UJS! A^ Cln f CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY DATE DUE juuxs^^ir^ f Ayin^affl - ^TR- l^^^^t^^S^ --2 8 Wr 7 /Li IT ^^ -^ L,r 9 *-Hi ^ KMigi ^ -^H^M M J.^ BX7795.W9n3"W''"^ olin 3 1924 029 466 160 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029466160 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 1922 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK • BOSTON ■ CHICAGO ■ DALLAS ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO.. Limited LONDON ■ BOMBAY ■ CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd, TORONTO %^(r^^au&?layn — PORTRAIT OF JOHN WOOLMAN. The original sepia drawing on a lar.ge* folio sheet from which this reproduction has been made is almdst certainly the work of John Woolman's friend and contemporaf-^', Robert Smith III, of Burlington, New Jersey, son of Daniel (d. 1781), and grandson and namesake of the well known Judge Robert Smith of the Court of Common Pleas, Burlington County (1769 &c). Robert Smith III married Mary, daughter of Job Bacon, of Bacon's Neck, N. J. He had a natural gift for seizing a likeness and has left a large collection of striking sketches. The technique is identical with this sketch, which, however, is more ambitious, and the erratic back- ground is omitted. The medal of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Association, founded in 1787 by "thomas Clarkson, which appears in the original, goes to prove this a memory sketch, as are many of Robert Smith's portraits, and also furnishes corrobora- tive evidence of its genuineness. The original was in possession of the late Governor Samuel W. Pennypacker, whose endorsement is on the reverse, and whose accurate judgment Was seldom at fault. It was sold with the contents of his library in 1908 and came. later into the hands of the present owner, George Vaux, Jr., of Bryn Mawr, Pa., to whom are due the editor's thanks for the privilege of reproduction. RANCOCAS EDITION THE JOURNAL AND ESSAYS OF JOHN WOOLMAN EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION Br AMELIA MOTT GUMMERE "That best part of a good man's life, His little, nameless unremembered acts Of kindness and of love," — WORDSWORTH. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1922 AU rights reserved PWNTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ^ /. / j>^ 7 7 1 5 W f / ^ ^ f\5\^000 Copyright, 1922, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and printed. Published November, 1922. Press of J. J. Little & Ives Company New York, U. S. A, PREFACE Nearly a decade has passed since the preparation of this edition of John Woolman's Journal was undertaken at the request of the Friends' Historical Society of Philadelphia. In that interval has come and gone the Great War, whose shadow has fallen so deeply upon our modern civilization. To the philosopher of the future, who will command a truer perspective than is possible for us today, must be left the final verdict of its effect upon a great portion of the human race. In view, however, of the stupendous changes which have been wrought in national and political relations, and of the fact that never before were social upheavals of such magnitude or impor- tance, it is appropriate that a wider hearing be given to one whose quiet voice has still a message for this weary world, and whose meditations have survived in a form, quaint indeed, but singularly penetrating in their sympathetic counsel and wisdom. John Wool- man had two great aims in his rather brief life : — the abolition of slavery, and the readjustment of human relations for the relief of the laboring classes. The first was accomplished at the cost of a civil war, and the life of the Great Emancipator. Over the sec- ond, which is yet unattained, the world nevertheless may discern faint gleams of light ; but we desperately need today the sound teaching of John Woolman. He called his little book a Journal, although in it will be found comparatively few autobiographical details. Such it is, however, in the sense of being the history of the Progress of a Soul through what was to him indeed a Vale of Tears. John Woolman believed it possible "to provide all men with an environment which will best develop their physical, mental and spiritual powers." This definition of social reconstruction is that of a modern English student and leader in social reform, B. Seebohm Rowntree, but it was anticipated more than a century and a half ago by John Woolman. The circumstances of the early publication of Woolman's Jour- nal are related in the pages that follow. It is less a matter of vi PREFACE regret that the present edition has been unavoidably delayed, since some of the most important facts connected with John Woolman's life have but very recently come to light. The reader should be re- minded that the change of date from old to new style occurred in the year 1752. In certain cases it has been impossible to know definitely whether the record quoted has been adjusted or not. In every such case the original is given as it stands ; in other cases, the change is noted. The bibliography is based upon the very full one published in the "Century" Edition of Headley Bros., London, 1900, and is used with permission. It remains to acknowledge with gratitude the assistance ren- dered the present editor by many kind friends who cannot all be named, but to most of whose services reference will be found in the notes. Death has claimed those to whom the editor's debt is greatest. President Isaac Sharpless, of Haverford College, read the earliest chapters, and urged their publication. Professor Allen C. Thomas critically examined and endorsed the entire manu- script during the summer preceding his death. To the late Dr. John W. Jordan, and to Miss Wylie of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, and to Dr. J. Russell Hayes, Libra- rian at Swarthmore College, are due thanks for their aid with the original Woolman manuscripts in their respective collections. Many members of the collateral branches of the Woolman family have cordially loaned their papers and documents for examination or reproduction. Gilbert Cope, the genealogist, has furnished the facts regarding the father of Sarah Ellis, wife of the Journahst, and both William A. Slaughter and the late Charles H. Engle of Mount Holly, gave valuable aid in regard to the local associations of John Woolman in his home town. In England the editor is under deep obligations to Norman Penney, F.R.H.S., at Devonshire House, London, where the vast collections of Quaker historical material have been laid vmder contribution for this volume by him and his able assistant, M. Ethel Crawshaw. He has also had searches made in the records of those meetings in the counties which were visited by Woolman. The late William C. Braithwaite and Dr. R. Hingston Fox furnished valuable information, and to no one more than to the late Malcolm Spence, of Almery Garth, York, is the editor's indebtedness greater. His interest in the work led him to much care in photo- PREFACE vii graphing in detail the valuable manuscripts still in possession of the family in the house where John Woolman died, and his own death occurred very soon after he had sent over all the material which had any relation to the Quaker philanthropist. The inspirer and adviser of this edition, who did not live to see the work finished, but the memor}^ of whose helpful aid has made the completion of the task possible, was Francis B. Gummere. His grateful wife would here record her debt to his unfailing bright encouragement and wise counsel. Without the aid and coopera- tion of these and many others, the editor's labors would have been far less complete. The personal life of John Woolman is here presented in more detail than has before been possible. It is hoped that his spiritual message will not lose thereby. Amelia Mott Gummere. Haverford, Pa. June, 1922. INTRODUCTION There are few men so eminent as John Woolman in social or religious literature, of whose personal life and surroundings so very little is known. The extraordinary modesty of character which so distinguished him in his personal relations with his fel- lowmen, has kept from the world for one hundred and fifty years those more intimate facts of which present day biography is often too full. In reading Woolman one must always carefully dis- tinguish between the humility of character which was his in a marked degree, and that "holy boldness" which made him fearless in the prosecution of those delicate and difficult tasks to which his apprehended duty called him. John Woolman's autobiography, heretofore our only source of information, contains but a thread of personal history, usually introduced because it is necessary to explain the circumstances of the spiritual "exercise" which he wishes to record. Even this appears solely for the purpose of enforcing a moral lesson. The Journal, forjts very restraint, its simplicity of style, and its clarity of vision and statement, has grown into a classic, occupying a place unique in literature, and of far more influence than was dreamed possible by its modest author. Such writers as Henry Crabbe Robinson, Charles Lamb and George Macaulay Trevelyan, to name but three representative men, have borne testimony to its spiritual and literary qualities. Joseph Sturge, the reformer and philanthropist, wrote of it: "In the picturesque simplicity of its style, refined literary taste has found an inimitable charm ; but the spiritually minded reader will discover beauties of a far higher order." ^ The Journal was at one time in use as a text book at Princeton University, for the purity of its English,^ and in 1920 the State of Pennsylvania required it of its candidates in the public school examinations. • "Visit to tte United States." 1841. p. 9. ' Charles B. Todd. "History of the Burr Family." 2d edit. p. 449. X INTRODUCTION The Journalist was in the habit of noting down his experiences on his tours about the country, and he says, "After reading over the notes I made as I travelled, I find my mind engaged to preserve them." Having once made this determination, he sys- tematically carried it out. The "Memorials" of his intimate friend, Rebecca Jones of Philadelphia, were published thirty years after her death, and in violation of her written request that they be not made public. She committed them to writing under a sense of duty, like John Woolman, and it was the opinion of the eminent men consulted that "it was not within her province to withhold from posterity the lustre of her example." John Wool- man made no such restriction. Aware how much the record of his own experience might benefit his successors, he committed to paper all he thought of value as the days went by. He began the practice at the age of thirty-five and kept it up until his death at the age of fifty-two. Examination of the sources now available for a fuller biog- raphy, brings out a personality which has nothing to lose and much to gain over the traditional figure of John Woolman. Records, legal and denominational, have been searched, often with im- portant results, and many hitherto unknown letters and documents have been found in public libraries and in private hands. In fact, so much of new interest has developed, that a biographical sketch of the man is now no more than due to those who know John Woolman only through his Journal — the most impersonal auto- biography ever written. The only valid reason which could b6 offered for a new edition of the Journal of John Woolman would be the discovery of new material. There are half a hundred editions of the Journal proper, and a multitude of publications in which his Essays and appre- ciations of him appear. This valid reason, however, may now be safely advanced, for descendants of the Journalist have recently made accessible by presenting to learned institutions which are glad to guard them, the manuscripts — there are three — of the Journal, and of most of his Essays, as well as letters, marriage certificates of the family and other documents. The large, leather-bound folio, which once had clasps, written in the excellent clerkly hand of the author, and from which Cruk- shank printed the first edition in 1774, came into possession of INTRODUCTION xi the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1912 as the gift of Samuel Comfort, a descendant in the sixth generation from John Woolman. It measures eight inches in width by twelve and a half in height. Inscribed upon the outside of the front of its cover are the names of three of John Woolman's grandsons: — "Samuel and Stephen and John Comfort's Book." Upon the back his great-grandson, Samuel Comfort, has written his name. This was the descendant who aided John Comly in preparing the edition of 1837, and who replied to the Philadelphia Friend who was the medium through whom an English would-be purchaser in 1845 offered a small sum for the folio : — "Could it be justly supposed that those through whose veins his blood flows, would, for sordid gold, sell to a stranger those pages over which the hand has moved and penned the sentiments and feelings as they flowed fresh and warm from the heart of their honored Father in the Truth? I may adopt this Scripture : 'The Lord forbid it me, that I should give the Inheritance of my Father unto thee.' " Accompanying this folio are the Larger and Smaller Account Books, the marriage certificate of John and Sarah Woolman, that of their daughter Mary and John Comfort, and of several of his ancestors and other relatives, besides valuable letters, papers and other docu- ments. These have by gift now become the property of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia. At Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania, are the two earlier manuscripts of the same Journal. The first of these is a rough draft of forty-seven quarto pages, begun when the Journalist was thirty-five years of age, and bearing interesting internal evidence of his spontaneity and youth. There is great freedom from the set phraseology which sometimes renders the literature of Quaker- ism difficult of comprehension to the ordinary reader. Its account ends with the year 1747. The second, like the first, is unbound, with its pages stitched together, and containing all the material in the first. It continues the narrative to the year 1770. Worn and sometimes blurred, the good ink and clear handwriting have in both cases preserved for us these precious documents. Accom- panying these also are letters, and the manuscripts of several of the Essays. Most valuable of all, from the antiquarian point of view, is the short Journal of the Sea Voyage and of the four months travel in Engknd. This is stitched together in a duo- xii INTRODUCTION decimo page, and is still covered with the original blue paper which protected it in its owner's pocket. These papers were all deposited on loan at Swarthmore College by a descendant in the same generation as Samuel Comfort, Elizabeth Lawrence Dudley, in 1913. It is clear that the two Swarthmore copies were used by Wool- man in preparing the folio for the printer. His Larger Account Book (Page 27) contains a charge for this book. This copy was made in the years 1769-1771, and was finished before he left home for England. It was one of the important details of his preparation for departure, whose completion was necessary for his peace of mind. Corrections and changes were made as he copied, most of the alterations bearing evidence of the writer's more mature thought. In the present edition these changes are noted. When John Woolman was about to leave home in 1772, he care- fully tied up this folio, together with other important private papers, and left them in the hands of his intimate friend, John Pemberton, who was at that time Clerk of the Meeting for Suffer- ings, as the large Committee acting in the intervals of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, was then called. They were not to be opened except in case of his failure to return. He also prepared and left for immediate publication his well-known "Epistle," to Friends "4 mo. 1772." ,-^The Journal of the Sea Voyage was made from day to day, and in the five weeks during which it lasted, John Woolman in- serted the reflections which life at sea suggested to him. Five days after landing, at the close of London Yearly Meeting, this manuscript was given to his friend, Sophia Hume, for whom he had in 1748 performed a similar service, to revise and correct, da mo at her discretion. The cover bears the endorsement "13 : 6: 1772. I commit these notes to the care and keeping of Sophia Hume, and if she hath a mind to revise them, and place them in better order, I am free to it, but I desire she may not shew them to any one, but with a very weighty consideration. John Woolman." There is no evidence of any alterations made by Sophia Hume, with whom he doubtless left the little manuscript on his departure from London. INTRODUCTION xiii The leaves on which is written the diary of the long walk to the North are stitched in later, possibly having been added after his death, the manuscript of the voyage, and of the English Journey thus forming one little paper-covered pamphlet. On the blank pages of the English Journey, William Tuke ""^ wrote down from day to day the memoranda of John Woolman's illness and death. This manuscript was brought by Samuel Emlen,' [then known as "Junior,"] to whose care William Tuke consigned it, (along with Woolman's clothing and other small possessions), from York to John Woolman's wife, who handed them to the Meeting for Sufferings at Philadelphia. That meeting appointed a Committee to edit and prepare the Journal and Essays for pub- lication. The minutes are in the handwriting of the Clerk, John Pemberton, the lifelong friend of Woolman. They give us in de- tail the story of the first edition. "At a Monthly Meeting for Suflferings held in Philadelphia, the 15th of 4 mo.th, 1773. Our beloved Friend John Woolman having before his leaving us Sealed up a Journal of his life to near that time, together with some other manuscripts, & directed them to John Pemberton ' in order that they should be Cofnunicated (sic) to this meeting, if it should please the Lord to remove him from the Stage of this life before his return, being now presented to this meeting, John Huntt,^ John Reynell,^ James Pemberton,^ Anthony Benezet,* & Owen Jones ^ are appointed to inspect them & Comunicate (sic) their Sentiments thereon to a future Meeting;" (p. 379). i8th day of 8mo. 1773; Israel Pemberton," Samuel Emlen,' Junior, & John Pemberton ^ vi^ere added to the Committee in charge of the Journal. These, then, were the Friends who became the official editors. They were men whose prominence in the councils and aflfairs of the Colony will at once be evident to any one familiar with the history of Pennsylvania.^ They had already entered upon their task when the official announcement of the deaths of John Woolman and his cousin William Hunt,^ was received from London. The meeting re- plied: — "22nd. 4mo. 1773. . . . We had before the arrival of your Epistle received the Sorowful account of two of these 1 Brief sketches of these men will be found in the Biographical Notes. xiv INTRODUCTION worthy Friends being removed to receive the Reward of their faithful! Labours, which very Sensibly affect us, & our loss is the Greater, as several other valuable Friends were near the same time taken from us, & by their patient Continuance in Weldoing were nearly united to the faithful." (p. 383). Several months were spent in sorting and arranging the vari- ous papers and manuscripts, and in the autumn work was actually begun on the Journal proper. The Meeting for Sufferings, under date, "21 day of lomo. 1773," has a minute; — ^"It's now agreed that the Committee, with such other friends of this Meeting as can well attend, do meet at the 6th. hour in the Evening of next 4th. day in order to proceed to the Inspection & Consideration of the Journal left by our Friend John Woolman, & so to adjourn from time to time until they have gone thro' it." (p. 396.) Next month they record that the Committee and "dk'ers Friends" are regu- larly meeting together once a week for the purpose of hearing the Journal and to revise it. Finally, "21 of imo. 1774. . . . The Journal left by our Dear Friend John Woolman having been read through by the Committee & nearly ready for the Press, and a Specimen of the Type & Paper on which it is proposed to be printed being produced, the letter appearing clear & large, it's tho't may be agreeable, & that the Printer may be Encouraged to Print 1200 Copies. Some further Consideration respecting the Journal is referred to the next Meeting." (p. 401). The last entries have to do with the subscriptions. Broadsides were printed and distributed by Joseph Crukshank. "21 of 4mo. 1774," they record: — ''The Friends who have had the Care of re- vising the Journal left by Our Friend John Woolman are desired to get printed notices spread to Several Quarterly & Monthly Meetings to Acquaint them that the work is in the press & to encourage Friends to Subscribe for them." (p. 413). "19 of Smo. 1774. Notices having been printed respecting the Journal of our Friend John Woolman, part of them are distributed, & its expected Joseph Cruckshank (sic) will Exercise care to Spread them further." (p. 414). One of the Publication Committee returned the Manuscript to Woolman's family, accompanied by the first London edition of "Remarks on Sundry Subjects," under which title are published the Essays written in England (1773). His letter follows: INTRODUCTION xv Seventh Day; 4 O'Clock P.M. Dear Friend, I herewith send John Woolman's Journal, & that part of his Works pubhshed in England. Thy Aunt show'd us a written testimony sent from England, which I now applied to her for, but she tells my wife that thou hast a copy of it. I know of nothing else I can furnish, which would help y" designed testimony. Oh ! that I may have reason to believe that my name is written in the meanest page (if there is any difference) of the Book of Life, and I care nothing about Testimonies. Anthony Benezet." * To Samuel Allinson, Burlington.^ The school house in which the Friends met "every 4th day evening at 6 of the clock" throughout the winter of 1773-4, stood on the site of the present Forrest Building, No. 119 South Fourth Street, Philadelphia. These were the Friends who performed the important service of giving to the world the first edition of John Woolman's Journal. The printing was excellently done by Joseph Crukshank, himself a Quaker, official printer for the Yearly Meeting. His shop was in Market Street, at the sign of the "Bible-in-Hand," and he was one of the best printers at that period in America.^ The book appeared in the spring of 1774 with the title, "The Works of John Woolman." This Committee performed its task at a period when the biog- raphy, whether Quaker or not, might be regarded as complete, if it recorded the spiritual life of the individual, and omitted many, or even most, of the facts of daily Hfe. History had not then become a science, and the historical sense was untrained. The eighteenth century editor considered himself justified in omitting or revising at his pleasure, the statements of his author, as may be best instanced in the well known Life of Washington, by '■ Family Papers in possession of Caroline Allinson, Yardville, N. J. S. Allinson [1739-1791.] Prominent Quaker lawyer, appointed by N. J. Legis- lature, 1773, to prepare well-known folio, Laws of New Jersey, printed by Isaac Collins. [N. J, Archives ist Ser. xxv. p. 6.] ' His friends wrote of him, that "fair in his dealings, punctual with his payment, and amiable in his manners, he was greatly esteemed by his fellow citizens." [Thomas. "History of Printing in America," Vol. I., p. 262.] Crukshank occupied the third house west of Grindstone Alley, on the site now (1922) numbered 227. He had moved there in 1770 from an earlier location in Third St. ["Market Street, Phila- delphia," p. 32, by Jos. Jackson.] xvi INTRODUCTION Weems, or Washington's Letters, edited by Jared Sparks. The changes made in the first edition of Woolman are chiefly omis- sions. The dreams are all wanting, as well as the only in- stance in which Woolman went to law. Part of the paragraph on inoculation is left out, as well as several mathematical calculations and diagrams. The reader will be able to compare other changes in the present edition. At the close of the volume, the letter of William Tuke was inserted as a portion of the text, and not in its original form. All later editions have followed this precedent. Many editions at once followed the first, both in Great Britain and America (see Bibliography). None of these, however, appear to have been collated with the original manuscript, carefully guarded in the hands of descendants and easily accessible, until 1837, when Samuel Comfort, its owner, a great-grandson of John Woolman, assisted John Comly,^ minister and school teacher and author of several text books, in publishing a new and revised edition of the Journal. This edition leaves the impression upon the reader that it was printed for theological reasons. It appeared in the stress of denominational controversy, and its joint editors, like the first committee, still regarded themselves at liberty to alter and "correct" their author. The copy of Johnson's edition of 1800 which they used, is still tied up with the manuscript. It is interlined with notes, and on its fly-leaf appears a calculation as to the frequency and significance of the name of Christ in the Holy Scriptures. In many instances "God" has been substituted for "Christ" in the text. Occasionally another Scriptural text has been substituted for that quoted by the author. The editing was nevertheless done with more accuracy and literary taste than that of any other edition, and many omissions of the first were inserted. In this a valuable service was rendered to literature. The English edition of 1840, printed by Thomas Hurst at Warrington, was the next to appear, and the changes in that of Comly (1837,) led to its preface on the orthodoxy of John Woolman, which collation with the original manuscript would have rendered unnecessary. James Cropper, the editor,^ died ^John Comly of Byberry, Pa., minister and schoolmaster. Born iimo. 19 1773. Died 8mo. 17 1850. An able and well-known Friend. Comly bought Woolman's Journal in 1792, with his first savings, when he was 19. 'James Cropper (1773-1840) of Liverpool-Philanthropist; interested in the Aboli- tion of Slavery. Founder of Penketh School. INTRODUCTION xvii before the book was finished, and a Committee of Friends carried the work to its completion. The preface is an answer to the criticism of those who contended that the Journal itself had so much to say of duty, and so little of doctrine. The obvious reply to the Quaker precisians of the early Victorian period is that Woolman's appeal is to the heart even more than to the head. The text in this case has suffered more than in any other, the editors having attempted to "improve" Woolman's simple English. They thus conclude their preface: — "In preparing this valuable work for a more extensive circulation, it has been found necessary to correct many grammatical inaccuracies, and occasionally to omit redundant words, and repetitions of the same sentiments; also to transpose sentences, in which the author's meaning was obscured by the want of a more simple and perspicuous arrangement." For some years before 1871 the poet Whittier had been con- templating the publication of a new edition. He was familiar with the home of Woolman, had conversed with those whose parents had known him well, and in abolition days had been chiefly anxious to bring out in a fuller introduction, the anti-slavery phase of Woolman's work. His Philadelphia friend, Charles Yarnall,^ learning of his thought, wrote to him urging him to the under- taking, and he replied under date, from Amesbury, Massachusetts, "Eighth Month 17th. 1869. The pressure of many cares and duties, illness, and I may also confess, a deep sense of my own deficiencies as contrasted, not alone with the perfect purity of the Great Exemplar, but with such a devout follower of Him as John Woolman, have deterred me from the task to which thy letter invites. Yet it is often on my mind, and if my life is spared awhile longer, I may do something of the kind. I have now before me an unpublished work upon John Woolman by Dora Greenwell of England, author of 'The Patience of Hope' which I may yet find a publisher for.^ " Whittier's edition appeared in 1871. Since that year, most editions have been based upon that of Whittier, notably the "Century" (1900) edition of Headley Broth- ers, London, and "Everyman's Libra.ry." The latter omits the > Born 1801. Died 1877. A prominent Philadelphia Friend, much interested in Quaker education. 2 Original from collection of the late Prof. Allen C. Thomas, of Haverford College. Pa. Dora Greenwell's "Patience of Hope" first appeared in Edinburgh, i860. xviii INTRODUCTION entire tenth chapter. In Whittier's, which has become the standard edition, is always accessible his own brief history of the anti- slavery movement, and the message of love, human and divine, which John Woolman brings, is equally obtainable in all the many editions in which his remarkable Journal has appeared. For this reason, and because so little has been known of the personal life of Woolman, it has been deemed best to discard Whittier's introduction and substitute a sketch giving the new facts of Wool- man's life, as they have recently come to light. It is necessary to keep in mind the fact also, that many of the small meetings which are named by Woolman in his travels, no longer exist. Throughout this volume, the folio MS. used by Crukshank in the first edition, upon which the text is based, is termed MS.^. The first small quarto, ending 1747, is MS. 5. and the similar quarto ending 1770, is MS.C. Footnotes give the variations when not in the text, and the biographical notes in the Appendix aid us to identify Woolman's friends. Brackets indicate variations in the texts. There is so much interest in his family, that it is hoped the wills and deeds included, will also be welcomed. Those who fear to see their favorite author appear in a strange form, and dread the touch upon the page of a profane hand, may be reminded that in these modern days, no higher tribute of praise or of affection can be shown than to give to his readers the exact reproduction of the text of his message. Slavery has mercifully become a dead issue ; but there are today before a distracted world, questions of life and death that bring into prominence the aspects of Woolman's work having to do with social problems, which are not less timely now than when his Essays were written. The first editorial Committee was engaged at its task during the very strenuous days immediately preceding the American Revolution, and the Minutes bear abundant evidence of the appropriateness of the publication of John Woolman's Journal. It is a curious fact that this last edition, with its peaceful message, should have been prepared whilst the greatest world-war was raging. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. The Immigrant Ancestor. 1678 i II. Youth and Education. 1720 11 III. 1749. Marriage and Settlement 35 IV. 1760. Newport and the Slave Question. Corre- spondence 58 V. 1763. The Indian Journey 76 VI. 1766. John Woolman as Schoolmaster .... 96 VII. 1772. The Voyage, English Journey, and Death . 125 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN I. 1720 to 1743 151-162 II. 1743 to 1748 163-172 in. 1749 to 1756 173-186 IV. 1757 187-203 V. 1757 to 1758 204-217 VI. 1758 to 1759 218-230 VII. 1760 231-242 VIII. 1761 243-265 IX. 1763-1769 266-279 X. 1770-1772 ■ 280-288 XL 1772 289-303 XII. 1772 304-31S XIII. 1772 316-333 xix XX CONTENTS - PA6B THE ESSAYS OF JOHN WOOLMAN 334 Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes — Part I 334-347 Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes — Part H 348-381 Considerations on Pure Wisdom and Human Policy; ON Labour; on Schools; and on the Right Use of THE Lord's Outward Gifts 382-396 Serious Considerations on Trade 397-402 A Plea for the Poor 402-437 Considerations on the True Harmony of Mankind 438-472 An Epistle 473-487 Last Essays 488-510 Appendix 511-609 Bibliography 610-630 Index 633-643 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS John Woolman : Portrait sketch by Robert Smith . . . Frontispiece From Collection of the late S. W, Pennypacker. Now in Possession of George Vaux, Jr,, Bryn Mawr, Pa, FACING PAGE The Rancocas, from Site of John Woolman*s Birthplace .... 12 Photograph by Charles R. Pancoast. "The Mount," Mt. Holly, N. J 13 Photograph by Charles i?. Pancoast. Marriage Certificate (portion), Samuel Woolman and Elizabeth Burr 20 In Possession of Rachel H, Hilliard, Rancocas, AT. /. Account as Tailor's Apprentice, 1743 21 From ''Smaller Account Book." Marriage Certificate, John Comfort and Mary Woolman, 1771 . . 42 In Possession of Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 1. "Cripps' Oak" ; Old Boundary Line, Garden St., Mt. Holly, N. J. 1 2. John Woolman's Shop, now 47 Mill St., Mt. Holly, N. J. J "*"' David Zeisberger Preaching to the Indians at Wyalusing, 1763 . . 86 Drawing in Possession of Historical Society of Pennsylvania. John Woolman's Notes at Indian Interview, 1761 87 From Pemberton Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Specifications for Mary Woolman Comfort's House, 1771 .... 106 "Larger Account Book," Historical Society of Pennsylvania. John Woolman's School Primer 107 Courtesy of Friends' Library, Devonshire House, London. John Woolman's Letter to Elizabeth Smith, 1772 122 In Possession of the Editor. 1. Final Memorandum, from "Larger Account Book," 1772 2. "Pennsylvania Journal" Notice of Ship "Mary and Elizabeth" 1772 Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Almery Garth, York, England 138 Photograph by Malcolm Spence. Window of Room where John Woolman Died, 1772 139 Photograph by Malcolm Spence. First Page of MS.C. (earliest) Journal 150 Original at Swarthmore College, Pa. First Page of MS.A. folio. Journal 131 Historical Society of Pennsylvania. xxi - 123 266 26; xxii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE Residence of John Woolman, Mt. Holly, N. J 172 From sepia drawing, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Marriage Certificate, John Woolman and Sarah Ellis, 1749 . . . I73 Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 1. John Woolman's Chair, Owned by a Descendant, E. Cecilia Newbold, Bordentown, N. J. 2. "Three Tuns" Tavern, 1761. Now the Mill St. Hotel, Mt. Holly, N. J. 1. Nantucket, site of "Big Shop," where John Woolman Preached 2. Thomas Middleton's Smoke-house, Crosswicks, N. J. Photographs by the Editor. 3. Memorandum for Nursery Planting, 1768 From "Larger Account Book," Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 1. Cover of Journal of the Voyage"! 2. Last page. Journal of the Voyage r 288 At Szuarthmore College, Pa. J 1. First Page, Journal of the Voyage 1 2. The Landing in London r 2°9 At Swarthmore College, Pa. J Title and first page, John Woolman's first Essay, 1754 334 From Collection of the late Charles Roberts, Philadelphia. Titlepage, "Considerations" &c.. Part II, 1762 335 Copy in Havcrford College Library, Pennsylvania. John Woolman's Grave, York, England Sio Seal, British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, London .... 510 Where the Journal was first Edited, 1773 511 1. Sophia Hume I „, , , , . . 1 1-Sketches from contemporary drawmg of I 2. John TownsendJ Qracechurch Meeting, London. T ^-^^ In Possession of A. C. and S. H. Letchzvorth. J 1. Uriah Woolman. Silhouette presented by Gertrude Deacon to the John Woolman Association 2. John Comfort. Silhouette found in attic of Woolman Memorial William Tuke. Portrait in Friend's Institute, London .... By Permission. Esther Tuke. Silhouette in Friends' Institute, London By Permission. The John Woolman Memorial, Mt. Holly, N. J 598 Drawing by H. Toerring. Fireplace in the John Woolman Memorial 599 Photograph by Watson W. Dewces. THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN 1922 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH CHAPTER I THE IMMIGRANT ANCESTOR 1678 John Woolman came of good old English stock. The family name is found in Gloucestershire, and also in Middlesex (Lon- don), where a Sarah Woolman of Limehouse held title to the lot on Fourth Street, in Philadelphia, which was part of a property now owned (1922) by the William Forrest Estate. The original patent^ is dated i^' of 5mo. (July) 1685 and the deed of sale, through her nephew and attorney, William Carter, is drawn 6mo. 7, 1687. She did not come out to America, and at present there is no clue to her identity, beyond the description of her as "widow." Limehouse Parish Records do not begin until 1730. The Quaker records of Painswick, Gloucestershire, twice con- tain upon their marriage certificates the signature of a John Woolman, as witness. The first occurs at the marriage of Henry Harber and Martha Humphries, 4 mo. 10, 1658; the second, at that of Richard Merrill and Hannah Mason, 2 mo. 23, 1676. Parish Church records of the same time and place disclose no such name. The second signature may have been that of the Journalist's grandfather, but he would have been only three years of age at the time of the first of these marriages. Their identity has not yet been established, but the signer or signers were in all probability members of the same family. No Woolman is named by Besse in his "Sufferings of the Quakers." A number of Pains- wick Friends settled in Burlington County near together, in the group which accompanied the first John Woolman. One of these was Walter Humphries, whose power of attorney was given his ' Rolls Office, Philadelphia, 6mo. (August) 7th. 1687. Book E. Vol. V, p. 574. I 2 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. son-in-law, Enoch Core, August 15, 1684, to act as his agent in New Jersey/ They had ah been neighbors in the old home in England, and John Woolman I inventories Walter Humphries' estate, October 17, 1698.- In the year 1678 this John Woolman, I (1655-1718), grand- father of the Journalist, arrived at Burlington, West Jersey, from England, and is one of the settlers named as heads of families by the historian, Samuel Smith. ^ He was then 23. With him, or very soon after him, came his aged father William Woolman, (d. 1692) of Gloucestershire. The son was a West Jersey Pro- prietor, having bought of Thomas Elooton in 1677, a thirty- second share of a proprietary right in that colony.^ In the next twenty years he acquired at various times several large tracts of land extending north from Rancocas Creek. In 1687 two hundred acres were taken up by John Woolman, and the ancient deed for this land, carefully preserved and bearing the signature of Gov- ernor Samuel Jenings, is cherished by the family of his descen- dant, the late (iranville Woolman Leeds, of Rancocas, who owned one hundred acres of the original tract. ^ John Woolman was a signer, i2mo. 7, 1680-1, of the Address sent by the Eriends of Burlington to those in London. The rec- ords of the Monthly Meeting of the same place state, "7mo. 1, 1684. John Woolman & Eliz. Bourton P'posed their Intentions of Marriage, it being y'^ first time." On the sixth of the next month, "Jno. Woolman & Eliz. Bourton P'posed their Intentions y" second time, & y"" meeting left y™ to their Liberty to Consummate it as they saw meet in y° Eear of y' Lord." They were married • New Jersey Archives, ist Ser. Vol. XXI, p. 229. Also Do. Vol. XXIII, 109. ' N. J. Archives, ist Ser. Vol. XXIII, p. 248. ' Samuel Smith. "History of the Colony of Nova Cssarea, or New Jersey." Burlington, 1765, p. 109. * Revel's Book of Surveys in Office of Sec. of State, N. J. Liber B, Part I, p. I, "April i^-e, 1677. Thomas Hooton to John Woolman, for 1/32 of a share of West Jersey." " For the text of deed see Appendix. The State Archives (Vol. XXI) thus name some of the purchases made: — Return of Survey for John Woolman, smo. i68s, of "4 Acres of Marrish (marsh) opposite to Enoch Core's house, on South side of Northampton Road." Revel. Lib. B. Part II, 78. July 25, 1692, Isaac Marriott of Burlington, yeoman, to John Woolman of Northampton, Weaver, for fifty acres "part of land bought of Thos. Budd, Jan. 11, 1861." Ibid. Lib. B. II, p. 530. November i, 1698. Wm. Borton, yeoman, to John Woolman, weaver, both of Bur- lington Co., for one hundred and ten acres on Rancocas Creek, adjoining, on north, Daniel Wills; south, John Petty. Bought by John Borton, father of the grantor of Daniel Wills, March 27, 1680." Ibid. Liber B. II, p. 655. I THE IMMIGRANT ANCESTOR 3 on the sixteenth. EHzabeth Borton was the daughter of John and Ann Borton, who in 1679 had come from Aynhoe, in North- amptonshire, with a certiiicate of unity addressed to Burhngton, from the Meeting at Burton. ^ John Borton was also a West Jersey Proprietor, and is named by Samuel Smith as a Constable for the "London Tenth" of the settlers on the Delaware.^ Wool- man was a witness to the will of his father-in-law, John Borton of Hillsdown, on the south side of the Northampton River. "The deceased owned a part of Burlington Island and a thirty-second part of West Jersey, and asked to be buried in the Friends' Burying Place in Burlington." The will is dated July 28, 1687.^ John and Elizabeth Woolman settled in Northampton town- ship, on land which ran down to the Rancocas, where a fertile plantation was soon under cultivation. "The Constablery," from the Minute Book of the Supreme Court, begun in 1681 at Burling- ton, traces the original township boundaries for Northampton in 1688. "The Constablery of Northampton: from Daniel Wills' plantation on Northampton river to y"" towne bounds, including Daniel Wills' plantation and George Elkinton's plantation." The site of the house was chosen with excellent judgment. On the north bank of the stream, it commanded a charming sweep of water and had the benefit of the southern sun and western breeze. The mere fact that the house was built of brick and not of timber, places the emigrant ancestor among the well-to-do. The numerous ancient houses of brick in Burlington County prove the excellence of the early product. Before the end of the seventeenth century, Doctor Coxe's potteries in Burlington turned out a superior china, and the clays of the neighborhood made the importation of brick from England unnecessary. The old house saw two generations born there, including the first John's famous grandson and name- sake. In 1806 it was taken down, and the bricks were used in the construction of a larger house several hundred feet higher up the bank, now occupied by the family of a late descendant in the seventh generation.* The farm is given over to fruit-raising, and the exact location of the early house is in a great field of ' W. F. Cregar. "Ancestry of Wm. S. Haines." ' Samuel Smith. "History of New Jersey." p. 152. " New Jersey Archives. XXIII. p. 47. * Granville Woolman Leeds. 4 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. strawberries. An occasional brick is still ploughed up on the spot where it once stood. The first Friends' Meeting at Rancocas was held, as the minutes state, at the house of Thomas Harding, 3 months, 2, 1681.^ After this, for several years a settled meeting was held at John Woolman's, whose house became a sort of headquarters of Quakerism for Northampton, sharing with Thomas Olive's ^ house the meetings for the neighborhood. John Woolman in 1684 subscribed eight shillings toward building the meeting house in Burlington. The records of Burlington, under date gmo. 7, 1687 read, "The Weekly Meeting being on y* Fourth Day that use to be kept at Tho. Olive & Jno. Woolmans is Now Ordered to be kept at Daniel Wills house Weekly." A meeting house was completed soon after. In the early period of the settlement, the Rancocas is frequently called "Northampton River," and the minute of Burlington Monthly Meeting for "y® 1^^. of y*^ 12th Mo**" 1707," indicates the increase in number of Friends' families locat- ing on that stream: "Several Friends Living within y" Fork of Northampton river & thereabouts, made request to this Meet- ing for an established Meeting for y'= accommodation of those Friends, which was left to y*^ consideration of y^ next Meet- ing." John Woolman had a little tiff with his neighbor, Joshua Humphries, "broadweaver," son of Walter, for failing to keep up his fences, so that in 1701 the latter "complains on John Wool- man because of damage by Cretuers on his Corn." Six months of arbitration was followed by peaceful settlement, when the two, recently at odds, went amicably together as representatives to the same Quarterly meeting.^ When Joshua Humphries died in 1 721, he left a legacy for repairs to the meeting house at Northamp- ton.* Woolman was one of many signers to a "publick instru- ' The Will of Thomas Harding, proved Dec. 6, 1708, of Wellingboro, Burlington Co., West Jersey, names his "home farm on Northampton River" and leaves a legacy to John Wills "for fencing the burying ground in Northampton Township." The inventory is made by John Woolman & Joshua Humphries, Oct. 6, 1708, amounting in personal property to £62. 6s. loHd. New Jersey Archives, XXIII, p. 210. ^ Thomas Olive located six hundred and thirty-si.K acres and built the first grist mill in the province. He came from Buckinghamshire, England, and was a neighbor and intimate friend of Samuel Jenings, was a Justice of the Peace, and served as Deputy Governor of W. Jersey. He died 1694. ' Minutes, Burl. M. M. for 2mo. 6, 1702, &c. ■• New Jersey Archives. ist Ser., Vol. XXIII. I THE IMMIGRANT ANCESTOR 5 ment," protesting to the authorities against the rioters who in 1703, "brake open the prison dores in Buriington, and set the prisoners at large." His name also appears on the Petition to Lord Cornbury, dated Nov. 14, 1706, against the Governor's prohibition for granting warrants for land.^ ^ ' On March 30th, 1692, had died William Woolman, father of John, an elderly man at the time of his arrival in the Jerseys. In 1688 John had given his father one hundred and fifty acres of land in Northampton Township, apparently in settlement of an arbitration between them. A survey made March 2, 1681, for Walter Humphries, for two hundred acres on "Rankokus, alias Northampton River," is described as adjoining lands of William JVoolnian and Bernard Devonish.- During the last four years of his life the father had lived at the house of George Elkinton, and as partial acknowledgment for the kindness shown him by his host and his wife, William Woolman gave to them seventy-five acres, — one-half of the land received from his son. We are left to surmise why the old man's last days were not spent in his son's care. Fifty years later, on 7mo. 17th. 1742, John Wills, son of Daniel Wills, whose farm joined that of John Woolman, made a very interesting affidavit to the effect that William Woolman's son John had never claimed the land thus presented to the old man's caretakers ; the action was probably taken to clear a title.^ A census of Northampton Township in 1709 gives us a very interesting record of the ages of the members of John Woolman's family. His eldest daughter, Elizabeth, is not named ; she had married Nathaniel Payne in 1703, at the early age of eighteen: John Woolman aged 54 Elizabeth, his wife. Samuel Mary Ann Hannah Hester 44 19 17 IS 6 2 Isaac Satterthwaite, 17, is the apprentice who lived with them. ^ New Jersey Archives. Vol. Ill, p. 165. = N. J. Archives, XXI, 349. " See Appendix. John Woolman to his father, Wm. Woolman, i2mo. (Feb.) 13, 1688. Wm. Woolman to Geo. Elkinton, lamo. (Feb.) 21, 1692. 6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. The population of the township at this time is recorded as a total of two hundred and thirty-one. For thirty-four years John Woolman and his wife Hved happily together on the banks of the beautiful Rancocas. In April, 1718 he died at the age of sixty-three, leaving in his will ^ all his real and personal estate for the use of his wife, his son Samuel and his five daughters. Samuel, the only son, was made executor. An inventorv of the estate, filed 3mo. (May) 13, 1718, shows £440, 19, 2, including £212, 8, 2 in bonds, bills and debts — an ample competency, in addition to the real estate, in those pioneer days. Elizabeth Woolman died almost immediately after her husband, aged fifty-five.- Her will was appro^'ed May 30, 1718. Of the five daughters, Elizabeth,^" ' the eldest, was married three times. Her first husband was Nathaniel Payne of Mansfield, N. J., to whom she was married 5mo.(July) ist, 1703. His will was proved May 26, 1707.* She then married "7th of y* 4mo. (June)" 1708, Robert Hunt, who died in 1716. In 1718, the year of her parents' deaths, she married John Harvey. Her death occurred after his, in 1756. Her sister, Ann Woolman,^" married 9mo.(Nov.) 1712, John Buffin. Ann's marriage is not in the mar- riage Records of her meeting, but may be found in the minutes. Those of Ann's sisters are regularly recorded. Mary,^" the third daughter, married 2mo. (April) 4th, 1720, William Hunt of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. A removal certificate is on record for the two younger sisters, Hannah and Hester, dated Burlington, 5mo. (July) 7, 1729, and directed to Philadelphia. Hannah had been Treasurer of the Women's Meeting, Mt. Holly. There is in the list of marriages in the First Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia, by the Governor's License, that of Hannah Woolman to Joseph Burgoin (Bur- goyne), dated 2mo. (xA.pril) 10, 1735. Family notes also in- dicate that this is the correct name of the husband of Hannah Woolman, but the editor has not tmdertaken to trace her further history. Letters are advertised for "John Burgoine" in the Philadelphia Postoflice in 1762.-'^ ' See Appendix: also N. J. Archives. XXIII, p. 524, ^ See Appendix, One wonders if small-pox, the frequent scourge, attacked them? ' See also N. J. Archives. XXXIII, p. 351, Orig. Lib. I. ' .See also Trenton Records, p, 180, ° See "Pennsylvania Gazette" for July 8, 1762. I THE IMMIGRANT ANCESTOR 7 Hester (or Esther) youngest of the family, born in 1707, removed with her sister Elannah to Philadelphia in 1729, and soon after married John Allen, of West Nottingham, Pennsylvania; the editor has not yet found the meeting record. Her husband's will made her his executor with his son John, who, however, died a year after his father. The elder John's will was probated Octo- ber 2, 1758; the son's October 26, 1759: the latter leaves iio to his mother, Esther Allen, and a legacy to his sister Patience. He leaves also £5 "to Cousin John Woolman" and the same sum to John Woolman's mother, his aunt Elizabeth Woolman.^ Hes- ter Woolman's descendants are still living in Pennsylvania. Joseph Devonish, son of Bernard, a neighbor of Samuel Wool- man, left in his will dated i2mo. (February) 22, 1747, "to the two daughters of my friend, Samuel Woolman, namely Hannah and Esther, to each of them the sum of ten pounds." Both Samuel and John Woolman witnessed this will, which was prob- ably drawn up by the latter, and which was proved March ist. 1748, when John Woolman and John Stokes made the inventory.^ Samuel Woolman" (1690-1750), only son of John and Eliza- beth (Borton) Woolman, born 3mo. (May) 14, 1690, succeeded his father on the plantation along the Rancocas, and was remark- able for his intelligence and perseverance. He added to the original acreage and acquired parcels of land elsewhere. His mar- riage to Elizabeth, daughter of Henry and Elizabeth (Hudson) Burr, took place 8 mo. (Oct.) 21st, 1714.'' Samuel Woolman was a man of affairs, and that he took up his duties as a citizen is shown in the report of an election in Burling- ton County for members of the Assembly, held 3mo. (May) 14, 1739. Woolman was one of the four candidates, the others being Mahlon Stacy, William Cook, and Joshua Wright. Stacy and Cook were elected. Of particular interest to us is the fact that Samuel Woolman's son John, the Journalist, served as one of the ' Chester County Wills, Penna. For the will of John Allen of West Nottingham, see Book D, p. 125. For the son, John Jr., Book D, p. 174. John Jr. lived at East Marlborough, Pa. Patience Allen married, 1771, James, son of Thomas and Isabel Gawthrop, whose family in England John Woolman visited in 1772. (See Appendix.) (Biog. Note 84.) ^ New Jersey Archives. Series I, Vol. XXX, p. 142. 3 Records, Burr, M. M. A "TestiTUony to the Memory of Elizabeth Burr" was recorded by Mount Plolly M. M. 8mo. 5th, 1778. Henry Burr was in the Jerseys in 1682, and bought land of Robt. Dimsdale, 1688. 8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. clerks of the election, being then a youth of nineteen.^ Samuel Woolman witnesses various wills recorded in New Jersey, as well as makes inventories. Samuel and Elizabeth Woolman brought up a large family of thirteen children, seven sons and six daughters, of whom John, the Journalist, was fourth child and eldest son.^ It was their custom on the first day of the week to gather their children about them for Scripture reading and verse memorizing. An education quite in advance of others in their neighborhood was bestowed upon them, and the sons, besides successfully conducting com- fortable and profitable farms, were surveyors, conveyancers, and merchants, who shared in the business affairs of the community. They were known as men of upright character, concise of speech, and grave of demeanor, — a trait not entirely lost in some of the family today. Samuel Woolman died in the autumn of 1750 at the age of sixty. His will ^ was proved December 17, 1750. It was wit- nessed by John, "nth of 6mo. (Aug.) 1750." The will* of his wife Elizabeth, dated "11 of 2mo. (Feb.), 1772" was proved October 21, 1773. She outlived several of her children, includ- ing her famous son John. All of the children of Samuel and Elizabeth married, with the exception of Elizabeth and Rachel. Elizabeth ^^ is the only one of his brothers and sisters to whom John refers by name in his Journal. He appears to have looked up to her as eldest of the family, and the two were undoubtedly m,uch in sympathy in spiritual things. They were but five years apart in age, although two sisters, Sarah and Patience, came between them. In an unpublished portion of the Journal ^ John relates an anecdote of Elizabeth. Checked by their parents in paying a visit at a distance to a certain young friend, of whose desirability as companion there was some doubt, Elizabeth with her two sisters returned home. "Elizabeth," writes her brother, "expressed her satisfaction at being put by, adding this Rhyme, Such as thy companions be. So will people think of thee." * "Toll Book" of John J. Thompson. 2 See Appendix, Biog. Note, ii. ^ See Appendix, for text. * See Appendix, for text. ** M.S. C, at Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania. I THE IMMIGRANT ANCESTOR 9 Perhaps with the idea of reheving her parents in the care of so large a family, Elizabeth at an early age took up tailoring as a source of independence, and removed in 1740 to Haddonfield, New Jersey, where for the rest of her life she made her permanent home. She had a small inheritance, and succeeded in her trade, so that at the time of her death of smallpox in 1746, at the early age of thirty-one, she left sufficient property to remember in her will 1 each member of her family. Her "Great Bible" is given to her father ; to her mother she leaves her "great looking glass," and to her brother John, twelve pounds "Proclamation Money," ^ and her gold buttons, a gift which, in the light of after years, seems curiously incongruous ! John was her executor and settled her affairs jointly with their brother Asher. When the mission of John Woolman took him away from the family circle, his next brother Asher (1722-1796) undertook the duties usually falling to an eldest son.^ Their mother evidently depended upon him as much as upon John, as she advanced in years. Her home, in accordance with the will of Samuel Wool- man, continued to be in the old house, which was left to Asher, with the use for her of "two brick rooms down stairs and the least brick room above stairs, and half the cellar and half the kitchen, during her widowhood." She also had half of every- thing else, including the barn, in which to house "the sorrel fmare called 'Bonny' and her colt," which her thoughtful husband left her to ride to meeting. All the brothers appear to have settled in New Jersey, and most of them remained in Burlington County. Uriah Woolman ^^ (1728-1804) was for a time resident in Philadelphia, but the ^Appendix, for text of will. She left personal estate to the value of £273, 11, II. Elizabeth (Haddon) Estaugh was a witness. Elizabeth Woolman's certificate of removal, Mt. Holly to Haddonfield, is dated "4 of 6mo. (Aug.), 1740." 2 "Proclamation Money." The Proclamation of the sixth year of Queen Ann, 1704, had fixed the value of coin in the Colonies. An Order in Council, May 19, 1720, for- bade any emissions by the Colonies without Royal assent. (H. Phillips, Jr., "American Paper Currency," p. 104.) In 1742, £132 Jersey money equalled £88 sterling. "War Notes," redeemable five years from date, were issued between 1740 and 1758 and raised exchange in West Jersey. The several colonies passed laws with the intention of making the paper money issued equal to the barter currency of the Colony, which was below sterling. This paper was called "Proclamation Money." (C. J. Bullock, "Monetary History of the United States," p. 131.) ^ In 1764 Asher Woolman is one of six persons offering £10 reward for a German Christopher Housler, "who absconded from Burlington County with bis wife and five children in a waggon and two horses not his own." Penna. Gazette for Oct. 25, 1764, 10 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, i house in which he lived and which was sold by his executor in 1809, known as "Breezy Ridge," stood until 1918 on a fine loca- tion a short distance from the present railroad station of Haine^- port, a mile below Mount Holly. It was at that date destroyed b'y fire. Uriah Woolman married in 1769 his cousin, Susanna Burr, daughter of the Surveyor General of the Province, John Burr.'^ Uriah was the only brother of John Woolman who died leaving no descendants. ^ See Appendix. Bjog, Note, 13. CHAPTER II YOUTH AND EDUCATION 1720 The Rancocas is a picturesque stream which rises in the eastern part of Burlington County in New Jersey and, after a course of twenty devious miles, empties into the Delaware River, sixteen miles above Philadelphia. It is navigable for ten miles, as far as Hainesport, and for canoes and light skiffs, much farther. The village of Rancocas is on the stream of the same name, six miles from its junction with the Delaware. At the date of John Woolman's birth, October 19, 1720, the little community of Ancocas (which later added an 7? for euphony), was largely made up of families living wide apart in Northampton township, a portion of Burlington County settled almost entirely by English Quakers, many of them from London, Yorkshire, and Gloucestershire. In marked contrast to East Jer- sey, where Dutch and Scotch inheritances were prominent in the social life and character of the people, West Jersey was essen- tially English in its manner and habit of thought.^ Customs brought over from Yorkshire especially, prevailed in the neigh- borhood for generations, and, until recently, the farmer sold his eggs by the score, as is still done on the Yorkshire moors, rather than by the dozen. Farmers' leases today in central and southern New Jersey, date from March twenty-fifth, "Lady Day," rather than from May first, as is the custom elsewhere. An admixture ^ That this distinction has been little understood is evident in the recent apprecia- tion bv W. Teignmouth Shore, in his "John Woolman: His Life and Our Times." He has followed a German's book describing life on a farm among people of that nationality in East Jersey, which was as distinct from the English customs which Woolman inherited as though the boundary line had been a wall between the two parts of the Province. The editor has elsewhere drawn attention to this distinction. ["Quakers in the American Colonies" — Part II, "Quakers in New Jersey."] II 12 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. of French Huguenot refugees was combined with this basic ele- ment in West Jersey social life, and many of these exiled Prot- estants became identified with the Quakers. Their names are still borne by Quaker families which have long been prominent in the various meetings. The Gauntt brothers, to instance but one case, who married two of John Woolman's sisters, were of French Huguenot descent. At this period the primeval forest was not yet cleared from many of the plantations in the Jerseys. Ancocas, then not even a village, was connected by five miles of rough road with Bridge- town, which later became Mount Holly, and was its nearest set- tlement. "The Mount," from which the town was named, is one of a series of low sandstone hills extending across the Province. These hills were used by the Government for semophore com- munication by means of signals and colored lights. A Return of Survey from the original owner, John Cripps, (d. 1734), in 1681, for three hundred acres of land, mentions the line south of Rancocas River as running "through a Swamp, wherein grows Store of Holly, and within said Tract is a Mountain ( !), to which the Prospect East, South, West, and North Send a beauti- ful Aspect, named by the owner thereof, Mount Holly." ^ The Quakers of Northampton Township were all members of the Monthly Meeting of Burlington, which was already a large and prosperous town on the Delaware, seven miles to the west." The prime care of the planters had been to provide the neces- saries of life, and agriculture and the mechanic arts claimed first attention. But although plantation life with primitive appliances was laborious, simplicity and neighborly kindness were conspic- uous in an eminent degree, and early hardships were even then giving way to what were regarded by some as dangerous luxuries. The JournaHst's family were prominent among the plainer set- tlers. John Woolman was exceptionally intelligent, and was taught to read, he says, "as early as he was capable of it." This is an equal testimony to the intelligence of his parents. The little school which he attended was under the care of the Friends, about a half mile west of the village. There is record of its building in 1 N. J. Archives, Vol. XXI. ist Ser. p. 349. * The Monthly Meeting of Mount Holly was set off from Burlington in 1775. m Qi > .a H a 2 n YOUTH AND EDUCATION i^ 1 68 1, while the meeting was held at Thomas Harding's, the owner of the plantation. The property later came into the hands of the Stokes family and has since been known as Stokingham. An Indian village on an elevated site was also within the limits of Thomas Harding's plantation, with a never-failing spring of water hard by. The Indians shared this spring with the Friends, and under the great swamp-magnolia trees which filled the air with fragrance, the latter built their school house, twenty feet square, and within a hundred yards of the spring. It is not many years since some of the trees were still standing, and Indian arrow heads are yet found upon the site. The old graveyard is near by.^ The present meeting house in the village of Rancocas dates only from 1772, the year of John Woolman's death. There were in Woolman's time about forty meeting houses in the entire province of New Jersey. The young Woolman must have been a sensitive and sympa- thetic child, possessed of that priceless gift, a vivid imagination. We can see the little boy of seven, stepping aside from the high- road on his way to school, to sit down and meditate upon the glories of the Holy City, the magnificent description of which in the Book of Revelations had fired his childish thought. The Journal's opening paragraphs show this temperament very clearly, and the way in which the daily walk to school marks for him in after years, the struggles of his early awakened conscience. The incident of the robin's nest is dear to all Woolman lovers.- The dream which he had when but eight years old must have very deeply impressed him, since he wrote it down at the age of thirty- six, and three times afterwards copied it out at length for the printer. It has, however, been omitted in every previous edition. There is no moral in it, hardly even an end, for it terminates most ^ Charles Stokes: "History of Rancocas Friends' School." 2 A story told of Abraham Lincoln makes a remarkable parallel to this familiar and oft-quoted anecdote of Woolman. When Lincoln was a lawyer in Springfield, 111., he was one day going with a party of lawyers to attend court in another town. They rode, two by two, on horseback through a country lane. Lincoln was in the rear. As they passed through a thicket of wild plum and crabapple trees, his friends missed Lincoln. "Where is he?" they asked. Just then Lincoln's companion came riding up. "Oh," replied he, "when I saw him last he had^ caught two young birds which the wind had blown out of their nest, and he was hunting the nest to put them back." After a little while Lincoln caught up with his friends, and when they rallied him about his tender heart, he said: "I could not have slept if I had not restored those little birds to their mother." 14 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. abruptly; yet there it stands — little John Woolman's Dream of the Sun-Worm. This quality of imagination was no passing thing. At twenty- one, left to sleep in the lonely chamber where a Scotch redemp- tioner, a newly bought ser\ant of his master, had died the night before in delirium, he speaks pathetically of his own timidity and dread of the place in the hours of the night. But a strong will overcame his horror. Is it not to the vivid imagination of John Woolman, by which he was able to visualize in such an amaz- ing degree the situation of his fellow beings, that we owe his peculiar power to enter sympathetically into the needs of all man- kind? He spent his life in what was perhaps the most conserva- tive community in the whole of Quakerism, where even the word "imagination" would be a shock to his neighbors ; and yet it is that very quality of mind that may well differentiate him from almost every other Quaker journalist of his century. Of Woolman's education we have only the glimpse of his attendance at the village school ; the school house under Friends' care, sheltered the children of the best families in the little com- munity; more than this we do not know. Woolman says of him- self, "Having had schooling pretty well for a planter, I used to improve myself in winter evenings, antl other leisure times." His father had a good library ; the inventory made at Samuel Wool- man's death shows that it included works on divinity, navigation and law. There is abundant evidence of the son's wide reading, and of his acquaintance with books which may have had influence upon that style which is the charm of his writing. The literature of Europe was beginning to be more accessible at this period, and the young Woolman grew up at a time of great progress and ad- vancement in the new colony. The home circle of the family was limited, but at Burlington, where he constantly visited, and where was a group of excep- tionally well educated and intelligent Friends, he had the foreign publications at his service. There is abundant evidence that he made the best use of his opportunities. He was very intimate in the family of the historian, Samuel Smith, ^' and of his dis- tinguished brother, John.^^' son-in-law of James Logan, (1674- 1751) and a founder of the Pennsylvania Hospital. Their friend also, Jonathan Belcher, (1682-1757) Governor of New Jersey, 11 YOUTH AND EDUCATION 15 had removed to Burlington, and his house and hbrary were at Woolman's disposal. Through the efforts of these cultivated men the Burlington Libran,' received its charter in 1757 from King George II. The Library at "Bridgetown" was also char- tered eight years after, in 1765. John Woolman's relatives and friends were represented among the original subscribers, but his own name does not appear on either library' list. At the date of that in his home town, his scruples as to the literature introduced would have prevented his subscribing. But he at no time confined his reading exclusively to Quaker literature. He quotes Cave's "Primitive Christianity," Fox's "Acts and Monuments," Thomas a Kempis, and the French quietistic writers in the English translations. Especially did he study those books of travel written by the Jesuit Fathers who ex- plored India and Africa, and they and the agents of the East India Company are frequently quoted. There are many strong suggestions of Fenelon about the essays, and one has but to read the two together to be convinced that the peculiar literar}^ style of Woolman was gained by no accident. Not that he in any way imitated the French writer, but he was so saturated with the atmosphere and thought of the famous Abbe, whose works at this period were upon the tables of all the best educated Quakers, that the style is reflected in his^ essays, even to the choice of title. Compare, for instance, Feij^- lon's "Dissertation on Pure Love," with Woolman's "Essay on Pure Wisdom." It is chiefly in the Essays that one finds re- flected the French influence. The identical volume of Thomas Bromley's "Way to the Sabbath of Rest," which was in the library of Elizabeth Smith, ^" the sister of Samuel and John, still exists, and was one of the much admired works then perused by them all. The first portions of the Abbe Raynal's "Philosophical and Political History of the Europeans in the East and West Indies" appeared in 1755. Doubtless his friend, Anthony Benezet,* saw to it that Woolman had the translation. Benezet was a life long correspondent of the famous Abbe. The advance chapters of this book received great attention, as had the same author's "Lit- erary Anecdotes" two years before. Justamond's translation did not appear until 1776. It is interesting to find today in the Ridgway Branch of the Philadelphia Library, some of the works ^ i6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. imported by John Smith and left by him with his own books to the Hbrary which James Logan founded. These are in all prob- ability the identical volumes used by John Woolman. Smollett's "Voyages" and his History appeared in 1757, and were also closely studied, and Smollett himself was a correspondent of the brothers Smith. Woolman was a hard reader all his Hfe, and when one reflects upon the intimate friends who loved and ad- mired him, among whom were the distinguished brothers Pem- berton,^,",* and the Frenchman, Anthony Benezet,* only second to Woolman in the importance of his anti-slavery work, one becomes somewhat impatient at encountering in every writer on Woolman, the persistent tradition of his illiteracy, linked usually with poverty. That he was neither unlearned nor poor, there is abundant evidence. Both impressions have doubtless come from the utter simplicity of the man's life and thought. He speaks of his family as "we who are of a middle station between poverty and riches." ^ We now know that John Woolman was an accomplished school teacher and taught rnany years, publishing a "Primer' which went through at least three editions. \He mastered surveying and read enough law to obtain the legal knowledge necessary to draw wills, for which his services were in constant demand ; to exe- cute deeds and do conveyancing. Six estates for which he served as executor are named, with the accounting, in his manuscript account book, and old deeds in private hands, and in the Record Office in his native county, togetlier with-marriage "Certificates and surveyors' plans, all in his clear handwriting, are frequently turning up in unexpected ways. Passages in his writings indi- cate a legal turn of mind. In the chapter, for instance, "On Lov- ing Our Neighbors as Ourselves," is the following syllogism : "In great measure there is a great trust. A great trust requireth a great care ; But the laborious mind wants rest." Again, in his last mystical epistle to his countrymen, before sail- ing for London in the spring of 1772, he says: ^ Essay "On Loving Our Neighbors as Ourselves." II YOUTH AND EDUCATION 17 "The Church is called the body of Christ : Christ is called the Head of the Church ; The Church is called the Pillar and Ground of the Truth." Even surgerj[_was not unfamiliar, for evidentl^Woolman fre- quently bled people, and his judgment was of value to both the body and mind of his neighbor. Surely this is no illiterate labor- ing man who produces a wonderful book, but one possessed of as much self-taught wisdom as many another famous man, not to mention his neighbor, Benjamin Franklin. (1706-1790). Anyone familiar with life in the Jerseys at this period will remark the total absence in the Journal of any reference to the great philosopher. Franklin was the publisher of Woolman's second essay on "Considerations," &c. as to the Negro, (1762), and the two men must often have met. Moreover, Franklin Park, on the outskirts of Rancocas, the residence of Franklin's son, William, (1729-1813) better known later as the Tory Governor, was frequently the retreat of his father. On the streams and swamps nearby he pursued his investigations into phosphoric phenomena, and all sorts of agricultural experiments were made on the farm, which comprised some two hundred acres. The large mansion was burned about 1843 ''"d the park was later divided into several small farms. The deep ditch or moat surrounding the deer park may still be faintly traced to-day; twenty-five years ago it was clearly marked. John Woolman must have been aware of the work of these agricultural pioneers, and of the Agricultural Society to which also belonged some of his wealthy Quaker neighbors. But one can imagine no sympathy between the practical scientist and the Quaker idealist. Their views of life, present and future, were too radically different to permit of any common standing ground, and Woolman would naturally shrink from the brilliant social cir- cle in which the Franklins, father and son, moved together, until their differing political opinions separated them at the time of the American Revolution. The pleasures of youth, as Woolman describes them, were temptations which he does not give us in any detail, but he leaves a picture in our minds of a sensitive spirit, whose disrespectful reply to his mother was never repeated after his father's gentle i8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. and wise reproof, and who was preserved "from profanity and scandalous conduct." He loved vanities and mirthful company in a normal and natural way, but through all he "retained a love and esteem for pious people" and frequently read religious authors. At sixteen he was very ill, and made thoughtful by the circumstance, on his recovery he writes, "I was early convinced in my mind that true religion consisted of an inward life ... I found no narrowness respecting sects and opinions, but believed that sincere, upright-hearted people in every society, who truly love God, were accepted of him." In this spirit of wide sympathy, so utterly foreign to the average young man, was lived out the whole of Woolman's life. Until the age of twenty, our Journalist, as he says, "wrought on his father's plantation." A paragraph omitted in earlier edi- tions of the Journal tells us that he was desired by a shop-keeper and baker to tend shop and keep books. For this he asked and obtained his father's consent, adding, "I had for a considerable t'me found my Mind less given to Husbandry than heretofore, having often in mind some other way of living." In the year 1740 he was settled in his master's shop at Mount Holly, six miles from his master's house, and seven from his own. With his entrance at twenty-one into what he doubtless re- garded as a career, in a little village containing all that he knew of the great world, excepting the occasional glimpses which he had of the city of Philadelphia, eighteen miles distant, we have the beginning of a life that was henceforth dedicated to his Mas- ter's service. He was quite alone after the day's work was done and his employer had gone home. He pursued his reading, im- proved himself in his education, and had time for pious medita- tion. It was so small an incident as the agreement to drink a health at an ale house that brought on the crisis in George Fox's life, and sent him forth to struggle with his soul in the wilder- ness. Fox was then nineteen. A similarly important crisis in John Woolman's life, and at nearly the same age, was brought about by being unexpectedly called upon to write a bill of sale for his employer's negro woman. The agitation into which this incident threw him marks the moment when he became dedicated to the life-long effort to free the slave — a result which he did not himself live to see. The Quakers held much property in II YOUTH AND EDUCATION 19 human flesh throughout the colonies, and at Perth Amboy stood the slave market where scenes occurred that must have rent John Woolman's heart. He became much more serious and in this year, 1740-1, he records his first appearance in the ministry. But fearing that he had too much enlarged upor} his message, he sat in abasement of spirit for six weeks before he again broke the silence of his little meeting. The house in which he first uttered his message no longer stands. Where can be found in few words, so vivid a description of the living spirit which moved him and his prede- cessors in the Faith, as in these words of the Quaker ^outh? "All the faithful are not called to the pu blic m inistry ; but whoever are, are called to minister of that which they have tasted and handled, spiritually. The outward modes of worship are various ; but wherever any are true Ministers of Jesus Christ, it is from the operation of his spirit in their hearts, first purifying them, and thus giving them a just sense of the condition of others. This truth was early fixed in my mind, and I was taught to watch the pure opening." From the very beginning of his preaching Woolman appears to have been able to put aside the narrowness of thought and teaching by which he was surrounded, and to have grasped a sense of the uniiy~oi mankiTrd. The keynote of his message, at the very start, no less than at the moment when, wearied out, he laid down his life in a distant land, was always and ever. Love; Love to God and love to man. This single note runs through the life and writings of John Woolman, as has been said, like a silver thread that is always conspicuously bright and glowing, however dark the web in which it is woven by circumstance. His meeting recognized the power of the young preacher, for the Quarterly Meeting of Ministers and Elders at Burling- ton, under date "27th. day of 6mo. 1743" recorded on their minutes : "The Monthly Meeting of Burlington have recom- mended our friends, Peter Andrews,^' John Woolman, and Josiah White,'** who have sometimes appear'd in a way of pub- lick testimony, as Friends whom they have unity with, to be members of this meeting." Woolman, much the youngest, was but twenty-three. Almost immediately after this formal recognition the young 20 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. ^Woolman accompanied Abraham Farrington," an elderly- preacher, on a brief tour through northern New Jersey. Wool- man at first hesitated, but some elderly Friends whom he consulted advised him to go. During this first and most important preach- ing tour of John Woolman it is interesting to note that nearly all the meetings were held in pla'cfis^here no ^Quakers we^re set- tled. In the town tavern at Brunswick they had a large and attentive congregation. The same thing happened in the Pres- byterian settlements in East Jersey. A large meeting in the Court House at Perth Amboy, where the Provincial Assembly was then in session, was attended by many members of that body. A large proportion of these were Quakers, or of Quaker affiliations, and some of them were life-long friends of the old preacher and his young companion. One of these was the Treasurer of the Prov- ince, Samuel Smith. Woolman says his "ancient Companion preached largely in the love of the Gospel" to the statesmen and prominent people present. He himself took but an occasional brief part, "with" as he says, "much care that I might speak only what Truth opened. My mind was often tender, and I learned some profitable lessons. We were out about two weeks." This was in the autumn of 1743 and was Woolman's first visit away from home on such an errand. Abraham Farrington ^^ died in London on a religious visit in 1758. The Journal at this period tells its own story of the daily life of Woolman, with somewhat more detail than at other times. We learn that in the falling ofT of his master's business in "mer- chandising," Woolman began to look about for more permanent employment, especially as thoughts of the possibility of "set- tling" — i.e., marrying — arose in his mind. There is no certain clue to the name of this master, but he apparently carried on a large general business such as was for a century or more to be found in country districts throughout the colonies, supplying the farm- ing population with every possible need, not furnished by their own farms. He made up into clothing the cloth woven on the hand looms, and for this purpose employed a man who had learned tailoring. With his characteristic thoroughness Woolman determined that this would furnish him with a living, and if so, he must become skilful and learn the trade properly. The way was made easy by his master; terms were agreed upon, and cu ^^^1 >v^ >.<^ .^m: ?^ f 'v •■■, ^ "^ e^^ J JN %c. 3 bci 3 < W S § ^ ^ - 1 u J^ v^;; ^ - ■^&- .c/. -' - ^ " ~ t p*. ^ '^ i '"::^ ,^ -^ V >^' ^ 1 '^ 'G ^ .- ^ ^ V. ^.,. ^. ■tt. 'ti >>^ ?■* Hh o H-l 5i ^> vi Xi ■y ^^ t^ T ^^i ~^ "1 ^ ■"ix ^ 'S '^ ^ 5:" .->C /■^■; -4 -^ '^ :^ji;v?..\>^ ; vi -<.=; N. ^"^ >i , c\, Cs si. 'X «-,^^" ^: ^ ' ^ -i ■ ^ S" $>■ -^ § .'" iJ <^- gr^c; <; V "^ 5^ K -^<:-i^s^.d-^_ The original 4eeiJ is in possession of the Editor. 34 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, ii man's position in life who are possessed of sufficient means to acquire two such pieces of property, even with the prices of the colonial period. This circumstance is in itself enough to refute the charges of extreme poverty which have been made. To this farm, which was increased to nearly two hundred acres by the time it was sold in 1 791 by John and Mary Comfort, John Wool- man appears to have retired at some period between 1753 and 1760, and he continued at his home to manage the farm and orchard, at the same time that he pursued his tailoring, for the Account Book shows that he was making leather breeches for his customers within a few weeks of his departure for England. CHAPTER III 1749 MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT ( Early marriages were universal in this period of colonial life, since a farming community can easily support itself upon pro- ductive land like that in West Jersey. But Woolman's tastes were inclined toward a less laborious means of living, as he tells us himself, and he was besides of a slight and rather frail build. Hence he was twenty-nine years old before he married, and had for six years been a recognized preacher. Settling down to his home life, with his tailoring and conveyancing, his legal duties as occasion called him to draw the will of a dying neighbor, or to lay out the property of an heir or new-comer, John Woolman began what was a happy married life, interrupted only by the absences which took him long distances from home, in pursuance of his duties, and at his Master's call. Of the wife of John Woolman singularly little is known. The family memoranda of her son-in-law, John Comfort,^* give us the dates of her birth and death. She is sometimes named on her meeting's committees, and she served as the first Treasurer of the Woman's Meeting, when the Monthly Meeting of Mount Holly was separated from that of Burlington in 1775, after her husband's death. A few letters remain to or about her, but none of her own to her husband. A word or two stating the bare fact is all that his Journal tells us of his marriage. "The Lord," says Woolman, "gave me a well inclined damsel named Sarah Ellis," ^^ and this is all that he records. They were married at Chesterfield, New Jersey, 8mo. (October) 18, 1749, when he was twenty-nine and she a year younger. Their marriage cer- tificate is well written on parchment, but the name is very curi- ously spelled throughout, "W oilman." ^ ^ See Appendix, original in Woohnan Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 35 36 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Sarah Ellis was the daughter of Benjamin Ellis and Mary Abbott, who were married at Chesterfield, N. J., Qmo. (Novem- ber) 2.2, 1720. Her father was the son of Josiah Ellis, of Wood- enbury, Chester, England. Josiah Ellis married for his third wife, 7mo. (September) 16, 1697, Mary, the daughter of William Adams, of Monmouth, and widow of Thomas Wilcox, gold- smith, of the Savoy, whom she had married at Westminster meet- ing, 9mo. (November) 22, 1680. Josiah Ellis had many children and grandchildren, all of his wives having left descendants. Ben- jamin and his twin sister Mary, eldest children by the third wife, were born 8mo. (October) 16, 1698, in the Savoy. Upon attaining his majority Benjamin Ellis came to America. The first record of him is his certificate to Great Britain jrom Chesterfield, N. J., dated 6mo. (August) 6, 1719. He brings one from Hammersmith, Middlesex, London, to Philadelphia, dated "29 of 2mo. (April) 1720," and the latter monthly meet- ing, 7mo. 30 (September) appoints Anthony Morris and Thomas Griffith to prepare another directed to Chesterfield, N. J., "touching his clearness in relation to marriage." At that meet- ing, 9mo. (November) 24, 1720, he married Mary, daughter of John and Ann (Mauleverer) Abbott. '^ They went to Phila- delphia to live, and Mary Ellis's certificate of removal to that place is dated on the records, "y^ 2nd. of y^ 12th mo. (February) 1720." There had been Ellises in Burlington County from the time of William Penn, but they do not appear to be of this family. A George Ellis of Higham, in Derbyshire, sold some land in West Jersey in 1682.' The day before the birth of their only child, Sarah, Benjamin Ellis requested another certificate to London, "he intending there on business." The minute is dated, "6mo. (August) 25, 1721." The death of Josiah Ellis does not appear on the London records, but this may have been the cause of his son's departure so soon after his arrival and marriage. This is the last evidence of any kind that has been found respecting Benjamin Ellis, and the presumption is that he died, or was lost at sea. There is no clue to the circumstances which had brought together this pair; there ' Andrew Bradford is a witness from Philadelphia. ' N. J. Archives, XXI, 429. For facts of Benjamin Ellis' ancestry, the Editor is indebted to Gilbert Cope. Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 37 may have been family connections or acquaintance in the earher generation in England. In a new country courtships were brief, and between the summer of 1720 and the autumn of 1721 Benja- min Ellis had arrived in West Jersey, married, had a child, and departed, with only the record of dates to imply any tragedy com- pressed into so brief a period. Sarah, only child of Benjamin and Mary Ellis, was born 6mo. (August) 26, 1721, in Philadelphia. She was but two years old when her mother returned to Chesterfield to live with, or near, her parents; the certificate of removal is dated iimo. (January) 17, 1723-4. When Sarah was nine years old her mother married again, at Chesterfield, George Williams, Senior (1685- 1744), a well-known and highly esteemed resident of Shrewsbury, East Jersey, Qmo (November) 12, 1730, as his second wife.^ His first wife had been Joanna Wills (1688-1728) whom he had mar- ried iimo. (January) 1708-9. She died "circumspect in be- havior" and a minister, 2mo. (April) ist, 1728,^ leaving him with seven children. Mary Ellis Williams "desesed her life" at Shrews- bury, "y® 6 of 2mo. (April) 1739." George Williams also "desesed his hfe y^ 15 of imo. (March) 1744."^ The Friends said of Mary that "she was well-beloved by her husband's chil- dren, and upon her death left a sweet savour behind her." ■* Her constitution was frail ; she was a minister for some years. Two of her step-sons married two of her younger sisters. There are evidences that if Sarah Ellis was not brought up by her grandparents, John and Ann Abbott, she at least spent much of her time with them. Chesterfield records give the birth date of her grandmother as 2mo. (April) 28, 1678. Ann Abbott was the daughter of Edmund and Ann Mauleverer, of West Aytoun Manor, an ancient family of Yorkshire, tracing their descent directly back to the Sureties of the Magna Charta.'' It is interesting to discover that Robert and Alice (Markenfield) ^ N. J. Archives, XXX, 212. G. W. is described as "a lover of God and man. He kept open house and entertained his friends with cheerfulness" — an elder many years. 2 "The Friend" (Philadelphia), Vol. XXIX, p. 252. ' Shrewsbury M. M. Records. Book II. Marriages, Births, and Deaths. Geo. Williams was the third child of the four sons and five daughters of John and Mary Williams. John died in 17 19. His inventory shows him to have had a comfortable estate. It names the family Bible. N. J. Archives, ist Ser., XXIII, p. 510. ' "The Friend" (Philadelphia), Vol. XXIX, p. 252. " Charles R. Browning. "Sureties o£ the Magna Charta." 38 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Mauleverer, of Wothersome, Yorkshire, were ancestors of both Ann Mauleverer Abbott and of Richard SaUonstall, (1610- 1694), later of Ipswich, Massachusetts, Deputy and Assistant, whose wife was Muriel Gurdon, and whose fame has come down to us in the Puritan Records. Ann Mauleverer was born in 1678, at Scarborough, Yorkshire, where her father died, and her mother married again, 7mo. (September) 1681, Matthew Watson, chemist, of the same place. The following year, 1682, the family joined the great migration under William Penn to West Jersey, where Matthew Watson became a prominent figure. His step- daughter, Ann Mauleverer, (1678-1754) was married at his house at Chesterfield, 3mo. (May) 26, 1696,^ to John Abbott (1660-1739), who had removed from Farnfield, Nottinghamshire, in 1684. He died 8mo. (October) 16, 1739, leaving her with ten children. Her death occurred 2mo. (April) 10, 1754. Much of the nineteen years between her mother's second marriage and removal to Shrewsbury, and her own marriage, was spent by Sarah Ellis with her grandparents at' Chesterfield, where she could not have failed to meet John Woolman. His choice is evidence of the purity of her character, but we know nothing of her at this time of her life. They were married in Chesterfield, 8mo. (October) 18, 1749; their certificate is yet in beautiful preservation. On the same day that John and Sarah Woolman had gone over to Burlington Monthly Meeting to "pass," as the declaration of their intentions before the meeting was called, for the second time, i.e., 7mo. (September) 4th.- John's sister, Hannah Woolman and Samuel Gauntt also went through the same ceremony in the same meeting. Letters to his wife show Woolman's solicitude for her com- fort, and we gather that Sarah Woolman was never in very robust health. She led a quiet life, and her husband lived up to his advice on the question of labor, by seeing to it that she had ,a competent person to assist her in the household tasks. After the death of her husband she was for a time prostrated, but when the separate Monthly Meeting at Mount Holly was established she ^ N. J. Archives, XXII, p. 650. 2 Burlington M. M. Records. Vol. II, p. 182. Same Vol., p. 185, under date "6 day of g mo. 1749" — "The Friends appointed to attend the marriages of Samuel Gauntt and Hannah Woolman and of John Woolman and Sarah Ellis report them orderly performed." Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 39 became, as has been noted, the first Treasurer of the Women's Meeting, in 1776. Her name occurs on committees and she ap- pears to have taken part in the affairs of the Society. She sur- ,vived her husband for fifteen years and died at Mount Holly, 3mo. 18, 1787/ She is buried beside two of her grandchildren in the Friends' graveyard at the "new" meeting house (built 1775) in lot number twelve, not far from the iron railing on Garden Street; the Friends' Historical Society of Philadelphia has re- cently erected a granite marker. The following letter has come to light among the corre- spondence of the Morris and Smith families.^ It is the only letter in Sarah Woolman's handwriting yet found, and all the persons named by her were members of her own Monthly Meet- ing, and her intimate friends. She had known "Johny," as his family called him, since his birth, and took alarm when she found the boy was to be placed where he might feel "worldly ambitions." He was the son of John Smith, '^^ her husband's friend, and Han- nah Logan. John Smith, 2nd, was born in 1761 and was there- fore fifteen years old when this letter was written. His father had died in 1771 at the early age of 48, and his mother at his birth. The care of their four orphan children devolved upon the uncles, and it is to Samuel Smith,^* the historian of New Jersey, and William Logan," son of James, that Sarah Woolman refers in the letter, which is unfortunately without superscription. John Smith II, married, 1784, GuHelma Maria (1766-1826), daughter of WilHam and Margaret (Hill) Morris of Burlington, New Jersey, and his death, of pulmonary disease, took place in 1803, at the age of forty-two. He was never robust, and his life was chiefly spent upon his farm at "Green Hill," three miles from Burlington, where Samuel Jenings had once lived. John Morris, the brother of his wife, had been a promising young physician, who was one of the many yellow fever victims of the awful summer of 1793 in Philadelphia. Sarah Woolman's fears that his prominent social connections, or his ambitions, if educated to the medical profession, might lead the youthful John astray, 1 Inside front cover of Larger Account Book John Comfort has written, "Mother Woolman departed this life, i8 day 3 mo. 1787." 2 The Gulielma M. Howland Collection. In Library of Haverford College. " See Biog. Note 59. 40 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. were groundless. He chose to devote his time to the cultiva- tion of a highly productive farm, thus following the calling that John Woolman had declared led to the best contentment in Hfe. [Endorsement] [Mount Holly in 1=" mo : 1776.] Dear friend a Concern hath rested on my mind in behalf of John Smith Re- membring what Inocence his Dear Creator Bestowed upon him and what a Lamentable Case it should be lost or mar* for want timely Care or Chasing a trade may be most for his Spiritual advantage rather than worldly profit may his friends and near Relations dwell Deep in their mind before him whose dwelling is on high may you seek to be directed by best wisdom in so waty a matter and have a watchfuU Care over this Beloved youth for his Incouragement in ye Blessed way now hath my mind been united In near Love & Simpathy in Behalf of this Dear Child and his wellfare this Inocence may not be Lost [for] want of ScilfuU management I Remember Several years past a friend Said in my hearing if he lived to be old anuf was Intended to bee a doctor or a lawyer it Gave me a whome Stroke and Sorrow fileth my mind lest it may not prove for his Ever- lasting advantage aspiring after greatness for alass what is this world and ye pleasures here below when Compared with Eternity Choosing that which may keep his mind most free from Entangle- ments of any kind and this youth be Instructed in the paths of virty and have time to read Good Books and Seek after Humility of hart and find acquaintance & acceptance with his Creator the Humble he will teach of his ways and the Meek guide in Judgment which is more to be valued than all ye pleasures this world Can afford which is very aluring to youth I would Just Expres those hints that I may be Clear for you know I am a poor Cretor and have had a humbling Season and believe these remarks Simple but looking toward the winding up of time hear below and that I may not feel anguish of mind if things Should not Succeed well hereafter and I Could not well be Silent Except I rite Something [of] this kind now if he Should Chuse to be a farmer and you Could find a Honnest man would it not be best and his mind more at Liberty and Serean in meditation on divinity & ye Divine being and may he rule whose rite it is and worthy to have room in our harts I was Informed by a young man Going to rawway John Smith' [s] 2 unkels Samuel S[mith] & William Login Intended he Should be a docter and the youth rather chose be a farmer young man said was Sorry he Should be a doctor & pityed him to this purpose it caused a fresh Concern in my mind Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 41 and now dear friend if thou Enquire and if there be not a Cause then rather this was Conceled I hope thou may alow for weakness and a Stammering [tongue]. farewell S[arah] W[oolman] rather this had a bee comprised in few words ^ The only child of John and Sarah Woolman who survived to maturity was Mary,^* born, according to her father's memo- randum, "loth mo. 1750." The record of the meeting reads, "10 mo. (December) i8th." The birth of a son, William, is re- corded in the meeting minutes and in a collateral family genealogy, on 7 mo. 21, 1754. This child died 9 mo. 30, 1754, at the age of two months.^ There is always a message for Mary in the father's letters wlien he was away on his long tours about the country, but we have no other reference to her childhood, or to the tender care certainly bestowed upon her by such parents. She was mar- ried at the age of twenty-one, 3rd of 4th mo. 1771, to John Com- fort^* (1754-1803), of Fallsington, Pa., son of Stephen Com- fort ^* of the same place. Their marriage certificate is beau- tifully written in the clear, legal hand of her father.^ John Woolman built for his daughter the brick house now known as the "Woolman Memorial," at 99 Branch Street, Mount Holly, for which the bills and specifications are fully given in his Larger Account Book." It was but just completed when he sailed for England, and Mary's first child John was born about six weeks after, so that John Woolman never saw a grandchild of his own. Of these, however, he had ten, all of them children of John and Mary Comfort. Two of these who died in infancy are buried as we have seen, in the Friends' graveyard in Mount Holly beside their grandmother.*' After her death, John Com- fort (whose father, Stephen Comfort, died but two months af- ter John Woolman) removed, probably for business reasons, to his former home at Fallsington, where the second daughter was born, and died in a few weeks. Mary was the only other daugh- ter. The six sons who grew up all married and left families, ' Burial Records. (Mount Holly) Burlington M. M. ' The parents' names are not given, as was usual. ^ See Appendix. "These children were: i. Jeremiah, d. 1778, aged 8 mos. 2. William, d. 1786, aged 6 yrs. 42 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. / so that John Woolman has today many direct descendants, but none of the name of Woolman.^ Mary Woolman Comfort died of the scourge of smallpox, which carried away so many of her relatives, leaving her large family with the only daughter but seven years old and the young- est boy aged three. Her husband enters on the index leaf of the Larger Account Book, "My Beloved Wife Departed this hfe da mo with the Small pox ye 6: 4: 1797, about 12 o'clock at Night, Aged 46 and a half lacking 12 days." He married a second time, at the "Falls" Meeting House, 11 mo. 4, 1798, Ann, daughter of Isaac and Rebecca English of Middletown.^ There is a memorandum in the Larger Account Book, by John da mo. Comfort, — "8 6 1794 — Ann Enghsh came here." Her account is balanced and settled on the 28th of lomo. 1796. She had evidently been assisting in the care of the large family in some domestic capacity, and was probably the natural person to resume the charge of his motherless children. One of these has entered in this same book, so full of the vital interests of this family, "Our endeared Father, John Comfort,^* departed this Life I day of 7mo. 1803, about 4 o'clock in the Morning." He was born 8mo. (October) 5, 1745, and was therefore fifty-eight years old. He left no will ; letters of administration were granted by William Hart to his sons, John and Samuel, dated "26 July, 1803," at "The Falls." The house in which John Woolman spent most of his mar- ried life stood upon the Old Springfield Road, now Branch Street, originally "The King's Highway," on which the early settlers journeyed from New York to Philadelphia, and to Gloucester. This is confirmed by mention in old deeds of the great oak tree, on the "York Road." This ancient tree, now standing at the corner of Garden and Branch Streets, is the oldest corner named in the local deeds of Mount Holly. It was known as "Cripp's Oak" ^ and Indian treaties doubtless took place under its ample shade. It is carefully guarded by the town. When Garden * See Biog. Note, 24, for the family of John and Mary Comfort. ^ Fallsington Marriage Record. Book B, 138. There are 25 witnesses. ^ John Cripps was the original owner of the land on which now stands Mount Holly. -: s. m' r^ J'?X r^ s ,C ^ ■^'^ v_> CO J" - ^s 6 :^^ E o "e cx! rt o o "o o ^fl^^li^tJ ifPI^^^?^ ^"^^^^^ ^ ° a: -"I = ^ s ■=. o a U t^ ^ c 3 O a. o in Vi ^ r a OJ ni E = ^ fQ •o c O ■2 § u in MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 43 street was laid out in 1775, with John Woolman's brother Jonah as a Commissioner, its description was given in one of the old "Road Books" now in the Court House. It was opened from "the Burlington Road" to the "bars of John Comfort's apple orchard." The "Burlington Road" has now become Main, or High, street, and the old tree must have stood in Woolman's time at his orchard bars. The house is probably represented with reasonable accuracy in the photograph here given of a sepia drawing in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.^ It stood not far from the present Woolman Memorial, and was built of wood, remaining until 1858 in its original location, when Leander J. Budd, its then owner, removed it to form the front of a stable, after building the house near by, now owned and occupied (1922) by Herbert L. Crippen. The portion which formed the dwelling is still distinguishable from the rest by the cornice which runs about the eaves, and the filled-up blanks in the openings for the up- per windows. Within can be traced the marks of the staircase, and the bricks still surround the ancient fire-place, whose early workmanship was known as "brick-pane." The house was bought in 185 1 by Leander J. Budd, of Reuben Forker who had previously owned and occupied it. Reuben Forker was a son of the Adam Forker who did the glazing in the brick house ad- joining, now the "Memorial," - and who was the first tavern keeper in Mount Holly. The Forkers were a Huguenot family whose several brothers fled from France to Ireland after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and soon removed to America. The name was originally Farquhar, or Fauquier,' and the Virginia branch had the good taste not to alter the spelling of the name. Descen- dants of the Forkers are still living.* ' Collection of Samuel Parrish. Scrap Book, entitled "Quakers and Indians," The same view is crudely illustrated in James Bowden's "History of Friends in America." Vol. 11, p. 393- ^ See Appendix, "Cost of building a Brick House." ^ The Minutes of Phila. "Mtg. for Sufferings" in 1760 mention William Farquhar, of Virginia. * The authority for the Editor's statements as to the removal of this house comes from Miss Mary W. Budd, daughter of Leander J. Budd, who lived in it while her father was building the new house. She perfectly recalls seeing it moved and altered into the stable, in 1858. There is at present no proof that the brick house occupying a slight elevation on the old Springfield Road, nearer the stream (lately occupied by G. W. Moore) was John Woolman's residence, although it stood on his farm and was sold by John Comfort to Samuel Stockton in 1791. If the frame house was once 44 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. The line of the public road which passed Woolman's house was altered between the date of his purchase in 1747 and the year 1760, when he sold the original eleven acres of land from the rest of his farm to Benajah, son of Peter Andrews/' who had died in 1756. This gives a slightly different angle to the road, in the illustration of the house, as shown. He evidently had a "noon mark" upon his floor, and an undated memorandum shows his calculations for drawing "hour lines," which we may be sure he placed for his neighbors as well. Lat. 40 mo. '11 and 1 9 10 and 2 20' 9 & 3 32' 8 & 4 48' 7 & 5 67' 6 90 46 20 40 I 20 "A Course directed to the Sun at Noon would be I believe about S. 4. W."i 4 Woolman's orchard was his great delight and recreation, and his book shows sales and purchases of apple trees, and the care with which he grafted and trimmed his stock. John Candler, an English Friend who traveled through the United States in 1841, visited what was Supposed to be the house of John Woolman, on May 31st of that year, while he was the guest of John Cox at Oxmead, near Burlington. He thus de- scribes the house at that time : "The habitation of John Wool- man was a small farm house with two low rooms on the ground floor, standing in the midst of a green paddock or pasture, close by the roadside, about a mile from Mount Holly. ^ At the time of our visit it was undergoing repair, and from the alterations and additions about to be made to it, was likely to lose much of its primitive character. We could not survey the spot without some emotion. Here lived one who, with affections strongly attached to its ancient Icitchcn. tlie front and rear portions were of different materials, as was often the case, and they were separated when the brick house was enlarged and improved. This is possible. ' Larger Account Book, p. i. * The house was about three-quarters of a mile from the whipping post and stocks, which stood on the square in the center of the town, lately occupied by a fountain. m MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 45 linked to his species, for duty's sake forsook the busy scenes of life, shunning all its encumbering cares, in order that by so do- ing, he might the more effectually promote the welfare of society at large and serve God in his generation. Contented with lit- tle, he lived a life of moderate toil and profitable meditation." ^ John Candler was traveling companion to the distinguished English Quaker preacher and famous abolitionist, Joseph Sturge, who was also present on this occasion, and both they and their host were under the impression that this was the house of John Woolman himself. Later, however, John Cox wrote Joseph Sturge that having learned that the house which they visited was built, but not dwelt in, by Woolman, he had gone to see the only living man, then eighty years of age, who was Woolman's con- temporary in Mount Holly, and who had known him well. "He informed me," writes John Cox, "that John Woolman's daugh- ter and her husband resided in the house when her father em- barked for London, which was in the year 1772, as recorded in his Journal." ^ This was therefore the present Woolman Me- morial. It stood not far from her father's house, on the adjoin- ing property. The alterations to which the English visitor re- ferred were doubtless the addition of a frame back building with the closing up of the great open fireplace and plastering of the ceilings, which were again done away with when the Memorial was restored in 191 5 to its original condition by the Association which is now the owner. The year after he purchased his little farm, John Woolman drew up the Trust Deed for the lot on which was built the old meeting house on Wood Lane in Mount Holly. This was given to the Friends "in consideration of £5., Proclamation Money," by Samuel Cripps in 1748. Woolman was a Trustee, and his Deed and the Declaration of Trust are elaborate documents, entirely in his own handwriting. In 1752 (Smo. 23) John Woolman was made Clerk of Bur- . lington Quarterly Meeting of Ministers and Elders, succeeding Richard Smith Jr., who died in that year. The books of that meeting are kept in his clear and scholarly hand for the next seventeen years, ending "5th of 6mo. 1769." when failing health 'Letter of John Candler. The British Friend. Vol. I. No. XII. Glasgow, 12 mo. 30, 1843. 2 Joseph Sturge. "A Visit to the United States in 1841, p. 62. 46 THE JOURNAL OP JOHN WOOLMAN chap. and his prospect of travel to the West Indies united to cause his resignation. His reflections added to the page for 2mo. 22, 1767, have been quoted elsewhere, and are extremely interesting. It is related that Woolman was present as Clerk when a discus- sion began for which he could not conscientiously make a min- ute. He therefore rose to leave the room, when a Friend re- marked, "The Clerk need not fly from the table." John Wool- man turned and quietly replied, "The Clerk hath no wings !" About this time Woolman was called upon to serve as executor for the estate of Thomas Shinn,''^ who, in making his will in 1751, named him in that office with Henry Paxson.'^ Thomas Shinn was a Justice, and Assistant Judge of the Burlington Court of Common Pleas, and lived in "Bridgetown" for years, so that his choice of John Woolman for this responsible task was in it- self evidence of the latter's skill and ability. Thomas Shinn's house was for many years a headquarters of Quakerism. Thomas Chalkley, writing in his Journal in 9 mo. 1737, says, "Prom Bur- lington I went to Mount Holly. Had a large Meeting at the Meeting House and another in the evening at Mount Holly Town, at the house of Thomas Shinn." ^ His will was proved March loth, 1753.^ Another transaction at this time of Woolman's life has to do with a negro. On the back of an index leaf of the Larger Account Book stands the following memorandum : da. mo. "Negro James, bound 2 i 1754, to Serve 21 years, that is till 2d. imo. 1775." James is the negro lad to whom John Woolman referred, when, in 1769, he felt reproached for the long term of service then im- posed." He states that some persons who could not conscien- tiously keep a negro as a slave for his entire term of life, com- promised by retaining their young negroes in service without ^Thomas Chalkley. Journal, p. 300. ^Office of Clerk of Burlington County, N. J. Book A. 2, Deeds, p. 151. Recorded 15 July, 1754. Names Henry Paxson and John Woolman as Executors for Thomas Shinn. (See also Archives of N. J.) A collection of the Burlington Co. Common Pleas Court Papers [Histor. Soc. of Penna.] has a writ of Habeas Corpus for George Marple, for £5. 12. 9, owing the Estate of T. Shinn, signed by Paxson and Woolman as executors. Aug. 16, 1753. ^ See Journal. Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 47 wages until they attainjed the age of thirty years. If this nine year old boy had been so bound, Woolman felt that the term of service exceeded by nine years the period usual for white boys to serve their apprenticeship, which ended at twenty-one. As one of the two executors engaged in the transaction, John Woolman, therefore, freed negro James of half of the nine years overtime, by executing a bond to pay James' employer a proper sum for the last four and a half years of his service, provided this could be satisfactorily arranged either by Woolman or his executors. The employer's name does not appear. "In the management of my outward affairs, I may say with thankfulness, I found Truth to be my support." With such brief words as to his domestic life, would Woolman fain dismiss the subject. He had recently given up his "merchandizing," as he calls it, having set up a little shop of his own to sell buttons and trimmings in connection with his tailoring, y It promised to be so profitable, that the "cumber" involved by proper attention to trade tended to distract his contemplative mind. He therefore told all his customers of his intention to discard this branch of his business, that they might go elsewhere, and, as we have seen, -(sold the Mill street property to his mother and retired to his farm on the old Springfield road, having settled down to his farming and tailoring. He was a reader of Gilbert Latey and followed the example of that early Quaker tailor, of the days of Charles II, in thus declining a too profitable trade. In 1805 Thomas Shillitoe, another Quaker tailor, gave up business alto- gether, inspired in part by the examples of Latey and Woolman. This humble calling brought Woolman contentment. He was "weaned," he says, "from the desire for outward greatness, and learned to be content with real convenFences that were not costly, so that a way of life free from much entanglement ap- peared best for me, though the income might be smalh I had several offers of business tEaf appeared profitable, but I did not see my way clear to accept of them, as believing they would be attended with more outward care and cimiber than was re- quired of me to engage in ; I saw that an humble man, with the blessing of the Lord, might live on a little, and that where the heart was set on greatness, success in business did not satisfy the craving; but that commonly with no increase of wealth, the 48 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. desire of wealth increased." What would he have thought of modern business life? He lived on in the outskirts of the lit- tle town, his soul "so environed with Heavenly Light and Consolation" that hard things were made easy to him, and con- tentment was his portion. John Cox Jr. is authority for the statement that on his lit- tle farm, John Woolman at harvest time watched with tender care over the condition of his livestock, so that when the young lamb or calf was ready to kill for the feeding of the harvest hands, he discarded the usual method of severing the jugular vein and allowing the creature to bleed to death. He kept instead, a great wooden block, upon which, with legs tied, the animal was laid and its head severed from the body with one stroke.^ The meagre statements of the Journalist, however, are sup- plemented for us in his Larger Account Book, where we way well be surprised at the busy activities of this man of modera- tion. The accounts run on steadily until 1764, and after that, with intervals, until he sailed for England in 1772. The entries are in part reproduced here because they furnish, as nothing else can, a vivid impression of John Woolman's daily life: 1748-9 da mo f s. d. 6: 11: Samuel Haines's coffin costs i 12 and digging the grave o 6 "Rec'd one moidore" 2 6 6 1753 da mo 19: 5: At Attendance and Clerkship at the Apprais Mt. 050 To Transcribing a large Inventory o 2 o To Going to Burlington to Carry in ye Inventory 046 To Writing Advertisements for Vendue and Clerkship and Attendance at Vendue o 4 o To Writing Indentures binding Gamaliel and Aquilla to Trades o 2 6 To Tracing the lines of the large lot back of the town, allso the lot Budd Bought, & Bargain- ing o 3 6 •Letter of John Cox, Jr., to Joseph Sturge: "A Visit to the United States," 1841, p. 62. Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 4Q 1754 da mo f s. ■ d. 31 5 To Going to Burling", by Appointment to meet Robt. Smith, Joseph Scattergood & Thomas Earle on an Affair betwixt Sd. Earle & T. S. Dec'd o 3 6 da mo 19 6 To a Second meeting on sd. Affair o 5 o To Assisting in Traceing the Lines & fixing Corners to the two parallels land sold Jos. Burr, & going to S. Cripses Concerning quit claim — o 6 o To one day attending the Audit of Cort on the Affair of Thomas Earle o 4 6 da mo 23 12 1755 da mo 2: 2: To Employing my Brother to go to Borden Town to Speak with Jno. Sykes, Exr. of Matthew Champin, Concerning Wm. Earle's Estate 4 o 27: 3mo. 1757 Woolman makes the following note — "To Assisting at ye Signing John Justice's 090 Deed. As it is a Custom in Signing deeds to Sign a Separate receipt at ye bottom of the Consideration Money, So I have done in this Estate of T. Shinn. Sometimes Signed Such receipts, but never rec'd any money: this is Truth. John Woolman." 1760 da mo 15: 11: The Estate of Negro Maria is charged "For Cash paid Zach. Rossel for the two Children's passage up in ye Mountholly Stage." o 4 o Digging ye Grave o 5 o To self and horse two days in ye above Affair. . o 10 o To my time one day going to Mother's when Henry Burr took Isabella o 4 o 1761 da mo 29: 6: To Going to Burlington to Speak with Samuel Smith Concerning the title of the Land he proposed to buy. 50 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. 12. 3 1762. (The Legatees sign discharges, and Estate is closed.) da mo 27; 12: 1762 Accompt of my proceeding as Exr. to the last will of my Beloved Friend Peter Fearon dec'd, as Joynt Exr. with Thomas Wetherill. 1763 da mo i: 9: Attending at Thos. Wetherill's, Conferring about Taking the Opinion of a lawyer, and prepar- ing a State of the Case in Writing, for Benj. Chew, whom ye Legatees Chuse to apply to f s. d. 030 1764 da mo 4: Affairs relating to the Estate of Peter Fearon I believe are all Settled. John Woolman." The following paragraph closes this Book : "Memorandum for myself. As the credits upon Book apprais'd at 9:19: and I suppose ac'ct of the Debtors will be produced, Against part, and some prove Insolvent, its therefore Necessary to take Notice how much I receive on acct. particulars." It is evident that the period of Woolman's life between his marriage (1749) and 1760 was one of great activity. He de- clined his "merchandizing," but his books show that his busi- ness as a surveyor and conveyancer was increasing — an em- plo)'ment very much more in accord with his tastes. Deeds ex- ist in which he bought and sold lands within forty-eight hours, evidently to settle estates. Two of these, dated imo. 29 and 31st, 1757, are for the estate of his friend, Peter Andrews," who died abroad. The widow and son, Esther ^' and Benajah Andrews,^' as Executors, sell to John Woolman, who at once makes a second deed of sale to Benajah Andrews, who thus ob- tains the homestead and clears the title.^ While Woolman kept closely in touch with tlie affairs of the Quakers, who as a body were now passing through the greatest crisis of their Colonial ^ The original deeds, in Jolin Woolman's handwriting, are in possession of the Editor. A similar transaction occurred in 1762 for Thomas Reynolds, to settle the estate of his father, Patrick Reynolds. (Deed in possession of Henry C, Shinn of Mt. Holly.) Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 51 history, he also watched the larger course of political events, and their effect not only upon his own religious society, but also upon the Indians, for whom his sympathies had long been aroused. His opportunities for informing himself were unusually great. The year 1754 opened with the failure of Washington's diplo- matic mission to the Indian frontier, and the news was printed in Benjamin Franklin's "Pennsylvania Gazette" for February 5th, in a letter from Virginia. Warlike threats from the French accompanied the news of the young ambassador's return. This copy of the "Gazette" would reach Mount Holly the day after publication, and the despatch from Europe containing the threat of revolution in the GalHcan church by reason of the tyranny of the ministers and clergy, taken together with the rumors of war, might well cause the dream which Woolman records as occur- ring to him the following night. This dream was omitted by the first editorial committee, and their example has been followed by the few who have since collated the manuscript with the original. It will be evident to the careful reader of Woolman that he lays great importance on the dreams which came to him through- out his life. They are dwelt upon with so much significance, that every previously omitted reference to these "visions of the night," as he calls them, has been carefully preserved in this edition. Alive to all the burdens of the human race, he dwelt upon their sorrows, and in imagination, anticipated the conse- quences ; in the silent hours of the night he saw indefinite warn- ings and heard mysterious voices, which at once became to him messages of grave import. The Quaker belief in special spiritual communications, sometimes, as with George Fox, accompanied by the gift of healing, has led several writers on Woolman into the declaration that among Woolman's sect a belief in witchcraft' was universal. The contrary is true. At a period when intelli- gent people were still superstitious and observant of omens, etc., the Quakers were distinguished for their sanity and common sense. This dream of Woolman has been called a physical, "dis- tinct pre-vision of the seven years war," but that is claiming too much.^ The dream of February 6th was followed by the news of the departure of Washington for Western Pennsylvania in "See the Editor's "Witchcraft and Quakerism." 52 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the early spring, and in midsummer, by his surrender at Fort Necessity. The next summer Woolman saw in Philadelphia the exiled Acadians whose sorrows are sung in "Kvangehne," and to whom his French friend, Anthony Benezet," at once de- voted himself. Soon after came the defeat of Braddock. How- ever Woolman might desire to live retired from all the turmoil of the war then going on, he was too closely in touch with the powerful Friends who were laboring to relieve the situation, to escape the effects of the prevailing excitement, and news of the Lisbon earthquake only added to the general apprehension. Soon the problem came close home. In 1755 General Braddock was sent to the Colonies as Com- mander-in-Chief, with two regiments of British troops, for whom Parliament made provision. Two other regiments were to be raised by the Governors, and for payment of these troops the Colonies were heavily taxed. This tax, paid by many Friends with the general tax, John Woolman and certain of the more scrupulous Friends found themselves unable to pay, and an Epistle of "Tender Love and Caution," chiefly written by Wool- man, was sent out by them in the summer of 1755. After the death of Braddock, the Earl of Loudoun arrived (1757) as General of the forces ; the burden became heavier, and in the autumn of that year the local militia was drafted. A large num- ber of patriotic young Quakers joined the troops. A second call brought out still more, and when the militia of Northampton township began drilling in Mount Holly on the public square, John Woolman's mind was much affected. Only partial relief came to him when the destruction of Fort William Henry released the second draft to return home. At this time our philanthropist was not confining his atten- tion to affairs at home, but was sharing in the communications with the Friends in England. A "Meeting for Suflferings" was estabhshed by the Friends of Philadelphia in 1756, having for its object, like that of London, on which it was modeled, the care of the Society in an official capacity during the intervals of the Yearly Meeting. Its work was to protect the interests of the Quakers with the government at home and abroad. John Wool- man was among the first appointed, and under date 9 mo. 18 to 24, 1756, signs a minute stating their reasons for raising the Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 53 Yearly Meeting stock in order to aid Friends "in their dis- tressed state on the frontier settlements," &c.^ A petition to the Proprietaries, Thomas and Richard Penn (5mo. 1765) against the Assembly's militia tax, was the first business transacted by the newly created body. The minute for i2mo. 17, 1756 contains the Committee's epistle to the corresponding body in London. A paragraph reads : "One occasion of raising Money hath occurred among us, which we think proper to make some Mention of, which is, that soon after the defeat of the Army sent last year to Virginia (cf. Braddock) Some of the Indians in the Interest of the French having committed Hostilities on the Frontiers of that Province, the Consideration of the Circumstances of those Indians who had been our old Friends and Neighbours, led some of us to think whether we, as a Society in Particular, & this Government in General, had fully discharged our Duty towards them? A little Reflection was Sufficient to con- vince us there had been a Deficiency, & incited to a Concern to give them some fresh Testimony of our regard, which some of us in our private Stations were willing to Manifest, & Others by their En- deavours to engage the Government to do it in Such Manner as would be more immediately Effectual." There was some delay, and the second Treaty of the Governor and the Delaware Indians is referred to as having been made; the affair was finally left in the hands of a Committee.^ Wool- man was on the Committee in 1758, which advised against Mili- tary Service, "particularly from voluntarily assisting with ships, Waggons, or other Carriages for transporting Implements of Warr or MiUtary Stores." ^ Meantime, with activities progressing under Loudoun, each colony "was to raise, pay and clothe its quota of men, while arms, stores of war, and provisions were to be furnished at the ex- pense of the Crown." '' The requisition called for five thousand troops to defend the southern colonies, — twelve hundred English and thirty-six hundred provincials. New Jersey was included with New York and New England in the northern military > Minutes, Phila. Meeting for Sufferings, Vol. I, p. 27. 2 Ibid., I, pp. 49-51- " Ibid., for 6 mo. i, 1758. * W. Root. "Relations of Pennsylvania and Great Britain, 1690-1765," p. 252. 54 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. division, while Pennsylvania, with the southern colonies, formed the southern division. New Jersey, as well as the south, showed no energy in raising men or money. In fact, the failure to produce even half her quota, was due to the presence of the Quakers, according to the greatly angered Lord Loudoun,^ whose requisition system meeting with complete failure, William Pitt in 1758 recalled him to England. The "Epistle" for 1759 from Philadelphia to its subordinate meetings "along this Continent" was the work of John Wool- man, and deals rather with the "empires and kingdoms of the earth" and the political situation, than with the negroes. The visit of the "Friend who was a Justice of the Peace," hereto- fore unpubhshed, shows perfectly Woolman's position in re- gard to paying a war-tax. Clear and direct, with any shadow of compromise impossible to his almost f)ellucid soul, he never hesi- tates. The Epistle would appear to have been written indepen- dently and submitted to the use of the meeting later. He had visited the country meetings of Chester and Delaware counties, and had been wearied by their eight-hour-long sittings, where the war situation was endlessly discussed, and the Friends were not in agreement. In Philadelphia, where the coolness of certain of his close friends with large business interests and political en- tanglements, somewhat distressed him, he was yet apparently able to see that some one must labor in that part of the field for the relief of the entire body ; and it was toward these as well as those who still clung to their slaves, that he felt "a sympathy and tenderness." Who was the "Friend of considerable note" that was "cool" toward him, there is no clue. The visit to him, when "things relating to that shyness were searched to the bot- tom," is entirely characteristic of John Woolman. While he was at London Grove, Pennsylvania, Quarterly Meeting, held 11 mo. 18, 1758, the incident at Thomas Wood- ward's [1722- 1 785] house occurred. There was a large attend- ance, due probably to the fact that this was the first time the Quarterly " meeting had been held in that place. John Woolman had delivered a powerful sermon against slavery, after which he and other Friends went to Thomas Woodward's for dinner. ^ C. Kimball. "Correspondence of William Pitt," Vol, I, pp. 41, 43, 63. - London Grove was set ofT from Goshen when the latter grew large, and Friends settled at the former place in great numbers. This story comes from Gilbert Cope. Ill MARRIAGE AND SETTLEMENT 55 Upon entering the house he observed some colored servants, and learning that they were slaves, he quietly turned and left the room and the house. Thomas and his friends supposed that he vk^ould shortly return, but they were disappointed. Thomas Wood- ward was a man of some standing in the community as farmer, surveyor and conveyancer. He also bound books. Moreover, his position in the Meeting was one of importance, and the incident had a great effect upon his mind. On waking next morning he told his wife that he must liberate his slaves. She asked if all must be set free, adding "Must Bet go too?" even bursting into tears at the thought of losing her faithful servant. But the decree was made and carried out, for Thomas was not willing to keep a house at which his friends could not be entertained. Fie was afterwards appointed on a committee to visit such as held slaves, and endeavored to convince them of the evil. The cause of the Negro was meantime gaining in strength, and Philadelphia Friends in 1760 could say, "The growing con- cern, which hath appeared amongst us for some years past, to discourage the Practice of making Slaves of our Fellow Crea- tures, hath been visibly blessed with Success." ^ /The Monthly Meeting to which John Woolman belonged, in response to the question of the Yearly Meeting of 1755, gave in 1757 a favorable report upon the whole, as to the condition of slaves in BurHngton County at that time. The Friends said, "all are clear of importing negroes or purchasing them for term of Hfe; several have been purchased for a term of years. They are generally well fed and clothed. Some are taught to read and taken to meetings," but others are taken little care of in these respects." The freeing of a pair of slaves, David and Dinah, by Caleb Haines, by verbal process, would coincide with this date. A Court opinion later upheld its legality.^ The Yearly Meeting referred to had made the purchase of slaves a disownable of- fence. John Woolman himself tells us what was done in 1758. Of this period and of the action taken at Philadelphia by the Friends on what proved to be a really momentous occasion, much has been written. The Journal itself is explicit. The essays I Epistle (Broadside) from Yearly Meeting held at Burlington, 9mo. 27, 1760. In Haverford College Library. John Smith, Clerk. 'See Hall's Gazette, imo. 17, 1776. S6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. /.^ on the slave trade, and his personal labors, had given the impetus ^to a movement which made the meeting of 1758 a notable gather- ing in the results of its action on slavery, when the humble-mmded preacher moved the large assembly to its depths by his appeal. The Committee upon which for several years he successfully labored, continued its work until 1761, and in 1776 all Friends in Philadelphia Yearly Meeting were disowned who refused to manumit their slaves. 9. An account of this negro may be found in Comly's "Friends' Miscellany," Vol. T, p. t8o, ff. 2 Thomas Shillitoe. Journal. Vol, il, p. 283 [London, ed. 1839]. ^ Rebecca Jones. Memorials, p. 232. Martha Routh. Journal, p. 458. V THE INDIAN JOURNEY 85 hours after the marriage of WilHam and Dido he left for his memorable Indian journey. Wyalusing, a corruption of the Indian M'hwikilusing, or Ma- hackloosing, "The Place of the Hoary Veteran"'' occupies the site and retains the name of one of the oldest Indian settlements in America. In the time of Woolman, it was reached by the "Wyalusing Trail, a great Indian highway or path, not more than two feet wide, cut to the depth of some eighteen inches through the fragrant soil of the primeval forest by the soft moccasined tread of generations of red men. In single file, many a war party had swiftly and silently sped along its windings, while in times of peace, lingering hunters and braves, peeling off the bark from the great hemlocks and birches, had pictured upon the smooth skin of the exposed surface below, histories of Indian prowess in war and the chase, and boasted of their deeds in ideographic history. The route by which this highway crossed the eastern por- tion of the state of Pennsylvania was, roughly speaking, almost the bed of the present Lehigh Valley Railroad, running east of the river in the South and west of it on the North, and enter- ing Bradford County several miles west of the southeast corner of the boundary, passing Wyalusing in a northeast and south- westerly direction. The Towanda, the Minisink and the She- shequin trails were others in the same part of the state, but none were so deeply worn by travel, or so well known, as the Wyalu- sing Path. The Germans whom Conrad Weiser, on a Commis- sion from Philadelphia to the Onondaga settlement of the Iro- quois, in 1737, found trying to buy lands, were probably the first white men who had followed it.^ In 1743 John Bartram, the Quaker botanist, with Conrad Weiser and Indians as guides, ac- companied the explorer, Lewis Evans, over this same trail, and so far as is known were the first to travel on horseback through the "terrible Lycoming wilderness." ^ In 1745 the Iroquois, or Six Nations occupying the Gene- see country beyond, had been visited by two Moravian mis- ^ Heckewelder. "Delaware Names of Rivers and Localities in Penna." "Susque- hanna" means "Winding River." ^ H. C. Bradsby: "History ot Bradford County, Pa.," p. 54. " Ibid., p. 42. See also L. H. Everts and Co. "Bradford Co.," 14 ff. and Journal of J. Bartram. 86 Till", JOURNAL Ol'" 1(MIN W(~)01.1\1AN chap. sioiuirios from Hcthlcheni, ilscU only three 3'e:irs old. Tliese were the I'rethren Aui^ust Gotllieh, afterward Bisiiop, Si>angen- heri:;, and Daviil Zeisherj^er,"' led hy the Indian Commissioner, (."imrad Weiser, willi [\\c C'a\n^a C"l\ief Sliikellaniy,' his son, and Andrew Montour'-' as i^iiiiles. 'riie\' wen( im a peacefnl mission, with the fnrther uhjecl uf uhlainini;- permission for their own Indian converts to settle in the Wyoming country. They par- tially Christianized the Indians at the Mnnsey village of Sheshe- (piin, a day's jonrney heyond Wyahising. Soon after, however, Ihe weaker tribes were exterminated by llie powerful lro(|nois, and for some years Wyalusing lay in ruins. In 1752 the JMnnsey Chief rapimaluing, who was a Moravian convert and had spent some time at Nain, the Indian village two miles from llethlehem set a[)art for these converts hy the Mora- vians, hrought his own and a few other families and rehuilt Wyalusing. The rich corn and grass lands lying near the mouth of the Wyalusing Creek were cultivated by the squaws, and by 1760 there were t)ver forty huts in better condition than was usual with the Indians. John Woolman well describes them, jdli C'hilaway," a n,-i(i\i- West Jersey Indian from l.itlle ICgg Harbor, was the sachem's right hand man. Job's llnent I'.nglish kept him much in (k'm;md as inler])reler. His wife F.lizabeth, w;is sister to /\utb(in) .-uid Nathaniel,''' two n.ative Moravian eon- verts living near 'ruukluannock. In the spring of this year — 1760 — the selllenieut was visited hy Christian Ii^rederic Post, the de- viited Moravian missinn.'iry. lie li.id substantially aideil the (Jnakers through their Peace Associations, in keeping the In- di.uis friendly with the k'nglish. The li'xt for the sermon which he preached (o Pai]unaliung .and his ]ieople that May day so long ago is s.aid to have been S. T^ukc II, 8-n. The fact that Post calls this selllemcnt one of religious or "Quaker" Indians, is evidence of the intercourse which the h'riends had ke])t up with them and the innuence which they had exerted. A letter which Post appears to have sent the Governor at the hands of Papuna- ' l'"or over tvvrnty y(';ii,s Ilic K".'' Imliaii Sliikflljnny nili-d llic lioiiiiois. TnRftlirr with Coiirnd Wiistr lit- |ir.irlii-;illy sitvi-d Uic colimy from niiiiniilalioii. A InlffC boulder h,is recently lieen creeled over Ihh Kr.ivc .it Sunbliry, suitably inscribed to his memory. "Ancillier C.-iiil.-iin Mdnl.im- w:is ;i sun of "M.uhiinc Minilnnr." Ilie n'ni.irltnblc French woni.an who sclllcd nnionK the Indiana of the Susquehanna, one of wliom »hc married; he waa a son uf Indian Deborah, u in 'v. o 2° N %,./^.a?/o /ju A,f>-'^'^ .^^'O/^'f y-w^j /y'/V a. ■ ■/.//// fe?55*!:?^^*iif^/' /:/<■ /.'.' /!/ Notes by John Woolman at Interview with Papunahung. Last Page, with Addition by His Wife, 1761. In Possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. V THE INDIAN JOURNEY 87 hung, when the first visit was planning, says, "I do not send these people down ; they have long had a desire themselves to go down to see their brothers, the English, so I have thought it proper to send them along." His companion, John Hays, writes in his Journal under May 19, 1760, "Arrived at a town called Ouitalosing (Wyalusing) ; the Governor's name, Wampoonham; a very religious, civilized man in his own way." ^ Awake to the spiritual needs of their converts, the Moravians at the Mother Mission of Bethlehem soon after the departure of Brother Post, appointed David Zeisberger " in special charge of the Indians at Wyalusing, and he spent much of the next two years in residence among them, and in making periodical visits and reports to his superiors.' The Indians, nevertheless, were for long periods left to themselves, yet Papunahung appears to have been faithful to his trust as "guide, philosopher and friend." Trade was constant and lively with Philadelphia, and it was in the spring of 1763 that John Woolman met one of the trading parties, who were in town at the time of the Friends' annual "Spring Meet- ing." Another source of information would also be the arrival of the occasional post from Bethlehem, whose official headquarters was at the house of John Stephen Benezet, (father of Anthony Benezet, the Quaker,) whose daughter was the wife of the Moravian merchant, Thomas Bartow.*' The religious awakening at Wyalusing among the red savages, for whose welfare John Woolman had long been solicitous, and who were now his personal friends, aroused a lively desire in his heart to visit them in their home, and he obtained the official approval of his meeting. There can be little doubt that it was the brothers Pemberton"* whose solicitous care sent the messengers to Mount Holly the night before his departure, with the warning that the Susquehanna Indians were again on the warpath. He set out, however, fearlessly, after making his usual careful preparations, on the sixth of June, accom- panied by Israel' and John' Pemberton and William Lightfoot,^ who did not intend to make the entire journey, and Benjamin Parvin,** his inseparable companion, who shared all the danger and eased the way. There were besides, several Indian guides. They went in 1 Penna. Archives, Vol. Ill, p. 742; Vol. X, p. 736. ^ David Zeisberger was perhaps the most remarkable of the many devoted Moravian missionaries in the colonies. Bishop de Schweinitz, in his "Life and Times of David Zeisberger" (p. 267, ff.), gives a graphic and interesting account of Pastor Zeisberger's two visits to Wyalusing at this time, the most dangerous period of its history. See also G. H. Loskiel, "History of the Mission of the United Brethren Among the Indians of North America." Vol. II, Ch. xv. 88 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. company to Bethlehem, the beginning of the trail, and before enter- ing the dense wilderness, John Woolman sent back by John Pember- ton," the following letter to his wife : ^ da mo 8: 6: 1763 about Sunset I am now at Bethlehem, a Moravian Town, and midling well, in company with John Pemberton," Wm. Lightfoot ^' & Benjamin Par- vin." John Expects to go toward home in the morning (it being now near night). William and Benjamin Expect to go forward to fort Allen on the Frontier. Then William Expects to turn home. And as to Benjamin — His mind at present seems so Engaged that he Shews no Inclination to leave me : I have had Some weighty Conversation with Him and let him know that I am quite free to go alone if his way does not appear clear to Him. My Indian Com- panions appear friendly & shew I think quite as much regard for me as they did at our first meeting at Philada. There is nothing to me appears aniways discouraging more than what Thou knew of when I was with thee. I am humbly ThankfuU to the Lord that my mind is so supported in a Trust in Him that I go cheerfully on my Journey and at present Apprehend that I have nothing in any way to fear but a Spirit of Disobedience, which I Trust through Divine Help I may be delivered from. That Pure Light which Enlightens every man coming into the World to me appears as Lovely as Ever, To the guidance of which I hope thou and I may Attend while we live in this world, and then all will be well. With Endeared love to thee and my Daughter &. my Dear friends and Neighbours I conclude thy most Affectionate Husband John Woolman. (Note in margin) My Companions Express a Sympathizing Love to thee. Endorsed, "For Sarah Woolman." When William Lightf oot -* had reached home he wrote thus to Sarah Woolman: Esteemed Friend, Sarah Woolman I may hereby Inform thee that I met thy Husband at Samuel Foulk's" last 3d day Evening, and in Discourse Concerning the ' Original, with that from Wm. Lightfoot, in IVoolman Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. V THE INDIAN JOURNEY 89 Journey, he exprest a Close Exercise which the News of the Troubles to the Westward had brought upon him. Signifying that in Case the Journey should be attended with Danger from an Enemy, he thought he could be much easier to go alone than to be Instrumental in bringing any into danger, who had no weightier motive to under- take it than to Accompany him, and as I never had resolved on going, it seem'd most easy for me to Decline it. Tho' not much on the account of Danger, having heard these reports some Time before without any great apprehensions of that, and am in Hopes that thy Husband & Benj. Parvin (who is gone with him), may Return safe again. I went with them about 20 Miles beyond Bethlehem and when I parted with them, (which was last 6th. day Morning) they seemed well and Cheerful. And tho' the journey may (illegible) . . . Occurrence, which per- haps may be a Close Exercise to thee on thy Husband's account, yet I hope thou may be Enabled to bear with Patience and Resignation the Dispensations that Providence may Permit thee to pass through. I conclude thy Sympathizing Friend, William Lightfoot, Jur. P.S. B. Parvin not having time to write thee, desired me to Remem- ber his love to Thee. Pikeland 6th. moth. 13, 1763. This letter is endorsed by John Woolman: "Letters Relating to the Journey amongst the Indians." Pastor Zeisberger," with Anthony" as guide, had reached Wyalusing May 23rd. He found that the Indians had been in council for six days ^ and had determined to embrace the tenets of the first Christian missionary who came to them. He re- mained at this mission but four days and returned at the end of that time to Bethlehem, with advices. The Moravians may have learned of the Quaker's intention to visit the Indians, for with their customary energy and astuteness, they despatched Pas- tor Zeisberger, with Anthony's brother, Nathaniel,*'' to conduct him back to Wyalusing, with authority to receive into the church all of those Indian converts who were really sincere. He set out June loth and reached his destination on the 17th, having over- taken and passed John Woolman and Benjamin Parvin" who ' L H Everts & Co., Publishers. "History of Bradford County," p. 19. 90 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. had a longer journey to travel and who reached Wyalusing the next day after Zeisberger. There is one letter existing, written in the wilderness : i6: 6. 1763 Dear Fr'd We are now well near Wahalowsing in Company with Job Chila- way & Several Indians from Wahalowsing and Some from Else where who appear Civil & kind. John Woolman. the Company of B. Parvin is Comfortable to me. My dear and Tender Wife A Sence of Alsufticiency of God in Supporting those who trust in Him in all the Dispensations of His Providence wherein they may be tryed feels Comfortable to me in my Journey. My Daily Labour is to find a full Resignedness to Him and m(a)y say with thankfullness he Remains to be my Gracious Father. To Him I recomend thee, my Dear Companion, greatly Desiring thy mind may be Resigned to Him for I Veryly believe if we keep in this Frame all will End well. I write in Haste but Remember my Dear Daughter & fr'ds. John Woolman. (In margin: "Please send this to Wife.") For Israel Pemberton in philada. to the Care of the Storekeeper at Shamokin. pr. Job Chilaway.* The Quakers had set out on the 6th and had spent twelve days on the way. One is better able to follow the hard travel of the little party since John Woolman is more explicit about this journey than any of the others made in America. He recog- nizes in his own account of the settlement at Wyalusing, the precedence of the Moravians, and does not act, except after con- sultation with Pastor Zeisberger. For three days the Mora- vian and the Quaker labored together, and Woolman, who held seven meetings, says, "Although Papunahung had before agreed 1 Pemberton Papers. Vol. XVI, p. 98. 1762-3- Hist. See. Penna. V THE INDIAN JOURNEY 91 to receive the iMoravian and to join with them, he still appeared kind and loving to us." On the 21st the Indians made their de- cision in favor of the Moravian faith, after the humble-hearted Quaker had departed, praying for the success of Pastor Zeis- berger. Five days later the baptism of converts took place, and Papunahung received the Christian name of John, being there- after known as John Papunahung,*^ or "Mmisey John." He was made a niissionary-assistant, and labored faithfully until his death at Schonbrunnen, May 15, 1775, at the age of seventy.^ The return journey was rather more quickly made, and AA'ool- man halted for his noonday meal, within seven miles of home, at his friend, John Smith's ^^ in Burlington, on the 27th, long enough to seize the opportunitj- to send a letter to Israel Pember- ton,^ with the message that he saw no sign among the "soberer sort" of Indians of disaffection toward the English. But Pember- ton's anxiety for John Woolman was amply justified in the massacres that were so soon to follow. Dear Friend, Burlington, 27*=' 6^° 1763 I o'clock. Through the Mercies of the Lord my Belov^ Companion and helpmate B: Parvin and I were helped to perform our Journey to Wahalousing and came back to Bethlehem on Seventh day night was yesterday at the Swamp ^Meeting and I lodged last night at John Cadwaleders ^" and am now hasting home — Our Journey though attended with much deep Exercise hath been greatly to our Satis- faction. We were at seven Religious meetings with the Indians many of which people I believe were in these troublous times greatly Comforted in our visit and they all appeared kind & Loving to us — I saw nothing amongst any of them in that place which to me appear* like disaffection to the English — but our Conversation was mostly with the soberer sort. The Moravian Preacher who was there when I went and contin'* there while I stay'^ appear'^ kind and cour- teous from first to last and I believe his intentions are honest. In a humbling sense of His goodness in whom my poor Soul has trusted, I remain with kind Love to thee and family and all my Dear fr« John Woolman For Israel Pemberton in Philad'." iL. H. Everts & Co., Publishers, "Historj- of Bradford County," p. 19. The Diary of the JIoraTians who took charge of this Mission is still preserved at Bethlehem, Pa. 2 Original in DeTonshire House, London. Portfol. 28, p. 95. 92 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. A copy of this letter, in possession of Dr. John Woolman Churchman, of Yale University, adds a postscript, "I have the horse with me in pretty good order, & I expect to keep him well a while & send him." John Woolman reached home the same afternoon, greeted joyfully by his friends "all along" the road from Burlington, but he was careful lest he be "glad overmuch," and sought to remain in an humble frame of mind, thankful for his escape from great danger. Six weeks later Papunahung *^ was fleeing with his companions to Bethlehem for protection, and the friendly Conestogas were murdered at Lancaster by the Whites. A few days after his return, John Pemberton sought to obtain news of the Indian situation from John Woolman, and his letter to his brother Israel shows, as nothing else does, Woolman's complete detachment. Burlington, 7mo. 2. 1763 Dear Brother — Yesterday, Mother & myself Spent with our Friend John Wool- man at his house : he looks better for his Journey, & is well satis- fied that he went. I asked him Several Questions respecting the Indians, &c. & he gave me what accounts he could, but he found in the Journey his Mind closely engaged to attend to the Concern he was engaged in, & cautious of Questioning the Indians, for Pruden- tial Reasons he Apprehended it might beget some Jealousies in the Minds of some & so Close up his way, or some reasons might be alledged which he was not Qualified to answer to, or that he could not Say anything to, without casting some blame on the English. His companion, B. Parvin, used more freedom, & can give better infor- mation. He allowed me the Liberty to preserve his Remarks on his Journey & to inclose them for thy Perusal: with this Request — that thou shew them to no other person, as he intends to Survey them again, &c, & please to return them Speedily : if thou forwards them here, directed to either him or me, they may get to his hands. Thou wilt perceive that Alarms had been sent among the Indians : they were preparing to leavfe Wyoming when he got there. Capt. Bull (or Jacob), he understood, intended up the Western branch of Sassquehanagh (Susquehanna) & the others proposed to Scatter themselves, some in One part & some in Another. He could not understand of what Nation, or who those Runners were that adver- tized the Indians near Wyalousin, but to Testify that what they said V THE INDIAN JOURNEY 93 was True, they shew some Scalps they had. Job Chillaway ex- pressed much sorrow that he was obHged to be Absent, having to get Intelhgence to the Inhabitants to the Westward of those War- riors. The Indians seemed as much Concerned as any of us would be (as Jno: thought) & he tho't would join any Endeavour that could be tho't on to prevent the Spreading this Calamity: he did not appre- hend those who generally met Religiously together, would move from their habitations. On his Return to Wyoming, All the Indians Except an Old Man were gone. He was very Friendly, & asked after thee — but Jno. did not enquire his name. There were about 20 Men & Boys from Connecticut. He did not understand what they proposed in General — One Man Expressed his Intentions of returning & tho't to Set homewards the next Day: he did not Observe nor learn that they had any Satisfaction, but seemed Disappointed that many they had expected to Settle there with them had not come. He did hear (but knows not that it is more than Conjecture), that some Indians had a design to come in their Canows to take them by Surprize. John told me, if thou desired it, he would come to Town, but as he was particularly Cautious of entering into Enquiries, & heard little, he apprehended his Intelligence would be of little Service, & would rather avoid it. Thou may perceive from the Inclosed that he was fr'dly rec'd. In every place where they understood his Errand, were rejoyced & very kind, & he did not Perceive in any an Evil disposition towards the English. He desired his love to thee. I am thy affectionate Bro. John Pemberton. Papuna: Jno: Curtis &c. Desired Love to the Friends in Philadelphia." It is interesting to discover evidence of the peaceful charac- ter of the New Jersey Indians in a communication to the Penn- sylvania Journal of September 15th of that year, (1763) : "Where- as a report has been spread that the Christian Indians in New Jersey under my care were many of them gone back to join the murdering Indians on the frontiers ; this is to inform and assure the public that such report is wholly without founda- tion ; that these Indians evidently discover a great abhorrence of the perfidious and inhuman proceedings of their remote Sav- ' Pemberton Papers, Vol. XVI, p. 109. 1762-3. Histor. Soc. Penna. 94 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN CflAf. age brethren, and that there is not one of them missing, or that discovers a contrary temper. John Brainerd." The later history of the Wyalusing Indians is picturesque and brief. Two or three months only after John Woolman's visit, came the massacre at Wyoming and the Lancaster riot. The friendly Indians at Wyalusing were removed to Bethlehem, and some of them accompanied Papunahung *' to Philadelphia where they were sheltered and fed in the military barracks.' The Indians seldom failed, upon these expeditions, to visit Stenton, where for years they had been sure of a warm welcome from its venerable owner, James Logan. He had died in 1751, and his son and successor, William Logan, [1718-1776] a member of the Governor's Council, saw and entertained this party, for a letter from him to his brother-in-law, John Smith, '^ dated "gbr. 29, 1763" says, "Papoonahal and part of his party came to town last night ; they have not as yet been heard by the Governor. Expect when they are, We may hear something Informing of Conse- quence. . . 20 Indians in all, Men, Women & children. One of y" Young Children born on y'' Road in y'^ Snow, yet y^ Mother traveled on & is Hearty!" ^ When peace came after a year and a half, and the Govern- ment enforced the removal of all Indians "beyond the limits of lands held by the white man by right of purchase," Papunahung succeeded in obtaining permission to return to their old home at Wyalusing. On April 3, 1765, eighty adults and ninety children set out from Bethlehem under the care of John Jacob Smick and David Zeisberger as pastors, and slowly made the journey in five weeks travel, losing by death on the way a woman and child. The Government gave the Indians aid vmtil the corn harvest, and the Society of Friends also contributed generously. Upon this second Moravian town the Brethren in Synod had bestowed the name "Friedenshiitten," or "Huts of Peace." Here they lived up to their peaceful claim until political complications and the rumblings of the coming American Revolution caused the settlement's abandonment in 1772. On June nth of that ^ The British barracks, erected soon after Braddock's defeat, extended from Tam- many Court to Green, and from Second to Third streets in a hollow square. At this time they were occupied by several companies of Highlanders. [Tammany Court ran from No. 416 Buttonwood Street, south.] ^ Ridgway Library, Phila. Smith MSS., Vol. VI, i7(;2-i76s. V THE INDIAN JOURNEY 95 year the chapel, according to Moravian custom, was dismantled to prevent its desecration. The bell was taken down and hung in the bow of Timothy's canoe, at the head of the little water pro- cession, and was tolled by him "until the voyagers into the new Alleghany country to which they were removing, rounded a point of land, hiding forever from view the little village with its fifty- two "Huts of Peace." ^ When General Sullivan's expedition encamped at Wyalusing in 1779 no vestige remained of the old Indian village. The site, however, has in recent years been marked by a suitable stone in the meadow of Judge Salford's farm. > A fuller account of the Moravian Mission at Wyalusing is given by W. C. Reichel in "Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society," Vol. I. CHAPTER VI 1766 JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER In the next few years there were journeys south and among the Friends of the counties in New Jersey and Pennsylvania con- tiguous to Philadelphia. John Woolman and John Sleeper, ^° a minister and neighbor, both felt that when they went to the East- ern Shore of Maryland in the summer of 1766, they must travel on foot. Woolman wished to be brought into closer sympathy with the slave in his life of labor, forgetting the negro's more adaptable nature and the tropical climate of his native land. The intense southern heat wore him out and he suffered greatly. But he was "content." This visit had very definite results among the followers of Joseph Nichols, *° who believed in the immanence of the Holy Spirit and in testifying against all war. They de- clined to take an oath, and solemnized their marriages much as did the Quakers. William Dawson and James Harris, two of their neighbors, were the first to emancipate their slaves, and it is chiefly as active anti-slavery workers that they merit consideration' in connection with John Woolman. Dawson and Harris were assured by the public authorities of Maryland that there was no provision in the laws of that province or of Delaware, for such emancipation, but it was nevertheless accomplished. The examples of Dawson and Harris made such an impression upon their fellow-members, that the testimony against slavery was incorporated in their Rules of Discipline and it became a disownable offence even to employ a slave. Joseph Nichols *^ was the first man in his neighborhood to preach against slave-holding; yet, although the Quakers were otherwise in full sympathy with him and frequently invited him to attend their meetings, they refused to accept his teaching on this vital subject. The matter had reached a critical point at the moment when John Woolman 96 VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 97 and John Sleeper/^ in 1766, made their visit to Maryland, going on foot through the Eastern Shore region. The Quakers who had before refused to hsten to Nichols, received the testimony of the two Quakers from New Jersey, and the public records of that period in Maryland and its borders show a large number of resulting emancipations. A striking testimony of the "Nicholites" was in regard to plainness, since they refused to employ any dyes in their clothing, and would not mix either colors or materials. The women wore capes, the men hats, of undyed or natural, white wool. It would be interesting to inquire just how much this particular "Testi- mony" was in the thought of John Woolman when in 1762 he had adopted the white fur hat and undyed clothing.^ The following summer he took the Western Shore in the same manner on foot, but without a companion, and the "lonesome walk" tried his frail body but satisfied his spirit. Of this tour, Benjamin Ferris ^^ of Wilmington, Delaware, writes in his Journal : — "5 mo. 9th 1768 Our friend John Woolman attended our Quarterly Meeting-; his testimony there, as well as at our Monthly Meeting in Wilmington, though very close, was edifying and much to my satis- faction. I went to pilot him on his way to Maryland as far as the Head of Sassafras. His company and conversation were very in- structive, particularly an account of his exercises and singular trials, which he had a freedom to impart to me. In the 6th mo. he returned from Maryland and I was with him at Kennett Center and Chichester Meetings, in each of which his labour was very close and plain, yet to me it was edifying." " He seemed to be gradually clearing away the duties at hand, and the incident of the execution of the bond for the negro lad took place near this time, 1769. His efforts and the anti-slavery senti- ment of the Quakers were important factors in the attempt of the New Jersey Assembly to provide by law for a duty on imported slaves. In 1769 such a law became active, placing a duty of Fif- teen pounds on every imported slave sold in the Province.' Two letters, which he copies at length in his Journal, one without date and the other on the 9th of 7mo. of this year, appear to have "Friend's Miscellany. IV, pp. 241-267. ' Friend's Miscellany. XII, p. 273. 'Allinson's Laws, p. 315. N. J. Archives, IX, 346. 98 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. been written with the weight, always growing on him, of the lack of true simpHcity in ordinary life: "Beloved friend;^ Since our last Conversation I have felt an in- crease of brotherly love, and therein a liberty to hint further to thee how at different times for years past, things have wrought on my mind respecting high living. In some affecting seasons abroad, as I have sat in meetings with desires to attend singly on the pure gift, I have felt that amongst my brethren, grievously entangled in expensive customs, the Lord hath a work for some to do in exampling others in the Simplicity as it is in Christ. II. Corinth. XL 3. As I have seen that a view to live high hath been a stumbling block, and that what some ap- peared to aim at was no higher, than many of the foremost rank in our Society lived, there hath been a labour upon me, that in this respect, the way may be cast up, and the stumbling block taken out of the way of the people. Isaa. 57. 14. And here the inexpressible love of Christ in denying himself & enduring grief for our Sakes is often before me, as an example for us to follow, in denying our- selves, of things pleasant to our natural inclinations, that we may example others, in the pure Christian life in our age. 2. In regard to thieves, I have had many Serious thoughts, and often been jealous over myself, lest by withholding from a poor man what our Heavenly Father may intend for him through me, I should lay a temptation in his way to steal, and have often felt a care that no desire for riches, or outward greatness, may prompt me to get that in our house which may create envy, and increase this difficulty. 3. I have sometimes wrote wills for people when sick and expected soon to leave their families, who had but little to divide amongst their children, and I have so far felt a brotherly Sympathy, that their cases have become mine, in regard to a comfortable living for them, and here expensive customs have often made the prospect less clear. Expensive customs on such occasions have often Affected me with sadness. 4. The manner of taking possession of the Silver mines Southwest- ward, the conduct of the conquerors toward the natives, & the miser- able toyl of many of our fellow creatures in those mines, have often been the subject of my thoughts; and though I sometimes handle silver and gold as a currency, my so doing is at times attended with pensiveness, and a care that my ears may not be stopped against further instruction ; I often think of the f ruitfulness of the Soyl where we live, the care that hath been taken to agree with the former ^ From Woolraan's copy, MS. A, p. 279 ff. Vt JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 99 owners, the natives, and the conveniences this land affords for our use : and on the numerous oppressions there are in many places, and feel care that my cravings may be rightly bounded, and that no wan- dering desires may lead me to so Strengthen the hands of the wicked as to partake of their Sins. I. Timo. 5c. 22v. 5. In conversing at times with some well-disposed friends who have been long pressed with poverty, I have thought that some outward help, more than I believed myself a Steward to communicate, might be a blessing to them; and at such times the expenses, that might be saved amongst some of my brethren, without any real inconvenience to them, hath often been brought to my mind; nor have I believed myself clear with out speaking at times publickly concerning it. 6. My mind is often on the immutability of the Divine being, & the purity of his judgments, and a prospect of outward distress in this part of the world hath been open before me, and I have had to behold the blessedness of a state in which the mind is fully subjected to the divine Teacher, and the confusion and perplexity of such who profess the Truth, and are not faithful to the leadings of it : nor have I ever felt pitty move more evidently on my mind, than I have felt it toward children, who, by their education, are lead on in unneces- sary expenses, and exampled in seeking gain in the wisdom of this world to support themselves therein." da mo 9: 7: 1769. My dear friend — In our meeting of Ministers and Elders, I have several times felt the movings of divine love amongst us, and to me there appeared a preparation for profitable labours in the meeting: but the time appointed for publick meetings drawing near, a strictness for time hath been felt. And in yearly Meeting, for the preservation of good order in the Society, when much business hath lain before us, and weighty matters relating to the Testimony of Truth hath been under consideration, I have sometimes felt that a care in some to get forward soon hath prevented so weighty and deliberate a pro- ceeding as by Some hath been desired. Sincere hearted friends who are concerned to wait for the Counsel of Truth, are often made helps to each other, and when such from distant parts of our extensive Yearly meeting, have set their houses in order and thus gathered in one place, I believe it is the will of our Heavenly Father, that we with a single eye to the leadings of his Holy Spirit, Should quietly wait on him without hurrying in the business before us. As my mind hath been on these things some difficulties have arisen loo THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. in my way; first there are through prevaiHng custom, many expences attending our entertainment in town, which, if the leadings of Truth were faithfully followed, might be lessened. Many under an outward shew of a delicate life, are entangled in the worldly Spirit, labouring to support those expensive customs which they at times feel to be a burden. These expences arising from a conformity to the spirit of this world, have often lain as a heavy burden on my mind, and Especially at the time of our Solemn meetings; and a life truly conformable to the Simplicity that is in Christ, where we may faithfully serve our God without distraction, and have no interruption from that which is against the Truth, to me hath been very desirable ; and my dear friend, as the Lord in Infinite mercies hath called thee and I (Sic) to labour at times in his vineyard, and hath, I believe, sometimes appointed to us dififerent offices in his work, our opening our experi- ence one to another in the pure feeling of Charity may be profitable. The great Shepherd of the Sheep I believe is preparing some to example the people in a plain Simple way of living, and I feel a tender care that thee and I may abide in that, where our light may shine clear, and nothing pertaining to us have any tendency to Strengthen those customs which are distinguishable from the Truth as it is in Jesus." ' The friendships of our Journalist were warm and permanent. Among these, in Rebecca Jones, ^^ John Woolman found a most congenial companion, upon whose strength of character and sanctified common sense he had learned to depend. They were both teachers, and her school for girls at 8 Drinker's Alley, in Philadelphia was in great repute. Her brother, Daniel Jones, had remained in the Church of England in which faith both of them were born, and was the leading Inn-keeper at Mount Holly. She was in the habit of spending a portion of her brief summer vacation with him, and with John and Sarah Woolman, for the benefit of the country air. John Woolman was a frequent visitor to Rebecca Jones's school, and often wrote the copies for her in his fine clear hand. "None but a philanthropist is fitted for the office of teacher," is the comment of the editor of her interesting Memormls} Many a modern school might profit by her "Rules of Conduct" , of which one was, "Make all your speeches to your mistress with due respect, observing cheerfully to perform her * "Memorials of Rebecca Jones," by Wm. J. AlUnson, ed. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER loi directions with despatch, according to your abihty. If a stranger should speak to you, give a modest and ready answer, standing up and turning your face towards them respectfully; take your seats again and silently apply to your business." These two Quaker philanthropists, together with another teacher, Anthony Benezet,^ were at this time deeply interested in the proper education of youth. The children of Quakers, espe- cially in the country neighborhoods, were lamentably deficient in their instruction. Many grew up ignorant of reading or writing, and documents of the middle and last quarter of the eight- eenth century are often signed by a mark. In 1746 a recom- mendation was made for the better instruction of Friends' chil- dren, but little came of it at the time. In 1750 the same thing happened, but a few Friends were laboring steadily for improved conditions. Among these was John Woolman. It is hardly likely that Woolman did not know Christopher Dock, the famous "Schoolmaster of the Skippack." There was frequent inter- course between the German Baptists on the outskirts of Phila- delphia and the Quakers. Dock came to America in 1714 and became a well known teacher. Christopher Sauer, the German pubhsher, in Germantown, of many Friends' books, persuaded him to write his "Schulordnung" in 1750, but for nineteen years it lay neglected. In 1769 Sauer's son urged him to publish it, and the little book appeared from the Sauer press in 1770. It has been called the earliest book in Pennsylvania on the subject of school teaching.^ Anthony Benezet * opened his school in 1755, and his "Primer" is later, undated. But it is more than likely that Woolman's antedated both. Indeed Benezet's is modeled somewhat upon that of Woolman. A Quaker broadside issued about this time, or possibly in 1759, on the whole sub- ject of education, is interesting in this connection.^ How many people think of Woolman as schoolmaster? Yet for many years, in the intervals of his travels and while carrying on his business as a tailor, John Woolman was teaching. The "Testimony" of his Monthly Meeting says that Woolman "sev- eral times" opened a school "for Friends' children and others," for nothing exclusive ever found place in his spirit, and these are the 1 The original is in the Historical Soc. of Penna. Cassel Collection. ' Original in Collection of Quaker Broadsides, Haverford College Library. 102 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, years when his Larger Account Book tells us clearly how he was engaged. It is the life of a busy man. There are accounts for teaching the children of Aaron Barton, and of his brothers, Asher and Abner Woolman ; Thomas Bispham, James Dobbins, John Sleeper,"- John Atkinson and many others.' The rate he charged for his pupils may be gathered from a memorandum for a small relative. The bill sent her father, Asher Woolman reads thus : da mo "To schooling thy daughter 2 of i, 1769 till f s d da of mo ye 29 5 1769: some diet 2 9 o da mo da mo 29 5 1769 to II 9 1769 I. 2. 6 da mo Sarah's diet to be reckoned from 11 9 1769." At the head of this book stand what at first may seem like some of his own pious reflections, but they are of uniform length. Cannot some of us recall days long ago when we toiled laboriously over our copy-book, vainly endeavoring to get the proper slopes and flourishes on the "T's" and the "G's," for instance, in some such sententious phrase as "To be good is to be happy" ; "The child is father to the man?" These lines in Woolman's book, in clear and bolder handwriting, are nothing more or less than his writing-book headings, from which he set copies for his small pupils. They are all original, and these are a few of them: "If anger burns, stand still. Meekness is a pleasant garden. Kindness in the heart feels pleasant. The wounds of a friend need no plaister. A lamb took by fraud is an ill sacrifice Religion without righteousness profits not. ' A rose in the Spring smells sweet. Let the dainty man try abstinence. An Easie Life, a delicious Cook, and the Doctor." Interspersed among the school accounts we find not only charges for spelling books, writing materials, ink powder and the ^ These were all well-known eitizens of Northampton township. vx JOHN W00L3.IAX AS SCHOOL^^IASTER 103 like, but the same page will contain the cost of grafted trees, hickon.- -wood for the meeting house, and jackets and trousers. For in spite of his remarks in the Journal about his disHke of a planter's life on a large scale, Woolman was an expert nurserj'- man as well as tailor. There are charges to his brother Abraham \A'ooknan for grafted trees ; to Robert Field for ninet\--t\vo apple trees at six shillings each, and for eighteen grafts at one shilling each. "\\"e find him making leatlier and ''ticken" breeches for his pupils and their fathers, and jackets of cloth for the mothers; while it is evidently little Sallie, boarding at his house, for whom he makes a "tliin coat" for four shilhngs, a pair of shoes for six. which may have been furnished by the itinerant cobbler who in those days made his regular rounds, and mittens for three and six. "The ticken breeches with buttons" for Aaron Barton's boy cost three sliilHngs ; leather breeches for his brother Abner were five shilhngs, and a small pair (probably mended) for Uttle Samuel are one sliilling. He cliarges Abner four and six for an under-iacket. and Abner's son John, "for a jacket and some trims," three and six. His swanskin ones, doubtless his best, are charged at ten and six. Buckskin breeches cost sixteen shilhngs. Asher's wliite shirt is seven shillings, and !\Ioses' leather breeches, one pound eight. The proportionate cost of materials may be judged from one charge — "to some Hay, to pay in Buttons," seventeen shillings. The average cost of a pair of leather breeches is one pound sLx. Xote too, that John Woolman is buying and using buttons, when some extremists of his day are "testifying" against them, albeit tlie testimony was chiefly against their use for ornament, not service. Some of the entries as they stand are as follows : Wm. Cox, at Fern,- i s d omo. 1761 By Ferrying- at twice o 2 4 1-61 Henry Burr, Son of Joseph ^mo. To writing 2 Small deeds 10 6 John ^^'right, Son of Ezekiel 6mo. 1766 Pair leather breeches i 10 Contra 8mo. 1767 By Ann Morris passage to and from Phila. worthe I suppose 4 104 Till-: UniRNAI. OV JOHN W'OOl.MAN ciiai'. SilMlllcl Hiulil C S (1 _liiio. j8 1767 To Siirvcyinj;^ & Siiiulrv wiitiuj^s ou 3 (Bio. Jolin J{iiiUl to ii:iy p;irl) Thonuis llispliaiii .yuo. 1768 To Schooling tliy oliililrcii o 10 8 Will. Jones 6 8 i7()8 ']"o Smvoviiig & VVriliiij; a IH'i'il 10 Joseph l.ippincoU 1 4 I7()8 Appio Trees for thy son Ahraliaiii Ivicliard I'crry Mack' Shoes I'or Mary & .Soiileil a pair for Wife Siiio. 1768 1769 Ahrahaiii Woohnaii 1 doz. C'oat Hiilloiis I 6 prininiers o I 3 & Trees 14 10 '70 Hy C'eihir l.ons at llie .Swamp as many as made I5;.^ feet hoard measure 2 12 6 Aaron .Smith 1768 To some Twist ■J I76(> t'oiitva. Ity WorU at Mary's hat 026 I'^arl .Shiim 25 4 1761) To sehooliii)^ Ihy Child 7 6 s d To Measiiriiif; 2 lots of rie at 1 (> per lotl.. 3 4mo. Contra do. Hy horse to Hiirhiinlon 1 1; " Mansfield I 9 7 81110 liiirliiiKton I 6 25 i2ino " a fat fjoose 2 10 1770 Do. 21 I By making a Tliiii};; to slop Cliimney 9 " a day's work of I'riiiiiis (negro) Natt JiihiiH 16 7 1761J pd. per wife liefore ye weding 05 ij/j .V VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 105 Benjamin Ferris Jr. £ s d (No date) To Cash toward John Griffith's Book i 7 6 << " " « >l (1 T T » I 14 " 4 doz "Considerations on Keeping Negroes" delv'd to thee 3mo 1769 James Dobbins To schooHng thy son 8 2 14 7 1770 To a pair of leather breeches 160 3 8 1768 By a piece of Offel (offal?) old Iron to put in the oven's mouth, weighed ilb. 90Z. I think worth 3 John [HJatkinson 3 1769 Writting a Deed 6 4 To Schooling thy children I 4 8 13 4 1770 To 50 primmers o 8 4 (There is a memorandum of J. Atkinson as Guardian for the children of Thos. Budd, Estate of J. Atkinson, dec'd, 1770.) Josiah White 5 1769 For schooling Mary 5 3 II 1770 To Boards had by thy Tenant (Sofoot) o 6 8 "more (foot) 11 " A small house taken from Mother's Lot 5 10 o By Calamus water & metheglin i 4 21 3 1771 By cash toward House i 10 30 5 " " agen, yl6. Cash £1 i 7 6 Samuel Gaunt 1769 18 8 To I Brass Kettle for which it was agreed to pay forty pounds of cheese paid for. 1769 James Southwick Summer Rent of meadow, hay, &c I o 6 1770 16 7 To making 2pr. linen breeches o 4 o Had corn for it Francis Dawson 1769 To a pair of leather Breeches for David Jess, for 8mo which thou agreed to pay in grain I 10 o 1770 Same 9 10 By 1850 bricks hailed from Rodgerses il io6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. From these homely but most interesting entries one gains, as would otherwise be impossible, a lively impression of the daily life of John Woolman. The last item probably relates to the building of Mary's new house, for which preparations were mak- ing. The bill for this house is in Woolman's hand, and it is in- teresting to find from it, and from these charges, the names of most of the people employed in its construction. For instance, Thomas Conarrow was the mason. Thus we find — • 1771 3 12 I paid the bal. due to T. C. to Jonah Woolman on a discompt. Cr. by 17 Waggon load of Stone computed to be £ s d 20 perch at 6 per perch 6 o o Adam Forker was another workman. He made the hour- glass, and evidently did the glazing in the new house. Wil- liam Calvert ^' was a tenant for some years of Elizabeth Woolman in her Mill Street house, and John Woolman keeps the account as he receives the rent for his mother. Some of the entries under William Calvert's name run thus : "William Calvert da mo £ s. d. 8 3 1769 By 6 yards Camblet O 12 124 " " I Ivory Comb o I 6 " 75 Sheets primmer o 3 9 22 4 " I Looking-glass o 5 49 " I Copper Kettle 2 16 21 I 1770. To I Quarter's rent 015 13 4 1770 To 100 Primers from B. Ferris (forward) 21 4 1770 To I Quarter's Rent 15 o 21 7 1770 To I Quarter's Rent o 15 o From 2ist. 7mo. 1770 Wm. Calvert, by agreement, to pay I2S. p. Quarter for the Shop £ s. d. 4 10 To 23/2 Bush, winter Apples; had worked for y". .. o o o To ye Bricks in ye old Chimney o 10 2110 To I Quarter's Rent 12 i //.'/ fPnot r^ Crl nt >i_ /Ar.v /f./fl ///If /iVZ/y ,t,,^rt /^rJUf-rr L — a — ■'— - "" : ^:^ — y *- * e^'T i^ AV//)^.^^ /r,^ /u^ /^// ^/'r'Jvh &A1/1 ^^fJ Specifications by John Woolman for Brick House for his Daughter, 1771. Now the Woolman Memorial, Mount Holly, N. J. J3 u ^ CM I C O VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 107 f s d 21 I 1771 To I Quarter's Rent 12 184 To writing small deed 4 21 9 " 3 Quarter's Rent 116 o About nineteen day's rent 2 o " An order on Danl Offley accepted 14 9 John Woolman's brother Abner died. He notes — £ s d "To Abner's Estate due to Bal 2 12 10 Paid Earl Shinn for a Cofin to bury the Corps of Abner. . . i There is now due to Abner's Estate i 12 10 28 2 1772 I gave Credit on Abner's bond i 2 o Mary, Abner's Widow 6 I 1772 To Jacket for Asher o i 6 " Sheepskin breeches for do o 5 6 Cr. Mary, by some old leather o 7 000 These accounts show the schoolmaster writing deeds, advertise- ments for sales, or "vendues," as the country folk called them, and measuring grain for the farmers, as well as surveying their lands. He sells stone from his quarry, and in return is carried over William Cox's ferry. Aaron Barton, the weaver, does weaving in return for his child's schooling, and James Dobbins makes the exchange of the piece of "offel" iron for teaching his son. Twenty-eight pounds of flax are delivered to Bathsheba Barton, Aaron's wife, for weaving. Is it possible to imagine John Woolman in his school ? Let us place ourselves for the moment in Mount Holly in the year 1765. These are stirring times in the political and social world. The Stamp Act has stirred the Colonies; Franklin is abroad, striving for relief. Dr. Fothergill, in London, is corresponding vigor- ously with Woolman's close friends, the Pembertons, on behalf of peace, and incidentally is a founder of the great Pennsylvania Hospital. The religious world has been stirred by the simulta- neous visits of George Whitefield in Presbyterianism and Samuel io8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Fothergill ^ in Quakerism, and the air is full of new ideas, of revolution, of progress. Not a breath do we get of all this in Woolman's remarkable Journal. Like the classic that it is, written for any time or for all time, it notes none of these things, and we may see the gentle, frail teacher in his undyed garments, patiently guiding the childish hand of his httle pupils, while, unnoted by each, Revolution is gathering in the air. There were many country Friends settled about the village on their "plantations," as they preferably called their farms, and great distances were trudged by the small pupils on the hot sum- mer days, for long vacations were not in the minds of the good Friends. We do not know whether the lessons were recited at Woolman's own house, at the meeting house, or at the near-by school. Occasionally perhaps at all three. The charge for Sally's "diet" indicates that she lived for a little time with her uncle. If so, a privileged little girl was she. The gentle school- master is tender and sympathetic, for what he thought of educa- tion he wrote down in 1758." The late William Nelson, of the New Jersey Historical Society, considered Thomas Powell's school in Burlington, 1767, to have been the earliest co-educational in- stitution in America. It is certain that in New Jersey, at least, John Woolman preceded him. Diligent search has been made for the "Primer" of John Woolman. Thus far the only copy found is in the Friends' Library at Devonshire House, London. This is the third edition, undated. The average reader does not associate such a book, with Woolman, who makes no reference to it in his Journal. It is entitled : "A/ First Book for Children/ Much useful reading being sullied and torn/ by children, in Schools before they can read,/ this Book is intended to save un- necessary ex/pence. By John Woolman." This third edition, enlarged, was published in Philadelphia by Joseph Crukshank, Third St., and sold also by Benjamin Ferris in Wilmington. It is a tiny 48 mo. These are the "Primmers" noted in the Accounts. The date given by Joseph Smith (Cata- * Whitefield's and Fothergill's Biographies throw light on this period. ^ "Considerations on Pure Wisdom," &c. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 109 logue of Friends' Books) is 1774. This is much too late. Wool- man's primers were selling in 1769, as his Account Book shows, and were undoubtedly written some years before. John Comly [1773-1850] says of 1780 in his Journal [Chapman :Phir. 1883, p. 8.] "I believe the first book put into my hands was Wool- man's or Benezet's Primer." It is curious that no copy of the first edition has survived.^ This period — the late sixties — finds our Journalist more un- interruptedly engaged in teaching than at any other time, and we are led to suppose that frail health was the cause. In 1770, he was suffering from what he describes as a "lump on his nose" for which he had been "dieting" himself for several years. We are left to surmise its nature, yet, if it so depleted his system in the evident weakness of the two remaining years, as seems to be the reading between the lines, we cannot help fearing what might have been the result of a modern diagnosis. This may have been one of the causes for that peculiarity of appearance which all his friends without exception, ascribe to him. Yet such a trying "thorn in the flesh" he accepted as a "fatherly chastisement" from his Master. In any case, the long journeys afoot had sorely taxed his strength. While in this depressed physical state, the thought of another call from home roused his fear lest the "disagreeableness of the prospect" might be likely to deter him. The sale of the negro lad still weighed on him, and the retail trade in West India prod- uce in which he had once been engaged, preyed on his mind. He finally resolved to use the "outward substance" he had thus gained, in paying his passage to the West Indies on a religious visit, and yet, — could he find himself free to engage passage on one of the great traders? The profit all came from the product of slave labor. Hamilton of Pennsylvania wrote that at this period he found "a very great part of the principal merchants of the City (Philadelphia) engaged in a trade with the French Islands in the West Indies." ^ The wealthy Quakers of Philadelphia were many of them in this trade in sugar, rum and molasses.^ Promi- ^Benj. Ferris died in 1771. The date is tlierefore prior to tliat. 'W. T. Root. "Relations between Penna. & Great Britain, 1696— 1765," p. 82. ^ News of the passage of the Sugar Act of 1764 had come to tlie Colonies simul- taneously with that of the Stamp Act. Opposition was great, particularly in the northern colonies depending on a flourishing foreign trade. Tlie Sugar Act was a piece of class legislation in favor of the British Sugar Islands. no THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. nent among these was James Pemberton,' and knowing that his brother John was seeking Hght on the matter, Uriah Woolman ^^ wrote him that one of the Pemberton traders was in port. In the family papers ^ the following interesting letter has come to light :— da mo II II 1769 Belov'd Frd. I rec'd last Evening a letter from my brother Uriah wrote at the request of James Pemberton informing me that James hath a Vessel in port which he expects may Sail for Barbadoes the latter End of this month or beginning of next. I know not but that I may look toward this Vessel for a passage, but am desirous to inform thee of this my information, as thou Exprest a brotherly care for me respecting a passage. I remain thy Loving frd, John Woolman. For John Pemberton in Philad". The solicitude of the brothers Pemberton is evident with all three, for a few days later John Woolman is writing Israel Pemberton, under date, "da mo "17 II '69 I yesterday saw a Mattress, and have this Morning agreed for some coarse wool, and expect to make one at home. I feel gratefulness toward thee for thy kind offer, but believe to make one may be best for me. thy loving frd, John Woolman." ' Reuben Haines,^^ his cousin, living on High (now Market) Street, near Fourth, in Philadelphia, was his financial adviser, and at his house John Woolman usually made his home when in the city. His private accounts show that a year before this, he had placed in the hands of this faithful friend and relative, a sum of money, increased six months later, to be used for this journey. Following is the record : ^ Pemberton Papers, Vol. XXI, p. 85. Historical Society of Penna. 'Ibid., p. 87. vr JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER iii 1769 Reuben Haines, Dr. da mo f s d 28 3 To cash left in thy Hands to be ready for me when I want it 6 _ _ da mo 29 3 To Cash left in thy Hands to be ready for me when I want it 4 _ _ da mo I II To more Cash sent by Wm. Calvert 10 - - 20 - - da mo 25 3 '70 Cr. Cash £2. Note for £18. Thus completely ready was the faithful Woolman when he visited James Pemberton ^ and handed him his Testimony as to the evils of the West India trade. His own account is quite de- tailed here. The submission, he felt, was accepted of his Master. He returned home, after waiting across the river until the ship had sailed, and even then, became as a "sojourner," he says, in his own family.^ As the year closed, overtaxed and worn out, he fell ill of pleurisy, and his life was despaired of. He was highly delirious, and in moments of consciousness told those about him that he was quite resigned to die. He was carefully attended, and his friends took turns in sitting up through the night with him. The fourth morning of the New Year (1770), as the dawn broke, his friend Caleb Carr ^^ was sitting beside him. The ill man desired to dictate, and bringing the Larger Account Book, his friend took down the much quoted passage which John G. Whittier regarded as prophetic of the late Civil War. It may rather be considered as a mystical expression of the foolishness of the human mind in supporting injustice. A week after he again dictated, and gave us his classic aphorism on Prayer as a precious habitation, etc. The old Account Book contains many a memorandum, but there is nothing in it more interesting than the following, on a blank leaf, in the hand of John Woolman's daughter, Mary. The occasion was probably a little meeting held in the ill man's bed- chamber : 'Compare the almost parallel experience of John Churchman, in 1761, in regard to the Barbados. See Journal of J. C, pp. 205-6. 112 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. "I feel a pure and Holy Spirit in a weak & broken Constitution : tiiis Spirit within me hath suffered deeply and I have born my part in the Suffering, that there may come forth a Church pure & Clean like the New Jerusalem, as a Bride Adorned for her husband. I believe my Sufferings in this broken Nature are now nearly Accom- plished, & my Father hath Shewed me that the holy Spirit that now works within me, may work in young lively Constitutions & may strengthen them to travel up & down the world in the feeling of pure Wisdom, that many may believe them & the purity of their Lives & learn Instruction" — ■ "Taken from the Mouth of my Father as he uttered it in my hearing on a first day meeting while (illegible) . . . ing." John Woolman himself, probably after recovery, has added da mo to this the date — "7: i: 1770," and the comment, "I believe it will be felt by feeling living Members, that that which hath been uttered by my lips has proceeded from the Spirit of Truth, Operat- ing on Mine Understanding, & I meddle not with the Fever." The Journalist, even in his delirium, uttered what, with his re- covered balance, he could freely endorse. But the disease pro- gressed, and another watcher writes : "On 7th. day Morning about ye 3d hour, ye 13th of ye ist Mo. 1770, John Woolman having for Some time Iain like a man a Dying, did then call for Water to Wet his tongue for it was Dry, and he wanted to Use it, and then told us then present, that the forepart of the Same night he had very Great horrours on his mind for Departing from the purity of his Testimony, in relation to the West India trafick. "Under this Anguish of Soul, Evident to all about him, he Stood up on his feet, tho' week, and with a Lamentable Voice Cryed mightily to God that he would have Mercy upon him, a Miserable Siner for that he had Lately, under Extream weakness, given up the purity of his Testimony against the West India trade. In partaking freely of rum and Molasses; After long Conflict with these Horrors, he appeared more Easy, as believing God would be gracious to him. He now informed us he had found the mercys of God to be toward him, and that he had an Evidence of Inward Peace, and that God had Excepted of his great conflict with the power of darkness the fore part of this Night. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 113 Uttered by John Woolman's lips and wrote by Aaron Smith." This is fastened into the English Journal on one of the in- serted leaves, and preceded by another page also in the hand- writing of Aaron Smith, which is quite different from any other in the book. Below is probably a memorandum of the Friends present at one of the little meetings held in John Woolman's bed- room during his severe illness. It runs — "the following Friends are Desired to meet at the house Of John Woolman at 10: o'clock Thos. Hatkinson ( ) and wife, if well enough Henry Paxson'" and wife John Bispham '" and wife William Calvert and wife'" Josiah " and John White " John Sleeper^ and wife Aaron Smith was son of Francis and Rachel Smith, of Mt. Holly, and on iimo. (January) 2.2 1753 married Mary, daughter of Silas and Mary Crispin of Burlington, at the latter place. (Bur. Rec's., B'k A. 203.) An interesting story is told of the Revolu- tionary soldiers from whom Henry Paxson rescued the family Bible of Aaron Smith as they were kicking it down the street. He was a member of Mount Holly meeting. The little group that met for worship with John Woolman in his bedchamber were all near neighbors and intimate friends. Thomas Atkinson was Wil- liam Calvert's father-in-law. During his convalescence Woolman wrote the following: da mo 20: 1 : 1770 The Customary use of Silver Vessels about houses hath deeply affected my mind of late years and under a living Concern I have frequently laboured in Families and Sometimes more publicly, to disswade from the use of those things, in which there is a Manifest Conformity to Outward shew and greatness. And this Morning my Understand- 114 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. ing being opened in pure Wisdom, I felt a Necessity to write that which is the Council of the Lord to this Generation respecting these things. He that can receive it, let him receive it. There is Idolatry committed in the Use of these things, and where this is the Case, If they are sold, they may be Idols to others. The example of Jacob is to be followed by such who would come forth in pure Council. His household had Idols amongst them. The Lord call'd him to a pure Worship at Bethel. He prevailed on his household to put away their Idols, and he hid them under an Oak. Gen. XXXV. i. John Woolman." ' Silver service had become a trial to John Woolman, but the plate still in use in the families of descendants of his intimate friends shows how frequently he must have encountered it. John Smith's ^^ own autograph "Account of my wrought silver plate," which included the Logan tea service, is dated i mo. 1764, and is a long, and imposing list.^ It was probably at his house that Wool- man wept when a silver goblet was handed him. Dinner was served in those days, in the plainer homes, in one course on loaded tables. The interval between this illness of 1770 and Woolman's departure for England would be a blank but for the details of the Larger Account Book. This is inscribed "John Woolman's Book, 1769." Within is the memorandum of the purchases of "two leather books," and there is every reason to suppose that they are this quarto, and the large folio into which he copied the Journal, and which has here been uniformly referred to as "Man- uscript A." The few dates which precede this appear to be under the names of people with whom Woolman then had a running account, and were repeatefl from a previous copy.^ During the winter of i769-'70 and the following year at intervals, Woolman was occupied with the task of copying his Journal in fair hand for the printer. How well he accomplished it not only the world knows, but those whose pleasant task it has since been to examine * From the original, in tlie Library of Swarthmore College, Pa. ' Smith MSS. Vol. VI. 1762-1765. Ridgway Branch, Philadelphia Library. ^ This copy has just been found. See Appendix, note. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 115 the manuscript and observe his neatness and care. The Account Book gains an added interest from the fact that it is made en- tirely from the stamped paper of the Revolution. There was originally a stamp on every fourth leaf — forty five in all. Few of these have been left, and of 'them, none are perfect, due to the close trimming for binding, which is still very good. The missing stamps have sometimes been sold. A memorandum in another collection tells us, curiously enough, on the authority of the "Springfield Republican" for February 24, 1888, tliat a single stamp from this collection fetched twenty dollars in a New York auction ! After his illness, Woolman wisely returned to his garden and orchard. He writes of his nursery, four days after he had called for his money left with Reuben "da mo Haines," 29 3 1770" "Grafted near the Southwest corner of my Nursery, about 4 joynts of fence North of the corner, about 30 Molasses Sweetings." da mo "12 4, grafted 2 short rows of Newark sweeting (a winter apple) the north row the longest. Stands about 15 foot from the west side of the Nursery (and Extends Eastward) near the Middle of the Board fence on the ditch bank." "4mo. Grafted Sundry short rows in divers parts of my Nursery with a good Winter Sweeting." It may have been at this period that a friend, walking through his orchard with him, exclaimed, "That tree is full of caterpillars." John Woolman turned, carefully examined the tree, and said, "No, not quite full !" In the spring, while visiting at Crosswicks, soon after his recovery, Woolman had a dream which he relates at the conclusion of his Journal. The old smoke-house still stands in excellent con- dition. The friend, a direct descendant of Thomas Middleton,''* who recently visited it with the editor, wondered whether the two ministers had not partaken of the bacon at supper, the night before? "The Fox and the Cat: A Dream. On the night between the 28th. and 29th. smo. 1770, I dreamed a man had been hunting, and brought a living Creature to Mount- ii6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. holly, of a inixt breed, part Fox and part Cat; it appeared active in various Motions, especially with its Claws and Teeth. I beheld, and lo ! Many people gathering in the house where it was, talked one to another, and after some time I perceived by their talk that an old Negro Man was just now dead, & that his Death was on this Wise. They wanted fiesh to feed this Creature, & they wanted to be quit of the Expence of keeping a man who, through great Age, was unable to Labour; so, raising a long Ladder against their house, they hanged the old Man. One woman spake lightly of it, and signified she was seting at the Tea Table when they hanged him up, and though neither she nor any present said anything against their proceedings, yet she said at the Sight of the Old Man a dying, she could not go on with Tea Drinking. I stood silent all this time, & was filled with Extreme Sorrow at so horrible an Action, and now began to Lament bitterly, like as some Lament at the Decease of a friend, at which Lamentation, some smiled, but none mourned with me. One man spake in justification of what was done, and said that the flesh of the Old Negro was wanted, not only that this Creature might have plainty (sic), but some other Creatures also wanted his flesh, which I apprehended from what he said were some Hounds kept for hunting; I felt Matter on my Mind, and would have spoke to the Man, but Utterance was taken from me and I could not speak to him. Being in great distress, I continued waiting till I began to wake, and opening my Eyes, I perceived it was Morning. And when I got up, I told this Dream to my Beloved Friend, Thomas Middleton," at whose house I lodged ; who then told me that this same Night he dreamed that being with his Wife on the further side of a Run of Water which is on his Plantation, they were coming toward the house and the Run had overflowed its Banks, but they came over on a Log, and then he saw a Ruinous old House, which he had not seen before. He observ'd some Iron Hinges on the Door, which, as it stood on his Land, he thought of geting ; but on an Examination, found they would not answer his purpose, and left them. And looking into the House, he saw a great quantity of Bacon & understood this House was a Smoak-house, built by a Merchant, since dead, and that the Bacon belonged to some Persons now living; He observed one whole Creature with its hair all taken of (sic) and thought it had some resemblance of Bacon, yet it appear'd to stand upon its feet, and there was in it some resemblance of a living Creature. He said he examined the Bacon and found it was tainted. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 117 (Note on the margin) : "A Fox is Cuning; A Cat is often Idle; Hunting represents Vain Delights; Tea Drinking, with which there is Sugar, points out the Slavery of the Negroes, with which Many are oppressed to the Shortening of their Days.'" An examination of the charges for building the brick house for his daughter Mary, in 1771 shows a negro called "Primas" in Woolman's service. It is a coincidence in names to find, early in the Account Book of Thomas Hazard of Narragansett, R. I., the entry : "Priamus, a Negro Boy, Came to live with me at my House the week after ye General Election Held at Newport for General officers of the Colony of Rhode Island in the year one Thousand Seven Hundred and fifty seven being six years old the October following the s'' Election which was held in the May before." This boy lived in Narragansett until he came of age, when his life of adventure took him to sea, and he was in Philadelphia at the time of the British occupation. This Primas was befriended by John Pemberton, whose letter to his former master, Thomas Hazard, still exists.^ John Woolman's "Primas" had a happier fate than his New England namesake. On the records of St. Michael's and Zion Lutheran Church, Philadelphia, for February I5< ^1^'^! stands the marriage by Heinrich Muhlenberg, of "Primus," and "Polly" Head, negro servants." As it was the custom for the slave to take the family name of the master, Polly probably belonged to John Head, the shipmaster and mer- chant. Quietly, however, all this time, in John Woolman's mind was taking shape the plan for his departure from home on the journey from which there was to be no return, although as yet, he only felt that it must be done when the right time came. Meanwhile he is arranging his affairs, is building Mary's house and collecting money due him. He made an arrangement with his brother Asher for a nursery of trees. The land was laid out and the survey is described. Asher is "to have the ground the trees grow on for • MS. A., pp. 223, 224. ■ The original letter is in possession of ex-President Caroline Hazard, of Rhode Island, who quotes it in her "Thomas Hazard, son of Robert," called "College Tom," p. 82. The memorandum by John Comfort in the Larger Account Book shows a Primas Williams employed by him in June, 1777. ii8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. 4 years from the 25 of 4mo. 1771, to pay me for them six Pounds ten shillings in two years from the above date. The trees to stand at owner's risque." A note on the margin reads : "Asher agreed to buy trees out of my nursery, and give up this distant bargain." Was it prophetic, this cancelling of the "distant bar- gain"? During this summer came a visitor from England whose presence was likely to confirm any feeling that led John Woolman toward Great Britain at this time of profound social unrest. Samuel Neale ^^ (1729-1792) of Dublin, a well-known minister, was in the neighborhood and his Journal, under date "7mo. 23, 1771," contains the following: "I was at Rancocas meeting. . . . Here I saw John Woolman for the first time. I take him to be a sweet, clean-spirited Friend; his unity with the true Seed may be felt by his savoury conversation and pious, self-denying life. 24th. Went to Mount Holly meeting, where very many Friends assembled from different meetings. ... I was much afraid of this meeting, as they have had great privileges by favoured instruments : here lived Abram Farrington," and to this meeting belongs that worthy, exemplary Friend, John Woolman, whose life and conversa- tion shines in Christian piety. His concern is to lead a life of self- denial : pomp and splendor he avoids ; does not choose to use silver or useless vessels that savour of the pomp of this world. His house is very plain, his living also; and yet he enjoys plenty of the good things that are necessary for Christian accommodation ; we dined with him, and were kindly entertained." ' Finally, in the late winter of 1771-2 John Woolman first pub- licly announced his intention of visiting England by requesting a certificate from his Monthly Meeting at Burlington. This was granted and after the Quarterly and Yearly Meetings had taken similar action, he set about his final preparations. On lomo. 19, 1 77 1 he closes his account with his apprentice, William Lee, who is released. The last memoranda in the Account Book are : da mo 14 4 1772 To cash left in my hands when I paid poor tax 3 10 14 To 4 Apple trees by Timothy 3 8 ^ Life of Samuel Neale, in Series. "Biographical, Narrative, Epistolary and Mis- cellaneous." Edited by John Barclay, London, 1845. Vol. VIII. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 119 Many of the accounts are closed and marked "settled." On the first page, in a blank space, is this last and touching entry: "All due to me from people on Accompt I commit to the Care of John Comfort to him to collect the same in a neighborly way and apply it to the use of my Wife and his Wife and the rest of our Family, as he may find Occasion. John Woolman." Now was written his farewell "Epistle" to Friends in his native land. He evidently submitted it, as had been the case before with his writings, to his friend Israel Pemberton," for the following letter in acknowledgment of one from him, probably refers to Israel Pemberton's information that a vessel is in port. He writes: "Beloved Friend Thine by J. Comfort came to hand. It would be agreeable to my mind that the piece be handed to James, & if no objection arise, to its being after opened to the Meeting for Sufferings that it be also opened there. As my mind hath been more particularly drawn toward the Northern parts of England, I do not yet feel Setled to sail for Lon- don ; but know not what may be as to that. thy loving frd. John Woolman." ^ da mo 15: 4 1772 There is no day of the month noted on the letter, also to Israel Pemberton, which follows, but there must have been a very short interval between them. Joseph White ^^ lived in Bucks County, across the river, and the message may well have been urgent, for time grew short. Yet the visit was made. The elder man had himself returned but recently from England and prob- ably had advice to give. John Woolman was at Reuben Haines,^^ in Philadelphia, when he wrote: "Beloved friend I believe I may endeavour to see Joseph White soon. If thou and Such in this City who are careful to look over writings propos* 1 The original is in tlie Pemberton Papers, Vol. XXIII, 114. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 120 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. to be printed, and to amend what may be imperfect, would employ a little time in correcting that piece, and afterwards let me see the prepar'^ alterations, it would be acceptable to me to look over them. Though I know not how it may be as to the sailing in this Vessel, I am in care to Endeavour to be in readiness soon. Seventh day morning. John Woolman."^ Soon after this, and while he was still in Philadelphia, Wool- man learned of the intention of Samuel Emlen,^ Jr., to sail for London on the "Mary and Elizabeth." The Journal tells us explicitly of his scruples about the cabin, and why he felt obliged, despite his friends' remonstrances, to travel in the steerage.^ The interview with John Head ^^ took place at the latter's house on Second Street, nearly opposite Christ Church. Having made all his simple arrangements, taken passage in the steerage, and put aboard the mattress which had remained at Reuben Haines', and which he had made with his own hands for the West India voyage, he spent two days at home, taking leave of his family. In this interval he drew a Trust Deed, leaving his property in the hands of his son-in-law's father, Stephen Com- fort, of Fallsington.'^* The existence of this document in the Record office at Trenton, New Jersey, explains perfectly why John Woolman's zvill has never been forthcoming, and also why there is no deed for the properties on which he, and also his daughter and her husband, lived. No such instrument was required until the sale of the house and land by John and Mary Comfort, in 1791. The absence of such records was said to have been the reason that the state of New Jersey gave up its proposed intention to buy and preserve the present Memorial, several years ago. The wisdom shown in this quiet and simple method of disposing of his prop- erty is entirely characteristic, and beyond all praise. The in- strument is dated 27, 4mo, 1772.^ One or two letters remained on his mind, for there was to be left no anxiety or thought of things worldly, or that bore with the least weight on his conscience. He remembered that his ^ Pemberton Papers, Vol. xxiii, p. 117. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - The first two paragraphs are not in Woolman's manuscript. They are hardly likely to have been lost, and appear rather to have been inserted by the first editorial committee. ^ See Appendix. VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 121 intimate friend Elizabeth Smith/" the maiden sister of Samuel ^* and John/^ had intended to travel abroad with him and her com- panion. Her certificate had been signed in the meeting by him and many Friends, and she was then laid upon a bed of sick- ness which proved to be her deathbed. Yet there was a hesitation lest he had not been "clear" when he put his name to the paper. The Smiths were people of wealth and standing. Elizabeth had family furniture and silver ; were these consistent ? So he wrote, calling her his "beloved sister," and told her gently of his "tender feeling" with her in her outward afflictions, and some measure of the same in her "inward exercises." He continues — "In the pure and undefiled way, that which is not of the Father but of the world is purged out. Christ of old time taught the people as they were able to bear it, and I believe, my dear friend, there are lessons for thee and I (sic) yet to learn. Friends from the Country and in the Citty are often at thy house, and when they behold amongst thy furniture some things which are not agreeable to the purity of Truth, the minds of some, I believe, at times are in danger of being diverted from so close an attention to the Light of Life as is necessary for us. I believe, my dear friend, the Lord hath weaned thy mind in a great Measure from all these things, and when I Signed thy Certificate, Expressing thee to be exemplary, I had regard to the State of thy mind as it appeared to me; but many times since I Signed it, I felt a desire to open to thee a reserve which I then, and Since often felt as to the Exemplariness of those things amongst thy furniture which are against the purity of our prin- ciples. I Trust the Great Friend and Keeper is near thee, in Whose Love I am thy friend. John Woolman. da mo 28: 4: 1772 I desired my Wife to keep this letter for thee when she might see thee." Such was the gentle reproof of a sincere friend ! The certifi- cate, the letter and the furniture are now cherished together.^ 1 They are all in possession of tlie editor, to whom they have come by itiheritance. The chairs have only a shell on the back and knees, and, except for their graceful shape, are absolutely without other ornament. 122 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Another letter written on the same day gives a parting bless- ing to John and Mary Comfort.^* Their first child was born six weeks later. Dear Children : I feel a tender care for you at this time of parting from you, and under this care, my mind is turned toward the pure Light of Truth, to which if you take diligent heed I trust you will find inward Sup- port under all your trials. My leaving you under the trying Circumstances now attending you, is not without close exercise and I feel a living concern, that under these cares of business, and under bodily affliction, your minds may be brought to a humble waiting on Him who is the great Pre- server of his people. Your loving parent da. mo. John Woolman. 28: 4: 1772.' Two more days in Philadelphia, after parting from his family at the early dawn, were occupied with final preparations, and one may fancy how his friends were troubled at his quiet per- sistence in selecting quarters which proved to be far more un- comfortable than he had known. Doubtless, as he carried with him, at his own charges, all the food and furnishings necessary for the voyage, the Friends placed for his comfort some of the provisions and remedies with which they desired to allay the dis- comforts and inconveniences before him. There are on record many long lists of the provisions taken abroad in the vessels of that day by traveling Friends. They are curious and interesting, but space will not permit an example here ; there is no list of John Woolman's. Vessels in those days sailing from Philadelphia usually dropped down to Chester to take aboard their final cargo and passengers. After attending Darby Monthly Meeting, his last in America, where, as often, his tender heart yearned over the young people, John Woolman spent the night with his friend William Home," at Darby - and he and Samuel EmJen '' joined the ship next ^Endorsed "For John Comfort." Size 5 J^ X 7 inches. (Original in Woolman Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.") ^ Even during this brief stay, John Woolman found time to write a letter to Israel Pemberton, which he left with William Home to deliver with his own hands. After a fruitless attempt to do so, when John Pemberton was not at home, W. Home finally I ^^' A^^Z^a 'I:. V ft! fy mir John Woolman to Elizabeth Smith of Burlington, N. J. 1772. Oripinal in Possession of the Editor. ^ »T^ "Jr. 'i ^ 5 ^ -3 r s ^ t: :: -^ "J w o fL, VI JOHN WOOLMAN AS SCHOOLMASTER 123 morning. The "Mary and Elizabeth" ^ was a fine vessel of one hundred and eighty tons, built in Philadelphia, and owned by Daniel Mildred =» and John Roberts =' both of London, and John Head,'*^ the prominent shipping merchant, of Philadelphia. Her Captain, James Sparks,- had taken over many traveling preachers among the Quakers, in both directions, in the fifteen or twenty years in which he had sailed to London. James Pemberton, writing soon after to his business corre- spondent, David Barclay [1728-1809],= in London (Smo. 16) says — . . . "Our friend Jno. Woolman embarked with Capt. Sparks on a religious visit to some parts of your Island. He is a Friend in good Esteem among us, of blameless Life, a good understanding, and deep in Spiritual Experience, tho' Singular in his Dress & deportment. Is not a Censorious Mind, & I believe apprehends it his real Duty to appear as he does. Sainy Emlen also Embarkt in the same Vessel on the like busi- ness; he is known well among you."' Thus departed from his native shores, one whose meek spirit was greatly burdened with the weight of the whole social structure. One wonders how nuich longer he could have kept up his increas- ingly strict manner of life. He finally trod among his fellows a solitary path, abstaining from dyed garments because of the in- creased labor in their manufacture, and a mistaken idea as to cleanliness; from the use of sugar and all other foods that wrote on the i6th of 5mo. that he was enclosing the letter. William Home's is among the Pemberton Papers, Vol. XXIII, p. 138, Pennsylvania Historical Society. John Woolman's has disappeared. ^ "Ship Registers of the Port of Philada." Pcnna. Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. XXVII, p. 495. George Vau.x, a descendant of John Head, made the suggestion that the sliip was doubtless named for the first and second wives of the American owner, who built her! ^ Captain Sparks was well known in Philadelphia. His name occurs as a Warden of Christ Church in that city. ^ David Barclay was grandson of the famous apologist, and had joined Dr. Franklin and Dr. Fothergill in an effort (1765) to avert the American Revolution. * Pemberton Papers. Vol. 23, p. 164. Historical Society Pennsylvania. A letter preserved in the Devonshire House Library, London, from Thos. Carleton, of Kennett, Pa., to his cousin, Elizabeth Shackleton, of Balletore, Ire., 6mo. 19, 1772, says — ". . . Robert Willis and William Hunt have been on a visit to your Nation, and three other Friends left us lately on the same account, viz.: Sarah Morris, John Woolman and Samuel Emlin. . . . Tho' there may appear something of singularity in some of them, yet Wisdom is justified of her children," 124 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, vr were then the products of slave labor; from riding or driving horses, in an endeavor to sympathize with the poor and persecuted wayfarers, and writing little when abroad, and then only on scraps of paper, that the post-boy's labor might be light. Singular and abstemious, allowing himself but little comfort, there is no doubt that when he sailed, extreme anaemia was wearing his life away. CHAPTER VII 1772 THE VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH This edition reproduces the Journal of the voyage to England in its original form, and as thus given, it largely explains itself. The little blue, paper-covered book, worn by being carried in the pocket, evidently made by himself and stitched together for con- venient size, presents a vivid picture of John Woolman's experi- ence at sea. The ship's company numbered about thirty. None of the fellow passengers whom he names were strangers to him. Sarah Logan,^'' whose maid accompanied her, was the young widow of William Logan, Junior (1747-1772), returning to her home in England and leaving a young child behind her to be brought up under the care of the grandparents, William and Han- nah (Emlen) Logan. Young Doctor Adams •"• was returning to his home in Bristol, where he was doubtless intimate with the Logans there, and he and Samuel Emlen,' who was a relative, served as her escort. No other woman is named, and we hear no more of the young widow of only three months. James Reynolds "^ may have belonged to the Bristol (England) family of Reynolds, but is more likely to have come from Mount Holly, where John Woolman had been conveyancer for several of the family of that name. If so, he was a brother-in-law of John Bispham,^^ who was Woolman's intimate friend and neighbor. John Bispham is not named in the English Journal as his ac- credited companion — indeed it does not appear that Woolman had any — but he was in London with him, and was sent for when Woolman lay dying at York, and remained with him to the end. Although it is probable that the sailors on this ship under Captain Sparks were superior to the average seamen of the eighteenth century, as they are described by Defoe and Smollett, nevertheless their surroundings were unspeakably bad, and their 125 126 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN CBtAf. habits were coarse and brutal beyond belief. Woolman deeply sympathized with the sailors in their discomforts, holding meetings with them and gaining their confidence in private conversations. He labored to teach the men a due regard for their fellow crea- tures, and yearned over the five lads — three of them educated as Friends — who were learning the trade, as though they were his own children. "How lamentable," he wrote at sea, "is the corruption of the world." Always observant of natural phenomena, Woolman describes the nightly phosphorescence on the waves, and writes of the corposant at the mast head. He studies the direction of the winds, and notes the changes of the vessel's course. But his chief concern is with his fellowman, and his heart yearns over the tribulations of the sailors. The little Essay "On a Sailor's Life" was written at sea. They sighted land on the second of June and took their pilot on the fourth. Unwilling to post with Samuel Emlen ' from Dover up to London, John Woolman remained with the ship until she reached her dock, and then hastened to the Yearly Meeting not long after it had gathered. Head winds had delayed them up the Thames, and it was "Fifth day, the eighth of the sixth month," after a fair voyage of five weeks, that he landed. It is remarkable that he left on shipboard the mattress which he had made, and some other articles, to be taken back on the return voyage to his cousin Reuben Haines "^^ in Philadelphia, as though he knew that they would not again be required. The Yearly Meeting was sitting at Devonshire House, and knowing that he would be late, he hurried to reach the first session. Flis unannounced entrance and his peculiar appearance were doubtless startling to the cultivated and conventional London Friends. Their alarm may be better understood when we recall how often in the past they had been obliged to deal with itinerant enthusiasts. A hasty toilet in the crowded steerage, with little manifestation of his customary scrupulous cleanliness, had em- phasized the peculiarity of his undyed clothing, made by his own hand ; and one needs no eflfort of the imagination to understand why this curious-looking late comer should have met with a cool reception. The presentation of his certificate from his own Meeting and the Friends in America did not remove their doubts, VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 127 and some one remarked that "perhaps the stranger Friend might feel that his dedication of himself to this apprehended service was accepted, virithout further labour, and that he might now feel free to return to his home." John Woolman was profoundly moved, even to tears, at this cold reception, for which, after much sacrifice and long travel in the love of the Gospel, his sensitive and innocent mind was quite unprepared. After sitting long in silence he rose and stated that he could not feel himself released from his prospect of labour in England. Yet he could not travel in the ministry without the consent of Friends, nor would he be at any cost to them under those circumstances. He could not return home ; but he was acquainted with a mechanical trade, and while the impediment con- tinued, he desired that he might be given employment, that he might not be chargeable to any. During the deep silence which followed the gentle stranger's touching words, he again rose, and the powerful sermon which he preached removed the last linger- ing doubt as to the authority for his message. The Friend who had advised him to return, rose, confessed himself in error, and expressed his full approval of the stranger. There was a general agreement and sympathy with him and at once "welcomed and owned by his brethren, John Woolman passed on to his work." ^ The Meeting endorsed him before its close as follows : "Minute of Yearly Meeting of Ministers and Elders, London Second Day Morning the 8th of 6th mo. 1772. A Certificate from the Monthly Meeting of Burlington for New Jersey in America dated the 6th ist Mo. last on behalf of our Friend John Woolman backed at the Quarterly Meeting held at the same place the 24th 2nd Mo. last also a Certificate from the Spring Meeting of Ministers and Elders held at Philadelphia for Pennsylvania & New Jersey in the 3rd Mo last on behalf of our said Friend addressed to Friends in Yorkshire or elsewhere in Great Britain, Ireland, or Holland, were read, importing said Meetings unity with our said Friend as a Minister & under his present concern." This Yearly Meeting, in Woolman's presence, passed a minute against holding negroes in bondage. > The poet Whittier, from whose account the above anecdote is taken, vouches for its accuracy. His authority, William J, Allinson, as editor of the "Memorials" of Rebecca Jones, had many opportunities for obtaining the facts. In an interview later, Woolman is said to have remarked, "he had better go as he was." 128 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Letters from several Friends who were present and witnessed John Woolman's reception in London, have come to light and are of much interest. John Kendall wrote John Pemberton after- wards, "15 of 7mo. 1772. It will be pleasing to thee to hear that our Yearly Meeting was held to good satisfaction. . . . Many valuable Friends were present from most parts of the nation, and no less than seven from America, whose company was truly ac; ceptable." ^ While the sessions were going on. Dr. John Fother- gill wrote his brother Samuel, on the ninth, "John Woolman is solid and weighty in his remarks. I wish he could be cured of some singularitys. But his real worth outweighs the trash." ^ Daniel Mildred,^' an owner of the "Mary and Elizabeth," wrote J. Pemberton on the first of July, enclosing a copy of the Yearly Meeting's "Epistle" to Friends, and said: "We were favoured with the company of several valuable Friends from your parts, — William Hunt," Sarah "^ and Deborah Morris, Samuel Emlen,' and John Woolman. The last two just reached it in time. . . . John Woolman is gone northward. His peculiar Habit may render him disagreeable to some few, but there is that, I think, which attends his Words, both in Testimony and Private Converse, which will make its Way wherever he goes." ^ The same hand writes for the firm, adding to business correspondence, in the more leisurely fashion of the earlier day, a line or two of news : "London, 16 of 7 mo. 1772. Our worthy Friends, John Wool- man and Samuel Emlen ' arrived safe & have been very acceptable here and since our Yearly Meeting. John Woolman went for the north, and William Hunt " and companion ^^ (Th. Thornborough) intend for Holland, where our worthy Friend Sam' Emlen in- tends to accompany them. (Signed) Mildred and Roberts." * The Diary of Elihu Robinson'' for 1772 gives an account of the Yearly Meeting of that date, and some idea of the sub- ^ MS. Letter of John Kendall. Friends' Library, Phila. George Vaux Letter- Book. ^ MS. Letter, Friends' Library, Devonshire House, London. For Fothergill, see Life, by Dr. R. H. Fox. ^ Pemberton Letters. Vol. XXIII, p. 163. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. ^ Ibid., p. 174. "Elihu Robinson (1734-1800), A Friend of Eaglesfield, Cumberland, Meteorologist. Married, 1757, Ruth Mark. MS. Diary in Devonshire House Library, London. VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 129 stance of Woolman's sermons. "Our F"'"' John Woolman from Jersey made some pertinent remarks in this Meet" as in many others, and tho y" singularity of his appearance might in some Meet^" Draw y" Attention of y" Youth and even cause a Change of Countenance in some, Yet y" simplicity, solidity and Clearness of many of his Remarks made all these Vanish as Mists at y" Sun's Rising. He made sev' beautiful rem''^ in this Meet^ with resp' to y" benefit of true Silence, and how Incense ascended on y"' Oppening (sic) of y" 7th Seal, and there was Silence in heaven for y"* space of half an hour, &c. . . . ist. Day Week. At 10 At y" M. for W(omen) at Devon® appeared J. Woolman, from America, in a lively Testimony, observ^ Divine Love was yet able to cleanse from all Filthiness of Flesh and Spirit, which must in Degree be witnessed before we could Experience an Union with y" Divine Nature, for God did not Unite with any (thing) Contrary to his Nature, — Christ with Belial, Nor y" Temple of God with Idols, desiring all might endeavour after that purity (of) Heart so necess^ connected with our Happi- ness." One feels grateful to those "sincere-hearted Friends" in whose company Woolman writes his wife that he had been "comforted." In the four months of service before him he was to win over the great majority of those who most strongly objected to his remark- able singularity of appearance and behaviour, which in another would have interfered with the reception of his message. The authority for that message could have had no higher testimony. There was quite a group of English Friends in London at this time who had met Woolman at home, and had visited him. None knew better than these his sincerity and influence, and they extended to him invitations to visit them on the northern journey upon which he was setting out. Many of these were accepted, as the itinerary will show. Some years after his death a Minister of Devonshire House Meeting, London, John Horn [1738-1805] wrote a friend who made a rationalistic interpretation of the New Testament, "Thou mentioned John Woolman. I think, if I understood thee right, thou thought Fr'ds should look favorably toward thee in dissenting in belief from them, as John Woolman had some singularities. I I30 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. acknowledge he had some, yet I believe he had been building on a sure foundation." ^ During his brief stay in London, John Woolman's home was with John Townsend,''* a hospitable Friend, as humble-minded as his guest, who followed the trade of pewterer, and lived in Prescot Street, Goodman's Fields. While here Woolman wrote several letters home to America. The first of these was to his wife : ^ "Dear Wife Through the mercies of the Lord I arived safe in London on the 8 da. 6mo. I was mercifully helped to bear the difficulties of the Sea, and went strait from the water Side into the yearly meeting of ministers and elders after it was Setled in the morning : And the meeting of business was first opened the same day in the Afternoon. My heart hath been often melted into contrition since I left thee, under a Sence of divine goodness being extended for my help and preparing in me a Subjection to his will. I have been comforted in the company of some Sincere hearted Friends. The yearly meeting of business ended about three hours ago, and I have thoughts of going in a few days out of this Citty towards Yorkshire : taking some meetings in my way, if Strengthened thereto. The tender concern which I have many times felt for thee, and for Mary and for John, and even for Betsy, I may not easily express. I have often remembered you with tears ; and my desires have been that the Lord, who hath been my helper through many Adversities, may be a Father to you, and that in his love, you may be guidejd Safely along. Rob'. Willis," Sarah Morris "' and Companion, W. Hunt " & Com- panion, and S. Emlen,' all here and midling well. Robert, going, I expect, for Ireland, and W. Hunt & compan", I expect, for Holland. Several friends rememb'" kind love to thee. My kind love is to my dear friends. da mo John Woolman." 13: 6: Next day he wrote to his cousins, Reuben and Margaret Haines,"'^ of Philadelphia : " 'Contributed by Dr. R. Hingston Fox, of London. ^ Ori^nal copy in MS. A., p. 288. ^ See Biog., Note 51. The original letter lias not appeared. This copy is taken from Friends' Miscellany, Vol. I. p. 9. where John Comly's note says it was written on one-eighth of a sheet of foolscap writing paper. It is said of John Woolman .that once, being appointed by Turlington monthly meeting to p^e- vii VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 131 "da mo Cousins Reuben and Margaret, 14 6 1772 I am middling well, in London, and believe I may go northward in a few days. Your care for me toward parting hath felt inwardly gathering toward the true union in which I hope we may at last unite. My heart hath been often contrite since I saw you; and I now remember you with tears. John Woolman. My friend Suse, and my little cousins, I remember you all." John Woolman, Junior, to whom the third letter ^ was ad- dressed, was the son of his brother Abner Woolman, who had died a year before, leaving a wife and several young children. Abner was a sweet-spirited young man to whom John Woolman was tenderly attached. He had given especial care to the widow, and to her children, whom he had taught in his school. The terms nephezv and cousin at this time were interchangeable.- da mo "London 14: 6: 1772 "I have often felt tender desires that my cousin, John Woolman, may be preserved in a watchful frame of mind, and know that which supports innocent young people against the Snares of the Wicked. The deep Tryals of thy Father and his inward care for you are often in my remembrance, with some Concern that you, his children, may be acquainted with that inward life to which his mind, whilst among us, was often gathered. John Woolman. For John Woolman, Junr." But Woolman's call was to the North, and he did not linger in London after the close of the Yearly Meeting. On the fifteenth began his long walk into Yorkshire ; his itinerary is not fully out- pare a certificate of removal, he used a piece of paper of smaller size than usual. Taken to task for his parsimony therein, he modestly answered, "I never found any better rule than enough." ^ The original of this letter is in the Library of Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. ^ John Gardiner, of Burlington, N. J., in his will, Nov. 9, 1694, divides his real and personal property between "my young cousins, the children of my brothers & sisters." N. J. Archives, XXII, p. 178. 132 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. lined in the Journal. Writing John's brother, Uriah Woolman/^ on the 2 1 St, William Hunt," then at Colchester, said of him, "We parted from dear cousin John Woolman two days since. He was then as well as usual. He has great and acceptable service here. The singularity of his appearance is not only strange, but very exercising to many valuable Friends, who have had several oppor- tunities of conference with him. Some are still dissatisfied; others are willing to leave it. The purity of his ministry gains universal approbation. I hope he stands on that Foundation which will bear him through it all. He is now gone toward Yorkshire." ^ Not all of the Friends, however, whom Woolman visited could cast off the feeling of doubt induced by his peculiarities of dress and manner, and his visits have been recorded in singularly few of the meetings which he attended. The Quarterly Meeting at Banbury was an exception : "Oxfordshire Quarterly Meeting held at Banbury, according to appointment, this 30th. day of y" 6th month, 1772 .... We were favoured with the Company of our Friend, John Woolman from America who produced a certificate from the Monthly Meet" of Bur- lington in New Jersey endorsed by the quarterly Meet'' of y° same province & likewise another from y" General Spring Meet" of Min- isters and Elders held at Philadelphia dated the 21st of the 3rd Month 1772, which Certificates as well as his Visit to us were very accept- able." He went into the women's meeting and preached them a mov- ing sermon, which they thus record — "39th. 6mo. 1772. We have had a very comfortable visit from our Friend John Woolman from America, whose tender advice and exhortation to Friends in General and the Youth in particular will, we earnestly hope, remain sealed upon the minds of all present." ° It took Woolman about six weeks to reach the borders of Yorkshire, and he appears to have rested for a time at John Haslam's,*"^ at Handsworth Woodhouse. From this refuge are dated three more of Woolman's brief notes to his friends. He writes his former host in London, under date; ^ * "Friends* Miscellany," Vol. I, p. 190. ' Oxfordshire Quarterly Meeting Book, at Reading. Private letter, kindness of Wm. C. Braithwaite. ^ The original is in Friends' Library, Devonshire House, London. VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 133 "da mo 31 7 1772 Beloved Friend: I am now at John Haslam's on the edge of Yorkshire, midling well in health. Sarah Morris and her companion were midling well here yesterday. If thou will keep the within letter until thou hast convenient opportunity to send it, it will be acceptable to me. I feel contented as to hearing from the family I left in America. With true love to thee and thy wife and children I remain thy f rd. John Woolman. For John Townsend" Pewterer, in Prescot street, Goodman's Fields, London." The letter which was enclosed was undoubtedly the following to his wife, since it bears the same date : ^ "My dear wife, Though I feel in a good degree resigned in being absent from you, my heart is often tenderly Affected toward you, and even to weeping this morning, while I am about to write. The numerous difficulties attending us in this life are often before me, and I often remember thee with tender desires that the holy Spirit may be thy leader, and my leader through life, and that at last we may enter into rest. My journey hath been through inward watchfulness, I see but a little way at a time, but the Lord hath been gracious to me, and way opens for my Visit in these parts. Thy loving Husband John Woolman. about 160 miles northward from London da mo 31: 7: 1772 For Sarah Woolman." The third letter was to his cousins Haines °^ in Philadelphia, under the same date : ^ ' Original in Woolman Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It is written on a very small sheet, measuring only four by six inches. ' The original is probably lost. Text is from Comly's "Friends' Miscellany," Vol. I, p. 9. 134 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. "da mo Beloved Cousins, 3i : 7= I772 I am now at our ancient friend, John Haslam's, whose memory is much impaired by the palsy ; but he appears to be in a meek, quiet state ; about one hundred and sixty miles northward of London. My journeying hath been through much inward watchfulness. I cannot see far before me ; but the Lord, in tender mercy, hath been gracious to me, and way opens for my visit among Friends. Friends from America, on visits here, were all midling well lately. I send no letters by post here, nor do I want any sent to me by post. I feel a care that we humbly follow the pure leadings of Truth, and then, I trust, all will work for good. Your loving cousin, John Woolman." From John Haslam's ^^ Woolman pursued his way through the West Riding of Yorkshire, making a detour into Westmore- land with the evident desire to examine for himself conditions in the neighborhood of the great manufacturing centres. The enclosure of the English commons was producing the disastrous results which are familiar today to students of the history of economics; while the introduction of machinery into the great mills of England was to result in the riots among the laboring classes, some intimations of which must have been familiar to Woolman, even before he left home. His "concern" had been al- together toward the northern counties, and especially Yorkshire. That he was familiar with the history of the labour disturbances is certain. Many members of his home meeting and of others among his neighbors had come from that county, and had kept in close touch with relatives at home. The Stacys, Prouds, Smiths — to name but a few at random — were fully informed of the situation, and Woolman was too deeply filled with sympathy for the village laborer, that obscure individual, on the subject of whose wrongs history is so strangely silent, not to feel drawn toward the scene of his trials. Reference to his Essays, and to the observations he makes in his Journal upon the cost of living among these people, show that he was continually studying the conditions under which the poor were struggling. One feels sure that he had read the writings v:ii VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH I35 of the Quaker economist, John Bellers,^ whose pamphlets were in the libraries of which we know that he made such good use. Bellers wrote, "The poor are hke rough diamonds; their worth is unknown. . . . Regularly labouring people are the Kingdom's greatest treasure and strength. Without labourers there can be no Lords. . . . Land without people is of no worth. And this Treasure are the Poor ; but the polishing of these rough diamonds, that their Lustre may appear, is a subject highly worth the Con- sideration & endeavour of our greatest Statesmen and Senators." John Woolman had always advocated an agricultural life for most men, although he acknowledged the necessity for the learned tailings, and those interests which placed the manufacturers in groups and the statesmen in centralized municipalities. He could not learn of the dispossession of the ancient, self-maintaining families of respectability, living for centuries in the English dales or on their small homesteads where the interest of the little com- munity in the soil had become vital, without a pang of grief at their helpless condition when turned loose upon the cold world of trade. The Enclosure Act took over a large part of the common lands. ^ The isolation of the poor was to become more and more pronounced, and the English peasant, a part of the soil and back- bone of England, with his communal interests, and ancient inde- pendent rights, was to deteriorate into the English laborer in the factories, owning not a foot of soil out of which early owner- ship, integrity and independence seemed to grow, and roaming about from one crowded town to another, seeking work wherever were paid the highest wages, and quite irresponsible in his personal conduct, which was of the worst. Nothing could have more strongly appealed to the Quaker philanthropist than these conditions. In the West Riding of Yorkshire, toward the end of the eighteenth century, there were five hundred broadcloth and blanket factories, and "over thirty thousand families whose livelihood depended upon the trade in wool." ^ For generations Woolman's own family had been weavers ^ John Bellers, Quaker economist, wrote his "Proposals for Raising a College of Industry" in 1696. He gave Thomaa Budd, in 1685, a Power of Attorney to take up 5,600 acres in Burlington County, and town lots for 10 families. 2 Johnson, "Disappearance of the Small Landowner," says that nearly twenty per cent of the total acreage of England had been enclosed by the end of the i8th century. " G. O. Trevelyan, "George III and Charles James Fox," Vol. II, p. 14. 136 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. and he knew, as none of his wealthier companions in the min- istry, tlien in England with him, could know, what were the privileges of the independent weaver at his own loom, with the ownership of a few acres of soil to support a family. His "Conversation between a Rich Man and a Laboring Man" was his most recent production, and his sound mind was engaged upon a problem which was fundamental. Never willing to take at second hand what could be come at by his own personal effort, one can readily understand John Woolman's desire to go to York- shire and learn for himself the true facts in the case. No one who has enjoyed the keen pleasure of journeys afoot in foreign lands, before the horrors of the Great War ruined the face of many a peaceful landscape, can fail to comprehend the rare opportunities which must have offered themselves to Wool- man as he followed this ideal method of first-hand study. Chats at the well-curb and in the byre and about the hearth at nightfall, gave him opportunity to gain the facts he sought, and to drop a word of Gospel cheer and comfort or warning, in his own inimi- table, gentle way. He loved the "clean country" as he called it, and suffered correspondingly when, in the densely built and filthy alleys of the cloth factories of the towns, and near the fields where the dyes had drained away, he was obliged to step care- fully when "travelling in dirtiness," assailed by smells and sights and sounds offensive to every one of his senses. He knew what the cottagers ate and wore, and the cost of living to the poor, and at the end of the six weeks which he thus spent, had his statistics ready. One cannot doubt that a very important object of his journey to England was what now would be called a study of its economic conditions. Had he lived, he certainly would have written of his impressions more fully than in the few paragraphs which are preserved in his Journal. He reached the hospitable home of the Crosfields,'* where his hostess was no stranger, on the twenty-third of August, and remained in and about Kendal for a week. His letter to Rachel Wilson,*"" another well-known Friend whom he had met at home in America, was written from here, "30th. of the 8mo." ^ From Kendal he returned to Yorkshire. Through Greyrigg, and the ^ This letter is given in the text of the Journal, where it was copied by Wool- man himself. VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 137 beautiful Wensleydale, home of the Fothergills, calling at the little towns and villages with a message of cheer for the small meetings, Woolman came to Richmond, where a shock awaited him in the news of the death from smallpox of his cousin, William Hunt." Again came the feeling of dread at the fell disease, which was always lurking near and so often breaking out when given any opportunity. The middle of September found his thoughts turning home- ward, and he wrote to the family of his son-in-law, who had several brothers and sisters. He dates his communication from the old home of his Philadelphia friend, Robert Proud,*' the historian,^ who was at the time teaching the Friends' school, now the William Penn Charter School, in that city. Doubtless he carried messages to the family. We have seen that Stephen Com- fort of Fallsington, Pennsylvania, was the father of John Com- fort,^* who had married Woolman's daughter Mary. He writes : "To the Children of Stephen Comfort ^ of Bucks County. da : mo : I am now, this i6th 9th, 1772, at Robert Proud's in Yorkshire, so well as to continue travelling, though but slowly. Yesterday, as I was walking over a plain on my way to this place, I felt a degree of Divine love attend my mind, and therein an open- ness toward the children of Stephen Comfort, of which I believed I should endeavour to inform them. My mind was opened to behold the happiness, the safety and beauty of a life devoted to follow the heavenly Shepherd; and a care that the enticements of vain young people may not ensnare any of you. I cannot form a concern, but when a concern cometh, I endeavour to be obedient. John Woolman." ' The Prouds lived at Thirsk, and during the following week he resumed his walk, now more slowly, toward the goal which had ever been before his mind, when he declared his "draught" to be entirely toward the north of England. He approached the old city of York wearily, but with satisfaction. He had been asked 1 The Robert Proud at whose house he stayed had been in America, 1761-2. He was a relative of the historian of the same name, whose sister had married Richard Brown, a Yorkshire man. 'From John Comly's text, "Friends' Miscellany," Vol. I, p. 11. The original is not forthcoming. 138 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. whither he was bound from thence, but answered, "York looks hke home to me." There were sohcitous Friends in York who had been ap- prised of his coming, and as he approached the town he was met on the road by a youth of eighteen, Henry,"' son of William Tuke,*"* who had been sent by his father to meet and guide him to his own home. This hospitable host entertained nearly all the traveling Friends who visited York. One can never know how much the younger philanthropist's life was influenced by the gentle spirit of the frail guest, who was to grow so near to them, and who was so kindly and characteristically welcomed. Henry Tuke afterward spoke many times of this walk with John Wool- man, "of the indescribable sweetness of his company, and the pleasure with which he remembered it." ^ William "' and Esther Tuke,"* "the princess," whose home was so cordially offered to the stranger, lived at Castlegate. He was a prominent tea merchant and his home was in the midst of the life and stir of a large city. The bustle and movement which here surrounded John Woolman, fatigued with long travel and already ill with a fatal disease, added to his weariness, and he found it hard to endure. He therefore modestly made his situa- tion known and requested a more quiet and retired home whilst in York. The circumstances of his choice would appear almost prophetic. It could not have been more wisely selected if the events of the next fortnight and the need for isolation had been clearly before him. A little way out of the city, in what Woolman called "the clean country," still stands in Marygate, a most attractive old house, known as Almery Garth ; the city has since encroached upon its quiet. Here lived in 1772 Thomas Priestman,"^ a Friend with whom the Tuke family were intimate, and who was well-known for his hospitality. It is due to the courtesy of his great-great- grandson, Malcolm Spence, late owner, and to his sister, Ellen Spence, the present occupant, that we can verify much as to John Woolman's last days. Drake, in his "History of York" in 1736, has the following: "North of Marygate is a spacious piece of rich ground, yet called Almery Garth, which name it takes from * Charles Tyler, "Life of Samuel Tuke." S. T. was a son of Henry Tuke. a 2 •§ Window of room, Almery Garth, 10 mo. 7, which John Woolman died. 1772 Photograph by Malcolm Spence. Courtesy of "IVesleyan Methodist Magazine," London. vii VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 139 the French Aumonier ; [Latin, Eleemosynarius] ; and was for- merly the place where the Convent kept their cattle which were ready for killing, and also put in what was charitably bestowed upon them. The ground has been all walled in, except on the side next the river : in it were the Abbot of St. Mary's fish-ponds, the traces of which appear at this day." Thomas Priestman's daughter Rachel*" [1765-1848] who married in 1790, William Tuke, Jr., son of William Tuke, was a child of seven when John Woolman died. She was in the habit of relating to her grand children the tales of early association with Almery Garth. One of these grandchildren, Mrs. Alfred H. Spence, wrote for her own descendants a history of the ancient house and of its inhabitants. From this the editor is permitted to quote her charming description of the place. "The situation was a very pleasant one. Thomas Priestman's house was outside the city walls, close to the principal gateway of the ruined Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary's, hence the name of Marygate. It stood in a sunny garden, surrounded by walls on which ripened peaches, nectarines, and apricots; in the middle was the flower garden where roses and lavender blossomed in profusion. There was nothing between this garden and the river except a low lying meadow, called the Ings, which had anciently formed part of the Almery Garth, the pasture land of St. Mary's Abbey ; across it flowed a narrow stream, bordered by pollard willow trees, and near the adjoining tanyard with its dull red coloring, stood a row of tall picturesque poplars. This field in spring was a brilliant yellow, when its marsh marigolds and buttercups were in flower. On another side lay the orchards, in which, surrounded by green banks and overhung by old apple trees, was the only remaining pond of the many, where the monks in the olden time had kept their fish. From the window of the house, nothing could be seen on both banks of the river as far as eye could reach, but an expanse of pleasant meadow land. In the far distance in front, might be seen among trees, the roofs of the villages of Acomb and Holgate, with the twiriing sails of their adjoining windmills. On the left the houses of York were hid from view by the White City ^ 1 The stone of which York fortifications is built is famed for its pure white- ness. It is limestone from Tadcaster. I40 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. walls on their high greensward enihanknients.' The prospect on every side was quiet, peaceful and happy." It was a spot after John Woolman's own heart. Received by his new friend, Woolman asked the privilege of choosing his room. A visitor of 1842- dcscrihes the one he selected. At that time David Priestman, son of Thomas, was the owner, and had blocked up the exit which led from his own residence, next door, into the historic room of the adjoining house, and retained an entrance by means of a back staircase. When he took his visitor into the room, the latter thus described it : "D.P. enquired if I should like to see the room. I caught at it, and we went with a lantern. The entrance is from the lane by the door marked in the accompanying sketch. . . . Woolman asked if he might choose a room, and fixed on this as being very quiet and retired, there being no thoroughfare at the back of the house except a footpath. It is just such a room as one might expect him to have chosen — whitewashed and without cornice or orna- ment of any kind — the chimney piece of oak plainly moulded — • and the firegrate of the very simplest construction, being merely the front bar and bottom let into brick work. At the time of his death there were two beds in the room, one, if not both, with undyed hangings." The illustrations here given were made in 1870 when the apart- ment had been restored as a bedroom ; it was a lumber room in 1842, although the furniture, antique and interesting, has no con- nection with Woolman. •' The little chamber measured twelve by seventeen feet and its ceiling is nine feet high. The door has been restored near its old position. In this "prophet's chamber" our Journalist rested, weary in body and mind. From here two letters were written, the first to John Wilson,"" son of his friend Rachel Wilson,"" of Kendal, to whom he had become much attached when she was in Philadelphia in 1769. It is dated : ^ The embankments are the old earthwork entrenchments constructed by the ancient Britons: the stone work on the top dates only from the 14th century. ^ Sylvanus Thompson, to his father. Letter dated York, 2010. 25, 1842. Friends* Library, Devonshire House. London. (Gibson MSS. Vol. II, p. 171.) ■^ Tlicse luctures, by liif lale owner, are given by iH-rniissinn, and with tlie con- sent also of the IVcslcyan Mi'thodist AJaso^im', where they trrst appeared in an article by A. Dickinson, entitled "A Visit to John Woolman's Grave," June J910. VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 141 "York 22: 9: 1772. da mo Beloved Friend When I followed the Trade of a Tailor, I had a feeling of that which pleased the proud mind in people ; & growing uneasie, was strengthened to leave off that which was superfluous in my Trade. When I was at your house, I believe I had a sense of the pride of people being gratified in some of the business thou followest, and I feel a concern in pure love to endeavour to inform thee of it. Christ our leader is worthy of being followed in his leadings at all times. The Enemy gets many on his side. O ! that we may not be divided between the two, but may be wholly on the side of Christ. In true love to you all I remain thy friend John Woolman." ' The last from his pen was to his cousins Reuben and Mar- garet Haines,''^ a tiny epistle measuring five and three quarters by three and one half inches, and referring to his remarkable disposal of his bed and belongings when he arrived in London: da "Beloved Cousins : — I am now at york at a quarterly meeting 23 ; mo 9 : 72 So well in health as to continue travelling I appoint a few meetings, but not so fast as I did some time ago. I feel quiet in my mind, believing it is the Lord's will that I should for a time be in this part of the world. I often remember you, and friends in your parts, as I pass along in this journey, and the Truth as it is Separate from all mixture. The Truth as it is in Jesus was never more precious to me than I feel it in this my Sojourning; in which my mind is often deeply affected with that which is not of the Father but of the world. I hear that dear W. Hunt departed this life with the Small pox 9; 9 : 72 and that some of his last words were The Truth Is Over All. The rest of the America friends on the visit were lately living, and mostly midling well so far as I hear. I left my bed and Some things on board the Ship I came in, directing the people to convey them to you if they arive safe at philad". John Woolman." ' ^ This letter is found in the back of the Journal of the Voyage to England, in John Woolman's hand, and is the copy made by himself. 2 Original in possession of the Editor 142 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. He was "quiet in his mind" and attending the Quarterly meeting, at which he was present until the last sitting. His text has been preserved in the memorandum of Thomas Priestman; "Every plant that is not of my Father's planting shall be plucked up by the roots." But he was not well, and thought the fever and ague to which so many in his own neighborhood were then subject, was coming upon him. Two days, however, after his little letter to Margaret Haines was written, he was taken seriously ill and within twenty-four hours the smallpox, his most dreaded enemy, appeared. He had probably been exposed to it somewhere in the manufacturing centres which he had recently visited, and thus became truly a sacrifice to the life-long desire of his soul to ameliorate the sufferings of the laboring classes. During the next few days were enacted the closing scenes of this saintly life. Woolman had met Esther Tuke "' while in London and must have received kind attentions, as their guest in York, from herself and her husband. The depth of the impression made on the delicate mind of the invalid by one who has been called a "princess in Israel" from the grace and dignity of her Christian demeanor, is sufficiently witnessed by the fact that when he discovered the seriousness of his illness, he asked that she come to him and remain "until there was a cliange." Esther Tuke,"' therefore, took up her temporary abode at Thomas Priestman's "" at Almery Garth, and to the end bestowed upon the ill man the accomplished skill in nursing which she possessed. William Tuke "* was present during much of the time, and he and Thomas Priestman "" made careful record, — "minuted down," as they put it, — all that the dying man said. Although the disease was so virulent and contagious,' the young daughter of the Tukes, Sarah,'" afterward well-known as a minister, and as the wife of Robert Grubb, was frequently present to wait upon the patient, whose sweet spirit made a deep impression upon her young mind. It was to her that Woolman said, "My child, thou seems very kind to me, a poor creature. The Lord will reward thee for it." She was about eighteen at the time. '■ As the disease progressed John Bispham,'*' who must have been somewhere in the neighborhood, was sent for and remained ^ See "Account of the Life and Religious Labors of Sarali Gnabb," p. 3, Tren- ton. 1795. VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 143 with his old friend to the end. Sometimes Woolman desired pen and paper, and feebly and patiently wrote a few lines himself, with dictation of brief portions to insert in the Journal/ With his usual care he gave directions as to his burial, observing the law as to the use of wool in wrapping the corpse,- according to the statute enacted in 1678 and still in force in 1772, in order to encourage the woolen industry. His mind appears to have been clear until the very end. Only four hours before he died he painfully wrote, with blinded eyes, "I believe my being here is in the wisdom of Christ; I know not as to life or death." Unable to lie in bed, he was helped to a chair, and even crossed the room assisted on each side. But finally, exhausted, he lay down again, and shortly the weary body was at rest. The chair in which he sat is reverently preserved.^ No time was lost in writing to London. A letter * from William Tuke "^ to John Elliot,^^ announcing the death of John Woolman, was sent the same day : "York, the 7" of the 10" Month, 1772. Our Friend Thos. Thornburgh informing Thee from hence that our dearly beloved Friend John Woolman had taken the smallpox, it is with sorrow on account of the Churches loss of so great a preacher of Righteousness both in Life & Doctrine I now inform Thee, that after many conflicts of Body in which He was supported with the greatest patience, Resignation & Fortitude I ever beheld, He quietly finished his Course this morning a little after the sixth hour, without sigh, groan, or struggle. Many sweet comfortable & instructive ex- pressions were uttered by him during his illness, which I hope will not fall to the Ground." John Woolman died a few minutes after six o'clock on the morning of the seventh of October. Two days after, on the ninth, a large meeting was held in the meeting house, at which were present several of John Woolman's American friends, among them John Pemberton,^ John Bispham,^' and Thomas Ross." He was buried in the Bishophill graveyard at York. At the grave ^ These are noted in the text as they occur. ^ Original in possession of Joseph B. Braithwaite of London, ' In possession of the Society of Friends, Devonshire House, London. * Devonshire House Library, London. See Reynolds MSS. p. 190. 144 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the Methodist minister, who was probably John Nelson, then in charge of that congregation, preached a most acceptable sermon. The Quaker conventions were at that time so rigid that they did not permit themselves to tell the minister how grateful were his words. Woolman's grave may be identified in the illustration. No stone was placed upon it for some years, and when it was marked, fear lest a few feet variance from the exact spot might have occurred, led to the inscription, Near this Stone Rest the Remains of John Woolman, of Mount Holly New Jersey, North America, Who died at York 7th of loth Month 1772 aged 51 years. Within the church wall of St. Marys, close by, is the tomb of his wife's ancestor, James Mauleverer, who died in 1664. The Leeds "Mercury" for Oct. 13, 1772, had the following: — "DIED, on Wednesday last, at York, of the smallpox, JOHN WOOLMAN, of New Jersey, in North America, an eminent preacher amongst the people called Quakers. His life exhibited a very singu- lar, and striking example of self-denial; adorned with an amiable sweetness of disposition, and affectionate good will to mankind uni- versally. His feelings for the bondage and oppression of the poor enslaved negroes, were so exquisite that he conscientiously refused every accommodation, both in diet and apparel, which was produced by tlieir labour. He was upon a religious visit to his friends in this nation, and has left a wife and family in America." The few effects which Woolman left were disposed of by William Tuke in accordance with his expressed wishes. The clothing was too peculiar to be acceptable even to the grave- digger, who, however, took the shoes. After copies had been taken of the Essays, and selections from the Journal, the originals were sent to London to Samuel Emlen ' who brought them, to- gether with the Journal of the Sea Voyage and a few posses- sions which had been left at John Townsend's, back to America MI VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 145 with him when he returned that autumn, placing them in the hands of Sarah Woolman. Samuel Emlen was accompanied on the return voyage by Thomas Thornburgh,"' who had also in his charge the eiTects of William Hunt.' At a Meeting for Sufferings held in London, 20th iimo., \~~2. "A Bill was brought in for the Passage and Accommodation of Our Friends, Samuel Emlen & Thos. Thornburgh to New York, amounting to £63." ^ In sending these articles to Samuel Emlen in London, Esther Tuke accompanied them with the following letter, which gives an admirable impression of the way in which John Woolman had won his entrance into all hearts. "York, 14th of loth. mo. 1772. Dear Friend : Under the humbling dispensation we have lately passed through, my mind hath many times been drawn near to thee ; and after the departure of our dear friend, John ^^'oolman, there seemed a strong inclination to salute thee with a few lines to let thee know a little how he was in the course of his painful affliction ; and though it may seem rather a repetition, as several accounts have been sent to London, yet, as no one was more with him, nor had greater oppor- tunity to observe the state of his mind, a few hints concerning him, with a copy of some expressions dropped at sundry times,' I believe will not be unacceptable. He was exceedingly afraid from the first of giving needless trouble to any; but his disorder increasing so much that constant attendance was necessary, he desired I would not sleep out of the house until I saw an alteration, which I very willingly complied with ; and though it was exceedingly trying to see him labour under unspeakable affliction, and could render so little relief, yet I have many times been thankful in being favoured to attend him; for as I never saw one bear so much before, so I never beheld the like forti- tude, patience and resignation — his hope and confidence were so strong and firmly fixed, that the greatest storms of aiBiction were not able to move him, or even cause him to utter an impatient word, indicat- ing that he thought anything too hard; and though he was not free to take much medicines, yet he attended so much to the progress of the disorder, and his own feelings as to what was suited for healing or cooling nourishment, &c. that our apothecary (a man we think of ^Journal Friends' Historical Society (London'), ^"ol. III, p. i8. - Some of these were separately pTinted in London in 1773, as "Remarks on Sundry Subjects of Importance." 146 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. singular judgment in that complaint, not a Friend) said he did not know he could be better ordered than he ordered himself ; except towards the last, he seemed to feel the need of something more cor- dial, which he was not unwilling to take ; but his throat was then so closed that he could not swallow, but with the greatest difficulty, and often strove, when it was distressing to see him, under his great weakness, and the pain it occasioned; and at times he quietly said, "I believe I must in a little time give it over and try no more," and it seemed twice wholly closed up. But as a further detail of these painful circumstances cannot be of use, and exceedingly painful to me to relate, I shall leave them and say, though he appeared to us in some things singular, and the path he trod straiter than the liberty some of us have thought the truth gives, yet I say to thee, that I cannot help thinking it was the way truth led him. Though it is not for us to endeavour to step in the same strait way, except from the like call, yet we may be thank- ful we are allowed more liberty, and can in a more comfortable manner enjoy the temporal blessings afforded us; and, looking at this, and at the little comfort he had, it was cause of humbling to my mind and brought an enquiry, what returns I had made, and whether I had walked answerable to what I enjoyed beyond merit; and I sometimes thought his singular and abstemious way, so striking and conspicuous, may be a means to draw divers others to the like exami- nation; and I know nothing in this luxurious and licentious age more likely to begin a reformation than a solid consideration of this sort; for do we not see how pride, superfluities in meats, drinks, and apparel, abound amongst us, and like a torrent, seem to carry all before them, and I think, cry aloud for a stop. For my part, the prospect is often so distressing, on account of training up our own children, and the like difficulties other religious parents labour under, that my life is frequently a life of mourning and lamentation, for it seems scarce possible to bring them up in the way we would have them walk; and if we could, there seems little probability, without something extraordinary, that they would be kept in it, such is the example — such the giving way in general, and with sorrow it may be said so, of many that should be leaders. And if this good man's example in life and in death, should have a tendency, (as I hope it may) to draw some to consider and inspect a little closer than they have hitherto done, we should be careful how we take off the weight by blaming a singularity, which, if compared with our holy pattern, we shall find, I think, not far out of the way. And now I hope, though we are pretty much strangers to each other as to the outward, thou wilt be sensible that my thus commu- vii VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 147 nicating my private thoughts is in that love in which there is free- dom, and with a hope thou wih treat me in Uke manner, and am far from supposing thou hast judged hardly of John Woolman; but I believe some hereaway will, and would be glad, perhaps, to find flaws in his singularity, to cover themselves, and stave off a narrower scrutiny and retrospection into their own conduct and example. I am far from mourning that he is gone, believing his day's work is finished, and his measure of suffering filled up. And I scarce ever expected his recovery during his sickness, though there were many favourable symptoms; for looking at the path, the unspeakable diffi- culties that would have attended his travelling, &c., it seemed often clear to me that he would either be delivered from it by death, or have some more liberty in his mind respecting the use of some things. I have sometimes thought there might be a providential hand in his taking and dying of the small-pox ; for if he had gone off in almost any other disorder, we might have feared his manner of living and the hardships he was exposed to had caused it; but in this disorder, his manner of living might be a fit preparative ; and the apothecary (so skilful in it) said, before he saw him, that no person living as he understood he had, could be much afflicted by having a great load of small pox; but he found his mistake, and diligently attended him, expressing an anxious solicitude for his recovery; and divers times, with tears in his eyes, expressed his astonishment to see, as he said, such a perfect and upright man upon the earth. John Woolman frequently conversed with him, with great open- ness, and when he differed in his judgment from the doctor, he gave him such reasons as were to him satisfactory. He attended his funeral, and said afterwards, he could scarce forbear giving testi- mony concerning him to the audience, but forbore, knowing it would be an intrusion upon us. Indeed, a Methodist preacher did, in a few words at the graveside, with which divers of us were well satisfied, tho' not prudent to tell him so. I think now to conclude, being afraid of being tedious, after saying we were truly sorry to be disappointed of seeing thee here. But as thou intended it, I hope we may yet see thee before thy return, which would be a little reviving in these drooping days to thy sincere friend and poor little fellow-traveller, in the hope and fellowship of the Gospel. Esther Tuke.* (Postscript) My husband's dear love to thee, and our dear love to John Eliot" and his wife, and please to lend the enclosed paper to Thomas 1 A long extract from this letter is given by John Woolman's cousin, John Hunt," in a letter to a friend on the subject of Joshua Evans' beard. "Friends' Miscellany," Vol. I, pp. 247. 251- 148 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Corbyn " to take a copy. We thought one would do for both. If thou have leisure and freedom, a few lines will be very acceptable, and to mention whether our beloved friend Robert Willis " be re- turned from Ireland. John Woolman desired my husband in case of his decease, to write to Reuben Haines,™ which he intends to do, and Send him a Copy of his Expressions by John Bispham," if he Returns this fall; but if he should not, Would be obliged to thee to let him know what way else thou thinks he may best send. (Endorsed, "A Coppey of a Letter from Esther Tuke to Samuel Emlen, Concerning the death of John Woolman." ') Esther Tuke wrote another Friend whose name does not appear : "The state of his mind throughout the whole of his unspeakable affliction was one continued calm; a firm trust in the Lord, with perfect resignation to his disposal, appeared throughout the whole; patient beyond description ; his hope and confidence so firmly fixed, that no outward distress seemed to be able to discompose or ruffle him. I think it a favour we had the privilege of attending him. He could bear but a low voice, nor seldom more than one or two in the room at a time, and mostly without shoes ; his head at times being violently bad, he said the lifting up of a door latch, or stepping hard on the floor, was as if we had beat him with hammers; and yet throughout, his understanding was perfect; could bear to speak but little, but when he did, about his nursing or anything needful, it was so expressive, that every word seemed a sentence, and carried fre- quently deep instruction with it. The day before he died, his throat was closed up, that he could scarce speak intelligibly, which distressed me much, but he in great measure removed this difficulty by asking for pen and ink, which we got and held the paper, and he wrote the words very legibly, though he was quite blind, and had been so for some days ; twice his throat was quite closed, that he could not swallow one drop of anything, and we had the most distressing prospect that he might continue some days in that situation. The Doctor syring'd his throat, but at last ' From an original copy in the Sciap-book of Samuel Parrish, entitled "Quakers, Indians and Slavery," p. 393, Hist. Soc. of Penna., Philadelphia. The letter, without the postscript, is given in the Century Edition, Headley Bros, of London, from another copy in Friends* Meeting House, Brighton, England. It was cus- tomary to circulate manuscript copies of such letters on meeting or social matters of general interest, and it is possible that other copies still exist. VII VOYAGE, ENGLISH JOURNEY, AND DEATH 149 gave it up the night before he died, and said nothing could be done ; but my husband, who will never give up using means as long as there is the least relief, set on to foment, with his consent; and continued it for two hours. He had the great satisfaction to find it open again, and he swallowed better than he had done for some days before, and we were ready to flatter ourselves with hope; but it was of short duration. For though he got a little ease in that respect, yet he was for several hours exceeding bad, and could not lie in bed. Was got up in a chair, and towards morning had on some of his cloaths, and with leaning on two, walked over the room; but wearied out, was laid down again upon the bed, and after some time, feel asleep ; waked about the sixth hour, and breathed a few times, and departed without struggle, sigh, or groan." ' With the small package sent home to America went the fol- lowing letter from John Townsend ''^ of London, to Sarah Wool- man in Mount Holly : (No date) Dear Friend Woolman Feeling my mind drawn towards thee in near love and tender sympathy for thy great loss of so near a bosom friend thy dear hus- band. The church's loss is great for which the hearts of many are deeply affected and mourn. But thine and children's loss is much greater I trust and believe that gracious hand which called him forth into the harvest field will sanctify and sweeten this bitter cup of which thou hast to drink even to the fulfilling of that gracious promise that all shall work together for good to those who love and fear God. He lodged at my house when in London. His company and self- denying example were truly profitable to me and family. I doubt not but he has gone to reap the reward of the faithful labourer who loved not the world but was made truly willing to lay down his life in his heavenly master's cause, in that he might be made helpful to any poor soul or souls. He divers times told me that he had not had the small pox, and desired I would tell Friends that was the reason why he did not go to their houses, but if he was spared to return again to this City, he believed he should have libert\' to visit them. He frequently said he was resigned to the will of Providence. He was not afraid of the disorder, and if he catch'd it in going to meet- ' From the copy in Brighton, England, Meeting House, given in Century Edition, Headley Bros. London, p. 297. I50 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, vii ings and in the way of his duty he should have no cause to reflect upon himself. He left a few things at my house which we have now forwarded by our dear friends Samuel Emlin and Thomas Thorn- borough who are able to give thee further information of the last days of thy dearly beloved Husband, to whom I refer thee, hoping that Divine providence will be with thee and thine and help you with that helping which maketh truly rich, and adds no sorrow with it. So wisheth and so prayeth thy sincere Friend, John Townsend. P.S. I shall be truly glad to hear from thee. Please direct for me, pewterer, in London." ' This sketch of one of the most remarkable men of the eight- eenth century cannot be more fittingly closed than in the words of John G. Whittier, which occur in a now little read volume of the last century, to which he wrote the introduction : ^ "Woolman's saintliness was wholly unconscious. He seems never to have thought himself any nearer to the tender heart of God than the most miserable sinner to whom his compassion ex- tended. As he did not live, so neither did he die to himself. His prayer upon his deathbed was for others rather than for himself ; its beautiful humiHty and simple trust were marred by no sensual imagery of crowns and harps and golden streets and personal exaltations ; but tender and touching concern for suflfering hu- manity, relieved only by the thought of the paternity of God and of his love and omnipotence, alone found utterance in ever memorable words : "O Lord my God ! the amazing horrors of darkness were gathered about me, and covered me all over, and / saiv no tiiay to go forth; I felt the depth and extent of the misery of my,fcllow creatures, separated from the Divine harmony, and it was greater than I could hear, and I was crushed down under it; I lifted up my hand, I stretched out my arm, but there was none to help me. ... In the depth of misery, O Lord, I re- membered that Thou art omnipotent ; that I had called thee Father, and I felt that I loved thee." ^ Original in Devonshire House Library, London. = This passage is found in the introduction to "The Patience of Hope" by Dora Greenwell, published anonymously by Ticknor & Fields in 1863, and introduced to its American publishers through the efforts of the Quaker poet. i/ ,/4« ,y;^-.. /'-^ ■'■' ' h ~\ First Page of Earliest Manuscript C of Journal. At Swarthmore College, Pa. Photograph by Professor G. A. Hoadley. .l/i'.ire I'/'/fr: /W/ , trn^'f-n r^/ti-iii'//^e i/'//t .'/,<",}/rr/^ "/'//i)'/. atiJjX/4 ' 6 Y'rm <'/""/ '/^e-i^/iM-attri Ml',' ^>0/A — ,/ n< "^ /farri '■'t^^i^i^'^'ii ■ a,/ /Ay-' //// / /A' i\r,)i'f/ // //ni ////rfV/ll/i,/ ///Offrii /.hr, .>/:,/,,/,/,',,„, „J,.KJ/4,,, ^,./;,;.U //D^//fi A.'rY!'i^3'^,'/i^\ ■'•/ fff,^// ■ ///'/ ^/r//f/r/ "7 r/A,. C.i '7:^ ,//,...,)/: J .•'■,/,'//.//■■,/.• .■■,,'.-•. ■ 'tr/ /iWi'/! ly ^t/r/'^m^ ■! //f ,>Y^y/] '////■.-r' '//.I An-f 7'''"/'''^'''' '" •" .'//in MrniY/fr ^"^•' 'ft':} ' ',^^V,. Ir/^^i-ij ..iiy M.;t.U.ini, ^ £M A^//^i><-^.y '^^^^^^^ \ ■i/y.i/i^ii^ir,, 7//f/r /^f'.y '^ J/if^/rlrJ ai.-'^/'-^»^^^ ^''1™^- ■1 /-fr/u //.. /^iV aY< /^?// f'l /f'ili'/-,/^iv' ^ Y^^n:^jf„^yf)£rJ^:.^j^f3^ A-'/i„,,<,'r-/ /.'iitn/iJ. i^/ii: .i/yri' ii/iti/^ri'- //ii / ./ ' i/j/i.7i r/y^i I'lr^^rf/io^l /iiA /ty^ I'l' /hitiC. 1 i.HiAua , >_/7iaM-aeihia i-i*S-^ ^l First Page of Journal, MS. A., Folio. In Possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. r THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS CHAPTER I 1720 I have often felt a motion of Love ^ to leave some hints of my experience of the Goodness of God : and pursuant thereto, in the 36 year of my age, I begin this work. I was Born in Northampton, in Burlington county, in West Jersey, in the year of our Lord 1720 ^ & before I was seven years old, I began to be acquainted with the operations of Divine Love. Through the care of my Parents, I was taught to Read near as soon as I was capable of it,^ and as I went from School one seventh-day, I remember, while my companions went to play by the way, I went forward out of sight, and seting down. I read the twenty second chapter of the Revelations: "Pie showed me a pure River of Water of Life, clear as Crystal, proceeding out of the Throne of God and of the Lamb," &c. and in the reading of it, my mind was drawn to seek after that Pure Habitation, which I then believed God had prepared for his servants. The place where I sat, and the sweetness that attended my mind, remain fresh in my memory.* This and the like Gracious Visitations, had that effect upon me, that when boys used ill language, it troubled me, & through the continued Mercies of God, I was preserved from it. The pious instructions of my Parents were often fresh in my mind ^ when I happened to be among wicked children, and were of use to me. My Parents haveing a large family of children, used fre- quently on first-days after meeting, to put us to read in the Holy » MS. C "a desire." ' MS. B "A. D." ^ MS. C "and it was even then of use to me." ^ MS C (erased) "as tho' the time since was much shorter." " MS. C "The Pious Instructions of Parents I esteem a Great Blessing — their care over me was often fresh in my Mind when I came Amongst wicked Children, And was of use to me." 151 152 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Scriptures, or some religious books, one after another, the rest sitting by without much conversation, which I have since often thought was a good practice/ From what I had read, I beheved there had been in past ages, people who Walked in Uprightness before God in a degree exceeding any that I knew, or heard of, now living: & the Apprehension of their being less Steadiness and firmness amongst people in this age than in past ages, often Troubled me while I was still young. I had a Dream about the ninth year of my age as follows : I saw the Moon rise near the West, & run a regular course East- ward, so swift that in about a quarter of an hour, she reached our Meridian, when there descended from her a small Cloud on a Direct line to the F2arth, which lighted on a pleasant Green about twenty yards from the Door of my Father's House (in which I thought I stood) and was immediately turned into a Beautiful green Tree. The Moon appeared to run on with Equal swift- ness, and soon set in the East, at which time the Sun arose at the place where it coihonly doth in the Sumer, and Shineing with full Radiance in a Serene air, it appeared as pleasant a morning as ever I saw. All this time I stood still in the door, in an Awfull frame of mind, and I observed that as heat increased by the Riseing Sun, it wrought so powerfully on the little green Tree, that the leaves gradually withered, and before Noon it appear'd dry & dead. There then appeared a Being, Small of Size, moving Swift from the North Southward, called a "Sun Worm." [Tho' I was A Child, this dream was instructive to me.] ^ Anotlier thing remarkable " in my childhood was, that once as I went to a neighbour's house, I saw, on the way, a Robbin sitting on her nest, and as I came near she went off, but having young ones, flew about, and with man}' cries expressed her Con- cern for them. I stood and threw stones at her, till one striking her, she fell down dead. At first I was pleas'd with the Exploit, but after a few minutes was seized with Horror, as haveing in > MS. C The rest of the paragraph appears in MSS, A & B; not in C. ' MS. C This dream of his childhood, the first of many referred to or described by John Woolraan, must have made a strong impression, since it is given in full in all three of the manuscripts, with no change except the omission of the last line in A and B. » MS. C "While I was a little boy." I 1732 153 a sportive way kild an Innocent Creature while she was carefull for her young. I beheld her lying dead, & thought those young ones for which she was so carefull must now perish for want of their dam to nourish them ; and after some painfull considera- tions on the subject, I climbed up the Tree, took all the young birds, and killed them supposing that better than to leave them to pine awaj' and die miserably : and believ'd in this case, that scripture proverb was fulfilled, "The tender mercies of the wicked are Cruel." I then went on my errand, but, for some hours, could think of little else but ^ [the Cruelties I had committed, and was much troubled.] Thus He whose tender Mercies are over all his works, hath placed that in the Human mind which incites to exercise good- ness towards every liveing creature and This being singly attended to, people become tender-hearted and sympathizing ; but being frequently & totally rejected, the mind shuts itself up in a Con- trary disposition. About the twelfth year of my age, my Father being abroad, my Mother reproved me for some misconduct, to which I made an Undutifull reply & the next first-day, as I was with my Father returning from Meeting, He told me he understood I had behaved amis to my Mother, and Advised me to be more carefull in future. I knew myself blameable, and in shame and confusion remained silent. Being thus awakened to a sense of my Wicked- ness, I felt remorse in my mind, and geting home, I retired and prayed to the Lord to forgive me ; and I do not remember that I ever after that, spoke unhandsomely to either of my Parents, however foolish in some other things. Having attained the age of Sixteen, I began to love wanton company: and though I was preserved from profane language or Scandalous conduct, Still I perceived a plant in me which produced much wild grapes. Yet my Merciful Father forsook me not utterly, but at times through his grace I was brought seriously to consider my ways, and the sight of my backsliding affected me with sorrow : but for want of rightly attending to the reproofs of Instruction, Vanity was added to Vanity, and Repentance. Upon ^ MS. C "My conduct toward the poor old bird, which thoughts were very afflicting — I mention this to Shew how God, the parent of all creatures, hath placed that [MS. B "a principle"] in the Human mind which doth instruct and incite to Exercise Goodness toward All his creatures." 154 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the whole my mind was more and more AHenated from the Truth, and I hastened towards Destruction. While I meditate on the Gulf towards which I traveled, and reflect on my youthful Dis- obedience, my heart is affected with Sorrow.^ Advancing in age, the number of my Acquaintance increased, and thereby my way grew more difficult. Though I had hereto- fore found comfort in reading the Holy Scriptures, and thinking on heavenly things, I was now Estranged therefrom. I knew I was going from the flock of Christ, and had no resolution to return, hence serious reflections were uneasie to me, and Youthfull Vanities and Diversions my greatest pleasure. Runing in this Road I found many like myself, and we associated- in that which is reverse to true Friendship : but in this swift race it pleased God to Visit me with Sickness, so that I doubted of recovering: and then did Darkness, Horror and Amazement, with full force 'seize me, even when my pain and distress of body was verry great; I thought it would have been better for me never to have had a being, than to see the day which I now saw. I was filled with Confusion, & in great affliction both of mind & body, I lay and bewailed myself.^ [I had nut confidence to lift up my cries to God, whom I had thus offended ; but in a deep sense of my great folly I was humbled before Him,] & at length that Word which is as a Fire and a Hamer, broke and dissolved my rebellious heart, and then my Cries were put up in contrition, and in the multitude of His mercies I found inward relief, and felt a close Engagement, that if he was pleased to Restore my health, I might walk Humbly before Him.' After my Recovery, this Exercise remained with me a consid- erable time,'' but, by degrees, giving way to }-outhfull vanities, they gained strength, and geting with wanton young people I " lost ground. The Lord had been verry Gracious, and Spoke > MSS. B & C "for these things I weep; mine Eye runeth down with Water." » MSS. B & C "were united." 'MS. C "my misery:" the rest of sentence, to "at length," is wanting. • MS. C "I might serve him faithfully." ^ MS. C "And I had hopes of Standing." ' MS. C "let go my hold of Gods covenant. He had Spoken peace to me in a time of Bitterness, Yet I now Most Ungratefully turned again to folley. I felt sharp and Cuting Reproofs at limes, But did not get low Enough to Cry for help, for I loved Folly to that Degree that I had no resolution to leave it. 1 was not so hardy as to Comit things Scandalous, but to Exceed in the Art of foolish Jesting, &c." I 1736 15s peace to me in the time of my distress, and I now most ungrate- fully turned again to folly, on which account, at times, I felt sharp reproof, but did not get low enough to Cry for help. I was not so hardy as to commit things scandalous, but to Exceed in Vanity, and promote myrth, was my chief study. Still I retained a love and esteem for pious people, and their company brought an Awe upon me. My Dear Parents several times Admonished me in the fear of the Lord, and their admonition entered into my heart, & had a good efifect for a season, but not geting deep enough to pray rightly, the tempter when he came found entrance.^ I remember once having spent a part of a day in wantonness, as I went to bed at night, there lay in a window near my bed a Bible, which I opened, and first cast my eye on the Text, "we lie down in our shame, and our confusion covers us." This I knew to be my case, and meeting with so unexpected a reproof, I was some- what Affected with it, and went to bed under remorse of con- science, which I soon cast off again. Thus time passed on, my heart was replenished with myrth and wantonness, while pleasing scenes of Vanity were presented to my Imagination,- till I attain'd the age of Eighteen years, near which time I felt the Judgments of God in my soul like a con- suming fire, and looking over my past life, the prospect was move- ing. I was often sad, and longed to be deliver'd from those vani- ties ; then again my heart was Strongly Inclined to them, and there was in me a sore conflict. At times I turned to folly, and then again sorrow and confusion took hold of me. In a while I resolved totally to leave off some of my vanities, but there was a secret reserve in my heart, of the more refined part of them, and I was not low enough to find true peace. Thus for some ^ months, I had great troubles and disquiet, there remaining in me ^ MS. C "when he came, conquered me." ^ MS. C "I most grievously Abused the Mercies of God, Forsaking him who had helped me in my Distress; with Abasement of mind I mention it. Still he Cast me not of utterly. Being turned of Eighteen years I felt a fresh Visitation; And his Judgments in my Soul were like consuming fire. And looking over my past life, the Prospect was moving, I was often Sad and longed to be delivered from those Vanities. Again at times my heart was so strongly Inclined toward them that the conflict was Sharp. Sometimes I turned to my follies. & tho the Lord was near me as A most Righteous Judge, yet I rebelled against him; then I found Sorow and confusion take hard on me; In a while I resolved to leave of some of my follies; yet as to the more refined part of them, I said in my heart, in this thing the Lord pardon me; which resolve Spoiled All my Religion" — iS6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. an unsubjected will, which rendered my labours fruitless, till at length, through the Mercifull continuance of Heavenly Visitations, I was made to bow down in Spirit before the Most High. I remember ^ one evening I had spent some time in reading a pious author, and walking out a lone, I humbly prayed to the Lord for his help, that I might be delivered from those vanities which so ensnared me. . . ? Thus being brought low he helped me, and , as I learned to bear the Cross, I felt refresliment to come from his Presence : but not keeping in that Strength which gave victory I lost ground again. The sense of which greatly afflicted me and I sought Desarts and lonely places, and there with tears did con- fess my Sins to God, and humbly craved help of HIM, and I may say with Reverence he was near to me in my troubles, and in those times of Humiliation opened my ear to Discipline. I was now led to look seriously at the means by which I was drawn from the pure Truth, and I learned this. That if I would live in the life which the Faithful servants of God lived in, I must not go into company as heretofore in my own will, y but all the cravings of Sense must be governed by a Divine principle. In times of sorrow and abasement these Instructions were sealed upon me, and I felt the power of Christ prevail over all selfish desires, so that I was preserved in a good degree of steadiness, and being young and believing at that time that a single life was best for me, I was strengthened to keep from such company as had often been a snare to me. I kept steady to meetings, spent first-days in the afternoon chiefly in reading the scriptures and other good Books, and was early convinced in my mind that true Religion consisted in an j inward life, wherein the Heart doth Love and Reverence God the j, Creator, and learn to Exercise true Justice and Goodness, not only toward all men, but allso toward the Brute Creatures. That as the mind was moved by an inward Principle to Love God as an invisible. Incomprehensible Being, by the same principle it was moved to love him in all his manifestations in the Visible world. That as by his breath the flame of life was kindled in all Animal and Sensible creatures, to say we Love God as unseen, ' MS. C "And now I come to a Winter Evening which to me is Memoriable." ''MS. C "I found help in my distress, and through faith, Mountains were re- moved.'* 1 1740 157 and at the same time Exercise cruelty toward the least creature moving by his life, or by Hfe derived from Him, was a Contra- diction in itself. I found no narrowness respecting Sects and Opinions, but believe that sincere upright-hearted people, in Every society who truly love God were accepted of HIM. As I lived under the Cross, and simply followed the openings of Truth, my mind from day to day was more Enlightened, my former acquaintance were left to judge of me as they would, for I found it safest for me to live in private and keep these things sealed up in my own breast. While I silently ponder on that change which was wrought in me, I find no language equal to it, nor any means to convey to another a clear idea of it. I looked upon the works of God in this Visible Creation, and an awfull- ness covered me: my heart was tender and often contrite, and a universal Love to my fellow Creatures increased in me. This will be understood by such who have troden in the same path. Some glances of Real beauty is percieveble in their faces, who dwell in true meekness. Some tincture of true Harmony in the sound of that voice to which Divine Love gives utterance, & Some appearance of right order in their temper and Conduct, whose passions are fully regulated, yet all these do not fully show forth that inward life to such who have not felt it ; but this white stone and new name is known rightly to such only who have it. Now tho' I had been thus Strengthened to bear the Cross, I still found myself in great danger, having many weaknesses Attending me, and strong Temptations to wrestle with, in the feeling whereof I frequently withdrew into private places, and often with tears besought the Lord to help me, whose gracious ear was open to my cry. t All this time I lived with my Parents, and wrought on the plantation, and having had schooling pretty well for a planter, I used to improve winter evenings, and other leisure times, and being now in the Twenty first year of my age, a man in much business at Shopkeeping and Baking, asked me if I would hire with him to tend Shop and keep books. I ^ acquainted my Father with the proposal, and, after some deliberation it was agreed for ' MS. C "told my Father of the offer." 158 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. me to go. [I had for a considerable time found my mind less given to Husbandry than heretofore, having often in vievi^ some other way of living.^] At home I had lived retired, and now having a prospect of being much in the way of company, I felt frequent and fervent Cries in my heart to God the Father of Mercies, that he would preserve me from all Taint & Corruption. That in this more public Employ, I might serve Him my Gracious Redeemer, in that Humility and self Denial with which I had been in a small degree exercised in a verry private life. The man who employed me furnished a Shop in Mountholly, about five miles from my Father's house & Six from his own and there I lived alone, & tended his Shop. Shortly after my settlement here, I was visited by several young people, my former acquaintances, who knew not but vanities would be as agreeable to me now as ever,^ [and at these times I cryed unto the Lord in Secret for wisdom and Strength,] for I felt myself Encom- passed with difficulties, and had fresh Ocasion to bewail the follies of time past, in contracting a familiarity with a Libertine people. And as I had now left my Fathers house outwardly, I found my Heavenly Father to be mercifull to me beyond what I can express. By day I was much among people, and had many tryals to go through, but in evenings I was mostly alone, and may with thankfulness acknowledge, that in those times the Spirit of Sup- plication was often poured upon me,'' . . . under which I was frequently exercised, and felt my Strength renewed. [In a few months after I came here, my Master bought several Scotch men-servants, from on board a Vessel, and brought them to Mountholly to sell & having sold several the rest were left with me,] ' one of which was taken sick, & died. The latter part of his sickness, he, being delirious, used to curse and Swear most sorrowfully, and after he was buried, I was left to sleep alone the next night in the same chamber where he died. I perceived in me a Timorousness : I knew however I had not ' MS. C This sentence occurs in MSS. A ami C, but is wanting in B. ^ MS. C "At these times I looked to the Lord for help, for I felt myself very weak." " MS, C "And I called upon the name of the Lord, the Everlasting God," * MS, G This sentence is found in MSS, A & C; not in B. I I74I 159 injured the man, but had assisted in taking care of him according to my capacity, and I was not free to ask any one, on that [occa- sion,] ^ to sleep with me: nature was feble, but every tryal was a fresh incitement to give myself up wholly to the service of God, | for I found no helpei^like Him in times of Trouble. / After a while my former Acquaintance gave over Expecting me as one of their company, and I began to be known to some whose conversation was helpful to me. And now, as I had Experienced the Love of God, through Jesus Christ, to Redeem me from many polutions, and to be a constant succour to me through a Sea of conflicts, with which no person was fully acquainted, and as my heart was often enlarged in this Heavenly Principle, so I felt a tender compassion for the youth ^ who remain'd entangled in the same snares which had entangled me. From one month to another, this Love & tenderness increased,'' [and my mind was more strongly engaged for the good of my fellow-creatures.] I went to meetings in an awfull frame of mind, and endeavoured to be inwardly acquainted with the lan- guage of the True Shephered, and one day . . .■* being under a ; Strong Exercise of Spirit, I stood up, and said some words in a meeting, but not keeping close to the [Divine opening,] " I said more than was required of me & being soon sencible of my error, I was afflicted in mind some weeks, without any light or comfort, even to that degree that I could take satisfaction in nothing. I remembered God, and was troubled and in the depth of my dis- tress he had pitty upon me, and sentjhe Corofor-ter. I then felt forgiveness for my offence, and my mind became calm and quiet, being truly thankfull to my Gr aciou s Redeemer for his mercies. And after this, feeling the spring of Divine Love opened, and a Concern to Speak, I said a few words in meeting in which I found peace ; this I believe was about six weeks from the first time, and as I was thus humbled and disciplined under the Cross, my under- standing became more strengthened to distinguish the language of the pure Spirit which inwardly moves upon the [heart,] "^ and 1 MS. C "Account." ^ MS. C "young people." ^ MS. C "and I found it too strong and forcible to be much longer Confined to my own breast." * MS. C "till one day, feeling the Word of the Lord in my heart." "MS. C "True Opener." * MS. C "intellectual deep." y i6o THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. taught me to wait in Silence sometimes many weeks together, until I felt that rise which prepares the creature to Stand like a Trumpet, through which the Lord Speaks to his [flock.] ^ From an inward purifying, and stedfast abideing under it, springs a lively operative desire for the good of others. All faith- ful people are not called to the publick ministry but whoever are called to it, are called to minister of that which they have taisted and handled spiritually. The outward modes of worship are various, but wheresoever [men] are true Ministers of Jesus Christ, it is from the operation of his Spirit upon their hearts, first purifying them, and thus giving them a [feeling] sense of the conditions of others. This truth was early fixed in my mind, and I was taught to watch the pure opening, and to take heed least while I was standing to speak, my own will should get upermost, and cause me to utter words from worldly wisdom, and depart from the Chanel of the true Gospel Ministry. In the management of my outward affairs I may say with thankfulness I found Truth to be my Support, and I was respected in my Masters Family who came to live in Mountholly within two years after my ^ going there [1742.] . . . About the twenty third year of my age I had many fresh and heavenly openings, in respect to the care and providence of the Almighty over his creatures in general, and over man as the most noble amongst those which are visible, and Being clearly convinced in my Judgmt that to place my whole trust in God was best for me, I felt renewed engagements that in all things I might act on an inward principle of Virtue, and pursue worldly business no further than as Truth open'd my way therein. About the time called Christmas I observed many people from tlie Country, and dwellers in Town, who resorting to publick houses, spent their time in drinking and vain sports, tending to corrupt one another, on which account I was much troubled. At one house in particular there was [much disorder,] " and I believed it was a duty laid on me to go and speak to the master ' MS. C "people." 'MS. C "As my mind was often inward, Meditateing on God's Providence, Manifested in the Visible world, I was more and more Confirmed in my Judgment that to place my whole trust in him was best for me, and laboured from one month to Another to come into that condition of Trusting in God with a,\l my heart, and not to lean to my own understanding." ^ MS. C "uncomon Reveling." I 1743 161 of that house. I considered I was young, and that several Elderly friends in Town had opportunity to See these things, and though I would [gladly] ^ have been excused, yet I could not feel my mind clear. The Exercise was heavy, and as I was Reading what the Almighty Said to Ezekiel, respecting his duty as a watchman, the matter was set home more clearly, and then with prayer and tears, I besought the Lord for his Assistance, who in loving kindness gave me a Resigned heart. Then at a sutable Oportunity, I went to the publick house, and Seeing the man amongst a company, I went to him and told him I wanted to speak with him, so we went aside, and there in the Fear and dread of the x\lmighty I Exprest to him what rested on my mind, which he took kindly, and afterward showed more regard to me than before. In a few years after he died, midle-aged, and I often thought that had I neglected my duty in that case, it would have given me great trouble and I was humbly thankfull to my Gracious Father,- [who had supported me therein.] My Employer having a Negro woman sold her, and directed me to write a bill of Sale, The man being waiting who had bought her. The thing was Sudden, and though the thoughts of writing an Instrument of Slavery for one of my fellow creatures felt uneasie, yet I remembered I was hired by the year ; that it was my master who [directed] ' me to do it, and that it was an Elderly man, a member of our society who bought her, so through^ weakness I _gave way, and wrote it, but at the Executing it I was so Afflicted in my mind, that I said before my Master and the friend, that I believed Slavekeeping to be a practice inconsistent with the Christian Religion ; this in some degree abated my uneasi- ness, )'et as often as I reflected seriously upon it I thought I should have been clearer, if I had desired to be Excused from it, as a thing against my conscience, for such it was. [And] some time after this a young man of our Society, spake to me to write [an instrument of Slavery], he having lately taken a Negro into his house. I told him I was not easie to write it, for though many [people] kept slaves in our society as in others, I still believed the practice was not right, and desired to be excused from > MS. C "feign." ' MS. C "that by his aid I had discharged what he lay'd upon me. Within a year after my Coming to MounthoUy, my Master ^" ' MS. C "bid," 1 62 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, i doing the writing. I spoke to him in good will, and he told me, that keeping slaves was not altogether agreable to his mind, but that the slave being a gift made to his wife, he had accepted of her. . . .1 ^ MS. C "from some of her friends, and so we parted.'* CHAPTER II 1743 My Esteemed Friend Abraham Farrington/' being about to make a Visit to Friends ^ on the Eastern side of this Province, and having no companion he proposed to me to go with him, and after a conference with some Elderly friends, . . .^ I agreed to da mo go so we set off on the 25. 9. 1743 ; had an Evening Meeting at a Tavern in Brunswick, a Town in which none of our society dwelt. The room was full, & the people quiet. Thence to Amboy, and had an Evening meeting in the Court-house, to which came many people, amongst whom were several Members of Assembly, they [being] ^ in that town on the publick affairs of the Province. In both these meetings my Antient Companion was Enlarged in the Love of the Gosf>el. Thence we * were at Woodbridge, Rahway, Plainfield and had six or seven '^ other meetings in places where Friends meetings are not Usually held, being made up chiefly of Presbyterians & my beloved companion was frequently Strength- ened to hold forth the word of life amongst them. As for me I was frequently Silent through the meetings, and when I spake, it was with much care, that I might speak only what Truth opened ; my mind was often tender, and I learned some profitable lessons ; we were out about two weeks. [Near'' this time being on some outward business in which several families were concerned, and which was attended with difficulties, some things relating thereto not being clearly stated, nor rightly understood by all, there arose some heat in the minds of the parties, and one valuable friend got off his watch. I had M.e. to preach. [Ed,] 'MS. C has an erasure, probably of the •MS. C "then Siting there." 'MS. C "to Woodbridge and thereaway." •MS. C "twelve." "MS. C This entire paragraph is wanting. 163 i64 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. a great regard for him, & felt a Strong inclination after matters were settled to speak to him concerning his conduct in that case ; but I being a youth, and he far advanced in age and Experience, my way appeared verry difficult, but after some days delibera- tion, and inward seeking to the Lord for assistance, I was made subject, so that I Expressed what lay upon me in a way which became my youth and his years : and though it was a hard task to me, it was well taken, and I believe was usefull to us both.] Having now been several years with my Employer, and he doing less at Merchandize than heretofore, [I was thoughtfuU of some other way of business,]^ perceiving Merchandize to be attended with much cumber, in the way of trading in these parts. My mind through the power of Truth was in a good degree weaned from the desire of outward greatness, and I was learning I to be content with real conveniencies that were not costly ; so /that a way of life free from much Entanglements, appeared best / for me, tho' the income was small. I had several offers of busi- ness that appeared profitable, but saw not my way clear to accept of them, as believing the business proposed would be attended with more outward care & cumber than was required of me to engage in. I saw that a humble man, with the Blessing of the Lord, might live on a little, and that where the heart was set on greatness, success in business did not satisfie the craving; but that cofnonly with an increase of wealth, the desire for wealth increased. There was a care on my mind so to pass my time, as ■ to things outward, that nothing might hinder me from the most steady attention to the voice of the True Shepherd. [My Employer though now a Retailer of goods, was by trade a Taylor, and kept a servant man at that business, and I began to think about learning the trade,] - Expecting that if I should settle I might by this trade and a little retailing of goods get a liveing in a plain way without the load of great business. I mentioned it to my Employer and we soon agreed on terms, and then when I had leisure from the affairs of merchandize I worked with his man. I believed the hand of Providence pointed Vout this business for me, and was taught to be content with it, ^ MS. C "what way I should take for a living In Case I should settle" (i.e. marry). =* MS. C "My business in the Shop growing Slack, it came to my mind to learn the Taylor's trade." n 1746 165 though "^ [I felt at times a disposition that would have sought for something greater.] But through the revelation of Jesus Christ, I had seen the happiness of Humility, and there was an earnest desire in me to enter deep into it, and at times this desire arose to a degree of fervent Supplication, wherein my Soul was so environed with Heavenly Light and Consolation, that things were made easie to me which had been otherwise. In the year [ ] - my Employer's wife died. She was a virtuous Woman, and Generally beloved of her neighbours, and soon after this he left off shop-keeping and we parted. I then wrought at my trade as a Taylor, carefully attended meetings for worship and discipline, and found an Enlargement of Gospel Love in my mind, and therein a concern to visit friends in some of the back settlements of Pennsylvania and Virginia, & being thought- full about a Companion I exprest it to my beloved Friend Isaac Andrews,-^ who then told me that he had drawings there, and also to go through Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina. After considerable time pass't, and Several conferences with him, I felt easie to accompany him throughout if way opened for it. I opened the case in our Monthly Meeting, . . .'' and Friends Expressing there unity therewith, we obtained Certificates to travel as Companions, his from Haddonfield, and mine from Burlington. da mo We left our own province on the 12. 3. 1746, had several meetings in the uper part of Chester County, and near Lancaster, in some of which the Love of Christ prevailed, uniting us together in his service. Thence we crossed the River Susquehannah, and had several meetings in a new settlement, called Red Lands, the oldest of which did not exceed ten years. It is the poorer sort of people that comonly begin to improve remote Deserts : with a small stock they have houses to build. Lands to clear and fence, Corn to raise. Clothes to provide, and Children to Educate. That Friends who visit such may well sympathize with them in their hardships in the wilderness. [And though * the best entertain- ^ MS. C "it was reverse to the creaturely will." 2 A blank is left in MS. for date. There is no clue as to the master's name. " MS. C "exactly as it was." < MS. C "But to Express uneasiness at Coarse Entertainment, when in Good will they give us their Best, does not become the Disciples of Christ." / i66 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAi: chap. merit such can give, may Seem coarse to some who are Used to Cities or old Settled places, it becomes the Disciples of Christ to be content with it.] Our hearts were sometimes enlarged in the love of our Heavenly Father amongst these people, and the sweet Influence of his Spirit supported us through some diffi- culties. To Him be the praise. We passed on to Manoquacy, Fairfax, Hopewell, and Shen- ando,^ and had meetings, some of which were comfortable and Edefying. From Shanando we set of in the afternoon for the old Settlements of Friends in Virginia, and the first night we with our pilot lodged in the woods, our horses feeding near us, but he being poorly provided with a horse, and we young and having good horses, were free the next day to part with him and did so, . . .^ in two days [besides the first afternoon] we reached to our friend John Cheadles,'^ in Virginia. We took the meetings in our way thro' Virginia ; were, in some degree, baptized into a feeling sense of the conditions of the /people,^ [& our Exercise in general was more painfull] in these \)ld Settlements, than it had been amongst the back inhabitants. But through the Goodness of our Heavenly Father, the well of Living Waters was at times opened to Our Encouragement, and the refreshment of the sincere hearted. We went on to Perqui- mans River in North Carolina, had several meetings which were large, and found some openness in those parts, and a hopefull appearance amongst the young people. So we turned again to Virginia, and attended most of the meetings which we had not been at before. Labouring amongst Friends in the Love of Jesus Christ, as ability was given : and thence went to the Mountains, up James River to a new settlement, and had several Meetings amongst the people,* [some of whom had lately joined in mem- bership to our society.] In our Journeying to and fro, we found some honest-hearted friends, who appeared to be concerned for the Cause of Truth among a backsliding people. We crossed from Virginia, over ^ Shenandoah. - MS. C "Once in a while, we met with a house and Enquired. And for our Money took such refreshment as the people had." " MS. C "The pure Lamb-like Nature of Jesus Christ being too much departed from by many of them; and our Exercise in genrall was Somewhat painfull." * MS. C "some of whom had professed our way but A short time." II 1746 167 the river Patowmac/ at Hoe's ferry, and made a general Visit to the meetings of Friends on the Western Shore of Maryland and were at their Quarterly meeting. . . .- We had some hard Labour amongst them, Endeavouring to discharge our duty honestl}- as way opened in the Love of Truth, and thence taking sundry meetings in our way, we passed homeward, where, through da mo the Favour of Divine Providence we reached y" 16. 6. 1746. And I may say that through the assistance of the Holy Spirit which mortifies selfish desires, my Companion and I traveled in harmony and parted in the nearness of True Brotherly Love. — [We Travelled, by estimation, fifteen hundred miles and were out three months and four days.]^ Two things were remarkable to me in this journey. First, in regard to my Entertainment. When I eat drank and lodged free- "cost with people who lived in Ease on the hard toyl of their slaves t; felt.uneasie, and as my mind was inward to the Lord, I found, from place to place, this uneasiness return upon me at times through the whole visit. Where the masters bore a good share of \ht burthen, and lived frugally, so that their Servants were well provided for, and their labour moderate, I felt more easie; but where they lived in a costly way, and laid heavy burthens on their Slaves, my exercise was often great, and I frequently had conver- sation with them in private concerning it. Secondly, This trade of importing [them] ^ from [their native country] ^ being much Encouraged amongst them, and the white people and their chil- dren so generally liveing without much labour was frequently the subject of my serious thought, and I Saw in these Southern Prov-! inces, so many Vices and Corruptions increased by this trade andi this way of life, that it appeared to me as a dark gloominess hang- ing over the Land, and though now many willingly run into it, yet in future the Consequence will be grievous to posterity. I M express it as it hath appeared to me, not at once, nor twice, but as a matter fixed on my mind. Soon after my return home I felt an increasing concern for ^ Potomac. = MS. C "At HerrinCg) Creek." ^ MS. B This sentence omitted. * Slaves. ' MS. C Guinea. i68 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. da mo Friends on our Sea coast, and on the 8. 8. 1746, with the Unity of Friends, and in Company with my beloved Friend and Neigh- bour Peter Andrews," Brother to my before mentioned com- panion, we set forward and Visited the meetings generally about Salem, Cape May, Great and Little Egg Harbor, and had meet- ings at Barneget, Manahockin, and Squan,^ and so to the Yearly Meeting at Shrewsberry. Through the goodness of the Lord way was opened, . . .^ and the Strength of Divine Love was some- times felt in our assemblies, to the Comfort and help of those who were rightly concerned before Him. We were out twenty- two days, and rode by Computation 340 mile. [At Shrewsberry ^ Yearly Meeting, we met with our Dear Friends Michael Light- foot " and Abraham Farrington," who had good service in that great Assembly.] The winter following died my Eldest Sister, Elizabeth Wool- man,^^ Jun'' of the small-pox, aged 31 years. She was from her youth of a thoughtful disposition and very compassionate to her acquaintances in their Sickness or distress, being ready to help as far as she could. She was dutifull to her parents, one instance whereof follows. It happened that she and two of her Sisters, being then near the Estate of young women, had an inclination one first-day after meeting to go on a visit to some other young women at some distance off, whose company I believe would have done them no good. They expresst their desire to our Parents, who were dissatisfied with the proposal, and stoped them. The same day as my Sisters and I were together, & they talking about their disappointment, Elizabeth expressed her Contentment under it, as believing it was for their good. . . .* A few years after she attained to mature age, through the f Gracious Visitations of God, she was Strengthened to live a self- I denying, exemplary life, giving herself much to reading and meditation. * Manasquan. ' MS. C "in the Meetings, to the comfort of them who tear And Serve God." •MS. B Not in C. * MS. C "Elizabeth expressed her Satisfaction In being put by, as believ- ing it to be best for them, Adding this Ryme — Such as thy companions be, So will people think of thee." 11 1747 169 The following letter may ^ [show in some degree] her disposi- tion. da mo "Haddonfield, i. 11. 1743. Beloved brother John Woolman In that Love which desires the welfare of all men I write unto da mo thee I rec'd thine, dated 2. 10. last with which I was comforted. My spirit is bowed with thankfullness that I should be remembered, who am unworthy, but the Lord is full of Mercy, and his goodness is Extended to the meanest of his creation, therefore, in his Infinite Love, he hath pitied and Spared, and Shewed Mercy, that I have not been cut of nor quite lost ; but at times I am refreshed & comforted as it were with the glimpse of his presence, which is more to the Immortal part than all which this world can afford. So with desires for thy preservation with my own I remain thy affectionate sister ELIZ. WOOLMAN, Junr." The fore part of her illness she was in great Sadness and dejection of mind, of which she told one of her Intimate friends, & said. When I was a young girl I was wanton & airy, but I thought I had thoroughly repented for it; and added, I have of late had great satisfaction in meetings. Though she was thus disconsolate, still she retained a hope, which was as an anchor to her, and some time after the same friend came again to see her, to whom she mentioned her former Expressions, & said It is otherwise now, for the Lord hath rewarded me seven fold, and I am unable to express the Greatness of his love manifested to me. Her disorder appearing dangerous, and our mother being sorrowfull she took notice of it, & said. Dear mother, weep not for mee ; I go to my God, and niany times with an audible voice uttered praise to her Redeemer. A Friend comeing some miles to see her the morning before she died, asked her how she did ; she answered, I have had a hard night, but shall not have another such, for I shall die, & it will be well with my soul & accordingly died the Next Evening. The following Ejaculations were found amongst her write- ings ; wrote I believe at four times : 1 MS. C "give the Reader some Idea of." 170 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. 1. Oh that my head were as waters & mine eyes as a fountain of Tears, that I might weep day & night untill acquainted with my God. 2. O Lord that I may enjoy thy presence, or else my time is Lost, & my life a Snare to my Soul. 3. O Lord that I may receive bread from tliy Table, and that thy Grace may abound in me. 4. O Lord that I may be acquainted with thy presence, that I may be Seasoned with thy Salt, that tliy grace may abound in me. Of late I found drawings in my mind to Visit Friends in New England and thereaway ; and having an Oportunity of joyning in company with my Beloved Friend Peter Andrews," we having obtained certificates from our Monthly Meeting set da mo forward on y*" 16. 3. 1747 and reached the Yearly Meeting at Long Island at which were our Friends, Samuel Nottingham '* from England, John Griffith,^" Jane Hoskins,^" and Elizabeth Hudson ^^ from Pennsylvania, and Jacob Andrews '^ from Ches- terfield, several of whom were favoured in their public exercise, & through the goodness of the Lord we had some Edefying meet- ings. After this Samuel, John and Jacob went toward Rhode Lsland, and my companion and I visited [the Meetings of] Friends on Long Island, and through the mercies of God we were helped in the work. Besides going to the setled meetings of Friends, we were at a General Meeting at Setocket,' chiefly made up of other Societies, and had a meeting at Oyster Bay, in a Dwelling house at which were many people: At the first of which there was not -much said by way of Testimony, but it was I believe a good meeting at the latter through the springing up of Living waters it was a day to be thankfully remembred. Having visited the Island we went over to the main, taking meetings in our way to Oblong, Nine Partners, and New Millford. In these back settlements we met with several people, who, through the iniediate workings of the spirit of Christ in their minds, were drawn from the vanities of the world, to an inward acquaintance with Him. They were Educated in the way of the presbeterians.^ ' Setauket, L. I. ' MS. C cnd3 at this point. It contains forty-eight quarto pages, and in style has the freshness and vivacity of the younger man. II 1747 171 A considerable number of y° youth, members of that society, were used often to spend their time together in merriment, and some of the principal young men of that company being Visited by the powerful workings of the Spirit of Christ, and thereby led humbly to take up His cross, could no longer joyn in those vani- ties : and as these stood steadfast to that inward convincement, they were made a blessing to some of their former companions, so that through the power of Truth several were brought into a close Exercise concerning the Eternal well being of their Souls : these young people continued for a time to frequent their public worship, and besides that had meetings of their own, which meet- ings were a while allowed by their preacher, who sometimes met with them, but in time their judgment in matters of religion dis- agreeing with some of the Articles of the presbeterians, their meetings were disapproved by that society ; and such of them who stood firm to their duty as it was inwardly manifested, had many difficulties to go through. Their meetings were in a while dropped, some of them returning to the presbeterians, and others of them after a time joyUed to our Religious Society. I had conversation with some of the latter, to my help and Edefication, and believe several of them are acquainted with the nature of that worship which is performed in Spirit and in Truth. From hence accompanied by Amos Powel,*''' a Friend from Long Island, we rode through the Colony of Connecticut, chiefly inhabited by Presbeterians, who were generally civil to us, so far as I saw : and after three days rideing, we came amongst friends in the Colony of Rhode Island. We visited Friends in and about Newport and Dartmouth, and the meetings generaly in those parts, and then to Boston and proceeded Eastward as far as Dover, and then returned to Newport, and not far from thence, met our Friend Thomas Gawthrop ^* from England, who was on a visit to these parts. From Newport we Sailed to Nantucket ; was there near a week, and from thence came over to Dartmoth, and having finished our Visit in these parts, we crossed the Sound from New London to the East end of Long Island, and taking some meetings on the Island, proceeded homeward ; where we da mo reached the 13. 7. 1747 having rode about 1500 and sailed 150. In this journey I may say in general we were sometimes in much 172 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, ii weakness, and laboured under discouragement, & at other times through the renewed manifestations of Divine Love we had seasons of Refreshment wherein the power of Truth prevailed. We were taught by renewed experience to labour for an inward \stillness; at no time to seek for words, but to live in the Spirit of Truth, and utter that to the people which Truth opened in us. My beloved Companion and I belonged both to one Meeting, came forth in the ministry near the same time,^ and were inwardly united in the work. He was about thirteen years older than I, bore the heaviest burthen, and appear'd to be an instrument of the greatest use. Finding some concern to visit Friends in the lower Counties on Delaware, and on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, and having an oportunity to joyn with my Antient Well beloved friend John da mo Sykes,''^ we obtained certificates and set of the 7. 8. 1748; were at the meetings of Friends in the lower Counties,- attended the Yearly Meeting at Little Creek, and made a visit to chief of the meetings on the Eastern Shore, and so home by the way of Not- tingham, we were abroad about six weeks and rode by computa- tion about 550 miles. Our exercise at times was heavy but through the goodness of the Lord we were often refreshed, and I may say by experience, "He is a Strong Hold in the day of trouble." Though our Society in these parts appeared to me to be in a declineing condi- tion, yet I believe the Lord hath a people amongst them, who labour to serve him in uprightness but have many defeculties to encounter. ^ Burlington M. M. of Ministers and Elders has a minute dated "27th day of 6mo. [Augustl 174.3," recognizing tliem both in the ministry. There is no record at Dover of this visit, nor of the later one in 1760. - Of Pennsylvania — i.e., Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, now the state of Delaware. Ph u -a as > K-3 o o « .6 Marriage Certificate of John Woolman and Sarah Ellis 8 mo. (October) 18, 1749. /w Possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. CHAPTER III 1749 [About this time believing it good for me to settle^ and thinking seriously about a Companion, my heart was turned to the Lord with desires that He would give me Wisdom to proceed therein agi-eeable to his Will, and he was pleased to give me a well enchned Damsel, Sarah Ellis,^^ to whom I was married da mo y^ 18:8: 1749.] In the fall of the year 1750 died my father Samuel Woolman^^ with a fever aged about Sixty years. In his life time he manifested much care for us his children, that in our youth we might learn to fear the Lord, often endeavouring to imprint in our minds the true principles of virtue, & was particularly concerned to cherish in us a spirit of mercy and tenderness, not only towards poor people, but allso towards all creatures of which we had the command. After my return from Carolina in 1746, I made some observa- tions on keeping Slaves, which I had some time before shewed him, and he perused the manuscript, proposed a few alterations, and appeared well satisfied that I found a concern on that account, and in his last sickness, as I was watching with him one night, he being so far spent that there was no expectation of his Recov- ery, but had the perfect use of his understanding, he asked me concerning the manuscript, whether I expected soon to offer it to the Overseers of the press: and after some conversation there- upon he said, "I have all along been deeply Affected with the Opression of the poor Negroes ; and now at last my concern for them is as great as ever." By his direction I had wrote his will in a time of health, & he ^ MS. B This paragraph on his marriage only appears in the final folio, MS. A, and is wanting altogether in B, where it has been supplied on a blank leaf in a later hand, probably that of Samuel Comfort. 174 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. that night desired me to read it to him, which I did ; and he said it was agreable to his mind, he then made mention of his end, which he believed was now near ; and signified, that tho' he was sensible of many imperfections in the course of his life, yet his Experience of the power of Truth, and the Love & Goodness of God from Time to Time even till now was such, that he had no doubt but that in leaving this Hfe, he should enter into a life more happy. The next day his Sister Elizabeth " came to see him & told him of the decease of his sister Anne ^"^ who died a few days before, he then said, I reckon sister Anne was free to leave this world. Elizabeth said she was. He then said, I also am free to leave it; and being then in great weakness of body he said in a Solemn maner, I shall shortly go to rest. He continued in a weighty frame of mind, and was sensible till near the last. da mo 2. 9. 1751 feeling an Openness in my mind to Visit Friends at the great Meadows, in the uper part of this Province, with the unity of our monthly meeting, I went there, and had some search- ing laborious Exercise amongst the inhabitants of that place, but found inward peace therein ;^ [was out nine days, & rode about 170 miles.] mo In the 9, 1753, in company with my well Esteemed Friend John Sykes,^^ and with the unity of Friends, we traveled about two weeks visiting the meetings of Friends in Bucks county. We laboured in the Love of the Gospel, according to the measure received, and through the mercies of Him who is strength to the poor that trust in Him, we found satisfaction in our visit: and in the ensuing winter way opening to visit Friends' families within the Compass of our monthly meeting, partly by the labours of two friends from Pennsylvania, I joyned some in it, having had a desire some years to see it go forward. About this time a person at some distance lying sick, his brother came to me to write his will. I knew he had Slaves ; and asking his Brother, was told he intended to leave them slaves to his children. As writing is a profitable employ ; as offending sober people is a disagreeable task to me, I was straitened in my mind ; * MS. B Next sentence omitted. in ■ , 1754 175 but as I looked to the Lord, he Enclined my heart to his Testi- mony, and I told the man, that I believed the practice of continu- ing slavery to these people was not Right; and had a scruple in my mind against doing writings of that kind : That though many of our society kept them slaves, still I was not easie to be con- cerned with it, and desired to be excused from going to write the Will. I spake to him in the fear of the Lord, and he made no reply to what I said, but went away : he himself had some concerns in the practice, and I thought he was displeased with me. In this case I had a fresh confirmation, that acting contrary to present outward interest, from a ^ [motive of Divine love, and in] regard to Truth and Righteousness, and thereby incuring the resentments of people, opens the way to a treasttre which is better than silver, and to a friendship Exceeding the friendship of men. da mo [On y* 7 2 1754 at Night I dreamed that I was walking in an Orchard, it appear'd to be about the middle of the afternoon ; when on a Sudden I saw two lights in the East, resembling two Suns, but of a dull & gloomy Aspect: the one appeared about the highth of the Sun at three hours high, and the other more northward, and one third lower. In a few Minutes the air in the East appeared to be mingled with Fire, & like a Terrible Storm comeing Westward, the Streams of Fire reached the Orchard where I stood, but I felt no harm. I then found one of my Acquaintance Standing near me, who was greatly distressed in mind at this unusual appearance. My mind felt calm, and I said to my Friend, me must all once die, and if it please the Lord that our Death be m this Way, it's good for us to be resigned. Then I walked to a House hard by [at a small distance] and going upstairs saw People with sad and troubled Aspects, amongst whom I passed into another Room, where the floor was only some loose Boards, there I sat down alone by a Window, and looking out, I saw in the South three great Red Streams, standing at Equal distance from each other, the Bottom of which appear'd * Erasure in MS. A. A memorandum on back of index leaf of John Woolman*3 da mo large Account Book reads, "Negro James bound 2 i 1754 to Serve 21 years, that is da mo till 2 I 1775" 176 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. to stand on the Earth and the top to reach above the region of the Clouds: Across Those Three Streams went less ones, and from each end of such small Stream, others pointing^ in regular lines to the Earth, all red — and appear'd to extend through the whole Southern Firmament, like the Figure ^ There then appear'd on a Green plain a great Multitude of Men in a Military posture, some of whom I knew: they came near the House and passing on Westward, Some of them looking up at me, Exprest themselves in a Scoffing, Taunting way, to which I made no reply. Soon after, an old Captain of Militia came to me, and I was told that these Men were assembled to Improve in the Discipline of War.] The manuscript before mentioned having lain by me several years, The publication of it rested weightily upon me, and this year I offered it to the Overseers of the press, who having examined and made some small alterations in it, ordered a number of Copies thereof to be published by the Yearly Meeting stock, and dispersed amongst friends. In the year 1754, I found my mind drawn to joyn in a Visit to Friends' families belonging to Chesterfield monthly meeting, and having the approbation of our own, I went to their monthly meeting ^ [in order to confer with Friends, and see if way opened for it.] I had conference with some of their members the pro- posal having been opened before in their meeting, and one friend agreed to join as a companion for a beginning: but when meeting was ended, I felt great distress of mind, and doubted what to take, or whether to go home and wait for greater clearness. I kept my distress secret ; and, going with a friend to his house, my desires were to the great Shepherd for his Heavenly Instruction, and in the morning I felt easie to proceed on the visit, being very ' MS. B "Extended." ^ MS. A Figure drawn. In margin of Folio A, p. 29, where diagram is given, are the words, "I do not want this figure printed. John Woolman." There is no question that in this case, as in that of his other dreams, he fully intended the text to be printed, the omission of the figure accompanying the present dream being evidently because of its rough drawing, or possibly because he might very characteristically think it occupied too much space. The erasure of the text of this dream is in ink of other and later manufacture, and is undoubtedly the work of the first Committee of Editorship, in 1774. MS. B, where the text is also entire, contains a memorandum in handi^riting of Samuel Comfort, (top of page 67) "Leave this Dream out in Printing,'^ ' Inserted over an erasure in MS. A. I" 1755 177 low in my mind : and as my eye was turned to the Lord, waiting in families in deep reverence before him, He was pleased Gra- ciously to afford help, so that he had many comfortable Oper- tunities, and it appeared as a fresh visitation to some young people. I spent Several weeks this winter in the Service part of which time was employed near home. And again in the follow- ing winter I was Several weeks in the same service, part of which time I spent at Shrewsbury, in Company with my Friend John Sykes,^^ and have cause humbly to acknowledge, that through the goodness of the Lord our hearts were at times, Enlarged in his Love, and strength was given to go through the trials which in the course of our visit attended us. From a disagreement between the powers of England and France it was now a time of Trouble on this Continent ; and an Epistle went forth as follows, which I thought good to give a place in this journal. An EPISTLE^ from our general spring meeting, &c., 1755. To Friends on the continent of America. Dear Friends In an humble sense of Divine Goodness, & the gracious continua- tion of God's love to his people, we tenderly Salute you, and are at this time therein Engaged in mind, that all of us who profess the Truth as held for & published by our worthy predecessors in this latter age of the world, may keep near to that Life which is the Light of men, & be strengthened to hold fast the profession of our Faith without wavering. That our trust may not be in man, but in the Lord alone, Who Ruleth in the Army of Heaven, and in the King- dom of men, before whom the Earth is as the dust of the balance, and her Inhabitants as grasshoppers. Isa. xl. 22. We (being convinced that the gracious design of the Almighty in sending his Son into the world, was to repair the breach made by Disobedience, to finish sin & transgression, that his Kingdom might 'Erased, in MS. A, p. 32, (the only one which gives the text of this Epistle), is the following: — "It came upon me to write an Epistle to Friends; which I took to our General Spring Meeting and passed to some Elderly Friends to have it inspected & signed hy a number of the Brethren, on behalf of the meeting, which, with some amendments, was agreed to & is as follows" . The author- ship is thus established. John Woolman wrote other ofEcial publications. This was the Meeting for Ministers and Elders of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, held at that place, 2gth of x mo. to ist of 4 mo. inclusive. 17s.';. The original MS. & signatures of these fourteen Friends is in the Ridgway Branch of the Phila- delphia Library, J. Smith's MSB., Vol. VIII — The printer's memorandum is on back, "so lines to page." This was the first Yearly Meeting after the defeat of Gen. Braddock, July 9, 1754- 178 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. come, and his will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven) have found it to be our duty to cease from those National Contests productive of Misery & bloodshed, and submit our cause to Him the Most High, whose tender Love to his Children exceeds the most warm Affections of Natural Parents, and who hath promised to his Seed throughout the Earth, as to one individual, "I will never leave thee, nor forsake thee." Heb. xiii. 5. And as we, through the Gracious dealings of the Lord our God, have had Experience of that work which is carried on, "not by Earthly might, nor by power, but by my spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts," Zech. iv. 6; By which operation that Spiritual King- dom is set up which is to subdue and break in pieces all Kingdoms that oppose it, and shall stand for ever. In a deep sense thereof, and of the safety. Stability and peace there is in it, we are desirous that all who profess the Truth may be inwardly acquainted with it and thereby be qualified to conduct in all parts of our life as becomes our peaceable profession. And we trust, as there is a faithfull con- tinuance to depend wholly upon the Almighty Arm from one genera- tion to another the peaceable kingdom will gradually be extended from Sea to Sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth," Zech. ix. 10; to the completion of those profesies already begun, that Nation shall not lift up Sword against nation nor learn war any more. Isa. ii. 4. Micah. iv. 3. And, dearly beloved Friends, seeing we have these promises, and believe that God is beginning to fulfil them, let us constantly en- deavour to have our minds sufficiently disentangled from the surfeit- ing cares of this life and redeemed from the Love of the world that no earthly possessions nor Enjoyments may byas our judgments or turn us from that resignation, and entire trust in God, to which his blessing is most surely annexed : then may we say. Our Redeemer is Mighty, he will plead our cause for us. Jer. i. 34. And if for the further promoting his most gracious purposes in the Earth he should give us to taiste of that bitter cup which his faithfull ones - have often partook of, O that we may be rightly prepared to receive it ! And now, dear Friends, with respect to the Commotions and Stirrings of the powers of the earth at this time near us, we are desirous that none of us may be moved thereat ; "but repose ourselves in the munition of that rock that all these shakings shall not move, even in the knowledge and feeling of the Eternal power of God, keeping us Subjectly given up to his Heavenly Will and feel it daily to mortify that which remains in any of us which is of this world for the worldly part in any is the changeable part, and that is up and down, full and empty, joyfull and sorrowfull, as things go well or ill in this world. For as the Truth is but one and many are made Ill 1755 179 partakers of its spirit, so the world is but one and many are made partakers of the Spirit of it : & so many as do partake of it, so many will be straitened and perplexed with it. But they who are "single to the Truth, waiting daily to feel the life and Virtue of it in their hearts, these shall rejoice in the midst of Adversity,"' and have to experience with the profet, that though the fig-tree shall not blossom neither shall fruit be in the vines, The labour of the Olive shall fail, & the fields shall yield no meat; The flock shall be cut off from the fold and there shall be no herd in the stall yet will they rejoyce in the Lord and Joy in the God of their Salvation." Hab. iii. 17, 18. If contrary to this we profess the Truth & not living under the power and influence of it, are producing fruits disagreeable to the purity thereof, and trust to the strength of man to Suport ourselves therein, our confidence will be vain, for He, who removed the Hedge from his vinyard, and gave it to be trodden under foot by reason of the wild grapes it produced remains unchangible : and if, for the chastisement of wickedness and the further promoting his own Glory He doth arise even to shake terribly the earth, who then may oppose him, & prosper ! We remain in the Love of the gospel your friends and brethren. Signed in and on behalf of our said meeting, by JACOB HOWELL,' JOHN EVANS, JAMES BARTRAM, MORDECAI YARNALL, JOSEPH WHITE, DANIEL STANTON, JOHN SCARBOROUGH, JOHN CHURCHMAN, JOHN WOOLMAN, WILLIAM MORRIS, JOSIAH FOSTER, ISAAC ANDREWS, JOSEPH TOMLINSON, SAMUEL ABBOTT.^ Scrupeling to do writings relative to keeping slaves, having been a means of sundry small tryalsto me, in which I have so evidently felt my own will set aside that I think it good to mention a few of them. Tradesmen and retailers of goods who depend on their busi- ness for a livelihood, are naturally inclined to keep the good will of their customers ; nor is it a pleasant thing for young men to be under any necessity to question the Judgment or honesty of elderly men, and such more especially who have a good character. Deep rooted customs though wrong are not easily altered, but it ' Stephen Crisp'i Epistle. [Note by John Woolman.] "See Biog. Note, 112. i8o THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. is the duty of every man to be firm in that which he certairJy knows is right for him. A Charitable, benevolent man, well acquainted with a negro may, I believe, under some circumstances, keep him in his family as a servant, on no other motive than the Negros good: but man, as man, knows not what shall be after him, nor hath he any assurance that his children will attain to that perfection in wisdom and goodness necessary to every Absolute governor. Hence it is clear to me that I ought not to be the scribe where wills are drawn in which some children are made absolute masters over others during life. About this time an Antient man of good esteem in the neigh- bourhood, came to my house to get his will wrote; he had young negroes, and I asking him privately how he purposed to dispose of them, he told me. I then said, I cannot write thy will without breaking my own peace, and respectfully gave him my reasons for it. He signified that he had a choice that I should have wrote it, but as I could not consistent with my conscience he did not desire it and so he got it wrote by some other person, and a few years after, [passing over time to finish the relation,] there be- ing great alterations in his family, he came again to get me to write his will. His negroes were yet young, and his son to whom he in- tended to give them, was since he first spoke to me, from a Liber- tine become a sober young man, and he supposed that I would have been free on that account to write it. We had much friendly talk on the subject, and then defer'd it, and a few days after he came again and directed their freedom and so I wrote his Will. Near the time the last mentioned friend first spoke to me, a neighbour received a bad bruise in his body, and sent for me to bleed him, which being done he desired me to write his will. I took notes and amongst other things he told me to which of his children he gave his young Negro woman. I considered the pain and distress he was in, and knew not how it would end, so I wrote his Will save only that part concerning his Slave, and, carrying it to his bed-side read it to him, and then told him in a friendly way, that I could not write any Instruments by which my fellow crea- tures were made slaves without bringing trouble on my own mind. I let him know that I charged nothing for what I had done, and desired to be Excused from doing the other part in the way he Ill 1756 181 propos'd. Then we had a serious conference on the Subject, and at length he agreeing to set her free I finished his will. Having ^ found drawings in my mind to visit friends on Long Island, after having obtained a certificate from our Monthly da mo Meeting I set of y" 12. 5. 1756. When I reached the island, I lodged the first night at the house of my Dear Friend Richards Hallet : '" the next day being the first of the week I was at their meeting at Newtown in which though small, we had experience of the renewed manifestation of the love of Jesus Christ to the comfort of the honest hearted. I went that night to flushing, & the next day in company with my Beloved Friend Matthew FranliA lin '^ we crossed the ferry at White Stone, were at three meetings on that side the water, & then came on to the island,^ where I spent the Remainder of the week in Visiting meetings. The Lord I be- lieve hath a people in those parts who are honestly concerned to Serve him. But many I fear are too much cloged with the things / of this life, and do not come forward bearing the cross in such faithfullness as the Almighty calls for. My mind was deeply Engaged in this visit, both in public and private ; and at several places where I was, on observing that they had Slaves, I found myself under a necessity in a friendly way to labour with them on that Subject, Expressing as way opened, the inconsistency of that practice with the purity of the Christian Re- ligion, and the ill Effects of it manifested amongst us. The latter end of the week their Yearly Meeting began at which were our friends John Scarborrow,^* ^ Jane Hoskins,*" and Susannah Brown,*" from Pennsylvania, the pubhc meetings were large,* [and measurably favoured with Divine goodness.] The exercise of my mind at this meeting was chiefly on ac- count of those who were considered as the foremost rank in the Society, and in a meeting of Ministers and Elders way opened that I exprest in some measure what lay upon me. And at a time when^ friends were met for transacting the publick business. We seting ' A note by Woolman at this point in MS. A, foot of page .16, reads. "N. B. Visit to Long Island comes in here before mention is made of leaving Merchandise." This is done. 'i.e. returned to Long Island. [Ed.1 ^ John Scarborough. « MS. B only. i82 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. a while silent, I felt a weight on my mind and stood up; and through the Gracious condescension of our Heavenly Father, Strength was given fully to clear my mind of a burthen which for some days had been increasing upon me. Through the humbling dispensations of Divine Providence men are sometimes fitted for His service. The messages of the Prophet Jeremiah were so disagreable to the people, and so re- verse to the Spirit they lived in, that he became the Object of their reproach, and in the weakness of nature thought to desist from his prophetick office; but, saith he. His word was in my heaft as a burning fire shut up in my bones, and I was weary with forbearing, and could not stay. I saw at this time, that if I was honest to declare that which Truth opened in me I could not please all men, and laboured to be content in the way of my duty, however disagreeable to my own inclinations. After this I went homeward taking Woodbridge and Plainfield in my way ; in both which Meetings, the pure Influence of Divine Love was manifested, in humbling sense whereof I went home; having been out 24 days, and rode about 316 miles. While I was out on this Journey my heart was deeply affected with a Sense of the State of the Churches in our Southern Prov- inces, and believing the LORD ^ was calling me to some further Labour amongst them, I was bowed in Reverence before HIM, with fervent desires that I might find Strength to resign myself up to HIS HEAVENLY Will. Until the year 1756V I continued to retail goods, ^ besides fol- lowing my trade as a Taylor ; about which time I grew uneasy on account of my business growing too cumbersome. I began with selling trimings for garments, and from thence proceeded to Sell cloaths and linens, and at length having got a considerable shop " of goods, my trade increased every year, and the road to large business appeared open : but I felt a Stop in my mind. Through the Mercies of the Almighty I had in a good degree learned to be content with a plain way of living. I had but a small family [my outward Aflfairs had been prosperous] ' and, ' MS. B. In this earlier MS. the words God, Almighty, Lord, or pronouns re- ferring to him, are frequently capitalized throughout. ^ This is the point, indicated by J. W., in MS. A, in which he inserted the visit to Long Island. • MS. B erased. Ill 1756 183 on serious reflection I believed Truth did not require me to en- gage in much cumbering affairs. It liad generally been my prac- tice to buy and sell things realy usefull. Things that served chiefly to please the vain mind in people, I was not easie to trade in; seldom did it, and whenever I did, I found it weaken me as a Christian. /- The increase of business became my burthen, for though my natural inclination was towards merchandize, yet I believed Truth required me to live more free from outward cumbers. There was now a strife in my mind betwixt the two, and in this exer- cise my prayers were put up to the Lord, who Graciously heard- me, and gave me a^heart , jesigned to his Holy williT then les- sened my outward business; and as I had opportunity told my customers of my intention thal-J±i£y__ini.gkt__consider whajL_sirop to turn to : and so in a while, wholly laid down merchandize, following my trade as a Taylor, myself only, having no prentice. I also had a nursery of Apple trees, in which I spent a good deal of time, howijig, grafting, triming & Inoculating. In merchandize it is the custom, where I lived, to sell chiefly on credit; and poor people often get in debt, & when payment is expected haveing not wherewith to pay, & so their creditors often sue for it at Law : having often observed occurrences of this kind, I found it good for me to advise poor people to take such as were most useful & not costly. In the time of trading I had an oportunity of seeing that a too liberal use of Spirituous liquors, and the Custom of wearing too costly apparrel, led some people into great in- conveniences : and these two things appear to be often connected one with the other; for by not attending to that use of things which is consistent with Universal Righteousness, there is a [necessary] increase of Labour which extends beyond what our Heavenly Father intends for us : and by great labour, and often by much sweting in the heat there is, even among such who are not drunkards, a craving of some liquor to revive the spirits : That partly by the wanton. Luxurious drinking of some, and partly by the drinking of others, led to it through immoderate labour, verry great quantities of Rum are annually expended in our Colonies, of which we should have no need, did we steadily Attend to pure Wisdom. i84 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Where men take pleasure in feeling their minds elevated with strong drink, and so indulge this appetite as to disorder their un- derstanding, neglect their duty as members in a family or civil society, and cast off all pretence to Religion, their case is much to be pittied ; And where such whose lives are for the most part regular, and whose Examples have a strong influence on the minds of others, Adhere to some customs which powerfully draw toward the use of More strong liquor than pure wisdom [directeth the Use of,] this allso, as it hinders the spreading of the Spirit of meekness, and Strengthens the hands of the more Excessive drinkers, is a case to be lamented. As [the least] degree of luxury hath some connection with evil, for those who profess to be disciples of Christ, and are looked upon as leaders of the people, to have that mind in them which was also in Him, & so stand separate from every wrong way, is a means of help to the weaker. As I have sometimes been much spent in the heat, and taken spirits to revive me, I have found by Experience that the mind is not so calm in such cir- cumstances, nor so fitly disposed for Divine meditation, as when all such extreams are avoided ; and I have felt an increasing Care to attend to that Holy Spirit which sets right bounds to our de- sires, and leads those who faithfully follow it to apply all the gifts of Divine Providence to the purposes for which they were intended. Did such who have the care of great Estates, attend with singleness of heart to this Heavenly Instructor, which so opens and enlarges the mind that Men love their neighbours as themselves. They would have wisdom given them to manage, with- out ever finding occasion to employ some people in the Luxuries of life, or to make it necessary for others to labour too hard: But for want of regarding steadily this Principle of Divine love, a selfish Spirit takes place in the minds of people, which is at- tended with darkness & manifold confusions in the world. [In the Course of my Tradeing, being somewhat affected' at the Various Law Suits about collecting Money which I saw going forward ; On aplying to a Constable, he gave me a List of his proceedings for one year as follows ; to wit. Served 267 Warrants, 103 Summonses, and 17 Executions! As to Writs Served by tlie Sheriff, I got no account of them. ' MS. B Troubled. Ill 1756 IS5 I once had a ^^'arl■ant for an Idle !Man, who I believed was about to run away, which was the only time I applied to the Law to reco\ er ]\Ioney.] ' Through trading in things Use full is an honest employ, yet through the great number of Superfluities which are commonly bought and sold, and through the corruptions of the times, they who apply to merchandize for a living, have great need to be well experienced in that precept wliich the prophet Jeremiah laid down for Baruc, his scribe: "Seekest thou great things for thy- self ? seek them not." The winter 1756 I was [several times out] with Friends in visiting families : and through the goodness of the Lord, we had oftentimes Experience of his heartendering presence among us. A Copy of a letter wrote to a friend.' In this thy late atHiction I've found a deep fellow-feeling with thee, and had a secret hope throughout that it might please the Father of Mercies to raise thee up & Sanctifie thy troubles to thee, that thou being more fully acquainted with that way \\Itich the world esteems foolish may feel tlie Cloathing of Divine Fortitude, and be strengtliened to Resist that spirit which leads from the Simplicit\- of the Everlasting Truth. We may see ourselves cripled and halting. & from a strong bias to things pleasant and easie, find an Impossibility to advance forward: but things Impossible with men are possible with God ; and our wills being made Subject to his, all temptations are Surmountable. This work of Subjecting the will, is compared to the mineral in the furnace, which through fervent heat is reduced from its tirst principle. "He retines them as silver is refined; He shall sit as a refiner and purifier of silver." By these Comparisons we are in- structed in tlie necessity- of the melting Operation of the hand of God upon us. to prepare our hearts truly to adore Him, and manifest that adoration by inwardly turning away from that Spirit in all its workings which is not of Him. To forward this work, the allwise God is sometimes pleased, through outward distress, to bring us near the gates of Death; That life being painful & afliicting, and the prospect of Etemit}- open before us, all earthly bonds may be loos- ^ MS. A, p. 39. Also given in B, p. oi. This incident has alv.ays been omitted. following the Committee c£ i77-i- in First Edition. It gains interest bv being the only occasion on wliich we have any account of John Woolman going to law, ^ MS. A. There is no clue to the identity- of this Friend. In all probability it was one of the brothers Pemberton,=, «, ^ or possibly, John Smith." i86 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. iii. ened, and the mind prepared for that deep and Sacred Instruction, which otherwise would not be received. If kind parents love their children and delight in their happiness, then He who is perfect goodness in sending abroad mortal Conta- gions, doth Assuredly direct their use. Are the righteous removed by it ? their change is hapy : Are the wicked taken away in their wickedness ? the Almighty is clear. Do we pass through it with anguish and great bitterness, & yet recover? he intends that we should be purged from dross, and our ear opened to discipline. And now on thy part, after thy Sore Affliction and doubts of recovery, thou art again restored, forget not Him who hath helped thee, but in humble gratitude hold fast his instructions, thereby to shun those by paths which leads from the firm foundation. I am Sensible of that variety of Company, to which one in t hy bu siness musMse Exposed. I have painfully felt the force of Conversation proceeding from men deeply rooted in an Earthly mind, and can sympathize with others in Such Conflicts, in that much weakness still attends me. I find that to be a fool as to worldly wisdom, & commit my cause to God not fearing to offend men who take offence at the Simplicity of Truth, is the only way to remain unmoved at the Sentiments of others. The fear of man brings a snare : by halting in our duty, & giveing back in the time of tryal, our hands grow weaker, our Spirits get mingled with the people, our ears grow dull as to hearing the lan- guage of the True Shepherd; that when we look at the way of the Righteous, it seems as though it was not for us to follow them. There is a love Cloaths my mind while I write, which is superior to all Expressions, & I find my heart open to encourage to a holy Emulation to advance forward in Christian firmness. Deep Humility is a Strong Bulwark ; & as we enter into it, we find safety and true Exaltation : The foolishness of God is wiser than man, and the weak- ness of God is Stronger than man. Being uncloathed of our own wisdom, and knowing the Abasement of the creature, therein we find that power to arise, which gives health and Vigor to us. JOHN WOOLMAN. CHAPTER IV 1757 da mo The 13 2, 1757 being then in good health and abroad with Friends visiting famihes, I lodged at a Friends house in Burling- ton, & going to bed about the time usual with me, I awoke in the night and my meditations as I lay were on the goodness & Mercy of the Lord, in a-sense whereof my heart was contrite ; after this I went to sleep again, & sleeping a short time, I awoke. It was yet dark and no appearance of day nor moonshine, and as I opened my eyes I saw a light in the chamber at the apparent distance of [about] five feet, about nine inches diameter, of a clear easie brightness, and near the center the most radient. As I lay still/ without any surprise looking upon it, words were spoken to my inward ear which filled my whole inward man y They were not the effect of thought, nor any conclusion in relation to the appear- ance. But as the language of the Holy One Spoken in my mind: the words were (Certain Eiddence of Divine Truth,] and were again repeated exactly in the same maner, whereupon the light disappeared. Feeling an exercise in relation to a visit to the Southern parts to increase upon me, I acquainted our monthly meeting therewith, and Obtained their Certificate. Expecting to go alone one of my brothers,^ who lived in Philadelphia, having some business in North Carolina, propos'd going with me part of the way. But as he had a view of some outward affairs, to Accept of him as a companion seemed some difficulty with me; whereupon I had conversation with him at sundry times, and at length, feeling easie in my mind I had conversation with several Elderly Friends of Philadelphia on the Subject, and he obtaining a Certificate Sut- mo. able to the ocasion, we set of 5. 1757; and fell in at Nottingham * Uriah Woolman.^^ 187 i88 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. week-day meeting and lodged at John Churchmans ^' : here I met with our Friend Benjamin Buffington,"" from New England, who was returning from a Visit to the Southern provinces. Thence we crossed the river Susquehannah, and lodged at William Coxs "^ in Maryland, and soon after I entered this province, a deep and painfull Exercise came upon nie, which I had often had some feel- ing of since my mind was drawn toward these parts, and with which I Ac(|uainted my Brother before we agreed to joyn as companions. As the people in this and the southern provinces, live much on the labour of Slaves, many of whom are used hardly, my con- cern was, that I might attend with singleness of heart to the Voice of the True Shepherd, and be so supported as to remain unmoved at the faces of men. As it is common for Friends on a visit to have Entertainment free cost, a difficulty arose in my mind with respect to saveing my own money by kindness received, which to me appeared to be the gain of Opression. Receiving a gift, considered as a gift, brings the receiver under Obligations to the Benefactor, and has a natural tendency to draw the Obliged into a party with the giver. To prevent difficulties of this kind, and to preserve the minds of Judges from any byas, was that Divine Prohibition "Thou shalt not receive any gift, for a gift blindeth the wise, and perverteth the words of the Righteous." Exod. .xxiii. 8. As the Disciples were sent forth without any Provision for their Journey, and our Lord said, the workman is worthy of his meat. Their labour in the Gospel was considered as a reward for their Entertainment, and there- fore not received as a gift: yet in regard to my present Journey I could not see my way clear in that respect — the odds appeared thus : The entertainment the disciples met with, was from such whose hearts God had opened to receive them, from a Love to them, and the Truth which they published : But we, considered as members of the same society, look upon it as a piece of Civility to receive each other in such visits, and Such reception, at times, is partly in regard to reputation, and not from an inward Unity of heart and Spirit. Conduct is more convincing than language; and where people by their actions manifest that the Slave trade is not so disagree- IV 1757 i89 able to their principles but that it may be encouraged, there is not a Sound uniting with some Friends who Visit them. The prospect of so weighty a work & being so distinguished from many whom I Esteemed before myself, brought me verry low, & Such were the conflicts of my Soul, that I liad a near sympathy with the profet in the time of his weakness, when he said "If thou deal thus with me, kill me, I pray thee out of hand if I have found favour in thy Sight," but I soon saw that this proceeded from the want of a full resignation to Him. Many were the afflictions which attended me and in great Abasement, with many tears, my Cries were to the Almighty for his Gracious and Fatherly assistance, and then, after a Time of Deep Tryals I was favoured to understand the state mentioned by the psalmist more clearly than e^-er I had lief ore, to wit: "My Soul is even as a weaned child." Being thus helped to sink down into Resignation I felt a deliverance from that Tempest in which I had been sorely Exercised, and in Calmness of mind went forward Trusting that the Lord Jesus Christ, as I faithfully attended to Him, would be a Councellor to me in all Difficulties, and that by liis Strength I should be enabled even to leave money with the members of Society where I had Entertainment, when I found that omiting of it would Obstruct that work to which I believed he had called me. And as I copy this after my return [from that Journey] I may here add, that oftentimes I did so. Under a sense of duty. The Manner in which I did it was thus : when I expected soon to leave a Friend's house where I had Entertainment, if I believed that I should not keep clear from the gain of Oppression without leaving some money, I spoke to One of the heads of the Family privatel}', and desired them to accept of them pieces of Silver, and give them to such of their Negroes as they believ'd would make the best use of them ; And at other times, I gave them to the Negroes myself, [according] as the way looked clearest to me. As I expected this before I came out, I had provided a large number of small pieces [of silver] and thus offering them to Some who ap- peared to be wealthy people was a trj^al both to me and them : But the [Exercise of my mind was Such and the] fear of the Lord so covered me at times, that way was made easier than I expected, I90 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. and few, if any, manifested any resentment at the offer, and most of them, after some [little] talk, accepted of them, da mo The 7. 5. 1757, lodged at a Friend's house: and the next day, being first day of the week was at Patapscoe meeting [after which we] crossed Patuxent River, and lodged at a public house [at the head of Severn]. 9th. Breakfasted at a Friend's house, who afterward, puting us a little on our way, I had conversation with him, in the fear of the Lord, concerning his Slaves, in which my heart was tender, and I used much plainness of Speech with Him, which he appeared to take kindly. We pursued our Journey without appointing meetings, being pressed in my mind to be at the Yearly Meeting in Virginia, and in my Traveling on the Road, I often felt language rise from the Centre of my mind, thus, O Lord ! I am a Stranger in the Earth, hide not thy face from me. da mo II. 5., we Crossed the Rivers I-'atowmock ' and Rapahannock, and lodged at Port Royal, and on the way, we happening in Com- pany with a Colonel of the Militia, who appeared to be a thought- full man, I took ocasion to remark on the odds in general betwixt a people used to labour moderately for their living, training up their Children in frugality and business. And those who live on the labour of Slaves, The former in my view being the most happy life: with which he concurr'd, and mentioned the trouble arising from the untoward Slothful disposition of the Negroes, adding, that one of our labourers would do as much in a day as two of their slaves. I replyed that free men whose minds were prop- erly on their business found a Satisfaction in Improving, Cultivat- ing, and providing for their families. But Negroes, labouring to support others, who claim them as their pi;operty and Expect- ing nothing but Slavery during life, had not the like inducement to be industrious. After some further conversation, I said that men having power too often misapjjlied it. That though we made Slaves of the Negroes, and the Turks made Slaves of the Chris- tians, I however believed that Liberty was the Natural right of all men equally which he did not deny; but said the lives of the negroes were so wretched in their own Country, that many of them lived better here than there. I only said there's great odds * Potomac. IV 1757 ipi in regard to us, on what principle we act and so the conversation on that head ended. And I may here add, that another person, some time afterward mentioned the wretchcehiess of the Negroes occasioned by their intestine wars, as an argument in favour of our fetching them away for Slaves: to which I then replied, If com- passion to the Africans, in regard to their domestick troubles, were the real motives of our purchasing them. That spirit of Sympathy being Attended to, would Incite us to use them kindly, that as Strangers brought out of Affliction, their lives might be happy amongst us, And as they are Human creatures, whose Souls are as precious as ours, and who may receive the same help & Comfort from the Holy Scriptures as we do, we could not omit sutable Endeavours to instruct them therein. But while we manifest by our conduct, that our views in pur- chasing them are to advance ourselves, and while our buying Captives taken in war, animates those parties to push on that war, and increce Desolations amongst them. To say they live unhappy in Africa is far from being an argument in our favour and 1 further said, the present circumstances of these provinces to me appear difficult. That the slaves look like a burthensome Stone to such who burthen themselves with them, and that if the white people retain a resolution to prefer their outward prospects of gain to all other Considerations, and do not act Conscientiously toward them as fellow Creatures, I believe that burthen will grow heavier and heavier, till times change in a way disagreeable to us. At which the person appeared verry serious and acknowledged that in considering their condition, and the maner of their treatment in these provinces, he had Sometimes thought it might be just in the Almighty so to order it. Having thus traveled through Maryland,^ we came among da mo Friends at Ceadar Creek in A'irginia on the 12. 5. and the next day rode in Company with Several Friends a days Journey to Camp Creek and as I was riding along in the morning, my mind was deeply affected in a Sense I had of the want of Divine Aid to Support me in the various difficulties which attended me, and in an uncommon distress of Spirit, I cried in Secret to the Most High, O Lord ! be mercifull I beseech thee, to thy poor Afflicted 1 MS. B "On a direct line." 192 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. creature. After some time I felt inward relief, and soon after a Friend in company began to talk in Suport of the Slave Trade, and said the Negroes were understood to be the offspring of Cain, their, blackness being the mark God set upon him after he murthered Abel his brother That it was the design of Providence they should be slaves, as a condition proper to the race of so wicked a man as Cain was : then another spake in support of what had been said. To all which, I replied That Noah and his Family were all who survived the Flood, according to scripture, and as Noah was of Seths Race, the Family of Cain was wholly destroyed. One of them said that after the Flood Ham went to the Land of Nod, and took a wife that Nod was a land far distant. Inhabited by Cains race, and that the flood did not reach it, and as Ham was Sentenced to be a Servant of Servants to his Brethren, these two families being thus joined, were undoubtedly fit only for Slaves. I replyed, the Flood was a Judgment upon the World for their abominations ; and it was granted that Cains stock was the most wicked, and therefore unreasonable to suppose they were Spared. As to Hams going to the land of Nod for a wife, no time being fixed. Nod might be Inhabited by some of Noahs family, before Ham married a Second time. Moreover the Text saith [Ex- pressly] that all flesh died that moved upon the earth. [Gensis vii. 21.] I further reminded them, how the prophets repeatedly de- clared "that the son shall not suffer for the iniquity of the father, but every one be answerable for his own sins." I was troubled to perceive the darkness of their Imaginations, and in some pres- sure of spirit said, The love of ease and gain are the motives in general of keeping Slaves, and men are wont to take hold of weak arguments to Support a cause which is unreasonable, and added, I've no interest on either side, Save only the Interest which I desire to have in the Truth, and as I believe Liberty is their right, and see they are not only deprived of it, but treated in other re- spects with inhumanity in many places, I believe He who is a Refuge for y" Opres'd, will in his own time plead their cause, and happy will it be for Such who walk in uprightness before him, & Thus our conversation ended. da mo 14. 5. was at Camp Creek monthly meeting and then rode to the mountains up James river, and had a meeting at a Friends IV 1757 193 House, in both which I felt sorrow of heart, and my tears were poured out before the Lord, who was pleased to afford a degree of Strength by which way opened to clear my mind amongst Friends in those places. From thence I went to fork Creek, and so to Ceadar Creek again at which place I had a meeting, here I found a tender seed, and as I was preserved in the ministry to keep low with the Truth, the Same Truth in their hearts answered it, that it was a time of Mutual refreshment from the presence of the Lord. I lodged at James Standleys,^- father of William Standley,^" one of the young men who suffered imprisonment at Winchester last Sumer on account of their Testimony against Fighting, and I had some satisfactory conversation with him concerning it. Hence I went to the Swamp meeting, and to Wayneoak meeting and then crossed James river, and lodged near Burleigh. From the time of my Entering Maryland I have been much under sorrow, which of late so increased upon me, that my mind was almost overwhelmed, and I may say with the psalmist, "In my distress I called upon the Lord, and Cryed to my God ;" who, in Infinite Goodness looked upon my affliction and in my private retirement sent the Comforter for my relief, for which I humbly bless his Holy name. The sense I had of the state of the churches, brought a weight of distress upon me. The gold to me appear'd dim, and the fine gold changed, and tho' this is the case toe generaly, yet the sense of it in these parts hath, in a particular maner, born heavy upon me. It appeared to me, that through the prevailing of the spirit of this world, the minds of many were brought into an inward desolation, and instead of the Spirit of Meekness, Gentleness, and Heavenly Wisdom, which are the necessary Com- panions of the true Sheep of Christ, a Spirit of fierceness, and the love of dominion too generally prevailed. From small beginnings in error great buildings by degrees are raised, and from one age to another, are more and more Strengthened by the general Concurrence of the people: and as"'. men of Reputation depart from the Truth, their [virtues] are mentioned as arguments in favour of general error; and those of 1 less note to justifie themselves say, such and such good men did the like. By what other steps could the people of Judah arise 194 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. to that higth in Wickedness, as to give just ground for the prophet Isaiah to declare in the name of the Lord, that none called for justice, nor pleaded for truth Or for the Almighty to call upon the Great Citty Jerusalem, just before the Babilonish Captivity, [to] find a man who Executed Judgment, that Sought the Truth, and he would pardon it. The prospect of a Road lying open to the same degeneracy, in some parts of this Newly Settled Land of America, in respect to our Conduct toward the Negroes, hath deeply bowed my mind in this journey, and though to briefly re- late how these people are treated is no agreeable work, after often reading over the notes I made as I traveled, I find my mind Engaged to preserve them. Many of the white people in those provinces take little or no care of Negro marriages, and when Negroes marry after their own waj'. Some make so little account of those marriages that with views of outward interest, they often part men from their wives by selling them far asunder; which is Coition when estates are sold by Exc." at Vendue. [Many whose labour is heavy being f ollow'd by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose, have in coiuon little else allowed but Lidian corn and salt, with a few potatoes ; the potatoes they commonly raise by their labour on the first day of the week.]^ The correction ensuing on their disobedience to overseers, or Sloathfulness in business, is often verry severe, and sometimes desperate. Men and women have many times scarce cloathes enough to hide their nakedness, and boys and girls, ten and twelve years old, are often stark naked amongst their master's children. Some of our Society, and some of the Society called New Lights, use some endeavours to instruct those they have in reading; but in comon this is not only neglected, but disapproved. These are a people by whose labour the other inhabitants are in a great measure Supported and many of them in the Luxuries of Life. These are a people who have made no agreement to serve us, and have not forfeited their Liberty that we know of. These are souls for whom Christ died and for our conduct toward them, we must answer before that Almighty Being who is no respecter of persons. ' MS. B is followed in this sentence, A reads — "Many whose labour is heavy, being followed by a man with a Whip, hired for that purpose, having in common little else to eat but Indian corn & salt with some few potatoes." rv 1757 195 They who know the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent and are thus Acquainted with the Merciful, Benevolent, Gospel Spirit, will therein perceive that y" Indignation of God is Kindled against Oppression & Cruelty, and in beholding the great distress of so numerous a people, will find cause for mourning. From my lodgings, I went to Burleigh meeting, where I felt my inind drawn into a quiet resigned state, and after long Silence, I felt an Engagement to stand up, and through the powerful opera- tion of Divine Love, we were favoured with an Edifying Meet- ing. Next we had meetTng at Black Water and so to the Yearly ^Meeting at the Western Branch. When business began some queries were produced by some of their members to be now con- sidered and if approved to be answered hereafter by their re- spective monthly meetings. They were the Pennsylvania queries which had been Examined by a Committee of Virginia Yearly Meeting appointed the last year, who made some alterations in them, one of which alterations was made in favour of a custom which troubled me. The query was, "Are there any concerned in the importation of negroes, or buying them after imported?" which they altered thus : "Are there any concerned in the importation of negroes, or buying them to trade in?" As one query admitted with unanimity was, "Are you concerned in buying or vending goods unlawfully Imported, or prize goods?" I found my mind engaged to say, that as we professed the Truth, and were there assembled to support the testimony of it, it was necessary for us to dwell deep and act in that wisdom which is pure, or otherwise we could not prosper. I then mentioned their alteration, & refer- ring [them] to the last mentioned query, added, as purchasing any merchandize taken by the sword, was always allowed to be incon- sistent with our Principles, Negroes being Captives of war, or taken by stealth, those circumstances make it inconsistent with our Testimony to buy them ; and their being our fellow creatures, who are sold as slaves, adds greatly to the [dificulty]. Friends appear'd attentive to what was said. Some expresst a care and Concern about their Negroes none made any objection, by way of [answer] to what I said, but the query was admitted as they had altered it. As some of their members have heretofore [been concerned in trading] in Negroes as in other merchandize, This query being 196 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. admitted will be one step further than they have heretofore gone, and I did not see it my duty to press for an alteration, but felt easie to leave it all to Him, who alone is able to turn the hearts of the Mighty, and make way for the Spreading of Truth in the Earth, by means agreeable to his Infinite Wisdom. But in regard to those they already had, I felt my mind engaged to Labour with them, and said. That as we believe the scriptures were given forth by Holy men as they were moved by the Holy Ghost, and many of us know by Experience that they are often helpful & Comfort- able, and believe ourselves bound in duty to teach our Children to read them, I believe that if we were divested of all selfish views, the same good Spirit that gave them forth, would engage us to [learn them] to read, that they might have the benefit of them. Some [I perceived] amongst them who, at that time, manifested a concern in regard to taking more care of the Education of their Negroes. da mo st 29. 5., and I of the week, in the house where I lodged was th a meeting of Ministers and Elders, at the 9 hour in the morning ; at which meeting I found an Engagement to Speak freely and plainly to them concerning their [Negroes] ; mentioning [As it opened on my mind] how the}' as the first rank in the Society, whose Conduct in that case was much noticed by others, were under the Stronger Obligations to look carefully to themselves, expressing how needful it was for them in that situation to be thoroughly divested of selfish views. That living in the pure Truth, and acting conscientiously toward those people, in their education and otherwise, they might be instrumental in helping forward a work so Exceeding necessary, and so much neglected th amongst them. At the 12 hour the meeting of worship began which was a Solid meeting, da th The 30, about the 10 hour, Friends met to finish their business, and then the meeting for worship Ensued, which to me was a Laborious time. But through the Goodness of the Lord Truth I believe gained some ground, and it was a Strengthening oppor- tunity to the honest-hearted. IV 1757 197 About this time I wrote an epistle to Friends in the Back Settlements of North Carolina, as follows : To Friends at their monthly meeting at New Garden and [Kain'] ' Creek, in. North Carolina. Dear Friends It having pleased the Lord to draw me forth on a visit to some parts of Virginia and Carolina, you have often been in my mind; and though my way is not clear to come in person to Visit you, yet I feel it in my heart to communicate a few things, as they Arise in the Love of truth. First my Dear Friends, dwell in HumiHty, and take heed that no views of outward gain get too deep hold of you, that so your eyes being Single to the Lord, you may be preserved in the way of safety. Where people let loose their minds after the Love of outward things, and are more Engaged in pursuing the profits, and seeking the friend- ships of this world, than to be inwardly acquainted with the way of true peace, Such walk in a vain shadow, while the True Comfort of life is wanting. Their examples are [many times] hurtfull to others, and their treasures, thus collected, do often prove dangerous Snares to their children. But where people are Sincerely devoted to follow Christ, and dwell under the influence of his Holy Spirit, . their Stability and Firmness, through a Divine Blessing, is at times like dew on the tender plants round about them, and the Weightiness of their Spirits secretly works on the minds of Others, And in this condition through the spreading influence of Divine Love, they feel a care over the flock, and way is open for maintaining good order in the Society. And though we meet with Oposition from another Spirit, yet as there is a dwelling in meekness, feeling our own Spirits Subject, and moving only in the gentle peaceable Wisdom, the inward reward of Quietness will be greater than all our difficulties. Where the pure Life is kept to & meetings of Discipline are held in the Authority of it, we find by Experience that they are Comfortable, and tend to the Health of the Body. While I write, the youth comes fresh in my way. Dear young people, Choose God for your portion. Love this Truth, and be not ashamed of it. Choose for your Company Such who Serve him in uprightness, and Shun as most dangerous the Conversation of those whose lives are of an ill Savour for by frequenting such Company, some hopefull young people have come to great loss, and been drawn from less evils to greater, to their utter Ruin. In the bloom of youth iCane Creek. 198 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. no ornament is so lovely as that of Virtue, nor any Enjoyments equal to those which we partake of in fully resigning ourselves to the Divine Will. These Enjoyments add Sweetness to all other com- forts, and give true Satisfaction in Company and Conversation where people are mutually acquainted with it. And as your minds are thus Seasoned with the Truth, you will find strength to abide Steadfast to the Testimony of it, and be prepared for Services in the Church. And now Dear Friends and Brethren, as you are improving a wilderness, and may be numbered amongst the first planter^ in one part of a Province, I beseech you in the Love of Jesus Christ, to wisely consider the force of your Examples, and think how much your Successors may be thereby affected. It is a help in a Country, yea a great favour and a Blessing, when Customs first setled are agreeable to sound wisdom, so, when they are otherwise, the Effect of them is grievous, and Children feel themselves encompassed with difficulties prepared for them by their predecessors. As moderate care and Exercise, under the direction of Pure Wis- dom, is useful both to mind and body, so by this means in general, the real wants in life are easily Attained. Our Gracious Father having so proportioned one to the other, that keeping in the true medium we may pass on quietly. Where slaves are purchased to do our Labour, numerous difficulties attend it. To Rational Creatures Bondage is uneasie, and frequently Occasions Sowreness and dis- content in them; which affects ,the family, and such who claim the Mastery over them. And thus people and their children are many times Encompassed with vexations, which arise from their applying to wrong methods to get a liveing. I have been informed that there are a large number of Friends in your parts, who have no Slaves, and in Tender and most Affec- tionate Love, I now beseech you not to purchase any. Look, my Dear Friends, to Divine Providence, and follow in simplicity that Exercise of Body, that plainness and frugality, which True wisdom leads to. So may you be preserved from those Dangers which attend such who are aiming at outward Ease and greatness. Treasures though small attained on a true principle of Virtue, are Sweet in the possession, and while we walk in the Light of the Lord, there is true Comfort and Satisfaction. Here neither the murmurs of an oppressed people, nor throbing uneasy Conscience, nor Anxious thoughts about the events of things, hinder the enjoyment of it. When we look toward the end of life, and think on the Division of our Substance amongst our Successors. If we know that it was collected in the Fear of the Lord, in Honesty, in Equity, and in Uprightness of Heart before him, we may consider it as His gift to IV 1757 199 us, and with a single eye to His Blessing, bestow it on those we leave behind us. Such is the happiness in the plain ways of true Virtue. The works of Righteousness are peace, and the Effects of Righteousness are quietness and assurance for ever. Dwell here, my Dear Friends; and then in Remote and Solitary Desarts, you may find true peace and satisfaction. If the Lord be our God in Truth and Reality, there is Safety for us, for he is a Strong Hold in the day of Trouble, and knoweth them that trust in him. ' I am in true love your friend J. W. Isle of Wight county, in Virginia, da mo 29-. 5- 1757- From the Yearly Meeting in Virginea, I went to Carolina ; and da mo on the I. 6. was at Wells Creek monthly meeting, where the Spring of the Gospel Ministry was opened, and the Love of Jesus Christ experienced amongst us, to his name be the praise. [As the Neglected Condition of the poor Slaves often Affects my mind. Meetings for Discipline hath seem'd to me Sutable places to Express what the Holy Spirit may open on that Subject, and though in this meeting they were much in my mind, I found no Engagement to Speak concerning them, & therefore kept Si- lence, finding by Experience that to keep pace with the gentle Motions of Truth, and never move but as That Opens the way, is necessary for the true Servant of Christ.]^ Here my ^ Brother " joyned with some Friends from New Gar- den who were going homeward and I went next to Simons Creek monthly meeting, where I was Silent during the meeting for wor- ship : and when Business came on my mind was deeply Exercised concerning the poor Slaves, but did not feel my way clear to Speak, in this condition I was bowed in spirit before the Lord ; and with tears and inward Supplication besought him, to so open my understanding, that I might know his will concerning me, and at length, my mind was Settled in Silence, and near the end of their business, a member of their meeting Expresst a concern that ^ Let this be left out." Marginal note, MS, A., by editors. It has been erased in MS. B. ' Uriah Woolnian. 200 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. had some time lain upon him, [with respect to] Friends so much neglecting their duty in the Education of their Negroes, and propos'd having meetings sometimes appointed for them on a week-day, to be only attended by Some Friends to be named by their Monthly Meetings. Many present appeared to unite with the proposal. One said "he had often wondered at it, that they, being our Fellow Creatures & capable of Religious understanding, had been so Exceedingly neglected." Another Expresst the like concern, and appeared Zealous that Friends in future might more closely consider the matter. At length a minute was made, & the further consideration of it referred to their next monthly meeting. The Friend who made this proposal hath Negroes: he told me that he was at New Garden about two hundred and fifty miles of, and came home alone, and that in this solitary Journey, this exercise in regard to the Education of their Negroes, was from time to time renewed in his mind. A Friend of some note in Virginia, who had Slaves, told me that he being far from home on a lonesome Journey, had many Serious thoughts about them, and then believed that he saw a time coming when Divine Provi- dence would alter the circumstance of these people, respecting their Condition as Slaves. From hence I went to New-begun Creek, and Sat a consider- able time in much weakness, till at length I felt Truth open the way to Speak a little in much plainness and Simplicity, [till at length] through the increase of Divine love amongst us, we had a Seasoning opportunity. From thence to the head of Little River on a First-day, where was a crowded meeting, and I believe it was through Divine goodness made profitable to some. Thence to the Old Neck, where I was led into a careful searching out the secret workings of the Mj^stery of Iniquity, which under a cover of Religion, exalts itself against that pure Spirit which leads in the way of meekness & self Denial. From thence to Piney Woods : This was the last meeting in Carolina, and was large, and my heart being deeply engaged, I was drawn forth into a Fervent Labour amongst them. When I was at New-begun Creek, a Friend was there who laboured for his living, having no Negroes, and had been a min- ister many years : he came to me the next day, and as we rode IV 1757 20I together, he signified that he wanted to talk with me concerning a difficulty he had been under, and related it nearly as follows, to wit. That as moneys had of late years been raised by a Tax to Carry on the wars, he had a Scruple in his mind in regard to paying it, and Chose rather to suffer distraint of goods than pay to it. And as he was the only person who refused it in those parts, and knew not that any one Else was in the like Circum- stance, he signified that it had been a heavy tryal upon him, and the more so, for that some of his brethren had been uneasie with his conduct in that case. And added that from a Sympathy he felt with me yesterday in meeting, he found a freedom thus to open the matter, in the way of querying concerning Friends in our parts. Whereupon I told him the state of Friends amongst us, as well as I was able ; and also, that I had for some time been under the like Scruple. I believed him to be one who was concerned to talk uprightly before the Lord, and Esteemed it my duty to preserve this [Memorandum] Concerning him, Samuel Newby.'^ From hence I went back into Virginia, and had a meeting near James Cowpland's.'* It was a time of inward suffering, but through the goodness of the Lord I was made content. Thence to another meeting [On a first day of the week,] where through the renewings of pure love, we had a very Comfortable meeting. Traveling up and down of late, I have had renewed evidences that to be faithful to the Lord and Content with his will concern- ing me is a most necessary and useful Lesson to me to be learn- ing. Looking less at the Effects of my labour, than at the pure motion and reality of the Concern as it arises from Heavenly Love. In the Lord Jehovah is everlasting Strength, and as the mind by a humble resignation is united to Him, and we utter words from an inward Knowledge that they arise from the Heavenly Spring, Though our way may be difficult, and require Close Attention to keep in it. And though the manner in which we are led may tend to our own abasement, yet if we continue in patience & meekness. Heavenly Peace is the reward of our Labours. From thence I went to Curies meeting, which, though small, was reviving to the honest hearted. Thence to Black Creek and Caroline meetings. Thence accompanied by William Standley,^^ we rode to Goose Creek, being much through the woods, and about one hundred miles. We lodged the first night at a publick 202 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. House. The second in the woods, & the next day we reached a friends house at Goose Creek. In the woods we lay under some disadvantage, having no fireworks, nor bells for our Horses, but we stoped a little before night and we let them feed on the wild grass which was plenty, the mean time cutting with our knives a store against night, and then tied them, & gathering some bushes under an oak, we lay down ; but the mosquetoes being pleanty & the ground damp, I slept but little. Thus lying in the wilderness and looking up at the Stars, I was led to contemplate the Condition of our First Parents, when they were sent forth from the Garden. [And considered that they had no house, nor tools for business. No Garments but what their Creator gave them, no Vessels for use, nor any fire tq cook roots or herbs.] ^ But the Almighty Being, though they had been dis- obedient, was a Father to them,^ [and way opened in process of time for all the Conveniences of Life. And he who by the Gracious Influence of his Spirit, Illuminated their understanding, and Shewed them what was Acceptable to Him, and tended to their true Felicity as Intelligent Creatures, did also provide means for their happy living in this world, as they attended to the manifesta- tions of his Wisdom.] To provide things relative to our outward living in the Way of true Wisdom, is good, and the gift of Improving in things useful, is a good Gift, and comes from the Father of Lights. Many have had this gift, & from age to age, there have been Improvements of this kind made in the World. But some not keeping to the pure gift, have in the Creaturely Cunning & self-exaltation, sought out many Inventions, which Inventions of men, as distinct from that uprightness in which man was created, as in the first motion it was evil, so the effects of it have been, and are evil. That, at this day it is as necessary for us constantly to Attend on the heavenly gift, to be qualified to use rightl)' the good things in this life amidst great Improvements, as it was for our First Parents, when they were without any Improvements, without any Friend or any Father but God only. I was at meeting at Goose Creek, and [then] at a monthly meeting at Fairfax, where through the Gracious Deahngs of the >MSS. A and B. " MSS. A and B. This passage was altered greatly in the first Edition by the Committee of 1774 [page 77] and was partly restored by J. Comly [ed. of 1837], as given here from the original MS. IV 1757 203 Almighty with us, his power prevailed over many hearts. Thence to Manoquacy & Pipe Creek in Maryland, at both which places I had cause humbly to adore Him who Supported me through Sundry Exercises, and by whose help I was enabled to reach the true witness in the hearts of Others : There were some hopeful young people in those parts. Thence I had meetings at John Everit's,"' at Monalen/ and at Huntington, and was made humbly, thankful to the Lord, who opened my heart amongst the people in these new Settlements, so that it was a time of Encouragement to the honest minded. At Monalen. a Friend [where I lodged] gave me some account of a Religious Society among the Dutch, called Menonists, and amongst other things related a passage in Substance as follows. One of the Mennonists having Acquaintance with a man of another Society at a considerable distance, and being with his Wagon on business near the house of his said acquaintance, & night coming on he had thoughts of puting up with him but passing by his Fields, & observing the distressed appearance of his Slaves, he kindled a fire in the woods hard by, and lay there that night. His said acquaintance heard where he lodged, and afterward meeting the Menonist, told him of it, adding he should have been heartily welcome at his house ; and from their acquaintance before time, wondered at his conduct in that case. The Mennonist replyed, "Ever since I lodged by thy field. Eve wanted an opportunity to speak with thee. The matter was, I intended to have come to thy house for Entertainment, but seeing thy Slaves at their work, and observing the manner of their dress, I had no liking to come to partake with thee." Then admonished him to use them with more Humanity, and added, "As I lay by the fire that Night, I thought that [as] I was a man of [some] substance, thou would have received me freely, but if I had been as poor as one of thy Slaves, & had no power to help myself, I should have received from thy hand no kinder Usage than they have." Thence I was at three meetings on my way, and so went home under a Humbling sense of the Gracious Dealings of the Lord with me, in preserving me thro' many tryals and afflictions in mv Tourney.^ I was out about two months, & [rode] about eleven hundred and fifty miles. ^ Menallen. !> MS. A. . CHAPTER V 1757 A few years past, money being made current in our province for carrying on wars, and to be sunk by Taxes laid on the In- habitants, my mind was often affected with the thoughts of paying such Taxes, and I beHeve it right for me to preserve a memoran- dum concerning it. I was told that Friends in England frequently paid Taxes when the money was applied to such purposes. I had [confer- ence] with several Noted Friends on the subject, who all favoured the payment of such taxes. Some of whom I preferred before myself, and this made me easier for a time : yet there was in the deeps of my mind, a scruple which I never could get over; and, at certain times, I was greatly distressed on that account. I all along believed that there were some upright-hearted men who paid such taxes, but could not see that their Example was a Sufficient Reason for me to do so, while I believed that the Spirit of Truth required of me as an individual to suffer patiently the distress of goods, rather than pay actively. I have been informed that Thomas a Kempis lived & died in the profession of the Roman Catholick Religion, and in reading his writings, I have beheved him to be a man of a true Christian spirit, as fully so as many who died Martyrs because they could not join with some superstitions in that Church. All true Christians are of [one and] the same spirit, but their gifts are diverse; [Jesus] Christ appointing to each one their peculiar Office, agreeable to his Infinite Wisdom. John Huss Contended against the Errors crept into the Church, in oposition to the Council of Constance, which the historian reports to have consisted of many thousand persons. He modestly vindicated the cause which he believed was right, and though his 204 V 1757 2o5 language and Conduct toward his Judges appear to have been respectfull, yet he never could be moved from the principles set- tled in his mind. To use his own words : "This I most humbly require and desire of you all, even for His sake who is the God of us all, that I be not compelled to the thing which my Con- science doth repugn or strive against." And again in his answer to the emperor "I refuse nothing, most noble Emperor whatsoever the council shall decree or determine upon me, this only one thing I except, that I do not oflfend God and my Conscience." ^ At length rather than act contrarv' to that which he believed the Lord re- quired of Him, he chose to Suffer death by fire. Thomas a Kempis, without disputing against the Articles then generally agreed to, appears to have laboured, by a Pious Example as well' as by Preaching & writing to promote Virtue and the Inward Spiritual Religion, and I believe they were both sincere-hearted followers of Christ. [To me it looks likely tliat they were both in their proper places.] - True Charit)' is an excellent Virtue, and to sincerely Labour for their good, whose belief in all points, doth not agree with ours, is a happy case. To refuse the active payment of a Tax which our Society generally paid, was exceeding disagreeable; but to do a thing contrary to my Conscience appeared yet more dreadfull. When this exercise came upon me I knew of none under the like difficulty, and in my distress I besought the Lord to enable me to give up all, that so I might follow him wheresoever he was pleased to lead me, and under this Exercise I went to our Yearly Meeting at Philad'', in 1755, at which a Committee was appointed, some from each Quarter to Correspond with the meeting for Sufiferings in London, and another to Visit our ^Monthly and Quarterly meet- ings, and after their appointment before the last Adjournment of the meeting, it was agreed on in the meeting that these two Com- mittees should meet together in Friends School House ^ in the Cittv, at a time [when the Meeting stood adjourned] to con- sider some [cases] in which the cause of Truth was concerned : and these Committees meeting together had a weighty conferrence ' Note by Waolman. Fox's "Acts and Monuments," p. 233. ' MSS. A and B. Both include the last sentence of this paragraph, omitted by Committee of 1774 in first edition, p. 82. ' "Friends' School House"; No. 119 South 4th St., Philadelphia, on the site of the present Forrest Building. 2o6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. in the fear of the Lord, at which time I perceived there were many Friends under a Scruple Hke that before mentioned/ As Scrupling to pay a tax on account of the application ^ hath seldom been heard of heretofore, even amongst men of Integrity, who have Steadily born their testimony against outward wars in their time, I may here note some things which have opened on my mind, as I have been inwardly Exercised on that ac- count. From the Steady oposition which Faithful! Friends in early times made to wrong things then approved of, they were hated and persecuted by men living in the Spirit of this world, & Suf- fering with firmness, they were made a Blessing to the Church, & the work prospered. It equaly concerns men in every age to take heed to their own Spirit : & in comparing their Situation with ours, it looks to me there was less danger of their being infected with the Spirit of this world in paying their taxes, than there is of us now. They had little or no Share in Civil Government, neither Legislative nor Executive & many of them declared they were through the power of God separated from the Spirit in which wars were, and being Afflicted by the Rulers on account of their Testimony, there was less likelyhood of uniting in Spirit with them in things inconsistent with the purity of Truth. We, from the first settlement of this Land have known little or no troubles of that sort. The profession, which for a time was accounted reproachfull, at length the uprightness of our predecessors being understood by the Rulers, & their Innocent Sufferings moving them, our way of Worship was tolerated, and many of our mem- bers in these colonies became active in Civil Government. Being ^ MS. A, p. 70. Here follow two Extracts from the Jonnial of John Church- man — 1st Edit. 1779, pp. 68 ff, 169 if. John Woolman writes, "Since I had finished my Narrative of this Affair, having been favoured by my Beloved Friend John Churchman with the perusal of some notes which he made concerning some Exercise he went through on Account of our Testimony against Wars, as they contain some things relative to Facts, hereafter Spoken of, I thought good by his permission to copy the Substance of them in this place." A note in margin directs, "If this Journal be printed, let all the Quotn from J. Churchman's Notes be left out." J. Churchman's Journal was printed in r779: he died 2, 7 mo. 1775, and the "extracts" are there given entire. They describe his visits to the assembly, then sitting in the State House [now Independence Hall], Phila. ■ in 1748, and again in 1755- On the first occasion he went alone. Seven years later, twenty Friends presented the address. - Note by John Woolman — "Christians refused to pay taxes to support Heathen Temples. See Cave's Primitive Christianity, part iii. page 327." V 1757 207 thus tryed with favour and prosperity, this world hath appeared inviteing; our minds have been turned to the Improvement of our Country, to Merchandize and Sciences, amongst which are many things usefull, being followed in pure wisdom, but in our present condition that a Carnal mind is gaining upon us I believe will not be denied. Some of our members who are Officers in Civil Government are in one case or other called upon in their respective Stations to Assist in things relative to the wars, Such being in doubt whether to act or crave to be excused from their Office, Seeing their Brethren united in the payment of a Tax to carry on the said wars, might think their case [nearly like theirs, &] so quench the tender movings of the Holy Spirit in their minds, and thus by small degrees there might be an approach toward that of Fight- ing, till we came so near it, as that the distinction would be little else but the name of a peaceible people. It requires great self-denial and Resignation of ourselves to God to attain that state wherein we can freely cease from fighting when wrongfully Invaded, if by our Fighting there were a prob- ability of overcoming the invaders. Whoever rightly attains to it, does in some degree feel that Spirit in which our Redeemer gave his life for us, and, through Divine goodness many of our pre- decessors, and many now living, have learned this blessed lesson, but many others having their Religion chiefly by Education, & not being enough acquainted with that Cross which Crucifies to the world, do manifest a Temper distinguishable from that of an Entire trust in God. In calmly considering these things it hath not appeared strange to me, that an exercise hath now fallen upon some, which as to the outward means of it is different from what was known to many of those who went before us. A day being appointed, [and letters wrote to distant mem- bers] ^ the said cominittees met and by adjournments continued several days. The Calamities of war were now increasing. The Frontier Inhabitants of Pensilvania were frequently surprised, some Slain, and many taken Captive by the Indians, and while these Committees sat, the Corpse of one so Slain was brought in ^ MS. B includes this sentence. 2o8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. a wagon, and taken through the Streets of the Citty, in his Bloody garments, to Alarm the people, and rouse them up to war.^ Friends thus met were not all of one mind in relation to the tax, which to such who scrupled it made the way more difficult. To refuse an active payment at such a time, might be an act of disloyalty, and appeared likely to displease the Rulers, not only here but in England ; still there was a scruple so fastened upon the minds of many Friends, that nothing moved it; It was a Confer- ence the most weighty that ever I was at, and the hearts of many were bowed in Reverence before the Most High. Some Friends of the said Committees who appeared easie to pay the tax, after several adjournments, withdrew, other such continued till the last. At length, an Epistle was drawn by some Friends concerned on that Account, and being read several times and Corrected, was then signed by such as were free to sign it.^ "Dear & Well Beloved Friends" "We Salute you in a fresh & renewed Sence of our Heavenly "Fathers Love which hath Graciously overshadowed us in several "Weighty & Solid Conferrences we have had together with many "other Friends upon the present Scituation of the Affairs of the "Society in this province and in that Love we find our Spirits en- gaged to acquaint you that under a Solid Exercise of mind to seek for Councill & direction from the High priest of our profession who is the prince of peace we believe he hath renewedly favoured us with Strong and lively Evidences that in his due & appointed time, the day which hath dawned in these "later ages foretold by the "profets wherein Swords Should be beaten into plowshares & Spears "into pruning hooks Shall gloriously rise higher & higher" & the Spirit of the Gospel which teaches to love Enemies prevail to that degree that the art of war shall be no more learned ; And that it is his determination to Exact this Blessed day in this our age, if in the depth of Humility we receive his instruction, & obey his voice. ^ See note, p. 38. The Journal at the opening of Chapter V rceurs to the political situation of two years earlier, i.e. 1755. -MS. A. This "Epistle of Caution" is dated, "Philadelphia, 16 da. 12 mo. 1755." Most, if not all of its authorship is Woolman's. It occurs in the MS. on page 78, entirely in Woolman's hand. The Meeting for Sufferings, 3 mo. 3, 17.S7, petitioned the Assembly against the establishment of a militia in Pennsylvania. James Pemberton was the Clerk, in whose hand the full text may be found, in Vol. I, p. 75, of the minutes. John Woolman was a member. " I'^olio A, pp. 78-81, inclusive. V 1757 209 And being painfully apprehensive that the large Sum granted by the late act of Assembly for the Kings use is principaly intended for purposes inconsistant with our peaceble Testimony, we therefore think that as we cannot be concerned in wars and fightings, so neither f"' ought we to Contribute thereto by paying the Tax directed by the said Act, though suffering be the Consequence of our refusal; which we hope to be enabled to bear with patience. And though some part of the money to be raised by the said act is said to be for such Benevolent purposes as Supporting our Friend- ship with our Indian Neighbours, & relieving the distresses of our Fellow Subjects, who have Suffered in the present Calamities, for whom our hearts are deeply pained, and we Affectionately & with bowels of tenderness Sympathise with them therein : & we could most Cheerfully contribute to those purposes if they were not so mixed that we cannot in the maner proposed shew our hearty con- currence therewith without at the same time Assenting to, or allow- ing our selves in practices which we apprehend contrary to the Tes- timony which the Lord hath given us to bear for his name and Truths Sake — And having the health and prosperity of the Society at heart, we earnestly Exhort Friends to wait for the appearing of the true Light, and Stand in the Councell "of God, that we may know "Him to be the Rock of our Salvation and place [of] our Refuge for- "ever. And beware of the Spirit of this world that is unstable, & "often draws into dark & timmerous reasonings, lest the God thereof "should be Suffered to blind the Eye of the mind, and Such not know- "ing the sure Foundation, the Rock of ages" may partake of the Terrors and fears, that are not known to the Inhabitants of that place where the Sheep and Lambs of Christ ever had a quiet Habitation; which a remnant have to Say to the praise of his name they have been blessed with a measure of in this day of Distress. — And as our Fidelity to the present Government, & our willingly paying all Taxes for purposes which do not interfere with our Con-=c^ sciences may justly Exempt us from the Imputation of disloyalty, So we earnestly desire that all who by a deep & quiet seeking for direc- tion from the Holy Spirit, are or Shall be convinced that he calls us as a people to this Testimony may dwell under the guidance of the same Divine Spirit & manifest by the meekness & Humility of their Conversation that they are Realy under that Influence, & therein , may know true Fortitude & patience to bear that & every other Testi- mony commited to them Faithfully & Uniformly: & that all Friends may know their Spirits Cloathed with true Charity the bond of Christian fellowship wherein we again Salute you & remain your friends & brethren. 2IO THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. da mo I s^- — -^ Pliilad" i6. 12. 1755. Signed by Abraham Farrington, ^oh n Ev ans] John Churchman, Mordecai Yarnall, Sam' Fothergill, Sarnuel Eastburn, William Brown, John Scarborrow, Thomas Carleton, Joshua Ely, W" Jackson, James Bartram, Thomas Brown, Daniel Stanton, John Woolman, Isaac Zane, William Home, Benjamin Trotter, An- thony Benezet, John Armit, John Pemberton.' Copies of this Epistle were sent amongst Friends in the several parts of the Province of Pennsylvania, and as Some in the Society who were easie to pay the Tax Spake . . . openly against it, and as some of those who were concerned in the Conferrence . . . believed themselves rightly exercised in puting forward the Epistle, They in the next Yearly meeting Exprest a willingness to have their conduct in that case Enquired into. But friends in the Yearly Meeting did not . . . enter into the Consideration of it^ When the Tax was gath- ered many paid it Actively and Others Scrupled the payment, and in Many places [the Collectors & Constables being friends] distress was made on their goods . . . by their fellow members This deficulty was Considerable and at the Yearly Meeting at Philad' 1757 the matter was opened and a Committee of about . . . forty Friends were ap- pointed Some from each Quarter to consider the case, and report their Judgment on this point whither or no it would be best at this time publickly to Consider it in the Yearly meeting At this meeting were our Friends William Reckett,"*" John Hunt,' and Christopher Willson " from England, Benjamin Ferris"" from the Province of New York, and Thomas Nicholson from North Carolina, who at the request of the Yearly Meeting all sat with us, — we met and Seting some hours adjourned untill the next morning: It was a time of deep Exercise to many minds, and after some hours spent at our Second meeting the following report was drawn & Sign"" by a ix^ in behalf of y" Committee "Agreeable to the appointment of the Yearly meeting we have met "& had(several weighty & deliberate conferrencesjon the Subject com- "mited to us and as we find there are diversity of Sentiments we are "for that & Several other reasons Unanimously of the Judgment that "it is not proper to enter into a publick discussion of the matter & "we are one in Judgment that it is highly necessary for the yearly "meeting to recoiiiend that Friends every where endeavour earnestly "to have their minds covered with fervent Charity towards one an- "other which report was entered on the minutes & Copies sent in the Extracts to the Quarterly & monthly Meetings. ' See Biog. Note, 113. V 1757 211 da mo On the 9. 8. 1757 at night orders came to the Military Officers in our County,^ directing them to draft the Militia, and prepare a number of men to go off as Souldiers, to the relief of the English at Fort William Henry in York - government [which was then Besieged by a number of French & Indians, and in] a few days there was a general review of the Militia at Mountholly, and a number of men chosen and sent off under some Officers. Shortly after, there came orders to draft three times as many, to hold themselves in readiness to march when fresh orders came for it. da mo On the 17. 8. there was a meeting of the Military Officers at Mountholly who agreed on a draft and orders were sent to the men so chosen, to meet their respective Captains at set times and places ; those in our Township to meet at Mountholly, amongst whom were a considerable number of our Society. My mind being aft'ected herewith, I had fresh opertunity to see and|iconsider the advantage of living in the real Substance of Religion, where practice doth harmonize with principle_!) Amongst the Officers are men of understanding who have some regard to Sincerity where they see it, and in the Execution of their Office, when they have men to deal with whom they believe to be upright- hearted. To put them to trouble on account of Scruples of Con- science is a painfull task, & likely to be avoided as much as may be easily. But where men profess to be so meek & Heavenly minded, and to have their trust so firmly settled in God, that they caiinot Joyn in wars and yet by their Spirit and conduct in comon life, manifest a Contrary disposition. Their difficulties are great at such a time. Officers in great anxiety endeavouring to get troops to answer the demands of their Superiors, seeing men who are insincere pretend scruple of Conscience, in hopes of being excused from a dangerous employment, they are likely to be roughly handled. In this time of Commotion, some of our young men left these parts, and tarried abroad till it was over. Some came and proposed to go as Souldiers. Others appear'd to have a real tender Scruple in their minds against Joining in wars, and were much humbled under the apprehension of a Tryal so near. I ^ Burlington, New Jersey. 2 New York. J 12 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN VVOOLMAN chap. had conversation with several of them to niy satisfaction. At the set time when the Captain came to Town some of those last men- tioned went and toitl him in suhstance as follows, "That they could not hear Arms for Conscience Sake, nor could they hire any to go in their places heing- resifjned as to the event of it." At lenL;th the Captain aciiu;iinted them all, that they might return lumic for the pri'sent. ;nid rei|uircd them to [trovide ' [tlicniscU es as Soldiers,] and In lie in rt'adincss to march when called upon. This was such a time as 1 had not seen before, and yet I may say with thank fullness to the Lord, that I believe this tryal was intended for our good, and 1 was favoured with Resignation to him. The French Army taking the I'ort they were besieging, de- stroye^l it & went aw,i\'. The Conipany of men lirst drafted, after some days march, had iirders to return home, and those on the secontl tlraft were no more called upon on that (-\-casion. da mo 'lite 4. 4. 1758, t)rders came to some Ofl'icers in Mountholly, to prepare quarters a short time for about one hundred Soldiers, and an Oflicer and two other men ;dl iiihabil;uits of our town, came to my house and the Officer tokl nie that he came to speak with me to provitle lodging and entertainment for two Souldicrs, there being si.K shillings a week pr. man allowed as i>a\' fur it. The case being new and ime.xpccted, I niailc no answer suiMenly, but sat a time silent,(my mind being inward.} I was fully convinced that the proceedings in wars are inconsistent with the Purity of the Christian Religion and to be hired to entertain men who were under p.ay as Soldiers was a diiliculty with me. I Expected they had legal authority for what they did and after a slK)rt time 1 said to the officer, "If the men are sent here for entertainment, 1 believe I shall not refuse to admit them into my house, but llu' nature of the Case is such that 1 expect 1 cannot keep them on hire." One of the men intimated he thought 1 might do it consist- ant with my Iveligious principles, to which 1 made no reply as believing Silence at that time best for me. Though they spake of two, there came only one, who tiuried at my house about two weeks, and behaNed himself civily ; and when the officer came to pay me 1 told him 1 could not take pay for it, having admitted him into my house in a passive obedience ' MS. B "Soklier-like nci-outrcmt'iiLs uucli as he iiiciilioiu'd to tlu*m." V . 1758 213 to authority. I was on horseback when he spake to me; and as I turned from him he said he was obliged to me, to which I said nothing; but thinking on the Expression I grew uneasie and afterwards being near where he hved, I went [to liis house] and told him on what grounds I refused pay for keeping the Souldier [and I refused it. He said he was oblieged to me, and I was now come to acquaint him more fully on what grounds I refused to take it— the which I did & so we parted.] ^ Near the begining of the year 1758, I went one evening in company with a friend to visit a sick person and before our return we were told of a woman living near who of late had several days together been disconsolate, ocasioned by a Dream wherein death and the Judgments of the Almighty after Death were represented to her mind in a moving maner: her sadness on that account [and her former course of Life] being worn of, the friend with whom I was in company went to see her and had some religious conversation with her and her husband [concerning their Maner of life] With this visit they were somewhat EiTected, and the man in particular, with many tears Expresst his Satisfac- tion and in a short time after the poor man being on the River in a storm of Wind he with one more was drowned, mo In the 8. 1758 having had drawings in my mind to be at the Quarterly meeting in Chester county, and at some meetings in Philad'^ county, I went first to said Quarterly meeting, which was large ; and several matters of weight came under consideration and debate, and the Lord was pleased to Qualify some of his Servants with Strength and firmness to bear the burthen of the day. Though I said but little my mind was deeply Exercised, and under a sense of Gods love in the anointing & fiting of some young men for his work, I was comforted, and my heart was tendered before him. From hence I went to the youths meeting at Darby where my beloved friend and Brother Benjamin ^ Jones ^'^ met me by an agreement made before I left home, to join in the Visit and we were at Radnor, Merrion, Richland, Northwales, Plimouth, and Abington and had cause to bow in reverence before the Lord our * MS. B omits this sentence. - Benjamin Jones was father-in-law of John Woolman's nephew, Uz, son of Zebulon & Estfier (Woolman) Gauntt. 214 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Gracious God, by whose help way was opened for us from day to day. I was out about two weeks, and rode about 200 miles. \()ne evening a Friend came to our Lodgings who was a [ustice of the Peace, and in a friendly way introduced the Subject of J\efusing to pay taxes to Support wars and perceiving that I was one who Scrupled the payment. Said that he had wanted an ( )pi>rtunity A\'ith sonic in that ("ircumstance, whereupon we had some Conversation in a Brotherly way on Some texts of Scripture relating thereto, in the Conclusion of which he said that According to Our way of proceeding it would follow that whenever the Administration of Government was ill, we must Suffer destraint of goods rather than pay actively toward Supporting it. 1^.; which I replied Men put in publick Stations are intended for good purposes, Some to make good laws, others to take care that those laws are not broken. Now if these men thus set apart do not answer the design of their Institution, our freely contributing to Support them in that Capacity when we certainly know that they are wrong, is to Strengthen them in a wrong way & tends to makr them forget that it is so, F.ut when from a Clear understanding hi the case we are Really uneasie with the application of money, and in the Spirit of meekness suffer distress to be made on our goods rather than pay actively, this joyned with an upright Uniform life may tend to put men a thinking about their own publick Conduct. He said he would propose a Medium. That is, where men in Authority do not act agreable to the mind of those who Con- stituted them he thought the people should Rather Remonstrate than refuse a Volentary payment of moneys so demanded, and added. Civil Government is an agreement of free men, by which they Oblige themselves to Abide by Certain Laws as a Standard, and to refuse to Obey in that Case is of the like nature as to refuse to do any particular act which we had Covenanted to do. I replied, that in making Covenants, it was agreeable to Honesty and up- rightness to take care that we do not foreclose ourselves from adhering Strictly to true Virtue in all Occurrences relating thereto. But if I should unwarily promise to Obey the orders of a Certain man, or numlier of men, without any proviso, and he, or they Coifiand me to assist in doing some great Wickedness, I may then Se my error in making Such promise and an active Obedience in V 1758 215 that case would be Ading one evil to another : That though by Such promise I should be lyable to punishment for disobedience, yet to Suffer rather than Act to me appears most Virtuous. <• — ' The whole of our Conversation was in Calmness & good Will. And here it may be noted that in Pehsylvania, where there are many friends under that Scruple, a petition was presented to the Assembly by a large number of friends, asking that no Law might be passed to Enjoyn the payment of money for such Uses, which they as a peacable people could not pay for Conscience Sake.] ^ The ]\Ionthh' IMceting of Philad'^. having been under a concern on account of Some Friends who this summer A. D. 1758 had bought Negro Slaves, the said meeting moved it in their Quar- terly meeting, to have the minute reconsidered in the Yearly Meet- ing, which was made last on that subject: And the said Quarterly meeting appointed a Committee to consider it and report to their next, [being that preceding the Yearly Meeting.] Which Com- mittee having met once and adjourned, and I going to Philad^. to meet a Committee of the Yearly Meeting, was in Town the Evening on which the Quarterly meetings Committee met the Second time ; and finding an inclination to sit with them was with some others admited, and Friends had a weighty conference, on the subject. And soon after their next Quarterly meeting, I heard that the case was coming to our Yearly Meeting, which brought a weighty Exercise upon me, and under a Sense of my own infirmities, and the great danger I felt of turning aside from perfect purity, my mind was often drawn to retire alone, and put up my prayers to the Lord, that he would be graciously pleased to so strengthen me, that, seting aside all views of Self Interest and the friendship of this world, I might stand fully resigned to his Holy Will. In this Yearly Meeting Several weighty matters were con- sidered and toward the last, that in relation to dealing with per- sons who purchase Slaves. During the Several Sittings of the said meeting, my mind was frequently covered with inward prayer, and I could say with David that tears were my meat day and night. The case of Slave Keeping lay heavy upon me. nor did I find any Engagement to speak directly to any other matter before 1 MS. A, p. 90. This incident is not given in B nor in ist Ed. 1774. It occurred in Philadelphia. 2i6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the meeting. Now when this case was opened, Several Faithfull Friends spake weightily thereto, with which I was Comforted, and feeling a Concern to cast in my mite, I said in Stibstance, as follows : "In the difficulties attending us in this life, nothing is more precious than the mind of Truth inwardly manifested, and it is my Earnest Desire that in this weighty Matter we may be so truly humbled, as to be favoured with a clear understanding of the mind of Truth, and follow it : this would be of more advantage to the society, than any mediums [which are] not in the Clear- ness of Divine wisdom. The case is difficult to Some who have them, but if such set aside all self-interest, and come to be weaned from the desire of geting Estates, or even from holding them together when Truth requires the Contrary, I believe way will open, that they will know how to Steer through those diffi- culties." Many Friends appeared to be deeply bowed under the weight of the work ; and manifested much firmness in their Love to the Cause of Truth and universal Righteousness in the Earth. And though none did openly Justifie the practice of Slave Keeping in ■^ general, yet some appear'd concern'd, lest the meeting Should go into Such measures as might give uneasiness to Many Brethren, alledging that if Friends patiently (Continued under the exercise, the Lord in time to Come, might open a way for the Deliverance of these people, and I finding an Engagement to speak said "My mind is ofteil led to consider the purity of the Divine Being, and the Justice of his Judgments and herein my Soul is covered with awfullness. I cannot omit to hint of some cases, where people have not been treated with the purity of justice, and the event hath been lamentable. Many Slaves on this continent are op- pressed, and their cries have reached the ears of the Most High! Such are the purity and certainty of his judgments, that he can- not be partial [toward any.] In infinite love and goodness he hath opened our understandings from time to [time respecting] our duty toward this people, and it is not a time for delay. Should we now be sensible of what he requires of us, and through a respect to the outward interest of some persons, or through a regard to some friendships which do not stand on the immutable foundation, neglect to do our duty in firmness & constancy, still V 1758 217 waiting for some extraordinary means to bring about their free- dom, it may be that by Terrible things in Righteousness God many answer us in this matter." ^ Many faithful brethren laboured with great firmness, and the love of Truth in a good degree, prevailed. Several Friends who had Negroes, exprest their desire that a rule might be made to deal with such Friends as Offenders who might buy Slaves in future. To this it was [replied] that the root of this evil would not be removed from amongst us, till a close enquiry was made in [regard to the righteousness of] their motives [who detained Negroes in their service] that impartial justice might be admin- istered throughout. Several Friends exprest a desire that a visit might be made to such Friends who kept Slaves: and many Friends said that they believed Uberty was the Negroes right, to which at length no opposition was made publickly. A minute was [at length] made more full on that Subject than any heretofore and the names of several Friends entered who were free to joyn in a visit to such who [kept] Slaves. 1 The italics are John Woolman's. CHAPTER VI 1758 da mo The II. II. 1758, I set out for Concord. That Quarterly meeting, [which] heretofore was [but one, was now,] by reason of a great increase of Members divided into two by agreement of Friends at our last Yearly Meeting. Here I met with our be- loved friends Samuel Spavold "' and Mary Kirby "* from Eng- land, [now on a Religious visit] And with Joseph White '^ from Bucks county, who had taken leave of his wife & family in order to go on a religious visit to England and through Divine good- aiess, we were favoured with a strengthening oportunity together, s" After this meeting I joyned with my friends Daniel Stanton^" and John Scarborough "'* in visiting Friends who had Slaves, and at night we had a family meeting at WilHam Trimbles,^"" [there being a good] many young people and it was a precious reviving oportunity. Next morning we had a comfortable siting with a Sick neighbour, and thence to the Burial of a Friend at Uwchland ^ meeting, at which were many people, and it was a time of Divine Favour, after which we visited some who had Slaves. The next day we visited Several others who had Slaves, and at night had a family siting at our friend Aaron Ashbridges,"^ where the Chaiiel ^of Gospel Love was opened, and my rnind was comforted after a hard days Labour. The next day was at Goshen monthly meeting; da mo and then, on the 18. 11. 1758, attended the Quarterly meeting at London Grove,- it being the first held at that place. Here we met again with all the before mentioned Friends, and had some Edefy- ing meetings & near the Conclusion of the meeting for business. Friends were Incited to Constancy in Supporting the Testimony ^ Uwchlan, Pennsylvania, - London Grove was set off from Goshen when the latter grew too large, and I'Vitnds settled at the former place in great numbers, 218 VI 1758 219 of Truth, & reminded of the necessity which the [Disciples] of [Christ] are under to attend principally to his business as he is pleased to open it to us ; and to be particularly caref uU to have our minds redeemed from the Love of Wealth; to have our out- ward Affairs in as little room as may be, that no temporal con- cerns may entangle our Affections, or hinder us from diligently following the dictates of Truth, in Labouring to promote the pure Spirit of Meekness and heavenly mindedness amongst the Chil- dren of men, in these days of Calamity wherein God is visiting our Land with his just Judgments. [After this I rode home.] Each of these Quarterly meetings were large, and sat near eight hours : here I had occasion to consider that it is a weighty thing to speak much in large meetings for Business [First.] ex- cept our minds are rightly prepared, & we clearly understanding the case we speak to, instead of forwarding, we hinder business, and make Labour for those on whom the burden of the work is laid. If selfish views or party spirit have any room in our minds we are unfit for the Lords work. If we have a clear prospect of the business, and proper weight on our minds to speak, it ■ behoves us to avoid Useless Apologies and repetitions. Where people are gathered from far, and Adjourning a meeting of business is attended with great difficulty, it behoves all to be cau- tious how they detain a meeting, especially when they have sat Six or Seven hours and have a good way to ride home. [In 300 minutes are 5 hours and he that improperly detains three hundred people one minute in a Meeting, besides other Evils that attend it, does an injury like that of Imprisoning one man 5 hours with- out cause. ]^ mo In the begining of the 12. 1758, I joyned in company with my friends John Sykes ^^ and Daniel Stanton,*" in visiting such "•^ho had Slaves. Some whose hearts were rightly Exercised about them,2 appear'd to be glad of our visit, and in some places our way was more difficult, and I often saw the necessity of keep- ing down to that Root from whence our Concern proceeded, and have cause, in Reverent Thankfulness, humbly to bow down 1 MSS. A and B both include this paragraph. All editors omit it. ' MS. B "and were concerned to do the thing that was right." 220 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. before the Lord, who was near to me, and preserved my mind in Calmness under Some Sharp Conflicts, and begat a Spirit of Sympathy and tenderness in me, toward Some who were griev- ously Entangled by the Spirit of this world. mo In the I. 1759, having found my mind drawn toward a visit to Some of the more active members in our Society at Philad" who had Slaves, I met John Churchman ^^ there by an agreement and we Continued about a week in the Citty. We visited some sick people & Some Widows and their Families and the other part of our time was mostly Employed in Visiting such who had Slaves. It was a time of deep Exercise, Looking often to the Lord for his Assistance, who in unspeakable kindness, favour'd us with the influence of that Spirit which Crucifies to the world, and Enabled us to go through some heavy Labours in which we found peace. da mo 24: 3: 1759, I was at our General Spring meeting at Philad'' at which was William Reckit ^"^ and John Storer ^^ from England and after this meeting I again joyned with John Churchman '^ on a Visit to some more who had Slaves in Philad''; and, with Thankfulness to Our Heavenly Father I may say, that Divine Love and a true Sympathizing Tenderness of heart attended us. Having at times perceived a Shyness in some Friends of Con- siderable note towards me, I found an Engagement in Gospel love to pay a Visit to one of them, and as I kept under the Exercise I felt a Resignedness in my mind to go. So I went [to his house] and told him in private I had a desire to have an Oportunity with him alone, to which he readily agreed. And then in the Fear of the Lord, things relating to that Shyness were Searched to the bottom, and we had a large conference which I believe was of use to both of us, and am thankfuU that way was opened for it. da mo 14. 6. 1759 having felt drawings in my mind to visit Friends about Salem, and having the [agreement] of our Monthly Meet- ing therein, I attended their Quarterly meeting, and was out Seven days, and was at seven meetings, in some of which I was chiefly Silent, and in others, through the Baptizing power of Truth, my heart was Enlarged in Heavenly Love, and found a VI I 759 221 near fellow feeling with the Brethren and Sisters in the mani- fold tryals attending their Christian progress through this world, mo In 7. 1759, I found an increasing concern on my mind to visit some active members in our Society who had Slaves, and having no Oportunity of the Company of Such who were nam'd on the minutes of the Yearly Meeting, I went alone to their houses, and in the fear of the Lord acquainted them with the Exercise I was under, and thus sometimes by a few words I found myself discharged from a heavy burthen. After this, our frd John Churclimaiv^'^ coming ir^to our province with a view to be at Some meetings, and to joyn again in the Visit to those who had Slaves, I bore him Company in the said visit to some active members [in which I] found inward satisfaction. At our Yearly Meeting 1759 we had some weighty [meetings] where the power of Truth was largely Extended to the strengthen- ing of the honest-minded. As friends read over,ilie^Epistles_to be sent to the Yearly Meetings along this Continent, I observed in most of them, both this year and last, it was recommended to Friends to labour against Buying and keeping Slav es, and in some of them closely treated upon. As this practice hath long been a heavy Exercise to me, as I have often waded through mortifying Labours on that account, and at times, in some meetings been al- most alone therein; now observing the increasing concern [in the] Society, and Seeing how the Lord was Raising up and Qualifying Servants for his work, not only in this respect, but for promoting the Cause of Truth in general, I was humbly bowed in thankfull- ness before him. This meeting continued near a week and several days the fore part of it, my mind was drawn into a deep inward Stillness, and being at times, covered with the spirit of supplication my heart was Secretly poured out before the Lord, and near the end [I felt an increasing Exercise to Speak, and near the Conclusion of the last meeting for Business, way opened,] that in the pure flowing of Divine love I exprest what lay upon me which as it then aros; in my mind was first to show how deep answers to deep in the hearts of sincere & upright men though in their different growths they may not all have attained to the same clearness in some points 222 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. relating to our Testimony, Wherein I was led to mention the Integrity and Constancy of Many Martyrs who gave their lives for the testimony of Jesus ; and yet in some points held doctrines distinguishable from some which we hold. How that in all ages where people were Faithfull to the Light and understanding which the Most High afforded them they found acceptance with Him, and that now, though there are different ways of thinking amongst us in some particulars, yet if we mutually kept to that Spirit and power which Crucifies to the world, which teaches us to be con- tent with things realy needful, and to avoid all Superfluities, giving up our hearts to fear and Serve the Lord, true Unity may Still be preserved amongst us. And that if such, who at times were under sufferings on Account of some scruples of Conscience, kept low & humble, and in their Conduct in life manifested a Spirit of true Charity it would be more likely to reach the witness in others and be of more Service in the Church, than if their Sufferings were attended with a Contrary Spirit and Conduct. In which Exercise I was drawn into a Sympathizing Tenderness with the Sheep of Christ, however distinguished one from another in this world, and the like disposition appear'd to spread over some others in the meeting. Great is the Goodness of y*" Lord toward us, his poor Creatures. An Epistle went forth from this Yearly Meeting, which I think good to give a place in this Journal [which is] as follows ^ Prom the Yearly Meeting held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and Nczv Jersey, from, the 22d day of the gth month, to the 2StIi of the same, inclusive, 1759. To the Quarterly and Monthly meetings of Friends belonging to the said Yearly Meeting. Dearly beloved friends and brethren, — In an awful sense of the wisdom and goodness of the Lord our ' MS. A, p. 97. This sentence, "An Epistle went forth," has been written over an erasure that has been deciphered, as follows: "A short time before I went to this Yearly Meeting, I felt a weight on my Mind in regard to Writing on Some Subjects then Opened before me, whereupon I wrote an Essay of an Epistle, which, being examined and corrected by the Committee on the Epistle, was signed by a number of Friends in behalf of the Meeting, and was as follows" . A note at bottom of MS. B, p. 177, reads, "1772. I am easier that that Epistle be left out." He omits it in MS. A. It has been included in every printed edition, and is here retained because his note proves Wool- man's authorship. The original broadside, printed by Benjamin Franklin, is in the Library of Haverford College, Pa. VI 1759 223 God, whose tender mercies have long been continued to us in this land, we affectionately salute you; with sincere and fervent desires, that we may reverently regard the dispensations of his providence, and improve under them. The empires and kingdoms of the earth are subject to his Almighty power. He is the god of the spirits of all flesh; and deals with hi; people agreeable to that wisdom, the depth whereof is to us un- searchable. We, in these provinces, may say, He hath, as a gracious and tender parent, dealt bountifully with us, even from the days of our fathers. It was He who strengthened them to labour through the difficulties attending the improvement of a wilderness, and made way for them in the hearts of the natives ; so that by them they were comforted in times of want and distress ; it was by the gracious' influences of his holy spirit, that they were disposed to work right- eousness, and to walk uprightly one towards another, and towards the natives ; and in life and conversation to manifest the excellency of the principles and doctrines of the christian religion ; and thereby they retain their esteem and friendship. Whilst they were labouring for the necessaries of life, many of them were fervently engaged to promote piety and virtue in the earth, and to educate their children in the fear of the Lord. If we carefully consider the peaceable measures pursued in the first settlement of the land, and that freedom from the desolations of wars, which for a long time we enjoyed, we shall find ourselves under strong obligations to the Almighty, who, when the earth is so gen- erally polluted with wickedness, gave us a being in a part so signally favoured with tranquillity and plenty; and in which the glad tidings of the gospel of Christ are so freely published, that we may justly say with the psalmist, "What shall we render unto the Lord for all his benefits !" Our own real good, and the good of our posterity, in some measure depends on the part we act; and it nearly concerns us to try our foundations impartially. Such are the different rewards of the just and unjust in a future state, that to attend diligently to the dictates of the spirit of Christ, to devote ourselves to his service, and engage fervently in his cause, during our short stay in this world, is a choice well becoming a free intelligent creature; we shall thus clearly see and consider that the dealings of God with mankind in a national capacity, as recorded in holy writ, do sufficiently evidence the truth of that saying, "It is righteousness which exalteth a nation." And tho' he doth not at all times suddenly execute his judgments on a sinful people in this life, yet we see by many instances, that where "men follow lying vanities, they forsake their own mercies:" and as 224 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. a proud, selfish spirit prevails and spreads among a people, so partial judgment, oppression, discord, envy and confusions increase, and provinces and kingdoms are made to drink the cup of adversity as a reward of their own doings. Thus the inspired prophet, reasoning with the degenerated Jews, saith, "Thine own wickedness shall cor- rect thee, and thy backslidings shall reprove thee : know therefore, that it is an evil thing and bitter, that thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God, and that my fear is not in thee, saith the Lord God of hosts." Jer. ii. 19. The God of our fathers, who hath bestowed on us many benefits, furnished a table for us in the wilderness, and made the deserts and solitary places to rejoice; he doth now mercifully call upon us to serve him more faithfully. We may truly say with the prophet, "It is his voice which crieth to the city, and men of wisdom see his name. They regard the rod, and him who hath appointed it." People who look chiefly at things outward, too little consider the original cause of the present troubles; but such who fear the Lord, and think often upon his name, they see and feel that a wrong spirit is spreading among the inhabitants of our country ; that the hearts of many are waxed fat, and their ears dull of hearing ; that the Most High, in his visitations to us, instead of calling, he lifteth up his voice and crieth ; he crieth to our country, and his voice waxeth louder and louder. In former wars between the English and other nations, since the settlement of our provinces, the calamities attending them have fallen chiefly on other places, but now of late they have reached to our borders: many of our fellow subjects have suffered on and near our frontiers ; some have been slain in battle, some killed in their houses, and some in their fields, some wounded and left in great misery, and others separated from their wives and little children, who have been carried captives among the Indians. We have seen men and women who have been witnesses of these scenes of sorrow, and being reduced to want, have come to our liouses asking relief. It is not long since it was the case of many young men in one of these provinces to be draughted, in order to be taken as soldiers: some were at that time in great distress, and had occasion to consider that their lives had been too little conformable to the purity and spirituality of that religion which we profess, and found themselves too little acquainted with that inward humility, in which true fortitude to endure hardness for the Truth's sake is experienced. Many parents were concerned for their children, and in that time of trial were led to consider, that their care to get outward treasure for them, had been greater than their care for their settlement in that religion which crucifieth VI 1759 225 to the world, and enableth to bear a clear testimony to the peaceable government of the Messiah. These troubles are removed, and for a time we are released from them. Let us not forget that "the Most High hath his way in the deep, in clouds and in thick darkness" — that it is his voice which crieth to the city and to the country; and, Oh! that these loud and awakening cries, may have a proper effect upon us, that heavier chastisement may not become necessary ! For though things, as to the outward, may, for a short time, afford a pleasing prospect; yet while a selfish spirit that is not subject to the cross of Christ, continueth to spread and prevail, there can be no long continuance in outward peace and tranquillity. If we desire an inheritance incorruptible, and to be at rest in that state of peace and happiness which ever continues : if we desire in this life to dwell under the favour and protection of that Almighty Being, whose habitation is in holiness, whose ways are all equal, and whose anger is now kindled because of our back- slidings; let us then awfully regard these beginnings of his sore judg- ments, and with abasement and humiliation turn to Him whom we have offended. Contending with one equal in strength is an uneasy exercise : but if the Lord is become our enemy, if we persist to contend with Him who is omnipotent, our overthrow will be unavoidable. Do we feel an affectionate regard to posterity ; and are we em- ployed to promote their happiness ? Do our minds, in things out- ward, look beyond our own dissolution ; and are we contriving for the prosperity of our children after us? Let us then, like wise builders, lay the foundation deep; and by our constant uniform regaid to an inward piety and virtue, let them see that we really value it. Let us labour, in the fear of the Lord, that their innocent minds, while young and tender, may be preserved from corruptions ; that as they advance in age, they may rightly understand their true inter- est, may consider the uncertainty of temporal things, and above all, have their hope and confidence firmly settled in the blessing of that Almighty Being, who inhabits eternity, and preserves and supports the world. In all our cares about worldly treasures, let us steadily bear in mind, that riches possessed by children who do not truly serve God, are likely to prove snares, that may more grievously entangle them in that spirit of selfishness and exaltation, which stands in opposition to real peace and happiness; and renders them enemies to the cross of Christ, who submit to the influence of it. To keep a watchful eye towards real objects of charity, to visit the poor in their lonesome dwelling places, to comfort them who, 226 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. through the dispensations of Divine Providence, are in strait and painful circumstances in this life, and steadily to endeavour to honour God with our substance, from a real sense of the love of Christ influencing- our minds thereto, is more likely to bring a bless- ing to our children, and will afford more satisfaction to a christian favoured with plenty, than an earnest desire to collect much wealth to leave behind us ; for "here we have no continuing city :" may we therefore diligently "seek one that is to come, whose builder and maker is God." "Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report; if there be any virtue, if there be any praise, think on these things and do them, and the God of peace shall be with you." Signed by appointment, and on behalf of our said meeting, by MoRDECAi Yarnall,'" John Scarbrough, Thomas Massey, Peter Fearon, John Churchman, Thomas Evans, Joseph Parker. da mo ^ [28th nth 1759, I was at the Quarterly meeting in Bucks county ; this day being the meeting of ministers and elders, my heart was enlarged in the love of Jesus Christ; and the favour of the Most High was extended to us in that and the ensuing Meeting. I had conversation, at my lodging, with my beloved friend Samuel Eastburn ; ^^ who expressed a concern to join in a visit to some Friends in that County, who had Negroes ; and as I had felt a Draught in my mind to that work in the said county, da mo I came home and put things in order; on the 11 : 12: I went over the River ; and on the next day was at Buckingham meeting ; where, through the descendings of Heavenly dew, my mind was comforted and drawn into a near unity with the flock of Jesus Christ. Entering upon this visit appeared weighty : and before I left 'MS. A omits the following paragraphs. MS. B, p. 179, is the only one which includes this visit to Bucks County, Pa. The first edition, 1774, retains it as given in B. showing that the Committee on Publication were using all three of the Manuscripts in their Editorial Work. VI 1759 227 home my mind was often sad ; under which exercise I felt, at times, that Holy Spirit which helps our infirmities ; through which in private my prayers were at times put up to God that he would be pleased so to purge me from all Selfishness, so that I might be strengthened to discharge my duty Faithfully how hard soever to the natural part. We proceeded on the visit in a weighty frame of Spirit, and went to the Houses of the most active members throughout the county who had Negroes, and through the Grood- ness of the Lord, my mind was preserved in Resignation in times of tryal. And though the work was hard to nature, yet through the strength of that Love which is stronger that Death, tenderness of heart was often felt amongst us in our Visits, and we parted from several families with greater satisfaction than we expected. We visited Joseph Whites "^ Family, he being in England ; had also a family sitting at the house of an elder who bore us company and were at Makefield on a first-day. At all which times my heart was truly thankful to the Lord who was graciously pleased to renew his loving kindness to us his poor servants, uniting us together in his work.] ^ In the winter [1759] the smallpox being in [and about] town and many being Inoculated, of which [some] died, Some things were opened in my mind, which I wrote as follows The more fully our lives are comformable to the will of God, the better it is for us. I have looked on the Smallpox as a Messenger sent from the Almighty, to be an Assistant in the Cause of Virtue, and to incite us to consider whether we Employ our time only in such things as are Consistent with Perfect Wisdom and goodness. Building houses sutable to dwell in, for ourselves and our Creatures, preparing Cloathing sutable to the Climate & Season, and food convenient, are all duties incumbent on us. And under these general heads are many branches of business in which we may venture health and life as necessity may require. This disease being in a house and my business calling me to go near it : It incites me to think whether this business is a real indispens- able duty, whether it is not in conformity to some Custom, which would be better laid aside, or whether it does not proceed from too Eager a pursuit of some outward treasure. If the business ^ MS. A, p. 98, here resumes the narrative. 228 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. before me springs not from a Clear understanding, and a regard to that use of things which [pure] WISDOM approves; to be brought to a sence of it and Stoped in my pursuit, is a kindness, for when I proceed to business without some evidence of Duty, I have found by experience that it tends to weakness. H I am so scituated that there appears no probability of missing the infection, it tends to make me think whether my maner of life in things outward, has nothing in it which may unfit my Body to receive this messenger in a way the most favourable to me. Do I use Food and Drink in no other Sort, and in no other degree, than was designed by Him who gave these Creatures for our Sustenance ? Do I never abuse my Body by inordinate Labour, Striving to Accomplish some end which I have unwisely pro- posed? Do I use action enough in some Useful Employ, or do I set too much idle, while some persons who labour to support mfe have too great a share of [Labour] If in any of these things I am deficient, to be incited to Consider it, is a favour to me. There is employ necessary in social life, & this [Mortal] in- fection incites me to think whether these Social acts of mine are real duties. If I go on a Visit to the widows and Fatherless, do I go purely on a principle of Charity, free from every selfish view. If I go to a Religious meeting, it [should] put me a thinking whether I go in sincerity and in a clear sence of duty, or whether it is not partly in conformity to Custom, or partly from a sensible delight which my animal Spirits feel in the Company of other people, and whether to Support my [reputation]^ as a Religious man, has no share in it. [Am I called upon to assist in] affairs relating to Civil society, as I hazard my health and life [in coming near this infection, it is fit for] me to think Seriously, whether love to Truth and Righteousness is the motive of my attending ; whether the manner of proceeding is altogether Equitable; or whether aught of nar- rowness, party interest, respect to outward dignities, names, or [Collours of] men, do not stain the beauty of those Assemblies, and render [the case] doubtfuU in point of duty, whether a Disciple of Christ ought to attend as a Member united to the Body or not. Whenever there are blemishes which for a Series of time re- > MS. B "Character." VI 1759 229 main Such, that which is a means of Stiring us up to look atten- tively on these blemishes, and to Labour according to our Capaci- ties, to have [true] health and Soundness restored in our Country, we may justly account a kindness from our Gracious Father, who appointed that mean. The care of a wise and good man for his only Son, is inferior to the Regard of the great PARENT of the Universe for his creatures. [The jNIost High] hath the Coihand of all the powers and operations in nature, and doth not afflict unUingly, nor grieve the children of men. [Chastisement is intended for Instruction, and Instruction being received by gentle Chastisement, greater calamities are prevented.] By an Earthquake hundreds of houses are sometimes shaken down in a few minutes, and multitudes of people perish Sud- denly and many more being crushed and bruised in the Ruins of the buildings, pine away and die in great ^Misery. Bv the breaking in of Enraged, merciless armies, flourishing Countries have been laid waste and great numbers of people per- ished in a Short time and many more pressed with povert}- and grief. By the Pestilence people have died so fast in a City, that through fear, grief, & Confusion. Those in health have found great difhcult}- in burying the dead, even without Coffins. By a famine great numbers of people in some places have been brought to the Utmost distress, and pined away for want of the necessaries of life. Thus where the kind Invitations and Gentle Chastisements of a Gracious God have not been attended to, his Sore Judgments have at times been poured out upon people. While some rules approv'd in Civil Societs-, & Conformable to human Policy so called are distinguishable from the purity of Truth and Righteousness, [it behoves us to meditate on the end to which those ways are leading.] While many professing the Truth are declineing from that ardent Love and Heavenly mindedness, which was amongst the primitive followers of Jesus Christ; [while I and thee as Individuals feel our-Selves Short of that Perfection in Virtue, which our Heavenly Father hath made possible for us. It is a time for Countries, Societies and In- dividuals] to attend diligently to the intent of Ever}' Chastisement, & Consider the most deep and inward design of them. 230 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, vi The Most High doth not often speak with an outward voice to our outward Ears ; but if we humbly meditate on his perfections, Consider that He is perfect Wisdom & Goodness, and to Afflict his Creatures to no purpose would be utterly reverse to his Nature, we Shall hear & understand his language, both in his gentle and more heavy Chastisements, and take heed that we do not, in the wisdom of this world, endeavour to Escape his hand by means too powerful! for us [to apply to. J Had he Endowed men with understanding to hinder the force of this disease by innocent means, which had never proved rriortal nor hurtful to our bodies, Such discovery might be considered as the period of Chastisement by this distemper, where that knowl- edge Extended. But as life and health are his gifts, and not to be disposed of in our own wills, To take upon us, when in health a distemper of which some die, requires great Clearness of knowl- edge that it is our duty to do so. [Was no business done, no visits made nor any Assembling of people together but Such as were consistent with pure wisdom, nor No Inoculation, there would be a great alteration in the Operation of this disorder amongst men.] CHAPTER VII 1760 Having, for some time past felt a Sympathy in my mind with Friends Eastward I opened my concern in our monthly meeting, da mo and obtaining a Certificate, set forward on the 17. 4. 1760, Joyn- ing in Company, by a previous agreement, with my beloved Friend Samuel Eastburn.-^ We had meetings at Woodbridge, Raugh- way,^ and Plainfield ; and were at their monthly meeting of Min- ■ isters and Elders in Raughway. We laboured under some dis- couragements, but through the power of Truth, our visit was made reviving to the lowly-minded with whom I felt a near unity of Spirit, being much reduced in my own mind. We passed on & visited chief of the meetings on Long Island. It was my Concern from day to day to say no more nor less than what the spirit of Truth opened in me, being Jealouse over myself, lest I should Speak any thing to make my testimony look agreeable to that mind in people which is not in pure obedience to the Cross of Christ. The spring of the Ministry was often low, and thro' the Sub- jecting power of Truth we were kept low with it, and from place to place, such whose hearts were truly concerned for the cause of Christ, appeared to be comforted in our labours. And though it was in general a time of abasement of the Creature, yet through His Goodness who is a helper of the poor, we had some truly Edefying Seasons both in meetings and in families where we tar- ried and Sometimes found Strength to labour Earnestly with the unfaithfuU Especially with those whose Station in families, or in the Society was Such, that their Example had a powerfull ten- dency to Open the way for others to go aside from the purity and soundness of the blessed Truth. 1 Rahway, New Jersey. 231 232 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. At Jericho, on Long Island I wrote [a letter] home as fol- lows ^ da mo 24. 4. 1760. Dearly Belovd Wife, — We are favoured with health, have been at Sundry meetings in East Jersey & on this Island. My mind hath been in an inward watchful! frame Since I left thee, greatly desiring that our proceed- ings may be Singly in the will of Our Heavenly Father. As the present appearance of things is not joyous, I have been much shut up from outward Chearfulness, remembering that promise, "Then shalt thou delight thyself in the Lord." As this from day to day has been revived in my memory, I have considered that his Internal presence on our minds is a delight of all others the most pure ; and that the honest hearted not only delight in this, but in the Effect of it upon them. He regards the helpless and distressed, and reveals his Love to His Children under AfHiction, they delight in beholding his Benevolence, & feeling Divine Charity moving upon them : Of this I may speak a little, for though since I left you, I have often found an Engaging love & Affection towards thee and my daughter, and Friends about home; that going out at this time, when Sickness is so great amongst you, is a tryal upon me ; yet I often remember there are many Widows and Fatherless, many who have poor Tutors, many who have evil Examples before them, and many whose minds are in Captivity, for whose sake my heart is at times moved with Compassion, that I feel my mind resigned to leave you for a Season, to exercise that Gift which the Lord hath bestowed on me, which though small compared with some, yet in this I rejoyce, that I feel love unfeigned toward my fellow-creatures. I recom- mend you to the Almighty, who I trust cares for you, and under a Sence of his Heavenly Love, remain thy Loving Husband, J. W. We Crossed from the East end of Long Island to New Lon- don, about thirty mile in a large open Boat. While we were out the wind riseing high, the waves several times beat over us, that to me it appeared dangerous, but my mind was at that time turned to Him who made and Governs the Deep, and my life was re- signed to him: and as he was Mercifully pleased to preserve us, I ■ Original unlocated. John Woolman's host at Jericho, from whose house this letter was written, was probably Richard Willetts, son of Jacob and Mary (Jackson) Willetts. [J. Cox, Jr.] See other letters to his wife on this Journey in Introduction. VII 1760 233 had fresh occasion to consider every Day as a Day lent to me, and felt a renewed Engagement to Devote my time and all I had to Him who gave it. We had five meetings in Narraganset and thence to Newport. Our Gracious Father presev'd us in a humble dependence on Him through deep exercises that were mortifying to the creaturely will. In several families in the Country where we lodged I felt an Engagement on my mind to have a Conferrence with them in pri- vate concerning their Slaves, and through Divine aid I was fa- voured to give up thereto. Though in this [case] I appear sin- gular from many, whose service in traveling I believe is greater than mine, I do not think hard of them for omiting it. I do not repine at having so unpleasant a task assigned me. But look with Aw fulness to Him who Appoints to his servants their respective Employments and is good to all who serve Him sincerely. We got to Newport in the Evening & had comfortable setings with them and in the afternoon attended the Burial of a Friend.^ The next day we were at meeting at Newport [the] forenoon and after, where the Spring of the Ministry was opened, and Strength given to declare the word of Life to the people. The next day we went on our Journey, but the great number of Slaves in these parts, and the Continuance of a Trade from there to Guinea, made deep impression on me, and my Cries were often put up to my Father in Secret, that he would enable me to discharge my duty Faithfully in such way as he might be pleased to point out to me. We took Swanzey, Free-town, and Tanton ^ in our way to Boston, where also we had a meeting. Our Exercise was deep, & the Love of Truth prevailed, for which I Bless the Lord. We went Eastward about Eighty miles beyond Boston ^ take- ing meetings and were in a good degree preserved in a Humble dependence on that arm which drew us out. And, though we had Some hard labour with the disobedient, laying things home & Close to such who were stout against the Truth, yet through the goodness of God we had at times to partake of Heavenly Comfort with them who were meek, and Often were favoured to part with ^ Mary, the wife of Abram Redwood. ' Taunton, Mass. ' Probably to Dover, N. H. 234 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. friends in the nearness of true gospel fellowship. We returned to Boston and had another comfortable oportunity with Friends there and thence rode a days Journey Westward to Bolton. Our pilot being a heavy man, and the weather hot, and my Companion & I considering it, Expresst our freedom to go on without him, to which he consented, & so we Respectfully took our leave of him: this we did as believing the Journey would have [went] hard with him and his horse. We visited the meetings in those parts & were measurably Baptized into a feeling of the State of the Society, and in Bowed- ness of Spirit went to the Yearly Meeting at Newport, where I understood that a large number of Slaves were imported from Africa & then on Sale by a member of our Society. At this meeting we met with John Storer ^- from England, Eliz. Ship- ley,-" Hanah Foster," Ann Gauntt,^"^ and Mercy Redman,^"* from our parts, all ministers of the Gospel, of whose Company I was glad. At this time I had a feeling of the condition of Habakkuk, as thus expresst : ^ "When I heard, my Belly trembled, my lips quivered, [my appetite failed and I grew outwardly weak,] and I trembled in myself that I might rest in the day of trouble." ^ I had many cogitations, and was sorely distresst I was desirous that Friends might petition the Legislators to Use their En- deavours to discourage the future Importation of them For I saw that this trade was a great Evil, and tended to multiply trou- bles, and bring distresses on the people in those parts, for whose wellfare my heart was deeply Concerned, but I perceived Several difficulties in regard to petitioning, and Such was the Exercise of mind, that I had thoughts of Endeavouring to get an Oportunity to Speak a few words in the House of Assembly, [they being then] seting in the Town. This Exercise came upon me in the * Hab. iii. i6. Incorrectly quoted, from memory. •The Yearly Meeting records for 6 mo. 12, 1760 have the following Minute — "This Meeting Being favoured with the Company of the following Ministering Friends produced Certificates from their Respective Monthly Meetings, viz: One from Buckingham in Pennsylvania Dated y^' 7 of y** 4 mo. 1760 for Samuel Eastburn; one for John Woolman from y*^ Monthly Meeting held at Burlington Dated y" 7 of y" 4 mo. 1760." Other Certificates read were for Elizabeth Shipley, of Wilmington, Del., dated 14, 3 mo., Hannah Foster, Haddonfield, N. J., dated iz, 5 mo., Ann Gaunt, Little Egg Harbour, N. J., dated 10 4 mo., Mercy Redman, Haddonheld, N. J., dated 14, 4 mo. [Records, New England Yearly Meeting — Vol. I, p. 248.] VII 1760 235 afternoon on the second day of the Yearly Meeting, and going to bed, I got no Sleep till my mind was wholly resigned therein, and in the Morning I inquired of a Friend how long the Assembly were likely to Continue seting, who told me they were Expected to be prorogued that day or the next. As I was desirous to attend the Business of the Meeting, and perceived the Assembly was likely to depart before the Business was over, after considerable Exercise, seeking to the Lord for Instruction my mind Setled to attend on the Business of the Meeting, on the last day of which I had prepared a Short Essay of a petition to be presented to the Legislator if way opened for it : and being informed that there were some appointed by that Yearly IVIeeting to Speak with [men] in authority, in Cases Relating to the Society, I opened my [Feeling] to Several of them and Showed them the Essay I had made, and afterward opened the Case in the Meeting for business in Substance as follows "I have been under a Concern for some time, on account of the great number of Slaves which are Imported into this colony. I am aware that it is a tender point to speak to, but apprehend I am not clear in the Sight of Heaven without speaking to it. I have pre- pared an Essay of a petition, [propos'd] if way open, to be presented to the Legislature, and what I have to propose to this meeting is, that Some friends may be named to [walk aside] and look over it, and report whether they believe it sutable to be read in [this] meet- ing. If they think well of reading it, It will remain for the meeting, after hearing it, to Consider whither to take any further notice of it as a meeting or not." After a short Conferrence, some Friends went out, and [af- ter] looking over it expresst their willingness to have it read, which being done, many Expresst their Unity with the proposal, and some Signified that to have the Subject of the petition En- larged upon, and to be Signed out of meeting by such who were free, would be more Sutable than to do it there. Though I Ex- pected at first that if it was done, it would be in that way, yet, such was the Exercise of my mind that to move it in the hearing of Friends when Assembled appeared to me as a duty, for my heart yearned toward the Inhabitants of these parts, believing that by this trade there had been an increase of Unquietness amongst 236 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. them, and way made Easie for the Spreading of a Spirit Opo- site to that Meekness and Humility, which is a Sure Resting place for the Soul: And that the Continuance of this trade would not only render their healing more difficult, but increase their malady. Having thus far proceeded, I felt easie to leave the Essay amongst Friends, for them to proceed in it as they believ'd best. And now an Exercise revived on my mind in relation to lot- teries which were common in those parts. I had once moved it in a former seting of this meeting, when Arguments were Used in favour of Friends being held Excused who were only Concerned in such Lotteries as were agreeable to Law, and now on moving it again, it was oposed as before, but the hearts of Some Solid Friends appeared to be united to dis- courage the practice amongst their Members, and the matter was Zealously handled by Some on both sides. In this debate it ap- peared very clear to me that the Spirit of Lotteries was a Spirit of Selfishness which tended to Confusion and darkness of under- standing, and that pleading for it in our meetings set apart for the Lords work, was not right. And in the heat of zeal I once made reply to what an Antient Friend ^ said, which, when I Sat down I Saw that my words were not Enough Seasoned with Charity, and after this I Spake no more on the Subject. At length a minute was made, a copy of which was agreed to be sent to their Several Quarterly Meetings, Inciting Friends to Labour to discourage the practice amongst all professing with us. Some time after this minute was made, I remaining uneasy with the manner of my Speaking to [an] Antient Friend, could not see my way clear to Conceal my Uneasiness, but was con- cern'd that I might say nothing to weaken the Cause in which I had laboured : And then after some Repentance for that I had not attended closely to the Safe guide, I stood up & reciting the pas- sage, acquainted Friends, that though I dare not go from "what I had said as to the matter, yet I was uneasie with the manner of my Speaking, as believing milder language would have been better. As this was uttered in Some degree of Creaturely abasem', it appeared to have a good Savor amongst us after a warm de- bate. The Yearly Meeting being now over, there yet remained on * Probably John Casey. Biog. Note 105. VII 1760 237 my mind a Secret though heavy Exercise, in regard to Some lead- ing Active members about Nevi^port, being in the practice of Slave keeping. This I mentioned to two Antient Friends who came out of the country, and proposed to them if way opened to have some conversation with those Friends. And thereupon one of those Country Friends and I consulted one of the most noted Elders who had [them] ; and he in a respectfuU maner En- couraged me to proceed to clear mySelf of what lay upon me. Now I had near the beginning of the Yearly Meeting, a private conferrence with this said Elder and his wife, concerning theirs ; so that the way seemed clear to me to advise with him about the [way] of proceeding. I told him, I was free to have a con- ferrence with them [all] together in a private house, or, if he [believed] they would take it unkind to be asked to come to- gether, and to be spoke with, one in the hearing of another, I was free to Spend Some time amongst them, and Visit them all in their own Houses. He expresst his liking to the first proposal, not doubting their willingness to come together. And as I pro- posed a Visit to only Ministers, Elder & Overseers, he named Some others whom he desired might be present allso. and as a Carefull Messenger was wanted to Acquaint them in a proper manner, he offered to go to all their houses to open the matter to them, and did so. [That] about the Eighth hour the next morn- ing, we met in the meeting house Chamber, And the last-men- tioned Country Friend, also my Companion,^ and John Storer ^^ with us When after a short time of retirement, I acquainted them with the Steps I had taken in procureing that meeting, and Opened the Concern I was under, and so we proceeded to a free Conferrence upon the subject. My Exercise was heavy, and I wasMeeply bowed in Spirit before the Lord, who was pleased to favour with the Seasoning Virtue of Truth which wrought a tenderness amongst us; and the subject was mutually handled in a Calm and peaceable Spirit. And at length, feeling my mind released from that burthen which I had been under, I took my leave of them, in a good degree of Satisfaction, and by the tenderness they manifested in regard to the practice and the Concern several of them Expresst in relation to disposing of their negroes after their decease, I believed that a good Exercise was ^ Samuel Eastburn (26). 238 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. spreading [in the minds of Friends] and I am humbly Thankfull to GOD who supported my Soul and preserved me in a good degree of Resignation through these tryals. Thou who sometimes Travels in the work of the ministry, and art made very wellcome by thy friends, Seest many tokens of their Satisfaction in having thee for their guest. It is good for thee to dwell deep, that thou mayest feel and understand the Spirits of people. If we believe Truth points towards a Con- ference on Some Subjects, in a private way, it is needfull for us to take heed that their kindness, their freedom & Affability, do not hinder us from the Lord's work. I have Seen that in the midst of kindness and Smoothe conduct, to speak close and home to them who entertain us, on points that relate to their outward Interest, is hard Labour and some times when I have felt Truth lead toward it, I have found myself disqualified by a Superficial friendship, and as the sense thereof hath abased me, and my Cries have been to the Lord, so I have been humbled and made Content to appear weak, or as a fool for his Sake, and thus a door hath opened to Enter upon it. To attempt to do the Lords work in our own will, and to Speak of that which is the Burthen of the word, in a way Easie to the natural part, does not reach the bottom of the disorder. To see the failings of our friends, and think hard of them, without opening that which we ought to open, and still carry a face of friendship, this tends to undermine the foundation of true Unity. The Office of a Minister of Christ is weighty, and they who now go forth as watchmen, have need to be Steadily on their guard against the Snares of prosperity and an outside friendship.'^ After the Yearly Meeting was over, we were at meetings at Newtown, Cushnet,^ Long Plain, Rochester and Dartmoth, and from thence we sailed for Nantucket, in Company with Ann Gauntt ^'^ and Mercy Redman,^"* and Several other Friends. The wind being Slack, we only Reached Tarpaulian Cove ^ the first day, where going on shore we found house room in a Public house, and Beds for a few of us, the rest Sleeping on the floor. We went on board again about break of day; and though the * Compare remarks "Concerning the Ministry," written in England. ' Acushnet near New Bedford, Mass. ' Tarpaulin Cove, Island of Naushon, one of the Elizabeth Islands, in Vineyard Sound, Massachusetts. VII 1760 239 wind was Small, we were favoured to come within about four miles of Nantucket, and then about ten of us geting into our Boat, we rowed to the harbour before Dark: whereupon a large Whale-boat going of, brought in the rest of the passengers about midnight. The next day but one was their Yearly Meeting, which held four days, [on] the last of which, was [allso] their monthly meeting of Business. We had a laborious time amongst them, our minds were closely exercised, and I believe it was a time of great Searching of heart. The longer I was on the Island the more I became sensible that there was a considerable num- ber of Valuable Friends there, though an evil spirit tending to strife, had been at work amongst them. I was cautious of mak- ing any Visits but as my mind was particularly drawn to them, & in that way we had Some setings in Friends Houses, where the Heavenly Wing was at times spread over us, to our mutual comfort. My Beloved Companion ^ had verry Acceptable Ser- vice on this Island. When meeting was over, we all agreed to Sail the next day if the weather was sutable & wee well and being Called up the latter part of the night, we went on Board being in all about fifty, but the wind changing, the Seamen thought best to Stay in the harbour till it altered [again] so we [went] on Shore, and I feeling clear as to any further visits. Spent my time in our Chamber chiefly alone, and after some hours, my heart being filled with the Spirit of Supplication, my prayers & Tears were poured out before my Heavenly Father, for his help and Instruction in the manifold difficulties which Attended me in life, [and] while I was waiting upon the Lord, there came a Messenger from the Women Friends who lodged at another House, desiring to con- fer with us about appointing a Meeting, which to me appeared weighty, as we had been at so many before, but after a short Conference, and advising with some Elderly Friends a meeting was appointed, in which the Friend who first moved it, and who had been much Shut up before, was largely Opened in the Love of the Gospel. And [then, going on board y" next morning about Break of Day] we reached Falmouth on the Main before Night; where our horses being brought, we proceeded toward Sandwich Quarterly meeting. > Samuel Eastburn." 240 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Being two days going to Nantucket, and having been once before, I Observed many Shoals in their Bay, which makes Sailing more dangerous. Especially in Stormy nights; [I ob- served] allso a great shoal which Encloseth their Harbour, & prevents their going in with Sloops, Except when the tide is up. Waiting without this Shoal for the Rising of the Tide is some- times hazardous in Storms, And waiting within, they sometimes Miss a Fair wind. I took notice that on that small Island are a great number of Inhabitants, and the Soyl not verry fertile. The Timber so gone that for Vessels, Fences & Firewood, they depend Chiefly on buying from the Main. The cost whereof, with most of their other Expenses, they depend principally upon the whale fishery to Answer. I considered that if towns grew larger, and Lands near navigable waters more cleared, Timber and wood would require more labour to get it. I understood that the Whales being much hunted, and sometimes wounded and not Killed, grew more Shy and difficult to come at. I Considered that the Formation of the Earth, the Seas, the Islands, Bays and Rivers, The Motions of the Winds and Great Waters, which Cause Bars and Shoals in particular places, were all the Works of Him who is Perfect Wisdom and goodness ; and as people attend to his Heavenly Instructions, and put their Trust in him, he provides for them in all parts where he gives them a being. And as in this Visit to these people, I felt a Strong desire for their firm Establishment on the sure Founda- tion ; besides what was said more publicly, I was concerned to .Speak with the Women Friends, in their monthly meeting of business, many being present ; and in the fresh spring of pure Love, to Open before them the Advantage, both inward and out- ward, of Attending Singly to the pure guidance of the Holy Spirit, and therein to Educate their Children in true Humility, and the disuse of all Superfluities. Reminding them of the Difficulties their Husbands and Sons were frequently Exposed to at Sea, and that the more plain and simple their way of living was, the less need of Runing great Hazards to Support them in it; Encouraging the young Women in their neat, decent way of at- tending themselves on the Affairs of the house. Showing as the way opened, that where people were truly Humble, Used them- selves to business & were content with a plain way of life, That VII 1760 241 it had ever been attended with more True peace and cahnness of mind, than those have had, who, Aspiring to greatness and outward Shew, have grasped hard for an Income to Support themselves in it. And as I observed they had few or no Slaves amongst them, I had to Encourage them to be Content without them. ]\Iakeing mention of the numerous troubles & Vexations, which frequently attend the minds of people who depend on Slaves to do their labour. We attended the Quarterly Meeting at Sandwich,'^ in Com- pany with Ann Gauntt ^^ and Mercy Redman,^"* which was pre- ceded by a monthly meeting, and in the whole held three days. We were Various Ways Exercised amongst them in Gospel Love, According to the Several Gifts bestowed on us and were at times Overshadowed with the Divine Virtue of Truth, to the Comfort of the Sincere, and Stiring up of the Negligent. Here we parted with Ann and Mercy, and went to Rhoad Island taking one meeting in our way which was a Satisfactory time; and reaching Newport the Evening before their Quarterly Meeting we Attended it, and after that had a Meeting with our Young people, Separated from other societies. We [had] went through much Labour in this Town and now in taking leave of it, though I felt close inward Exercise to the last, I found inward peace, and was in some degree comforted in a Belief that a good Number remain in that place who retain a Sence of Truth. And that there are some young people Attentive to the voice of the Heavenly Shepherd. The last meeting in which Friends from the Several parts of the Quarter came together was a Select meet- ing, and through the renewed manifestations of our Fathers Love The Hearts of the sincere were united together. That poverty of Spirit which [so much Attended me] the fore part of this journey, has of late appeared to me as a dis- * The men received the following attention, in a Minute 31 of 3 mo. 1760, recorded at Sandwich; "Our beloved Friends, John Woolraan & Samuel Eastburn, being at this meeting on a religious visit, produced certificates, the former from Burlington, dated 4 mo. 1760, and the latter from Buckingham in Pennsylvania, 4 mo. 1760, both of which were read at this Meeting to satisfaction." [Records, Sandwich Quarterly Meeting, Vol. I, p. 56.] "Our friends John Storer from England, Samuel Eastburn from Pennsylvania, John Woolman from the Jerseys, Ann Gaunt & Mercy Redman from West Jersey, Being all on a Religious Visit to these parts, Certificates being prepared for them, & read in this Meeting, were agreed to & signed. . . . John Woolman's directed to Burlington in West Jersey." [Records Newport Quarterly Meeting, 11 of 7 mo. 1760.] 242 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, vii pensation of kindness. Appointing meetings never felt more weighty to me, and I was led into a deep search, whither in all cases my mind was resigned to the will of God, often quearying with myself, what should be the cause of Such inward poverty [and weakness] greatly desiring that no secret reserve in my heart might hinder my access to the Divine fountain. In these humbling times I was made watchful and attentive to the deep movings of the [Spirit of Truth] on my heart and here some duties were opened to me [which in times of fulness] I believe I should have been in danger of omiting. [Departing] from Newport, we [were at three Meetings on our way toward Connecticut through which we traveled] ^ and were helped to labour amongst Friends in the love of our gra- cious Redeemer: and then, accompanied by our friend John Casey ^"^ from Newport, we rode through Connecticut [and to Oblong, and visiting the meetings of Friends there, proceeded to the Quarterly meeting at Rie woods : ^ and through the gracious extendings of Divine help, had some seasoning [times] in those places. We then visited Friends at York ^ and Flushing, and Raughway * [and] here I [parted with] my beloved [friend] da mo and true yoke mate Samuel Eastburn,^" and reached home lo. 8. 1760, where I found my family well, and for the favours and protection of the Lord, both inward & outward, in this little Jour- ney, my heart is humbled in grateful acknowledgments, and feel a renewed engagement [that I may] dwell in resignedness to him. * Greenwich, Shanticut and Warwick. = Rye. « New York. * Railway, New Jersey. CHAPTER VIii 1 761 Having felt my mind drawn toward a Visit to a few meet- ings in Pennsylvania, I was very desirous to be instructed Rightly da mo as to the time of seting of, and on the 10. 5. 1761, being the first day of the week I went to Haddonfield Meeting. Concluding [in my mind] to Seek for heavenly instruction, and come home or go on as I might then believe best for me; and there through the Springing up of pure love I felt encouragement and so crossed the River. In this visit I was at two Quarterly and three monthly meetings, and in the love of Truth, felt my way open to Labour with some noted Friends who kept Negroes, and as I was favoured to keep the Root, and Endeavoured to discharge what I believed was Required of me, I found inward peace therein from time to time, and thankfulness of heart to the Lord, who was graciously pleased to guide me. mo In the 8. 1761, having felt drawings in my mind to Visit Friends in and about Shrewsbury I went there & was at their first- day meeting and their monthly meeting and had a meeting at Squan ^ and another at Squankum, and as way opened I had Con- versation with some noted Friends in the fear of the Lord con- cerning their slaves, and returned home in a thankful sense of the Goodness of God. From a care I felt growing in me some years, I wrote Con- siderations on keeping Negroes, part second, which was printed this year, 1762.^ When the overseers of the press had done with it, they offered to get a number printed to be p'' for out of the Yearly Meeting stock, & to be given away but I being most ^ Manasquan, * This second part of J. Woolman's pamphlet, "Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes," was printed by Benjamin Franklin. 243 244 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. easie to publish them at my own Expense, & offering my reasons they appeared Satisfied. This Stock is the Contribution of the Members of our religious society in general, amongst whom are many who keep Negroes, & some of them being resolved to continue them in Slavery are not likely to be satisfied with those books being spread amongst a people where many of the Slaves are [learnd] to read & Espe- cially not at their Expense ; & Such often receiving them as a gift conceal them. But as they who make a purchase buy that which they have a mind for, I [was easie] to sell them, Expecting by that means they would more generaly be read with Attention. Advertisements being Signed by order of the overseers of the press, directed to be read in monthly meetings of business within our Yearly Meeting, informing where the Books were, & that the price was no more than the cost of printing and binding them. Many were taken of in our parts, some I sent to York,^ and to Newport, to my acquaintance there, & some I kept by me Ex- pecting to give part of them away where there appear 'd a pros- pect of doing it to advantage. In my youth I was used to hard Labour, and though I was midling healthy, yet my Nature was not fited to endure so much as many others, that being often weary [with it], I was prepared to Sympathize with those whose circumstance in life as free men, required constant labour to answer the demands of their creditors, and with others under Oppression. In the uneasiness of body, which 1 have many times felt by too much labour, not as a forced but a voluntary opression, I have often been Excited to think on the original cause of that Opression which is imposed on many in the world. And the latter part of the time wherein I laboured on the plantation, my heart, through the fresh Visitations of Heavenly Love being often tender, and my leisure time frequently spent in reading the Life and doctrines of our Blessed Redeemer, the Account of the Sufferings of Martyrs, and the history of the first rise of our Society, A behef was gradually setled in my mind. That if such who had great Estates generally lived in that Humility and plainness which belonged to a Christian life, and laid much Easier Rents and Interests on their lands & moneys, and ' New York. VIII 1 761 245 so led the way to a right Use of things, so great a number of peo- ple might be employed in things Usefull that Labour both for men and other Creatures would Need to be no more than an agree- able Employ. And divers branches of business, which serve chiefly to please the Natural Inclinations of our minds, and which at present, seems necessary to circulate that wealth which some gather might in this way of pure Wisdom be discontinued. And as I have thus Considered these things, a query at times hath arisen, do I in all my proceedings keep to that Use of things which is agreeable to Universal Righteousness and then there hath some degree of Sadness at times come over me, for that I accustomed myself to some things which Ocasioned more labour than I believe Divine Wisdom intended for us. From my early acquaintance with Truth I have often felt an inward distress occasioned by the Striving of a Spirit in me against the operation of the Heavenly principle and in this cir- cumstance have been affected with a sense of my own Wretched- ness, and in a mourning condition felt earnest longing for that Divine help which brings the Soul into true Liberty. Retireing into private places, the Spirit of Supplication hath been given me and under a Heavenly Covering have asked my Gracious Father to give me a heart in all things resigned to the direction of his Wisdom, & in Uttering language like this, the thoughts of my wearing hats & garments died with a die injurious to them, has made lasting impressions on me. ^ [In visiting people of note in the Society who had Slaves, and Labouring with them in Brotherly Love on that account, I have seen and the sight has affected me that a Conformity to some cus- toms distinguishable from Pure Wisdom has entangled many, and the desire of gain to support those Customs greatly Opposed the work of Truth.] And sometimes when the prospect of the work before me has been Such that in bowedness of Spirit I have been drawn into retired places and besought the Lord with tears that he would take me wholly under his direction and show me the way in which I ought to walk it hath revived with strength of conviction that if I would be his Faithfull servant I must in all things attend to his wisdom, and be teachable, and so cease ^ This paragraph is added on a loose paper, MS. A, pasted in by John Woolman, having been omitted in copying from B. 246 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. from all customs contrary thereto, however used amongst Re- ligious people. As He is the perfection of Power of Wisdom and of Good- ness so I believe He hath provided that so much labour shall be necessary for mens Support in this world as would, being rightly divided, be a Sutable Employment of their time, and that we cannot go into Superfluities, nor grasp after wealth in a way con- trary to his wisdom without having connection with some degree of Oppression, and with tliat Spirit which leads to Self exalta- tion and strife, & which frequently brings Calamities on Countries by parties contending about their claims. Being thus fully con- vinced & feeling an increasing desire to live in the Spirit of peace ; Being often Sorrowfully affected in thinking on the unquiet Spirit in which wars are generally carried on & with the miseries of many of my fellow-creatures engaged therein. Some suddenly destroyed. Some wounded and after much pain remain crippled. Some deprived of all their outward Substance & reduced to want, & Some carried into captivity, thinking often on these things the use of hats & garments died with a die hurtfitll to them, & wearing more cloaths in summer than are usefull grew more uneasie to me, believing y"" to be customs which have not their foundation in pure Wisdom. The apprehension of being Singular from my Beloved Friends was a strait upon me, and thus I remained in the Use of Some things contrary to my Judgment, da mo And on the 31. 5. 1761 I was taken ill of a fever, ^ and after having it near a week, I was in great distress of Body, and one day there was a Cry raised in me that I might understand the cause why I was afflicted and improve under it, and my con- formity to some customs which I believed were not right were brought to my remembrance, & in the Continuation of the Exercise I felt all the powers in me yield themselves up into the hands of Him who gave me being, and was made thankfull that he had taken hold of me by his Chastisement, feeling the Necessity of * From reference to delicate health and several fevers in autumn and spring, together with William Tuke's letter to Reuben Haines referring to the "feverish disorder he usually had at that season of the year" ("9 mo.") one gets the impression that the "fever and ague" of the early settlers on the marshy lands in New Jersey, had taken hold of the frail constitution of John Woolman, whose mode of life and diet were not suited to combat it. VIII 1 761 247 further purifying. There was now no desire in me for Health, untill the design of my Correction was answered, and thus I lay in abasement and brokenness of Spirit. And as I felt a sinking down into a calm Resignation, so I felt as in an Instant, an in- ward healing in my Nature and from that time forward I grew better. Though I was thus Setled in my mind in relation to hurtfull dies, I felt easie to wear my garments heretofore made, and so continued about nine months. Then I thought of geting a hat the natural cQlQi:r of _ the^ f ur, but the Apprehension of being looked upon as one Affecting Singularity, felt uneasie to me, and here I had occasion to consider that things though small in them- selves being clearly enjoined by Divine Authority as a duty, became great things to us, and I Trusted that the Lord would Support me in the tryals that might attend Singularity. While that singularity was only for his sake, on this account I was under close exercise of mind in the time of our General Spring Meeting, 1762, greatly desiring to be rightly directed, [and at a time when one of my Dear -Brethren was concerned in Humble Supplication, I] being then deeply bowed in Spirit before the Lord, was made willing [in case I got Safe home,] to speak for a Hat of the natural colour of the fur, [and did so]. In attending [publick] meetings this singularity was a tryal upon me, and more Especially at this time,"^ as being in use amongst some who were fond of following the Changible modes of dress, and as some Friends who knew not on what motive I wore it, carried Shy of me, I felt my way for a time shut up in the Minis- try, and in this condition my mind being turned toward my Heavenly Father, with fervent cries that I might be preserved to walk before Him in the meekness of wisdom, my heart was often tender in meetings, and I felt an inward Consolation which to me was very precious under those difficulties. I had several dyed garments fit for use, which I believed it best to wear till I had ocasion of new ones, and some Friends were apprehensive that my wearing such a hat Savored of an Affected Singularity. Such who spake with me in a Friendly way I generally informed in a few words, that I believ'd my wearing it was not in my own will. I had at times been Sensible that a ^ MS. B has a note in a later hand, "white hats." These were then the mode. 248 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. superficial friendship had been dangerous to me, and many Friends now being uneasy with me, [I found to be a providential Kindness, and though] I had an Inclination to acquaint some [valuable Friends] with the manner of my being led into these things, yet upon a deeper thought, I was for a time most easy to omit it, be- lieving the present dispensation was profitable, and Trusting that if I kept my place the Lord in his own time would open the hearts of Friends toward me. Since which I have had [ocasion] to ad- mire his goodness and loving kindness, in leading about & in- structing and opening and Enlarging my heart in some of our meetings.^ mo II. 1762 feeling an Engagement of mind to visit Some fami- lies in Mansfield I joyned my Beloved Friend Benjamin Jones'" mo and we spent a few days together in that Service. And in the 2. 1763, I joyned in company with Elizabeth Smith ^^ and Mary Noble ^""^ [from Burlington] on a Vistit to the families of Friends at Ancocas in both which visits Through the Baptizing power of Truth, and the hearts of Friends opened to receive us, the sin- cere labourers were often comforted, and in the [fourth] month following I [bore] some Friends [company] on a visit to the families of Friends in Mountholly in which [Visit] my mind was drawn into an inward awfullness, wherein Strong desires were raised for the Everlasting wellfare of my fellow-creatures, and through the kindness of our Heavenly Father, our hearts were at times enlarged, & Friends invited in the flowings of Divine Love to Attend to that which would Settle them on the Sure founda- tion.^ Having many years felt Love in my heart towards the Na- tives of this Land, who dwell far back in the Wilderness, whose Ancestors were the owners and possessors of the [Country] where we dwell, and who for a very small consideration Assigned their mo Inheritance to us, And being at Philadelphia in the 8. 1761 on a visit to some Friends who had Slaves, I fell in company with ' This date — 1762 — marks the period when John Woolman adopted undyed cloth- ing, which he wore only during the last ten years of his life. -MS. B. Note in margin — "3^<1 part, containing 118 pages." VIII 1763 249 Some of those Natives who lived on the East Branch of the River Susquehannah at an Indian Town called Wehalosing ' [about 200] miles from Philad, & in Conversation with them by an Interpreter, as allso by observations on their Countenances and Conduct I believed some of them were measurably Acquainted with that Divine power which Subjects the rough and froward will of the Creature. And at times I .felt inward drawings to- ward a Visit to that place of which I told none, (Except my Dear Wife,) until it came to Some ripeness, and then in the winter 1762, I laid it before Friends at our monthly and Quarterly and [then] at our General Spring meeting. And having the Unity of Friends and being thoughtfull about an Indian pilot, there came a man and 3 women from a little beyond that Town to Philad on business, and I being [Acquainted] thereof by letter met them mo in Town in the 5. 1763; and after some Conversation finding they were Sober people I, by the Concurrence of Friends in that place agreed to joyn with them as Companions on their return, and da mo the 7. 6. following, [was] appointed for us to meet at Samuel Foulkes,** at Richland.^ Now as this Visit felt very weighty, and was performed at a time when Traveling appeared perilous. So the Dispensation of Divine Providence in preparing my mind for it have been Memorable ; and I believe it good for me to give some hints thereof. After I had given up to go the thoughts of the Journey were often attended with unusual Sadness, in which times my heart was frequently turned to the Lord with inward Breathings for His Heavenly Support, that I might not fail [of] following Him wheresoever He might lead me. And being at our Youths meet- ing at Chesterfield about a week before the time I Expected to Set of, was there led to speak on that prayer of our Redeemer to His Father: "I pray not that thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldst keep them from the evil." And in attending to the pure openings of Truth, had to mention what he elsewhere said to His Father, "I know that thou hearest me at all times." So that, as some of his followers kept their 1 Wyalusing — 1922. 2 Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 250 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. places, and as his prayer was granted, it followed necessarily that they were kept from evil. And as Some of [those] met with great hardships and Afflictions in this world, and at last Suffered death by Cruel men, It appears that whatsoever befalls men while they live in pure Obedience to God, as it certainly works for good, so it may not be considered an evil as it relates to them. As I Spake on this Subject my heart was much tendered, and great awfullness came over me. And then on the first day of the next week being at our own afternoon meeting, and my heart being Enlarged in Love I was lead to Speak on the Care & protection of the Lord over his people, & to make mention of that passage where a Band of Assyrians Endeavouring to take Captive the Prophet, were disappointed ; and how the Psalmist said [that] the angel of the Lord Encampeth round about them that fear him ; And Thus, in True Love and tenderness I parted from Friends, E.xpecting the ne.xt morning to proceed on my Journey, and being weary [I] went early to Bed. [And] after I had been asleep a .Short time, I was awaked by a man calling at [our] door; and arising was invited to [go and] meet some Friends at a publick house in our Town who came from Philad'' so late that Friends were generally gone to Bed. These Friends informed me that an Express arrived the last morning from [the Fort called] Pittsburg, and brought news that The Indians had taken a Fort from the English westward and Slain and Scalped English people in divers places, Some near the said Pittsburg, and that some Elderly Friends in Philad'', knowing the time of my Expecting to set of, had confered together, and thought good to inform me of these things before I left home, that I might consider them, & proceed as I believed best : So I going again to bed told not my wife till morning. My heart was turned to the Lord for his Heavenly instruction, and it was a humbleing time to me. When I told my Dear Wife, she appeared to be deeply concerned about it, but in a few hours time my mind became Setled in a Belief that it was my duty to proceed on my Journey, and she bore it with a good degree of Resignation. In this conflict of Spirit there were great Searchings of Heart, and Sti^ong cries to the Lord, that no motion might be in the least degree attended to, but that of the pure Spirit of Truth. The subjects before mentioned, on which I had so lately Spoke in publick were now very fresh VIII 1763 251 before me ; and I was brought inwardly to Commit myself to the Lord, to be disposed of as he Saw good. So I took leave of my Family and Neighbours in much bow- edness of Spirit, and went to our monthly meeting at Burlington, and after taking leave of Friends there, I crossed the River,^ Ac- companied by my friends Israel " and John Pemberton,* and part- ing the next morning with Israel, John bore me company to Sam- uel Foulkes,^^ where I met the before mentioned Indians, and we were glad to see Each other. Here my Beloved Friend Benja- min Parvin '"' met me and proposed joyning as a Companion, we having passed some letters before on the Subject. And now on his account I had a Sharp tryal, for as the Journey appeared peri- lous, I thought if he went chiefly to bear me Company, and we should be taken captive, my having been the means of drawing him into these difficulties would add to my own Affliction. So I told him my mind freely, and let him know that I was resigned to go alone, but after all if he really believed it his duty to go on, I believed his Company would be very Comfortable to me. It was indeed a time of deep Exercise, and Benjamin appeared to be so fastened to the Visit, that he could not be easie to leave me. So we went on Accompanied by our Friends John Pember- ton ' and William Lightfoot ^^ of Pikeland, and lodged at Beth- da mo lehem and there parting with John, William and we 9. 6. went forward and got lodging on the floor at a house about five mile from Fort Allen. Here we parted with William, and at this place we met with an Indian Trader lately come from Wioming, and in conversation with him I perceived that many white people do often sell rum to the Indians, which, I believe, is a great evil, First they being thereby deprived of the use of their Reason and their spirits violently Agitated, quarrels often arise which ends in mischief, and the bitterness and resentments Ocasioned hereby are frequently of long continuance : again their Skins and furs gotten through much fatigue & hard travels in hunting, with which they intended to buy cloathing, [these] when they begin to be Intoxicated they often Sell at a low rate for more rum, and afterward when they suffer for want of the necessaries of life, are angry with those who for the Sake of gain took the ad- • Delaware. 252 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. vantage of their weakness; of this their Chiefs have often com- plained at their Treaties with the EngHsh. Where cunning people pass Counterfeits and impose that on others which is only good for nothing, it is considered as a wickedness, but to sell that to people which we know does them harm, and which often works their Ruin, for the sake of gain manifests a hardened and Corrupt heart; and it is an evil which demands the care of all True Lovers of Virtue [in endeavouring] to Suppress. And while my mind this evening was thus em- ployed, I allso remembered that the people on the frontier among whom this evil is too common are often poor people who venture to the outside of a Colony that they may live more independent on Such who are wealthy, who often set high rents on their Land, be- ing then renewedly confirmed in a belief, that if all our inhabi- tants lived according to pure wisdom. Labouring to promote Uni- versal Love and Righteousness, and ceased from every inordi- nate desire after wealth, and from all customs which are Tinc- tured with Luxury, the way would be Easie for our Inhabi- tants, though much more numerous than at present, to live com- fortably on Honest Employments, without having that tempta- tion they are Often under of being drawn into schemes to make settlements on Lands which have not been honestly purchased of the Indians, or of Applying to that wicked practice of Selling rum to them. da mo 10. 6. Set out early in the morning and crossed the Western Branch of Delaware called the Great Lehie,^ near fort Allen, the water being high we went over in a Canow. here we met an Indian and had some friendly conversation with him, & gave him some BisKet, and he having killed a Deer, gave the Indians with us some of it. Then after traveling some miles we met Several Indian men and women with a Cow and Horse & some household goods, who were lately come from their dwelling at Wioming, and going to Settle in another place. We made them some small presents, and some of them understanding English, I told them my motive in comeing into their Country, with which they appeared Satisfied : and one of our guides talking a while with an Antient woman concerning us, The poor old woman ' The Lehigh River flows into the Delaware at Easton, VIII 1763 253 came to my companion and me and took her leave of us with an Appearance of Sincere affection. So going on we pitched our Tent near the banks of the Same River, having laboured hard in crossing some of those Mountains called the Blue Ridge, and by the roughness of the Stones, and the cavities between them, and the steepness of y"* hills, it appeared dangerous : but we were preserved in Safety through the kindness of him whose works in these Mountainous Deserts appeared awfull, toward whom my heart was turned during this days Travel. Near our Tent on the sides of large Trees peeled for that pur- pose, were various Representations of men going to, and return- ing from the wars, and of Some killed in Battle, this being a path heretofore used by warriors. And as I walked about viewing those Indian histories, which were painted mostly in red but some with black, and thinking on the Innumerable Afflictions which the proud, fierce Spirit produceth in the world ; Thinking on the Toyls and fatigues of warriors, traveling over Mountains and Deserts, Thinking on their miseries & Distresses when wounded far from home by their Enemies, and of their bruises and great weariness in Chaseing one another over the Rocks and Mountains, and of their restless, unquiet state of mind who live in this Spirit, and of the hatred which mutually grows up in the minds of the Children of those Nations Engaged in war with each other: The desire to cherish the Spirit of Love and peace amongst these people, arose very fresh in me. This was the first night that we [were] in the woods, and being wet with traveling in the rain, the ground & our Tent wet, and the bushes wet which we purposed to lay under, our Blan- kets also, all looked discouraging ; but I believed that it was the Lord who had thus far brought me forward, and that he would dispose of me as He Saw good, and therein I felt easie. So we kindled a fire with our Tent door open to it, and with Some bushes next the ground, and then Blankets, we made our Bed, and lying down got some sleep, and in the morning feeling a little unwell I went into the River [all over:] The Water was cold, but soon after I felt fresh & well. da mo II. 6. The bushes being wet we tarried in our Tent till about Eight o'clock, then going on crossed a High Mountain Sup- 254 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. posed to be upwards of four miles [wide, and] the Steepness [on] the north side exceeded all the others. We also crossed two Swamps and it Raining near Night, we pitched our Tent and lodged. About noon, on our way, we were overtaken by one of the Moravian Brethren ■"• going to Wahalowsing ^ and an Indian ^^ man with him who could talk English, and we being together while our horses eat grass, had some friendly conversation [then] they traveling faster than we soon left us. This Moravian [Brother] I understood, had Spent Some time this spring at Wa- halowsing, and was by some of [them] invited to come again, da mo 12. 6. of the week being a Raiiiey day we continued in our Tent and here I was led to think on the nature of the Exercise which hath attended me. Love was the first motion, and then a Concern arose to Spend Some time with the Indians, that I might feel and understand their life, and the Spirit they live in, If happily I might receive some Instruction from them, or they be in any degree helped forward by my following the Leadings of Truth amongst them, and as it pleased the Lord to make way for my going at a Time when the Troubles of war were in- creasing, and when by reason of much wet weather Traveling was more difficult than usual at that Season, I looked upon it as a more favourable Oportunity to season my mind, and bring me into a nearer Sympathy with them. And as mine eye was to the great Father of Mercies, humbly desiring to learn what his will was concerning me, I was made quiet and content. Our [pilots] Horse though hoppled went away in the night, and after finding our own, & Searching some time for him, his footsteps were discovered in the path going back again, where- upon my kind Companion went of in the Rain, and after about .Seven hours returned with him, and here we lodged again, ty- ing up our horses before we went to Bed, & loosing them to feed about break of day. da mo 13. 6. the Sun appearing we set forward, and as I rode over the barren Hills my meditations were on the Alterations of the Circumstances of the Natives of this land since the coming in of ' Wyalusing, a village on tlie Susquehanna River. David Zeisberger was the Moravian Brother; the Indian was Nathaniel. VIII 1763 255 the English. The Lands near the Sea are Conveniently scituated for fishing. The lands near the Rivers where the tides flow, and some above, are in many places fertile, and not mountain- ous ; while the Runing of the Tides makes passing up and down easie with an)' kind of Traffick. Those natives have in some places for [small] considerations sold their Inheritance so fa- vourably Scituated and in other places been driven back by su- perior force. So that in many places as their way of Clothing themselves is now altered from what it was, and they far remote from us have to pass over Mountains, Swamps, and Barran des- erts, where Traveling is very troublesome, in bringing their furs & skins to trade with us. By the Extending of English Settlements and partly by Eng- lish Hunters, those wild Beasts they chiefly depend on for a sub- sistence are not so plenty as they were. And people too often for the Sake of gain open a Door for them to waste their Skins & furs, in purchasing a Liquor which tends to the ruin of y™ & their Families. My own will and desire being now very much broken, and my heart with much earnestness turned to the Lord, to whom alone I looked for help in the dangers before me, I had a pros- pect of the English along the Coast for upwards of nine hun- dred miles where I have traveled. And the favourable Scitua- tion of the English, and the difficulties attending the natives [and the Slaves amongst us,] were open before me, and a weighty and Heavenly care came over my mind, and love filled my heart toward all mankind, in which I felt a Strong Engagement that we might be [faithful] to the Lord while His mercies [are yet ex- tended] to us, and so attend to pure Universal Righteousness as to give no just cause of offence to the gentiles who do not pro- fess Christianity, Whither the Blacks from Africa, or the Native Inhabitants of this Continent: And here I was led into a close, laborious Enquiry, whether I as an individual kept clear from all things which tended to Stir up, or were connected with wars, Either in this Land or Africa, and my heart was deeply con- cerned that in future I might in all things keep steadily to the pure Truth, & live and" walk in the plainness and Simplicity of a Sincere follower of Christ. And in this lonely Journey, I did this day greatly bewail the spreading of a wrong Spirit, believing 256 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. that the prosperous Conveniant Scituation of the English, re- quires a Constant Attention to Divine love & wisdom, to guide and Support us in a way answerable to the will of that Good, Gra- cious, & Almighty Being who hath an Equal regard to all man- kind. And here Luxury and Covetousness, with the numerous Opressions and other evils attending them, appeared very Af- flicting to me, and I felt in that which is Immutable that the Seeds of great Calamity and desolation are Sown & growing fast on this Continent. Nor have I words sufficient to set forth that longing I then felt, that we who are placed along the Coast, & have tasted the Love and Goodness of God, might arise in his Strength, and like faithful Messengers Labour to check the growth of those Seeds that they may not ripen to the Ruin of our posterity. We reached the Indian Settlement at Wioming^ & here we were told that an Indian Runner had been at that place a day or two before us and brought news of the Indians taking an Eng- lish Fort Westward, and destroying the people, and that they were endeavouring to Take another. And also that another In- dian Runer came there about [midnight, the night next] before we got there, who came from a Town about ten miles above Wa- halowsing, and brought news that some Indian Warriors from distant parts, came to that Town with two English Scalps, and told the people that it was War with the English. Our [pilots] took us to the House of a Very Antient man, and soon after we had put in our baggage there came a man from another Indian House some distance off, and I perceiving there was a man near the door, went out, and he having a Toma- hock wraped under his matchcoat out of sight, as I approached him he took it in his hand. I, however, went forward, and Speaking to him in a friendly way, perceived he understood some English, my companion then coming out we had some talk with him concerning the nature of our Visit in these parts, and then he going into the House with us, and talking with our [pilots] soon * Wyoming — A settlement made in the second quarter of the 18th century, by Connecticut emigrants, in the fertile valley of the same name, on the north branch of the Susquehanna, in Luzerne county, Pa. Contests between the settlers and Indians were constant during the Colonial period, culminating in the massacre of July, 1778, when two-thirds of the inhabitants were killed by British troops and Indians. A monument opposite Wilkesbarre commemorates this event. VIII 1763 257 appeared friendly & Sat down and smoaked his pipe. Though his taking [his] hatchet in his hand at the instant I drew near him, had a disagreeable appearance, I believed he had no other in- tent than to be in readiness in case any violence was offered to him. Hearing the news brought by these Indian Runers, and be- ing told by the Indians where we lodged that what Indians were about Wioming Expected in a few days to move to some larger Towns, I thought that, to all outward appearance it was danger- ous traveling at this time; and after a hard days journey [was] brought into a painfull Exercise at night, in which I had to trace back, and [feel] over the steps I had taken from my first move- ing in the visit, and though I had to bewail some weakness which at times had attended me, yet I could not find that I had ever given way to a wilfull disobedience: and [then] as I believed I had under a Sence of duty come thus far, I was now earnest in Spirit beseeching the Lord to Shew me what I ought to do. In this great distress I grew jealous of mySelf, lest the de- sire of Reputation, as a man firmly settled to persevere through dangers; Or the fear of disgrace ariseing on my returning with- out performing the visit might have some place in me. Thus I lay full of thoughts, great part of the night, while my Beloved Companion lay & Slept by me; Till the Lord my Gracious Father, who saw the conflicts of my Soul, was pleased to give C|uietness, and therein I was renewedly confirmed that it was my duty to go forward. Then was I again Strengthened to commit my Life, and all things relating thereto, into His Heavenly hands, and geting a little sleep toward day, when morning came we arose [and then on the] da mo 14 : 6 :, we sought out and visited all the Indians hereabouts that we could meet with, they being chiefly in one place about a mile from where we lodged in all perhaps twenty. Here I Exprest the care I had on my mind for their good, and told them that true Love had made me willing thus to leave my home & family to come & see the Indians, and Speak with them in their houses. Some of them understood English and appeared kind & friendly. So we took our leave of those Indians, and went up the River Susquehannah about three miles to the House of an 258 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Indian called Jacob January,^^ who had killed his hog, and the women were making Store of Bread, and preparing to move up the River. Here our Pilots left their canow when they came down in the spring, which lying dry was leaky So that we being detained Some hours, had a good deal of friendly conversation with the family, and Eating Diner with them, we made some small presents. Then puting our Baggage in the Canow, Some of them pushed Slowly up the Stream, and the rest of us rode our Horses, and Swiming them over a Creek called Lehawahamunk,^ we pitched our Tent a little above, there being a Shower in the eve- ning : and in a Sence of Gods goodness in helping me in my Dis- tress, Sustaining me under Tryals, and Enclineing my heart to Trust in Him, I lay down in an humble bowed frame of mind & had a comfortable nights lodging, da mo 15. 6. proceeded forward till afternoon, and then a storm appearing we met our Canoe at An Appointed place, and the Rain continuing we Stayed all night, which was so heavy that it [ran] through our Tent & wet us and our Baggage. da 16. we found on our way abundance of Trees blown down with the Storm yesterday, and had ocasion reverendly to consider the kind dealing of the Lord who provided a Safe place in the valley, for us while this Storm continued. By the falling of Abundance of Trees across our path we were much hindered and in Some Swamps our way was so Stoped that we got throu — with extre[am] difficulty. I had this day often to consider mySelf as a Sojourner in this world, and a belief in the Allsuffi- cienc)' of God to Support his people in their pilgrimage felt com- fortable to mc, and I was Industerously Employ'd to get to a state of perfect Resignation. We seldom saw our Canow but at appointed places by reason of the Path going off from the River, and this afternoon Job Chilaway "" an Indian from Wahalowsing who talks good English, & is acquainted with Several people in & about Philadelphia, [he meeting] our people on the River, and understanding where we Expected to lodge, pushed back about Six miles and came to us after night and in a while our own Canow came, it being hard * Lackawanna? viir 1763 259 work pushing up Stream. Job told us that an Indian came in haiste to their Town yesterday, and told them that three warriors coming from Some distance, lodged in a Town above Wahalow- sing a few nights past, and that these three men were going against the English at Juniatta. Job was going down the River to the Province Store at Shamokin. Though I was so far favoured with health as to continue traveling, yet through the various difficulties in our Journey, and the different way of living from what I had been used to, I grew weak, and the news of these warriors being on their march so near us, and not knowing whither we might not fall in with them it was a fresh Tryal of my Faith, and though through the Strength of Divine Love I had Several times been enabled to com- mit myself to the Divine Disposal, I still found the want of my Strength [to be] renewed, that I might persevere therein, and my cries for help were put up to the Lord who in great Mercy gave me a resigned heart, in which I found quietness. da mo 17: 6: parting [with] Job Chillaway ''* we went on, & reached Wahalowsing about the middle of the afternoon: The first In- dian that we Saw was a woman of a modest countenance, with a Babe. She first spake to our [Pilot] and then with a harmonious voice expressed her gladness at seeing us, [they] having before heard of our coming. Then by the direction of our [pilot] we sat down on a log, and he went to the Town to tell the people we were come. My companion & I Seting thus together in a deep inward stillness the poor woman came and sat near us, and great awfulness coming over us, we rejoyced in a sence of Gods Love manifested to our poor Souls. After a while, we heard a Konkshell blow several times & then came John Curtis and another Indian man, who kindly invited us into a House near the Town, where we found I suppose about Sixty people, Seting in Silence and after [Seting] a Short time I stood up and in Some tenderness of Spirit acquainted them with the nature of my visit, and that a concern for their good had made me willing to come thus far to see them : all in a few short Sen- tences which some of them understanding Interpreted to the others, and there appeared gladness amongst them. Then I Shewed them my Certificate, which was Explained to them, and 26o THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the Moravian who overtook us on the way being now here [bid] me wellcome. da mo i8: 6: We rested ourselves this forenoon, & the Indians know- ing that the Moravian^ and I were of different Religious So- cieties, and as some of their people had encouraged him to come & Stay a while with them were I believe concern'd that no jar- ring or discord might be in their meetings, & they I suppose having conferred together acquainted me that the People at my request would at any time come together & hold meetings, & allso told me that they Expected the Moravian would speak in their setled meetings which are commonly held morning and near evening. So I found hberty in my heart to Speak to the Moravian, & told him of the care I felt on my mind for the good of these people, & that I believed no ill Effects would follow it, if I sometimes Spake in their meetings when love engaged me thereto, with- out caUing them together at times when they did not meet of course : whereupon he expresst his good-will toward my Speaking at any time, all that I found in my heart to say. So near evening I was at their meeting where the pure Gospel love was felt, to the tendering Some of our Hearts, and the Interpreters endeav- ouring to Acquaint the people with what I said in Short Sen- tences found some difficulty as none of them were quite per- fect in the English and Delaware Tongues ; So they helped one another, and we Laboured along. Divine Love attending, and afterwards, feeling my mind covered with the Spirit of Prayer, I told [those who] Interpreted that I found it in my heart to pray to God, & believed if I prayed Aright he would hear me, & Expresst my willingness for them to Omit Interpreting. So our meeting ended with a degree of Divine Love, & before the people went out, I observed [Papoonal ^^] the man who had been Zeal- ous in Labouring for a Reformation in that Town being then very tender Spoke to one of the Interpreters, and I was after- wards told that he said in substance as follows, "I Love to Feel where words come from." da mo st 19. 6. & I of the week. This morning in the meeting the Indian *^ who came up with the Moravian being allso a member * David Zeisberger (40). VIII 1763 26l of that Society prayed, and then the Moravian Spake a Short time to the people. And in the afternoon, they coming together, and my heart being filled with a Heavenly care for their good, I spake to them awhile by Interpreters, but none of them being perfect in the work, & I feeling the Current of Love run Strong, told the Interpreters that I believed Some of the people would understand me, & so proceeded : In which exercise I believe the Holy [Ghost] wrought on Some hearts to Edification where all the words were not understood.' I looked upon it as a time of Divine Favour, & my Heart was tendered and truly thankfull before the Lord : and after I Sat down one of the Interpreters Seemed Spirited up to give the Indians the Substance of what I said. Before our first meeting this morning, [my mind] was led to meditate on the manifold difficulties of these Indians, who by permission of the Six Nations dwell in these parts, and a Near Sympathy with them was raised in me. And my [Heart being enlarged in the Love of [Christ] I thought that the Affectionate care of a good man for his only Brother in Affliction, does not exceed what I then felt for that people. I came to this place through much trouble, & though through the Mercies of God, I believed that if I died in the Journey it would be well with me, yet the thoughts of falling into the hands of [those] Indian warriors, was in times of weakness afflicting to me. And being of a Tender Constitution of Body the thoughts of captivity amongst them was at times grievous, as Supposing that they being strong & hardy might demand service of me beyound what I could well bear; but the Lord alone was my helper, and I believed if I went into captivity it would be for Some good end, and thus from time to time my mind was centered in Resignation in which I always found quietness. And now this day, though I had the Same Dangerous Wilderness between me & home, was inwardly JoyfuU that the Lord had Strengthened me to come on this Visit, and Manifested a Fatherly care over me in my poor lowly condition, when in mine own eyes I ap- pear'd inferior to many amongst the Indians. When the last mentioned meeting was ended it being night, [Papoonal]^^ went to Bed, and one of the Interpreters Seting by me, I observed [Papoonal] Spoke with an harmonious voice 262 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. I suppose a minute or two and I asking the Interpreter, was told that he was Expressing "his Thankfullness to God for the favours he had received that day, and Prayed that he would continue to favour him with that same which he had experienced in that meeting." [That though Papoonal] had before agreed to receive the Moravian, and to join with them, he still appeared kind & Loving to us. da mo da 20: 6: was at two meetings, & Silent in [both]. 21 : This morn- ing in Meeting my heart was Enlarged in pure love amongst them, and in Short plain Sentences Expresst several things that rested upon me ; which one of the Intei-preters gave the people pretty readily after which the meeting ended in Supplication, and T had cause humbly to acknowledge the Loving kindness of the Lord toward us ; And then I believed that a Door remained open for the Faithful! disciples of Jesus Christ to Labour amongst these people.^ I feeling my mind at Liberty to return, took my leave of them in general at the Conclusion of what I said in meeting, and so we prepared to go homeward, but some of their most active men told us, that when we were ready to move the people would choose to come & shake hands with us ; which those who usually came to meeting [generally] did, & from a secret [draft] in my mind I went amongst some who did not use to go to meetings & took my leave of them allso, and the Moravian and his Indian Interpreter appeared respectful to us at parting. This Town stands on the bank of Susquehannah & consists I believe of about forty Houses mostly compact together ; Some about thirty feet long, & Eighteen wide, some biger, & some less, mostly built of Split plank, one end set in the ground & the other pined to a plate, [and then] Rafters, and covered with Bark. I understand a great Flood last winter overflowed the Chief part of the ground where the Town Stands, and some were now about moveing their Houses to higher ground. ^ MS. A has a marginal note by Woolman. "At our Yearly Meeting 1767. Information was given in our Meeting of Ministers and Elders that Some Indians far back had sent a Message in which thev desired that some of the Quakers would come and pay them a religious Visit. And in the year 1771 a message came to the governor of pensylv" part to that import." This note was added when the final copy of the Journal was made in 1771, by John Woolman. VIII 1763 263 We Expected only two Indians to be our Company, but when we were ready to go we found many of them were going to Bethlehem with Skins and Furs, who chose to go in company with us : So they loaded two Canows, which they desired us to go in, telling us that the Waters were so raised with the Rains that the Horses should be taken by Such who were better Acquainted with the fording places. So we with several Indians went in the Canows, and others went on Horses, there being Seven besides ours, and we met with the Horsemen once on the way by Appointment, and then near night, a little below A Branch called Tankhannah ^ we lodged there, and some of the young men going out a little before dusk with their Guns brought in a Deer. da mo 22. 6. Through diligence we reached Wioming before Night, and understood the Indians were mostly gone from this place; here we went up a Small Creek into the woods with our Canows, and pitching our Tent, carried out our Baggage, and before dark our Horses came to us. da mo 23 : 6 : In the morning their Horses were loaded, & we pre- par'd our Baggage and so Set forward being in all fourteen, and with diligent Traveling were favoured to get near half way to Fort Allen. The Land on this Road from Wioming to Our Frontier being mostly poor, & good grass Scarce, they chose a piece of low ground to lodge on, as the best for graseing; and I having Swet much in Traveling, and being weary Slept sound. I perceiv'd in the Night that I had taken cold ; of which I was favoured to get better soon. da mo 24 : 6 : We passed fort Allen, & lodged near it in the woods ; having forded the westerly branch" of Delaware three times, and thereby had a shorter way, & mist going over the highest part of the Blue Mountains, called the Second Ridge. In the Second time fording where the River cuts through the Mountain, the waters being Rapid and pretty deep. And my companion's mare being a tall & Tractable Animal, He Sundry times drove ■ Tunkhannock. ' The Lehigh River. 264 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. her back through the River, & they loaded her with the Burthens of some Small Horses, which they thought not Sufficient to [venture] through with their Loads. The Troubles Westward and the difficulty for Indians to pass through our Fi-ontier, I apprehend was one Reason why. so many came as Expecting that our being in Company would prevent the outside Inhabitants from being Surprised. da mo 25 : 6 : We reached Bethlehem takeing care on the way to keep foremost, and to Acquaint people on & near the Road who these Indians were. This we found very needfull for the Fron- tier Inhabitants were often alarmed at the Report of English being killed by Indians Westward. Amongst our Company were Some who I did not remember to have Seen at Meeting, and some of these 'at first were very reserved ; But we being several days together, and behaving friendly toward them, & making them sutable returns for the Services they did us, they became more free and Sociable. da mo da 26. 6. & I of the week. Having carefully endeavoured to Settle all Affairs with the Indians relative to our Journey, we took leave of them and I thought they generally parted with us Affectionately. So we geting to Richland had a very Comfortable Meeting amongst our Friends : here I parted with my kind [& Beloved] Companion Benjamin Parvin,*" and accompanied by my Friend Samuel Foulke ^^ we rode to John Cadwaladers,^"' from whence I reached home the Next day, where I found my Family midling well, and they & my Friends all along appear'd glad to see me return from a Journey which they apprehended Dangerous, but my mind while I was out, had been Employed in Striving for a perfect Resignation; I had often been confirmed in a Belief that whatever the Lord might be pleased to allot for me would work for good. [And] I was now carefull lest I should admit any degree of Selfishness in being glad overmuch; And Laboured to Improve by those Tryals in Such a maner as my Gracious Father & Protector [may] intend for me. Between the English Inhabitants and Wahalowsing, we had only a narrow path, which in many places is much grown up with Bushes, and Interrupted by abundance of Trees lying across it; VIII 1761 265 which together with the Mountains, Swamps, and rough Stones, it is a difficult road to Travel, and the more so for that Rattle- Snakes abound there, of which we killed four. That people who have never been in such places, have but an Imperfect Idea of them. But I was not only taught patience, but also made thankful to God who thus led me about and instructed me, that I might have a quick and lively feeling of the Afflictions of my fellow- Creatures, whose Scituation in life is difficult. CHAPTER IX 1763 The latter part of Sumer 1763 there came a man to Mountholly, who had before pubhshed by a printed Advertisement, that at a certain public House, he would [on Such a Certain Night,] show many wonderfuU Operations which he therein enumerated. This man, at the time appointed, did by Slight of hand, sundry things ; which, to those gathered, appeared Strange/ The next day I hearing of it, and understanding that the Shew was to be continued the next night, and the people to meet about sunset, felt an exercise on that account : So I went to the Public House in the evening, and told the man of the House that I had an Inclination to Spend a part of the evening there, with which he Signified that he was content. Then Seting down [on a long Seat] by the Door, I spake to the people as they came together concerning this Shew, and more coming and seting down with us, the Seats at the Door were mostly filled, and I had conversation with them in the fear of the Lord, and Laboured to convince them that thus Assembling to see those Tricks or Slights of hand, & bestowing their money to Support men who in that capacity were of no use in the world, was Contrary to the Nature of Christian Religion. There was one of the Company who for a time endeavoured by Arguments to show the reasonableness of their proceedings herein: but after Considering some texts of Scripture, and calmly debateing the matter he gave up the point. So I having spent, I believe, about an hour amongst them, & feeling my mind easie, departed. - * MS. A. This incident is omitted in B, 2 At tliis point in the Journal, MS. A is inserted the Essay, "A Plea for the Poor," published first in 1793 with its title altered by its Editors to "A Word of Remembrance and Caution to the Rich." This occupies thirty-two folio pages, i.e. pp. 148-180. Pp. 181-186 contain the Essay, "On Schools," and pp. 186-194 that "On Masters and Servants." They are numbered in fifteen "chapters," and appear intended for the Essays. 266 ■«,-i& John Woolman's Chair. In possession of his great-great-granddaitglitcr^ E. Ceceh.a Xe-j.bold, Bordentoun, .V. J. "Three Tuns" Tavern, Daniel Jones Proprietor, 1761. Xow the -Mill Street Hotel. Saratoga Street, Nantucket. Site of "Big Shop." Crosswicks, N. J. Thomas Middle- ton's Smoke-house. 0(o,L ayyu'.-j -u'^a-,- , A /, -:f / ', ^ 7 '/' John Woolman's Memorandum for Nursery Planting. IX 1764 267 Notes at our Yearly Meeting at Philada. in the 9 month 1764. John Smith, "^ Chester county, aged upwards of 80 years, ^ a Faithful Minister, though not Eloquent, in our meeting of min- isters and elders stood up on the 25th. & appearing to be under a great exercise of Spirit, informed Friends ; That he had been a member of the society upward of Sixty years, and well remem- bered that in those early times Friends were a plain lowly minded people and that there was much tenderness and Contrition in their meetings & That at the end of twenty years from that time the society increasing in wealth and in some degree conforming to the fashions of the World, true Humility decreased and their meetings in general were not so lively and Edifying That at the end of Forty years many of the Society were grown rich, that wearing of fine costly Garments and with fashionable furniture, silver watches became customary with many & with their sons and daughters. And as these things prevailed in the Society & appeared in our Meetings of Ministers and Elders ; so the power- ful overshadowings of the Holy Spirit were less manifested amongst us That there had been an increase of outward great- ness till now, and that the weakness amongst us in not living up to our principles and supporting the Testimony of Truth in Faithfulness was matter of much Sorrow. He then mentioned the uncertainty of his Attending these meetings in future,- expecting his dissolution was near. And as pious parents, finally departing from their Families, express their last & fervent desires for their good, so did he most Tenderly Express his Concern for us ; And signified that he had seen in the True Light, that the Lord would bring forth his people from that worldly spirit into which too many had degen- erated And that his faithfull Servants must go through great and heavy Exercises before this work was brought about. da. mo. 29: 9: 1764. The Committee appointed by the Yearly Meeting some time since to Visit the Quarterly and Monthly Meetings, » Of Marlborough, Pa. ' A footnote of Woolman's in the MS. reads "It was the last Yearly Meeting he Attended." These "Notes" have been written on a separate sheet and stitched into MS. B from which they were fairly copied into MS. A. 268 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. now made report in writing in which they signifyed that in the course of it they had been apprehensive that Some Persons ^ . . . After this report was read an exercise revived on my mind which, at times had attended me several years and inward Cries to the Lord were raised in me, that the fear of man might not hinder me from doing what He required of me; and so standing up in His Dread, I spake in Substance as follows — I have felt a Tenderness in my mind toward persons in Two Circumstances mentioned in that report ; that is, toward such active members who keep Slaves, and them who are in those offices in Government, & have desired that Friends in all their Conduct may be kindly Aflfectioned one toward another. Many Friends who keep Slaves are under some exercise on that account, and at times think about trying them with Freedom but find many things in their way: and the [manner] of Living, and annual Expenses of some of them are such that it is Impracticable for them to set their Slaves free without changing their own way of life. It has been my Lot to be often abroad, and I have observed in some places at Quarterly and Yearly Meetings, and at some [stages] where Traveling Friends and their Horses are often Entertained, that the yearly expense of Individuals therein is verry considerable : and Friends in some places crouding much on persons in these circumstances for Entertainment, hath often rested as a Burden on my mind for some years past, & I now Express it in the fear of the Lord, greatly desiring that Friends now present may duly consider it [And I may Here add what then Occurred to me, though I did not mention it, to wit: In Fifty pounds are four hundred half Crowns. If a Slave be valued at Fifty Pounds, and I with my Horse put his Owner to half a Crown Expence, and I with many others for a Couple of Years repeat these Expences four hundred times. Without any Compensation, then on a fair > The blank occurring here in the original manuscript with a note by the author, "get ye Report," has been filled in by the editors of the first edition of ■ 774. who have evidently referred to the committee's report. Their insertion has been retained by all successive editors. It is as follows t — "holding offices in Government, inconsistent with our principles, and others who kept slaves, re- maining active members in our meetings of discipline, had been one means of weakness more and more prevailing in the management thereof in some places." IX 1764 269 Computation this Slave may be Accounted a Slave to the PubHck, under the direction of the man he calls Master.]^ da mo 9. 10. 1764 having hired a man to work, I perceived in con- versation that he had been a Soldier in the Late war on this Continent; and in the Evening giving a Narrative of his Captivity amongst the Indians, he inform'd me that he saw two of his fellow Captives Tortured to Death, [One of which being tied to a Tree had abundance of pine Splinters run into his Body and then set on fire, and that this was Continued at times near two Days before he died. That they opened the Belly of the other & fastened a part of his Bowels to a Tree, and then Whip'd the poor Creature till by his runing round the Tree his bowels were drawn out of his Body.] " This relation affected me with Sadness, under which I went to Bed, and the next morning soon after I awoke, a fresh and living Sence of Divine Love was Spread over my mind, in which I had a renewed prospect of the Nature of that Wisdom from above, which leads to a right use of all gifts, both Spiritual and Temporal, and gives content therein. Under a feeling thereof, I wrote as follows : Hath He who gave me a Being attended with many wants unknown to Brute-Creatures, given me a Capacity Superior to theirs, and shown me that a moderate application to business is proper to my present condition, and that this, attended with His Blessing may supply all outward wants, while they remain within the bounds He hath fixed, and no Imaginary wants proceeding from an evil Spirit, have any place in me? Attend then O my soul ! to this pure wisdom, as thy Sure conductor through the manifold Dangers in this world. Doth pride lead to Vanity? Doth Vanity form Imaginary wants ? Do these wants prompt men to Exert their power in requiring that of others, which themselves would rather be excused from, were the same required of them? Do those proceedings beget hard thoughts? Do hard thoughts, when ripe, become malice? Does malice when ripe become revengeful and in the end Inflict Terrible pains on their fellow-creatures, and spread desolations in the world? ^ In MS. B. In all cases, early editors have omitted John Woolman's mathe- matical proofs or calculations. ^ This horrible narration occurs in MS. B as well. 270 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Doth mankind, walking in uprightness, delight in each others happiness? And do these creatures, capable of this Attainment, by gi\^ng way to an evil Spirit, Employ their wit and Strength to Afflict and destroy one another? Remember then, O my soul! the Quietude of those in whom Christ Governs, and in all thy proceedings feel after it. Doth he condescend to Bless thee with His presence? to move and influence to action? To dwell in thee, and walk with thee? Remember then thy station as a being Sacred to God ; accept of the Strength freely ofl:'ered thee, and take heed that no weakness, in Conforming to Expensive, Unwise, and Hard-hearted customs, gendring to discord & Strife, be given way to. [Doth he claim my body as his temple, and graciously grant that I may be sacred to him ? Oh ! that I may prize this favour, and that my whole life may be conformable to this character.] ^ Remember, O my soul ! that the Prince of Peace is thy Lord : that he communicates his pure wisdom to His family. That they, living in perfect Simplicity, may give no just cause of offence to any Creature, but may walk as he walked. Having felt an Openness in my heart toward Visiting Fami- lies in our own meeting, & Especially in the town of Mountholly the place of my abode, I mentioned it in our Monthly Meeting the fore part of the winter, 1764, which being agreed to and Several Friends of our own Meeting being united in the Exer- cise, we proceeded therein, and through Divine Favour were helped in the work, so that it appeared to me as a fresh reviving of Godly care amongst friends. iVnd the latter part of the same winter I joyned my Friend William Jones, "' in a Visit to Friends families in Mansfield in which Labour I had cause to Admire the Goodness of the Lord towards [his poor Creatures.] Having felt my mind drawn toward a Visit to Friends along the Sea Coast from Cape may to near Squan, and allso to Visit some people in those parts amongst whom there is no Setled worship, I joyned with my beloved Friend Benjamin Jones ^° in da mo a visit there, having Friends unity therein and Seting of 24: 10: 1765, had a prosperous and verry Satisfactory Journey, feeling ' MS. A, p. 198. This sentence is Riven in the first edition, but in many later editions is omitted. It is not in MS. A, but in B. IX 1766 271 at times/ through the goodness of the Heavenly Shepherd, the gospel to flow freely toward a poor people Scattered in those places, and soon after our return I joyned my Friends, John Sleeper '^ and Elizabeth Smith ^° in visiting Friends' families at [the Citty of] Burlington there being at this time about 50 Families of our Society in that Citty, and we had cause Humbly to Adore our Heavenly Father who Baptized us into a feeling of the [Conditions] of the people and Strengthened us To labour in true Gospel Love amongst them. And near the same time my Friend John Sleeper ^* and I performed a visit to Friends Fami- lies belonging to Ancocas meeting, in which I found true Sat- isfaction. An Exercise having at times for several years attended me in regard to paying a religious Visit to Friends on the Eastern Shore of Maryland Such was the nature of this Exercise that I believed the Lord [called] me to Travel on foot " amongst them, that by so Traveling I might have a more lively feeling of the Condition of the Oppressed Slaves, Set an example of lowliness before the Eyes of their Masters, and be more out of the way of Temptation to unprofitable familiarities & be less expence mongst them. The time now drawing near in which I believed it my duty to lay my Concern before our monthly meeting. I perceived in conversation with my Beloved Friend John Sleeper '^ that he was under a Concern to Travel the same way, and allso to Travel on foot in the form of a servant amongst them, as he Expresst it ; This he told me before he knew Aught of my exercise. We being thus drawn the same way, laid our Exercise and the nature of it before Friends and obtained Certificates we set da mo off the 6:5: 1766, and were at Meetings with Friends at Wilming- ton, Duck Creek, Little Creek & Motherkills, my heart [being] sundry times tendered under the Divine Influence and Enlarged in Love toward the people amongst whom we Traveled. From Motherkills we crossed the Country about thirty-five miles to Friends at Tuckahoe in Maryland, and had a meeting there, and also at Marshey Creek. At these our three last meetings were * "We were out about two weeks" has been crossed out by John Woolman. ^ After this date — 1766 — all of John Woolman's distant travels appear to have been on foot. He kept and used horses for himself at home. 272 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. a considerable number of people, followers of one Joseph Nichols," a Preacher, who I understand is not in outward Fel- lowship with any Religious Society of People, but professeth nearly the same principles as our Society doth, and often travels up and down, appointing meetings, to which many people come. I heard some Friends speaking of some of their neighbors who had been Irreligious people that were now his followers, and were become Sober well-behaved men and Women. Some irregularities I hear have been amongst the people at Several of his Meetings, but from the whole of what I have [heard] I believe the man & some of his followers are honestly disposed, but [believe] Skilful Fathers are wanting amongst them. From hence we went to Choptank and Third Haven, & thence to Queen Anns. The weather having some Days past been Hot and dry, & we to attend meetings [according] to appointment, & Travelled pretty steadily, and had hard Labour in meetings, I grew weakly, at which I was for a time discouraged : but looking over our Journey, and thinking how the Lord had supported our minds and Bodies, so that we got forward much faster than I expected before we came out ; I now saw that I had been in danger of too strongly desiring to get soon through the journey, and that this Bodily weakness now attending me was a kindness from Above. And then in Contrition of Spirit I became very thankful to my Gracious Father for this manifestation of his Love, and in humble Submission to His Will my Trust was renewed in Him. In this part of our journey, I had many thoughts on the differ- ent circumstances of Friends who Inhabit Pennsylvania and Jersey, from those who dwell in Maryland, Virginea, & Carolina. Penn- sylvania and New Jersey were setled by many Friends who were convinced of our Principles in England in times of Suffering, and coming over bought Lands of the Natives, and applied them- selves to husbandry in a peaceable way, and many of their Chil- dren were taught to Labour for their living. Few Friends I believe came from England to settle in any of these Southern Provinces; but by the faithful Labours of Traveling Friends in early times, there was considerable convincements amongst the Inhabitants of these parts. Here I remembered reading of the IX . 1766 273 warlike disposition of many of the first setlers in those provinces, and of their numerous Engagements with the Natives, in which much Blood was Shed, even in the Infancy of those Colonies. These people inhabiting those places, being grounded in Customs contrary to the pure Truth; when some of them were Affected with the powerful preaching of the word of Life, and joyned in fellowship with our Society they had a great work to go through. It is observable in the History of the Reformation from Popery, that it had a gradual progress from age to age. The uprightness of the first Reformers to the Light and understanding given them, [tended to] open the way for sincere-hearted people to proceed further afterward, and thus each one truly fearing God, and Labouring in those works of Righteousness appointed for them in their Day, find acceptance with him. [And] though through the darkness of the times, and the Corruption of manners and Customs, some upright men may have had little more for their Days work than to attend to the Rightous principle in their [own] minds, as it related to their own conduct in life, without pointing out to others the whole extent of that which the same principle would lead succeeding ages into. Thus for instance amongst an Imperious warlike people supported by oppressed Slaves, some of these masters I suppose are awakened to feel and see their error, and through sincere repentance ceace from oppression, and become like Fathers to their Servants, Shewing by their example a pattern of Humility in living, and moderation in Governing, for the Instruction and Admonition of their oppres- sing neighbours. Those, without carrying the Reformation further, I believe have found acceptance with the Lord. Such was the beginning, and those who succeeded them, and have faithfully attended to the Nature and Spirit of the Reformation, have seen the necessity of proceeding forward, and not only to Instruct others by their example in governing well, but allso to use means to prevent their Successors from having so much power to oppress others. Here I was renewedly confirmed in my mind, that the Lord whose tender mercies are over all His works, and whose Ear is open to the Cries and Groans of the oppressed is Graciously moving on the Hearts of people to draw them of from the desire of wealth, and bring them into such a Humble lowly way of 274 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. living that they may see their way clearly to repair to the standard of true Righteousness, and not only break the Yoke of Oppres- sion, but know him to be their Strength and Support in a time of outward affliction. We passing on crossed Chester river, & had a meeting there, and at Cecil and Sassafras. Through my bodily weakness joyned with a heavy exercise of mind it was to me a humbling dispensa- tion, and I had a very lively feeling of the state of the oppressed ; yet I often thought that what I suffered was little, compared with the sufferings of the Blessed Jesus, and many of his Faithful followers, and may say with thankfulness I was made content [under them.] From Sassafras we went pretty directly home, where we found our Families well. And for several weeks after our return I had often to look over our Journey and though to me it appeared as a Small service, and that some Faithful Messengers will yet have more bitter cups to drink in those Southern Prov- inces for Christs sake than we had, yet I found peace in that I had been helped to walk in Sincerity according to the under- standing and Strength given me. da mo 13 :ii : 1766, with the Unity of Friends of our monthly meet- ing, & in company with my beloved Friend -Benjamin Jones ^^ I set out on a Visit to Friends in the Uper part of this Province,'- having had drawings of Love in my heart that way a considerable time. We traveled as far as Hardwick and I had inward peace in my Labours of Love amongst them. Through the humbling Dispensations of Divine Providence, my mind hath been brought into a further feeling of the Difficul- ties of Friends and their Servants South westward and being often engaged in Spirit on their account, I believ'd it my duty to walk into some parts of the Western Shore of Maryland, on a Religious Visit. And having obtained a certificate from Friends of our monthly meeting, I took leave of my Family under the da mo heart-tendering operation of Truth, and on the 20: 4: 1767 Rode to the Ferry ^ Opposite to Philad^ and from thence walked to ' New Jersey. ' This was the ferry at Kaighn's Point, now Camden, N. J. IX 1767 275 William Homes " at Derby that Evening and So pursued my Journey alone, and fell in at Concord week-day meeting. Discouragements & a weight of distress had, at times, attended me in this lonesome walk ; through which Afflictions, I was mercifully preserved : & now Seting down with Friends my mind was turned toward the Lord, to wait for his Holy leadings, who in infinite Love was pleased to soften my Heart into humble con- trition, and did renewedly Strengthen me to go forward : that to me it was a time of Heavenly Refreshment in a Silent meeting. The next day I [fell in at] New Garden Week day meeting, in which I sat with bowedness of Spirit, and being Baptized into a feeling of the State of Some present the Lord gave us a heart- tendering Season, to his name be the praise. I passed on, and was at Nottingham Monthly Meeting, and at a meeting at Little Brittain on first Day, and in the afternoon several Friends came to the House where I Lodged and we had a little afternoon meet- ing, and through the humbleing power of Truth, I had to admire the Loveing kindness of the Lord manifested to us. da mo 26. 4. 1767 I crossed Suscjuehannah, and comeing amongst people who lived in outward ease and greatness chiefly on the Labour of . . . Slaves my Heart was much affected, and in Awful retiredness my mind was gathered inward to the Lord, being humbly engaged that in true Resignation I might receive Instruction from Him respecting my Duty amongst this people. Though traveling on foot was wearisome to my Body, [I being at best but weakly,] yet thus traveling was agreeable to the state of my mind. I went gently on, being . . . weakly and was covered with Sorrow and heaviness on account of the Spreading prevailing Spirit of this world introduceing Customs grievous & oppressive on one Hand, and Cherishing pride and wantonness on the other. In this lonely walk and State of Abase- ment and Humiliation, the State of the Church in these parts was opened before me, and I may truly say with the Prophet, "I was bowed down at the hearing of it ; I was dismayed at the Seeing of it." Under this exercise I attended the Quarterly Meeting at Gun- powder, and in Bowedness of Spirit I had to Open with much plainness what I felt respecting Friends living in fullness on the 276 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Labours of the poor oppressed Negroes, And that promise of the Most High was now revived "I will gather all nations and Tongues, and they shall come and see my Glory." Here the Sufferings of Christ, and his taisting Death for every man. And the Travels, Sufferings and Marturdoms of the Apostles and primitive Christians, in Labouring for the Conversion of the Gentiles, was liveingly revived in me : And according to the Measure of Strength afforded I laboured in some tenderness of Spirit, being deeply affected amongst them. And thus the present treatment which these Gentiles, the Negroes,, receive at our hands [being set side by side with] the Labours of the primitive Christians for the Conversion of the Gentiles, [things were pressed] home, and the power of Truth came over us under the feeling of which my mind was united to a Tender-hearted people in those parts, and the Meeting concluded in a Sence of Gods goodness toward his Humble dependant Children. The next day was a general Meeting for worship, much crouded in which I was deeply engaged in Inward Cries to the Lord for help, that I might stand wholly resigned, & move only as he might be pleased to lead me, and I was mercifully helped to labour honestly & fervently amongst them, in which I found inward peace, and the Sincere hearted were comforted. From hence I turned toward Pipe Creek, and passed on to Red Lands, and had several meetings amongst Friends [on the West side of Susquehannah.] My Heart was often tenderly affected under a sence of the Lords Goodness ... in Sanctify- ing my Troubles & Exercises, turning them to my comfort, and I believe to the benefit of many others. For I may say with thank- fulness that in this Visit it appeared like a fresh Tendering Visita- tion in most places. I past on to the Western Quarterly Meeting in pensylvania. Dureing the several days of this Meeting, I was mercifully preserved in an inward feeling after the Mind of Truth, and my public Labours . . . tended to my [own] Humilia- tion with which I was content, and after the Quarterly meeting of Worship ended, I felt drawings to go to the Women's meeting of business which was very full, And here the Humility of Jesus Christ, as a pattern for us to walk by, was liveingly opened before me, and in treating on it, my Heart was Enlarged, and it was a Baptizeing time. From thence I went on, and was at Meetings IX 1767 277 at Concord, Middletown, Providence, & Haddonfield and so home, where I found my Family well. A Sence of the Lords Merciful preservation in this my Journey incite Reverent Thankfulness to Him. da mo 2. 9. 1767 with the Unity of Friends, I set off on a Visit to Friends in the uper part of Berks [County] and Philadelphia County, was at 'i i Meetings in about two weeks, and have renewed cause to bow in Reverence before the Lord, who by the powerful Extendings of his humbling goodness opened my way amongst Friends, and made the meetings I trust profitable to many of us. The winter following I joyned Friends on a visit to Friends Fami- lies, in some part of our meeting, in which exercise the pure influence of Divine Love made our visits [many times] reviving, da mo On the 5. 5. 1768 I left home under the Humbling Hand of the Lord, having obtained a Certificate, in order to Visit some Meetings in Maryland. And to proceed without a Horse looked clearest to me. I was at Quarterly meetings of Philada. and Concord and then went on to Chester river, & crossing the Bay with Friends, was at the Yearly Meeting at West River : thence back to Chester river and takeing a few meetings in my way I da mo proceeded home [which I reached 10: 6: 1768.] It was a Journey of much inward waiting, and as my Eye was to the Lord, way was several times opened to my humbling admira- tion, when things had appeared very difficult. I on my return I felt a relief of Mind very comfortable to me, having through [the help of my Heavenly Father, been strengthened to] labour in much plainness [of Speech,] both with Friends Selected, and in the more publick Meetings ; so that I trust the pure wit- ness in many Minds was reached. da mo 11:6: 1769. Sundry cases have happened of late years, within the limits of our monthly meeting respecting that of exercising pure Righteousness toward the Negroes, in which I have lived under a labour of heart that Equity might be Steadily kept to ... : on this account I had had some close exercises amongst friends, in which I may thankfully say I find peace, and as my 278 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. meditations have been much on Universal love, my own conduct in time past became of late very grievous to me. ... As persons seting Negroes free in our province, are bound by Law? to main- tain them in case they have need of relief, some who scrupled keeping Slaves term of life, in the time of my youth, were wont to detain their young Negroes in their Service till thirty years of age, without wages on that account, and with this custom I so far agreed, that I [as companion] to another Friend in executing the will of a deceased Friend, once sold a negro lad till he might attain the age of Thirty years, and applied the money to the use of the Estate. With abasement of heart I may now say, that sometimes as I have sat in a meeting with my heart exercised toward that awful Being who respecteth not persons nor colours, & have looked on this negro lad, I've felt that all was not clear in my mind respecting him : and as I have attended to this exercise, and fervently sought the Lord, it hath appeared to me that I should make some restitution, but in what way I saw not till lately, when being under some concern that I might be resigned to go on a visit to some part of the West Indians, . . . and was under a close engagement of spirit, seeking to the Lord for counsil that of joyning in the sale aforesaid came heavily upon me, and my mind for a time was covered with darkness and Sorrow, and under this sore affliction my heart was softened to receive instruction, and here I first saw, that as I had been one of the two Executors who had sold this [negro] for nine years longer than is common for our own Children to serve, so I should now offer a part of my Substance to redeem the last half of that nine years : but as the time was not yet come I executed a Bond binding me and my executors to pay to the man he was sold to, what to candid men might appear equitable, for the last four years and a half of his time, in case the said youth should be living, and in a condition likely to provide comfortably for himself.^ da mo [9: 10: 1769. My heart hath often been deeply affected under a feeling I have had that the standard of Pure Righteousness is not lifted up to the people by us as a Society in that clearness which it might have been, had we been so faithful to the teachings * Nothing appears on the books as to this transaction. IX 1769 279 of Christ as we ought to have been, and as my mind hath been inward to the Lord, the purity of Christs Government hath been opened in my understanding, and under this Exercise, that of Friends being active in civil society, in putting Laws in force which are not agreeable to the purity of Righteousness, hath for several years past been an increasing burden upon me, having felt, in the openings of Universal Love, that where a people, convinced of the truth of the inward teachings of Christ, are active in puting Laws in Execution which are not consistent with pure wisdom, it hath a necessary tendency to bring dimness over their minds, and as my heart hath been thus exercised, and a tender sympathy in me toward my fellow members, I have, within a few months past, in several meetings for discipline, expressed my concern on this Subject.]^ ^ This paragraph does not appear in MS. B. CHAPTER X 1 1770 da mo 12. 3. 1770. having for some years past dieted myself on account of a lump gathering on my Nose, and under this diet grew weak in body, and not of ability to travel by Land as before; I was at times favoured to Look with awfulness toward the Lord, before whom are all my ways, who alone hath the power of Life and Death, and to feel thankfulness [incited] in me [toward Him] for this his Fatherly chastisement, believing if I was truly humbled under it all would work for good. While I was under this bodily weakness, my mind being at times exercised for the good of my fellow-creatures in the West indies, I grew jealous over myself, lest the disagreeableness of the prospect should hinder me from obediently attending thereto ; for though I knew not that the Lord required me to go there, yet I believed that resignation was now called for in that respect: and feeling a danger of not being wholly devoted to him, I was frequently engaged to watch unto prayer, that I might be pre- served ; and upwards of a year having passed, I walked one day in a Solitary wood, my mind being covered with awfulness ; cries were raised in me to my Merciful Father, that lie would graciously keep me in faithfulness, and it then settled on my mind as a duty, to open my condition to Friends at our monthly meeting; which I did soon after, as follows : "An exercise hath attended me for some time past, and of late been more weighty upon me, under which I believe it is required of me to be resigned to go on a visit to some part of the West Indies," and in the quarterly and general spring meet- ing, found no clearness to express any thing further, than that I believed resignation herein was required of me; and having ' From this point, witli a new pen, tlie handwriting improves. There are also fewer capitals employed. 280 X 1770 28 I obtained Certificates from all said Meetings, I felt like a sojourner at my outward habitation, kept free from worldly encumbrance, and was often bowed in Spirit before the Lord, with inward breathings to him that I might be rightly directed. And I may here note, that being, when young, joyned as Executor with another friend [we two] in executing the will of the deceased sold a Negro lad till he might attain the age of Thirty [on which account I had now] great sorrow [as before related.] "^ And having settled matters relating to this youth, i [soon after] provided a sea store and Bed, and things fiting for a voyage ; and hearing of a vessel likely to sail from Philadelpliia for Barbadoes, I spake with one of the owners ^ at Burlington, & soon after went on purpose to Philadelphia to speak with him again, at which time he told me there was a Friend in town who was part owner of the said vessel, but I felt no inclination at that time to speak with him, but returned home, and a while after I took leave of my family, and [going] to Philadelphia, had some weighty conversation with the first mentioned owner, and shewed him a writeing, as follows: da mo 25. II. 1769. "As an exercise with respect to a visit to "Barbadoes hath been weighty on my mind, I may express some "of the tryals which have attended me : under these tryals I have "at times rejoiced, in that I have my own self will subjected. "I once some years ago retailed Rum, Sugar, and Molasses, "the fruits of the labour of Slaves but then had not much concern "about them, save only that the Rum might be used in moderation ; "nor was this concern so weightily attended to, as I now believe "it ought to have been; but of late years, being further informed "respecting the oppressions too generally exercised in These "Islands, and thinking often on the degrees that are in connexions "of Interest and fellowship with the works of darkness, Ephes. "V. II, and feeling an increasing concern to be wholly given up "to the leadings of the holy Spirit, it hath appeared that the small "gain I got by this branch of Trade should be applied in promot- "ing Righteousness on the Earth, and near the first motion "toward a Visit to Barbadoes, I believed the outward Substance ^ See above, p. 278. * John Smith, of Burlington and Philadelphia. See Appendix, (15). 282 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. "I possess should be applied in paying my passage if I go, and "providing things in a lowly way for my subsistence; but when "the time drew near, in which I believed it required of me to be "in readiness, a difficulty arose which hath been a continued tryal "for some months past, under which I have with abasement of "mind, from day to day sought the Lord for instruction, and "often had a feeling of the condition of one formerly, who "bewailed himself for that the Lord hid his face from him. "During these exercises my heart hath been often contrite, and "I have had a tender feeling of the Temptations of my fellow "creatures, labouring under those expensive customs distinguish- "able from the simplicity that there is in Christ, 2 Co. ii. 3, and "sometimes in the renewings of gospel Love have been helped to "minister to others. "That which hath so closely engaged my mind in seeking to "the Lord for instruction is, whither, after so full information of "the oppression the slaves lie under, in the West indies who raise "the west india produce, as I had in reading a Caution & warning "to Great Brittain & her Colonies,' wrote by Anthony Benezet,* "it is right for me to take a passage in a Vessel employed in the "west india trade [or not?] "To trade freely with oppressors, and without labouring to "dissuade from such unkind treatment, seek for gain by such "traffick — I believe tends to make them more easie respecting "their conduct than they would be if the cause of Universal Right- "eousness was humbly and firmly attended to, by those in general "with whom they have commerce, and that complaint of the "Lord by his prophet, They have strengthened the hands of "the wicked, hath very often revived in my mind. And I may "here add some circumstances preceding any prospect of a Visit "there. "The case of David hath often been before me of late years. "He longed for some water in a well beyond an army of Philis- ^ Anthony Benezet. "A Caution and Warning to Great Britain and Her Colonies in a Short Representation of the Calamitous State of the Enslaved Negroes in the British Dominions." London, 1767. This mentions an "Account of the European Settlements in .'\merica, printed in 1757," and quotes, "The Negroes in our Colonies Endure a Slavery more complete, and attended with far worse circumstances than what any people in their condition suffer in any other part of the world." X I770 283 "tians who were at war with Israel, and some of his men to "please him, ventured their lives in passing through this army, "and brought that water. It doth not appear that the Israelites "were then scarce of water ; but rather that David gave way to "delicacy of taste : but having thought on the danger these men "were exposed to, he considered his water as their Blood, and "his heart smote him that he could not drink it, but poured it out "to the Lord, and the oppression of the Slaves which I have "seen in several journeys Southward on this continent, and the "report of their Treatment in the west indies hath deeply affected "me, and a care to live in the Spirit of peace, and minister just "cause of offence to none of my fellow creatures, hath from time "to time livingly revived on my mind, and under this exercise I "for some years past declined to gratify my pallate with those "Sugars. "I do not censure my Brethren in these things, but believe "the Father of Mercies to whom all mankind by Creation are "equally related, hath heard the Grones of these oppressed people, "and is preparing some to have a tender feeling of their condition, "and the tradeing in, or frequent use of, any produce known to be "raised by the labours of those who are under such lamentable "oppression, hath appeared to be a subject which may yet more "require the Serious consideration of the humble followers of "Christ the prince of peace. "After long and mournful exercise I am now free to mention "how things have opened in my mind, with desires that if it may "please the Lord to further open his will to any of his Children "in this matter, they may faithfully follow him in such further "manifestation. "The number of those who decline the customary use of the "West India produce on account of the hard usage of the slaves "who raise it, appears small, even amongst people truly pious; "and the labours in Christian love on that subject of those who "do, have not been very extensive. "Was the Trade from this Continent to the West Indies to be "quite stoped at once, I believe many there would suffer for want "of bread. "Did we on this Continent, and the Inhabitants of the west "indies generally dwell in pure Righteousness, I believe a small 284 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. "trade between us might be right, that under these considerations, "when the thoughts of wholly declineing the use of tradeing ves- "sels, and of trying to hire a vessel to go under ballast have arose "in my mind, I have believed that the Labours in gospel love yet "bestowed in the cause of Universal Righteousness are not arrived "to that hight. "If the trade to the west indies was no more than was consist- "ent with pure wisdom, I believe the passage money would for "good reasons be higher than it is now, and here under deep "exercise of mind, I have believed that I should not take the "advantage of this great trade and small passage money, but as "a Testimony in favour of less tradeing, should pay more than "is common for others to pay, if I go at this time." The first mentioned owner having read the paper, expresst a willingness to go with me to the other owner,^ and we going, the said other owner read over the paper, and we had some solid conversation, under which I felt my soul bowed in Reverence before the Most High ; and at length one of them asked me if I would go and see the Vessel, but I had not clearness in my mind to go, but went to my lodgings & retired in private. I was now under great exercise of mind, and my Tears were poured out before the Lord, with inward cries, that he would graciously help me under these tryals. In this case I believe my mind was resigned, but did not feel clearness to proceed ; and my own weakness, and the Necessity of Divine instruction were impresst upon me. I was for a time as one who knew not what to do, and was tossed as in a Tempest: under which affliction, the doctrine of Christ, take no thought for the morrow, arose livingly before me. I remembered it was some days before they expected the vessel to Sail, and was favoured to get into a good degree of stillness, and having been near two days in town, I believed my Obedience to my Heavenly Father consisted in returning homeward. I then went over amongst Friends on the Jersey shore, and tarried till the morning on which they had appointed to Sail : and as I lay in Bed the latter part of that night, my mind was comforted ; and I felt what I esteemed a fresh confirmation, that it was the ' The owners were John Smith '• of Burlington and Philada., son in-law of James Logan, and James Pemberton.' X 1770 285 Lords will that I should pass through some further exercises near home. So I went home and still felt like a sojourner with my family: and in the fresh spring of pure Love, had some labours in a private way amongst Friends, on a Subject relating to Truths Testimony ; under which I had been exercised in heart for some years. I remember as I walked on the Road under this exercise, that passage in Ezekiel came fresh before me; "whither soever their faces were turned, thither they went:" and I was graciously helped to discharge my duty in the fear and dread of the Almighty. And after a few weeks it pleased the Lord to visit me with . . . a pleurisy/ and after I had lain a few days and felt the disorder very grievous, I was thoughtful how it might end. I had of late through various exercises been much weaned from the pleasant things of this life, and I now thought if it was the Lords will to put an end to my labours, and Graciously receive me into the arms of his Mercy, death would be acceptable to me : but if it was his will further to refine me under Affliction, and make me in any degree useful in his Church, I desired not to die. I may with thankfulness say that in this case I felt Resignedness wrought in me, and had no inclination to send for a Doctor, believ- ing if it was the Lords will, through outward means to raise me up, some sympathizing friends would be sent to minister to me, which were accordingly. But though I was carefully attended yet the disorder was at times so heavy that I had no thoughts of recovery : One Night in particular my bodily distress was great, my feet grew cold, and cold increased up my legs toward my Body, and at that time I had no inclination to ask my Nurse to apply any thing warm to my feet, expecting my end was near, and after I had lain near ten hours in this condition I closed my eyes thinking whither I might not be delivered out of the Body, but in these awful moments my mind was livingly opened to behold the Church, and Strong Engagements were begotten in me for the Everlasting well being of my fellow creatures, and 1 felt in the spring of pure Love that I might remain some longer in the Body, in filling up, according to my measure that which ^ This illness came back to his recollection in England, in 1772, when he described his "vision" and set down his objections to extravagant living, of which he wrote upon his recovery. 286 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. remains of the Afflictions of Christ, and in labouring for the good of the Church: after which I requested my Nurse to apply warmth to my feet, and I revived,^ and the Next Night, feeling a weighty exercise of Spirit, and having a solid Friend ^ seting up with me I requested him to write what I said, which he did, as follows da mo "4: i: 1770, about five in the morning. I have seen in the "Light of the Lord, that the day is approaching, when the man "that IS the most wise in human policies, shall be the greatest "fool; and the Arm that is mighty to support injustice shall be "broken to pieces : the Enemies of righteousness shall make a "terrible rattle, and shall mightily torment one another ; for He "that is omnipotent is riseing up to judgment, and will plead "the cause of the Oppressed : and he commanded me to open the "vision." Near a week after this feeling my mind livingly opened I sent for a neighbour who at my request wrote as follows : "The place of prayer is a precious habitation,' for I now saw that "the prayers of the Saints was precious Incense : and a Trumpet "was given me, that I might sound fourth this Language ; that the "Children might hear it, and be invited to gather to this precious "habitation, where the prayers of Saints as precious incense ariseth "up before the Throne of God & the Lamb I saw this habitation to ^ In the Larger Account Book, written in by John Woolman himself upon his recovery, is the following memorandum, with a date that places the incident at this point: "3 of the i mo. 1770. In the Morning. I had Been for Ten Hours or more that I thought Death was upon me. I Once Closed my Eyes and waited to know if I might now be Delivered out of this Bodev : But I looked at the Church and I was moved for Her: and I was held Fast and perceived that I might Remain Some longer in the Bodey, in filling up that which Remains of the Afflictions of Christ, and in Speaking Some Words to the Church." This was the first draft of the paragraph. " This is also first copied into the Larger Account Book, which has served so many purposes. It is in the handwriting of the "solid Friend," and ends with the signature of the witness; — "Pronounced by John Woolman and written by mc. Caleb Carr." "^ The passage has been much edited. With this is a word or two — "In human policies men are wise to do Evil as exprest by the prophet." ^ The text in Revelations, viii, i, is thus quoted: "and tlie 7th. Seal was opened and for a Certain time there was Silence in Heaven. And I saw an Angel with a golden Censer & he offered with it incense, with the prayers of the Saints, and it rose up before the Throne." Later, a pen was drawn through the quota- tion, probably because of its inaccuracy. A week after this, was written the se|iarate memorandum as to the use of silver vessels, which is given in full in the Introduction. X I770 28; "be safe, to be inwardly quiet, when there was great Stirings and "commotions in the world. "Prayer at this day in pure resignation is a precious place. The "trumpet is Sounded, the Call goes forth to the Church, that She "gather to the place of pure inward prayer; and her habitation is "safe." At this point, on page 221, ends the folio manuscript (A) of the Journal, in John Woolman's own hand. From this paragraph this text follows the original manuscripts of the Journal of the Voyage, and in England, now at Swarthmore College, Pa. These have been copied into the folio, which thus contains the complete narrative as used for publication by Joseph Crukshank. They are in the handwriting of John Woolman's great grandson, accord- ing to his own memorandum, which occurs here : "What follows in this book is copied from the original Manu- scripts in John Woolman's own handwriting. Samuel Comfort." The space upon page 223, however, is taken up with John Woolman's autograph account of a dream, which has been given at length in the Introduction. Here also occur copies of the two letters which have been already quoted in their chronological con- nection, embodied heretofore in the Journal at this point solely because, for convenience, Woolman used the blank leaves which followed his Journal. The Journal of the Voyage is a small blue paper covered pamphlet, originally of forty six pages, but with insertions, some of them left blank. It is a handy pocket form, measuring four and a half by six and a half inches, and has been repaired and stitched together, although still largely in its original condition. Samuel Comfort's re-numbering of pages may be traced by the use of more modern ink. They correspond to the paging in John Comly's edition of 1837, in which he had Samuel Comfort's assistance.^ On the outside of the book is a note by the editors : "All in this book printed in England." Woolman himself notes "46 ^ See Introduction. 288 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap, x pages" and writes, "John Woolman's Journal of his Voiage to England, from i. 5mo. 1772 to the 7th. 6mo." The second page contains a row of figures referring to the days of the week and the corresponding days of the calendar, beginning with "7th. day the i6th." The first forty six pages contain the Voyage, ending with the charge to Sophia Hunie.'^" ' The next twenty two, with the account of the English tour, have been added. Nine blank leaves follow, and the next twenty two pages contain memoranda, a copy of letter, three and a half pages of description, written "At the house of Thomas Priestman, &c.," notes for the Essays, written in England, and Aaron Smith's memorandum, &c. There are 108 pages altogether, eighteen of which are- blank, stitched into the middle of the book. This is the manuscript from which the concluding pages of the Journal have been taken. A copy was made at York, after Woolman's death, and the original was then sent by the hand of Samuel Emlen, to his family in America. The copy is still at Aimer}- Garth, York, the house where Wool- man died. Through the kindness of the owner, the late Malcolm Spence, the manuscript, now in possession of his sister, has been photographed and placed at the editor's disposal for collation. The letter to Reuben Haines " embodies the text of these manu- script notes, and is a verbatim copy, with valuable additions, by William Tuke.** ' See p. 303. > c o •a a o •S c =S a: C/5 rt S fc o > JNO. WOOLMAN'S JOURNAL OF HIS VOIAGE TO ENGLAND FROM I— 5Mo: 1772, TO THE 7th 6mo: CHAPTER XI 1772 Memorandum of my proceedings ^ to take a passage for England on a religious visit. My beloved friend Sam' Emlen ' jun. having taken a passage for himself in the Cabbin of the Ship called Mary and Elisabeth, James Sparks, Master, and John Head ^^ of the Citty of philad'', the owner, & I feeling a draft in my Mind toward the Stearage of the Same Ship, went first of all and opened to Samuel the feeling I had concerning it. My beloved friend wept when I Spake to him, and appeared glad that I had thoughts of going in the Vessel with him, though my prospect was toward the Stearage, & he offering to go with me, we went on board, first into the Cabbin a comodious room, and then into the Stearage where we sat down on a Chest, the sailors being busy about us : then the owner ^^ of the Ship [a member of our Society,] came & sat down with us. Here my mind was turned toward Christ, the heavenly Coun- sellor; & I feeling at this time my own will Subjected, my heart was contrite before [him.] A motion was made by the owner to go and Sit in the cabbin as a place more retired ; but I felt easie to leave the Ship, and made no agreement as to a passage in her ; but told the owner if I took a passage in the ship I believed it would be in the Stearage, but did not say much as to my exercise in that case. After I went to my lodgings and the case was a little known in town a friend laid before me the great inconveniences attending ' The opening paragraphs as given in all previous editions of the Journal, do not exist in John Woolman's manuscript. They appear to have been inserted by the Committee of 1774 who prepared the first edition. If this portion has been lost, it was a later addition, as the little manuscript is complete as it stands. 289 290 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. that Stearage [with respect to a passage in it,] which for a time, appeared very discouraging to me. I soon after went to bed, and my mind was under a deep exer- cise before the Lord, whose helping hand was manifested to me as I slept that night, and his love Strengthened my heart and in the morning I went with two friends on board the Vessel again, and after a short time Spent therein I went with Samuel Emiin' to the house of the owner, to whom in the hearing of Samuel only I opened my exercise in substance as follows, in relation to a Scruple I felt with regard to a passage in the Cabbin I told the owner that on the outside of that part of the Ship where the cabbin was, I observed sundry sorts of Carved work and Imagery, and that in the Cabbin I observed some superfluity of workmanship of several sorts, and that according to the ways of mens reckoning, the Sum of money to be paid for a passage in that Appartment hath some relation to the Expence, in furnish- ing the room to please the minds of such who give way to a conformity to this world ; and that in this case, as in other cases, the moneys received from the passengers are calculated to answer every expense relating to their passage, and amongst the rest the expence of these superfluities. And that in this case I felt A scruple with regard to paying my money to defray such expences. As my mind was now opend, I told the owner that I had at Several times in my travels, seen great oppressions on this conti- nent at which my heart had been much afl^ected, and brought often into a feeling of the state of the Sufferers. And having many times been engaged, in the fear and love of God, to labour with those under whom the oppressed have been born down and afflicted, I have often perceived that [it was with] a view to get riches, and provide estates for Children to live comformable to customs, which stand in that Spirit wherein men have regard to the honours of this world. That in the pursuit of these things, I had seen many entangled in the Spirit of oppression, and the exercise of my Soul had been such, that I could not find peace in joining with any thing which I saw was against that wisdom which is pure. After this I Agreed for a passage in the Stearage, and hearing in town that Joseph White ^^ had a mind to see me, I felt the reviving of a desire to see him, and went then to his house, and next day home, where I tarried two Nights, and then early in the XI 1772 "29^ morning, I parted with my family, under a sense of the humbling hand of God upon me, and going to Philad''. had opportunity with several of my beloved friends, who appeared to be concerned for me, on account of the unpleasant Scituation of that part of the Vessel where I was likely to lodge. In these oportunities my mind through the Mercies of the Lord was kept low, in an inward waiting for his help, and friends having expressed their desire that I might have a place more convenient than the Stearage did not urge but appeared disposed to leave me to the Lord. Having stayed two nights in Philada I went the next day to Darby monthly meeting, where through the Strength of divine Love my heart was enlarged toward the Youth then present, under which I was helped to labour in some tenderness of Spirit. Then lodging at William Homes '"'' I with one friend went to Chester where meeting with Samuel Emlin ' we went on board da mo 1:5:, 1772 and as I sat down alone on a Seat on the deck I felt a Satisfactory evidence that my proceedings were not in my own will but under the power of the Cross of Christ. da mo 7:5: have had rough weather mostly since I came on board ; and the passengers, James Reynolds,*"- John Till-Adams,'"' Sarah Logan -'^ and her hired maid, and John Bispham,-^' all Sea-sick, more or less at times ; from which sickness through the tender Mercies of my heavenly Father I have been preserved. My afflic- tions now being of another kind. There appeared an openness in the minds of the Master of the Ship, and in the Cabbin passengers toward me : we were often together on the deck, and Sometimes in the Cabbin. My mind through the merciful help of the Lord hath been preserved in a good degree watchful & inward, and I have this day great cause to be thankful, in that I Remain to feel quietness of mind. As my lodging in the Stearage, now near a week, hath afforded me sundry opportunities of seeing, hearing, and feeling, with respect to the life & Spirit of many poor Sailors, an inward exercise of Soul hath attended me, in regard to placing out Chil- dren and youth where they may be likely to be exampled and instructed in the pure fear of the Lord ; and I being much amongst ^§2 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the Sea men, have from a motion of love, sundry times taken opportunities with one alone, and in a free conversation, laboured to turn their heads toward the fear of the Lord and this day we had a meeting in the Cabbin where my heart was contrite under a feeling of divine Love. Now concerning Lads being trained up as Seamen, I believe a communication from one part of the world to some other parts of it, by sea, is at times consistent with the will of our Heavenly Father; and to Educate some youth in the practice of Sailing, I believe may be right ; but how lamentable is the present corruption of the world ! How impure are the Channels through which trade hath a Conveyance! How great is that danger to which poor lads are now exposed, when placed on Shipboard to learn the Art of sailing! Five lads, training up for the Seas, were now on board this Ship, two of them brought up amongst our Society, one of which hath a right amongst friends, by name James Nailor, to whose father James Nailor "^ mentioned in Sewel's History, appears to have been uncle. I often feel a tenderness of heart toward these poor lads, and at times, look at them as though they were my Children according to the flesh. O that all may take heed and beware of Covetousness ! O that all may learn of Christ who is meek and low of Heart I Then in faithfully following him, he will teach us to be content with food and raiment, without respect to the customs of honours of this world. Men thus redeemed will feel a tender concern for their fellow creatures, and a desire that those in the lowest stations may be assisted and encouraged. And where owners of Ships attain to the perfect Law of Liberty, and are doers of the word these will be blessed in their deeds. A Ship at Sea commonly Sails all night, and the Seamen take their watches four hours at a time. Riseing to work in the night is not commonly pleasant in any case, but in dark rainey nights it is very disagreeable, even though each man were furnished with all conveniences, but if men must go out at midnight to help manage the Ship in the rain, and having small room to Sleep and lay their garments in, are often beset to furnish themselves for the watch ; their garments or something relating to their business being wanting, and not easily found; when from the urgency XI 1772 293 occasioned by high winds they are hastned and called up Suddenly, here is a trial of patience on the poor Sailors, and the poor lads their companions. If after they have been on deck several hours in the Night, and come dovifn into the Stearage Soaking wet, and are so close stowed that proper convenience for change of garments is not easiely come at, but for want of proper room their wet garments thrown in heaps, and sometimes through much crowding, are troden under foot in going to their lodgings and geting out of them, and great difficulties at times each one to find his own, here are trials on the poor sailors. Now as I have been with them in my lodge, my heart hath often yerned for them, and tender desires been raised in me that all owners and Masters of Vessels may dwell in the Love of God, and therein act uprightly, and by Seeking less for gain, and looking carefully to their ways may earnestly labour to remove all cause of provocation from the poor Seamen, either to fret or use excess of strong drink : for indeed the poor Creatures at times in the wet and cold seem to apply to strong drink to supply the want of other conveniences. Great reformation in the world is wanting! and the necessity of it, amongst those who do business on great waters, hath at this time been abundantly opened before me. da mo 8:5: This morning the Clouds gathered, the wind blew Strong from south eastward, and before noon increased to that degree that Sailing appeared dangerous. The Seamen then bound up some of their Sails, took some down, and the Storm increasing, they put the dead lights, so called, into the Cabbin windows, and lighted a lamp as at Night. The wind now blew vehemently, and the Sea wrought to that degree that an awful seriousness prevailed in the Cabbin, in which I spent I believe about seventeen hours ; for I believed the poor wet toiling Seamen had need of all the room in the Crowded Stearage, and the Cabbin passengers had given me frequent invitations. They ceased now irom Sailing, and put the vessel in the posture called lying-too. My mind in this tempest, through the gracious Assistance of 294 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the Lord, was preserved in a good degree of resignation and I felt at times a few words in his love to my Ship mates, in regard to the All sufficiency of him who formed the great deep, and whose care is so extensive that a Sparrow falls not without his notice, and thus in a tender frame of mind spake to them of the necessity of our Yielding in true obedience, to the instructions of our heavenly Father, who sometimes through adversities intend- eth our refinement. About eleven at Night, I went out on the deck, when the Sea wrought exceedingly, and the high foaming waves all round about had in some sort the appearance of fire ; but did not give much if any light. The sailor then at the helm said he lately saw a Corposant ^ at the head of the Mast. About this time I observed the Master of the Ship ordered the Carpenter to keep on the deck ; and though he said little I apprehended his care was that the carpenter with his axe might be in readiness in case of any extremity. Soon after this the vehemency of the wind abated, and before morning they again put the Ship under Sail. da mo lo: 5: and first of the week, it being fine weather, we had a meeting in the Cabbin, at which most of the Sea men were present. This meeting to me was a Strengthening time. da mo 13: 5: As I continue to lodge in the Stearage, I feel an openness this morning to express something further the state of my mind in respect to poor lads bound apprentice to learn the art of Sailing. As I believe sailing is of some use in the world, a labour of Soul attends me, that the pure Counsil of Truth may be humbly waited for in this case, by all concerned in the business of the Seas. A pious father whose mind is exercised for the everlasting welfare of his Child may not with a peaceful mind, place him out to an employment amongst a people, whose common course of life is manifestly corrupt & profane. So great is the present ' Corposant, or St. Elmo's Fire — a luminous, flame-like appearance seen on dark or tempestuous nights, at the mast head or yardarm of a ship, caused by a discharge of electricity from elevated or pointed objects. Takes its name from St, Elmo, the patron Saint of Sailors, who are superstitious as to its appearance, Italian, corpo-santo ; holy body. [Webster.] XI 1772 295 defect amongst Sea f areing men in regard to piety and virtue ; and through an abundant traffick, and many Ships of war, so many people are employed on the Sea that this Subject of placing lads to the employment appears very weighty. Profane examples are very corrupting, and very forcible. And as my mind, day after day, and night after night, hath been affected with a Sympathizing tenderness toward poor Children, put to the employment of sailors, I have sometimes had weighty Conversation with the Sailors in the Stearage, who were mostly respectful to me, and more and more so the longer I was with them. They mostly appeared to take kindly what I said to them, but their minds have appeared to be so deeply imprest with that almost universal depravity amongst Sailors, that the poor crea- tures in their answers to me on this Subject, have revived in my remembrance that of the degenerate Jews, a little before the Cap- tivity, as repeated by Jermiah the prophet. There is no hope. Now under this exercise a Sence of the desire of outward gain prevailing amongst us, hath felt grievous : and a strong call to the professed followers of Christ hath been raised in me that all may take heed, lest, through loving this present world, they be found in a continued neglect of duty with respect to a faithful labour for a reformation. Silence as to every motion proceeding from the Love of money, and an humble waiting upon God to know his will con- cerning us, hath now appeared necessary. He alone is able to Strengthen us to dig deep, to remove all which lies between us and the Safe foundation, and so direct us in our outward emplo)'- ments, that pure Universal Love may Shine forth in our pro- ceedings. Desires arising from the Spirit of Truth are pure desires ; and when a mind Divinely opened toward a yoimg generation, is made Sensible of corrupting examples, powerfuly working, and extensively spreading amongst them how moving is the prospect. A great trade to the coast of Africa for slaves, of which I now heard frequent conversation amongst the sailors ! A great trade in that which is raised & prepared through grievous oppres- sion ! A great trade in Superfluity of workmanship, formed to please the pride and vanity of peoples minds ! 296 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Great and extensive is that depravity which prevails amongst the poor sailors ! When I remember that Saying of the Most High through his prophet, "This people have I formed for myself; they shall show forth my praise ;" ^ And think of placing chil- dren amongst them, to learn the practice of sailing, the consistency of it with a pious education seems to me like that mentioned by the prophet, "There is no answer from God." In a world of dangers and difficulties, like a thorny desolate wilderness, how precious ! how comfortable ! how safe 1 are the leadings of Christ the good shepherd, who said, "I know my sheep; and am known of mine." ^ da mo i6: 5 : 1772. Wind for several days past often high what the sailors call Squalley; rough sea & frequent rains. This last night a very trying night to the poor Seamen. The water chief part of the night running over the main deck, and Sometimes breaking waves came on the quarter deck. The latter part of the night, as I lay in bed, my mind was humbled under the power of divine love and Resignedness to the great Creator of the earth and the seas, renewedly wrought in me, whose fatherly care over his Children felt precious to my soul, and desires were now renewed in me, to embrace every opportunity of being inwardly acquainted with the hardships and difficulties of my fellow creatures, and to labour in his love for the spreading of pure universal Righteous- ness in the Earth. The oportunities being frequent of hearing conversation amongst the Sailors, in respect to the voiges to Africa, and the manner of bringing the deeply oppressed slaves into our islands. The thoughts of their condition, frequently in Chains and fetters on board the Vessels, with hearts loaded with grief, under the apprehensions of miserable Slavery; my mind was frequently opened to meditate on these things. [My own lodging, now in the Stearage, with the advantage of walk- ing the deck when I would, appear'd a comodious Scituation compard with theirs.] ^ ^ Note by Woolman — "y® Chap*.?" , ^ Note by Woolman — "y" Chap*.?" These references have not been filled in. ■ This sentence has been omitted by the first editors and consequently by those following. XI 1772 297 da mo 17:5: and first of the week, we had a meeting in the Cabbin to which the Seamen generally came. My Spirit was contrite before the Lord, whose Love at this time affected my heart. This afternoon I felt a tender Sympathy of Soul with my poor wife and family left behind, in which state my heart was enlarged in desires that they may walk in that humble Obedience, wherein the everlasting Father may be their guide and Support through all the difficulties in this world: and a Sence of that gracious Assistance, through which my mind hath been strength- ened to take up the cross and leave them to travel in the love of truth, hath begotten thankfulness in my heart to our [great] helper. da mo 24 : 5 : and first of the week, a Clear pleasant morning, and as I sat on deck I felt a reviving' in my nature, which through much rainey weather & high winds, being shut up in a close unhealthy air, was weakened. Several nights of late I felt breathing difficult, that a little after the rising of the second watch (which is about midnight) I got up and stood, I believe, near an hour with my face near the hatchway, to get the fresh air at a small vacancy under the hatch door, which is commonly shut down, partly to keep out rain, and sometimes to keep the breaking waves from dashing into the Stearage. I may with thankfulness to the Father of mercies acknowl- edge, that in my present weak state, my mind hath been Sup- ported to bear the affliction with patience ; and I have looked at the present dispensation as a kindness from the Great Father of Mankind who in this my floating pilgrimage, is in some de- gree bringing me to feel that which many thousands of my fellow creatures often Suffer in a greater degree. My Appetite faifing, the tryal hath been the heavier, and I have felt tender breathings in my soul after God the fountain of Comfort, whose inward help hath supplied, at times, the want of outward convenience, and strong desires have attended me that his family who are acquainted with the movings of his holy Spirit may be so redeemed from the love of money, and from that Spirit in which men seek honour one of another, that in all business by 298 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Sea or land we may constantly keep in view the coming of his kingdom on earth, as it is in heaven, and by faithfully following this safe guide, may show forth examples, tending to lead out of that under which the Creation Groans ! This day we had a meeting in the Cabbin in which I was favoured in some degree to experience the fulfilling of that say- ing of the prophet, "The Lord hath been a strength to the poor, a strength to the needy in their distress," for which my heart is bowed in thankfulness before him.^ da mo 28 : 5 : Wet weather of late, with small winds Inclineing to calms. Our Seamen having cast a lead, I suppose about one hundred fathom, but find no bottom. Foggy weather this morn- ing. Through the kindness of the great Preserver of men, my mind remains quiet, and a degree of exercise from day to day attends me that the pure peaceable Government of Christ may spread and prevail amongst mankind. The leading on of a young generation in that pure way, in which the wisdom of this world hath no place ; where parents and tutors, humbly waiting for the heavenly Counsellor, may example them in the Truth, as it is in Jesus. This for several days hath been the Exercise of my mind. O how safe, how quiet is that State where the Soul stands in pure Obedience to the Voice of Christ and a watchful care is maintained not to follow the voice of the Stranger. Here Christ is felt to be our shep- herd, and under his leading people are brought to a Stability. And where he doth not lead forward, we are bound in the bonds of pure love to Stand Still and wait upon [him.] In the love of money, and the wisdom of this world, business is proposed, then the urgency of Affairs push foi-ward, nor can the mind in this state discern the good and perfect will of God concerning us. The love of God is manifested in graciously calHng us to come out of that which Stands in Confusion, but if we [bow not in the name of Jesus], li we give not up those prospects of gain which in the wisdom of this world are open before us, but say in our hearts I must needs go on ; and in going on I hope to ^ Note by John Woolman, "y** Chap*. & Verse." XI 1772 299 keep as near to the purity of Truth as the business before me will admit of, here the mind remains entangled, and the Shine- ing of the Light of life into the Soul is obstructed. This query opens in my mind in the love of [Christ.] Where shall a pious father place his son apprentice to be instructed in the practice of Crossing the Seas, and have faith to believe that Christ our holy Shepherd leads him to place his son there ? Surely the Lord calls to mourning and deep humiliation, that in his fear we may be instructed, and lead safely on through the great difficulties and perplexities in this present age. In an entire Subjection of our wills, the Lord graciously opens a way for his people, where all their wants are bounded by his wisdom : and here we experience the Substance of what Moses the Prophet figured out in the water of Seperation, as a purifi- cation from sin. Esau is mentioned as a Child red all over, like a hairy gar- ment. In Esau is represented the natural will of man. In pre- paring the water of Seperation, A red heipher without blemish, on which there had been no yoak was to be Slain, and her blood Sprinkled by the priest seven times toward the tabernacle of the Congregation. Then her skin her flesh and all pertaining to her was to be burnt without the Camp, and of her ashes the water was prepared. Thus the Crucifying the old man, or natural will, is represented, and hence comes a Separation from that Carnal mind which is death. "He who toucheth the dead body of a man, and purifieth not himself with the water of Separation, he defileth the tabernacle of the Lord, he is unclean." Numbers XIX. 13. If [one] through the love of gain, go forth into business, wherein they dwell as amongst the Tombs, [Isaiah ch. v.] and touch the bodies of those who are dead. If these through the In- finite Love of God, feel the power of the Cross of Christ to Crucify them to the world, and therein learn humbly to follow the divine leader, here is the judgment of this world here the prince of this world is Cast out. The water of separation is felt, and though we have Been amongst the Slain, and through the desire of gain have touched the dead body of a man, yet in the purifying love of [Christ,] we are washed in the water of Seperation, are 300 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. brought off from that business, from that gain, and from that fellowship, which was not agreeable to His holy will. And I have felt a renewed confirmation in the time of this voiage, that the Lord, in his infinite love, is calling to his Visited Children so to give up all outward possessions and means of geting treas- ures, that his holy Spirit may have free course in their hearts, and direct them in all their proceedings. To feel the substance pointed at in this figure, man must know death, as to his own will. "No man can see God, and live:" this was spoken by the Almighty to Moses the prophet; and opened by our blessed Re- deemer. As death comes on our own wiljs, and a new life is formed in us, the heart is purified, and prepared to understand clearly. "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God." In purity of heart the mind is divinely opened, to behold the nature of Universal Righteousness, or the Righteousness of the king- dom of God. No man hath seen the Father, save he that is of God ; he hath seen the Father.^ The natural mind is active about the things of this life, and in this natural activity, business is proposed, and a will in us to go forward in it. And as long as this natural will remains un- subjected, so long there remains an obstruction against the clear- ness of divine light operating in us, but when we love God with all our heart, and with all our Strength, then, in this love, we love our Neighbours as our Selves, and a tenderness of heart is felt toward all people, [for wlioni Christ died] - even such who as to outward circumstances may be to us as the Jews were to the Samaritans. Who is my neighbour? See this question answered [by our Saviour — Chap. V.] ^ In this Love we can say that Jesus is the Lord ; and the re- formation in our souls is manifested in a full reformation of our lives, wherein all things are new, and all things are of God. (c. V.) In this the desire of gain is subjected, employment is honestly followed in the Light of Truth, and people become diligent in business, fervent in spirit ; serving the Lord : [chap. ^ Note by John Woolman — "Chapt. & Verse?" ^ Omitted by John Comly, Edit.. 1837, P- 170. ^ The reference is to Luke X, 36, 37. XI 1772 30I v.] Here the name is opened : This is the name by which he shall be called, THE LORD OUR RIGHTEOUSNESS." O how precious is this name ! It is like ointment poured out. The Chaste Virgin is in love with the Redeemer, and for the promoting his peaceable kingdom in the world, are content to endure hardness like good Soldiers, and are so separated in Spirit from the desire of Riches, that in their employments, they become extensively careful to give none offence, neither to Jews nor heathens, nor the Church of Christ. da mo - 31:5: and first of the week, had a meeting in the Cabbin, with nearly -all the Ships Company ; the whole being near thirty. In this meeting, the Lord in mercy favoured us with the extend- ings of his love. da mo 2:6: 1772 last evening the Seamen found bottom at about 70 fathom. This morning fair wind and pleasant, and as I sat on deck, my heart was overcome with the love of God, and melted into contrition before him, and in this state, the prospect of that work to which I [have] felt my mind drawn when in my Native land, being in some degree opened before me, I felt like a little child, and my cries were put up to my Heavenly Father for preserva- tion, that in a humble dependence on him, my Soul may be Strengthened in his love, and kept inwardly waiting for his Counsel. This afternoon we saw that part of England, called the Lizard. Some dunghill fowls yet remained of those the passengers took for their [eating] I believe about 14 perished in the Storms at Sea, by the waves breaking over the quarter-deck; and a con- siderable number with sickness, at different times. I observed the Cocks crew coming dov^m Delaware, & while we were near the land ; but afterward I think I did not hear one of them Crow till we came near the land in England, when they again crowed, a few times. In Observing their dull appearance at Sea, and the pineing sickness of some of them, I once remembered the Fountain of goodness, who gave being to all creatures, and whose love ex- tends to that of careing for the Sparrows, and believe where the 302 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. love of God is verily perfected, & the true Spirit of government watchfully attended to a tenderness toward all creatures made Subject to us will be experienced & a care felt in us that we do not lessen that Sweetness of life in the animal Creation, which the great Creator intends for them under our government, [and believe a less number carried off to eat at Sea may be more agreeable to the pure wisdom.] ^ da mo 4:6: 1772 Wet weather, high winds, and so dark that we could see but a little way. I perceived our seamen were ap- prehensive of danger of missing the Channel, which I under- stood was narrow. In a while it grew lighter, and they saw the land, and knew where we were [at which sight I discerned a visible alteration in the Countenances of Several, who appeared very thankful.] ^ Thus the Father of mercies was pleased to try us with the Sight of dangers, and then graciously, from time to time deliver from them, thus Sparing our lives that in humil- ity and Reverence we may walk before him, and put our trust in him. About noon a pilot came of from Dover where my beloved friend Samuel Emlen'' [& Sarah] ""^ went on Shore, and to London, about ^2. miles by land, but I felt easie in staying in the Ship. da mo st 7: 6: & I. of the week. Clear morning, lay at anchor for the tide, and had a parting meeting with the Ships Company, in which my heart was enlarged in a fervent concern for them that they may come to experience salvation through Christ. Had a head wind up the thames, lay sometimes at Anchor, saw many ships passing, and some at anchor near, and had large oppor- tunity of feeling the spirit in which the poor bewildered Sailors too generally live. That Lamentable degeneracy, which so much prevails among the people employed on the Seas, so affected my heart that I may not easily convey the feeling I have had to another. The present state of the sea-faring life in general, appears * This has been omitted by first Editors. 2 Erased with the pen on each line, by editors, " Sarah Logan. XI • 1772 303 so opposite to that of a pious education. So full of Corruption, and extreme alienation from God. So full of examples, the most dangerous to young people, that in looking toward a young gen- eration I feel a care for them, that they may have an education different from the present Education of Lads at Sea : And that all of us who are acquainted with the pure Gospel Spirit, may lay this case to heart, may remember the lamentable Corrup- tions which attend the conveyance of merchandize across the Seas; and so abide in the love of [Christ] that, being delivered from the love of money, from the entangling expenses of a curi- ous, delicate, luxurious life, [that] we may learn Contentment with a little, and promote the Sea farcing life no further than the Spirit which leads into all Truth, attends us in our pro- ceedings. At this end of the Journal of the Voyage, on the fifth day after landing, is the following note by John Wonlman ; the endorsement is on the back of the blue cover of the outside. It has been crossed off with two strokes of the pen, by the first editors. Sophia Hume "° was then living in London. da mo 13: 6: 1772. "I commit these notes to the care and keeping of Sophia Hume, and if she hath a mind to revise them, and place them in better order, I am free to it ; but I desire she may not shew them to any one, but with a very weighty Consideration. John Woolman." The remaining portion of the Journal in England has been written on similar paper and afterward stitched in with that re- lating to the voyage. CHAPTER XII ^ 1772 da mo 8:6: 1772 Landed at London & went Straitway to the yearly meeting of Ministers and Elders, which had been gathered (I suppose) half an hour. In this meeting, my mind was humbly contrite. Afternoon meeting of business opened, which by adjournments, held near a week. In these meetings, I often felt a living concern for the Establishment of Eriends in the pure life of Truth and my heart was Enlarged in the meeting of Ministers, Meeting of business, and in Several meetings for publick worship, & I felt my mind united in true love to the faithful labourers, now gathered [from the several parts of] this Yearly Meeting. da mo 15: 6: left London, and went to a quarterly meeting in Hertford. da mo 1: y: 1772. have been at quarterly meetings at Sherrington, at Northampton, at Banbury and at Shipton, and had sundry meet- ings between. My mind hath been bowed under a Sence of di- vine goodness manifested amongst us ; and my heart hath often been enlarged in true love, both amongst Ministers and Elders, and in public meetings. That through the Lords goodness I be- lieve it hath been a fresh Visitation to many, in particular to the Youth. da mo 17: 7: Was this day at Birmingham had been at Coventry, at Warwick, [and have been at Meetings in Oxfordshire &] sundry other places ; have felt the humbling hand of the Lord upon me, ^ J. Woolnian has made a note at top of page, "P. Cliarron, on Gold. Wm. Pen's Works. 83 page." 304 XII 1772 305 and through his tender mercies find peace in the labours I have gone through, da mo 26 : 7 : 1772 have continued travelhng northward, visiting meet- ings ; was this day at Nottingham which in the forenoon espe- cially was through divine Love, a heart-tendering Season : next day had a Meeting in a friends house with friends Children & some friends, this, through the Strengthening arm of the Lord, \vas a time to be thankfully remembered, da mo 2:8: 1st of week was this day at Sheffield, a large inland town have been at Sundry meetings last week and feel inward thank- fulness for that Divine support which hath been graciously ex- tended to me. da mo 9:8: 1st of week was at Rushworth have lately passed through some painful labour, but have been comforted, under a sence of that divine \"isitation which I feel extended toward many young people, da mo 16:8: and first of the week, was at Settle. It hath of late been a time of inward poverty, under which my mind hath been preserved in a watchful tender state, feeling for the mind of the holy leader, and find peace in the labours I have passed through. s. On Enquiry in many places I find the price of Rie about 5, s. s. wheat about 8, p. bushel, Oatmeal, 12 for 120 pound, mutton, d d d d d d from 3 to 5 per pound, bacon from 7 to 9. Cheese from 4 to 6 d d s s butter from 8 to 10 house rent for a poor man from 25 to 40 per 3'ear to be paid weekly, wood for fire very scarce and dear, s d Coal some places. 2 6 per hundred weight, but near the pits, not a quarter so much. O may the wealthy consider the poor ! The wages of labouring men in several Counties toward d London, 10 per day in common business, the Employer finds 3o6 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Small beer, and the labourer finds his own food ; but in harvest s & hay time wages is about I and the Labourer hath all his diet. In some parts of the North of England, poor labouring men have their food where they work ; and appear in common to do rather better than nearer London. Industrious women who Spin in the d d d d d d d factories get some 4, some 5, & so on 6. 7. 8. 9 or 10 a day, and find their own house room & diet. Great numbers of poor people live chiefly on bread and water in the Southern parts of England, and some in the Northern parts, and there are many poor Chil- dren not taught even to Read. May those who have plenty, lay these things to heart! Stage Coaches frequently go upwards of a hundred miles in 24 hours, and I have heard friends say, in several places that it is common for horses to be killed with hard driving, and many others are driven till they grow blind. [These Coaches runing chief part of the Night, do often run over & hurt people in the dark.] Post boys pursue their business, each one to his Stage, all night through the winter. Some boys who ride long Stages suf- fer greatly in winter nights and at several places I have heard of their being froze to death. So great is the hurry in the Spirit of this world, that in aiming to do business quick, and to gain wealth, the Creation at this day doth loudly groan ! As my journey hath been without a horse I have had several offers of being assisted on my way in these Stage Coaches but have not been in them nor have I had freedom to send letters by these posts, in the present way of their riding, the stages be- ing so fixed and one body dependant on another as to time, that they commonly go upward of lOO miles in 24 hours, and in the cold long winter nights, the poor boys sufl^er much. I heard in America of the way of these posts, and cautioned friends in the general meeting of Ministers and Elders at philada and in the yearly meeting of Ministers and Elders at London, not to send letters to me on any common occasion by post. And though on this account I may be likely to hear Seldomer from the family I left behind, yet for Righteousness Sake I am through Divine favour made content. XII 1772 307 I have felt great distress of mind since I came on tliis Island on account of the members of our Society being mixed with the world in various Sorts of business and traffick carried on in im- pure Channels. Great is the trade to Africa for Slaves ! and in loading these Ships, abundance of people are employed in the factories amongst whom are many of our society ! Friends in Early times refused on a religious principle to make or trade in Superfluities, of which we have many large testimonies on record, but for want of faithfulness some gave way ; even some whose examples were of note in Society, and from thence others took more liberty. Members of our society worked in Supei"fluities, and bought and Sold them, and thus dimness of sight came over many. At length friends got into the use of Some Superfluities in dress, and in the furniture of their houses, and this hath spread from less to more, till Superfluity of some kinds is common amongst us. In this declining State many look at the examples one of an- other, and too much neglect the pure feeling of Truth. Of late years [this increasing,] a deep exercise hath attended my mind, that friends may dig deep, may carefully cast forth the loose matter, and get down to the Rock, the Sure foundation, and there hearken to that divine voice which gives a Clear & certain Sound, and I have felt in that which doth not deceive, that if friends who have known the Truth, keep in that tenderness of heart, where all views of outward gain are given up, and their trust is only in the Lord, He will graciously lead some to be pat- terns of deep Self denial in things relating to trade and handi- craft labour, and that some who have plenty of the treasures of this world, will example in a plain, frugal life, and pay wages to such whom they may hire, more liberally than is now customary in some places.^ mo 23 : 8 : Was this day at preston-patrick [here I dream'd of Mother,] and had a comfortable meeting. I have several times been entertained at the houses of friends vi^ho had sundry things ' In the margin of this page is written thus, "Seal words with silence 1 Chuse well and hold fast 1 , , , a ^^ W .■ t, vbold; learn to natter no man . . , , f use time well ....(. . . . . ,, ' ' forgive injuries. The sentences suggest copy-book headings, which in all probability they are. 3o8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. about them which had the appearance of outward greatness, and as I have kept inward way hath opened for Conversation in private in which divine Goodness hath favoured us together with heart tendering times. A deviation amongst us as a Society from the SimpHcity that there is in Christ becoming so general; and the trade from this Island to Africa for Slaves, and other trades carried on through oppressive Channels and abundance of the Inhabitants being em- ployed in factories to Support a trade in which there is un- righteousness, and Some growing outwardly great by gain of this Sort. The weight of this degeneracy hath lain so heavy upon me, the depth of this revolt, been so evident, and desires in my heart been so ardent for a reformation, that we may come to that right use of things, where liveing on a little we may in- habit that holy Mountain, in which they neither hurt nor destroy! and may not only Stand clear from oppressing our fellow-crea- tures, but may be so disentangled from connexions in Interest with known oppressors, that in us may be fulfilled that prophecie, Thou sltalt he far from oppression. Under the weight of this exercise the sight of innocent birds in the branches and sheep in the pastures, who are according to the will of their Creator, hath at times tended to mitigate my trouble. da mo 26: 8: 1772 being now at George Crosfields ^* in Westmore- land [county in England,] I feel a concern to commit to writing that which to me hath been a Case uncommon. In a time of Sickness with the plurisie,^ a little upward of two years and a half ago I was brought so Near the gates of death, that I forgot my name, being then desirous to know who I was, I saw a mass of matter of a dull gloomy collour, between the South and the East, and was informed that this mass was human beings, in as great misery as they could be, & live, and that I was mixed in with them, & henceforth I might not con- sider myself as a distinct or Separate being. In this state I re- mained several hours. I then heard a soft melodious voice, more pure and harmonious than any voice I had heard with my ears before, and I believed it was the voice of an angel who spake ^ See page 285, where this illness is more fully described, at date of occurrence. XII 1772 309 to the other angels. The words were John Woolman is dead. I soon remembered that I once was John Woolman, and being assured that I was alive in the body, I greatly wondered what that heavenly voice could mean. I believed beyond doubting that it was the voice of an holy Angel, but as yet it was a mystery to me. I was then carried in Spirit to the mines, where poor Op- pressed people were digging rich treasures for those called Chris- tians, and heard them blaspheme the name of Christ, at which I was grieved for his Name to me was precious. Then I was informed that these heathen were told that those who oppressed them were the followers of Christ; and they said amongst themselves. If Christ directed them to use us in this Sort then Christ is a cruel tyrant. All this time the Song of the Angel remained a Mystery, and in the morning my dear wife and some others coming to my bed- side I asked them if they knew who I was, and they telling me I was John Woolman, thought I was only light-headed, for I told them not what the Angel said, nor was I disposed to talk much to any one ; but was very desirous to get so deep that I might understand this Mystery. My tongue was often so dry that I could not speak till I had moved it about and gathered some moisture, and as I lay still for a time, at length I felt divine power prepare my mouth that I could speak, and then I said, 'I am crucified with Christ, never- theless I live yet not I, but Christ [that] liveth in me, and the life I now live in the flesh is by faith [in] the Son of God who loved me and gave himself for me." Then the Mystery was opened and I perceived there was Joy in heaven over a Sinner who had repented, and that that language, John Woolman is dead, meant no more than the death of my own will. Soon after this I coughed and raised much bloody matter, which I had not during this Vision, and now my natural under- standing returned as before. Here I saw, that people geting Sil- ver Vessels to set of their Tables at entertainments was often stained with worldly Glory, and that in the present state of things, I should take heed how I fed myself from out of Silver Vessels. 3IO THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Soon after my recovery I going to our monthly ^ meeting dined at a friends house where drink was brought in Silver Ves- sels and not in any other, and I wanting some drink told him my case with weeping, and he ordered some drink for me in another Vessel. The like I afterwards went through in several friends houses in America, and have also in England, since I came here, and have cause with humble reverence to acknowledge the loving kindness of my heavenly Father, who hath preserved me in such a tender frame of mind, that none, I believe, have ever been of- fended at what I have said on that Occasion. [John Woolman.] After this sickness I spake not in public meetings for wor- ship for near one year, but my mind was very often in company with the oppressed slaves as I sat in meetings, and [it was to me a time of] abundance of weeping [and tho' I think I never felt the spring of the ministry Opened in me more powerfully.] ^ It being so long since I passed through this dispensation and the matter remaining fresh and livingly in my mind I believe it safest for me to commit it to writing. da mo 30: 8: 1772 This morning I wrote a letter in substance as follows ' Beloved friend. My mind is often affected as I pass along, under a sense of the state of many poor people, who sit under that sort of ministry which requires much outward labour to support it; And the loving kind- ness of our heavenly Father in opening a pure gospel Ministry in this nation hath often raised thankfulness in my heart toward him. I often remember the Conflicts of the faithful under persecution, and now look at the free exercise of the pure gift uninterrupted by out- ward laws as a trust committed to us, which requires our deepest gratitude, and most careful attention. I feel a tender concern that the work of reformation so prosperously carried on in this land ^ Burlington, New Jersey. Probably at John Smjtli's.^'* ^ In a fine running hand, overleaf, is the following completion of this paragraph. "And though under this dispensation I was shut up from speaking, yet the Spring of the Gospel Ministry was many times livingly open'd in me & the divine Gift operated by abundance of weeping in feeling the oppression of this People." A note is added by William Tuke: "By J. W.'s order in his illness, the above to stand instead of that wrote in the margin on the other side of this page." ^ This letter was written to Rachel Wilson, wife of Isaac, of Kendal, then absent on a preaching tour. [See Biog. Note 66.] XII 1772 3^1 within a few ages past may go forward and spread amongst the nations, and may not go backward through dust gathering on our garments, wlio have been called to a work so great and so precious. Last evening I had a little oportunity at thy house, with some of thy family in thy absence, in which I rejoyced, and feeling a Sweet- ness on my mind toward thee I now endeavour to open a little of the feeling I had there. I have heard that you in these parts have, at certain Seasons meetings of Gonferrence, in relation to friends living up to our principles in which several meetings unite in one, with which 1 feel unity : I having in some measure felt Truth lead that way amongst friends in America; and have found my dear friend, that, in these labours, all Superfluities in our own living are against us. I feel that pure love toward thee in which there is freedom. I look at that precious gift bestowed on thee, with Awfulness before Him who gave it and feel a care that we may be so Sepa- rated to the gospel of Christ that those things which proceed from the Spirit of this world may have no place amongst us. thy fr'' JOHN WOOLMAN. I rested a few days in body and mind with our friend Jane Crosfield,^* who was once in America : was on Sixth day of the week at Kendal in Westmoreland and at Greyrig meeting da mo the 30 : 8 : and first of the week. I have known poverty of late, and been graciously Supported to keep in the patience, and am thankful under a sense of the good- ness of the Lord toward those that are of a contrite Spirit. da mo 6: 9: I of week. Was this day at Counterside, a large meet- ing house, and very full, and through the opening of pure love it was a Strengthening time to me, and I beheve to many more. da mo 13: 9: Was this day at Richmond, a small meeting, but the town's people coming in, the house was crowded. It was a time of heavy labour, and I believe was a profitable meeting. [When I was at Richmond, I being now in Yorkshire,] I heard that my kinsman William Hunt " from North Carolina who was on a religious visit to Friends in England, departed this life on the 9th day of the 9th month instant of the small-pox, at Newcastle. He appear'd in the ministry when a youth, and his 312 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. labours therein were of good savour. He travell'd much in that work in America. I once heard him say in public testimony that his concern was in that visit to be devoted to the service of Christ so fully that he might not spend one minute in pleasing himself, which words, joined with his example was a means of stirring up the pure mind in me.'^ Having of late travelled often in wet weather, through nar- row streets in towns & villages, where was dirtiness under foot, and the scent arising from that Filth which more or less infects the air of all thick settled towns, and I being but weakly, have felt distress both in body and mind with that which is impure. In these journeys I have been where much cloath hath been dyed, and sundry times have walked over ground where much of their die stuffs have drained away. Here I have felt a longing in my mind, that people might come into Cleanness of spirit. Cleanness of person. Cleanness about their houses and Garments. Some who are great, carry delicacy to a great hight them- selves, and yet the real cleanliness is not generally promoted. Dies being invented partly to please the Eye, and part to hide dirt, I have felt in this weak state, travelling in dirtiness and affected with unwholesome Scents, a strong desire that the na- ture of dicing cloth to hide dirt may be more fully considered. To hide dirt in our gaiTnents appears opposite to the real cleanliness. To wash garments, and keep them sweet, this appears cleanly. Through giving way to hiding dirt in our garments, a Spirit which would cover that which is disagreeable is strengthened. Real cleanness becometh a holy people, but hiding that which is not clean by colouring our garments appears contrary to the Sweetness of Sincerity. Through some Sorts of dies, Cloath is less useful: and if the value of die stuffs, the expense of dicing, and the damage done to Cloath, were all added together and that expense applied to keep all sweet and clean, how much more cleanly would people be ! [Near large towns there are many beasts Slain to Supply the Market & from their Blood & filth ariseth that which mixeth in the Air: this with the Cleaning of many Stables & other ' The ink in this paragraph has nearly faded out. ' XII 1772 313 Scents in the Air in Citties in a Calm, wetish time, is so oppo- site to the clean pure Country air that I think even the Minds of people are in some degree hindered from the pure Operation of the Holy Spirit, where they breathe a great deal in it. With God, all things are possible, and the Sincere in heart find help under the greatest difficulties, but I believe if Truth be singly adhered to, way may be Open'd for some to live a Country life, who are now in Citties.] ^ CONCERNING THE MINISTRY. On - this visit to England I have felt some instructions sealed on my mind, which I am concerned to leave in writing, for the use of such who are called to the station of a minister of Christ. Christ being the Prince of Peace, and we being no more than ministers, I find it necessary for us, not only to feel a concern in our first going forth, but to experience the renewing thereof in the appointment of meetings. ^ This paragraph, from one of the last pages of the English Journal, has been omitted in all previous editions. The first edition [1774] has, however, the catch- word "Near" at bottom, of page 240, while the paragraph at top of page 241 opens with, "on this visit/* &c., conclusively proving that the original Manuscript was in use, and that the omission was made after the type was set up and printed. Below is a curious waif, which fits in here like a mosaic. Note on fly leaf of Dublin Edit. (1776) of Woolman's Journal, owned by Mary Awmack, & given by E. C. Jellett, of Germantown, to The Woolman Memorial in Mount Holly, N. J. in 1918. "As I have the following Memorandum in John Woolman's own hand- writing, tho't it not improper to insert it here, as it is left out in the following Journal. *'i7^^ day of 9'^'' rao. was at Thirsk. Many of the towns people coming in, the house was much crowded amongst whom my heart was enlarged & the gospel love flowed forth toward them. "On the 20^^ come from Wm. Martins to Huby attended the meeting there went to John Johnson's to diner, after which Came to James Hersey's at Towthorp, near York & to York the 21st: attended the Select meeting next day the Quarterly meeting for Worship & discipline, Except the last." This note appears valuable, but is so far unexplained, as to its source. The writer may have possessed a lost leaf. 2 This brief little Essay forms the concluding section of the English Journal. It was probably written by John Woolman in the leisure of the few days rest which he took in "body and mind" at the hospitable home of George and Jane Crosfield, It is retained here, apart from the Essays, as a portion of the Journal proper, because of personal references, and the light which it casts upon Woolman's travels and his state of mind. A copy remains, with its separate heading, at Almery Garth, with the other English essays, and it has also been printed as a separate pamphlet, of which a copy is in the library of Haverford College, Pa. The first edition is followed In this arrangement. Compare also, Woolman's remarks on the same subject in 1760. 314 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. I felt a concern in America, to prepare for this voyage; and being through the mercy of God brought safe here, my heart was Hke a vessel that wanted vent; and for several weeks at first, when my mouth was opened in meetings, it often felt like the raising of a gate in a water course, where a weight of water lay upon it ; and in these labours there appeared a fresh visita- tion of love to many, especially the youth. But some time after this, I felt empty and poor, and yet felt a necessity to appoint meetings. In this state I was exercised to abide in the pure life of Truth, and in all my labours to watch diligently against the motions of self in my own mind. I have frequently felt a necessity to stand up, when the spring of the ministry was low, and to speak from the necessity, in that which subjecteth the will of the creature; and herein I was united with the suffering seed, and found inward sweetness in these mortifying labours. As I have been preserved in a watchful attention to the Divine leader under these dispensations, enlargement at times hath fol- lowed, and the power of Truth hath rose higher in some meet- ings, than I ever knew it before through me. Thus I have been more and more instructed, as to the neces- sity of depending, not upon a concern which I felt in America to come on a visit to England, but upon the fresh instructions of Christ, the prince of peace, from day to day. Now of late, I have felt a stop in the appointment of meet- ings, not wholly but in part ; and I do not feel liberty to appoint them so quick one after another as I have heretofore, [and I feel thankful that I have not noise with me in these slow proceedings.] The work of the ministry being a work of Divine love, I feel that the openings thereof are to be waited for, in all our appoint- ments. Oh ! how deep is Divine wisdom ! Christ puts forth his minis- ters, and goeth before them ; and Oh ! how great is the danger of departing from the pure feeling of that which leadeth safely ! Christ knoweth the state of the people, and in the pure feel- ing of the gospel ministry, their states are opened to his servants. Christ knoweth when the fruit-bearing branches themselves have need of purging. XII 1772 3^5 Oh ! that these lessons may be remembered by me ! and that all who appoint meetings, may proceed in the pure feeling of duty. I have sometimes felt a necessity to stand up; but that spirit which is of the world hath so much prevailed in many, and the pure life of Truth been so pressed down, that I have gone for- ward, not as one travelling in a road cast up, and well prepared, but as a man walking through a miry place, in which are stones here and there, safe to step on; but so situated that one step be- ing taken, time is necessary to see where to step next. Now I find that in pure obedience the mind learns contentment in appearing weak and foohsh to that wisdom which is of the world : and in these lowly labours, they who stand in a low place, rightly exercised under the cross, will find nourishment. The gift is pure; and while the eye is single in attending thereto, the understanding is preserved clear; self is kept out; and we rejoice in filling up that which remains of the afflictions of Christ for his body's sake, which is the church. The natural man loveth eloquence, and many love to hear eloquent orations : and if there is not a careful attention to the gift men who have once laboured in the pure gospel ministry, growing weary of suffering, and ashamed of appearing weak, may kindle a fire, compass themselves about with sparks, and walk in the light, — not of Christ who is under suffering, — but of that fire which they, going from the gift, have kindled: And that in hearers, which is gone from the meek suffering state, into the worldly wisdom, may be warmed with this fire, and speak highly of these labours, ["and thus the false Prophet in man may form likenesses & his coming may be with Signs and Won- ders and lying Miracles ; but the Sorcerers, however powerful — they remain without in Company with the Idolaters and Adul- terers."] That which is of God gathers to God ; and that which is of the world is owned by the world. In this journey a labour hath attended my mind, that the ministers amongst us may be preserved in the meek feeling life of Truth, where we have no desire but to follow Christ and be with him ; that when he is under suffering we may suffer with him; and never desire to rise up in dominion, but as he by the virtue of his own Spirit may raise us. END CHAPTER XIII 1772 At this point ends the Journal proper of John Woolman. The following portion, usually given in previous editions as the con- cluding pages of the narrative, describing his illness and death, demands further explanation. Thomas Priestman "" and his wife, in whose house at York John Woolman died, together with William "* and Esther Tuke,*' their intimate friends, were his constant attendants. As the for- mer states in his own Journal, he and William Tuke "minuted down" all of the dying man's expressions, and kept a record of every occurrance during the thirteen days of his illness. Thomas Priestman's Journal and this record are still in existence, and through the courtesy of Malcolm Spence, the late owner of Almery Garth, the manuscripts have been placed at the editor's service in the form of photographic reproductions. These pages correspond exactly with the handwriting, undoubtedly that of William Tuke, in the last pages of Woolman's own English Journal, now at Swarthmore College. In sending to America the news of the illness and death of John Woolman, William Tuke used this narrative, and embodied it almost verbatim in let- ter form, adding besides much of interesting detail. All previ- ous editions have this account attached to the concluding pages of the Journal in the original form of the memorandum at York, as it was written first by William Tuke, with various important omissions. It is felt that this letter, in its fuller form, will be welcomed by Woolman lovers, since only from It we learn valu- able facts. The additions which were made by William Tuke in forwarding the letter with Woolman's effects, to his cousin Reuben ITaines," in Philadelphia, as the dying man had desired, are indicated by square brackets. The only printed copy of the letter which has come under the notice of the present editor, is 316 XIII 1772 3^7 separately pviblished in John Comly's "Friends' Miscellany," Volume VIII. The "Testimonies" to Woolman are taken from the Minute Books of the Meetings at York, England, and Burlington, New Jersey, respectively. York, 26th, loth mo. 1772. [Dear Friend, Reuben Haines: -'^ It falls to my lot, in the fulfilling of the precious request of our beloved friend, John Woolman, hereby to inform thee that he departed this life at the house of our friend Thomas Priest- man,"'' in the suburbs of this city, the 7th day of the loth mo. 1772, about the sixth hour in the morning, and was interred in Friends' burying-ground -here, the 9th of the same, after a large and solid meeting held on the occasion in our great meeting house.] He came to this city the 21st day of the ninth month, and second day of the week, and having been poorly in health for some time before ; apprehended the like feverish disorder he usually had at this season of the year was coming upon him. The Quarterly meeting of Ministers and Elders was held in the Evening of 3* day, and the sittings of the Quarterly meet- ing for Business & meetings for Worship on 4"" & 5"^ days, all which he was enabled to attend, except the parting meeting for Worship. He appeared in the Ministry greatly to the Comfort & Satis- faction of Friends ; the Spring of the Gospel flowing through him with great purity & Sweetness. His last Testimony was in a Meeting for Discipline, on the Subject of the Slave Trade; re- marking, that as Friends had been solicitous for, and obtain'd relief from many of their Sufl^erings, so he recommended this oppressed part of the Creation to their Notice, that they may, in an Individual Capacity, as way may open, remonstrate their hard- ships & Sufl^erings to those in Authority, especially the Legislative Power in this Kingdom. [I am persuaded that this his last public labour made a deep impression on many minds, and I wish the great sufferings he hath passed through on account of this oppressed and injured people, may deeply aifect the minds of those in America, among whom he hath faithfully and painfully la- boured, and of whom he said he was clear.] 3i8 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. His Illness growing upon him, some Spotts appeared upon his Face like the small Pox on 7"^ day, & the next day it appeared beyond a doubt that this was his disorder. As he had seldom eaten Flesh for some Time, and from the Symptoms at first, we enter- tained hopes he would have the disorder favourably ; but a great quantity of Spotts began to appear the 3"^ & 4* days, so that he was pretty full, and though not so loaded as many, yet for the most part was greatly afflicted, but bore it with the utmost Meek- ness, Patience, Resignation and Christian Fortitude frequently uttering many comfortable & Instructive Expressions, some of which were minuted down or remembered.^ [Nothing was wanting that could be devised to make him easy, and to have restored him, had it been consistent with the Divine will.] The Friend ^ and his wife at whose bouse he was, as well as divers others of us, being nearly united to him in much ten- derness of Affection and near Sympathy, and having the Oppor- tunity of attending him, thought it a blessing to behold his ex- emplary conduct, which appeared throughout. My Wife ^ and I were much with him, both of us seldom leaving him at once, either Day or Night, as it was his Request about a Week before his Death that she would not sleep out of the House until she saw an Alteration, which we freely complied with, and neither of us lodged at Home from that time. [In the beginning of his Illness he expressed a desire to see his Neighbour And shipmate, John Bispham,^^ and an Opportun- ity otfering of sending him Word, to his and our Satisfaction he came, about two days before his Decease, and stayed till after the Funeral. It seemed according to natural probability, that the Malignancy of the Disorder was not so great but he might Survive it; how- ever, the Danger lay in his Constitution being so enfeebled as not to be able to struggle through the putrid state of the latter part ' of the Disease: which appeared to be the Case: for about eight ^ In the margin of the York MS. is written, "He often said it was hid from him. whether he should recover or not, & he was not desirous to know it, but from his own feeling of the disorder, and his feeble constitution, thought he should not." -Thomas Priestman : see Eiog. Note 60. ' Esther Tuke. xni 1772 319 hours before his Departure, the Fever (which had not been im- moderate), left him, and Nature sunk under its Load. In the Forepart of his Illness, he gave Directions concern- ing his Papers and Funeral with the same Ease and Composure as if going a journey, and during the whole time, his Under- standing was wonderfully preserved clear and sound, and his Mind so Supported in Stillness, patience, resignation and forti- tude, as made it very edifying and instructive to be with him.] First day, 27th. of 9th. mo. Being asked to have the advice of a Doctor, he signified he had not liberty in his Mind so to do, standing wholly resigned to his Will who gave him Life, and whose Power he had witnessed to heal him in Sickness before, when he seemed nigh unto Death ; and if he was to wind up now, he was perfectly resigned, having no Will either to live or die, and did not choose any should be sent for to him ; but a Young Man of our Society, an Apothecary, coming of his own accord the next day, & desiring to do something for him, he said he found freedom to confer with him & the other Friends about him, and if any thing should be proposed as to Medicine that did not come through defiled Channels or oppressive Hands, he should be will- ing to consider and take it so far as he found freedom. The next day he said he felt the Disorder affect his Head, so that he could think little & but as a Child, & desired, if his Un- derstanding should be more affected, to have nothing given him that those about him knew he had a Testimony against. The same day. He desired a friend to write, and brake forth as follows : "O Lord my God ! the amazing Horrors of Darkness were gath'd around me, and Covered me all over, and I saw no way to go forth. I felt the depth & Extent of the Misery of my fellow Creatures, separated from the Divine Harmony; and it was heavier than I could bear, and I was crushed down under it. I lifted up my hand, and I stretched out my Arm, but there was none to help me ; I looked round about, and was amazed in the depths of Misery. O Lord! I remembered that thou are Omni- potent; that I had called thee Father, and I felt that I loved thee; and I was made quiet in thy Will, and I waited for De- liverance from thee; Thou hadst pity upon me when no Man could help me ; I saw that Meekness under Suffering, was showed unto us in the most affecting example of thy Son, and thou wast 320 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. teaching me to follow Him; and I said, thy will, O Father, be done." 4*"^ day morning, being asked how he felt himself, he meekly answered, "I don't know that I have slept this Night. I feel the Disorder making its progress ; but my Mind is mercifully preserved in stillness & Peace." Some time after, he said he was sensible the pains of Death must be hard to bear, but if he es- caped them now, he must some time pass through them, and did not know he could be better prepared, but had no Will in it. He said he had settled his outward affairs to his own Mind, had taken leave of his Wife & Family as never to return, leaving them to the Divine protection ; adding, "and though I feel them near to me at this Time, yet I freely give them up, having a hope they will be provided for ;" and a little after, said, "This trial is made easier than I could have thought, by my Will being wholly taken away; for if I was anxious as to the Event, it would be harder; but I am not, and my mind enjoys a perfect calm." At another Time, he said he was a little uneasy lest any should think he had put himself into the hands of the Young Man and another Apothecary who of their own choice attended him ; and desired Friends might be informed, & he would inform the young man, upon what bottom they attended him, being of the same Judgment his Friends in America and some here knew he had been of; but that he found a freedom to confer with them, finding Nature needed Support, during the Time permitted to struggle with the disorder; that he had no Objection to use the Things in the Creation for real Use, & in their proper places; but anything that came through defiled Channels or Oppressive Hands, he could not touch with ; having had a Testimony to bear against those things, which he hoped to bear to the last. He lay for a considerable time in a Still, sweet frame; ut- tering many broken expressions, part of which were thus; "My Soul is poured out unto thee like Water, and my Bones are out of joint. I saw a Vision, in which I beheld the great Confusion of those that depart from thee. I saw their Horror & great dis- tress. I was made sensible of their Misery, then was I greatly distressed ; I looked unto thee ; thou wast underneath & supported me. I likewise saw the great Calamity that is coming upon this disobedient Nation." XIII 1772 321 In the Night, a young woman '^ having given him something to drinlx", he said, "My child ! thou seemest very kind to me a poor Creature, the Lord will reward thee for it." A while after he cried out with great earnestness of Spirit, "O my Father, my Father!" and soon after he said, "O my Father, my Father! How comfortable are thou to my Soul in this trying Season !" Being ask'd if he could take a little Nourishment, after some pause, he replied, "My child, I cannot tell what to say to it ; I seem nearly arrived where my Soul shall have rest from all its troubles." After giving in something to be put into his Journal he said, "I believe the Lord will now excuse me from Exercises of this kind, and I see now no Work but one, which is to be the last wrought by me in this World ; the Messenger will come that will release me from all these troubles, but it must be in the Lord's Time, which I am waiting for. I have laboured to do whatever was required according to the Ability received, in the remem- brance of which I have peace ; and though the disorder is strong at Times and would come over my Mind Hke a Whirlwind, yet it has hitherto been kept steady and centred in Everlasting Love, and if that is mercifully continued, I ask nor desire more." Among the insertions which John Woolman dictated to be added to his Journal, was the following, spread upon two and a half pages of the English Journal, in the hand of Thomas Priestman." It is followed by the letter to John Wilson, copied in. "28 : 9mo : — Being now at the house of my Fr'd Thomas Priest- man ™ in the City of York, so weak in body that I know not how my sickness may end. I am concern'd to leave in writing a Case the remembrance wherof hath often affected me. An Honest hearted Fr'd in America who departed this life a little less than a year ago, some months before his Departure, '.told me in substance as follows : That he saw in a Dream or night Vision a great Pond of blood from which a fog rose up some distance from him. He saw this fog spread round about and great numbers of people walking back- wards & forwards in it, the garments of whom had a tincture of blood on 'em. ' Sarah Tuke, afterwards Grubb, daughter of William & Esther Tuke. She was then about 16. [Note 70.] 2 The signature has been crossed off. 322 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. I perceived he apprehended that by the pool of blood was repre- sented the state of those hard hearted men through whose means much blood is shed in Africa and many lives destroyed through in- supportable Stench and other hardships in crossing the Sea, and thro' whose extreme oppression Many Slaves are brought to an un- timely end, and that the Fog in which the people were walking repre- sented the gain arising on Merchandise or Traffick which many were taking hold of and at the same time that the gain was the gain of Oppression. This Friend in his last illness having several days had an inclination to see me at length sent a Messenger and I without delay went. He ask'd to be with me in private, which was granted; he then told me some matters in particular in regard to the gain of oppression which he felt not easie to leave the world without opening to me. All this time he appeared tranquil, and the family coming in with his consent, death in about one Hour appear'd evidently upon him, and I believe in about five hours from my going in he quietly breathed his last; and as I believe he left no memorandum in writing of that Dream or Vision of the Night, at this time I believe it sea- sonable for me to do it. (Signed) John Woolman. At another Time, said, he had long had a View of visiting this Nation & some time before he came, had a Dream in which he saw himself in the Northern parts of it ; & that the Spring of the Gospel was opened in him, much as in the beginning of Friends, such as George Fox and William Dewsbury; & he saw the dif- ferent States of the People as clear as he have ever seen Flowers in a Garden ; but in his going on, he was suddenly stopt, though he could not see for what End ; but looking towards home, he thereupon fell into a flood of Tears which waked him. At an- other time he said, "My Draught seemed strongest to the North, and I mentioned in my own Monthly Meeting that attending the Quarterly meeting at York, & being there, looked like home to me." S"" day night. Having repeatedly consented to take a Medi- cine with a View to settle his Stomach, but without Effect ; the friend then waiting on him said, through Distress, "What shall I do now?" He answered with great Composure, "Rejoice ever- more, and in everything give thanks": but added a little after, "This is sometimes hard to come at." 6"' day morning, early. He brake forth in supplication in XIII 1772 323 this Wise ; "O Lord ! it was thy power that enabled me to forsake Sin in my Youth, and I have felt thy Bruises since for disobedi- ence, but as I bowed under them, thou healedst me ; and though I have gone through many Trials and sore Afflictions, thou hast been with me, continuing a Father and a Friend. I feel thy Power now, and beg that in the approaching trying Moments, thou wilt keep my Heart stedfast unto thee." Upon giving the same Friend Directions concerning some little things, she said, I will take care, but hope thou mayest live to order them thyself ; he replied, "My hope is in Christ ; and though I may now seem a little better, a change in the Dis- order may soon happen and my little Strength be dissolved; and if it so happen, I shall be gather'd to my everlasting Rest." On her saying she did not doubt that, but could not help Mourning to see so many faithful Servants removed at so low a Time, he said, "All good cometh from the Lord, whose Power is the same and can work as he sees best." The same day, after giving her directions about wrapping his Corps, and perceiving her to Weep, he said, "I had rather thou wouldest guard against Weeping and sorrowing for me, my Sis- ter ; I sorrow not, though I have had some painful Conflicts ; but now they seem over, and Matters all settled; and I look at the Face of my Dear Redeemer, for Sweet is his Voice and his Countanance Comely." I'*' day, 4th of loth mo. Being very weak, and in general difficult to be understood, he uttered a few Words in commemora- tion of the Lord's Goodness to him, and added; "How tenderly have I been waited on in this Time of Affliction, in which I may say in Job's Words, Tedious days and wearisome Nights are ap- pointed to me; and how many are spending their Time and Money in Vanity & Superfluities, while Thousands and Tens of Thousands want the Necessaries of Life, who might be relieved by them, and their distress at such a Time as this, in some degree softened by the administering of suitable things." 2°"' day morning. The Apothecary not in profession with us who also appeard very anxious to assist him being present, he queried about the probability of such a Load of Matter being thrown off his weak Body. And the Apothecary making some remarks, implying he thought it might, he spoke with an Audible 324 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. Voice on this wise: "My Dependence is in the Lord Jesus Christ, who I trust will forgive my Sins, which is all I hope for ; and if it be his Will to raise up this Body again, I am content; and if to die, I am resigned; and if thou canst not be easy with- out trying to assist Nature in order to lengthen out my Life, I submit." After this, his throat was so much affected that it was very difficult for him to speak so as to be understood, & he fre- quently wrote, though blind, when he wanted anything. About the 2°'^ hour on 4* day morning, he asked for Pen and Ink, and at several times with much difficulty wrote thus: "I believe my being here is in the Wisdom of Christ ; I know not as to Life or Death." About a quarter before Six the same Morn- ing, he seemed to fall into an easy sleep, which contmued about half an Hour ; when seeming to awake, he breathed a few Times with a little more difficulty, & so expired without Sigh, Groan or Struggle. Thus this [Patient & faithful Servant of the Lord] finished [a Life of deep exercise & many Sorrows.] [May the considera- tion of his extraordinary faithfulness, and devotedness to do whatsoever he believed his duty, excite those who survive him to diligence in doing or suffering whatsoever may be required of them ; so would the many obvious inconsistencies amongst us as a people be removed, and the great work of reformation go forward and prosper in the earth. My dear love to those few in America to whom I am per- sonally known, and to all who love the Truth unto whom this may come. With the salutation of true brotherly love I conclude, and re- main thy sincere friend, William Tuke. [P.S. Our friend J. Woolman inquired what kind of Coffins are mostly used by Friends here? how the Corps are usually wrapped, &c. and the expense? I told him Friends would be very willing to bear those charges, in case of his Decease ; but he was not easy they should, and therefore, after some considera- tion, ordered me to write the inclosed, which he signed, and said XIII 1772 325 I might send to thee: giving his Clothes to defray the Expenses of his Funeral. He was not willing to have the Coffin made of Oak, because it is a wood more useful than ash for some other purposes. I gave the Carpenter some part of his Clothes, which I thought equal to the value of the coffin; as also some other part to a friend for flannel ; but they seeming to prefer Money, John Bispham ^^ gave them to the value, and has ordered the Clothes to be sent to America, with the rest of what belonged to him. His shoes were given to the Grave-digger.] W. T. "An ash cofifin made plain without any manner of superfluities, the corpse to be wrapped in cheap flannel, the expense of which I leave my wearing clothes to defray, as also the digging of the grave; and I desire that W[illiam] T[uke] may take my clothes after my de- cease, and apply them accordingly. ^^^^ WOOLMAN." York, 29th of 9th month, 1772. Minute of York Quarterly Meeting, held at York, 30th. and 31st. of I2th. mo., 1772.' As our esteemed Friend, John Woolman from West New Jersey in North America, who attended our last Quarterly Meeting, departed this Life at York, it is become the Concern of this Meeting to give forth a Testimony on his Account, for which purpose the following Friends are apointed to prepare One, to be laid before our Next, for its approbation. Viz: W" Tuke, W" Chapman, Rob'. Proud, The' Priestman, and Dan' Snowdon. Minute of York Quarterly Meeting held at York, 24th. & 2Sth. of 3d. Mo., 1773. The Friends appointed last quarter produced a Testimony con- cerning our Deceased Friend, John Woolman, which being approved, is signed on behalf of this Meeting by many Friends." 1 Minutes and Testimony are from the Records of York Quarterly Meeting. Until a comparatively recent date, the local meeting at York did not place upon record the presence of traveling ministers, possibly because such visits were so numerous. This is the only record of the presence of John Woolman at the meeting held three months before. 326 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. THE TESTIMONY of Friends in Yorkshire, at tlieir Quarterly Meeting held at York, the 24th and 2§th of the 3rd month, 1773, concerning JOHN WOOLMAN, Of Mount 'Holly, in the Province of New Jersey, in America, who departed this Life at the House of our friend Thomas Priestman, in the Suburbs of this City, the 7th of the loth Month, 1772, and was interred in the burying ground of Friends the 9th of the same, Aged about fifty-two years. This our Valuable Friend having been under a Religious En- gagement for some Time to visit Friends in this Nation, and more especially us in the Northern parts, undertook the same, in full concurrence and near sympathy with his Friends and Brethren at Home, as appeared by Certificates from the Monthly and Quarterly Meetings to which he belonged, and from the Spring Meeting of Ministers and Elders, held at Philadelphia for Pennsylvania and New Jersey. He arrived in the City of London at the beginning of the last Yearly Meeting and after attending that Meeting, travelled Northward, visiting the Quarterly meetings of Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Northamptonshire, Oxfordshire and Worces- tershire, and divers Particular Meetings in his Way. He visited many Meetings on the West side of this County, also some in Lancashire and Westmoreland, from whence he came to our Quarterly meeting in the last ninth Month, and though much out of Health, yet was enabled to attend all the Sittings of that Meeting, except the last. His disorder then, which proved the small-pox, increased speedily upon Him, and was very afflicting ; under which he was supported in much meekness, patience, and Christian Forti- tude. To those who attended Him in his illness his mind ap- peared to be centred in divine Love ; under the precious influ- ence whereof we believe he finished his Course, and is entered into the Mansions of everlasting Rest. XIII 1772 327 In the early part of his illness he requested a Friend to write and broke forth thus: "O Lord my God the amazing Horrors of Darkness were gathered around me, and covered me all over, and I saw no way to go forth; I felt the misery of my Fellow Creatures separated from the divine Harmony, and it was heavier than I could bear, and I was crushed down under it I lifted up my Hand and stretched out my Arm but there was none to help me. I looked round about and was amazed in the Depths of Misery. O Lord I remembered that thou art Om- nipotent, that I had called Thee Father, and I felt that I loved thee, and I was made quiet in thy Will, and I waited for Deliverance from Thee. Thou hadst Pity upon me when no man could help me. I saw that Meekness under Suffering was shewed to us in the most affecting example of thy Son, and thou wast teaching me to follow Him and I said, thy will, O Father be done !" Many more of his weighty expressions might have been in- serted here, but it was deemed unnecessary they being already pubHshed in print.^ He was a man endued with a large Natural Capacity, and be- ing obedient to the manifestations of divine Grace, having in patience and humility endured many deep Baptisms, he became thereby sanctified and fitted for the Lord's Work, and was truly serviceable in his Church, dwelhng in awful fear and watchful- ness, he was careful in his public appearances to feel the put- ting forth of the divine Hand so that the Spring of the Gospel Ministry often flowed through him with great Purity and Sweet- ness as a refreshing stream to the weary Travellers towards the City of God. Skilful in dividing the Word, he was furnished by Him in whom are hid all the Treasures of Wisdom and Knowl- edge, to communicate freely to the several States of the People where his lot was cast; his Conduct at other times was seasoned with the like watchful circumspection, and attention to the Guid- ance of Divine Wisdom; which rendered his whole conversation uniformly edifying. He was fully persuaded that as the Life of Christ comes to reign in the Earth all abuse and unnecessary oppression, both of the human and brute creation, will come to an end. But under ^ Mary Hinde, London, "Remarks on Sundry Subjects." 328 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. the Sense of a deep revolt, and an overflowing stream of un- righteousness his Life has been often a life of mourning. He was deeply concerned on account of that inhuman and iniquitous practice of making Slaves of the People of Africa, or holding them in that state, and on that account we understand he hath not only wrote some books, but travelled much on the Continent of America, in order to make the Negro Masters (especially those in profession with us) sensible of the evil of such a practice, and though in this journey to England he was far removed from the outward Sight of their Sufferings, yet his deep exercise of mind remained, as appears by a short Treatise he wrote in this journey,^ and his frequent concern to open the miserable State of this deeply injured people. His Testimony in the last meeting he attended was on this Subject; wherein he re- marked, that as we as a society when under outward Sufferings, had often found it our concern to lay them before those in Au- thority, and thereby, in the Lord's time, had obtained relief ; so he recommended this oppressed part of the Creation to our no- tice, that we may, as way may open, represent their sufferings in an individual (if not in a Society) capacity to those in Authority. Deeply sensible that the desire to gratify people's inclinations in luxury and superfluities, is the principal ground of oppres- sion, and the occasion of many unnecessary wants, he believed it his Duty to be a pattern of great Self Denial, with respect to the things of this life and earnestly to Labour with Friends in the meekness of Wisdom, to impress on their minds the great importance of our Testimony in these things; recommending to the Guidance of the Blessed Truth in this and all other con- cerns, and cautioning such as are experienced therein against contenting themselves with acting up to the standard of Truth manifested to them the measure of their obedience: "for," said he, "That Purity of Life which proceeds from faithfulness in following the Spirit of Truth, that State where our minds are devoted to serve God, and all our wants are bounded by his Wisdom, this Habitation has often been opened before me as a place of Retirement for the Children of the Light, where they may stand separated from that which disordereth and confuseth ' "On the Slave Trade." , i , . XIII 1772 329 the Affairs of society, and where we may have a Testimony of onr Innocence in the Hearts of those who behold us." We conclude with fervent desires that we as a people may thus by our example promote the Lord's Work in the earth, and our Hearts being prepared, may unite in prayer to the great Lord of the Harvest, that as in his infinite Wisdom he hath greatly stripped the Church by removing of late, divers faithful Ministers and Elders, he may be pleased to send forth many more faith- ful Labourers into his Harvest. Signed in by Order and on behalf of said Meeting. by John Armitage Joshua Marsden John Payne Emanuel Elam Thos Pennitt John Storr Joseph Wright Joseph Eglin Thqs Parkinson Samuel Briscoe John Turner Ambrose Stickney Samuel Elam Benj. North Edw. Hornor Wm Empson Thqs Hartley W" Fairbank RoBT Milner James Kendal Daniel Snowdon John Kilden Robert Proud John Robinson Robert Walker John Hustler Morris Biricbeck John Swaine Wm Tuke Benj. Hird Jonathan Hardcastle Ralph Hart Wm Chapman Wm Rowntree Joshua Robinson Thos Priestman Johnathan Hodgson Nathanl Bell Rich" Smith, Senr. A TestimoHy of the Monthly Meeting of Friends, held in Burlington, the First Day of the Eighth Month in the Year of our Lord 1774, concerning our esteemed friend, John Woolman. He was born in Northampton, in the County of Burlington and province of West New Jersey, in the eighth month 1720 of religious parents, who instructed him very early in the principles of the Christian Religion as professed by the people called Quak- ers, which he esteemed a blessing to him even in his younger years, tending to preserve him from the infection of wicked children. But through the workings of the enemy and the levity incident to youth, he frequently deviated from those parental precepts by which he laid a renewed foundation for repentance that was finally succeeded by a "godly sorrow not to be repented of" ; and so he became acquainted with that sanctifying power which qualifies for true gospel ministry, into which he was called about the twenty second year of his age, and by a faithful use 330 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. of the talents committed to him, he experienced an increase, until he arrived at the age of a father, capable of dividing the word aright to the different states he ministered unto, dispensing milk to babes and meat to those of riper years. Thus he found the efficacy of that power to arise, which, in his own expres- sions, "prepares the creature to stand like a trumpet through which the Lord speaks to his people." He was a loving husband, a tender father, and was very humane to every part of the cre- ation under his care. His concern for the poor and those under affliction was evi- dent by his visits to them, whom he frequently relieved by his assistance and charity. He was for many years deeply exercised on account of the poor enslaved Africans, whose cause, as he mentioned, lay almost continually upon him ; and he laboured to obtain liberty for those captives both in public and in private, and was favoured to see his endeavours crowned with consid- erable success. He was particularly desirous that Friends should not be instrumental to lay burdens on this oppressed people, but should remember the days of suffering from which they had been providentially delivered, that, if times of trouble should return, no injustice done to those in slavery might arise in judg- ment against us, but being clear, we might on such occasions ad- dress the Almighty with a degree of confidence for his interposi- tion and relief, being particularly careful as to himself not to countenance slavery even by the use of those conveniences of life which were furnished by th^ir labour. He was desirous to have his own mind and the minds of others redeemed from the pleasures and immoderate profits of this world and to fix them on those joys which fade not away; his principal care being after a life of purity, endeavouring to avoid not only the grosser pollutions, but those also which, ap- pearing in a more refined dress, are not sufficiently guarded against by some well-disposed people. In the latter part of his life he was remarkable for the plainness and simplicity of his dress, and as much as possible avoided the use of plate, costly furniture and feasting, thereby endeavouring to become an ex- ample of temperance and self-denial, which he believed himself called unto; and he was favoured with peace therein, although it carried the appearance of great austerity in the view of some. XIII 1772 331 He was very moderate in his charges in the way of business, and in desires after gain ; and though a man of industry, avoided and strove much to lead others out of extreme labour and anxiety after perishable things, being desirous that the strength of our bodies might not be spent in procuring things unprofitable, and that we might use moderation and kindness to the brute animals under our care, to prize the use of them as a great favour, and by no means to abuse them; that the gifts of Providence should be thankfully received and applied to the uses they were designed for. He several times opened a school in Mount Holly, for the instruction of poor Friends' children and others, being concerned for their help and improvement therein. His love and care for the rising youth amongst us was truly great, recommending to parents and those who have the charge of them to choose con- scientious and pious tutors, saying, "It is a lovely sight to be- hold innocent children," and that "to labour for their help against that which would mar the beauty of their minds, is a debt we owe them." His ministry was sound, very deep and penetrating, some times pointing out the dangerous situation which indulgence and custom lead into, frequently exhorting others, especially the youth, not to be discouraged at the difficulties which occur, but to press after purity. He often expressed an earnest engagement that pure wisdom should be attended to, which would lead into lowliness of mind and resignation to the Divine will, in which state small possessions here would be sufficient. In transacting the affairs of the discipline his judgment was sound and clear, and he was very useful in treating those who had done amiss ; he visited such in a private way in that plain- ness which truth dictates, showing great tenderness and Chris- tian forbearance. He was a constant attender of our Yearly Meeting, in which he was a good example and particularly use- ful, assisting in the business thereof with great weight and at- tention. He several times visited most of the meetings of Friends in this and in the neighboring provinces with the concurrence of the monthly Meeting to which he belonged, and we have rea- son to believe he had good service therein, generally or always expressing at his return how it had fared with him, and the evi- 332 THE JOURNAL OF JOHN WOOLMAN chap. dence of peace in his mind for thus performing his duty. He was often concerned with other Friends in the important service of visiting famihes, which he was enabled to go through with satisfaction. In the minutes of the meeting for ministers and elders for this quarter, at the foot of a list of members of that meeting, made about five years before his death, we find in his handwrit- ing the following observations and reflections ; "As looking over the minutes made by persons who have put off this body hath sometimes revived in me a thought how ages pass away, so this list may probably revive a like thought in some when I and the rest of the persons above named are centred in another state of being. The Lord who was the guide of my youth hath in tender mercies helped me hitherto ; He hath healed my wounds ; He hath helped me out of grievous entanglements ; He remains to be the strength of my life ; to whom I desire to devote myself in time and in eternity. John Woolman." In the Twelfth month, 1771 he acquainted this meeting that he found his mind drawn towards a religious visit to Friends in some parts of England, particularly Yorkshire. In the first month, 1772, he obtained our certificate, which was approved and indorsed by our Quarterly Meeting and by the Half-Year's Meet- ing of ministers and elders at Philadelphia. He embarked on his voyage in the fifth month and arrived in London in the sixth month following, at the time of their Annual Meeting in that city. During his short visit to Friends in that kingdom, we are in- formed that his services were acceptable and edifying. In his ]ast illness he uttered many lively and comfortable expressions, being "resigned, having no will either to live or die" as appears by the testimony of Friends at York, in Great Britain, in the suburbs whereof, at the house of our friend, Thomas Priest- man, he died of the small-pox on the 7th of the tenth month, 1772, and was buried in the Friends' burial ground in that city, on the 9th. of the same, after a solid meeting held on the occasion at their great meeting house. He was aged near fifty two, hav- ing been a minister upwards of thirty years, during which time he belonged to Mount Holly particular meeting which he dili- am 1772 333 gently attended when at home and in health of body, and his la- bours of love and pious care for the prosperity of Friends in the blessed truth we hope may not be forgotten, but that his good works may be remembered to edification. Signed in and by order of the said meeting, by Samuel Allinson, clerk. Read and approved at our Quarterly Meeting held at Bur- lington, the 29th. of the eighth month, 1774. Signed by order of the said meeting, Daniel Smith, clerk. THE ESSAYS OF JOHN WOOLMAN SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE KEEPING OF NEGROES. Recommended to the Professors of Christianity of every Description. 1746 PART I. The Manuscript of this Essay was written in 1746, after John Woolman's return from his first Southern journey, and was not printed until eight years after, in 1754. It was then examined by the Pubhcation Committee of the Meeting for Sufferings, (now the Representative Meeting) and the Yearly Meeting of Phila- delphia ordered it printed in that year. The originals of this, and of Part II, are from John Wool- man's manuscript in the folio, A. Historical Society of Penn- sylvania. INTRODUCTION. Customs generally approved, and Opinions received by youth from their Superiors, become like the natural Produce of a Soil, especially when they are suited to favourite Inclinations : {But as the Judgments of God are without partiality, by which the State of the Soul must be tried, it would be the highest Wisdom to forego Customs and popular Opinions, and try the Treasures of the Soul by the infallible Standard TruthTI 334 w O O > ■■■1 ■■ M3BH H 5 Bl IH 9 En ■^^1 ^^HH ir^Jlfei^ P^^W wss ^^HSp ■M a«F BKctM BbHLI F*^ ^j[ 1 ^ t VJ si V. a .^ 2 ^H 1 25 ■■ ^ O 5 "> ■< + ^^mt H-< '►q . o •*J * 6 t^S 'a^^^B tH o o X a, B^ "" m'^M m <; 5 O ad H 2 O O O -< t^ mk *^ ■ 2^ icu -*j Ji I i^ K ^ V ^^S •s td >< ■a O \ < S >: -Q M I— I C/2 •5 tt; c sL X o o k! .s m .^. 2; o 5 fe; 5 Q a. * 1 fc s CONSIDER:ATI0f:S- "^ ON K E E p. I N G ^- NEGRO i S% Recommended to the Professors of CHRISTIANITY, of every Demmimtion. PART SEC ON D. By JOHN }V O L M A N. Ti Jhall not refptB Per Jons in Judgment ; but you Jhali bear the Small as well as the Great : 3'oti fall not i>e afraid of the hace of Man 3 Jcr 'tie Jujigmtnt is God's. Deut. i. ,17. <^,Sf ? H. ILAD ELP ti I J- : irinted by B. FsANK,i,iN,»and D, Hall. 176; ■^'tiHim "iili (V, "Considerations," etc. Part 11. Titlepage of First Edition, 1762. Printed by Benjamin Franklin. CONSIDERATIONS ON KEEPING OF NEGROES 335 Natural Affection needs a careful Examination: Oper- ating upon us in a soft Manner, it l