, its victory in Congress '. 231 Armor plate, debate on 233-235 Armor plate, vote on and surrender to in Senate 236 Minority report against in H. of Bj -• 237 Struggle for trusts conducted by Hanna ■. 237 Prices higher than other prices... 326 Overreaches itself 349 Treaty- ^ ' Of peace, conditions as to ratification. 80 Ratification of 84,100 President's disregard of terms of -r,.^,.. 84 3g4 * DEMOOEATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Exchange of ratiflcations, April 11, 1^99 88 Bryan's reiason for favoring Spanish lieaty 17 Treaties, reciprocity \ 337 Territorial expansion, referred to 5 Territories- Denunciation of Republican party for failure io carry out pledges. . 44 Menace to 44 Taxes- Democrats favor repeal of war taxes 9 Uemoca-ats opposed to exemption from 346 Transports— » Scandal in connection with 45 Purchase and lease of 70 Teller, Senator H. M.— Debate on armor-plate trust ,. 233 Speech on Financial Bill , 568 Tate, Hon. F. C, minority report on armor plate 238 V . Vandiver, Hon. W. D., minority report on armor plate 238 (Veracity, a question of, Otis. vs. McKinley ' « 338 W War Department- Administration of . .'. .".'. . .•'. .".". . . . .: ; . .'. ..... ;.'. .'. .......... 65 Scandals ii^ ....-.- , 66 Insufficient supplies 67 Censure of RooseVelt „ 68 Embalmed beef, contracts for 70 Ww— Philippine, bow it might have been averted .., jg Taxes, reclioning cost of 46 Taxes and loans , 209 Taxes unequially distributed 210 Tax, record of the two parties on. , , 211 War, Secretary of, recommendation relative to Porto Rico 164 Wheaton— On treaty-making power. ■,.... ■.', „ , §5 As to ratification of treaties iu U. S , 55 As to binding force of treaties ^ gg Wheeler, Hon. Ohas. K.— tetter in reference to Macrum incident .'.....: 149 Minority report on armor plate ' . . . . 238 Wealth, concentration of , 34Q STKTE CHKIRMEN. (CORRECTED UP TO AUG. 3rdJ ALABAMA Jno. V. Smith .Birmingham. •^Arkansas Carroll Armstrong Morrillton, It-UAXiFOKNiA J. 0. Siojs. . . .■ .;. , .San Francisco, Oal. i9Bqi.okado Milton Smith . . .'. .Denver. f,Co.\NBCTicuT ..... .Melbert E. Carey , Rtdg^fleld. -.Pelaware John Biggs. -. Middleton, I PiOEiDA . .. ./ Frank Clark .Jacksonville. ?;iGrBOHGiA . . .- F. G. Du Blguon Savannah. ijiDAHO . . ,;. K. I. Perky ...;,. Boise. ^Illinois . . Walter Watson Mt. Vernon. Indiana l^arks M. Markin ; Indianapolis. Iowa : . .George A. Huffman Des Moines. Kansas. . . .• J. Mack Love Arkansas City. ' Kentdcky AUie W. Young • Mt. Sterling. XauisiANA E. B. ICrutschnitt .New Orleans. Maine Geo. E. Hughes. Bath. ^Maryland. Murray Vandiver. Havre de Grace. ^^M*cHUSETTs . . . .Christopher T. Callahan Holyoke. 'PliCHiGAN D. J. Campau Detroit. rMiNNESOTA L. A. Eosing : Saint Paul. i Mississippi , C. 0. Miller Meridian. i^issouRi T. M. Seibert .Jefferson City. ;-3VIoNTANA J. S. M. Neill Helena. ■Nebraska. ........ Dr. P. L. Hall .Lincoln. : Nevaha Charles Gulling Keno. ■New Hampshire. .John F.Amey Lancaster. j-New jERSBSy .Wm. B. Gourley Paterson. New York Fjunk Campbell. , Bath. A'ORTH Carolina. .F. M. Simmons . . .Raleigh. North Dakota Thomas Kleinogel Fargo. Ohio George S. Long , Columbus. Oregon R. S. Sheridan Roseburg. »:^aStNSYLVANiA John S. Rilling. Erie. TEtoDE Island George W. Green , Woonsocket. South 'Carolina. . . Wylie Jones Columbia, .South :Daicota John A. Bowler Sioux Falls. f ISNNESSEE TMorgan C Fitzpatrick Nashville. Texas C. K. Bell ' Fort Worth. Utah .Tames H. Moyle Salt Lake City. .yiEGiNiA .J. Taylor Ellyson Richmond. 'Vermont Emory S. Harris Bennington. 'Washington H. T. Jones •■ Spokane. ■Wisconsin George W. Peck. Milwaukee. West Virginia. . . .las. H. Miller Charleston. ;Wyqming John A. Martin Cheyenne. Alaska '. .Y. C. Hammond. , .Juneau. 'MlzoNA T. E. Parish Phoenix. JiOKLAHOMA Jasper Sipes Oklahoma City. 'IjdiAN Territory. John Gault irdmore. l^EW Mexico Ohas. F. Easley ''ante Fe. JAMES D. EICHAKDSON, THOMAS C.McRAE, JAMES a; NORTON, . - Chairman. - Vice-Chairmen. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE: Francis M. Cockkbll. Jacob Ruppeet, Jr. John F. Fitzgerald James W. Denny. Oscak Turner. J. K. P. Hale. James Eebr, Secretary. J. L. Peaecy, Assistant Secretary. V~ George N. Jesse, Assistant Secretary. James L. Noeeib, Treasurer. BteeRGB W. Eab, Sergeantf-at-Arms. W. W. Maemadukb, Asst. Sergt.'-at-Arms. Arkansas, James H. Berry. Delaware, E. R. Kenney. Florida, James P. Taliaferro. Mississippi, H. D. Money. SENATE : Missouri, F. M. Cockrell. Tennessee, Thomas B. Turley. Texas, Charles A. Culberson. Utah, John L. Rawlins. Virginia, Thomas S. Martin. H0U5E : Alabama, John L, Burnett. Arizona, John F. Wilson. Arkansas, Thomas C. McRae. California, Jasper McDonald. Colorado, Charles S. Thomas. Connecticut, Robert E. De Forrest. Delaware, L. Irvine Handy. Florida, S. M. Sparkman. Georgia, John W. Maddox. Idaho, James H. Hawley. Illinois, Thomas M. Jett. Indiana, Francis M. Griffith. Iowa, E. M. Carr. Kansas, Thomas W. Morgan. Kentucky, Oscar Turner. Louisiana, Robert C. Davey. Maine, Fred W. Plaisted. Maryland, James W. Denny. Massachusetts, J. F. Fitzgerald. Michigan, Frank H. Hoaford. Minnesota, Charles A. Towne. Mississippi, John S. Williams. Missouri, Edward Robb. Montana, A. J. Campbell. Nebraska, John S. Robinson. Nevada, Francis G. Newlands. New Jersey, Joshua S. Salmon. New Hampshire, Stilson Hutchins. New Mexico, H. B. Fei^uson. New York, Jacob Ruppert, Jr. North Carolina, William W. Kitchin. North Dakota, F. W. McLean. Ohio, James A. Norton. Oklahoma, Edward G. Spillman. Oregon, W. M. Pierce. Pennsylvania, James K. P. Hall. Rhode Island, G. W. Green. South Carolina, W. Jasper Talbert. South Dakota, A. Boynton. Tennessee, James D. Richardson. Texas, John L. Sheppard. Utah, W. H. King. Vermont, J. H. Donnely. Virginia, William F. Rhea. Washington, J. Hamilton Lewis- West Vii^inia, David E. Johnson. Wisconsin, G. W. Bird. Wyoming, John E. Osborne.