THE GIFT OF 
 
 Alfred C Barnes, 
 
 Not to be taken from the room. 
 
 iSj_*X'3_^_ 
 

 Date Due 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 PRINTED IN 
 
 U. a. H. 
 
 (SJ 
 
 NO. 23233 
 
 Cornell University Library 
 BS1180 .C61 
 
 Light on the Old Testament from Babel, b 
 
 olln 
 
 3 1924 029 280 695 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029280695 
 
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 ^ 
 
Ligh 
 
 t 
 
 on the 
 
 Old 
 
 r 
 
 estament 
 
 from 
 
 B 
 
 abel 
 
 By 
 
 ALBERT T. CLAY, Ph.D. | 
 
 Assistant Professor of 
 
 Assistant Curator o 
 
 •/ Archacolo 
 
 Semitic Philology and Archaeology, and 
 f the Babylonian Section, Department 
 ;y. University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 
 (SECOND EDITION) 
 
 
 
 kV 
 % 
 
 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 The Sur 
 
 day 
 
 School Times Company 
 1907 
 
 
CL(pV 
 
 COFYRIGHT, 1906, 
 BY 
 
 The Sunday School Times Co. 
 
 V^l'O-"'^-^ |jL.V^-«-S-^. ■^\_*VT-) i/t'n'' 
 
 ■-«.-^<J 
 
 XLB 
 
TO 
 
 CHARLES ELVIN HAUPT, D.D. 
 
 IN GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION 
 
PREFACE 
 
 A CONSIDERABLE portion of the material of 
 '*^- this publication formed the basis of lectures 
 delivered at Winona Bible Conference, Mt. Gretna 
 Chautauqua, Pocono Pines Assembly, and other 
 institutions and chtirches, besides those given on 
 Stmday afternoons in Houston Hall under the au- 
 spices of the Christian Association of the University 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In addition to the discussion of the cuneiform 
 inscriptions in these lectures, which bear more par- 
 ticularly upon the Old Testament, several chapters 
 (VII, VIII, XII, and XV) have been included 
 on life in ancient Babylonia. Besides facts published 
 by others, these chapters include a presentation of 
 certain discussions of general interest which I have 
 published in a more technical form in the series : " The 
 Babylonian Expedition of the University of Penn- 
 sylvania. " These chapters, however, also contain 
 much material that appears for the first time. 
 
 The scholar whose privilege it is to labor upon 
 the ancient records of the past cannot but feel under 
 
them, but to the men who have made possible by 
 their generosity and intelligent interest this opening 
 up to the light of day of these remains of ancient 
 peoples in the land of primitive civilization — appar- 
 ently the cradle of the universe. To these I desire 
 to express my gratitude, and also to those who in 
 any way have aided me in the publication of these 
 lectures, notably Mr. William H. Witte, Assistant 
 in the Babylonian Section of the Departnient of 
 Archeology of the University of Pennsylvania, a great 
 many of whose photographs are used to illustrate 
 these lectures ; to Mr. Clarence S. Fisher, the architect 
 of the Nippur excavations, for the excellent plan 
 of the Temple Ekur; to my friend Mr. Hermann 
 Faber, Professor of Art ; and also to The Sunday 
 School Times Company for their kind co-operation 
 in securing typographical accuracy for these lectures. 
 
 Albert T. Clay, 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I PAGES 
 
 Introductory Remarks 1-22 
 
 II 
 The Great Antiquity of Man 23-58 
 
 III 
 The Babylonian Creation Story 59-76 
 
 IV 
 The Babylonian Deluge Story 77-88 
 
 V 
 The Tower of Babel and the Babylonian 
 
 Temple ^ 89-124 
 
 VI 
 
 The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 125-144 
 
 VII 
 
 Babylonian Life in the Days of Abraham 145-200 
 
 VIII 
 
 Code of Hammurabi 201-222 
 
 IX 
 Moses and Hammurabi 223-234 
 
 X 
 
 The Name Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature .. 235-250 
 
 XI 
 The Amarna Letters 251-282 
 
 vii 
 
Contents 
 
 XII PAGES 
 
 Babylonian Temple Records of the Second 
 
 Millennium Before Christ 283-312 
 
 XIII 
 The Assyrian Historica-l Inscriptions 313-360 
 
 XIV 
 The Neo-Babylonian Historical Inscriptions... 361-389 
 
 XV 
 Babylonian Life in the Days of Ezra and 
 
 Nehemiah 390-429 
 
 viii 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Amraphel of Genesis in bas-relief 128 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Arab workmen digging tablets 57 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Aramaic endorsements on documents of MurashA Sons. ... 402 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Archaic arch of Nippur 35 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Ashurbanipal as the high priest or canephorus 355 
 
 (From the catalogue of the British Museum.) 
 (By permission of the Trustees.) 
 
 Asphalt spring near Hit 94 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Baby rattles in terra-cotta 195 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Belshazzar, Chronicle recording the death of 374 
 
 (Delitzsch-Hagen, Beitrdge zur Assyrioiogie.) 
 
 Besieging a waUed city, The Assyrians 315 
 
 (British Musetun. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Brick-makers in Egypt 273 
 
 (From Ball, " Light from the East.") 
 (By permission of Eyre and Spottiswoode.) 
 
 Brick-stamps of Sargon I and Nar4m-Sin ng 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Bronze head from Fara 54 
 
 (Possession of H. V. Hilprecht.) 
 
 Case tablets of the Cassite period, containing seal impres- 
 sions 173 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Cattle and sheep leased by Temple officials, Records of ... . 297 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Centaur, The earliest known form of the 174 
 
 (Drawn by the Author.) 
 
 IX 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Creation epic of the Babylonians 68 
 
 (From King, "Severi Tablets of Creation.") 
 (By permission of Luzac & Co.) 
 
 Cyrus, Cylinder of 383 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Cyrus. Portrait sculpture of 385 
 
 (From Lindl, "Cyrus.") 
 
 Darius, Cylinder-seal of 387 
 
 (British IJuseum.)' (By permission pf Eyre & Spottiswoo.de.)' 
 
 Deed with an Aramaic endorsement 395 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Deluge tablet of the Babylonians 79 
 
 (British Museum, Photograph from a cast.) 
 
 Dog and her puppies in terra-cotta 391 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Door-socket of Gimil-Sin found at XJr of the Chaldees 198 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Dragon of Babylon in tiles 381 
 
 (Delitzsch, Babel und Bibel.) 
 
 Dragon of Nippur 386 
 
 (Constantinople Museum. Photogriaph by Haynes.) 
 
 Dungi and Kuri-Galzu, Inscriptions of 2%6- 
 
 (From Hilprecht, "Old Babylonian Inscriptions, Part !.-")> 
 
 Entemena, Silver vase of 53: 
 
 (From Heuzey, Decouvertes en Chaldee.) 
 
 Esarhaddon holding biblical Tirhakah and Baal with thongs. 3 53 
 
 (Beriin Museumi.) 
 Evil-Merodach, Tablet dated in the reign of, biblical 370 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 Excavations in the Temple Court at Nippur 27 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Excavations in the Temple precincts to virgin soil 36 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Excavations showing pavements of different ages 29- 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Excavations within the Temple Area at Nippur. . Frontispiece 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 X 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Fall of Man, So-called scene of the , 83 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Fight of Marduk and Tidmat 65 
 
 (From Ball, "Light from the East.") 
 (By permission of Eyre & Spottiswoode.) 
 
 Furnace of the time of Abraham 192 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Garden scene of Ashurbanipal 357 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Gilgamesh epic. Seal impression with scene from 86 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Gimil-Sin, Door-socket of 198 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Grinding com in the Arab camp at Nippur, A woman 144 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Gudea, Stone vase of 113 
 
 (Museum at Constantinople. Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Gudea, Statue of 161 
 
 (From Heuzey, Dicouveries en Chaldee.) 
 
 Hammurabi, Clay cone of 130 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Hammurabi, Code of 203 
 
 (Louvre in Paris. Cut loaned by Professor Max Kellner.) 
 
 Heads of dolerite statues found at Telloh 1 59 
 
 (From Heuzey, Dicouvertes en Chaldee.) 
 
 Home scene in the Arab camp at Nippur , 282 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Hunting scene of an Assyrian king 359 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Images, or household gods, of Bel and BSltis 194 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Incantation bowls in Hebrew and Mandaic 409 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Jehu paying tribute. Bas-relief depicting 323 
 
 ■ (Photograph from a cast.) 
 Jeweler's guarantee concerning the setting of an emerald . . 412 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 xi 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Kudur-Mabug, Bronze canephorus dedicated to NanH by. . 134 
 (Berlin Museum. Photograph from cast.) 
 
 Labels or tags in clay 157 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Lease of fish-ponds in which the agent exacted a mess of 
 
 fish each day ' 415 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Lion of Babylon in tiles 366 
 
 (Delitzsch, Babel und Bibel.) 
 
 Lugal'kigubnidudu, Votive slab of 45 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Lugal-zaggisi, Inscription of 139 
 
 (From Hilprecht, "Old Babylonian Inscriptions.") 
 
 Marble head, Early Sumerian 37 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Marduk and Ramman 367 
 
 (Report of the " Deutschen Orient Gesellschaft") 
 Memeptah, Stele of, mentioning Israel 277 
 
 (From Petrie, "Six Temples at Thebes.") 
 Merodach-Baladan, Boundary stone with the picture of, 
 
 biblical 34° 
 
 (Berlin Museum.) 
 
 Models of different systems of drainage at Nippur 191 
 
 (Made by C. S. Fisher. Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Moon-god Sin, Seal cylinder impression of XJr-Engur, who 
 stands before the i99 
 
 (Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 Mound covering Nippur Tower 107 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 Multiplication table: 18 x i = 18 189 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 Musicians, Bas-relief in stone depicting 165 
 
 (From Heuzey, Decouvertes en Chaldee.) 
 Nabonidus, Cylinder of, containing a prayer for Belshazzar 372 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 Nabopolassar, referring to Tower of Babel, Building in- 
 scription of 122 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 xii 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar, Inscribed brick of . 363 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar, referring to the Tower of Babel, Cylinder of 368 
 
 (Museum. University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 "Ninib " in Aramaic, Name of 400 
 
 Original tablet illustrating the impressing of the stylus. ... 170 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Pavements laid by Ashurbanipal, Kadashman-Turgu and 
 
 Ur-Ninib 29 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Payments made to temples in Nippur, Records of 311 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Payments of Temple stipends 305 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 Pa5'ments to priests showing check marks. Records of 309 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Pithom, the store-city. Map of 269 
 
 (From Naville, "The Store-city of Pithom.") 
 
 (By permission of Egyptian Exploration Fund Committee.) 
 
 Plan of buildings in Tablet Hill 183 
 
 (By C. S. Fisher.) 
 
 Plan of Ekur at Nippur 114 
 
 (By C. S. Fisher.) 
 
 Prayer of Nazi-Maruttash 287 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Putting out the eyes of a prisoner 365 
 
 (From Maspero, "The Passing of the Empires,") 
 (By permission of D, Appleton & Cb.) 
 
 Receipts and Records of Payments belonging to the Tem- 
 ple archives 3°7 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Reference cylinders from the Temple School of Nippur. ... 185 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Release given for and on account of a claim for damages. 
 
 Document recording a 426 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Sargon II and his officer 33^ 
 
 (From Price. "The Monuments and the Old Testament.") 
 (By permission.) 
 
 xiii 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Sargon I, Door-socket of - 31 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Seals and Seal-cylinders .' ~. 172 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Sennacherib, Cylinder containing the annals pf 345 
 
 (From the catalogue of the British Museum.) 
 (By permission of the Trustees.) 
 
 Sennacherib seated before Lachish ,-•-•-. 35<^ 
 
 (From the catalogue of the British Museum.) 
 (By permission of the Trustees.) 
 
 Sennacherib, Storming of Lachish by 349 
 
 (From Bali. ■"L'ight from the East.") 
 (By permission of Eyre & Spottiswoode.) 
 
 Shalmaneser II, Black obelisk of 320 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph from cast.) 
 
 Sheep's \ivet in terra-cotta, Design of a, 11 
 
 (From "Cuneiform Texts," British Museum, Vol. XV.) 
 (By permission of the Trustees.) 
 
 Shrine of B61 103 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Si'Siktu marks instead of seal impressions 176 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Sixty-year lease of lands and buildings. . . . . ; 411 
 
 (Possession of H. V. Hilprecht.) 
 
 Statues in dolerite from Telloh : 163 
 
 (From Heuzey, Decouvertes en Chaldee.) 
 
 Stylus, Beveled end 169 
 
 (Made by the author.) 
 Stylus, Square end. . . , 169 
 
 (Made by the author.) 
 
 Tablet and envelope , 177 
 
 (Museum, Untversity of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Tablet written with beveled end stylus 170 
 
 ..(By the author.) 
 
 Temple of the moon-god, Sin at Ur of the Chaldees, , 197 
 
 (Photograph by the Wolfe Expedition.) 
 (By permission of Dr. W. H. Ward.) 
 
 Temple School of Nippur. . , . ....,,...,.. i8i 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 xiv 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Temple stipends, Document recording payments of ....... . 301 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Temple stipends, Transliteration of document recording 
 
 payments of 302, 303 
 
 (From Clay, "Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur," 
 Vol. XIV.) 
 
 Thothmes III 272 
 
 (From Maspero, "The Struggle of Nations.") - 
 (By permission of D. Appleton & Co.) 
 
 Thumb-nail marks instead of seal impression 175 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Tiglath-pileser or Pul before a besieged city 328 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Topographical map of the environs of Nippur 293 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 Topographical map of Nippur iii 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Tower of Babel, Simpson's picture of the loi 
 
 (From Ball, "Light from the East.") 
 (By permission of Eyre & Spottiswoode.) 
 
 Tower of Ekur, the Temple of B^l at Nippur 107 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Ur-Engur, Stamped brick of 105 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Photograph by Haynes.) 
 
 Ur-Enlil, Votive slab of 41 
 
 (Original in Constantinople Museum.) 
 
 Ur-Nind, Votive slab of 4° 
 
 (From Heuzey, Dicouvertes en Chaldee.) 
 
 Urumush, Marble vase of 46 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 Vase fragments, Pre-Sargonic 39 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 Water buffalo used in irrigating machines 420 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 Water-wheel or nd'ura in Babylonia 424 
 
 (Photograph by the Wolfe Expedition.) 
 
 (By permission of Dr. W. H. Ward.) 
 
 Water-wheel, illustrating ancient irrigating machines, 
 
 Modem 422 
 
 (Photograph by the Wolfe Expedition.) 
 (By permission of Dr. W. H. Ward.) 
 
 XV 
 
List of Illustrations 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Wine jar lined with bitumen 427 
 
 (Museum, University of Pennsylvania.) 
 
 Winged bulls from the palace of Sargon 33S 
 
 (British Museum. Photograph by Mansell & Co.) 
 
 Zebu, called the ox by the ancient Babylonians 226 
 
 (Photograph by Haynes.) 
 Map of Palestine, Syria, Assyria and Babylonia. 
 
 xvi 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 
 
 Why is there such an intelligent interest displayed 
 in these days in Oriental excavations? Why are such 
 immense funds expended, and such sacrificing 
 efforts put forth, in digging up the ruin-hills of the 
 past to find perchance the remains of a wall, an 
 inscribed object, or a potsherd? Why does arche- 
 ology, or the study of the material remains of ancient 
 times, possess a charm for so many? And why do 
 people delight in having opened up vistas of the past 
 through the discoveries of what is left of bygone 
 civilizations ? 
 
 A desire to have more knowledge concerning 
 biblical matters has been responsible, in most 
 instances, for the work of opening up the mounds 
 which cover the remains of ancient activities. It 
 was felt that the Babylonians, Assyrians, Egyptians, 
 and other nations, having thrived in the days cf 
 Israel, and having come into close relation with ohe 
 Hebrews, should have left that which would .,nrow 
 light upon the Old Testament. Broader q^^estions, 
 such as the interdependence of national ideas and 
 customs, were scarcely thought of. The question 
 uppermost in importance was whether points of 
 contact could be found, and the Bible verified ; and 
 
2 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 every scholar who has worked upon material from 
 which there was a possibility that such revelations 
 might come forth, has longingly searched for the 
 desired data. And when we glance over the tro- 
 phies gained by sacrifice, industry, patience, and 
 skill, we must exclaim: What a change has been 
 wrought within a few decades by the explorer, the 
 excavator, the archeologist, and the philologist! 
 
 Not many years ago little was known of extra- 
 biblical history of the age prior to the days of 
 Greece and Rome. The conception of these times 
 was largely based upon the Old Testament and the 
 uncertain myths and legends which have been pre- 
 served by the Greeks and Romans. These furnished 
 all the knowledge which we possessed of the early 
 history of man. But now we have original sources. 
 The resurrection of ancient cities, and the decipher- 
 ment and interpretation of that which has been 
 unearthed, has enabled us not only to reconstruct, 
 ancient history, as well as the background for the 
 Old Testament, but to illustrate, elucidate, sub- 
 stantiate, and corroborate many of the narratives 
 of the early Scriptures. This, in truth, is one of the 
 greatest achievements of the last century. 
 
 The right interpretation of the Old Testament,, 
 of course, is the greatest service rendered by the 
 monuments, but the average Bible student has 
 regarded the confirmation of the Scriptures as being, 
 perhaps, of greater importance. Corroborative 
 evidence of a contemporaneous character has been. 
 
Introductory Remarks 3 
 
 in the highest degree welcome, especially because of 
 the declarations made by the skeptic or by the 
 destructive critic. Immense results in this line have 
 been achieved. Episodes which have been affirmed 
 to belong wholly to the realm of fiction, or which 
 have been regarded as mythical or legendary in 
 character, are now proved to be historical, beyond 
 doubt. Many theories, even those put forth by 
 careful and conservative students, have been modi- 
 fied, and many supposed inconsistencies have been 
 satisfactorily explained. Some theories growing 
 out of alleged results achieved by certain scholars, 
 being no longer tenable because of their ephemeral 
 character, have completely disappeared. In short, 
 while some scholars have endeavored to show 
 portions of the Old Testament wholly fictitious, 
 many of their theories, by the help of archeology 
 and philology, can now be shown to be wholly 
 fallacious. On the other hand, there has been much 
 grasping after verifications by some which, in many 
 cases, have turned out to be illusory ; and as a result, 
 their supposed confirmations, having been popu- 
 larized and widely circulated, have done more harm 
 than good. 
 
 There is scarcely a period of Old Testament, 
 history that has not received some light through 
 these researches. It is as though additional chron- 
 icles of the kings of Israel and Judah have been 
 found. The bare outlines of ancient history pre- 
 served in the Old Testament are clothed in such a 
 
4 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 way as to offer pictures realistic in the extreme. 
 Episodes, passages, words, receive new meanings. 
 Acquaintance with the rehgious institutions of the 
 nations with whom Israel came in contact has 
 offered a better understanding of Israel's religion; 
 and incidentally many questions, as, for example, 
 their besetting sin — proneness to idolatry — receive 
 new light. In short, the study of the life and customs 
 of these foreign peoples shows certain influences 
 that were felt in Israel; and with this increased 
 knowledge we naturally gain a more intelligent 
 understanding of the Old Testament. 
 
 While these researches have caused many diffi- 
 culties to vanish, the fact must not be lost sight of 
 that they have given rise to new problems. While, 
 also, much contemporary evidence has been pro- 
 duced which corroborates the historical character 
 of portions of the Old Testament, certain discoveries 
 have given a totally different conception of other 
 portions, forcing us to lay aside a number of anti- 
 quated views, and to reconstruct our ideas on many 
 important questions. Old interpretations which 
 have been copied or revised by a succession of 
 commentators, and have been handed down from 
 century to century, disappear; and that which 
 approaches nearer to the truth becomes known. 
 This increased light is, of course, heartily welcomed 
 by the biblical student, and is regarded as being of 
 inestimable value, as it makes possible a better 
 understanding of the Scriptures. 
 
Introductory Remarks 5 
 
 Perhaps the most fascinating feature of the 
 results gained through these studies is the retro- 
 spective glances afforded into the early doings of 
 man. While we are disappointed in not being able 
 to reach still nearer the primitive beginnings, our 
 knowledge of the history of man has been projected 
 backward several thousand years, and is attended 
 by many surprises. We find that cultured peoples 
 antedated Israel by millenniums; and that instead 
 of Abraham's descendants belonging to the dawn of 
 history, they lived in the late pre-Christian period. 
 Instead of Israel being an all-powerful nation of 
 antiquity, we find that, with the exception of the 
 time in the days of David and Solomon when the 
 borders of the nation were temporarily extended, 
 it scarcely can be classed with such world-conquering 
 powers as Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, Persia, and 
 other nations. Yet, while Israel politically is not 
 to be compared with some of her illustrious neigh- 
 bors, intellectually and spiritually the nation is 
 found to stand in a unique position. 
 
 Another important result is the new historical 
 geography which has been reconstructed, with its 
 thousands of additional data. Hundreds of im- 
 portant points have been located definitely, whose 
 provenience previously could only be surmised, or 
 for which no reasonable position could be assigned. 
 As a result, the number of places and rivers in the 
 Old Testament concerning which nothing is known 
 at the present time is comparatively small. By our 
 
6 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 knowledge of the nations surrounding Israel, its 
 historical setting is worked out in a remarkable way. 
 The improved perspective for many of the episodes 
 gives them a totally different aspect. Peoples of 
 whom we have had little or no knowledge are again 
 introduced into the galaxy of nations. We become 
 familiar with their language, their religious institu- 
 tions, their local habitations, their conquests, and 
 even their every-day life. Personalities loom up 
 among their leaders which appear to be equal in 
 greatness with those familiar to us in modern 
 history. 
 
 One of the most important results obtained is the 
 knowledge that Israel enjoyed — in common with 
 other peoples — certain social, political, and religious 
 institutions, as well as rites and customs. This 
 knowledge, at first thought, is disturbing to some, 
 especially when told that that which has been re- 
 garded as peculiarly Hebraic in character had its 
 origin in antiquity. To cite a single example, 
 circumcision was practised long before the patri- 
 archs. Professor W. Max MuUer has recently 
 ascertained that the Egyptians circumcised at least 
 2500 B. C. 
 
 After some reflection this truth, instead of causing 
 apprehension, enables us to understand how it was 
 possible for the leaders of Israel to influence the 
 people. It is impossible to imagine how unheard-of 
 rites and ceremonies could have been introduced in 
 Israel, even though one divinely sent advocated 
 
Introductory Remarks 7 
 
 their practise. With some, also, it cannot be inferred 
 that the leaders directly borrowed these rites and 
 customs from their contemporaries, especially in 
 view of the injunction they received: "After the 
 doings of the land of Egypt, wherein ye dwelt, shall 
 ye not do : and after the doings of the land of 
 Canaan, whither I bring you, shall ye not do; 
 neither shall ye walk in their statutes" (Lev. 
 18:3). The people were reqtdred to shun the prac- 
 tises of these peoples; but what shall be said con- 
 cerning such customs, manners, and traditions, that 
 for centuries during the patriarchal period had 
 gradually crept into the Hebrew life and remained 
 with it? By making use of customs with which they 
 were acquainted, and giving them a significance that 
 conveyed the truth which the leaders desired Israel 
 to have, the success attending their practise is 
 comprehensible. This becomes clearer when we 
 take into consideration the intellectual status of 
 the people, and the fact that, as far as we know, there 
 were no efforts put forth to elevate them prior to 
 the leadership of Moses. 
 
 The people of Israel, we must remember, developed 
 into a tribal nation in a land which was enriched 
 by the traditions and civilizations of peoples living 
 there at least several millenniums before them. 
 This land was a highway between two continents — ■ 
 a bridge or a path of communication between the 
 civilizations of the Tigro-Euphrates valley and the 
 Nile ; and at the same time it was the outlet to the 
 
8 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Mediterranean Sea from the Great Arabian peninsula. 
 Its position, surrounded by influences from three 
 continents, had a pecuHar effect upon the land. 
 The varied topography of the country offered accom- 
 modations for peoples who preferred either an alpine 
 or a tropical climate. Petty principalities existed, 
 having little or no connection with each other. 
 As a result, the land prior to the days of Israel, 
 with the exception of the Phoenician cities, did not, 
 as far as we know, develop or enjoy a pronounced 
 type of culture, as did other nations about it. 
 Although many antiquities of the early period have 
 been found through the excavations in Palestine, 
 there is little or nothing to show that an indigenous 
 art existed, as is found, for instance, in Egypt or 
 in Babylonia. Centers may be found, after excava- 
 tions have been more extensively conducted in 
 Palestine, which will bring to light a highly de- 
 veloped cult that will surprise us; but the indica- 
 tions of such, thus far, are lacking. Practically 
 the only indigenous literary heritage that we possess 
 of the early period in the history of the land, besides 
 some of the Amarna tablets, is what is contained 
 in the Old Testament writings. Notwithstanding 
 this lack of evidence of an advanced civilization, it 
 seems reasonable to conjecture that there did exist 
 a civilization of no mean order; and also that the 
 Israelites were influenced more by the life stirround- 
 ing them in Palestine than from any other quarter. 
 Abram's home was the city Ur in Southern 
 
Introductory Remarks 9 
 
 Babylonia. His direct descendants obtained their 
 wives in that part of Syria or Armenia which in 
 certain periods was embraced by Babylonia. They 
 even regarded themselves as Arameans. In later 
 years an Israelite, in presenting his first-fruits, 
 said : ' ' An Aramean ready to perish was my father ' ' 
 (i. e., Jacob, Deut. 26:5). Further, it is not improba- 
 ble that Abram or his ancestors had originally 
 migrated from Syria to Ur, and belonged to the 
 Western Semites who had congregated in Babylonia 
 in great ntmibers during the first dynasty (see 
 Chap. VII). Although centuries of nomadic life in 
 the West, where the family developed into a nation, 
 would imply that the people were greatly influenced 
 by their environments, it is reasonable to suppose 
 that they had also preserved traditions and customs 
 belonging to their Eastern home. To Babylonia, 
 therefore, we also look for influences which have 
 molded to a certain extent the thought and life 
 of Israel. This seems natural, especially when we 
 consider that the scenes of the events recorded in 
 the Old Testament as having taken place prior to 
 Abram are pitched in that region from which the 
 father of Israel came. 
 
 More striking than all else are the inscriptions 
 which record the creation and deluge legends of the 
 Babylonians (see Chaps. Ill and IV) as well as 
 those which throw light on the story of Babel 
 (Chap. V). The Hammurabi Code, which ante- 
 dates the Mosaic, has the same underlying spirit 
 
10 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of retaliation (see Chap. IX). This, however, seems 
 to be common to ah ancient as weh as modem 
 Orientals. Divination, for example, by inspecting 
 the livers of animals offered on the altar of the gods, 
 seems to be Babylonian\ This fact throws light on 
 Ezekiel 21:21, where we read: "For the king of 
 Babylon stood at the parting of the way, at the head 
 of the two ways, to use divination: he shook the 
 arrows to and fro, he consulted the teraphim, he 
 looked in the liver. ' ' The reason why the Hebrews 
 were prohibited from using a portion of the liver of 
 the sacrificial animal (see Exod. 29: 13; Lev. 3:4; 
 9: 10, etc.) was doubtless a protest against its use 
 for divination purposes^ The words Joseph put into 
 the mouth of his steward : " Is not this that [the cup] 
 in which my lord drinketh, and whereby he indeed 
 divineth?" (Gen. 44:5), are doubtless also Baby- 
 lonian, and perhaps have some connection with 
 their " Becherwahrsagung. " Naturally, this may 
 have been practised as well in Egypt. 
 
 It is possible to find certain ceremonials in the 
 Babylonian ritual which have their parallel in the 
 Old Testament'. As, for instance, the Babylonian 
 set before his deity twelve loaves of unleavened 
 
 ' See Jastrow, Die Religion Bahyloniens und Assyriens, Vol. 
 11, Chap. 20, for a full exposition of liver divination among the 
 Babylonians. 
 
 ^See Professor Moore's article inNoldeke, Festschrift. 
 
 3 See Haupt, Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual, 
 Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. for 1900, p. 55!!. 
 
Introductory Remarks 
 
 11 
 
 -showbread, again thirty-six, or seventy -two; in 
 other words, multiples of twelve. In Leviticus 
 
 Design of a sheep's liver in terra-cotta, with the surface divided into compart- 
 ments, and inscribed with miscellaneous omens, prepared for instruction in divin- 
 ation methods in the Temple schools. Found near Bagdad. 
 
 twelve loaves were laid before Jahweh. Although 
 it is not mentioned in the Old Testament, Jewish 
 
12 Light on the Okl Testament 
 
 traditions unanimously affirm that the bread was 
 unleavened, the same as in Babylonia. With 
 them the number twelve represented the tribes; 
 and the offering was made "on behalf of the 
 children of Israel, an everlasting covenant." (Lev. 
 
 24:5ff.) 
 
 A ritual tablet' shows that the Babylonian 
 sprinkled the blood of the lamb which was killed 
 at the gate of the palace "on the lintels, on the 
 figures flanking the entrances, and on the door- 
 posts at the right and left." This act is recognized 
 as having its parallel in the passover rite of the 
 Hebrews. Yet, as the late Dr. Trumbull has 
 shown, ^ the passover is based upon the ancient 
 threshold covenant, which goes back to a very 
 great antiquity, and which was practised by other 
 ancient peoples as well as by the Babylonians. For 
 Israel this old rite received a new significance. It 
 was to be observed thereafter as a memorial of the 
 deliverance of Israel from bondage. 
 
 The Babylonian priest required certain parts of 
 the sacrifice for himself, which we know was the 
 custom also among the Hebrews (Deut. 18:3). The 
 parts that were retained by the Babylonian differ 
 from those kept by the Israelite priest. This custom, 
 however, is known to have been practised also bj^ 
 other peoples. Another similar feature of the 
 
 ' See Haupt, Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual, 
 Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. for 1900, p. 61. 
 2 Threshold Covenant, p. 2o8fI. 
 
Introductory Remarks 13 
 
 Babylonian sacrifice was the requirement that the 
 animal be without blemish. Also, the poor man 
 was permitted to make an offering of less value than 
 the wealthy, the same as provided for in Israel. 
 
 Many other interesting suggestions have been 
 made from time to time which cannot be subjected 
 to an adequate test by reason of the fact that too 
 little is understood either of the rite or custom itself, 
 or that with which it is compared, but which can be 
 said to lie within the range of possibility. For 
 instance, the Hebrew fioshen mishpat, "breastplate 
 of judgment," in which the Urim and Tkuynmiw, 
 were kept, has been compared with the Assyrian 
 takdlta sha pirishti shame u ersiti,^ which is trans- 
 lated, "the pouch of the mystery of heaven and 
 earth." Besides there being great uncertainty as 
 regards the meaning of takdlta, which is recognized, 
 there is the mere resemblance of the idea of a 
 "sacred pouch" containing perhaps that which is 
 indicative of the deity's will, upon which the oracle 
 is based. 
 
 Any suggestion which will open up avenues of 
 thought and investigation whereby a better under- 
 standing of biblical matters is acquired, must be 
 heartily welcomed. But, after all that is known 
 up to the present time has been gathered together, 
 and its importance properly estimated, we are 
 
 ' See Haupt, Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual, 
 Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. for 1900, p. 59. 
 
14 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 impressed with the fact that there have been many 
 extravagant statements made, and there is not 
 such a great deal, after ah, that Israel was directly 
 indebted to the Babylonians for, beyond the stories, 
 in Genesis of the times prior to Abram, and also cer- 
 tain customs which belong to the period after the 
 Babylonian exile. 
 
 There are those who greatly overestimate the 
 influence of Babylonia upon Israel. They say that- 
 practically everything belonging to the functions of 
 the priest has come from this source; that "if we 
 want to trace the origin of the late Jewish ceremonial 
 of the Priest Code we must look for it in the cunei- 
 form ritual texts of the Assyro-Babylonians." To 
 substantiate such extreme views, and to make them 
 intelligible, it will be necessary to produce many 
 additional facts. 
 
 Professor Zimmern,^ and others identify the 
 Hebrew cherubim with the Assyrian bull colossi. 
 This, however, rests only on supposed fancied resem- 
 blances. It is limited to both having wings in 
 common, and the fact that the bull-gods were the 
 guardians of temple gates, while the cherubim were 
 placed eastward of Eden. Beyond these resem- 
 blances all other details are different. As has been 
 said;^ "If the idea of the cherubim was borrowed 
 
 ' Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, p. 529 f. 
 ' Foote, The Cherubim and the Ark, Journal of the Americart 
 Oriental Society, vol. xxv., p. 285. 
 
Introductory Remarks 15 
 
 from the Babylonians it must be admitted that it 
 had become so thoroughly Hebraized as to be no 
 longer recognizable." 
 
 It has been stated again and again that the 
 Babylonians observed the seventh day, which they 
 called the Sabbath, as a rest day. The proof for 
 the assertion was found in a syllabary which ex- 
 plains the words {lm-ni% libbi," day of rest of the 
 heart," by the word sha-bat-tum. This has gener- 
 ally been regarded as being the origin of the Hebrew 
 Sabbath. But it has since been ascertained^ from a 
 list, which gives the Stmierian and Babylonian days 
 of the month, that shabatti or shapatti was the Baby- 
 lonian name for the fifteenth day of the month. 
 This word does not have anything to do with the 
 Hebrew shabdt, "to rest," but is explained as a 
 synonym of the Babylonian gamdru," to complete. " 
 
 But the Babylonians did observe the seventh, 
 fotirteenth, twenty-first, twenty-eighth, as well as 
 the nineteenth day of their lunar month. It was 
 UD.HUL.GAL or Amu limnu, " the evil day. " Upon 
 this day the Hebrew Sabbath may in some respect 
 be based. It was, however, not observed every 
 seventh day like the Hebrew Sabbath, for some 
 months had thirty days. It was not a day of rest 
 for the common people, but was observed, as far 
 as we know, only by the king and his officials ; when 
 they were prohibited from eating meat that had 
 
 ' See Pinches, The Old Testament, etc., p 526ff. 
 
16 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 touched the fire ; when they could not change their 
 garments, dress in white, offer sacrifices, mount a 
 chariot, pronounce judgment, or the physician touch 
 a sick man. The day was unauspicious for doing 
 business. In the night, the king made his offering 
 to the gods, when they were appeased. While the 
 Babylonians observed such a day, we cannot there- 
 fore, agree with those who claim that we owe the 
 blessings contained in the Sabbath (Sunday) rest 
 to the ancient Babylonian civilization, as their day 
 was observed quite differently. If the idea of the 
 rest-day was taken over from the Babylonians, like 
 other institutions whose origin can be traced among 
 peoples prior to Israel, it received an entirely dif- 
 ferent character. The Israelites themselves, in 
 explaining its origin, we must keep in mind, made 
 it coincident with the last creation day (Gen. 2:3). 
 Politically, Babylonia has played an important 
 r61e in Palestine. The earliest reference to the 
 Westland which has been found in the inscriptions 
 is on the votive vases of Lugal-zaggisi, about 4000 
 B. C. He informs us that he conquered the land, 
 and extended his dominion unto the Mediterranean 
 Sea (see page 138). Sargon I, about 3800 B.C., 
 conducted several campaigns in this region, when 
 he completely subjugated the people. He erected 
 his image on the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 NarS,m-Sin, about 3750 B. C, marched against 
 Midian and the Sinaitic peninsula. In the latter 
 region he developed the famous copper mines. 
 
Introductory Remarks 17 
 
 Gudea, about 3000 B. C, imported diorite from 
 Sinai, and other kinds of stone from the Amorite 
 land, besides cedars from Lebanon; which facts 
 show at least close relations with that part of the 
 country. 
 
 In Abraham's time, we learn that Elam claimed 
 suzerainty over the land. Kudur-Mabug, the 
 prince of Emutbal, a part of Elam, used the 
 title, " Prince of Amurru" (Palestine). When Ham- 
 murabi conquered Larsa and Elam he assumed 
 this title. Ammi-ditana, one of his successors, 
 continued to enjoy it. Then the curtain falls, and 
 the next we learn about the country from extra- 
 biblical sources is more than five centuries later, 
 in the Tel el-Amama period, when the land is found 
 to be under Egyptian control (see Chapter XI). 
 With the predominant political influence of Assyria 
 and Babylonia in the first pre-Christian millennium, 
 all are familiar. 
 
 Recognizing the fact that Palestine during millen- 
 niums had been subject frequently to the nations 
 of the East, that Hammurabi had been a remarkable 
 administrator, and that his efforts as a legislator 
 were such that the code he promulgated continued 
 to be effective in Babylonia for many centuries, 
 we should naturally suppose that he had also estab- 
 lished his laws in all the countries over which he 
 ruled, even though some were far removed from 
 his seat of government. As far as is known, this 
 does not seem to have been the case, at least with 
 
18 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Syria. Further, the influence which Babylonian 
 culture exerted in Palestine, as it becomes known 
 through the Amarna tablets, and in fact through 
 all sources of the early period, to be explicit, was 
 meager. In these letters a place near Jerusalem 
 is mentioned, which was known as Beth-Ninib 
 "House of [the Babylonian god] Ninib;" and an 
 individual was named Abdi-Ninib. The Baby- 
 lonian god Nergal figured prominently as the god 
 of disease and death in a letter written in Alashia 
 (presumably Cyprus). Then also the god Baal 
 and the goddess Ashirta of the Phoenicians are to 
 be identified originally with BSl and Ishtar of the 
 Babylonian pantheon, while, doubtless, Mt. Sinai 
 and Mt. Nebo obtained their names from the gods 
 Sin and Nebo. 
 
 These facts would not enable us to prove an ex- 
 tensive influence upon Palestine from Babylonia. 
 Moreover, the gods of Egypt, Syria, and Mitani 
 are also mentioned in these letters. In short, 
 Babylonia for many centuries, as well as Egypt 
 for a shorter period, exercised control over Palestine, 
 and exacted tribute ; but these nations do not seem 
 to have made any efforts to reorganize the country 
 politically, or to establish their own cultures in the 
 land. The use of the Babylonian as the diplomatic 
 language of the Canaanite princes does not neces- 
 sarily prove any extensive influence in that region, 
 as some scholars have claimed, because the same 
 language was used throughout Western Asia and 
 
Introductory Remarks 19 
 
 Egypt at that time for the same purpose. French 
 may be the diplomatic language spoken in modem 
 Bagdad and Constantinople, but its use for that 
 purpose would not prove that France exerted any 
 special influence in those quarters. Naturally, 
 the use of Babylonian in the Amarna age points to 
 an extended control and political influence which 
 Babylonia exercised over a great territory at some 
 previous period. On the other hand, when we 
 consider the influence that was exerted by the land 
 of the Amorites (which included Palestine) upon 
 Babylonia, we might claim the reverse to be true. 
 Even the chief god Amurru was introduced into 
 the Babylonian pantheon, as was the worship of 
 Addu, and other gods, as is shown by their nomen- 
 clature, an example of which is the Palestinian 
 Dagon in Ishme-Dagan, an Assyrian ruler's name. 
 The influence of Babylonia upon Palestine is not 
 to be minimized, but it has been greatly exaggerated 
 by some scholars with reference to the culture of 
 the Hebrews. We are not justified in generalizing 
 so freely because of certain things, as, for instance, 
 similar laws which are found in the Hammurabi 
 and Mosaic codes, which are based on common 
 Oriental law, or are to be explained as interesting 
 coincidences (see Chap. IX) ; or because of the 
 similarity of the creation and deluge stories of 
 the Hebrew and Babylonian; or, for instance, be- 
 cause some weights and measures are found to 
 be similar, which was due to the influence of the 
 
20 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Babylonian trader. As shown, there are rites and 
 ceremonies which have their parahels in the Assyro- 
 Babylonian rituals. Further, in the customs of 
 the late period, after the Hebrews had been in exile, 
 there can be no question that considerable influence 
 was felt from that quarter; to mention a single 
 illustration, the substitution of the Babylonian 
 names of the months for their own. But as has 
 also been shown, there is no justification for the 
 extravagant assertions concerning the Hebrew cul- 
 ture as a whole, which have been made in some of 
 the recent Bibel und Babel literature. 
 
 It is to be regretted that we know so little of 
 early Palestine and Phoenicia, the countries which 
 have directly influenced the Israelites. It is claimed 
 by some that the plan of Solomon's temple and its 
 ornamentation followed Phoenician models. Yet 
 some declare that it is little more than a reproduction 
 of a Babylonian sanctuary. It might be interesting 
 to see the proofs for these claims, inasmuch as there 
 is very little known of Babylonian fanes. 
 
 We must remember that Israel lived in Egypt 
 for nearly five centuries during the period of the 
 nation's infancy. Although separated from true 
 Egyptian life, and under military control, it is 
 natural to suppose that a certain percentage of the 
 people came into contact with the residents of the 
 Nile valley. What is recorded in the Old Testament 
 concerning Egypt is found to be a faithful picture. 
 Other influences, as yet unrecognized, may have 
 
Introductory Remarks 21 
 
 come from that direction. But after taking into 
 consideration all the supposed influences now known 
 from that quarter, we must remark that they are 
 exceedingly slight. 
 
 Some may also be looked for from Hittite sources. 
 The people of Heth had important settlements in 
 Palestine at a very early date. The Syrians from 
 Damascus, a very ancient center, also influenced 
 the people of Palestine for centuries. What future 
 excavations of the ancient cities of the East will 
 reveal along this line of investigation, no one can 
 surmise. The indications are that very interesting 
 parallels in cultures will be found; and the fact 
 will be recognized that Israel had much in common 
 with other nations, even with those whose antiquity 
 was much greater, and that the ordinary influences of 
 nations, especially of the greater upon the smaller, 
 will be recognized. But beyond that which belongs 
 to common Oriental culture which has been handed 
 down from time immemorial, little direct borrowing, 
 it seems to me, will be found to have been done. 
 In other words, such direct and wholesale depend- 
 ence upon the Babylonians as has been claimed 
 by some will not be proved. 
 
 On the other hand, when we consider the light 
 thrown upon the Hebrew records from Babylonian 
 and Assyrian sources by reason of political and social 
 contact, we have something of a more positive 
 character with which to deal. And it must be a 
 source of gratification to many to know that the 
 
22 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 ruin-hills of the past have yielded so many things 
 to prove that much which the skeptic and the nega- 
 tive critic have declared to be fiction is veritable 
 history. Archeology must ever be given the 
 greatest credit for having come to the rescue. When 
 we reflect that wherever in the Old Testament 
 reference is made to contact with foreign powers, 
 and we have been able to delve among the con- 
 temporaneous records of those powers in nearly 
 every instance, as will be seen in the succeeding 
 chapters, reference to such contact with Israel 
 has been found — truly every lover of the old Book 
 must rejoice. 
 
II 
 
 THE GREAT ANTIQUITY OF MAN 
 
 The Babylonian legend, as handed down by 
 Berosus the Greek historian, claims four hundred 
 and thirty-two thousand years for the period prior 
 to the deluge, during which time ten kings ruled; 
 in other words, each king ruled on an average 
 forty-three thousand two hundred years. All are 
 more or less familiar with the claims of modern 
 scientists that the period for the existence of man 
 on earth covers many thousands of years. In the 
 discussion contained in the following pages on the 
 antiquity of man, only that is taken into considera- 
 tion which archeology has revealed. 
 
 For many years it has been known that Egypt 
 flourished centuries prior to Abraham; that it had 
 an amazingly high civilization, which was old in his 
 day; and that its political institutions were already 
 greatly advanced. Few, however, appreciated the 
 extent of Egypt's development, especially with 
 respect to its great antiquity. The general public 
 did not readily accept the conclusions arrived at by 
 Egyptologists, but continued to accept Ussher's 
 chronology, or other systems which were based upon 
 the Septuagint, as being more or less correct. All 
 this is now changed. Babylonian archeology throws 
 
 23 
 
24 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 light upon the subject, and not only is the great 
 antiquity claimed by Egyptologists confirmed, but 
 our vista of this early age is enlarged in a manner 
 surprising in the extreme. Nations and peoples 
 of those times are restored to history. Thousands 
 of inscriptions are brought to light, by the help of 
 which a knowledge of the life and customs of the 
 people prior to Abraham's day is unfolded before 
 our eyes, changing our entire conception of those 
 distant times, and revealing a civilization which had 
 advanced in an astonishing degree, centuries before 
 the patriarch. Instead of possessing only the names 
 of a score or more of individuals between Adam and 
 Abram, as are found in Genesis, many thousands 
 become known. In a single document,^ for instance, 
 written two thousand years before the patriarch, 
 about five hundred names are given. And yet the 
 great work of excavating the cities of ancient Baby- 
 lonia is only in its infancy. 
 
 Nearly a quarter of a century ago, De Sarzec's 
 excavations at Telloh revealed statues and inscrip- 
 tions (see page 158) belonging to an age antedating 
 by many centuries the old date of the deluge. A 
 decade since, on the basis of the excavations by 
 the University of Pennsylvania at Nippur, a still 
 greater antiquity was definitely fixed for the early 
 history of man. And not very long ago Dr. Banks, 
 who excavated at Bismya for the University of 
 
 ' The Obelisk of Manishtusu, see page 46. 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 25 
 
 Chicago, in the reports of his field work claimed 
 even a greater antiquity for what he found. In 
 the upper stratum of this city the remains of a very 
 early period were brought to light, showing that the 
 city had been destroyed perhaps in the early part 
 of the third millennium B. C, and that it had never 
 been rebuilt. He informs us that beneath the ancient 
 temple were various strata, the lowest of which 
 he dates several millenniums earlier than the oldest 
 date hitherto claimed for any Babylonian ruins. 
 Whether his conclusions will stand the test, after 
 further investigations have been made, remains to 
 be seen. In addition to important explorations con- 
 ducted years ago by Loftus, Taylor, and Rassam in 
 Babylonia, the German Oriental Society has devoted 
 five years to systematic excavations at Babylon, 
 Fara, and Ab<i-Hatab, where important results 
 were obtained.^ 
 
 In determining the great antiquity of man in 
 Babylonia prior to the days of Abraham, important 
 lessons are taught by the University of Pennsylvania 
 excavations of the various strata of the mound 
 which covers the temple of Bel at Nippur. It has 
 been said that twenty-one different strata can be 
 traced with certainty in the temple area. This does 
 not mean strata in the sense of so many cities, but 
 
 1 For the past two years the Society, under the directorship 
 of Professor Frederick Delitzsch, has carried on excavations in 
 Assyria where many antiquities of the last two pre-Christian 
 millenniums nave been found. 
 
:26 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 different levels at which objects have been found. 
 The fact is that while a number of pavements 
 intersect the mound of the temple, and several 
 closely defined strata are perceptible, we cannot 
 speak of so many cities, as for instance is done with 
 reference to the ancient biblical Lachish, where 
 Bliss found eight distinct towns, one superimposed 
 upon the other. At Nippur there was a continued 
 occupation, as far as is known, from the earliest 
 period until the latest. The city was without doubt 
 destroyed at times, but the buildings were restored 
 and enlarged, especially those in connection with 
 the temple. In short, the mounds of Nippur, formed 
 through the accumulations of debris, and rising on 
 an average of sixty feet above the plain, show a 
 number of distinct strata with their respective 
 antiquities. These mark different epochs, and 
 represent millenniums of building operations. 
 
 When the excavators sent out by the University 
 of Pennsylvania approached Nippur, in 1889, the 
 high conical mound, rising about ninety feet above 
 the plain, was at once recognized as covering the 
 temple tower. In the uppermost stratum, the 
 remains of the late occupation of the city were found. 
 In this stratum were disinterred many Hebrew 
 antiquities, such as inscribed incantation bowls 
 (see Chap. XV). Below this lay a large fortress 
 which had been built upon the temple and ziggurrat 
 in the age following the Babylonian period, pre- 
 sumably by the Parthians or Romans. In the 
 
o 
 
 W 
 O 
 
28 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 ruins of this building are found some walls which 
 indicate a slightly earlier construction, showing 
 that the structure had been restored. The work 
 of Ashurbanipal (668-626 B. C.) lies several feet 
 beneath this fortress. In the temple court this 
 famous Assyrian ruler laid a pavement of burnt 
 bricks, a good many of which were stamped with 
 his titles. Two feet below this pavement another 
 was discovered. This was laid by Kadashman- 
 Turgu, about 1325 B. C. Descending below this, 
 another was found which belonged to Ur-Ninib, 
 about 2550 B. C. Only two and a half feet of debris 
 exist between the pavements of Kadashman-Turgu 
 and Ur-Ninib, although that amount represents a 
 period of about twelve hundred years. Two feet 
 below the pavement of Ur-Ninib, the excavators 
 found one laid by Ur-Engur, whose date is fixed at 
 about 2700 B. C. But how do we arrive at the date 
 approximately assigned to this royal builder? 
 
 Assuming that Amraphel, the contemporary of 
 Abraham, is to be identified with Hammurabi, 
 2100 B. C. (see page 130), and knowing that he 
 was the sixth king of his dynasty, and also that the 
 number of years his predecessors ruled was one 
 hundred and twenty, we have the date for the 
 beginning of the first dynasty of Babylon. It was 
 contemporaneous with the second dynasty of Ur, or 
 Larsa dynasty, which lasted several hundred years. 
 This followed in order the dynasty of Isin, and the 
 first dynasty of Ur. The number of years or cen- 
 
Pavements laid by Ashurbanipal, Kadashman-Turgu and Ur-Ninib. 
 
 Workman removing the pavement containing bricks with the titles of Sargon and Nar^ra-Sin. 
 
30 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 turies assigned to these dynasties, from the num- 
 ber of known rulers, and the length of their re- 
 spective reigns, cannot be fixed. Although it is 
 assumed that some of these dynasties were partially 
 contemporaneous, a reasonable conjecture is that 
 five or six hundred years intervened. While several 
 of the dynasties are comparatively well represented 
 by known kings, the names of a number of addi- 
 tional rulers must be forthcoming before this period 
 between Ur-Engur (approximately 2700 B. C.) and 
 Hammurabi (2100 B. C.) is completely filled out. 
 
 Below the pavement of Ur-Engur, Director 
 Haynes found another. The bricks used in its con- 
 struction were laid in two courses, and bore the 
 legends of Sargon I, 3800 B. C, and his son Naram- 
 Sin (see illustration page 118). We again inquire, 
 How is this date arrived at? 
 
 Hormuzd Rassam, in 1881, discovered at Abu- 
 Habba a cylinder of King Nabonidus (555-537 B.C.), 
 the father of Belshazzar, with whose zeal for archeo- 
 logical investigations we are familiar. It contains 
 an account of his restoration of Ebarra, the temple 
 of Shamash at Sippara, which Nebuchadrezzar 
 and others before him had rebuilt, but which had 
 fallen into ruins. He says: "While I caused the 
 god Shamash to go forth from within it [and] 
 caused him to dwell in another sanctuary, I tore 
 down that temple; and looked for its old 
 foundation-stone. I excavated eighteen cubits of 
 earth, and the foundation-stone of Nar4m-Sin, 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 
 
 31 
 
 the son of Sargon, which no other kings among my 
 predecessors had seen for 3200 years, the god 
 
 DOOR-SOCKET OF SARGON, FROM NIPPUR. 
 
 Inscription reads: Sharglni-shar-aii (Sargon), son of Itti-B^l, the mighty 
 king of Accad and the dominion of BSl, the builder of Elcur, the Temple of 
 ESI in Nippur. Whoever removes this inscribed stone, may BSl and Shamash 
 tear out his foundation and exterminate his posterity. 
 
 Shamash, the great Lord of Ebarra, the temple, 
 the dwelHng place, the delight of his heart, showed 
 
32 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 me." Adding the 3200 years to 550, which is about 
 the time this inscription was written, we arrive at 
 the date 3750 B. C. for Naram-Sin, and about 
 3800 B. C. for that of his father Sargon. 
 
 Efforts had been made to show that these kings 
 were mythical personages, created by the priests 
 of the late period. Curiously enough, at the very 
 time this theory appeared in print. Doctor Haynes, 
 at Nippur, like Nabonidus of old, stood upon the 
 temple pavement of Naram-Sin. 
 
 A number of Assyriologists accept the date 3800 
 B. C, while others are very reluctant to admit such 
 a great antiquity for these Babylonian rulers. 
 Professor Winckler has endeavored to bring Sargon's 
 date down to 3000 B. C, while Doctor Lehmann 
 corrects Nabonidus' figures, and makes the inscrip- 
 tion read 2200 years instead of 3200. This would 
 make Sargon's date 2800 B. C. 
 
 There is this to be said, however, with reference 
 to the 3200 years of Nabonidus, before we draw our 
 deductions from the facts. Doctor Haynes reported 
 that the pavement of Ur-Engur rested immediately 
 upon the two-course brick pavement of Naram-Sin. 
 Ur-Engur's pavement consisted of several layers of 
 worked clay, about seven feet in thickness, on the top 
 of which was a course of burnt bricks. No debris, 
 therefore, intervened between the pavement of Ur- 
 Engur and that of Naram-Sin, although the upper- 
 most courses of each were in some places as much 
 as eight feet apart. Mr. Fisher, the architect of 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 33 
 
 the last expedition, claims that other construc- 
 tions of Ur-Engur also rest immediately upon 
 those of Sargon and Naram-Sin. These facts would 
 seem to support the theory that a thousand years 
 do not intervene between the two rulers. And yet 
 on the other hand, as noticed above, only two 
 and a half feet of debris exists between the pave- 
 ment of Ur-Ninib (about 2550 B. C.) and Kadash- 
 man-Turgu (about 1325 B. C), a period of about 
 1200 years. For many centuries the pavement of 
 Ur-Ninib may have been kept clear. Perhaps after 
 some years of neglect, or after some catastrophe, 
 the pavement within the temple area was lost sight 
 of, and then began the slow process of trampling 
 the accumulated dust and dirt into the ground 
 floor. The gradual rise of every ancient city is a 
 well - recognized fact. In Babylonia mud bricks 
 were largely used for houses and other building 
 operations. The walls from time to time were 
 plastered. As the mud washed down, it caused the 
 level of the court or sidewalk gradually to rise. 
 It is well known that the level of the streets and 
 alleys rises more rapidly than the ground floors of 
 the houses, owing to the fact that the floors are 
 swept, and little attention is given to the streets. 
 In consequence, upon entering a house in the East 
 of to-day, one is frequently forced to step down 
 into it. And when the floors become too low the 
 roof of the house is removed, the rooms filled in, the 
 walls raised, and the roof replaced. 
 
 3 
 
34 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 In the temple court, where brick pavements were 
 laid by certain builders, and dirt was allowed to 
 accumulate, the level rose, but only after the pave- 
 ment had disappeared from view. If Ur-Ninib's 
 pavement had been kept clear for the greater part 
 of the period following him until Kadashman- 
 Turgu's time, the same might be said for the entire 
 period between Sargon and Ur-Engur. 
 
 It is claimed by some that because of the difference 
 in the writing, paleographical reasons may be added 
 to prove that at least a thousand years intervened 
 between these two rulers. Such arguments are 
 exceedingly precarious, as the character of the 
 writing is practically the same. Then also the list 
 of rulers known to the present time between Ur- 
 Engur and Sargon is small, if more than a thousand 
 years intervened. Much more is known of the 
 preceding and subsequent periods. If a millennium 
 did intervene, this age remains the least known of 
 any from 4500 B. C. down to the Christian era. 
 Moreover, instead of correcting Nabonidus, or 
 guessing at the length of this period, it is perhaps 
 better to retain the date 3800 B. C. for Sargon until 
 more light is thrown upon the subject, which we 
 may expect almost any day. 
 
 On the third campaign, the indefatigable excavator 
 Haynes descended through Sargon's and Naram- 
 Sin's pavement. Several feet below he came upon 
 a curb, about twenty inches high, which may 
 have served as an enclosure for the so-cahed 
 
The Great x4ntiquity of Man 
 
 35 
 
 altar/ which was found on the same level. At a 
 distance of twelve feet below Sargon's pavement, he 
 found a vaulted arch of burnt bricks, which was 
 built in a wall as a protection to pipes which 
 passed beneath it." 
 
 ^■•ipSfefe-'. ' 
 
 ^: 
 
 
 Wcu. 
 
 : :,.^'^%\:^yr^^' "^ 
 
 
 
 The Archaic Arch of Nippur. 
 
 ' See Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, Vol. I, part i, 
 page 24. Later it was regarded as a crematorium. See Ex- 
 plorations in Bible Lands, page 458. 
 
 ^ See ibid, page 20. Also Fisher, Transactions, Department 
 of Archeology, Vol. I, part 3. 
 
36 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 In descending to virgin soil, the excavator found 
 large urns, drains of various kinds, hundreds of 
 vases filled with ashes, pottery, etc. Between 
 Naram-Sin's pavement and virgin soil, he reported 
 thirty feet of debris. This represents the accumu- 
 
 ^H 
 
 ^^^^PVHHV^^^^I 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Excavations in the Temple precincts to Virgin soil. 
 
 lations of ages, and prompted Haynes to write in 
 one of his reports to the committee: "We must 
 cease to apply the adjective 'earliest' to the time 
 of Sargon, or to any age or epoch within a thousand 
 years of his advanced civilization." In other words, 
 he found that instead of Sargon and Nardm-Sin 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 37 
 
 being mythological characters, or even belonging 
 to the dawn of civilization, they are representatives 
 of a highly developed culture. This was one of the 
 great archeological surprises of recent decades. 
 
 It is impossible to estimate the length of the 
 period represented by the thirty feet of accumula- 
 tion between Naram-Sin's pavement and virgin 
 soil. If the rate of _ 
 
 accumulations was 
 the same as the 
 period subsequent to 
 Naram-Sin's time, it 
 should be between 
 two and three millen- 
 niums. Naturally, 
 this may be an ex- 
 travagant conjecture, 
 but nevertheless, 
 there is every reason 
 to believe that the 
 period is an indefi- 
 
 . , 1 1 Early Sumerjan Marble head from Nippur. 
 
 nitely long one. 
 
 What kind of a civilization is represented by 
 the antiquities which belong to the period prior to 
 Sargon? At Nippur the objects of special value, 
 belonging to this time, are mostly inscribed votive 
 vases, all of which were found in a fragmentary 
 condition. Noteworthy among the very oldest 
 might be mentioned several fragments of a white 
 calcite stalagmite vase, bearing an inscription of 
 
38 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Enshagkushanna. The first reads: "To En-lil 
 (i.e., Bel), king of lands, En-shag-kush-an-na, lord 
 
 of Kengi king of ' " The 
 
 second reads: "To En-lil, En-shag-kush-an-na, the 
 spoil of Kish . . . .," and a third: " . . . . 
 The spoil of Kish, wicked of heart he presented" 
 (see illustration No. 2 on page 39). The fragmen- 
 tary legend records the fact that this ruler had 
 conquered Kish, and from the spoil he presented this 
 vase to his deity at Nippur. 
 
 Two fragments (which fit together), of a vase of 
 the same material, also found in the temple area, 
 contain the following inscription of Urzage (formerly 
 read Urshulpauddu) : "To En-lil {i.e., Bel) king 
 of countries, and Nin-lil {i.e., Beltis), the queen 
 of heaven and earth, nun-ba-she-na-ni, the consort 
 of En-lil. Ur-zage king of Kish, king of ... . 
 
 has presented it" (see illustration 
 
 No. 3). 
 
 Following or preceding these rulers there is a 
 clearly established line of kings known through the 
 excavations of the French at Telloh: Lugal-shag- 
 Engur, Ur-Nina, Akurgal, Eannatum, Enannatum I, 
 Edingiranagin, Entemena, and Enannatum II, 
 Urukagina, etc. 
 
 Art treasures belonging to these rulers are now 
 preserved in the Louvre at Paris. Among other 
 inscriptions of Ur-NinS., who devoted considerable 
 time to the building of temples, shrines, and store- 
 houses, there is an interesting slab about eighteen 
 
40 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 inches in length. A hole was cut in the center, 
 presumably for the purpose of hanging it upon a 
 peg on the wall. In order to express his sovereignty, 
 Ur-Nina is represented' as a giant, while his eight 
 sons and servants, who are about him, are depicted 
 
 Votive Slab of Ur-Nini of Lagash. iSYs in. wide. 
 
 as dwarfs. He is dressed like a priest or temple 
 servant, with short hair, and naked above his waist, 
 in order to express humility in the presence of his 
 god. Upon his head he holds a reed-basket. Behind 
 him, in the lower half of the slab, his cupbearer is 
 in the act of pouring out wine. The beginning of 
 the inscription is on his head, as if it represents 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 41 
 
 what he has to say. Besides giving his title, and 
 the names of temples which he built, the name of 
 each son is inscribed on his respective skirt. 
 
 Votive Slab of Ur-Enlil of Nippur. 814 in. wide. 
 
 Belonging to this age, or perhaps an earlier, is 
 a small limestone slab, somewhat similar, which 
 was found at Nippur. In the upper division, 
 Ur-Enlil stands before his deity with a libation 
 vase in one hand and an offering in the other. 
 The scene was duplicated by reversing the figures. 
 
42 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The inscription reads: "To Ninni-Edin, Ur-Enlil 
 the chief merchant, has presented it." In the lower 
 division besides two figures there is a sheep and a 
 goat. One of the figures carries a square basket on 
 his head, and the other a stick in his hand. The 
 late Professor Cope of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania regarded the goat as a domestic hybrid, and 
 the sheep as the uriel, now known in Eastern Persia, 
 and considered that the animal locomotion as 
 indicated by the incised lines is remarkably well 
 executed ; and yet the slab belongs to this early age. 
 The fifth son of Ur-Nina who was Akurgal, accord- 
 ing to the arrangement on the slab, succeeded him. 
 He is not represented as yet by any inscriptions. 
 Eannatum, his brother, followed his reign. The 
 inscriptions of this powerful successor record a 
 dispute concerning the boundary between Shirpurla 
 and Gishkhu, a neighboring city. The famous stele 
 of vultures commemorates the treaty which ensued. 
 It received its name from the fact that at the 
 top of the stone there are carved in relief, vultures 
 carrying away parts of dead bodies, after the battle 
 which terminated the dispute. Eannatum was a 
 mighty conqueror. He does not seem to have in- 
 herited the peace-loving spirit of his predecessors. 
 In a lengthy inscription he tells of the many peoples 
 he subjugated, and the cities he destroyed; among 
 which are Elam, Erech, Ur, Larsa, Gishkhu, Kish, 
 and many others, a number of which have not as 
 yet been identified. 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 4P. 
 
 Entemena continued this warfare, having dif- 
 ficulties on account of the same boundary and the 
 uprising of the subjugated. In lengthy, grandilo- 
 quent records he recounts his victories, and mentions 
 his great deeds. 
 
 It seems that Bel, whose seat of worship was at 
 Nippur, was a favored deity of these Shirpurla 
 rulers ; at least they considered that it was he who 
 gave the power into their hands to accomplish their 
 feats. It is therefore quite proper that we should 
 expect to find some token of their gratitude in 
 Bel's sanctuary. Among the discoveries in the 
 temple area were two fragments (see illustration page 
 39, No. 4) which read: "Entemena, the Patesi 
 of Shirpurla, to whom power was given by B61, 
 who was nourished with the milk of life by Nin- 
 kharsag . . . of Bel, a large vase from the 
 mountains he brought to Dungur, the lord of the 
 foundation of heaven " Other frag- 
 ments of the same king were found in later exca- 
 vations. 
 
 Urukagina, king of Shirpurla, is represented by 
 four or five inscriptions which the French found in 
 the ruins of that city, now called Telloh. The country 
 seemed to be at peace in his day. He showed his 
 piety and devotion to the gods by building temples, 
 shrines, palaces, and granaries in order to store up 
 the abundance of the land. 
 
 A contemporary of this Telloh ruler, as Thureau- 
 Dangin, the savant of the early Sumerian inscrip- 
 
44 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 tions has shown, is Lugal-zaggisi (about 4000 B. C), 
 whose vase fragments (see illustration, page 39, No.i) 
 have been found at Nippur. In his inscription' he 
 informs us that he was the son of a priest; that 
 Bel had granted him the kingship of the world; 
 that he had made him the spiritual head of all the 
 peoples of his kingdom; that he had conquered 
 the land from the rising of the sun (Persian Gulf) 
 to the going down of the sun (Mediterranean Sea, 
 see page 138). He recounts his restoration of certain 
 cities, well known in later inscriptions, as Ur, Larsa, 
 etc., and closes with a prayer to Bel, to whom he 
 dedicates the vase. 
 
 At Nippur, fragments representing quite a number 
 of additional pre-Sargonic kings were found. Some 
 of these contain only a few lines of inscriptions^ 
 but from which additional names of rulers and per- 
 sons are obtained: Utug, Ur-Mama, Lugal-kigub- 
 nidudu, Lugal-kisalsi, Abaranna, Lugal-ezen, Aba- 
 Enlil, and others. Exactly in what order these 
 names are to be placed, or whether some of them 
 should be placed before Urukagina, remains at pres- 
 ent uncertain. 
 
 1 From a large number of fragments, small and large, 
 Professor Hilprecht copied this inscription of about one hundred 
 and forty short lines. See Old Babylonian Inscriptions, Vol. 
 I, part 2. Thureau-Dangin published the first complete trans- 
 lation of it in Rivtie Simiiiquc d'Epigraphie et d'Historie 
 Ancienne, 1897, page 263 flE. 
 
 » Old Babylonian Inscriptions, PI. 46 f. 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 
 
 45 
 
 The inscriptions of another king of Kish, which 
 were discovered at Nippur and Telloh, deserve 
 mention in this connection. Some of the vases 
 
 STONE VOTIVE SLAB. 
 
 Inscription: *'To B^l, Lugal-kigubnidudu has presented it." Diameter, 
 10 in., thickness, 2% in. 
 
 are more than half preserved. Some bear very- 
 brief legends, as for instance: "Urumush (or Alu- 
 sharshid), king of Kish;" or again: "To the god 
 
46 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Bel, Urumush, king of Kish, has presented it." 
 The longest of these inscriptions reads: "To Bel, 
 Urumush, king of Kish, pre- 
 sented it from the spoil of 
 Elam, when Elam and Ba- 
 rakhse had been subjugated. " 
 Here might be mentioned 
 also the remarkable block of 
 granite known as the Stele of 
 Manishtusu, which was found 
 by de Morgan at Susa, and 
 translated by the indefatig- 
 able Father Scheil. It has 
 about two thousand lines of 
 inscription. Manishtusu, who 
 lived shortly before or after 
 Sargon I, purchased a large 
 estate for his son Mesilim. 
 A present was given the 
 seller, as well as the price 
 which was paid. This custom still prevailed in 
 Neo-Babylonian times. In the transaction, the 
 land was estimated at corn value, and the price of 
 corn was fixed according to the silver standard. 
 A regular system of weights was in existence, which 
 was based on the sexigesimal system. Besides a 
 regular judiciary, which was already in existence, 
 over forty professions are mentioned. In all, about 
 five hundred names appear on the stone. 
 
 We have thus briefly mentioned the pre-Sargonic 
 
 Marble Vase of Urumush. 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 47 
 
 inscriptions, from the earliest found at Nippur, 
 which was perhaps that of Enshagkushanna, to 
 that of Manishtusu which was found at Susa. 
 Whether the Esar ^ statue, found at Bismya, is 
 older, as has been claimed, remains to be deter- 
 mined. Professor Barton of Bryn Mawr published 
 some years ago what is known as the Blau monu- 
 ment. It antedated everything else then known. 
 Recently he deciphered tentatively an archaic 
 tablet belonging to the E. A. Hoffman Collection 
 of the General Theological Seminary, New York, 
 which he regards as being still older; but perhaps 
 not as old as another which Father Scheil published 
 from Djocha. 
 
 From these brief extracts of inscriptions belonging 
 to the dust of ages, we get here and there a glimpse 
 of light for the period prior to Sargon I. In some 
 instances, perhaps, an isolated name on a fragment 
 represents a dynasty. All of which impresses us 
 with the fact that while we have reached far back 
 into the misty past, the oblivion which hides the 
 beginnings of the human race seems to grow deeper 
 and deeper. Elam is already a recognized power in the 
 political horizon. The inimical relations so often 
 displayed in the succeeding millenniums have been 
 already developed. The biblical cities, Erech, Larsa, 
 Ur, and Nippur (which according to the Talmud is 
 
 '■ Read " Daudu" or " David" by the discoverer. The little 
 inscription reads, " Esar, the mighty king, king of Adab." See 
 Hommel inThureau-Dangin, Lesinscriptions de Sumer et d'Akkad. 
 
48 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Calneh of Genesis io:io), and other cities, with 
 their respective temples, storehouses, and deities, 
 are in a great measure practicahy the same as we 
 know them in later periods. The Semites are already 
 in the land. It is scarcely possible that they entered 
 during this known age. In short, from the archeo- 
 logical remains of this period we are impressed with 
 the fact that the civilization of that age is practically 
 the same as that met in the succeeding millenniums. 
 The great antiquity of Babylonian literature is 
 also an established fact. The extant inscriptions of 
 the early pre-Sargonic age, apart from the deeds and 
 documents, as shown above, are largely of a histor- 
 ical character, such as brief records of kings' doings, 
 in which they magnify themselves for their pious 
 deeds in building or restoring temples and store- 
 houses, or in which they recount their conquests 
 of neighboring kings. In addition they inscribed 
 brief legends consisting of their names and titles 
 upon bricks, gate sockets and votive objects. Yet 
 there are excellent reasons for maintaining that 
 there existed in this age also a considerable propor- 
 tion of the religious texts, such as epics, hymns, 
 incantations, etc., some of which are recognized as 
 having been inscribed in the Hammurabi period, 
 although in a revised form to suit the cult or cults 
 of that time; and which formed also to a large ex- 
 tent, the basis of the material that was gathered 
 centuries later for the famous library of Ashurban- 
 ipal. In offering reasons for the early existence of 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 49 
 
 these texts, reference can be made to the art of the 
 early period, in which, for instance, scenes from the 
 national Gilgamesh epic are depicted. Incidental 
 references to the site of Eridu at the head of the Per- 
 sian Gulf would point to a great antiquity, since in 
 comparatively early times the Persian Gulf, because 
 of the accumulation of soil, had already receded far 
 from the city. 
 
 The fact also that there are indications that in 
 early times different versions of the creation or 
 Tiamatu epic existed in the different centers, as has 
 been so forcibly maintained by Professor Jastrow 
 (see p. 60), in which the patron deity of the city 
 was made the hero, besides being accommodated 
 otherwise to the cult in which it was made use of, 
 is also an indication of great antiqtiity. This 
 recasting of a work to suit the cult in which it 
 was used, is now well recognized. The Shurpu- 
 Maklu texts, published by Zimmern, originally were 
 Eridu series of incantations, which had been trans- 
 ferred to the god Marduk of Babylon. The hymns 
 published by Reisner, which were found in Baby- 
 lon, are written in the Neo-Babylonian script, but 
 they go back to the hymns used in the worship oi 
 BSl at Nippur of an earlier period. Similarly, many 
 of the texts in the library of Ashtirbanipal, though 
 reverting to originals in the temple collection in 
 Babylon may be traced back to still earlier origi- 
 nals at Nippur, Eridu, Sippara and other cities. 
 This finds support in the publication quite recently 
 
 4 
 
50 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of an incantation tablet' which for paleographical 
 reasons is dated at 3000 or 3500 B. C, and in which 
 Ea alone is worshiped. Despite this early age there 
 seem to be reasons for regarding even this tablet an 
 edition of a still older original, and that it formed 
 part of an incantation series. Considering also that 
 art, writing (see below) , religion — in a word the entire 
 culture of the Semitic Babylonian — is based upon 
 that of the earlier inhabitants of the valley, it is a rea- 
 sonable conclusion that much of this early litera- 
 ture goes back to an exceedingly remote antiquity. 
 The character of the writing of this early age 
 offers another weighty argument for a great antiquity 
 prior to that now known; for then men wrote 
 their thoughts- in an intelligible and permanent 
 form. The script used by the Sumerians, as is the 
 case with every writing, goes back to original 
 hieroglyphs or pictorial outlines of objects. The 
 Babylonians, who represent the fusion of the Sume- 
 rians and Semites, continued to employ the script 
 until the very close of their history. The characters 
 in the earliest inscriptions known are so far removed 
 from what they were originally that in scarcely 
 more than a third of the number used can the original 
 pictures be determined. The way these are recog- 
 nized is largely by inference through the different 
 values the characters possess. This fact determines 
 
 ' Vincent Brummer, Recueil de Travaux Relatifs. Volume 
 xxviii., Uv. 3 et 4. 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 51 
 
 for us that between the introduction of this system 
 of writing and the date of the earhest inscriptions 
 in our possession a very long period intervened. 
 Whether the originators of this writing — which 
 was adapted to clay, their writing material — 
 were the first to invent a system; whether the 
 Sumerians who occupied the country prior to the 
 Semites will eventually be regarded as one of the 
 very first peoples of the earth, or whether a civiliza- 
 tion still older than that revealed at Telloh, Nippur, 
 Fara, and Bismya will be resurrected, further 
 excavations will determine. 
 
 A linguistic argument may be added. Five 
 principal Semitic languages are recognized: Baby- 
 lono-Assyrian, Aramaic, Palestinian, Arabic, and 
 the Ethiopic. All scholars agree that there was an 
 original Semitic tongue from which these have 
 sprung. Taking into consideration the fixed charac- 
 ter of the Babylonian language in the earliest 
 inscriptions; that the grammar already shows 
 phonetic degeneration, and that there is little 
 difference to be observed in the language nearly 
 iour millenniums later, we are prompted to inquire : 
 How many centuries must be accounted for in the 
 history of this tongue since its separation from the 
 original Semitic language, when their common 
 ancestors used a common tongue? Besides the 
 Semitic groups, there is the Aryan, which surely 
 had an equal antiquity, not to mention the great 
 unclassifiable group, the so-called Turanian, to which 
 
52 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the Sumerian belongs. And again we ask ourselves. 
 What is the length of- the period prior to that repre- 
 sented by the earliest known of these groups of 
 tongues ? 
 
 The work of the craftsman also offers interesting 
 data in this connection. A great many beautiful 
 examples of the work of the silversmith of this 
 early age have been preserved, such as bowls, vases, 
 and works of art. A beautiful specimen is to be 
 found in the silver vase dedicated to the god Nin- 
 girsu by En temena (about 4100 B. C), which was 
 discovered at Telloh. It stands on a bronze pedestal 
 with four feet. A votive inscription runs about its 
 neck. The bowl is divided into two compartments. 
 In the upper portion, upon the flat metal, are en- 
 graved seven heifers lying down, but with the right 
 leg extended as if in the act of rising. All face the 
 same direction. In the lower compartment are 
 four eagles with extended wings; and tails, practically 
 identical with the totem or coat of arms of Shirpurla. 
 The talons of each of the four eagles are clutching 
 two walking animals, which have their backs to 
 each other. The animals represented are lions, 
 goats, and stags. Although too much attention has 
 been paid to detail, the whole is exceedingly well 
 rendered, and indicates remarkable skill, which in 
 no respect is less striking than that of the Egyptian 
 contemporaries in this handicraft. 
 
 Notable examples of work in bronze are a few 
 heads of animals which have been found. Two 
 
Silver Vase of Entemena, with the Coat of Arms of Lagash. 
 
54 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 goat heads, said by the Arabs who found them to 
 have come from AbA Hatab or Fara, are especially 
 interesting. The composition of the bronze is: 
 82.97 per cent, of copper, 1.33. per cent, of, nickel, 
 0.86 per cent, of iron, 0.23 per cent, of antimony, 
 
 Bronze Head. 
 
 and 14.61 per cent, of oxygen.' The heads when 
 found were heavily incrusted with patina. On 
 
 ' See Helm and Hilprecht, Verhandlungen der Berliner 
 anthropologischen Gesellschaft, 1901, p. 157 
 
The Great Antiquity of Man 55 
 
 removing this, some of the original poUsh was still 
 visible. The eyes are made of white and brownish 
 shell, laid in the metal. Around the neck and on 
 the side of the nose are similar ornamental designs 
 also in shell. In the forehead there is a triangular 
 design in mother-of-pearl, which is also inlaid with 
 brown and white shell. The neck of the animal is 
 hollow. From the top of the inside near the opening 
 a pin is suspended. This is either for the, purpose 
 of attaching the head to a wooden body, which had 
 been overlaid with the same material, or, more 
 probably, for securing the head to the wall. Its 
 design and execution is most excellent. It is a 
 magnificent piece of work by an early Babylonian 
 or Sumerian master. The thought uppermost in 
 mind, in considering these antiquities, is that there 
 was a long period of development before such a 
 production was possible. 
 
 The work of the lapidary of this early age also 
 deserves consideration in this connection. As 
 works of art, according to our standard, owing to 
 the exaggerated prominence of muscles and the 
 heaviness of form, the seal cylinders of this age 
 woiild be considered defective from an anatomical 
 point of view; and yet the boldness in outline and 
 the fidelity of the action displayed in them is most 
 remarkable. They call forth admiration from all 
 who are competent to judge. The lapidist must 
 have possessed delicate saws, drills and other tools. 
 The fact is that the skill manifested in their execu- 
 
56 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 tion was never equaled in subsequent Babylonian 
 history, and can scarcely be surpassed in the present 
 day with all our modern improvements. A beautiful 
 example is the seal cylinder of Ibni-sharru, the scribe 
 of Sargon. It depicts Gilgamesh, the hero of the 
 deluge epic, kneeling, and holding in his hand a 
 peculiar vase. From its claws two jets of water 
 stream forth, from which a river runs through the 
 country. Before him is an ox, with huge horns, 
 which throws back its head to one side in order to 
 catch the water. The artistic ingenuity displayed 
 in metamorphosing a bit of stone into such a work 
 of art is remarkable; and yet it belongs to the 
 Sargonic period. 
 
 How radically different then is our conception of 
 these times from what it was a few years ago; 
 especially when we carry ourselves back to the 
 fifth millennium before Christ, and find that practi- 
 cally every antiquity of this early age speaks volumes 
 for the enlightenment and the advanced civilization 
 enjoyed by the people ! We do meet with that which 
 would be regarded as primitive, yet the culture in 
 general with which we become acquainted, com- 
 parable in many respects with that of our own, 
 points to a very great antiquity back of what we 
 know as the very earliest. They make us long for 
 more light ; and we ask, To what quarter shall we 
 look for it? Will Nippur yield documents still 
 earlier than those discovered? Doctor Haynes 
 informs us that he excavated to virgin soil in the 
 
< E 
 
58 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 temple mound. Will excavations in some other 
 mound yield the desired light? Later inscriptions 
 regard Nippur as one of the very oldest cities, but 
 this may be due to its great prominence in later 
 ages, in which case we look to other sites. In truth, 
 as has been stated, earlier inscriptions have been 
 found; and there doubtless will be others as the 
 work of excavations continues. 
 
Ill 
 
 THE BABYLONIAN CREATION 
 STORY 
 
 In 1875, George Smith of the British Museum 
 announced that among the treasures of that institu- 
 tion which had been excavated in Assyria, he had 
 discovered the Chaldean story of the creation, 
 and that it closely resembled the biblical account. 
 In the following year his work, "The Chaldean 
 Account of Genesis," appeared.' The tablets had 
 been previously disinterred from the great library 
 which had been founded by Ashurbanipal (668-626 
 B. C). 
 
 The legend had been transcribed in the Assyrian 
 characters upon several tablets, covering in all 
 about one thousand lines. Including the fragments 
 recently published by the Rev. Mr. L. W. King, 
 
 • Professor Delitzsch, in 1896, published all the known 
 fragments of the legend with a critical commentary, in his work 
 Das babylonische Weltschopfungsepos. This was followed by 
 other translations, notably by Professor Jensen, Mythen und 
 Epen (igoo); Professor Zimmern's appendix to Gunkel, 
 Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit (1895) ; those of Drs. 
 Sayce, Pinches, Jastrow, Alfred Jeremias; and especially that 
 of the Rev. Mr. King, "The Seven Tablets of Creation" (1902), 
 who succeeded in finding in the collections of the British Museum 
 no less than twenty-eight additional fragments of the epic. 
 
 S9 
 
60 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of the British Museum, about two-thirds of the story- 
 has been recovered. 
 
 The chief theme of the epic however, instead of 
 being the creation of the heavens and the earth, 
 is the glorification of the god Bel, for whose name 
 Marduk was later substituted.^ Apsu and Tiamat 
 were two primeval water deities. They gave birth 
 to the gods of the heavens. The latter caused the 
 aboriginal deities much disquietude, whereupon the 
 former decided upon their destruction. The gods 
 of heaven appointed Marduk to fight the great 
 Tiamat. He slew her, and out of her carcass created 
 the heavens and the earth. Extracts of the legend 
 follow : 
 
 When above heaven was not named, 
 And the earth beneath was not called by name, 
 The primeval Apsu was their begetter, 
 Mummu and Tiamat was the begetter of them all ; 
 Their waters were mingled together in one body; 
 A field was not marked, a marsh was not seen, 
 When the gods had not emerged. 
 
 And they did not bear a name ; and destinies had not been 
 fixed; 
 
 1 This is understood to have taken place some time after 
 Hammurabi had caused the worship of Marduk at Babylon to 
 supersede that of Bel, whose sanctuary was at Nippur. It has 
 been pointed out that there are elements in the story of two 
 original conflicts. Professor Jastrow (see "The Composite Char- 
 acter of the Babylonian Creation Story," in the Orientalische Stu- 
 dien, 1906, p. g6gii.) has recently argued that there are traces 
 of a third, which he calls the Eridu Version. 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 61 
 
 Then the gods were created in the midst [of the heavens;] 
 Lakhmu and Lakhamu were called forth. 
 Time passed ... .... 
 
 Anshar and Kishar over them [were placed]. 
 
 These gods are followed by others that were born 
 to Apsu and his spouse Tiamat. The gods of heaven, 
 however, caused them unrest. Apsu in his complaint 
 to Tiamat says : 
 
 By day I cannot rest, by night I cannot lie down, 
 
 I will surely destroy their ways, I will cast them down. 
 
 They held a consultation with reference to the 
 destruction of the gods, so that they might have 
 rest. 
 
 Tiamat advanced, with her brood banded together 
 by her side. Fuming and raging, they became 
 furious in their preparations for battle. Ummu- 
 Khubur, who formed all things, spawned monster 
 serpents with sharp teeth, and merciless fangs. 
 Instead of blood she filled their bodies with poison. 
 She made them huge in stature, and endowed them 
 with brilliance, so that those who beheld them 
 might be overwhelmed with fear. She set up vipers, 
 dragons, raging hounds, and scorpion-men who 
 bore cruel weapons. Over this band of monsters 
 she exalted Kingu, her first-born, and put him in 
 command of the conflict. She placed the tablet of 
 fate in his bosom, and said that his command should 
 be irrevocable : 
 
62 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 "Let the opening of your mouth quench the Fire-god: 
 The one who is exalted in the battle, let him [display 
 (his) might]." 
 
 These are the closing hnes of the first tablet. 
 
 The second tablet relates how Ea, one of the early- 
 triad of gods (known as Anu, B61, and Ea), heard 
 of the plot against all the gods of heaven. Ea told 
 his father, Anshar, all that Tiamat had done. Filled 
 with rage, he bit his lip, and wailed a bitter lamenta- 
 tion. He addressed his valiant son Anu, and com- 
 manded him to go and stand before Tiamat, that she 
 might be appeased, and be merciful unto them. 
 He made his way to her; he beheld her muttering, 
 but he could not understand her, so he turned back. 
 Ea,in attempting the task, became afraid ; whereupon 
 he also turned back. Two of the triad having been 
 unsuccessful in their efforts to bring order out of 
 chaos, Anshar finally approached Marduk, and asked 
 him to be the champion of the gods. 
 
 The original of this particular version represented 
 Bel as accomplishing that important work. Doubt- 
 less in this form the myth had been edited by a 
 priest of Bel at Nippur.' In later years, after the 
 time of Hammurabi, when Babylon had become 
 the great political and religious center, the name of 
 Marduk, the patron god of that city, was substi- 
 tuted for that of B^l. He was placed at the head of 
 
 ' As has been suggested by Professor Jastrow, it would not 
 be surprising to find other versions, for instance, at Eridu, in 
 which Ea was the hero. 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 63 
 
 the pantheon, and made the creator of the universe ; 
 in other words, he was given the role originally- 
 played by Bel. 
 
 Marduk being appealed to, drew nigh to Anshar, 
 his father, who joyfully beheld him. He expressed 
 the desire to accomplish what was in his father's 
 heart. Anshar assured him that he would trample 
 the neck of Tiamat under his feet. Whereupon 
 Marduk addressed his father thus: 
 
 Lord of gods, the destiny of the great gods 
 If indeed I your avenger 
 Conquer Tidmat, and give you life, 
 Call an assembly; pronounce iba of my fate. 
 In Upshukkinnaki sit together in joy; 
 Let my word like yours decree fate; 
 Let everything I do be irrevocable; 
 May the utterance of my lips neither be changed nor 
 revoked. 
 
 The third tablet opens with Anshar commanding 
 Gaga, the messenger, to summon all the gods to a 
 feast in order that they might place their fate in 
 the hands of Marduk, the avenger. He is commanded 
 to repeat what Tiamat has planned to do; and to 
 mention the unsuccessful efforts of Anu and Ea, as 
 well as the acceptance of the task to champion the 
 cause of the gods by Marduk, on certain conditions 
 which he has mentioned. The gods are therefore 
 urged: 
 
 Hasten then ; your fate quickly decree, 
 That he may go and fight your mighty foe. 
 
64 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Gaga in carrying the message faithfully repeated 
 everything to the gods. They broke out in bitter 
 lamentations, because of the acts of Tiamat. They 
 gathered together for an assembly in the presence of 
 Anshar. At the banquet they sat eating and drink- 
 ing until they were drunk, when they decreed the 
 fate of Marduk, their avenger. 
 
 In the fourth tablet the gods set up for Marduk a 
 lordly chamber, placing it before that of his fathers. 
 They then honored him by proclaiming him chief 
 of the gods. His commands henceforth should be 
 supreme; they should not be transgressed. He was 
 given power to exalt or debase. 
 
 O Marduk, thou art our avenger. 
 
 We give thee sovereignty over the entire world. 
 
 This was followed by assurances of success. And 
 that he might know that he had the power, they 
 laid before him a garment. At their suggestion he 
 spoke the word, and it disappeared. He spoke again, 
 and it returned. They did homage unto him. 
 They bestowed upon him scepter, throne, and ring, 
 the insignia of a ruling deity. They gave him an 
 invincible weapon, to cut off the life of Tiamat. 
 
 He then equipped himself with bow and quiver, 
 which hung by his side. The spear he slung upon 
 his back, and he grasped the club in his right hand. 
 The lightning he set in front of him. With a flaming 
 fire he filled his body. To enclose the inward 
 parts of Tiamat he made a net. In order to prevent 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 65 
 
 her from escaping he fixed the four winds. He 
 created seven kinds of wind, among which was the 
 evil wind, the tempest, the hurricane, and the 
 sevenfold wind. Standing in his chariot, with four 
 ferocious horses which were trained to trample under 
 foot, and with an overpowering light about his head, 
 
 Fight of Marduk and Tiimat. 
 
 and his thunderbolt raised, he set his face to meet 
 the raging Tiamat. 
 
 At the sight of Marduk, Kingu, whom Tiamat 
 had put in command of the monsters, became dazed 
 and durafounded : and his followers were troubled. 
 But Tiamat was not dismayed; and while raging, 
 she heard the charges of Marduk and the challenge. 
 
 5 
 
66 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 "Let thy host be equipped, let thy weapons be un- 
 sheathed. 
 
 Stand, I and thou; then let us have a battle." 
 
 When Ti4mat heard these words, 
 
 She acted like one possessed; she lost her senses. 
 
 Ti&mat shrieked wild piercing cries. 
 
 Trembling, her whole frame shook to its very founda- 
 tions. 
 
 She uttered an incantation, she pronounced her spell; 
 
 And the gods of the battle put into action their weapons. 
 
 To the fight they came on ; to the battle they advanced. 
 
 The lord spread out his net, and inclosed her. 
 
 The evil wind that was behind [him], he let loose in 
 her face 
 
 As Ti^mat opened her mouth to its full extent. 
 
 He drove in the evil wind, before she could shut her 
 lips. 
 
 The terrible winds filled her belly. 
 
 Her courage left her, and her mouth she opened wide. 
 
 He seized the spear, and burst her belly; 
 
 He severed her inward-parts; he pierced her heart. 
 
 He overpowered her, and cut off her life ; 
 
 He threw down her body, and stood upon it. 
 
 After he had slain Ti^mat, her helpers turned 
 back, and to save their lives took to flight, but he 
 captured them in the net, and held them in bondage. 
 The eleven monsters he placed in fetters, and 
 trampled them under his feet. Kingu was con- 
 quered; after which he took from him the tablets 
 of destiny, upon which he fixed his seal, and 
 put them upon his own breast. He then turned to 
 the conquered Tiamat. With his merciless club he 
 smashed her skull, and made the north wind bear 
 away her blood to secret places. This his fathers 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 67 
 
 saw, who rejoiced and were glad. As the victor 
 gazed upon her carcass he devised a clever plan : 
 
 He split her up like a flat(?) fish into two parts. 
 He took one half and established a covering for heaven. 
 He arranged a bolt; he stationed a watchman; 
 And that her waters come not forth he commanded 
 
 them. 
 He crossed over the heavens; he inspected the regions. 
 Before the abyss he built a dwelling for Nudimmud 
 
 [i. e., the god Ea], etc. 
 
 The fifth tablet, which is quite fragmentary, 
 describes the creation, and the fixing of the heavenly 
 bodies. 
 
 He made the stations for the great gods; 
 
 The stars, their images, the constellations he fixed. 
 
 He ordained the year, and into sections he divided it; 
 
 The twelve months he fixed by three stars; 
 
 And after the days of the year he fixed by . . . 
 
 He established the station of Nibir to determine their 
 bounds, 
 
 In order that none might err, or go astray. 
 
 The stations of Bel, and of Ea, he established along 
 with him. 
 
 He opened gates on both sides; 
 
 He strengthened the bolt on the left, and on the right. 
 
 In the midst of it he fixed the zenith; 
 
 Nannar [the Moon god] he caused to shine forth; the 
 night he entrusted [to him]. 
 
 He appointed him a luminary for the night, to deter- 
 mine the days; 
 
 Monthly, without ceasing, with the disc he fashioned 
 [it, saying]: 
 
 At the beginning of the month, as thou riseth upon the 
 land, 
 
 The horns are to announce the fixing of the six days. 
 
 On the seventh day, half the disc, etc. 
 
68 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The greater portion of this tablet is fragmentary. 
 It is supposed to have referred to the creation of 
 the earth and vegetation. 
 
 Unfortunately only the beginning of the sixth 
 tablet has been preserved; but there is enough to 
 
 Fragment of the Sixth Tablet of the Babylonian Creation Series, Recording 
 the Creation of Man. 
 
 show that it refers to the creation of man, in order 
 that the gods might have worshipers. ' 
 
 When Marduk heard the words of the gods, 
 His heart prompted him, and he devised [a cunning 
 plan].' 
 
 1 The restoration and translation follow King, 
 Tablets of Creation. 
 
 The Seven 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 69 
 
 He opened his mouth and unto Ea he spoke, 
 [That which] he had conceived in his heart he im- 
 parted [unto him]: 
 "My blood will I take and bone will I [fashion]; 
 
 I will make man, that man may " 
 
 I will create man who shall inhabit [the earth], 
 That the service of the gods may be established and 
 that [their] shrines [may be built]. 
 
 The seventh tablet, known as the tablet of the 
 fifty names of Marduk, is entirely devoted to the 
 glorification of this deity by the other gods as well 
 as by mankind, for his wonderful achievements. 
 In the poem he is set forth as the creator of the heav- 
 ens and earth, the giver of fulness and abundance, 
 who bestowed mercy upon mankind, and who 
 shepherds the gods. The epilogue is an appeal to 
 the wise and the understanding to study the poem, 
 to remember Marduk's deeds, to teach them, and 
 to rejoice in him. 
 
 There are passages in the poetical portions of the 
 Old Testament which Professor Gunkel of Berlin 
 has brought together, in his work " Schopfung und 
 Chaos," to show that in Israel such a conflict, prior 
 to the creation, was known, although it is not men- 
 tioned in Genesis. Jahweh is represented as having 
 contended with a great primeval monster, who is 
 called in some passages Rahab, and in others 
 Leviathan, Tihom, and the Dragon. This being 
 seems to symbolize the chaos, or to personify the 
 primeval ocean, which preceded the creation. In 
 this conflict the hostile creature and its helpers are 
 
70 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 overthrown, after which the heavens and earth are 
 created. The most noteworthy of these passages 
 f ohow : 
 
 Psalm 89 : 9. When the waves thereof arise, thou [Jahweh] 
 
 stillest them. 
 Thou hast broken Rahab in pieces, as one 
 
 that is slain; 
 Thou hast scattered thine enemies with the 
 
 arm of thy strength. 
 The heavens are thine, the earth also is 
 
 thine : 
 The world and the fulness thereof, thou 
 
 has foiuided them. 
 The north and the south, thou hast created 
 
 them. 
 
 The prophet in his appeal for deliverance cries: 
 
 Isaiah 51:9 Arise, arise put on strength, O arm of 
 Jahweh ; 
 Arise as in the days of old, the generations of 
 
 ancient times. 
 Art thou not he who cut Rahab in pieces, 
 
 pierced the dragon? 
 Art thou not he who dried up the sea, the 
 
 waters of the great Tihom, 
 Who made the depths of the sea a way for 
 
 the redeemed to pass over? 
 
 The last verse manifestly is an allusion to the 
 passage of the Red Sea, which the writer added to 
 his cosmological references. 
 
 Job 26: 12 He stirreth up the sea with his power. 
 
 And by his understanding he smiteth 
 
 through Rahab. 
 By his spirit the heavens are garnished; 
 His hand hath pierced the swift serpent. 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 71 
 
 Psalm 74: 13 Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength: 
 Thou brakest the heads of the dragons in the 
 
 waters. 
 Thou breakest the heads of Leviathan in 
 
 pieces. . . 
 
 The day is thine, the night also is thine: 
 Thou hast prepared the light and the sun. 
 Thou hast set all the borders of the earth: 
 Thou hast made summer and winter. 
 
 These and other passages, which are quoted in 
 this connection by Gunkel, show that there existed 
 in Israel the behef that, preceding the creation of the 
 heavens and the earth, there was a great struggle 
 between Jahweh and some primeval monster, with 
 whom were associated other beings termed dragons. 
 
 The first chapter of Genesis contains some elements 
 which are similar to the Babylonian legend. The 
 latter contains references to the creation of the 
 earth; to the heavenly bodies, as well as their pur- 
 pose, namely, to rule by day and night ; and finally 
 to the creation of man. Doubtless, if the tablets 
 were complete, the creation of the living creatures 
 of the land and sea, besides other details mentioned 
 in Genesis, could be found; some of these were 
 actually given by the Greek historian Berosus 
 (about 300 B. C), who in his day, doubtless closely 
 reproduced the Babylonian legend. But these 
 resemblances are not remarkable, for we should 
 expect them to occur in any two stories of the crea- 
 tion that might be written, although from entirely 
 different quarters, and having absolutely no con- 
 
72 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 nection with each other. The creation story of 
 Genesis, while it makes no reference to the conflict 
 between Jahweh and the primeval power referred 
 to in other parts of the Old Testament, does mention 
 a chaotic state, an abyss of waters, prior to the 
 creation of the heavens and the earth. The word 
 translated "deep" {Tihom, Genesis 1:2), by which 
 is meant the primeval ocean, is generally recognized 
 to be the same as the Babylonian Ti'dmat or 
 Tiamat, which is equivalent to the feminine of the 
 Hebrew Tihom. The absence of the definite article 
 in Genesis, as well as elsewhere in the Old Testament, 
 would seem to indicate that the word was also 
 regarded as a proper name. The dividing asunder of 
 Tiimat's carcass, one part of which was used as a 
 cover to keep back the upper waters, and the other 
 half, as the version of Berosus adds, formed the 
 earth, suggests the Hebrew raqta' "firmament," 
 which "divided the waters which were under the 
 firmament from the waters which were above the 
 firmament." But, as stated, Genesis makes no 
 reference to a conflict which God, the Creator, had 
 with Tihom prior to the creation of the heavens and 
 the earth. The passages from other books of the 
 Old Testament, however, cited by Professor Gunkel, 
 manifestly do refer to such a conflict. 
 
 Upon the differences of the two stories we need not 
 dwell. The crude polytheistic grotesqueness of 
 the Babylonian, with its doctrine of emanation or 
 evolution from chaos to order, which makes the gods 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 73 
 
 emerge from this chaos, or brings the firmaments out 
 of a carcass, put it altogether into another class; 
 and it is in no respect to be compared with the 
 dignified and sublime conception of the beginning of 
 things, with God as the supreme Creator, who called 
 all things into existence. Further, its crude refer- 
 ences to the creation are only incidentally a part of 
 the epic. Its manifest purpose is to magnify 
 the god Marduk, in order to give him pre-eminence 
 above the other gods. To this end he is regarded 
 not only as the creator of the universe, with all its 
 phenomena and the laws which control it, but he 
 is made the supreme one of all the gods. In short, 
 a more appropriate title for the epic would be. 
 The story of Marduk and the Dragon. 
 
 The question uppermost in the minds of those 
 who take these things into consideration is, What 
 relation has the one account to the other? Three 
 possibilities are usually recognized: The Hebrew 
 borrowed from the Babylonian; or the Babylonian 
 borrowed from the Hebrew ; or they have a common 
 origin. 
 
 It is admitted that the Babylonian belongs to a 
 period even prior to Abraham. Besides other reasons 
 it might be mentioned that the fight was a favorite 
 theme of Babylonian art centuries before the patri- 
 arch's day. In consequence, scholars generally 
 conclude that the Babylonians did not borrow from 
 the Hebrews. In support of their contention that 
 the reverse is true, the close relation of the biblical 
 
74 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 and Babylonian deluge stories is cited, as well as 
 the fact that Babylonian literature, to a certain 
 degree, pervaded the West-land, especially in the 
 period when its language was used for diplomatic 
 and friendly intercourse between nations. This is 
 evident from the discovery of Babylonian myths in 
 Egypt, used as exercises to learn the Babylonian 
 languag3 in the Amarna period (see page 253). 
 Further, some scholars fix its ultimate origin in 
 Babylonia because of the idea of the watery chaos, 
 inasmuch as that country was subject to great 
 inundations; and because tidmat is the Babylonian 
 word for sea as well as the name of the monster. 
 While these arguments, if carefully analyzed, 
 will be found to have at least some force, it is not 
 at all impossible that at some time, perhaps long 
 before the patriarch's day, this legend found its 
 way from Babylonia to Palestine. It may have been 
 transmitted by Abraham himself. That being true, 
 such borrowing or making use of what preceded is 
 in no respect foreign to the principle of Israel, which 
 utilized in its own spirit for the embodiment of 
 religious truths that which even had its origin in 
 antiquity (see page 12) ; so that it might be held, 
 with some scholars, that while there are only faint 
 traces of that which is similar to the conflict in 
 Genesis, the omission may be due to the fact that 
 the story has been purified or transformed, during 
 a long period of naturalization, when it was made to 
 harmonize with Israel's theological conceptions. 
 
The Babylonian Creation Story 75 
 
 And yet it is also quite within the range of possi- 
 biHty and reasonableness to conceive the idea that 
 both stories have a common origin among the 
 Semites, who entered Babylonia prior to their 
 amalgamation with the Sumerians, and who may 
 have also carried their traditions into Palestine. 
 Contrary to the view held by some critics, that the 
 Hebrew story belongs to the time of the exile or 
 after, there are indications that it belongs to a great 
 antiquity. And it is also possible that in some way, 
 unknown to us, it had been handed down in a form 
 more or less free from the fantastically polytheistic 
 features of the Babylonian version. 
 
 Between two and three millenniums before 
 Abraham, Semites entered the Tigro-Euphrates 
 valley, after which the amalgamation of the Sumerian 
 and Semitic cultures began, resulting in what we 
 call Babylonian. Whence these Semites came, no 
 one knows. Some scholars conjecture that their 
 original home was Arabia; others, Armenia. In 
 Abraham's age there was another Semitic invasion, 
 as is attested by the many names of the Western 
 Semites (see page 146). In the late Achasmenian 
 period we find the country again filled with these 
 people (see Chap. XV). Taking these things into 
 consideration, it is not impossible that the idea of a 
 conflict with this primeval power of darkness, which 
 perhaps is echoed in the New Testament doctrine 
 of evil angels, was brought into Shinar or Babylonia, 
 as well as into Palestine by the Semites themselves ; 
 
76 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 in which case it would have found its way into 
 Canaan mihenniums prior to the time the story- 
 assumed the form in which it is preserved in the 
 Old Testament. 
 
 For the present, however, in the absence of any 
 light on the subject from archeological sources, 
 we can only point to the relation of the one story to 
 the other, the fact that the Babylonians possessed 
 the tradition prior to the beginnings of Israel, and 
 then add our hypotheses. But we insist that it 
 must be clear that there are no grounds for the 
 radical conjectures on the subject made by some 
 scholars; and that while we are compelled to un- 
 learn some things, and set aside certain traditional 
 views, absolutely nothing has been found which 
 compels the Christian to lessen his respect and 
 admiration for the sublime story of the creation 
 which has been handed down to us by the Hebrews. 
 
IV 
 THE BABYLONIAN DELUGE STORY 
 
 The story of Gilgamesh (formerly known as 
 Izdubar and also Nimrod) was a great national 
 epic of Babylonia. It consisted of twelve tablets 
 which contained about three thousand lines of 
 inscription. The fragments which have been found 
 of this work show that they represent four dif- 
 ferent copies; and that they belonged to the 
 Library of Ashurbanipal, in Nineveh.^ This is 
 determined by the colophons found on several of 
 the tablets. 
 
 At some early date, presumably before the ascend- 
 ancy of Babylon (2100 B. C), a number of myths 
 and current traditions were brought together and 
 woven into one long epic, which narrates the ex- 
 ploits of Gilgamesh. The eleventh tablet, which is 
 a separate episode, is especially interesting to 
 biblical students, as it contains the Babylonian story 
 
 1 The late George Smith, in 1872, made the first translation 
 of this epic. Only about one half of the story has been recovered 
 up to the present time. In 1885 Professor Delitzsch published 
 the text of the section dealing with the deluge. This was followed 
 in 1890 by a critical edition of the entire text by Professor Paul 
 Haupt. More recent translations worthy of note have been 
 made by Dr. A. Jeremias and Professor Jensen. 
 
 77 
 
78 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of the deluge. Most nations of antiquity have 
 preserved a flood story, but the only one which has 
 any close resemblance to the biblical is this one, 
 namely, the Babylonian. The following are extracts 
 from the eleventh tablet: 
 
 Ut-napishtim said to him, even to Gilgamesh ; 
 
 Let me reveal unto thee, O Gilgamesh, a secret 
 
 story, 
 And the decree of the gods let me relate to thee! 
 Shurippak, a city which thou knowest, 
 On the bank of the Euphrates is situated; 
 That city was old when the gods within it 
 To bring about a. flood their hearts urged them, even 
 
 the great gods. 
 In it, their father Anu, their counselor, the warrior 
 
 Bel, 
 Their herald, Ninib; 
 Their champion, Ennugi; 
 Ea, the lord of glowing wisdom, had argued with them, 
 
 and 
 Their purpose he repeated to a Reed-house: 
 Reed-house! Reed-house! Wall! Wall! 
 Reed-house, hear; and Wall, give attention! 
 Man of Shurippak, son of Ubar-Tutu, 
 Build a house, construct a ship! 
 Leave possessions, seek life! 
 Abandon property, and preserve life! 
 Cause to go into the ship seed of life of every kind! 
 As for the ship which thou shalt build, 
 Let its dimensions be measured. 
 Let its breadth and its length be proportioned to each 
 
 other. 
 Into the deep launch it! 
 I understood, and said unto Ea my lord : 
 "The command, my lord, which thou speakest thus, 
 I will honor, I will fulfil it! 
 
The Babylonian Deluge Story. The Eleventh Tablet of the Gilgamesh Epic. 
 
80 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 But what shall I answer to the city, the people and the 
 
 elders?" 
 Ea opened his mouth, and said: 
 He said to me his servant: 
 Man, thou shalt thus answer them : 
 Bel hath rejected me and hateth me. 
 I will not dwell in your city. 
 And on the land of BSl I will show no [more] my 
 
 countenance, 
 I will go down to the deep; with Ea, my lord, will 
 I live. 
 
 On the fifth day I constructed its frame; 
 
 Its sides were 140 cubits high; 
 
 Its deck was likewise 140. 
 
 I laid down its form, I fashioned it; 
 
 I divided its hull(?) into six sections 
 
 I divided its upper deck into seven compartments; 
 
 Its main deck I divided into nine chambers. 
 
 With water-pegs on the inside I caulked it. 
 
 I selected a mast; and added all that was necessary. 
 
 Six sars of bitumen I smeared over the outside. 
 
 Three sars of bitumen I smeared over the inside. 
 
 With all that I possessed I loaded it ; 
 
 With all the gold I had I loaded it; 
 
 With all that I had of the seed of life of every kind I 
 
 loaded it; 
 I put into the ship all my family and my dependents; 
 The cattle of the field, the beasts of the field, craftsmen, 
 
 all of them I brought up. 
 Shamash had fixed a time [saying] : 
 "When the sender of darkness at night shall send a 
 
 destructive rain. 
 Enter into the ship and close the door!" 
 That time arrived. 
 
 The sender of darlgiess at even sent a destructive rain. 
 I looked upon the appearance of the day; 
 I was afraid to look upon the day. 
 
The Babylonian Deluge Story 81 
 
 I entered the ship, and closed the door. 
 
 To the pilot of the ship, to Buzur-BM, the sailor, 
 
 I entrusted the great house, together with its freight. 
 
 When the first break of dawn appeared. 
 
 There rose from the horizon a black cloud ; 
 
 In which Ramman thundered. 
 
 Like a battle against the people it came on. 
 
 A brother could not look after his brother. 
 
 The people in heaven could not be seen. 
 
 Even the gods were afraid of the flood, and 
 
 They retreated; they ascended to the heaven of Anu. 
 
 The gods cowered like dogs; in terror they lay 
 
 down. 
 Ishtar screamed like a woman in travail; 
 The lady wailed with a loud voice [saying]: 
 "Oh, that the former day had been turned to clay, 
 When I in the assembly of the gods had advised this 
 
 evil. 
 Yea, when I ordered the tempest for the destruction 
 
 of my people. 
 I truly will give birth to my people [again], and 
 Like a fish brood will I fill the sea." 
 The gods of the Anunnaki wept with her; 
 The gods were downcast, they sat weeping; 
 
 Closed their lips 
 
 Six days and nights. 
 
 The wind continued; flood and tempest overwhelmed 
 
 the land. 
 At the approach of the seventh day, the tempest, the 
 
 flood and the storm which had raged like khalti 
 
 subsided. 
 The sea became quiet, the tempest ceased, and the 
 
 flood was over. 
 I looked upon the sea, [its] voice was fixed (.silent); 
 And all mankind had returned to mud. 
 And as the light of day advanced, I prayed. 
 I opened the window, and the light fell upon my 
 cheeks. 
 
 6 
 
82 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 I collapsed. I sat weeping. 
 
 Over my cheeks (wall of my nose) flowed my tears. 
 
 I looked upon the quarters of the expanse of 
 
 the sea. 
 After the twelfth [double-hour?] a land appeared. 
 On mount Nizir the ship grounded. 
 Mount Nizir held the ship, and did not suffer it 
 
 to move. 
 The first day, the second day. Mount Nizir held, etc. 
 The third day, the fourth day. Mount Nizir held, etc. 
 A fifth, n sixth. Mount Nizir held, etc. 
 As the seventh day approached 
 I brought out a dove, [and] let it go. 
 The dove went forth, [but] turned; 
 A resting-place there was not, and it returned. 
 I brought out a swallow, [and] let it go. 
 The swallow went forth, [but] turned; 
 A resting-place there was not, and it returned. 
 I brought out a raven, [and] let it go: 
 The raven went forth; it noticed the drying up of the 
 
 water, and 
 It ate, waded, (?) croaked, but did not return. 
 Then I brought out [everything] to the four winds; 
 
 [and] I offered a sacrifice. 
 I prepared a libation upon the summit of the moun- 
 tain. 
 Seven by seven adagur pots I set. 
 
 Into them I poured reeds, cedar-wood and myrtle. 
 The gods smelt the savor, 
 [Yea], the gods smelt the sweet savor; 
 The gods swarmed like flies over the sacrificer. 
 As soon as the lady of the gods drew nigh. 
 She lifted up the great gems, which Anu had made 
 
 according to her wish. 
 "These gods, verily, by the precious stone of my neck I 
 
 will never forget. 
 These days, truly I will remember, I will never forget. 
 Let the gods come to the offering. 
 Bel [however], shall not come to the offering. 
 
The Babylonian Deluge Story 83 
 
 Because, without taking counsel, he caused the deluge, 
 
 And numbered my people for destruction." 
 
 [But] as soon as B^l appeared, he saw the ship. BSl was 
 
 wroth. 
 He was filled with anger [like that] of the gods, — 
 
 the Igigi. 
 "Has any soul escaped? 
 
 Not a man was to escape from destruction." 
 [Then] Ninib opened his mouth and spoke, 
 Saying to the warrior Bel : 
 
 "Who except Ea could have planned this thing! 
 For Ea knows all arts.'' 
 
 The so-called Babylonian Scene of the Fall of Man. An impression of a seal 
 cylinder, with Sacred Tree, Fruit, and Serpent. 
 
 [Then] Ea opened his mouth and spoke, saying to the 
 warrior BSl; ■ ' 
 
 "Thou sage of the gods, O warrior. 
 
 How, why, without taking counsel, didst thou cause a 
 flood. 
 
 Upon the sinner, lay his sin! 
 
 Upon the guilty, lay his guilt! 
 
 [But] free [him]! let him not be cut off! draw . . . 
 
 Instead of thy causing a flood, 
 
 Let the lion come, and diminish mankind! 
 
 Instead of thy causing a flood. 
 
 Let the wolf come, and diminish mankind! 
 
Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Instead of thy causing a flood, 
 
 Let famine break forth and devastate the land! 
 
 Instead of thy causing a flood, 
 
 Let pestilence come and slay mankind!" 
 
 Shurippak, the scene in which the Babylonian 
 story is pitched, has been identified as the mound 
 known at the present time as Fara. The German 
 government has conducted systematic excavations 
 at this site,' and found antiquities of the earliest 
 period immediately beneath the surface, showing 
 that the city had been destroyed at a very early 
 age, and that it had not been rebuilt. 
 
 It is apparent to all that the main features, as 
 related in this epic, agree remarkably with those 
 of the biblical deluge story. The most striking 
 resemblances are: The deluge was intended as a 
 punishment for sin ; the command to build the ship 
 according to certain dimensions, in order to preserve 
 life ; the division of the ship into three stories ; the 
 use of bitumen to make it water-tight ; the preserva- 
 tion of the seed of all life; the way the deluge was 
 brought to pass; the grounding of the ship on a 
 mountain; the three sendings forth of birds; the 
 destruction of all mankind except those in the ship ; 
 
 1 There is a. small collection of antiquities from Fara in the 
 Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, consisting of a 
 number of objects in bronze, among which are two small swords; 
 also several stone bowls, etc. These were gathered by Pro- 
 fessor Hilprecht and Mr. Geere during the excavations at Nippur, 
 which city is not far removed from Fara. 
 
The Babylonian Deluge Story 85 
 
 the offering of a sacrifice on the mountain top; 
 the smelHng of the sweet savor ; the assurance that 
 another deluge would not occur because of sin; — 
 besides other details, such as the hero of the Baby- 
 lonian story being the tenth king, while Noah is 
 the tenth patriarch. 
 
 The divergencies, are at the same time, not to be 
 minimized, as they are almost immeasurable. Chief 
 among them might be mentioned the exceedingly 
 crude polytheism of the epic, which depicts the gods 
 scheming to out-do one another; their cowering 
 like dogs; or their crowding like flies around the 
 sacrifice, after they smelled the savor. But taking 
 all things into consideration, no one would presume 
 to say that there does not exist any relation between 
 the biblical and the Babylonian stories. And the 
 question arises. Is the Babylonian dependent upon 
 the biblical, or is the biblical dependent upon the 
 Babylonian? and how is this dependence to be 
 regarded ? 
 
 In the first place. Did the Babylonians borrow 
 their legend from the Israelites? Assuming the 
 earliest date for the biblical, namely the Mosaic 
 period, there is evidence to show that the Babylon- 
 ians had the narrative centuries prior to this time. 
 Babylonian civilization was millenniums old before 
 the beginnings of Israel. This epic makes Bel the 
 chief god, and not Marduk, which is an indication 
 that it belongs at least to the third millennium B. C. 
 Then also in the fourth millennium, scenes from the 
 
86 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 life of Gilgamesh were favorite themes for the seals 
 of that early age (see illustration below) . But more 
 important than all else, in this connection, is the fact 
 that a version of the deluge story has been found, 
 which from the character of the writing, and the 
 date which is given on it, clearly shows that it was 
 written in the reign of Ammi-zaduga of the first 
 dynasty of Babylon, or about 2000 B. C. These 
 facts make it impossible to regard the story as 
 indigenous to Israel. 
 
 Tablet and Envelope (Sargonic period), with Scene from Gilgamesh epic. 
 
 An answer which is frequently given to these 
 inquiries is that there is a common origin for both. 
 Doubtless this is true, and even that the story was 
 current for a long time among both peoples prior 
 to its being fashioned in the forms in which it has 
 been handed down (see the discussion concerning 
 the Creation story, page 75). But in the absence 
 of any document to substantiate this, we confine 
 ourselves to the relation of the one to the other. 
 
The Babylonian Deluge Story 87 
 
 There are other reasons besides those aheady 
 mentioned for beUeving that this story is indigenous 
 to the land that we know as Babylonia. Its geo- 
 graphical setting and its local coloring point to 
 that region. Further, the fact that there are Baby- 
 lonian elements in the Creation, Eden, Babel, and 
 other early biblical stories, seems to lead to the 
 conclusion that Babylonia is not only the country 
 of these scenes, and the home of Israel's founder, 
 but that the earliest origin of some of the narra- 
 tives, at least, which constitute the Hebrew litera- 
 ture, dealing with the period prior to the patriarch's 
 leaving his ancestral home, i. e. Ur, belongs to 
 that region. 
 
 It is not, however, necessary to hold with certain 
 Assyriologists, that the biblical writer must have 
 had the Babylonian version before him. In some 
 shape or other, the tradition doubtless was trans- 
 mitted to Palestine, perhaps in the days of Ham- 
 murabi, when Babylonia became the suzerain power 
 of that land, or even later. And in that region it 
 had an independent development, taking on, as it 
 were, a Palestinian color. The rhythmical setting in 
 which it appears is an indication that it was already 
 old when put into its present form. When, therefore, 
 the biblical writer made use of the traditions, 
 current among his people, and used them in the 
 spirit of his monotheism, and made them instru- 
 ments whereby religious truths were set forth, 
 showing the judgments of God upon corrupt man- 
 
88 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 kind and the blessings bestowed upon the righteous, 
 they were placed on an altogether different plane; 
 in fact, the difference between the old and the new 
 became immeasurable. This use of what the people 
 actually had as their own peculiar possession, 
 doubtless after it had passed through a period of 
 naturalization, is but another illustration of the 
 great principle according to which the teachers of 
 Israel dealt with the people. 
 
THE TOWER OF BABEL AND THE 
 BABYLONIAN TEMPLE 
 
 The story of Babel in Genesis is the story of the 
 building of a Babylonian ziggurrat, or temple-tower. 
 Every city of prominence in ancient Babylonia had 
 its temple, and every temple had its tower. The 
 Ziggurrat Babili, or Etemenanki, is the tower of the 
 temple at Babylon, which is the biblical Tower 
 of Babel. 
 
 The story in Genesis is strikingly Babylonian in 
 its coloring and details. "As they journeyed from 
 the East," they found a valley in the land of Shinar. 
 The earliest inhabitants of the valley, known to us, 
 were the Shumerians or Sumerians, a people that 
 spoke a non-Semitic langxiage. The derivation of 
 the name, Shinar, doubtless is from Shungir, usually 
 written Girsu. The physiognomy of these people, 
 determined by the remains of their art which have 
 been recovered, some hold, clearly shows them 
 to be a non-Semitic race. They were the originators 
 of the peculiar cult of the valley, which belonged 
 to the early period. They were the founders of the 
 great cities and temples; they were the inventors 
 of the pictorial writing, out of which the cuneiform 
 
 89 
 
90 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 was developed ; they created a literature, and an art ; 
 they constructed palaces, and they formulated laws. 
 
 The Sumerian language is an agglutinative tongue, 
 and, as is generally understood, is the language of 
 the early pre-Semitic inhabitants of the southern 
 part of the Tigro-Euphrates valley. The Semites 
 who entered the land adopted the cuneiform writ- 
 ing of these people. They utilized many of the 
 old Sumerian values as phonograms, and gave the 
 characters additional values peculiar to their own 
 tongue. 
 
 This language was first called Accadian. Professor 
 Sayce, whose philological insight has advanced so 
 materially the science of Assyriology during the 
 last four decades, deciphered in 1870 the first 
 Sumerian inscription. He was followed by Oppert 
 and Lenormant, who greatly advanced the knowl- 
 edge of the language. The latter published a gram- 
 mar, calling the language Accadian. In 1874, Joseph 
 Halevy, who had gained great distinction as an 
 Orientalist, advanced the theory that this ideo- 
 graphic system of writing was arbitrarily arranged 
 or invented by the Assyrian priests, and that it was 
 for the purpose of mystifying the people in their rit- 
 uals. While finding some adherents for his crypto- 
 graphic hypothesis, Hal6vy's position was strongly 
 combated by Lenormant, Oppert, Jensen, Haupt, 
 Bezold, Sayce, Hommel and Zimmern. Professor 
 Haupt, who has been styled "the father of Sumerian 
 etymology," by his publication Die sumerischen 
 
The Tower of Babel 91 
 
 Familiengesetze, in 1879, put the study of the 
 language upon a scientific basis. Professor Bezold 
 actually found on an Assyrian tablet that Eme-ku, 
 which in non-Semitic texts means , " the land Shimier , ' ' 
 was explained H-sha-an Shu-me-ri, " language of Shu- 
 mer." In 1892, Lehman published a work that gave 
 an additional death-blow to Halevy's theory. The 
 translations of Sumerian inscriptions by Thureau- 
 Dangin and others, left little doubt generally that 
 the Sumeriologists were right in their contentions 
 for the lingtoistic character of the language. Event- 
 ually Delitzsch, who for a time joined the ranks of 
 Halevy, abandoned the theory; and although 
 some scholars still adhere to it, and continue to 
 present philological, ethnological and archeological 
 difficulties for the Sumeriologist, and even attempt 
 to show that the entire cuneiform syllabary and 
 literature is Semitic, as has recently been done by 
 Doctor Briinnow', the controversy is generally 
 regarded as practically closed.'' 
 
 •See Jastrow, A new aspect of the Sumerian question, 
 American Journal of Semitic Languages, Vol. XXII, No. 2. 
 
 ^ For a complete discussion of this problem, see Weissbach, 
 Die Sumerische Frage. Also see Prince, Sumerian Lexicon, p. 
 VII f[., or Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, Vol. I, 
 p. 200 ff. Besides the Sumerian grammar by Lenormant, two 
 others have been published more recently by Professors Haupt 
 and Hommel, while Professor Prince has begun the publication 
 of a Sumerian dictionary, the first part of which has appeared 
 in Assyriologische Bibliothek, edited by Professors Delitzsch and 
 Haupt. 
 
92 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The earliest known inscriptions that have been 
 discovered, show that the Semites had already 
 encroached upon the land of the Sumerians/ 
 Whether the few lines preserved in Genesis concern- 
 ing the building of Babel echo the early deeds of 
 these invaders, of course cannot be determined. 
 Exactly whence they came is a much debated 
 question. What their system of writing was, is 
 not known ; as mentioned above, they are found to 
 have adopted the script of the Sumerians. It is 
 better understood what their religion was, for their 
 pantheon of gods must have resembled, at least in a 
 general way, that of the Sumerians, for we find 
 Semitic equivalents introduced for the gods of that 
 people. For instance, the writing for Enlil of the 
 Sumerians was used for the Semitic Bel. Nind 
 must have been equivalent to the Semitic Ishtar. 
 The culture of the Sumerians seems to have been 
 absorbed by the Semites, but it received a sig- 
 nificance, of course, in accord with their own ideas. 
 A number of cities, among them Lagash, the 
 modern Telloh, preserved the Sumerian culture and 
 tongue, until the end of their history. At Nippur 
 Semitic inscriptions are found as early as Urumush 
 and Sargon, but the language of the religious and legal 
 
 'As this volume goes to press I learn that Eduard Meyer will 
 publish very shortly in the Berliner Akademie, an important 
 monograph on Early Babylonian Art, which will contain a new 
 theory about the earliest relations of Sumerians and Semites in 
 Babylonia. 
 
The Tower of Babel 93 
 
 literature generally continued to be Sumerian through 
 the first dynasty of Babylon. At Sippara and Baby- 
 lon the people seem to have come sooner under 
 Semitic influence ; and as a result, we have not only 
 a mixed cultus, but also a mixed people, that we 
 call Babylonian. While the Sumerian language was 
 supplanted by the Semitic, the scribes and priests 
 continued to use it up to the close of Babylonian 
 history; especially as the liturgical language in 
 the temple service. In the Hammurabi dynasty, 
 as well as in the Cassite, many legal phrases in the 
 contract literature continued to be written in 
 Siunerian. In the neo-Babylonian period these have 
 disappeared. Semitic Babylonian was doubtless 
 the language in the common life of Abraham's day. 
 We can, therefore, safely conjecture that this was 
 the native tongue of the patriarch, if he was bom 
 in Babylonia. 
 
 Shumer, or Shinar, is an alluvial plain, where the 
 building material was "brick instead of stone." 
 For their building operations bricks were used almost 
 entirely. The stone that is found by the excavators 
 had been imported from other regions, notably 
 from along the Euphrates to the northwest • of 
 Babylonia (see also page 17). Owing to the fact 
 that they burned them " thoroughly," and that they 
 were like stone, some of the bricks were used again 
 and again by the different builders in Babylonian 
 history. The average edifice in Babylonia seems to 
 have been built with adobes. Mud plaster pre- 
 
94 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 served them intact for centuries if the walls were 
 regularly cared for. Most of the great towers of the 
 land in the early period were also constructed with 
 mud bricks, being faced wholly or partially with 
 kiln-dried bricks, in order to protect them from 
 the elements. 
 
 One of the Asphalt Springs near Hit which furnished the " slime " (Asphalt) used 
 by the builders of Babel instead of mortar. 
 
 The word translated "slime," in the story of Babel, 
 which they used for mortar, means "bitumen." 
 It has been ascertained that, especially in the early 
 period, this material was used to lay up their bricks ; 
 and so securely did it hold together that in separat- 
 ing them, in the present day, six to eight millen- 
 
The Tower of Babel 95 
 
 niums later, the bricks themselves are often broken. 
 In the neighborhood of Hit, some fifty miles to the 
 northwest of Babylon, springs of bitumen are found. 
 They are in fact springs of water, on the surface of 
 which collects a thick scum of asphalt. Frequently 
 the spring is seen in a state of ebulhtion. The 
 bitumen gathered by the people is used for various 
 purposes, as, for instance, they pitch with it the 
 inside of their pottery vessels, which are intended 
 to retain liquid ; they pitch on the inside and outside 
 of their boats; they mix it with other material 
 for roofing, and, in general, use it for mortar. 
 
 The city that the people intended to build is 
 known in the inscriptions as Babilu (Babylon). 
 In the Old Testament the name was "called Babel; 
 because Jahweh did there confound the language 
 of all the earth" (Gen. 11:9). In view of the fact 
 that the Babylonians interpreted the name as mean- 
 ing " Gate of God " (Bdb-ili), scholars generally claim 
 that the Hebrew etymology is incorrect ; and there- 
 fore the name cannot be derived from the Hebrew 
 root babal, ' ' to confuse. ' ' Driver says : " It is simply 
 a popular etymology, which lent itself conveniently 
 to the purpose which the narrator had in hand."' 
 Those who believe in a literal interpretation of this 
 part of the story might claim that "Gate of God" 
 is a popular etymology of the Sumerians and 
 Babylonians. But the root, babal, "to confuse," 
 
 •Compare his Commentary on Genesis, p. 136. 
 
96 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 has not been found in Babylonian; and the name 
 Babel in the earliest known reference to the city- 
 is understood by the writer of the inscription to 
 mean "Gate of God," which is ascertained from the 
 ideographic characters used. The expression in 
 Genesis, therefore, until more light is thrown upon 
 the subject, must be understood accordingly. 
 
 Already, in 1743, Carsten Niebuhr had definitely 
 determined that the ruins of Babylon were situated 
 near the modern Hillah. With Herodotus, however, 
 he regarded Birs-Nimrud, on the eastern bank of 
 the Euphrates, to be the Tower of Babel. Even at 
 the present time, views of this mound with its peaked 
 projection are used to show the present appearance 
 of the ruins of the famous tower. In a building 
 inscription of Nebuchadrezzar, translated some 
 decades ago, the great builder said: 
 
 At that time, Euriminanki, the ziggurrat of Bor- 
 sippa, which a former king had constructed, forty-two 
 cubits he had projected it upwards, but had not raised 
 its head. From a distant day it had collapsed; its 
 gutters had not been kept clear ; rain and tempest had 
 torn away its bricks; the facing bricks had opened. 
 The mud bricks of its interior [body] were fallen to- 
 gether like a heap. The great god Marduk made me 
 disposed to restore it. 
 
 This inscription seemed to offer proof for the 
 correctness of the theory. But it is now definitely 
 known that Birs-Nimrud — or what remains of the 
 Ziggurrat Euriminanki, of the temple of Ezida 
 sacred to the god Nebo, which was in Borsippa, the 
 
The Tower of Babel 97 
 
 twin city of Babylon — was not the biblical tower, 
 but that, as said before, the Ziggurrat Babili of the 
 latter city, is the Tower of Babel. 
 
 With Nippur, Erech, and Eridu, Babel is men- 
 tioned in one of the Babylonian creation legends, 
 as having been founded by the god Marduk. This, 
 however, savors of the same influence which made 
 Marduk the supreme god in the creation story. 
 According to the inscriptions, Babylon did not 
 occupy a position as prominent among the cities 
 of Early Babylonia, prior to Hammurabi's time, 
 as, for instance, Nippur, Erech, Ur, etc. The state- 
 ment (Genesis io:io) that "the beginning of his 
 [Nimrod's] kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and 
 Accad, and Calneh [Nippur]" would imply, that 
 perhaps it was a city of great antiquity, inasmuch 
 as the others are known to be such. But as the 
 excavations have not revealed any light, as yet, 
 on the "mighty hunter before Jahweh" and also 
 because his operations were extended to cities of 
 Assyria, among them Nineveh, which is first men- 
 tioned in the time of Hammurabi, it would seem 
 that he was a great conqueror, such as Sargon or 
 Hammurabi ; and that he had established a kingdom, 
 which in the beginning was composed of certain 
 cities, but not necessarily in the earliest age. 
 
 The excavations by the Germans at Babel have 
 not revealed antiquities of the very early period, 
 due to the fact that they did not reach the strata 
 which contain them, and also because some of the 
 
 7 
 
98 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 portions excavated had only been developed in the 
 late centuries of the city's history, when it had 
 grown greatly in extent. The earliest reference to 
 Babylon in the inscriptions is in the time of Sargon I, 
 3800 B. C. The kings of the first dynasty of 
 Babylon made it their capital. Babylon there- 
 afterwards became the great religious center of the 
 country instead of Nippur, where Bel, the father 
 of the gods, had received the obeisance of kings 
 and emperors for millenniums, and as a result, 
 Babylon was built up at the expense of Nippur. 
 In the old epics, which glorified Bel, the nam§, of 
 Marduk, the patron deity of Babylon, was substi- 
 tuted (see page 62). The city continuedl td^'ba j^'' 
 the great metropolis of the country, until the close 
 of its history, after the time of Alexander the Great. 
 The history of Babylon's great temple, Esagila, 
 and its tower or ziggurrat will in time be compara- 
 tively fully written. Whether any reference to 
 its original builders will be known is questionable. 
 Like the origin of other temples and their towers, 
 its founding may always be shrouded in obscurity. 
 The first reference to it is in an inscription of Sumu- 
 ]a-ilu, the second king of the first dynasty of Babylon 
 (about 2200 B. C). We learn that he built a "glor- 
 ious temple" for Marduk, and made a magnificent 
 throne of gold and silver for the god, besides a 
 statue of his consort Farpanitum. Zabium, his son, 
 is credited with having built Esagila, which is 
 the name of the temple. In the ancient language 
 
The Tower of Babel 99 
 
 of the land, the Sumerian, it means "house with a 
 lofty head." E means "house," sag, "head," and 
 ila, "lofty." The name may refer to the ziggurrat, 
 or tower, which was the prominent feature of the 
 temple precincts. Zabium's reference to Esagila 
 doubtless means that he restored the temple. 
 Similar language has been employed by others in 
 this connection. It is, of course, not impossible 
 that it was at that time brought into existence, 
 perhaps in connection with the tower which was 
 much older. The fane of Babylon, referred to in 
 the time of Sargon I, is called the temple A-E. 
 
 In different periods, Esagila had been sacked, 
 and the statues of the gods carried to other lands, 
 from whence they were in time returned. The 
 Cassite kings who ruled over Babylonia carried 
 Marduk to distant Khani. In later years Agumkak- 
 rime, the seventh king of the dynasty, brought him 
 back and restored him, in all his splendor, to his 
 original place in the temple. About 1300 B. C, 
 Tukulti-Ninib destroyed the city, plundered Esagila, 
 and carried the statue off to Assyria. In 689 B. C, 
 Sennacherib, having suffered many annoyances onthe 
 part of the Babylonians by their repeated rebellions, 
 his patience became exhausted, decided upon the 
 obliteration of the city. He sacked and laid waste 
 the temples, and carried the god away. He says he 
 razed the temple to the ground, and threw its bricks 
 into the canal Arachtu. He cut channels through 
 the city, and flooded it with water, so that the 
 
100 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 destruction might be so complete that no man could 
 find the site of the city, and the temple of the gods. 
 
 The excavations, however, reveal the fact that 
 the destruction was not so very complete, for we 
 know that his son and successor, Esarhaddon, after 
 a period of ten years, began to rebuild the city and 
 the temple. Death interfered with the latter's 
 labors, which were carried on to completion by his 
 son Ashurbanipal (668-626 B. C). After the 
 sanctuary was restored and richly embellished with 
 gold, silver, and precious stones, Ashurbanipal 
 surrendered the sovereignty of the temple to the 
 god Marduk, after an absence of his statue for 
 twenty-one years. 
 
 Hammurabi had doubtless rebuilt the temple 
 on a scale unrivaled in his day, as had also his 
 successors. But greater splendor in connection with 
 any Babylonian temple was scarcely manifested 
 than that of Esagila and its tower, in the days of 
 Nabopolassar and his son Nebuchadrezzar (see 
 Chapter XIV). 
 
 Xerxes, after his rfeturn from Greece, as we are 
 told by Arrian, again destroyed the temple, thinking 
 that it was poorly placed in the city. Although 
 Alexander the Great collected a great army of 
 workmen, intending to rebuild it upon its old site, 
 the doings of Xerxes practically proved the end of 
 Esagila, as Alexander died after he had torn down 
 what remained of the ancient sanctuary. Antiochus I 
 considered himself the patron of Esagila, yet as 
 
102 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 far as is known, the temple and its tower had not 
 been rebuilt in the years subsequent to the reign 
 of Alexander. It became a ruin-heap, and for nearly 
 two millenniums its ruins, as well as others in 
 Babylon, have furnished building-material for towns 
 that have been built up in its vicinity, such as 
 Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Bagdad, and Hillah. Burnt 
 bricks, bearing the titles of the builders of ancient 
 Babylon, are found everywhere in the buildings 
 of these cities. Notwithstanding this ruthless 
 plunder, most important architectural results have 
 been obtained of other buildings by the Germans, 
 who have spent five years in excavating the city. 
 To this brief sketch might be added extracts from 
 the interesting detailed account which Herodotus 
 gives us of the Temple Belos, i.e., the Temple of 
 Bel-Marduk, or Esagila. He describes the tower 
 {i.e., E-temen-an-ki, the Ziggurrat Bibili, or the 
 Tower of Babel), as consisting of eight stages. 
 In numbering them, he included the platform upon 
 which the whole structure rested; In reality there 
 were seven stages in the late period. The top, he 
 tells us, was reached by gradually rising ascents 
 along the sides of the platforms ; so that by walking 
 around and around, the summit was reached. Near 
 the middle of the ascent the priests and worshipers 
 found a resting-place. Upon the top of the upper- 
 most platform, a room or shrine was built. In it 
 there was a couch and golden table. It is thought 
 they believed that the god Marduk dwelt there. 
 
Terra-cotta Household Shrine of B^l, found at Nippur. 
 {Natural size.) 
 
104 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Below, i.e., in the court about the tower, there was 
 another shrine, in which the statue of the god made 
 of gold was found. Herodotus named the god 
 Zeus, meaning Marduk, and represented him as 
 sitting in a chair of gold. His table and footstool 
 were also of the same material. 
 
 Such in brief is an outline of what is now known 
 of the history of the "Tower of Babel." As the 
 excavations are continued, and the inscriptions are 
 forced to reveal their secrets, more and more com- 
 pletely will its history be unfolded. 
 
 The excavations conducted by the University 
 of Pennsylvania at Nippur within the temple area, 
 throw considerable light upon Babylonian temples 
 and ziggurrats. As is well known, the sanctuary 
 of BSl, to whom most of the early rulers did obeisance, 
 and from whom they acknowledged they had 
 received their authority and power, was perhaps 
 the most important in the valley. The mound 
 covering this ancient sanctuary rises to the height 
 of ninety feet above the plain. The highest point, 
 as was readily recognized when the excavations 
 were begun, covered the ziggurrat, or storied-tower 
 of the temple. A section of this mound, perhaps 
 one-quarter of the temple area, was excavated by 
 Haynes through all the different strata down to 
 virgin soil. For convenience' sake let us begin with 
 a stratum in the center of the mound ; then consider 
 briefly those which lie above it; afterwards those 
 which lie below. 
 
The Tower of Babel 105 
 
 In this middle stratum we have evidence of 
 immense operations by the famous temple-builder 
 Ur-Engur, who lived about 2700 B. C. A great many 
 
 Stamped brick of Ur-Engur, 2700 B. C. 
 
 of his bricks, which are about twelve inches square 
 and about four inches in thickness, have this in- 
 scription: "Ur-Engur, king of Ur, king of Accad, 
 and Shumer, the man who built the house of Bd." 
 
106 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 In the accompanying illustration, the ziggurrat as 
 he restored it is seen. It was the most prominent 
 feature of the temple architecture. It occupied 
 about one-third of the inner court. In this early- 
 age, it probably had three stages, which rose in 
 diminishing sizes, one superimposed upon the other. 
 Dr. Haynes reported that the lowest was twenty 
 feet high, the second thirteen, while the upper 
 was so much destroyed that exact measurements 
 could not be taken; but it was approximately 
 about ten feet high. On the top of the whole mass 
 a shrine doubtless stood, such as Herodotus tells us 
 was on the tower at Babylon. The platforms were 
 in the shape of right-angle parallelograms, the 
 lower being 169 feet long by 106 feet wide, with 
 the corners pointing approximately to the four 
 cardinal points. With the exception of the facing 
 wall, this large structure was built of sun-dried 
 bricks, and as far as is known had no chamber or 
 cavity, but was solid. To carry off water from the 
 platforms, conduits of burnt brick were built in 
 the rniddle of three of the sides of the ziggurrat. 
 These Haynes found only in the lower stage. Doubt- 
 less the upper stages had also been provided with 
 them. These prevented the water from washing 
 over the encasing walls, and in this way the structure 
 was preserved. Gutters covered with bitumen 
 surrounded the ziggurrat on all sides at the base, 
 except in the front, to carry away the water. The 
 ascent of some ziggtirrats, especially of the late 
 
Mound Covtriiig the Xijipur lower as ii appeared in 1S93. 
 
 The Tower of Ekur, the Temple of B^l. built by Ur-Engiir (2700 B. C.) showing three stages. 
 
108 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 period, were in all probability in the foim of winding 
 balustrades. The ziggurrat at Nippur had an 
 immense causeway built out from the lower terrace 
 on the front, at right angles to the face of the tower, 
 leading into the open space of the court. It was 
 built of two nearly parallel walls of burnt bricks. 
 Crude bricks were filled in between these walls to 
 form the ascent, which originally doubtless had 
 steps, now no longer discernible. The means of 
 ascent to the top of the platforms of the ziggurrat 
 was only found to extend as high as the first stage. 
 It was thought that the causeway which ascends only 
 to the first stage was continued straight up to the 
 top,^ but Architect Fisher holds the view that there 
 was a stairway from the first platform to the second, 
 and the third, which was built parallel with the 
 sides of the platforms. 
 
 Close by, on the northeast side of the ziggurrat, a 
 wall was cleared on three sides of a structure belong- 
 ing to the late period, more than 150 feet long, and 
 over 100 feet wide. Two entrances were found 
 facing the ziggurrat, the principal one, which was 
 near the south corner, being ten and a half feet 
 wide.^ In excavating the ziggurrat and the later 
 fortress, which was built on top of it, debris was 
 piled high upon this part of the mound, as was 
 
 'This account of the ziggurrat is based on the reports and 
 photographs by Haynes, of his work. See Hilprecht, The Baby- 
 lonian Exp. of the University of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, part 2. 
 
 'See Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 4 7 if. 
 
The Tower of Babel 109 
 
 quite nattiral, inasmuch as no facilities for removing 
 the dirt to the plains beyond the mounds had been 
 provided. This structure has been regarded as being 
 the "house of Bel," or the temple proper.' A 
 future expedition will doubtless undertake the 
 exploration of this part of the mound, when it can 
 be determined what it represents. Owing to the 
 fact that it belongs to the late period, it has not 
 been included in the accompanying plan, page 114. 
 A portion of the walls serving as an enclosure of 
 the precincts was excavated. In the southeastern 
 wall of the court a large gate was found. The gate 
 is quite similar to those found in Assyrian temples 
 of the late period, but considerably smaller. The 
 passage, though it is only six feet wide, is augmented 
 by a series of stepped recesses on either side, which 
 make it stand fourteen feet wide. These give it an 
 imposing appearance. The depth of the gate was 
 fifty-two feet, which included the thickness of both 
 walls and the space between them. In the middle, 
 on either side of the narrow passage-way, were 
 the guard chambers. No gate-socket was found 
 in situ, but one belonging to the great builder 
 mentioned, namely Ur-Engur (2700 B. C), was 
 found almost directly over the old position of the 
 gate, in an upper stratum, which contained antiqui- 
 ties of the age of Ashurbanipal (650 B. C). This 
 showed that as the accumulations of debris caused 
 
 ^Ibid, p 472. 
 
110 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the surface of the temple area to rise, the gate and 
 door-socket was elevated with it, and the entrance, 
 two millenniums later, remained practically at the 
 same place. It illustrates also the custom com- 
 monly found in the Orient, where door-sills and 
 gate-sockets are reset at higher levels from time 
 to time as the accumulations make it necessary 
 (see page ^s)- In the plan, found on page 114, this 
 gate, although belonging to the period long before 
 Sargon, 3800 B. C, is incorporated, as it very likely 
 was restored on a similar plan in later periods. It 
 is an indication of the grandeur of the plan upon 
 which the temple was laid out in the early age. 
 Immediately in the rear of the ziggurrat there were 
 slight indications of another gate. 
 
 Dr. Peters, in 1890, discovered to the southeast of 
 this enclosure the remains of a small building which 
 had two rooms. Its bricks were stamped one to 
 three times upon the edges with a brief legend of 
 Bur-Sin, king of Ur (about 2500 B. C). It reads, 
 "Bur-Sin the mighty king." He discovered two 
 door-sockets in situ at the entrance of the two rooms, 
 which record the fact that the structure was a temple 
 or shrine called Ki-shag-gul-la Bur-Sin, "House of 
 the delight of Bur-Sin," which the king dedicated 
 to the god Bel. 
 
 At the end of the wall to the west of the gate 
 above described, a wall ran to the south. This was 
 traced a short distance. A wall corresponding to 
 the other was found extending also to the south of 
 
Topographical map of the northeastern section of Nippur, Fhowing in the lower 
 part the outer and inner court of the Temple. 
 
112 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the wall on the east side of the gate. The extension 
 of these two walls made it appear as if there was 
 also an outer court. On the last expedition, a 
 topographical map of a portion of Nippur was found. 
 It includes, besides walls, gates, canals, buildings, 
 and roads, a plan of the temple. It clearly shows 
 that it had two courts. An available photograph 
 of this map, which was taken before it was thoroughly 
 cleaned, appears to show that there is written upon 
 the inner court the words E-kur, which is the name 
 of the temple. The temple had, therefore, an outer 
 as well as an inner court. If this outer court was 
 square, or approximately so, it included the shrine 
 of Bur-Sin. Further excavations in this part of 
 the temple area, although a considerable portion of 
 the mound has been washed away, may reveal 
 similar shrines having been built by other rulers. 
 Between the double walls which divided the courts, 
 vaults were found. One of these was excavated on 
 the third campaign. It was thirty-six feet long 
 by eleven and a half feet wide, and eight and a half 
 feet deep. There was a ledge, one and a half feet 
 wide, running around the four walls two and a half 
 feet from the floor. This was capped by a layer 
 of burnt bricks. It is not improbable that in these 
 vaults the temple literature was also kept, con- 
 sisting of hymns, prayers, incantations, and all 
 ritualistic writings used in connection with the 
 Bel cult. Here also the stone votive vases may have 
 been stored. 
 
The Tower of Babel 
 
 113 
 
 Between the temple proper and the vaults, Dr. 
 Haynes, on the last campaign, found a large stone 
 vase about three feet 
 high, which had been pre- 
 sented to the temple by 
 Gudea, the priest-king of 
 Shirp^^rla (Telloh). The 
 inscription reads: "To 
 Bel, the lord of the gods, 
 for the temple at Nippior, 
 Gudea the patesi of Shir- 
 ptila presented the long 
 boat of Ekiir for his 
 life." 
 
 On the basis of the act- 
 ual excavations and the 
 plan of the temple which 
 is found on the topo- 
 graphical map in clay, and also taking into con- 
 sideration the restorations which have already been 
 proposed, the plan on the following page by Mr. 
 Clarence S. Fisher is offered as a ground plan of the 
 Temple of B61 about the time of Ur-Engur. 
 
 This, in brief, is a picture of the temple and its 
 tower as it existed in the first half of the third 
 millennium before Christ. In the course of time, 
 from some unknown cause, perhaps through neglect, 
 or in consequence of an invasion, the pavement of 
 Ur-Engur was lost sight of. A ground floor then 
 existed in the area, at least in some portions of it, 
 
 8 
 
 stone vase presented to B61 by Gudea 
 
Plan of Ekur, tlie Temple of B^l. Inner court 308 x 250 feet. Outer court about 
 260 feet square. 
 
The Tower of Babel 115 
 
 until the time of Ur-Ninib (about 2550 B. C). 
 Dr. Haynes reported that one hundred and thirty- 
 five of the one hundred and forty-three bricks 
 which he took from the section excavated, were 
 inscribed for this king. The inscription reads: 
 "Ur-Ninib, the all-subhme shepherd of Nippur, 
 the pastor of Ur, he who dehvers the command of 
 Eridu, the gracious lord of Erech, the king of Isin, 
 the king of Shumer and Accad, the sublimely 
 chosen one of the goddess Nina." 
 
 Ur-Ninib's pavement lies, on an average, about 
 three feet above that of Ur-Engur. The debris 
 between has revealed many important fragments of 
 inscribed vases. They contain some of the oldest 
 inscriptions known. Professor Peters excavated a 
 goodly number of these on the second expedition, 
 and Doctor Haynes the others on the third. As has 
 been shown by Professor Hilprecht, these fragments 
 belong, not to the period between Ur-Engur and 
 Ur-Ninib, but to the age prior to Sargon I. The only 
 possible explanation is that these vases, dedicated 
 to the god Bel by kings and patesis, had been in the 
 possession of the temple, perhaps used in its service 
 for many centuries, and at the time of some great 
 disaster which befell the city, doubtless at the time 
 of a foreign invasion, but not that of Kudur-Nan- 
 khundi, as has been claimed, because he lived after 
 Ur-Ninib, these ancient votive objects were ruth- 
 lessly smashed in pieces. Naturally in the debris 
 of that age the fragments would be found. They 
 
116 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 contain brief fragmentary legends (see page 37). 
 In this stratum Dr. Haynes found also a torso 
 of a statue in dolerite nearly life size, in many 
 respects similar to the statues of Gudea found at 
 Telloh (see page 158). He also found a straight 
 nose in basalt, belonging to a statue fully life size; 
 also a small white marble head, and other anti- 
 quities. As only a portion of this stratum of the 
 temple area has thus far been excavated, very 
 important discoveries can be looked for when the 
 work in this mound is resumed. 
 
 Ur-Ninib's pavement must have been used, or 
 in other words kept cleared, for many centuries, 
 otherwise the accumulations between it and the 
 next one above would be greater. One and a half 
 feet above, the pavement of Kadashman-Turgu, 
 who lived about 1250 B. C, is found in some parts 
 of the mound. This Cassite monarch ex-tended the 
 sides of the ziggurrat, raised its terracqS;r:restored 
 its conduits, and replaced its gutters. ; | ; ' 
 
 About two feet above this is the pavement of the 
 Assyrian king Ashurbanipal (668-626 B. C). This 
 great monarch, out of reverence for the Nippur gods, 
 or for political purposes, devoted considerable time 
 to the embellishment of this ancient sanctuary. 
 As far as is known he is the last restorer of Ekur. 
 The inscription on his bricks, which is written in 
 Sumerian, reads: "To Bel, lord of lands, his lord, 
 Ashurbanipal, his good shepherd, the mighty king, 
 the king of the four quarters of the earth, Ekur, 
 
The Tower of Babel 117 
 
 his house he btult with burned bricks." In the 
 strattim above the work of Ashurbanipal is found 
 the large fortress built upon the old temple and its 
 tower. This eventually fell into ruins. Finally, 
 the late inhabitants of Nippur buried their dead 
 in the mound covering the remains of the sanctuary 
 where the ancients had worshiped their gods. 
 
 Only the builders or restorers of the temple and 
 its towers who laid pavements within the sacred 
 precincts have been mentioned. A number of the 
 other builders, after Ur-Engur's time, are represented 
 by stanaped bricks. These built or rebuilt shrines, 
 walls, etc. 
 
 Retiirning to the stratum representing the work 
 of Ur-Engur and going downward, there is found, 
 from six to eight feet below, another pavement which 
 was laid with the bricks of Sargon I and Nar^m-Sin, 
 his son, about 3800 B. C. Sargon's bricks are 
 stamped with his legend: " Shargini-shar-ili, king 
 of Accad, the builder of the temple of Bel." Naram- 
 Sin's inscription reads: "Narim-Sin, biiilder of 
 the temple of B^l." It is quite interesting to note 
 that a large number of terra-cotta stamps, used by 
 the brickmakers in making these impressions upon 
 the soft clay for Sargon and Narim-Sin, have been 
 found. Some are very much worn from long usage. 
 These bricks measure about twenty inches square, 
 by about four inches in thickness. All have been 
 carefully made in molds. 
 
 In the strata beneath the pavement of Nar^m- 
 

 ^ 
 
 iVi^^^^^^^^mm^^^M 
 
 ^H 
 
 igg^^^pH| 
 
 1 
 
 ^I^HKi^'''- '■■''' JF-^-'J^^^jm^m 
 
 Bk 
 
 
 ieit^ji-!-i. 
 
 Terra-cotta stamps used, by brick-makers. Upper : " Nar^m-Sin.' 
 Lower: Sharga.ni-shar-aii (Sargon). 
 
The Tower of Babel 119 
 
 Sin, to the depth of over twenty-five feet, were 
 found thousands of urns and pottery vessels con- 
 taining remains of bones and wood partially con- 
 sumed by fire. In some were found cups and dishes ; 
 in others, objects in copper, such as nails and battle- 
 axes ; or objects in stone, such as beads, seal cylin- 
 ders, and different kinds of jewelry. Few of these 
 jars and urns were found intact, having been 
 crushed by the settling of the grotmd. Beds of 
 gray and white ashes, mixed with fragments of 
 pottery, were found at practically every level in these 
 strata. Here and there were discovered terra-cotta 
 drains composed of perforated rings. Three and a 
 half feet below Naram-Sin's pavement, on the third 
 campaign, the excavators came upon a curb, which 
 was about twelve feet from the ziggurrat. It stood 
 some twenty inches high, and evidently served as 
 an enclosure for something in that early age. Within 
 what would be the supposed enclosure. Dr. Haynes 
 found what he regarded as an altar. It was bioilt 
 of sun-dried bricks, thirteen feet long by eight feet 
 wide. It had a ridge of bitumen running about its 
 edge seven inches high. The top of this construction 
 was covered with a layer of several inches of white 
 ashes. Near it was found a bin, also containing 
 several bushels of ashes. It was qtiite natural for 
 the excavator to regard this as "an ancient place 
 where sacrificial victims were burned." 
 
 The results obtained by the Germans under 
 Moritz, Koldewey, and Meyer, in 1887, at El-Hibba 
 
120 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 and Surghul, which are about six miles distant from 
 each other, were similar to those obtained by Dr. 
 Haynes. Around an immense circular tower of 
 two stories were found drains, ashes, bones, vases, 
 and other buried remains. Koldewey concluded 
 that both sites represent fire necropoles, which 
 antedate the earliest civilization known. In other 
 words, the tower was the center of a great cemetery, 
 where the people buried the incinerated remains of 
 their dead in jars and urns, and where the rich 
 built houses, in which the defunct were supposed to 
 hve. It has been pointed out that in pre-Sargonic 
 times the conditions at Nippur were the same. 
 
 To Professor Hommel belongs the credit for 
 conceiving the idea that the Babylonian stage towers 
 were originally sepulchral monuments. Taking this 
 into consideration with Strabo's reference to the 
 "sepulcher of B61" in Babylon, and Diodorus' 
 "tomb of Ninos," in Nineveh, and also a name of 
 the ziggurrat of Nippur found on a cylinder of 
 Ashurbanipal, in which it is called E-gigunu "house 
 of the tomb," the idea was then suggested^ that the 
 ziggurrat in the early pre-Sargonic or Sumerian age 
 was a tomb of the patron deity, and like a huge 
 mausoleum was surrounded by smaller ones of the 
 rich, and graves of the common people. Future 
 investigations will doubtless give us more light upon 
 this interesting question. 
 
 'See Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Land, p. 462 fE. 
 
The Tower of Babel 121 
 
 Some scholars hold that the ziggurrat is sym- 
 bolical of the heavenly seat of the gods. The deities 
 being astral, the whole constellation represents 
 the god. The ziggurrat they claim is the god's 
 heavenly shrine. The figures cut in relief on the 
 upper part of boundary stones which represent the 
 deities seem to express this theory.^ In some instances 
 the shrine, god,' and weapon are given. In others, 
 the shrine and the weapon, or even one symbol. A 
 shrine on one of the stones appears to be a good 
 representation of a ziggurrat. This has led some 
 scholars to conclude that the ziggurrat is an earthly 
 symbol of the god's heavenly seat.^ 
 
 In the story of Babel there is an expression 
 which may have some bearing upon the signifi- 
 cance of the tower. That the builders intended 
 to raise its head into the very ether of heaven has 
 been the usual explanation of the familiar passage. 
 For centuries the illustrations of the tower not 
 only make it reach, but pass through the clouds; 
 or as a recent commentator says: "The expres- 
 sion is probably meant here, not hyperbolically, but 
 literally, "heaven" being regarded as an actual 
 vault, which might be reached, at least by a bold 
 effort. "=' 
 
 ' On this subject see Dr. W. J. Hinke's forthcoming work, 
 "A New Boundary Stone of Nebuchadrezzar I." 
 
 'Winckler, Himmelsbild und Wellenbild der Bahylonier. 
 Der alte Orient III 2 and 3. 
 
 'Driver, Commentary on Genesis, p. 135. 
 
122 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The expression in Genesis, "That its head shall 
 be in the heavens," must be understood differently. 
 Concerning Ekur and the temple of Bel at Nippur, 
 it is written: " O great mountain of Bel, Imkharsag, 
 
 Building inscription of Nabopolassar, giving an account of his restoration of the 
 Tower of Babel, in which he says he raised " its head into the heavens." 
 
 whose summit rivals the heavens." But it was 
 really less than fifty feet high. An expression like 
 that of Genesis is found, almost word for word, in 
 connection with ziggurrats in a number of building 
 
The Tower of Babel 123 
 
 inscriptions dating as eariy as the time of Abraham. 
 For instance, Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchad- 
 rezzar, in an account of his restoration of the Tower 
 of Babel, says: "The god Marduk caused me to 
 lay its foundations in the breast of the earth, and 
 to raise its head into the heavens." 
 
 The Babylonians, in their cosmological concep- 
 tions, divided the world into three parts, correspond- 
 ing to the regions dominated over by the triad of 
 gods, Anu, Bel, and Ea. The region of Anu, the 
 god of heaven, is that of the heavenly ocean (An), 
 or that which is above the starry vault. The region 
 of Ea was that of the terrestrial ocean {Ki), or the 
 subterranean waters. Bel's region {Lil) was between 
 the two, and corresponded to the raqtd of Genesis, 
 translated "firmament," which was "in the midst 
 of the waters," which was to divide the waters 
 from the waters. "And God made the racfia' and 
 divided the waters which were under the racfid from 
 the waters which were above the racp,d " (Gen. 
 1 : 6, 7). The raqtd, therefore, was between, or 
 joined heaven and earth. The name of the tower 
 of Babel E-temen-an-ki, "house (E) of the founda- 
 tion (temen) of heaven (an) and earth (ki)," seems to 
 couple in some way the two regions. E-ur-imin- 
 an-ki, " the house of the seven stages of heaven and 
 earth," the name of the tower of Borsippa, and 
 E-gubba-an-ki in Dilbat, likewise convey this idea. 
 One of the names for the ziggurrat at Larsa and 
 Sippara, as well as at Nippur, was E-dur-an-ki 
 
124 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 " house (E) of the hnk (dur) of heaven (an) and earth 
 (ki)." It is quite probable that the expression 
 referred to in Genesis, as well as those referred to 
 in the building inscriptions, have some connection 
 with these names of ziggurrats. 
 
 The theory has been proposed, in connection with 
 the name Dur-an-ki, that the ziggurrat of B61 at 
 Nippur "is the local representation of the great 
 mythological mountain of the world," the region 
 over which B^l ruled; and that it is symbolically 
 the "link of heaven and earth" which connects the 
 two extreme parts of his empire. The theory is based 
 on the fact that Bel ruled over the region between 
 An and Ki. But to say that ziggurrats are sym- 
 bolical of the region over which Bel ruled, and also 
 to assume that the epithet Dur-an-ki, with this 
 particular meaning, was afterwards applied to other 
 ziggurrats which were dedicated to other gods, 
 would be to connect the name of Bel with all 
 ziggurrats. The former cannot be proved; and as 
 the name is a general one, it does not seem possible 
 to give Bel such prominence in connection with 
 other ziggurrats, — for example, those of Sippara and 
 Larsa, which were dedicated to Shamash. Sufficient 
 for the present is it to know that the expression in 
 Genesis was used in connection with these towers, 
 according to the inscriptions; and that names of 
 ziggurrats also contain similar ideas. 
 
VI 
 
 THE FOURTEENTH CHAPTER OF 
 
 GENESIS 
 
 Ever since Professor Noldeke, who, as early as 
 1869, declared that criticism had forever disproved 
 the claim that Genesis 14 was historical, the chapter 
 has proved a storm center in biblical criticism. 
 It relates how, in the days of Amraphel, four kings 
 of the East, after the five kings of the Vale of Siddim 
 had rebelled against Elam, invaded the land and 
 fought them. Abraham, hearing of their victory, 
 and that his brother's son Lot had been taken 
 captive, gathered his trained servants, and also 
 his allies, and pursued the kings, Chedorlaomer, 
 Tidal, Amraphel, and Arioch, as far as Dan, where, 
 through some strategy at night, he routed them 
 and pursued them unto Hobah, near Damascus. 
 On returning, he restored Lot and the possessions 
 of the king of Sodom, and paid tithes to Melchizedek, 
 king of Salem. 
 
 The theory of the late origin of all the Hebrew 
 Scriptures prompted the critics to declare this 
 narrative to be a pure invention of a later Hebrew 
 writer; in fact, a fanciful midrash, or a post-exilic 
 forgery. The patriarchs were relegated to the 
 
 125 
 
126 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 region of myth and legend. Abraham was made a 
 fictitious father of the Hebrews. He was created 
 in the late days of Judaism by an idealizer of ancestry, 
 in order to project backwards the beginning of the 
 Hebrew race. Some saw in Abraham the name of a 
 clan; others declared him to be a product of the 
 Israelitish tendency to personify ideas ; while others 
 considered him to be a god, presumably the moon- 
 god. Genesis 14, some claim is a narrative of some 
 predatory raid against Canaan by a party of Bed- 
 ween Arabs, to which legend the names of Lot and 
 Abraham were tacked on; the whole story being 
 afterwards elaborated by some later writer into 
 the shape in which it now presents itself. Or, again, 
 the whole story is a fiction based upon the Assyrian 
 conquest of Palestine in the later days. These critics 
 usually begin the history of the Hebrews with the 
 Exodus of Israel from Egypt, or with the en- 
 trance into Western Canaan. 
 
 Even the political situation was declared to be 
 inconsistent with fact. A military expedition of 
 such proportions at that early date was regarded 
 as incredible. Even the names of the kings are 
 etymological plays upon subsequent events. In 
 short, they said, monumental evidence to show that 
 the narrative is historical is totally wanting. 
 
 In the light of what has been discovered. Pro- 
 fessor Noldeke and his line of followers naturally 
 have changed a few of their views. Certain scholars 
 now seem to think that, as some of these theories 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 127 
 
 are no longer held, by reason of what is now known, 
 there is no longer any occasion to refer to them. 
 But inasmuch as a large number are still maintained, 
 some of which are exceedingly far-reaching, and are 
 based on highly insufficient grounds or, in fact, no 
 data whatever, the general pubHc has a right to 
 know what has become of the others which were 
 advanced by scholars of repute, as well as to con- 
 sider the theories which are still promulgated. 
 
 Weighing careftdly the position taken by the 
 critics in the light of what has been revealed through 
 the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions, 
 we find that the very foundations upon which 
 their theories rest, with reference to the points that 
 could be tested, totally disappear. The truth is that 
 wherever any light has been thrown upon the subject 
 through the excavations, their hypotheses have 
 invariably been found wanting. Moreover, what 
 remains of their theories is based upon purely 
 speculative grounds. 
 
 In the first place, instead of the names of the four 
 kings being "etymological inventions" of imaginary 
 characters, we now know that they are real ; and the 
 persons that bore them are historical. It is now 
 generally admitted that Amraphel, king of Shinar, 
 and the great Hammurabi are to be identified as one 
 and the same person. In a text from Sippara, his 
 name is written Ammurabi. In a letter written by 
 Asharidu to Asnapper (Ashurbanipal), his name is 
 written Ammurapi. The first element in the names 
 
128 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of two other rulers of the first dynasty, i. e., Ammi- 
 zaduga and Ammi-ditana, in all probabihty is the 
 same; namely, Hammu. Although explained by 
 the Babylonian writer as having the same meaning 
 
 Biblical Amraphel in bas-relief. 
 
 as Hammu (namely, "kimtu") in these names, 
 the element in the latter names is always written 
 without h. For the addition of the letter I in Am- 
 raphel in the Hebrew orthography, no satisfactory 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 129 
 
 explanation has as yet been offered. Some call 
 attention to the fact that in the contract literature 
 of this period there is a name Hammurahi-il{u) 
 "Hammurabi is a god." The change of 6 to ^ 
 offers no philological difficulty. These scholars 
 have suggested that this name is "letter for letter 
 the Amraphel of Genesis." This view, however, is 
 not generally accepted by Assyriologists. 
 
 While great uncertainties exist in all chronological 
 calculations for the years before Christ, the date of 
 Amraphel, according to the Hebrew chronology, 
 synchronizes in a general way with that of Hammu- 
 rabi, according to the inscriptions. By the Hebrew 
 chronology is not meant Ussher's, with which all 
 English Bible students are familiar. The author 
 of that system, thinking that the sojourn of Israel 
 in Egypt could not have lasted four htindred and 
 thirty years, used in this connection the number of 
 years given by the Septuagint version; namely, 
 two hundred and fifteen years. Using the Hebrew 
 text throughout, Abram's entrance into Canaan 
 shotdd be fixed at about 2136 B. C. instead of 
 1921 B. C. 
 
 A number of Assyriologists fix the date for Ham- 
 murabi at 2250, while others make it 2100 B. C. 
 At the present time there is no way of fully deter- 
 mining this point. There are dynastic Hsts of kings 
 for the second millennium, but they are more or 
 less incomplete and uncertain. The statement by 
 
 9 
 
130 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Nabonidus' that Hammurabi lived seven hundred 
 years before Burna-Buriash, who reigned about 
 
 Clay cone of Hammurabi, referring to his buildings! 
 
 T400 B. C, would make his date about 2100 B. C. 
 ' Rawlinson, Inscriptions of Western Asia, I, 6g b 4-8. 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 131 
 
 This statement is remarkable, for it makes his date 
 in the Babylonian practically the same as in the 
 Hebrew chronology. This fact is strikingly impor- 
 tant. Why? Think of a late Hebrew writer invent- 
 ing the story of Abraham, in which he makes use of 
 the names of historical personages, as some critics 
 now declare, and has so arranged his chron- 
 ological statements in making Abraham their 
 contemporary that their dates synchronize. This 
 Hebrew fiction-writer, or collector of legends, it 
 surely must be acknowledged, was a phenomenal 
 chronologer. 
 
 Hammurabi had his capital at Babylon. The 
 hmits of Shinar, over which he ruled in the early 
 part of his reign, are not known. If it is correct to 
 regard the name as the Hebrew equivalent of 
 Shumer, which was the name of Southern Babylonia, 
 then we must recognize the fact that Arioch calls 
 himself, not only King of Larsa (EUasar), but uses 
 as well the general title, "King of Shumer and 
 Accad" (page 136). Doubtless in the early part 
 of his reign his kingdom was limited to the environs 
 of Babylon. After the control of Elam was shaken 
 off, and Rim-Sin (Arioch) was conquered, Shumer 
 in its entirety came under his sway, after which time 
 he adopted this general title. 
 
 Chedorlacmer, king of Elam, has not as yet been 
 identified. His name, however, is composed of two 
 elements which are well known; namely, Kudur, 
 meaning, in the language of Elam, "servant," and 
 
132 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the god Lagamar, which is one of the prominent 
 Elamitic deities. The name, in other words, is 
 similar in formation to the Elamitic names, Kudur- 
 Mabug and Kudur-Nankhundi. 
 
 Doctor Theophilus G. Pinches offers a translation' 
 of fragments of a tablet, which some hold may refer 
 to the king mentioned in the Old Testament. On 
 one of these he informs us that after referring to 
 Babylon, and to the property of that city, small 
 and great, it is said that the gods [apparently] 
 
 in their faithful counsel to Kudur-Lakhgumal, king 
 of the land of Elam said, " Descend. " The thing 
 
 •which unto them was good [he performed, and] he 
 exercised sovereignty in Babylon, the city of 
 Kar-Duniash. 
 
 If correctly translated by Doctor Pinches, it would 
 imply that an Elamitic ruler, named Kudur-Lakhgu- 
 mal had conquered Babylon. Dur-sir-ilani son of 
 Eri-Ekua (also written Eri-Eaku), together with 
 "Tudkhula, attacked and spoiled Babylon." For 
 paleographical reasons, Doctor Pinches regards these 
 inscriptions as belonging to the age following the 
 Persian period, and holds that the peculiar associa- 
 tion of these three names is simply a striking coinci- 
 dence. If these three names are correctly trans- 
 lated it would almost seem that they represent the 
 biblical Chedorlaomer, Arioch, and Tidal, and that 
 we doubtless have an effort on the part of a late 
 
 ' The Old Testament, in the Light of the Historical Records 
 of Assyria and Babylonia, p. 222 fE. 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 133 
 
 scribe to put in writing some early legendary 
 material. Other scholars, who have seen the in- 
 scriptions, seem to be disposed to question the 
 reading of the names. 
 
 As early as the days of Rawlinson and George 
 Smith, Rim-Sin, king of Larsa, the son of Kudur- 
 Mabug of Elam, has been regarded as identical with 
 the biblical Arioch, king of EUasar. This iden- 
 tification, however, has been questioned by some 
 scholars, who say that it cannot be proved. 
 
 The first element in the name of this ruler is 
 usually written with the sign commonly read ardu, 
 "servant." The variant reading, Ri-im, determines 
 its value in this name. A bilingual text gives for 
 the same sign the value E-ri, which may be Sumerian 
 or Elamitic, or it is a dialectical value for the 
 character. Aku is a well known equivalent for the 
 moon-god Sin. In the light of these facts, and 
 because of other considerations, it follows that 
 Rim-Sin in all probability is a Semitized form of 
 the name Eri-Aku (Arioch), and that they are 
 identical. 
 
 The difference between the name of the city 
 Larsa and EUasar must, of course, be taken into 
 consideration. But corruption in the text, due to 
 frequent transmission, could easily be accepted as a 
 reasonable explanation in order to account for this 
 change. 
 
 Kudur-Mabug, the son of Shimti-Shilkhak, was 
 the father of Arioch. Exactly what relation Chedor- 
 
134 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 laomer was to Kudur-Mabug cannot be determined. 
 He was doubtless his father or his brother. Kudur- 
 
 Bronze Canephorus dedicated to Nana by Kudur-Mabug, the father of Arioch of 
 Ellasar, mentioned in Genesis xiv. 
 
 Mabug does not have the title "King of Elam," 
 but only Prince of Emutbal, i. e., the western part 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 135 
 
 of Elam. Chedorlaomer was in all probability- 
 king of Elam, while his son or brother was prince 
 of Emutbal, and his grandson or nephew was king of 
 Larsa. 
 
 Prior to Hammurabi's thirty-first year, when he 
 threw off the yoke of Elam, Arioch the Elamite 
 reigned over a considerable portion of southern 
 Babylonia. Up to the present time only three rulers 
 of Larsa are known. Nur-Ramman, the bmlder 
 of two sanctuaries in that city, was succeeded by 
 Sin-idinnam (not the governor under Hammurabi 
 by the same name), who restored and embellished 
 the fane of Shamash, also in that city, besides 
 constructing canals and other works. He calls 
 himself "the Preserver of Ur, King of Larsa and 
 King of Shumer and Accad," which title embraced 
 practically lower Babylonia. The third known 
 ruler of Larsa is Arioch. Exactly how Elam came 
 to dominate over this region is not known, as the 
 inscriptions of these rulers throw no light upon the 
 subject. Perhaps it was brought about by the 
 invasion of Kudur-Nankhundi, who invaded Baby- 
 lonia, according to Ashurbanipal, about 2285 B. C. 
 Or, it may date from the fall of Nisin. The seven- 
 teenth year of Sin-muballit, the father of Hammurabi, 
 was called "the year in which the city of Nisin was 
 taken." The dating of contracts bearing Rim- 
 Sin's name shows that that event marked an epoch 
 for dating tablets; for example: "The fifth year 
 of the taking of Nisin." They are found dated 
 
136 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 as high as the thirtieth, which corresponds to the 
 twenty-sixth year of Hammurabi, if that event 
 took place in the seventeenth year of his father's 
 reign. Arioch ruled, besides Larsa where he had 
 the seat of his government, over Ur, Eridu, Lagash, 
 and Nippur; in other words, as mentioned above, 
 southern Babylonia. Taking these things into 
 consideration, and especially in view of the fact 
 that he used the title " King of Shumer and Accad," 
 which really embraced the city of Babylon, there 
 can be little doubt but that Hammurabi, although 
 ruler of Babylon, inherited a throne which was sub- 
 ject to Elam, and that he was a dependent upon 
 this son of that land in the early years of his reign. 
 This means that the army of Shinar, and its king, 
 could be controlled by that nation. We have here a 
 reason why Shinar and Elam were associated 
 together in the campaigns against the kings of the 
 West-land. Further, as mentioned above, Arioch 
 king of Larsa was the son of the Elamite Kudur- 
 Mabug, which fact offers a very satisfactory reason 
 why the armies of Larsa and Elam should be allies 
 in this campaign. In short, we have reasons why 
 three of the four kings should be allied in reconquer- 
 ing these rebellious subjects of the king of Elam. 
 This is a remarkable confirmation of the historical 
 value of the chapter. When history records such a 
 confederation of powers, it is highly important to 
 ascertain the cause of such a union. And that we 
 are able in these days to give the reasons for the 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 137 
 
 coalition of three of the four nations, in this earhest 
 of Hebrew records that we can hope to corroborate by 
 the help of the moniunents, seems wonderful. 
 
 In a number of inscriptions, Kudur-Mabug also 
 calls himself Adda Martu, which means " Prince of 
 the land of Amurru (Palestine and Syria)." In 
 other words, the inscriptions prior to the over- 
 throw of Elam and Larsa record the supremacy of 
 Elam over this region. This is in strict accordance 
 with Genesis, for we are told, " twelve years they 
 (the five kings) served Chedorlaomer (the king of 
 Elam), and in the thirteenth year they rebelled." 
 This is another remarkable confirmation of the 
 accuracy of the historical details of this chapter. 
 
 After Hammurabi conquered Elam and Arioch, 
 he adopted this title. We learn that the second in 
 succession after Hammurabi, namely, Ammi-ditana, 
 continued to regard himself as prince of this country. 
 This fact doubtless explains why Shinar heads the 
 list in the first verse of the chapter. The episode is 
 dated in the days of Amraphel, whereas the country, 
 when the invasion took place, was subject to Elam. 
 It is because the record was written after Hammurabi 
 had become the suzerain of the land. 
 
 The critics also urged as an argument against the 
 credibility of the campaign, the difficulty in believ- 
 ing that a military expedition at this early date 
 could be sent from that region. We have seen that 
 the inscriptions of Elam of this time claim for the 
 king, supremacy of Syria and Palestine. That 
 
138 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 fact conclusively meets their argument. But further, 
 in an inscription of Lugal-zaggisi, about 4000 B. C, 
 we learn that this ruler accomplished, about two 
 thousand years before Abraham was born, what 
 these critics said was not to be considered as possible 
 as early as the patriarch's days. In other words, he 
 conquered the land from the Persian Gulf unto 
 the Mediterranean. On the following page a por- 
 tion of his inscription which is in the Museum of 
 the University of Pennsylvania (see page 44) reads : 
 
 When B^l, lord of lands to Lugal-zaggisi the kingship 
 of the world had given, before the world had made him 
 to prosper, lands under his power had given; from the 
 rising of the sun to the going down of the sun he sub- 
 dued; then from the sea, the lower, the Tigris and Eu- 
 phrates, to the sea, the upper, his path he made straight; 
 from the rising of the sun to the going down of sun. 
 B61, the ruler over everything (?) delivered unto him, 
 [and] the lands dwell in peace. 
 
 The bearing of all these results upon the question 
 has forced the critics to propound a new hypothesis, 
 which in substance, as regards its relation to the 
 historicity of the patriarchal period, is equally 
 obstinately negative in character. In the exile the 
 Hebrew writer became acquainted with these names 
 of ancient Babylonian and Elamitic history, besides 
 other authentic data, and then invented the story, 
 in which the fictitious Abraham was brought into 
 conflict with them and made the hero. In the light 
 of ancient discoveries, were this correct, we should 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 139 
 
 be forced to exclaim, What accurate knowledge of 
 early Babylonian, Elamitic, and Palestine affairs 
 
 '^t-. 
 
 M^ 
 
 <l-fFliF=^ 
 
 ^H+-Vi:i>=:i^ 
 
 S 
 
 OL n 
 
 <>*rS 
 
 n i l -| 
 
 3^^l<l<^p 
 
 3^^4h^M»>>I] 
 
 -\z 
 
 iO 
 
 
 II 
 
 <1^^4H)-\=^ra 
 
 HI!^ f 11 _ 
 
 
 <> 
 
 «ff 
 
 <>F^ l=0 
 
 JO 
 
 FO^I-^^^fl 
 
 
 
 t=<I <^ 
 
 o; 
 
 
 H p<l <^ 
 
 <^^ Azj 
 
 
 <>»P<1 ^^ 
 
 C> < 
 
 A portion of the inscription on the votive vases of Lugal-zaggisi. See oppo- 
 site page for the translation beginning at line 4. 
 
 was possessed by this historian! In short, the work 
 of this Hebrew investigator of questions in historical 
 
140 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 geography and in the poHtical affairs of several 
 ancient nations, which, as mentioned before, shows 
 such a surprisingly accurate knowledge of chrono- 
 logical and other data, would certainly be unique. 
 Historians should insist that this unknown savant 
 be canonized or immortalized. 
 
 The chapter on the other hand, as has been pointed 
 out, offers every indication that the data bearing 
 upon Palestine belong, not to the late days of Hebrew 
 history, but to very ancient times. With possibly 
 only one exception, the names of peoples and places, 
 as far as they have been identified, indicate that 
 they belong to a pre-biblical period. When the 
 document which had been handed down was used, 
 the writer found it necessary to introduce, by way 
 of explanation, the names familiar in his own day; 
 as, for instance, " Bela (the same is Zoar)," "En- 
 mishpat (the same is Kadesh)." Would these 
 critics suggest that the writer introduced these 
 explanatory notes in order that his romance might 
 have the appearance of an ancient document? 
 These glosses, and in fact everything, seem to point 
 to early Palestine origin for the record. But with 
 this phase of the subject, upon which considerable 
 can be said, we are not at the present concerned. 
 
 In order to demonstrate what a change archeology 
 has wrought in a few years, and also to show how 
 some critics have readjusted themselves, offering that 
 which is still far-reaching as regards the historical 
 worth of the chapter, let me quote the following 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 141 
 
 by Professor George Adam Smith. In his "Modern 
 Criticism and the Preaching of the Old Testament ' ' 
 (p. loi), he says: "We must admit that while 
 archaeology has richly illustrated the possibility 
 of the main outlines of the Book of Genesis from 
 Abraham to Joseph, it has not one whit of proof 
 to offer for the personal existence or characters of 
 the patriarchs themselves. . . . But amidst 
 all that crowded life we peer in vain for any trace 
 of the fathers of the Hebrews; we listen in vain 
 for any mention of their names. This is the whole 
 change archaeology has wrought: it has given us 
 a background and an atmosphere for the stories 
 of Genesis; it is unable to recall or certify their 
 heroes." 
 
 What a change recent researches have brought 
 about! With what silence the former conclusions, 
 which were proclaimed with the utmost assurance, 
 are now treated! Instead of the historical back- 
 groimd being altogether different from that repre- 
 sented in Genesis, it is now admitted to be in strict 
 accordance with it. And on the other hand, while 
 so much light has been thrown upon this chapter, 
 in which the very "atmosphere" is acknowledged 
 as having been restored, absolutely nothing has been 
 revealed whereby its accuracy can be impugned, — 
 let me repeat, absolutely nothing. Doubt, however, 
 continues to be thrown upon the historicity of the 
 patriarchs themselves; and they are relegated to 
 the region of myth and legend ; not because a single 
 
142 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 datum has been found to substantiate, inferentially 
 or otherwise, such a view, but because some have 
 " peered in vain for any trace " of them in the records 
 of the past; or they have their fanciful theories to 
 propound. 
 
 As stated before, when contact with a foreign 
 power is mentioned in the Old Testament, and we 
 are able to examine the annals of that power, refer- 
 ence to such contact is in nearly every case fotmd. 
 While Elamitic and Babylonian inscriptions may be 
 discovered which will mention this well-known 
 invasion, the truth is, even the most sanguine 
 archeologist could not expect from such sources 
 any mention whatever of the patriarch himself.' 
 Abraham was a small shaykh, a tolerated inhabi- 
 tant ; perhaps one of the many who in his day occu- 
 pied that region. He grazed his flocks in one locality 
 until the pasture was insufficient for his herds, 
 after which he found it necessary to move on. When 
 he desired to secure Lot from the invaders, he could 
 
 ' Some years ago Professor Hommel, through an oversight, 
 made the statement that the name Abi-ramu (Abram) was 
 found on a contract tablet of the Hammurabi dynasty. (See also 
 Pinches, Old Testament in Light, etc., p. 148.) This has quite 
 frequently been used by others; but the name is to be read 
 Abi-erakh. See Ranke, Die Personennamen in den Urkunden der 
 Hamwmrabidynastie , p. 48. Abi-ramu (Abram) is found to be 
 the name of an official during the reign of Esarhaddon, and 
 recently has been found on an Egyptian monument belonging 
 to Shishak, as reported in the Palestine Exploration Quarterly 
 Statement, Jan. 1905, p. 7. 
 
The Fourteenth Chapter of Genesis 143 
 
 only muster three hundred and eighteen men, which 
 included those of his allies, Aner, Eshcol and Mamre. 
 And although the four kings were routed by some 
 kind of strategy, even if annals were written, as in 
 later times, any reference to a disaster would be 
 entirely unlooked-for; besides, Abraham was very 
 Hkely unknown to them by name. 
 
 The increase of knowledge gained through the 
 inscriptions of this period has in every instance 
 dissolved conclusions arrived at by those critics 
 who maintain that the patriarchs are not to be 
 regarded as historical. And in view of these things 
 is it not reasonable to expect the specialist who 
 desires to theorize to confine his suppositions and 
 conjectures, until he has some kind of facts upon 
 which to base them, to scientific journals, or, in 
 other words, that he should not popularize them, and 
 bring them within the range of the understanding 
 of the Sunday-school scholar. 
 
IS 
 
 M.S 
 
VII 
 
 BABYLONIAN LIFE IN THE DAYS 
 OF ABRAHAM 
 
 Not many decades ago, Abraham, was supposed 
 to belong well-nigh to the dawn of civilization. That 
 there was a nation with a highly-developed culture 
 millenniums before his day was not generally 
 appreciated, notwithstanding the fact that we learn 
 in Genesis that he came in contact, for instance, 
 with the Hittite, a representative of a mighty nation 
 to the north of Palestine, the Amorite, and other 
 peoples of Canaan, besides a pharaoh of Egypt. 
 The excavator, archeologist, and decipherer have 
 given a clearer conception of those days, and have 
 already restored the history of a period about as 
 long prior to Abraham as we are after ; or, in other 
 words, they now place the patriarch midway in 
 the written history of man. 
 
 The dynasty that governed Babylon diiring 
 Abraham's life is known as the first dynasty of 
 Babylon. The names of the rulers are : Sumu-abi, 
 Sumu-la-ilu, Zabium, Abil-Sin, Sin-mubalUt, Ham- 
 murabi, Samsu-iluna, Abi-eshukh, Ammi-ditana, 
 Ammi-zaduga, and Samsu-ditana. With the excep- 
 tion of one or two scholars, who believe that all the 
 
 lo 145 
 
146 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 rulers were of Babylonian origin, scholars unite in 
 saying that they are not indigenous to the land, 
 except perhaps Sin-muballit and Abil-Sin. Even 
 these were doubtless foreigners, who had assumed 
 Babylonian names, a practise commonly known to 
 have existed. The nomenclature of the contract 
 literature of this dynasty, having hundreds of 
 foreign names, shows unmistakably that a large 
 foreign Semitic population was settled in Babylonia 
 at this time, especially in the vicinity of Sippar. 
 Earlier literature does not show this influence, while 
 in the Cassite period, several centuries later than 
 the time of which we speak, it has totally dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 The exact source of this foreign influence is also 
 a controverted point. Some scholars declare that 
 the origin of the dynasty is Arabian, while others 
 regard the rulers to be Canaanites. This much seems 
 to be certain : They can be called Western Semites 
 or Amorites. The country Amurru, i. e., the West- 
 land, embraced the entire country west of the 
 Euphrates up to the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 Perhaps it even included the northern part of 
 Arabia; this would account for the foreign element 
 in Babylonia at this time, which shows Arabic 
 influences. 
 
 Our knowledge of the Semitic tongues of Arabia, 
 Canaan, and other parts of this district of this 
 early time, is too meager to come to any further 
 conclusions on the subject. The earliest date tenta- 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 147 
 
 tively fixed for the MiriEean (Arabic) inscriptions 
 is 1400 B. C. The earliest extra-biblical inscriptions 
 of Canaanite origin are the glosses written in Hebrew 
 on the Tel el-Amarna cuneiform tablets, which 
 belong to the same period; in other words, about 
 seven centtiries after the time of Hammurabi. 
 What language was spoken in Canaan in his day is 
 not known. The Western-Semitic names in question 
 may be found later on to represent the Palestine 
 language of that time. It may have been a kind 
 of a mixture of Arabic, or of some other Semitic 
 language, which developed into what we know as 
 Hebrew. But the writer is inclined to think that 
 the language of Canaan, as represented in the later 
 times by the Hebrew, Phoenician, and the Moabitic 
 dialects, goes back to a time in Palestine so remote 
 as to be lost in the mists of antiquity. If, for in- 
 stance, the Babylonian is already a fixed tongue at 
 4000 B.C., and has changed grammatically very 
 little in the foior thousand years of its known history ; 
 and, also, if the oldest portion of Hebrew, generally 
 fixed not later than 1 500 B. C, is very little different 
 from the latest Hebrew, showing that it was already 
 a fixed language at that early date, it seems that 
 we have excellent reasons for concluding that the 
 language of Canaan was practically the same in 
 the days of the first dynasty of Babylon as it was a 
 few centuries later. If, therefore, the foreign ele- 
 ments referred to cannot be regarded as belonging 
 to the Canaanite language, or the Hebrew with 
 
148 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 which we are famihar, then the influence must come 
 from elsewhere. Presumably, however, this much 
 is certain: the language is one of the Western- 
 Semitic tongues. 
 
 While a number of kings reigned in this dynasty 
 prior to Hammurabi (the Amraphel of Genesis 14), 
 the country over which they ruled seems to be 
 limited to the district about Babylon. The land was 
 divided into petty principalities, each having its 
 independent system of government. An Elamite, 
 whose name was Rim-Sin or Arioch, exercised 
 control over the southern part of the valley, with 
 his government at Larsa. But in Hammurabi's 
 thirty-first year, when he conquered this land as 
 well as Emutbal, a part of Elam, the entire country 
 came under his sway (see preceding chapter). 
 
 The usual order had been that, when a king con- 
 quered one of the surrounding rulers, tribute was 
 exacted, and the conquered one was held in sub- 
 jection by force. Such a union was dissolved as 
 soon as the one conquered was strong enough to 
 throw off the yoke, or the conquering city had in 
 turn been conquered by another. Hammurabi, 
 however, introduced a new policy. He not only 
 controlled effectively the country which he had 
 acquired through conquest, but he amalgamated the 
 heterogeneous and discordant elements into a united 
 kingdom. He unified them by reorganizing their 
 administrations, and appointed over them those who 
 were familiar with his own form of government. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 149 
 
 His officers asstuned control of the various centers, 
 which were developed along prescribed lines until 
 all were welded into one united whole, with the 
 central government at Babylon. For nearly two 
 miUennituns, including the centuries of the foreign 
 rule of the Cassites, Assyrians, Persians, and others, 
 the hegemony of Babylon which was established 
 by his efforts was not disturbed. 
 
 Hammiirabi's administrative ability is well illus- 
 trated by a large number of his official letters, 
 which have been published by Mr. L. W. King, 
 of the British Museum. They were all written by 
 the same scribe, and addressed to his governor Sin- 
 idinnam, at Larsa. The latter had jurisdiction over 
 several other cities, among them being Ur and 
 Erech. The fact that he was stationed at Larsa 
 would imply that the letters which are not dated 
 belong to the period subsequent to the defeat of 
 Elam, i. e., after the thirty-first year of his reign; 
 for Arioch, the Elamite prince, had his capital at 
 that city. 
 
 The letters originally had been encased, the 
 envelopes containing the address, something like 
 "To Sin-idinnam. " The cases doubtless contained, 
 in addition to the address, the impressions of Ham- 
 murabi's seal. On the receipt of a letter the case 
 was peeled off. Here and there small portions of 
 the envelopes have adhered to the letters. Being 
 a king's epistle to a subject, the opening formula 
 is brief: "Unto Sin-idinnam say: — thus saith 
 
150 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Hammurabi." What he desired to communicate 
 immediately f oho wed. 
 
 Through this correspondence we get a remarkable 
 insight into the internal affairs of his administration. 
 From it we learn that one of the characteristic 
 features of his reign was that he gave personal 
 attention to minor details, as well as to the general 
 oversight of the affairs of his kingdom. In one letter, 
 an order is given that certain Elamite goddesses, 
 which had been taken in conquest, should be brought 
 to Babylon. In another letter, he orders that they 
 should be returned to their shrines. Special atten- 
 tion is devoted to the construction, repairing, and 
 dredging of canals, in order to develop the natural 
 resources of the land. The work seems to have been 
 conducted by the government. The residents along 
 the canals were required to keep them in repair, 
 but the general oversight of this work was in the 
 hands of the king. He is found superintending the 
 collection of revenues, exercising control over the 
 priesthood, and requiring the strict observance of 
 omens in order that disasters might be avoided. 
 
 Again, we find the king giving orders for the 
 restoration of property, which had been illegally 
 claimed or retained, or for the investigation of 
 personal claims. In some instances he sent instruc- 
 tions as to how cases were to be tried. Several 
 letters are practically warrants for the arrest of 
 certain individuals, who were to be brought to Baby- 
 lon. Some are summonses for officials to render their 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 151 
 
 accounts, that they might be audited. Orders are 
 given for the despatching of troops, and ships, or 
 for the sheep-shearers to come to the capital in 
 order to take part in the annual festival. Directions 
 are given for the cutting of certain kinds of trees, 
 or for the transportation of slaves and workmen, 
 or of products, to Babylon. He arranged for the 
 inspection of royal flocks and herds. In other words, 
 the king seems to have given attention to the smallest 
 detail of his administration. While the governor 
 is requested to investigate certain affairs, and 
 render decisions, everything he does is subject to 
 the king's approval. Babylon seems to have been 
 the seat of the supreme court, with Hammurabi 
 acting as the chief justice. He even tried ordinary 
 cases himself. In one instance he rendered a de- 
 cision favorable to a citizen against one of his gov- 
 ernors. Money-lenders he ptmished for extortion, 
 or for failing to cancel mortgages after they had 
 been satisfied. In order to prevent collusion on the 
 part of witnesses, in cases that he tried, he ordered 
 his governor to send them separately to Babylon. 
 A very interesting letter shows how the calendar 
 was regulated. Throughout their history the Baby- 
 lonians observed the lunar months, the names of 
 which the Jews substituted for their own after the 
 captivity. In consequence, it became necessary 
 about every third year to insert an intercalary 
 month. This was usually done in the middle, or 
 at the end, of the year. Hammurabi in a letter to 
 
152 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 his governor Sin-idinnam, after he mentioned 
 the fact that the year had a deficiency, ordered that 
 the month upon which they were entering should 
 be called " Second Elul," instead of Tishri, the month 
 that followed Elul. But he added: " Instead of the 
 tribute arriving in Babylon on the twenty-fifth day 
 of the month Tishri, let it arrive in Babylon on the 
 twenty-fifth day of Second Elul. " In other words, 
 he pushed on the calendar, but was unwilling to 
 wait a month for his revenues. 
 
 A king's piety seems to have been determined by 
 what he accomplished in the way of restoring and 
 embellishing temples, building shrines, or making 
 endowments to the sanctuary. One of the ways 
 the people recognized these works, as well as com- 
 memorated other great deeds of the king in the way 
 of conquest or in serving the people, was by naming 
 the year of the king's reign after the event. This 
 manner of dating offers considerable information 
 for the reconstruction of history. The first year 
 usually mentions the beginning of the reign; viz., 
 "The year in which Hammurabi became king." 
 Unfortunately the chronicles, or rather the lists of 
 titles given to the separate years which record these 
 dates of the first dynasty, are fragmentary ; but the 
 following selection from Hammurabi's reign will 
 serve to illustrate their character, and what they 
 teach us. "The year [third] in which the throne of 
 Nannar [was made]." "The year [fourth] in which 
 the wall of Malga was destroyed." "The year 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 153 
 
 [ninth] in which the canal Hammurabi [was dug]." 
 "The year [twelfth] in which the throne of Sar- 
 panitum [was made]." "The year [fourteenth] 
 in which the wall of Sippara was btiilt." " The year 
 [thirtieth] in which the army of Elam [was defeated]." 
 " The year [thirty-first] in which the land of Emutbal 
 [was conquered]." "The year [thirty-second] in 
 
 which the army of " "The year 
 
 [thirty-eighth] in which the city Umliash [was de- 
 stroyed] by flood." The closing line of this list, 
 which gives the years for his reign reads: "The 
 forty-three years of Hammiirabi the king." 
 
 All documents in the early period of Babylonian 
 history are dated according to these titles of the 
 years. This system was exceedingly cumbersome 
 in comparison with the method adopted in the later 
 centuries in Babylonia, when the number of the 
 years of the reign of the king was used. It must 
 have been necessary for business men as well as 
 others who kept records to have their individual 
 lists of the names of years, as it would be difficult 
 to remember them for any length of time. Further, 
 in some sections of the land another set of titles 
 was employed, commemorating events which were 
 of greater importance to the people of that portion 
 of the country. In the Assyrian inscriptions of the 
 late period, as is well known, a system somewhat 
 similar was used. Each year was known by the 
 name of an official. For example, the first year, 
 the king's name was used; the following, the next 
 
154 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 highest official; like, Linimu Bel-illatua, i.e., ''The 
 eponym of Bel-illatua." But in Babylonia, during 
 the centuries which followed the Hammurabi dy- 
 nasty, all dating was according to the year of the 
 king's reign. 
 
 . In the prologue and epilogue of his code, which 
 is discussed in the following chapter, Hammurabi 
 mentions numerous temples and shrines that he 
 enlarged and restored or adorned ; also that - he 
 enriched certain cities; that he brought prosperity 
 to others by giving them abundance of water; in 
 general, .that he was a most benevolent monarch. 
 He calls himself a "father of his people." As a 
 lawgiver and as an administrator of laws he appears 
 in a most favorable light, and seems to have earned 
 the flattering and honorific titles he credits himself 
 with, in his code. His letters to his governor justify 
 him in thus regarding himself. In short, Oriental 
 despotism, which characterized the rule of so many 
 ancients, is not apparent; but, on the other hand, 
 we find a benevolent ruler who, by his energetic 
 efforts in improving the social and material con- 
 ditions of the people, must have won their favor. 
 Quite a number of letters written by private 
 individuals living in this age, have also been found. 
 They are, as a rule, more difficult to understand 
 than official letters, as they presuppose private 
 relations of which we can have no knowledge. In 
 one, a man who is held in prison sent the letter with 
 the jailer or gateman to the man who imprisoned 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 155 
 
 him, complaining of his treatment. He calls the 
 jail a starvation house. He says he is ill, and asks 
 for food and clothing. He pleads that he is not a 
 robber, nor a burglar, but he is imprisoned because 
 the Sutu fell upon him, and took the oil which he, 
 his master, sent hiin with across the river. 
 
 In another lettei, a son wrote to his father that 
 he was located at Dur-Sin, where there was no meat 
 fit to eat. He sent his father two-thirds of a shekel 
 of silver, that he might send some nice fish and other 
 viands. A votary from a royal family, who was in 
 connection with some temple, wrote to her father, 
 reminding him of his promise to send a sheep and 
 five minas of silver, which he failed to keep. 
 
 The following ' may be regarded as a love letter 
 of Abraham's time, although the exact relations 
 of the correspondents cannot be determined. Bibea, 
 the one addressed, is a lady. 
 
 "To Bibea say, thus saith Gimil-Marduk : May 
 the gods Shamash and Marduk permit thee to live 
 forever for my sake. I write to inquire concerning 
 thy health. Tell me how thou art. I went to Baby- 
 lon, but did not see thee. I was greatly disappointed. 
 Send the reason for thy leaving, that I may be 
 happy. Do come in the month Marchesvan. Keep 
 well always for my sake." 
 
 There are indications that a regular post, or 
 
 ' Published by Father Scheil, Une Saison de fouilles ^ 
 Sippar, p. 131. 
 
156 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 system of despatching letters and packages, was in 
 existence at this time. Besides letters, other evi- 
 dences of such a post have been found; notably a 
 large number of liimps of clay, which are labels 
 or tags, belonging to this and other periods. On 
 some the marks of the cord which passed through 
 the bit of clay are clearly visible. Others contained 
 the names of the individuals for whom the parcels 
 were intended, besides the seal impressions of the 
 sender. Several found at Telloh contain impressions 
 of the seal of Sargon, king of Agade (about 3800 
 B. C), which belonged to parcels he sent to his son 
 NarS,m-Sin, who was then acting as viceroy in that 
 city. In all probability there was a regular post 
 in existence between the different cities of Sargon's 
 empire. 
 
 The following translation of a little Sumerian 
 record belonging to the latter half of the third 
 millennium B. C. shows how messengers were pro- 
 vided with the necessities of life on their journeys. 
 It records what was furnished them for their journey 
 between the city in which it was written and In- 
 nanna-erin. The amounts were paid from the treas" 
 ury of the temple storehouse. The record is for one 
 month. Whether the tablet indicates the number 
 of trips made each month, or whether the carriers 
 were despatched only when something was to be 
 delivered, cannot be determined. 
 
 3 qa of date wine for Shunagargid, the messenger. 
 5 qa of date wine for Awil-Nannar, the courier, who came 
 
z a 
 o <u 
 
 o u 
 
158 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 from the city Innanna-erin. 5 qa of date wine [for one 
 day's stay] in the City, and i gur of wine, made from the 
 SA herb, for the journey for Susha-laba,the courier.who 
 goes to the city Innanria-erin. 10 ga of date wine for 
 two days' [stay in the city] for Nabium (?), the courier, 
 who comes from Innanna-erin. 5 5a of date wine [for 
 one day's stay] in the city, and i gur of wine from the 
 SA herb for the journey for.Dingir-masu(?), the courier, 
 who goes to Innanna-erin. 3 qa of date wine for Ubar, 
 the messenger, who comes from Innanna-erin. 20 qa 
 of date wine for four days' [stay in the city] for Awil-Ea, 
 the courier. 60 qa of oil for the herdsman of the City 
 Gishgal(?) [all of] which are to be taken out of the 
 temple [storehouse, in the] month Ezen-Dumuzi {i. e., 
 the Hebrew month Tishri). 
 
 "Babylonia being an alluvial plain, somewhat 
 removed from stone, developed architecturally al- 
 most entirely with clay as a building material. 
 As a result the remains of the builders' work are 
 largely in terra-cotta or sun-dried clay. Occasion- 
 ally some great ruler imported stone from central 
 Arabia, or the mountains along the Euphrates to 
 the northwest, for statues, door-sockets, vases, 
 votive objects, etc., but generally the antiquities 
 discovered, which belong to _ the every -day life 
 of the people, are in clay. 
 
 There have been found, however, a number of 
 stone statues of the third millennium which are 
 remarkable creations for this stoneless land. At 
 Telloh, eight headless statues over and under life 
 size were found in the central court of Gudea's 
 palace. Several heads of other statues were also 
 
Heads of dolerite statues found at Telloh. 
 
160 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 recovered, broken off doubtless at the time of 
 some invasion. At Nippur were found a torso and 
 a head, besides other fragments, belonging to 
 similar statues. They are made of a hard igneous 
 rock, dolerite. Gudea imported this stone for his 
 statues from Magan, i.e., Northeast Arabia, which 
 borders on Babylonia. 
 
 The anatomy of the figures is surprisingly well 
 rendered. The cheeks, chin, and mouth have been 
 carefully studied. The nose is somewhat arched. 
 The eyelids are good, although too wide open. 
 The hair is represented by lines arranged in herring- 
 bone fashion. The muscles of the arm swell because 
 of the folded or clasped hands. The finger-nails 
 are delicately carved. The drapery is in awkward 
 folds over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm 
 bare. Two of the statues found at Telloh represent 
 Gudea (about 3000 B. C.) as an architect or builder. 
 In one of these he has a plan of his palace resting 
 on his lap. It shows the large gates and towers. 
 The scale according to which the plan is drawn 
 accompanies it. The skirt of the statue is covered 
 with inscriptions in the Sumerian language. There 
 is a lack of animation in the face, and a heaviness 
 and a squattiness of the form, which is not at all 
 pleasing, especially when compared with the work 
 of the Memphite sculptor of a still earlier age; yet 
 the knowledge of anatomy displayed, and the 
 minutias of detail as worked out, besides taking 
 into consideration the skill of the workman who cut 
 
Statue of Gudea, The building plan of his palace rests on his lap. It is accom 
 panied with the scale according to which it was drawn. 
 
162 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 his statues out of the hardest kind of stone, rightly 
 deserve our admiration. Allowances must be made 
 for school conventions, but these statues offer 
 valuable material for the physiological study of the 
 Sumerian people, the early inhabitants of the valley. 
 
 A great many vases, of different sizes and shapes, 
 cut out of hard as well as soft stone, have been 
 found belonging to the third, the fourth, and the 
 fifth millenniums before Christ. Some show on the 
 inside the marks of the tools which were used 
 in making them. All such marks are obliterated 
 on the outside, as the vases had been polished. The 
 regularity of these tool marks and the symmetry 
 of the vases clearly indicate that a lathe was em- 
 ployed in their manufacture. The neatness and 
 fineness of execution and the beautiful designs 
 make some of them superior to the products of later 
 times. The same is true of the skill of the gem- 
 cutter (see page 55). 
 
 The work of the smith is represented by many 
 antiquities in silver and bronze. Objects in gold, 
 such as the images of gods which were placed in the 
 temples, have not been discovered. In a number 
 of instances, gold objects used as jewelry have been 
 found in the coffins which were excavated. In 
 bronze, there have been found votive images, 
 various utensils, jewelry, weapons, and tools of many 
 kinds. Gudea informs us that he imported copper 
 from Nejd, and gold from Medina and Melukhkha 
 in the Sinai tic peninsula. 
 
Statues in dolerite from Telloh, illustrating the female dress of the third millen- 
 nium before Christ. 
 
164 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Of special interest are the bronze canephori 
 or basket-carriers, which have been found at Telloh. 
 They were usually dedicated to the gods for the 
 preservation of the donor's life. De Sarzec found 
 small cavities constructed in the platforms of build- 
 ings in which these and similar votive objects, used 
 doubtless as talismans, had been walled up. As in 
 Greece, with a single exception they are female 
 figures. It is well known that the office of a cane- 
 phorus carried with it great distinction among the 
 classic Greeks. Only the daughters of the first 
 Athenian families were honored with this excep- 
 tional distinction. 
 
 In one of the images found at Telloh, the limbs 
 'are not worked out, but the lower part forms a cone. 
 On this there is an inscription of Dungi, king of 
 Ur, about 2750 B. C. Another has a skirt, but it is 
 not inscribed. The third is that of a male figure, 
 carrying a basket exactly as the females. It bears 
 a votive inscription to the goddess Nana by Rim-Sin 
 (the biblical Arioch), king of Larsa. Several female 
 basket-carriers have been found which contain 
 votive inscriptions of Kudur-Mabug, father of 
 Arioch. The Berlin Museum has secured an ex- 
 ceptionally well-preserved specimen (see illustra- 
 tion, page 134). It is dedicated to the goddess 
 Nani, "who is adorned with splendor and over- 
 flowing with grace." 
 
 Little is known concerning the musical attain- 
 ments of this age. At Telloh, belonging to an earlier 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 165 
 
 time, a fragment of an interesting bas-relief was 
 found in the ruins of Gudea's palace. It has two 
 compartments. In the upper, one of the four figures 
 is represented with a kind of cymbal, or paten, 
 
 Bas-relief in stone, depicting musicians. (Third millennium B. C.) 
 
 and an object which was used for striking it. An- 
 other carries something like a flute. In the lower 
 part of the relief, there is a seated figure playing a 
 harp, which has eleven strings. The foot of the harp 
 
166 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 is adorned with the figure of a bull. Before the harper 
 stands a singer, or a worshiper, in a reverential 
 attitude, perhaps before a deity.' 
 
 In the first dynasty of Babylon, there was a large 
 number of scribes. Nearly all the legal documents 
 of this period that have been translated are found 
 to have been written by different scribes. A number 
 of women are known to have belonged to this pro- 
 fession, as seems to be the case also in the Assyrian 
 period.^ There are indications that lead us to 
 suppose that the scribe shaved his head and beard, 
 that he wore his toga thrown over his left shoulder, 
 and kept his right arm bare. 
 
 The scribe wrote the legal documents, and doubt- 
 less most of the letters of private individuals. In 
 writing a contract, the entire document was his 
 work, even to the making of the seal impressions 
 upon the tablet, in proximity to which he wrote the 
 name of the owner. The individual, therefore, 
 whose seal was used handed it to the scribe for 
 him to make the impression. This is clearly shown 
 by the regularity with which they were made, and 
 their position on the tablet. 
 
 ^ For the later Assyrian period of the first millennium B. C, 
 considerable is known of musicians and their instruments. 
 
 ''The Rev. C. H. W. Johns of Cambridge, England, in 
 his valuable treatise, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Con- 
 tracts, and Letters, p. 151, calls attention to an Assyrian 
 document which mentions six female aba, which word he trans- 
 lates "scribe" or "secretary." In the Neo-Babylonian period, 
 women scribes are not mentioned. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 167 
 
 The writing materials in all ages of Babylonian 
 and Assyrian history were clay, stone, and metal. 
 If papyrus was ever used, no trace of it has been 
 preserved. The number of noteworthy objects 
 which have been found in metal is comparatively 
 small, as, for example, the canephorus in bronze, 
 described on page 1 64, or the silver vase of Entemena 
 (see page 52) found by De Sarzec at Telloh. In- 
 scribed objects which were dedicated to the gods, 
 such as vases, slabs, etc., were usually in stone. 
 This and other materials were employed for seal- 
 cylinders, door-sockets, boundary-stones, etc. 
 
 In all ages, so far as is known, clay was the stand- 
 ard writing material for literary, historical, legal, 
 and personal matters. A clay was used which was 
 free from grit, or which was washed well, in order to 
 clear it of as much of the sand as possible. The 
 scribes apparently selected a clay containing con- 
 siderable marl or chalk.' They doubtless had 
 observed that clay with a good percentage of chalk 
 does not shrink much and crack upon drying out. 
 This is due to the fact that the chalk is not hydrous, 
 and will not take up water. After the clay had been 
 washed and thoroughly kneaded, it had remarkable 
 adhesive power; so that tablets which were simply 
 sun-dried, although buried in the damp earth for 
 chiliads, have remained intact. Naturally, the 
 
 *See the writer's, Business Documents of Murashd Sons, 
 B. E. Vol. X, p. I. 
 
168 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 greatest care must be observed when unbaked tablets 
 are excavated, for they fall to pieces if roughly 
 handled. After they are thoroughly dried out, 
 the old adhesiveness is again restored. Some sun- 
 dried clay tablets are so hard that even experts are 
 at times misled into regarding them as kiln-dried. 
 
 The clay in a plastic condition is shaped into the 
 size desired. As the style of paper in the present age 
 is in a measure an indication of the general character 
 of the document, so the size and shape of the in- 
 scribed clay tablet is indicative, in a general way, 
 of the contents. Historical literature of the Assyrian 
 period, as well as inscriptions which record the 
 erection or restoration of buildings, is found as a 
 rule on cylinders of various sizes and shapes. Some 
 are quadrangular, pentagonal, hexagonal, etc. Some 
 are cone-shaped, or are in the form of a bombshell. 
 Literary writings of the Assyrian people were gener- 
 ally inscribed on good-sized tablets. Legal docu- 
 ments, although differing in form in the various 
 periods, are also readily recognized by their shape. 
 In the Hammurabi and Cassite dynasties, the scribe 
 usually held the tablet so that the lines passed across 
 the narrow part, while in the Neo-Babylonian they 
 ran across the tablet lengthwise. Letters are usually 
 written across the narrow side. Inscribed votive 
 cones, plans of cities, and estates, and topographical 
 maps, are also found in clay, and have been found in 
 various sizes and shapes. 
 
 The stylus used by the scribe was a very simple 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 169 
 
 affair. Any stick of metal or hard wood which had a 
 square corner could be used. By holding it beneath 
 the palm of the hand between the thumb and the 
 index finger, and by pressing the angular corner 
 into the soft clay, the imoression will be that of a 
 wedge. Using the Latin word cuneus for wedge, 
 
 Square end stylus. 
 
 Beveled end stylus. 
 
 the writing has been called the cuneiform. All 
 characters are made up of single wedges at different 
 angles, and the winkelhaken ("angular hook"), 
 which is made by laying the stylus over on its side 
 with the handle towards the right, using the angle x. 
 When the square end stylus is used the writing ap- 
 pears thus : 
 
 n^/i < 
 
 From the time of the first dynasty, a very marked 
 peculiarity of many of the styli was that the top 
 was made to slope to one side (see illustration). 
 In consequence, the top of the perpendicular wedge 
 
170 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 was higher on the left side than on the right, and the 
 angle of the winkelhaken was less than a right angle, 
 thus: ^^ when the beveled end stylus was used. 
 
 An original tablet. 
 
 Written with beveled end stylus. 
 
 The latter varies according to the slope of the top 
 of the stylus. The greater it is, the smaller is the 
 angle of the " hook." ^ This slope was made to vary 
 according to the desire of the scribe, which enabled 
 
 ' On this subject, see further remarks by the writer in Docu- 
 ments from the Temple Archives, B. E. Vol. XIV, p. 19 f. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 171 
 
 him, in this way, to emphasize the individuality 
 of his writing. 
 
 The stylus in Assyrian was called qanA ("reed"), 
 or qan-duppi ("tablet reed" or "stylus"). This 
 would imply that the scribes usually used reed- 
 wood to make their styli. Attention has been 
 called' to impressions on some tablets which show 
 the roundness of the reed out of which the stylus 
 was made. The wood of reeds, which grow in 
 abundance in marshy places, is qtiite hard, and does 
 not readily absorb water; in consequence, it is 
 quite smtable to write upon the soft clay. 
 
 Judging from the thousands of seals, signets, 
 and seal-cylinders which have been found, and the 
 thousands of tablets which contain seal impressions, 
 the information given us by the classical writers that 
 practically every man of any standing in a com- 
 munity had his seal, is intelligible. They were 
 usually cut out of hard stone, such as lapis-lazuli, 
 carnelian, green jasper, agate, onyx, crystal, slate, 
 shell, etc. Some are in metal, and judging from the 
 exqtiisitely fine work, as indicated on some tablets, 
 especially in the Cassite period when a characteristic 
 feature was a decorative border at the top and 
 bottom of the seals (see illustrations page 173), it 
 is thought^ that some had been capped with gold. 
 
 ' See Dr. Messerschmidt's interesting article in Oriental- 
 istische Litteraturzeitung, Vol. 9, No. 5. 
 
 2 See Dr. W. H. Ward's remark in my Documents from the 
 Temple Archives of Nippur, p. 15- 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 173 
 
 The cyHnders usually have a hole passing through 
 them, presumably for the purpose of inserting some 
 kind of an instrument that enabled them to roll 
 the cyUnder over the clay, or to insert a string in 
 order to attach them to their person. Seal rings and 
 
 Case tablets of the Cassite Period, containing seal impressions. 
 
 signets were used, especially in the Neo-Babylonian 
 and Persian periods. In a number of instances the 
 impressions of both a cylinder and a signet of an 
 individual are found upon documents. 
 
 The use of the seal did not differ from its ordinary 
 
174 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 usage in modern times. It was equivalent to the 
 individual's signature. The entire document, as 
 
 mentioned (page 
 1 66), was written 
 by the scribe; but 
 the use of the seal 
 made it binding by 
 the contracting par- 
 ties. Usually only 
 the obligor or debtor 
 
 The earliest known form of the centaur, Or thc OUC who gaVC 
 reproduced from seal impressions on a tablet, 
 time of the Cassites. 
 
 the document as a 
 receipt left his seal 
 impression; in some cases there are found the seal 
 impressions of the witnesses and the judge before 
 whom the business was transacted. On not a single 
 document of the sons of Murashu does the seal 
 impression of the individual appear in whose interest 
 the tablet was made, or who was the creditor. 
 He held the tablet as a receipt, or as a record of the 
 debtor's obligations. In the Cassite archives, the 
 man who delivered at the residence of the officers 
 their salary, which was paid in kind, left his seal 
 impression upon the records of that payment. This 
 was held by the bursar of the Temple storehouse. 
 In most periods, notably later than the Ham- 
 murabi dynasty, the individual who did not possess 
 a seal made thumb-nail marks in the soft clay, 
 alongside of which the scribe usually wrote supurshu, 
 "his thumb-nail mark," or added his name, supur 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 175 
 
 Bel-erba, "thumb nail of Bel-erba." In some cases 
 the words kima kunukkishu, "instead of his seal," 
 were added. These were regarded as equivalent 
 to his seal. In the tablets of the Cassite period, I 
 found another substitute for the seal, which the 
 ancients caYied. sisiktu} The word means "cloth." 
 A tablet in the Berlin Museum, which was also 
 recently published, clearly shows cloth marks ^ near 
 the marks of the sisiktu. A tablet of the University 
 of Pennsylvania collection, which is roughly made. 
 
 
 Thumb-nail marks instead of seal impression, Achsemenian Period. 
 
 may have cloth marks ; but on the four tablets of 
 the latter collection on which the marks of the 
 sisiktu were made, there is a clearly-defined little 
 hole. This shows that the sisiktu, which perhaps 
 referred to some part of the garment, had in connec- 
 tion with it that which could be used to make this 
 little hole. In a building inscription of Nebu- 
 chadrezzar the king is referred to as standing before 
 
 ' See Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur, 
 B. E. Vol. XIV, p. 13. 
 ' ^Ungnad, Orientalistische Litteraturzeilung, Vol. IX, No. 3. 
 
176 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the image of his god, whose sisiktu he takes hold of. 
 It is thought that this refers to his garment. Per- 
 haps it was his girdle, to which something was 
 appended. On one of the Cassite records from the 
 temple storehouse, an individual left his thumb- 
 
 Tablets showing holes made by the sisiktu. 
 
 nail marks as well as that of the sisiktu, which were 
 used instead of his seal. 
 
 Letters, contracts, and certain kinds of records 
 were frequently encased; that is, the tablet was 
 wrapped in a thin layer of clay, which formed an 
 envelope. In connection with the study of the 
 administrative temple records of the Cassite dynasty, 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 177 
 
 the writer made some experiments which enabled 
 him to arrive at the foUowing conclusions: It was 
 not necessary to allow the tablet to dry out before it 
 was enveloped, in order to prevent the case from 
 clinging to it ; and the statement that the tablet was 
 powdered with clay to prevent the case from per- 
 manently sticking to it can not be based upon 
 experiments made in encasing tablets, for it would 
 have been found that material thus used tends to 
 
 mm' 
 
 
 
 
 Tablet and envelope. The inscription of the tablet is repeated on the envelope. 
 
 close up the impressions of the stylus. Immediately 
 after the document was written, or perhaps after 
 the clay had set somewhat, so that it could not lose 
 its shape when being encased, the thin layer was 
 folded about it. By dipping it into water, the scribe 
 could readily remove all traces of cracks with his 
 fingers. Occasionally the case clings here and there 
 to the tablet, but as a rule it can be peeled off 
 without much difficulty. If it were a letter, the 
 name of the individual for whom it was intended 
 
178 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 was written upon the envelope, the sender at the 
 same time making impressions of his seal upon it. 
 If it were a contract or record, the entire contents, 
 as a rule, were repeated on the outside. Occasionally 
 the tablet proper does not contain the name of 
 witnesses, or the name of the king, in whose reign the 
 tablet is dated. These were written on the envelope. 
 On the other hand, if it is a record of a debt, the 
 envelope may not contain the statement that the 
 obligor received what is mentioned on it. The ftill 
 statement was written upon the tablet proper. The 
 seal impressions which are found on the case made 
 it clear that the man whose name was written 
 in connection with his seal was the debtor. 
 
 The reason why tablets were encased was prac- 
 tically the same that we have for using envelopes. 
 Primarily it was for prudential purposes. It was an 
 easy matter to change amounts recorded on clay 
 tablets, even if the documents were baked. By 
 cutting a perpendicular wedge before the sign 
 which equals lo (the winkelhaken, pages 169, 170), 
 the amount would be 70.' But if the tablet 
 was encased and the impression of the obligor's 
 seal was made on the envelope, it would be impossible 
 for the creditor, who held the tablet, to alter the 
 amount unless he peeled off the envelope, — ^in which 
 
 ' The Babylonians used the sexigesimal system of numbers. 
 The perpendicular wedge equals one and also sixty. Placing 
 the perpendicular wedge after the winkelhaken, i. e., io)=ii, 
 but by putting it before it ^70. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 179 
 
 case he could not replace it, inasmuch as it contained 
 the seal impressions of the debtor. 
 
 The envelopes of contracts, as stated above, were 
 usually inscribed, with some variations, the same as 
 the tablet itself. This made it possible to consult 
 the terms of the document without disturbing the 
 tablet proper. If a charge that alterations of the 
 inscription on the case were made, it was, of 
 course, an easy matter to have the tablet proper 
 examined, if need be, in the presence of the judge, 
 when the terms of the contract could be verified. 
 In short, it is impossible to conceive of a better 
 sealed contract than a clay tablet with an envelope, 
 which contains the seal impressions of the witnesses, 
 scribe, and contracting parties. 
 
 In the Temple Archives of the Cassite period, a 
 familiar phrase is, " the debt he shall pay, whereupon 
 the seal he shall break." In other words, after 
 the obligation had been met, the case containing 
 the man's seal was broken off; but the inside tablet 
 was preserved in the archives as a record of the 
 transactions.^ 
 
 Letters were frequently encased, especially in the 
 Hammurabi period. On the envelope, the name of 
 the individual for whom the letter was intended was 
 written, e. g., Ana Warad-BH, "To Warad-Bel." 
 
 ' For a further discussion on Case Tablets by the writer, 
 see Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur. B. E. 
 Vol. XIV, p. 10 ff. 
 
180 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The sender then made seal inapressions on all sides 
 of the epistle. 
 
 Some tablets are ruled. This could have been 
 done in most cases by means of a cord, as has been 
 suggested, but in the lists and contracts of certain 
 periods the edge of the stylus was doubtless used 
 to make these lines. They were easily produced 
 by laying the stylus flatly upon the clay surface, 
 using the edge or comer of the stylus to make the 
 lines. In the early periods, the circle (see page 86) 
 had the value one and the semi-elliptical impression, 
 ten.. In making the numerals, the scribe very likely 
 used the upper end of the stylus, which was round. 
 The circle was made by pressing the stylus per- 
 pendicularly into the soft clay. In making the semi- 
 elliptical impression the stylus was made to lean, 
 as was done in writing the ordinary characters. 
 
 Some tablets are less concave on the reverse, and 
 comparatively fiat on the obverse. This is due to 
 the fact that the tablets are thicker in the center 
 than at the edge. In writing the tablet, the scribe 
 frequently laid it upon a table or stand. In writing 
 the obverse, the tablet would settle, and the reverse 
 would become flattened out. When the other side 
 was written, the obverse would become more or 
 less fiat, in which condition it remained. Temple 
 records, historical cylinders, and important in- 
 scriptions of a mythological or religious character 
 were, as a rule, baked. Contracts and documents 
 of certain periods were also baked. Of the tablets 
 

 S ^ 
 
 O a> 
 
 Cu -a 
 
 W O 
 
 SI 
 
182 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 found at Nippur, however, the unbaked outnumber 
 the baked ten to one. This is an indication that most 
 of the tablets did not see the kiln. 
 
 The fact that scribes were so numerous implies 
 that there were schools in which they had been 
 trained. In 1892 an expedition, which had been 
 sent out by the Turkish government to excavate at 
 Sippara, located within the temple precincts a 
 building in which were found many tablets contain- 
 ing material that had formed the equipment of such 
 a school. Among them are syllabaries or sign 
 dictionaries, grammatical exercises, lists of names 
 and the elements contained in them, mathematical 
 tablets, such as lists of fractions, measures, weights, 
 etc. In other words, the excavator found the re- 
 mains of a school which was in direct connection 
 with the famous temple of the Sun-god. Father 
 Scheil has published a selection of these tablets 
 in his Une Saison de Fouilles h Sippar (1903), 
 in which volume also he gives a plan of the school 
 and a full account of its arrangement and the 
 pedagogical methods employed. 
 
 Similar material has been discovered at other 
 sites, notably at Nippur, where exercises of students 
 and practise tablets have been found in considerable 
 numbers. The accompanying plan,^ which was 
 made by Mr. C. S. Fisher, one of the architects of 
 the last expedition sent out by the University of 
 
 ^ See Fisher, Excavations at Nippur, Part I. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 183 
 
 Pennsylvania, shows the remaining waUs of buildings 
 in a mound known as Tablet Hill. It lies south of 
 Temple Hill. In the eastern and western sections 
 of this great mound, far removed from each other, 
 
 TABLET HILL (W-Steiion-> 
 
 ■^XZ^^^^mM 
 
 
 LJ LJ L i I I I T I I I I I I L.^^ 
 
 TABLE T H E S on ) 
 
 Plan of buildings in Tablet Hill. 
 
 series of rooms or buildings were tmcovered at a 
 depth of from twenty to twenty-four feet below the 
 surface. They are of special interest in this connec- 
 tion, as the antiquities found in them seem to indi- 
 
184 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 cate that the buildings belong to the Hammurabi 
 period. In three of the rooms in the eastern section, 
 and in two of the rooms of the western, large quanti- 
 ties of tablets and fragments of tablets were found. 
 It yet remains to be determined whether the bmld- 
 ings or rooms of the one section have anything to do 
 with the other. Haynes cut a trench between the 
 two sections, but could not establish any connection 
 between them. Unfortunately for the solution of 
 this question, records of the provenience of most of 
 the inscribed material were not kept. Also exactly 
 what relation, if any, these tablets and the rooms 
 in which they were found have to the temple proper, 
 remains to be determined. Another problem in- 
 volved is the relationship which the two or three 
 rooms of the one section and the three of the other, 
 in which tablets were found, bear to the entire com- 
 plex of more than sixty rooms and buildings which 
 were uncovered. But with the knowledge we possess 
 that the temple was the all-important institution of 
 the city, and that in all probability all city offices 
 came under its control, it is plausible to assume that 
 these buildings, although at some distance from the 
 sacred precinct, stood in close connection with that, 
 institution. Moreover, from the character of the 
 tablets discovered it would seem that Haynes had 
 found the remains of an equipment which had 
 belonged to a school, in many respects similar to 
 that found by Scheil at Sippara. Of special interest 
 are a number of large cones, from six to ten inches 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 185 
 
 high, quadrangular, pentagonal, and hexagonal in 
 shape. Some of these have a hole running length- 
 
 
 
 
 -0^^^ ^& 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^— ^]^^^B 
 
 
 V ■ ^■' ■• Mi 
 
 
 BF^"-"""*^- 
 
 *'■>"'>.# 
 
 
 
 
 BpilB||K«'- -» '•«> /^_fl 
 
 :^.-- - 
 
 
 Reference cylinders from the Temple School of Nippur. 
 
 wise through them, in all probability for the purpose 
 
 of mounting them on revolving stands for reference. 
 
 These generally seem to contain lexicographical 
 
186 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 material. In fact, great quantities of fragments 
 of tablets of the same character were found in 
 these rooms, which give us a right to conjecture 
 that they belong to the Library of the Temple 
 School. Considering the importance of the B^l 
 temple, we have reason to suppose that the col- 
 lections in connection with that institution included 
 practically all the Babylonian works in law, science, 
 and literature. The latter was largely religious, and 
 doubtless was made to conform to the Bel cult. 
 
 In an upper stratum of this same mound in which 
 the buildings above described were uncovered, al- 
 though not necessarily at the same spot, many 
 important tablets besides much lexicographical 
 material, not contracts, were found during the exca- 
 vations conducted by Doctor Peters in the first and 
 second years. As it has been suggested,' it is not 
 improbable that at the time of some great invasion 
 the more ancient building or buildings were thrown 
 into ruins; that they were later partially restored; 
 and that the tablets found in the upper strattim of 
 this mound belonged perhaps to the same building, 
 but of a later period. The exact character of these, 
 as well as their relation to the finds belonging to 
 the earlier age, above described, if any, can only 
 be determined after they have been translated. 
 Suffice it to say, that the general appearance 
 holds out the hope of their containing important 
 
 ' Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 516. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 187 
 
 material. Yes, it is not impossible that among these 
 tablets and fragments will be found, when translated, 
 copies of some of the literary productions that 
 belonged to the ancient Bel cult, which for millen- 
 niums had formed the ritual texts of the temple. 
 From our knowledge of the Babylonian religion, 
 gathered from the hundreds of texts which have 
 been published by Scheil, Zimmern, King, Reisner, 
 Boissier, Craig, and others, it is reasonably certain 
 that each religious center had its collection of texts, 
 such as hymns, incantations, omens, and ritual 
 texts in general, which were used in connection 
 with the cult, as well as all that the Babylonians 
 knew about law and science. Further, it is reason- 
 able also to assume that such texts formed part of 
 the equipment used for instruction in their schools. 
 All kinds of pupil exercises have been found, from 
 tablets containing a repetition of single wedges, 
 to exercises in multiplication and grammar, and in 
 the copying of various kinds of lists. Some contain 
 the repetition over and over of the same character. 
 Others contain lists of various kinds, doubtless 
 copies from sample tablets, or which were written 
 after dictation. In many instances it is as easy 
 to recognize these tablets as it would be to determine 
 at the present time what a paper meant which con- 
 tained the exercises of a schoolboy. It would seem 
 from the quantities of this material, a great deal of 
 which is clumsily made, that in some instances 
 the excavators had struck the waste-heaps of the 
 
188 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 school, or, as we might say, their waste-paper bas- 
 kets. As a rule, exercise tablets of this character 
 were probably broken up, and the material used 
 again and again. 
 
 At Nippur and elsewhere have been found a great 
 many tablets about three inches in diameter, in- 
 scribed on one side only, which is nearly fiat, while 
 the other side is rounded. They usually contain 
 four lines of inscriptions written between five ruled 
 lines. The second line and the fourth, as a rule, 
 contain repetitions of the first and the second. 
 Some are carefully written as if a teacher had made 
 them, to be copied by the scholar, while others 
 are not so carefully made, indicating probably that 
 they are exercise tablets. 
 
 Besides these are found numerous tablets con- 
 taining multiplication tables, many of which seem 
 to have been carefully made by scribes, and doubtless 
 were used as texts for study ; while others may have 
 been used for reference in business transactions. 
 This may be inferred from the fact that they have 
 been found at different parts of the city by the 
 different expeditions sent out to Nippur. Some 
 of these tablets contain the multiple of numbers as 
 high as 1350.^ The accompanying illustration is 
 an 18 X I table. It was found on one of the earlier 
 expeditions to Nippur. It reads : 18 a-du i 18 {i. e., 
 18 X I ^ 18) ; a = du 2 36, (i. e., x 2 = 36), etc., until 
 
 ' See Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 531. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 189 
 
 in the twentieth hne: a-du 20 360, {i. e., x 20 = 
 360). This is followed by : x 30 = 540 ; x 40 = 720 ; 
 X 50 = 1080. It will be noticed that the result of 
 the last calculation is a mistake. It is that of 
 18 X 60 instead of 18 x 50. The text-book, or 
 reference-table is therefore faulty.' 
 
 'W^^^*********'*^^^ 
 
 
 ^fmm.^^^3^ 
 i^.:^^'':^^^^ 
 
 
 
 :/?v*}^'<**^-^^f 
 
 1^ 
 
 il^Jj 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 OBVERSE REVERSE 
 
 Multiplication Table. i8 x i = i8, etc. 
 
 It is qtiite natural to suppose also that scribes 
 possessed such productions as hymns, incantations, 
 and other kinds of literature in their own collec- 
 
 ' From Professor Hilprecht I learn that in his forthcoming 
 work, Mathematical, Metrological and Chronological Tablets 
 from the Temple Library, he will show that the Babylonians 
 knew the binomial theorem, how to extract cube roots, and 
 important equations in higher mathematics. 
 
190 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 tions. Syllabaries, or lists of signs with their 
 values, because of the great number in use, must 
 also have been in the possession of most scribes 
 for reference. In our day there have been collected, 
 by one scholar,^ over twelve thousand different 
 values for the known cuneiform signs and combi- 
 nations of signs which had been used by the 
 Babylonians and Sumerians; and another list,^ 
 which is now being compiled from syllabaries and 
 other sources, which have been brought to light 
 since the first was made, will contain about ten 
 thousand. These facts make it reasonable to sup- 
 pose that scribes had their own lists for reference, 
 especially as writing material cost them nothing. 
 Further, it is reasonable to expect to find wherever 
 scribes lived practically all the kinds of literature, 
 except official documents, which are found in temple 
 or school libraries. 
 
 Pottery objects of various shapes and sizes have 
 been found belonging to this and other periods. 
 For the burning of pottery, small tripods or stilts 
 were used, in order to prevent the objects from 
 touching anything. Especially the glazed pottery 
 shows the marks of these stilts, the same as all 
 glazed ware of the present time. In the potteries 
 of to-day, devices exactly similar are used. 
 
 The excavations along the inner side of the city 
 wall at Nippur revealed a great many rooms and 
 
 ' Briinnow, Classified List of Cuneiform Signs. 
 '^ Meissner, Seltene Assyrische Ideogramme. 
 
192 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 booths which were used by merchants hving in the 
 third pre-Christian millennium. A large baking- 
 furnace of this period was found, built against a 
 wall which had been constructed by Ur-Engur, 2700 
 B.C.' It was likely used for the purpose of burning 
 pottery. The top of it was about thirteen feet by 
 
 ^^^^^hBB^^K^^^^'^'^'^U!^^, 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 ^S 
 
 Babylonian Furnace of the time of Abraham. 
 
 seven. Its height was nearly four feet. It consisted 
 of a series of elliptical arches, beneath one end of 
 which the fire was kindled. The flames and smoke 
 ascended between these arches, which were separated 
 
 ' See Hilprecht, Exploration in Bible Lands, p. 489 f., and 
 Fisher, Excavations at Nippur, Part I, PI. 3. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 193 
 
 by spaces. Tiles were placed upon the top of the 
 vertical flues thus formed. They served the purpose 
 of covering the chambers, thus forcing the smoke 
 and flames to the rear of the furnace, where the flue 
 was located. At the same time, these tiles formed 
 the top of the stove. At the back of the oven, a 
 flue was constructed the entire length of the stove, 
 whence the smoke escaped. Stoves similar in type 
 are used at the present time in the cities of that 
 district. One writer is of the opinion that a room 
 was built around the oven in which the pottery 
 was arranged ; while another thinks that the pottery 
 was placed beneath the arches, as is done in modern 
 kilns, not unlike this archaic furnace of Abraham's 
 time. 
 
 Small terra-cotta statues of the gods have been 
 found in large numbers, belonging to all periods of 
 Babylonian history. At Nippur, these frequently 
 represent BM and his consort B^ltis. Molds used 
 in their manufacture have also been found, showing 
 that they were extensively used by the people. 
 These images served evidently the same purpose 
 as the teraphim, familar to Old Testament students, 
 which seem to have been household gods, or talis- 
 mans. They were used by the people, doubtless, 
 in a manner similar to the Penates of the Romans. 
 
 A great many small clay objects, made in a 
 naive manner, representing horses, goats, sheep, 
 elephants, and other animals, have been found. 
 Frequently the horses have riders. These evidently 
 
 13 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 195 
 
 were children's toys. At Nipptir, no less than four 
 baby rattles have been found. They are shaped like 
 a chicken, doll, drum, and a head. There is a Uttle 
 stone in the hollow body of each, in order to make 
 a noise when the object is shaken. The exact age 
 of these, however, cannot be determined. 
 
 Terra-cotta baby rattles from Nippur. 
 
 The patriarch's home was in Ur, where he is 
 supposed to have spent his early days. In former 
 years Urfa, not far from Harran, was identified as 
 the ancestral city of the patriarch, but it is now 
 fifty years since Rawlinson identified the mounds 
 
196 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 known as Mugayyar, in the southern part of the 
 valley, as the home of Abraham. Ur is a very an- 
 cient city. Lugal-zaggisi, Lugal-kigubnidudu, and his 
 son Lugal-kisalsi (about 4000 B. C), known from 
 Nippur inscriptions, call themselves kings of Ur. 
 How much earlier the history of Ur will in time be 
 known, remains to be seen. Following this period, 
 many of the kings of Babylonia call themselves kings 
 of Ur; in fact, two dynasties of Ur are recognized. 
 
 The city is situated on the west bank of the 
 Euphrates, about one-hundred and forty miles 
 southeast of Babylon. The narrow strip of land 
 between the Euphrates and the Arabian desert 
 as far as the Persian Gulf, including the marshy 
 land surrounding the outlet of the rivers, was called 
 Kaldu, especially in the second and first millen- 
 niums B. C. From the Greek XaXSaXoi we get the 
 word Chaldeans. The original prontmciation of 
 the Babylonian Kaldu was likely Kashdu, from 
 which the Hebrew Kashdim is derived.' The 
 biblical Merodach-baladan of the time of Hezekiah, 
 who established himself on the throne at Babylon, 
 was a Chaldean. It is thought by some scholars 
 that Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchadrezzar, 
 was also from that land. 
 
 No extensive excavations have been conducted 
 up to the present time at the group of mounds 
 which represent the city, but through the explora- 
 
 ' See Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, p. 2iof. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 197 
 
 tions of Taylor and Loftus, and inscriptions found 
 elsewhere, considerable is known about the city. 
 The principal temple of Ur was called E-gishshir-gal. 
 Others are E-mu-ri-a-na-ba-ak and E-shu-gan-du-du, 
 which, however, some think may be the same as 
 the first mentioned. In returning from Nippur on 
 his second campaign, Doctor Peters found a door- 
 
 The Temple of the moon-god Sin at Ur of the Cbaldees. 
 
 socket at Ur, lying on the surface. It is in diorite, 
 and bears an inscription of Gimil-Sin, king of Ur. 
 The inscription reads: 
 
 To the god Nannar, the first born of B^l, his be- 
 loved king Gimil-Sin, the beloved of Nannar, a, king 
 whom B^l had appointed in his heart to be shepherd 
 of the world, and of the four comers of the earth, 
 the mighty king, king of Ur, king of the four comers 
 of the earth, E-mu-ri-a-na-ba-ak, his beloved house he 
 has built. 
 
198 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The socket, because of its connection with Ur of 
 the Chaldees, and the fact that it is so well preserved, 
 is one of the treasures of the Archseological Museum 
 of the University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Door-socket of Gimil-Sin, found at Ur of the Chaldees. 
 
 The results of the excavations of the Bel temple 
 at Nippur (see page 114) enable us to picture in 
 mind the temple of Ur when Abram lived there. 
 The style of dress, as shown on the statues discovered 
 at Telloh, of men and women (see page 163), is 
 doubtless an indication of that which was worn by 
 Abram and Sarah. In fact, every antiquity dis- 
 
Babylonia in Days of Abraham 199 
 
 covered belonging to that period is illustrative 
 of the life in the patriarch's home. 
 
 When Abram lived in Ur, the city was under the 
 suzerainty of Elam. About 2285 B. C, Kudur- 
 Nankhundi with his hordes had invaded the land, 
 and put most of the cities under his subjection. 
 The lower part of the valley continued to be a 
 dominion of Elam until the thirty-first year of 
 
 Impression of a seal cylinder. Ur-Engur standing before the moon-god Sin. 
 
 Amraphel, when that ruler was able to throw off 
 the yoke, and conquer the country. 
 
 From Ur, Abram with his father proceeded to 
 Harran, which was about 560 miles to the north- 
 west of the city. It is situated along the banks of 
 the Bellas, a tributary of the Euphrates. The name 
 Harran, means " road " Qiananu) in Assyrian, doubt- 
 less having derived its name from being on the 
 
200 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 high-road between Syria and the Mesopotamia 
 valley. Harran was affiliated with Ur, in so far that 
 the tutelary deities of both cities were the same. 
 If Terah, whom we imagine was a devotee of the 
 god Sin, from the passage in Joshua (24: 2), and be- 
 cause his house had been in Ur, it is not at all im- 
 probable that, feeling at home in Harran after leav- 
 ing Ur, he refused to proceed further. This sugges- 
 tion has been offered as a reason why Abram tarried 
 with Terah in that city before he completed his 
 journey to Canaan. 
 
 In the past it has been customary to draw freely 
 from what is known as the contract literature to 
 portray the every-day life that pulsated in the 
 streets of ancient Babylonian cities. The discovery 
 of the Code of Hammurabi, however, gives us in a 
 systematic form much important information con- 
 cerning the family, state, and other subjects that 
 enables us to get even a clearer idea than hereto- 
 fore of life in the age of Abraham. 
 
VIII 
 CODE OF HAMMURABI 
 
 At the close of the year 1901 and the beginning 
 of 1902, M. de Morgan, the French archeologist, 
 who had been excavating for the past years, for his 
 government, at the acropolis of Susa, (or "Shus- 
 han the palace, " as it is referred to in the book of 
 Esther), discovered the now famous Code of Ham- 
 murabi. It is the longest cuneiform inscription 
 known, and perhaps the most important monument 
 of antiquity thus far discovered in the history of 
 excavations. It was found in three large fragments, 
 which were readily joined together. It is cut out 
 of a block of diorite, and stands seven feet, four 
 inches high. At the base it is about twenty- two 
 inches wide, and at the top just above the bas- 
 relief it is about sixteen inches. On the uppermost 
 part of this enormous block of stone, Hammurabi 
 had himself depicted in bas-relief, standing before 
 the sun-god, Shamash, who is seated on a throne. 
 The god wears a swathed head-gear, which is adorned 
 with horns and a flounced garment. In his hand is 
 a staff or scepter and a ring, emblematic perhaps 
 of authority and eternity. Rays emanate from 
 behind his shoulder. 
 
 In reverent obedience, Hammurabi stands before 
 
202 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the god with his right hand near his face, perhaps 
 to emphasize the fact that he is listening. His left 
 hand is resting against his body at the waist, an 
 attitude quite similar to his position in a relief upon 
 a brick in the British Museum. He wears upon his 
 head a cap with fillet, well known from the early 
 Sumerian heads of statues found at Telloh and 
 Nippur (see page 159). He is clothed in a long 
 tunic, which lies in folds; it is hemmed in at the 
 waist. Like the gods, he wears what we know as the 
 artificially-plaited Assyrian beard. 
 
 Beneath the bas-relief are sixteen parallel columns 
 running belt-wise, beneath which five additional 
 lines had been erased, and the stone polished. On 
 the reverse there are twenty-eight parallel columns, 
 containing in all about four thousand lines of a 
 closely-written cuneiform inscription. It is pos- 
 sible that some king may have desired to alter 
 certain laws; but more probable that the invader, 
 who had carried away the stele, desired to inscribe 
 upon it an account of its recovery from the Baby- 
 lonians. 
 
 It is quite probable that the stone discovered is 
 one of many copies set up in different centers of 
 Hammurabi's great empire. A fragment of another 
 stele, containing a portion of the epilogue, was also 
 found by de Morgan at Susa. The closing lines of 
 the complete stele seem to show that it had been 
 set up in Ebarra, the temple of Shamash, in Sippara. 
 Another expression in the inscription seems to 
 
The Code of Hammurabi. 
 
204 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 indicate that a similar stele stood near the statue 
 of the god Marduk in his temple Esagila in Babylon. 
 This, doubtless, was the original, as Babylon was 
 the capital, and the others which were deposited 
 in the different cities were copies. 
 
 Several fragments of tablets, now in the British 
 Museiom, which had been written for Ashurbanipal 
 (668-626 B. C), and which were called "The judg- 
 ment of the righteousness which Hammurabi the 
 great king set up," indicate that his scribes had 
 copied somewhere these laws. In Babylonia also 
 a series was known by : Ntnu-ilum-strum, "when the 
 lofty Anu, " which are the opening words of the code. 
 Fragments of these having been published by 
 Professor Peiser before the discovery of the stele, 
 Professor Delitzsch inferred the existence of the 
 code, and even styled it the " Code of Hammurabi. " 
 By the assistance of these copies, attempts have 
 been made to restore some of the erased portions 
 of the code. 
 
 This stele was carried to Elam by some conqueror 
 of Babylonia. In the vicinity of the place of dis- 
 covery another stele, which recorded a victory by 
 Naram-Sin, was found. A part of its inscription 
 was also erased, and recut by Sutruk-Nankhundi 
 (about 1200 B.C.), who says that he secured this 
 stele at Sippara, and dedicated it to his god Shu- 
 shinak at Susa. De Morgan also found a large 
 number of Babylonian boundary-stones belonging 
 to the Cassite period. These facts point to an in- 
 
Code of Hammurabi 205 
 
 vasion by the Elamites at the close of the Cassite 
 dynasty, and make it probable that Sutruk- 
 Nankhundi had also carried away the stele of 
 Hammtirabi. 
 
 The inscription is divided into a prologue, code, 
 and an epilogue. In the prologue, Hammurabi 
 gives his titles, mentions the gods he worshiped, 
 enumerates the cities over which he ruled, and in 
 general magnifies himself by referring to the bene- 
 ficent deeds which he conferred upon his people 
 and country. Including the number of laws erased, 
 which are estimated at about thirty-five, the code 
 has about two hundred and eighty-two paragraphs 
 of laws. 
 
 Contrary to the conclusions arrived at by other 
 scholars. Professor Lyon of Harvard has shown 
 that Hammurabi has arranged his laws in a definite 
 and logical system. He says:^ "In the skilful 
 arrangement of its material, the code has never 
 been excelled, and it has probably never been ap- 
 proached. " 
 
 On some subjects but one law is given, while 
 upon others as many as thirty. The following 
 brief outline will afford an idea of the subject-matter 
 treated: Witchcraft, witnesses, judges; concerning 
 offenses involving the purity of justice, as tampering 
 with witnesses, jury, or judge; crimes of various 
 
 ' The Structure of the Hammurabi Code, Journal of the 
 American Oriental Society, Vol. XXV, p. 254. 
 
206 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 sorts, as theft, receiving stolen goods, kidnaping, 
 fugitive slaves, "burglary; duties of public officers 
 in their administration; laws relating to landlords, 
 tenants, creditors, debtors; canal and water rights, 
 licenses, messengers, herdsmen, gardeners, slander, 
 family relationship, marriage, divorce, desertion, 
 breach of promise, adultery, unchastity, concubin- 
 age; rights of women, purchase money of brides, 
 inheritance, adoption, responsibility for all kinds 
 of assaults; fees of surgeons, branding of slaves, 
 fees and responsibilities of builders and boatmen, 
 hiring of boats; agricultural life, the purchase and 
 punishment of slaves who repudiate their master, etc. 
 
 In the epilogue, Hammurabi recounts his noble 
 deeds, and credits himself with faithfulness in ad- 
 ministration and loyalty to the interest of the people. 
 He charges that every ruler shall observe the laws 
 and commandments after him. He pronounces a 
 blessing upon those who will faithfully administer 
 the laws; and in long-drawn-out curses, he calls 
 upon the gods of Babylonia to destroy those who 
 neglect and annul them, or who alter the inscription. 
 
 There is no definite information as regards the 
 origin of the code, but many things point to the fact 
 that earlier collections of laws were utilized by the 
 codifier. The legal phraseology etnployed, the exis- 
 tence of the early Sumerian family laws, the fact 
 that some of the same laws were quoted in the con- 
 tract tablets of an earlier period, all point to the 
 existence of a code or codes prior to Hammurabi. 
 
Code of Hammurabi 207 
 
 The fact should be taken into consideration that 
 the greatest confusion must have existed in Baby- 
 lonia prior to the conquest of Hammurabi because 
 of the many petty independent states. Also Elam, 
 having dominated a portion of the land for a long 
 period with Rim-Sin (Arioch), the king's son, sta- 
 tioned at Larsa, must have influenced greatly the 
 courts of justice and their decisions in that section 
 of the country. The codification of laws under such 
 conditions, or the promulgation of old but accepted 
 judicial decisions, — sentences of judgment, as Ham- 
 murabi himself regarded them, — was surely a task 
 of no mean proportions. 
 
 The study of the code reveals the same peculiar 
 mixtures of laws suitable for different states of so- 
 ciety as is found in the Old Testament. In short, 
 the code doubtless amalgamated the diverse elements 
 of the small states, which had been handed down 
 by the former inhabitants of the valley, the Sumerian 
 as well as the Semitic. In the establishment of his 
 mighty empire, which held together for centuries, 
 this unification of laws, dispensed in regular courts 
 of justice, doubtless was one of the most important 
 factors in overcoming the great confusion that 
 must have existed. 
 
 The code recognizes three grades in society. 
 First, the amHu, which included the aristocrat, the 
 gentleman, the free citizen, the professional man, 
 the officer, the tradesman. Secondly, the mushkenu, 
 who was, as the term implies, the poor man, or pleb, 
 
208 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the man of a lower rank; the freedman who had 
 been a slave was also included. His temple offer- 
 ings could be less. His fines were lower, but at the 
 same time, in case of injury, the damages he re- 
 ceived were also less than those of the gentry. 
 Thirdly, the ardu, or the slave. There seem to have 
 been a great many slaves in Babylonia at that time. 
 Besides recognizing these three grades, the code 
 legislated also for certain classes of men and women, 
 professions, trades, and occupations. 
 
 It has been the custom with most peoples in a 
 large part of the ancient as well as the modern Ori- 
 ent, including the Hebrews, to base a betrothal upon 
 an agreement of the man or his parents to pay a 
 stim of money to the father of the girl. In Baby- 
 lonia this was called ter}j.atu, "bride money." This, 
 together with the gift of the husband and her dowry, 
 formed the marriage-portion which was given to 
 the bride. It would hardly be right to call the money 
 which was paid the price of the bride, as the trans- 
 action was primarily for prudential purposes. It 
 gave her protection against ill treatment and infi- 
 delity on the part of her husband, as well as divorce. 
 She perhaps could not get this protection in a bet- 
 ter way. For while her husband may have made 
 use of her money, if she returned to her father's 
 house she took it with her, unless she was the offend- 
 ing party. This made the position of woman 
 higher than it would have been otherwise. If she 
 died childless, her dowry was returned to her family. 
 
Code of Hammurabi 209 
 
 If she had children, the marriage portion was di- 
 vided among them. In case the father of the girl 
 rejected her suitor, double the amount of his ter- 
 J^atu was returned. If the suitor broke his engage- 
 ment, the girl's father retained the terji.atu. If he 
 had been slandered by a rival, the latter could not 
 marry the woman. It seems that the betrothal 
 took place when the parties were young; and the 
 engagements were usually made by the parents. If 
 the father died before all the sons were married, 
 prior to the distribution of the estate, the ter}j,atu 
 for those not having wives was first deducted. 
 
 In the marriage contracts, which were necessary 
 to make the marriage legal, it is not unusual to find 
 conditions, — such as the bride being required to 
 wait upon her mother-in-law, or even upon another 
 wife; or certain conditions relative to the disposi- 
 tion of property given by her father ; or in case the 
 man broke his agreement and took a second wife, 
 that she could secure a divorce. 
 
 Concubinage was indulged in, especially where 
 the first wife was childless, and she had not given 
 her husband a slave-maid, in order that he might 
 have children. The concubine could not place 
 herself on an equality with the wife, although she 
 was a free woman, and lived in the same house. If 
 she became insolent she could be reduced to slavery, 
 but could not be sold if she had borne children. 
 After the man's death, she had the usufruct of house 
 and garden to raise her children. When they came 
 
 14 
 
210 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 into possession of their inheritance, she received a 
 child's portion, after which she could again marry. 
 If the man recognized the concubine's children as 
 his own, at his death his estate was equally shared 
 by the children of both, with preference, however, 
 of choice to the wife's children. If he had not rec- 
 ognized them as his own, they received nothing, 
 but gained their freedom. 
 
 The wife received, at her husband's death, her 
 marriage portion and anything deeded to her by 
 her husband during life. If he had not made her a 
 gift, she received a son's share. At her death, what 
 she possessed was divided among her children. 
 After her husband's death, the children could not 
 force her to leave her home; but, if she desired to 
 marry again, she could take along her marriage- 
 portion. At her death, this was shared by the 
 children from both marriages. A widow with young 
 children could only marry with the consent of the 
 judge. An inventory was made of the former hus- 
 band's property, which was then entrusted to the 
 couple for the children. Not a utensil could be sold. 
 The buyer of an article lost it, and the price paid 
 for it. 
 
 According to the Sumerian laws, which are fre- 
 quently found quoted in the contracts of this age, a 
 man could divorce his wife by paying her one half 
 mina. These laws doubtless belonged to an earlier 
 age. The code provided that if a naan divorced a 
 wife, whether a concubine or votary, if she had 
 
Code of Hammurabi 211 
 
 borne him children, her marriage-portion was to 
 be given to her, besides the necessaries of life, to 
 bring up her children. After they were grown up, 
 they were compelled to give the mother a son's 
 share. She was then free to marry again. In case 
 she had not borne children, she received back her 
 dowry including the bride-price. In case there was 
 no bride-price, she received one mina of silver if the 
 man belonged to the gentry; but if a commoner,, 
 one-third of a mina. A woman who had lived prop- 
 erly could divorce her husband who had been faith- 
 less, in which case she returned to her father's 
 house with her dowry. In the case of a worthless 
 woman, the code provides for her divorce without 
 any provision. The husband could marry again, 
 and degrade her as a slave. If she had been un- 
 faithful, she could be drowned. Disease offered 
 no grounds for divorce. The man, however, could 
 marry a second wife, but was compelled to main- 
 tain, in his home, his invalid wife as long as she 
 lived. If she preferred to return to her father's 
 house, her dowry was returned to her. 
 
 The code legislated concerning desertion. If a 
 man was taken captive in war, having provided for 
 his wife's maintenance during his absence, and she 
 entered another man's house, she was condemned 
 to death as an adulteress. If he had not provided 
 for her, and she had borne the other man children, 
 on the return of her husband she was compelled to 
 return to him, but the children remained with their 
 
212 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 father. If the desertion was voluntary, and he had 
 not provided for his wife, on his return he could not 
 reclaim her. 
 
 The father, while he had no control over the life 
 and death of his child, could treat him as a 
 chattel, and pledge for a debt. In four years the 
 child became free. For disobedience, in the old 
 Sumerian law, a father could brand a son and sell 
 him as a slave ; or, according to the code, his hands 
 could be cut off. If the father desired to favor one 
 of his children, this could only be done while he was 
 living, and by contract. After the father's death, 
 the law of inheritance fixed the child's share. To 
 cut off a child from sonship, it was necessary to 
 make charges of wrong-doing before a judge. Only 
 after the second offense, and for a. serious misde- 
 meanor, could he be disinherited. If an adopted 
 child of a votary or palace favorite repudiated his 
 foster parents, his tongue should be cut, out ; and 
 if he ran away, his eyes were to be put out, for his 
 ingratitude. 
 
 A number of the laws refer to the adoption of 
 children. A great many adoption contracts belong- 
 ing to this time are known. If a child that had been 
 adopted discovered its parents, and desired to re- 
 turn to them, this could be done, provided a handi- 
 craft had not been taught, nor he had been con- 
 sidered a son, or had not been adopted by one be- 
 longing to the court. If a man desired to disinherit 
 a foster-child, he could do so by paying it one- 
 
Code of Hammurabi 213 
 
 third of a child's share. A great many contracts 
 show that children were adopted by aged people, 
 that they might care for them in their old age. 
 
 A great many laws in the code bear upon slavery ; • 
 considered in connection with the many contracts 
 and documents dealing with slaves, these give very 
 satisfactory knowledge concerning this class of 
 social beings. The slave was treated like a piece of 
 property. He could be sold or pledged. If he re- 
 ceived injury at the hands of another, compensation 
 for the same was paid to the owner. For insolence 
 he could be branded, or tattooed; but his master 
 cotdd not put him to death. If agreeable to his 
 master, he could engage in business and acquire 
 wealth. With this he could buy his freedom. He 
 could marry, and live in a house of his own, by his 
 master's consent. If he married a slave girl, the 
 law permitted the owner to regard his children and 
 property as his own. If he married a free woman, 
 the master had no claim upon the children or prop- 
 erty. At the slave's death, the property was di- 
 vided between the wife and himself. Her children 
 were free. A slave could become a concubine. At 
 the death of her master, she gained her freedom. 
 The law of adoption enabled him to adopt their 
 children, when they could become his heirs. In 
 case he had no other children, these would have 
 first choice in the distribution of his property. As 
 Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham, the Babylonian 
 wife could give a slave girl to her husband for wife. 
 
214 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The woman, however, retained the right to punish 
 her in case of insolence. If she had not borne chil- 
 dren, she could sell her as a slave. If she had borne 
 children, the wife could not send her away, but could 
 put a slave mark upon her, and reckon her with the 
 slaves. The story of Hagar was in strict, accord 
 with Babylonian custom, except the sending of her 
 away. 
 
 Provision was made also with reference to dis- 
 ease when a slave was sold. In case the buyer detected 
 any weakness or disease within a month after the 
 purchase, the owner could be compelled to redeem 
 the slave. , In the case of a runaway slave, the cap- 
 tor was compelled to return him to his master, when 
 he received two shekels. The death penalty was the 
 punishment for the captor who retained, ©r har- 
 bored the slave. A great many of the slaves were 
 the captives of military expeditions, and, for a certain 
 period, certain obligations were due the state on 
 the part of those who received them. Freemen 
 could also be enslaved to settle imsatisfied obliga- 
 tions. 
 
 The , code makes us f arniliar with a class of vota- 
 ries. They were, however, altogether different 
 from the prostitutes dedicated to the goddess Ishtar 
 at Erech. Some seem to have been women of means, 
 and were highly respected. Their vow included 
 virginity. They lived in a convent, or bride-cham- 
 ber. On taking the voW, they usually received a 
 dowry, as the bride of the god. It was possible for 
 
Code of Hammurabi 215 
 
 them to leave the convent and marry, but they 
 must remain virgins. If her husband insisted upon 
 having children, she was required to give him a maid, 
 in which case he could not take a concubine. If 
 she refused, he could take one; but she could not 
 rank on the same equality with the votary. In case 
 the concubine bore children, and placed herself on 
 an equality with the votary, the latter could brand 
 her, and reckon her as a slave. If she had not borne 
 children, she could be sold for insolence. If the vo- 
 tary broke her vow, and bore children, she had no 
 legal right to their possession. They could be 
 adopted by others. 
 
 Votaries seemed to have engaged in business 
 relations with others. They were, however, not 
 permitted, on pain of death by burning, to keep a 
 beer shop or even enter one. At a father's death, the 
 votary was entitled to one-third of a son's share. 
 Her estate could be managed by her brothers, but 
 in case dissatisfaction arose she could appoint a 
 steward to look after her affairs. In the event of 
 her death, her property reverted to her brothers. If 
 the father had made a deed of gift, she could dis- 
 pose of it as she desired. There was a class of vo- 
 taries dedicated to the god Marduk, at Babylon, 
 who enjoyed the privilege of disposing of their 
 property at death as they saw fit. 
 
 It seems the wine shops were usually kept by 
 women, for whom the code had especial legislation. 
 The measure for drink was to be the same as for 
 
216 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 corn. In case she overcharged her customers, they 
 could throw her into the water. If she did not in- 
 form the authorities in case she overheard treasonable 
 conspiracy in her shop, the penalty was death. 
 
 For surgery and the practise of medicine, there 
 was special legislation. If the physician cured a 
 broken limb, or healed a diseased bowel, his fee 
 from the gentry was fixed at five shekels; from the 
 commoner, three; and from the master of the slave 
 treated, two. As in later periods, magic and medi- 
 cine were doubtless intimately connected with each 
 other. Decoctions of various kinds were employed 
 in connection with the repertory of incantations 
 and exorcism. Whether the aid of one who pos- 
 sessed priestly functions to conduct this part was 
 necessary, is not known. 
 
 In order to discourage the surgeon from making 
 rash operations, and overcharging his patients, se- 
 vere penalties were fixed in case of unsuccessful 
 operations; and for successful ones the fees were 
 regulated. For an operation upon the upper class, 
 the surgeon received ten shekels; the lower class, 
 five; and a slave, two. If the patient died, the 
 surgeon's hands were cut off. In the case of a 
 slave, he had to replace him with one of equal 
 value. If the eye of a slave was lost, the owner 
 received half the price of the slave. 
 
 The veterinary surgeon was already recognized 
 as being in a distinct class. If his operations were 
 successful, his fee was one-sixth of a shekel. If the 
 
Code of Hammurabi 217 
 
 animal died, he was compelled to pay one-sixth of 
 the value. 
 
 Similar legislation was enacted for builders. 
 For a completed house, he was paid at the rate of 
 two shekels per sar of house. The punishment for 
 his bad workmanship, in case the house fell down, 
 was the death penalty if the owner was killed. If 
 a son of the owner was killed, one of his own sons 
 was put to death. A slave had to be replaced by 
 another, and the loss of goods he had to make good. 
 Further, he was compelled to rebuild the house at 
 his own expense. 
 
 The boat-builder was paid at the rate of two 
 shekels, per gur in the boat. His work was guaran- 
 teed for one year. In case it did not prove trust- 
 worthy, and the boat suffered injury, he was com- 
 pelled to repair it, or replace it. If a man hired a 
 boat, and it was lost or injured, he had to make good 
 the loss. If the owner hired a boatman, his wages 
 were fixed at six gur per year. If the boat suffered 
 injury through his carelessness, he made good the 
 loss. If the ship grounded, and he refloated it, he 
 had to pay the owner one-half its price. If a boat 
 was sunk at anchor by another, the owner made 
 an affidavit regarding his loss, which was refunded 
 by the one who had done the damage. 
 
 The office of judge seems to have occupied a po- 
 sition relatively the same as in these days. His 
 pronounced decision, however, was to be irrevoca- 
 ble. In case he altered it, he was to pay twelve- 
 
218 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 o 
 
 fold the penalty of the judgment, and be publicly 
 expelled from his seat. Thereafter he could not 
 even sit with the judges at a trial. 
 
 A defendant in a serious case was granted six 
 months if necessary to. produce his witnesses. Tam- 
 pering with witnesses was penalized heavily. If 
 the witnesses testified falsely, and the judgment 
 involved the death penalty, he was killed. The oath 
 figured prominently in the code, and in the con- 
 tracts that have been deciphered. Considerable 
 importance in this age was attached to it in the pur- 
 gation of charges, and claims for injury. It seems 
 to have been administered at particular places, e.g., 
 at the Shashar-d of Shamash in Sippara, or before 
 the sculptured dragon on the door of the temple of 
 Marduk at Babylon. The gods invoked in the oath 
 were the patron deities of the city; at Sippara, for 
 example, Shamash, Ai, and Marduk were invoked; 
 at Nippur, Bel, Ninib, and Nusku. In many of the 
 documents, the name of the king was invoked with 
 the gods. It usually follows the names of the gods. 
 
 The decision was generally drawn up by the scribe, 
 who gave the names of the witnesses and the judge. 
 These documents usually contain the seal impres- 
 sions of some of the witnesses and the judge. If the 
 decision in a criminal case was unfavorable to the 
 prosecutor, and it involved the death penalty, he 
 himself was killed. For a false accusation of slander, 
 he was branded, and generally he was required to 
 pay the penalty that would have been exacted from 
 
Code of Hammurabi 219 
 
 the accused if he had been successful in gaining 
 the suit. 
 
 The death penalty seems to have been inflicted 
 for a great many offenses ; at least the code requires 
 it as the punishment. But whether the judges 
 generally inflicted the extreme penalty, cannot be 
 ascertained. Considering that the judges had legis- 
 lative power, the code could not be regarded as 
 much more severe than some codes of the Christian 
 era. It was inflicted for witchcraft, bearing false 
 witness in a capital trial, housebreaking, highway 
 robbery, adultery, neglect of duties on the part of 
 certain officers, criminal negligence on the part of a 
 biiilder, permitting conspiracy in a beer shop, for 
 theft at a fire, for desertion on the part of a woman, 
 for kidnaping a child, and harboring a runaway 
 slave. In many cases the kind of death is not stated ; 
 but in others it is. Drowning is mentioned for a 
 woman caught in adultery, unless her husband ap- 
 peals to the king in her behalf; impalement for a 
 woman who had her husband killed for the sake of 
 another ; burning for incest with his mother or step- 
 mother after the father's death. 
 
 Corporal mutilation or punishment was freely in- 
 dulged in. The lex talionis, eye for eye, tooth for 
 tooth, the cutting off the hand for striking a father, 
 or for unlawful surgery; the branding of the slave 
 on the forehead of an individual for slandering 
 a votary, are mentioned in the code. On the death 
 of a child, the wet-nurse's breasts were cut off if 
 
220 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 it was learned that she had suckled another child 
 at the same time. For grossly assaulting a superior, 
 scourging was the penalty. Sixty lashes with an 
 ox-hide whip were publicly administered. If the 
 offender was a slave, he had his ear cut off. For 
 an assault upon an equal the penalty was one mina 
 of silver ; if upon a plebeian, one half -mina. If a 
 man struck a free woman who was pregnant, result- 
 ing in a miscarriage, he was compelled to pay ten 
 shekels; if he assaulted a daughter of a plebeian, 
 five shekels; and if a man's maid, two. If the 
 woman died, and she was a free woman, his own 
 daughter was killed; but if a plebeian, one half- 
 mina of silver; and if a maid, one-third. If the 
 slave brander removed the marks of a slave without 
 the owner's consent, his hands were cut off. If a 
 man had deceived the brander concerning the slave, 
 he was put to death ; the brander, on swearing that 
 he did not do it knowingly, was permitted to go free. 
 A man could give his wife, son, daughter, or slave 
 to work off a debt ; but in the fourth year, he or she 
 could gain freedom. A creditor could sell a slave he 
 held as a pledge, providing, if it was a female, that 
 she had not borne children for her master ; in which 
 case it devolved upon him to redeem her. If while 
 in service a free-born hostage died from ill treat- 
 ment, the creditor's son was put to death. If a man 
 contracted a debt before marriage, the creditor 
 could not take his wife for it. The same applied to 
 the woman's debts before marriage. After their 
 
Code of Hammurabi 221 
 
 marriage, together they were responsible for debts 
 contracted. 
 
 In the code the duties of those having the use of 
 government lands is clearly defined. There are a 
 great many laws relating to farming, the hire of 
 laborers, oxen, cows, wagons, and the regulation of 
 hire and wages, the grazing of flocks, the renting 
 and cultivation of fields, and of damages through 
 carelessness. 
 
 The every-day life of the Babylonian in Abra- 
 ham's day can be understood in no better way at 
 the present time, than by a careful study of the 
 Hammurabi Code,' as well as the legal documents of 
 that period.^ 
 
 To the biblical student the study of the code is 
 especially interesting as it throws light upon cus- 
 toms among the patriarchs, for example on Abraham 
 seeking a wife for his son (Gen. 24:4), the posses- 
 sion of Machpelah Cave being placed on a legal 
 
 ' For the text, transliteration, translation in English, glossary 
 and sign list of the Hammurabi Code, see Professor R. F. Har- 
 per's excellent publication, The Code of Hammurabi. 
 
 ''In his "Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts and 
 Letters," the Rev. C. H. W. Johns of Cambridge discusses at 
 length the contracts and letters of this period which have been 
 published by Strassmaier, Meissner, Pinches, King and others, as 
 well as give a complete translation of the Code of Hammurabi. 
 Recently two volumes by Drs. Frederick and Ranke on the 
 Contract literature of this age appeared. The latter is in the 
 series, Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania, Vol. VI., Part I. It will be followed by Part 2, by 
 Dr. Arno Poeble. 
 
222 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 basis (Gen. 23:14-20), or Rachel giving her hand- 
 maid Bilhah to Jacob for wife (Gen. 30:1-4) as 
 well as the story of Hagar (Gen. 16:1,2). 
 
 An immense literature on the code has sprung 
 into existence since its discovery. It was first 
 translated and published by Father Scheil. Trans- 
 lations by Doctors Winckler, Johns, Pinches, and 
 R. F. Harper followed. As there remains much 
 that is obscure in the code, for years to come it will 
 form the basis of studies on the part of scholars. 
 
IX 
 MOSES AND HAMMURABI 
 
 Some scholars have indulged in extravagant state- 
 ments with reference to the possibility of a code of 
 laws having been promulgated as early as Moses. 
 Such questions will no longer be raised, but another, 
 now uppermost in the minds of some scholars, is, 
 whether the Mosaic code is dependent upon the 
 Hammurabi. It seems reasonable to assume that 
 the Israelitish Code is based on precedent, the same 
 as the Babylonian, but exactly what indebtedness 
 there is due to the Babylonian, if any, or to general 
 Semitic law, will be a question long debated by 
 investigators. Inasmuch, however, as Abraham's 
 ancestral home was in Babylonia, and as Ham- 
 murabi was suzerain over Amurru (which included 
 Palestine) , it would be quite natural to suppose that 
 the latter established his laws in that land as well 
 as in Babylonia; in which case, later Palestinian 
 laws would probably show such influence. But 
 nothing is known at the present which proves that 
 this was done. 
 
 Laws in the two codes have been pointed out as 
 being strictly parallel. Others treat of the same 
 subjects, having penalties which are quite similar. 
 Besides, the study of one code throws light upon 
 
 223 
 
224 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the other. In consideration of these facts it is nat- 
 ural and reasonable to suppose that Israel's code 
 owes some indebtedness to the Babylonian. If such 
 should eventually be proved to be true it would in 
 no wise detract from the Israelitish code. But con- 
 trary to what has been declared, this does not seem 
 to be the case. The spirit underlying the Oriental 
 lex talionis, which has existed in that region for 
 millenniums, and prevails even at the present day, 
 is in both codes. Also certain laws arising from 
 common customs, peculiar to that entire district, 
 might be pointed out. But beyond these the simi- 
 larities can reasonably be explained as coincidences 
 which are due to the existence of similar conditions. 
 For the sake of comparison, some of those which are 
 strikingly similar or are parallel in the Hammurabi 
 and Mosaic laws follow: 
 
 Law number 7 reads : " If a man has received, 
 without witness *or contract, from the son of another, 
 or a servant of another, silver or gold, male or fe- 
 male slaves, ox, sheep, or ass, or anything else, or 
 has received [the same] in trust, that man shall be 
 put to death for theft." This enactment refers to 
 any one who buys or receives on deposit anything 
 without a witness or a contract, regularly drawn 
 up, who is liable to have his act regarded as a theft, 
 punishable by death. The Mosaic law (Lev. 6: 2-7) 
 legislates against similar offenses, but because the 
 individual is guilty, he shall make restitution of 
 that which he has fraudulently obtained. If he 
 
Moses and Hammurabi 225 
 
 have sworn falsely, he shall even restore it in the 
 principal, and shall add the fifth part thereto, be- 
 sides making a trespass offering, when "it shall 
 be forgiven him. " 
 
 Law number 8 reads: "If a man has stolen ox, 
 or sheep, or ass, or pig, or goat, if from a god (tem- 
 ple), or a palace, he shall pay thirtyfold. " The 
 Mosaic law (Exod. 22:1) reads: " If a man shall steal 
 an ox, or a sheep, and kill it, or sell it; he shall 
 pay five oxen for an ox, and four sheep for a sheep. " 
 Theft, in the Hammurabi Code, is more severely 
 dealt with than in the Mosaic. In many cases it is 
 punishable by death. Inability to pay a severe 
 penalty might also mean death. 
 
 Law number 14 reads: "If a man has stolen a 
 child of another, he shall be put to death." The 
 Mosaic law is the same (Exod. 21:16). "He that 
 stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in 
 his hand, he shall surely be put to death. " 
 
 Law number 21 reads : " If a man has broken into 
 a house, he shall be killed before that breach, and 
 they shall thrust him into it." Exodus 22:2-4 
 reads: "If the thief be found breaking in, and be 
 smitten so that he dieth, there shall be no blood- 
 guiltiness for him. If the sun be risen upon him, 
 there shall be bloodguiltiness for him; he shall 
 make restitution: if he have nothing, then he shall 
 be sold for his theft." The Mosaic law regards 
 breaking into a house as an unpardonable sin. If 
 in the act he escapes with his life, and he has not 
 
Moses and Hammurabi 227 
 
 wherewith to make restitution, he shall be sold as 
 a slave. 
 
 Law number 57 requires a shepherd who has not 
 made an agreement with the owner of a field to 
 pastiu"e his sheep on his crop, to pay to the owner 
 of the field, after he has harvested his crop, over' 
 and above his crop, twenty gur of grain for each 
 gan of land. The Mosaic law (Exod. 22:5) requires 
 the shepherd who has unlawfully pastured his flock 
 to make restitution out of the best of his own. 
 
 La,w number 1 17 : " If a man owes a debt, and he 
 has given his wife, his son, or his daughter [as hostage] 
 for the money, or has bound them over to render 
 service, for three years they shall serve in the house 
 of the creditor; but in the fourth year he shall set 
 them free. " The Mosaic code (Exod. 21:2) says : " If 
 thou buy a Hebrew servant, six years he shall serve : 
 and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing. ' ' 
 Also (Exod. 21:7): "If a man sell his daughter to 
 be a bondwoman, she shall not go out as the 
 men-servants do. " 
 
 Law number 125 reqmres a man who has received 
 something on deposit, which has been lost or stolen, 
 to make good all that has been given to him. The 
 owner of the house shall look after that which has 
 been lost, and recover it from the thief. (See 
 Exod. 22:7-9). The Mosaic law (Exod. 22:12) re- 
 quires that in case an animal which has been placed 
 in the care of a neighbor for safe-keeping is 
 stolen, he shall make restitution. 
 
228 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Law number 129 enacts that those caught in adul- 
 tery be bound and cast into the water. If the hus- 
 band desired to save his wife, or the king his servant, 
 he could do so. The Mosaic code (Lev. 20; 10), 
 reads: "And the man that committeth adultery 
 with another, man's wife, even he that committeth 
 adultery with his neighbor's wife, the adulterer 
 and the adulteress shall surely be put to death. " 
 
 Law number 155 enacts that a man who has been 
 caught in adultery with his daughter-in-law, shall 
 be strangled, and cast into the water. Leviticus 
 20:12 reads: "If a man lie with his daughter-in- 
 law, both of them shall surely be put to death : they 
 have wrought confusion; their blood shall be upon 
 them." 
 
 Law number 157: "If a man, after his father's 
 death, has lain in the bosom of his mother, they 
 shall be burnt, both of them together. " The Mosaic 
 provision (Lev. 20:11), reads: "And the man that 
 lieth with his father's wife hath uncovered his 
 father's nakedness: both of them shall surely be 
 put to death; their blood shall be upon them." 
 
 Law number 195 : " If a son strike his father, they 
 shall cut off his fingers." Exodus 21:15, reads: 
 "And he that smite th his father, or his mother, 
 shall surely be put to death. " 
 
 Law number 196 reads: "If a man has destroyed 
 the eye of another, they shall destroy his eye. Law 
 number 197 : "If one has broken the limb of another, 
 they shall break his limb." Law number 200: 
 
Moses and Hammurabi 229 
 
 " If a man has knocked out the tooth of a man who 
 is his equal, they shall knock out his tooth." This 
 ancient system of the taiio, as mentioned above, is 
 paralleled in Exodus 21:24, 25; Leviticus 24:20; 
 Deuteronomy 19:21; Matthew 5:38, etc. 
 
 Law ntmiber 199: "If he knocked out the eye of 
 a man's servant, or broke the leg of a man's servant, 
 he shall pay one-half his value." The Mosaic code 
 (Exod. 21 : 26, 27) requires that a man who destroyed 
 the eye of his servant shall let him or her go free for 
 the eye's sake. The same in the case of a tooth. 
 
 Law number 206: "If a man has struck another 
 in a quarrel, and wounded him, that man shall 
 swear, ' I struck him without intent, ' and shall be 
 responsible for the physician." Exodus 21:18,19 
 reads: "And if men contend, and one smite the 
 other with a stone, or with his fist, and he die not, 
 but keep his bed ; if he rise again, and walk abroad 
 upon his staff, then shall he that smote him be quit : 
 only he shall pay for the loss of his time, and shall 
 cause him to be thoroughly healed. " Compare also 
 Exodus 21 :i2, 13. 
 
 Law number 209 : "If a man has struck the 
 daughter of a man, and has caused a miscarriage, 
 he shall pay ten shekels for her miscarriage." Law 
 number 210: "If that woman die, they shall kill 
 his daughter." Exodus 21:22-25 reads: "And if 
 men strive together, and hurt a woman with child, 
 so that her fruit depart, and yet no harm follow ; he 
 shall be surely fined, according as the woman's 
 
230 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 husband shall lay upon him ; and he shall pay as the 
 judges determine. But if any harm follow, then 
 thou shalt give life for life." 
 
 Law number 245 : " If a man has hired an ox, and 
 has caused his death through carelessness, or abuse, 
 he shall restore ox for ox, to the owner of the ox." 
 The Mosaiclaw (Exod. 22:14, iS) provides: "And if 
 a man borrow aught of his neighbor, and it be hurt, 
 or die, the owner thereof not being with it, he shall 
 surely make restitution. If the owner thereof be 
 with it, he shall not make it good: if it be a hired 
 thing, it came for its hire. " 
 
 Law number 250: "If the bull has goxie wild, 
 and in his path has gored a man and caused his 
 death, that case shall have no penalty." Exodus 
 21: 28 reads: "And if an ox gore a man or a woman 
 to death, the ox shall be surely stoned, and his 
 flesh shall not be eaten; but the owner of the ox 
 shall be quit." 
 
 Law number 251: "If a man's ox was wont to 
 gore, and its habit as 9, gorer they made known to 
 him, and he has not blunted its horns, or penned up 
 the ox, and then the ox has gored the son of a man, 
 and has caused his death, the owner shall pay half 
 a mina of silver." Law number 252: "If it be a 
 slave that has been killed, he shall pay one-third of 
 a mina of silver." Exodus 21:29 reads: "But if 
 the ox was wont to gore in time past, and it hath 
 been testified to its owner, and he hath not kept it in, 
 but it hath killed a man or a woman; the ox shall 
 
Moses and Hammurabi 231 
 
 be stoned, and its owner also shall be put to death. " 
 Exodus 21:32: "If the ox gore a man-servant or 
 a maid-servant, there shall be given unto their 
 master thirty shekels of silver, and the ox shall be 
 stoned." 
 
 There are other laws among the two hundred 
 and eighty-two of the Babylonian code which are 
 paralleled by laws of the Mosaic period, but these 
 appear to be the most striking and noteworthy. 
 
 Not a few scholars, in discussing the question of 
 the dependence of the Israelitic code upon the 
 Babylonian, seem to think that the Hebrew code is 
 indebted to the older. Some see similarity in the 
 phraseology, besides in the thought embodied in the 
 code. Others maintain that the origin of both is to 
 be found in Arabia, either because they hold that 
 the -original home of the Semites is to be found in 
 that land, or because of the influence of Jethro 
 the Kenite father-in-law of Moses (see Exodus 
 18:14—27) ; and the fact that it is probable that the 
 kings of the Hammurabi dynasty were Arabian. 
 
 If the laws which have been pointed out as being 
 similar are carefully considered from a common- 
 sense point of view in connection with the entire 
 code, the only conclusion that can be reached is 
 that the similarity of those laws must be ascribed 
 to similar conditions which would give rise to them no 
 matter how far the one people was removed from 
 the influence of the other, except as indicated 
 before, those laws which were influenced by the 
 
232 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 barbarous law of retaliation or Oriental law in 
 general. To give a single illustration: when an 
 African or a North American Indian owns a 
 vicious animal and knows its habits, and does not 
 restrain it from doing violence, the only penalty 
 thought of is that he shall be accounted respon- 
 sible for any damages done. Where slavery exists, 
 or where one may^ become enslaved for a debt, 
 similar laws may be expected. The same is true 
 of the laws of chastity and of the family, or 
 the relations of one member of a family to 
 another. Such to a great extent are not confined 
 to civilized peoples. Moreover, similar customs 
 will give rise to similar laws, as human nature 
 is the same everywhere. 
 
 The phraseological and philological arguments 
 that have been advanced seem to have less in them. 
 Also, we have no evidence from the Old Testament 
 that Jethro taught Moses a single precept. His ad- 
 vice as regards the administering of law cannot be 
 construed as such. That Arabia is the original 
 seat of the Semites, or that it is the home of the 
 kings of the first dynasty of Babylon, are theories 
 held by some, for which there is no proof. In short, 
 dependence upon the Babylonian code, or even a 
 common origin for both, cannot be proved at the 
 present, and from the light at hand it does not 
 seem plausible. 
 
 Between the Mosaic and the Hammurabi codes 
 there is an exceedingly wide gulf. If for no other 
 
Moses and Hammurabi 233 
 
 reason, the responsibility of the individual for his 
 own deeds, whereby the son is not punished for his 
 father's deeds, or the father for the son's, gives 
 superiority to the Hebrew code. There are some 
 humanitarian considerations in the Babylonian, as 
 for instance the provisions for an invalid wife, or 
 an enraged father who wishes to disinherit a son; 
 but if the codes, even from this point of view, were 
 compared, it will be found that the Mosaic is not 
 wanting. 
 
 The Hebrew also in almost every respect relig- 
 iously and ethically is far superior to the Baby- 
 lonian. The gods are prominently mentioned in 
 the prologue and epilogue of the latter, but play 
 no r61e in the code itself. Pure and simple external 
 conformity to the law is all that is required. Inas- 
 much as Hammurabi is known to have been relig- 
 iously inclined, it may be unfair to judge the code 
 from this point of view; as it deals with civil law, 
 and he may have intentionally omitted the religious 
 element. There is not, however, even a semblance 
 of a law in the Babylonian against covetousness 
 and selfishness. 
 
 The fundamental principle of the Israelitish com- 
 mand: "Be ye holy, for I am holy," on the other 
 hand has an inward emphasis which makes its 
 impress upon all actions. "Thou shalt love thy 
 neighbor as thyself," as well as purification and 
 devotion to God, is the keynote of the Mosaic law. 
 It was God's commandment that the Israelite was 
 
234 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 required to obey. Cursed was he that fulfilled not 
 the words of the law to do them. This especially 
 was the spirit of the prophets. This is totally 
 foreign to the Babylonian code. 
 
THE NAME JAHWEH IN CUNEIFORM 
 LITERATURE 
 
 A question which has aroused considerable in- 
 terest, by reason of its discussion in the Bibel 
 und Babel literature, is whether it shall be acknowl- 
 edged that certain scholars are right when they 
 insist that the two names Ja-a'-ve-ilu and Ja-ve-ilu 
 contain the name Jahweh, and that these names, 
 which are nearly a thousand years older than cor- 
 responding names in the Old Testament, attest 
 the worship of a single god Jahu (meaning Jahweh) ; 
 or as stated by another scholar: "both composita 
 contain the name of the god Yaveh, Yahu. " Others 
 are inclined to regard the view as " not improbable, " 
 and further state that names meaning "Jahu is 
 God," do not play such an important part in the 
 question as one would like to assign to them; but, 
 on the contrary, their early existence, even from 
 the biblical point of view is expected. 
 
 If this hypothesis obtained, a number of impor- 
 tant problems would be solved, and we should be 
 compelled to readjust our understanding of a num- 
 ber of passages in the Old Testament. But while 
 it has been made by noted scientists with the great- 
 
 235 
 
236 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 est assurance, it will not be out of place to weigh 
 carefully their conclusions, especially as a general 
 acceptance has not been accorded them. 
 
 The two names that play the important r61e in 
 the question are on tablets in the British Museum, 
 belonging to the contract literature of the so-called 
 Hammurabi dynasty. Professor Sayce, of Oxford, 
 was the first to call attention to them. They are: 
 Ja-w{p)i-ilu and Ja-a}i.{l)-w{p)i-ilu. It should be 
 said that there is considerable uncertainty as re- 
 gards the character a^, or what is known as the 
 "breathing" in the second name. However, grant- 
 ing that it is read correctly and treating it in con- 
 nection with the first name, it would probably be 
 read: Ja'wi-ilu or Ja'pi-ilu. Besides the interpre- 
 tation mentioned, namely, "Jahwehis God," vari- 
 ous other interpretations have been offered, as for 
 example: Ja}}pe-el, "God covers," or "God pro- 
 tects;" Jahweh-el, "God exists," Jahve-ilu, "God 
 gives," etc. 
 
 The interpretation, " Jahweh is God, " means that 
 the unabbreviated form of Jahweh is used in this 
 name. In fact, there is not a single instance in the 
 Hebrew literature, early or late, where the name 
 of Jahweh is found in its full form, when compounded 
 with other elements in personal names. Why should 
 we not expect to find the same contracted form, 
 namely, Jehd or Jo, when it is the first element, as 
 is the case in every instance in the hundreds of 
 names, of those preserved in the Old Testament 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 237 
 
 which contain the divine elements? In Assyrian, 
 the scribe wrote Jau, doubtless reproducing what 
 he heard; for example, he wrote Ja-u-l^a-zi, for 
 Joahaz or Ahaz. In Neo-Babylonia, the scribe in 
 writing these names wrote JdliU, (or Jd^id), which 
 is a very close reproduction of the Hebrew (see 
 below). If, then, in the Hebrew, the Assyrian, and 
 the Neo-Babylonian literature, we always find the 
 name of Jahweh in the contracted form when com- 
 pounded with other elements, can much reliance be 
 placed in the above understanding of this isolated 
 name, which is very probably to be interpreted 
 quite differently? A more reasonable disposition of 
 the element is to regard it as a verbal form, and to 
 consider the name in connection with the many other 
 West Semitic names having a similar formation, 
 which are found in the tablets of the same period, 
 as, Jada^i-ilu, "God knows;" Jarbi-ilu, "God heals," 
 Jaqar-ilu, "God is precious;" J a^zar-ilu, "God helps," 
 Jamlik-ilu, "God reigns," etc. Jawi-ihi or Ja'wi- 
 ilu would mean: "God exists;" or "God lives," 
 or " God has spoken. " Or, if the second of the two 
 names is to be read Ja}ipi-ilu, it could be translated, 
 "God protects," etc. 
 
 The name la-u-um-ilu^ is also offered to prove 
 the existence of the name of Jahweh in the Baby- 
 
 ' For the lay reader it might be mentioned that the name 
 can be understood as standing for laiAr-ilu, as the first element 
 contains the mimmation that was characteristic of the early- 
 period. 
 
238 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Ionian literature of the early period; although it is 
 regarded as of secondary importance by some of the 
 writers, as they say it presupposes the fuller form, 
 Ja'we-ilu. Inasmuch as the Assyrians reproduced 
 the divine element in its contracted form as Jau, 
 and the name in question is similar in form to Joel, 
 which many scholars interpret as having the same 
 meaning, it is really of greater importance than the 
 so-called " fuller form. " It should be said here that 
 while the later Hebrew perhaps considered this 
 the proper interpretation of the name Joel, some of 
 the best authorities think that its original signifi- 
 cance was otherwise. 
 
 Without taking into consideration the many 
 theories concerning the origin of the divine name 
 which have been propounded, the introduction of 
 Jahweh as the divine name for Israel, according to 
 the Old Testament, was in the time of Moses. In 
 this discussion we are concerned only with those 
 occurrences in extra-biblical literature that would 
 seem to imply the existence of the name in the time 
 prior to Moses. Eliminating the two so-called 
 "fuller forms," the only name^ that can possibly 
 have the abbreviated form of Jahweh as an element 
 is the one in question (namely, la-u-um-ilu), and 
 
 ^The reading of the name Jama-arakh, cited in The Ex- 
 pository Times, Vol. XV., 1904 p. 560, can scarcely be taken 
 into consideration, owing to its being so poorly preserved. 
 Dr. Ranke, Personal Names p. 113 reads: Ja-ma {J)-e {?)-ra-akh 
 "Jama (?) is the moon (?)" 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 239 
 
 the only name of the Old Testament is Moses' mother, 
 Jochebed. 
 
 It must be conceded that the single name Iau(m)- 
 ilu, i.e., "lau is god," is difficult to explain if it is 
 not conceded that the name Jahweh existed as 
 early as the Hammurabi period. As mentioned 
 above, it is exactly the form in which the abbrevi- 
 ated element of Hebrew names appears in the cunei- 
 form inscription. Similar names, even though it 
 can be proved that Joel is to be explained other- 
 wise, and that there is no other name parallel in 
 meaning in the Hebrew literature, were common 
 in that age, for example: Bel-ilu, "Bel is god," 
 Marduk-ilu, " Marduk is god, " Shamash-ilu, " Sham- 
 ash is god," etc. 
 
 In this connection I desire to call attention to sev- 
 eral names which I recently found on tablets from 
 Nippur belonging to the second or third century 
 after Moses. They are^ Ja-u-ha-ni, Ja-u-a, Ja-a-u, 
 Ja-ai-u, and the feminine name Ja-a-u-tum. Jau- 
 bdni means "Jau is creator," and taken in consid- 
 eration with many similar names, which are com- 
 pounded with bdni, as Ilu-bani, Shamash-bani Jau 
 must be regarded as a god. As was mentioned 
 above, in the later period, the name of Jahweh as 
 the first element of Hebrew names in the Assyrian 
 inscriptions is written exactly the same, namely 
 
 'See Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur, 
 B.E. Vol. XV. 
 
240 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Jau. Further, it will be noticed that Ja-u-a is ex- 
 actly the writing of the biblical name Jehu, which 
 is found upon the black obelisk of Shalmaneser (see 
 page 320 f). 
 
 Names compounded with the contracted form of 
 the tetragrammaton grew in popularity in the later 
 centuries of Hebrew history. The number of those 
 with El decreased, while those with Jahweh steadily 
 increased, until the latest period of the Old Testa- 
 ment literature. The kings of Israel and Judah 
 having come into contact with Assyrian and Baby- 
 lonian rulers, we should naturally expect to find 
 among the archives of the latter reference to the 
 former, some of which had names compounded 
 with Jahweh. As Israel and Judah were carried 
 into captivity, we should also naturally expect to 
 find in the land of their servility some reference to 
 the people themselves in the business affairs of the 
 people. In what is known as the contract literature 
 of Assyria and Neo-Babylonia, Hebrew names are 
 frequently met, especially in the periods corre- 
 sponding to the times when the Hebrews were held 
 in bondage, and afterwards. The latter fact is due 
 to many having remained for generations in those 
 lands. It is singular, however, that the number 
 of Hebrew names compounded with Jahweh, in the 
 known Assyrian literature, is exceedingly small. 
 They are confined, with one or two exceptions, to a 
 few names of kings. This may be due to the fact 
 that excavations have not as yet been conducted 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 241 
 
 in those parts which were populated especially by 
 the Hebrews; or because names compounded with 
 Jahweh were not as poptdar in the northern as in 
 the southern kingdom. In the Neo-Babylonian con- 
 tract literature, especially in the period of Nehe- 
 miah and Ezra, Hebrew names abound in the tablets 
 discovered at Nippur (see last chapter). At the 
 present we are concerned especially with the form 
 in which names compounded with Jahweh appear. 
 
 In Assyria, as stated before, when it is the first 
 element, it is written Jau, e.g., Ja-u-l^a-zi (Joahaz or 
 Ahaz) J a-u-hi- -di ; and when it is the final element 
 it is written Jau or J&u, e.g , Ha-zi-qi-Ja-u,^ Ha-za- 
 qi-Ja-a-u Ha-za-qi-a-u (Hezekiah) ; Iz-ri-Ja-u, Az- 
 ri-Ja-a-u, Az-ri-a-u (Azariah) ; Na-ad-bi-Ja-a-u ; and 
 to this brief list must be added the name found 
 two years ago on a tablet discovered in Palestine at 
 Gezer, namely, Na-tan-Ja-u (Nethaniah). 
 
 Many interesting Hebrew names have been found 
 in the contract literature of the Neo-Babylonian 
 period, belonging especially to the time after the 
 children of Judah had been carried into captivity. 
 In studying the Murash-d business documents, 
 dated about the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (see 
 Chap. XV), the writer had the delightful experience 
 of recognizing the first known Hebrew names in the 
 Babylonian literature, with Jahweh as the first ele- 
 ment. The element is here written Ja}j,iX; for example. 
 
 These names we usually transliterate Ha-zi-qi-ia-u. 
 i6 
 
242 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Ja-Jiu-u-na-ta-nu (Jonathan), Ja-a-'^u-u-la-ki-im, 
 Ja-a-}i,u-lU'nu. The u, as the writer has pointed out 
 elsewhere,' is to be read o, there being no other way 
 to represent that vowel in the cuneiform script. 
 
 Hebrew names in the Neo-Babylonian Hterature 
 with Jahweh as the final element are numerous, 
 especially in the Murashii archives. It is written 
 Ja-a-ma, which would be equivalent in pronuncia- 
 tion to Jdwa in Hebrew. This was recognized 
 some years ago as the divine element by Doctors 
 Sayce, Pinches, Hommel, and others. As the iden- 
 tification was questioned by a few scholars, in pub- 
 lishing many additional examples of names from 
 the Murashii texts the writer set forth his views, 
 being convinced of the correctness of the theory. 
 This elicited opposition; and a theory which was 
 published some years ago when only a few exam- 
 ples of names ending in Jdma were known, was re- 
 vived. It was claimed^ that " iama at the end of 
 West-Semitic names like AJii-ia-a-ma, is nothing 
 but the Hebrew jam, which in all probability is a 
 ' Weiterbildung ' of jah or ja' by adding an emphatic 
 m or ma. For, compare Hebrew Abijjam (Kings) 
 alongside of Ahijjah (Chronicles), a name borne by 
 the same person. " When this theory was originally 
 propounded,' some ten years ago, other examples 
 
 ^Business Documents of the Murashfl Sons, Bab. Exp. 
 U. of Pa. Vol. X, p. 19. 
 
 ^ Hilprecht, Editorial Preface, ibidem, p. xv. 
 
 * Jastrow, Journal of Biblical Literature, p. 114 ff. 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 243 
 
 were offered to substantiate it, but these have been 
 wisely omitted. It might be added that the author 
 has since abandoned it, owing to the large number 
 of examples found in the Murashu texts, but as it 
 has been revived by the other scholar to combat the 
 writer's position, and especially as Ahijjam is the 
 only example in the Hebrew literature which can be 
 quoted to illustrate the theory, the following is offered. 
 Theophorous names in Hebrew are usually com- 
 pounded with either El or Jahweh. The formations 
 commonly found are : deity + verb or substantive, 
 e.g., El-nathan (Elnathan) Jaho-nathan (Jonathan); 
 or, verb or substantive + deity, e.g., Nathan-El 
 (Nathaniel) or Nathan- J dhu (Nathaniah). Among 
 the Hebrew personal names found on the cuneiform 
 tablets of the late period, both formations com- 
 pounded with El are well represented. Of the for- 
 mations with Jahweh, those having the deity as the 
 first element, as mentioned above, are also recognized, 
 as, for example, Jd}iu-natanu. If, therefore, three 
 of the four theophorous formations are represented 
 by many examples, why should we not expect to 
 find the other very common Hebrew formation also 
 represented? I say common or popular formation 
 because Hebrew persons, bearing names compounded 
 with Jahweh, and mentioned only in the Book of 
 Chronicles according to Gray^ number, when it is 
 the first element, twenty-seven; but when it is the 
 
 ^Hebrew Proper Names, p. 162. 
 
244 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 final element, one hundred and seventy ; while those 
 compounded with El as the first and final element 
 together number fifty. 
 
 The names having the element Jdma which I 
 have been able to gather from the Murashil and 
 other pubHshed texts of the Neo - Babylonian 
 period follow: 
 
 A-bi-Ja-a-ma Abaiah 
 
 Akhi-Ja-a-ma'- Ahijah 
 
 A-qa-bi-Ja-a-ma Akabiah 
 
 Az-zi-Ja-a-ma Azziah 
 
 Ba-li-Ja-a-ma Bealiah 
 
 Ba-na-Ja-a-ma Benaiah 
 
 Ba-rik-ki-Ja-a-ma Bereikiah 
 
 Ga-da-al-Ja-a-ma Gedaliah 
 
 Ga-mar-J a-a-ma Gemariah 
 
 Kha-na-nu-Ja-a-ma • ■ Hananiah 
 
 Khu-ul- J a-a-ma ■' ■ . .Huliah 
 
 Ja-a-da-akh-Ja-a-ma , ". . Jedaiah 
 
 Ja-she-'-Ja-a-ma Jeshaiah or Isaiah 
 
 Ig-da-al-Ja-a-ma . Igdaliah 
 
 Ish-ri-bi-Ja-a-ma Compare Sherebiah 
 
 Ma-tan-ni- J a-a-ma Mattaniah 
 
 Ma-la-ki- J a-a-ma Malchiah 
 
 Na-ta-nu- J a-a-ma Nethaniah 
 
 Ni-ri- J a-a-ma Neriah 
 
 Pa-da-a- J a-a-ma Pedaiah 
 
 Pi-il-lu- J a-a-ma Pelaiah 
 
 Ti-ri-Ja-a-m-a Tiria 
 
 Tu-ub-Ja-a-m-a Tobiyah 
 
 Shu-bu-mi- J a-a-ma Shebaniah 
 
 Za-bad- J a-a-ma Zabadiah 
 
 ' Compare also the interesting name Akhi-Ja-mi, from a 
 letter found at Ta'annek which has been recently published 
 by Hronzy, Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie, Band L. 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 245 
 
 The examples show that no less than twenty-five 
 names are found which have as the first element a 
 word that has its exact equivalent or parallel in 
 the Bible, which is followed by Jama or Jdwa. 
 Moreover, all occur in the Old Testament in connec- 
 tion with Hebrew persons or families.' Exact paral- 
 lels for twenty-three of the twenty-five names are 
 found in Hebrew, if Jdma (== Jdwa) is regarded as 
 equivalent to the abbreviated form of Jahweh of the 
 Hebrew text. The remaining two, Aqabi-Jdma 
 and Ishriha-Jdma, are. not found in the Old Testa- 
 ment, but the former Aqabiah is found in Talmudic 
 literature, and the latter is found in the Old Testa- 
 ment, in the present instead of the imperfect, viz., 
 Sherebiah (Neh. 8:7). If, therefore, the names hav- 
 ing Jdma {^^ Jdwa), all of which are West Semitic, 
 do not represent Hebrew names, having the apoco- 
 pated form of JahWeh, then there are no Hebrew 
 names, except perhaps the questionable variant 
 Abijjam of Abijjah, with which to compare these 
 twenty-five ; every one of which has a biblical word 
 as the first element. And on the other hand, if they 
 cannot be so regarded, then three of the four com- 
 mon Hebrew theophorous formations are frequently 
 found in the cuneiform literature of this period ; but 
 we look in vain for the fourth, whose frequency of 
 occurrence, in Chronicles alone, in comparison with 
 other formations, is nearly seven to one. Jdma, 
 
 'Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, p. 158. 
 
246 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 therefore, unquestionably represents the Hebrew 
 form of the divine name Jahweh at the end of per- 
 sonal names in the cuneiform inscriptions. 
 
 In the Hebrew, the element appears at the begin- 
 ning Jaho, or shortened into Jo; and at the end 
 Jdhu, or shortened into Jah. The Assyrian scribe, 
 as already referred to, wrote Jau when the divine 
 element was the first as well as the second. The 
 Babylonian wrote : Jdl^u (= Jdh:d) as the first ele-: 
 ment, and Jama (= Jawd) as the final. Can the 
 Assyrian and Babylonian be reconciled with the 
 Hebrew, and do these writings throw any light upon 
 the actual pronunciation of the names? The Baby- 
 lonian Ja}id can be regarded as a satisfactory repro- 
 duction of Jaho. The Assyrian Jau can also be 
 read Jao, because in their orthography they did not 
 distinguish between the u and o vowels. There is 
 no philological , difficulty in regarding the Assyrian 
 equivalent to the Hebrew Jaho because of the syn- 
 copation of the Hebrew letter He, which is in accord- 
 ance with a common phonetic law. The abbreviated 
 form Jo, and the transliteration of the Septuagint 
 which makes it the same, viz., '/», would indicate 
 that h was scarcely heard. 
 
 The final element is not so easily disposed of. The 
 Assyrian Jau may be a satisfactory reproduction 
 of JdhiA., but what shall be done with the Babylonian 
 Jdwa. The form Jdhu in Hebrew must be explained 
 as coming from Jahw, which according to phonetic 
 laws passes regularly into Jdhu. The Massorites 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 247 
 
 vocalized the characters and read Jdhu. The u of 
 the Assjn-ian Jau may have been sounded like the 
 semi- vowel w; to cite a single example, compare the 
 Hebrew writing of Nineveh, i.e. Ntnewe,^N^h Nifiua 
 of the cuneiform inscriptions ; in which 4ase the 
 Babylonian J&w{a) (written Jama) would be equiva- 
 lent. This would reqtiire the assumption that the 
 final vowel in the Hebrew was apocopated, and 
 the form remained unaltered, ' 'e.g., Jahw. If this 
 were true, the final vowel of Jdw{a) in Baby- 
 lonian was not pronounced, which is well known to 
 have been frequently the case. If this explanation 
 is correct, then the name AJ^i-Ja-mi, found on the 
 Ta'annek tablet, which is mentioned on page 244, 
 is especially interesting. 
 
 The writing /awa is strikingly similar to the tradi- 
 tional pronimciation of the Samaritans as preserved 
 by Theodoret, i.e. '/«/?£ or 'lajSat, for the divine 
 name, as well as Yahwa or Yahwe, written in Arabic 
 characters in a letter to de Sacy, to which Professor 
 Montgomery recently called attention.^ This makes 
 another explanation quite reasonable, namely, that 
 Jdwa represents the exact and full pronunciation 
 of the divine name as it was heard by the Baby- 
 lonians. This has been previously suggested by 
 others, but no attempt was made to explain why 
 the full form was used and not the shortened. The 
 theory I suggest is that the Babylonian scribe, rec- 
 
 ' Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. XXV., 1906, p. 50. 
 
248 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 ogoizing the element as being the Hebrew God 
 Jahweh, arbitrarily decided to write it, when it 
 was final in these West-Semitic names, always in 
 accordance with the way they heard the full name 
 pronounced. The fact is, in the Murashu archives, 
 nariies compounded with /dwa occur more frequently 
 than the Babylonian names that are compounded 
 with some of their own prominent deities as: Addu, 
 Bau, Ea, etc. The names.of their gods are usualty 
 written with an ideogram. In their guilds or schools, 
 the scribe was taught to write Babylonian names, 
 not phonetically as they were pronounced in every- 
 day life, but according to fixed rules. The name of 
 the Babylonian ruler, so often mentioned in the Old 
 Testament, was not pronounced Na-bi-um-ku-du- 
 ur-ri-u-su-ur, nor Nabti-kudurri-usur, as it was 
 written; but something like Nebuchadrezzar. It 
 was necessary for the scribe to learn to analyze all 
 Babylonian names, according to their elements. 
 It is, therefore, quite reasonable to suppose that the 
 scribe learned in the schools to write this element 
 Ja-a-ma {=^Jdwd), not as he heard the name 
 pronounced, as they ordinarily wrote foreign 
 names, but in these names, having this well known 
 ending, according to the rule the master of cunei- 
 form orthography taught. It is a singular thing that 
 the element in every case known to me in tablets 
 from Babylonia, is written Ja-a-ma. Inasmuch as 
 the Israelites had become so numerous that Jahweh 
 occurred more frequently than some of their own 
 
Jahweh in Cuneiform Literature 249 
 
 deities in personal names, the supposition seems 
 at least plausible. 
 
 Hebrew names with the divine element as initial, 
 are more rare in the Babylonian literature, as they 
 are in the Old Testament; for which reason a 
 similar treatment would not be found necessarily 
 expedient ; although the scribes did recognize Jd^id 
 as a deity, because in some cases they used the 
 determinative ilu, "god," before the element. 
 Furthermore, the scribe of the late period repre- 
 sented the Hebrew He by % which was not done 
 in the names from Assyria. As mentioned before, 
 the consonant was scarcely heard . Perhaps , however, 
 we have also in JdJ^o a writing adopted by the 
 guild of scribes. 
 
 An interesting example of a similar practice is 
 to be found in the writing of the plural sign after 
 the character for god in Hebrew names that are 
 compounded with El, which are found in the con- 
 tract literature also of this period. The Babylonian 
 word for god is ilu. The Hebrew shortened form in 
 names was El, although in its full form it is Elohim. 
 The Babylonian scribe, having recognized the dif- 
 ference between the pronunciation of the Hebrew 
 El and their ilu, may have desired to represent it. 
 The scribes doubtless knew that the Hebrew word 
 for god, Elohim was plural. As Hebrew names com- 
 pounded with El were also exceedingly numerous 
 in this period, it is not unreasonable to suppose 
 that in their schools, in their efforts to distinguish 
 
250 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 between the Hebrew and Babylonian word for god, 
 and also in order to avoid using the sign meaning 
 ilu for the Hebrew El, as had formerly been done, 
 they added the plural sign.' This combination 
 carried with it the idea of plurality, which was so 
 expressive of the Hebrew word for god. 
 
 ' Professor Barton came to similar conclusions in his 
 discussion of the Palestinian names written with ilu and the 
 plural sign, which occur in the Amarna talalets. See American 
 Oriental Society's Proceedings, April, 1892, p. CXCVI. 
 
XI 
 
 THE AMARNA LETTERS 
 
 No discovery in recent years has had a greater 
 bearing upon questions of historical criticism, 
 or has thrown so much welcome light upon Palestine, 
 as the find of over three hundred inscribed clay 
 tablets in Egypt. They were discovered in 1887, 
 about one hundred and eighty miles south of Cairo, 
 at a site known as Tel el-Amarna. It was at this 
 place that Amenophis IV in the fifteenth centtiry 
 B. C. had established the capital of Egypt. In 
 digging for marl one of the fellahin came upon a 
 crumbling wooden chest which contained the tab- 
 lets. Some were in a very fragmentary condition. 
 In order to increase the income from their sale some 
 of the larger tablets were broken into pieces, and 
 this has naturally increased the difficulties of the 
 decipherer. Most of the tablets have been secured 
 for museums. About one hundred and eighty were 
 acquired for the Berlin Museum, eighty for the 
 British Museum, and sixty were retained at Boulac, 
 in Egypt; while a few remain in the possession of 
 private individuals. 
 
 It was soon ascertained that these inscriptions 
 represent the official archives of two kings of 
 
 251 
 
252 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Egypt, Amenophis III, and Amenophis IV, who 
 lived in the fifteenth century B. C. They contain 
 letters and reports written to the kings of Egypt 
 by their officials in Palestine, Phoenicia, and Syria, 
 and by friendly rulers of Eastern nations. They 
 were not written in the Egyptian tongue, as might 
 have been supposed, but in the Babylonian language' 
 and in the difficult fcuneiform script. They show 
 that the Babylonian was the official language of 
 diplomacy in Western Asia at that time ; and that 
 this period was not prior to all knowledge of writing 
 in Palestine; they offer evidence of an advanced 
 literary activity, and also of a very fair civilization 
 among the people of that country. 
 
 Amenophis III (the Greek for Amen-hotep) began 
 to riile at the age of sixteen. His throne name was 
 Nibmare (Neb-ma't-Re), which means "Re (the 
 sun god) is lord of truth, " but in the inscriptions he 
 was addressed Nimmuria and Nibmuaria. The 
 only campaign that he is known to have conducted 
 was in the fifth year of his reign against the Ethi- 
 opians. He erected temples at Karnak and Luxor, 
 besides the famous Colossi of Memnon, on the 
 west bank of the Nile, not far from Thebes. He 
 married Gilukhepa, a sister of Dushratta, king of 
 Mitanni; and also the Egyptian Teie, who was 
 the mother of the son (Amenophis IV) that suc- 
 ceeded him. 
 
 ' A few are written in a foreign language, but in the Baby- 
 lonian script. 
 
The Amarna Letters 253 
 
 The throne name of Amenophis IV, who is known 
 as the heretical king, was Nefer-khepru-Re, which 
 means, "Beautiful is the Being of Re." In these 
 archives he is addressed as : Napkhuria, Napkhuru- 
 ria, etc. He married Tadukhipa, princess of Mitanni, 
 who was a niece of his father's wife, Gilukhepa. 
 While in the Asiatic home of his wife he became 
 infatuated with the worship of the sun. This he 
 endeavored to have supersede the worship of the 
 Egyptian gods. In consequence, he incurred the 
 enmity of the priests of Amen in Thebes; and he 
 finally found it desirable to set up his new worship 
 elsewhere. The Court was therefore removed from 
 Thebes to Tel el-Amarna, where the king built a- 
 new city. He changed his name from Amenhotep 
 to Khu-en-Aten, " Spirit of Aten. " The new capital 
 he named, Khut-Aten, "Horizon of Aten." The 
 names of his daughters were also compounded with 
 Aten. In this exclusive worship of the sun, mono- 
 theistic ideas seem to have prevailed. His religion, 
 according to the inscriptions, was more expressive 
 of devout feelings than the state religion. But 
 his innovations did not last long, for after his death 
 a reaction set in. His sepulcher was profaned, his 
 mummy was torn to pieces, his city was destroyed, 
 and his innovations were set aside. Those who 
 continued to cling to his heresy were driven away 
 or killed. Civil war followed. 
 
 Two of the tablets discovered contain Babylonian 
 mythological texts. On one the words are separated 
 
254 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 with dots in black ink, and on the other with red. 
 They were doubtless used as exercises in learning 
 the cuneiform languages and script. One contains 
 what is known as the Adapa legend, and the other 
 refers to the consort of the god Nergal and her 
 messenger Namtar. Several of the tablets have 
 endorsements written upon them in ink, recording 
 the time of their arrival, besides the name of the 
 sender. 
 
 A few of the letters are addressed to Amenophis 
 III, but most of those discovered were addressed to 
 Amenophis IV, who in changing his place of residence 
 seems to have taken with him some of his father's 
 archives. The letters show that these two Pharaohs 
 enjoyed friendly relations with foreign rulers of 
 Babylonia, Assyria, Mitanni and Alashia. The 
 rulers of these nations seem to have regarded each 
 other as equals. The following opening lines of a 
 letter will illustrate how they addressed each other: 
 
 To Napkhururia, king of Egypt, my brother: — Burna- 
 Buriash, king of Karduniash, your brother. It is well 
 with me. May it be very well with you, your wives, 
 your house, your sons, your horses, and your chariots. 
 
 Four of the letters were written by Kadashman- 
 Bel I (formerly read Kalimma-Sin) , a Cassite ruler 
 in Babylonia. Among the archives also is a large 
 tablet written by Amenophis III to Kadashman- 
 Bel, which is either a copy of one sent, or a tablet 
 which had not been despatched. The correspond- 
 ence between these rulers is largely taken up with 
 
The Amarna Letters %55 
 
 references to domestic matters, and the interchange 
 of presents. The Babylonian ruler was anxious to 
 receive gold from Egypt, while the Egyptian had 
 asked for the Asiatic king's daughter in marriage. 
 The latter did not feel assured that his sister, whom 
 his father sent, was alive and well treated. He 
 complained also to Amenophis that he had upbraided 
 his ambassadors, charging them with having said 
 that another woman which he had sent was not 
 beautiful. This the Egyptian denied having said. 
 The latter, in another letter, repeats his request for 
 the Babylonian king's daughter, which request 
 was granted later on. Kadashman-Bel makes a 
 similar entreaty, desiring to have the Pharaoh's 
 daughter in marriage. The latter having refused, 
 the Babylonian wrote: "If there is any beautiful 
 woman there send her. Who shall say: 'She is 
 not a king's daughter'?" The reluctance shown by 
 Amenophis in giving his daughter in marriage to 
 Kadashman-BM was in accordance with his claims 
 of divinity. Some of the Pharaohs of this dynasty 
 married their own sisters, not considering that 
 there were any others living their equals. These 
 concubinal affairs are curiously mixed up with busi- 
 ness matters. The Egyptians seemed to possess 
 plenty of gold, as at this time the Nubian mines 
 were being worked. In his letters, Kadashman- 
 B^l made repeated requests for the precious metal 
 in rettirn for presents which he sent, or as a dowry. 
 Six or more of the letters were written by the 
 
256 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Babylonian king Burna-Buriash II to Naphurria 
 (Amenophis IV). Exchanging of presents and 
 matrimonial affairs also make up a large portion of 
 their correspondence. Among other things he com- 
 plained of his caravans being plundered in the 
 Egyptian king's land, Canaan {Kinakhi). 
 
 They (the agents of Amenophis) have killed and 
 appropriated their money. . . Canaan is your 
 
 land, and you are the king. I have been violently 
 dealt with in your land. Make good the money they have 
 stolen; and the people who have killed my servants, 
 kill them and avenge their blood. 
 
 As we shall later see, the conditions in Palestine 
 were in a serious shape for the king of Egypt, who 
 at this time held the suzerainty of that land. Burna- 
 Buriash also requested the king of Egypt not to give 
 encouragement to his own vassals, the Assyrians, 
 who were endeavoring to gain independence from 
 Babylonia, reminding him that on a previous oc- 
 casion his father Kurigalzu, had not given ear to 
 the Canaanites, who sought his aid when they re- 
 belled against Egypt. 
 
 Ashtir-uballit, king of Assyria, is represented by. 
 one letter in the archives, which was written to 
 Amenophis IV. The desire for the yellow metal 
 seems also to have been the burden of his message. 
 
 Dushratta, king of Mitanni, whose sister was 
 married to Amenophis III, wrote five of the letters 
 to his brother-in-law. He also asked for "much 
 gold. " He was willing to have it regarded as 
 
The Amarna Letters 257 
 
 purchase money for his daughter, whom the Pharaoh 
 wanted for his son's wife. After the death of 
 Amenophis III, Dushratta addressed a letter to his 
 widow and several to his son. In the one to the for- 
 mer, he pleads that the pledges made by her husband 
 be fulfilled. Many complaints against each other 
 seem to have been made by the two potentates, and 
 it is probable that later a rupture in their rela- 
 tions took place. Mitanni at this time seems to 
 have included the territory from Cappadocia into 
 Assyria, including Nineveh. 
 
 A number of letters are addressed to the king of 
 Egypt by the king of Alashia, who fails to mention 
 his name. They are largely of a business character. 
 In exchange for his copper and btiilding wood which 
 he sent as presents, he requests silver, oil, and 
 manufactured articles. Alashia is indentified with 
 Cyprus, as that country is called in Egyptian Alas.' 
 This being true, the expression in one of the letters 
 from that country referring to Nergal indicates some 
 influence of the Babylonian religion in that land. 
 
 Of special value, in the interest of the Old Testa- 
 ment, are the letters from Phoenician and Canaanite 
 vassals, princes, and governors. These comprise 
 the btilk of letters. Through them we gain much 
 data for the historical geography of Palestine, and 
 
 'See Jeremias, Das Alte Testament, im Lichte des alten 
 Orients, p. 154 and, W. M. Muller in Orientalistiche Litteraturzei- 
 tung, Aug. 15, 1900, p. 288. Elishah of Genesis 10:4 is doubt- 
 less also to be regarded as the name of that country. 
 
 17 
 
258 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 also much light upon the state of civilization at that 
 early date. The situation as indicated by these 
 tablets is in remarkable accord with the books of 
 the Old Testament referring to this age. Moreover, 
 for the first time we learn that the native princes and 
 ■governors who wrote these letters were subject to 
 Egypt. The conquests of Thothmes III had brought 
 this region under Egyptian sway. But while 
 Egyptian rule had been supreme, its authority was 
 rapidly declining. From what follows it will be seen 
 that the Egyptian king. left the governors to their 
 fate. Their repeated requests for reinforcements or 
 assistance seem to have been totally disregarded. 
 Aliens everywhere had disaffected the people. The 
 Hittites were encroaching upon the land. Rebellion 
 and uprising against Egypt had openly been made, 
 and little seems to have been done to maintain the 
 Pharaoh's authority. Each prince or king protested 
 his loyalty and fidelity and submission. The neigh- 
 boring ruler was accused of being the rebel. Accusa- 
 tions against each other form a considerable part of 
 this correspondence, as well as efforts to justify 
 their actions. Back of it all was the desire of these 
 rulers to throw off the Egyptian yoke. A number 
 of them were in league with the Hittites and the 
 Habiri {Habiri) people, who were encouraged to 
 make inroads upon the land. We shall first consider 
 briefly the letters that were written in Northern 
 Palestine, then those that came from Southern 
 Palestine. 
 
The Amarna Letters 259 
 
 These letters are naturally addressed differently 
 from those of the friendly powers. For example, 
 Rib-Addi of Gubla (the Gebal of Psa. 83:7) in a 
 verbose phraseology addresses the king thus: "To 
 my lord, my sun. Rib-Addi your servant. At the 
 feet of my lord, my sun, seven times and seven times 
 I fall." In other letters the writer, in writing 
 concerning himself, uses the words: "the dust of 
 thy feet, " " the dust under the sandals of thy feet, " 
 "the ground on which thou walkest, " "the groom 
 of thy horse," "thy dog." Rib-Addi wrote no less 
 than sixty of the letters to Amenophis IV, some of 
 which in his appeals for success are most pathetic. 
 The burden of his letters is the charge that native 
 princes, who are supposed to be subjects of Egypt, 
 are in league with the Hittites and the Suti and the 
 Habiri. Rib-Addi criminates especially two vassals, 
 Abdi-Ashirte and his son Aziru, for playing into 
 the hands of the king's enemies. In fact, they 
 have by the help of these allies captured many 
 cities. 
 
 Japakhi-Addi writes:^ "Why do you neglect 
 Simyra? For all the lands are fallen away to Aziru, 
 from Gebal as far as Ugarit ; and Shigata is revolting 
 and also Ami, " etc. Akizzi of Qatna asks for troops 
 to protect Nukhashshi from Azira and the Hittites. 
 He speaks of the king of the Hittites as being in the 
 land, and that he endeavored to treat with him. 
 
 'Winckler, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek V. No. 123. 
 
260 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Many other complaints are made against Aziru, 
 as vv'ell as his father and other princes. 
 
 Finally, Khanni, a messenger, was sent by the 
 Egyptian king to look into affairs. Aziru heard of 
 his coming, and went to Tunep where he remained 
 until the messenger departed. Then he wrote 
 protesting his loyalty, and expressed his great 
 regrets at having missed seeing Khanni. An attack 
 by the Hittites had called him away from the city. 
 
 To all charges that have been made by the 
 Pharaoh he had plausible answers. Concerning 
 the city Simyra, that he is charged with having 
 destroyed, he claims that that was necessary in 
 order to prevent its falling into the hands of the 
 enemies ; and the cities he was then occupying, was 
 in order to defend them against the Hittites. 
 
 A similar clamor for assistance came from faithful 
 princes in Southern Palestine. In the North the 
 enemies were designated as Egyptian vassals who 
 had the assistance of the Hittites; a people called 
 the Sagas (or Khabiri) as well as the Suti. In the 
 South the enemy is referred to as the Habiri. They 
 had the support of several native vassals of Egypt, 
 among whom were Milkilu and the sons of Labaya. 
 
 The chief opposition to the inroads of this people 
 was made by a faithful vassal named Abdi-khiba, 
 who wrote from the city called Urusalim, which is 
 Jerusalem. Nine of his letters have been preserved, 
 the burden of which is that the Habiri have the 
 assistance of some of his vassals ; they are conquering 
 
The Amarna Letters 261 
 
 the land. " The land of the king is going to ruin. If 
 you do not listen to me all the dependent princes will 
 be lost . . . . . let my lord, the king, send 
 troops." "The king has no longer any territory, the 
 Habiri have devastated all the king's territory." 
 " If troops come in this year, the territory will remain 
 my lord's, the king's, but if no troops come, the 
 territory of my lord the king is lost." Again he 
 writes: " Behold this action is the action of Milkilu 
 and that of Labaya's son, who are delivering the 
 king's lands to the Habiri." Another letter reads: 
 
 To the king, my lord, speak as follows [namelyl 
 Abdi-khiba, your servant. At the feet of the king, my 
 lord, seven times seven I fall. Behold the deed which 
 Milkilu and Shuardatum have done against the land 
 of the king, my lord, — they have engaged the soldiers 
 of Gazri [Gezer] the soldiers of Gimti [Gath] and the 
 soldiers of Kilti; they have taken the district of the 
 holy city. The territory of the king is lost to the Habiri 
 people, and now indeed the city of the territory of Jeru- 
 salem, — its name is Blt-Nin-ib, a city of the king, is 
 lost to the people of Kilti. Let the king listen to 
 Abdi-khiba thy servant, and let him send troops, in order 
 that I may bring back the land of the king to the king. 
 For if there are no troops.the land of the king will be lost 
 to the Habiri people This deed of Shuardata and 
 
 Milkili and let the king 
 
 care for his land. " 
 
 The Hittites are not mentioned in the letters from 
 Southern Palestine. The native princes seem to be 
 in league with the Habiri. It would appear that 
 Labaya had in this part of the country formed a 
 confederacy somewhat similar to the one in the 
 
262 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 North. His chief opponent, Abdi-khiba, doubtless 
 was silenced in some way. After the king's relations 
 with him had been severed, he was captured, but on 
 the way to Egypt he escaped; after which he con- 
 tinued to tear asunder the Egyptian rule. 
 
 In the reign of Amenophis III, the king's authority 
 was generally unquestioned, although the letters 
 from Babylonia to his son and successor show that 
 Canaan had already become restless, and some of 
 the princes were anxious to revolt. The Canaanite 
 vassals, in the reign of his successor, realized that 
 the government at home was exceedingly weak; 
 this was largely due to the disaffected priesthood, 
 because of the king's introduction of the new 
 religion. They also realized that a rebellion was 
 imminent, and did not hesitate to break away from 
 Egyptian authority. Even those who preferred to 
 remain loyal, certainly realized that the situation 
 was hopeless, and in time went with the crowd. 
 While little is known of what followed, it would 
 seem that after the confusion the princes became 
 entirely independent, except those who had allied 
 themselves with the Hittite king. Such a dissolution 
 of authority was easy, as Egypt apparently had 
 made no attempt to establish its own form of 
 government in that land. The impress made upon 
 their culture was so slight that very little influence, 
 up to the present, has been recognized. 
 
 These letters afford a most welcome insight 
 into the relations of the great nations, and especially 
 
The Amarna Letters 263 
 
 into the affairs of Palestine in the second millen- 
 nium before Christ. While the letters are written 
 in Babylonian there is every indication that the 
 language of Palestine at this time was Hebrew. 
 There are interesting glosses in the tablets written in 
 Hebrew. For instance after shadt, the word for 
 motmtain in Babylonian, its Hebrew equivalent 
 fiarri is written; after f^alqat, abada, "perish"; 
 after ipira, apara, "dust," and other glosses are 
 inserted side by side with the Babylonian words. 
 The scribe was either not sure that he used the right 
 word, or being afraid the reader would not under- 
 stand, inserted these glosses in the Canaanite 
 language, or Hebrew, which in all probability was 
 his native tongue. 
 
 Of the one hundred and fifty cities mentioned in 
 these letters, about one hundred have been identified. 
 Besides the many towns mentioned in the letters 
 which throw light upon Old Testament places and 
 which enable us to reconstruct a new geography of 
 Palestine for this period, an interesting fact was 
 ascertained in the decipherment of the letters 
 referring to the city Jerusalem. The common under- 
 standing was that prior to the time of David the 
 name of the city was Jebus, although Jerusalem is 
 used for the early period in the Old Testament 
 (Joshua io:i, etc.). These letters show that Jeru- 
 saleni,which is mentioned by that name, was perhaps 
 the older, being written Urusalim. In the period of 
 the Judges the Jebusites having made it their 
 
264 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 stronghold, gave it the name Jebus. The letters 
 show that in that early period the city was a place 
 of great importance among the cities of Southern 
 Canaan. 
 
 At this time Canaan, written Kinafim and 
 Kina^iiyi, represented the whole of Syria, including 
 Palestine, east and west of the Jordan. The district 
 mentioned in the farthest north was known as 
 Narima or Nakhrima, which is the Naharaim of the 
 Old Testament. 
 
 Especially important has been the discussion with 
 reference to the invaders who assisted the native 
 princes in their efforts to overthrow the Egyptian 
 rtile. The Habiri, who are frequently mentioned as 
 invading the South, are in all probability identical 
 with the SA-GAS, who were invading the North. 
 The latter term having the determinative prefixed 
 which indicates a class of men, has the ideographic 
 •vahie Jiabbatu, "robber." In one letter SA-GA-AS 
 is followed by f^abati, which would then be in appo- 
 sition. Labaya in southern Palestine, who is one of 
 those charged by Abdi-khiba as being unfaithful 
 to the king of Egypt by intriguing with the Habiri, 
 evidently speaks of that people in a letter to the king, 
 when he used the term SA-GAS. This must be 
 regarded as strong evidence in proving that they are 
 identical. 
 
 The question is. Who are the Habiri people 
 mentioned in these letters as entering Palestine? 
 It was early suggested that thev were the Hebrews 
 
The Amarna Letters 265 
 
 entering Western Canaan under Joshua. This view- 
 has been strongly opposed by some scholars, who 
 have regarded it as an untenable assumption. Some 
 admit that the identification of the word Habiri 
 with Hebrew is quite possible, but that a more 
 likely conjecture would be that the Habiri were 
 the predecessors of the Israelites ; their name being 
 connected rather with a hypothetical Heber, refer- 
 ring to Heber of the clan of Asher (Gen. 46:17). 
 Others hold that neither the name nor the date are 
 what we should expect, as the Hebrews were known 
 to foreign people as the Israelites, and that at this 
 time they were in Egypt. Another argument used 
 was that Milkilu, a native prince in the South, 
 played the leading part in opposition to the estab- 
 lished authority, and not Joshua; besides, the kings 
 of Jerusalem, Gezer and Khasor, mentioned in the 
 letters, are not the same as referred to in the Old 
 Testament. Another is, that the Habiri cannot be 
 said to be the Hebrews ; as both were in the same 
 general stream of migration. Again others have 
 suggested identification with the Habirai, that is, the 
 Habiraeans, a generic term for the inhabitants of 
 Elam, or with the Cassites. Others have said, the 
 term means "confederate," "companion;" that 
 it is a general term for an ally. A few scholars, 
 however, continue to cling to the idea that the 
 Habiri and the Hebrews are identical. 
 
 From a philogical point of view the identification 
 of Habiri, i.e. {Habiri) and 'Ihri (the word, in the 
 
266 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 original translated "Hebrew") is quite possible. The 
 Hebrew character Ajin in Palestinian names 
 written in cuneiform is usually reproduced by 
 Kheth, e.g., Humri, Hazatu, are examples of 
 names which begin with an Ajin in Hebrew. Ex- 
 amples to illustrate the change from 'Ahiri into 
 Ihri are known. Compare those which have been 
 cited by Professor Hornmel,^ e.g., maliku=milku; 
 namiru=nimru. Then also the time of their entering 
 Palestine synchronizes practically with the Hebrew 
 chronology for the conquest under Joshua (see 
 below). It would therefore seem reasonable that 
 an identification of these invaders with the Hebrews 
 after their tutelage in Egypt, was in the highest 
 degree probable. 
 
 The principal objection to the identification seems 
 to be in what the opponents say is the "amazing 
 discrepancy" between the approximate date of 
 the letters and the date of the Exodus. Let us 
 weigh carefully this argument, inasmuch as the 
 conquest under Joshua, according to the Hebrew 
 chronology, as just stated, nearly synchronizes with, 
 or shortly followed, the invasion of Palestine by 
 the Habiri. 
 
 Since the discovery of Pithom, the treasure city 
 built by the Hebrews, Rameses II has been generally 
 regarded as the Pharaoh of the Oppression, and 
 Merneptah II, his son and successor, as the Pharaoh 
 
 ^ The Ancient Hebrew Tradition, p. 230. 
 
The Amarna Letters 267 
 
 of the Exodus. In consequence, the Exodus instead 
 of having taken place in the fifteenth century B.C., 
 is brought down to the close of the thirteenth century. 
 With exceedingly few exceptions, scholars and the 
 general student accept this as practically settled. 
 Rameses II is generally pronounced the Pharaoh 
 of Oppression. The following are the only reasons 
 offered, which are of any value, for this identification 
 and change in the Hebrew chronology, and all else 
 that it involves. 
 
 Edouard Naville, in 1883, in his excavations at 
 Tel el-Maskhutah ("mound of the statue") deter- 
 mined that the ancient name of the place was 
 Pithom (Pi-Tum) "the abode of the god Tum. " 
 This is in all probability the city where the Israelites 
 were forced to build storehouses for the Egyptians. 
 Rectangular chambers of various sizes, with thick 
 walls of crude bricks which had been laid up with a 
 thin layer of mortar were found. A temple in the 
 southwestern corner of the city was excavated, and 
 the course of the heavily built city wall was traced. 
 From a few inscriptions discovered, besides the 
 statue of Rameses II sitting between two gods, 
 which has given rise to the modern name of the 
 place, Naville says, "the founder of the city, the 
 king who gave to Pithom the extent and importance 
 we recognize is certainly Rameses II. I did not find 
 anything more ancient than his monument. It is 
 possible that before his time there may have been 
 here a shrine consecrated to the worship of Tum, 
 
268 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 but it is he who built the enclosure and store- 
 houses."' 
 
 After carefully reading Naville's accounts of 
 his excavations, one cannot help being impressed 
 with the fact that his conjectural conclusions are 
 entirely too dogmatic on the basis of the work he 
 accomplished. In the first place he says, " I exca- 
 vated to the bottom of chamber i and 2 (see his 
 accompanying map) ; but seeing that they had been 
 intentionally filled up, it seemed useless to go on 
 emptying them, so I confined the work to digging 
 deep enough to trace the direction of the walls, 
 
 without attempting to go to the bottom 
 
 I laid bare the upper part of the walls of several of 
 the storechambers, which I do not doubt extended 
 over the greater part of the space surrounded by the 
 enclosure." In other words he informs us that he 
 excavated a few of these chambers, but only two of 
 them to the original soil; yet we are led to believe 
 from his accounts of the excavations that hundreds 
 of these chambers existed at Pithom. The oldest 
 construction, in the part of the city nearest to the 
 canal has suffered, he informs us, to such an extent 
 that it would be hopeless to trace any kind of plan. 
 On the data gathered from these tentative soundings 
 — certainly not a systematic excavation of the 
 site — one might properly conclude, as he tells us, 
 that Rameses II built the storehouses which he 
 
 ' The Store City of Pithom, p. 13. 
 
MAP OF 
 
 PITHOM-HKROOPOLIS 
 
 Naville's map of Pithom, the store-city. 
 
270 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 examined, although he does not inform us that he 
 found any stamped bricks of Rameses II in their 
 construction. Granting also that this great ruler 
 built the enclosure of the city, or at least part of it, 
 including the temple; how can he speak in such a 
 positive, unconditional way as to the founding of 
 the city, and especially when the greater portion of 
 the city remains untouched. Rameses II may be 
 "the king who gave to Pithom the extent and im- 
 portance we recognize, " but the portion of the city 
 towards the canal, which he left untouched, and 
 which he says represents the oldest part of the city, 
 may yield inscriptions which will force us to different 
 conclusions. Even Naville, from the examinations 
 he made, must have had reasons for saying, "it is 
 possible that before his time there may have been a 
 shrine consecrated to the worship of Tum. " 
 
 It is a known fact that excavators find in almost 
 every quarter in Egypt, however remote and 
 obscure, that Rameses II has restored and built 
 upon the work of his predecessors, even usurping 
 their work and making it appear as his own. He 
 is even charged with having credited himself with 
 most of the achievements of the great Thothmes III 
 in enumerating places he conquered from which 
 it is practically certain he did not even receive 
 tribute. About thirty miles from Pithom is the 
 modern Tanis. The city is identified by some as the 
 biblical Rameses, where Israel lived in servitude. 
 It was called Pa-Ramessu Meriamun {-i.e., the place 
 
The Amarna Letters 271 
 
 of Rameses II). But while the city was built by 
 Rameses, who is even called its "second founder" 
 by Naville, it had been in existence for more than 
 a thousand years prior to his time, having been 
 built as early as Amenemhet I, of the twelfth dynasty. 
 The early name of the place was Zoan (Numbers 
 ;i3 : 22), and if it is the Rameses where the Israelites 
 lived, it was doubtless known by that name in later 
 days; and, in the Old Testament, the name Rameses 
 is used because when this account was written, that 
 was the name with which the people were familiar. 
 Such adaptations or glosses are numerous in the 
 Old Testament. The same must be said of the 
 ^passage in Genesis 47:11, where we are told that 
 Joseph placed his father and brethren in the land of 
 Rameses. In his day there scarcely was a place 
 called Rameses, as the first Pharaoh by that name 
 did not live until several centuries later. Naturally 
 the city in question may not have been Zoan, but 
 one of the others which have been pointed out as 
 bearing the name of Rameses. From this it will be 
 seen that the reasons why Rameses II should be 
 considered the Pharaoh of the Oppression, are exceed- 
 ingly precarious. While on the other hand there is 
 a whole series of reasons why the old date of the 
 conquest should remain practically unchanged. 
 Thothmes III (1503-1449) in every respect 
 fulfils the requirements of the character of the 
 oppressor portrayed in the Old Testament. He 
 carried on fourteen campaigns in Syria, conquering 
 
272 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 all the kingdoms of Palestine, and brought the land 
 under his suzerainty. On the pylons of Karnak, 
 he has given a list of three hundred and fifty places 
 in Palestine, Syria, and thereabouts, which he 
 
 Thothmes III. 
 
 conquered. One hundred and nineteen of these 
 are within and about Canaan. As a builder, he has 
 made himself famous. To his reign belongs also the 
 familiar picture which graphically describes the 
 taskmaster with a rod standing over the brick- 
 
The Amarna Letters 
 
 273 
 
 makers, the inscription of which states that the 
 laborers are prisoners whom Thothmes III brought 
 home for the work in his father's temple, Amen, in 
 Thebes. 
 
 In the succeeding reign of Amenophis II, some 
 cities revolted, but they were speedily punished. 
 
 Brickraakers in Egypt. From a mural painting of a tomb. 
 
 Thothmes IV ruled but a very short time.. During 
 the reign of Amenophis III, Canaan remained sub- 
 missive with the exception perhaps of Aziru, who 
 even as early as this ruler caused trouble, but one 
 of the Amarna letters clearly indicates the restless- 
 ness of the princes, and even their intrigues looking 
 
 i8 
 
274 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 towards revolting. In the reign of the heretical 
 Pharaoh we know from the letters that Egypt's 
 control over Palestine was greatly relaxed, and that 
 the recognized ruler made no effort to sustain his 
 dommation of the land (see p. 262), and to all 
 appearances it was completely lost to Egypt. The 
 remaining four or five rulers of this dynasty were 
 exceedingly weak, and doubtless never entered 
 Palestine. ,, A 
 
 Nothing can be gathered from the records of 
 Rameses I, and Sety I, to show that Canaan was any 
 longer an Egyptian province. Besides extending his 
 conquest in Northern Syria, Sety I conquered Pahil, 
 which is eighteen miles south of the Sea of Gallilee, 
 and also Bath-Shar, which is supposed to have been 
 four miles north of Hebron. Pa-Kan'ana is also 
 mentioned, which may be a little south of Hebron. 
 The annals of Rameses II inform us of his many 
 conflicts with the Hittites in the early part of his 
 reign ; and although he marched frequently through 
 Palestine, and may have attempted to break up the 
 confederacy, he seems only to have conquered here 
 and there a town: Ashkelon, Shalam, Merom, and 
 Dapur, which is supposed to be Tabor. In other 
 words these cities, if all are rightly regarded as being 
 in Palestine, could have been conquered by the 
 Egyptians, and the Israelites, if in the land, would 
 not have been molested, for in the Old Testament 
 we do not learn that they had anything to do with 
 these places. There is nothing in the annals of 
 
The Amarna Letters 275 
 
 Rameses I, Sety I, and Rameses II to show that 
 Israel was not in Canaan during these reigns. But 
 on the other hand, in the reign of Sety I and Rameses 
 II, according to Professor W. Max Miiller, the tribe 
 of Asher (written 'A-sa-ru) is already located in 
 western Gallilee. Efforts naturally are made to 
 explain away the importance of this fact by making 
 conjectures similar to those made in connection with 
 the following. 
 
 The crowning discovery having a bearing on 
 this question was made by Petrie, in finding the 
 stele of Merneptah, the successor of Rameses II, 
 which shows that Israel in his time was already in 
 Palestine, and that this ruler was not the Pharaoh of 
 the Exodus. On the back of an inscription of 
 Amenophis II, he had inscribed a hymn of victory, 
 in which he praised himself for his glorious achieve- 
 ments. 
 
 The kings are overthrown, saying: "salcim!" Not 
 one holds up his head among the Nine Bows. Wasted 
 is Tehenu (Libyans), Kheta (Hittites) is pacified, 
 plundered is Pekanan ("the Canaan") with every 
 evil, carried off is Askalon, seized upon is Gezer (Judges, 
 1 : 29), Yenoam is made as a thing not existing. Israel 
 is desolated, his seed is not; Palestine has become a 
 widow for Egypt. All lands are united, they are paci- 
 fied, are in peace ; every one that is turbulent is bound 
 by king Merneptah, given life like Re, every day.' 
 
 This inscription shows that the Israelites were in 
 Canaan in the early part of his reign, which makes 
 
 'See Breasted, Egypt in Ancient Records, Vol III, p. 263. 
 
276 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 it impossible to consider him the Pharaoh of the 
 Exodus, and his predecessor, Rameses II, the 
 Pharaoh of the Oppression, unless the forty years in 
 the wilderness be considered a myth, inasmuch as 
 this stele was set up in Merneptah's fifth year. The 
 word "Israel" in this inscription does not refer to a 
 single city, where, as has been suggested, the 
 descendants of the Israelites might have been settled 
 who had been left behind in Canaan, the rest having 
 migrated to Egypt; or, who might have returned 
 after the famine ; but to the people Israel in general, 
 for the word has before it the determinative for a 
 class of men, while the other names have the deter- 
 minative which signifies that they are cotmtries or 
 cities. In the verse following that with the name 
 Israel, Palestine stands as if it were in parallelism 
 to it. It is possible, as some one has suggested, that 
 the poem refers to Israel while in the wilderness 
 south of Canaan ; but if the invasion proper followed 
 shortly afterwards, should we not expect to find 
 reference to Egyptian supremacy over Palestine in 
 the Old Testament, and especially as we learn that 
 Merneptah had invaded Gezer, which Joshua had 
 conquered. 
 
 To meet the conclusions to which this discovery 
 forces us, as well as the other, concerning the tribe of 
 Asher, the theory has been advanced that a portion 
 of Israel left Egypt before the Exodus, and settled 
 in Palestine. If such were the case, and they were 
 of sufficient numbers to be mentioned, if only in a 
 
stele of Pharaoh Merneptah, mentioning Israel. 
 
278 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 general way, as synonymous with the term Palestine, 
 we surely should expect some reference to them in 
 the history of Joshua's invasion. 
 
 Another very important consideration in this 
 connection is the chronology of the Old Testament. 
 It is generally recognized as a most difficult subject, 
 and that it presents many difficulties. It has become 
 the fashion to discredit it on the slightest pretext, 
 in fact, very often without any reason. Shifting 
 the Exodus two centuries later, and putting it after 
 Rameses II, necessitates the lengthening of the 
 Hebrew chronology for the period before and 
 shortening it after the Exodus. In the period, how- 
 ever, between Abraham's migration, if the date 
 2IOO B. C. for Hammurabi be accepted, and the date 
 about 969 B. C, which is generally fixed for the 
 founding of the temple, the monuments and ancient 
 writers offer us remarkable synchronisms with the 
 Old Testament all along the line, providing the view 
 stands which has been held formerly, that the 
 Exodus took place in the eighteenth dynasty instead 
 of the nineteenth, as is declared by those influenced 
 by Naville's discovery at Pithom. Starting from 
 2100 B. C, the 220 years in addition to the 430 of 
 the sojourn, would bring the Exodus to 1450 B. C. 
 Going backward from 969 B. C, the date for the 
 founding of the temple, and using the 480 years of 
 I Kings 6:1 (the Septuaguint makes it 440 years) 
 we should reach 1449 B. C, for the Exodus; in other 
 words practically the same date. Assuming that the 
 
The Amarna Letters 279 
 
 accepted date of the Exodus is not distiirbed by 
 the discovery that Rameses built or rebtiilt Pithom, 
 and that he was not the Pharaoh of Oppression, 
 the letters fotond at Tel el- Amarna, referring to the 
 Habiri invasion synchronize in a general way with 
 the Hebrew conquest under Joshua. And inasmuch 
 as there is no philological difficulty in regarding 
 them as identical with the Hebrews, the question 
 whether they actually are, beconaes exceeding 
 interesting. 
 
 The impressions made by the appeals of the 
 princes for assistance in these letters would lead us 
 to suppose that the invasion, while perhaps of a 
 serious character, coiild easily be controlled, if only 
 Amenophis would send a few troops. Naturally 
 they had the protection of walled cities and their 
 own organized forces, which would enable them to 
 protect themselves against a goodly number. We 
 are not led to believe that the Hittites referred to can 
 be regarded necessarily as an army of the Hittite 
 king. Moreover, it seems as if the impression of an 
 invasion was a ruse to mislead Amenophis, and that 
 the operations of these allies were welcomed, and 
 perhaps invited by the princes who desired to revolt. 
 Rib-Abbi calls them allies of Abdi-Ashirti, the 
 servant (literally dogs) of the king of Mitanni, of 
 Kashi, and of the Hittites. 
 
 Again, the invaders are called the Suti, Habiri 
 and Hittites. These surely did not represent any 
 organized efforts on the part of kings, but they were 
 
280 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 doubtless bands of invaders. In like manner it 
 would be unreasonable to regard the Habiri as the 
 Hebrews entering Western Canaan under Joshua, 
 for as has been stated, Adonizedec in the Old Testa- 
 ment is the king of Jerusalem (Joshua lo: i); and 
 not Abdi-khiba, as in the letters; or Horam is king 
 of Gezer and not Yaphi; or Yabim of Hasor and 
 not Abdi-tirshi ; or Yaphi is king of Lachish, and not. 
 Zimrida. But this conjecture is reasonable. In 
 view of the fact that these allies represent bands of 
 marauders of various peoples, the Habiri were 
 Hebrews who had left the main body, perhaps 
 while on the other side of the Jordan, or, more prob- 
 able, while in the wilderness. That they pushed 
 ahead, seems reasonable, and, by making alliances 
 with the Canaanites who were about to break away 
 from Egyptian control, made the way for the con- 
 quest which followed much easier. It left the 
 princes politically divided up as they were prior to 
 Thothmes' invasions. In this disturbed state, 
 the Egyptians having been expelled the conditions, 
 were such that the coimtry was ripe for an invasion. 
 The kings of Egypt following Amenophis IV were 
 weak, and made no attempt, so far as is known, 
 to reestablish their lost prestige. It is therefore 
 quite reasonable to conjecture, owing to the peculiar 
 conditions prevailing during the reign of Amenophis 
 IV, and also because of the civil war which followed 
 his death, that the land was practically lost to 
 Egypt, about the close of his reign. This is about 
 
The Amarna Letters 281 
 
 the time, or shortly afterwards that the Hebrew- 
 chronology fixes the conquest by Joshua. 
 
 The Pharaoh of the Exodus would then be 
 Amenophis II or III, preferably the former. 
 It is a strange coincidence that though this ruler 
 sat on the throne at least twenty-six years, nothing 
 is known of his reign after the fifth year. Although 
 disasters are not as a rule, recorded on the ancient 
 monuments, this may be the reason why no reference 
 to the Exodus has been found in the Egyptian 
 inscriptions. Thus the old view, as formerly held by 
 Egyptologists, as well as by Manetho and nearly 
 all the ancient historians, who have handed down the 
 traditions ciorrent among the Egyptians, seems 
 altogether reasonable, namely, that the expulsion 
 of the lepers, meaning Israel, took place in the 
 reign of Amenophis II, 
 

 o 
 
XII 
 
 BABYLONIAN TEMPLE RECORDS OF 
 
 THE SECOND MILLENNIUM 
 
 BEFORE CHRIST 
 
 From the beginning of the eighteenth centviry 
 B. C, to the close of the thirteenth, foreign kings, 
 known as the Cassites, ruled over Babylonia. Al- 
 ready in the ninth year of Samsu-iluna, about 
 2000 B. C, these foreigners invaded Babylonia, 
 but were driven out, to return a little later, when 
 they established themselves firmly in the land, 
 and founded a new dynasty. 
 
 It is not known as yet to what group of languages 
 their tongue belongs. Efforts have been made to 
 show that it is an Indo-Germanic language. Nor 
 has it been determined from whence these people 
 came. Some think they are connected with the 
 Kissians, others associate them with Elam, while 
 still others locate their native land to the north of 
 that country. It is not improbable that the Hyksos, 
 who ruled Egypt at that time, have some con- 
 nection with their contemporaries, the Cassites; 
 who ruled Babylonia. 
 
 The temple of Bel at Nippur seems to have 
 received considerable attention from several of these 
 
 283 
 
284 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 rulers. In its restoration and enlargement, in the 
 latter half of the second millennium B.C., the work 
 of the Cassite rulers Kadashman-Bel, Kuri-Galzu, 
 and Ramm^n-shum-usur is quite conspicuous. Many 
 inscribed bricks of these kings have been found in 
 the ruins of the Temple Ekur. Besides their devotion 
 to the temple buildings, they dedicated a large num- 
 ber of inscribed votive objects to the patron deities 
 of Nippur; namely, Bel, Ninib, and Nusku} They 
 are in lapis-lazuli, magnesite, agate, ivory, feldspar, 
 turquoise, glass in imitation of lapis-lazuU, etc. 
 A good many of these dedicatory objects, which had 
 belonged to the temple, were found ^ in a jeweler's 
 shop of the late period. Perhaps found during 
 excavations for some late construction, these objects 
 were sold to the jeweler, who intended to use them 
 as raw material in the manufacture of gems, but 
 his establishment was suddenly destroyed, and the 
 valuable stones buried. The following translations^ 
 of inscriptions afford illustrations of these votive 
 objects, most of which are qtiite small. 
 
 An ivory knob, perhaps of a scepter, contains 
 
 ' The oath formute of contracts of the second millennium 
 B.C., besides the fact that a number of votive objects are 
 dedicated to Nusku, as well as to BH and Ninib, show that 
 Nippur regarded all three as special patron deities. See my 
 Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur, Vol. XV, 
 p. 2. 
 
 ^See Peters, Nippur, Vol. 2, p. 77. 
 
 ' Copies of these votive inscriptions are to be found in Hil- 
 precht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, Part i. 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 285 
 
 on its rounded top an inscription in Sumerian: 
 "To Bel, his lord, Burna-Buriash, king of Babylon, 
 has presented it." Similar inscriptions are found on 
 little disks of lapis-lazuli, some of which are an inch 
 to two inches in diameter, and about three-eighths 
 to a quarter of an inch in thickness. The inscriptions 
 of several of these disks mention the name of the 
 stone upon which they are written; namely, ugnu. 
 As a result, this familiar word was finally determined 
 to mean lapis-lazuli. Another inscription reads: 
 " To Nusku, his sublime minister, his lord, Kadash- 
 man-Turgu has made the bright ashme of lapis-lazuli 
 and presented it for his life." As the little object 
 is in the form of a disk, it has been inferred that 
 ashme means "disk. " 
 
 A very interesting object is a little irregular agate 
 tablet, which was also found in the jeweler's shop. 
 It is about two inches by two, and about one-half 
 inch in thickness, through which a small hole is 
 bored. On the one side it contains an inscription 
 of Dungi, about 2650 B.C., which reads: "To the 
 goddess Nina, his lady, for the life of Dungi the 
 powerful hero, king of Ur, Siatum." The balance 
 is broken away. The other side is inscribed : " Kuri- 
 Galzu, king of Karduniash, conquered the palace 
 of Shasha (Shushan of Esther i : 2) in Elam, and pre- 
 sented [it] to (the goddess) B^lit, his lady, for his 
 life." In other words, the history of this little tablet 
 is as follows : Dungi had it inscribed and presented 
 to the goddess Nin&, presumably in Ereeh. Later 
 
286 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 it was carried to Elam. Ashurbanipal informs us 
 that a statue of the same goddess had been carried 
 to Elam by Kudur-Nankhundi, 2285 B. C, who with 
 his hordes invaded Babylonia. He brought back 
 the statue of the goddess, and restored it to her 
 shrine in Erech. Doubtless this little tablet had 
 been carried away to Elam at the same time. 
 Kuri-Galzu, about 1250 B. C, conquered Elam, and 
 
 Inscription of Dungi (2650 B. C). 
 
 REVERSE 
 
 Inscription of Kuri-Galzu (1250 B.C.), 
 
 among other booty brought back with him this 
 little tablet. Again it was dedicated to a Babylonian 
 goddess, but this time to Beltis, the consort of Bel, 
 at Nippur. In the late days of Babylonian history, it 
 found its way into the jeweler's shop, with other 
 inscribed pieces of valuable stone. The gem cutter's 
 labors being interrupted, the little tablet was buried. 
 Its discoverer has caused it to be removed once 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 287 
 
 more from Babylonia, its last resting-place being in 
 the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople. 
 It is, of course, not impossible that some day it 
 will again be retiirned to Babylonia. 
 
 Another interesting object which was found near 
 the temple area is a fragment of a votive battle-axe. 
 
 Prayer of Nazi-Maruttash on imitation of lapis-lazuli. 
 
 It contains a beautiful prayer of Nazi-Maruttash. 
 Unfortunately the dedication and conclusion are 
 wanting, but when complete doubtless read: [To 
 Bgl (or some other god) his lord], Nazi-Maruttash, 
 the son of Kuri-Galzu, to hear his prayer; to be 
 favorable unto his supplications; to accept his 
 sigh, to protect his life, to lengthen his days, [does 
 
288 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 he present this bright lapis-lazuH axe]. It would 
 be interesting to know whether the restoration in 
 brackets is correct, and that he actually called it 
 lapis-lazuli ; for it is only an imitation of that stone^ 
 being made of glass, and colored with cobalt. If 
 that is true, he cheated his god. 
 
 Other votive objects, for example, a large irregular 
 block of lapis-lazuli dedicated by Kadashman-Turgu, 
 and a small one by Kadashman-Bel, besides small 
 tablets of different shapes, were found, having been 
 at one time the property of the temple. While 
 other Babylonian temples of this period have not 
 been disinterred, and the cities where the Cassite 
 rulers lived is unknown, unless perhaps Diir-Kviri- 
 Galzu, it seems as if Nippur received considerable 
 attention at the hands of these foreign riders. 
 Whether other Babylonian temples were embellished, 
 and favored by them, as was Ekur, future excava- 
 tions will determine. 
 
 Besides these votive objects and bricks, only a 
 few other inscriptions have been published belonging 
 to this dynasty, notably several boundary-stones, 
 or deeds of territorial grants. Most of these have 
 been found in Susa by de Morgan, having been 
 carried away by the Elamites. The discovery at 
 Nippur, therefore, of about 18,000 clay tablets and 
 fragments of tablets, large and small, baked and 
 unbaked, belonging to this dark period, must be 
 heartily welcomed by scholars; although the in- 
 scriptions only represent the records of the temple 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 289 
 
 revenues, and their disbtirsement. But, while they 
 are disappointing in not throwing much light 
 upon historical questions, they throw considerable 
 upon the nomenclature and incidentally upon 
 religious questions, as well as enable us to gather 
 much data for a better understanding of the inner 
 workings of an ancient temple, especially as regards 
 its maintenance. While there is no connection 
 whatever with the Hebrew temple, which belongs 
 to a later period, these doctunents will at least 
 illustrate how the administrative affairs of such an 
 institution were conducted, especially when it was 
 maintained by the tithes of the people. 
 
 On the second campaign of the excavations at 
 Nippur, in 1890, Doctor Peters discovered a large 
 collection of thoroughly-baked tablets, a good many 
 of which were dated in the reigns of these Cassite 
 rulers. They were found at a little distance from 
 the southwest wall of the palace, known as the 
 " Court of Columns, " in the western half of the city. 
 About three years later, Doctor Haynes resumed 
 active explorations at this as well as at another 
 point, in the southern part of the city where excava- 
 tions had also been previously made. Thousands 
 of tablets and fragments were recovered from the 
 ruins of these mounds. Several rooms of an ancient 
 palace were explored, which turned out to be archive 
 rooms where the temple records were kept. The 
 tablets were preserved in the very position in which 
 they were left when the building was destroyed. 
 
 19 
 
290 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 He found some "placed on their edges, reclining 
 against each other, like a shelf of leaning books 
 in an ill-kept library of to-day. In other instances 
 the tablets were found in great confusion, showing 
 that at the time when they were buried, they had 
 fallen [perhaps from wooden shelves] into the debris 
 which covered them.'" Most of these tablets are 
 unbaked. 
 
 All the dated tablets belong to the latter half of 
 the second millennium before Christ. Most of the 
 tablets found belong to the reigns of the following 
 rulers: Burna-Buriash II, Kuri-Galzu II, Nazi- 
 Maruttash, Kadashman-Turgu, Kadashman-Bel II, 
 Kudur-B61, Shagarakti-Shuriash, and Bitiliash. A 
 great many do not bear dates, and others do not 
 mention the name of the king, but only the year, 
 month, and day of the reign in which they were 
 written. These can be assigned generally to the 
 reigns mentioned, because they were found inter- 
 mingled with the others, in the same archives; 
 because they have the same general appearance as 
 regards the form and texture of clay ; but especially 
 because the same ofhcers mentioned in them appear 
 in those having complete, dates. 
 
 After studying these tablets, I came to the con- 
 clusion^ that they are temple administrative ac- 
 
 ' From the diary kept by Doctor Haynes on the scene of 
 operations. 
 
 ^ See Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur, 
 Vols. XIV and XV of the Babylonian Expedition of the Uni- 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 291 
 
 counts, which were kept in connection with the 
 collection and disbursement of the revenues gathered 
 for the maintenance of the sanctuary. In other 
 words, they are records of temple taxes collected 
 from the outlying towns and districts about Nippur ; 
 commercial transactions conducted by the officials 
 of the temple, in which they used the revenues as 
 capital; and pay-rolls of all in the temple service, 
 from the head official of the storehouse, the priest, 
 the warden, down to the lowest servant. 
 
 Those dealing with the receipt of revenues throw 
 little light upon the question as to how the taxes 
 were levied. The revenues are designated as the 
 full tax, the maintenance tax, or so many qa tax 
 (i.e., from four to twelve qa), etc. This qa is a 
 fraction of the gur (^i8o qa), a dry measure; but 
 in these records it refers to animals and liquids, as 
 
 versity of Pennsylvania. The documents are written in the 
 Babylonian language, with the exception of certain Sumerian 
 phrases, which were frequently used. At Nippur the temple 
 documents of an earlier period seem to have been written 
 entirely in Sumerian. At Telloh upwards of 30,000 tablets 
 from the temple archives have been found. These are written 
 in Sumerian. Several publications of them have already ap- 
 peared: Arnold, Ancient Babylonian Temple Records (1896); 
 Reisner, Tempelurkunden aus Telloh (igoi); Thureau-Dangin, 
 Recueil de Tablettes Chald^ennes (1903); Virolleaud, Compta- 
 bilite Chaldeenne (1903); British Museum Series of Cuneiform 
 Texts; Barton, Haverford Library Collection of Cuneiform 
 Tablets (1906). Hundreds of Neo-Babylonian documents of 
 the same general character have been published by Father 
 Strassmaier. under the title Babylonische Texts. 
 
292 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 well as cereals, for the tax was paid in kind. It 
 may refer to a percentage of the amount harvested 
 by the people of the district; or it may have been 
 per capita. It is, however, more likely an income 
 tax, which had been levied upon the lands in and 
 about Nippur for the maintenance of the temple, 
 a custom with which we are familiar in hiodern 
 times in certain countries. By theJ number of qa 
 mentioned, we are to understand perhaps that the 
 4 qa tax was for fallow lands, or for the minimum 
 which those less prosperous were allowed to pay 
 while the lo qa or full tax, was for arable lands, 
 In other words, the lower amount was what the poof 
 man was permitted to pay, a privilege enjoyed not 
 only in Babylonia, but in Israel as well.. 
 
 In a number of tablets, the purpose of the tax is 
 set forth; for instance, in some it is recorded as 
 having been given for the priests ; ■ in others, for 
 temple servants, or salaries of the storehouse 
 officials ; or for the maintenance expenses in general. 
 
 That these documents are records of temple 
 revenues is clear from expressions found in them. 
 Payments, for instance, are made out of the funds 
 called "the temple stipends;" or out of the "full 
 tax of the house of god." Then also they are inade 
 to the "male and female temple servants," besides 
 the priests, temple-gatemen, singers, seers and 
 seeresses, etc. 
 
 A great many towns are mentioned whence the 
 income was received. They were apparently hamlets 
 
=1 ■;■ a 
 
 
 
 
 
 Topographical map showing towns, canals, and a road in the vicinity of Nippur. 
 On the left edge an additional town is represented. 
 
294 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 and villages belonging to the environs of Nippur. 
 On a topographical map ' discovered by Doctor 
 Haynes somewhere at Nippur, during the third 
 campaign, the relative positions of no less than eight 
 towns are given, indicating also canals and a road 
 upon which they were situated. Three of the towns 
 of this map are mentioned in these records. Doubt- 
 less in the archive room where the temple records 
 were kept, a complete set of such maps of the entire 
 district about Nippur was to be found, especially 
 of those towns whence the incoming revenues were 
 derived. 
 
 The taxes collected were deposited in the town 
 storehouse or treasury, where they were stored until 
 needed. A good many of the towns seem to have had 
 granaries. Several large storehouses existed in 
 Nippur, two of which, perhaps, are to be seen on 
 another topographical map, which is of Nippur 
 proper. If this conjecture, after the map has been 
 cleaned and studied proves correct, they were 
 situated to the north of the temple (see page iii). 
 In most of the records, the storehouse whence the 
 property was taken is mentioned, as well as the kind 
 of tax. These facts were doubtless recorded to show 
 what disposition had been made of the revenues. 
 In fact, the recording of such data served a numbei 
 of purposes. 
 
 ' Published by the writer in the Transactions of the Depart- 
 ment of Archeology, University of Pennsylvania, Vol. i, part 3, 
 p. 223! 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 295 
 
 To illustrate the general character of these records, 
 the following translations are offered. The first 
 two record the receipt of revenues. 
 
 Com, the full tax,which Khunnubi [the agent] brought 
 from the town Kalbia. 33 gur from Bit-Marduk- 
 nishu, 33 gur 150 qa from Btt-Gimillum. Total 67 gur 
 120 qa. The month Sivan, day ninth, year twenty- 
 first. (Vol. XV, No. 113)'. 
 
 25 gur of grain of the 10 qa tax from the town 
 Kandure Sin-issakhra [the agent] brought to the temple 
 (literally house). The month Shebet, year fifteenth. 
 (Vol. XV, No. 89). 
 
 These two officials, who figure very prominently in 
 these texts, doubtless acted as agents in the collec- 
 tion of certain revenues which were due, but which 
 had not been paid. 
 
 The following refer to business transactions 
 conducted by the ofificials in the interest of the temple, 
 with the revenues as capital. Loans of various kinds 
 were made by the temple officers. When the people, 
 for instance, needed assistance, they went to the 
 temple to borrow grain in order to sow their fields. 
 Interest, contrary to what some have claimed, 
 was exacted from them. In some of the records of 
 loans, this condition is stipulated. The time fixed 
 for the payment of such loans was generally on the 
 day of harvest. 
 
 'These references are to tablets published in Documents 
 from the Temple Archives of Nippur, dated in the reign of Cassite 
 rulers, Volumes XIV and XV of the Babylonian Expedition of 
 the University of Pennsylvania. 
 
296 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 One gur of grain, of the full tax, in shapiltu, with 
 interest, from the storehouse, is at the disposal of 
 Burra-Ishtar, son of Ushbi-Sakh. On the day of his 
 harvest, the grain and its interest, he shall pay. 
 
 Before Sin-issakhra, [the witness], before Rammdn- 
 dresh the measurer. The month Ab, year twelfth. 
 The sisiktu [instead of the seal] of Burra-Ishtar. (Vol. 
 XV, 30). 
 
 This is a case tablet. The tablet proper does not 
 have the names of the witnesses, nor does it refer 
 to the substitute sisiktu which had been used instead 
 of the seal. On the case is a clearly-defined small 
 hole, made while the clay was soft, by something 
 called sisiktu (see page 175). 
 
 I gur 12 qa oi grain of the 6 qa tax in shapiltu is in 
 the possession of Sin-damaqu. The horse-feed he shall 
 pay; whereupon his seal he shall break. The month 
 Shebet, day twenty-eighth of the year fifteenth. Seal 
 of Sin-damaqu. (Vol. XV. 49). 
 
 Seal impressions were occasionally made on the 
 tablets of this period. This one may have been 
 encased, but it has the general appearance of being 
 a tablet which had not been enveloped. The ex- 
 pression "break the seal" meant the destroying 
 of the tablet which recorded the debt and which had 
 upon it the impression of the man's seal. Doubtless 
 when the debt was satisfied the case bearing the 
 individual's seal was broken off, but the tablet 
 proper was preserved in the archives as a record of 
 the transaction. 
 
 The following is an inventory of sheep and goats 
 
298 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 (temple property) which the officials rented to an 
 individual for stock raising. The document fully 
 stipulates what the amount of rent was to be. 
 It is dated in the fifth year of Nazi-Maruttash : 
 
 Forty-seven sheep [male], twenty-eight large females, 
 seven [male], seven suckling females. Total, eighty- 
 nine sheep, thirty-four large goats [male], thirty-one 
 female, seven male kids, eight female goats. Total, 
 eighty goats. Sum total, one hundred and sixty-nine 
 Kleinvieh. [For one hundred and sixty-nine] sheqels 
 of wool; (i.e., for) one sheep, one sheqel; forty-four 
 and one-half minas of wool ; twenty minas of goat wool ; 
 they are at the disposal of Raba-sha-Ninib. All his 
 hides he shall weigh; sinews and fat of sheep, two 
 perfect goat hides; one perfect garment, he shall 
 pay. (Vol. XIV, No. 48). 
 
 The bulk of these archives are receipts for amounts 
 paid to the temple officials in salaries, for general 
 supplies, or for work done. In other words they are 
 pay-rolls. The privilege of service in the temple 
 was in many cases hereditary. Certain famiHes 
 were entitled to fill offices, because of service that 
 was rendered the state or the temple by them or 
 by an ancestor. In the days of Arioch two in- 
 dividuals, Sin-imguranni and Sin-uzili, had their 
 rights confirmed, which were for five days' service 
 each year in the temple of B^lit, and eight days in 
 the shrine of Gula, respectively. Other references 
 to similar rights to act in the capacity of an official 
 are on record. There was a whole host of tradesmen 
 and functionaries in connection with the temple. 
 Besides the priest, elder, seer, seeress, sorcerer. 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 299 
 
 singer, etc., there were the farmer, weaver, miller, 
 carpenter, smith, butcher, baker, potter, overseer, 
 scribe, measurer, watchman, etc. 
 
 In this series of documents, i.e. which contain 
 payments of salaries there are two tablets which are 
 quite similar, the one having been written two 
 years after the other. One individual, however, had 
 died during the intervening time. The salary of one 
 man had been reduced from 36 ga to 24 ga per month, 
 while that of another had been raised from 30 ga 
 to 36 qa. Only one name is changed. A man is 
 replaced by a woman at the same salary of 30 qa 
 per month. These tablets record the payments made 
 for the first seven months of the year. The grant 
 to render service may have been only for that 
 length of time each year. 
 
 These rights were negotiable, as they could be 
 sold, traded, or pledged, doubtless subject to a 
 reversion to the owner at a fixed time. In these 
 pay-rolls there are certain individuals whose names 
 occur repeatedly in the same document. Doubtless 
 they made a business of leasing temple allowances 
 from individuals, furnishing substitutes where it 
 was necessary to render service. Certain grants 
 that are on record carefully stipulate that the right 
 could not be sold, but became hereditary. 
 
 A great many names in the pay-rolls have Mdr 
 or Mdrat prefixed, meaning "son" and "daughter," 
 like Scotch names with Mac. In case a son of 
 Irimshu-Ninib filled the office, he was called Mdr- 
 
300 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Irimshu-Ninib, representing thus the name of the 
 head of the family, who may have been deceased. The 
 transhteration, and in part translation on pages 302 
 and 303, is of one of the finest specimens of this class 
 of documents that has found its way to Philadel- 
 phia (see opposite page) . It records the payment of 
 grain and dates as temple stipends for twelve months. 
 In the first line the names of the months are given. 
 In the first six columns are recorded that which was 
 paid for the first six months. In the seventh, the 
 total {napji.ar) for the first half year is given. In 
 the fourteenth, the total for the second half year; 
 and in the fifteenth the amount for the entire year. 
 In the next column, awU-dtum means "men." In 
 this column, the stage in life of the individual whose 
 name appears in the following is given. If he or 
 she were a member of a family the relation of the 
 recipient to the head of the family is indicated. 
 KAL means "adult ; " SAL, or the feminine determi- 
 native, "woman;" KAL-TUR, "adult son;" SAL- 
 TUR, "adult daughter;" KAL-TUR-TUR, "adult 
 grandson;" TUR-GAB, "boy;" SAL-TUR-GAB, 
 "girl." In this column also are found the words 
 BAD, "deceased," and HA-A, "fugitive." It will 
 be noticed that no amounts are recorded as having 
 been paid the individuals before whom these two 
 words are written. At the top of the last column, 
 MU-BI-im means "his name," but here stands for 
 "their names." In this column the names of the 
 beneficiaries are recorded. In a number of instances, 
 

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 Transliteration (in part translation) of the Document, found on the previous page, 
 
Us? 
 
 :s.:- 
 
 j I 
 
 = 1 
 
 a E 
 
 s s s s St 
 
 E 
 recording the payment of Temple Stipends for twelve months. 
 
304 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the office represented by the individual foHows the 
 name, as gate-watchman, weaver, seeress, etc. 
 Whole families are mentioned as receiving stipends. 
 The name of the individual in line five is followed by- 
 wife, daughter, two sons, and a grandson. 
 
 In line eight, after the name is written ultu 
 Tashrttu i^arrdnu, "from Tishri, road." Nothing 
 was paid the individual from that month. It is not 
 improbable that he had leave of absence; perhaps 
 he was on a mission in the interest of the temple. 
 Others (see line 13, etc.) were absent for the entire 
 year. 
 
 Beneath napjiar in the seventh column the line 
 means, "what was. received from Khunabi," the 
 bursar. The lines beginning beneath the second 
 napi^ar in the same line read: "grain which is out 
 of the gate [storehouse], which is out of the grain 
 received from the town Zarat-Im. In the forty- 
 seventh line, the totals paid to all during the first 
 month are given; also the total for the first six 
 months; and the total for the second six, which is 
 followed by the sum total. The little note in con- 
 nection with the total for the first six months reads : 
 that "which was paid out of the grain of Khunabi." 
 The next note reads "that which was out of the 
 grain of the gate storehouse, from Zarat-Im, and 
 dates from Tamtu. The number 38 in the next 
 column refers to the actual number in the service. 
 In all there are forty-six names in the list, but eight 
 were dead or fugitives. The last two lines read: 
 
These two documents are dated in the 7th and 9th months of the 14th year of 
 Nazi-Maruttash. They record payments made to the heads of the same families 
 mentioned in the larger document of the previous year {see p. 301), but only for a 
 month and a fraction. 
 
306 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 "Grain of the 6 qa tax, which is from the month 
 Nisan of the thirteenth year, unto Adar, of the 
 fourteenth year of Nazi-Maruttash ; from the seed 
 which was given into the hands of Khunabi; from 
 the grain out of the gate [storehouse], of the seed 
 from Zarat-Im, and dates from Tamtu." This 
 lengthy record is therefore a statement of the temple 
 bursar of amounts paid to a group of temple bene- 
 ficiaries for a period of one year, as well as the sources 
 from which the revenues were received. What 
 relation the recipients bear to the entire number 
 of temple functionaries is not known. In several 
 other documents of the following years, which were 
 only for a month and a fraction, this same group of 
 persons, with some changes, received stipends. But 
 instead of giving the name of each member of the 
 families, the word qinnu, "family," precedes the 
 name of the pater or mater familias, to whom the 
 full amount was paid. Doubtless at the end of the 
 year statements similar to the previous one discussed 
 were drawn up for the entire year. 
 
 A large number of the smaller documents, found 
 among the archives, are records of salaries which 
 were paid to the head officials of the institution.. 
 
 31 gur 30 qa of grain, food for horses, out of the 
 maintenance tax; 19 sheep, 21 lambs, salary, from 
 the month Tebet unto the fourth day of Nisan (for) 
 Innannu. Month Nisan: day fourth, year first. (Vol. 
 XV, No. I.) 
 
 2 gur 60 qa grain out of the maintenance tax, 2 sheepi 
 2 lambs as salary for Innannu. (Vol. XV, No. 2.) 
 
Babylonian Temple Records 307 
 
 Innannu was one of the head officials of the store- 
 house. With the possible exception of one passage 
 in which "scribe" follows the name Innannu, no 
 title is found in connection with his name, which 
 occurs hundreds of times. He is represented as 
 
 Hmm': 
 
 Receipts or records of payments made by the administrative department of 
 the temple. Hundreds of documents of this size and character were found in the 
 archives. 
 
 receiving taxes, making disbursements and loans. 
 Dtuing the time he administered affairs, he seems 
 to have been at the head of the department. The 
 name of others who succeeded him become well 
 known from the texts, only, however, in business 
 transactions. Practically nothing of a personal 
 
308 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 character concerning these individuals becomes 
 known to us through the inscriptions that have 
 been pubHshed. 
 
 Usually the seal impression of another is made 
 upon this class of documents, evidently by an 
 officer who delivered the articles mentioned at the 
 residence of the official, and who was required to 
 leave the impression of his seal upon the record of 
 payment which was held by the bursar. This was 
 a guarantee that the delivery officer had paid the 
 amount. 
 
 Some of the pay-rolls were quite lengthy.. They 
 seem to have been copied frequently from year to 
 year from earlier lists and then what was paid was 
 checked off. The nature of the writing material, 
 being clay, made it necessary to write the tablet at 
 one sitting.. Of course it was possible to wrap the 
 tablet in a darnp cloth, and lay it aside temporarily, 
 thus preventing it from hardening. This is clearly 
 shown to have been done, as is determined by cloth 
 marks, and also by the marks made upon the tablets 
 in checking off the amounts paid; for some were 
 made after the tablets were almost hard. But the 
 indications are that the scribes usually finished 
 writing tablets before they laid them aside. Some 
 lists, as above, contain many names and amounts 
 which were paid to individuals ; in some cases what 
 was received for a number of months. To indicate 
 what was actually paid small holes, round or semi- 
 spherical, before the name or amounts were made. 
 
Record of salary payments made to priests in the Temple service. The small 
 holes are checkmarks used to check ofi the amounts paid. 
 
310 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 These I have determined to be check-marks.^ 
 It is not unhkely that the upper end of the stylus 
 was used to make these indentures. 
 
 These documents, as weU as many others dis- 
 covered in other ancient Babylonian cities, show- 
 how carefully the business affairs of the temple 
 were conducted. Among the records also are a 
 number of letters representing the official corres- 
 pondence of the heads of this executive department 
 of the temple, but these have not yet been 
 deciphered. 
 
 It will be readily seen that these administrative 
 documents show that the affairs of the Babylonian 
 temple of the second millennium B, C. were con- 
 ducted along lines similar to those of some modern 
 religious institutions with which we are acquainted. 
 It is not improbable that the temple at Jerusalem 
 was conducted in a similar manner ; and that were 
 we able to recover any of the records, which in all 
 probability were written on perishable material, 
 they would resemble in many ways those found at 
 Nippur and other Babylonian cities. 
 
 The study of these documents has resulted also in 
 the determination of some technical details, such as 
 the discovery of two new cuneiform characters and 
 their values, besides additional values for hitherto 
 unknown signs, a large number of new Cassite 
 words, and more than a score of names and epithets 
 
 ' See Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur, 
 Vol. XIV, p. 1 6. 
 
Record of payments made to the Temple and different shrines of Nippur. 
 
312 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of gods. Among the published documents also are 
 a number of private contracts, the provenience of 
 which is unknown, but which may have come from 
 the of&ce of the temple recorder; and also an inter- 
 esting tablet, which is a report of an examination of 
 a sheep's liver for divination purposes. It is quite 
 probable that it is a report of an examination to 
 a high functionary, perhaps the king, who abode in 
 D<ir-Kurigalzu near Nippur, which preceded some 
 official act, and in regard to which it was important 
 to determine in advance the disposition of the gods. 
 
XIII 
 
 THE ASSYRIAN HISTORICAL 
 INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 To Assyria more than to any other country do we 
 look for archeological data which furnish points of 
 contact by yielding parallel accounts of events 
 recorded, as well as by the help of which the pages 
 of the Old Testament are illuminated. It is to the 
 Assyrian period that a considerable portion of the 
 Old Testament refers. No less than six Assyrian 
 rulers are mentioned by name: Tiglathpileser (or 
 Pul), Shalmaneser (IV), Sargon, Sennacherib, Esar- 
 haddon and Asnapper (Ashurbanipal) . It must be 
 regarded as an interesting fact that nearly every 
 reference made in the Old Testament to these 
 rulers is in some way touched upon in their 
 annals. 
 
 With the exception of the invasion by Shishak 
 (Shashank I) recorded in i Kings 14: 25 and follow- 
 ing, and which is also recorded on the temple wall 
 at Karnak, Israel was left unmolested by Egypt 
 after the time of Pharaoh Merneptah. Babylonia 
 had become a second rate power. Assyria, of which 
 we hear for the first time in the days of Hammurabi, 
 
 313 
 
314 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 had by this time developed into a world-conquering 
 nation, and was in a position to play an impor- 
 tant role among the nations. 
 
 Under Tukulti-Ninib (890-885) Assyria entered 
 upon the most brilliant period of its history. Baby- 
 lonia was annexed. The forced rule lasted seven 
 years, at the end of which time the subjects of 
 Tukulti-Ninib, under the leadership of his own son, 
 rebelled. In the civil war which followed, the king 
 was killed. His son and successor, Ashur-nisir- 
 apal (884-860), did not attempt to continue the 
 rule over Babylonia, but carried his work of con- 
 quest into the North and West. Tyre and Sidon, 
 when he reached the shores of the Mediterranean, 
 paid him tribute. Samaria at this time was not 
 molested, but the disintegration of the surrounding 
 kingdoms was bound sooner or later to involve the 
 Israelites as well, when the ambitious enemy of the 
 Tigris valley, in his efforts to extend his rule 
 throughout Western Asia, directed his attention to 
 the overthrow of their fortified cities. The begin- 
 ning of the end of Israel took place in the reign 
 which followed. 
 
 Shalmaneser II (860-824) devoted a good deal 
 of his long rule to the estabHshment of his power 
 in the West. In the mountains of Armenia, at a 
 place called Kurkh, south of Diarbekir, a long mono- 
 lith inscription was erected by the king, in order to 
 commemorate his deeds. This is now in the British 
 Museum. In it he informs us that after setting out 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 315 
 
 from the Euphrates, in the sixth year of his reign, 
 he approached Khalman (Aleppo) , where he received 
 
 The Assyrians besieging a walled city. 
 
 tribute. He then advanced to the cities of Irkhuleni 
 of Hamath : 
 
316 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Adenu, Barga, Argana, his royal city, I conquered; 
 his spoil, his property, the possessions of his palaces I 
 brought forth; to his palaces I set fire. I departed 
 from Argana, and came to Qarqar. Qarqar, his royal 
 city, I destroyed, I devastated, with fire I burned. 1,200 
 chariots, 1,200 saddle-horses, 20,000 men of Adad-'idri 
 (biblical Ben-hadad II) of Damascus, 700 chariots, 
 700 saddle-horses, 10,000 men of Irkhuleni of Khamath, 
 2,000 chariots, 10,000 men of Ahab of Israel (A-kha-ab- 
 bu m^t Sir-'i-la-ai), 500 men of Gue, 1,000 of Mutsri, 10 
 chariots, 10,000 men of Irqanat, 200 men of Matinu- 
 Ba'li, of Arvad, 200 men of Usanata, 30 chariots, 10,000 
 men of Adunu-Ba'li of Shianu, i , 000 camels of Gindibu'u, 
 of Arbu, j.,000 men of Ba'sha, son of Rukhubi of Ammon; 
 these twelve kings he took to help him; to make war 
 and battle they came to meet me. With the splendid 
 forces which Ashur the lord had given, with the mighty 
 weapons, which Nergal, who marches before me, had 
 presented, I fought with them; from Qarqar to Gilzau 
 their defeat I established. 14,000 soldiers, their fighting 
 men with the sword I laid low with [myj weapons, etc. 
 
 In this inscription we have the first mention of 
 Israel that has been found in the Assyrian inscrip- 
 tions. The information gained is especially valuable, 
 as the alliance with the other kings and the conflict 
 with Shalmaneser II is not recorded in the Old 
 Testament. The obelisk, mentioned below, gives 
 a resume of this campaign, and fixes the number 
 killed at 20,500; and still another inscription at 
 25,000. As usual, the Assyrian losses are not given. 
 There is little doubt but that the armies of the allies 
 were defeated, and even the confederation broken 
 up ; but as there is no claim of territory having been 
 acquired; or that tribute was exacted; or that 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 317 
 
 booty was carried away, the real issue was not as 
 advantageous to the Assyrians as the chronicler 
 would have the reader of his annals infer. 
 
 No reference is made in the Old Testament to 
 Ahab's alliance with Syria, or to other kings 
 who were routed by Shalmaneser. The account 
 given in i Kings 20 concerning the conflict of Ahab 
 with Ben-Hadad must be understood to belong to 
 the period prior to their alliance against the Assyrian 
 king. The book of Kings represents Ben-Hadad 
 surrendering to Ahab with a rope about his neck, 
 after which he promised to restore the cities taken 
 from Israel by his father, and to allow Ahab to build 
 streets in Damascus. The latter doubtless readily 
 agreed to such conditions because he recognized 
 that difficulties were in store for the Western nations 
 at the hands of Assyrians; and he felt that for 
 prudential purposes it was better for him to permit 
 Syria, which lay between him and Assyria, to main- 
 tain its strength ; and to be allied with that nation, 
 rather than be at war with it. When, therefore, 
 Shalmaneser entered this region on a campaign of 
 conquest, Ben-Hadad, Irkhuleni, Ahab, and others 
 were ready to meet him. The alliance however, 
 seems to have been broken up by the defeat 
 which Shalmaneser inflicted upon them. 
 
 In the identification of AJ^abbu with Ahab, in 
 this inscription, we have an additional chronicle 
 of the kings of Israel, which may have had very 
 far-reaching consequences had Shalmaneser been 
 
318 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 entirely successful; for Israel might then have 
 lost its independence. The Hebrew chronicler does 
 not mention the event. Perhaps it was because the 
 people were not in sympathy with such an alliance, 
 and the battle had involved only the army, which 
 fought far beyond the confines of the land. Israel, 
 under Jehu, paid tribute to Shalmaneser, and this 
 also was omitted in the brief extracts which are pre- 
 served in the Old Testament of the annals of these 
 reigns. 
 
 In the Old Testament, the king of Syria is called 
 Ben-Hadad, while in the Assyrian inscriptions he 
 is called Adad-'idri. The full name of the king 
 doubtless was Ben-Hadad-'idri. The Assyrian has 
 preserved the latter part of the name, while the 
 Hebrew simply the name of the deity. Names 
 compounded with Ben-Hadad are known from the 
 contract literature, for example : Ben-Addu-natan, 
 and Ben-Addu-amara. 
 
 Five years later the land of Hamath is again 
 attacked. Shalmaneser is again confronted by 
 twelve allies, under the leadership of Ben-Hadad II 
 of Damascus and Irkhuleni of Hamath; but the 
 king of Israel is not among them. The Assyrians 
 claim to have slain ten thousand in this battle but 
 again no important advantage is gained. The 
 conclusion we must draw is that the allies were able 
 to resist the advances of the Assyrians. Several 
 years later another attempt was made, after his 
 army had been greatly reenf orced ; and he informs 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 319 
 
 us that he again accomplished their defeat. But 
 for the same reasons, no other conclusion can be 
 reached, but that the battle proved a draw. Four 
 years later, Shalmaneser tested once more their 
 prowess, but with better success. Ben-Hadad II 
 was no more. Hazael, the usurper, ruled in his 
 stead. The alliance with the other kings appar- 
 ently had been broken up. Hazael alone deter- 
 mined to resist the Assyrians, and at Saniru took a 
 stand (842 B. C.) On a slab found at Calah, Shal- 
 maneser gives an account of his victory. 
 
 In the eighteenth year of my reign, for the sixteenth 
 time I crossed the Euphrates. Hazael of Damascus 
 trusted in the mass of his troops, and mustered his army 
 in great numbers. Saniru, a mountain peak, which is at 
 the entrance of the Lebanon mountain, he made for his 
 stronghold. With him I fought; his defeat I established. 
 Six thousand soldiers, his warriors, with arms I brought 
 low. 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his riding-horses, with 
 his camp-baggage, I took from him. In order to save 
 his life, he made off. After him I went. In Damascus, 
 his royal city, I besieged him. His plantations I cut 
 down. As far as the mountains of Hauran, I went. 
 Cities without number I destroyed. I devastated, [and] 
 with fire I burned.. Their spoil, beyond reckoning, I car- 
 ried away. As far as the mountain Ba'lirasi, which is a 
 promontory of the sea, I went. The image of my royalty 
 on it I set up. At that time, I received the tribute of 
 the Tyrians and Sidonians, [and] of Jehu, the son of 
 Omri. 
 
 In accordance with 2 Kings 8:15, Hazael is 
 mentioned by Shalmaneser as the successor of Ben- 
 Hadad. It seems that the allies of Damascus had 
 
320 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 enough. Tyre and Sidon preferred to send gifts 
 instead of continuing the conflict. Jehu, the usurper, 
 
 The black obelisk of Shalmaneser II. 
 
 perhaps in the hope of freeing himself from the 
 Syrians, and also because of the alarming advances 
 of the formidable Assyrian, was willing to send 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 321 
 
 costly gifts. This, apparently, was the first step 
 towards the downfall of Israel, for the advan- 
 tage thus gained by the Assyrians assumed greater 
 and greater proportions, until that people was 
 finally absorbed. 
 
 On the famous black obelisk which Layard 
 discovered at Nimroud, Shalmaneser depicted him- 
 self in bas-relief, receiving tribute from Jehu. He 
 calls him " son of Omri," or "of the house of Omri ;" 
 not knowing that Jehu had usurped the throne by 
 overthrowing the dynasty of Omri. It is possible 
 also that by the term "Omri" he means "Israel;" 
 as for many years the country was known in 
 Assyria as Mdt Omri, " Land of Omri. " The inscrip- 
 tion over the line of bas-relief referring to Israel 
 reads : — 
 
 Tribute of Jehu, son of Omri: silver, gold, a golden 
 bowl, a golden ladle, golden chalices, golden buckets, 
 lead, a staff for the hand of the king, spear-shafts(?) I 
 received. 
 
 Hazael, being defeated, fled to Damascus, where 
 he was besieged by the Assyrians, but was 
 not conquered. Three years later, the sixth and 
 final, but unsuccessful, attempt was made to estab- 
 lish the supremacy of Assyria over Damascus. 
 
 Jehu, in seeking favor of Assyria by paying trib- 
 ute, did not gain any special advantages over 
 the old enemy Syria; for in 2 Kings io:32f we 
 learn that Hazael greatly humiliated Israel after 
 
322 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Shalmaneser had withdrawn. The same is true of 
 Jehoahaz, Jehu's son; for Syria, under Hazael's son, 
 Ben-Hadad III, reduced Israel, "and had made 
 them to be trodden down hke the dust. 
 
 For about forty years the West-land was left 
 unmolested by Assyria. Shamshi-Adad (824-812) 
 succeeded Shalmaneser. Although the kingdom had 
 been expanded farther than at any previous time, 
 it now became so contracted that the rulers con- 
 trolled scarcely anything beyond the immediate 
 surroundings of their capitals. 
 
 In 2 Kings 13:5, we learn that Jehoahaz, in his 
 dire extremity because of the oppression of Syria, 
 "besought the Lord. " "And the Lord gave Israel a 
 saviour, so that they went out from under the hand 
 of the Syrians." The name of the deliverer is not 
 mentioned, but it doubtless was Adad-nirari (812- 
 783). In an inscription he tells how he brought 
 into submission the princes of the four quarters of 
 the world, and how he conquered many lands, 
 among which was Syria. 
 
 As far as the great sea of the rising sun, from above 
 the Euphrates, the land of the Hittites and Amorites to 
 its entirety, the land of Tyre, the land of Zidon, the 
 land of Omri, the land of Edom, the land of the Philis- 
 tines as far as the great sea of the setting sun, I sub- 
 jected to my .feet. Tribute and presents I placed on 
 them. Against the land of Damascus I marched ; Mari, 
 the king of Damascus I shut up in Damascus his royal 
 city. The terror of the majesty of Ashur, his lord, over- 
 whelmed him; he embraced my feet, [and] became a 
 vassal. 2300 talents of silver, 20 talents of gold, 3000 
 

 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 The second line of bas-relief which extends around the four sides of the 
 obelisk, recording the payment of tribute by biblical Jehu who prostrates himself 
 before Shahnaneser. 
 
324 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 talents of copper, 5000 talents of iron, variegated cloth, 
 linen, an ivory bed, a seat with inlaid ivory, a table, his 
 possessions, his property beyond reckoning in Damascus 
 his royal city, in his palace I received. 
 
 In this inscription we learn how Israel was able 
 to prevail over the old enemy, Syria. The deliverer, 
 i.e., the Assyrian king, exacted tribute from Israel. 
 Syria, however, was at last crushed. 
 
 The successor to the Assyrian throne, Shalmaneser 
 III, followed up the advantage gained over Syria. 
 Ashur-dan, the next ruler, did the same. But Assyria 
 beyond this was inactive in the West-land. Because 
 of this and the chastisement given Syria, and because 
 of the decline of that nation, Israel was able to regain 
 its lost prestige. In consequence, Jeroboam II 
 extended the borders of Israel farther than had 
 been done at any previous or subsequent time. 
 His conquest included Hamath, Damascus, and 
 Moab. His armies were planted on the banks of 
 the Euphrates. The commercial interests of the 
 nation were greatly increased, the resources greatly 
 enlarged. In short, it was a brilliant burst of pros- 
 perity prior to the calamity which was to befall 
 the nation. It was also during this period that 
 Uzziah of Judah, who was on friendly terms with 
 Israel, was able to conquer the Philistines, and his 
 country was extended to the south, so that in 
 this direction his kingdom reached practically the 
 old boundaries of Solomon's rule. Not since the 
 division of the kingdom had the tribes been able to 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 325 
 
 extend their political influence as they did during 
 this period; nor had they previously realized such 
 prosperity. Unquestionably this was due to the 
 inactivity of Assyria and the fact that the old 
 enemy, Syria, was crushed. 
 
 It was during this period that there was an eclipse 
 of the sun in the month of Sivan. In the Assyrian 
 Eponym chronicle there is recorded for the ninth 
 year of Ashur-dan the following: " Bur-Sagale, of 
 Guzanu. Rebellion in the city of Ashur. In the 
 month Sivan there was an eclipse of the sun." As- 
 tronomers fix the date at June 15, 763. The eclipse 
 at this unfortunate time was regarded as an evil 
 omen. Disorder at home, and in neighboring dis- 
 tricts, which were under the suzerainty of Assyria, 
 continued for over five years; when at last, "peace 
 in the land" was recorded. It may only be a coin- 
 cidence but Amos, who was a contemporary, made 
 reference to an eclipse in his prophecies : "I will 
 cause the sun to go down at noon, and I will darken 
 the earth in the clear day" (Amos 8:9). 
 
 After the death of Jeroboam II, which was during 
 the lifetime of the prophet Hosea, the northern 
 kingdom became the prey of factions ; and in conse- 
 quence became weakened. His son Zachariah 
 ruled but six months, and was followed by Shallum. 
 The latter reigned one month, when he was assassi- 
 nated by Menahem. 
 
 Ashur-dan, king of Assyria, was succeeded by 
 Ashur-nirari (753-745), who made several expedi- 
 
326 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 tions, but not to the West-land. He ruled ten years, 
 when Tiglath-pileser III (745-727) came to the 
 throne. In the Old Testament he is known also as 
 Pul, although in i Chronicles 5:26, the writer con- 
 sidered Tiglath-pileser and Pul as two persons. For 
 many years no Assyrian king by the name of Pul was 
 known. The late Professor Schrader had correctly 
 argued that Pul and Tiglath-pileser were one and 
 the same person. Later, Dr. Pinches was able to 
 prove conclusively that this theory was correct. 
 He showed that the Babylonian chronicle says : 
 
 In the third year of Ukin-zer,Tiglath-pileser inarched 
 against Akkad, laid waste Bit-Amukani and took Ukm- 
 z6r captive. Ukin-z^r reigned three years in Babylon. 
 Tiglath-pileser ascended the throne in Babylon. In the 
 second year of Tiglath-pileser he died in the month of 
 Teteb. 
 
 The Ptolemaic Canon shows that Ukin-zer and 
 Pulu (Poros) together ruled five years over Baby- 
 lonia. Hence it follows that Pulu and Tiglath- 
 pileser are the same. Pulu as a proper name is 
 known also in the inscriptions. Whether this was 
 an official name the ruler received in Babylonia, 
 or whether it was his original name, as is more 
 likely, is not known. The question as to how he 
 came to the throne also needs more light. He is 
 generally supposed to have been a usurper, having 
 perhaps been a general in the army. 
 
 He succeeded to the throne at a time when the 
 country was in an unsettled state, but he made his 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 327 
 
 reign one of the most important in Assyrian history. 
 The historical inscriptions recording his annals 
 have been handed down in a mutilated condition; 
 The events, however, can be arranged in chrono- 
 logical order by the help of the Eponym Canon. 
 We learn that his first efforts were directed against 
 Babylonia, Chaldea, and Armenia. Nabonassar 
 had been the acknowledged king of Babylon, but 
 now Tiglath-pileser assumed the ancient title of the 
 entire country, including Shumer and Akkad. He 
 next brought into subjection the rulers ef Ararat, 
 Arpad, etc. About this time he began to make 
 trouble for Syria and North Phoenicia. The Canon 
 for 738 B. C. records the brief statement: "He 
 captured the city of Kullanu. This is supposed to 
 have been in the vicinity of Hamath, which would 
 make it identical with Calno of Isaiah 10:9. The 
 name of Azariah is mentioned four times in the 
 inscription, but unfortunately, owing to its frag- 
 mentary condition, little can be gathered from the 
 references. It would seem that Judah had formed 
 an alliance with Hamath, in order that they might 
 mutually protect themselves against the advances 
 of the Assyrians. While those in league with 
 Judah seem to have suffered, Azariah himself did 
 not become involved. In an inscription, Tiglath- 
 pileser mentions Azariah as follows : 
 
 Nineteen districts of the city of Hamath, together 
 with the towns of their environs along the coast of the 
 sea of the setting sun, who in sin and wickedness they 
 
328 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 (the people) took up for Azrijau (Azariah), to the 
 boundary of Assyria I added. My commander-in-chief 
 as governor I set over them. 
 
 Besides the nineteen places which were captured, 
 a long list of kings is mentioned as having paid 
 
 The biblical Tiglath-pileser or Pul standing before a besieged city. 
 
 tribute, among whom are : " Rasunnu (Rezin, 2 Kings 
 16:5) of Damascus, MeniJiimme (Menahem) of the 
 city of the Samarians, and Hirummu (Hirom) of the 
 city of the Tyrians. " In 2 Kings 1 5 : 1 9 , we learn that 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 329 
 
 " there came against the land Pul, the king of Assyria ; 
 and Menahem gave to Pul one thousand talents, 
 etc. ' ' Neither the Bible nor the inscriptions say that 
 Tiglath-pileser fought with Menahem. In the former, 
 the silver is paid "to confirm the kingdom in his 
 hand," whereupon " the king of Assyria turned back 
 and stayed not there in the land" (2 Kings 15 : 20). 
 In the inscriptions Menahem is only mentioned as 
 having paid tribute. 
 
 In 2 Kings 16:5, we learn that Rezin, king of 
 Syria, and Pekah, king of Israel, warred with Ahaz, 
 and besieged him in Jerusalem. For a season he 
 was able to withstand their efforts ; but there being 
 those at the capital who were hostile to him, and 
 his country having been overrun by the enemy, 
 he sought the assistance of Tiglath-pileser, by send- 
 ing him presents of gold and silver. The king of 
 Assyria readily hearkened unto him, as he doubtless 
 saw danger in the organized efforts of Israel and 
 Syria; and at the same time he was desirous of 
 making Ahaz a vassal. He went up against Damas- 
 cus, and took it; and carried the people captive 
 to Kir ; and slew Rezin. 
 
 In the following inscription Tiglath-pileser records 
 his treatment of Rezin. 
 
 . . . Like a hind ... he entered the great gate of 
 the city. His chiefs alive with my hands I took, and 
 upon stakes I caused them to be raised up, and made 
 them a show for this land. 45 camps . . . I collected, 
 and shut him up like a bird in cage. His plantations, 
 . . . which were innumerable I cut down, and did 
 
330 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 not leave one . . . Hadara, the house of the father 
 of Rezin of Damascus, in which he was born, I besieged, 
 etc. 
 
 The fact that Rezin eventuaUy lost his hfe at the 
 hands of the Assyrian king must be suppUed from 
 the Old Testament (2 Kings 16:9), owing to the 
 fragmentary condition of his annals. 
 
 In 2 Kings 15 : 29, 30, we are informed that "in 
 the days of Pekah, king of Israel, came Tiglath- 
 pileser king of Assyria, and took Ijon; and Abel- 
 beth-maaeah and Janoah and Kedesh, and Hazor 
 and Gilead, and Galilee, all the land of Naphtali; 
 and he carried them captive to Assyria. And 
 Hoshea the son of Elah raade a conspiracy against 
 Pekah the son of Remaliah, and smote him, and 
 slew him, and reigned in his stead. " In an inscrip- 
 tion Tiglath-pileser records substantially the same 
 thing. 
 
 . . . the city of Gal-'[ed] (Gilead ?) . . . the 
 city of Abilakka ( Abel-beth-maacah ?) which is of the 
 boundary of the land of Beth-Omri (Israel) . the 
 
 broad, in its entire extent, to the territory of Assyria I 
 annexed; my commander-in-chief as prefect I ap- 
 pointed over them. H&niinu (Hanno) of Gaza, who fled 
 before my arms, escaped to the land of Egypt. Gaza I 
 captured; its possessions, its treasures, its gods I car- 
 ried away and the image of my royalty I erected. 
 . . Beth-Omri (Israel) . . the whole of its inhab- 
 itants its possessions to Assyria I deported. Pekah their 
 king they smote. Ausi' (Hoshea) as king, over them I 
 appointed. Ten talents of gold, 1,000 talents of silver 
 together with their presents I received from them. 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 331 
 
 There is a gap between the reference to Israel and 
 what follows. The annalist greatly exaggerated the 
 results of his campaign if he intended that the state- 
 ment, "the whole of the inhabitants of the land of 
 Omri," should refer to Israel. The Old Testament 
 mentions the names of the cities and districts whose 
 inhabitants were carried by him into captivity; but 
 the capital of "Omri" which was Samaria, is not 
 mentioned as being depopulated, either in the inscrip- 
 tions or the Old Testament, until later. 
 
 In an inscription belonging to the closing years of 
 his reign, he mentions the receiving of tribute not 
 only from the kings of northern cities, but also from 
 Sanipu, of Beth-Ammon, Salamanu of Moab, Metinti 
 of Askelon, Jauli,azi (Ahaz) of Judah, Kaush- 
 malak of Edom, and Hanlinu (Hanno) of Gaza. 
 While there is no reference in the Assyrian inscrip- 
 tions to explain Tiglath-pileser's movements against 
 Israel and Syria, this fact confirms the statement 
 (2 Kings 16: 7), that Ahaz sought the assistance of 
 Tiglath-pileser in order to free himself from Israel 
 and Syria. The inscription recording the tribute 
 belongs to one of the succeeding years. 
 
 The voluntary homage paid the Assyrian king, in 
 his dire extremity to rid himself of Syria and Israel, 
 was the first prominent move towards the downfall 
 of Judah. The desired relief was gained, but 
 as Assyria was entering upon a long period of sub- 
 jugation and oppression, the deliverance which he 
 obtained only served to remove a barrier for subse- 
 
332 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 quent conquest, which meant eventuaUy the over- 
 throw of Jerusalem. 
 
 That Ahaz should pay a visit to Tiglath-pileser, 
 the mighty conquerer of the West-land, at Damascus, 
 as is recorded in 2 Kings 16: 10, seems perfectly 
 natural, for he was the master of this entire 
 region. 
 
 In the closing years of his life his attention was 
 directed to a league formed by the Chaldeans with 
 the Arameans, who had designs upon Babylon. 
 Tiglath-pileser appeared on the scene; the Chal- 
 deans were subdued, and he became the king of 
 Babylon, over which he ruled for two years. 
 
 The biblical Shalmaneser IV (727-722) followed 
 Tiglath-pileser. He also was an adventurer, as no 
 relationship with his predecessors is mentioned. 
 Little is known from the inscriptions of his short 
 reign of five years, except the brief statements in 
 the Babylonian Chronicle and the Eponym Canon. 
 The former states: "On the 25th of Tebet, Shal- 
 maneser sat on the throne in Assyria. The city 
 Shamara'in he destroyed." Unfortunately, the 
 Eponym Canon is mutilated, and in consequence is 
 of little value. 
 
 The Old Testament and Josephus furnish addi- 
 tional data concerning the reign of this ruler. In 
 2 Kings 1 7 : 3-5 , we learn that Shalmaneser came up 
 against Hoshea, who "became his servant and gave 
 him presents. And the king of Assyria found con- 
 spiracy in Hoshea for he had sent messengers to 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 333 
 
 So, king of Egypt." Shalmaneser imprisoned him 
 and besieged Samaria. Josephus, as well as com- 
 mentators in former years, understood the passage, 
 "in the ninth year of Hoshea the king of Assyria 
 took Samaria, and carried Israel away into Assyria " 
 (2 Kings 1 7 : 6) , to refer to Shalmaneser. The inscrip- 
 tions of Sargon, the successor of Shalmaneser, defi- 
 nitely show that he, or rather his representatives, 
 deported Israel in the first year of his reign, in conse- 
 quence of which he is "the king of Assyria" who is 
 referred to by the Hebrew chronicler. In the 
 Eponym Canon, the name Samaria might be sup- 
 plied in some of the incomplete lines. The name of 
 the city destroyed in the Babylonian Chronicle is 
 read by some Sahara' in instead of Samara' in, as the 
 characters for ba and ma are almost identical; but 
 in view of the fact that in the succeeding reign the 
 Hebrew Shomeron (Samaria) is written Samertna, 
 in the inscriptions, which is nearly the same; and 
 because Shalmaneser, while he did not destroy the 
 city, laid siege to it, and perhaps destroyed some of 
 its outlying districts, there can be little doubt but 
 that Samaria is meant. The city, however, did not 
 fall tintil later, as is determined by the inscription 
 of Sargon. 
 
 So, of Egypt, or, vocalizing the Hebrew letters, 
 differently, and reading Sive, king of Egypt, doubt- 
 less refers to Shabaka, the Ethiopian who founded 
 the twenty-fifth dynasty. Sargon refers to Sib'e, 
 whom he calls the tartan, or commander-in-chief 
 
334 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of the Egyptian army. If the Hebrew 5rae ahdthe 
 Assyrian Sib'e are intended to represent Shabaka, 
 then either the Hebrew writer in calhng him king, 
 anticipated his becoming such, or the Assyrian 
 annahst was not aware that he had become king. 
 
 Another adventurer followed Shalmaneser. He 
 is known as Sargon II (722-705), which name he 
 very likely assumed. He called himself "Sargon 
 the Later ' ' in distinction from the name of the illus- 
 trious Sargon I, who lived about 3800 B. C. The 
 latter's full name, as found in his inscriptions, is 
 Shargani-shar-ali: but in all probability it had been 
 handed down in a form something like the name 
 the usurper assumed. His name is sometimes 
 written Shar-uktn, "[a god] has appointed a king" 
 and "again Shar-kenu "the legitimate king." Both 
 meanings would lead us to suppose that he desired 
 to impress his subjects with the legitimacy of his 
 appointment as ruler. His adopting a Baby- 
 lonian name instead of an Assyrian, as his two 
 predecessors had seen fit to do, may have , had 
 some diplomatic signification. 
 
 With the exception of the reference to Sargon in 
 Isaiah 20 : i his name' was lost to history. It was 
 really preserved in the Ptolemaic Canon as ArkeanoSj 
 but although an initial Sigma, according to a well- 
 known law in Greek, sometimes appears as the rough 
 breathing, Arkeanos was not identified with Sargon. 
 
 An inscription of Sargon, (722-705), found at 
 Nimroud, bears the following : 
 
,».., ......«—;-;■:■ ■——"■' ^"" 
 
336 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 From the beginning of my sovereignty until the i Sth 
 year of my reign Humbanigash, the Elamite of the city 
 Der, I accompHshed his defeat. Samerina (Samaria) I 
 besieged I captured. 27,290 people, dwelling in it I car- 
 ried away. s° chariots I collected from them and the 
 
 SARGON II (722-705 B.C.) Captor of Snmaria. 
 
 rest [of the people] I allowed to retain their possessions. 
 My commander-in chief I placed over them, and the trib- 
 ute of the former king I placed upon them. Hanno 
 king of Gaza, [and] Sib'e the tartan of Egypt advanced 
 against me inRapikhi (Rapkia) to make war andbattle.I 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 337 
 
 accomplished their defeat. Sib'e feared the sound of my 
 arms and fled, and his place was not found. Hanno, the 
 king of Gaza I took with my hand. The tribute of Pir'u 
 king of Egypt, Sarns^, queen of Aribi (Arabia), It' 
 amara of Saba'ai (Sabeans), gold product of the 
 mountain, horses [and] camels I received: 
 
 The reference to the subjugation of Humbani- 
 gash in the opening lines of this inscription does not 
 necessarily mean that an assault upon Elam was 
 made as his first act. According to the Babylonian 
 Chronicle, this took place in the second year of Sar- 
 gon's reign. The first act of his army doubtless was 
 the capture of Samaria, and the carrying of the 
 children of Israel into captivity; the final drama 
 in the history of Israel. Sargon's account of his 
 deportation of 27,290 of Samaria's inhabitants is 
 supplemented by the biblical record (2 Kings 17:6) 
 which informs us that he "placed them in Halah 
 (perhaps near Haran) and by the river Habor (the 
 Khabour), and in Gozan, and in the cities of the 
 Medes." 
 
 In a text of Sargon parallel to the above this 
 statement is added : "I settled there the men of 
 countries conquered [by my hand]. ' ' 2 Kings 1 7 ; 24 
 is an interesting commentary on this passage. It 
 re^ds: "And the king of Assyria brought men from 
 Babylon and from Cuthah (Kutu), and from Avva, 
 and from Hamath, and from Sepharvaim, and placed 
 them in the cities of Samaria instead of the children 
 of Israel, and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in 
 the cities thereof." In a record belonging to the 
 
338 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 time about seven years later, he says : ' ' The tribes 
 of Tamud, Ibadid Marsiman and Khayapa, Arabian 
 tribes, inhabitants of the desert, of whom no sage 
 or scholar had known, who had never paid tribute to 
 any king I smote in the service of Ashur my lord; 
 and the rest of them I carried away and settled in 
 Samaria." 
 
 The Nimroud inscription above referred to men- 
 tions among other cities, Samaria, as being in league 
 with Jau-bi'di, who had. designs on the throne of 
 Hamath. He had the assista,nce of Sib'u of Egypt 
 and Hanno of Gaza. Jau-bi'di was captured and 
 flayed alive. It is difficult to understand who is 
 meant by Samaria unless the remnants that had 
 not been deported, or some of those settled there. 
 
 In another inscription also he mentions people 
 of the land of Philistia, Judah (Jaudu), Edom and 
 Moab as depending upon "Pir'u king of Egypt a 
 prince who could not save them, ' ' in other words, a 
 "bruised reed." The inscription is fragmentary 
 and does not relate the outcome of this dependence. 
 
 Sennacherib (705-681 B. C.) succeeded his father 
 Sargon, who before his death had turned over to 
 him the responsibility of keeping under subjection 
 the northern Armenian provinces. Sennacherib 
 seemed to lack his father's ability in managing the 
 heterogeneous elements of which the great nation 
 was composed. In military ability he was not 
 wanting, but instead of conciliating the vanquished 
 and replacing the turbulent, he finally became the 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 339 
 
 ruler of a sparsely populated desert; as he not 
 only destroyed cities and towns, but he murdered 
 the inhabitants. On his accession to the throne, he 
 doubtless appreciated the fact that Babylon wotdd 
 be difficult to control. He evidently foresaw the 
 difficulties which later did arise, and which finally 
 resulted in the overthrow of Assyria. In conse- 
 quence, from the very beginning he ignored their 
 authority, and did not accept titles and honors from 
 their priesthood. At this slight, the Babylonians 
 became indignant; and proclaimed king over them 
 a man of humble origin, Marduk-zakir-shum by 
 name. A month later the indefatigable Merodach- 
 baladan, who had been defeated by Sargon, appeared 
 on the scene. In a sedition which followed, Marduk- 
 zakir-shum was killed, and Merodach-baladan was 
 once more proclaimed king. He sent an embassy to 
 Elam and to Hezekiah (2 Kings 20:12-19), the 
 ultimate purpose of which, although the annalist 
 supposed it was in connection with his sickness, 
 seems to have been to encourage the western states 
 to rebel against Assyria. The showing of the treasu- 
 ries perhaps implies that Hezekiah indicated to the 
 emissaries what his strength in this particular was. 
 Sennacherib wasted no time in putting down the 
 rebellion in Babylonia. He proceeded to Kish, 
 where the Chaldean king was entrenched. Mero- 
 dach-baladan's army was defeated, and he fled for 
 safety. Sennacherib entered the gates of Babylon 
 which were thrown open to him, pillaged the royal 
 
Boundary stone of biblical Merodach-baladan, in which he makes a grant of 
 certain lands to one of his dignitaries. Above his pointed crown the inscription 
 reads: The picture of Merodach-baladan, king of Babylon. 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 341 
 
 treasury, and placed Bel-ibni on the throne. In 
 his second campaign, Sennacherib invaded the 
 country of the Cassites and the lasubigalleans. In 
 his third campaign, he directed his attention to the 
 rebellious subjects in the West-land. The Assyrian 
 army had not been in Palestine for about ten years. 
 The people in consequence felt more or less secure, 
 and were anxious to throw off the yoke of Assyria. 
 The embassy sent to Jerusalem by Merodach-baladan 
 and the uprising in Babylonia, had doubtless suc- 
 ceeded in arousing the anti-Assyrian party to re- 
 newed activity. Hezekiah had been victorious over 
 the Philistines (2 Kings 18:8). In order to with- 
 stand sieges in dry seasons a conduit had been built 
 (2 Kings 20:20), to bring water within the city 
 walls. In view of these circumstances, although 
 strongly opposed by the prophet Isaiah, the Egyptian 
 party prevailed upon the king to send gifts (Isa. 
 30 : 1-4) to Egypt, seeking the aid of that country. 
 Anxious to restore lost prestige in Palestine, the 
 desired aid in throwing off the yoke was again 
 promised. Whether this rebellious spirit had spread 
 to Phoenicia is not known, but at Ekron the elders 
 of the city cast Padi, the Assyrian king and vassal 
 into irons, and had Hezekiah imprison him in 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 To put down the uprising, Sennacherib lost no 
 time. He entered the land from the north, and 
 first struck at Sidon. In what is known as the 
 Taylor cylinder, which was discovered at Nineveh 
 
342 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 in 1830, together with an inscription on one of the 
 colossal bulls which Layard brought from Kun- 
 yunjik, besides a duplicate, we have Sennacherib's 
 own account of this invasion. 
 
 In my third campaign I went to the land of the 
 Hittites. Luli, king of Zidon, the fear of the splendor of 
 my lordship overwhelmed him, and he fled to a distant 
 place in the midst of the sea (variant Cyprus). His 
 land I subdued. Great Zidon (Josh. 19:28), Little Zidon 
 Bit-Zitti, Sarepta (i Kings 17:9), Makhalliba, Hosah 
 (Josh. 19: 29), Achzib (Judg. i: 31), Accho (Judg. 1:31), 
 his mighty cities, fortresses, pasture and irrigated 
 lands, houses of his assistance, the dreadfulness of the 
 arms of Ashur, my lord, overwhelmed them, and they 
 submitted unto me. Ethbaal (i Kings i6: 31) upon the 
 royal throne I placed over them, and a perpetual 
 yearly payment of the tribute of my lordship I imposed 
 upon them. 
 
 As for Menahem of Samsimuruna, Ethbaal of Zidon, 
 Abdili'ti of Arvad (Ezek. 27:8), Urumilki of Gebel 
 (Ezek. 27:9), Mitinti of Ashdod, Pudu-el of Beth- 
 Ammon, Chemosh-nadbi of Moab, Malik-rammu of 
 Edom, and all the kings of the West land, rich presents, 
 their heavy gifts, for the fourth time brought to me, 
 and kissed my feet. 
 
 The humiliation of Zidka is then recorded, as well 
 as the subjugation of his cities. 
 
 And Zidka of Ashkelon, who had not submitted to 
 my yoke, his ancestor's gods, himself, his wife, his sons, 
 his daughters, his brothers, the seed of his father's 
 house I tore away and carried to Assyria. Sharludari, 
 the son of Rukibtu, their former king, I placed over the 
 people of Ashkelon. I put upon them the giving of trib- 
 ute, presents for my lordship; and he shall draw my 
 yoke. 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 343 
 
 In the course of my campaign Beth-Dagan (Josh. 
 15:41). Joppa, Beni-berek (Joshua 19:45) (and) 
 Azuru, the cities of Zidka, which had quickly thrown 
 themselves at my feet, I besieged I conquered, their 
 spoil I carried away. 
 
 The kings of Egypt with their armies, are sum- 
 moned, but in front of Eltekeh (Josh. 19:44) Sen- 
 nacherib accomplished their defeat. Some think 
 that the word translated Egypt, which is Musri, 
 means rather Northwest Arabia. 
 
 The governors, chiefs and people of Ekron, who 
 threw into chains Padi a lord of the law and oath of 
 Assyria, and had given him to Hezekiah of the land 
 of the Jews, and who as an enemy shut him up in prison, 
 feared in their hearts, and called forth the kings of 
 Egypt, warriors, bowmen, chariots, horses of the king 
 of Melukha, a force without number; and they came 
 to their help. In the vicinity of Eltekeh they set a line 
 of battle before me. They asked their weapons [to 
 decide]. By the assistance of Ashur, my lord, I fought 
 with them, and I accomplished their defeat. The chief 
 of the chariots and the sons of the king of Egypt 
 together with the chief of the chariots of the king 
 of Melukha in the midst of the battle I took alive with 
 my hands. Eltekeh, TamnS. I besieged, I took I carried 
 away their spoil. 
 
 To Ekron I rode, and the governors [and] princes 
 who had transgressed I killed, and I bound their 
 corpses upon stakes around the city. The inhabitants 
 of the city who had done sin and evil I reckoned as spoil. 
 The rest of them who had not committed sin and 
 ignominious acts, whose sin they did not have I pro- 
 nounced their amnesty. Padi, their king from Jeru- 
 salem I brought out and I caused to enter upon the 
 throne of lordship over them. The tribute of my lord- 
 ship I placed upon them. 
 
344 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 As regards Hezekiah, the Judean, who did not sub- 
 mit to my yoke , forty-six of his mighty cities, strong- 
 holds, together with innumerable small places of their 
 environs, by the battering of rams and the assault of 
 the siege engines, ... I besieged, I conquered, 
 200,1 50 people, small and large, male and female, horses, 
 mules, asses, camels, oxen and sheep without number, 
 from their midst I carried out and reckoned as booty. 
 Himself (that is Hezekiah), like a bird in a cage in 
 Jerusalem his royal city I penned him. Trenches 
 against him I threw up, and those coming from the 
 gate of their city I forcibly turned back. His cities 
 which I had sacked, I cut off from the country, and I 
 gave them to Mitinti of Ashdod, Padi, king of Ekron 
 and Tsil-Baal, king of Gaza, thus reducing his territory. 
 In addition to the former tax, to pay yearly, I 
 added a tribute of subjection to my royalty, I placed 
 upon them. Himself Hezekiah, the fear of the splendor 
 of my lordship overwhelmed him. The courage of the 
 Arabians and his faithful soldiers whom he had brought 
 in for the defense of Jerusalem, his royal city, failed. To- 
 gether with 30 talents of gold and 800 talents of silver, 
 precious stones, . his daughters, women of his 
 
 palace, to Nineveh, my royal city, I caused 
 
 to be brought after me ; he sent his ambassador to offer 
 tribute and perform homage. 
 
 This is perhaps the most remarkable parallel 
 account to the Old Testament records which is 
 found in the Assyrian inscriptions. With the Hebrew 
 story of Sennacherib's invasion as recorded in Isaiah 
 36: I £f. and 2 Kings 18: 13 £f. all biblical students 
 are familiar. Sennacherib's account naturally dif- 
 fers considerably from it, as it is written from an 
 altogether different standpoint. But it corroborates 
 many details, as well as supplements and gives a 
 
Cylinder of Sennacherib. 
 
346 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 clearer view of the whole situation. That the Assyr- 
 ian account should record the exact amount of 
 gold paid by Hezekiah, namely thirty talents, is 
 remarkable. 
 
 In view of the fact that Josephus, who quotes 
 from Berosus, makes the attack upon Jerusalem 
 to have taken place on his return from Egypt after 
 he had spent some time there besieging Pelusium, 
 some scholars hold that Sennacherib made two 
 invasions to this region, and that the one immedi- 
 ately follows the other in the Old Testament. That 
 on the former he received the tribute ; and that the 
 ignominious defeat took place on the latter, which 
 belongs to the last eight years of his life, i.e., after 
 the period covered by the Taylor cylinder. The fact 
 is, it looks highly probable if Berosus is right in 
 speaking of a battle at Pelusium, and also that 
 Sennacherib lived only" a little while" after his 
 disastrous defeat, which the Old Testament also 
 seems to imply, although no Assyrian records thus 
 far bear out the theory. 
 
 Another argument can be found in the fact 
 that the annals of Sennacherib do not mention 
 Lachish, although he had the capture of the city 
 depicted on a huge bas-relief. That he gloried in 
 this event seems reasonable 'to suppose. That it 
 should not be mentioned in his annals if it took 
 place on his third campaign, seems somewhat diffi- 
 cult to understand. In 2 Kings 19: 9, Tirhakah is 
 mentioned as the king of Ethiopia with whom 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 347 
 
 Sennacherib came into conflict. If there was but one 
 invasion, the Hebrew annalist anticipated his title ; 
 for although in the early period of Sennacherib's 
 reign he was in charge of the Egyptian forces, 
 Shabaka, his uncle, was the reigning Pharaoh. 
 
 If it is insisted upon that there was but one inva- 
 sion of the West-land the fact that no reference is 
 made to the ignominious defeat of Sennacherib's 
 army by night would occasion no difficulty. Such 
 would be unlocked for in Assyrian annals. Only 
 that is mentioned which is calculated to magnify 
 the great achievements of the army and the valor 
 of the king. But instead of it there are sonorous 
 phrases concerning what was successful, and what is 
 mentioned which was not so, is couched in words to 
 give the impression that the results were the same. 
 The fact that he did not capture Jerusalem, doubt- 
 less the leading city in the revolt, but instead simply 
 beleaguered it, and penned up Hezekiah in the city, 
 like a bird in a cage, shows conclusively that the 
 campaign did not terminate in as successful a 
 manner as the annalist would have his readers infer. 
 The pillaging of his suburbs and cutting off his 
 territory was not such an important feat. 
 
 The Hebrew account, on the other hand, while it 
 enlarges upon the miraculous deliverance of the 
 city, which explains why Sennacherib never made 
 a second attempt, fearing the God of the Hebrews, 
 at the same time mentions the fact that Hezekiah 
 had confessed that he had offended, and that he had 
 
348 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 paid immense sums to buy off Sennacherib. In 
 this connection Herodotus says that when the Assy- 
 rians were encamped before the Egyptians at 
 Pelusium within sight of the enemy, an army of 
 field-mice destroyed the bowstrings, etc., of the 
 Assyrian army, which resulted in their being routed, 
 and many slain. Josephus, quoting from Berosus, 
 in explaining the disastrous defeat, relates how God 
 had sent a pestilential distemper upon Sennacherib's 
 army, which was under the Rabshakeh. In other 
 words, Egyptians as well as Jews, as is shown by 
 the echoes of the calamity, rejoiced in the victory. 
 On his return to Nineveh Sennacherib had carved 
 a series of slabs representing in bas-relief his assault 
 and capture of the city of Lachish. This fact is not 
 mentioned in the Old Testament, although Sen- 
 nacherib is said to have been at Lachish when his 
 officials called upon Hezekiah at Jerusalem. In one 
 portion of the relief, the walls of the city are repre- 
 sented, upon which are bowmen, slingers, and those 
 who hurled lighted torches upon the portable sheds 
 in which the battering rams were worked. From 
 the entrance of the city near the center, captives 
 are seen issuing forth, and soldiers carrying impaled 
 bodies of men. The steps and guard-house of the 
 great gate of this period were discovered in the 
 excavations by Bliss at Lachish. Sennacherib's 
 army is represented as being on the slope of the hill 
 with engines, spearmen, bowmen, and slingers. 
 Ladders for scaling the wall are seen. On the top 
 
350 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 of each engine a man is seen, pouring water over 
 its roof, in order to prevent it from catching fire 
 from the burning brands. 
 
 In another portion of the slab Sennacherib had 
 
 One of a series of sculptured slabs, showing Sennacherib seated upon his throne 
 before the city of Lachish, receiving tribute. 
 
 himself depicted in a great throne chair, with bow 
 and arrow in his hand. Before him are his officials, 
 perhaps represented as reporting upon the results of 
 the attack. Over them is the inscription: "Sen- 
 nacherib, king of the world, king of Assyria, sat on 
 
Assyrian Inscriptions 351 
 
 a throne-chair and caused the spoil of Lachish to 
 pass before him. ' ' Behind these officials are cap- 
 tives with pronounced Hebrew features. Behind 
 the victorious king stand eunuchs with ' ' fly flaps ; ' ' 
 behind these is his tent. Over it an inscription 
 reads: "Tent of Sennacherib king of Assyria." 
 Below is the king's chariot, and soldiers killing 
 captives. 
 
 According to the inscriptions only one son is 
 implicated in the parricide which brought this 
 reign to an end, although it is quite possible that 
 another was involved, as is recorded in the Old 
 Testament, which says, that Sennacherib was 
 assassinated by his two sons Adrammelech and 
 Sharezer (Isa. 37:38). In the Babylonian Chronicle 
 the following occurs : 
 
 On the 20th of Tebet, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, 
 was killed by his son in a rebellion. For [23] years 
 Sennacherib had reigned over the kingdom of Assyria. 
 From the 20th of Tebet until the 2nd of Adar there was 
 an insurrection in Assyria. On the 8th of Sivan Esar- 
 haddon, his son sat on the throne. 
 
 Esarhaddon (681-668) accomplished what his 
 father and Sargon had failed to do, namely defeat 
 Egypt and make it an Assyrian province. He felt 
 that the conquest of the land and the humiliation of 
 the king was the only possible remedy for the con- 
 stant interference of Egypt with Assyria's control 
 of Palestine and Syria. His first attempt,in 673 B. C, 
 was unsuccessful. Seven years later he invested 
 
352 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Tyre whose king, Baal, had identified himself with 
 Tirhakah. The Egyptian army was defeated and 
 the king escaped to Memphis. In returning from 
 Egypt, when his army reached the Nahr el-kelb 
 along the coast-road, he had cut in the rocks beside 
 the triumphal stele of Rameses II, his own, in which 
 he recounted his achievements. Also, on a large 
 triumphal stele which he erected at Zinjirli, he 
 had himself represented in colossal size, while be- 
 fore him in diminutive form is Tirhakah (2 Kings 
 19:9), who is identified from his negroid features; 
 and also Baal of Tyre. They have rings through 
 their lips, to which cords are attached. These 
 Esarhaddon with great complacency holds in his 
 left hand, while he holds a cup near his mouth 
 with the other. In the inscription, which is in the 
 Berlin Museum, he says : 
 
 Tarqii, the king of Egypt and Kush from Iskhupri 
 as far as Memphis, his royal city, a march of fifteen 
 days, I smote his warriors in great numbers. Himself 
 I attacked five times with the point of the spear in a 
 mortal combat. Memphis, his royal city I besieged for 
 half a day; I took it, I laid it waste, I burnt it with fire. 
 His consort, his other concubines, Ushanakhuru his son 
 and the rest of his sons and daughters, his possessions, 
 his treasuries, his horses, his oxen, his flocks without 
 number, I carried away to Assyria. The root of Kush 
 I tore up out of Egypt, and not one of the least did I 
 permit to return. Over the whole of Egypt I placed 
 afresh kings, governors, prefects, officials, overseers, 
 regents. The tribute of my sovereignty, [to be paid] 
 yearly without fail, I imposed upon them. 
 
Esarhaddon holding biblical Tirhakah, king of Egypt and Baal, king of Tyre 
 with thongs passing through their lips. 
 
 23 
 
354 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Esarhaddon does not mention in his inscriptions 
 that he took Manasseh to Assyria, but he does say 
 that when he was about to build a new palace he 
 caused twenty-two kings of the land of the Hittites, 
 along the sea coast, and the islands to furnish him 
 with building material, among whom was Manasseh : 
 
 I filled up the platform. I mustered the kings of 
 the Hittite laiid arid across the sea. Ba'lu king of 
 Tyre, MenasiS (Manasseh), king of the city Jaudu 
 Qudah) QaUsh-gabri king of Edon. Musuri king of 
 Moab, Tsil-B61 king of Gaza, Metinti king of Ashkelon, 
 Ikasamsu king of Ekron, Milki-ashapa, king of Gebel, 
 Matan-Bel, king of Arvad, Abi-Bel, King of the Sam- 
 simuruna, Budu-ilu, king of the city Beth-Ammon, 
 Akhi-Milki, king of Ashdod, 12 kings of the sea coast. 
 Ekishtura, king of the city of Idalien, Piligura king 
 of Kitrus, Kisu king of Sillua, Ittlandar, king of the 
 city Paphos, Eresu, king of Sillu, Damasu king of 
 Kurium ; Atmezu king of Tamassus ; Damljsi king of 
 Qarti-khadasti, Unasagusu, king of Lidir, Butsusu king 
 of Nuria, 10 kings of the land of Cyprus within the 
 sea ; altogether 2 2 kings of the land of the Hittites the 
 sea coast and midst of the sea, all of them, etc. 
 
 Esarhaddon met his death on the road to Egypt, 
 intending to reconquer his vassals who had rebelled, 
 and follow up his former victories. To him and his 
 son is due the credit for resuscitating Babylon, 
 which his father had endeavored to obliterate. 
 At Nippur also his work is manifested by inscribed 
 bricks bearing his name. In consequence of this 
 interest in the land there was no Babylonian revolt 
 during his reign. He was succeeded by his two 
 
Ashurbanipal depicted on a stone votive stele as the high priest or canephorus. 
 The inscription records his pious acts such as rebuilding temples. 
 
356 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 sons, Ashurbanipal ruling Assyria and Shamash- 
 shum-ukin, Babylonia. 
 
 Ashurbanipal (668-626) is generally believed to 
 be "the great and noble" Asnapper, Ezra 4: 10, who 
 settled in Samaria the Dinaites, Apharsathchites, 
 Tarpelites, Apharsites, Archevites, Babylonians, Shu- 
 shanchites, Dehaites, Elamites, and men of other 
 nations. In a list of twenty tributary kings corre- 
 sponding to that of Esarhaddon, Manasseh (written 
 Minse) of the land of Judah is again mentioned. 
 In 2 Chronicles 33 : 11 ff. we are informed that the 
 captains of the host of the king of Assyria took 
 Manasseh with hooks and bound him with fetters, 
 and carried him to Babylon. The king was either 
 Esarhaddon or Ashurbanipal. If the former, the 
 triumphal stele described above becomes especially 
 interesting. Later, because of his repentance, Manas- 
 seh was restored unto his kingdom. It is interesting 
 to note in the inscriptions that Ashurbanipal ac- 
 corded similar treatment to Necho, the vassal king 
 of Memphis and Sais, who had joined Tirhakah in 
 his revolt against Assyria. He had been brought 
 to Nineveh bound in chains ; but having gained the 
 confidence of Ashurbanipal he was sent back to 
 Egypt with marks of special favor, and reinstated 
 upon his throne. Manasseh' s bondage and treat- 
 ment, which is recorded only in the book of Chron- 
 icles, is thus paralleled by the experience of another 
 subject king. 
 
 The words uttered by the prophet Nahum in his 
 
358 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 prediction concerning the downfall of Nineveh, 
 when he said," Art thou, Nineveh better than No 
 Amon" finds an interesting explanation in the in- 
 scription of Ashurbanipal. No, meaning "city," is 
 the name of Thebes, while Amon (or Amen) was the 
 chief god worshiped in that city. Tirhakah had 
 been conquered by Esarhaddon. He advanced 
 against the rulers appointed by Assyria and took 
 possession of Memphis. Ashurbanipal went to 
 Egypt to suppress the insurrection. Tirhakah's • 
 forces were defeated. He fled by ship to Thebes 
 {Ni'i, ' ' No ") , which city Ashurbanipal took. Shortly 
 afterwards Urd-amani succeeded Tarqu. Ashur- 
 banipal again entered Egypt. But when the king 
 "saw the onslaught of my mighty battle, he left Ni'i 
 (No) and fled to Kipqip. This city {i.e. No) in its 
 entirety, in reliance upon Ashur and Ishtar my 
 hands conquered. " In other words, the rapacious 
 Assyrians spoiled the city. It is this to which the 
 prophet refers (Nahum 3:8). 
 
 Several' short reigns followed Ashurbanipal in 
 the twenty remaining years of Assyrian rule, namely 
 that of Ashur-etil-ilani, Sin-shum-lishir and Sin- 
 shar-ishkun. But Nineveh at last met her doom. 
 Nabopolassar, the Chaldean ruler of Babylonia, 
 made an alliance with the Umman-Manda or Medes, 
 and Sennacherib's destruction of Babylon was 
 avenged. The city was razed to the ground, never 
 to be rebuilt, and its treasures were carried away. 
 The Medes took possession of Northern Assyria and 
 
360 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the Armenia vassal states ; Babylonia took Southern 
 Assyria and the title to the West-lands including 
 Palestine, Syria, and Egypt. 
 
 " Thy shepherds slumber, O king of Assyria: thy 
 worthies are at rest : thy people are scattered upon 
 the mountains, and there is none to gather them. 
 There is no assuaging of thy hurt; thy wound is 
 grievous; all that hear the bruit of thee clap the 
 hands over thee; for upon whom hath not thy 
 wickedness passed continually? " (Nahum 3 : 18, 19.) 
 
XIV 
 
 THE NEO-BABYLONIAN HISTORICAL 
 INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 The time had arrived for the supremacy of the 
 valley to change hands. The coalition of the Medes 
 and Babylonians had secured their independence 
 from Assyria. Nabopolassar, who was of Chaldean 
 origin in all probability, had been installed as 
 viceroy by the Assyrian king Ashur-etil-ilani-ukin, 
 and was continued in that position by his successor 
 Sin-shar-ishkun, the last king of Assyria. He made 
 an alliance with the Medes, strengthening it by the 
 marrige of his son Nebuchadrezzar to the daughter 
 of Astyages, the Median king. 
 
 Necho II succeeded to the throne of Egypt about 
 the time Assyria was near its end. He constructed 
 a war fleet for the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. 
 He saw an opportunity to establish Egyptian control 
 over Palestine and Syria. (2 Kings 23 : 29-30.) He 
 advanced with his army to the plain of Megiddo, 
 where Josiah with an inferior force recklessly threw 
 himself against him. Josiah was defeated and 
 mortally wounded. With this stroke Necho was 
 able to capture the entire land ; and he moved north 
 as far as Riblah, in the land of Hamath. 
 
 361 
 
362 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Jehoahaz, the son of Josiah, was chosen king; 
 but Necho sent him a prisoner to Egypt. EUakim 
 his brother, who assumed Jehoiakim as his throne 
 name, was appointed ruler. A tribute of one hun- 
 dred talents of silver and one talent of gold was 
 imposed upon him. (2 Kings 23:31-35). But the 
 fall of Nineveh gave the vigorous Babylonians the 
 title to this land; and Necho 's plans were interfered 
 with. Nabopolassar despatched his son Nebu- 
 chadrezzar against the Egyptians, whom he defeated 
 at the battle of Carchemish on the Euphrates; and 
 the coveted territory was again wrested from Egypt. 
 The news of his father's death, however, prevented 
 Nebuchadrezzar from following up his victory. He 
 made a hurried march across the Syrian desert, 
 and on reaching Babylon was proclaimed king. 
 
 Five years later he turned his attention to the 
 West-land. The princes readily submitted to their 
 new master. "And the king of Egypt came not 
 again any more out of his land, for the king of 
 Babylon had taken from the river of Egypt unto 
 the river of Euphrates all that pertained to the King 
 of Egypt." (2 Kings 24:7). "Jehoiakim became 
 his (i.e. Nebuchadrezzar's) servant three years: 
 then he turned and rebelled against him" (2 Kings 
 24: i). 
 
 In 2 Chronicles 36 : 6, it is recorded that Nebuchad- 
 rezzar bound him in fetters and carried him to 
 Babylon, and Jehoiachin reigned in his stead. After 
 a short reign of three months he had Nebuchad- 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 363 
 
 rezzar beleaguering Jerusalem. Jehoiachin, and his 
 mother, the princes and officers threw themselves 
 on the mercy of the conquerer. He deported them, 
 
 Inscribed brick ol Nebuchadrezzar with stamp in Aramaic. Inscription 
 reads: Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida, the 
 first son of Nabopolassar, king-of Babylon. 
 
 together with all the mighty men of valor, making 
 ten thousand captives, and all the treasures of the 
 temple and palace. Those that he allowed to remain 
 
364 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 were, "the poorest sort of the people of the land." 
 Mattaniah, whose name was changed to Zedekiah, 
 was placed upon the throne. Again Egypt made 
 overtures, and promised assistance to the king if he 
 would renounce Babylonia. In the ninth year of 
 Zedekiah's reign, Nebuchadrezzar laid siege once 
 more to Jerusalem, as the king had revolted. This 
 event coincides with the accession of Pharaoh 
 Hophra, who marched to the assistance of his con- 
 federate. The Babylonians raised the siege long 
 enough to punish the Egyptians, who returned to 
 their country (Jer. 37: 5 ff). In two years, after a 
 stubborn resistance, the city fell, and the king who 
 had escaped by night from the city was captured. 
 The faithless vassal was taken to Nebuchadrezzar 
 at Riblah, where his son was killed before his eyes, 
 after which he was blinded, and sent to Babylon in 
 fetters. (2 Kings 25:6 f.). A second deportation 
 followed, when the walls of Jerusalem were broken 
 down. Over the remnant that remained, which 
 was composed of the poorest classes, Gedaliah was 
 appointed governor. Several months later he was 
 murdered by his own countrymen, who then fled 
 to Egypt. 
 
 A good many lengthy records known as building 
 inscriptions have been found belonging to Nebu- 
 chadrezzar, but no historical inscriptions corre- 
 sponding to the annals of the Assyrian kings. It 
 is not improbable that some day these will be found. 
 In consequence, little or no light from Babylonian 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 365 
 
 sources has been thrown upon the situation. It is 
 interesting, however, to note that while these rec- 
 ords make no reference to his political activity, 
 they represent him to be a man in every respect 
 similar to the way he is character- 
 ized in the Old Testament. In the 
 first place, he was a great builder. 
 He built the two great walls of 
 the city, called 
 Imgur-BM and 
 Nimitti-Bel. He 
 built immense 
 quays in the 
 banks of the 
 Euphrates, be- 
 sides developing 
 otherwise the 
 facilities for 
 handling the 
 commerce. He 
 dug wide moats 
 about the walls, 
 so that it was 
 as if the sea surrounded the city. The great 
 procession street between the temple Esagila in 
 Babylon and Ezida in Borsippa, was elevated 
 above the houses of the people, and greatly beau- 
 tified. This wide street was called Aiburshabu 
 ("May the enemy not prevail"). It was enclosed 
 by two walls, which were beautified with glazed 
 
 A king putting out the eyes of a prisoner. 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 
 
 367 
 
 tiles' in which lions, life size, were represented in 
 colors. These were enclosed in borders of rosettes. 
 The streets were paved with stone slabs which con- 
 tained a brief inscription concerning the builder. 
 It was on this street which led from the most sacred 
 
 God Marduk (Merodach). God Ramin&n (Addu). 
 
 (Found at Babylon.) 
 
 part of the temple through the city across the 
 Euphrates to the other temple, that on New Year's 
 day, Marduk (Merodach) was taken on a visit to 
 
 'Koldeway, the director of the excavations at Babylon, found 
 enough fragments of these tiles to reconstruct a complete figure 
 of one of the lions, which is given in the illustration on opposite 
 page. 
 
368 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 his son Nabu (Nebo), the patron deity of Borsippa. 
 The latter accompanied the former back to his 
 shrine. 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar also built the palace of his father, 
 and in addition erected another adjoining it. The 
 temple of Marduk, as well as the temples in Borsippa 
 and Sippara, were rebuilt and adorned. These and 
 many other important structures, for example the 
 hanging gardens, were built in Babylon. With the 
 
 Inscribed cylinder of (biblical) Nebuchadrezzar referring to his restoration of the 
 Tower of Babel and the building of the edifices in Babylon. 
 
 exception of a fragment of a bas-relief, which is 
 supposed to represent the gardens, nothing has been 
 found in the sections of the city excavated to prove 
 that they existed. We are dependent for our knowl- 
 edge of them upon the Greek historian. For millen- 
 niums the bricks used in the construction of Nebu- 
 chadrezzar's buildings, which bore his name and 
 titles, have been used by builders in the neighboring 
 cities. Babylon has been a veritable brick quarry. 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 369 
 
 In these cities can be found in great numbers bricks 
 which bear the name of the famous builder, many of 
 which had been used in his restoration of the Tower 
 of Babel (see page 102), as well as the temple walls 
 and palaces of the city. 
 
 Babylon of this age was largely the creation of 
 Nebuchadrezzar. Sennacherib endeavored to annihi- 
 late it, but Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal and others 
 rebuilt it. Nebuchadrezzar, however, laid out the 
 city on a scale unknown before and since his 
 day. As a builder he will be renowned until the 
 end of time. All this gives a realistic significance 
 to the passage in Daniel (4 : 30) : " Is not this great 
 Babylon, which I have built for the royal dwelling- 
 place by the might of my power and for the glory 
 of my majesty?" 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar was not only a great builder but 
 an intensely religious man, as is indicated not only 
 by his inscriptions, but by the Old Testament as well. 
 Consider, for instance a prayer which he offered 
 to his god Marduk: "O, eternal Sovereign, Lord of 
 everything that exists! As it seemeth good unto 
 thee direct the name of the king, whom thou lovest, 
 whose name thou hast called. Lead him in the 
 right path. I am the prince, who is obedient unto 
 thee, the creature of the land. Thou hast created 
 me; the governing of mankind thou hast entrusted 
 to me. According to thy grace, O Lord, which thou 
 hast bestowed upon all mankind, cause me to love 
 thy sublime dominion. The fear of thy god-head 
 
 24 
 
370 
 
 Light oil the Old Testament 
 
 divinity implant in my heart; yea, grant unto me 
 whatsoever seemeth good unto thee, O thou who 
 hast created my Hf e. ' ' If Jahweh had been addressed 
 in this prayer it could have been used by any devout 
 Jew. 
 
 His works were prompted by a religious senti- 
 ment. From the records which are extant, we do 
 not get the idea that he considered the chief occupa- 
 
 Contract tablet dated in the reign of Evil-Merodach with reference note written 
 in Aramaic. 
 
 tion of a monarch to be that of conquest and domi- 
 nation. While he deported people to Babylonia, it 
 was because no other policy seemed to obtain. There 
 are no indications of intolerant despotism. His 
 subjects were not ravaged; but on the contrary, 
 there seems to have been a disposition to be generous 
 towards them, and to improve their condition. 
 
 Evil-Merodach (562-559 B. C), his son, who is 
 mentioned in the Old Testament as improving the 
 condition of Jehoiachin in the thirty-seventh year 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 371 
 
 of his captivity (2 Kings 25: 28 ff), followed Nebu- 
 chadrezzar, and ruled two years. Berosus, who 
 lived early in the third century, says, "he governed 
 public affairs lawlessly and extravagantly." In all 
 probability he was easy going and mild. He was 
 slain in a revolt which was headed by his brother- 
 in-law, Nergal-sharezer (559-555 B. C), who suc- 
 ceeded him. It is thought that he is the same who 
 is mentioned by the prophet Jeremiah (39:3), as 
 being at the capture of Jerusalem at the close of 
 Zedekiah's reign. Four years later his young son 
 Labashi-Marduk ascended the throne, but he was 
 murdered nine months later by a body of conspira- 
 tors, who chose as his successor Nabonidus, the 
 father of Belshazzar. 
 
 Nabonidus (555-538 B. C.) had been a general of 
 the army during the reigns of several of his 
 predecessors. It is quite likely that he was one 
 of the chief intriguers who caused the death of 
 the former king. According to the Babylonian 
 Chronicle, or the Annals of Nabonidus, we learn a 
 few important facts concerning him, and his son 
 Bel-shar-usur, the biblical Belshazzar. The latter 
 had been regarded as a mythical personage until 
 the discovery of tablets mentioning him as "son 
 of the king." Moreover, he seems to have taken 
 a prominent part in governmental affairs, at least 
 in connection with the army, as is indicated in the 
 Chronicle. 
 
 This valuable record unfortunately is only partly 
 
372 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 preserved. In the seventh year we learn that the 
 " king was in Tema ; the son of the king (Belshazzar), 
 the princes and the army were in Accad. ' ' In con- 
 sequence, on New Year's day when the great festival 
 called akttu was celebrated, the king "to Babylon 
 did not go; Nebo to Babylon did not go; Bel did 
 not go forth ; the akitu was omitted. " Their absence 
 interfered with the annual procession of the gods 
 
 Cylinder of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, containing a prayer for his son 
 Belshazzar. 
 
 on the great street Aibur-shabu, between the temple 
 Esagila and Ezida, as it was necessary for the king 
 to head the procession. Sacrifices, however, were 
 offered in the temples. In the ninth year the same 
 state of affairs seems to have existed. During this 
 year the king's mother died. The official period of 
 mourning for her by the people is mentioned in the 
 Chronicle. In the tenth and eleventh years, the 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 373 
 
 feast was also omitted, due to the absence of the 
 king, his son, and the nobles. The fragmentary 
 Chronicle next refers to the seventeenth and last 
 year of his rule. 
 
 It was not because Nabonidus was an irreligious 
 man that he neglected to be in Babylon on these 
 occasions, so that the festivals could be observed; 
 for we learn from his inscriptions that his pious 
 acts such as building and restoring temples, etc., 
 were especially numerous. It does seem, however, 
 that he was more interested in historical or anti- 
 quarian investigations than he was in the religious 
 feasts. He seems to have delighted in the search 
 for knowledge. In restoring temples he usually 
 excavated to their foundations, in order to ascer- 
 tain who had laid them. He made diligent search 
 for the ancient records that had been deposited in 
 the foundations. In recording his own labors on 
 cylinders, he usually made reference to what he 
 had learned in reading these inscriptions, mention- 
 ing at the same time the condition in which he 
 had found them, as well as something about the 
 builder. 
 
 Evidently the priests and the people were not 
 interested in his researches, and perhaps even looked 
 with disfavor upon the excavations which were 
 necessary to ascertain the desired data. They were 
 especially displeased because he neglected to attend 
 the feasts. In consequence, they readily welcomed a 
 change of affairs, and as a result the throne passed 
 
374 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 from the Babylonians to the Achaemenians. The 
 Chronicle for the seventeenth year reads : 
 
 Nebo from Borsippa to go forth . 
 the king entered the temple E-dur-kalamma. In the 
 month . and the lower sea a revolt 
 
 B61 came out ; the akUu festival according to the custom 
 . . the gods of Marad, Zagaga and the gods of 
 
 
 ^--'. 
 
 S&-^- 
 
 
 
 ..1 -»» »r csa 
 
 ■OKI F$^'-*eoflr«;9vw«ii*nnvw •?-«;& ttE- 
 
 •WtrKHraJKVB 
 
 Chronicle recording the death of Belshazzar. 
 
 Kish, BSltis and the gods of Kharsagkalamma entered 
 Babylon. Unto the end of Elul, the gods of Borsippa, 
 Cutha and Sippara did not enter. In the month Tam- 
 muz, Cyrus when he made battle in Kesh (Opis), on 
 the banks of the river Zalzallat, with the soldiers of 
 Accad, conquered the inhabitants of Accad. When 
 they assembled, the people were killed. On the 14th, 
 Sippara was taken without a battle. Nabonidus fled. 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 375 
 
 On the 1 6th, Gobryas, the governor of the land of 
 Gutium, and the soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon 
 without a battle. Later Nabonidus was captured be- 
 cause he tarried in Babylon. To the end of the month 
 the shield bearers of Gutium guarded the gates of 
 Esagila. No arms of any kind were taken into Esagila 
 or into the shrines ; nor was the standard carried in. 
 On the third day of Marchesvan Cyrus entered Babylon. 
 Difficulties were cleared ( ?) Peace was established for 
 the city. Cyrus proclaimed peace to all Babylonia and 
 from the month Kislev unto Adar the gods of Accad 
 whom Nabonidus had brought to Babylon returned 
 to their cities. In Marchesvan, by night, on the nth, 
 Gobryas in . . and the son of the king was killed. 
 
 From the 27th of Adar, until the 3rd of Nisan there 
 was lamentation in Accad. All the people bowed 
 their heads. On the 4th day Cambyses, the son of 
 Cyrus, went to Eshapakalamma summu, etc. 
 
 We learn from the Chronicle that Cyrus, king of 
 Anshan and Persia which he had also conquered, 
 began his conquest of Babylonia at Opis. This 
 was in the year 538 B. C. He captured Sippara 
 without fighting. Two days later the gates of Baby- 
 lon were thrown open to his army under Gobryas, 
 and Nabonidus was imprisoned. About three and 
 a half months later Cyrus entered the city, and 
 proclaimed peace to the inhabitants. A week later 
 Gobryas entered . . . (tablet is injured), and 
 Belshazzar, the son of the king, was slain. 
 
 In view of this Chronicle, it is now generally 
 asserted that Herodotus' description of the strategy 
 by which Babylon was taken, namely, by turning the 
 waters of the Euphrates, which enabled the army 
 
376 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 to gain entrance by passing beneath the arches 
 that spanned the river, is to be regarded as nothing 
 more than a romance. Further, they say, in. dis- 
 agreement with the fifth chapter of Daniel, there 
 was no violence when the city was captured; Bel- 
 shazzar was not king, neither was he or his father 
 the son of Nebuchadrezzar. 
 
 While it is not impossible that in some way he 
 was connected with the royal house, nothing has 
 been revealed to show that any relationship existed 
 with the famous builder. Further, it is not likely 
 that there was any. In his inscriptions he does not 
 claim any connection. He says Marduk had ap- 
 pointed him sovereign by reason of his faithfulness. 
 His father's name was Nabu-balatsu-iqbi, whom 
 he simply calls rubu emqu, "wise prince." If he 
 could have made any claims of royal lineage he would 
 have done so. There are other difficulties of a 
 historical character in the book, for which no satis- 
 factory explanations have as yet been offered, but 
 according to what follows, one important difficulty 
 disappears; at least the kingship of Belshazzar is 
 made quite possible. 
 
 Belshazzar, according to the inscriptions, is not 
 known as a king, although it is quite clear that he 
 was peculiarly associated with his father in the rule 
 of affairs. In the Chronicle the actions of the king, 
 his son, and the nobles are usually recorded. Some 
 see in this fact an explanation of the promise to 
 make Daniel the third ruler in the kingdom, in case 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 377 
 
 he was able to interpret the handwriting on the 
 wall ; but the fact must be recognized that Naboni- 
 dus was at this time dethroned, and if Belshazzar 
 regarded himself king, according to what follows, 
 then the rulers in order could not be : Nabonidus, 
 Belshazzar, Daniel. 
 
 While the inscriptions do not recognize Belshazzar 
 as king, it is not at all impossible that he was re- 
 garded as such by a percentage of the Babylonians, 
 at least for a short time, and not without legiti- 
 mate reasons. Cyrus's army entered Babylon, and 
 Nabonidus was imprisoned. But how about Bel- 
 shazzar, the king's son, who figured so prominently 
 in governmental affairs? Three and a half months 
 later Cyrus enters the city, when doubtless he is ac- 
 knowledged to be the king. A week later the army 
 under Gobryas entered a certain place, and Bel- 
 shazzar is slain. The feast of Belshazzar could have 
 taken place in Borsippa or any other city; i.e. 
 it did not take place necessarily in Babylon. Com- 
 mentators have fixed this event in that city, although 
 the city is not mentioned in the fifth chapter of 
 Daniel. It is, however, not unlikely that it did 
 take place right in the city of Babylon. We know 
 enough about the city and its buildings, at the present 
 time, to understand how it was possible that in that 
 city, which was very great in extent at the time, 
 a large number of his followers could congregate, 
 and even fortify themselves. The Chronicle men- 
 tions the fact that, prior to Cyrus's appearing in 
 
378 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 person, the gates of Esagila were guarded, and that 
 no arms were taken into the sanctuary. It is not 
 so likely that Belshazzar and his nobles were assem- 
 bled there, but it is quite possible that they had 
 fortified themselves in the great palace which 
 Nebuchadrezzar had built ; in which case it would 
 be the palace referred to in the Book of Daniel. 
 The king's palace was separately fortified, and 
 protected by walls and moats, — in other words 
 it was a fortress within a fortified city. After Na- 
 bonidus, who was the rightful heir to the throne, 
 had been dethroned, it is altogether reasonable to 
 suppose that Belshazzar's faithful followers pro- 
 claimed him king; and that he reigned in this 
 peculiar way for nearly four months. 
 
 The dating of contracts shows that the people 
 did not recognize Cyrus as king until after he had 
 entered the city. In contracts published by Father 
 Strassmaier there are no less than twelve dated in 
 the reign of Nabonidus after he was imprisoned, 
 in fact up to the day before Belshazzar's death; 
 and one even later. On the other hand there is 
 one published contract dated in the reign of Cyrus 
 which is supposed to belong to the month prior to 
 his entrance in the city, but the tablet is effaced, 
 and the date uncertain. The first tablet, the date 
 in which his reign is mentioned, was written on 
 the 24th of Marchesvan, i.e. twenty -one days after 
 Cyrus had proclaimed peace in Babylon. These 
 facts show that Cyrus was not generally acknow- 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 379 
 
 ledged to be king until after he entered Babylon, 
 three and a half months after his army had de- 
 throned Nabonidus. And although during this 
 period the scribes continued to date legal docu- 
 ments in the reign of the dethroned king, it is 
 quite reasonable to believe that at least some 
 regarded Belshazzar as the ruler, and also that 
 tablets may be found dated during his short reign. 
 (See also page 397, on the feast of Belshazzar.) 
 
 The latter part of the Chronicle, although quite 
 fragmentary, is supposed to refer to the burial of 
 Belshazzar with royal honors. Cyrus, in accordance 
 with his policy, caused his son Cambyses to lead the 
 cortege and, according to Berosus, appointed Naboni- 
 dus governor of Karmania. 
 
 Cyrus adopted the title, "king of Babylon, and 
 king of countries. ' ' This included Anshan and Persia. 
 He claimed to be the legitimate successor of his 
 predecessor. Cyrus selected an auspicious time for 
 his invasion of Babylonia. The people apparently 
 welcomed a change, but it is somewhat surprising 
 that a foreign king should have been so acceptable. 
 In order to make himself secure, it was Cyrus's 
 policy to cater to all classes by favoring them from 
 a religious point of view, although he worshiped 
 Ormuzd. He seems to have succeeded in making 
 the Babylonians believe that he was more loyal 
 to their deities than was Nabonidus. Foreign people 
 that had been brought to Babylonia were allowed 
 to return to their native lands, and take with them 
 
380 
 
 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 their gods. In this way he became the popular 
 head of the kingdom. 
 
 Unfortunately no historical records of the reign 
 of Cyrus and his son Cambyses have as yet been 
 found, except a fragmentary cylinder inscription 
 which Rassam found in Babylon. It was written 
 in the year of Cyrus' accession. In it he described 
 the way he desired the world to understand his acts. 
 
 The Dragon of Nippur. 
 
 He claimed to have been legitimately raised up to 
 take the place of Nabonidus, the impious usurper. 
 He desired to have the people believe that he was 
 a defender of their religion. The existence of strange 
 gods brought to the capital by Nabonidus, which 
 gave offense to the priests, offered him the oppor- 
 tunity to show how considerate he was to foreign 
 peoples by returning them to their respective shrines, 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 381 
 
 and especially by sending the peoples held in bondage 
 to their native homes. Naturally the Jews did 
 not have gods but ' ' vessels of the house of the Lord, 
 which Nebuchadrezzar had brought forth out of 
 Jerusalem, and had put them in the house of the 
 gods" (Ezra 1 : 7-1 1). The inscription of Cyrus 
 reads: 
 
 " . . By an unrelaxing yoke he destroyed all 
 
 of them. At their lamentation the lord of the god was 
 
 The Dragon of Babylon. 
 
 enraged exceedingly . . . their boundary; the gods 
 that dwelt in their midst forsook their abode in wrath 
 that he (Nabonidus) had brought them into Babylon. 
 Marduk before He went about to all the dis- 
 
 tricts where their abodes were established, and had 
 regard for the people of Sumer and Accad who were 
 like the dead . . he had compassion upon all the 
 
 lands. In all of them he sought for [and] beheld him. 
 He searched for an upright prince, the desire of [his] 
 
382 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 heait, whom he took by his hand, Cyrus, king of Anshan 
 he called his name ; for the kingship of the whole world 
 he proclaimed his name. 
 
 The land of Quti the whole of the Umman-manda he 
 made submissive to him. The black-headed people 
 whom he (the god) caused his hands to subdue, in 
 justice and righteovisness he cared for them. Marduk, 
 the great lord, the protector of his people beheld 
 joyfully [his] deeds of piety and his upright heart. 
 His march to his, city Babylon he commanded ; he 
 caused him to take the road to Babylon; like a 
 friend and comrade he walked by his side. His wide 
 extended troops whose numbers were like the waters of 
 a river, could not be known, with their weapons girded 
 on, marched beside him. Without a fight or a battle 
 he made him enter Babylon. His city Babylon he 
 spared from distress. Nabonidus who did not reverence 
 him he delivered into his hand. The people of Babylon 
 — all of them the whole of Sumer and Accad, the nobles 
 and governors submitted themselves before him, they 
 kissed his feet, rejoiced for his sovereignty, their 
 countenances brightened. 
 
 The lord who by [his] assistance revived the dead, in 
 distress and need he relieved (?) all — they gladly 
 honored him, and observed his word. I am Cyrus, the 
 king of the world, the great king, the mighty king, 
 king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Accad, king of the 
 four quarters [of the earth], son of Cambyses, the great 
 king, king of Anshan ; grandson of Cyrus the great king 
 of Anshan ; great grandson of Teispis the great king, king 
 of Anshan ; that enduring seed of royalty whose reign 
 Btl and Nabu loved ; for the happiness of their heart 
 they desired his reign. When I entered Babylon peace- 
 fully amidst rejoicing and shouts, in the king's palace I 
 took up the seat of lordship. Marduk the great lord, 
 the big hearted . son of Babylon .... 
 
 me, and daily I venerated him. My vast army went 
 about in Babylon peacefully. The whole of the people 
 of Sumer and Accad. I did not permit to be . . . 
 

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384 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Within Babylon and all its cities with consideration I 
 looked upon the sons of Babylon . . . like with- 
 
 out heart . The yoke which was not honor- 
 
 able, was removed(?) I quietly relieved their sighing, 
 I soothed their sorrow. Marduk the great lord rejoiced 
 over my deeds of piety, and inclined graciously. To 
 me Cyrus, the king who worshipped him and Cambyses 
 the son, the going forth of my heart and all my troops 
 and 
 
 The reference to the deHverance of the Jews in 
 the first verse of the book of Ezra, which took 
 place, ' ' in the first year of Cyrus, ' ' is thus verified 
 by this inscription. That they were allowed to take 
 with them their sacred vessels (Ezra 1:7), is also 
 substantiated by the fact that Cyrus returned to 
 their respective shrines the deities brought into 
 Babylonia. Naturally, temple utensils as well as 
 statues of gods were included. That Cyrus should 
 issue also a proclamation for the rebuilding of the 
 temple (Ezra 1:1, 4) seems to be in strict accordance 
 with his policy. Nearly two generations had passed, 
 in which time there was a great increase of Jews in 
 Babylonia. Doubtless many had become prosperous 
 and influential. The published contracts, dated in 
 the reign of Nabonidus show that many Hebrews 
 had entered into contract relations with the Baby- 
 lonians. It is therefore quite reasonable to think 
 that Cyrus in his efforts to please this portion of 
 the inhabitants would readily issue such a decree. 
 And that the prophet should represent him as saying 
 that, "the Lord God of heaven had given him all 
 
Portrait sculpture oi Cyrus, at Meshed-Murgti^b. 
 
386 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the kingdoms of the earth" (Ezra 1:2 ff), is exactly 
 what Cyrus endeavored to have the different 
 peoples believe; namely, that their respective gods 
 were favorable to him. 
 
 Cyrus made his son Cambyses a co-regent the 
 year before his death (530 B. C). He gave him the 
 title "King of Babylon," while he retained "king 
 of countries. ' ' About this time, the Babylonians 
 began to realize that they preferred one of their 
 own nation to rule them; and in consequence 
 dissatisfaction arose. While Cambyses was in 
 Egypt ruling that country, a Median named Gomates 
 proclaimed himself king, having made the claim 
 that he was the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had 
 killed. The Babylonians called him Barzia. A 
 number of contract tablets have been found which 
 are dated in his reign. Media and Persia, besides 
 Babylonia, temporarily acknowledged him king. 
 Cambyses, who was in Egypt, turned his steps in 
 haste towards Babylonia, but when he reached 
 Syria he committed suicide. 
 
 A prince of the same house, although more Persian 
 than Median or Elamitic, named Darius (521- 
 486 B. C.) took the throne; and in a short time was 
 able to put down Barzia, who ruled about eight 
 months, as well as several other pretenders who had 
 mounted thrones in various parts of the empire. 
 His victory over these pretenders and the revolted 
 provinces he had inscribed in their language upon 
 the rocks of Behistun. He extended his empire 
 
 25 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 387 
 
 by conquest until the kingdoms which acknowledged 
 his rule numbered twenty-three. Two unsuccessful 
 attempts had been made to invade Greece, the 
 second effort coming to an issue in the battle of 
 Marathon, 490 B. C. An uprising in Egypt and his 
 death prevented a third attempt. 
 
 Darius, the greatest of Persian kings was a strict 
 
 The impression of the cylinder-seal of Darius. The trilingual inscription, in Old 
 Persian, Median, and Babylonian, reads: " I am Darius, the great king." 
 
 monotheist, worshiping Ahurmazda or Ormuzd, 
 "the maker of heaven and earth, and the creator 
 of man." On a magnificent seal, for the im- 
 pression of which see the accompanying illus- 
 tration, he is depicted hunting lions under the 
 protecting care of his god. The inscription, which 
 is written in Persian, Median and Babylonian 
 reads: "I am Darius the great king." Darius I, 
 
388 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 or Hystaspes, was succeeded by his son Xerxes, 
 whom he appointed to succeed him. 
 
 In the EngHsh of the Old Testament this ruler 
 is known as Ahasuerus. In the inscriptions, his 
 name is written Af^shiwarshu, Aksh-iarshu, Hish- 
 iarshi, etc., which is quite similar to the Hebrew, 
 Ahashwerosh. After this identification had been 
 made, and the social and political conditions, as 
 portrayed in the book of Esther were found to be 
 those of the Persia of this time, the theory main- 
 tained by certain scholars, that Esther is a work 
 of fiction, lost its force. Further, the excavations 
 of Dieulafoy in the mounds of Susa, where he uncov- 
 ered " Shushan the palace" (Esther 1:2), discovering 
 also one of the dice with which the people at that 
 time " cast Pur, that is, the lot" (Esther 3 : 7), make 
 the story so realistic, that we cannot but feel that 
 it rests upon historical facts. 
 
 The palace of Xerxes was restored by his son and 
 successor to the throne, Artaxerxes I (464-424 B. C). 
 This ruler was favorably disposed towards the Jews. 
 In his seventh year he made a decree empowering 
 Ezra to go to Jerusalem with all those who desired 
 to accompany him, and take with them all that 
 they could collect, besides making extensive grants 
 in order that he could put affairs in good shape, and 
 offer sacrifices. During the reign of Arta,xerxes 
 I and Darius II, the Sons of Murashu conducted 
 their business transactions in and about Nippur 
 (see next chapter). More than one third of the 
 
Neo-Babylonian Inscriptions 389 
 
 contracts thus far published, of these brokers, 
 were drawn up with Hebrews who continued to 
 live in Babylonia after the exile. 
 
 Before his death Artaxerxes restrained those who 
 were engaged in rebuilding the temple (Ezra 4: 
 21-24). He was succeeded by his son Xerxes II, 
 who reigned only two months when he was murdered 
 by Sogdianus, an illegitimate son of Artaxerxes. 
 After he had ruled seven months, he was murdered 
 by another illegitimate son, who is known as Darius 
 II, or Nothus (423-404) ; the same that resumed the 
 rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem. 
 
 After the thousands of undeciphered clay tablets 
 that have been excavated have been forced to yield 
 their contents, additional light here and there will 
 doubtless be added, by the aid of which some 
 historical difficulties will vanish but doubtless new 
 ones will arise — ^and the veracity of the Old Testa- 
 ment writings will be more firmly established. 
 
XV 
 
 BABYLONIAN LIFE IN THE DAYS 
 OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 Many of the Hebrews returned to the land of 
 their ancestral homes after Cyrus had liberated 
 them. In the reign of Artaxerxes, about fifteen 
 thousand more went to Palestine with Ezra (about 
 458 B.C.). A great many of the Jews, however, 
 preferred, to remain in the Tigro-Euphrates valley,, 
 and continue to live among the Babylonians; 
 some of whom had become more or less influential. 
 Nehemiah had been one of these. He had made 
 himself useful in the court at Susa, so that he became 
 the king's butler. It was in the twentieth year of 
 the reign of Artaxerxes I (some scholars say Arta- 
 xerxes II) , after Nehemiah had heard of the condition 
 of his compatriots in Jerusalem, that he petitioned 
 the king to send him to the " city of the sepulchres 
 of his father." Artaxerxes appointed him civil 
 governor of the district ; and with the usual body- 
 guard, he dispatched him on his mission (about 
 445 B. C). 
 
 The discovery of a literature' in Babylonia 
 
 ' Several thousand contract tablets of this period have been 
 published by Father Strassmaier and others. 
 
 390 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 391 
 
 belonging to this very time, which throws Ught 
 upon the social customs and manners of the people 
 with whom the Hebrews had daily come in contact, 
 must be welcomed by all biblical students. This 
 literature is of special interest when in it are found 
 many of the names of those that remained in 
 Babylonia, who are the descendants of the Jews 
 to whom Ezekiel preached, along the banks of the 
 
 A dog and her puppies, in terra-cotta. 
 
 Chebar. In these late Babylonian inscriptions we 
 therefore look for that which, in a measure, illus- 
 trates the life of the Hebrews themselves, in the 
 post-exilic period ; for many of those that returned, 
 after being liberated by Cyrus, had been born in 
 Babylonia; and most of those that had returned 
 with Ezra were of the fourth generation after 
 Nebuchadrezzar had deported them. 
 
392 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 It was in the spring of 1893, that Doctor Haynes, 
 who directed the excavations of the third expedition, . 
 carried on by the University of Pennsylvania at 
 Nippur, discovered on the western side of the canal 
 Shatt en-Nil, twenty feet below the surface of the 
 mound, the archive-room of a business house which 
 flourished during the reigns of Artaxerxes I (464- 
 424 B.C.), Darius II (423-404 B.C.), and the first 
 part of the reign of the following ruler, namely, 
 Artaxerxes II. The room was about eighteen feet 
 long by nine feet wide. Only a small portion of the 
 walls remained standing, the roof having fallen in, 
 and the walls destroyed, doubtless not long after 
 the time of the latest dated tablet. The ground 
 floor of the room was literally covered with tablets 
 and fragments. About seven hundred and thirty, 
 including fragments, were gathered. Nothing re- 
 mained to show how the archives had been kept, 
 but it is presumed that they had been laid in rows 
 upon wooden shelves. When the roof of the building 
 fell in, the tablets were buried. 
 
 They were simply sun-dried, having been made of 
 clay, well kneaded and washed from grit. This 
 increased the adhesive power of the clay, and gave 
 the tablet the appearance of being baked, and at 
 the same time offered an exceptionally smooth 
 surface for the writing. 
 
 The tablets, as a rule, were carefully inscribed, 
 a great many of which are remarkable for the care 
 bestowed upon them by the scribes. Most of these 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 393 
 
 documents were written for the sons and grandsons 
 of Murash-a, namely: Bel-khitin, who transacted 
 business imtil 437 B. C, Bel-nadin-shum, whose 
 name is not mentioned after 416 B. C, Rimiit- 
 Ninib, and Murashu, sons of the former, and a 
 Murash-(a, son of the second mentioned. 
 
 A number -of them were inscribed in the interests 
 of their servants, or slaves, and the slaves' servants. 
 It is not stated whether these servants or slaves 
 transacted business for themselves, or in the interest 
 of their masters. As is well known, it is quite possible 
 to understand that they carried on business for 
 themselves. The fact that their tablets are found 
 with the archives of the family, implies perhaps 
 some intimate connections in their business trans- 
 actions with different members of the family. 
 
 Each tablet is drawn up in the interest of one 
 particular person. Only in a single tablet do we 
 find any connection between the sons of Murashli. 
 In this instance, an order presented to one of the 
 sons is paid by another. Beyond the fact that 
 they had a common ancestor, and the tablets were 
 found together in the archive-room, there is nothing 
 to show the existence of a firm, in those thus far 
 published. It is possible to understand, of course, 
 that these ancient brokers were carrying on a 
 business which had at some previous time been 
 established by an ancestor named Murash-d, like 
 the house of Egibi of Babylon ; or by the first named 
 of the sons of Murashii, and even that a firm existed; 
 
394 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 but there is no definite information on this subject 
 which has been gathered from the tablets that have 
 been deciphered. 
 
 Of great value are the brief Aramaic legends 
 foimd on these" archives. They were either scratched 
 deeply into the clay, or lightly with some kind of 
 an instrument. In a number of instances the remains 
 of a black color in the inscription show that they 
 had been scratched with some kind of a pen. In 
 consequence, some are exceedingly faint, and only 
 here and there a character is- legible, to indicate the 
 former existence of an inscription. It would seem 
 reasonable to conjecture that all the tablets of these 
 archives originally had Aramaic inscriptions. 
 
 The word "docket" has in the past been incor- 
 rectly applied to these brief legends. The act is 
 that of docketing, but the proper term in legal 
 parlance for the writing is "endorsement." In 
 other words, after the tablet was written in the 
 cuneiform script in the legal language, which in 
 this case was Babylonian, endorsements were written 
 upon them, as for instance, a lawyer of the present 
 day endorses a deed or contract, by stating its 
 character, etc., as a reference note in filing the paper. 
 In some instances the Aramaic endorsements describe 
 the nature of the document, e.g., "The document 
 of the land of the nagaraja (carpenters) which 
 Khid-dri, son of Khabsir gave to Rib^t, son of 
 B61-Mb, for (literally 'in') rent." (See illustration 
 on opposite page.) In other cases it simply records 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 395 
 
 the name of the obHgor or recipient, for example-: 
 "Doctiment of Labashi, " or "Document of Akhu- 
 shimu, son of Bel-etir. " 
 
 The question arises, why were these endorsements 
 not written in cuneiform, the regular script of the 
 
 Deed with an Aramaic endorsement or reference note. 
 
 Babylonian language, instead of Aramaic, the 
 language of Armenia. Without any doubt it points 
 to the fact that the endorsements were written 
 in the tongue of the record keeper, or more probably 
 in the langtiage of the man in whose interest the 
 
396 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 tablets were written. In other words, the Miirash-(i 
 sons, or their archivarius, were of Aramean origin, 
 or Aramaic was their tongue. As we shah see 
 (page 404), the country was fihed with Western 
 Semites. 
 
 There are many known facts concerning the use 
 of Aramaic in Babylonia, Assyria, and Palestine, 
 which in the centuries before and after the exile 
 are suggestive of a very general usage of the language. 
 We can infer that Aramaic was the language of 
 diplomacy in the time of Sennacherib from the 
 episode which occurred between his officials and those 
 of Hezekiah who were standing on the walls of 
 Jerusalfem, when Eliakim of the latter, said : " Speak, 
 I pray thee, to thy servant in Aramaic for we under- 
 stand it: and speak not with us in the Jews' 
 language, in the ears of the people that are on the 
 wall" (2 Kings 18:26). Recall also the edicts of 
 the late period which were made in Aramaic, or 
 the letter which Bishlam and the rest of his com- 
 panions wrote unto Artaxerxes, "which was written 
 in the Aramaic character, and set forth the Aramaic 
 tongue" (Ezra 4: 7). In Babylonia, bricks inscribed 
 with Aramaic legends, which took the place of 
 those written in the cuneiform script, have been 
 found; also some in Babylonian and Aramaic, 
 (see illustration, p. 363). Bas-reliefs, seal cylinders, 
 weights, etc., which contain Aramaic inscriptions 
 have also been found. In Assyria, as well as in 
 Babylonia, many contract tablets, exclusive of 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 397 
 
 the Murash-Ci documents, have been found with 
 Aramaic endorsements, ' some dated as early as the 
 time of Sennacherib. The fact that portions of the 
 Old Testament written in the post-exilic period are 
 in Aramaic, and that eventually it became the 
 language of Palestine, would indicate, perhaps, 
 that the people had learned this language during 
 their exile; although there is considerable Aramaic 
 influence in the pre-exilic Hebrew literature. On 
 taking these and other things into consideration in 
 connection with the fact that a large percentage 
 of the names found on the tablets of this period are 
 West Semitic, of which a great many are Aramean, 
 we become impressed with the extended usage of 
 the Aramaic language throughout this region, and 
 especially in Babylonia. 
 
 The cuneiform script continued to be used until 
 the third or second century before Christ, and even 
 later. The scribes continued to study Babylonian 
 as the literary and legal language of the country, 
 and employed it in writing contracts, letters, etc., 
 but it is reasonable to conjecture that the usage of 
 the language was on the decline as early as the sixth 
 century B. C. The tongue of the common people 
 seems to have been Aramaic, which eventually 
 crowded out the Babylonian with its most difficult 
 cuneiform script. The intercommercial use of the 
 
 1 These have been gathered in a volume by Professor J. H. 
 Stevenson of Vanderbilt University, entitled, Assyrian and 
 Babylonian Contracts. 
 
398 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 language, the fact that many Western Semites had 
 emigrated to this region, besides the descendants 
 of war captives and merchants who lived there, 
 and that for writing purposes the Aramaic, with its 
 short alphabet was infinitely easier to learn than the 
 difficult cuneiform script, with its five hundred 
 characters, nearly all of which have many phonetic 
 and ideographic values, give us reasons for the theory 
 that the Aramaic gradually supplanted the Baby- 
 lonian as the spoken language of the land. 
 
 The use of Aramaic in Babylonia offers an interest- 
 ing commentary on the story of Belshazzar's feast. 
 When commentators considered the language of 
 Babylonia to be Chaldean, the same as the language 
 in which post-exilic portions of the Old Testament 
 are written, there was no difficulty with reference 
 to the handwriting on the wall being in that tongue. 
 When later it was learned that this language was 
 Aramaic, and that as far as was known, it had noth- 
 ing to do with the language of Chaldea {i.e. Baby- 
 lonia) , and further, that the language of the country 
 was the Babylonian and the script was the cuneiform, 
 there seemed to be a serious discrepancy; for the 
 night in which Belshazzar was slain, the hand- 
 writing upon the wall of the king's palace was in 
 Aramaic. But when we realize that in Belshazzar's 
 time the language which the lords knew in their 
 official capacity, as well as that which the average 
 man very probably understood, was the Aramaic, 
 we have reasons why the Chaldeans spoke to the 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 399 
 
 king in Aramaic (Dan. 2:4), and why the inscription 
 on the wall was written in that language. Doubtless 
 the characters were clearly intelligible to all who 
 were present, but it required a Daniel, in his pro- 
 phetic spirit, to interpret them. 
 
 The Aramaic endorsements incised or written upon 
 the clay tablets are valuable also in that we are 
 able by their help to improve readings of the cunei- 
 form characters, especially in proper names. Through 
 the study of these legends the prontinciation of 
 one well known Babylonian god was determined, 
 as well as the consonantal writing of another. 
 The name of a god commonly called Ninib, being 
 the son of B^l, and one of the patron deities of 
 Nippiu", is found quite frequently as an element 
 in the names from that city. Few scholars, however, 
 believed that the name of the god Nin-ib, which 
 reading is Sumerian, was to be read the same in 
 Babylonian. It occurred to me that as the god was 
 prominently worshiped at Nippur the name could 
 be ascertained through the medium of the Aramaic 
 endorsements, if a name, compounded with the 
 so-called Ninib, occurred in them. The first thing 
 to be determined was, whose name should be 
 expected in an endorsement written upon a contract. 
 It became clear that if only one name occurred in 
 a short legend, like, "Document of Lab^shu, " 
 the name of the obligor was to be expected. Accord- 
 ingly several tablets with endorsements were found, 
 in which the obligor's name contained as an element 
 
400 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 the god Nin-ih. In the case of two, the names were 
 very poorly preserved. The reading turned out to 
 be something altogether different from anything that 
 had ever been suggested. After considerable study 
 I came to the conclusion that the consonants of the 
 name were to be read, either ' n w sh t or ' n r sh t. 
 Although practically convinced that the middle 
 character was W (aw) and not R(esh), I presented 
 both readings with preference for the former. As 
 to the vocalization of the characters, and the' 
 
 TlayKi 1 \ It 
 
 4b^ 
 
 So-called " Ninib " in Aramaic. 
 
 identification of the name in cuneiform or other 
 literatures, I did not offer my views, not being 
 convinced of the correctness of anything which 
 suggested itself to me. Another scholar followed by 
 reading the characters ' n r sh Ij,, and regarded the 
 name as identical with Nisroch of the Old Testament 
 (2 Kings 19:37). This is impossible. The readings 
 of all other scholars, with one exception, conformed 
 either to one or the other which I had offered. 
 The exception referred to, i.e., b I p r sh t^^bel pirishti 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 401 
 
 "lord of decision," is also an impossible reading. 
 Others read: Enu reshtu, "the chief lord;" Enu- 
 erishtu, "lord of decision;" Urashat, the feminine 
 of Urash, In-arishti, as the Semitic equivalent 
 of Nin-urash ; and 'nwusht^namushtu^^namurtu, 
 which was regarded the same as "Nimrod" of 
 the Old Testament. The latter by Professor Jensen, 
 although questioned by some scholars has been 
 accepted by others. Additional light on the subject 
 will be heartily welcomed. 
 
 The other deity whose name had been read 
 Shad-H-raba (i.e., KUR-GAL) or Bgl is written in 
 Aramaic ' w r, for which I proposed the reading 
 Amurru, which is the name of the land of the 
 Ammorites, as well as their chief god. The name of 
 the god and land is written ideographically MAR- 
 TU. This foreign deity played an important r61e 
 from early times in the Babylonian religion. In 
 a volume of texts recently published by Professor 
 Peiser of Konigsburg, the correctness of my theory 
 was fiilly established. The name of an individual 
 in the archives which he published is written with 
 the characters read KUR-GAL (-irish), MAR-TU 
 {-erish) and in an abbreviated form Amurri{-a). 
 In other words, the name of the god, which is the 
 first element of this name, is written in three ways, 
 the last of which, taken into consideration with 
 the Aramaic, shows that the others are to be read 
 Amurru. 
 
 In practically every period of Babylonian and 
 
Documents of the MurashO Sons with endorsements or reference notes written in. 
 Aramaic. The two lower tablets contain the name of the god Amurru. 
 
 26 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 403 
 
 Lssyrian. history, the names of foreigners are 
 .umerous in the business afEairs of the every-day 
 fe of the people. The land, as has been said, 
 ras a "veritable Babel." In the Murash-d docu- 
 aents we find many different nationalities repre- 
 ented: Egyptians, Hebrews, Phoenicians, Ara- 
 aeans, Persians, Cassite, etc. The fact is that more 
 han one-third of the names in the Murash-fl. ar- 
 ihives are foreign. Nebuchadrezzar's conquests had 
 )rought many captives into the country. Although 
 iberated by Cyrus, many of the influential pre- 
 erred to remain in that -land. The Persian rule 
 vhich followed not only brought many officials 
 ind merchants into the country, but being a foreign 
 ule, it naturally was more agreeable, in general 
 or Gentiles. Then also the great fertility of the 
 :oimtry between the two rivers was at all times 
 nviting to the roaming tribes. . When such conditions 
 )revail, the process of amalgamation, or an adapta- 
 ion to the religion of the country is more or less 
 Lpparent. Persians and Western Semites gave 
 Babylonian names to their children, e.g., the son 
 )f Barachel (Hebrew) was named Ninib-^tir; the 
 on of Baga'data (Persian) was called B^l-nMin. 
 \.nd on the other hand we find that persons who bore 
 Babylonian names gave their children Hebrew, 
 ^amean or Persian names, e.g., the son of B^l- 
 i^din was named Barachel (Hebrew) ; the name 
 if the son of B61-abu-usur was Minyamin (Hebrew) . 
 This state of afEairs resulted, doubtless, from mixed 
 
404 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 marriages. In some cases, perhaps, where the names 
 of captives were changed by their masters, they 
 may have given their children nanaes appropriate 
 to their own nationaHty. We find also names with 
 a Hebrew element compounded with a Babylonian 
 god, e.g., Barikki-Bel. These facts explain the 
 occiirrence of Babylonian names in the lists of 
 Hebrews in Ezra and Nehemiah, such as: Zerub- 
 babel, Sanballat, Sheshbazzar, etc. 
 
 In the vicinity of Nippur there were a great many 
 settlements which bore gentilic names, for example: 
 Ashkelon, Gaza, Heshbon, Bit-Tabalai, "the town 
 or house of Tabalites, " etc. In other words, the 
 names of towns and of tribes were transplanted 
 to Babylonia with the migration or transference 
 of the peoples, quite similarly as has been done in ; 
 America by the immigrants from other shores, •' 
 who introduced in this land the names of their 
 former dwelling places, such as " Berlin, " " London ; " 
 or their settlements were named after the country 
 whence they came, as for instance in Philadelphia 
 we have "Little Italy." 
 
 Of special interest are the Hebrew names from 
 the Old Testament, mostly from the books of Ezra 
 and Nehemiah, that are found in these business 
 documents: Ajt-abu (^Ahab), Ammashi (^Ama- 
 shai) (Aqubu) (=Akkub), Bana-Jdma (=Benaiah), 
 Bali- Jama (^Bealiah), Barikki-El (^Barachel), 
 Bihd (=Bebai), Bisd (=Bezai), Bana-Jdma 
 (=Benaiah) Barikki-Jdma (=Berechiah) , El-khadari 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 405 
 
 (=Eliezer), El-zabadu (=Elzabad), Gadal-Jama 
 (=Gedaliah) , Gushuru, (^Geshuri) , Khagga (^Hag- 
 gai), Khanana (=:Hanan), Khanani' (=Hanani), 
 Khananu-Jdma (=Hananiah), Khanun (=Hanun), 
 Jadikh-Jdma (=Jedaiah), Jadikh-El (^Jediael), 
 Matanni-Jdma (^Mattaniah) , Minakhkhim{^^M.ena.- 
 hem), Minidmen (=Miniamin), Nahundu (=Naboth) 
 Nadhiia (=Nedabiah), Nakhmanu (=Naainan), 
 Natanu-Jdma (^Nethaniah), Nikhuru (^Nahor), 
 Paddma (=Pedaiah), Pani-El (=:Peniel), Pillu- 
 Jdma (^Pelaiah), Shabbatai (=Shabbethai), Sha- 
 makhunu (=Shiineon), Shamshanu (=Sainson), 
 Shilimmu (=Shillem), ShuUumma (^Solomon), 
 Sikha' (^Ziha), Tiri-Jdma (^Tiria), Tub-Jdma 
 (^Tobijah), Zabad-Jdma (^Zebadiah), Zabina' 
 (^Zebina), Zabudu (=Zabud), Zimma (^Zimmah), 
 Zuzd (^Zaza), etc. The number of these Western 
 Semitic names is especially large in this period, 
 showing that there must have been a large settle- 
 ment of Jews in and about Nippur at that time. 
 Of special importance is the identification of the 
 canal, or river, Kaban^ with the river Chebar; on 
 the banks of which Ezekiel, when he was among 
 the captives in Babylonia, saw his famous visions 
 of the cherubim (Ezek. i:i, 3, 15; 10:15). The 
 identification was first made by Professor Hilprecht.^ 
 
 I There is another river mentioned in the inscriptions which 
 closely resembles the name, i.e., Kapiri, Cambyses 23:2, but 
 the above is more probably the biblical river. 
 
 ''See Introduction to Hilprecht and Clay, Business Docu- 
 ments of Murashia Sons, B. E., Vol. IX. p. 28. 
 
406 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Later Professor Haupt followed by interpreting 
 Kahari: "The great river," and said it probably 
 was identical with the present Shatt en-Nil, which 
 ran through Nippur.^ The former followed by 
 stating^ that from the beginning it "seemed natural 
 to identify the Chebar ' ' with the Shatt en-Nil which 
 passed through Nippur, but that he preferred to 
 withhold this theory until he could examine the 
 topography of the region. The proof then offered 
 for this identification in brief is as follows. First, 
 the largest canal is often written ideographically 
 as "the Euphrates of Nippur." It is evident that 
 only the Shatt en-Nil could have been designated 
 in this manner. Second, Ndr-Kabar is the phonetic 
 pronunciation of the ideographic writing, "The 
 Euphrates of Nippur, " and, therefore, is the former 
 Babylonian name of the Shatt en-Nil. 
 
 The first argument needs proof, and the second 
 I do not understand, unless it means that as 
 kabar means "great," and the "Euphrates of 
 Nippur" ought to be the largest canal, they are 
 identical. Now the fact is, in the same volume of 
 inscriptions four other canals are mentioned more 
 frequently. The canal of Sin is found in fifteen 
 texts, the Kharripiqud or Ndr-Piqud in twelve, 
 while the "Euphrates of Nippur" is only found in 
 two. However, the canal "Euphrates of Nippur" 
 doubtless was a large canal. It may even be the 
 
 ^ Ezekiel, Polychrome Bible, p. 93. 
 ^ Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 412. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 407 
 
 canal which passed through the city. Other in- 
 scriptions in time will determine this; but if true, 
 it is not to be identified with the Kabaru. Why 
 not? The text in which the canal Kabaru occurs, 
 mentions property, sha ultu Nippur a-di ndr Ka-ba-ri, 
 "that which is from Nippur unto the Kabar canal" 
 A description of property which mentions that it 
 is situated between a city and a river would be 
 inadequate if the river passed through the city. 
 In brief, the Kabar scarcely passed through Nippur, 
 but doubtless is one of the canals that passed close 
 by it. 
 
 The ideographic writing of the canal "Euphrates 
 of Nipptir " is Nar-Sippar, which means the " Sippar 
 river. " The course of the river at the present time 
 is considerably to the west of Sippara, which is 
 represented by the mounds known as Abu-Habba. 
 The river in ancient times doubtless passed through 
 or close by the city. But why is the canal mentioned 
 in these texts, which is far removed from the present 
 bed of the Euphrates, called the N&r-Sippar- 
 Nippuruf Professor Hommel, ' as well as Mr. C. 
 S. Fisher " call attention to the fact that most of 
 the important cities of ancient Babylonia are not 
 along the present rivers, but between them. It 
 therefore appears that what is called at the present. 
 Shaft en-Nil, is the old bed of the Euphrates. In 
 this alluvial plain, which had been covered with a 
 
 I Geographic und Geschicht des Alten Orients. 
 
 ' The University of Pennsylvania Excavations at Nippur, p. 4 
 
408 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 net work of canals, changes of this kind took place. 
 Further, some maps' make this canal leave the 
 Euphrates at Babylon. A branch seems to have 
 connected the two bodies of water at that point, 
 but there are excellent reasons for making the 
 chief body of water, now known as the Shaft en- 
 Nil run through ancient Sippara, and pass south 
 to Nippur. That being true the meaning, of the 
 ideogram for the river doubtless was the Sippar- 
 Nippur river, which, as stated, may have been the 
 original bed of the Euphrates (Ndr-Sippar). 
 
 Tel-abib, the place where the Jews lived in their 
 captivity, and where Ezekiel sat with them, was 
 along the Chebar. Following Tiele, instead ' of 
 Tel-abib, "mound of the ear of corn," some read 
 Tel-abub, "mound of the flood." Throughout 
 Babylonia large sand dunes are seen. It is supposed 
 that Tel-abub is one of these hills. It is held that 
 a sand hill within sight of Nippiir is the place 
 mentioned in Ezekiel, because'' Jews lived in the 
 vicinity of that city; that the reports of travellers 
 show that these hills are stationary; the fact that 
 a large number of Hebrew antiqmties are found in 
 the small mounds about Nippur; and because the 
 hill "lies about a mile or more to the east of the 
 ancient bed of the Shatt en-Nil, a fact which agrees 
 most remarkably with a statement in Ezekiel 3:15, 
 according to which the prophet went from the 
 
 ' Explorations in Bible Lands. = Ibidem, p. 411. 
 
410 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 Chebar to Tel-abi(<i)b, so that this Jewish colony 
 cannot have been situated in the immediate fertile 
 neighborhood of "the great canal." But the 
 Hebrew reads: "Then I came to them of the 
 captivity of Tel-abib, that dwelt by the river Chebar," 
 which would imply that the town lay along the 
 banks of the river. If, as has been stated, Tel- 
 ab-dh is a name by which the Babylonians used to 
 denote the large sand hills scattered over their 
 plain, and there is no stronger evidence in the 
 identification of one of these particular hills as the 
 place mentioned by Ezekiel, than the fact that there 
 are many traces of Hebrews having lived in this 
 vicinity, it seems to me best to say that Tel-abib 
 may have been near Nippur, inasmuch as the 
 Kabar, which is identified with the Chebar, may have 
 passed near the city; but at the same time it may 
 have been on the banks of the same river, many 
 miles from Nippur. 
 
 The legal and business documents are a very 
 important source of our knowledge of these times. 
 At least ten thousand dociunents of this character 
 have already reached the different museums, being 
 marriage and dowry contracts; partnership agree- 
 ments, records of debts, and promissory notes; 
 leases of land, houses, or slaves; records of sales of 
 all kinds of property, mortgages ; documents granting 
 the power of attorney ; concerning adoption, divorce, 
 bankruptcy, inheritance — in short, almost every 
 imaginable kind of contract. Intensely realistic 
 
412 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 are the impressions gained from these private and 
 legal documents. Here we become familiar with 
 the doings of the every-day life of the people. We 
 become acquainted with their personahties ; we 
 learn their wants ; their plans and the things against 
 which they guarded. In their dealings with man- 
 
 
 A jeweler's guarantee that an emerald would not fall out of the setting for twenty 
 
 years. 
 
 kind, we learn how they protected themselves against 
 unseen possibilities, and how they provided in their 
 contracts for the same conditions that are so familiar 
 in these days. Their grasp upon the shekel was 
 just as tight, if not more so, than in the present day. 
 For example we find the broker charging from 20% 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 413 
 
 to 50% usury on loans of money and grain. The 
 tablets discussed in the following pages are confined 
 to those found in the archives of the sons of Murashii, 
 which belong to the time of Ezra and Nehemiah.' 
 Different kinds of promissory notes are found 
 among the archives, i.e., abstract or interest bearing 
 notes; or notes with mortgage or surety clauses. 
 The following record of a debt which includes a 
 mortgage (always first mortgage) was given as 
 security for the payment at a stipulated time. 
 The location of the estate upon which the mortgage 
 was placed is properly bounded and described. 
 
 1200 gur of dates due to BSl-n&din-shum, son of 
 Murash-(i, are to be paid by Shamash-shum-llshir, son 
 of Kidin; Shiriqtim son of Nfir-mati-Sin and Lteishi, 
 son of Iqisha together with their conscripts of the 
 khadari of the shushanu. In the month Tishri of the 
 first year of Darius, king, the dates, namely 1200 gur, 
 in the measure of Bdl-nadin-shum in the city Mushezib- 
 Ninib they shall pay. One is security for the other 
 that the debt shall be paid. Their fields, cultivated 
 and uncultivated, their conscripts; on the Kharipikudu 
 canal, adjoining the field of Ninib-bana and adjoining 
 the field of Bel-shar-usur, which is in the town MusM- 
 zib-Ninib is held as a pledge for the dates namely 1200 
 gur by Bgl-nadin-shum. No other creditor has power 
 over those fields until the claim of Bgl-nadin-shum has 
 been satisfied. (Vol. X, No. 14). 
 
 I The translations of several characteristic texts have been 
 reproduced from my introduction to ' ' Business Documents of 
 Murash<i Sons, B.E. Vol. X. The translations of the others are 
 here published for the first time from Volumes IX and X. 
 
414 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 The names of the scribe and ten witnesses, besides 
 the date (month Aim, of the first year of the reign 
 of Darius) follow also the seal impressions of two 
 witnesses, and the thumb-nail marks (instead of 
 their seals), of the three individuals upon whom 
 the debt rested. 
 
 A large number of the documents are in the form 
 of leases. All kinds of real estate, extensive farm 
 lands, canals, and water rights, herds as well as 
 personal effects, were leased. The following interest- 
 ing lease of fish ponds shows that the lessee, besides 
 agreeing to pay a stipulated amount as rent, agreed 
 to furnish the agent daily with a mess of fish. 
 
 Rib4t, son of B61-erib, servant of Bgl-nadin-shum, 
 of his own free will spoke to BSl-nadin-shum, son of 
 Murashu, thus: the fish ponds which are situated 
 between the towns Akhshanu and Gishshu, belonging 
 to B§l-ab-usur, those which are in the fields of the 
 chief of the brokers; [also] the fish pools which are 
 in the field of the prefect of the khind&nu; and the 
 fish pools which are in the estate Natuel let me have 
 for rent for one year. I will pay for the year, one-half 
 of a. talent of refined silver; in addition, from the 
 day I am given possession of those fish ponds for 
 fishing, daily, I will furnish a mess of fish for thy table. 
 Thereupon B^l-nadin-shum complied with his request, 
 and rented him those pools of fish for the year, for 
 one-half talent of silver. For the year the silver, i.e., 
 one-half talent, rent for those pools, Ribat shall pay 
 to Bel-n4din-shum, and the fish for his table he shall 
 furnish. From the first day of Marchesvan, year first, 
 those pools are at the disposal of Ribat. 
 
 In the presence of B^lshunu and Umardatu, judges 
 of the Canal Sin. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 
 
 415 
 
 Names of six witnesses and the scribe follow; 
 also seal impressions of five witnesses, including that 
 
 Lease of Fish Ponds in which the agent required the lessee to give him each day 
 a mess of fish. 
 
 of RimUt Ninib, son of Murash<i. It is the only 
 tablet of these archives known to me which contains 
 
416 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 an impression of the seal of a member of this family. 
 The tablets containing receipts of amounts paid, 
 or obligations resting upon others, contain their 
 seal impressions, or those of the witnesses and 
 judges. In this instance Rimut-Ninib acted as a 
 witness. 
 
 The following is a form of an ordinary lease of a 
 house : 
 
 The storehouse at the Sailor's gate which belongs to 
 Tirakam, the son of Bagapanu he gave for the yearly 
 rent of 2 gur of grain to Mannu-lushulutn, the slave of 
 Remu-shukun. The bareness of the walls he shall alter; 
 the walls of the house he shall repair. From the first 
 day of Kislev of the thirty-seventh year, monthly 
 30 qa he shall pay (Vol. IX, No. 54). 
 
 The names of three witnesses besides that of the 
 scribe follow. The monthly rent, i.e. 30 qa, would 
 equal 2 gur a year. In house-rentals, in addition 
 to the stipulation concerning the replastering of the 
 walls and the keeping of them in repair, is usually 
 found the requirement to cover the beams of the 
 roof, i.e. to keep the roof, which was composed of 
 brush, matting and mud, in repair. 
 
 The sons of Murash-fi. and those who succeeded 
 them had very extensive flocks of sheep and goats. 
 This is attested by the fact that about the same time 
 in a certain year, a number of leases were drawn 
 up with individuals, in which they received large 
 herds for stock raising. The following will illustrate 
 the manner of drawing up leases for such purposes. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 417 
 
 Akhushunu, son of Bel-etir, of his own free will 
 spoke to Bgl-supS-mukhur, the overseer of Arsham, 
 thus : Rent me nine male sheep, twenty-seven two year 
 old male sheep, one hundred and forty-four large 
 bearing sheep, thirty-seven one-year old lambs, 
 thirty-eight one-year old female lambs, twenty-five 
 large male goats, nine two-year-old male goats, fifty 
 large bearing goats, seventeen male kids, seventeen 
 female kids, in all three hundred and seventy-three sheep 
 and goats [Kleinvieh], white and black, the property of 
 Arsham. In a year, I will give thee, as rent for those 
 sheep: at the rate of one hundred (female) sheep, 
 sixty-six and two-thirds (^66f%) offspring; at the 
 rate of one (female) goat, one offspring; for one sheep, 
 ij mina of wool; for one goat, -^ mina of sheared goat 
 wool; for one bearing sheep, one dunaium; for one 
 hiuidred sheep, one qa of butter. Allow me ten dead 
 for every hundred sheep (i.e. io%). For one dead I will 
 give thee one hide and 2 J shekels of sinews. Where- 
 upon Bel-supe-mukhur granted his request, and gave 
 him for rent nine male sheep, one hundred and forty- 
 four large bearing sheep, thirty-seven one-year old 
 male lambs, thirty-eight one-year-old female lambs, 
 twenty-five large male goats, nine two-year-old male 
 goats, fifty large bearing goats, seventeen male kids, 
 seventeen female kids in all three hundred and seventy- 
 three sheep, white and black, large and small. In a. 
 year Akhushunu shall give to B§l-sup^-mukhur at the 
 rate of one hundred female sheep, sixty-six and two- 
 thirds offspring for one female goat, one offspring; 
 for one sheep, ij mine of wool; for one goat, | mina 
 of sheared goat wool; for one bearing sheep one 
 dunatum; for one hundred bearing sheep, one qa of 
 butter, as rent for those sheep. For one hundred 
 sheep, ten dead Bel-supS-mukhur shall allow him. 
 For one dead, he shall give one hide and 2 J shekels 
 of sinews. For the shepherding, folding and guarding 
 of those sheep Akhushunu bears the responsibility. 
 From the twenty-first day of Elul, year the eleventh, 
 
418 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 those sheep are at his disposal. Those sheep shall be 
 obtained from Shabakhtani, the head animal keeper, 
 son of Pashai. 
 
 Names of twelve witnesses and the scribe follow. 
 Nine of the witnesses, besides Shabakhtani, left 
 impressions of their seals. Akhushunu made a 
 thumb-nail mark instead of his seal. On the reverse 
 is found the following endorsement in Aramaic, 
 "The document of Akhushunu, son of B61-^tir." 
 
 The master in the following contract protects 
 his own crop, and that of a servant, by requiring 
 another servant who farmed an adjoining field, 
 to agree to reimburse them in case a breach occurs 
 in his canal whereby their crops are damaged: 
 
 Bel-nadin-shum, son of MurashA who to Jdkhulunu 
 and Na'id-Shipaq, his servant, spoke thus: Give 
 attention to your canal gates, and your sluices which 
 are in the embankment of the Canal Sin, which in the 
 kara are exposed, so that a breach shall not occur in your 
 canals and in your sluices which are in the embank- 
 ment of the Canal Sin, which reaches you over my 
 grain field and over the rented grain field of my servant 
 Akhu-litia. If a breach in it occurs and my grain, and 
 the grain of the rented field of Akhu-litia are carried 
 off, then as much grain as has been damaged or ruined, 
 from your own, you must pay me. Whereupon Jakhu- 
 lunu and N4 'id-Shi paq to Bel-nadin-shum spoke as 
 follows: Our canal gates and sluices that are in the 
 embankment of the Canal Sin which reaches to us we 
 will guard and strengthen in order that a breach will 
 not occur. If a breach develops in it, as much grain 
 as in it is damaged and destroyed, from our own 
 we will refund thee. If a breach [develops and 
 destroys the grain of] Akhu-liti and your servant, from 
 our own we will refund them (Vol. IX, No. 55). 
 27 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 419 
 
 A contract made with an individual for the gather- 
 ing of a harvest, with a penalty attached in case 
 the work has not been done at a specified time: 
 
 Unto the second day of the month Ab, year first 
 of Darius, king of countries, the harvest [namely], 
 which had been set apart as the share of Rim<it-Ninib, 
 son of Murashd, he {i.e. Rimut-Ninib) gave to Ninib- 
 iddina, son of Ninib-^tir, to gather in. If on the second 
 day of the month Ab, year first of Darius, that harvest 
 he has not completely gathered in, the harvest as much 
 of it as should have been delivered, Ninib-iddina 
 shall turn over to Rimut-Ninib from his own posses- 
 sions; and there shall be nothing for him, together 
 with the farmers, out of the balance of the harvest. 
 (Vol. X, No. 29). 
 
 An agreement to gather and deliver to three 
 agents a certain apportionment of dates which has 
 been made : 
 
 Dates as many as are in the assignment which is 
 made to Bel-nadin-shum for the thirty-eight year 
 [of Artaxerxes] to be paid by Shita' son of NabA-danu. 
 Until Nisan of the thirty-ninth year, the dates in full, 
 in the measure of B61-nadin-shum in Nippur he shall 
 pay to BSlshunu Shamsham Tadannu and Na'id- 
 Ninib. If on that day he has not delivered the dates, 
 he shall pay in full for the dates, as many as there should 
 be. He shall pay at the rate of thirty gur per mina. 
 (Vol. IX, No. 64). 
 
 A number of contracts refer to partnership or 
 business combinations i.e., two or more persons 
 joined in some enterprise, for mutual gain. In some 
 instances one of the party agreed to furnish the land 
 md seed, while the other became responsible for 
 
c S 
 
 o. E 
 
 ^■a 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 421 
 
 the labor. In the contracts that follow, the son of 
 Mtirash<i furnishes oxen, irrigating machines, and 
 land, while the other furnishes oxen and presumably 
 labor. They agree to divide the crops equally. 
 
 Shum-iddina son of Pukhkhuru, spoke to RimAt- 
 Ninib, son of Murashu, thus: Let me put two of my 
 oxen with two of thine into thy pasture lands, and 
 everything, as much as in those fields grows, by our work 
 of irrigation, is ours in common. Afterwards Rimiit- 
 Ninib complied with his request, and gave him oxen and 
 seed; ox for ox, seed for seed. They have sworn by 
 the king that whatsoever grows in it shall be divided 
 equally among them. (Vol X, No. 44). 
 
 In the following contract one of the servants of 
 Bel-nadin-shum, son of Murashu, agrees to farm 
 certain estates, for which he shall receive one-quarter 
 of the crop, and for faithfulness in caring for the 
 property, when the division is made, he shall receive 
 three gur of dates and the palm-branches: 
 
 A seed field, cultivated and uncultivated on the 
 
 banks of the fief estate belonging to 
 
 Zabida and Bglshun<l, the son of Iddin^. [also to] 
 L4b4shi and BSl-n^din, the son of Akh-iddina, to 
 as many parts as there are, which with their conscript, 
 the cultivated field for gardening, [and] the unculti- 
 vated for cultivation, they gave to MushSzib, the servant 
 of B^l-n^din-shum. Of whatsoever grows in the un- 
 cultivated field, a fourth part of the crop he shall pay. 
 The work under the date-palms he shall perform. 
 Over the premises and the ditches he shall watch. 
 The impost of dates they shall fix for him. When the 
 impost has been established 3 gur of dates and the palm 
 branches they shall give to Meshezib. From Sivan 
 of the z8th year for three years that field is at the 
 
i -3 
 
 o i 
 
 
 S 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 423 
 
 disposal of Mushgzib. 5 shekels of silver of the whole 
 amount for their fields, for three years, they received 
 from the hand of Mushezib. The one who breaks the 
 contract shall pay one-half mina of silver. If he does 
 not guard the premises and the ditches, [if] he does not 
 do the work under the date-palm, [then] dates to the 
 amount of 3 gur and the palm-branches they shall 
 not pay. (Vol. IX, No. 10). 
 
 The names of seven witnesses and the scribe follow ; 
 Also the thtimb-nail marks of Zabida and B61-n§,din, 
 who represented the lessors. 
 
 Several bailments are among the contracts found 
 in these archives, i.e., one citizen became surety 
 to another who had an individual imprisoned, that 
 on his release he would not disappear. In one 
 (Vol. IX, No. 57), the condition is made that he shall 
 not leave Nippur without first having obtained 
 legal permission. In violation of this the bailee 
 forfeited the amount agreed upon. The following 
 brief contract will illustrate this class of documents. 
 
 Illindar, son of Iddin-BSl, of his own free will spoke 
 thus to Lirakamma, servant {mdr biii) of B§l-nddin- 
 shum: Bring forth from prison Iddin-Bel, son of 
 Akhu-iddina, and let me become responsible for him. 
 Whereupon, Lirakama hearkened unto him, and 
 brought forth Iddin-B61 from prison, and gave [him] 
 to Illindar. If he disappears, one mina of silver 
 Illindar shall pay to Lirakamma. (Vol. X, No. 10). 
 
 The following document is an agreement to 
 abandon legal proceedings. By it a son of Murashu 
 is granted a release for, and on account of, a claim 
 for damages arising from trespass committed by 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 425 
 
 the latter and his servant. The charge of trespass, 
 followed by its denial and payment in consideration 
 for settlement, is quite analogous to similiar trans- 
 actions of the present day. 
 
 Baga'data' the ustarihari, son of BSl-nddin, who 
 spoke to Bfil-nidin-shum, son of Murashll, as follows: 
 The town Rabiia, from which silver was taken, 
 Khazatu, and its suburbs, thou hast destroyed; silver, 
 gold, my cattle and my sheep and everything belonging 
 to me, all, thou, thy bond servant, thy messengers, thy 
 servants and the Nippurians carried away. Where- 
 upon B^l-nadin-shum spoke as follows: We did not 
 destroy Rabiia, thy town, from which thy money was 
 carried, and the suburbs of Rabiia; thy silver, thy gold, 
 the cattle, thy sheep and everything that is thy prop- 
 erty, all I, my bond servant, my messengers my 
 servants and the Nippurians, did not carry away. 
 [But] BSl-ncidin-shum gave to Baga'data' on conditions 
 that no legal proceedings on account of those claims 
 which Baga' data' and one with the other made, three 
 hundred and fifty gur of barley, one gur of spelt ( ?) , 
 fifty gur of wheat (?), fifty good large jars full of old 
 wine, including the bottles, fifty good large jars full 
 of new wine, including the bottles, two hundred gur 
 of dates, two hundred female sheep, twenty oxen, five 
 talents of wool. Baga' data' received from B61-n4din- 
 shum barley, i.e., three hundred and fifty gwr; spelt (?), 
 i.e., one gur;-whea.t (?) i,e., fifty gwr; jars, i.e., fifty good 
 vessels full of old wine, including the bottles; dates i.e., 
 two hundred; sheep, i.e., two hundred females; oxen, 
 i.e., twenty; wool, i.e., five talents, he has been paid. 
 There shall be no legal proceedings in perpetuo on the 
 part of Baga' data', his bond servant, his messengers, 
 his servants and the men of those cities, and their 
 suburbs, which were entered, i.e., of Rabiia, Khazatu 
 
 and the suburbs by any of them, 
 
 against B61-nddin-shum his bond servant, his messenger 
 
A release given for and on account of a claim for damages arising from trespass. 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 
 
 427 
 
 his servant and the Nippurians. Baga' data', his bond 
 servant, his messenger, his servants and the men of 
 those cities on account of that which they said con- 
 cerning Rabiia, Khazatu, the suburbs of Rabiia, and 
 everything pertaining to that property, none of them 
 
 Wine jar lined with bitumen. Near the center is a hole into which 
 a plug or faucet was inserted, around which bitumen was smeared to 
 make it water-tight. 
 
 shall bring suit again, in perpetuo, against B^l-nadin- 
 shum, his bond servants, his messenger, his servants 
 and the Nippurians. By the gods and the king they 
 have sworn that they will renounce all claims as regards 
 
428 Light on the Old Testament 
 
 those charges. Baga' data' bears the responsibihty 
 that no claims shall arise on the part of the men of 
 those cities against Bel-nddin-shum, his bond servant, 
 his messengers, his servants and the Nippurians. 
 
 Names of ten witnesses and the scribe ; fotir seal- 
 impressions and a thumb-nail mark of witnesses; 
 also seal of Baga'data' follow. 
 
 The further study of these documents will doubt- 
 less reveal additional data of interest to the student 
 of life and customs of the ancients who lived in 
 Babylonia at this time, inasmuch as they represented 
 not only the Babylonians but many different 
 nationalities. 
 
 The work of uncovering Babylonian cities has 
 practically only been begun. The death-like stillness 
 which brooded over some of these mounds is begin- 
 ning to be dispelled by the activity of the Oriental 
 with his spade and pick, as directed by the Occidental 
 with his knowledge and skill. Extraordinary results 
 have been achieved in the last few decades, yet it 
 will require several more of continuous labor before 
 either Nippur, where the University of Pennsylvania 
 has worked for a number of years, or Babylon, 
 where the German government has dug for a half 
 decade, will have been systematically excavated; 
 in fact, not a single site has been completely un- 
 covered. Surprise upon surprise awaits the investi- 
 gator. There is room in Babylonia as well as in 
 Assyria for many more expeditions. Hundreds of 
 ruins remain untouched. Low insignificant mounds, 
 
Babylonia in Days of Ezra 429 
 
 tinnoticed. and unrecorded by the average explorer, 
 may contain antiquities older than any yet known. 
 Interest in excavations is only being awakened. 
 What a decade will bring forth, in opening still 
 wider the vista of those early days, and reflecting 
 additional light upon the Old Testament will only 
 be known at the expiration of that time. 
 
INDEX OF SUBJECTS 
 
 Aba-Enlil, 44 
 
 Abaranna, 44 
 
 Abijjam, 245 
 
 Abdi-Ashirti, 279 
 
 Abdi-khiba, 260 
 
 Abdi-Ninib, 18 
 
 Abi-eshukh, 14s 
 
 Abil-Sin, 145 
 
 Abraham not historical, 126 
 
 Abu-Habba, (Sippara) 30 
 
 Abu-Hatab, 25, 54 
 
 Accad, 131 
 
 Accadian language, go 
 
 Adad-'idri, 318 
 
 Adad-nir^ri, 322 
 
 Addu, 19 
 
 Adenu, 316 
 
 Adoption of children, 212 
 
 Agumkakrime . 99 
 
 Ahab, 317 
 
 Ahaz, 329, 332 
 
 Akizzi, 259 
 
 Akurgal, 38, 42 
 
 Alashia, 18, 257 
 
 Alexander the Great, 98 
 
 Alluvial plain, 158 
 
 Altar, 119 
 
 Amama tablets, 18 
 
 Amelu, 207 
 
 Amenenhet I, 271 
 
 Amenophis III, 252 
 
 Amenophis IV, 252 
 
 Ammi-ditana, 17, 86, 128, 137, 145 
 
 Ammi-zaduga, 128, 145 
 
 Amraphel (Hammurabi), 27, 125 f 
 
 Ammurapi, 127 
 
 Amumi, 19, 146, 223, 401 
 
 Anatomy, Knowledge of, 160 
 
 Aner, 143 
 
 Anshan, 382 
 
 Anshar, 62 f 
 
 Antiochus I, 100 
 
 Anu, 62 
 
 Anunnaki, 81 
 
 Apara, 263 
 
 Apsfi, 60 
 
 Arabic, 51 
 
 Arachtu, 99 
 
 Aramaic language, 51 
 
 Aramaic endorsements, 394 • 
 
 Aramaic, the language of diplomacy, 
 
 396 
 Archeology, Credit due, 22 
 Ardu, 208 * 
 
 Argana, 316 
 Arioch (Eri-Aku), 131 
 
 Arnold, Doctor, 291 
 
 Arrian, 100 
 
 Aryan, 51 
 
 Asharidu, 127 
 
 Ash beds in the lower strata of Tem- 
 ple, 119 
 
 Ashirta, 18 
 
 Ashurbanipal, 27, 49, 77, 100, 109, 
 116, 120, 13s, 356 
 
 Ashur-dan, 325 
 
 Ashur-etil-ilS.ni, 358 
 
 Ashur-nirari, 325 
 
 Ashur-uballit, 256 
 
 Askelon, 274 
 
 Asnapper, 127, 356 
 
 Assyria, First mention of, 97 
 
 Awil-Nannar, 156 
 
 AwUutum, 300 
 
 Azariah, 327 
 
 Azira, 259 
 
 Baal of Tyre, 352 
 Babal, 95 
 Babel, 87, 89, 97 
 Bdbilu, 95 
 Babylon, 93, 131 
 
 Babylonian influences upon Pales- 
 tine, 18 
 Babylono- Assyrian, 51 
 Baby rattles, 195 
 Bagdad, 19, 102 
 
 Baked and sun-dried tablets, 180 
 Baking furnace, 192 
 Banks, Doctor, 24 
 Barga, 316 
 
 Barton, Professor, 47 250, 291 
 Barzia, 386 
 Bath-Shar, 274 
 BSl, 18, 62 
 Bellas, 199 
 BSl-ibni, 341 
 Bela, 140 
 
 Belshazzar, 30, 376 
 Belshazzar's feast, 398 
 Ben-Addu-amara, 318 
 Ben-Addu-natan, 318 
 Ben-Hadad, 318 
 Berlin Museum, 164, i75 
 Berosus, 23, 71 f. 346, 348, 379 
 Beth-Ninib, 18 
 Bezold, Professor, 90 
 Bibea, 155 
 Bilhah, 222 
 Birs-Nimrud, 96 
 Bismya, 24, 47. S^ 
 Bitiliash, 290^ 
 
432 
 
 Index of Subjects 
 
 Bit-Gimillum, 295 
 
 Bit-Nin-ib, 261 
 
 Bituraen, Use of, 80, 94 
 
 Blau monument, 47 
 
 Bliss, Doctor, 26 
 
 Blood, Use of, 12 
 
 Boat builders, 217 
 
 Boissier, Professor, 187 
 
 Borsippa, 96 
 
 Breaking tablets, 179 
 
 Breasted, Professor, 275 
 
 Breastplate, 13 
 
 Bronze, 54 
 
 Brummer, Vincent, 50 
 
 Briinnow, Doctor, 91, 189 
 
 Bull-colossi, 14 
 
 Buma-Buriash, 130, 256, 285, 290 
 
 Bur-Sagali, 325 
 
 Bur-Sin, no, 112 
 
 Buzur-Bel, 81 
 
 Calendar, 151 
 
 Calneh, 48 
 
 Calno, 327 
 
 Cambyses, 379, 386 
 
 Canaan, 126 
 
 Canephorus, 164 
 
 Cardinal points, 106 
 
 Case tablets, 177 
 
 Cassites, 283 
 
 Causeway, or means of ascent to top 
 of tower, 108 
 
 Cave of Machpelah, 221 
 
 Chaldean Account of Genesis, 59 
 
 Chaldeans, 196 
 
 Check-marks, 309 
 
 Chedorlaomer, 125, 131 f 
 
 Cherubim, 14 
 
 Children's toys, 19s 
 
 Circumcision, 6 
 
 Clay as writing material, 167 
 
 Clay images, 193 
 
 Codes compared, 233 
 
 Colossi of Memnon, 252 
 
 Concubinage, 209 
 
 Confederation of powers, 136 
 
 Constantinople, 19 
 
 Cope, Professor, 42 
 
 Corporal mutilation, 219 
 
 Cosmological ideas of the Hebrews, 
 
 123 
 Craftsman, 52 
 Craig, Professor, 187 
 Creation, 68, 87 
 Ctesiphon. 102 
 Curb for an enclosure, 119 
 Cyprus, 18 
 
 Dagon, 19 
 
 Damascus, 125 
 
 Dan, 125 
 
 Dapur, 274 
 
 Date of Hammurabi, 130 
 
 Dating of tablets, 153 
 
 David, 5 
 
 Death penalty, 219 
 
 Debris, Accumulation of, 33. ^^° j 
 
 Delitzsch, Professor, 25, 59> ''' ^ ' 
 
 2°4 aft 
 
 De Morgan, M., 46, 201, 28» 
 
 De Sacy, 247 
 
 De Sarzec, M., 24, 164 
 
 Desertion, 211 
 
 Diarbekir,'3i4 . 4.„rAf>a Ri 
 
 Divergencies of the deluge stones, »S 
 
 Divination, 10 
 
 Diodorus, 120 
 
 Disease of a slave, 214 
 
 Divorce, 210 
 
 Djocha, 47 
 
 Dragon, 69 
 
 Drainage systems, 191 
 
 Driver, Professor, 95, 121 
 
 Dungi, 164, 285 
 
 Dungur, 43 
 
 Dur-an-ki, 124 f 
 
 D^-Kuri-Galzu, 288 
 
 Ddr-Sin, iss 
 
 D-Ar-sir-ildni, 132 
 
 Dushratta, 256 
 
 Ea, 62 
 
 Eannatum, 38 
 Earliest inscriptions, 47 
 Ebarra, 30 f 
 Eclipse of the sun, 325 
 Eden, 14. 87 
 Edingiranagin, 38 
 E-dur-an-ki, 123 
 Ethiopic language, 51 
 Egibi, 393 
 E-gigunu, 120 
 E-gishskir-gal, 197 
 E-gubba-afP-ki, 123 
 Egypt, S. 126 
 Ekron, 348 
 Ekur, 112 
 El-Hibba, 119 
 Elam, 42, 125 
 Ellasar (Larsa), 131, 133 
 Eltekeh, 343 
 E-mu-ri-a-na-ba-ak, 197 
 Emutbal, 135 
 Enannatum, 38 
 Enlil (Bel), 92 
 En-mishpat, 140 
 Ennugi, 78 
 Enshagkushanna, 38 
 Entemena, 38, 43, 52 
 Envelopes inscribed, 179 
 Epilogue, to code, 205 
 Eponym Canon, 327 
 Erech, 42, 97. 115 
 E-ri, 133 
 
 Eri-Aku (Arioch), 133 
 Eridu, 49. 115 
 Eri-Eaku, 132 
 Esar, 47 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 433 
 
 Esarhaddon, loo, 351 
 Eshcol, 143 
 E-shu-gan-du-du, 197 
 E~temen-an-ki, 89, 102, 123 
 Euphrates of Nippur, 407 
 E-ur-imin-an-ki, 96, 123 
 Exodus. 126 
 
 Fara, 25, SI, 54, 84 
 
 Fees of surgeons, 216 
 
 Fight of Marduk and Ti^mtu, 65 
 
 Fisher, Mr. C. S., 32, 35, 102, 108, 113, 
 
 182, 407 
 Fish-pond lease, 415 
 Foote, Doctor, 14 
 Foreign names in Babylonia, 404 
 Frederick, Doctor, 221 
 
 Gaga, 63 
 
 Gatnaru, 15 
 
 Gate of temple, 109 
 
 Gazri (Gezer), 261 
 
 Geere, Mr. V., 84 
 
 Genesis, 14th Chapter, 126 
 
 Geography of Palestine, New, 263 
 
 German Oriental Society, 25 
 
 Gezer, 265 
 
 Gilgamesh, 49, 56, 77. 86 
 
 Gilukhepa, 252 
 
 Gimil-Marduk, 155 
 
 Gimil-Sin, 197 
 
 Gimti (Gath), 261 
 
 Girsu, 89 
 
 Gomates, 386 
 
 Gray, Doctor, 24s 
 
 Greece and Rome, 2 
 
 Gudea, 17, 62, 113, 116 
 
 Gunkel, Professor, 59, 69, 71 
 
 Gutters around the ziggurrat, 160 
 
 Habbatu, 264 
 
 Habiri, 258 
 
 Habiraeans, 265 
 
 Halevy, Professor, 90 
 
 Halqai, abada, 263 
 
 Hammu, 128 
 
 Hammurabi, 17,97. 127; Date of, 130; 
 
 Letters of, 151; Piety of, 152 
 Hammurabi-iUu), 129 
 Harran, 195, 199 f 
 Harper, Professor R. F., 221, 222 
 Ham, 263 
 
 Haupt, Professor, 10, 13, 90, 91, 406 
 Haynes, Doctor, 30, 34. 38. 56. io4. 
 
 106, 108, IIS, 120, 183, 290, 289, 
 
 294 
 Hazael, 34, 319 
 Hazatu, 266 
 Heber, 265 
 Helm, Professor, 54 
 Herodotus, 102, 104, 106 
 Hezekiah, 241(339 
 Hillah, 96, 102 
 Hilprecht, Professor, 3s, 42. 44, 84, 
 
 108, IIS, I20» i87f, 192, 242, 284, 
 
 405 
 Hinke, Professor, 121 
 Hirom, 328 
 
 Historical geography, 5 
 Hit, 95 
 
 Hittites, 21, 261 
 Hommel, Professor, 47, 90, 91, jao, 
 
 142, 196, 407 
 Hobah, 125 
 
 Hoffman, E. A., Collection, 47, 187 
 Horam, 280 
 Hoshen ntishpat, 13 
 Hronzy, Dr., 244 
 Humbani-gash, 337 
 Humri, 266 
 Hyksos, 283 
 
 Ibadid, 338 
 Ibni-sharru, 56 
 Incantation tablet, 50 
 Inner-court of temple, 113 
 Inscriptions, 147 
 Ipira, 263 
 Irkhiileni, 315 
 Isaiah, 314 
 Ishme-Dagan, 19 
 Ishtar, 18 
 Isin, 115 
 
 Jacob, 9 
 
 JS.ma, JNames with, 244 
 
 Japakhi-Addi, 259 
 
 Jastrow, Professor, 10, 49, 59, 60, 62, 
 
 91, 242 
 Jau-bi'di, 338 
 Jau{m)-Uu, 239 
 Ja-ve-tlu, 23 s 
 
 Jensen, Professor, 59, 77, 90, 401 
 Jeremias, Dr. A., 59, 77, 257 
 Jeroboam II, 324 f 
 Jethro, 231 f 
 
 Ioel, 238 
 ohns, Rev. C. H. W., 166, 221 
 oseph, 10 
 eweler's guarantee, 412 
 udge, Office of, 217 
 Judgment, 13 
 
 Kadashman-Bel I, 254, 284, 288, 290 
 Kadashman-Ttirgu, 33 f, 27 f, 116, 
 
 285, 288 
 Kadesh, 140 
 Kalbia, 295 
 Kaldu, 196 
 Kamak, 272 
 Khabour, 337 
 Khani, 99 
 Khanni, 260 
 Khaytpk, 338 
 Khu-en-Aten, 253 
 Khunnubi, 295 
 Kimtu, 128 
 Kinahni, Kinahhi, 264 
 
434 
 
 Index of Subjects 
 
 King, Mr. L. W., 57, sg, 68, 149, 187 
 Kinga, 61, 65 
 Kish, 38, 42, 45 f 
 Ki-shag-gul-la Bur-Sin, no 
 Kissians, 283 
 
 Koldewey, Doctor, 119, 120 
 Kudur, 131 
 Kudior-Bel, 290 
 Kiiri-Galzu, 256, 284 f, 290 
 Kudur- Lakhgumal, 132 
 Kudur-Mabug, 17, 132 t, 136 f, 164 
 Kudur-Nankhundi, 115, 132, 135, 199, 
 286 
 
 Lachish, 26 
 
 Lagamar, 132 
 
 Lagash (Telloh or Shirpurla), 92 
 
 Lapidaries, 55 
 
 Larsa (Ellasar), 42, 123 f, 131, 133 
 
 Lathe, 162 
 
 Layard, 321 
 
 Leave of absence, 304 
 
 Legal documents, 410 
 
 Lehman, Professor, 32 
 
 Lenormant, Professor, 90 
 
 Letters, 154, 179 
 
 Lex talionis, 219, 224 
 
 Leviathan, 6g f 
 
 Library of the Temple School, 186 
 
 Limmu-BSl-illatua, 154 
 
 Literature, The great antiquity of 
 
 Babylonian, 48 
 Loft us, 25 
 Lot, 126 
 Love letter, 155 
 Lugal-ezen, 44 
 Lugal-kigulDnidudu, 44, 196 
 Lugal-kisalsi, 44, 196 
 Lugal-shag-Engur, 38 
 Lugal-zaggisi, 44. 138, 196 
 Lyon, Professor, 205 
 
 Magan, 160 
 Mamre, 143 
 Manasseh, 354 
 Manishtusu, 46 
 Marduk, 60 
 
 Marduk-zltkir-shum, 339 
 Marriage contract, 209 
 Marriage portion, 210 
 Marsiman, 338 
 Medicine, 216 
 Medina, 162 
 Melchizedek, 125 
 Melukhkha, 162 
 Memphite sculptor, 160 
 Menahem, 325, 328 f 
 Memeptah, 275 
 Merodach-baladan, 339 
 Merom, 274 
 Mesilim, 46 
 
 Messerschmidt, Dr. L., 172 
 Meyer, Edouard , 92, 119 
 Milkilu, 261 
 
 Minaean, 147 
 Moore, Professor, 10 
 Moritz, 119 
 Moses, 238 
 Moabitic dialect, 147 
 Money-lenders, 151 
 Montgomery, Professor, 241 
 Mt. Nebo, 18 
 Mt. Sinai, 18 
 Mugayyar, 196 
 
 Miiller, Professor W. Max, 257, 275 
 Multiplication tables, 118 
 Murash-d Sons of Nippur, 394 
 Museum of the University of Penn- 
 sylvania, 138 
 Musical instruments, 164 
 MuskhSnu, 207 
 
 Nabonidus, 30 f, 130 
 
 Nabopolassar, 100, 123 
 
 Nab'^-balatsu-iqbi, 276 
 
 Nahum, 356 
 
 Nar3.m-Sin, 16, 30 f., 117, 119. 156. 
 
 204 
 Narima or Nakhrima, 264 
 Naville, Mr. Edouard, 267 
 Nazi-Maruttash, 287, 290 
 Nebo, 96 
 
 Nebuchadrezzar, 30, 96, 100, 123 
 Nejd, 162 
 Nergal, 18 
 Nibmare, 252 
 Nibmuaria, 252 
 Niebuhr, 96 
 Nimmuria, 252 
 Nimrod, 401 
 NiniL, 92 
 Nineveh, 97 
 Nin-girsu, 52 
 Ninib, 78, 299 
 Nin-kharsag, 43 
 Ninos, 120 
 Nippur, 24, 97. 104 
 Nizir, 82 
 
 Noldeke, Professor, 125 f 
 North American Indian, 232 
 Nukhashshi, 259 
 Numerals, 180 
 Nllr-Ramm^n, 135 
 
 Oath, 218 
 Office of judge, 217 
 Oppert, Professor, 90 
 Outer-court, 112 
 
 Padi, 341 
 
 Pahil, 274 
 Pa-Kan'ana, 274 
 Palestinian language, 51 
 Parthians, 26 
 Passover, 12 
 Pay-rolls, 299 
 Peiser, Professor, 204, 401 
 Pekah, 330 
 
Index of Subjects 
 
 435 
 
 Penates, 193 
 
 Peters, Doctor, no, 115, 186, 197, 284, 
 
 289 
 Persia, 5 
 Pinches, Doctor T.G., 15,59, 132,124, 
 
 222 
 Pit horn, 266 
 Poeble, Dr. A., 222 
 Political influence of Babylonia, 16 
 Pottery objects, 190 
 Post system, 156 
 Pre-Sargonic kings, 44 
 Prince, Professor, 91 
 Priest Code, 14 
 Pulu, 326 
 
 Pupil exercises, 187 
 Purpose of the tax, 293 
 
 QUTI, 382 
 
 Ragia, 123 
 
 Rahab, 69 f 
 
 Rameses II, 268 
 
 RammS-n-shum-usur, 284 
 
 Ranke, Dr. H., 141, 222, 238 
 
 Rassam, Hormuzd, 25, 30 
 
 Rawlinson, Henry, 130, 133, 195 
 
 Red Sea, 70 
 
 Reisner, Dr., 49, 187 
 
 Remaliah, 330 
 
 Rezin, 329 
 
 Rib-Addi, 259, 279 
 
 Rim-Sin, 131, 133, 148, 1641 207 
 
 Rogers, Professor, 91 
 
 Ruling of tablets, 180 
 
 Sabara'in, 333 
 
 Sabbath, Bfl.bylonian, 15 
 
 Sacrifice, 13 
 
 Sa-ga-as, 264 
 
 Salem, 125 
 
 Samaria, 333, 336 
 
 Sams^, 33 7 
 
 Samsu-ditana, 145 
 
 Samsu-iluna, 145. 283 
 
 Sarah, 198 
 
 Sargon I, 16, 31 f, 46, 98, no, 117, 156 
 
 Sargon II, 334 
 
 Sarpanitum, 98, 153 
 
 Sayce, Professor, 59, 90, 236 
 
 Scheil, Father, 46, i5S. 184, 187, 222 
 
 Schoolboy exercises, 186 
 
 Scribes, 166 
 
 Scribes* libraries, 189 
 
 Seal cylinders, 171 
 
 Seal impressions, 296 
 
 Seals, 171 
 
 Sepulcher of Bfil, 120 
 
 Semitic languages, 51, 146 
 
 Sennacherib, 99, 330t 397 
 
 Seleucia, 102 
 
 Septuagint, 129 
 
 Sety I., 275 
 
 Shabat, 15 
 
 Sha-bat-tum, 15 
 
 Shadt, 263 
 
 Shagarakti-Shuriash, 290 
 
 Skargdni-shar-dli, 334 
 
 Shar-kenu, 334 
 
 Shar-ukin, 334 
 
 Shalam, 274 
 
 Shallum, 325 
 
 Shalmaneser II, 314 
 
 Shalmaneser IV, 332 
 
 Sharashi-Adad, 32a 
 
 Shasha (Shushan), 385 
 
 Shasharu, 218 
 
 Sheep's liver, used for divination 
 
 purposes, 312 
 Shimti-Shilkhak, 133 
 Shinar, 73, 93, 127, 13^ 
 Shirptirla, see Lagash and Telloh 
 Shishak, 313 
 
 Showbread of the Babylonians, 11 
 Shuardatum, 261 
 Shumer, 93, 115. 131 
 Shunagargid, 156 
 Shurippak (Fara), 78 
 Shurpu-Maklu, '49 
 Shushan, 285 
 Sib'e, 333 
 Silversmith, 52 
 
 Silver standard in Sargonic age, 4G 
 Simyra, 259 
 
 Sippara (Abu-Habba), 93, 49, 124, 18a 
 Sinaitic peninsula, 162 
 Sin-idinnam, 135, 149 
 Sin-imguranni, 298 
 Sin-muballit, 135, 14s 
 Sin-shar-ishkun, 358 
 Sin-shum-lishir, 358 
 Sin-uzili, 298 
 Sisikiu, used instead of a seal, 175 f, 
 
 296 
 Sive, 333 
 
 Slavery in the Code, 213 
 Slime (bitumen), 94 
 Smith, 162 
 
 Smith, Mr. George, 59, 77, 133 
 Smith, Professor G. A., 141 
 So, 333 
 Sodom, 125 
 Solomon, 5, 20 
 Stevenson, Dr. J. H., 397 
 Strabo, 120 
 
 Strassmaier, Father, 291, 378, 391 
 Statues of gods, 193 
 Stone statues, 158 
 Stylus, 168 f 
 Syllabaries, 182 
 Sumerian question, 90 
 Sumerians, 90, 92 
 Sumu-abi, 145 
 Sumu-la-ilu, 98, 145 
 Surgery in the Code of Hammurabi, 
 
 216 
 
436 
 
 Index of Subjects 
 
 Suti, 279 
 
 Sutruk-Nakhundi, 204 
 Sutu, 15s 
 
 Tablets, Shape of, 180 
 
 Tablet Hill, 183 
 
 Tabor, 274 
 
 Tags and labels, 158 
 
 Tc^alta, 13 
 
 Talmud, 47 
 
 Taylor, 25 
 
 Taylor cylinder, 341 
 
 Taxes, 291 
 
 Tehenu, 275 
 
 Teispis, 382 
 
 Tel-abib, 408 
 
 Telloh (Shirpurla and Lagash), 116 
 
 Temple A-E, 99 
 
 Temple. Plan of the Babylonian, 113 
 
 Temple Belos, 102 
 
 Terah, 200 
 
 Teraphim, 193 
 
 Terhatu, 208 
 
 Text-book, 189 
 
 Thebes, 358 
 
 Theodoret, 241 
 
 Thothmes III, 258. 271 
 
 Thumb-nail marks, 174 
 
 Thummin, 13 
 
 Thureau-Dangin, Professor, 43. 44. 47. 
 
 91 
 Ti§.mat, 60, 74 
 Tidal, 125, 132 
 Tiglath-pileser III, 326 
 Tihom, 69 f, 72 
 Tirhakah, 352 
 Topographical map, 294 
 Trumbull, Dr. H. C, 12 
 Tukulti-Ninib, 99, 314 
 Turanian languages, 51 
 Turkish Government, 182 
 
 Ubar-Tutu, 78 
 Ugarit, 259 
 Ukin-zer, 326 
 Umliash, 153 
 Umman-manda, 382 
 Ummu-Khubur, 61 
 Um-nfih libbi, 15 
 
 Umu-limnu, 15 
 
 Ungnad, Doctor, 175 
 
 University of Pennsylvania, 104 
 
 Ur-Mama, 44 
 
 Ur, 8 f, 42, 87, 195 
 
 Ur-Engur, 27, 105, log, 113. "7. 192 
 
 Ur-Enlil, 41 
 
 Urim, 13 
 
 Urfa, 195 
 
 Ur-Nin4. 38 f 
 
 Ur-Ninib, 33 f, 115 
 
 Urukagina, 38, 43 
 
 Urumush, 45. 92 
 
 Urusalim, 263 
 
 Urzage, 38 
 
 Use of the seal, 173 
 
 Ussher, 23, 129 
 
 Ut-napishtim, 78 
 
 Utug, 44 
 
 Uzziah, 324 
 
 Vale op Siddim, 12s 
 
 Vases, 162 
 
 Vaults, 112 
 
 ViroUeaud, Dr., 291 
 
 Votaries, 214 
 
 Verterinary surgeon, 216 
 
 Walls, Temple, 109 
 
 Ward, Dr. W. H., 172 
 
 Weights, 46 
 
 Why tablets were encased. 178 
 
 Winckler, Professor, 32, 222, 259 
 
 Wine jar, 427 
 
 Wine shops, 215 
 
 Winkelhaken, 178 
 
 Xerxes, 100 
 
 Yabim, 280 
 Yaphi, 280 
 
 ZaBIUM, 98, 145 
 
 Zachariah, 325 
 
 Zeus, 104 
 
 Zidka, 342 
 
 Ziggurrat Bdbili, 89, 102 
 
 Zimmem, Professor, 14, 49. S*^, 90, 187 
 
 Zimrida, 2S0 
 
 Zoan, 371 
 
INDEX OF SCRIPTURE REFERENCES 
 
 GENESIS 
 
 TEXT 
 1:3 . . 
 
 1 :6, 7 
 
 2 : 3 
 
 10 : 10 . 
 
 11 : 9 
 14 : 4 . 
 16 : I, 2 
 
 23 : 14-20 
 
 24 : 4 
 
 30 : 1-4 . 
 
 44 ; s . . 
 
 46 : 17 . . 
 
 47 : II • • 
 
 PAGE 
 
 72 
 
 123 
 
 16 
 
 48, 97 
 95 
 137 
 222 
 222 
 221 
 222 
 10 
 26s 
 271 
 
 18 : 14-27 
 
 21 : 2 
 
 21 : 7 
 
 21 : 12, 13 
 
 21 : IS 
 
 21 : 16 . . 
 
 21 : 18. 19 
 
 21 : 22-25 
 
 21 : 24. 25 
 21 : 26, 27 
 21 : 28 
 21 : 29 
 21 : 32 
 
 EXODUS 
 
 22 : 
 
 29 
 
 ; 2-4 . 
 : 5 . - 
 ■■ 7-9 
 : 12 
 
 : 14, IS 
 : 13 
 
 LEVITICUS 
 3:4... 
 ' 2-7 . 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 18:3 . - 
 20 : 10 . 
 20 : II 
 20 : 12 . . 
 24:sff . 
 24 : 20 
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 13 : 22 
 
 231 
 227 
 227 
 229 
 228 
 22s 
 229 
 229 
 229 
 229 
 230 
 230 
 231 
 225 
 225 
 227 
 227 
 227 
 230 
 10 
 
 7 
 228 
 228 
 228 
 12 
 229 
 
 271 
 
 JOSHUA 
 
 DEUTERONOMY 
 18:3 . . . 12 
 
 ig ; 21 . . . 229 
 26 : 5 9 
 
 TEXT PAGE 
 
 10 : I .... 280 
 
 15 : 41 343 
 
 19 : 28 342 
 
 342 
 343 
 343 
 200 
 
 19 
 
 29 . . 
 
 19 
 
 44 . . 
 
 19 
 
 4S 
 
 24 
 
 2 . . 
 
 
 JUDGES 
 
 I 
 
 31 . . 
 
 . 342 
 
 I KINGS 
 
 6:1. ... 278 
 
 14 : 2S . . 313 
 
 16 ; 31 . . 342 
 
 17:9- . . 342 
 
 
 II KINGS 
 
 8 
 
 '5 , 
 
 . . 319 
 
 10 
 
 32£ . . 
 
 321 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 . . 322 
 
 IS 
 
 19 
 
 328 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 329 
 
 15 
 
 29. 30 
 
 ... 330 
 
 16 
 
 S 
 
 328,329 
 
 16 
 
 7 ■ ■ 
 
 331 
 
 l5 
 
 9 . . . 
 
 ... 330 
 
 itJ 
 
 10 
 
 332 
 
 17 
 
 3-S . • 
 
 ... 332 
 
 17 
 
 6 . 
 
 333.337 
 
 17 
 
 24 
 
 ... 337 
 
 rS 
 
 8 
 
 
 18 
 
 13 ff . 
 
 . 344 
 
 18 
 
 26 
 
 • ■ 39S 
 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 . 346,352 
 
 19 
 
 37 . ■ . 
 
 400 
 
 20 
 
 12-19 
 
 339 
 
 20 
 
 20 . 
 
 . . 341 
 
 23 
 
 : 29, 30 
 
 ... 362 
 
 23 
 
 : 31-35 . 
 
 . . 362 
 
 24 
 
 ; I 
 
 • ■ 3^ 
 
 24 
 
 : 7 . • 
 
 ... 362 
 
 21 
 
 : 6f . . 
 
 . . 364 
 
 25 
 
 ;28ff . . 
 
 . . 371 
 
 
 I CHRONICLES 
 
 5 
 
 26 . . 
 
 . 326 
 
 II CHRONICLES 
 33 : II ff . . . . 3S6 
 36 : 6 362 
 
 EZRA 
 
 1,4. ... 384 
 
 TEXT PAGE 
 
 1:7 384 
 
 I : 7-II 381 
 
 4:7 396 
 
 4 : 10 356 
 
 4 : 21-24 . . 389 
 
 ESTHER 
 
 1:2 . . . 388 
 
 3:7 388 
 
 JOB 
 
 26 : 12 70 
 
 74 
 
 13 .... 
 
 71 
 
 83 
 
 7 . . 
 
 259 
 
 89 
 
 9 . . . 
 
 70 
 
 
 ISAIAH 
 
 
 10 
 
 9 • 
 
 327 
 
 20 
 
 I . . 
 
 334 
 
 30 
 
 1-4 .... 
 
 341 
 
 30 
 
 iff ... 
 
 344 
 
 37 
 
 38 . . 
 
 3SI 
 
 SI 
 
 9 . ... 
 JEREMIAH 
 
 70 
 
 37 
 
 ■Si . 
 
 364 
 
 39 
 
 -.3 . . . . 
 
 371 
 
 EZEKIEL 
 I, 3. IS 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 10 ; IS 
 21 : 21 
 27 : 8 
 27 : 9 
 
 I : 2£ 
 
 386 
 
 . 40S 
 
 . 408 
 
 40 S 
 
 AMOS 
 8:9 ... 
 
 342 
 342 
 
 DANIEL 
 2:4. . . 399 
 
 4 : 30 371 
 
 5 376 
 
 32s 
 
 NAHUM 
 3:8.. .358 
 
 3 : 18, 19 . . 360 
 
 MATTHEW 
 S : 38 229 
 
 437