CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104014570 MR. LUCKEY's •» **#"♦****#*♦*♦♦******#**♦♦#**♦***********♦*' SERMON, ADDRESSED TO THE LEGISLATURE OF CONNECTICUT, AT THE xrEW-aAVEsr, MAT 5thj.l824. BY THE REV. SAMUEL LUCKEV, lliniuer of tbe Methodist Episcopal Cfaurcb in New-Uavco. J\rEW-HAVEJV : .■USLISHED BY ORDER OF THE LEGISI.ATCRE. J. Barber, printer.. 1824. St a General Assembly of the ^fjate of Connecti- cut, holden at ^ew-Haven in said State, on the first Wednesday of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty- four : Resolved, That the Hon. Mr. Moseley, and Cornelius Tuthill, Esq. be a committee to pre- sent the thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Samuel Luckey, for the Sermon delivered by him before the Assembly, at the opening of the ses- sion, and to request a copy thereof, that it may be printed. A true copy of record, Examined by Thomas Day, Secretary. SERMON, DEUTERONOMY iv. 6. Keep, tlierefore, and do them ; for this is your wisdoVri and your understand- ing in the sight of the nations, which shall hear of these statutes, and say. Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people. THESE words were addressed tb the Jews at the most interesting period of their political existence. Moses, whose example of patriot- ism justifies an ardent love of country in all good men, had renoun- ced the flattering titles which displayed their imposing charms at the proudest court in the world, " choosing rather to suffer affliction with his" native brethren,- " than to enjoy the pleasures of sin" among their oppressive enemies. He was long their political and religious teacher ; and when about to leave them, instructed them faithfully in the will of God concerning the rules of condur.t which would render them respected and happy ; and enforced upon them the observance of those rules. The statutes which he admonished them to obey, embraced the substance of true morality, which has its foundation in the laws of nature, and is alike essential to the happiness and pros- perity of society in all nations and ages of the world. Without supposing it impossible to maintain the morality of tliese statutes under a monarchy, into which this nation afterwards de- generated, it cannot be doubted that the mode of administration pointed out by their prophet, was better suited to the object of right government, and approached nearer a perfect theocracy, than any other. If, then, we advert to this history to prove the divinity of any form of government, we should fix on a period in it when it obviously answered best the object for which government was instituted, and was in its least degree removed from the direct superintendence of the Deity. For this purpose, we would fix oti any previous period, rather than that at which they determined that they would have a king. The history of that event proves indeed the liberty of the people to choose their form of government, and their responsibility for the choice they should make. It proves that the act of determining to have a king, ■was evidence that they had rejected the Lord, and renounced the principles which he had ordained to promote their happiness and prosperity. It proves that a king was given them as a punishment, who would reduce them to a state of vassalage, employ them in his own service, and plunge them into a thousand miseries. It proves, in a word, not the divine right of kings, but every thing the reverse of it. We maintain this position from the terms in which the event is spo- ken of in the scriptures : We maintain it also from the subsequent history of that nation. Their first sovereign, when invested with the power, soon acquired the spirit of a tyrant. Jealousy and revenge rankled in his bosom against bis most useful and virtuous subjects; and he fell at last a victim to his own capricious spleen. The sec- ond, from being a man after God's own heart, was transformed by the magic influence of a throne, into a deliberate adulterer and mur- derer, and laid a foundation for bitter repentance. The third, though a wise politician, extended by his example the liberties of the crown to the widest range of libidinous indulgence and sensual grati- fication, sacrificing together his honour and his innocence. And the fourth, approaching nearer the time when the operative influence of their errors had prepared them for their ultimate results, divided the nation, demolished their altars, built up the high places of idolatry, extended and established his state religion, by making priests of the lower orders of the people, suited to his inclinations and dependent on his royal pleasure, and laid a foundation for the destruction of the houseof Israel. Thenceforward there was not so much as one virtuous prince in Israel ; and very few in Judah. And at this mo- ment the condition of the Jewish people exemplifies the truth of those denunciations which were uttered agjainst them by their prophet, in ease of disobedience to the statutes of true morality. Upon such neglect, we justly charge their misery and their ruin. And it was in vie,w of this consequence of rejecting the Lord and fol- lowing their own ways, that Moses, dictated by the spirit of inspira- tion, warned them of their danger, and admonished them to shun it. He employed every motive which could move their feelings and affect their hearts. By pointing out with the utmost precision the miseries which would follow a course of disobedience and rebellion, he en- deavoured to alarm their fears, and convince them that in neglect of the plain principles of moral truth, religion itself would be only a name, and its ceremonies the mere badges of hypocrisy and supersti- tion — that in such a state, the God of justice would frown upon, an4 curse them as a nation. And by holding up to view the happy con? sequences of obedience and submission, he endeavoured to inspire tliem with a desire to preserve a character and reputation whic& would secure the favour of heaven, and render them respected and happy in the midst of surrounding nations. " Keep, therefore, and' do them," said he, " for this is your wisdom in the sight of the na- tions." I have detained you with these remarks, as necessary to show the leading doctrine of the text, from which I shall deduce this single proposition : That a correct public mofality, is essential to render a nation res- pected and happy. The truth of our proposition will appear evident, if we consider the influence which principles, formed into a system of government, and observed in the administration of it, have on the character and condition of the people under such government. The moral charac- ter of a system of government may be determined with little less cer- tainty than that of an individual. That which is most consistent with the will of God, and tends in the greatest degree to promote the du- ties of justice, benevolence and piety, is most moral ; that which is farthest removed from this standard, is least so. Like all other moral principles, those which relate to governraentj have their first existence in the heart. In this incipient state, in which they must be viewed, to determine their elementary qualities^ I can admit of but two kinds ; those which are despotic, or those which are liberal. Pride is the disposition in which despotism is founded : liberal principles are the offspring of that benevolence which is dictated by an enlightened morality, and a feeling heart. The first associates with it, invidious distinctions, unjust oppressions, cruelty, and the whole catalogue of human crimes and human woes. The other unites in its sacred compact, piety and justice, equal rights and privileges, humanity and mercy, and the whole train of social virtues and social felicities. The first laws of despotism are injustice and oppression. The pride which produces it, can never be satisfied with equal rights and privileges. It requires that one portion of the community be reduced to a state of poverty and degradation, to support the other in splen- dour and prodigality ; and thus render their elevation conspicuous by the contrast. It is absolute no where, because while it is unbounded in its claims, it is limited in the means to enforce them. The man who is vile enough to yield a willing submission to the spirit of des- potism, would, if he (iould, usurp the Throne of the Eternal, and con- trol the destinies of the universe ! But there is a check upon this ar* rogant principle ; for its benefits must be distributed among a s&iR' 8 cient number of the community, to keep the rest in subjection. Hui what is it to those whose rights it usurps, how its powers are organ- ized and its benefits distributed ? A wealthy Senate, by the influence of their money ; or an aspiring triumvirate, by the energy of its mili- tary operations ; or a proud sovereign, by a profuse display of his royal favours, exercised by the spirit of despotism, would equally oppress and degrade them. In whatever form it appears, where it obtains a permanent existence, you may witness its want of true mo- rality. How unjost and oppressive in all its bearings is the feudal policy — that policy wiiich cannot exist without an exten- sive train of lords, and nobles, and titled gentry, raised above the wants of life by the people's money, to restrain them from asserting their rights ? — How unjust and oppressive is that policy which in- vades the rights of conscience, by fire and sword, to compel a support of an imperious hierarchy, for the ])urpose of preventing the people from thinking and acting for themselves in matters of i-eligion ? In Russia, which stands first among the despotic governments of chris- tian nations, and the greatest half of whose constitution is occupied by titles of nobility, you may see an exemplification of the first. In Spain, little less distinguished for its despotism, you may see the other. As this injustice, to answer thepurposes for which it is prac- tised, must be so augmented as to influence a sufficient portion of the community to coerce the rest into submission, it becomes a national characteristic. " But such an influence is necessary,"' say apologists, to " prevent the people from ruining themselves." What! national injustice es- sential to prevent national ruin ? It is a solecism in language ! It is a libel upon the God of justice ! To " do evil that good may come," can never be raadie a just maxim in public or private morality. The apology proves only, if it prove any thing, that the injustice of the principle may unfit a people^ by the ignorance and degradation it oc- casionsj for the exercise of their natural rights ; and thus, without a torture ©f logic, transfer to its own accoutvt the crime with all its tur- pitude. But donot despotic sovereigns, often speak of the happiness and prosperity of the people in their dominions, with apparent interest and feeling ? Yes — as gravely, as though they were sincere. When the splendor of the court is maintained, and the crown is considered safe^ and disaffected nobles are restored to loyalty by preferment or bribe- ry ; when factionists, driven to acts of desperation by the agonizing- cries of thpir famished children, are suppressed, and their leaders imprisoned or executed ; and when the distressed multitudes are awed into sUence by the iron arm of a military force, Icept for that purpcfS^ upon the bread, fc^r which they are starving, then each of their rdyal majesties, is prepared to inform his lords and nobles, and the world through them, that peace and prosperity reign in his dominions, anfj that he Is the favoured sovereign of a happy and contented people ! But as evidence in this matter, words and actions are to be differ- ently estimated. " By their works ye shall know them," said the best of all judges. To this evidence we appeal for the truth of the fact, that despots and the advocates of despotism, are conscious of the injustice of their policy, and of its total insufficiency to render the people happy. If not, why keep them in ignorance, lest they should know their rights, and assert them ? Why maintain exten- sive military establishments, and employ them to suppress every pro- gressive plan of reform or revolution ? Why assume to dictate in mat- ters of government, to a people destined by their natural situation, to be free from their influence ? What could have induced the sovereigns of continental Europe to unite in a league, sacreligiously called " the Holy Alliance," but a consciousness of the injustice of their claims, and a secret persuasion that their united strength would be necessa- ry to continue their subjects in servile subordination, as they became better acquainted wit^ their rights ? What else could have induced these advocates of "legitimacy" to interfere in restoring Ferdinand, contrary to the wishes of his subjects, to the despotic poWer of which they had for their safety and happiness deprived him ? Whyevery where oppose the march of liberty, and compass sea and land to ac- complish their work of desolation and misery ? If it be a correct principle in moral philosophy, and correct it is, that the happiness of the people is the true object of right government, that must be ex- tremely far from it which requires such extensive preparations and potent means to prevent them from modifying it to suit themselves. And do not such preparations prove a conviction in those who make' them, that the policy they aim to uphold is not calculated to render the people happy ; and that it is therefore unjust and oppressive ? Yes ; despots themselves know that their policy is morally corrupt. If such be the fountain, who will answer for the purity of the streams which issue from it ? An undisputed maxim in morality, will authorize us to estimate thft. character of despotism by its tendency. In the midst of the intrigues, and oppressions, and voluptuousness, and revellings of its privilege gine a removal of the impediment, by inculcating an insinuation that the organization was defective at its vitals, and that the radical reme- dy they would apply, would settle it on a rock. In the spirit of ex- tending literary knowledge, then, by means of public munificence or individual charily, the seeds should indeed be sown with a liberal hand, but by all means in a soil calculated to yield a productive har- vest. In the midst of the good feelings and general confidence which prevail in this country, we may summon our thoughts to this point when it is too Jate. As industry and frugality have an extensive influence in promoting good mor?ils, our subject suggests the importance of affording them every suitable encouragement. " The gods,'' says Hesiod, " have placed labour before virtue." We know well the consequences of idleness to communTty. Whether aversion to labour be occasioned by a natural indolence, or an odium which has been attached to it by those who would employ it as a mark of distinction between the gentleman and the peasant, it is the true source from which half the crimes which coirupt society flow. Idle heads and idle hands, are the fittest instruments for the devil's service. In promoting industry, much depends upon the encouragement given to those pursuits which afibrd employ to the greatest number of labourers, and the credit in which the public consent to liol(^them. The efficacy of our institu- tions depends much upon this single point. The man who can in- sinuate p.n invidious mark of distinction, and desire to have the la- bourer circumscribed in his wages and privileges, to render the con- trast between him and his imperious employer the more extended and conspicuous, is an enemy to the first principles of true liberty. Give him power, and he has the heart to be a tyrant. But public morality is in danger from another source. The pride of ostentation is a prevailing passion. And in a country where there is no legal barrier to prevent all men from occupying the same rank, examples of luxury, especially in men high in the public confidence,- 20 are extremely injurious. They will spread their baneful influence t« the riiin of thousands, who are carried away in the mad torrent of a vain emulation. Are not half the failures which occur in our coun- try, .owing principally to this cause ? These always affect a number of the industrious poor. Tliey can esteem it little less than direct •fraud. When they reflect upon the prodigality of thejr debtors in Mi the circles of fashionable life, and perhaps an aflected superiority even under the pressure of insolveiicy, it embitters the feelings of plain and honest creditors, and weakens the spirit of social friendship, which is essential to the happiness of any community. Besides, the mind that is a slave to fashion, is a stranger to true religion, and dis- qualified for any worthy pursuit. Every degree of excess is danger- ous. Thetahle of the voluptuary is covered with poison. His asso- ciates are contaminated by his example. The politest circles degen- erate into occasions of reveli-y and crime. And men lof wealth and influence in the community are daily falling a sacrifice to excess and dissipation. Public morals are corrupted as far as this influence ex- tends ; and the peace and happiness of society are placed in the most jmininent danger. This is not chimerical. 'Demosthenes predicted the ruin of, the republic of Greece from this very cause. ■ It was in vain that, he pointed the rulers, who set the example, to the stern frugali- ty ctf Aristides and Miltiades, as essential to tliat vigorous morality which alone could rescue their liberties. The evil was too deeply rooted, and ultimately terminated in the entire desolatlorl of all that distinguished them as a free and happy people. The fact should ad- mpnish us to beware. Pomp and show, the beginnings ofthese evils, areincompatible with the spirit of our institutions, and will certainly prove deleterious. Let them be discountenanced in every depart- ment ef-jthe government, and strenuously avoided in private life. The fashionable world may plead impunity,: by a secret appcalto.the exe- crable laws of honour. The sovereign voice of the people alone can check the destructive evil, and prevent its consequences. As public opinion decides every thing in a republican government, the principal means by which ft js formed and directed is matter of interesting consideration. Theipress is perhaps paramount to every Other means. How important is it, then, that it should be preserv- ed from corruption ? It must be free, and accountable for the use x>f its liberties to the public whom it serves. A licensed or restricted press is upon the very face of it an instrument of corruption, to pro- mote the unjust claims of its authors and supporters; and the fact of its jjeing exempted from the scrutiny of a general in ve«tjgation, proves 21 that such is its design. Hence a free press has always been consid- ered as essential in a system of government adopted for the benefit of the people. And upon them devolves the responsibility of rendering- it instrumental of good, in promoting our civil and religious institu- tions. Incidental errors are unavoidable, and claim the indulgence of the public. But an obvious design to give a false direction to the public mind, to subserve party or private purposes, deserves to be reprobated by every friend of good morals. There never was a time when this subject demanded more impe- riously the attention of the public. The first object of an ambitious individual, who aspires after office without such claims of merit as would recommend him to the attention of the people, is most natur- ally to enlist the public journals on his side. By the influence of an artful agency, strong motives may be held out to give a di- rection to these streams which are designed to affect whole regions in their course. These things perhaps can never be avoided. The only remedy is in the intelligence and decision of the public. Let it once occur, that newspapers shall be read with an implicit confi.i dence in the correctness of all they say, and without discrimination between those which preserve trutii, and those who disregard it ; «r let each be equally patronized, with a total indifference to this dis- crepency of moral character, and a door will be set open to a species of corruption, the extent of whose contaminating influence, none caa safely predict. On this occasion I cannot decline a free and open declaration of my feelings and my fears. In an age of the preva- lence of literary, political and religious publications, appearances will justify suspicion, and suspicions authorize investigation. When we see an extensively circulating work, studiously conducted to promote the interests of one party, and detract from, the just mer- its of others ; when it opposes a bold front against open denials of assumed facts, and demonstrations of the falsehood of its leading contents, and perseveres in silent contempt of such denials and de- monstrations ; and when its readers are every where. heard to quote these disputed contents as if they were unquestionable, and seem to adhere with a servile pertinacity to the line of conduct they prescribe, it is a subject of alarm to all who feel interested in the prevalence of true morality. No specious professions of friendship, or pretensions to union of feeling jand interest, can prevent jealousies, loss of con- fidence, and a consequent destruction of christian harmony and fel- lowship, under the influence of such suspicious proceedings. It is impossible that it shauld be otherwise. There is no law which re~ 2% quires a good man to misplace liis confidence. Underslanding the rules of true liberality, he knows how to differ in opinion, and still preserve a harmony of feeling. But he cannot without a prostration of moral integi-ity, extend this tolerance to differences on plain mat- ters of/act. Here he must be invincible. While he is willing to unite in every laudable measure to promote the general interests of morality and religion, when nothing interferes but a few doctrinal opinions which he may not deem essential to salvation, It is in vain that you summon him under any responsibilities, to unite with a par- ty, directing the weapons of their warfare at the interests which he holds most sacred. No responsibilities can influence him to become accessary in such a cause. He disregards alikelhe flatteries and the frowns of zealous partisans. His conscience acquits him before his God. And he acts too, with other views than the promotion of any separate party to which he himself may be attached. If the facts which are opposed to false intelligence are neglected, and such in- telligence accredited, in consequence of the subtlety of party preju- -dices, he perceives that the same cause with equal assiduity to ren- der it so, may produce a similar effect in all cases ; and truth and reason will no longer be the effectual weapons to oppose falsehood and error. Then shall we hasten on to the day when others will probably b^ employed. He perceives, too, that if the sacredness of sectarian or party interests can exempt any ]>ublication from being denounced as corrupt, and unworthy of support, under the imputa- tion of a persevering course in error and falsehood, prostration of moral principle has obtained impunity under one form to succeed un- der another, until the lamentation shall be uttered with an appropri- ate fitness, " judgment is turned backward, and justice stand- eth afar off, and truth is fallen in the streets, and equity cannot en- ter." I Appeal to yon, are such views and apprehensions without foundation ? Under the palpable imputation of such facts, no publi- cation should escape the denunciations of a moral community, though it' be inscribed with the christian name, and cover the multi- tude of its sins with the mantle of charity. But can we consider our institutions out of the way of danger from a spirit of direct hostility against them ? If a spy can find protection in the bosom of any country in the dayof national calamity, and a council be held to meditate plans of operation, too secret to be under- stood at home, and too certain to be mistaken abroad, can that country be free from internal enemies ? We have only to say, that an undue spirit »f ambition for rule and power is the most ostensible 23 evidence of a secret hostility to those institutions wliose object is e>-- qual rights and privileges. The use of rulers is to preserve these rights and privileges. In a government like ours, vifhile the people regard them, they will feel an interest in promoting to office, none but such as will protect them. A. disregard to this is fearful evidence of a prostration of moral integrity among the people. Integrity of principle and a good moral character, should be esteemed as indis- pensable qualities in a man to be raised to office. Here the friends (kf order and morality should unite, though all their individual views and personal friendships might not be fully met in it. I own to you, that to witness in any instance a neglect of this course of conduct, and the promotion of men without moral principle, deeply affects my feelings. Not because of the influence an individual alone can exert, but because of the evidence it affords, that the people are so lost to a sense of the importance of moral integrity, that they may co-operate with such influence in the destruction of all that can render a nation respected and happy. If intrigue, and dissimulation, and corruption of every kind can be overlooked in a man, who is labouring his. way up to some eminent place in the public councils, it will loose its o,di- ousness in the private concerns of life ; and, in case the profligate and profane are raised to posts of honor and profit, the multitude will And in it an excuse, if not a positive reason, for an indulgence in these crimes. My. brethren, we are bound by every possible conside- ration, to exert. all the influence we have against these portentous evils. They are causes which in the course of nature, operate very extensively in the desolation of morality and virtue. And it is with the better part, (who are yet, thank God, the controlling part,) of the community, to say whether they shall prevail, or perish in the struggle. May the Father of all our mercies give us wisdom and grace, to succeed in our efibrts to promote happiness on earthy ?ind secure an inheritance in heaven. , 2. Our subject calls on us to unite in suppressing all those prac- tices and habits of immorality, in individuals, which tend to corrupt .•and degrade society. In proprotion as these prevail, and obtain an influence in dif^ ferent circles, they weaken the efficacy of our institutions. Let a eorrupt feeling predominate in the community, and array itself a- gainst the best institutions in the world, and it will triumph. Their rnio is inevitable. Should their forms continue, they would be of no avail. They would be appealed to in vain, when no longer respected by a m^ority of .the people. A corruption of piiblic motaje, then, 24 is th^ result of a predominating influence of immorality in tiie spirit and practice of individuals. In touciiing upon tilose practices and habits, a few only will be mentioned. These I notice particu- larly, because of their pernicious consequences and alarming pro- gress. It is not from a slight attention to its almost uniform results, that I have long considered the profanation of the sabbath, a corrupting vice. Perhaps it is fit that God should cause it to be attended with such palpably deleterious effects, because the duty to keep the day to Him, is a subject of faith more than almost any other mo- ral precept. But whatever be the cause, the fact is undeniable, that he who commences his career in sabbath breaking, usually closes it in misery and disgrace. I do not remember ever to have read the confession of a criminal before his execution, who did not trace the beginnings of his wicked course to this practice. Had I time, the importance of the subject would justify me in call- ing your attention to the evidences by which the divinity of the insti- tution is supported. But I have not. I will only saj', if it be not di- vine, to me it appears to be useless, if not worse than useless. The theory which allows it only a civil sanction,; and which is perhaps the cause of the prevailing laxity of feeling respecting the observance of ■it, assigns no satisfactory reason for it as a matter of mere human policy. That labgurers and servants should have intervals of relaxa-. tion, and the sanctuary of religion a portion of our time devoted to its service, proves indeed the utility of the institution. But evidence of its utility is no argument against its divinity. If there be no mo- ral force in the injuilctioH, " remember jhe sabbath day to keep it holy,'? it returns successively, as only a day of recreation to those who choose to make it such. The minister of religion has no founda- tion to enforce an observance of it by discipline, nor any hold ■ upon the consciences of those who profane it, for reproof or censure. And it is very questionable, removing the moral obligation -to keep it, whether the magistrate has a right to forbid any, who feel disposed to labour on that day. What is a sabbath, then, in the minds of those who view it in this light, but an interval of mere pastime, with- out any thing to direct their conduct, except the custom of the people, founded on what the more pious have consented \o adopt, as best suited to their con venieiice? But what regard do the careless have for such custom or convenience, when exempted from reproof and admoHitiozi, on the ground of the sinfulness of sabbath-breaking ? Tfceir conduct respecting it, under even such a restraint, will tell you. as Iteffiove this restraint, then, and the sabbath becorfles a day of idleness of dissipation. Placing all in the same condition on the same day, it be-' comos an occasion for the profligate and licentious to lead their associates into snares, intrigues, gambling and every species of vice ; and thus to spread their corrupting influence through the community. Nothing, I am satisfied,- nothing but to enforce the observance of the sabbath aS a re- lipous duly, as it really is, can save the cause of morality from suffering by the very existence of the institution. But as an institution ordained of God to be a blessing to society, the observance of it will render us hap- py. Parents, if you Would preserve your children from ruin, prevent them from profaning the sabbath; Let all who love Godj and reg.ird the cause of morality, recommend it by precept and example, as a day to be kept " holy unto the Lord." Sabbath-breaking and drunkenness are kindred crimes. , He who in- dulges in the one, soon becomes a slave to the other. And what a pest to society is a confirmed drunkard ! How destructive to the cause of good morals ! Like sabbath— breaking, drunken- ness is a social vice. There is a double influence which operates in the promotion of this pernicious practice. The avarice of the retailer, who often finds means to admit hordes of idle wanderers into their haunt?, even on the Lord's day ; and the inclination of such wanderers, who have acquired habils which will lead them there through every obstacle. Each associate becomes a corrupter of others, as he advances in the progres- sive degrees of the horrid art, unlil all who come within the reach of their influence, are hurried into the dreadful vortex. What must be the strength of this influencej when even professors of religion are carried a- way in it .' I speak it to the shame, I hope the conviction and remorse, of those who are guilty. May the God of infinite mercy pity them i Would you trace the depths of this contaminating vice, go to the abodes of drunkards, and you shall see to the fullest extent what is meant by " the abodes of wretcheidness." Tlie morals of arising family ruined. Children in idleness, following the footsteps of a profligate father, and for- ming circles of their own, to corrupt all of their neighborhood, whom they can decoy into their associations, and influence to habits of pilfering and petty frauds. Tou may see broken hearted mothers, drenched in tears, and drowned in sorrow. You may see growing clans, preparing to howl about your streets, and interrupt your walks, and invade your houses. You may see every thing which can excite your pity, and alarm youF fears. But the depth of the evil you cannot measure. It shoots into e- ternitv, descends into the pity and eludes the power of calculation, as it sinks its subjects into the darkness of an eternal hell. But what human means can be employed to reform the confirmed drunkard ? None. — Nothing but a miracle of grace can restore him to the reason of a man. He is a voluntary maniac, and beyond your reach, because he is " past feeling." As w'^ell might you reason with the tcm^ 26 JJest, or harangue the ocean in a storm. He will drink, though his fami- ly perish of hunger and cold. Amidst the groans of dying friends, he will rummage the shelves for his bottle, and sink down under the stupifying diaught upon the floor which holds up the remains of a deceased relative. No dangers or alarms will deter him. In the face of the grim monster, he will pay his devotions to Bacchus, and feed the fire he has created •within upon the bed of death: It is no fiction. I have witnessed it with indescribable emotions, and turned, from the scene in despair of the re- covery of old transgressors, from the delirium'and consequent destruption of this baneful practice. How appalling the thought ! But why dwell upon this subject, if prospects are so^gloomy F Because there are degrees in the commencement of intemperance, within the limits of which the Subjects of it may be prevailed on to hear and forbear. — But especially because it is a prevailing and contagious vice, and calls for the united ef- forts of all good men to arrest its progress. Look round you, and count the number of your acquaintance who have gone, or are fast going, into this destructive practice. In soraeof them, pride of character, the last hope of anxious friends, hag alieady fallen a victim to the rage of appe- tite. You nev.er think of them, but with ^11 those sensations which alarm- ing calamities bring to the mind. Intelligence that the; had a confirmed consumption, would have less excited your pity for their families, than your knowledge of the fact that they are confirmed in habits of intempe- rance. You look forward to the mortifications, and aiSictions, and living woes of their friends, nor will you be deceived. Look at the wretch who staggers over yonder green on every public day. Once perhaps he had the spirit of a man. He was called citizen, husband, father — and spoke of these relations with intelligence and feeling. But he has renounced his place among men, to grovel with the brute, and wallow with the swine. Such is the degradation to which this vice reduces roan, the no- blest work of God ! And shall nothing be done to prevent its progress, while it is spreading like fire in stubble ? Much, my brethren — my chris- tian friends — much must be done,' or all our prospects will wither and perish under the wasting influence of this single practice. To prescribe do^s not come within the limits of my present purpose. Perhaps nothing short of a direct or virtual prohibition, upon the panders and per- petrators of thi^ crime, will prove effectual. If not, the object decidedly outweighs every consideration that can be urged against the means to ac- complish it. As an article of merchandize, that yields a miserable reve- nue to any country, for which every dollar tliat is paid, is virtually a di- rect tax upon the people ; and especially when it is universally deleterious to the health, the happiness, and even the wealth of the community-r-if no otheX means can be rendered efiicacious, I most devoutly pray to see the time when the liberties of rum dealers shall be brought within limits less extended, if possible, than the liberties of the press in the most des- potic countries. 27 As an integral portion of the union, your state has taken a laudabU step in this vvorif. My object is to encourage you to persevere in it. I know the difficulties you have to encounter. Even drunkards have their friends, and interested friends, who have the courage to array themselves against the legislator and the magistrate, to whom they impute the res- triction of their licentious liberties. But it is the courage of desparation. Let their arts be understood, and there is yet virtue enough in the pub- lic to defend the faithful supporter of morality and religion against them. Good men will yield every other consideration, to unite in suppressing such a corrupt collusion. He who has disqualifitd himself for doing any good to his family or community, ought to be prevented from doing harm. His mischievous influence should be averted ; and his apologists and sup- porters marked as the enemies of good morals, and shunned as the cor- rupters of society. Otherwise the contagion may yet reach the magis- tracy itself, and you may see obsequious members of your police, stealing through the twilight to the by-doors of gambling houses and grogshops, ■while no voice is heard to say from within, "justice cannot enter." Should the evil spread to such an extent, the die is cast, and we shall inevitably descend the horrible declivity, into utter ruin. Profane swearing, though it may seem to be less deleterious, is not less offensive to a moral community, than sabbath-breaking and intemperance. He who indulges in it, is offensive in every polite circle, because he is vulgar ; in every religious circle, because he dishonors God ; in every patriotic circle, because he proves his want of integrity and moderation. The very circumstance of a gratuitous appeal to God on the most trifling occasions, produces an involuntary impression that they who indulge \a it are conscious of the need of such an appeal, to render their word valid. But, aside from the consideration of its impiety, as a breach of the plain command, "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain," it has a tendency to corrupt public morals, and endanger the safety and happiness of community. " Because of swearing," says the scriptures, " the land mourneth." Perhaps false swearing was intended. But false swearing is the natural offspring of profane swearing, and the most ef- fectual way to prevent the one, is to suppress the, other. Let the name of God be reverenced as it would be if this vice were generally viewed in its truly odious light, and it would never be taken for civil purposes with- out a solemnity of feeling essential to the proper sanction of an oath. But when this sacred name is used with more familiarity than any other, and impiously bandied about at every turn of wit, or anger, or contempt, or other prevailing passion, it naturally looses its sanctity in the feelings of the transgressors, and may be taken by them on the most interesting oc- casions without an^ distinct consciousness of the solemn responsibilities under which they are brought by it. Profanely, then, my brethren, "swear not at all." By the love of virtue, and the regard you have for the 28 safety and happiness of society, employ your utmost efforts to counteract the influence of this corrupting vice. To this part of our subject I will add one reflection more. I have al- ready suggested that whatever tends to weaken the sympathies of our nature, and familiarize us to scenes of massacre, is destructive to good morals and dangerous to the interests of community. In the strength and vigor of these sympathies, is our security for the maintenance and execution of those law? which guard our lives and happiness. Let it once occur, that Woody tragedies can be witnessed anaong us with as n^iuch composure as murders and human immolations are witnessed in barba- rous and heathen countries, and it will be attended with similar conse- quences. Whatever may be said of other causes, the flnal dissolution of the lib- erties of Rome was more effectually aided by a gradual destruction of the relative sympathies, than any one means besides. The oppressions prac- tised upon the plebeians by the imperious patricians, constrained them to repeated, acts of desperation to recover their rights, and continually agita- ted the country with civil broils ; and the perpetual jealousies among the contending parties, occasioned a constant succession of vindictive pun- ishnjcnts for reputed seditions and treasonable designs, without respect to rank, condition, or the most sacred ties of kindred and family. Turmoil and carnage were almost constantly before their eyes, covered with the false habiliments of honor and patriotism, until they were hardened to *ndure them without emotion or disgust. Thus prepared by a total prostration of moral sensibility in the people, which their constant course of conduct had effected, the cruel Sylla found it practicable to butcher the patriotic enemies of his designs with impunity ; and, in defiance of the Senate or wiser people, who were stunned with the incessant groans of the sufferers, to induce servants to massacre their masters, and children their parents, for a paltry sum as a reward of murder and parricide ! Here the liberties of the republic sunk and disappeared forever ! It was this very nation that the Apostle designed to pourtray in his masterly de- scription of a deeply depraved people, as " being filled with all unright- eoutness, forcination, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness; full of en- vy, murder, debate, deceit, malignity; — haters of God, despiteful, proud, boasters, inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, without under^ standing, covenant breakers, without natural affection, implacable, un- merciful: — whose month is full of cursing and bitterness; their feet are swift to shed blood ; destruction and misery are in all their ways ; the way of peace they have not known ; and there is no fear of God before their eyes." Such is the state of the human affections in ruin ! , It must ever be esteemed as a Sufficient reason why a dissolution of our republic cannot be justly inferred from the example of others, that such a ' spirit has not been promoted in it. Faction has never succeeded to blood, itearly appeared, fiideed, but innocently passed away without leaving a 29 visible trace of Us footsteps. Our sedition laws have existed almost if not entirely without application. And the sympathies of our nature, are cherished by the very spirit of our institutions. But are we therefore, safe from tlie" influence of that depravity which exists coeval with sin, and every where struggles for an ascendancy over virtue? As the worst of consequences result from causes which are slow an4 insidious in their progress, whatever Is symptomatic and portentous of evil, de- mands the early aftention of the friends of good morals. What shall we say, then, of those bloody tragedies, superciliously denominated "affairs of honor ?" Our object requires that we notice them principally as they are calculated to affect society. Duelling is a crime involving so many of the corrupt passions, that none can safely predict the extent of its ravages, where it is permitted to obtain. I know the responsibility of attacking a vice which has the support of distinguished names ; and I know too the certain success of that vice under the protection of such support, if the bold, unfaultering voice of th? people be not raised against it. We see our young men fal-, ling in our streets, and our aged men hurried from our councils and the service of our country by this fashionable vice. Again and again, we are admonished to mark its strides towards our own peaceful region. It is fresh in your recollection, that from causes which commenced within the pre- cincts of the institution where your sons are forming sentiments to gov- ern their conduct in future life, a young man has just fallen by the hand of one of his fellows. Who can say how far the rash appellant has diffu- sed his proud notions of honor, to affect the feelings of our brothers, and sons, and the youth of our neighborhoods? Is this a time to be silent? While the cloud lowers in angry aspect, and approaches youi sacred honaes, will you not unitedly face the storm to prevent its desolations? Already it has been insinuated, that we must yield to the practice of du- elling, because the prejudices in which it is founded cannot be subdued. Merciful God ! it is the appalling signal for a surrender of virtue to crime — crime, whose triumph is national odium, and career national ruin ! Al- low it impunity, because of the rank and influence of its perpetrators — throw around it the fictitious drapery of honor, and raise its apologists to posts of dignity and power in the community, and the work of desolation is fairly commenced. Here the whole train of vindictive heroes will find an honorable excuse for personal revenge ; and while they dare not kill as assassins, they will as gentlemen. Here the demagogue will find means lo remove out of his way a worthy citizen, whose virtues and integrity may be deemed impediments against his designs of personal aggrandize- ment. By this high road, consecrated to the name of honor, the daring adventurer may drive his way through every obstacle, into the sanctu- ary of justice, or up to the chaif of state, while his hands are yet reeking with innocent blood, and bis heart is yet burning with its vindictive ran- cour. Can the name of honor cleanse those hands and purify that heart? 30 Success in such an enterprize would render the practice the surest means of preferment, and pronaote it in every grade of society, until massa- cre would no longer shock the feelings, or the groans of the dying, awaken the sympathies of surrounding spectators. Thank God, we are not pre- pared to admit such a state of things, while any means are left us to guard against it. I know too well your prevailing feelings to doubt it for a mo- ment. Were you permitted to expostulate with an aspiring advocate of duelling, in a single voice uniting in it the sentiments and feelings which pervade the whole, I know how you would reprove his errors and con- fute bis reasonings. You would appeal to his conscience, to his human- ity, to his patriotism and even to his boasted honor and ambitious pros- pects. You would point him to a day, when the successful adventurer must account to God for ushering into the presence of his judge a fellow- being, in a state least prepared for so awful an event ; and remind him of the accumulated woes it must bring upon himself and the whole circle of the friends of his unhappy antagonist. Should he insinuate that person- al bravery is commendable, and that a man in public life depends for suc- cess upon maintaioing his honor, you would tell him in reply, that a moral people do not consider a man's honor vindicated, but deeply stained by crime ; that duelling is the result of a mean timidity, which cannot endure the sneers of the giddy and vain, or of a revengeful heart which, uncov- ered, would disclose the rancour of a murderer ; and that he who is sway- ed by such influence, has neither courage, nor honor, nor the reason of a man. You would put it to himself to say, as a jurist and a states- roan, whether the practice can consist with the oath of office in any im- portant station in public life; whether it be not an infringement of the rights of justice as defined and limited by the Constitution of our country, and whether it must not, from its nature, disqualify a man for the very object by which he professes to be influenced in the vindication of bis honor. You would appeal to his reason, whether a humane, moral peo- ple, would willingly submit their interests to a man whose rage could be provoked by a trifle, to such desperate acts. Should he attempt to palli- ate the crime, by insinuating that the duellist places himself in the way of danger; you would ask him what assassin does not? what bloody en- terprize is conducted without danger ? You would remind him by a thou- sand examples, that the strength of malice and ambition can easily tri- umph over fear; that the duellist calculates as little on suffering from the danger to which he exposes himself, as the highwayman does ; and that if it were not so, the crime cannot be divested of its turpitude by any cir- cumstances of hazard. If he should remain ipvincible, you would turn from him in pity and contempt, recommending him to the mercy of his God, and the neglect of the public. In the prevfilence of these senti- ments, which your charalcter and conduct authorize me to ascribe to you is our security against the desolating consequences of this species of crime' But let not our supposed security prove our ruin. There are crimes 31 which are too generally not considered alarming, until they are uncontral ■ lable ; and this is one of those crimes. It calls for decided and timely opposition, to arrest its progress and stay its proud waves. S. Finally, pure religion is essential to the prevalence of a correct mo- rality. I mean a religion of the heart — a religion which inspires its sub. jecls with a distinct consciousness of the presence and government of God and their accountability to Him. How deplorable would be the state of the world without it? Christ said to his Apostles, "Ye are the salt of the earth." They were denominated such because of the salutary influ- ence of their moral and religious virtues. Suppose a community totally destitute of such religious influence, saying, as " the fool hath said in his heart there is no God ;" what would be the amount of correct moral- ity in it ? The best moralists of antiquity saw and felt the need of a teacher who eould bring his doctrine to bear efficiently upon the hearts and conscien- ces of the people. In the "Desire of Nations," we have that teacher. His " word is quick and powerful — a discerner of the thoughts and in- tents of the heart." Although all sinners are not professedly infidels — in fact very few of them — yet universal observation proves that a pre- vailing depravity, to a certain extent, performs the woik of infidelity. The spring of habitual action is in the heart, which is " deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked." The affections will take the lead. And when business employs the mind or temptation assails it, and we are least prepared to act from judgment, then we are thrown upon the cur- rent of feeling which directs all our conduct. How feeble are the re- straints upon our passions and inclinations at such a time ? We forget God, or act as though we believed there was none. So far as the influ- ence of this depravity affects our conduct, it is the same to us as if we had joined the club, who say " there is no God." Remembering the aw- ful denunciations against the nations that forget God, and the examples of their fulfilment, we should never loose sight of the importance of pi- ety, to render public morals efficient, in promoting national happiness and prosperity. Every individual who is brought into an experience of true piety, is an acquisition to the cause of public morality. How important is it, then, to give every possible facility tqUie means which God has ordained to pro- mote evangelical holiness. TnlMnstitutions of religion can never be pla- ced on a better footing than they are generally in this country. Each separate society is enabled, by the laws provided for the regulation of such societies, to enforce all the rational obligations upon its members which are necessary for the management of its temporal concerns ; and all matters of conscience are left, as they should be, between the individu- al and his God. Religion requires no further legal interference of the civi' authority. The benefit it looks for from magistrates, and all others, is their personal exertions, rendered more or less efficacious by the degree 32 of influence their rank in society gives to lliose exertions. Upon this broad basis, our subject invites us to an union of effort, to promote the general object of universal piety and happiness. The doctrinal differences and discrepancy of forras which exist among the different denorainationb of christians, do not necessarily form a barrier against such union. If they do incidentally, it is in consequetjce of an error of proceeding, res- pecting such differences. On points in which men do not agree, it is hy^ pocritical to pretend that they do. And trf denounce honest dis- cussions of doctrinal points, as hostile to the spirit of harmony among christrians of different names, is to firevert the possibility of a nearer approach to union, by suppressing the only means which can be justly employed to influence the mind on subjects of opinion ; and lays a foundation to indulge unfriendly feelings in a ease which is suited in every respect to the exercise of true liberality. Let all christians be fully instructed on the subject of doctrines, that they may act intelligibly in the choice they make, and not be exposed to disputations respecting the nature of the systems they adopt. Let them be Reminded that all attempts at uniformity, where it does not exist in the mind, except by ra- tional argument, is assuming to dictate the conscience, and does not come within the province of any human being ; and that chfistiaps should,, therefore, discuss their doctrinal differences in that spirit of religious har^ mony which is perfectly consistent with it. The union of effort to which christians are called, requires that we dis- tinguish men for their diligence and success in promoting the cause of pie- ty, and give to such our firm support by every suitable encouragement- Conducted on the principles of a sound morality, the only well adapted law of nations, our diplomatic commissions will sustain an energy and in- fluence which will secure us against the encroachments of foreign ene- mies. Our citizens will be respected as the friends of humanity and jus- tice in every country. And the stranger will find here an asylum from the oppressive hand of tyranny. Then shall we witness the saying of the Lord fulfilled in our own happy land ; « and the sons of strangers shall build up thy walls, and their kings shall minister unto thee ;— there- fore thy gates shall be open continually,— that men may bring unto thee the forces of the gentiles, and that kings maf be brought ; for the nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish. The glory of Leba- non shall be brought unto thee ;— the sons also of tbenj that afilicted thee, shall come bending unto thee ; and all; they that despised thee, shall bow themselves down at the soles of thy feet ; and they shall call thee the city of the Lord, the Zion of the Holy One of Israel ; whereas thou hast been forsaken and hated,- I vvill make thee an eternal excellency, a joy of ma- ny generations." For " righteousness exalteth a nation." Already we see the beginnings of these happy events. When a Pope refuses to establish the Inquisition, not from any perijonal opposition to it, but be' cause the light beaming out from the sun of liberty which has arisen ^3 upon this western heiriispht^re, renders it impracticable; when the allied despots tremble with solicitude ; and when the oppressed Greeks in the heart of Europe, responding 'to every note of liberty wafted fr»m these shores, break their chains and assert their rights, we are authoiized to con- sider the events as ominous of a triumphant raaich and permanent estab- lishment of the cause of freedom and virtue. Who can recount the manifest interpositions of Providence in settling the affairs of this republic in a manner which no human wisdom could de- vise or power effect, and not be deeply impressed with a belief that God ba« had in it some great design of mercy towards the nations of the earth ? The bible and the missionary, coming from a people respected for theiT integiity and benevolence, will succeed and diffuse light and truth where-' ever they go. In vain shall despots denounce, and popes hurt the thun- ders of their bulls at them. God is on their side, and the means he baa ordained for their succe33,at their right hand. No weapon formed against them shall prosper. They shall succeed in their work of mtei-ey, unlit " the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the glory of God, as th«' waters cover the sea." O happy day ! when " Jesus shall reign where e'er the sun, " Does his successive journeys run ; " His kingdom spread, 6»in shore to shores " Till moons shall wax and wane no more." * Respected Rulersj though-I do not assume to say a word to you on the subject of your official duties, suffer me to remind you, that the confi- dence the people have reposed in you, and the strong hold you have up- on their affections, enable you to exert an extensive influence in promo- ting the cause of piety and good morals. Their use to society, in ren- dering us, as a nation, and our children after us, respected and happy, will, I know, be a sufficient inducement to encourage you in this work. But patriotism cannot save the soul. It is washed and fitted for heaven only by the blood and merits of Jesus Christ. To his blood and merits I in- vite you. Their efficacy is freely offered to all, through repentance and faith in his name. While " godliness is -profitable unto all things, having the promise of the life t^l now is, and that which is to come," the good man is grateful for the ^^er, but stays his soul upon the latter. He looks forward for substantial happiness, to " a kingdom which cannot ba moved." '\^ \ The events of every returning year remind us of the importance of be- ing constantly ready for'our last change. Though the scene mes on, the actors change in quick succession. You afe riiifiinded oa thfs occasion, that some have left the stage since your last anniversary meeting. The erudite Judge and the sage Senator are no more I Your Swift and your Boardman are dead ! The recital of their names calls past scenes to your recollection, and awakens the sensibilities of, your hearts. But there is a 34 more interesting voice in tlie dispensation. It is the voice of God, say- ing to every one of us, " be ye also ready, for in such an hour as ye think Dot, the Son of man cometh." What mean those sable badges which appear In every part of my congregation, and reflect upon the imagina- tion so "gloomy a prospect? They are the tokens of mourning for de- parted friends. While we " weep with those that weep," let v^ prepare for the solemn event, which awaits us at an hour at mostnot far distant. As citizens, we are admonished by the importance of piety and virtue, to act in our several capacities with a reference to the glory of God, and the happiness of society. Each one may contribute sorxiething towards the general object of universal peace and happiness ; and none should so degrade themselves by neglecting it, as to have it said after their death, that they had lived in vain. As ministers of the ^gospel, we are ad- monished, my brethren, by every consideration to labor — not merely to preach — but to labor for God and the prosperity of his cause. Perhaps there is not so great a deficiency of ministers as has been imagined ; but of laborers there undoubtedly is ; and can we expect that the christian public will be interested on this subject, if we loiter about the walls of Zi- on, while we make "loud and long" appeals to them to assist in furnish- ing others to ." build up the waste places ?" They will justly reply to such appeals in the well adapted language of the master of the vineyard, " Why stand ve here all the day idle ?"^^or will the excuse, that " no man hath hired us," sufficiently.corresponfflwith our professions, to sat- . jsfy the candid of our sincerity. May the God of all grace bless and save us, ifor Christ's sake ^MEN.